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743-745 BROADWAY. 



THIS volume completes the Commentary on the Historical Books of the Old Testament, 
written during the period of the reconstruction of the theocracy after the return from ex 
ile. It contains: 

the Prussian University of Greifswald (1874), translated and edited by Professor JAMES G. 
MURPHY, LL.D , of Belfast, who is already well known to the American public by his Com 
mentaries on Genesis, Exodus, and the Psalms. Professor Murphy has departed from the 
method of the other volumes by giving a literal translation of the text instead of the autho 
rized version with emendations in brackets. 

2. EZRA, by Dr FR. U. SCHTJLTZ, Professor in the University of Breslau (1876), trans 
lated and edited by Dr. CHARLES A. BRIGGS, Professor of Hebrew and the C gnate Lan 
guages in the Union Theological Seminary, New York, who prepared in part the Commentary 
on the Psalms for ihis work. 

3. NEHEMIAH, by Dr. HOWARD CROSBY, Chancellor of the University of New York. 
Dr. Crosby had finished his work in manuscript before the German Commentary of Dr. Schultz 
appeared (1876), but he has added a translation of the Homiletical sections from Schultz. 

4. ESTHER, by Dr. SCHULTZ, translated and edited by Dr. JAMES STRONG, Professor of 
Exegetical Theology in Drew Theological Seminary, Madison, N. J. Dr. STRONG- has 
translated the frequent Latin citations, added the Textual and Grammatical notes, enlarged 
the list of exegetical helps, and furnished an excursus on the Apocryphal additions to Es 
ther, and another on the liturgical use of the book among the Jews. 

The remaining three of the twenty-four volumes of this Commentary are in the hands 
of the printer, and will be published at short intervals. 


BIBLE HOUSE, NEW YORK, December, 1876. 


THE matter and the whole form of the books of Chronicles afford a sufficient warrant for 
allowing the homiletic and even the theological part of the exposition to fall more into ti* 
background here than elsewhere in this Bible-work. In the following work also, on account 
of the numerous parallels with the books of Samuel and Kings, an almost exclusive pre 
dominance of the historical element might easily be permitted. For with regard to theological 
and homiletic comment, the corresponding portions of these books have already received a 
fruitful and valuable treatment in the able works of Bahr and Erdmann, so that reference to 
them might in every instance have been sufficient. And where anything peculiar to Chronicles 
was to be explained, it almost always referred to portions like the genealogical lists in 1 Chron. 
ii.-ix., the various supplements to the history of war, and the highly characteristic episodes on 
the history of worship, which belonged rather to the outer surface, the rind and shell of the 
theocratic and evangelical system, than to its spiritual ground and essence, and therefore 
needed rather to be explained historically, than to be considered or applied dogmatically or 
practically. The homiletic remarks might, therefore, in this volume be omitted as a distinct 
section, and a group of sections might be thrown together as a basis for the development of 
theological or evangelical and ethical principles. But besides, it appeared necessary in 
Chronicles to dwell more frequently on difficulties of a chronological kind, and on apologetic 
problems connected therewith, on account of which it was requisite, besides and along with 
those evangelical reflections, to introduce several excursus, some of considerable length, as 
that on Ophir after 2 Chron. viii., and that on the chronology of the kings during the time of 
the separate kingdom after 2 Chron. xxxii. 

Of recent literary helps, some that appeared in the course of printing could not be fully 
employed ; for example, the second edition of the commentary of Thenius on the books of 
Kings (in the Kurzgefatstes exegetixches Handbuch zum Allen Testament, Leipzig, S. Hirzel), 
and the treatise of H. Brande, Die Konigsreihen von Juda und Israel nach den Ublischen Berichten 
und den Kdtinschriften (Leipzig, Al. Edelmann), a praiseworthy attempt to remove the chrono 
logical differences between the statements of the books of Kings and Chronicles on the one 
hand, and those of the Assyrian monuments on the other, in which some at least of the dis 
crepancies between the biblical and Assyro-Babylonian computation of time brought forward 
by Assyriologists, especially by Schrader, have met with an interesting, if not quite satisfactory 
explanation. And of the simultaneously - appearing third revised edition of C. F. KeiPs 
Lehrbuch der hiftorisch-kritischen Einleitnng in die kanonischen Schriften dcs Alien Testaments, 
(Frankfurt a. M., Hey der und Zhnmer) obviously no use could be made. 

With regard to the question, How the very numerous proper names, especially of persons, 
in the text of Chronicles were to be treated in their transference into German, the author waa 
presented with a problem not quite easy to solve. Perfect consistency could only be attained 
either by a close adherence to the text of Luther, or by the thorough restoration of a spelling 
adapted as strictly as possible to the Hebrew sound ; in which latter case, however, names 
such as Jehova, and the household words Noah, Isaak, Israel, Saul, Salonio, Hiskia. etc., must 


have given way to the more correct forms Jahve, Noach, Jitschak, Jisrael, Sehaul, Schelomo, 
Jechizkijahu. As this would not have corresponded with the rule elsewhere adopted in our 
Bible-work, we have taken a middle course. All the well-known current forms of the 
Lutheran Bible that have been as it were canonized by a usage of several centuries in the 
tradition of evangelical Germany, especially the divine name Jehova and all names of pro 
minent men of God (patriarchs, prophets, kings, etc.), and of important holy places, we have 
left wholly unaltered, only with the addition, ~nce for all, of the more exact orthography ID 
parentheses (usually on the first occurrence of the name in question). All less current names, 
because they belong to less important persons and places, and especially if they occur only 
once, are immediately and directly expressed in the way more agreeable to the Hebrew sounds ; 
and only when there is a very great deviation from the received orthography in the Lutheran 
text is this difference noted by the insertion of a parenthesis. For this intermediate course 
between the customary and the modern mode of writing, we are glad to be able to refer amoag 
others to the late Oehler as warrant, who, in p. 146 of the lately published first part of his 
posthumous Theologie des Alien Testaments (Tubingen, Heckenhauer), expresses his agreement 
in principle with the rule here laid down, when he declares that such forms as Jehova, 
Jordan, etc., are less correct than "Jahve, Jarden," etc., yet not to be supplanted by these 
more correct forms, and proceeds accordingly throughout the text of his work. 

GEEIFSWALD, October 1873. 

[Translating into English, we shall use the English mode of spelling the ordinary names. 

J. G. M.] 





THE last book of the Old Testament canon forms a comprehensive history, which recapitulates 
the progress of the people of God from Paradise bo the close of the Babylonish captivity in 
a peculiar point of view, partly extracting, partly repeating, and partly supplementing the 
contents of the earlier canonical books of history, with the exception of the books of Ezra 
Nehemiah, and Esther, which are later in point of contents than our book. 

1. The first or genealogical portion of the work especially extracts or summarily recapitulates 
the earlier historical books. It embraces the first nine chapters, according to the present 
division, and contains the genealogies of the patriarchs, the twelve tribes, and the inhabitants 
of Jerusalem, till the beginning of the kingdom (occasionally even beyond it), in order to 
exhibit the genealogical connection of David, as well as the Levites and priests of his time, 
with the antediluvian patriarchs of the human race. Only here and there, particularly with 
respect to the statements concerning the tribes of Judah, Simeon, and Levi, this form is 
changed into that of a completion or enlargement of the former record by peculiar genealogical 
or historical additions. As a mere repetition of the statements contained in the earlier books, 
appear several genealogical notices of the first chapter ; for example, those relating to the 
races of the table of nations and the princes of Edom (Gen. x. 36). 

2. The second or strictly historical portion of the work partly repeats and partly completes, 
Rometimes with a great fulness of details, the historical books after Moses and Joshua, espe 
cially the books of Samuel and Kings. It extends from 1 Chron. x. to the end of 2 Chron., and 
mainly presents a history of the kings of Judah from David to Zedekiah, or rather to the edict 
of Cyrus at the close of the Babylonish captivity. A process of abbreviating, of only sum 
marily recapitulating, and even of wholly passing over a great deal of historical material, now 
takes place, inasmuch as the writer ignores the facts relating to the private life of David and 
Solomon, especially when they are unfavourable to their moral character, and in the time 
atter Solomon intentionally turns away his eye from the fortunes of the northern kingdom, 
and confines himself almost exclusively to the Jewish history of this period. Yet for the 
whole time from David to the exile he appears more as a supplementer than as a concise 
repeater of the authors of the books of Samuel and Kings, inasmuch as the intrinsic importance 
of the addition made by him almost always exceeds that of the passages omitted, and both 
the omission and the addition appear to have in view certain fixed tendencies, especially the 
endeavour to glorify the theocratic order of the priests and Levites. If we take into account 
this particular tendency, as well as the altered circumstances in which he wrote, we arrive at 
the following points as characteristic of his work, compared with his older predecessors, 
especially the authors of the books of Samuel and Kings. 

. The books of Samuel and Kings having originated (been reduced to their present form) 
during the Babylonish exile, are a proper Israelitish national work, treating the history of both 
kingdoms, Israel and Judah, with equal attention. On the contrary, the Chronist appears as 
a specially Jewish (Judaising) writer, who belonged to the time after the exile, possibly even 
of the post-Persian dominion (Hellenic), and from his late age lay too remote from the events 
of thi once existing kingdom of Israel ; and, moreover, from his rigid theocratic position, took 


so little interest in the fortunes of the northern kingdom, that he excluded them altogether 
from his regard, and produced merely a Jewish chronicle. 

b. The standpoint of those older Israelitish national historians is that of the prophet, while 
the younger Jewish Chronist occupies that of the priest and the Levite. Whereas the former, 
in accordance with the total depression, the apparently almost hopeless destruction, of the 
Mosaic temple worship in the exile, take a predominantly spiritual direction, averse to the 
external side of the theocratic worship, the latter, writing after the exile, at the time of 
the restored national sanctuary, exhibits a more lively interest in the external institutions and 
modes of worship, as well as in the order of priests and Levites appointed to take charge of it. 
Froii. this sacerdotal ecclesiastical direction there follows a third important point of difference. 

c. The moral causes of the national misfortune that broke in upon the people, especially 
their constantly-repeated lapse into idolatry, with which those older historians were most 
anxiously engaged, are cast into the shade, and often studiously ignored, by the Chronist, so 
that in the picture presented by him there appears a much smaller number of the gloomy 
shadows and dark spots of religious apostasy, and consequent national humiliation by heavy 
divine judgments. While the former obviously follow the tendency " to hold up to them 
a warning picture, in the tragic history of the Hebrew nation, of the danger of the relapse of 
a not yet elevated people among heathen nations, and in the narrative of the successive sins 
of their fathers to give a theodicy to the race already bewildered with respect to the promises 
and the faithfulness of Jehovah, and show them that their national misfortunes are to be 
ascribed to their own guilt ; on the other hand, for the author of Chronicles, who lived after 
the exile, from which time the people, purified by affliction, adhered with stern obstinacy to 
their national God, and who no longer distinguishes accurately between the different kinds of 
ancient superstition (appears indeed to identify the impure Jehovah-worship of the northern 
kingdom with complete idolatry), accounts of the earlier superstition must have been of less 
consequence, because they presented to him less didactic matter and historical interest than to 
the authors of the older historical work " (Movers). 

d. With this is connected the tone of panegyric usual with our author, frequently deviating 
from the unvarnished manner of the older historians, his apologetic endeavour to make the 
heroes of the foretime and their deeds to stand forth in the most glorious light, by giving pro 
minence to the more externally than internally significant and ethically important moments, 
and especially by statistical data concerning the greatness of the temporal and spiritual state 
of the kings, the magnitude of the festivals celebrated by them, etc. 

e. Finally, with regard to the outward form of representation, the younger work contrasts 
very strongly with the older. As well by its less pure Hebrew style, presenting so many 
traces of a late age, as by its often striking monotony, want of independence and poverty of 
ideas, its dry annalistic method of statement continued through long sections, and its inclination 
to direct copying and mere transcribing of the old books of Kings, it falls very far behind the 
classical originality, the fresh and genial historiograph ie skill of the other. 

To bring these differences between the literary peculiarity of the two parallel elaborations 
of the history of the people of God till the exile under a single formula, we may with Keil 
distinguish the older books of Kings as the fruit of the prophetic form of history, and Chronicles 
as the product of the hagi(/raphic mode. Our work, indeed, belongs more closely to that 
special development of hagiographic historiography, which, in contrast with the popular 
met . od of the books of Ruth and Esther (and with the prophetic mode of the historic sections 
of Daniel), may be termed the sacenluto-Levitical, and in which the preference for annalistic 
statement (appearing also in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, the continuations of Chronicles) 
must be accounted eminently characteristic. Keil 1 justly denies that any one of these special 
moments, whether popularity, the sacerdoto-Levitical, or the annalistic character, should be 
applied to the collective historical works of the hagiographic part of the canon. " Common to 
the collective hagiographic books of history, and characteristic of them, is simply the retreat 
or the absence of the prophetic view of the course of history according to the divine plan of 
salvation unfolding itself in the events, instead of which appear individual points of view that 
Bhow themselves in the prosecution of parenetic, didactic ends, and have a definite influence 
on the selection and treatment of the facts." 

1 Bill. Comment, on Chron,, Ezr., Nah. t and Esth. t Introd. p. viii. 



Of the two most widely accepted designations of our historical work, the one pointing to 
its annalistic character, the other to the relation of supplement or completion which it bears 
to the older books of Kings, the former rests on the Hebrew phrase D s E s n "n^- This phrase, 
before which, according to 1 Kings xiv. 19, 29, xv. 7, 23, the word lap (or, according to Esth. 
vi. 1, rn3"!DT "ISO) is to be supplied, means "events of the day, course of events" (res gcstse. 
dierum), and thus presents our work as a " Book of current events," as a " Chronicle :" which 
name, not as a literal, but a correct rendering of D^d H """Ql, has been made current by Jerome 
for the Latin, and by Luther for the German Church. 1 So far as this denomination in the 
quoted passages of the Old Testament refers to divers other historical works, in particular to 
those old Israelitish royal annals often quoted by our Chronist, the "books of the Chronicles 
of the Kings of Israel and Judah" (as in Esth. ii. 23, vi. 1, x. 2, the Medo-Persian royal annals, 
the "book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Media and Persia"), it appears to be a rather 
indefinite designation, by which our work should be distinguished quite generally as belonging 
to the class of annalistic works covering a long space of time. Whether this name proceeds 
from the author himself, or owes its origin to a later (certainly very old, and at all events 
pre-Masoretic) tradition, at any rate, the denomination brought into currency by the Sept. 
n,oAg/7ro ^j/fi6 (liber Paralipomenon) is more significant for the characteristic position and 
import of the work as a historical book, especially for its relation to the earlier historical 
books of the canon. For this name, which is to be explained, not with Movers, by supple- 
menta, relics from other historical works, but, in accordance with the patristic tradition in 
Pseudo-Athanasius (Synopsis Scr. S., in Aihanasii Opp. ii. p. 83 : votpefatityQiVT* TroAAa iv rent; 
fiotffiKitoti: TTipii^sroti \v TO^TO;?), in Jerome (Ep. ad Paulin: . . . " prsetermisfise in Reyum 
libris historic 2 ) and Isidore of Seville (Origen, lib. vi. c. 1, p. 45: " Paralipomenon 
griKce dicitur, quod prsetermissorum vcl reliquorum nos dicere possumus," etc.), by "omitted, 
overlooked in the other historical works," sets forth in a striking manner the position taken 
by our author as the supplementer of the prophetical historians, and has therefore the advantage 
over the Hebrew denomination of greater definiteness, although it appears neither quite free 
from misapprehension nor adapted to the collective characteristics of our history. 

Our work, moreover, forms, according to its original plan, as well as the oldest tradition, 
only one "book of annals" or supplements, for not only the old numeration of the books of 
the Old Testament in Josephus (c. Ap. i. 8), Origen (in Euseb. H. Eccl vi. 25), and Jerome 
(Prolog, galeat.), according to which the canon consists of twenty-two books, but also the 
later computation made by Jerome and in the Talmud (Baba bathra, fol. 14), extending to 
twenty-four books, recognises only one book of Chronicles ; and that the Masora regarded it 
as a single work is evident from the remark at the close of its text, that 1 Chron. xxvii. 25 
forms the middle of the whole. The present general division (even in the recent Hebrew 
editions) into two books, springs from the Alexandrine translators and Jerome their follower, 
and may have been occasioned on their part by the existence of some great section or interval 
at the point of division, 1 Chron. xxix. 29 f., in the majority of older Hebrew MSS. This 
bipartition of the work (which even Melito of Sardis knew, Euseb. H. Eccl. iv. 26, as his list 
of the holy scriptures includes TLapctteiTroftei/ay %vo) cannot be regarded as unsuitable, since, 
apart from the almost equal length of the two parts, the end of the reign of David, on which 
the writer dwells with greater fulness than on that of any other king, presented a most fitting 
point of pause and division. 

The identity of the close ^f the second book, ch. xxxvi. 22 f., with the beginning of the 
book of Ezra, especially as the passage presents no truly satisfactory close for our work, raises 
the expectation that some connection exists between it and the latter book. In favour of this 
is farther the close affinity of the style of each, the mode of quoting the law common to both, 

1 Jerome s Prolog, galeat. : Dibre hajamim, i.e. verba, dicrum, quod significantius chronicon totius 
divinae historise possumus appellare, qui liber apud nos Paralipomenon primus et secundus inscribitur. 

2 The whole passage (Opp. ed. Vallars. t. i. p. 279) runs thus : Paralipomenon liber, i.e. instrument* 
veterix epitome, tantus et talis est, ut absque illo, si quis scientiam scripturarum sibi voluerit arrogare, fte 
ipsum irrideat ; per singula quippe nomina juncturasque verborum et prcetermissce in Regum libris tan- 
yuntur historic et innumerabiles explicantur evangelii qucestiones. 


is well as the decided preference of both for genealogical registers, statistical lists, and minute 
descriptions of acts of religion, in which also the same formulae are not seldom used (see 
Remark). As no small part of these idioms belong also to the book of Nehemiah, the hypothesis 
is natural, that the three books, even if proceeding from different authors, have been subjected 
to a common revision by a later writer. This hypothesis is more probable than -both the 
other attempts to solve the problem, namely, that either Chronicles and Ezra (Movers), or 
Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah (Zunz, Ew., Berth., Dillm., Davidson, etc.), originally formed 
a single work proceeding from one author. For in such unity of origin of the three works, 
their separation before the close of the canon into three or (in case of Ezra and Nehemiah having 
originally formed one work) into two books remains purely inexplicable. The author of such 
separation would have had no rational ground for retaining 2 Chron. xxxvi. 22, 23 at the same 
time as the close of the first and the opening of the second part. The double place of these 
verses leads much rather to a common redactor of the two writings than to an identity of 
author. The majority also of the already-mentioned common idioms, and other qualities, are 
sufficiently explained by the hypothesis, that the present very homogeneous form of the two, 
or at most three pieces, arises partly from having proceeded from the same circle of sacerdotal 
and Levitical views, endeavours, and learned researches, and partly from having gone through 
the hands of the same redactor. And even if one author of the two or three works must be 
affirmed, there can be as little doubt of the fact, that he conceived Chronicles as an indepen 
dent and separate work, as of the independence and original distinctness of the books of Ezra 
and Nehemiah, which are clearly separated from one another in the Hebrew text by the new 
superscription, Neh. i. 1. Comp. 3. [There seems to be no reason why one author may not 
continue the work of another on the same plan and in a similar style. J. G. M.J 

Remark. On the numerous verbal points of contact noticed by Pareau, Infttitutio wterpr. 
V. T. p. 41 9, 1 between Chronicles and Ezra, applying also in great part to the book of 
Nehemiah, see Movers, Krit. Untersuchungen, p. 17 f . ; Havernick, Einl. ii. 1, 269 if., and 
especially Bertheau, Kurzyef. excy. Handb., Einleit. p. xix. f. The latter recounts : a. a 
number of like grammatical inflections and constructions, namely, 1. The short way of sub 
ordinating relative clauses by placing them after a construct state (1 Chron. xxix. 3 ; 2 Chron. 
xxxi. 19; Ezra i. 5; Neh. viii. 10); 2. The use of the infinitive with fj to express must or 
shall (1 Chron. v. 1, ix. 25, xiii. 4, xv. 2, etc. ; 2 Chron. ii. 8, viii. 13, xi. 22, etc. ; Ezra iv. 3, 
x. 12 ; Neh. viii. 13) ; 3. The extremely frequent use of the prep. f>, partly before the object 
as nota accmativi, partly after an accus. in continuation (1 Chron. xxviii. 1 ; 2 Chron. xxvi. 14, 
xx viii. 15, xxxiii. 8 ; Neh. ix. 32), especially before $53, to include all in enumerations (1 Chron. 
xiii. 1 ; 2 Chron. v. 12; Ezra i. 5, vii. 28; Neh. xi. 2), after the prep. ly, where in former 
usage the word subordinate to this followed immediately (1 Chron. xxviii. 7, 20 ; 2 Chron. 
xiv. 12, xvi. 12, 14, xvii. 12, etc.; Ezra iii. 13, ix. 4, 6, x. 14) before the adverbial infin! 
ninn (2 Chron. xi. 12, xvi. 8; Neh. v. 18) ; 4. The abundant use of prepositions in general, 
for example, in such phrases as ^ nj;, Neh. iii. 26 ; Dknsn, 2 Chron. xxix. 36 ; QDi^, Neh! 
ix. 19; 5. The placing of the article before a verb for the pron. re/at. (1 Chron/ xxvi. 28, 
xxix. 8, 17 ; 2 Chron. xxix. 36, xxxiv. 32 ; Ezra viii. 25, x. 14, 17 ; Neh. ix. 33). Moreover 
Bertheau himself is obliged to acknowledge with regard to these constructions, that "they 
ccur occasionally also in other books of the Old Testament, especially the later." That they 
may be laid to the account of the idiom of one single author of the books compared will be 
the less evident, because some of these constructions, as the quoted passages show, occur not 
iore than once in any one of these writings, and therefore by no means belong to the pro- 
miuent characteristics of their style. 

b On the contrary, single phrases quoted by him, or standing constructions of certain 
ds, point somewhat more definitely to identity of authorship. Thus the construction 
2 Chron. xiii. 9 ; Ezra iii. 3, ix. 1, 2, 11 ; Neh. ix. 30, x. 29 (comp. also 

nfcnKn <a Ezraix. 7; -,,-, ^, 2 Chron. xv. 5; -,n "fe, 2 Chron. xxxii. 13, 17, etc.) 
:6 ran, 1 Chron. xxix. 18; 2 Chron. xii. 14, xix. 3, xx. 33, xxx. 19; Ezra vii. 10; pn in 

Quod peculiar* est in dictione utriusque libri Wronicorum, id etiam in dictione libri qui Ezra 
inbuttur auctort yusque nonen prce sefert, aninuulrcrtitur, qvatenus lingua Hebraica conscriptusest 


several other constructions; MflHj " to offer freely at the temple," 1 Chron. xxix. 5, 6, 9, 
14, 17 ; 2 Chron. xvii. 16 ; Ezra i. 6, ii. 68, iii. 5 ff. ; Neb. xi. 2 ; nj3, 2 Chron. xiv. 13, xxviii. 14 ; 
Ezra ix. 7; Neh. iii. 36; Jjajp, 1 Chron. xii. 18, xxi. 11; 2 Chron. xxix. 16; Ezra viii. 30; 
njiT JVS niS&V (or D^N 2 ), 1 Chron. xxiii. 4, xxvi. 30 ; Ezra iii. 6, vi. 22 ; Neh. 
x. 34, xi. 22, etc. Yet all these phrases occur not exclusively in our books, but occasionally 
elsewhere (S -urin, for example, in Judg. v. 2, 9 ; niV"lNn in several constructions also, 2 Kings 
xviii. 35, and often in Ezek. ; nqi also in Esther and Daniel; ^[p there also, and in Prov. 
and Job, etc.). Actual idioms of the books of Chron., Ezra, and Neh., from which their 
derivation from one author may seem to follow, are properly only such phrases as D"IEy ^JJ, 
2 Chron. xxx. 16, xxxv. 10 ; Neh. viii. 7, ix. 3, xiii. 11 ; nnn, 1 Chron. xvi. 27 ; Neh. viii. 10 ; 
Ezra vi. 16; 1123, basin," 1 Chrou. xxviii. 17; Ezra i. 10, viii. 27; p^miD^ iy, 2 Chron. 
xxvi. 15 ; Ezra iii. 13 (comp. the other constructions with 7 *iy in 2 Cbron. xvi. 14, xxvi. 8, 
xxxvi. 16, etc.) ; D^TIDD in the plur., 2 Chron. xxx. 22 ; Neh. ix. 3 ; comp. Ezra x. 1 ; n3?3, 

of divisions of the Levites, 2 Chron. xxxv. 5 ; Ezra vi. 18. To this may be added such phrases 
and formulae resting on the priestly and legal ideas and facts of these books, as DS&i33 

1 Chron. xxiii. 31 ; 2 Chron. xxxv. 13, xxx. 16 ; Ezra iii. 4 ; Neh. viii. 18 (this phrase is 
peculiar to our books, while the synonymous mifQ D/IH33 occurs often in the older writings) ; 

nirpi> j&ffl Vlln, 1 Chron. xvi. 4, xxiii. 30, xxv. 3, etc. ; Ezra iii. 11 ; likewise the liturgical 
form %rf?n n1"rtrn>, and " for He is good, for His grace endureth for ever," 1 Chron. xvi. 34, 41 ; 

2 Chron. v. 13 ; Ezra iii. 11 ; not less the standing phrases in describing festivals, nnftj^3 

(1 Chron. xii. 40, xxix. 9, 17 ; 2 Chron. xv. 15, xx. 27, xxix. 30, 36, xxxi. 23, 26 ; Ezra iii. 12) 
and TH ^"by (1 Chron. xxv. 2, 6 ; 2 Chron. xxiii. 18, xxix. 27 ; Ezra iii. 10) ; lastly, the 

official names of certain temple ministers and sacred musicians found only in our books, 
especially D^TU> D l| "ni ; ftn and DTPVD- If we add to these common properties, extending 

even to literal agreement in expression, the preference in these three writings for genealogies 
and lists of officers and the like (comp. 1 Chron. i.-ix. ; Ezra iii., vii. 1-5, viii., x. 20 ff. ; Neh. 
vii. 6 ff., x. 1 ff., xi., xii.), as well as the great prominence of the temple musicians and porters 
as an institution mentioned with peculiar interest (1 Chron. vi. 16 f., ix. 14 ff., xv. 16 ff., 
xvi. 4 ff., xxiii. 5, xxv. 1 ff., xxvi. 12 ff. ; 2 Chron. v. 12 ff., viii. 14 ff., xxiii. 13 ff., xxxi. 11 ff., 
xxxiv. 12 f., xxxv. 15 ; Ezra ii. 42, 70, iii. 10 f., vii. 7, x. 24 ; Neh. vii. 1, 45, x. 29, xi. 17 ff., 
xii. 24 ff., xiii. 5), there grows up a certain probability for the presumption of one author for 
the three writings in question. But this presumption cannot be regarded as " altogether 
established" and "fully demonstrated" (Bertheau, p. xx.). The great majority of the 
coincidences adduced are sufficiently explained by supposing a plurality of authors, nearly of 
the same date, inspired by a like Levitico-sacerdotal interest and impulse, drawing from the 
like sources, of whom the last, in order to produce a uniform edition of these similar historical 
works, submitted his two predecessors to a common revision. Comp. on the other hand, Keil 
(Comment, p. 15 ff.), who, however, certainly derives at least two of the works in question, 
Chronicles and Ezra, from one author ; and, on the other hand, Bleek, Einkit. ins A. T. 
(2d edit. 171, p. 404), who, coming nearer the truth, claims distinct authors for the three 
books, but regards the author of Chronicles as the last writer and the redactor of the books of 
Ezra and Nehemiah. The question not immediately affecting our problem, whether the books 
of Ezra and Nehemiah are to be regarded as forming originally one work, or as independent 
productions of different authors, will have to be incidentally treated in the following investiga 
tion concerning the author of our book and the time of its composition. 

[The arguments from the above phenomena for a redaction of these books are not con 
vincing. An author writing in the language of the people, especially in the East, will use 
and repeat the current phrases of his day. The rise of new habits, objects, and acts will 
demand new words and constructions for their expression. These two circumstances are 
nearly sufficient to account for all the diversities and identities that have been noted, without 
having recourse to the hypothesis of one author or one redactor. A familiarity with the pre 
vious authors of the Old Testament will probably balance the account. J. G. M.] 




As Chronicles at its close mentions the edict of Cyrus permitting the return of the Jews 
from the Babylonish exile (2 Chron. xxxvi. 22 f.), and in 1 Chron. iii. 19-24 it traces the 
descendants of Zerubbabel through six generations (see the exposition of the passage and 
Remark at the end of the section), it cannot have been composed, or at least put in its present 
form before the time of Zerubbabel, or for a considerable time after Ezra. With an average 
of thirty vears for each of the generations after Zerubbabel, the last, consisting of the seven 
sons of Elioenai, must be supposed to nourish after the year 350 B.C. The last decade of the 
Persian monarchy, if not the beginning of the Grecian period, is, moreover, indicated by several 
other circumstances, among which are the following: 

a. The computation employed in 1 Chron. xxix. 7 (in the history of David) by Dariks, 
D^smx, a Persian gold coin, occurring also in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, that, whether 
first stamped under Darius Hystaspis or not, refers the time of the composition of the work to 
the Persian sway over the Jews, or even some time after it; l 

b. The name nrvii, castle, likewise indicating the Persian period, designates the temple as 
a magnificent building (1 Chron. xxix. 1, 19), a term only occurring elsewhere in the books 
of Esther and Nehemiah, which there designates either the palace of the Persian monarch 
(Esth. i. 2, 5, ii. 3, 8; Neh. i. 1), or the castle near the temple of Jerusalem, the later B*/>/ 
(Neh. ii. 8, vii. 2); 

c. The orthography and Chaldaizing style betraying a pretty late age (comp. Remark on 

d. The position of the work in the canon as the last of the Hagiographa, and thus after the 
books of Ezra and Nehemiah, to which it would scarcely have been subjoined by the collectors, 
if any certain knowledge of its composition before or even contemporary with them had 
existed in Jewish tradition ; 

e. The circumstance that the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, for which, on account of the 
already adduced verbal and other coincidences with our books, an almost identical date of 
composition must be asserted, must have been already written a considerable time after their 
heroes and traditional authors, as the proper memoirs of Ezra and Nehemiah were used as 
sources in them, the age of these men (Neh. xii. 26, 47) is represented as already in the 
distant past; and, moreover, lists of the chiefs of the Levites (Neh. xii. 23) and of the high 
priests (Neh. xii. 10 ff.) are given therein, that extend down to Jaddua, the holder of the 
high priest s office in the time of Alexander the Great. That this Jaddua, according to 
Josephus (Antiq. xi. 8), high priest during the last years of the Persian Empire, as well as 
under Alexander, was a contemporary of the author of the book of Nehemiah, appears in fact 
very probable, according to the twelfth chapter of the book. Yet Ewald and Bertheau have 
gone too far, when they infer, from the manner in which both in Ezra and Nehemiah Cyrus 
and his successors are constantly mentioned as ]>ei-sian kings (Ezra i. 1, iv. 5 ; comp. iv. 7, 
vi. 1, etc.), that the Grecian monarchy had already commenced. The author might consider 
it suitable to give prominence to the Persian nationality of these kings, in contrast with the 
former kings of Judah. And all else that, after Spinoza, has been urged by de Wette, 
Berthold, (Jramberg, and others (recently again by Noldecke, Die alttestamentl. Literat., 1868, 
p. 63 f.), for the origin of the book under the Macedonic or the Seleucidic government, amounts 
only to hypercritical conjectures (comp. Keil, Apolog. Versuch, p. 17 ff. ; Havernick, Einl. ii. 
274 ff.). 

If our book appears from the above considerations, especially those adduced under c-e, to 
belong to a time falling after Ezra and Nehemiah, it is impossible for Ezra himself to be the 
author. The Talmud, indeed, regarded him as the common originator of the book called after 
him and of Chronicles (Baba bathr. fol. 15, 1 : Esra scripsit librum suum et genealogiam in libro 
Chronicorum usque ad .se), in which it was followed by most Rabbins, some Fathers, as Theo- 

1 That the composition must have taken place during the Persian rule, and before Alexander the 
Great, can scarcely be inferred from the mention of this coin (against Movers). For as Bleek justly 
remarks, p. 398 : "It may well be imagined, and is in itself quite natural, that a silver or gold coin, 
once introduced into the country and extensively circulated, will continue in currency long after the 
dvnasty that coined it has ceased to rule." 


doret, and later theologians, as Carpzov, Heidegger, Pareau, Starke, Lange, Eichhorn (Einl 
iii. 597 ff.), Havernick, Welte, Keil (Apolog. Versuch, p. 144 ff., Einl. p. 497; comp. Comment. 
p. 14), and Jul. Fiirst (Gesch. derbibl. Lit. ii. 210, 537 ff.), an( ^ others. But he can no more 
have written the book of Chronicles than the book of Ezra itself. Both belong notoriously 
to a later age; and in view of their manifold internal and external connection, the hypothesis 
of Movers, that a writer living some centuries after Ezra wrote both works as a continuous 
whole, though afterwards separated (Mov. Krit. Unters. p. 14 ff.), would commend itself, were 
it not necessary to take into account the relation of the book of Nehemiah to both, and to 
admit some sort of connection among the three books. To show that this consists in being 
derived from the same author has been attempted by Zunz (Gottesdienstl. Vortra;e !er Juden, 
Berlin 1832, p. 18 ff.), Ewald (Gesch. des v. Isr. i. p. 264, 2d edit.), Bertheau (Kurzyef. exey. 
Handb., Einl. p. 15), Graf (Die yescldchtl. Bucher des A. T. p. 114 ff.), Dillmann (in Herzog s 
Real-Encycl, Art. "Chronik"), Davidson (Introd. to the Old Test. ii. p. 115 sq.). They 
have regarded the books of Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah as three constituent parts of a 
single historical work, composed in the end of the Persian or the opening of the Grecian 
period. But against this are the following considerations : 

1. The identity of Ezra i. 1-3 with 2 Chron. xxxvi. 22 f., which is more easily understood 
if we regard it as the work of a redactor who wished to show the second of the two originally 
separate works to be a kind of continuation of the first, than if we suppose that the narrative 
originally proceeded from 2 Chron. xxxvi. 23 to Ezra i. 4, and then, after rending the two 
books asunder, the opening words of the second concerning the edict of Cyrus were repeated 
at the close of the first. Comp. Keil, Comm. p. 14 f. : " For such a separation with an addi 
tion there seems to be no ground, especially as the edict of Cyrus must be repeated. The 
introduction of this edict with the words, And in the first year of Cyrus, king of Persia, that 
the word of the Lord by the mouth of Jeremiah might be fulfilled, etc., is so closely connected 
with the close of the description of the destruction of Jerusalem and the carrying away of 
Judah to Babylon, and they were servants to him (King Nebuchadnezzar) and his sons until 
the reign of the Persians, to fulfil the word of the Lord by the mouth of Jeremiah ... to 
fulfil seventy years, ver. 20 f., that the edict of Cyrus cannot be separated from the fore 
going ; much rather must the same author, who wrote vers. 20, 21, and represented the 
seventy years of exile as the fulfilment of Jeremiah s prophecy, have also mentioned the edict 
of Cyrus, and connected it with this prophecy. This connection of the edict with that prophecy 
furnishes an incontrovertible proof that the verses containing the edict form an integral part 
of Chronicles." On the whole, the supposition of a supplementary separation of a history 
originally forming one whole is attended with serious difficulties ; and neither the apparently 
somewhat abrupt close of Chronicles, as it now stands (with f>jn, " And let him go up "), nor 

the circumstance that the opening words of Ezra, though verbally coinciding in general with 
the closing words of Chronicles, yet differ from them in some particulars (namely, for ^3 of 
9 Chron. xxxvi. 22, t^jp, and for fay Vr6tf niiT of 2 Chron. xxxvi. 23, y ^ VT), can be 

satisfactorily reconciled with the hypothesis of separation, both phenomena agreeing better 
with the supposition, that the conforming hand of a later redactor had established a coincidence 
in the main between two passages that were originally somewhat different. 

2. The plan, also, of the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, clearly aiming at the presentation of 
contemporary or very recent history, speaks against the hypothesis of their original immediate 
connection with the book of Chronicles. Whatever there is in the plan of this work, or in 
the position of the writer, with respect to the sources used by him resembling the historio- 
graphic method of the other two books, is easily explained by supposing the authors to be 
guided in general by the same views, and to write in the same, or nearly the same times. 

3. And as neither these merely subordinate resemblances of plan and form, nor the already 
mentioned verbal and orthographical coincidences, suffice to disprove the independent charac 
ter of the three works, neither can the circumstance, that the author of the apocryphal third 
book of Ezra, from the way in which he strings together 2 Chron. xxxvi. 21 and Ezra i. 1, 
seems not to have been acquainted with the separation of Chronicles from Ezra, nor the 
phenomenon parallel to this circumstance, that the Talmud, the Masora, and the ancient 
Christian Church count the books of Ezra and Nehemiah generally as one book. At the 
ground of this latter phenomenon obviously lies the Jewish endeavour not to let the number 


of the books of the Old Testament exceed that of the twenty-two letters of the Hebrew 
alphabet (Origen in Euseb. PL Eccl vi. 25; Jerome, Prol. gal.; Talmud, Baba bathr., in 
Buxtorf, Tiberias, c. xi. p. 108 sqq.), an endeavour from which the oldest Church Fathers, 
in their lists of the canonical Scriptures of the Old Testament, were not free, and of which the 
circumstance that two of the oldest MSS. of the Septuagint, the cod. Alexandrimis and tfee 
Friderico-Augustanus, separate the book of Nehemiah by no interval from that of Ezra (comp. 
Tischendorfs Vet us Testamentnm jaxta LXX. Interpretes, edit. iv. 1869, T. I. p. 611), must be 
regarded as a later effect. 

If, according to all this, the connection of these three books is not to be viewed as a unity, 
forbidding their original independent existence, and if, notwithstanding all traces of an almost 
contemporary origin, no common author needs to be assumed for them, nothing is more 
natural than to regard one of the two or three supposed authors as the originator of that 
redactional conformation on which the present affinity and mutual relation of the three 
books, so far as it betrays the hand of a literary reviser, depends. And in all probability 
this redactor was the author of Chronicles, as a compilation presupposing the existence of the 
other two, and adapting itself to them. The already extant works concerning Ezra and 
Nehemiah, proceeding perhaps from the younger contemporaries of these men, may have 
served as the occasion and impulse to this writer to present the previous history of God s 
people in a like spirit of Levitical, priestly pragmatism, and in a similar annalistic method, 
and so to project his review of the progress of the kingdom of God from Adam to the end of 
the exile, running parallel with the earlier historical books, which he partly supplements and 
partly abstracts. That he prefixed the closing verses of this work as an introduction to its 
sequel the book of Ezra, to mark externally the connection of the two works, must be con 
sidered more probable from the above remarks, than the reverse hypothesis of Bleek, that " he 
brought over the first verses of that work (Ezra) as the close of this latter." Comp. through 
out Bleek, Einl. 171, p. 404 f., with whose representation of the origin of our three works 
we only differ on this subordinate point, while we must regard it otherwise as the most satis 
factory solution of the present question. 

Concerning the person of this author of Chronicles and final redactor of Ezra and Nehemiah, 
who belonged to the last years of the Persian dynasty, only this can be established, that he 
must have belonged to the Levites of the second temple, and in particular to the singers or 
song- masters, in whom he takes a special interest, as the constant putting of them forward 
(as also the porters) along with priests and Levites in many parts of his work shows; see above, 
2, Remark, p. 6. When Keil {Comment, p. 17 ff.) urges against this hypothesis the fact, 
that "in all places where he speaks of musicians and porters we also find the priests men 
tioned," sufficient attention is not paid to the fact, that this express mention of such inferior 
officers as singers and musicians, along with the priests and other officials of the temple, 
implies a special interest in them on the part of the author. Certainly the porter is often 
mentioned in the same places; but the interest of the narrator in the musicians and their 
doings (into which he often enters minutely, while he only mentions the porters by the way) 
plainly outweighs everything else. And nothing is obviously deducted from the authority and 
credibility of our writer, if we think of him as an Asaph of the later sanctuary, though his 
identification with Ezra the priest becomes thereby impossible. 

Remark. The difficult passage 1 Chron. iii. 19-24, the full elucidation of which we must 
reserve for the commentary itself, names from Hananiah, the son of Zerubbabel, five other 
generations, represented by Shechaniah, Shemaiah, Neariah, Elioenai, and Hodaiah, the last of 
which generations, Hodaiah with his six brothers, which appears to be nearly contemporary with 
the author of our work, can scarcely, even if we reckon a generation at 30 years, have flourished 
before 3oO or 340 B.C. To this date points also another note contained in ver. 22. The 
Hattush here mentioned as great-grandson of Zerubbabel, is perhaps the same Hattush men 
tioned, Ezra viii. 2, as a descendant of David, and as brought under Ezra from Babylon to 
Judea. Now, as in vers. 22 and 23 the grandsons of Neariah, a younger brother of this 
Hattush, are mentioned, we shall thus be carried down beyond the year 400, as the earliest 
possible lime of the drawing up of this genealogy; and the omission of some intervening 
members after Hattush would carry it down considerably later. These chronological com 
binations taken from 1 Chron. iii. 19 ff. may not appear absolutely certain and indisputable, 
as the Hattush of Ezra might possibly be different from that of our passage (comp. Keil, Einl 


p. 496), and as, especially in ver. 21, where all connection of the rPET) 02 with the fore 
going is wanting, the suspicion (uttered by Vitringa, Heidegger, Carpzov, etc.) of cor 
ruption, or the supposition that a fragment of some other genealogy has crept into the text 
(Havern., Movers, Keil, etc.), appears sufficiently plausible. Notwithstanding this uncertainty 
and partial obscurity of the passage, the opinion expressed is probable enough ; and the more 
so, the more clearly the other considerations (under c-e) above mentioned point to a still 
later time than that of Ezra and Nehemiah. 

[The data presented by the books of Ezra, Nehemiah, and Chronicles, prove, at most, that 
a touching hand was applied to them after the lifetime of Ezra and Nehemiah, simply adding 
a few names to a list or pedigree. But this comes far short of proving that these works were 
not produced by Ezra and Nehemiah, the authors to whom they are usually assigned. To 
give even plausibility to this negative conclusion, it is necessary to apply our modern notions 
or habits of composition to the men of ancient times, before printing was invented, or the 
rules of literature determined. There is great risk of mistake in taking this important step, 
as the modern man of letters is liable to carry up into those primitive days his own subjective 
views, and make a world of ancient literature after the fashion of the nineteenth century. To 
infer, for instance, that a work was not composed till the last person now named in it had 
lived and nourished, may seem legitimate. Yet it is not necessarily true even of modern 
works, as names and facts may be added by an editor or continuator. Still less can it be 
affirmed of ancient works antecedent to printing, especially when they are of national 
importance, and under the care of men competent and authorized to make such trifiing addi 
tions as are supposed by some to discredit the authorship of Ezra and Nehemiah. J. G. M.] 


In regard to matter, Chronicles falls, as already stated, into two main divisions a shorter 
genealogical, i. 1-9, and a longer historical one. If we take into account the several groups 
of genealogical and historical material that exist within these main parts, the following detailed 
scheme of contents results : 

I. Genealogical tables or registers, with brief historical data, 1 Chron. i.-ix. 

a. Genealogies of the patriarchs from Adam to Israel and Edom, with the descendants 

of the latter till the era of kings, i. 

b. The sons of Israel and the generations of Judah till David, with David s posterity till 

Elioenai and his seven sons, ii.-iv. 23. 

c. The generations of Simeon, and the transjordanic tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half- 

Manasseh, till the deportation of the latter by the Assyrians, iv. 24-v. 26. 

d. The generations of the Levites, with a statement of their cities in the different tribes, 

v. 27-vi. 

e. The generations of the remaining tribes, except Dan and Zebulun, and in particular, 

of the Benjamite house of Saul, vii., viii. 

/. The inhabitants of Jerusalem till the period of kings, with the genealogy of Saul 
repeated, forming the transition to the history of David, ix. 

II. History of the kingvS in Jerusalem from David to the exile. 
1. David, x.-xxix. 

a. Introduction ; the fall of the house of Saul, x. 

b. David s elevation to the throne ; arrangement of his residence at Jerusalem ; wars 

and enumeration of the people, xi.-xxi. 

[Removal from Hebron to Jerusalem, xi. 1-9 ; the heroes and worthies of David, 
xi. 10-xii. ; preparation for removing the ark to Jerusalem, xiii. ; David s house 
building, family, and wars with the Philistines, xiv. ; the solemn conveyance of the 
ark, xv., xvi. ; David s purpose to build a temple to the Lord, xvii. ; his wars, 
xviii.-xx. ; the numbering of the people, with the plague ; determination of the 
place for the future temple, xxi.~] 


c. David s arrangements concerning the temple ; other spiritual and temporal regula 
tions ; last will and death, xxii.-xxix. 

[Provisions for the temple, xxii. ; division of the Levites and priests, and order of 
their service, xxiii.-xxvi. ; division of the war officers, and order of the service, 
xxvii. ; last directions concerning the transfer of the government to Solomon, and 
end of David, xxviii., xxix.] 

2. Solomon, 2 Cliron. i.-ix. 

a. His solemn sacrifice at Gibeon, and his riches, i. 

b. The buikling and consecration of the temple, ii.-vii. 

c. Solomon s building of cities, and serfs; religious ordinances; navigation to Ophir; 

intercourse with the queen of Sheba ; glory ; length of reign, and end, viii., ix. 

3. The kings of Judah, from Rehoboam to Zedekiah, x.-xxxvi. 

a. Rehoboam ; the prophet Shemaiah, x.-xii. 

b. Abijah, xiii. 

c. Asa ; the prophets Azariah son of Obed, and Hanani, xiv.-xvi. 

d. Jehoshaphat ; the prophets Micah son of Imlah, Jehu son of Hanani, etc., xvii.-rr. 

e. Joram ; letter of the prophet Elijah, xxi. 
/. Almziah, xxii. 1-9. 

g, Athaliah, xxii. 10-xxiii. 

h. Joash ; the prophet Zechariah, son of Jehoiada, xxiv. 
i. Amaziah, xxv. 
k. Uzziah, xxvi. 
1. Jotham, xxvii. 

m. Ahaz the prophet Oded, xxviii. 
n. Hez 4dah ; the prophet Isaiah, xxix.-xxxii. 
o. Manasseh and Amon, xxxiii. 
p. Josiah ; the prophetess Hnldah, xxxiv., xxxv. 
q. Jehoahaz, Jehoiakim, Jehoiachiu, Zedekiah ; close, xxxvi. 

From this survey of contents, the following points appear characteristic for the standpoint 
a. I plan of our historian : 

1. The taking up of the kingdom of David as a moment in the history of the tribe and 
Btv fce of Judah, with the corresponding retreat of the genealogy and history of the northern 
tribes (cf which Dan and Zebulun are not even mentioned; Issachar, Naphtali, Asher, and 
ha /- Manasseh are only briefly noticed), and especially of the reigns of Saul and Ishbosheth, 
at the same time with the total omission of Jeroboam and his successors, which determines 
that of the prophets of the northern kingdom, and thus the action of Elijah, Elisha, etc. 

2. The prominence given to the tribe of Levi, its ordinances and divisions, offices and 
functions, a moment appearing with characteristic force as well in the genealogical portion 
(1 Chron. v. 27-vi. 66) as in the history of David (1 Chron. xxiii.-xxvi.), of Solomon and his 
tevnple-consecration (2 Chron. v. ff.), of Rehoboam, Asa, Joash, Hezekiah, and Josiah. 

3. The preference for reporting genealogical series, which goes so far, that one list of this 
kind is unnecessarily repeated (that of the house of Saul, 1 Chron. viii. 29 ff. ; comp. with 
ix. 35 ff.) ; and in the history of David, a register of his heroes, worthies, and offices, is inserted 
several times in apparently improper places (thus 1 Chron. xii., the list of the heroes adhering 
to him during his persecution by Saul, that of his worthies who raised him to the throne in 
Hebron, and xxvii., the summary of his forces, princes, and officers, for which a more suitable 
place v> 3uid have been xviii. 12 ff.). 

4. The visible inclination to dwell on the glorious periods of the theocracy and the theocratic 
worship, and by depicting such bright seasons, and treating as briefly as possible the contrary 
times of darkness and superstition, to display conspicuously the full blessing of preserving pure 
the national religion of Jehovah and the legitimate temple-service : on which account, such 
reigns as those of David, Solomon, Asa, Jehoshaphat, Joash, Hezekiah, and Josiah, are depicted 
with peculiar delight; while the last days of Solomon, the rule of Ahaziah and Athaliah. and 
that of the last kings before the exile, are despatched with comparative brevity, or entirely 
omitte 1, like the whole history of the kingdom of Ephraim. 

The above-mentioned moments appear still more clearly as favourite points of history and 


fundamental peculiarities of our historian, if we compare the course of his historical repre 
sentation with that of the parallel historical books, especially the books of Samuel and Kings. 
Characteristic for the time before the kin^s is his endeavour, by suitable abbreviations of the 
genealogical sections of Genesis, to give the clearest possible view of the descent of the house 
of David from the antediluvian patriarchs ; comp. 1 Chron. i. 1-4 as an abridgment of Gen. v. ; 
1 Chron. i. 5-23 as a corresponding abbreviation of Gen. x. ; 1 Chron. i. 24-27 as contracted 
from Gen. xi. 10-26 ; 1 Chron. i. 29-33 as recapitulated from Gen. xxv. 1-15 ; 1 Chron. 
i. 35-54 as recapitulated from Gen. xxxvi. 10-43 ; 1 Chron. ii. 1-5 as a summary of the list 
of Jacob s sons (especially those of Perez) in Gen. xlvi. 8-12; also 1 Chron. ii. 10-12 (list of 
the descendants of Ram to Jesse) with Ruth iv. 19-22 ; and in particular, the list of the 
Levitical cities, 1 Chron. vi. 39-66, with Josh. xxi. 10-39. There is throughout, as these 
parallels show, an endeavour aiming at the exaltation of the Davidic sovereignty as the 
brightest point of the history of God s people before the exile, by which the author has been 
guided in the genealogical preface to his history. For the history of David are equally 
significant, both that whicli is omitted of the books of Samuel, and that which is added as a 
supplement. He has here omitted most of the facts concerning the relation of David to Saul 
and his house (in particular the reign of Ishbosheth, 2 Sam. i.-iv. 9) ; nearly all the events of 
David s private life, especially those less favourable to his call, as the scene with Michal 
(2 Sam. vi. 20-23) ; the adultery with Bathsheba (2 Sam. xi., xii.) ; the dishonour of Tamar 
by Amnon ; Amnon s death by Absalom, and Absalom s rebellion, with its consequences 
(2 Sam. xiii.-xix ) ; the revolt of Sheba (2 Sam. xx.) ; the delivery of some descendants of 
Saul to the Gibeonites for execution (2 Sam. xxi. 1-14) ; David s thanksgiving song and last 
words (2 Sam. xxii., xxiii. 1-7) ; Adonijah s attempt at usurpation, and the thereby hastened 
anointing of Solomon (1 Kings i.) ; lastly, David s last will regarding Joab, the sons of Bar- 
zillai, and Shimei (1 Kings ii. 1-9). On the contrary, he has supplemented the account of the 
older historians by his list of the brave men from all tribes who joined David during the per 
secution of Saul, and the warriors who made him king in Hebron (1 Chron. xii.), by his 
account of the part taken by the Levites in the conveyance of the ark (1 Chron. xv., xvi.), his 
long descriptions of David s preparations for the building of the temple (xxii.), his no less full 
statistical description of the priests and Levites, and the military and civil officers under David 
(xxiii.-xxvii. ), and his account of the arrangements made by David shortly before his death in 
a great assembly of the people (xxviii., xxix.). It is not less characteristic, that the author 
has omitted in Solomon s history a number of facts which refer to the private life of this king, 
and are p irtly unfavourable to his character, as the punishment of Joab, Shimei, and Adonijah 
(1 Kings ii. 13-46), the marriage with Pharaoh s daughter (1 Kings iii. 1-3), the wise judg 
ment of the king, and the full picture of his glory and wisdom (1 Kings iii. 16-v. 1), his 
palace (1 Kings vii. 1-12), his polygamy and idolatry, with the consequences following as a 
divi::e judgment (1 Kings xi. 1-40), while he reports all that relates to the building and con 
secration of the temple, the building of cities, bond-service, trade with Ophir, etc., at equal, 
if not greater length, than in the books of Kings. Lastly, in the period from Solomon to the 
exile, he significantly omits the whole history of the ten tribes, their kings and prophets, with 
the sole exception of the friendly or hostile relations in which they stood to the kingdom of 
Judah (to which belongs also the letter of Elijah given in 2 Chron. xxi. 12 ff.). On the con 
trary, regarding the kingdom of Judah in this period, a whole series of supplementary accounts 
are given, especially such as serve to glorify the theocratically-disposed sovereigns of thia 
kingdom, but others also that exhibit along with these bright places darker shadows of the 
apostasy and the resulting national misfortune ; as accounts of Rehoboam s cities of defence, 
reception of the Levites driven from the northern kingdom, and family connections (2 Chron. 
xi. 5-24) ; of Abijah s war with Jeroboam, his wives and children (xiii. 3-21) ; of Asa s victory 
over the Kushite Zerah, and the action of the prophets Azariah and Hanani under this king 
(xiv. 3-15, xv. 1-15, xvi. 7-10) ; of Jehoshaphat s internal and external administration, and 
his great victory over the allied Ammonites, Moabites, and others (xvii.-xx.) ; of Joram s 
fratricide, idolatrous reign, and punishment (xxi. 2-4, 11-19) ; of Joash s final fall into idolatry 
after the death of Jehoiada (xxiv. 15-22) ; of Arnaziah s increase of his army and idolatry 
(xxv. 5-10, 14-16) ; of Uzziah s successful war with the Philistines and Arabians, his fortifi 
cations and his troops (xxvi. 6-15) ; of Jotham s fortifications and victory over the Ammonites 
(xxvii. 4-6) ; of the theocratic reforms of Hezekiah, his Passover, and the abundance of his 


treasures (xxix. 3-31, xxxii. 27-30); of Manasseh s removal to Babylon, repentance, and 
return from captivity (xxxiii. 11-17); of Josiah s Passover, and the part taken in it by the 
priests and Levites (xxxv. 2-19). 

The author has no very fixed principle in making his abbreviations and additions ; other 
wise, notwithstanding his theocratic tendencies, he would have imparted some traces of David s 
family history, and along with the building of the temple and the cities, would have noticed 
that of Solomon s palace (1 Kings vii. 1-12) ; he would perhaps have been silent on the idolatry 
of Joash and Amaziah, as well as of Solomon, and have dwelt longer on the bright point of the 
Jewish monarchy in the reign of Josiah ; and if it concerned him to bring out the dark shadosv 
of apostasy with the light spots of this later period, he might have given a fuller account of the 
idolatrous reign of Ahaz, and of the misgovernment of the last kings, Jehoiakim, Jehoiachin, 
Zedekiah, etc. The inconsistency indicated by a dim perception of his design, and a want of 
thorough pragmatism, rests undoubtedly on the nature of his sources, the disproportion in the 
matter of which must have produced a similar defect in himself, and prevented him from 
exhibiting a uniform whole resulting from a single casting. On the whole, however, the 
correctness of our remarks on the prevailing tendency of the author is not prejudiced by these 
anomalies. It is indubitable, from his priestly-Levitical standpoint, that he wished in general 
to relate the theocratic civil and religious history of the Jews from David with a chief regard 
to their bright periods, and a recognition of their times of apostasy being invariably attended 
with divine judgments, and to hold up to his contemporaries a mirror encouraging them to 
fear God, and warning them against unfaithfulness to the Lord. Otherwise than the author 
of the books of Kings, who relates the events more objectively in their natural order, "our 
author places the facts and occurrences in connection with the conduct of the prince and the 
people toward the Lord, and endeavours so to illustrate the historical facts, that they teach 
how God rewards the faithful with peace arid blessing, and visits the revolt from His covenant 
with penal judgments. The narrative thus acquires a parenetic character that often rises to 
the rhetorical manner. This parenetico-rhetorical stamp of his work meets us not only in the 
many speeches of the agents, but also in many historical delineations (for example, in Joram, 
2 Chron. xxi. ; in Ahaz, xxviii. ; in Manasseh, xxxiii. ; and in Zedekiah, xxxvi. 12-21). From 
this parenetic tendency, arid the reflective mode of viewing history, is explained the greater 
part of his deviations from the parallel accounts in Samuel and Kings, as well the omission of 
collateral circumstances as the pictorial descriptions of religious regulations and festivals, the 
manifest object of which is to awaken in the mind of the reader delight and joy in the attractive 
services of the Lord, and to confirm the heart in fidelity to the Lord and His law " (Keil, 
Comment, p. 11). On account of this property, directed with special preference to the worship 
and the officers of worship, this history has been designated as specially Levitical, a designa 
tion which is only suitable and free from misconception, when we bear in mind that it is not 
the Levites as such, but as the ministers of the lawful theocratic worship, the source of all 
salvation and blessing for the people of God, to whom the author devotes his special attention. 
"The Chronist wishes, not to glorify the Levites and the Levitical worship, but rather to lead 
the proof, from the history of the kingdom in Israel, that faithfulness to the covenant which 
the Lord has made with Israel brings happiness and blessing; neglect of it, misery and per 
dition. But Israel shows fidelity in walking after the standard of the law given by Moses, 
when he worships Jehovah the God of his fathers in His sanctuary, as He has appointed in the 
ordinances of worship. The author lays stress on the Levitical worship only so far as the 
faithfulness of Israel shows itself in its careful observance " (Keil, Coinm. p. 8). 

Remark The forty or more parallel sections which the part of Chronicles, common with 
the books of Samuel and Kings, presents, now in longer, now in shorter form, and now in 
corresponding, now in deviating sequence, are exhibited in the following table (from Keil, 
Einl. p. 479 ; comp. Davidson, Introd. p. 81 sq., and Tubingen Theolog. Quartalschr. 1831, 
p. 209 ff.) : 

1 Chron. x. 1-12, 1 Sam. xxxi. 

xi. 1-9, 2 Sam. v. 1-3, 6-10. 

xi. 10-47, xxiii. 8-39. 

xiii. 1-14 v i. 1-11. 

xiv. 1-7, 8-17, .... v. 11-16, 17-25. 



1 Ohron. xv., xvi., 

,, xvii., ...... 

,, xviii., 

xix., . . 

xx. 1-3, 

xx. 4-8, 


2 Chron. i. 2-13, 

i. 14-17, 

i, ii-, 

iii. 1-v. 1, ... 

v. 2-vii. 10, ... 

vii. 11-22, 

viii., ...... 

ix. 1-12, 13-28, .... 

ix. 29-31, . . . . 

x. 1-xi. 4, 

xii. 2, 3, 9-16, .... 

xiii. 1, 2, 22, 23, .... 

xiv. 1, 2, xv. 16-19, . 

xvi. 1-6, 11-14, . 

xviii. 2-34, 

,, xx. 31-xxi. 1, .... 

xxi. 5-10, 20, .... 

xxii. 1-6, 7-9, .... 

xxii. 10-xxiii. 21, 

xxiv. 1-14, 23-27, 

xxv. 1-4, 11, 17-28, . 

xxvi. 1-4, 21-23, .... 

xxvii. 1-3, 7-9, ; 

xxviii. 1-4, 26, 27, ... 

xxix. 1, 2, 

xxxii. 1-21, 

xxxii. 24, 25, 32, 33, . 

xxxiii. 1-10, 20-25, 

xxxiv. 1, 2, 8-32, 

xxxv. 1, 18-24, 26, 27, xxxvi. 1-4, 

xxxvi. 5, 6, 8-12, . . 

xxxvi. 22, 23, 

2 Sam. vi. 12-23. 

,t vii. 

11 viii. 

11 X. 

xi. 1, xii. 26-81. 

xxi. 18-22. 

,, xxiv. 

1 Kings iii. 4-15. 

x. 26-29. 

v. 15-23. 

vi., vii. 13-51 

11 y iii 

ix. 1-9. 

ix. 10-28. 

x. 1-13, 14-29. 

xi. 41-43. 

xii. 1-24. 

xiv. 21-31. 

xv. 1, 2, 6-8. 

xv. 11-16. 

xv. 17-24. 

xxii. 2-35. 

xxii. 41-51. 

2 Kings viii. 17-24. 

viii. 25-29, ix. 16-28, x. 12-14. 

11 xi. 

xii. 1-17, 18-22. 

xiv. 1-14, 17-20. 

xiv. 21, 22, xv. 2-7. 

xv. 33-36, 38. 

xvi. 2-4, 19, 20. 

xviii. 2, 3. 

xviii. 13-xix. 37. 

xx. 1, 2, 20, 21. 

xxi. 1-9, 18-24. 

,, xxii., xxiii. 1-3. 

xxiii. 21-23, 28, 29-84. 

xxiii. 36, 37, xxiv. 1, 5, 6, 8-19. 
Ezra i. 1, 2. 

The value of this table of parallel passages consists in this, that it not only exhibits the 
mutual relation of the sections, showing now an extension, now an abridgment, on the part of 
our author, but also indicates where deviations in the order of the several events take place. 
For in the order of his materials the Chronist by no means agrees throughout with the books 
of Samuel and Kings ; as he, in 1 Chron. xi. 10-47, takes a list of David s heroes from 2 Sam. 
xxiii. 8-39, and attaches it to events which are parallel with 2 Sam. v., and the account in 
2 Sam. v. he does not reproduce continue, but takes beforehand the section 2 Sam. vi. 1-11 
(see 1 Chron. xiii. 1-14), as he farther places the history of David s numbering of the people, 
and of the plague, 2 Sam. xxiv., not quite at the end of the section belonging to David, but 
subjoins to it accounts of David s provision for the building of the temple, as well as his 
spiritual and temporal officers (1 Chron. xxii.-xxix.) ; as he also, in Solomon s history, takes 
beforehand the small section concerning Solomon s treasures and troops, 1 Kings x. 26-29, and 
places it beside that which is related in 1 Kings iii.-v., and so on. That which appears 
arbitrary in these deviations, vanishes when we reflect that our author followed not so much 
the books of Samuel and Kings in their existing state, as certain old sources partly lying at 
their foundation, and partly deviating from them ; and thus the nature of his sources had ar 
effect on determining the arrangement and sequence of his materials. 


[To this very thoughtful ami interesting section it may be added, that the author of 
Chronicles confines his attention to David, and the kingdom founded on the promise made to 
him in 2 Sam. vii. Hence he excludes from direct consideration the kingdom of the ten tribes, 
which gradually fell into idolatry, and had long ceased to exist at the time in which he wrote. 
The facts do not warrant us in limiting his theme or his aim more than this, and therefore 
prevent us from charging him with any inconsistency which an imaginary limit of a narrower 
kind might create. The temple and its ordinances of worship become a prominent matter of 
fact in the king lorn of God, and its ministers and services claim a corresponding place in the 
history of this kingdom, without any motive in the writer more special than zeal for the glory 
of the true and living God. J. G. M.] 


From a closer examination of the contents of the several sections, it appears an indubitable 
fact that the peculiar stamp of our history depends on the nature of certain sources used by 
the author, which must have been in great part different from the historical books contained 
in the canon, and must have included many other accounts in addition to these. 

I. Of the genealogical tables and registers, and the geographical terms in the first or 
genealogical part (1 Chron. i.-ix.), only the introductory data referring to the patriarchs and 
the posterity of Edom, which are contained in 1 Chron. i.-ii. 2, appear to be wholly arid 
without exception taken from Genesis (see the special proof above, 4, p. 11). A derivation 
of these data from any other source than Genesis is improbable, for this reason, that they 
follow very exactly the order of this book (extracting and recapitulating from Gen. v., x., 
xi., xxv., xxxvi., and xxxv. 22 ff.), and they do not present a single supplementary notice. 
A quite different impression is made by a comparison of the following genealogies and 
historical notices with the corresponding data of the Pentateuch, the book of Joshua, and the 
other historical books. These matters occur in those older books neither as continuous series 
of names, nor as genealogical lists interwoven with shorter or longer historical data (as, for 
example, ch. iv. 22 f., iv. 39-43. v. 10-19). So far as they occur in them, they appear in 
quite a different connection, seldom forming longer series running through many generations; 
not leaving the impression of genealogical registers, or dry lists of names with occasional 
historical statements, but rather as integral moments of pragmatic narrative ; while, in our 
book, they bear throughout the character of a genealogical register. In many deviations also, 
which are found in the number of generations, the genealogical materials of our book appear 
independent of the older histories ; such as in the diverse spelling of many names, which may 
rest partly on mere errors of writing (which might easily creep in, especially in lists of names; 
compare the collection of notorious errors of this kind in Movers Krit. Unters. p. 66 ff., and 
see beneath, in our exeg. explanations, passim), but in no small part owe their origin to a 
different tradition ; as so many differences regarding geographical data (for example, regard 
ing the names of the Levitical cities, 1 Chron. vi. 39-66, compared with Josh. xxi. 10-39) 
must be referred to diverse old traditions, and, therefore, to peculiar sources. And such 
must be those of his sources that had in great measure prepared the way for his collecting 
and arranging propensity, in so far as they themselves contained longer genealogical series, 
composed in like manner, and interwoven with like historical data, aud so were not prag 
matically-fashioned historical works from which he must have artificially constructed his lists. 
He himself testifies in some places, that what he presents in genealogies and other lists of 
names is not the fruit of his arranging and editing care, but is derived from sources of a 
genealogical kind. For at the tribe of Gad, 1 Chron. v. 17, he refers to a list of the families 
of this tribe that was prepared in the time of Jotham, king of Judah, and Jeroboam n. of 
Israel ; at Issachar, 1 Chron. vii. 2, he refers to a census of this tribe made in the time of 
David; and it is said, ix. 1, that a census of "all Israel," that is, of the whole northern 
kingdom, had been made. Aud as in the second or historical portion reference is several 
times (xxiii. 3, 27, xxvi. 31, xxvii. 24) made to a census in the reign of David, and as the 
book of Nehemiah, which so nearly resembles our work in contents, mentions a list of the 
heads of the Levitical houses prepared in the time of the high priest Johanan (xii. 23), 
and a register found by Nehemiah of the families that returned with Zerubbabel from the 


exile (vii. 5 ; coinp. also Ezra ii. 59, 62), it appears not only highly probable, but absolutely 
certain, that there were ample and authentic genealogical sources from which our author took 
his lists. And it certainly appears from 1 Chron. xxiv. and ix. 1 (comp. Neh. xii. 23) as if 
a part at least of these sources had been a constituent part of a greater historical work, 
namely, that old chronicle of the kingdom which is entitled, 1 Chrou. xxvii. 24, Dibre 
hajjamim (the book of the chronicles of King David), and, ix. 1, as " the book of the kings of 
Israel." In particular, the short lists in 1 Chron. v. and vii. of the ten tribes according to 
their families and houses, may be extracts from the genealogical and statistical part of these 
old annals of the kingdom; while the lists of a purely chronological kind, which refer to 
celebrated families or to single persons, of public or of eminent private character, may have 
come rather from the old family archives, to which our author, or other collectors before him, 
had found access. It is at all events natural to suppose that the endeavours of the times of 
Zerubbabel and Ezra to enter into relation with the time before the exile, and to make the 
most diligent use of the connection with it, prepared the way for his hunting up and making 
use of these genealogical registers. " In the endeavour of the new community to restore the 
old relations, the divisions of the tribes, being connected with the whole remnant of the old 
community, must have acquired a new importance, and Chronicles is itself a proof of the 
attention that was paid to them. Its author gladly admits lists into his work, because he 
himself in this respect moves in the direction prevalent in his time. In short, from various 
sides comes to us the certainty, that the author of Chronicles was able to draw older lists of 
the divisions of the tribes and their number from other sources perhaps, but also, according 
to his own showing, from historical works in which the results of the registration and 
numeration of the families were collected. And his lists themselves point to a derivation 
from historical works; for they contain brief historical accounts standing in the closest con 
nection with the recited names, and in them occurs the remark that something has continued 
"unto this day" (1 Chron. iv. 41, 43, v. 26), a remark which, it is evident, cannot proceed 
from him who was charged with making out the lists, and is not added by the author of 
Chronicles, because it refers not to his time, but to the date of the work used by him, and is 
taken thence along with the other data" (Bertheau, p. xxxi. f.). Even an approximately 
exact determination of the date of these lists can scarcely be given, because often an old list 
may have been carried on some steps, either by our author or by some earlier investigators or 
collectors before him, so that its original closing point can no longer be clearly ascertained. 
Meanwhile, the fact that there were older or younger genealogical sources on which he rested 
in ch. ii.-ix., is by no means disturbed or rendered doubtful by the partial uncertainty of 
their age, or the impossibility of sharply separating them from one another. 

II. A still more ample array of ancient sources and accounts must have been accessible to 
our author for his second or historical part ; for at the death of almost every king he refers 
to writings in which his acts and the events of his reign are recorded; only in Joram, 
Ahaziah, Athaliah, and in the later kings Jehoahaz, Jehoiachin, and Zedekiah, are these 
references to older sources wanting. He cites in all the following sources: 

1. In David, the " words" (dibre) of Samuel the seer, of Nathan the prophet, and Gad the 
seer ("spier"), 1 Chron. xxix. 29; 2. In Solomon, the " words" of Nathan the prophet, the 
prophecy (nW33) of Ahijah of Shilo, and the "visions" (nitn) of Iddi the seer against 
Jeroboam the son of Nebat, 2 Chron. ix. 29; 3. In Rehoboam, the "words" of Shemaiah the 
prophet and of Iddo the seer, xii. 15; 4. in Abijah, the " Midrash " of Iddo the prophet, xiii. 22; 
5. In Asa, the book of the kings of Judah and Israel, xvi. 11 ; 6. In Jehoshaphat, the 
" words" of Jehu the son of Hanani, which were inserted in the book of the kings of Israel, 
xx. 34; 7. In Joash, the " Midrash" of the book of the kings, xxiv. 27 ; 8. In Amaziah, the. 
book of the kings of Judah and Israel, xxv. 26; 9. In Uzziah, a "writing" (ana) of Isaiah 

the prophet, xxvi. 22; 10. In Jotham, the book of the kings of Israel and Judah, xxvii. 7;. 
11. In Ahaz, the book of the kings of Judah and Israel, xxviii. 26; 12. In Hezekiah, the 
"vision" (pin) of Isaiah the prophet, in the book of the kings of Judah and Israel, 

xxxii. 32; 13. In Manasseh, the "words" of the kings of Israel, as well as the words of 
Chosai, xxxiii. 18, 19 ; 14. In Josiah, the book of the kings of Israel and Judah, xxxv. 27 ; 
15. In Jehoiakim, tire same work, xxxvi. 8. 



That this list of sources admi s, nay demands, a considerable number of reductions, appears 
indubitable, if we reflect that the thrice quoted " book of the kings of Judah and Israel" can 
hardly have been different from the as often quoted " book of the kings of Israel and Judah," 
and also bear in mind the obvious identity of the "book of the kings of Israel" mentioned in 
No. 6, and the "words of the kings of Israel" quoted in No. 13, with that Israelite-Jewish 
book of Kings. For the name " Israel " in the latter two references can only be the collective 
designation of the whole people (as it deals, in both cases, with accounts of the kingdom of 
Judah, and not of the northern kingdom); and the phrase " book," or "words," that :&, 
events, history of the kings of Israel, appears to be merely an abbreviation of the more 
complete title. According to this well-ascertained assumption, which is shared by almost all 
recent writers (Movers, EwaLl, Bertheau, Dilhn., Keil, Graf, and Fiirst, Gesch. der bibl 
Liter, ii. p. 214), the sources here quoted of a properly historical (not prophetical) character 
reduce themselves to one chief work a great annalistic history of the kingdom of all Israel. 
It remains doubtful whether the book used by the author for the reign of Joash, which he 
calls the "Midrash" of the book of Kings, was identical with this great work, or different 
from it. For the identity, Keil had formerly maintained (EM. 1 Aufl. p. 494) that the 
history of Joash agrees as exactly with 2 Kings as the history of those kings for which the 
book of the kings of Israel and Judah is quoted ; but he has recently acknowledged the 
objections raised to this by Bertheau to be on the whole plausible, of at all events difficult to 
refute. Accordingly, it would be hazardous to hold the phrase 1SD >Y1O as & t once equiva 
lent to the simple -|QD, even if we wished to take h*]O, after 2 Chron. xiii. 22, in the sense 
of essay, treatise (so Ewald, Gesch. /.ST. i. 295), and not rather, as appears more obvious, and 
creates no tautology with "I2D, in that of exposition, commentary (Gesen., Thenius, Fiirst, 

etc.). And the assumption appears not far-fetched, that "the connection in which the 
apostasy of the king, the prophecy of Zechariah, an d the victory of a small number of Syrians 
over the numerous host of the Jews stand in Chronicles, was set forth prominently in a 
Midrash. or exposition of the book of the kings of Israel and Judah " (Bertheau, p. xxxiii.). 
The weight of these grounds for assuming the diversity of the " Midrash " of the book of the 
kings quoted 2 Chron. xxiv. 27 from that book itself, cannot be mistaken. Yet it still 
remains uncertain whether we are to regard it as an explanatory work referring to the whole 
book of Kings, that might be used even elsewhere without express mention by our author, or 
as consisting of elucidations or digressive additions referring merely to the reign of Joash and 
its relations. The first view is that of Fiirst (in p. q.), who, on the ground of Talmudic usage, 
explains the term Midrash by " enlargement of the history from oral or written tradition," and 
transfers this process of legendary enlargement of the old book of Kings, or embellishment of 
it with historical "Midrash," to the first Persian period, without being able, however, to 
adduce definite grounds for this course. 

It is difficult, also, to decide the question concerning the relation of the book of the kings 
of Israel and Judah, so often quoted by our author, to the works often adduced in the 
canonical books of Kings, which are there separately designated as " the book of the chronicles 
(dib/:e hajjamim) of the kings of Israel," and the book of the chronicles of the kings of 
Judah. In contents, these annalistic sources of the canonical book of Kings must be identical 
with the chief written source of our Chronist, as the mostly verbal agreement of the accounts 
concerning the same transaction in that, as in this, shows. But what was to the author of 
the book of Kings two distinct works, one referring to the north and one to the south 
kingdom, this the Chronist must have had before him in the shape of one single work ; for 
he quotes it under the name of the book of the kings of Israel for several of the southern 
kings, and for such even after the downfall of the northern kingdom as Manasseh, Josiah, 
and Jehoiakim. It is now a question, however, whether this single source of the Chronist 
was a later elaboration or combination of the dibre hajjamim, or old annals, quoted separately 
by the author of the book of kings of Israel and Judah, which were no longer extant, or was 
to be held as nothing else than our present book of Kings, so that the wavering manifold way 
of designating it was to be set down merely to the account of the defect of our author in 
diplomatic accuracy. Against the latter assumption (still not unfavourably discussed by 
Keil, p. 20 of his Comment.) speaks decidedly, a. the circumstance that the Chronist often 
refers to the book of the Kings, etc., as a source presenting full details, whereas the canonical 


books of Kings present not at all a fuller, but quite a briefer statement (comp. for example, 
his account of Jotham 2 Chron. xxvii. with 2 Kings xv. 32-38) ; 6, the circumstance that the 
Chronist presents a mass of accounts for which we look in vain in the books of Kings ; and 
c, the statement contained in 2 Chron. xxxiii. 18 concerning Manasseh, that his prayer to 
God, and the words of the seers that spake to him, are written in the words of the kings of 
Israel, by which our canonical book of Kings, with its very meagre account of Manasseh, 
cannot possibly be meant. Equally impossible is, however, also the supposition of the identity 
of the annalistic sources of the Chronist with the double dibre hqjjamim of the books of Kings? 
(Keil, Bleek, Davidson, etc.); for these are uniformly quoted as two different works, the one 
referring to Israel, the other to Judah. On the other hand, the Chronist never uses the name 
dibre hajjamim for his source; for it could only be in 1 Chron. xxvii. 24 that he referred to it 
under this name, which, however, cannot be called probable, and if it were the case, would 
of itself prove nothing. In short, the apprehension of the " book of the kings of Israel and 
Judah " as a later combination of the dibre hajjamim mentioned in the books of Kings ( Kwald, 
Bertheau, Dillm., Graf, Nb ldecke, etc.) remains alone probable. Scarcely anything more 
definite can be ascertained concerning the form and date of these two annalistic sources, of 
which the older, twofold in form, forms the basis of the books of Kings : the youngrr, parallel 
to this, that of Chronicles. Only so much appears, that they bore not a political- official, but 
rather a prophetical character, that is, they were not at once identical with the official records 
of the acts and events of the several reigns made by the royal chancellors or historiographers 

(D^ DTD) (as Jahn, Movers, Stahelin, and others thought), but annalistic representations of 

the history of the kingdom derived from these official records, composed by prophetic writers, 
and, therefore, conceived in a prophetic spirit, and like our books of Kings and Chronicles, 
founded upon them, breathing a prophetic pragmatism. Farther, with respect to the date of 
these old annalistic histories of the kingdom, this at least appears certain, that the older 
works used by the author of the books of Kings were composed before the fall of the two 
kingdoms, as the oft-recurring formula " unto this day " presumes clearly the existence of the 
kingdom in question, and that the new elaboration of those old annals used as the chief 
source of the Chronist must have originated at least before the exile, because this also some 
times presents the phrase under circumstances that forbid the dating of the collection after 
the exile (see 2 Chron. v. 9, viii. 8, x. 19, xxi. 10, and therewith comp. 1 Kings viii. 8, ix. 13, 
21, xii. 19, 2 Kings ii. 22, viii. 22, x. 27, xiv. 7. xvi. 6). Comp. Keil, Comment, p. 21 ff., who 
justly infers the composition of the sources in question before the exile from the double 
circumstance "that, on the one hand, the references to these annals in both kingdoms 
continue not to the last kings, but (so at least in the book of Kings, 2 Kings xv. 31, xxxiv. 5) 
close for the kingdom of Israel with Pekah, for that of Judah with Jehoiakim; on the other 
hand, in several events the formula unto this day occurs, which, because it mostly refers 
not to the time of the exile, but to the times of the still existing kingdom, cannot proceed 
from the authors of our canonical books of Kings and Chronicles, but is taken over from the 
sources used, and in these can only then be rightly conceived, if they were written a more or 
less brief time after the events." How completely arbitrary are, therefore, such dates as 
those of Noldecke (Die Alttestamentl. Literal. p> 59), namely, that the dibre hajjamim, or 
" old lost chronicles of the kings of Israel and Judah," were first composed about 550 B.C., 
during the exile, and the head source of the Chronist thence derived (the book of the 
kings of Israel and Judah), like the parallel canonical books of Kings, were of still laser 
origin, this needs no special proof. And again, that the latest times before the exile 
might very well be the date of the prophetic annals serving the Chronist as chief source, 
must be evident enough, when we think of the efforts of a king like Josiah, and the learned 
literary labour of a prophet like Jeremiah. Against Bahr s opinion (Die Biicher drr K. vol. 
rii. of the Bibelw. p. ix. ff.), that for the activity of an annalistic collector such as is now 
under consideration, the time shortly before the fall of the kingdom, the time of complete 
disorder, seems to be the least adapted, Keil appears to be justified in mentioning the prophet 
Jeremiah, who belongs precisely to this time, and must have been particularly occupied with 
the older sacred writings. And like the writings of this prophet, an annalistic historical 
work such as that in question might very well escape the destructive catastrophes of the 
time of Nebuchadnezzar, and by some meai;s come into the hands of its later extractors and 


___..._ . ._, . .I.. . ... . .. -.. . . - ,^ ^ 

redactors (namely, the author of the canonical book of Kings, who, according to Bahr, p. viii., 
wrote still during the exile and in Babylon, and then our author after the exile). 

Further, with regard to the prophetical writings above enumerated under Nos. 1, 2, 3, 6, 9, 
12, and 14, it is a question whether we are to see in these independent historical works, 01 
mere constituent parts of the before-mentioned " book of the kings of Israel and Judah." 
Against the independence affirmed by most older writers, and recently by Bleek, Davidson, 
Furst, Keil, etc., and for the hypothesis that they were merely sections of the great annalistic 
book of Kings, named after certain contemporary prophets, Ewald, Berth., Dillm., NoLlecke, 
and even Bahr in p. q., mainly urged the circumstance, that of two of these prophetic writings, 
the dibre of Jehu (No. 6) and the "vision" of Isaiah (No. 12), it is expressly said by the 
Chronist that they were in the book of the kings of Israel arid Judah, or what amounts to the 
same thing, were inserted in it (No. 6). But, 1. What is said of these two writings can 
scarcely be transferred at once to all other writings of this kind ; the notice referring to their 
incorporation into the greater historical work, or their belonging to it, must have been repeated 
oftener than once or twice, if serious doubt of their independence were to be justified. "2. The 
"Midrash" of the prophet Iddo mentioned 2 Chron. xiii. 22 (No. 4), even because it is called 
a Midi-ash, cannot possibly be regarded as a separate section or integral part of the great book 
of Kings; rather might it have been a separate part of the after-mentioned (xxiv. 27) "Mid- 
rash of the book of Kings," but would still even then be considered distinct from that older 
historical work. 3. The statement made regarding Isaiah, 2 Chron. xxvi. 22, that he "wrote 
(nri3) the acts of Uzziah, first and last," may certainly refer to a historical book composed by 
him, and incorporated at once into the great book of Kings, and so be understood in the sense 
of that hypothesis; but by the prophecy (nKliM) of Ahijah of Shilo, and the visions (nitn) 
of Iddi against Jeroboam (2 Chron. ix. 29, No. 2), it is highly improbable that we are to 
understand historical works. These writings, as we>l as the incidentally-mentioned vision of 
Isaiah (2 Chron. xxxii. 32), appear to have been rather books of prophecy, with occasional 
historical notices; writings which, from their predominant character, were little fitted for in 
corporation in a great historical work, and of which, therefore, if such incorporation took place, 
it needed to be expressly mentioned (as in the vision of Isaiah above). 4. And where these 
writings of prophets are introduced with the term dibre, " words," as in Samuel, Nathan, and 
Grad (No. 1), in Nathan (No. 2), in Shernaiah and Iddo (No. 3), in Jehu (No. 6), and in Chozai 
(No. 10), it is at least as natural, after the analogy of the superscriptions in Amos i. 1, Jer. 
i. 1, etc., to think of books of prophets as of historical notices ; and it is at all events significant, 
that only of one of these prophetic works, the dibre of Jehu son of Hanani, is its insertion in 
the book of the kings of Israel expressly mentioned, whereas of the remainder nothing of the 
kind is stated. 5. The dibre Chozai (i^n "nirOj indeed, 2 Chron. xxxiii. 19, are named 

along with " the words of the kings of Israel " (as in ver. 18) as historical sources for the reign 
of Manasseh, and thus plainly distinguished from the book of Kings, and by no means repre 
sented as part of it. Whether these dibre Chozai were actually the writing of an otherwise 
unknown prophet, Chozai or Chazai (possibly an abbreviation of rT TH ; comp. Furst, ii. 216), 
or the phrase be rather identical with D^fnri "n^H in the previous verse, so that an error in 

writing is to be assumed, and the original reading, according to the A& yo/ r &>v i^v-ruv of the 
Sept., restored, in any case, here is an independent prophetic book, distinct from the old book 
of Kings, which is not very favourable to the hypothesis that all these various writings belong 
to that historical work. 6. And the somewhat obscure and ambiguous phrase b n Tir6 after 
the form of quotation, " Are they not written in the words of Shemaiah the prophet and of 
Iddo the seer" (2 Chron. xii. 15; see above, No. 3), can afford no proof of the dependence of 
the two works to which it refers. For whether we interpret this enigmatical phrase by " on 
genealogy," or, supplying ir\ or -pyn IV2, by "on the genealogy of the house of David," 1 in 
no case does it appear an addition from which the dependence of the " words of Iddo the 

1 The latter assumption is rendered probable by the rendering of the Targumist : "in the genealogy of 
the house of David." It has, at all events, far more for it than the unmeaning **) wf*fw *lrZ of the 
Sept. (which Movers, p. 179, labours in vain to reduce to a various reading of the original), or the no less 
unintelligible et diligentcr exposita of the Vulg. Comp. also Furst in p. q., p. 215, and in his Hebrew 
Lexicon under 


seer," that is, their belonging to a greater work of another kind, must be concluded ; for not 
the place where those words of Iddo are to be found (Ew., Berth., etc.), but rather the end 
they are to serve, their purpose, namely, to be a genealogy, appears to have been intended 
by the preposition ^j. 7. Further, from the circumstance that " reference is maie for the whole 
history of David, Solomon, Rehoboam, Jehoshaphat (as well as Uzziah) to prophetic writings, 
and likewise for the whole history of Asa, Amaziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Josiah to the book 
of the kings of Israel and Judah " (Berth, p. xxxvi.), no argument can be drawn for the 
assumption of one connected historical work of which those prophetic writings were only 
separate facts. From that circumstance, it merely follows "that in some kings the prophetic 
writings, in others the history of the kingdom, contained everything important on their life 
and reign, and that the history of the kingdom presented also accounts concerning the action 
of the prophets in the kingdom, as the prophetic writings concerning the affairs of the kings" 
(Keil, p. *23). What grounds determined the Chronist to refer for the one king to the royal 
annals, and for the other to the prophetic writings, it is impossible to conjecture, and it would 
be equally impossible to ascertain, in the case of the dependence of both kinds of writing (so 
if the question were about only two ways of quoting one and the same greater work). 8. 
Lastly, if (by Bahr, in p. q., p. viii. ff.) the verbal agreement of certain sections declared by 
our Chronist to be taken from the writings of particular prophets, as Nathan, Shemaiah and 
Iddo, Isaiah and Chozai, with the sections of the books of Kings that are quoted as taken 
from the old royal annals of Israel or of Judah, is urged to make it probable "that the book 
of the kings of Judah consisted of the historical writings of several prophets or seers," this 
line of argument cannot be admitted as cogent. For Chronicles exhibits in the reigns of 
Solomon, Rehoboam, Abijah, Uzziah, and Manasseh, along with some things verbally agreeing 
with the books of Kings, whole series of accounts exclusively its own, for which the prophetic 
writings in question must have formed the source. And that a partly verbal accordance of 
their accounts with those of the old book of Kings takes place, only proves that this work was 
composed by the use of still older prophetic writings, to which a very high value belonged as 
contemporary records, but not that those prophetic writings formed integral parts of the book 
of Kings. It may be that the words of Nathan the prophet were taken in great part into his 
work by the later compiler of those dibre hajjamim from which the author of the canonical 
book of Kings mainly drew, and likewise the words (res gestx, note-books) of Gad, Shemaiah, 
Iddo, etc. But must the independent existence of these old prophetic sources forthwith 
cease? Might not these prophetic books, also, like the dibre hnjjamim or the "history of the 
kings of Israel and Judah " derived from them, if not collectively, yet in great part, have been 
preserved through the storms of the exile, to serve the collectors after the exile as sources and 
helps for their annalistic compilations? Where so many and so variously named sources are 
adduced, as in our author, it is most natural to suppose him actually to have access to a very 
rich field of original materials. The contrary supposition, which refers the constant change in 
his citations partly to unnecessary parade of literary knowledge and unmeaning fondness for 
a piebald multiplicity of terms, partly to inaccuracy or negligence, encounters far greater 
difficulties, and makes such a variety of hypothetical helps necessary, that it cannot be regarded 
as moving on the soil of sound historical investigation. 

Moreover, it must be, and is confessed by the opponents of our hypothesis, for example by 
Bertheau, p. xxxviii., that our author, besides the sources actually cited, may have used an 
indefinite number of such works as he did not find it necessary to adduce. Thus, for his list 
of David s heroes (1 Chron. xi. 10-47), David s worthies in Hebron (xii.), the military and 
civil officers of this king (xxvii.), the families and divisions of the Levites, priests, singers, etc. 
(xxiii.-xxvi.), he certainly used old documents, which, however, he does not think it necessary 
expressly to adduce, perhaps because it was understood of itself that they were of an official 
kind, and therefore trustworthy (comp. for example, 2 Chron. xxxiv. 4, where the author 
makes Josiah mention at the feast of the Passover a 2H3 of David and a 3HDD of Solomon 

concerning the services of the Levites and priests, or the temple liturgy, documents, without 
doubt, which he himself had used in those sections of his first book [xxiii.-xxvi.]), or which 
he did not cite, "because hp had taken them wholly into his work" (Keil), so that there was 
no place for a reference to them for further details. That our canonical books of Samuel and 
Kings belong to these rich sources u.ied by our author is still possible ; for the frequent verbal 


coincidence of his accounts with those of these books, may in some cases rest on the direct use, 
as well as on the copying, of a common ancient source ; and it would not be impossible that 

by the words of Samuel the seer (nton ^NttD> ^T 1 " 1 }) c * te ^ * n * Chron. xxix. 29 our books 

of Samuel were meant. Yet the pretty numerous material as well as formal and verbal 
variations, which the parallel texts present almost everywhere, form a weighty counterpoise 
against this supposition; and what Movers, p. 95 ff., de Wette (Einl. 192), Ewald (Gesch. 
i. 238), Bleek (Einl. 167, p. 400), and recently Graf (Die geschichtl. Backer, p. 114 ff.) 
have adduced in its favour, appears, from the replies produced by Havernick, Bertheau, and 
especially by Keil (Einl. 144, 2), to be, if not quite refuted, yet shaken in such a degree, 
that far the greater probability lies on the side of those who exclude our books of Samuel and 
Kings from the sources used by the Chronist. 


The question of the credibility of our author would be simply answered by the remarks 
already made on his historical sources, and would admit of no unfavourable answer, if 
throughout and in every respect a faithful use of his sources may be presumed. That this 
praise can only be conceded to him in a limited sense, has been recently asserted, after the 
example of K. H. Graf (in p. q. p. 114 if.), again by several critics, as Ed. Riehm (Stud, und 
Krit. 1868, ii. p. 376 if.), H. Schultz (Altlestamenll Theol. ii. p. 274 f.), H. Holtzmann (in 
Bunsen s Bibelwerk, vol. iv. part 2, p. 12 ff.), and even Bertheau (Jahrb. f. deutsclte Theol. 
1866, p. 159 f.). The latter had formerly defended the substantial credibility of the author, 
as one employing good old sources, and using them with sedulous care, against the blunt 
attacks of de Wette and Gramberg (who made the Chronist merely copy the books of Samuel 
and Kings, but in all places deviating from them, distorting them in an arbitrary manner, 
misinterpreting, embellishing, or supplementing by invented additions 1 ), and thus almost 
without reserve accepted that which J. G. Dahler (De libr. Paralip. auctoritate atque fide hist., 
Argentor. 1819), Movers (Krit. Unlersuch., etc.), Keil (Apo!. Verxuch and Einl. ins A. 7 .), 
Havernick (Einl. 18o9), Ewald, and others had brought forward on behalf of the Chronist. 2 
On the contrary, he is now (Jahrbiicher f. d. Theol. in p. q., in a review of Graf s work, and 
in art. " Chronik " in Schenkel s BiM-Le.r. ) gone over to the modified reproduction of the 
de Wette-Gramberg view attempted by Graf, at least so far as to confess that he had not 
formerly estimated highly enough, nor duly considered, the proper action of the author of 
Chronicles; he had taken him for a more trustworthy and objective extractor from his sources 
than he really was. Th. Noldecke has gone still farther, in his treatise on Die AlttestamentL 
Literal. (1868, p. 59 ff.). By such sentences as, " All great wars mentioned only in Chronicles 
must be very suspicious," u his narrative is therefore very defective," u he proceeds very 
negligently, and often contradicts himself," and so on, he has almost wholly returned to the 
position of Gramberg, and has thereby incurred the severe censure even of F. Hitzig. The 
latter not long ago (in a conversation on Noldecke s paper concerning the inscription of Mesha, 
king of Moab, in the Heidelberg Jahrb. der Literal. 1870, p. 437) expressed his surprise to 
hear Mr. Noldecke assert that "the account 2 Chron. xx. is a strange story, only a trans 
formation of 2 Kings iii., with the removal of difficulties, and the addition of a great deal of 
edifying matter." He further remarks: " This is the strangest thing that has occurred to the 
writer since Volkmar wished to see the Apostle Paul in the false prophet of the Apocalypse. 
Has Mr N ever thought of the origin of the valley of Jehoshaphat in Joel iv. 2 ? Has he 

1 De Wette, Beitr. zur Einl. ins A. T. i., Halle 1806, and Lehrb. der hist.-krit. Einl., etc., 1817, 
6th ed. 1845 ; C. P. W. Gramberg, Die Chron. nach ihrem geschichtl. Charakter und ihrer Glaubwitrdig- 
keit neu gepriift, Halle 1823. Comp. also Gesenius, Gesch. der Hebr. Sprache und Schrift, 1815, 12, 
p. 37 ff., and Komment. zu Jes., 1821, i. 268 ff. 

2 Kurzgef. exeg. ffandb., Einl. p. xliii. : "That the author of Chronicles ever intentionally distorted 
the sense or made false statements does not appear from the comparison of the sections parallel with 
Samuel and Kings. The parallel sections rather warrant the assumption, that even where he imparts 
accounts and statements that are not found in the other books of the O. T. , he adhered most closely 
to hia sources," etc. Quite similar to this is the language of Dillmann in the art. " Chronik " in Herzog s 
Rtal-Encyd. p. 6i)3. 



read Movers on Chronicles? And is he always so bright, that he should stain the hypotheses 
of others? Quis tulerit Gracchos?" etc. 

We cannot but see in this venomous onslaught of the Heidelberg theologian a chastisement 
on the whole deserved ; for even in the more moderate and more carefully supported views of 
Graf there is expressed, in our opinion, a great deal of hypercritical arrogance and vehement 
prejudice against our author. Accordingly he appears as a biassed historian going to work 
in an unconscionable manner, idealizing, embellishing, and often capriciously transforming on 
a narrow Levitical principle, moved by the desire to write the history of the Jews, so that it 
shall be an impressive admonition to keep the commandments of God, especially to observe 
the ordinances of worship, and at the same time a solemn warning against apostasy from 
God. Instead of adhering closely to that which is found in his sources, he stamps on his work 
(which is a history of the Church more than of the people or kingdom) throughout his 
Levitical -priestly tendency, along with the characteristic spirit of his late age ; he writes the 
history so as the variously-distorting and colouring mirror of the fourth century B.C. reflects 
i*, and on behalf of the tastes and requirements of his contemporaries, seizes glaring colours, 
institutes striking contrasts, and handles the original material capriciously after his manner 
(comp. Berth, in the Jahrbuchern fur deutxche Theol. in p. q.). Thus he makes use of the 
books of Samuel and Kings as if not the only, yet the principal sources, leaves out what ap 
pears to have no interest for his time and tendency, and alters their reports in various places 
as he requires, by means of enlarging insertions, various changes of meaning, and recastings, 
so that the number of passages borrowed by him from these books appears much smaller than 
it really is. Such is, above all, his whole history of David (1 Chron. x.-xxix.), a work formed 
by the manifold transformation of the corresponding account in the books of Samuel ; only 
the lists of names inserted therein, especially those in ch. xxiii.-xxvii., are derived from 
special sources, by no means, however, more respectable nor earlier than the exile ; and the 
words of Samuel the seer, of Nathan the prophet, and of Gad the seer, mentioned 1 Chron. 
xxix. 29, are not special prophetic writings of a high age, but mere sections of our canonical 
books of Samuel. Thus it cannot be determined how far those sources are only freely and 
inaccurately used by him ; and this applies as well to the sources of the history of David as to 
the genealogical sources used by him in the time before David (in 1 Chron. i.-ix.). Farther, 
our Chronist s representation of the history of Solomon (2 Chron. i.-ix.) is merely elaborated 
on the basis of 2 Kings i.-xi., with the omission of Solomon s secular doings, his palace build 
ing, and idolatry ; only in viii. 36 gleams forth a peculiar source different from 1 Kings ix. 
17-19, which is used by him. Such sources also, differing from the text of the book of Kings, 
are used in the sections on Rehoboam (2 Chron. xi. 5-xii. 18-23), Abijah, Asa, Jehoshaphat, 
Ahaziah, Joash, Uzziah, Jotharn, and Hezekiah. Throughout the Chronist has made use of 
these sources, which are all to be referred to the " book of the kings of Israel and Judah" 
lying at the root of the canonical books of Kings, in accordance with his object. This trans 
forming bias of the Chronist appears most surprising in the narrative of the fall of Athaliah 
by the co-operation of the priests and Levites (xxiii.) ; as also in the embellished accounts of 
the successful wars of Abijah against the northern kingdom (xiii.), in which, at the most, the 
statement of the three cities conquered by him (ver. 19) rests on old written sources ; and 
likewise in the account of Solomon s ascending the throne (1 Chron. xxviii. 29), the deviations 
of which from 1 Kings i. are due to the inventive turn of the Chronist, and not to any written 
or oral traditions whatever ; as well as in the accounts concerning the divisions of the 
priests, Levites, and singers in David s preparation for the temple, and in the building and 
consecration of it by Solomon, wherein it is evidently the design of the writer to represent 
the relations of these religious officials as already existing at the time of the founding of the 

The TrpuTov \]/w%o$ of Grafs accusations and suspicions of the historical character of our 
work wnsists in the totally unfounded presupposition, that the author made use of the 
canonical books of Samuel and Kings almost alone, as sources, and that his deviations from 
them are to be ascribed to the caprice of the redactor. We have already shown it to be 
extremely probable that our author made no use whatever of these books ( 5). The number 
of passages in which there is a verbal coincidence of his accounts with those of the older 
historical books is comparatively small, and even these may without much difficulty be re 
garded as flowing from a common source, so that the assumption that they belong to the 


sources of our author appears by no means necessary. But even if it were proved, both that 
he drew from the historical books of the canon, and that he made a free use of them with an 
occasional departure from them, his credit as a trustworthy historian in all essential matters 
would suffer no more than it would from a similar use of his other materials. 

1. For his parenetic tendency permitted him, if he did not interfere with the objective 
historical fact, in numerous cases to transform the old accounts to suit his peculiar Levitical - 
ecclesiastical pragmatism, to which, in respect of the times of our author, as full a privilege 
must be conceded as to the theocratico-prophetic pragmatism of the older historians (comp. 
the examples to be adduced under No. 4). And that the lion -subjective mode of our historian, 
compared with the more objective fashion of the books of Kings, led to no distortions, falsifi 
cations, or arbitrary transformations of facts, is manifest from the circumstance already 
noticed, that he has not kept back all that was at his command on behalf of his pragmatic 
tendency, and has often omitted matters of consequence for his point of view, so that he may 
be justly charged with a certain degree of inconsistency (comp. 4). 

"2. A quite harmless and allowable class of alterations, that our author makes in his 
materials, refers to the genealogical lists, especially those of the first part, where he in part 
arranges anew and groups in certain proportions the lists of names taken from the Pentateuch, 
not so much to aid the memory as to exhibit the numerical law and symbolic import of these 
parts of sacred history. Thus he not only in ch. i. keeps apart the ten patriarchs from 
Adam to Noah and the ten from Noah to Shem, but derives, certainly without defining or 
marking this by giving express prominence to the number, 70 nations from Noah, 70 families 
from Abraham, and 70 descendants from Judah (i. 28, ii. 25), refers the eight sons of Jesse to 
the sacred number seven, and leaves out, partly from a religious and symbolic consideration, 
the tribe of Dan repeatedly in his enumeration of the tribes (see on vii 12). It is obvious 
that by none of these idealizing changes of the genealogical matter that come to hand is a 
proper distortion of the historical relations effected, and still less by so many other less 
intentional alterations, such as the transpositions and reductions in the series of names in 
Genesis ; for example, iv. 1 ff. 

3. Another class of alterations, which proceed as little from caprice or culpable negligence, 
belongs to the linguistic department. It consists in the exchange of many phrases and turns 
belonging to the old Hebrew for the corresponding phrases of the later language, and has in 
most cases no deeper ground than such orthographic changes as the scriptio plena instead of 
the defictiva, and the reverse the introduction of later, Arauiaizing forms instead of the older 

ones To this belong the change of older formations, as n^DD, riiinri, D^ty, etc., into the 
later JTQpD, fonfi, Di^y; the change of the construction by omission of the injin. absol. with 
the verb Jinit., or by the use of the preposition ^ or of n loc. in verbs of motion, as 
K13, 7|7n, i"6y; the avoiding or paraphrasing of certain pregnant constructions of the older 
language, and the like (comp. the collection of numerous examples of all these in Movers, p. 
200 ff.; and after him, in Havernick and Keil, Einl. 142, p. 482 ff.). These deviations 
from the old forms of the sources are of the less importance, as they are carried to a very small 
extent, and the character of the original may almost always be clearly distinguished from that 
of the chronicle. 

4. Of scarcely more importance are those changes occasioned by the religious and dogmatic 
views of the author, which, without touching the facts, bring out new aspects of the religious 
side of the history. For example, in the account of David s numbering of the people, where 
the author (1 Chron. xxi. 1) refers that which in the older account (2 Sam. xxi. 1) is 
represented as the direct effect of the divine wrath to the subordinate activity of Satan, and 
where he represents God s "being entreated " at the end of the older account (2 Sam. xxiv. 
25) in a more concrete and pictorial manner as an " answering from heaven by fire upon the 
altar of burnt-offering" (comp. also 2 Chron. vi. 1 with 1 Kings viii. 54 f.) ; or as in such 
pragmatic reflective additions as 2 Chron. vii. 11 ("all that he wished to do in the house of 
Jehovah and in his own house was successful," for which the older parallel 1 Kings ix. 1 has 
only " what he wished to do," etc.) ; likewise 2 Chron. viii. 11 (the ground on which Solomon 
built a separate house for Pharaoh s daughter; comp. 1 Kings ix. 24) ; 2 Chron, xxii. 7 (giving 
prominence to the divine dispensation occasioning the death of king Ahaziah; comp. 2 Kings 


yiii. 29); 2 Chron. xviii. 31 (" And Jehovah helped him, and God drove them from him ; n 
comp. the account omitting all such remarks, 1 Kings xxii. 32 f.) ; also 1 Chron. x. 13 f. 
(remark on Saul s deserved death ; comp. 1 Sam. xxxi. 12), and xi. 3 (reference to Samuel s 
prophetic announcement of the coronation of David at Hebron ; comp. 2 Sam. v. 3). 

5. A further class of deviations from the older parallel accounts involves a number of 
actually erroneous statements, that are mostly to be ascribed to old corruptions of the text 
either found in the sources of the Chronist or introduced into his work by the fault of 
negligent transcribers, and therefore cannot affect the character and credibility of the author. 
The only nearly certain example of an error on his part, arising apparently from geographical 
ignorance, is the explanation of the Tarshish ships of the Red Sea as being designed to trade to 
Tarshish (2 Chron. ix. 21 and xx. 36). This appears, according to 1 Kings x. 22. xxii. 49, to be 
a real misinterpretation, which can be removed no more by an identification of Tarshish with 
Ophir than by the supposition that our author was acquainted with a place of the name of 
Tarshish (thus, an eastern Tartessus) in Ophir or its neighbourhood (comp. Bahr on 1 Kings 
x. 22, and the exeg. expl. given on 2 Chron. ix. 21). If we except this one passage, all else of 
an erroneous nature in his text is most probably to be reduced to errors in copying, that 
either existed in his sources or were introduced into his text. Under this head come especially 
the numbers which deviate from those in the books of Samuel and Kings, on account of 
which it has been thought necessary (by de Wette, Gramberg, etc.) to impute to him arbitrary 
exaggeration of the greatness of Israel before the exile, of his armies, population, treasures, 
offerings, etc., without considering that the older historical books often exhibit notorious 
corruptions of the text in numbers (for example, the 30,000 chariots of the Philistines in 
1 Sam. xiii. 5, or the 70 men and 50,000 men of Bethshemesh in 1 Sam. vi. 19 ; comp. more 
examples of this kind in Wellhauseu, Der Text der Bucher Samuelis, etc., pp. 20, 66, 81, 133, 
219, etc.), and that in some cases Chronicles gives the smaller and more credible number; for 
example, 2 Chron. ix. 25, where it mentions 4,000 stalls for Solomon s horses, which is 
certainly more correct than the parallel text 1 Kings v. 6, where the number of these horses 
and stalls amounted to 40,000 (comp. Ba hr s crit. note on the p., p. 26). As notorious instances 
of textual corruption in numbers not due to the author, are to be noted 1 Chrou. xxi. 5, where 
the 1,100,000 men in Israel rests on a simple clerical error for 800, 000; 2 Chron . xvi. 1, where, 
instead of the 36th, the 16th year of Asa is to be read (as in the previous verse instead of 
the 35th the 15th); 2 Chron. xx. 2, where the 42 years of King Ahaziah s age, instead of the 
22 of 2 Kings viii. 26, appear to have arisen from the exchange of and 3. That the use of 
the letters for numbers is very ancient, and was adopted long before the Masoretic recension, 
is proved by the circumstance that the Sept. exhibits in its text a great deal of the errors in 
numbers arising from the exchange of letters, and indeed not merely in Chronicles, but in 
various other books; for example, in Ezra ii. 69, where it reproduces the error of 61,000, instead 
of 41,000, Darics from the Hebrew text (comp. Neh. vii. 70-72), and often also in the books of 
Samuel, etc. Along with these numerical errors resting on the corruption of the text, there are 
a great many cases in which the Chronist himself or his source before him shows decided 
differences in his numbers from the other canonical books ; and these are by no means at once 
to be ascribed to the boastful and exaggerating bias of the author. Rather, as Keil (Kornm. 
p. 30) justly points out, are we to bear in mind, with regard to these different numbers, a. 
" That they are generally round numbers determined only to thousands, depend therefore not 
on actual numbering but on loose estimates of contemporaries, and assert nothing more than 
that the size of the army and the number of the slain or the captives was rated very high ; " 
and b. "That in the quantity of gold and silver collected by David for the building of the 

temple, 100,000 shekels or hundredweight (D -pS) of gold and 1,000,000 hundredweight of 

silver, 1 Chron. xxii. 13, the actual amount cannot be ascertained, because we know not the 
weight of the shekel of that day," a circumstance that must be taken into account in many 
other differences, as the exegesis of the several passages will show. 

6. Actual deviations from the older historical works, but still none that can be charged to 
our author as wilful distortions or falsifications, are contained in many of the speeches ascribed 
to David, Abijah, Asa, and other kings, or even to private persons, especially prophets ; for 
example, the speeches of David given in 1 Chron. xiii. 2 f., xv. 12 f., xxviii. 2-10, xxix. 
I ff., 10 ff., which have little or no parallel in the books of Samuel ; that of Abijah, 2 Chron. 


xiii. 4-12 ; of Asa, 2 Chron. xiv. 11 ; of Azariah son of Oded, 2 Chron. xv. 1-7 ; of Hezekiah, 
2 Chron. xxxii. 7 f., etc. That the greater number of those speeches, if not all, were con 
tained in the sources of our author, may be concluded with sufficient certainty from the 
one circumstance, that three speeches of Solomon which he communicates (2 Chron. i. 8-10, 
vi. 4-11, 12-42) occur in almost the same words in the book of Kings, whence his fidelity 
and care in the reproduction of such pieces are manifest. Here the speeches of different 
persons distinguish themselves in a characteristic manner by their line of thought, their 
figures and turns; the peculiar speech and style of the Chronist is stamped upon them only 
in a comparatively small degree. This is very striking in three of David s speeches, namely, 
in the longer addresses relating to the future building of the temple by Solomon (1 Chrcn. 
xxii. 7-16, xxviii. 2-22, xxix. 1-5). Here the author appears, as the manifold conformity of 
that which is put in the mouth of David with his peculiarities in thought, speech, etc., shows, 
to have acted pretty freely, and without resting on sources to have attempted an ideal 
reproduction of the thoughts moving the soul of the aged king and uttered by him. But 
the prayer of David annexed to the last of these addresses, 1 Chron. xxix. 10-19, proves 
itself to be derived from ancient sources by its manifold coincidence with the Psalms of 
David (see on vers. 11 and 15), especially ver. 18, with which it agrees in the characteristic 
accumulation of predicates of Go 1. And all the other speeches in question show similar 
traces of old original peculiarities foreign or remote from the Chronist s manner of thought, 
speech and style; for example, that of Abijah, 2 Chrou. xiii. 4-12, that, among other 
accordances with our author, exhibits in the phrases D"ip"i D^E JK and ^y^>2 "OS clear marks 
of their connection with the usage of the time of David and Solomon; that of Hezekiah, 
2 Chron. xxxii. 7 f., in which the phrase "ib 3 I?i~lT reminds us of his intercourse with the 
prophet Isaiah (Isa. xxxi. 3) ; lastly, the shorter or longer utterances handed down by 
various prophets, which generally contain much that is original, especially that of Azariah 
son of Oded addressed to King Asa, 2 Chron. xv. 1-7, which, by its remarkable coincidence 
with parts of the Oratio eschatoloyica of Christ, as Matt. xxiv. 6 f., Luke xii. 19, proves itself 
to be an old independent creation of the genuine prophetic stamp (comp. C. P. Caspari, 
Der syriscJi-epkraim. Krieg, Christiania 1849, p. 55 ff.). Thus it is essentially the same with 
the speeches given by our historian as with those in the other historical books, from the 
Pentateuch and Judges down to the Acts of the Apostles and the Gospel of John. The 
original and subjective proper to the late reporter appears in them connected as matter and 
form, as seed and shell, without any sharp distinction of the reporter s addition from the 
original text. But a certain formative influence of the original type proper to the old source 
appears in the diction and style of the younger writer. And as the glass transmits no light 
without imparting its peculiar hue, or the instrument conveys no tone without its own 
individual modification, so the physiognomy of the speeches in our book exhibits that 
mutual influence of the proper individuality of the author and of the materials that have 
come down to him from the past, that interchange of subjectivity and objectivity, which 
displays itself in a similar way in the speeches of Judges and Kings (especially the prophetical; 
comp. Delitzsch, Komm. zu Je*aju, Einl. p. xiv. f.), and also in the New Testament, in the 
speeches of Christ in John, and of Peter, Stephen, and Paul in the Acts of the Apostles. 

7. The last class of deviations chargeable to the subjectivity of the Chronist relates to the 

ascriptions of religious festivals, particularly in the history of David (1 Chron. xv., xvi ) 

bolomon (2 Chron. v.-vii.), Hezekiah (xxix.-xxxi.), and Josiah (xxxv.), where the same 

circumstantial description of certain acts of worship, especially of the playing and simnncr 

the Levites and priests, constantly recurs, and always in essentially the same rhetorical 

dress, and with the same phrases and liturgical formula* (comp. 2 above). It may seem 

ight that the author in such descriptions dates back the liturgical usages and 

ceremonies of his own age, and transfers not only his Levitical and priestly mode of thought 

but the religious customs and performances of his time, uncritically to the worship of the 

reigns of David Solomon, Hezekiah, etc. But the suspicions in this direction expressed by 

de Wette, Gramberg, and recently by Graf, Nbldecke, Holtzmaim, and others, rest on a 

twofold misconception-(l) That the sacrificial worship, according to the rules of Leviticus, 

or the introduction of music and singing of psalms, dates from the exile; and (2) that our 

author, whenever he treats of the occurrence of such usages, writes wholly without ancient 


sources, and so lays himself open to the charge of arbitrary falsifications of history in favour 
of his own views and times. On the contrary, the essentials of the form of worship 
undoubtedly go back to the times of Moses, or at all events, long before the exile ; and the 
modification which our author makes in his accounts of the festivals consists only in individual 
touches and details, whereby he endeavours to trace out for himself and his readers a clear 
picture of the actual events. That he herein allowed himself a certain drawing together of 
far-separated times and customs, a presentation of earlier usages in the light of the current 
times, in short, a modernizing process in minor particulars, does not on the whole mar the 
credibility of his narrative. It may be that in 1 Chron. xvi. 8-36, in describing the solemn 
conveyance of the ark to Jerusalem, he lets a psalm be introduced by Asaph and his brethren 
which Uavid had not literally composed for this solemnity, but which was an ideal reproduc 
tion of the psalm then sung, but springing from a later time; that he allowed himself here 
the same sort of substitution as if a modern historian were to set back Luther s u Eiu feste 
burg," etc., from the year 1530, or from the time of the Augsburg Diet, to which its origin 
was really due, till the year 1521, or the time of the Diet of Worms. In like manner, what 
is said (1 Chron. xxviii. 11-19) of the several materials and vessels of the future temple 
which David reckoned up and handed over to Solomon may involve a proleptic idealizing and 
altering of the transaction, which forms a deviation not only from the far simpler and shorter 
account in the book of Kings, but from that which lay before the author regarding the last 
acts of the reign of David. And so it may be with several other details of religious action 
in the statements of our author ; for example, his notice of the temple gates and porticos 
Hnder David (1 Chron. xxvi. 16-18), of the reform of Hezekiah (2 Chron. xxix. ff.), etc. 
On the whole, these freer combinations of historical events, corresponding with the priestly 
Levitical pragmatism and parenetic tendency of the author, derogate nothing from the credi 
bility of his narrative. It remains, therefore, highly probable, that much if not most of these 
modifications of the history before the exile had its root in the sources before the author, 
particularly in the "book of the kings of Israel and Judah," the harmony of which, with his 
views and predilections, must neither be exaggerated nor underrated (comp. Del. in p. q., 
p. xvi.). 

On the whole, a marked subjective colouring of his narrative in the direction of the 
priest ly-Levitical standpoint may be ascribed to our author; he may be charged with having 
less aptitude for quiet, strictly objective conception and presentation of his materials than his 
predecessors, the authors of the books of Samuel and Kings, and with putting forward his 
didactic-moralizing bent often too strongly, and not always free from a legal externality of 
thought and intuition. But it appears unwarranted to reproach him with a want of love for 
the truth or an uncritical levity in dealing with facts, or to charge hitn with wilful invention 
or falsification of history ; for the solid foundation of old original tradition gleams forth at 
every step of his narrative, and conveys, even where he goes farthest from the parallel text 
of the books of Kings, find brings in the most important supplements to their report, the 
impression of the highest trustworthiness : for example, in the accounts of Rehoboam s 
building of forts and his domestic concerns (2 Chron. xi. 5 ff., 18 ff.) ; in the statements 
concerning the three cities conquered by Abijah, and concerning his family (xiii. 19-21) ; in 
the history of Jehoshaphat, so full of concrete details of the most trustworthy kind (xvii.-xx.); 
in the surprisingly exact yet obviously authentic statements concerning Amaziah s troops 
jired from Israel, and the plundering raid in which they engaged after they were discharged 
(xxv. ff.) ; in the history of Manasseh, for the details of which he certainly, not without 
grounds, refers to older sources, as the book of the kings of Israel and the words of Chozai 
(xxxiii.). etc Th: Levitical-pnestly and legal external stamp of his history may be regarded 
as a characteristic mean between the prophetic pragmatism of the older historians, as the 
authors of the books of Samuel and Kings, and the pharisaic pragmatism of the writers after 
the canon, as the author of the 2 Maccabees, or Josephus. 1 Yet he stands incomparably 
nearer to his prophetic predecessors of the time of or immediately before the exile, than to 
these Epigoni of all Old Testament history ; and not a trace is to be discovered in him, either 

1 Comp. H. Schultz, Alttestamentl. Theol. ii. p. 274 f., and Oehler s remark on this passage (Ally* 
liter. Anzeig. 1870, Nov., p. 340): "The way in which here (in Chron.) the doctrine of retribution 
comes forth, forms the transition to the pharisaic rejection of it, as the comparison of the second book 
of M:*. cabees exhibits also in this point the partition between Judaism in the canon and after it." 


of the spiritless externality or fanatical rigorism of the doctrine of retribution as it appears 
in such apocryphal books as Judith, 2 Maccabees, etc., or of the Rome-favouring, and there 
fore anti-national and untheocratic, pragmatism of the Pharisee Josephus. 

Remark. With respect to the text of Chronicles, Jerome perceived that the greatest 
critical care must be taken, especially on account of the many names which are presented 
in it, and have been variously corrupted and distorted in the Sept. and the Itala : " Ita et in 
Grxcis et Latinis codicibus hie nominum liber vitiosus est, ut non tarn Htbrsea f/nam barbara 
qusedam et Sarmatica nomina congesta arbitrandum sit." Thus he speaks in his Pnef. in ib. 
Parolip. juxta Sept. inter p. (Opp. t. x. p. 432, edit. Vail.); and he relates there that he 
employed a learned Jew of Tiberias, and with him compared the text, " a vertice ut aiant uxque 
ad extremum nngtiem." In the relative fidelity and accuracy that otherwise notoriously exists 
in this part of the Alexandrine version (and the Itala, which agrees with it word for word), 1 
this observation, which he was compelled to extend on further examination to the numerical 
data of Chronicles, and to many other details, is certainly remarkable. In a still higher 
degree must he have been surprised, on a more extended knowledge of languages and an 
exactc-r method of critical investigation, by the state of the text of another old version of 
our book, the Syriac version or Peshito (with its omissions of whole series of names, its 
various gaps and interpolations, its transpositions and occasional arbitrary deviations from 
the original). 2 The acknowledgment of no small uncertainty of the original Hebrew text 
itself is forced upon us in view of this serious corruption of the oldest versions, in which the 
later of necessity participate ; for example, the Arabic version derived from the Peshito, 
likewise the comparatively young Targum originating scarcely before the seventh century 
(published, with a Lat. vers., by M. F. Beck, Vindel. 1680, and with greater critical 
care by Dav. Wilkins, Amstelssdam. 1715, 4) ; and hence arises for expositors the equally 
important and difficult problem of a frequent correction of the Masoretic text, to be cautiously 
executed and wisely limited, according to those versions, as well as the p rallel passages in 
the older books of the canon. This necessity of an occasional amendment in numbers and 
names, imposed by the peculiarity of the text of Chronicles, was acknowledged by J. Alb. 
Bengel ; for on 2 Chron. xxviii. 1 (comp. xxix. 1) he adds the marginal note, Hie videtur 
lectio Grseca, qute vujinti quinque ctnnos Achazo tribuit, pratferenda Hebrseo. " Errors may 
have more easily crept into the books of Chronicles, because they were not publicly read as 
the books of Moses," etc. (Contributions to Bengel s exposition, and his remarks on the 
Gnomon N. T. from manuscript notes, published by Dr. Osk. Wachter, Leips. 1865, p. 18.) 
To this well-grounded conjecture regarding the very numerous textual errors of our book 
Bertheau also points (Komm. p. xlvii.) : " It appears as if the same careful regard was not 
paid to the text by the Jews in older times, to which we owe the faithful transmission of that 
form of the text of most other books of the Bible that came into general acceptance about 
the time of Christ; comp. for example, 1 Chron. xvii. 18, 21; 2 Chron. ii. 9, x. 14, 16, 
xx. 25, xxvi. 5." That, moreover, the endeavour to refer the deviations of the Chronist from 
the other historical books of the Old Testament to mere corruptions of the text may be 
carried too far, and has been carried too far perhaps by Movers (p. 50 if.), at all events by 
Laur. Reinke in his Beitragen zur Erkl des Alien T., Abhandl. I., has been justly pointed out 
by Davidson, Introd. ii. p. 114 sq. 

[The only error here traced to the Chronist, and supposed to arise from his ignorance of 
ancient geography, is the statement that ships of Tarshish (1 Kings x. 22, xxii. 49) were 
ships trading to Tarshish (2 Chron. ix. 21, xx. 86). It may turn out, however, that the error 

1 Movers (p. 93) calls the translation of Chronicles in the Sept. "a careful, skilfully-performed, and 
Btrictly literal version ;" he praises it as " one of the best efforts of these translators," and as " by far 
surpassing that of the books of Samuel and Kings proceeding from another author." On the close 
adherence of the old Itala to the text of the Sept., comp. Kontsch, Itala und Vulgata (Marb. 18(39;; 
Fr. Kaulen, Gescfiichte der Vulgata (Mainz 1868), p. 137 ff. ; and Ernst Ranke, Par Palimpsextorum 
Wirceburyensium, etc., Vindob. 1871. 

2 As examples of omission of long series of names, comp. 1 Chron. ii. 45, 47-49, iv. 7 ff. ; also of 
leaving out other long sections, 1 Chron. xxvi. 13-27, 2 Chron. iv. 11-17, xxix. 10-19 ; of interpolations, 
1 Chron. xii. 1, 17-19, xvi. 3, 42 ; of transpositions, 1 Chron. xii. 15, 2 Chron. xxviii. 23-25 ; of devia 
tions from the text or very free translations, 1 Chron. ii. 52, iv. 12-18, iv. 33-39, 2 Chron. xxii. 19, etc. 
Comp. Bertheau, p. xlviii. ; and for the like peculiarities of the Arabic version derived from it, 
Eoediger, de orig. et indole Arab, librorum V. T. historic, interpretations, Hal. 1829, p. 104. 


lies with the modern critic rather than with the ancient chronicler. It is recorded that 
Pharaoh Neko (617-601 B.C.) employed Phoenician mariners to sail from the Arabian Gulf 
round Africa, and return by the Pillars of Hercules (Herod, iv. 42), a voyage which was 
accomplished in three years. Herodotus accepts the fact, though he discredits the statement 
that in sailing round Africa they had the sun on the right, a statement which goes to prove 
the veracity of the reporters. And until it is proved that the Phoenicians were not acquainted 
with this way of reaching Tarshish by hugging the shore of Africa, and bartering as they 
went along for ivory and other African commodities, the geographical error has not been 
brought home to this ancient and otherwise accredited writer. (See further on the passages 
in the Comm.) We merely add to what has been here so ably and thoughtfully said on the 
general question of credibility, that the supposed bias or leaning of the writer of Chronicles is 
due not to any real narrowness or onesidedness, but to the necessity of having some distinct 
and important end in going over the same ground as the former historical works. This end is 
that which justifies the production of another history of the past times. The chronicler, we 
have no doubt, had the Pentateuch and the former prophets before him, containing the history 
of the dealings of God with ma.: from the beginning, to the fall of the kingdom of Judah by 
the capture of the city of David and the burning of the temple of Solomon. He could have no 
reason for going over any part of this ground, unless he had some new aspect of the history 
to signalize, and some new lesson to convey to the people of God on returning from the 
captivity. This new thing is the distinct and exclusive history of the kingdom of David, with 
its peculiar arrangements for the worship of the temple, in which the orders of priests and 
Levites were established, and the masters of song took a prominent part. This is to be the 
system of things until it has given birth to a new economy or development of the kingdom of 
God on earth. And the new lesson, which is indeed an old lesson, is the uniform dependence 
of national prosperity and progress on intelligent and voluntary walking with God in all His 
ordinances and commandments. Chronicles therefore stands to the older history as Deutero 
nomy to the preceding four books of Moses, or as John to the synoptical Gospels. It would 
have no warrant for its place in the canon, if it did not show an object distinct from that of 
the older history; and instead of ascribing its peculiar characteristic to the idiosyncrasy of 
the author, it behoves us to discern in it the special purpose for which it was appended to the 
previous record. We do not expand this hint at present, but leave it to the consideration of 
the reader. With regard, moreover, to the psalm committed by David to Asaph, 1 Chron. xvi. 
7, for thanking the Lord, see on the passage. J. G. M.] 


Neither the exegetical nor the critical literature of this book is very rich ; indeed, there is 
scarcely one portion of the Old Testament that has found fewer labourers either in the one 
respect or the other. The older Jewish commentators shrank from the many difficulties 
which the genealogies of the first chapters presented. Yet a tolerably full commentary on 
our book has been ascribed to Rashi (R. Solomon Isaaki, t 1105), which, however, according 
to J. Weisse in Kerem Chemed (Prague 1841 ; comp. Fiirst, Bibl. Jud. ii. 85), cannot proceed 
from this celebrated Rabbinical scholar of the Middle Ages. Other Rabbinical commentaries 
are those of Joseph ben David Aben Jechija (comp. the edit, of D. Wilkins, Paraphrases Chal- 
daica in ii. lib. Chron. auctore R. Josepho, Amstel. 1715), and of Isaac ben R. Sol. Jabez ; 
comp. Carpzov. Introd. in Vet. T. p. 298 ; also R. Simon s Hist. Critique du V. Test., Par. 1680, 
p. 30. 

Of the Church Fathers, Jerome (only in a cursory and meagre way in his Qusestiojies Hebr. 
in Chron., Opp. t. iii. 851 sq.), Theodoret, and Procopius of Gaza have commented on 
Chronicles ; comp. Theodoreti kpurr.ang tic /3. a x. /3 TLotpet hei n:, Opp. edit. Schulze, t. i. p. 
554 F., and Procopii Gaz. scholia in libb. Reg. et in Paralip., edit. Jo. Meursius., Lugd. Bat. 
1620, 4. A "Latin commentary on Chronicles of the 9th century" has been published by 
Abr. Rahmer, Thorn 1866. 

Modern expositors since the Reformation. None of the Reformers have treated Chronicles 
exegetically, not even Brenz, by whom there are commentaries on the collective historical 
books of the Old Testament. The expository writings of the sixteenth and seventeenth 


centuries are mostly collected in M. Pole, Synopsis criticorum, etc., Lond. 1669 ff. Special 
prominence is merited by Lud. Lavateri Comment, in Paralip., Heidelb. 1599, on account of 
the very careful treatment of the genealogical lists. Comp. also Victorin Strigel, Comm. in 
libb. Sam., Reg., el Paralip., Lips. 1591 ; Erasm. Sarcerius, Comm. in lib. Chron., Basil. 1560; 
and the Catholic commentaries of Nic. Serrarius (Comm. in lib. Reg. et Paralip., Lugd. Bat. 
1618), Gasp. Sarictius (in Paralip. II. ., Antw. 1624, Lugd. 1632), Jac. Bonfrere (Comm. in 
libr. Keg. et Paralip., Tornac. 1643). Likewise M. Fr. Beck, Paraphr. Chaldaica ii. libr. 
Chron., Aug. Vindel. 1680, 83. 

Of the eighteenth century: Aug. Calmet s Commentaire literal sur tons lex livres de Vane, et 
nouv. Test., Par. 1707 if. Jo. Clerici, Comment, in Hagiogr., Amstel. 1731. Joh. H. Michaelis, 
Uberiores adnot. in Hagiographos V. T. libros, Hal. 1720, vol. iii. (the first book of Chronicles 
treated by J. H. Michaelis, the second by J. J. Rambach). H. B. Stark, Notas selects?, in 
Pent., Jos., Jud., Sam., Reg., Chron., Esr., et Neh., Lips. 1714. Chr. Starke s Synopsis, part 
iii. 2d edit., Leipz. 1756. J. D. Michaelis, Uebers. des Alt. Test, in Anmerkungen fur Unge- 
lehrte, part xii., 1785. 

Of the nineteenth century: J. B D. Maurer, Comm. gram. crit. in V. T. vol. i., Lips. 
1835. E. Bertheau. Die Bu< her der Chronik erklart (fifteenth issue of the Kurzr/ef. exeget. 
Handbuch zum A. 7 T .), Leipz., Brockhaus, 1865. C. F. Keil, Bill. Komm. uber die nach- 
exiJischen Gexchichtsbucher: Chron., Ezr., und Esth. (part v. of the BibL Komment. ilber das A. 
7 1 .), Leipz., Dorffl., and Franke, 1870 [translated in Clark s Foreign Theological Library]. 
B. Neteler, Die Biicher der biblischen Chronik, iibersetzt und erklart, Minister, Coppenrath, 1872 
(second issue by this publisher of the General Commentary on the Holy Scriptures of the 
Old Testament on Catholic Principles). 

Introductory critical monographs : a. Of destructive tendency : De "Wette, Beitrdge zur 
Einleitung ins A. T., part i., Leipz. 1806 (conip. above, 6). C. P. W. Gramberg, Die Chronik 
nach ihrem geschichtliclun Character und Hirer Glaubwiirdigkeit geprilft, Halle 1823. K. H. 
Graf, Die gexchichtlichen Biicher dcs A. T., two historico-critical discussions, Leipz. 1866, p. 
114 ff. 

6. Of apologetic tendency : J. G. Dahler, De libr. Paralip. auctoritate et fide historica, 
Argentor. 1819. E. F. Keil, Apol. Ver*u<h uber die Buchcr der Chronik und uber die Inte- 
gritdt des Bitches Esra, Berl. 18 3. F. C. Movers, Kritische Untersuchun /en ilber die bibl. 
Chronik, Bonn 1834. M. Stuart, Critical History and Defence of the O. Test. Canon (con 
cerning especially the Pentateuch, the writings of the prophets, and of Solomon, Esther, and 
Chronicles), Andover. U. S., 1845. Bertheau, Art. "Chronik" in Schenkel s Bibellexicon, vol. 
i. p. 528 ff. (also in his critique of Graf s monogr. in the Jahrb. fur deutsche TheoL 1866, p. 
158 ff.). 

Exegetical and critical monographs on particular passages : B. Kenmcott, Comparatio 
capitis undecimi libri 1 Chron. cum. cap. qninto libri 2 Samuelis, in Dis*. super ration e text is 
Hebraici V. T., ex Angl. Lat. vertit G. A. Teller, Lips. 1756. Jul. Wellhausen, De ger/tibus 
et familiis Judxis, quse, 1 Chron. ii.-iv. enumerantnr, Gottingen 1870. Seb. Schmid, De 
literis Elise, ad Joramum, Argentor. 1717 (on 2 Chron. xxi. 12-15). C. P. Caspari, Der 
syrisch-ephraimitische Krieg unter Jotham und Ahas, Christiania 1849 (especially on 2 Chron. 
xxvii., xxviii.). K. H. Graf, Die Gefangenschaft und Bekehrung Manasse s 2 Chron. xxxiii., 
TheoL Stud. u. Krit. 1859, part iii. p. 467 ff. Against him : E. Gerlach, Die Gefangenschafi 
and Bikehrung Manasse s ebendas., 1861, part iii. p. 503 ff., and L. Reinke, Die Geschichte dcs 
Konigs Manasse und die darin Uegende angebliche Schwierigkeit (in vol. viii. of his Beitrage zur 
Erklarung des A. T., 1872, p. 115 ff.). Comp. also Eberh. Schrader, Die Keilinschriften und 
das Alte Test., Giessen 1872, pp. 238-243 ; which excellent work, like the papers on this sub 
ject by the same author in the Zeitschrift der Deutschen morgenland. Gesellschaft, and in the 
TheoL Stud. u. Krit. (1869, 70, 71), contains rich monographic contributions to the exposition 
as well of the other historical books of the Old Testament as especially of Chronicles. 





1-3 ADAM, Sheth, Enosh. Kenan, Mahalalel, Jered. Henocb, Methushelah, 
4, 5 Lamech. Noah, Shem, Ham, and Japheth. The sons of Japheth : Gomer, 

6 and Magog, and Madai, and Javan, and Tubal, and Meshech, and Tiras. And 

7 the sons of Gomer: Ashkenaz, and Riphath, 1 and Togarmah. And the sons of 

8 Javan: Elisha, and Tarshishah, Kittim, and Rodanim. 2 The sons of Ham: 

9 Gush and Mizraim, Put and Kanaan. And the sons of Kush : Seba, and 
Havilah, and Sabta, and Rama, and Sabtecha. And the sons of Rama: Sheba 

10 and Dedan. And Kush begat Nimrod; he began to be a hero on the earth. 

11 And Mizraim begat the Ludim, 3 and the Anamim, and the Lehabim, and the 

12 Naphtuhim. And the Pathrusim, and the Kasluhim, of whom came the 

13 Pelishtim, and the Kaphtorirn. And Kanaan begat Zidon, his first-born, and 
14,15 Heth. And the Jebusite, and the Amorite, and the Girgashite. And the 

16 Hivite, and the Arkite, and the Sinite. And the Arvadite, and the Zemarite, 

17 and the Hamathite. The sons of Shem: Elam, and Asshur, and Arpakshad, 

18 and Lud, and Aram, and Uz, and Hul, and Gether, and Meshech. 4 And 

19 Arpakshad begat Shelah, and Shelah begat Heber. And to Heber were 
born two sons ; the name of the one was Peleg [division] for in his days was 

20 the earth divided ; and his brother s name was Joktan. And Joktan begat 

21 Almodad, and Sheleph, and Hazarmaveth, and Jerah. And Hadoram, and 
22, 23 Uzal, and Diklah. And Ebal, and Abimael, and Sheba. And Ophir, and 

Havilah, and Jobab. All these are sons of Joktan. 

24-27 Shem, Arpakshad, Shelah. Eber, Peleg, Reu. Serug, Nahor, Terah. Abram; 
28, 29 that is, Abraham. The sons of Abraham : Isaac and Ishmael. These are their 

generations : Ishmael s first-born was Nebaioth ; then Kedar, and Adbeel, and 
30, 31 Mibsam. Mishma, and Dumah, Massa, Hadad, and Tema. Jetur, Naphish, 

32 and Kedemah: these are sons of Ishmael. And the sons of Keturah, Abra 
ham s concubine: she bare Zimran, and Jokshan, and Medan, and Midian, 

33 and Ishbak, and Shuah ; and Jokshan s sons : Sheba and Dedan. And the 
sons of Midian : Ephah, and Epher, and Henoch, and Abida, and Eldaah : all 

34 these are the sons of Keturah. And Abraham begat Isaac; the sons of Isaac: 

35 Esau and Israel. The sons of Esau : Eliphaz, Reuel, and Jeush, and Jalam, 

36 and Korah. The sons of Eliphaz} Teman, and Omar, Zephi, and Gatam, 

37 Kenaz, and Timnah, and Amalek. The sons of Reuel ; Nahath, Zerah, 

38 Shammah, and Mizzah. And the sons of Seir : Lotan, and Shobal, and 




39 Zibon, and Anah, and Dishan, and Ezer, and Dishan. And the sons of 

40 Lotan: Hori and Homam; and Lotan s sister was Timnah. The sons of 
Shobal: Aljan, 5 and Manahath, and Ebal, Shephi, 6 and Onam; und the sons 

41 of Zibon : Ajah and Anah. The sons of Anah : Dishon ; and the sons of 

42 Dishon : Ham ran, 7 and Eshban, and Ithran, and Keran. The sons of Ezer : 
Billian, and Zaavan, and Jaakan ; the sons of Dishan : Uz and Aran. 

43 And these are the kings that reigned in the land of Edom before the sons of 
Israel had kings : Bela, son of Beor ; and the name of his city was Dinhabah. 

44, 45 And Bela died, and Jobab, son of Zera of Bozrah, reigned in his stead. And 
Jobab died, and Husham, of the land of the Temanites, reigned in his stead. 

46 And Husham died, and Hadad, son of Bedad, who smote Midian in the land 

47 of Moab, reigned in his stead; and the name of his city was Ajuth. 8 And 

48 Hadad died, and Samlah of Masrekah reigned in his stead. And Samlah 

49 died, and Shaul of Rehoboth by the river reigned in his stead. And Shaul 

50 died, and Baal-hanan, son of Hakbor, reigned in his stead. And Baal-hanan 
died, and Hadad 9 reigned in his stead; and the name of his city was Pahi; 
and the name of his wife was Mehetabel, daughter of Hatred, daughter of 

51 Mezahab. And Hadad died; and the dukes of Edom were: the duke of 

52 Timnah, duke of Aljah, 10 duke of Jetheth. Duke of Oholibamah, duke of 

53 Elah, duke of Pinon. Duke of Kenaz, duke of Teman, duke of Mibzar. 

54 Duke of Magdiel, duke of Hiram: these are the dukes of Edom. 

is certainly an error of the pen for DS* 1 "!? Gen. x. 3, which is found here in many MSS. and editions, as well 
as in the Sept. and the Vulg. 

2 D^*tt~) appears to be an error of the pen or an arbitrary amendment for D^VTj Gen. x. 4, which many MSS. and 
older editions present here also. But comp. the exposition. 

3 So (D <l *w) the Keri in our passage, which, however, may rest on a confirmation with Gen. x. 13. The Kethib has 
D H *"]V, a long plural form, which is to D"H V as in English Lydian would be to Lydan, or as in Hebrew 

Vm ix 12, to LD v iT>3, 2 Chron. xxi. 6. 

* On TJC D instead of , Gen. x 23, see the Commentary. 

5 Instead of Aljan (}vy) many MSS. have Alvan (fl/jO? in accordance with Gen. xxxvi. 23. 

e For l jp!^ some MSS. have ^QJ^ , as in Gen. xxxvi. 23. So in ver. 36, where the name 

: : 

changed into igftf, as in Gen. xxxvi. 11. 

1 For pE>n a considerable number of MSB. have p^H? as in Gen. xxxvi. 26. 

8 For the Kethib PFW the Keri has JVW, as in Gen. xxxvi. 35. 

9 For Yin some MSS. read "Yin, which is the usual reading in Gen. xxxvi. 39, while there also several MSS. present 
TIP!. Hadad s city v^R), which, in the same parallel, is ty Q, some good codices here also change into 1JJ3. 

i For rppj; the Keri gives HI^V, according to Gen. xxxvi. 40. 

is in a number of MSS. 


PRFLIMJNAKY REMARK. The whole of these 
.patriarchal forefathers of the house of David down 
to Israel and Edom, sons of Isaac, appear to be 
divided into two nearly equal parts, to the second 
of which is added an appendix on the descend 
ants of Edom till the times of David. The first 
part, vers. 1-23, enumerates the 10 antediluvian 
patriarchs from Adam to Noah, the 3 sons of 
Noah, and the 70 nations descending from them 
(on this number 70, see the Remark under ver. 
23). In the second part, vers. 24-42, are given the 
10 generations from Shem to Abraham, the sons of 
Abraham by Hagar, Keturah, and Sarah, and the 

stocks derived from them, which again amount to 
70 (see under ver. 42). The appendix, vers. 43-54, 
mentions the kings of the Edomites before David, 
that are also given in Gen. xxxvi., as well as the 
11 there named dukes of Edom. In all these 
genealogical and ethnological statements the 
author adheres closely to the matter, and where 
he does not merely abbreviate, as several times in 
the second part, and partly also in the appendix, 
even to the words of Genesis, of which ch. v. 
and x. (the table of nations) serve him till ver. 
23, and ch. ii., xxv., xxxvi. till the end as 
sources and models. He reports in the briefest 
manner concerning the patriarchs before Noah, 
and concerning Noah himself, and his sons (vers. 

(JHAP. I. 1-23. 


1-4), of whom he merely gives the names, 13 in 
number, without even remarking that the first 
10 of these names denote successive generations 
and the last 3 brothers. He might certainly 
presuppose in his readers sufficient knowledge of 
the relations of these holy and venerable names 
from the earliest foretime. He knew that to 
them as well as to himself belonged " the 
faculty to perceive in all these names the indica 
tions and foundations of a rich ancient history " 
(Berth.). And it was scarcely otherwise with 
the names of the following series, reaching further 
into the more known history, which he also brings 
together in a brief and bare report. Even where 
we are unable to perceive the historical import 
ance of the prominent names, and the grounds 
on which they must have been of interest to 
every pious Israelite, the fact of such importance 
is to be presumed in every case, and for every 
single name. Comp. Ewald, Gesch. d. Volkes 
Israel, 2d edit. i. 479: "These dry names from 
a hoary antiquity, when we know how to awaken 
them from their sleep, do not remain so dead and 
stiff, but announce and revive the most impor 
tant traditions of the ancient nations and families, 
like the petrifactions and mountain strata of the 
earth, which, rightly questioned, tell the history 
of long vanished ages." 1 

I. The Patriarchs before Noah, the three Sons 
of Noah, and the (70) Nations descending 
from them : vers. 1-23. 

1. From Adam to Noahs Sons: vers. 1-4. On 
the stringing together of the bare names, without 
any explanation, see Preliminary Remark. The 
names are all taken from Gen. v. : the rich con 
tents of this oldest genealogy of primeval history 
is here reduced to the shortest possible form of an 
abstract. For the conjectural etymology of the 
several names (Adam = man ; Sheth = substi 
tute; Enosh = weak, frail man; Kenan = gain 
or gainful, etc.), see vol. i. p. 121 f. of the Bibel- 
werk. The order of the names of the three sons 
of Noah is Shem, Ham, and Japheth ; as always 
in Genesis also, thougli Ham (Gen. ix. 24) was the 
youngest of the three. Comp. our Introductory 
Remarks on the prophet 1 aniel (Bibelwerk, part 
xiii. p. 11), where it is made probable that this 
order, like that of the names Noah, Daniel, and 
Joab (in Ezekiel), depends on euphonic principles 
(so Delitzsch, Komm. uber die Genes., 4th edit. 
1872, p. 233) 

2. From Noahs Sons to Abraham; the Table of 
Nations: vers. 5-23. This abstract from the 
Mosaic table of nations Gen. x. has abridged 
this larger genealogical ethnographic account to 
the present narrow limits, chiefly by omitting the 
opening and closing notes, and passing over the 
remarks on the kingdom of Nimrod at Babel, and 
the spread of the Shemites and Hamites in their 
countries (vers. 5, 9-12, 18-20). Here, again, 
there is that abbreviating and condensing process 
which is characteristic of the author. For the 
ethnological and geographical import of the 

1 Comp. also Welll-.ausen, De gentibus et fam. Judxsi.*, etc.. 
p. 4, where, with respect to the genealogical lists in the 
beginning of Chronicles, it is weli remarked- Quo fit, ut 
ccemeterii qunsi speciem nobis p> sebeant hxc capita cipporum 
pleni: fuit letas, cut breves sincere tituli ad resuscitnndam 
tepultorum inemoriam; interjectix siecu is. nedum mil/enniis, 
leguntur tituli, sett quo referaut/ir, quid xibi velint, nesatur. 

several names, comp. the commentary on Genesis 
by the editor (vol. i. p. 171 of the Bibelwerk), 
and the monographs on the table of nations there 

a. The Japhethites: vers. 5-7. The names of 
the descendants of Japheth, 14 in number (7 sons 
and 7 grandsons), open the series in Gen. x. of 
stems and nations to be enumerated, perhaps 
because they represented the strongest and most 
widely-spread body (Japheth = "enlarging," Gen. 
ix. 27), scarcely because he passed for the first 
born of Noah ; for Shem, who is always placed 
before Japheth, even when only the two are named 
together, is to be regarded as such ; see especially 
the decisive passages, Gen. ix. 23, 26 (against 
Starke, Bertheau, etc.). [These texts are not 
decisive ; and Shem was born in the 503d year 
of Noah, Gen. xi. 11, and therefore two years at 
least after Japheth, Gen. v. 32. J. G. M.J The 
view recently again maintained with ingenuity 
and learning by J. G. Miiller (Die Semiten in 
ihrem Verhaltmss zu Chamiten und Japhetiten, 
Gotha 1872), that the so-called Shemites are 
nothing but Japhethites or Indogermans Hami- 
tized in language, is in any case at variance with 
the Biblical genealogy of the sons of Noah, 
whether Shem or Japheth be the first-born. Ver. 
6. Riphath. This form, rejected by the Masoretes 
in favour of the probably erroneous (resting on an 
old clerical error) riD" 1 " 7 !? nas n t on ly the weight 

of so old witnesses as the Sept. and Vulg. for it 
(see the Grit. Note on ver. 6), but also the cir 
cumstance that plausible ethnographic explana 
tions can be adduced for Riphath, but not for 
Diphath ; comp. the name PpaTra/ = na<pXayov 
in Joseph. Antiq. i. 6, and the op* Pi#eti., on tl. 
ground of which Knobel has attempted to show 
in Riphath the ancestor of the Kelts (against 
which the Paphlagonian cities Tibia and Tobata 
[Bochart, Geogr. Sacra, p. 198 seq.], produced 
by the ancients in defence of the reading 

cannot, from their smallness and insignificance, 
be taken into account). Ver. 7. Tarshlshah 
later form for C^hp], which is 

usual in Gen. (x. 4) and elsewhere in the 0. T. 
(also 2 Chron. ix. 21, xx. 36), the ah of motion 
having in this form melted into one word with 
the name itself. " With this are to be compared 
the modern Greek names, obtained by the wearing 
away of the proposition e/ j and the article, Stali- 
mene Lemnos, Stambul = ( Konstantino)polis, 
Satines = Athense, Stanko = Kos," etc. (Berth.).. 
Rodanim, D^"li~l ; many transcribers and older 

editors wish to change this into the Q OlM of Gen. 

x. 4, although even there some old authorities 
(Sam., Sept., Jerome, Qucest. in Gen.) read D^lil 

The decision is difficult, because, on the one hand, 
Knobel s reference of Dodanim to the Dardani is 
verbally doubtful; on the. other hand, the Rhodians 
( = Rodanim) appear too unimportant a part of 
the Hellenic race to be put on the same footing 
with JSolians ( = Elishah), Etruscans ( = Tarshish), 
and Cyprians or Karians (= Kittim). And yet 
the placing of Kittim and Rodauim together, and 
the consideration that the sea trade of the Rho 
dians might have become very important for 
such oriental nations as the Phoenicians and the 
Hebrews, appear to speak more for the reading 
of our book than for the original (comp. Berth.),., 



And if Dodanim were to pass for the original 
t orm, and yet the application to the Dardani be 
untenable, the reference to Doclona would be 
internally still less probable than that to the 

b. The Hamites : vers. 8-16. Of these are 
named 4 sons, 24 grandsons, and 2 great-grand- 
sous, being 30 descendants in all. Nimrod, ver. 
10, does not count among the grandsons, as he 
appears only as a famous individual (hero), not 
as a head or founder of a people (patriarch). His 
introduction, therefore, is different from that of 
those previously named, not by "pn (see vers. 5-9 ; 

and comp. Gen. x. 2-7), but by ^71, as Gen. x. 8, 

which verse is literally transcribed by the Chro- 
nist. By the formula : " he began to be a hero on 
the earth," the nature and import of Nimrod 
are briefly and pithily expressed, so that a re 
petition of the further statements of Genesis con 
cerning him (x. 9-12) is not necessary. Comp. 
as a parallel from the New Testament: ? x-a.} vupi- 

SMXIV abrcv (or o x,a.t -rapK^ol; avrov), with which 

the evangelists are wont to characterize Judas 
Iscariot On Q^lip, ver. 11, see Critical Note. 

c. The Shemites, particularly the non-Hebrews: 
vers. 17-23. Of them are named in all 23 mem 
bers, namely (as the parallel passage Gen. x. 23 
more exactly shows), 5 sons, 5 grandsons, and 16 
other descendants. That in ver. 17 the names 
Uz, Hul, Gether, Meshech, which properly denote 

: grandsons of Shem by Aram, are appended at 

once to the 5 sons of Shem (so that they appear 
to be his sons, and thus the number of his sons 
would be 9, and that of his grandsons only 1), 

.is a circumstance sufficiently explained, as the, 
similar case in ver. 4 of Noah s sons : the author 

.presumed the relation of the 4 as sons to Aram 
to be sufficiently known, and therefore thought it 
unnecessary to repeat the words Q~I{< "021 before 

py from Gen. x. 23. Less probable is the sup 
position that the words in question fell out by 
a mistake of the copyist, or that the Chronist, 
deviating from the Pentateuch, really took the 
nations Uz, Hul, Gether, and Meshech to be sons, 
not grandsons, of Shem (as Knobel, Volkertafd, p. 
252). Moreover, almost all manuscripts give the 
last name in ver. 17 TfC b ; only a few conform to 

.the reading in Genesis (L *b), for which also the 
Sept. there presents Mo5-o = 71^)3; and so might 

the Chronist have read in the text of Genesis. It is 
also in favour of Meshech being the original name, 
that Mash as a national name is quite unknown, 
Awhile Meshech occurs as the name of a Shemite or 
Arabic tribe along with Kedar in Ps. cxx. 5. 

Ver. 22. Ebal, ^y, is called in the parallel 
Gen. x. 28 rather Obal, ^ty ; yet the Sept. seems 
to have read ^Qiy, for it gives the name as E*A. 

-Comp. the similar but reverse case of Homam 
( = Hemam) under ver. 39. The 14 descendants 
of Japheth, 30 of Ham, and 26 of Shem, amount 
to 70 nations descended from Noah. This num 
ber the author intended to bring out; for with 
him, or before him, other Jewish expositors 
might have discovered the symbolic number 70 
in the Mosaic table of nations (it may, in fact, be 
gathered from it ; com}). J. Flirst, Gesch. der I M. 

Liter, und den jiidiscJi-helltnischen Schriftihvmt, 
i. p. 119); and this number of the nations of the 
globe, occasionally enlarged to 72, plays other 
wise an important part in the Jewish circle of 
thought. This is shown by its frequent mention 
in the Talmud, and its occurrence in the Gnostic 
writings and the Pseudo-Clementine (Kecoyn. ii. 
42). To this belong also such biblical passages 
as Num. xi. 16 and Luke x. 1 if. ; for the 70 
elders Appointed by Moses in the wilderness (with 
the 70 members of the Jewish Sanhe irin on this 
model), as well as the 70 disciples chosen by 
Jesus, appear to be due to a symbolic reference 
to the 70 nations of the globe (comp. Godet, 
Commentaire sur Vevan<jile de Luc, 1870, ii. p. 
21). And there is actually a deeper sense in the 
view, that the total number of the nations of the 
earth is = the sacred ideal number 70 (7 x 10, the 
humanly complete, elevated and multiplied by 
the power of the Divine Spirit; comp. my Theol. 
naturalis, i. p. 716). And why should we not 
have as good a right, in the popular phraseology 
of Hebrew antiquity, to speak of the " 70 nations 
of the world," as of the 4 winds, the 4 quarters of 
heaven, the 12 signs of the zodiac, without utter 
ing anything untrue or against nature, though 
such expressions may have no exact scientific 
basis ? There seems then to be no reason to 
hesitate, from a dogmatic-apologetic point of view, 
to acknowledge that the number 70 was intended 
by the author to apply to the descendants of 
Noah. The only thing that can be said against 
it fs, the absence of an express intimation, such 
as Matthew gives at the close of his genealogy of 
Jesus, in the. form of a recapitulation of the .several 
groups of numbers (i. 17). Yet the pedigree by 
Luke (iii. 23-38) wants also such a recapitula 
tion, though its symbolic construction out of 
77 7 x 11 members is no less certain than that, 
of Matthew. If Keil objects to our view, which 
is that of almost all recent expositors, that th 
number 70 is only obtained by making, "in the 
sons of Shem, the personal names Arpakshad, 
Shelah, Heber, Peleg, and Joktan to be names of 
nations, contrary to the vit-w of Genesis, in which 
the five names denote persons, the ancestors of 
the nations descending from Heber through Peleg 
and Joktan," this refutes nothing. For the num 
ber 70 is obtained throughout, and not merely in 
the case of Arpakshad, etc., by the addition of all 
names, those of the patriarchs, who only became 
nations in their sons, as well as these sons them 
selves, and their descendants. In other words, it 
is quite reasonable, and corresponds entirely with 
the spirit and method of the genealogizing ethno 
graphy of the Hebrews, to regard all higher or 
lower members of old pedigrees as in abxtracto 
equivalent factors and representatives of definite 
co-ordinate races in the subsequent history, 
though this view may be in concreto impractic 
able. Comp., moreover, the evangelical - ethical 
principles under ch. ix. 

11. The Patriarchs from Shem to Abraham, 
and the Descendants of the latter through 
Ishmael, Keturah, Edom (70 stems in all): 
vers. 24-42. 

1. From Shem to Abraham : vers. 24-27. The 
10 members of this line are exactly coincident 
with Gen. xi. 10-32, though with the omission of 

CHAP. I. 26-37. 

all historical details. And the Chronist follows 
the genealogical account of the Masoretic text, 
which represents Abraham himself as the tenth 
of the line, not that of the Sept. , which inserts a 
Kenan (K<z<Vav) between Arpakshad and Shelah, 
thus following a tradition that regarded Terah, 
the father of Abraham, as the tenth from Shem. 
Bertheau (in the annual report of the " Deutsche 
Morgenl. Gesellschaft, " 1845-46) has attempted 
to make it probable that this tradition was the 

older, and that the name pip stood originally in 

the text of Genesis. Ver. 27. Abram, perhaps 
for the sake of brevity, and to avoid all needless 
accumulation of names, afterwards (from Gen. 
xvii. 5) Abraham, in which the author, in his 
brief manner, notices the change of name, is 
alone named as a son of Terah, Nahor and Haran 
and their posterity being omitted. 

2. Abraham s/Sons and their Descendants : vers. 
28-34. They fall, like those of Noah and Terah, 
into three stocks or branches under Ishmael, 
Keturah, and Isaac. The Chronist places the 
former groups first, because, like the genealogists 
in the primeval history, he wished first to enu 
merate the remote stocks, and then to take up 
the people of God. The same process from with 
out to within placed the genealogy of the 
Japhethites and Hamites before the Shemites, 
and determines, further, that of Isaac s posterity 
the Edomite branch is first treated, and then the 

a. Ishmael and his Twelve Sons: vers. 29-31. 
The twelve names agree exactly with the list in 
Gen. xxv 1^-16, with respect to the order as 

well as the words. And the introductory n^N 
in, ver. 29, the predicate n^Zl, the first 

born" before Ishmael (comp. Gen. xxv. 13), and 
the closing formula, " These are the sons of Ish 
mael " (vcr. 31 ; comp. Gen. xxv. 16), show how 
closely the author adheres to the Mosaic record. 
The designation of Ishmael as the " first-born " 
is only to be explained by this faithful adherence 
to the original, not by the wish of the author to 
justify his placing the Ishmaelites before the 
descendants of Israel (as Bertheau seems to 
think) ; for this position needed no justitication, 
because it necessarily followed from the genea 
logical method of our author (see on ver. 28). 
[In our author s version of ver. 29, "the first 
born " is made to refer to Nebaioth, and not to 
Ishmael, as above. This seems to be correct. 
J. G. M.] 

b. The Descendants of Keturah: vers. 32, 33. 
The six sons and seven grandsons of Abraham by 
Keturah are not given literally as in Gen. xxv. 
1-4. On the contrary, the Chronist has left out 
three great-grandsons there named Asshurim, 
Letushim, and Leumrnim, descendants of Dedan 
whether intentionally, on account of the plural 
form of the names, or because he did not find 
them in his copy of Genesis, must remain un 
determined. That Medan and Midian, ver. 32, 
are only different pronunciations of the same 
name (comp. Gen. xxxvii. 28, 36), the number of 
the sons of Keturah was originally and properly 
five, and the total number of her descendants 
only twelve, is an arbitrary conjecture of Ber 
theau, while pushing too far the endeavour to 
find certain symbolic numbers everywhere. 

c. The Two Sons of Isaac, Esau, and Israel, 
and the Descendants of the former : vers. 34- 42. 
And Abraham begat Isaac. This notice, lead 
ing back to the statement in ver. 28, appears 
occasioned by Gen. xxv. 19, where the same 

words (only with T^iH for "1^ S 1) occur imme 
diately after the enumeration of the sons of 
Keturah. This reference to Abraham was not in 
itself necessary here ; but comp. also the refer 
ence to Shem above in ver. 24. Ver. 25. Esau s 
sons, enumerated exactly after Gen. xxxvi. 4, 5 
(though without naming their mothers, the 
three wives of Esau), * } in general the author 
henceforth reports very closely from Gen. xxxvi., 
following which also he annexes the Seirites or 
aborigines of Idumsea to the proper bdomites, and 
treats both as belonging to one and the same 
family of nations. Ver. 36. Sons of Etiphaz. 
These, five in number, are given exactly as in 
Gen. xxxvi. 11 ; for the name of the third, Zephi, 
is only a by-form of Zepho, as in ver. 40 a 
Shephi appears in place of the Sbepho, Gen. 
xxxvi. 23 ; comp. the Grit. Remark. But if the 
names Timnah and Amalek are annexed, ap 
parently as sons of Eliphaz, this is piobably a 
similar breviloquenee to that in vers. 4 and 17 ; 
the author presumes it sufficiently kr-jwn to his 
readers, that Timnah, Amalek s mother, waa not 
a son, but rather a concubine of Eliphaz (another 
wife besides Adah, the mother of those five sons 
first named) ; comp. Gen. xxxvi. 12. So have the 
Sept. (in the cod. Alex.) and numerous older 
Jewish and Christian expositors solved the diffi 
culty, and of the moderns, J. H. Michaelis, 
Starke, Keil, etc. ; whereas Berthi lu, ha\ ing re 
gard to vers. 39 and 51, where actually a separate 
stem and then a stern-prince Timnah are counted, 
prefers to assume that "the Chronist, interpreting 
the genealogical language, and perceiving in the 
family names the stem-relations that lie at their 
root, has explained the statements of Genesis 
concerning Timnah, so that by them the con 
nection of two stems Timnah and Anialek with 
the other stems of Eliphaz shall be indicated, and 
they are accordingly counted in the same line 
with these stems as sons of Eliphaz." This 
assumption seems to us too artificial, and ascribes 
to the Chronist a higher degree of bold indepen 
dence and wilfulness in his operations than is 
admissible or consistent with his evident piety 
and conscientiousness in recording the facts of 
primeval history that were handed down to him. 
Ver. 37. S<ms of Reael These are entered 
four in number, exactly as in Gen. xxxvi. 13. 
There are thus in all 10 grandsons (6 sons of 
Eliphaz and 4 cf Reuel) who are assigned by our 
author to Esau, and who. with the three sons of 
Jeush, Jalam, and Korah (sons of Oholibamah), 
form the 13 family or stem chiefs ($6XKp%ot, Sept. 
Gen. xxxvi. 15) of the Edomites. Against Ber 
theau, who would here make out a 12 from the 
13 families, by reducing Amalek, ver. 36, to a 
secondary place, comp. Keil, p. 36 : " Neither 
Chronicles nor Genesis knows 12 tribes of Edom, 
but both books give 13 grandsons (rather de 
scendants) of Esau ; and these 13 grandsons 
are, by the report of Genesis, the 13 phyiarchs 
of Edom which are distributed among the 3 
wives of Esau, so that the 13 families may be 
reduced to 3 stems. And in Genesis, Amalek is 
not placed in a looser connection with the re- 



maining tribes, hut on the contrary, is not only, 
ver. 12, counted with the sons of Adah, perhaps 
because Timnah stood to Adah, the wife of Esau, 
in the same relation as Hagar to Sarah, but also 
in ver. 16 is reckoned to the dukes of the sons of 
Eliphaz. Thus Genesis counts not 5, but 6 stems 
of Eliphaz ; and Chronicles has not fully effaced the 
number 12, as Bertheau further asserts, but the 
13 sons and grandsons of Esau, who became 
phylarchs, are fully entered, and only their 
designation as >\\yy ^ iQ^tf left out, because 

unnecessary for the genealogy of the descendants 
of Esau." Vers. 38-42. The 7 sons o* Seir and 
their descendants, or the (mingled since Esau s 
invasion with his descendants) Seirite or Horite 
aborigines of Idumtea according to their tribes. 
These aborigines of the mountains of Edom, 
though not of Abrahamic descent, yet, from their 
gradually formed connection and intermingling 
with the descendants of Esau, are so reckoned as 
if they belonged to the Edomite family of nations. 
And this occurs not only here in Chronicles, 
where they are introduced as T>J?b> ^, but also 
in Gen. xxx. 20-30, where they are called nn, 

"dwellers in caves, Troglodytes." Comp. also on 
these Horites, our exp. of the book of Job, vol. 
x. of the Bibelw. p. 238. The names of the seven 
sons :>f Seir, that is, the. seven Seirite chiefs, agree 
exactly with Genesis ; and likewise their descen 
dants, in number 18 men and 1 woman, Timnah, 
ver. 39. Only Oholibamah, a second Seiritess 
named in Gen. xxxvi. 25, has been passed over 
by the Chronist, according to his wont in general 
to reckon only male members in his genealogical 
lists. On the deviations of some forms from the 
text of Genesis, as Homam, ver. 39, for Hernam ; 
Aljan, ver. 40, for Alwuii, etc., see Grit. Note. 
The total names enumerated from Abraham 
amount to about 70, whether the two Timnahs, 
the mother of Amalek, ver. 36, and the sister of 
Lotan, ver. 39, or the Edomite and the Seirite 
Timnah be included, in which case there are 
exactly 70, or both or one of them be excluded 
from the n umber, and so then be only 68 or 69. Ber 
theau (whom Kamphausen, in Bunsen s Bibelw., 
follows), counting in the former way, finds 12 
Descendants of Esau, 13 of Keturah, 2 of Isaac, 
16 of Esau, and 27 of Seir, and so obtains the 
number 70 ; Keil, in the latter way, regards the 
Seirite Timnah as only mentioned by the way, 
and therefore excluded, and consequently reckons 
only 26 descendants of Seir, and in all, only 69 
descen lants of Abraham. Though the latter be 
right in many of his objections to Bertheau s 
mode of reckoning (for instance, its exclusion of 
Ishmael, and inclusion of Esau and Israel), yet 
he certainly goes too far when IIP. utterly denies 
the design of the Chronist t -> foiio\v up his list of 
70 descendants of Noah wit the same number of 
those of Abraham. This design, though not 
carried out with mathematical exactness, and 
-therefore not expressly mentioned here (any more 
than in ver. 5 If. ), appears in fact to have had a dis 
tinct influence on the selection and arrangement 
of his genealogical lists. The incidental agreement 
of the number in vers. 29-42 with that in vers. 5- 
23 shows this, just as the decade oi the patriarchs 
between Noah and Abr iham, in its agreement with 
that of the patriarchs before Noah (comp. vers. 
24-27 with vers. 1-4), points to design. 

APPENDIX. The Edomite Kings and Chiefs till fht 
beginning of Kingdom of Israel : vers. 43-54. 

1. The Kings: vers. 43-51a. A nearly literal 
repetition from Gen. xxxvi. 31-39 ; only the words 

DlSO Tf^O l ( ver - 43) before y^3, and in ver. 51 

v:iv : - 

after pn i)J?3, the words Ti23Srj3 are left out, 

which, however, many MSS. here also supply. On 
the variants in Ajuth, ver. 46, and in Hadad and 
Pai, ver. 50, see Crit. Notes. Ver. 51. And Ha 
dad died. This statement (Tin n!D s l) is want 
ing in the parallel t^xts of Genesis, where, after 
entering Hadad (or rather Hadar) as the last 

king, the formula niftty nWl serves to intro 
duce the then following list of the phylarchs and 
their seats. By the sentence " and Hadad died," 
along with the following, "and there were" 
(Vn>l), this list of phylarchs is here brought 

into a far closer connection with the foregoing 
register of kings than in Genesis, into a connec 
tion, indeed, which at first sight looks as if the 
Chronist intended to represent the dukes as suc 
cessors of the kingdom terminated by Hadad s 
death, and so report a transition from the 
monarchic to the aristocratic form of government 
in Edom. This supposition, however, which 
Bertheau, Kamph., and others defend, is not 
absolutely necessary ; the 1 consec. in ^n s< l "may 

express merely the order of thought ; that is, 
may connect the mention of the dukes only in 
thought with the enumeration of the kings, or 
intimate that besides the kings there were also 
dukes, who could govern the nation and country" 
(Keil). The latter supposition is the more pro 
bable, as the following list is owing to a statistical 
and chronographic rather than a genealogical 
tendency, as will presently be shown. 

2. The Dukes: vers. 51-54. This list agrees in 
the order and form of the 11 names given exactly 
(on the variant Aljah for Alwah, ver. 51, see 
Crit. Note) with Gen. xxxvi. 40-43. Yet it has 
received from the Chronist another superscription 
and subscription, of which the former runs thus : 
"and there were the dukes of Edom" (iQ^X 
DHX instead of "\\yy $, Gen. xxxvi, 40, the 

name of the people and land taking the place of 
the n. propr. of the patriarch), and the latter: 
"these are the dukes of Edom" (for which that of 
Genesis is more circumstantial : "These are the 
dukes of Edom according to their habitations in 
the land of their possessions : this is Esau, the 
father of Edom"). And the list treats not so 
much of the enumeration of certain persons as of 
that of the seats of certain (perhaps hereditary) 
dukes of the nation or phylarchs, according to 
which they are briefly named, " the duke of Tim 
nah," etc. The list has thus a geographical, not 
a genealogical import ; it is a list of neighbouring 
principalities of Edom, not of Edomite princes. 
The number eleven of these principalities forms 
an approximative parallel with the number twelve 
of the tribes of Israel ; it agrees also nearly with 
the number of the descendants of Esau above 
named (ver. 36 ff. ) ; but it could only by violent 
means and arbitrary hypotheses be made to agree 
with this number, or reduced to the number twelve 
(comp. the remarks against Berth, on ver. 371 

CHAP. II. 1-55. 37 


1. The Twelve Sons of Israel and the Descendants of Judah : ch. ii. 1-41 (with an Appendix 
relating chiefly to the Posterity of Caleb : vers. 42-55). 

CH. II. 1. These are the sons of Israel : Reuben, Simeon (Shimon), Levi, and Judah, 

2 Issachar, and Zebulun. Dan, Joseph and Benjamin, Naphtali, Gad, and 

3 Assher. The sons of Judah : Er, and Onan, and Shelah ; three were born to 
him of the daughter of Shuah, the Canaanitess ; but Er, the first-born of 

4 Judah, was evil in the eyes of the Lord, and He slew him. And Thamar his 
daughter-in-law bare him Perez and Zerah : all the sons of Judah were five. 

5, 6 The sons of Perez : Hezron and Hamul. And the sons of Zerah: Zimri, and 

7 Ethan, and Heman, Calcol, and Dara r 1 five of them in all. And the sons 
of Carmi : Achar, the troubler of Israel, who transgressed in the accursed 

8 thing. And the sons of Ethan : Azariah. 

9 And the sons of Hezron, that were born to him : Jerahmeel, and Ram, and 

10 Celubai. And Ram begat Amminadab ; and Amminadab begat Nahshon, 

1 1 prince of the sons of Judah. And Nahshon begat Salma, and Salma begat 
12, 13 Boaz. And Boaz begat Obed, and Obed begat Jesse. Arid Jesse begat his 

14 first-born Eliab, and Abinadab the second, and Shima the third. Nathanael 

15, 16 the fourth, Raddai the fifth. Ozem the sixth, David the seventh. And their 

sisters, Zeruiah and Abigail : and the sons of Zeruiah : Abishai, and Joab, and 

1 7 Asahel, three. And Abigail bare Ainasa ; and the father of Amasa was J ether 
the Ishmaelite. 

18 And Caleb, son of Hezron, begat with Azubah his wife, 2 and with Jerioth ; 

19 and these are her sons : Jesher, and Shobab, and Ardon. And Azubah died ; 

20 and Caleb took to him Ephrath, and she bare him Hur. And Hur begat 

21 Uri, and Uri begat Bezalel. And afterwards Hezron went in to the daughter 
of Machir, father of Gilead ; and he took her when he was sixty years old, 

22 and she bare him Segub. And Segub begat Jair, who had twenty and three 

23 cities in the land of Gilead. And Geshur and Aram took the towns of Jair 
from them, with Kenath and her daughters, sixty cities. All these are sons 

24 of Jair, the father of Gilead. And after the death of Hezron, in Caleb- 
ephrathah, Abiah, Hezron s wife, bare him Ashur (Ashchur), father of Tekoah. 

25 And the sons of Jerahmeel, the first-born of Hezron, were Ram, the first- 

26 born, and Bunah, and Oren, and Azem of Ahijah. And Jarahmeel had another 

27 wife, and her name was Atarah ; she was the mother of Onam. And the 
sons of Ram, the first-born of Jerahmeel, were Maaz, and Jamin, and Eker. 

28 And the sons of Onam were Shammai and Jada ; and the sons of Shammai : 

29 Nadab and Abishur. And the name of Abishur s wife was Abihail, 3 and she 

30 bare him Ahban and Molid. And the sons of Nadab : Seled and Appaim ; 

31 and Seled died childless. And the sons of Appaim: Ishi ; and the sons of 

32 Ishi : Sheshan ; and the sons of Sheshan : Ahlai. And the sons of Jada, 

33 brother of Shammai : Jether and Jonathan ; and Jether died childless. And 
the sons of Jonathan : Peleth and Zaza. These were the sons of Jerahmeel. 

34 And Sheshan had no sons, but only daughters. And Sheshan had an 

35 Egyptian servant, whose name was Jarha. And Sheshan gave his daughter to 

36 Jarha his servant to wife ; and she bare him Attai. And Attai begat Nathan, 

37 arid Nathan begat Zabad. And Zabad begat Ephlal, and Ephlal begat Obed. 
38, 39 And Obed begat Jehu, and Jehu begat Azariah. And Azariah begat Helez, 

40 and Helez begat Elasah. And Elasah begat Sismai, and Sismai begat Shal- 

41 lum. And Shallum begat Jekamiah, and Jekamiah begat Elishama. 

Appendix: Three Series of Descendants of Caleb : vers. 42-55. 

42 And the sons of Caleb, brother of Jerahmeel, were Mesha, his first-born ; 
he was the father of Ziph; and the sons of Mareshah, the father of Hebron. 4 


43, 44 And the sons of Hebron : Korah, and Tappuah, and Rekem, and Shema. And 

45 Shema begat Raham, father of Jorkeara; 5 and Rekem begat Shammai. And 
the son of Shammai was Maon ; and Maon was father of Bethzur, 

46 And Ephah, Caleb s concubine, bare Haran, and Moza, and Gazez ; and 

47 Haran begat Gazez. And the sons of Jehdai : Regem, and Jotham, and Geshan, 

48 and Pelet, and Ephah, and Shaaph. Caleb s concubine Maacha bare 6 Sheber 

49 and Tirhanah. And she bare Shaaph the father of Madmannah. Sheva, 
father of Machbenah, and father of Gibeah ; and Caleb s daughter was Achsah. 

50 These were the sons of Caleb the son 7 of Hur, first-born of Ephrathah : 

51 Shobal, father of Kiriath-jearim. Salma, father of Bethlehem, Hareph, father 

52 of Bethgader. And Shobal, father of Kiriath-jearim, had sons : Haroeh, 

53 and the half of Menuhoth. 8 And the families of Kiriath-jearim were the 
Ithrite, and the Puthite, and the Shumathite, and the Mishraite. From 

54 these came the Zorathite and the Eshtaolite. The sons of Salma: Bethlehem, 
and the Netophathite, Ataroth of the house of Joab, and half of the Mena- 

55 hathite, the Zorite. And the families of the scribes dwelling at Jabez were 
the Tirathites, Shimathites, Suchathites : these are the Kenites that came 
from Hammath, father of the house of Rechab. 

1 For JTH many MSS., as well as the Syr. and the Chald., give inT1> as in 1 Kings v. 11. 

2 H$X (for which IJTJ X was to be expected) is wanting in two MSS., according to de Rossi, Var. Lect. The Pesh. 

The same vacillation is al o found in 

*nd Vu g. appear to have read Jltf fi X for Hfc 

3 In-tead of ^\-|^5<, a number of Mss - and P rinted editions have 
2 Chron. xi. 18, in the like-named wife of Rehoboam. 

4 Instead of HCHQ might possibly (after the proposal of Keil) be read y&^C), and instead of |V"On \3K rathei 

the nom. composit. p"On~" Di< Comp. the Exeg. Expl. 

5 For DyjpT 1 the Snpt. exhibits IsX*v ; and so for the following Dpi- 

8 Instead of the unexpected masc. HP" 1 , some MSS. present the fern, i"TpV 

7 Instead of "lirTfZU tne Sept. appears to have read "")}rj~ l OZl> which is perhaps the original form. Comp. Exeg. Expl. 

On the probably corrupt words 


T! nts"lH, see Exeg. 

PRELIMINARY REMARK. The author here be 
gins to enroll his detailed genealogies of the tribes 
of Israel, extending to the end of ch. viii. After 
premising a list of the 12 sons of Jacob as the 
general basis of the whole, vers. 1, 2, he begins 
with the enumeration of the generations and 
families of the tribe of Judah, which he then pur 
sues in ch. iii. and iv. 1-23, and completes in 
several parts. No order, regulated by definite 
historical, geographical, or any systematic prin 
ciples, lies at the base of this enumeration ; he 
seems rather to have combined into a whole, as 
far as possible, the more or less fragmentary 
genealogies of certain brar dies and families of 
the house of Judah as they came down to him 
from antiquity ; but this whole is very defective 
in the unity and homogeneity of its several parts. 
For of the five immediate descendants of Judah, 
that four.ded the tribe of Judah by a numerous 
posterity, his three sons Shelah, Perez, and Zerah, 
and his two grandsons Hezron an I Hamul, only 
Zerah (ii. 6-8), Hezron (ii. 9 -iii.), and Shelah 
(iv. 21-23) have their genealogies given with any 
fulness; Hamul is entirely passed over, and Perez 
is only followed out in the line of Hezron. This 
line (under which the Chronist sums up all that 
was known of the descendants of Caleb and of the 
Jephunriite Calebites) is treated with special care 
and fulness : to it belongs the whole series of the 

descendants of David till the times after the 
captivity (ch. iii.), and at least the more con 
siderable part of the genealogical fragments in 
ch. iv. 1-23, which serve as a supplement to ch. 
ii. 9-55, and of which it is often doubtful which 
of the members previously named they continue 
or supplement. 

1. The Twelve Sons of Israel: vers. 1, 2. These 
are given in an order deviating from Gen. xxxv. 
23 ft . , so that the 6 sons of Leah stand first, then 
the son of Rachel s inaid, Dan ; after that the 2 
sons of Rachel, Joseph and Benjamin ; and lastly, 
the 3 remaining sons of the maids (Naphtali, Bil- 
hah s son ; Gad and Asher, Zilpah s sons). This 
separation of Dan from his full brother Naphtali 
is surprising, and can hardly be satisfactorily ex 
plained. For if we suppose that Rachel (see Gen. 
xxx. 3 ff.) regarded Dan, born of her maid Bilhah, 
as in a sense her own son, and so he is named 
before Joseph and Benjamin, yet still it is a 
question, why not also Naphtali, who was likewise 
born before her own sons. The procedure of the 
Chronist in regard to Dan is in several respects enig 
matical ; comp. on ch. vii. 12. [It is probable that 
Naphtali was born about the same time with Gad, 
and is therefore classified with him. J. G M.] 

2. The Descendants of Judah: vers. 3-41. 
a. The 5 sons of Judah, tho 2 sons of Perez, and 
the descendants of Zerah : vers. 3-8. Vers. 3, 4. 
The sons of Judah, etc. The five sons of Judah, 
three legitimate, born of the daughter of Shuali 

CHAP. II. 3-8. 


the Canaanite, Er, Onan, and Shelah, and two 
born in incest of Taruar, his daughter-in-law, 
Perez and Zerah, are given in accordance with 
Gen. xxxviii., and in the same order (comp. also 
Gen. xlvi. 12). The author recalls this his source 
by taking over word for word the remark on Er 
in Gen. xxxviii. 7: "But Er the first-born of 
Judah was evil in the eyes of the Lord, and He 
slew him." Ver. 5. The. sons of Perez, etc. 
(Hezron, perhaps the "blooming, fair;" Hainul, 
the "lorgiveu," or the "tender, weak;" comp. 
BHr* ;w. i. p. 432). These occur in two registers 
of : ie Pentateuch, the list of the children of 
Israsl who went down to Egypt with Jacob, 
Gen. xlvi. 12, and in that of the families of 
Judah in the Mosaic age, Num. xxvi. 21. Vers. 
6-8. And the sons of Zerah. Five such are 
named : Zimri, Ethan, Heman, Calcol, and Dara. 
On the first of these names, which might possibly 
be wrongly written (n^f for Hf, Josh. vii. 1), 

see under ver. 7. The four following names, 
especially if we read for the last, Darda, with a 
great number of old witnesses (see Grit. Note), 
agree surprisingly with the four men compared 
with Solomon in 1 Kings v. 11 : Ethan the Ez- 
rahite, and Heman, and Calcol, and Darda, the 
the sons of Mahol. The assumption of an iden 
tity of tl ese four wise men with the four younger 
sons of Zerah is very natural ; it has been already 
asserted by Grotius, Clericus, Lightfoot (Ckronol. 
V. T. p. 24), Hiller (Onom. tiacr.), and others, 
and recently by Movers (p. 237) and Bertheau, 
who insisted on the circumstance, that in 1 
Kings v. 11 contemporaries of Solomon were 
not intended (no more than in Ezra xiv. 14, 
xviii. 20, contemporaries of Daniel) ; further, on 
the probable identity of Zerah with Ezrah the 
:ather of Ethan mentioned in 1 Kings v. 11 
; and lastly, on the statement of the 

Rabbinical book Seder Olam, which says (p. 52, 
ed. Meyer) of the sons of Zerah named in our 
passage: "These were prophets who prophesied 
in Egypt," and thus appears to confirm expressly 
their being of the class of Hakamim. But the 
argument raised of late, especially by Hengsten- 
berg (Beitrdge zur E ml. ii. 61 f., and on Ps. 
Ixxxviii.), Keil (Apol. Vers. p. 164 ff. ; comp. 
Comment, p. 39 fl . ), as well as Bahr (on 1 Kings 
v. 1], Blbelw. vii. p. 30), against the identity of 
these persons, seems to be more weighty and de 
cisive. For, 1. The variant "Darda" for "Dara" 
in our passage, however old, appears clearly to 
have arisen from the endeavour to harmonize ; 
2. To this endeavour the notice in the Seder 
Olaiti owes its origin ; 3. That at least near 
contemporaries of Solomon are named in 1 Kings 
v. follows from the manifest and undeniable 
identity of Ethan the Ezrah ite with the so-named 
composer of Ps. Ixxxix., and from the very pro 
bable identity of Heman with " Heman the 
Ezrahite," the composer of Ps. Ixxxviii. ; 4. If 
the Ethan and Hemau of 1 Kings v. 11 be iden 
tical with the composers of these Psalms, they 
are also probably to be regarded as Levites of the 
family of the sons of Korah (see the superscr. of 
these Psalms), who are in 1 Chron. xv., xvii., and 
xix. called masters of song, and belong not to 
the family of Judah, and might at the most have 
found admission into it as adoptive sons of Zerah 
(Hengstenberg, Bdtrdge zur E ml. ins A. T. ii. 
71), an assumption, however, which is too arti 

ficial ; 5. The express designation of Calcol and 
Darda in Kings as "sons of Mahol" makes it 
difficult to assume their identity with the sons ol 
Zerah, as the latter must be regarded not as im 
mediate sons, but later descendants of Zerah ; 
6. Of the pre-eminent wisdom of the sons of 
Zerah, neither the canonical Old Testament nor 
the apocryphal literature has anything to report ; 
even such passages as Jer. xlix. 7, Baruch iii. 22 ff. 
are silent on the subject. The assumption of the 
identity of these with the names in 1 Kings v. 
can only be maintained on the presupposition 
that iJ3?| in our passage means not strictly sons, 

but later descendants of Zerah (so recently Keil, 
in Comment, p. 41). But this expedient has its 
difficulty, and by no means suffices to destroy the 
force of most of the arguments here adduced 
against the identity. We must therefore take 
the surprising coincidence of the names to be 
accidental, or assume with Movers (Chron. p. 
237) that we have in the present passage the 
peculiar genealogical combination of a later author. 
For the conjecture of Ewald, that Heman and 
Ethan, "the two great singers of the tribe of 
Judah, were taken by the Levitical music schools 
into their company and family, and therefore 
were afterwards (in the superscriptions of Ps. 
Ixxxviii. and Ixxxix.) reckoned to the tribe of 
Levi" (Gesch. d. V. Isr. iii. 1, p. 84), is no less 
artificial than that of Hengstenberg. [But of 
these considerations, Nos. 1 and 2 contain a mere 
subjective assumption. No. 3 assumes, without 
necessity, that the Ethan of 1 Kings v. and the 
composer of Ps. Ixxxix. are one, since two Ethans 
may descend from the one patriarch. No. 4 
assumes that the composers of Ps. Ixxxviii. and 
Ixxxix. were Levites, whereas the epithet Ezrahite 
appears to be added expressly to distinguish them 
from the Levites of those names. No. 5 assumes 
that Mahol is a proper name, which remains to 
be proved. No. 6 assumes that the wisdom of 
Zerah s sons is not probable, because it is not 
elsewhere mentioned. This argument of itself 
has little if any weight. On the other hand, one 
motive to insert these sons of Zerah in the list 

the Chronist, according 
their wisdom, for the sake of brevity, as it was 
elsewhere recorded. J. G. M.] Ver. 7. And 
the sons of Car mi : Ac/tar; that is, Achar was 
descended from Carmi. Comp. the oft-recurring 
use of the plural 133, where only one descendant 

is named (vers. 8, 30, 31, 42, and Gen. xlvi. 23). 
By Achar, as the addition, " the troubler of 
Israel" ("Dy, properly "the troubled"), shows, 
is meant the Achan of the book of Joshua 
(vii. 1 ff ., xxii 20), whose name must have been 
known to the author of this book in the by-form 
Achar, as he puts the valley of Achor in etymo 
logical connection with it (vii. 26, xv. 7). The 
link that connects Carmi, the father or ancestor 
of this Achar, with Zerah is wanting; but from 
Josh. vii. 1, where he is called a son of Zabdi, the 
son of Zerah, it is highly probable that he springs 
from Zimri, the first named of the sons of Zerah, 
whether Zimri in our passage be an error of the 
pen for Zabdi, or the reverse, or Zabdi be a son 
of Zimri, and thus several links of the series from 
Zerah to Achar have been omitted. On Carmi, 
comp. also ch. iv. 1 and Num. xxvi. 6, where a 
family of Reuben bears the name. Ver. 8 And 

as probably their occurrence in 1 Kings v., and 
be Chronist, according to his wont, is silent on 



the sons of Ethan : Azariah. This Ethan it 
Azariah is not otherwise known : no probable 
reason can be assumed why he only of the sons 
of Ethan is mentioned. 

b. The Descendants of Hezron: vers. 9-41. a. 
His three sous, ver. 9. And the sons of Hezron 

that were born to him. The passive -jpij stands 

"for the indefinite active, so that the following 
accusatives with JiK depend on the virtual notion 

of the active one bare him; comp. Gen. iv. 
18, xxi. 5, xlvi. 20, and the sing. *pfa in a 

similar position, 1 Chron. iii. 4, xxvi. 6" (Berth.). 
The name Ram is, in the New Testament genea 
logies of Jesus, Matt. i. 3, 4, Luke iii. 33, Aram ; 
comp. QI, Job xxxii. 2, with Q-itf, Gen. xxii. 21. 

The name s ^73 is undoubtedly a by-form of 373, 
ver. 18, or, as this name is written in iv. 1], of 
3v3 it is an adject, gentil., that stands to its 
stem 2173, as ^f, 1 Chron. vi. 11, to cj^, vi. 

20 (Ewald, Lehrb. 164, c), or as in Greek 
Maw^a^j (the n. pr. of the well-known Persian 
sectary) to May*?,-. Accordingly, the celebrated 
fore lather of Bezaleel had of old three names 
Caleb, Celub, the Celuban. Comp. underneath 
on ver. 18 n". and on ver. 40. The three here 
named, Jerahmeel, Ram, and Celubai, appear to 
have been actual sons or immediate descendants 
of Hezron, whereas the sons of Hezron afterwards 
appended, Segub, ver. 21, and Aslmr, ver. 24, 
as they are co-ordinated with his later descen 
dants, may possibly be sons in a wider sense. 
At all events, they did not belong to the aforesaid 
founders of the three celebrated lines of Hezron- 
ites, which are analyzed in the following passage, 
though in an order different from the present 
enumeration, the family of Rain being placed 
first, and that of Jerahmeel transferred to the 
end (comp. on ver. 18). 

&. The family of Ram, as first of the three 
Hezronite lines. His precedence is explained by 
the circumstance that the house of David sprang 
from him. The posterity of Ram is therefore 
carried down to David in seven members. The 
six members to Jesse, the father of David, are 
found also in the book of Ruth iv. 19-21 ; comp. 
the genealogies in Matt. i. and Luke iii. Ver. 
10. Nahxhon, prince of the sons of Judah. This 
distinguishing epithet, which is wanting in Ruth, 
points to Num. i. 7, ii. 3, vii. 12, where Nahshon 
is named as the prince of Judah at the exodus. 
As this date, according to the most probable in 
terpretation of the number 430, Exod. xii. 40, is 
to be placed fully four centuries after the time of 
Judah, several members must have fallen out 
between Hezron, the grandson of Judah, and 
Nahshon, as well as between Nahshon and Jesse, 
as the series Salma, Boaz, Obed, and Jesse is not 
sufficient to fill up the interval of 400 years be 
tween Moses and David. [If the 430 years count 
from the call of Abraham, which has not yet been 
disproved, the exodus was only 210 years after 
the descent of Judah into Egypt, instead of four 
centuries. J. G. M.] Ver. 11. Salma. Instead 

rf ND^KS the book of Ruth has, iv. 20, ntDPfc?, 
hut in the following verse io?^, which has 

passed into the New Testament (Luke iii. 32, 
2a>^v, and so Matt. i. 4, 5, where Luther has 
Salma). Vers. 13-15. The seven sons of Jesse. 
According to 1 Sam. xvii. 12 (comp. ch. xvi. 6 if.), 
Jesse had 8 sons, a difference which is most 
easily explained by the supposition that one of 
the eight died without posterity, and therefore 
was not included by later genealogists. His 
first-born Eliab. So is the eldest called in the 
books of Samuel ; on the contrary, in 1 Chron. 
xxvii. 18 the form Elihu appears to have come 
into the place of Eliab. The Peshito has in our 
passage 8 instead of 7 sons of Jesse, of whom it 
calls the seventh Elihu, the eighth David ; the 
first 6 agree with the Masoretic text. And Shima 
the third. The name tfy)05>, occurring thus in 
1 Chron. xx. 7, is in 2 Sam. xiii. 3 and xxi. 22 
in the Keri nypK- 5 on the contrary, in the 
Kethib of the latter passage ijJEty, and in Samuel 

(xvi. 6, xvii. 13) twice ni3"J- ; . The latter is 
merely an abbreviated form of nyC^ The 

names of the next three brothers occur nowhere 
else. Vers. 16, 17. And their sisters, Zeruiah 
and A biya d. Both sisters obtained great celebrity 
through their heroic sons, Zeruiah, as the mother 
of Abishai, Joab, and Asahel (1 Sam. xxvi. 6, 
2 Sam. ii. 18, iii. 39, vi. 16, etc.), who are always 
named after their mother, never after their less 
celebrated father ; Abigail, as mother of the com 
mander Amasa, who was involved in Absalom s 
rebellion (2 Sam. xvii. 25, xix. 14, xx. 10), whom 
she bare to. Jether the Ishmaelite. This -|j-|i is 
called 2 Sam. xvii. 25 K~i7V, with the epithet 
nt^n, for which, according at least to our 
passage, the correct form is ^yftty*n ; for the 

Israelitish descent of the man would have needed 
no distinct notice. Abigail herself appears, be 
sides, according to 2 Sam. xvii. 25, as a daughter 
of Nahash and sister of Zeruiah, and therefore 
not a full, but only a half sister of David. 

y. The. family of Caleb, as second of the three 
Hezronite lines: vers. 18-24. The question, how 
this first list of his descendants is related to the 
second in vers. 42-49, Wellhausen (p. 13 seq.) 
has endeavoured to answer by regarding the 
"aleb in ver. 42 as corresponding to the Celubai 
in ver. 9, designating the order in which the 
special genealogies of the three Hezi unite lines 
occurred, by the names Ram (ver. 10 if.), Jerah 
meel (ver. 25 if.), and Caleb (ver. 42 ff.), and con 
sidering the genealogy of Caleb (vers. 18--24) as 
a later insertion, whereby the Chronist has dis- 
igured the original and normal development of 
his genealogy of the Hezronites. He holds that, 
indeed, this insertion itself is again a conglo 
merate of genealogical fragments of various origin, 
as appears most clearly from the reference of vers. 
21-23 to Hezron himself, the father of Caleb. 1 
Indeed, even vers. 10-17 are probably an inter 
polation, whereby the Chronist has endeavoured 
;o extend the pedigree of the Hezronites originally 
beginning with Jerahmeel ( the first-born of Hez- 

1 "... Quae ver. 18 sqq. leguntur, ex variis fonfibus 

haufta a Chronicographo ilemum ei Chesronxorum catalogo 

nterpo&ita x-unt, qui quasi fundamentum est totius st* ucfura 

hujus genealoyim" (I.e. p. 13;. Comp. p. 16: ". . . fur- ago 

nt omnia (vers. lb-i!4), ex meris congesta fragnientit." 

CHAP. II. 18-24. 


ron," ver. 25), on the basis of the book of Ruth, 
the Ram of which (Ruth iv. 19) appears to him 
as a son of Hezron and a brother of Jerahmeel 
and Caleb, whereas he is in truth, according to 
per. 25, a son of Jerahmeel and grandson of Hezron. 
Accordingly, the old genealogical table before the 
Chronist had only two lines of Hezronites (Jerah- 
meelites and Calebites), and his supplementing 
action had extended this register, so that he first 
added a Ram son of Hezron, with his posterity 
(vers. 10-17), different from Ram son of Jerahmeel, 
and then a second Caleb (vers. 18-24), with many 
other descendants than those of the younger 
brother Jerahmeel, ver. 42 ff. It cannot be denied 
that many reasons appear to recommend this bold 
hypothesis. It explains in a satisfactory way the 
circumstance that the first-born Jerahmeel, whose 
genealogy we should expect first, appears after 
those of his two younger brothers, and also the 
surprising duplication of the names Ram and 
Caleb. But the hypothesis comes short of abso 
lute certainty in many points which require to be 
adduct-d for confirmation. And especially it still 
remains doubtful which of the different old tradi 
tions concerning the descendants of the old prince 
of Judah, Caleb the companion of Joshua, whether 
that in ver. 18 ff., or that in ver. 42 ff., or that 
in iv. 11, 15 ff. , is to be pronounced the oldest 
and most trustworthy, and whether we are en 
titled to reject for one of them all the others at 
once as totally untrustworthy, and containing no 
element of historical truth. If it were to be 
assumed that originally there were two persons 
of this name, a Caleb son of Hezron (ii., iv. 11 ff. ) 
and a Caleb son of Jephunneh (iv. 15 ff .), this 
duplication would warn us to be so much the 
more cautious in the reception or rejection of this 
or that one of the various traditions that are 
attached to these honourable names : the still 
greater complexity of the collective genealogies 
of Caleb would all the more favour the conjecture 
that each of the series referred to him must be 
accounted in the one or the other way as authentic, 
as containing in itself elements of the genuine 
posterity of Caleb. Ver. 18. Begat with Azubah 

his wife. fiX T^V"!, either "begat with" (as else 
where jo T9in> ch. viii. 8, 9) or "caused to bring 
forth" (comp. Isa. Ixvi. 9). The following words, 
rriyn t| TlK1 n$K, appear to be corrupt. If we 

translate (with D. Kimchi, Piscat., Osiand., and 
others), " with Azubah, a wife, and with Jerioth," 
two things are strange : the indefinite designa 
tion of Azubah as a wife, n$K (for which we 

should expect "his wife," ^ngf&0> an( i the cir 
cumstance that of the second wile no son is named. 
If we regard (with Hiller, J. D. Mich.) j-)N1 as 

explicative, with Azubah a wife, that is, Jerioth, 
we establish a mode of expression which is without 
a parallel in our book. It is impossible to render 
"And Caleb begat Azubah and Jerioth" (B. 
Striegel). We must either hold n$tf, which is, 

moreover, wanting in two MSS. (see Grit. Note), 
with Berth, and Kamph., as a marginal note that 
has crept into the text, designed to prevent the 
translation " begat Azubah," or adopt the reading 
of the Pesh. and the Vulg., H5< ifit?K> which 

Rives the sense, "begat with Azubah his wife 

Jerioth, and these are her (Jerioth s) sons." The 
latter appears the most satisfactory (comp. Keil). 
The names of her three sons occur nowhere else 
in the Old Testament. Ver. 19. And Azubah 
died, and Caleb took to him Ephrath, namely, to 
wife. To this second wife of Caleb, whose name 
in ver. 50 (comp. iv. 4) is Ephrathah, belongs 
Hur, who is also mentioned Exod. xxxi. 2 as the 
grandfather of Bezalel. By this we are scarcely 
to understand that Ephrathah was properly a 
local name equivalent to Bethlehem (Gen. xxxvi. 
16, 19 ; Micah v. 1), so that Hur would be desig 
nated a descendant of Caleb, born at Bethlehem, 
or originating thence (an assumption to which 
Bertheau seems inclined). On ver. 20, comp. 
Exod. xxxi. 2, xxxv. 30. Ver. 21. Afterwards 
Hezron went in to the daughter of Macldr. 
"Afterwards," ~inN1> that is, after the birth of 

those three sons mentioned ver. 9, whose mother 
is not named. The whole notice, extending to 
ver. 24, of Hezron s descendants, born in his old 
age of the daughter of Machir the Gileadite, and 
of a son Ashur, born after his death of a third 
wife Abiah (ver. 24), is undoubtedly surprising, 
and unsuitable to the present place : the series of 
Hezron s sons and their descendants is thereby 
violently interrupted, and the above-mentioned 
interpolation theory of Wellhausen has in this 
case a very strong support. If we hold the pra- 
sent order to be original, we must assume, with 
Keil, that the here mentioned descendants of 
Hezron " were somehow more closely connected 
with the family of Caleb than with that of either 
Ram or Jerahmed." On Machir the first-born of 
Manasseh, to whom Moses gave the land of Gilead, 
comp. Gen. 1. 23 ; Num. xxxii. 40 ; Deut. iii. 15. 
As he is here and ver. 23 called "father of Gilead, 
so is it said Num. xxvi. 29 that he begat Gilead. 
Comp. Num. xxvii. 1, from which it follows that, 
by this paternal relation of Machir to Gilead, more 
must be meant than the bare notion of a descent 
of the Israelitish population of Gilead from Ma 
chir, and that there must have been a definite 
person, Gilead, son of Machir and grandfather of 
Zelophehad. By the designation father of Gilead, 
the present Machir is distinguished from later 
persons of the same name ; comp. 2 Sam. ix. 4, 
xvii. 27. Ver. 22. And Segub begat Jair. This 
Jair, the grandson of Hezron through Segub, be 
longed on the mother s side to the tribe of Ma 
nasseh, and occurs therefore elsewhere, as Num. 
xxxii. 41, Deut. iii. 14, as a Manassite. His 
family, after the conquest of Og king of Bashan 
under Moses, received the territory of Argob, and 
gave to the conquered cities which Moses handed 
over to him the name Havvoth-Jair (TfcO T\\r\), 

"tent-villages of Jair," or "life of Jair" (comp. 
Num. xxxii. 41; Deut. iii. 14; Josh. xiii. 30; 
1 Kings iv. 13), with which designation the 
name "Judah on Jordan," Josh. xix. 34 (that 
is, the colony of Jews in Gilead east of the 
Jordan), is most probably identical ; comp. v. 
Raumer, Palcest. 4th edit. p. 233 ; Hengstenb. 
Gesch. des Reich* Gottes im A. T. ii. p. 258 : 
Hoffm. Blkke in diefriiheste Gesch. des gelobten 
Landes, i. (1870) p. 114. Ver. 23. And Geshur 
and Aram, the Geshurites and Aramaeans, which 
is scarcely a hendiadys for "the Aramaeans of 
Geshur," but rather points to an alliance of the 
Geshurites with the neighbouring Aramaeans. 
For Geshur (2 Sam. iii. 3, xiii. 37, xv. 8) was a 



region in Aram or Syria, lying on the north-west 
border of Bashan near Hermon and the eastern 
bank of the Jordan, that in David s time (comp. 
on eh. iii. 2) had a king of its own, and formed 
at that time an independent kingdom, not sub- 
iect to Israel, in the opinion of Hitzig (Gesch. d. 
Yolks Israel, i. p. 28 ft .), an Amorite kingdom of 
Arian(?) origin, though Moses in the distribution 
of the country had assigned it to Manasseh (Josh. 
xiii. 13; comp. xii. 5). With Kenath and her 

daughters, sixty cities. So should the " 

be most probably taken, as a farther district, 
besides the villages of Jair, which the Geshurites 
and Aramaeans took, and not as an explanatory 
apposition to these (comp. Berth.). For the 
preceding statement, that the villages of Jair 
amounted to twenty-three (ver. 22), is much too 
definite to allow it to be supposed that the now 
named sixty daughter towns of Kenath form an 
inexact repetition of the same designation. Much 
rather the difference of the two districts: "the 
villages of Jair" and the "daughters of Kenath," 
appears in the clearest manner from Num. xxxii. 
41, 42, according to which, of the two Manassites 
Jair and Nobah, the former conquered the " Hav- 
voth Jair," the latter the " Benotk Kenath." 
Only in their sum total were these places sixty in 
number, ami only to this sum total does the pre 
sent -py D v C y apply- Whether, therefore, the 

group of towns designated by "Kenath" (now 
Kanwat, on the western slope of Jebel Hanran) 
arid her daughters numbered exactly thirty-seven 
towns (as Keil thinks), remains uncertain ; and 
the number sixty may very probably be a round 
number (comp. also Dent. iii. 12-14 ; Josh. xiii. 
30). On the time when the Geshurites and Ara 
maeans took the sixty towns, nothing can be ascer 
tained from our passage. Certain it is that the 
later Judge of Israel, Jair (Judg. x. 4), possessed 
again at least thirty of these towns under the 
name of Havvoth-Jair, which must have survived 
to still later times. All these are, sons of Jair, 
not the sixty towns, but the afore-mentioned 
Segub and Jair and their descendants and corre 
latives. It may be conjectured that the genea 
logical source used by the Chronist was originally 

more full, so that nW ^3 referred not merely to 

these two names. Ver. 24. And after the death 
of Hezron in Caleb-ephrathah. This place, which 
does not elsewhere occur, might possibly be the 
same as Ephrathah or Bethlehem-ephrathah (see 
on ver. 19) ; the name of Caleb s second wife 
Ephrath might be somehow connected with this 
her place of abode and death. " In 1 Sam. xxx. 
14 a part of the south of Judah is called Negeb 
Caleb, because it belonged to the family of Caleb ; 
in analogy with which the town or place, in which 
Caleb and his wife Ephrath dwelt, might be called 
Caleb of Ephrathah, if Ephrath had brought it 
as a dowry to him, as in Josh. xv. 18 f. " (Keil). 
Or from the Negeb Caleb, as the southern part of 
Caleb s territory, 1 Sam. xxx. 14, "possibly the 
northern part might be distinguished by the more 
definite name Caleb of Ephrathah, that is, of 
Bethlehem " (Berth. 1 ). None of these interpreta 
tions of this obscure phrase is perfectly satisfac 
tory ; and there is therefore much plausibility in 
the emendation of Wellhausen, founded on a 
various reading presented by the Sept. (n*.6t 

3 N3), "And aftei 

Hezron s death Caleb went to Ephrath, the wife 
of his father Hezron." Here for 3 is read ^3 ; 

for J1BW, rVJ ; ; and for rP3K, V3K a change 
which is certainly somewhat radical ; but the 
resulting sense is not improbable (comp. Gen. 
xxxv. 22). As the text stands, here is a third 
wife of Hezron, called Abiah (comp. vers. 9 and 
21), who bears to him "Ashur, father of Tekoa" 
(comp. iv. 5-7), as &fil. postumus after his death. 
This Ashur (whom Wellhausen is disposed to 
change into an "niTt^X, iin <l to identify with 

Hur, Caleb s son by Ephrath, ver. 19) is called 
father of Tekoa, as lord and chieftain of the 
town Tekoa, the home of the prophet Amos, 
two hours south of Bethlehem (comp. Josh. xv. 
59), where this place still exists under the name 
Tekua (comp. Robinson s Pal. ii. p. 406). 

. The family of Jerahmeel, the third line of 
Hezron : vers. 25-41. Of Jerahmeel (he whom 
God pities, whom He loves = hvtpi Aos) the first 
born of Hezron : ver. 9. As there was a negeb 
Caleb (ver. 24) and a negeb of the Kenites, so 
there was a negeb of the Jerahmeelites, 1 Sam. 
xxvii. 10 ; comp. xxx. 29. This is a proof of the 
strength and power of this line springing from 
the oldest Hezronites. Ram the first-born. 
Wellhausen, perhaps without ground, takes this 
Ram to be originally identical \\ith the Ram of 
ver. 10, the founder of the Ramite family, from 
which David sprang; comp. on iv. 21. And 
Bunah, and Oren, and Ozem of Ahijah. The 
last of these names, nnt$> should not apparently 

designate a fifth son of Jerahmeel, because in that 
case the ^ should not be wanting. It appears 
rather to be the name of the mother of the four 
sons, and a > before n s n&$ appears to have 

fallen out before the Q of the foregoing DVN1 

(comp. viii. 9). This conjecture, thrown out by 
Jun., Tremell. , Clericus, J. H. Mich., J. Lange, 
and approved by all the moderns, appears the 
more probable, as in the following verse mention 
is made of a second wife of Jerahmeel, and the 
Syr. and the Sept. in our verse have reckoned 
only four sons, the latter rendering n s riX by 

oti XQog KVTOV. Ver. 26. Atarah ; she was the 
mother of Onam, whose family is traced out 
vers. 28-33. The name niLDy appears to signify 

"crown," a name not unsuitable for a female, 
Prov. xxxi. 10. Yet it might signify "wall, 
fort," as the sing, of rriltOJJj the city (comp. Num. 

xxxii. 3, 34 f. ; Josh. xvi. 5, 7, xviii. 13 ; and Well 
hausen, p. 25). Vers. 28-30. Onam s family 
continues itself in pairs of sons to Abishur and 
Nadab, his grandsons, and to their sons. On the 
name "Abihail," comp. Crit. Note. Ver. 31. 
And the sons of Shexhan (descendants ; see on ver. 
7), Ahlai. This Ahlai must have been a daughter, 
not a son, of Sheshan, great-grandson of Nadab, 
ver. 29 ; for (ver. 34) Sheshan had no sons, but 
only daughters : Ahlai was therefore his heiress ; 
but whether the same daughter who (ver. 35) 
married the Egyptian Jarha must remain uncer 
tain. The remark of Hiller (Onom. S. p. 736), 
therefore, on Sheshan : Quicquid habuit Uberoruvn, 
s. nepotum, sustulit ex unica filia Achlai, is not 

CHAP. II. 42-45. 


quite correct. Ver. 33. These were the sons of 
Jerahmeel. This subscription (going back to ver. 
25) includes 23 descendants of Jerahmeel. It de 
serves notice, that 23 descendants of Jerahmeel, 
with the preceding descendants of Judah (from 
ver. 3), make up, the sum of 70 members of the 
house of Judah, namely, sons of Judah, 5 ; ot 
Perez, 2 ; of Zerah, 5 ; Carrni, Achar, and 
Azariah, 3 ; Ram and his descendants (including 
the 2 daughters of Jesse, and Jether father of 
Ain;;sa), 21 ; Caleb and his descendants, 10 ; and 
Jerahmeel and his descendants, 24. This new 
number 70 of the ancestors of the Jews, made 
out by Bertheau, loses weight and certain t} ? , be 
cause it includes several females, against all 
genealogical rule reckons the father and mother 
of Amasa as two members, and excludes the 13 
descendants of Sheshan, which sprang from the 
Egyptian servant Jarha (vers. 34-41), treating 
them as a mere offshoot (comp. Keil, p. 46). And 
would not the Chro.lst, if he had actually 
wished to represent the posterity of Judah, after 
the mariner of that of his father Israel, Gen. 
xlvi. 26 f., as 70 souls, have overturned this 
reckoning again by his later additions, and 
especially the supplements given in iv. 1-23, and 
altogether effaced the impression made thereby ? 
Welihausen s interpolation theory, even if only 
approximately true, by no means agrees with this 
assumption of a tendency in the writer to sym 
bolic numbers in his enumerations in vers. 3-33. 
Vers. 34 -41. The family of Jarha, the Egyptian 
servant. This Jarha occurs nowhere else ; he 
may have served Sheshan during the sojourn of 
Israel in Egypt ; for the latter branched off from 
Judah in the ninth generation, and belonged thus 
to the time before Moses. Most of the old ex 
positors, perhaps rightly, presume that Jarha, only 
after he was made a free man and a proselyte by 
Sheshan (comp. Ex. xxii. 20, xxiii. 9), married his 
daughter ; comp. the law concerning intermar 
riage between Israelites and Egyptians, Deut. 
xxiii. 8 ; also David s Egyptian servant, 1 Sam. 
xxx. 13 tf. Of the 13 here named descendants of 
Jarha, none occur elsewhere in the history of the 
Old Testament. Their names, indeed, recur 
several times, some of them, for example, in ch. 
iii., among the descendants of David ; but it is 
not in the remotest degree probable that any of 
these belong to the list of the descendants of 

Appendix to the Genealogy of the House of Judah : 
Three Series of Descendants of Caleb, with 
Names chiefly of Geographical Import : vers. 

a. The first series : Mesha s posterity : vers. 
42-45. And the sons of Caleb, brother of Jeroh- 
nterl. This introduction leaves no doubt that the 
same Caleb is meant as in ver. 18, and that this 
is an appendix to his gonealogy already communi 
cated Mesha his first-born ; he was the father 
of Ziph. Though almost all the following names : 
Ziph, Mareshah, Hebron, appear to be local 
name?, yet Mesha (%"& sounds decidedly like 

a personal name ; comp. the Moabitish king of 
this name, who has recently become celebrated by 
his monument of victory (2 Kings iii. 4). As, on 
the other hand, Ziph (epf ) appears to be the town 

adjacent to Hebron which is mentioned Josh. 

xv. 55, the same that gave its name to the wilder 
ness of Ziph known to us from the history of 
David, 1 Sam. xxiii. 14 If., xxv. 2, and which 
Robinson has recognised (ii. 417 ff.) in certain 
ruins on a hill south-east of Hebron, nothing if 
more natural than to perceive in Mesha the father 
of Ziph a lord or chieftain, or even the founder, 
of the town of Ziph (comp. on ver. 24). By Ziph 
might also be meant the place mentioned Josh. 
xv. 24, pretty far from Hebron in the plain 
(Shephelah) situated not far from Marash, the 
ancient Mareshah (so thinks Keil against Ber 
theau). And the sons of Mareshah the father oj 
Hebron. Mareshah is scarcely the name of that 
town mentioned Josh. xv. 44 and 2 Chron. xi. 8 
along with Ziph, which occurs in the times of the 
Maccabees and the Romans under the name of 
Marissa, and is preserved in the ruins of Marash 
in the Shephelah, half an hour south of Beit- 
jibriri (v. Raum. Palvest. 3d edit. p. 192 ; Robin 
son, ii. 693 ; Tobler, Dritte Wanderung, pp. 129, 
142). The expression "father of Hebron" 
makes the reference to this town very im 
probable ; for at no time is any dependence of 
the ancient Hebron (Num. xiii. 23) on that very 
remote Mareshah recorded. "We must rather, as 
the reading of the Masoretic text now runs, re 
gard Mareshah as the proper name of some old 
tribe chief, and hold the Hebron signalized among 
his sons as most probably a person or tribe dis 
tinct from the well-known city Hebron (comp. v. 

28 and Ex. vi. 18, where p"OH i s likewise a 

personal name). So, justly perhaps, Wellhauseu 
and Keil, who is, moreover, disposed to consider 
the text corrupt, and proposes the following 
emendation (see Grit. Note): "and the sons of 
Mesha were Abi-Hebron." This conjecture is 
supported by the analogy of such compounds as 
Abidan, Abiezer, Abinadab ; the simple Hebron 
in ver. 43 might very well be an abbreviated form 
of Abihebron (comp. En-tappuah, Josh. xvii. 7, 
with the shorter Tappuah, Josh. xvi. 8). [It is 
simpler and easier to regard Hebron as a person, 
named, if you will, after a former Hebron. J. 
G. M.j Ver. 43. And the sons of Hebron: 
Korah, and Tappuah, and Rekem, and Shema. 
These four names also must rather be names of 
persons or tribes than of towns. For Korah and 
Shema occur only as personal names ; Rekem 
once indeed as the name of a city, Josh, xviii. 27, 
but belonging to Benjamin, and several times as 
a personal name : in Num. xxxi. 8 as the name 
of a Midianite prince ; and 1 Chron. vii. 18 as 
the name of a descendant of Manasseh. Only 
Tappuah ("apple ") recurs merely as the name of 
a city (Josh. xii. 17, xv. 34, xvi. 8 ; comp. xvii. 
7), which, however, proves nothing for the case 
in point, and by no means establishes a reference 
to this or that so-called city. Ver. 44. And 
Shema begat Raham, father of Jorkeam. For 
which occurs nowhere else, the Sept. 

exhibits I;*A* ; whence Bertheau concludes that 
it was originally QjnpS as in Josh. xv. 56. But 

a name Jokdeam the Sept. renders by 
tSuaiju., and here it reads twice in succession 
li*xv. It exhibits the same also for Dpi, and 

thereby obscures the original relation of the 
genealogical data in our passage ; some of the foui 
sons of Hebron (ver. 43), first Sliema and then 


the penultimate Rekem, have their genealogy 
traced. With Shammai the son of this Rekem 
comp. the so named persons above ver. 28 and 
below iv. 17, and also the celebrated leader of 
the Pharisees of this name, the antagonist of 
Hillel in the time of Jesus (Joseph. Antiq. xiv. 
9. 4). Ver. 45. And Maon was father of Beth- 
Zur. Both Maon and Bethzur are cities in the 
hill country of Judea ; comp. for the former, 
which is now called Main, and is pointed out as 
a castle in ruins, with cisterns, etc., on a hill in 
Carmel south of Hebron, Josh. xv. 55 ; 1 Sam. 
xxiii. 24 i ., xxv. 2 ; Robinson, ii. 421 ; for the 
latter, the site of which is to be sought north of 
Hebron on the road to Jerusalem, Josh. xv. 58 ; 2 
Chron. xi. 7 ; v. Raumer, Pal. p. 163. there 
is no decisive reason for excluding a reference to 
these places. Maon the son of Shammai may 
be regarded as the founder of the city so called 
(comp. Judg. x. 12, where Maon is the name of a 
non-lsraelitish tribe, along with Amalek and the 
Zidonians) ; Bethzur may then have been founded 
as a colony from Maon, a genetic relation, which 
is here expressed in a manner not quite usual by 
"father of Bethzur" (for above in vers. 24, 42, 
and below in vers. 50, 51, it is not descent of a 
colony from its mother city, but government of 
cities by their princes or lords, that is designated 
in this manner). 

b. The second series : posterity of Ephah and 
Maachah, the two concubines of Caleb : vers. 
46-49. And Ephah, Caleb s concubine. The 

name ni^y, occurring elsewhere (ver. 47 and i. 

S3) as a man s name, seems here, where it desig 
nates a secondary wife of Caleb, to point to a 
non-lsraelitish origin of its possessor, whether 
she be regarded as a person or a race. Of the 
latter opinion is Wellhausen, p. 12, who takes 
this non-lsraelitish gens mingling with the Caleb- 
ites to belong to Midian ; and on the contrary, the 
second concubine of Caleb, designated as Maachah, 
ver. 48, to be a gens belonging to Canaan. Of the 
three sons of Ephah, Haran and Gazez are not 
otherwise known. The middle name Moza occurs 
Josh, xviii. 26 as the name of a city of Benjamin ; 
but this can scarcely be connected with the son of 
Caleb and Ephah. That Gazez (Sept. ri^ori) is 
first named as a third son, and then as a grand 
son of Caleb, may be explained in two ways, 
either so that the statement : "and Haran begat 
Gazez" (which is omitted in the Sept.), be taken 
as a more exact addition to the foregoing mention 
of Gazez, or that there were really two descen 
dants of Caleb of the same name, a son and a 
grandson (uncle and nephew; comp. ch. iii. 10). 
The former is the more probable assumption. 
-Ver. 47. And the sons of Jehdai. It is not 

clear how this Jehdai (" qn 1 ) is genealogically 

connected with the foregoing. Hiller in the 
Onom. ti. conjectures without ground that he 
was one and the same person with Moza, ver. 46 ; 
Jehdai might as well be a second concubine of 
Caleb. Of the six sons of Jehdai also, of whose 
names only some (Jotharn ; comp. Shaaph, ver. 
49) occur elsewhere, we know nothing more. 
Ver. 48. And Caleb s concubine Maachah bare 
Sheber and Tirhanah. Though this name H3 
occurs often (comp. iii. 2, vii. 16, viii. 29, xi. 43; 
also the nom. genlilic. irDJflSil, 2 Kings xxv. 23 ; 

1 Chron. iv. 19), yet nothing certain can be con 
jectured concerning its present bearer ; that she 
was a Canaanitess is a mere conjecture of Well 
hausen. The two sons of Maachah occur nowhere 

else. The masc. 1^ (for which some MSS. have 
* i see Orit. Note) m.iy arise from the writer 

thinking of the father, whom he does not name. 
Ver. 49. And she bare (besides the two already 
mentioned) Shaaph, the father of Madmannali, 
This city of Judah, mentioned Josh. xv. 31, may 
be preserved in the present Miniay or Miniah 
south of Gaza. Its "father" Shaaph, clearly 
different from him who is so named ver. 47, may 
be regarded as its prince or founder (comp. on 
ver. 42): even so Sheva (on which name comp. 

2 Sam. xx. 25, Keri) in reference to Machbenah, 
and the unnamed father in reference to Gibeah. 
Machbenah, belonging no doubt to Judah, is no 
further known. Joshua also, xv. 57, names a 
Gibeah in the mountains of Judah, whether the 
same with the village Jeba mentioned by Robin 
son and Tobler, on a hill in Wady Mussur, re 
mains a question; comp. Keil on Josh. xv. And 
Caleb s daughter was Achxa. This closing notice 
puts it beyond doubt that the Caleb hitherto 
(from ver. 46) spoken of is the same as Caleb the 
son of Jephunneh and father of Achsa (whom he 
promised and gave to the conqueror of Debir as a 
reward, Josh. xv. 16 ff. ; Judg. i. 12). This is 
Caleb son of Jephunneh, the contemporary of 
Moses and Joshua; and therefore it seems difficult 
to identify him at once with the brother of Jer.ih- 
meel and son of Hezron mentioned in vers. 18 and 
42 (comp. on ver. 18). For this Hezronite, a great- 
grandson of Judah through Perez, appears to have 
been older than Moses and Joshua ; but our pas 
sage, as also ch. iv. 15, refers clearly to that con 
temporary of Joshua who is mentioned in the 
books of Joshua and Judges. That this younger 
Caleb is a descendant of the Hezronite is highly 
probable, because in the descendants of one and 
the same stock it is easy for the collateral genea 
logies to intermingle, as they have done here 
and in iv. 15 ff. (comp. besides, the remarks on 
ch. iv. 11, 13, 15). If we assume accordingly two 
Calebs, an older, the Hezronite, of whom we read 
vers. 9 (under the name Celubai), 18, 42-45, and 
then again vers. 50-55, and a younger, whose 
genealogy is given in our verses (46-49) and in 
ch. iv. 15 ff. , we do not go so far as some older 
expositors (even Starke), who assume with a 
double Caleb a double Achsa, a daughter of the 
Hezronite Caleb (supposed to be here mentioned), 
and a daughter of the Jephunnite Caleb (Josh. xv. ; 
Judg. i. ). As little do we approve of Movers 
conjecture (Chron. p. 83), that the words, "and 
Caleb s daughter was Achsa," are a spurious in 
terpolation of a later hand. But Keil s conjecture, 
also, that the expression "daughter" denotes here 
"grand -daughter, descendant," that it is the 
Achsah of Josh. xv. 16 that is here spoken of, but 
as a later descendant of the old Hezronite Caleb, 
and not a daughter of the Jephunnite, we cannot 
accept, as it obviously does violence to the term 
"daughter." Finally, we reject also Bertheau s 
attempt to admit only one Caleb, and to refer the 
diversity in the accounts of him here and before 
to the inexact manner of the genealogical terms 
that express also geographical relations ; as well 
as Ewald s opinion, that Caleb in vers. 42-49 is 

CHAP. II. 50-55. 

the Caleb of the book of Joshua; the Caleb in 
vers. 9, 18-20, and 50-55, on the contrary, is a 
quite different person, whose real name was 
Celubai. (On the somewhat different, and at all 
events more probable hypothesis of Wellhausen, 
see above on ver. 18.) 

c. The third series: posterity of Hur, son of 
Caleb: ver- 50-55. As Hur is doubtless the 
grandfatlte* of Bezalejl mentioned ver. 19, we 
have here again a line going back to Caleb the 
Hezronite. These were the sons of Caleb. This 
introductory sentence, the generality of which 
does not suit the following statement, giving a 
genealogy of only one son of Caleb, appears to 
indicate that the whole section is taken from an 
originally different connection. The son of Hur, 
first-born of Ephrathah (comp. ver. 19) : Shobal. 
As, after Shobal in the following verse, Salma and 
Hareph are also named as sons of Hur, it appears 
more correct to read for "i^n~J2, with the Sept., 

the plur. -firr\32l. In the Masoretic pointing, 

indeed, the names Salma and Hareph follow 
Shobal, father of Kiriath-jearim, without close 
connection by i; and "i^ri p appears in some 

measure as a superscription. Whether Shobal be 
the same with the brother of Hur and son of 
Judah mentioned ch. iv. 1, must remain doubt 
ful. The town of Kiriath-jearim, of which he is 
here called the father, that is, founder or chief, is 
that old Gibeonite town which is otherwise called 
Kiriath-baal or Baalah (coinp. Josh. ix. 17, xv. 
9, 60), and lay in the north-west corner of Judah, 
on the border of Benjamin, probably the present 
Kureyet el Enab (wine town), on the road from 
Terusalem to Jaffa (Robinson, ii. 588 ff. ; Keil on 
Josh. ix. 17). Ver. 51. Salma, father of Beth 
lehem. The coincidence of name with the Beth- 
lehemite ancestor of David of the house of Ram 
mentioned ver. 1 7 is perhaps only accidental ; 
comp. on ver. 54. Hareph, father of Beth- 
gader, of the same place, which in Josh. xii. 13 
is Geder, and in Josh. xv. 36 Gederah; comp. 
ch. xii. 4, xxvii. 28. Kei 1 thinks rather of 
Gedor (inj), Josh. xv. 58, x Chron. iv. 4, xii. 

7, but with less ground. The name Hareph does 
not occur elsewhere, though Fpin, Neh. vii. 24, 

x. 20 (comp. <| SYinn> 1 Chron. xii. 5), maybe only 

a variation of the same name. Ver. 52. Haroeh 
and the half of Menuhoth. These words, un 
intelligible to the old translators : ^ 

, tor which the Sept. gives three proper 

names: Apxx / Aio-i xui Ap/urtvid, and the Vulg. 
the unmeaning words : qui videbat dimidium re- 
yuietionum, are obviously corrupt. Let us read 
after ch. iv. 2, where a Reaiah son of Shobal 
occurs, for ns in ITS"! (for to regard the former 

as a mere by-form of rV&O. as niany old expositors 
do, is inadmissible), and for flin^i! " VH accord 

ing to ver. 54: nrutsn ^m or nmsn ynv 

The text thus amended (according to Bertheau s 
conjecture) gives Reaiah and Hazi-hammanahath, 
that is, half of the Manahathite, as sons of Shobal, 
two Jewish families, of which the latter may be 
part of the inhabitants of the town Manahath, 
ch. viii. 6. The situation of this place is deter 
mined by ver. 54, where Zorah is mentioned as a 

neighbouring town, to be near the border of 
Judah, towards Dan. Reaiah seems from ch. 
iv. 2 not to have continued as a local name, but 
to have been the ancestor of the citizens of Zora ; 
so that his former seat is also to be sought in the 
north-west of Judah. Ver. 53. And the families 
of Kiriath-jearim were the Ithrite, etc. These 
families of Kiriath-jearim are annexed to the 
already named sons of Shobal as other sons, 
descendants of the same ancestor. The four 
families are adduced in the fundamental text as 
singulars : the Ithrite, the Puthite, etc. The 
three last named occur nowhere else ; on the con 
trary, to the family of the Ithrites, ch. xi. 40 
(2 Sam. xxiii. 38), belonged Ira and Gareb, two 
of David s heroes. From these came the Zorathite 
and the Eshiaolite. Zorah, the home of Samson 
(Judg. xiii. 2, xvi. 31), now Sura, between Jeru 
salem and Jabneh ; Eshtaol, a town on the border 
of Judah and Dan, near Zorah (comp. Judg. xvi. 
31, xviii. 11), probably the present Um Eshteijeh. 
Ver. 54. The sons of Salma: Bethlehem (the 
family of Bethlehem ; comp. ver. 51) and the Neto- 
phathite. The town Netophah must, as follows 
from the reference of its inhabitants to Salma, be 
sought close by Bethlehem ; comp. ch. ix. 16 ; 
2 Sam. xxiii. 28 f. ; 2 Kings xxv. 23; Ezra ii. 22; 
Neh. vii. 26, whence appears the comparative 
celebrity of this town, whose site has not yet been 
discovered. Atarotk of the house of Joab. This 
is certainly the name of a town, which is to be 
interpreted, not "crowns," but rather "walls, 
forts," of the house of Joab; comp. on ver. 26. 
The site is as uncertain as that of the following 
Hazi-hammanahath (half Manahath); comp. ch. 
viii. 6. On the contrary, jnjfn at the close 

points certainly to the known border city Zorah 
mentioned in the foregoing verse ; for ijnv is 

only formally different from Tljri, being derived 
from the masc. of nyi^*, which may have been 

used along with the feminine as the name of tne 
town, although this cannot be proved. The 
Zorites of our verse must have formed a second 
element of the inhabitants of Zorah, along with 
the Zorathites of the previous verse descended 
from Shobal. Ver. 55. And the f amities of the 
scribes dwelling at Jabez. This Jewish town of 
Jabez (Y25J 11 ), whose name recurs ch. iv. 9 f. as 

that of a descendant of Judah, is quite unknown 
in site, but must apparently be sought, like all 
the places mentioned from ver. 53, in the north of 
Judah, on the borders of Benjamin or Dan. Of 
the families of scribes in Jabez, however, three 
are mentioned : the Tirathites, Shimathites, and 
Suchathites. These three names the Vulg. has 
applied appellatively to the functions of these 
three classes of learned men, translating: canentes 
et resonantes et in tabernaculis commorantes. It 
is possible that the Jewish doctors consulted by 
Jerome in the translation of our book (perhaps 
the rabbi from Tiberias, with whom he collated 
the text from beginning to end ; comp. Introd. 
6, Rein.) had presented an etymological basis 
for this interpretation, in seeking to refer 1. 
, "jubilee song, trumpet sound;" 

to njftpKJ, " report, echo" (or perhaps 
to njJDK , Aram. NnoKJ, traditio legis; comp. 


Wellhausen, p 30) ; 3. 


= H3D, 

"hut, booth;" comp. Lev. xxiii. 34 ff. If the 
etymology here were correct, and it commends 
itself at all events more than the partly deviating 
one which Bertheau (by reference of the first 
term to the Chald. y.H, door, and thus making 

a synonym of Q nyb , porters) has at 

tempted, the functions assigned to the three 
classes of Sopherirn, and giving origin to their 
names, would belong to divine worship, and re 
semble those of the Levites. And this seems to 
agree very well with the closing remark: these 
are the Kenites, that came from ffammath, fatlter 
of the liouxe of Rechab, as a certain connection or 
spiritual relationship may be shown, as well of 
the Kenites as of the Rechabites, with the Levites, 
if we think on the one hand of Jethro, father-in- 
law of Moses, the priest of the Midian-Kenites 
in the region of Sinai (Ex. ii. 15, iii. 1 ; comp. 
Judg. i. 16, iv. 11, 17), and of his influence on 
the legislative and religious activity of Moses 
(Ex. xviii.); on the other hand, of the priestly 
fidelity of the family of the Kechabites, as Jer. 
xxxv. (comp. 2 K ngs x. 15) describes them, of 
their constant "standing before the Lord, " and, 
molt; JUT, of the ancient tradition still surviving 
among the nominal descendants of the Kechabites 
in Yemen, that the house of Kechab descended 
from Hobab or Keni (Judg. i. 16), the father-in- 
law of Moses (comp. A. Murray, Comment, de 
Kinceis, Ilamb. 1718; Nagelsbach on Jer. xxxv., 
vol. xv. p. 254 of JBibelwerk). On a fair ex 
amination of these circumstances, it appears 
highly probable that the certainly foreign (1 Sam. 
xv. 6) yet highly honoured Kenites, in like 
manner as the Gibeonites, ministered of old in 
the sanctuary of Israel, and that the Kechabites 
of the times of the Kings and a ter the exile 
(Neh. iii. 14) were descendants of these old Kenite 
temple ministers, who, by adherence to one part 
of their ancient wont and use, kept themselves 
distinct from the great mass of the people. The 
naming of Haimnath also, as " father of the 
house of Kechab," agrees very well with this 
hypothesis ; for if Jonathan the Kechabite that 
met with Jehu king of Israel, and was honoured 
by him (2 Kings x. 15, 23), was a son of Kechab, 
so may Hammath have been father or forefather of 
this Kechab, and so ancestor of the whole family. 
Though all this rises little above the range of the 
hypothetical, and though in particular the ques 
tion remains dark and unanswerable, why this 
Kenite family of Sopherim from Jabez is directly 
attached to Salma the father of Bethlehem, and 
through him to Hur the son of Caleb (whether 
on account of some intermarriage having taken 
place between a Kenite and an heiress of the 
house of Salrna?), yet it is on the whole probable 
that those three names are really designations of 
three classes of ministers in the sanctuary, and not 
proper names of families, as the Sept. ( Apyatn^, 
2a/u.a.0i=tp, 2<oxa,0itip.) held, and a majority of recent 
expositors still hold. Besides, Wellhausen s at 
tempt to refer that which is stated, both in our 
verse concerning the Kenites or Kechabites of 
Jabez, and generally from ver. 50 on concerning 
the posterity of Hur and their settlements in the 
north of Judah to the time after the exile, and so 
ascribe these statements to bias and fancy, and to 
admit only the foregoing genealogy, vers. 42-49, 

which assigns to the Calebites settlements in the 
south of Judah around Hebron, as historically 
reliable, that is, referring to the time before the 
exile, this whole attempt (pp. 29-33) falls short 
of satisfactory proof. There is no ground for 
holding that which is reported of the Calebites 
as inhabitants of Kiriath-jearim, Bethlehem, 
Netophah, Zorah, etc., to be a collection of later 
traditions than the foregoing accounts of Calebite 
families in Tappuah, Maon, Bethzur, etc. Neither 
do we know the geographical position of the 
several places mentioned in the two sections (veis. 
42-49 and 50-55) so well, as to be able to assert 
that the former refers only to the south, the 
latter only to the north, of Judah. Respecting 
Jabez, for example, the seat of the Kenites, it is 
by no means determined that it is to be sought 
in the neighbourhood of Bethlehem and Kiriath- 
jearim (comp. above). In short, it is advisable to 
avoid such violent attempts to solve the problem 
here presented as the assumption of a genealogy 
of Calebites before and after the exile, and to 
approve the more cautious remark of Bertheau : 
" We can easily imagine the motive which led the 
Chronist to communicate this verse, though we 
are unable completely to perceive its contents." 

[The term "0^3, ver. 9, seems to be, if not a 

patronymic, at least a virtual plural, and may 
well indicate more than one Caleb. The name 
was famous and frequent in the tribe of Judah. 
The first of the name appears in vers. 18-24. He 
is designated "the son of Hezron," though Ram 
is not, evidently to distinguish him from others 
of the name. He may have been born 50 or 58 
years after Jacob came down to Egypt, as his 
father was born shortly before that event. He 
has by his wife Azubah three sons, or perhaps 
grandsons ; and after her death he marries 
Ephrath, and by her has a well-known son Hur, 
who was the contemporary of Moses, Ex. xvii. 
10. The episode about his father Hezron marry 
ing again when sixty years old, is brought in 
partly from the concurrence in the foregoing 
paragraph of the two names Caleb and Ephrath, 
which are combined in the name of the place 
where he died, and partly from the high anti 
quarian interest which it possesses. Hezron was 
born before Jacob went down to Egypt, and there 
fore most probably died within 110 years from 
that date. He died, not in Egypt, but in Caleb- 
Ephrathah. This implies the presence and power 
of Caleb in the region of Hebion as a sheik 
giving name to a place in his estate. In this 
quarter Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob had resided 
and acquired some property in land, Gen. xxiii. , 
Caleb of the line of Judah held possession of 
this estate during the early period of Israel s 
residence in Egypt, when they were still a free 
and honoured people. And there his father died 
in a town called after the united names of himself 
and his wife. After the Israelites, however, were 
reduced to slavery by the Pharaoh that knew not 
Joseph, the occupation of this region by the 
descendants of Judah was rendered precarious or 
entirely interrupted. In this paragraph, then, we 
have a most unexpected and interesting glimpse 
of what was taking place in the time of the first 
Caleb ; and in this view of the passage we see 
that it occupies its right place. 

A second Caleb is presented to us in vers. 42- 
49. He is distinct from the former in everything 



but the name : 1. In the mode in which he is in 
troduced, namely, in an appendix after the three 
sons of IL zron have been brought forward in 
order ; 2. In his sons and wives, which are all 
quite different from those of his namesake ; 3. 
In his time, as he is the father of Achsah, and 
therefore lived in and after the 40 years of the 
wilderne. s, two or three generations later than 
the former Caleb ; 4. In his place, as a careful 
examination of the two paragraphs will show ; 5. 
In his designation as " the brother of Jerahmeel," 
while the former is called "the son of Hezron ; " for 
this phrase cannot mean the son of the Jerahmeel 
already mentioned, as this would be a superfluous 
addition, and would not square with the time of 
this Caleb. Some will conceive that the term 
" brother " is here used in a wide sense to denote 
a kinsman of Jerahmeel, a member of the family. 
But it is more simple to consider Jerahmeel here 
to be a descendant of the former Jerahmeel, not 

otherwise mentioned, just as Celub in ch. iv. 11 
is said to be a brother of Shuah, who is not pre 
viously mentioned. This appendix is thus in its 
right place, as it signalizes an important member 
of the Jerahmeelite clan, 1 Sam. xxvii. 10, Caleb 
the son of Jephunneh. 

A third Caleb comes before us in a second 
appendix : vers. 50-55. He is clearly different 
from each of the others, as he is " the son of Hur, 
the first-born of Ephrathah," and therefore not a 
Jerahmeelite like the second, but the grandson 
of the first. 

There is nothing to hinder us taking this view 
of the whole passage, and it might be supported 
at much greater length. It deals fairly with the 
author, as it presumes him to observe order, and 
endeavours not to import confusion into Lis 
narrative by a preconceived theory. We sub 
mit it to the judgment of the reader. J. G. 

2. The Descendants of David to Elioenai and his Seven Sons: ch. iii. 

CH. ill. 1. And these were the sons of David, that were born to him in Hebron : 
the first-born Amnon, of Ahinoam the Jezreelitess ; the second Daniel, of 

2 Abigail the Carmelitess. The third Absalom, 1 the son of Maachah, daughter 

3 of Talmai king of Geshur ; the fourth Adonijah, son of Haggith. The fifth 

4 Shephatiah of Abital ; the sixth Ithream, by Eglah his wife. Six were born 
unto him in Hebron, and he reigned there seven years and six months ; and 

5 he reigned thirty and three years in Jerusalem. And these were born to him 
in Jerusalem : Shima, and Shobab, and Nathan, and Solomon, four, of Bath- 

6, 7 shua daughter of Ammiel. And Ibhar, and Elishama, 2 and Eliphelet. And 

8 Nogah, and Nepheg, and Japhia. And Elishama, and Eliada, and Eliphelet, nine. 

9 All the sons of David, except the sons of the concubines, and Tamar their sister. 
10 And the son of Solomon : Rehoboam, Abiah his son, Asa his son, Jehosha- 

11, 12 phat his son. Joram his son, Ahaziah his son, Joash his son. Amaziah his 
13 son, Azariah his son, Jotham his son. Ahaz his son, Hezekiah his son, 

14, 15 Manasseh his son. Amon his son, Josiah his son. And the sons of Josiah : 
the first-born Johanan, the second Jehoiakim, the third Zedekiah, the fourth 
16 Shallum. . And the sons of Jehoiakim : Jechoniah his son, Zedekiah his son. 

17, 18 And the sons of Jechoniah the captive : Shealtiel his son. And Malchiram, 

19 and Pedaiah, and Shenazzar, Jecamiah, Hoshama, and Nedabiah. And the 
sons of Pedaiah : Zerubbabel and Shimei ; and the son 3 of Zerubbabel : 

20 Meshullam and Hananiah, and Shelomith their sister. And Hashubah, and 

21 Ohel, and Berechiah, and Hasadiah, Jushabhesed, five. And the son 4 of 
Hananiah : Pelatiah and Jesaiah ; the sons 5 of Rephaiah, the sons of Arnan, 

22 the sons of Obadiah, the sons of Shechaniah. And the sons of Shechaniah : 
Shemaiah ; and the sons of Shemaiah : Hattush, and Igal, and Bariah, and 

23 Neariah, and Shaphat, six. And the son of Neariah : Elioenai, and Hezekiah, 

24 and Azrikam, three. And the sons of Elioenai : Hodaiah, 6 and Eliashib, and 
Pelaiah, and Akkub, and Johanan, and Delaiah, and Anani, seven. 

1 For DvKO&O many MSS. and most old prints read DIPC IIK- Comp. Exeg Expl. 

2 JJOt^yX} in this first place is perhaps an error of the transcriber for JJWyN V which appears not only in the two 
parallel passages xiv. 5 and 2 Sam. r. 15 (after "irQ" 1 "!), but also In cod. Vat. of the Sept., as it gives EAiri. 

* For |3!| before /Om^T some MSS., as well as the oH translators, read ^IH, an unnecessary amendment (comp 
Exeg. Remark on ii. 7). 

4 The same variation as in ver. 19 (see Note 2). 

5 For ^3, " sons of," the Sept. reads from thia to the end of the verse fa 3, "his son," so that from Hananiah to 

Shechaniah it yields a series of seven successive generations. St also R. Benjamin in R. Azariah de Rossi in Mtot 
4er,aiim (comp. Zunz, QottetdienetHche Vortrdye der Juden, p. 31). 

Keri: WVlIn (for which, according to the Hebrew law of sounds, we should expect IJTSfiiri). The Kettot 

cannot be so pronounced, and appears to arise from a confusion of the forms Hodavjahu and Ilodijdhu. 




PRELIMINARY REMARK. After the family of 
Ram, the middle son of Hezron was carried 
down, ii. 10-17, only to Jesse the father of 
David, and the genealogies of Caleb and Jerah- 
meel were intei-posed, ii. 18-55, the line of Kara 
ites, starting from David, is resumed and traced 
from David to the time after the captivity. This 
is given in three paragraphs, of which the first 
registers all the sons of David except those born 
of concubines, vers. 1-9 ; the second, the series 
of kings of the house of David from Solomon to 
Jechoniah and Zedekiah. vers. 10-16 ; and the 
third, the descendants of Jechoniah to the seven 
sons of Elioenai, vers. 17-24. The names in the 
second of these paragraphs mostly recur, those in 
the third, at least partly, in the genealogy of Jesus 
in Matthew (whereas Luke iii. 23 ff. presents a 
totally ditferent series of names from David to 
Shealtiel, and again from Zembbabel to Joseph). 

1. The Sons of David: vers. 1-9. a. The six 
sons born in Hebron : vers. 1-4. These six senior 
sons of David are, with one exception, enumerated 
literally as in 2 Sam. iii. 2-5. The, first-born 
Amnon, of Ahinoam the Jezreelitess ; literally, 

" to Ahinoam." The ^ before QJJJTJN designates 
the wife to whom the son belonged. Comp. on this 
Ahinoam, 1 Sam. xxv. 43, xxvii. 3, and on Amnon, 
who is also called Aminon (2 Sam. xiii. 20), 2 Sam. 
xiii. The second Dan iel, of A bigail the Carmelitess. 
Instead of ijj*j, properly "a second," stands in 
the parallel 2 Sam. iii. 3 ITCTp, "his second," 
with which rotpsn, 1 Chron. v. 12, is to be com 
pared. A more important difference from 2 Sam. 
iii. 3 is 2JO3, quite another name, which stands 
there for S^VH- This other designation of the 

second son of David may be explained by the 
supposition of a real double name, as in Uzziah 
Azariah (comp. on 2 Chron. xxvi. 1), Jehoiakim 
Eliakim. Mattaniah Zedekiah (comp. also on ver. 
15). The variant Aaicvla, (perhaps = JV^l) pre 
sented by the Sept. in 2 Sam. iii. 3 may be an 
error of transcription for Av/x (or inversely 
"Daniel, "a later variation for the original De- 
laiah) ; but the name Cilab is still unexplained. 
On Abigail, the widow o, ISTabal the Carmelite 
(not to be confounded with Abigail the sister of 
David, ii. 16), comp. 1 Sam. xxv. 3 ff. Ver. 2. 
The third Absalom. For D&cbtf is also found 

1 Kings xv. 2, 10. The {> before 
Di?" 3S might, in another connection, serve to 
lay emphasis on the name ("the well-known Ab 
salom ;" comp. Isa. xxxii. 1). Here, however, 
in a mere list of names, it scarcely has this im 
port, but seems rather to have come into the text 
through an oversight, in consequence of the fore 

going n^ in ?^P3K> Other attempts to ex 
plain this ^ (which is wanting in some copies ; 

see Note) are quite worthless, and deserve to be 
noted only as curiosa ; for example, Karachi s pro 
posal to take ^ for $, thereby designating him 

as properly not an Absalom, a father s peace, but 
a rebel, or Killers supposition (Onom. ,S. p. 733) 

that D1PKOJO is a fuller form for the simpler and 

more usual Qi^EOtf, tc. On Geshur, comp. above 

ii. 23 ; on Adonijah, son of Haggith, comp. ] 
Kings i. and ii. Ver. 3. By Eytah his wife, 

; quite similar to 2 Sam. iii. 5, 
This addition "his wife," 01 

"wife of David," appears to be inserted merely 
to make a full-toned conclusion of the series, and 
scarcely to distinguish Kglah as the most eminent 
wife of David, as some Rabbis and recently 
Thenius on 2 Sam. iii. 5 think, who take Eglah 
only for another name of Michal, 1 Sam. xviii. 

20, or even substitute 73^10 as the original read 
ing for rb)y ( so Thenius). Ver. 4. For the 

historical notices in this verse comp. 2 Sam. ii. 
11, v. 5. The statement in 2 Sam. ii. 10 (from 
which Ishbosheth appears to have reigned only 
two years in Mahanaim) conflicts only apparently 
with the seven years of the residence of David in 
Hebron ; on which see Hengstenb. Gesch. d. 
Reiches Gottes unter dem A. B. ii. 2, p. 114 f. 

b. The thirteen sons of David born in Jeru 
salem : vers. 5-9. These sons of David (of whom 
four are by Bathsheba) are again mentioned xiv. 
7-11, in the history of David. Less complete is 
the. list in the parallel passage 2 Sam. v. 14-16, 
by the omission of the last two. Ver. 5. The four 
sons of Bathsheba, or, as she is here called, 
Bathshua. The two names, occurring beside one 
another, receive their explanation from the inter 
vening form J^ niH as this, however, is ob 
viously weakened from 

( a s 
again is a weakening of JJIt^TQ), the latter form 

appears to be the oldest and most original. Two 
other peculiarities of the names contained in our 
verse are 1. Kyft^ as the name of the first of 
Bathsheba s four sons, for which stands in xiv. 4 
and 2 Sam. v. 14 jflftBJ ; 2. Ammiel 6x E>y) as 
the name of the father of Bathsheba, for which 
in 2 Sam. xi. 3 is the form Eliam (DjO, con 

taining the two elements of the name transposed. 
It is uncertain which of these two forms is correct 
and original. Vers. 6-8. Here follow the nine 
sons born at Jerusalem of other wives. And Jb- 
har, and Elishama, and Eliphelet. As the two 
parallel passages xiv. 5 and 2 Sam.v, 15 agree inpre 
senting after Ibhar an Elishua, Jft ;<l ^X> Elisham?- 

in our passage appears clearly an error of transcrip 
tion, especially as this name occurs again in ver. 8. 

The following name Eliphelet (^Sa^tf) is found 
also in xiv. 5, although in the somewhat abbre 
viated form I07)^X ; on the contrary, it is wanting 

in 2 Sam. v. 15, where only one Eliphelet, the last of 
the series, is mentioned. It is uncertain whether 
this want be original, and the double position is 
the result of some error of the Chronist or his 
voucher (as Berth, thinks). That David should 
have repeated the same name in the sons of his 

CHAP. III. 10-16. 


different wives is of itself not incredible. Ver. 7. 
And Nog ah, and Nephey, andJaphia. The name 
njj> omitted by an oversight in 2 Sam. v. 15, is 

certainly original, though nothing be known con 
cerning this Nogah, perhaps because he died 
early and childless. " The view of Movers, p. 
229, that this name was not originally in the text, 
and came in by a false writing of the following 
33, has arisen from an undue preference for the 
text of the books of Samuel " (Berth.). Ver. 8. 
And Elishama (comp. on ver. 6), and Eliada, 

and Eliphelet, nine. For JH^S appears xiv. 7 

jn s bjJ3> scarcely correct ; for the other parallel 
2 Sam. v. 16 and the Sept. and Syr. versions in 

xiv. 7 have 

(Sept. cod. Vat. 

Alex., indeed, Bxx/aS=). Ver. 9. All the sons of 
David, except the sons of the concubines. These 
sons of David by concubines or slaves are also 
unnamed elsewhere ; but their existence appears 
from 2 Sam. v. 13, xii. 11, xv. 16, xvi. 22. And 
Tamar their sister, not the only one, but the 
sister known from the history (2 Sam. xiii. 1 ff.). 
2. The Kings of the House of David from 
Solomon to the Exile: vers. 10-16. As far as 
Josiah, they are enumerated, without naming any 
nori-r-eigning descendants, as a simple line of 
sovereigns, embracing in it fifteen members (witli 
the omission of the usurper Athaliah as an idolater 
and a foreigner) by the addition of a ^3, "his 

son," to each. At variance with this course, four 
sons of Josiah are then named, not perhaps in 
him, the great reformer, "to introduce a pause in 
the long line of Davids descendants" (Berth.), 
but " because with Josiah the regular succession 
ceased" (Keil). The first-born Johanan, the 
second Jehoiakim, the third Zedekiah, the fourth 
Shallum. To Josiah succeeded, 2 Kings xxiii. 30, 
2 Chron. xxxvi. 1, his son Jehoahaz as king. 
This Jehoahaz is called in Jer. xxii. 11 properly 
Shallum ; he was thus, as the present list shows, 
the youngest, or at all events one of the youngest, 
among them ; not to be identified with the 
first-born Johanan, as many older writers (Seb. 
Schmidt, Starke, etc.), and of the moderns, for 
example, Hitzig (Begriffder Kritlk, etc., p. 182ff., 
and Gesch. d. Volks Isr. p. 246), do. For, 1. 
The statement of Jeremiah, that Shallum became 
king in his father s stead, is quite positive and 
unhesitating. 2. From comparing 2 Kings xxiii. 
31, 36, with 2 Chron. xxxvi. 2, 5, it appears that 
Jehoahaz was two years younger than Jehoiakim, 
and therefore not the first-born. 3. The preferring 
of a younger son before an older to the throne is 
not surprising, if we consider the analogous case 
of Solomon, who, though one of the youngest of 
the sons of David (the youngest of the four sons 
of Bathsheba), succeeded to the throne. 4. The 
double name Jehoahaz Shallum is not more sur 
prising than Jehoahaz Johanan would be ; the 
mutually exchanging names are in both cases, if 
not quite alike in meaning, yet expressive of 
similar ideas (tnKilT, "whom Jehovah holds," 

and Cl?^ , "who is requited (of God)," and so 
; comp. the numerous cases of double 

raming, of which some examples are quoted on 
ver. 1, also Simonis Onom. p. 20. The only 

inaccuracy that can be imputed to the Chronist 
in the present statements is, that he names 
Shallum in the last place, and so appears to 
favour the opinion that he was the youngest of 
the four brothers, whereas Zedekiah was much 
younger than he; indeed, as a comparison of 
2 Kings xxiii. 31 with xxiv. 18 shows, at least 
13 or 14 j ears younger (for Shallum was 23 years 
old when he ascended the throne, while Zedekiah, 
who ascended the throne 11 years later, was then 
only 21 years of age). How this inaccuracy in 
the order is to be explained, Keil shows very well, 
p. 55 f. : "In our genealogy Zedekiah is placed 
after Jehoiakim and before Shallum, because, on 
the one hand, Jehoiakim and Zedekiah held the 
throne a longer time, each for eleven years; on thf 
other hand, Zedekiah and Shallum were the sons 
of Hamutal (2 Kings xxiii. 31, xxiv. 18), Jehoia 
kim the son of Zebidah (2 Kings xxiii. 36). 
With respect to age, they should have succeeded 
thus : Johanan, Jehoiakim, Shallum, and Zede 
kiah; and in regard to their reign, Shallum should 
have stood before Jehoiakim. But in both cases 
those born of the same mother Hamutal would 
have been separated. To avoid this, Shallum 
appears to have been reckoned beside his brother 
Zedekiah in the fourth place. " Regarded thus, the 
passage loses its obscurity, which Nagelsbach has 
still imputed to it (on Jer. xxii. 11), without 
going quite so far as Hitzig, who here lays a 
whole series of errors to the charge of the Chro 
nist. Comp. against the imputations of the 
latter, Movers, p. 157 f . : "The two names 
(Johanan and Jehoahaz) are to be distinguished 
exactly as Jehoiakim and Jehoiachin ; had the 
Chronist named Jehoahaz along with Shallum, or, 
as Hitzig thinks right, called h in the first-born, 
the error would certainly have been undeniable. 
Further misled by the passage of Jeremiah, he has 
taken Shallum for another son of Josiah, the 
fourth, and different from Jehoahaz. Shallum 
Jehoahaz is certainly named the fourth in ver. 15, 
incorrectly indeed, for he was the third; but the 
Chronist could not mistake the passage of Jere 
miah, for it clearly says : who (Shallum) reigned 
instead of Josiah his father. How should an 
error in the Jewish line of kings occur in a Jewish 
historian!" Ver. 16. And the sons of Jehoia 
kim: Jechoniah his son, Zedekiah his son. In 
stead of JTOJ 1 = VI s jiD 11 (whom God establishes),. 

the son of Jehoiakim in 2 Chron. xxxvi. 9, as in 
2 Kings xxiv. 8 ff., bears the equivalent name 
Jehoiachin (jo^n" 1 ; comp. p^ty, Ezek. i. -2), where 

as he is called, Jer. xxiv. 1, xxvii. 20, xxviii. 4, and 
Esth. ii. 6, nW, quite as here and Jer. xxii. 24, . 

28, xxxvii. 1, Conjalm (}rP32, an abbreviation of 
The Zedekiah here named can 

only be regarded as a son of Jechoniah, and so a 
grandson of Jehoiakim and great-grandson of 
Josiah ; for the faa added to his name uniformly 

designates in the previous genealogical lino the 
son of the aforesaid : and the circumstance, that 
this son of Jechoniah is named here apart from 
his other sons, may find its explanation in this, 
that this Zedekiah, perhaps the first-born, did 
not go into captivity with his father and brethren, 
but died beforehand as a royal prince in Jerusalem. 
He is therefore not to be confounded with the 
Zedekiah who was mentioned in the foregoing 



rerse as a third son of Josiah, and, 2 Kings xxiv. 
17 ft., 2 Chron. xxxvi. 11, became successor of 
Jechoniah on the throne; he is a grand-nephew 
of king Zedekiah, who before his accession was 
called Mattaniah, and whose subsequent name, as 
well in Chronicles (2 Chron. xxxvi. 10) as in Kings 
(2 Kings xxiv. 17 fl .), is uniformly written in 5 pT> 

(not, as here, n s p"lV)- This last variety of name 

is merely graphical, though in the present case, 
where the double name (Mattaniah Zedekiah) 
serves as a mark of the king, it may have a further 
import. Against the assumption of some ancients 
(even of Starke), that the Zedekiah of our verse is 
the same as king Zedekiah, who is quoted (ver. 15) 
as a son of Jehoiachin, because he was his suc 
cessor on the throne, comp. the just remarks of 
Calov. in the Blhlia illustrafa. With respect to 
2 Chron. xxxvi. 10, where Zedekiah the successor 
oi Jehoiachin appears to be erroneously termed 
his brother, which in reality is only inexactness, 
or a wider sense of the word |-JX (= relative in 

general), see on the passage. 

3. The Descendants of Jechoniah to the Seven 
Son* of jKlioenai : vers. 17-24. And thf sons of 
Jechoniah the captive. It is certainly possible 
to translate the words IBX n^JD > "031 with the 

Sept., Vulg., Kimchi, Jun., etc., and even Keil : 
"And the sons of Jechoniah were Assir. " But 
the appellative meaning of "IDS, "the captive," 

adopted by Luther, Starke, Berth., Kamph., is 
decidedly preferable. For, 1. As one of the sons 
of Jechoniah, the early deceased Zedekiah, has 
been already named, we expect here a remark of 
Jechoniah indicating that he as captive or in 
captivity begat the sons now to be named. 2. An 
Assir, as connecting link between Jechoniah and 
Shealtiel, nowhere occurs, neither in Matt. i. 12 
nor in the Seder Olam butta (comp. Herzfeld, 
(lesch. d. V. Israel, i. 379). 3. The absence of 
i^ after 1Q^, while it stands after ^ 

makes it impossible to see in Assir a link between 
Jechoniah and Shealtiel. 4. Neither can Assir be 
regarded as a brother of Shealtiel, because the 
copula could not then be wanting between the 
two names, and because the singular ^3 after 

^Fl^Nl? is inexplicable, if two sons of Jechoniah 

were named. 5. The combination proposed by 
Keil (p. 57), that Assir, the only son of Jechoniah 
besides the early deceased Zedekiah, left only a 
daughter, by whom he became the father-in-law 
of Neri, a descendant of David of the line of 
Nathan, and by this son-in-law, again (Luke iii. 
-.27), the father, or strictly the grandfather, of 
Shealtiel, of Malchiram, Pedaiah, and the other 
sous named ver. 18, fails through its excessive 
artificiality, and through this, that it takes foa at 

the close of our verse, notwithstanding the con 
stant use of the Chronist in the foregoing genea 
logy, in the sense of his grandson. 6. The single 
objection that can be made to the appellative 
meaning of IQX, that it wants the article, loses 

much of its force from the abrupt and merely 
allusive manner of our genealogist. 7. The Maso- 
retic accentuation points out -^3^ as an appella 

tive fuldition to PPW, a circumstance not to be 

overlooked in the present case, as it proves our in 
terpretation to be supported by no less respectable 
and ancient authorities than the opposite one. 
Ver. 18. And Malchiram, andPedaiah, etc. These 
six other sons of the captive Jechoniah, Kimchi, 
Treinell. , Piscat., Hiller, Burmann, and recently 
Hitzig on Hag. i. 1, 12, regard not as brothers, 
but as sons of Shealtiel, because ZerubbaVel else 
where appears (Hag. i. 1; Ezra iii. 2, v. 2; Mjitt. 
i. 12) as son, or at all events direct successor, 
perhaps grandson, of Shealtiel, whereas here he 
would appear to be his nephew, if his father 
Pedaiah (ver. 19) had actually to pass for :t 
brother o! Shealtiel. Against this hypothesis is 

1. The copula before DV3^7D, which makes it 

impossible to regard the six named in our verse 
otherwise than as brothers of Shealtiel. 2. The 
paternal relation of Pedaiah to Zerubbabel, as 
attested ver. 19, may be easily reconciled with 
the elsewhere attested filial relation of Zerubbabel 
to Shealtiel, by the assumption of intermarriage 
or adoption ; in other words, the Chronist s 
making Zerubbabel to be son of Pedaiah and 
nephew of Shealtiel may well be taken for a 
more exact statement than that of the other 
reporters (Hag., Ezra, and Matt.). Besides, the 
rive sons of Jechoniah named along with Shealtiel 
and Pedaiah are otherwise unknown. Only of 
Pedaiah are further descendants known in the 
following verses. Ver. 19. And the sons of 
Pedaiah: Zerubbabel and Shvniei, The latter is 
not elsewhere named: concerning the former, of 
whose identity with the celebrated prince and 
leader of the first band of returning captives, 536 
B.C., there can be no well-founded doubt (although 
Hottinger, S. J. Baumgarten, Starke, and the 
ancients incline to assume two or even three 
different Zerubbabels), comp. on the previous 
verse. And the son of Zerubbabel : MesJiullam 
and Hananiah. On the somewhat surprising 
sing. J;H, on account of the plural number of 
sons, and the variant 1^3^, see Crit. Note. Ber- 

theau, moreover, justly remarks : "In the immea 
of the sons of Zerubbabel appear to be reflected 
the hopes of the Israelites at the time of the 
return from Babylon, in Meshullam (friend of 
God), comp. Isa. xlii. 19, Hananiah (grace of 
God), Berechiah, Hasadiah, Jushab-Chesed (mercy 
will return)." And Shelomifh their sister. She 
is perhaps named after the first two sons, because 
she sprang from the same mother. Her name 
divides the collective family of Zerubbabel into two 
groups, the former of two, the latter of live sons. 
Possibly the second group contains exclusively or 
chiefly younger sons of Zerubbabel born after the 
return from the exile. Ver. 21. And the son of 
Hananiah: Pelatiak and Jeshaiah. The two 
grandsons of Zerubbabel are otherwise unknown, 
but must have belonged to the contemporaries of 
?]zra, about 450 B.C. The sons of Repkaiah, the 
sons of Arnan, the sons of Obadiah, the sons 
of Shechaniah. In what relation these four 
families stand to Pelatiah and Jeshaiah, the sons 
of Hananiah, is not clear, as the express state 
ment that their heads, Rephaiah, etc., were sons ol 
Hananiah, and brothers of those two, is wanting ; 
and the various readings of the old translators 
(Sept., Vulg., Syr.), that give, instead of the phir. 
J3, always the sing, with the sufl . ^3, thereby 

CHAP. III. 22-24. 


originating a continuous line of descent, with 
seven members from Hananiah to Shechaniah, 
have little claim to credibility. For, 1. The line 
of David s descent would, if ver. 21 actually 
reckoned se v en successive generations, seem to be 
continued far into the 3d century B.C. (for in 
vers. 22-24 four generations more are added), 
much further than a rational estimate of the age 
of our author, who must have lived at the latest 
about 330 B.C., will admit (comp. Einl. p. 3). 
2. The assumption of an addition to the series, 
arising from a younger writer than the Chronist, 
is extremely doubtful. 3. The Hattush of ver. 
22 appears to be the same with the descendant of 
David bearing the same name mentioned Ezra 
viii. 2, a younger contemporary of Ezra, which is 
quite possible, and even probable, if this Hattush 
be the fourth in descent from Zerubbabel, but, on 
the contrary, impossible if he be the ninth. 4. 
The brief mode of enumerating with the mere 
iJ3> appending the son only to the father without 

mention of other descendants, does not agree with 
the verses around from ver. 18, in which a more 
copious enumeration, almost in every number 
giving a plurality of children, is presented. If it 
appear, on the whole, most probable that the sons 
of Rephaiah, etc., are designations of contem 
porary families of the house of David, not succces- 
sive generations, it still remains doubtful how 
these families are connected with the last-named 
descendant of Zerubbabel. On this there are, in 
the main, two opinions among recent expositors : 
a. Ew., Berth., Kamph., etc., take Rephaiah, 
Arnan, Obadiah, and Shechaniah, as well as the 
two before named, Pelatiah and Jeshaiah, to be 
sons of Hananiah, and assume that, on account of 
the great celebrity and wide extension of their 
families, these last four sons are named, "not as 
individuals, but as families " (for which cases like 
ch. i. 41, ii. 42, iv. 15, xxiv. 26, etc., afford 

b. Movers, Herzfeld, Havernick, Keil see in these 
four families, generations "whose descent the 
Chronist could not or would not more precisely 
define, and therefore merely enumerates one after 
another" (Herzf.), and are inclined to regard the 

whole series from JTET) "33 to the end of the 

chapter as "a genealogical fragment, perhaps 
inserted afterwards into the text of Chronicles " 
(Keil), and accept where possible the assumption 
denned by the ancients, as Heidegger, Vitringa, 
Carpzov, etc., of a corruption of the present 

Masoretic text, perhaps a gap before rPD") "03 

T T : ; 

(so likewise Keil). We may reserve the choice 
between these two views ; for while the assump 
tion of a corruption of the text seems to be 
natural enough, and to be rendered even probable 
by the change of 133 into ^33 i n the Sept., yet, 

on the other hand, we scruple to ascribe to the 
Chronist an uncertain or defective knowledge 
concerning the families of the house of David 
after Zerubbabel, as it is to be presumed that he 
would be especially well informed on matters so 
near his own time. Ver. 22. And the sons of 
Shechaniah: Shemaiah. The plur. vj3, as in i. 

41, ii. 42, etc. On Hattush son of Shemaiah, then 
n.imod in the first place, see on previous verse, 
wid Introd. 3, Rem. The closing notice, that 

six sons of Shemaiah are named in all, is strange, 
because only five of them are named ; and it is 
quite unfeasible, with J. H. Mich., Starke, and 
others (as in Gen. xlvi. 15), to assume that the 
father is included. We can scarcely escape the 
assumption, that one of the six names hae fs 1] en 
out of the text by an old error of transcription , 
but we can hardly regard the sixth name Sesa, 
(Sessa), presented by the Vulg. in the Edit. Sixt. 
of 1590, as anything else than a poor emendation 
arising from the number n$t since no other text 

presents this name. Ver. 23. And the son of 
Neariah: Elioenai. With the latter name, which 

is here written without n ("^pi^x), but elsewhere 
in full i^yiiT^X ( m Y eyes unto Jehovah), comp. 

Ezra viii. 4, and, with respect to the sentence 
which contains its etymology, Ps. xxv. 15. Ver. 
24. And the sons of Elioenai: Hodaiah, etc. 

With the name ^iTnin (or perhaps }iTVlin, 
" praise Jehovah, praise God ") compare the 
shorter form rTTlin, v. 24, ix. 7, Ezra ii. 40, and 
in, Neh. vii. 43 ; see also Crit. Note. 

The seven sons of Elioenai here named, if we are 
to suppose a direct genealogical connection of the 
families enumerated from ver. 216 with the before- 
named descendants of Zerubbabel (if, consequently, 
the assumption of Movers, Herzfeld, and Keil, 
that vers. 216-24 form an unconnected interpo 
lation, is to be rejected), would be the seventh 
generation inclusive from Zrrubbabel, and, if the 
length of a generation be fixed at 30 years, would 
have to be placed near the middle of the 4th 
century B.C., as, for example, Bertheau (p. 35) 
reckons the years 3S6-356 B.C., Ewald (Gesch. d. 
V. Isr. 2d edit. i. 229) the time after 350, as the 
period of the existence of the seven sons of Elioe 
nai, who are supposed to be contemporary with the 
author of Chronicles. The assumption that we 
are here dealing with direct descendants of Zerub 
babel is liable to serious doubt. For, besides the 

loose connection of PPS"! "33 an <l the following 

families in ver. 21, it appears to favour the 
fragment hypothesis, that "in the genealogy of 
Jesus, Matt. i. , not a single name of the descen 
dants of Zerubbabel agrees with the names in this 
register," and that at least seven members must 
be supposed to be overleaped at once by Matthew 
or his genealogical voucher (so Clericus, and 
recently Keil). In reply to this, it may be assumed 
certainly, that those descendants of Zerubbabel 
whose pedigree is traced by the Chronist to l.ia 
own time need not necessarily have been the 
direct ancestors of Joseph (or Mary), but that the 
line of Abiud, Eliakim, etc., leading to Jesus in 
Matthew, might have sr.rung from another of the 
seven sons of Zerubbabel Besides, Matthew must 
have made very great omissions in the interval 
of 500 years between Zerubbabel and Joseph, as 
he reckons only twelve members for this period 
(comp. the edit, of the Bibelw. on Matt. p. 8 f.): 
an omission of six or seven successive members 
would be nothing inconceivable in his mode of pro 
ceeding. And if the genealogy of Hananiah, com 
municated at length by the Chronist, in particular 
the family of Elioenai with his seven sons, were 
deemed worthy of special notice on account of 
their celebrity, high reputation, and eminent 


services on behalf of the theocracy, this would j logists, that the third line from the exile to 
not prove that the New Testament pedigree of j Joseph and Mary should include in it chiefly 
Jesus must necessarily have mentioned these , undistinguished names, and thus form a descend- 
famous descendants of Zerubbabel as belonging ing line which ends in the carpenter Josvph (see 
to the ancestors of our Lord. For lowliness and Lange, p. 6). Nothing decisive can thus be 
obscurity, not splendour and fame, should be the [ inferred from a comparison of the New Testament 
characteristic of the pedigree of Jesus after the 
exile. If the line of the ancestors of Jesus, reach 
ing from David to the exile, according to Mat 
thew s arrangement, contains crowned heads, and 
thus forms a lofty range of royal names, it 
corresponds to the plan of the apostolic genea- 

genealogies of the Messiah with our passage for 
the relation of the names therein contained to 
the posterity of Zerubbabel, or for the question 
whether those named in vers. 216-24 are to be 
regarded as descendants or as remoter connections 
of this prince. 

3. Supplements to the Genealogy of the House of Jiulah (leading to the Genealogical Survey of 
the Twelve Tribes of Israel): ch. iv. 1-23. 

CH. IV. 1. The sons of Judah : Perez, Hezron, and Carmi, and Hur, and Shobal. 

2 And Eeaiab son of Shobal begat Jahath ; and Jahath begat Ahuinai and 
Lahad : these are the families of the Zorathite. 

3 And these were 1 of the father of Etam: Jezreel, and Islima, and Idbash; 

4 and the name of their sister was Hazelelponi. And Penuel the father of Gedor, 
and Ezer the father of Hushah : these are the sons of H ur the first-born of 
Ephrathah, the father of Bethlehem. 

5, 6 And Ashur the father of Tekeih had two wives, Helah and Naarah. And 
Naarah bare him Ahuzzam, and Ilepher, arid Temeni, and the Ahashtari : 

7 these were the sons of Naarah. And the sons of Helah: Zereth, Izhar, 2 and 

8 And Koz begat Anub and Zobebah, nnd the families of Aharhel the son 

9 of Harum. And Jabez was honoured . above his brethren; and his mother 
10 called his name Jabez, saying, Because I bare him with sorrow. And Jabez 

called on the God of Israel, saying, If thou wilt bless me indeed, and enlarge 
my border, and thy hand be with me, and thou deal without evil, that it 
grieve me not ! And God brought that which he had asked. 
1 1 And Celub the brother of Shuhah begat Mehir ; he was the father of Esh- 

12 ton. And Eshton begat Beth-rapha, and Paseah, and Tehinnah the father of 
the city Nahash : these are the men of Rechah. 

13 And the sons of Kenaz : Othniel and Seraiah ; and the sons of Othniel : 

14 Hathath. And Meonothai begat Ophrah : and Seraiah begat Joab father of 
the valley of the carpenters ; for they were carpenters. 

15 And the sons of Caleb son of Jephunneh : Iru, Elah, and Naam ; and the 
sons of Elah and Kenaz. 

16 And the sons of Jehalelel : Ziph and Ziphah, Tiria and Asarel. 

17 And the son 3 of Ezrah : Jether, and Mered, and Epher, and Jalon ; and she 
conceived [and bare] 4 Miriam, and Schammai, and Ishbah father of Eshtemoa. 

18 And his wife, the Jewess, bare Jered the father of Gedor, and Heber the father 
of Socho, and Jekuthiel the father of Zanoah : and these are the sons of Bithiah 
daughter of Pharaoh, whom Mered took. 5 

1 9 And the sons of the wife of Hodiah, the sister of Naham : the father of 
Keilah the Garmite, and Eshtemoa 6 the Maachathite. 

20 And the sons of Shimon : Amnon and Rinnah, Benhanan and Tulon f and 
the sons of Ishi : Zoheth and Benzoheth. 8 

21 The sons of Shelah son of Judah : Er the father of Lechah, and Ladah the 
father of Mareshah ; and the families of the house of byssus work, of the house 

22 of Ashbea. And Jokim, and the men of Cozeba, and Joash, and Saraph, who 

23 ruled over Moab, and Jashubi-lehem 9 : and these are ancient things. These are 
the potters and the dwellers in Netaim and Gederah ; with the king, in his 
service, they dwelt there. 

> For DOT "OK n?>fy which gives no tolerable sense, read with some MSB. DtD *3N \J3 nfcfl, <> r witfc 
the Sept., Vulg., and some other MSS. 

CHAP. IV. 1. 


in the Kethib The Keri 

is designed to gain a name better known (comp. Gen. xxiii. 8, 

2 So 
ilvi. 10). 

For Jltt some MSB. have \D1, which is perhaps to be preferred, as in vers, 13, 16, 19, 20. 

* For "liini, "and she conceived," the Sept., following perhaps another reading, give xeu iytnm It6ip (Vulg. : 
genuitque Mariam). For D*Hp they exhibit M/ (cod. Vat. M*f>a) . 

4 This closing sentence "HD . . . npX j stands here probably in the wrong place, and is tc be placed after 
|ip*1, ver. 17; see Exeg. Expos. 

Before JOH^N (which the Sept. here renders by IifQvpat, whereas in ver. 17 it has Er8t/>tA [cod. Vat. Er- 
60.1^}) "ONI seems to have fallen out, as the parallel i"6 s yp "OX indicates. 

* Kethib: ji^fi ; Keri: fl^fi- 

8 Before nrrit~}3i which (not as, for example, pn~J2 immediately before) is not a nom. propr., but denotes "son 
of Zoheth," the name of this son seems to have fallen out. 

8 Jerome (perhaps on the ground of a somewhat different text, but more probably only following the arbitrary inter 
pretation of an old Jewish Midrash) renders the words from D^pVI- et qui stare fecit solern, virique mendacii et secunu 
et incendtns, qui principes fwrunt in Moab, et qui reversi sunt in Lachem. 


PRELIMINARY REMARK.. This section, un 
usually rich in obscurities and difficulties, is 
characterized on the one hand as a supplement 
to the pedigree of Judah already communicated, 
embracing numerous fragments of old genealogies; 
on the other hand, as a transition and introduc 
tion to the genealogical and chorographical survey 
of the twelve tribes except Judah, contained in 
iv. 24-vii. In common with the latter group of 
genealogies, it makes frequent reference to the 
places in the territory of each tribe, and inserts 
brief historical or archaeological notices, which 
are of considerable vahie on account of the anti 
quity of the events recorded (vers. 9, 10, 14, 
21-23). We are reminded of the former notices 
of the families of Judah in ch. ii., not only by 
the superscription connecting the introductory 
verse of this chapter, with its enumeration of 
some of the most eminent descendants of Judah 
(ver. 1), but also by the abundance of the details 
communicated concerning many more or less cele 
brated Jewish families (at all events a proof that 
the tribe of Judah passed with the author for the 
most important of all, and that the most special 
notices concerning it lay before him) ; as well as 
by the loose order of the several fragments, in 
which a similar neglect of the formation of longer 
lines of generations standing in direct succession 
to one another betrays itself, as in those supple 
mentary reports concerning various descendants 
of (\ieb at the close of ch. ii., and perhaps in the 
closing verses of ch. iii. Nowhere is this frag 
mentary character of the genealogical notes of 
our author so striking as in the present section, 
which presents no less than ten or twelve isolated 
fragments of lines or genealogical notices, having 
no visible connection with that which precedes or 
follows. The whole, in fact, looks almost like a 
gathering of genealogical pebbles, rolled together 
from various quarters, and consisting of older 
and younger parts, that are kept together only 
by their common connection with the tribe 
of Judah. That anything here communicated 
refers to the state of things after the exile, is 
assumed by Bertheau (p. 36), perhaps without 
sufficient ground. Yet it cannot Iv positively 
asserted that the author (who in ch. iii. traced 
the bouse o David down to his own late times) 

here describes only ancient relations, and pur 
posely has not overstepped the limits of the 

1. The Superscription: ver. 1. The sons of 
Judah : Perez, Hezron, and Carmi, and Hur, arid 
Shobal. These five are called "sons" of Judah, 
as appears from ii. 3 if., only in a wider sense ; 
for Perez only was an actual son of Judah (ii. 5) ; 
Hezron was his grandson ; Carmi, as the probable 
grandson of Zerah (ii. 7), was his great-grandson ; 
Hur the son of Caleb, son of Hezron, was his 
great-great-grandson (ii. 18, 19); and Shobal son 
of Hur was his grandson s great-grandson (ii. 50). 
The putting together of these five descendants is 
highly peculiar, and cannot be satisfactorily ex 
plained in its historical grounds. Several of the 
families founded by them certainly became chief 
families in the tribe of Judah, but not all; in 
particular, the prominence of Carmi between 
names so celebrated as Hezron and Hur is so 
truly strange, as to justify the suspicion that this 
name is not genuine, and to favour the hypothesis 
of Wellhausen (p. 20), that for IETG is to be read 

11 3^3, Celubai= Caleb (see ii. 9). if this were the 
original reading, we should obtain a series of 
directly succeeding descendants of Judah ^comp. 
ii. 3, 9, 18 f., 50), and so far as our verse is a 
superscription for the following, it would merely 
indicate descendants of Hezron, who is also 
named in ch. ii. as the ancestor of a widely-spread 
stock of Jewish families. This indication, how 
ever, would by no means correspond with the 
following verses. For only by uncertain con 
jecture do we think to find in vers. 5-7 descend 
ants of Hur, in vers. 11-15 descendants of Caleb, 
in vers. 16-23 other Hezronites of different lines 
(comp. on the respective passages). On the 
whole, the several groups of our section are 
strung together without much connection ; and 
that they form no continuous line of descent (by 
which the line started in ver. 1, if the proposed 
emendation be accepted, would be carried for 
ward) is at all events clear and beyond a doubt. 
The matter, therefore, must rest with the remark 
of Bertheau: "Why in our passage precisely 
these five sons of Judah are enumerated, while 
in Gen. xlvi. 1 and 1 Chron. ii. other names 
occur in a different order, is a question we should 
only be able to answer if we could state the point 



of time in the history and development of the 
tribe of Judah to which our series refers, and 
were in a position to trace further from other 
sources the relations of the families of Judah here 
exhibited. As matters stand, we must be con 
tented with the general remark, that the families 
designated by our five names were without doubt 
the prominent families in the time of the author 
of our series, and are therefore enumerated as 
sons of Judah. It is surprising, certainly, that 
ii. the following pedigree, vers. 2-20, this arrange- 
uisnt almost entirely disappears, and that in vers. 
21-23 Shelah, sixth son of Judah, is intro 
duced by way of appendix." 

2. The Zorathites, a line of descent from Sho- 
bal : ver. 2. And Reaiak son of Shobal (the 
on who is probably latent under nXTH. ii- 52, on 

which see) begat Jahath. Jirp is no further men 

tioned as a descendant of Judah through Shobal, 
but occurs often as a Levite name ; comp. vi. 5, 
28, xxiii. 10 ff., xxiv. 22, 2 Chron. xxxiv. 12. 
His sons also, Ahumai and Lahad, occur nowhere 
else. On the contrary, the closing notice, "these 
are the families of the Zorathite," refers us to 
well-known ground, in so far as a descent of the 
inhabitants of Zorah from Shobal (the ancestor 
of Kiriath-jearim, the mother city of Zorah and 
Eshtaol) is manifest from ii. 50-53. The pre 
sent verse therefore stands plainly in the relation 
of a supplement to that passage. 

3. A Line of Descent from HUT : vers. 3, 4. 
And these were of the father of Etam. So is it 
to be amended instead of the unmeaning "and 
these were Abi Etam " of the Masoretic text, or 
with the Sept. and Vulg. : " And these were the 

chiiuren of Etam." Dt^y, whether it be an ele 
ment of a personal name Qt^y "Otf, or itself de 

note an old patriarch or family, points at all 
events to the inhabitants of an old Jewish moun 
tain city not far from Bethlehem and Tekoa 
(2 Chron. xi. 6), which occurs in the history of 
Samson (Judg. xv. 8). Jezreel also, the tirst- 
named son of Etam, occurs Josh. xv. 56 as a 
mountain city of Judah ; comp. the nom. gentil. 
"the Jezreelitess " referring to this city, and ap 
plied to Ahinoam the wife of David, iii. 1. On 
the contrary, Ishma, Idbash, and their sister 
Hazelelponi are mentioned only here. Whether 
the name of the last is the name of a 
family or of an individual (comp. Ew. 273?) 
remains doubtful. Ver. 4. And Penuel the 

father of Gedor. Penuel 

is here the 

name of a patriarch of Jewish descent, but in 
riii. 25 of a Beiijamite. With the city Penuel or 
Peniel, east of the Jordan and south of Jabbok 
(Gen. xxxii. 31 f., Judg. viii. 8, 17, 1 Kings xii. 
25), the name hera has no connection. On the 
contrary, that of his son Gedor occurs also as a 
name of a town in the tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 
58 ; comp. 1 Chron. iv. 39, xiii. 7), and this 
town, preserved as a ruin in the present Jedur 
(Robins, ii. 592), is to be referred to the son of 
Penuel as its father or founder. We meet, in 
deed, in ver. 18 with a certain Jeml as "father 
of Gedor," whence we may conclude that the 
posterity of both formed the population of this 
Gedor. And Ezer the father of Hushah. -)fy 

("help ") occurs elsewhere as a man s name (vii. 

21, xii. 9), but not in the genealogies of the house 
of Judah. The site of the town Hushah founded 
by this Ezer is unknown ; but the nom. <j(-nt d. 
Tlki^n occurs several tiir>es, namely, in the Davidic 

hero Sibbechai, 1 Chron. xi. 28, xx. 4, 2 Sam. 
xxiii. 27. These ate the sons of Hur the first- 
horn of Ephrathath, the father of Bethlehem. 
Comp. ii. 19, and on Hur s relation to Bethlehem 
ii. 51, where more precisely than here Sahna the 
son of Hur is called "father of Bethlehem." 
"The circumstance, moreover, that in our verses 
(3 and 4) other names and persons are enumerated 
as descendants of Hur than in ii. 50-55, betokens 
no difference ; for there is no ground for the 
assumption that in the latter passage all his 
descendants are given " (Keil). Our passage is 
thus, like ver. 2, supplementary to ii. 50-55, so 
far as it repeats and confirms some of tlus names 
and affinities there mentioned, and adds other 
new ones. 

4. AtsJiur the father of Tekoa and It s de 
scendants: vers. 5-7. According to ii. 24, this 
Ashur was a posthumous son of Caleb [?Hezron] 
by Abiah. That he was properly a son of Caleb, 

and no other than Hur ("nn = Tint s* that is, 

Tin K ;<l tf, Ew. 2736), is a hypothesis of Well- 

hausen, grounded on several rather forced emenda 
tions of the text (p. 14 sq. ; comp. above on the 
p.) Ver. 6. And Naarah bare him Ahuzzatu, a 
son mentioned nowhere else. Why Naarah s 
scfn* are enumerated first, while Helah was 
named ver. 5 as the first, and Naarah the second, 
wife of Ashur, remains uncertain, llepher thu 
second son of Naarah is at all events different 
from the Gileadite of this name mentioned xi. 
36 and Num. xxvi. 32 f., but might possibly be 
the patriarch or founder of the district Hepher, 
1 Kings iv. 10, in the south of Judah, not far 
from Tappuah, where a Canaanitish king resided 
in early times (Josh. xii. 17). Temeni (^DTl) 

or Temani (Southern), the third son, will de 
signate a neighbouring family of the tribe of 
Judah. Ahashtari, that is, the family of those from 
Ahashtar, is wholly unknown. Ver. 7. And the 
sons of Helah: Zereth, Jzhar, and Ethnan. These 
names occur only here. The -jflV of the Keri, 
instead of the Kethib "iHVS occurs as the name of 

a son of Simeon, Gen. xlvi. 10, and of a Canaaii- 
itish king, Gen. xxiii. 8 ; but these names have 
obviously nothing to do with the son of Ashur 
and Helah. 

5. Koz and his descendants, among whom is 
Jabez : vers. 8-10. This section wants all genealo 
gical connection with the families already men 
tioned. And Koz bey at Anub. A Koz (with the 
art. pijjn) occurs afterwards, xxiv. 10, as a Levite, 

and also in Ezra ii. 61 and Neh. iii. 4, in which 
latter passage, moreover, the Levitical descent is 
not ex] tressed, so that possibly a Jew descended 
from this Koz might be meant. In what rela 
tion our Koz stands to those before named, 
whether he belonged to the sons of Ashur (as 
Glassius, Tremell., Piscator, Starke, etc., think), 
is quite uncertain. The name of his son n^jj 

appears, moreover, to be identical with that of 
the town 3jy, Josh. xi. 21, xv. 50 (a place not far 

from Debir in the south of Judah) ; for the S^pt. 

CHAP. IV. 7-14. 


(cod. Alex.) renders it by A*j3. If this identi 
fication be correct, 3^jy, "the grape," would be 

the product of pp, a "thorn," and the present 
genealogical notice thus present an allegorical 
sense, reminding us of the table of Jotham (Judg. 
ix.), and of Matt. vii. 16 (comp. Hiller, Hierophyt. 
i. p. 464). Zobebah and the families of Aharhel 
the son of Harum. These are quite unknown. 
Ver. 9. And Jabez was honoured above his bre 
thren. Jabez here is probably the name of another 
descendant of Koz ; for the Tpl connects the 

notice of him closely with that which precedes. 
The town Jabez, the inhabitants of which are 
mentioned ii. 55, may perhaps have been founded 
by him ; from which might be surmised a con 
nection of himself and of those named, ver. 8, 
with Shobal the son of Hur (ii. 50). But all 
this is very uncertain. / bare him with sorrow. 
This maternal- utterance, discovering the funda 
mental meaning of the name f^-lJT = "son of 

sorrow " (comp. the root 3$]}, the second and third 

radicals of which are here transposed), reminds us 
of similar exclamations of mothers in the patri 
archal age, as Gen. iv. 25, xix. 37 f. , xxix. 32-35, 
xxxiii. 20. In like manner, the statement that 
Jabez was "honoured above his brethren," re 
minds ns of Gen. xxxiv. 19 (Hamor the son of 
Shechem). And by the vow of this Jabez to the 
" God of Israel " (comp. Gen. xxviii. 20, xxxiii. 
20) recorded in ver. 10, as well as by the new ex 
planation of the name, which is contained in the 
terms of this vow (a second reference of j- ay to 

the root yty, but with a new turn, < 3^y Tlta^, 

" that thou grieve me not "), we are carried back 
to the scenes of Genesis (comp. Gen. xvii. 17 it, 
xviii. 12, xxi. 6, xxvi. 8, etc.), so that we have 
here an undoubted primeval historical record. 
Even the rhetorical clothing of the vow, a mere 
antecedent clause, with QJ< wanting a consequent, 

but with clear emphasizing of the *3Xy corning 

in at the end as the point of the whole, reminds 
us of the ancient style of the Pentateuch ; comp. 
Gen. xxviii. 20 ff. ; Num. xxi. 2, etc. And God 
brow/ht that which he had asked. This statement, 
occupying the place of consequent to the aposio- 
pesis ij^-pn 7p]J~DX, serves to explain the above 

notice that Jabez was honoured above his bre 
thren, and exhibit him as the lord of a wide 
domain, and the possessor of the divine blessing. 
Observe, moreover, the name D s i"6x use( i nere 
(as in v. 20, 25, 26) instead of nifT, which occurs 

elsewhere in these genealogical sections (for 
example, ii. 3, v. 41, etc.). 

6. The Men of Rechah : vers. 11, 12. And 
Celub the brother of Shuhah begat Mehir. 
This Celub (3^3) bears indeed the same name as 

the famous hero Caleb or Celubai (ii. 9), but is 
distinguished by the addition " the brother of 
Shuhah " from his more illustrious namesake, 
and cannot possibly have passed with our genealo 
gist for the same person (as Wellhausen, p. 20, 

thinks). The choice of the form 3^3, which 
stands to as , ver. 8, to 3^y, while the 

famous Caleb the son of Jephunneh, ver. 15, is 
designated by his usual name, shows that in the 
view of the writer the owners of the two names 
are to be kept apart. It is doubtful whether 
iinVJ be a man s or a woman s name ; its identi 
fication with n^n, ver. 4, is not admitted (against 

Starke and other old writers). Mehir the son, 
and Eshton the grandson, of Celub occur no 
where else. Ver. 12. And Eshton begat Beth- 
rapha, that is, perhaps, the house or family of 
Rapha, who is otherwise unknown ; for neither 
the Benjamite Rapha (viii. 2) nor the offspring of 
Rapha (xx. 4-8) can apply here. And the two 
following descendants of Eshton remain at least 
uncertain. Paseah might possibly be the ancestor 
of the "sons of Paseah" introduced among the 
Nethinim (Ezra ii. 49 ; Neh. vii. 51) ; Tehinnah 
occurs not elsewhere, though perhaps the city 
Nahash, of which he is the father or founder, may 
be connected with Nahash the father of Abigail, 
the step-sister of David (see ii. 16 ; 2 Sam. xvii. 
25). These are the men of Rechah, the in 
habitants perhaps of the town Rechah, a place 
not elsewhere named. 

7. The Descendants of Kenaz : vers. 13, 14. 
And the sons of Kenaz : Othniel and Seraiah. 
That Kenaz (fjp), the "father" of Othniel the 

judge (Judg. i. 13 ff., iii. 9), sprang from 
Hezron the grandson of Judah, appears to follow 
from this, that Caleb the sou of Jephunneh is 
several times designated a Kenizzite (^Jp), and so 

placed in a certain genealogical relation to Kenaz. 
It is to be observed, indeed, that Kenaz, if really 
father or grandfather, and not a more remote 
ancestor of Othniel, would have been younger 
than Caleb or a contemporary of nearly the same 
age. Caleb and Othniel are usually called 
" brothers," on account of their common relation 
to Kenaz (Josh. xv. 17 ; Judg. i. 13) ; and, in 
deed, in the latter place Othniel is called the 
"younger brother" of Caleb (we must there 
fore translate, with Bachmann, the son of Kenaz, 
younger brother of Caleb, with which, how 
ever, Josh. xv. 17 would conflict ; see Keil, p. 
63). Hence appears the possibility that both the 
companion of Joshua, Caleb the son of Jephunneh 
(who was eighty-five years old at the conquest of 
Canaan, Josh. xiv. 10 f. ), and Othniel the judge, 
at least a generation younger (the conqueror of 
Cushan rishathaim), stood in a common relation to 
an otherwise unknown patriarch Kenaz. Of what 
nature this relation was, whether it was that 
Caleb, by means of his father Jephunneh, was a 
grandson of Kenaz (as appears to have been the 
case, Num. xxxii. 12), and that Othniel, either 
through Jephunneh or some other, was likewise 
his grandson, or perhaps great-grandson, must re 
main uncertain. Possibly Kenaz is merely the 
name of a race external to Israel, belonging in 
fact to Edorn, Gen. xxxvi. 11, 1 Chron. i. 36, 53, 
to which Caleb became somehow related in the 
march through the wilderness, and from which 
also Othniel was descended. Knobel (on Gen. 
xxxvi. 11, p. 281) conceives the relationship 
thus : " The Kenizzite is perhaps a surname of 
Caleb, originating from some Kenizzites having 
passed into his family during the journey of 
Moses. After Jephunneh s death, one of them 
appears to have married Caleb s mother, and had 
by her Othniel. His name being afterwards for- 


gotten, he was designated by the name of his 
tribe. " Seraiah, Othniel s brother, occurs only 
here ; we meet with a later Jew of this name, 
who returned with Zerubbabel, Ezra ii. 2. And 
the sons of Othniel: Hathath. On the phrase 
J3!| before only one name, see ii. 7. Yet the 

plural might here possibly refer also to Meonothai 
as brother of Hathath (ver. 14), if a 

had fallen out at the end of our verse, or if the 
genealogist had presupposed that Meonothai was 
brother to Hathath, and therefore hastened at 
once to the statement of his descendants. 
Othniel s sons occur nowhere else. The name 
Meouothai might also be connected with the 
town Maori (Josh. xv. 55), or with the Meuniin 
(Ezra ii. 50; Neh. vii. 52). Ver. 14. And 
Meonothai begat Ophrah. We can scarcely think 
of Ophrah as the Benjamite town of this name 
(Josh, xviii. 23; 1 Sam. xiii. 17), or even of the 
home of Gideon in the tribe of Manasseh (Judg. 
vi. 11). And Seraiah beyat Joab fattier of the 
valley of the carpenters. This occurs here as a 
place founded by Joab son of Seraiah (ver. 13), 
called the " Valley of the carpenters or the 
craftsmen " (D^HPl)? and in Neh. xi. 35 ; and, 

indeed, as a place not far from Jerusalem, on the 
north side. Whether it had received its name 
after the exile, and whether Joab, the founder of 
the colony, is to pass for one of those Joabs in 
Zerubbabel s time who are mentioned Ezra ii. 6, 
Nell. vii. 11 (to which hypothesis Berth, seems 
inclined), must remain doubtful. 

8. The Descendants of Caleb the Son ofJepJiun- 
neh: ver. 15. That this Jephunnite Caleb is 
probably the same with him whose genealogy is 
given eh. ii. 46-49 (and therefore with the Caleb 
of Num., Josh., and Judg.), and diti erent from 
the Hezronite Celubai or Caleb (ii. 9, 18, 42 ff., 
5011 ., perhaps his ancestor [rather descendant]), 
has been fully shown on ii. 49. Iru, Eiah, and 
Naant. These three sons of Caleb occur nowhere 
else ; for the second, Elah, must have been com 
bined with the Edomite prince of the same name 
mentioned i. 52, as Kenaz might be identical 
with the Kenaz named there, ver. 53. This 
Calebite Kenaz cannot be the same as the father 
of Othniel (ver. 13) ; rather as grandson or great- 
grandson, he bore the same name as his ancestor. 
Why "the sons of Elah" are set down between 
this Kenaz and Naam in the series of the sons of 
Caleb we can no longer explain. It is inadmis 
sible, at all events, to translate, with a number 
of older expositors (including Starke) : " and the 
sons of Elah were (also) Kenaz," as if 1 before 
J3J5 could be anything but the copula. As the 

words run, Kenaz is appended to the aforemen 
tioned descendants of Caleb, of whom the sons of 
Elah take the fourth place, as the lifth and last ; 
only if a name were fallen out before fjp!i (as 

Keil supposes) could Kenaz be regarded as be 
longing to the sons of Elah. 

9. Jeli aleMs Sons .- ver. 1 6 . Ziph an d Ziphah, 
Tiriah and Asarel. Only the first of these is 
known, and, indeed, as the supposed father of 
one (jf those towns in Judah which are named in 
Josh. xv. 24, 55. Even of Jehalelel we know 
nothing more. A quite arbitrary hypothesis of 
some older scholars makes out of him rather a 
woman, the supposed second wife of Kenaz, ver 
13, whose first wife was (?) Jeuhunneh. 

10. Ezrah s Posterity: vers. 17, 18. And t/ie 
sons of Ezrah: Jet/ier, and Mered, and Ephcr t 
and Jalon ; and she conceived, etc. If the 
sing, j^l is to be retained, we may compare such 

cases as iii. 19, 21, 23, etc. ; but see Grit. Note. 
The here -named Ezrah occurs nowhere else ; he 
belongs, at all events, to a grey antiquity, as the 
father of old Jewish towns like Eshtemoa, Socho, 
Zanoah, etc. It is not clear how he is connected 
with the foregoing or following families of -ludah. 
Of his four sons, the last, Jalon, occurs only here 
even in name ; the names Jether and Epher occur 
elsewhere, but in other families (Jether, ii. 32, 
cornp. 53; and Epher, xi. 33 and v. 24); further 
notices of them are wanting. On the contrary, 
the closing sentence of ver. 18 shows, with respect 
to Mered, that probably all the names from ver. 
176 ("and she conceived," etc.) denote descend 
ants of this man by two wives, a "Jewess" and a 
"daughter of Pharaoh. " And as the words infil 

"i;fl, standing as they now do after the name of 
the fourth son of Ezrah, and wanting a feminine 
subject, yield no rational sense, the removal (pro 
posed by Berlheau, and adopted by Kamph., 
Keil, and others) of that closing sentence: "and 
these are the sons of Bithiah daughter of Pharaoh, 
whom Mered took," to our passage after p^l, 

commends itself as a very suitable amendment ; 
comp. the Crit. Note, "inffil is then to be taken 

as a synonym of l^jni (which is given by the 
Sept. and the Vulg.), and the names Miriam 
(D S ~1E>, f r which, perhaps, Di~l, as in Sept. cod. 

Vat. or the like, is to be read, as we expect to find 
a man s name in the first place), Shanimai, and 
Ishbah then denote the sons born to Mered by 
Pharaoh s daughter; whereupon in ver. 18 the 
names of those descended irom the Jewess are 
added. We obtain here, accordingly, two lines 
descending from Mered one Egyptian, from which 
(and in particular from Ishbah the third son of 
Pharaoh s daughter) the inhabitants of the town 
Eshtemoa (Sept. Ea-h/^^v or Eo-^a/^v), on the 
mountains of Judah, the present Samua, south 
of Hebron, drew their origin (comp. Josh. xv. 15, 
xxi. 14, and ver. 19), and one Jewish, from which 
three towns of Judah are derived: 1. Gedoi, 
comp. on ver. 4 ; 2. Socho, perhaps the present 
Suweikeh, in the lowland south west of Jeru 
salem, comp. Josh. xv. 35, 1 Sam. xvii. 1, etc.; 
3. Zanoah, perhaps the present Sanuah, in the 
lowland near Zorah, comp. Josh. xv. 34 (though 
the other Zanoah on the mountains of Judah, 
Josh. xv. 36, the site of which we do not know, 
might be meant). Of the names of the three 
"fathers" or founders of these towns, JekuthieJ 

(^"HIpV probably "fear of God") occurs no 
where else; while Jered (comp. Gen. v. 15) and 
"OP! occur elsewhere, the latter pretty often 

(Gen. xlvi. 17; Num. xxvi. 45; Judg. iv. 11, 17; 
1 Chron. viii. 17). And these are the ons of 
Bithiah, etc. These words, in the position which 
we have assigned to them, are not a subscription 
for the preceding, but rather an introduction 
to the following words "<\y\ IPim. We know 

nothing more of this daughter of Pharaoh. 
njnSTO may be merely a general phrase foi 

CHAP. IV. 19-23. 


, an Egyptian ; so thinks Hitzig, Gesch. d. 

V. Isr. p. 64, who, indeed, without right, might 
thus degrade the Pharaoh s daughter of the 
Exodus, the foster-mother of Moses, into a com 
mon Egyptian. No less arbitrary is the opposite 
conjecture of the older Rabbins, and recently of 
Fiirst (Gesch. d. bibl. Liter, i. 319), that this 
same king s daughter Thermuthis, the protectress 
of Moses, is here meant. The name Miriam, at 
the head of the descendants of this Egyptian, 
seems to have given rise to this identification 
with Thermuthis (comp. Wagenseil, Sota, p. 271). 
The opinion of Osiander, Hiller, J. H. Michaelis, 
Starke, etc., that we are not to think of an 
Egyptian here, as Bithiah is a Hebrew name, 
and Pharaoh the name of a Jew. is also arbitrary, 
and directly against the phrase njnQ~TI3 (comp. 

2 Chron. viii. 11; 1 Kings ix. 24). 

11. The Sons of the Wife of Hodiah: ver. 19. 
And the sons of the wife of Hodiah, the sister 
of Naham. Hodiah (n s liil), as the present St. 

constr. Ji and its occurrence as the name of 

several Levites after the exile, in the book of 
Nehemiah (Neh. viii. 7, ix. 5, x. 11), show, is 
not a woman s, but a man s name. We know 
neither the name of Hodiah s wife nor her rela 
tion to the foregoing; for that DfiJ, whose sister 

she is said to be, is the same as Qyj, Caleb s son, 

ver. 15, no one will seriously assert. The father 
of Keilah the Garmite, and Eshtemoa (or perhaps 
"the father of Eshtemoa;" see Grit. Note) the 
Maachathite. The two designations, "the Gar- 
mite " and "the Maachathite," are to us equally 
obscure and unintelligible ; the latter may, per 
haps, contain an allusion to Maachah the third 
wife of Galeb, ii. 48. The situation of Keilah 

(riT yp), a town in the lowland of Judah (Josh. 

xv. 44), has not yet been ascertained. On Eshte 
moa, see ver. 17. 

12. Descendants of Shimon and Ishi : ver. 20. 
And the sons of Shimon: Amnon, etc. We 
know not otherwise either Shimon or his four 
sons, and therefore cannot indicate his place in 
the genealogy of Judah. That he was a Hezronite, 
like all the foregoing, is a mere conjecture of 
Wellhausen (p. 20). And the sons of Ishi: 
Zoheth and Benzoheth. The name Ishi was also 
borne by a Jerahmeelite (ii. 31), the son of 
Appaim, and by a Simeonite, iv. 42. Neither 
can be meant here, especially as a son Zoheth, 
not there mentioned, and an anonymous grandson 
of this Zoheth, are added as descendants. 

13. Descendants of Shelah, third son of Judah : 
vers. 21-23. The sons of Shelah son of Judah. 
On this third son of Judah by the Canaanitess 
Bathshua, see ii. 3; Gen. xxxviii. 5. The absence 

of the copula ^ before roV? "03 ( as before 133 
rTVliT, ver. 1) marks the beginning of a new 

genealogical series; and, indeed, a series that is 
of the more importance, because the posterity of 
Shelah is entirely omitted in ch. ii. Er the 
father of Lech oh, and Ladah the father of Mar - 
eshah. This Er is not to be confounded with 
Shelah s brother, the first - born of Judah (as 
Bertheau thinks); rather is this a similar case 
of uncle and nephew having the same name, as 

in Ram, for example, ii. 9; comp. ver. 25. We 
know no more of the town Lechah (ilDp) founded 

by this younger Er ; but Mareshah, founded by 
his brother Ladah, is no doubt the present Marash 
in the Shephelah; see on ch. ii. 42. And the 
families of the house of byssus work, of the house 
of Ashbea. This house of byssus work (cotton 
factory) may have been situated in Egypt, or 
possibly in Palestine. We know as little of its 
situation as of the "house of Ashbea" (rP3 

J/Bt^tf, rendered by Jerome : domus juramenti). 
For the cultivation of cotton (p3, here defec 
tively t3) also in Syria and Palestine, comp. 

Ezek. xxvii. 16; Pausan. v. 5. 2; Pococke, Mor- 
t/enl. ii. 88; Robinson, ii. 612, 628, iii. 432. 
Ver. 22. And Jokim, and the men of Cozeba, etc. 
The strange rendering of these and the following 
words in the Vulg. (see Grit. Note) seems to have 
been occasioned b an old Rabbinical combination 

JJ21 "IK tf with the narra 

of the words 

tive of the book of Ruth ; the Qip^ = qui stare 

fecit solem are accordingly Elimelech, the viri 
mendacii his sons Mahlon and Chilion, who re 
moved with him to Moab, and married daughters 

of this land ; and in DPI? "OB* is indicated their 
return to Bethlehem, etc. Our passage in reality 
states a total or partial conquest of Moab, effected 
in ancient times by several descendants of Shelah, 
whose names are not otherwise known to us. 
D pi" 1 appears contracted from QtjpT. The men 
of rQT3 Diight be the inhabitants of 2 S T3, Gen. 

xxxviii. 5 = 

Josn - xv - 

the birth 

place of Shelah, in the lowland of Judah. An 
altogether strange and now inexplicable name 

occurs at the end, Qpl? *2&, "which the punc 

tuators would scarcely have so pronounced, if the 
pronunciation had not been so handed down to 
them" (Berth.). And these are ancient things, 
that is, not merely "before the exile, in the 
period of the kings," as Bertheau thinks (p. 46), 
who endeavours to convert this notice into an 
indirect support of his hypothesis, that in vers. 
7-20 the generations and families of Judah after 
the exile are reported, while vers. 21-23 form an 
appendix referring to the period of kings, but 
certainly without warrant ; the words merely be 
speak a high age, belonging to the grey foretime, 
for the traditions concerning Jokim, the men of 
Cozeba, etc. (comp. Wellhausen, p. 23, n. 1). 
Ver. 23. These are the potters and the dwellers in 
Netaim and Gederah. nt>n, "these," appear tc 

refer to the whole descendants of Shelah (with 
the natural exception of those byssus workers, " 
ver. 21, that could not well be at the same time 
potters), and not merely those named in ver. 22 
(as Berth. ) ; for this verse has its closing notice 
in D^Triy D HTlilV It is not known where 

Netaim (D^ytOS, "plantings") was; perhaps it 

means royal gardens near Jerusalem, or near 
those pleasure gardens of Solomon in the Wady 
Urtus at Bethlehem (see on Song i. 1, vol. 
xiii. p. 29 of Bibelw.}; comp. also Tzziah s 


gardens, 2 Chron. xxvi. 10. Gederah (nTT2, 

"fence") is perhaps the town mentioned Josh, 
xv. 36 in the lowland of Judah (the present 
village Gedera, about an hour south-west of 
Jabneh; see Keil on 1 Chron. xii. 4). With the 
king, in his service, they dwelt there. To what 
king this alludes is uncertain ; piobably no single 
king (as Uzziah, or David, or Solomon) is meant : 
but the phrase applies to the kings of the house 
of David in general, who, from the beginning, 
inherited extensive private domains, where not 
merely cattle-breeding, tillage, and gardening 
were pursued, but also handicrafts, as the pottery 
here mentioned, the cotton-weaving, ver. 21, and 
perhaps carpentry, ver. 14. 1 

It has been already remarked that Bertheau s 
assumption, that vers. 1-20 of our chapter 
"presented a description of the generations and 
families of the tribe of Judah which were living 
soon after the exile (the time of Zerubbabel, 
Ezra, and Nehemiah)," but vers. 21-23 formed 
an appendix relating to earlier times, was not 
well founded, and finds no sufficient support in 
the assertion, "and these are ancient things. 1 
Comp. the full refutation which Keil (p. 66 If., 
note 2) has given to this hypothesis. Neither is 

1 Moreover, the engineer of the "Palestine Exploration 
Fund," Captain Warren, has recently discovered remains 
of the putteiy of the>e royal ftictoT ies in Jerusalem. See 
Our Work in Palestine, London 1873, p. 149. 

the concomitant assumption tenable, that there 
are exactly twelve families of the house of Judah 
in vers. 1-29, and of Judah, too, alter the exile, 
in the days of Zerubbabel ; for the families men 
tioned are not arranged according to the sons 
and grandsons of Judah in ver. 1, but are strung 
together loosely, and without any mark of con 
nection. Instead of twelve, also, a smaller num 
ber of families may be brought out by another 
mode of reckoning ; as, for example, Ewald, in a 
far more arbitrary way indeed than Bertheau, 
has found twelve families in the whole of our 
section, including Shelah and his descendants 
in vers. 21-23 (Gesch. i. p. 471). Both appeal 
to be merely accidental the number twelve of 
the families named, according to Bertheau s 
reckoning, and the circumstance that many of 
the persons and places in our section recur in 
Ezra and Nehemiah. To the latter circumstance, 
strongly urged by Bertheau, Keil has justly 
opposed the no less undeniable fact, that most 
of the places already occur in Joshua, and very 
many of the persons in Samuel and Kings, and 
that, with respect to the geographical coincidences 
with Ezra and Nehemiah, the historical contents 
of these books, that were almost exclusively 
enacted on the soil of Judah, and among Israelites 
of Jewish extraction, should in great part be 
taken into account in explanation of this. Comp. 
also what has been urged above in the Prelimi 
nary Remark, p. 53. 


1. The Families of Simeon: ch. iv. 24-43. 

CH. IV. 24. The sons of Simeon were Nemuel, and Jamin, Jarib, Zerah, Shaul. 

25, 26 Shallum his son, Mibsam his son, Mishma his son. And the sons of Mishma: 

27 Hamuel his son, Zaccur his son, Shimi his son. And Shimi had sixteen sons 

and six daughters ; but his brethren had not many sons : and all their family 

did not multiply, like the sons of Judah. 
28, 29 And they dwelt at Beer-sheba, and Moladah, and Hazar-shual. And at 

30 Bilhah, and at Ezem, and at Tolad. And at Bethuel, and at Horrnah, and at 

31 Ziklag. And at Beth-marcaboth, and at Hazar-susim, and at Beth-biri, and 

32 at Shaaraim : these were their towns until the reign of David. And their 

33 villages, Etam, and Ain, Eimmon, and Tochen, and Ashan, five towns. And 
all their villages that were round these towns unto Baal. This was their 
habitation, and they had their own genealogy. 

34, 35 And Meshobab, and Jamlech, and Joshah the son of Amaziah. And Joel, 

36 and Jehu the son of Josibiah, the son of Seraiah, the son of Asiel. And 
Elioenai, and Jaakobah, and Jeshohaiah, and Asaiah, and Adiel, and Jesimiel, 

37 and Benaiah. And Ziza the son of Shiphi, the son of Allon. the son of Jedaiah, 

38 the son of Shimri, the son of Shemaiah. These are they that entered by name 

39 princes in their families ; and their father-houses spread greatly. And they 
went to the entrance of Gedor, 1 to the east of the valley, to seek pasture 

40 for their flocks. And they found fat and good pasture, and the land was 
wide on all sides, and quiet, and peaceful ; for they were of Ham who dwelt 

41 there before. And these written by name came in the days of Hezekiah 
king of Judah, and smote their tents, and the Meunites 2 that were found 
there, and destroyed them unto this day, and dwelt in their stead ; for there 

42 was pasture there for their flocks. And of them, of the sons of Simeon, five 
hundred men went to mount Seir ; and Pelatiah, and Neariah, and Rephaiah, 

CHAP. IV. 24-33. 


43 and Uzziel, the sons of Ishi, were at their head. And they smote the 
remnant that had escaped of Amalek, and dwelt there unto this day. 

1 The Sept gives liere !"/>/>, whence "H3 might possibly be an error of transcription for "H3. 
* So (D^U SH) the Keri, whereas the Kethib gives DTi teH, and the Sept. accordingly M/v. 


PRELIMINARY REMARK. This account of the 
tribe of Simeon includes in it a genealogical, a 
geographical, and a historical section. The first 
(vers. 24-27) gives the five sons of Simeon, and 
traces the posterity of the last, Shaul, through a 
series of generations ; the second (vers. 28-33) 
recounts their dwelling-places till the time of 
David ; the third (vers. 34-43) contains two 
migrations or conquests of Simeonite families, one 
in the time of Hezekiah into a region previously 
inhabited by Hamites, another without a date to 
Mount Seir, into a district previously Amalekite. 
These accounts partake of the same fragmentary 
character as the sections referring to the following 
tribes. Comp. moreover, K. H. Graf, Der Stamm 
Simeon, a contribution to the History of Israel, 
Meissen 1866, and, with respect to the geography, 
the great work of the Englishmen E. H. Palmer 
and T. Drake, The Desert of the Exodus, etc., 
Cambridge 1871, one of the most valuable publica 
tions of the " Palestine Exploration Fund," with 
specially valuable contributions to the geography 
of the south of Palestine. With the conclusion 
of these inquirers, that the south border of Pales 
tine, in particular of the tribe of Simeon, must be 
extended much farther than is usually supposed, 
agrees also Consul Wetzstein, Ueber Kadesh und 
Paliistina isSudyrenze (Excursus III. in Delitzsch s 
Comment on Gen., 4th edit.). 

1. The Five Sons of Simeon, and the Descendants 
of Shaul: vers. 25-27. Nemuel, andJamin,Jarib. 
Zerah, Shaul. The list in Num. xxvi. 12-14 also 
names five sons of Simeon, and quite the same as 
here, except Jarib, who is there Jakin (j^i), of 

which it appears to be a corruption. On the 
contrary, in the older parallels, Gen. xlvi. 10, 
Ex. vi. 15, six sons of Simeon are enumerated, 
among whom an Ohad stands in the third place, 
who is wanting here and in Numbers, perhaps 
because his posterity had died out so soon as to 
form no distinct family ; and in the first place a 
Jenmel, who corresponds to the Nemuel of our 
passage, and in the last a Zohar, instead of the 
Zerah here before the last. It is plain that we 
have here equivalent names, as in V> candor, is 

not very remote from n~lT> ortus soils (comp. 
Hal. iii. 20 ; Luke i. 78), and also hwft) (with 

whom Hitzig on Prov. xxx. 31, perhaps too 
boldly, identifies the conjectural king Lemuel of 

Massa) appears only a by-form of ^N}JO\ day of 

God, It is uncertain whether we are to regard 
the forms given in Genesis and Exodus at once as 
original. It is at least plain, from the agreement 
of Num. xxvi. 12-14 with our passage, that the 
Chronist has not adopted fin arbitrary form of the 
names, as Gram berg assumes. Ver. 25. Shallum 
his son, etc. Only of Shaul, the last (perhaps the 
youngest) of the sons of Simeon, whose mother is 
called a Cariaanitess in the parallel accounts of 
Genesis and Exodus, are further descendants re 

ported in six succeeding generations, Shallum, 
Mibsam, Mishma, Hatnuel, Zaccur, and Shimi. 
By the words, " and the sons of Mishma," at the 
beginning of ver. 27, these six generations are 
divided into two groups, of which, however, the 
second, only lineal, without any collateral descen 
dants; comp. theplur. >j^ in like cases, as i. 41, 

ii. 31, iii. 16, 22, etc. Ver. 27. And Shimi had 
sixteen sons and six daughters. This father of a 
very large and nourishing family is brought nto 
prominence, like Elioenai, iii." 24 ; comp. the 
descendants of Jacob, Jesse, David, Jcr, and 
Ps. cxxvii. 3, cxxviii. 3. But his brethren (the 
remaining Simeonites, not merely Shimi s imme 
diate brothers) had not many sons. This is the 
reason that their whole " family did not multiply 
like that of Judah." With this agrees the com 
paratively small number of the Simeonites in the 
census under Moses (Num. i.-iv.), and the way 
in which this smaller tribe was included in the 
stronger tribe of Judah in the division of the land, 
Josh. xix. 1. 

2. The original Dwelling- Places of the Simeon 
ites in the Southern Part of the Land of Judah : 
vers. 28-33 ; comp. Josh. xix. 2-8. With the 
names of the Simeonite dwelling-places reported 
in this old parallel, those here narne d agree in the 
main, and in particular with respect to the sepa 
ration into two groups, one of thirteen, the other 
of five towns. Only the second group consists 
there of only four towns (see on ver. 32), and in 
the first group, notwithstanding the statement 
that thirteen towns are reported, ver. 6, four 
teen are actually named ; between Bt-er-sheba 
and Moladah a Sheba is inserted, a name 

which appears to be a repetition of the second 
component of y^ ~1J<3, occasioned by negligence 

in copying, but possibly also = ytyy, a town 

named, Josh. xv. 26, before Moladah (of the latter 
opinion is, for example, Keil, on Josh. xix. 2 and 
our passage). There are several unessential differ 
ences of form or orthography between our passage 

and Josh, xix., as in the latter n^3 for nn^3, 

ver. 29, 



-ran for D^DID "ivn, rri&o n^a (house of 

[ions) for 1&O3 JVa* and jim^ (pleasant har 
bour) for D ljJC? (two gates). It cannot be shown 

which of these forms is the more original : some 
of the deviations may rest on mere errors of traii- 
cription, as might so easily happen in places that 
scarcely ever occur again. Moreover, the book of 
Joshua (xv. 26-32) repeats the most of them as 
belonging to the towns of the south of Judah, and 
certainly with some variations of form (for ex 

ample, n^ya for Bilhah, ^p3 for Bethul, D^fi? 

or Shaaraim, Madmannah for Beth-marcaboth, 
Sansannah for Hazar-susim). Most of these 
places are still undiscovered ; Beer-sheba survives 



in Bir-es-Seba ; Moladah probably in the ruins 
Tel Milh, south of Hebron, on the road to Aila ; l 
Horniah, the older name of which was Shepliath, 
in the ruin Sepata, two and a half hours south of 
Khalasa ; Ziklag in Kasluj, east of this Sepata ; 
and Shaaraim in Tell Sheriah, between Beer-sheba 
and Gaza. These were their towns until the reign 
of Darid, and their villages. With almost all 
recent expositors, D!T~ttTrt i certainly to be at 

tached to ver. 31, for the parallel, Jcsh. xix. 6, 
speaks of " towns and their villages," and all 
that are named in ver. 32 are expressly named 
"towns." Moreover, the separation of Qrrnvm 
from the foregoing, occasioned by the date "until 
the reign of David," is already very old ; for the 
old translators agree with the Masoretic text in 
transferring the word to the following verse. 
The reason why the da e "until the reign of 
David " was inserted here, and not in ver. 33 
(where it would be less surprising), appears to be 
this, that the changes occurring from the time of 
David in the habitations of the Sirneonites, con 
sisting in their partial removal by the Jews (comp. 
ver. 34 it .), applied only to the thirteen towns 
already named, whereas the rive towns, with their 
villages to be named in the following verse, re 
mained still an undiminished possession of the 
Simeonites. So. justly, Keil, following Rashi and 
Kimchi, and partly against Bertheau, who assumes 
as tiie object of the subscription merely an allu 
sion to Ziklag (comp. 1 Sam. xxvii. 6), or perhaps 
to others of the forementioiied towns, as belong 
ing from the time of David no longer to the tribe 
of Simeon, whereas such a limitation of the sense 
is foreign to the words; and, moreover, Ziklag was 
severed from Simeon by the Philistines before the 
reign of David (1 Sam. xxvii. 6). Ver. 32. Etam, 
and A hi, Rimmon, and Tochen, and Ashen, five 
towns. ^ After the thirteen towns, the parallel, 
Josh. xix. 7, gives a second group, not a penta- 
polis, but only a tetrapolis, with the omission of 
Tochen, and the change of Etam (DD^) into Ether 

("iriiO- It is hard to say where the original is to 
be sought. We are scarcely entitled, with Movers 
(p. 73) and Bertheau, to charge both texts with 
inaccuracy, and to affirm that the series of these 
towns originally ran thus : p-| py, nny, jafr, 

f>y, so that by an oversight two cities were made 

out of one En-rimmon (which occurs in Neh. xi. 
29), and by another oversight Tochen fell out of 
the text of Joshua, and by a third the name -|j-|j;, 
which is proved to be original by the subsequent 
mention of such a town in Josh. xv. 43, has in 
Chronicles been supplanted by the better known 
DD s y- Against this conjecture Keil has justly 

urged : 1. The jfo-j and py are counted as sepa 
rate cities not merely in Josh. xix. 7, but also in 
Josk xv. 32, and the union of the two names into 
an En-rimmon in Nehemiah may be explained 
simply from the contiguity of the two places (of 
which Rimmon is discovered in " Rum er Rum- 
ir.anin," four hours north of Beer-sheba, and Ain 
appears to have been the name of an old well lying 
near it), or possibly by a coalescence of the two at 
a later period ; 2. Etam, if it actually came into 
the text by exchange with the original Ether, 
1 So also Palmer and Drake, p. 303 

should have been, not at the head of the list, but 
the last but one (where -|fly stands in Josh. xix. 

7) ; and 3. There were notoriously two Etams, one 
in the mountains of Judah south of Bethlehem, 
2 Chron. xi. 6, and one in the Negeb of Judah on 
the border of Simeon, which occurs in the history 
of Samson, Judg. xv. 8, 11, and must be the place 
here meant, where a locality near Ain and Rim 
mon is intended. This leaves nothing unsolved 
but the difference of the number, being only four 
in Joshua, and five here. The hypothesis of Keil, 
that n is only another name for ~iny, is not 

well grounded. Ver. 33 And all theit villages 
that were round these towns unto Baal. The 
parallel, Josh. xix. 8, is more full : "and all the 
villages that were round these towns, unto Baa- 
lath-beer, Ramath-negeb." Hence ^3 appears 
to be an abbreviation of the fuller name n^S 
~IN3> and the group of villages extending to this 

Baalath-beer (or Bealoth, as it is called Josh. xv. 
24) bore the name Ramath-negeb or Ramah of the 
south, with which Ramoth-negeb, 1 Sani. xxx. 27, 
is in mifestly identical. "An attempt has been 
recently made to determine the situation of this 
} lace, in doing which it is to be observed that 
Baal or Baalath-beer is not to be counted among 
the towns of Simeon ; for it is only said that the 
villages of the last-named towns extend to Baal, 
that is, in the direction and perhaps very near to 
Baal, so that we are warranted in seeking our 
Baal in a region somewhat more remote from the 
towns, if it had otherwise a peculiar character 
and adaptation to denote the direction in which 
the territory of Simeon extended. Now Walkott 
found near Ramet el Khulil, about an hour north 
of Hebron, a second Ramah, called Ramet el 
Amleh, and also two heights with old sites. A 
whole group of places on hills, which can be 
observed at one glance, and present a grand and 
peculiar aspect, is here found : there is no doubt 
that the Ramoth-negeb, 1 Sam. xxx. 27, is to be 
sought here. As there is a remarkable well in 
Ramet el Khulil, the conjecture arises that here 
is a Baalath-beer, a well-town ; and a confirmation 
of this conjecture presents itself in the designation 
of this place by the addition Ramoth-negeb." 
So Bertheau, after Roediger (review of Robinson s 
Bibl. Sacra, Halle sche Literaturztg. 1843, No. 
Ill) ; whereas Keil on Josh. xix. 8 is inclined to 
seek Baalath-beer and Ramoth-negeb in a more 
southerly situation than Ramet el Khulil, which 
is not far from Hebron ; and the best chartogra- 
jhers of the day (Menke in ch. iii. of his Bible 
Atlas, Gotha 1868) place the localities in ques 
tion south-west of the Dead Sea, on the caravan 
road leading to Hebron. This was their habita 
tion, and they had their own genealogy, that is, 
their own register of families as a separate inde 
pendent tribe, though they dwelt in the territory 
of Judah, and were much less in number and ex- 
ent than this contiguous tribe. On the substan- 
tively used infin. Tpni"l, genealogy (properly, 

entrance in the register), comp. Introd. 5. 

3. History of the Two Migrations or Conquests 
of the Simeonites : vers. 34-43. a. First expedi 
tion, in the time of Hezekiah : vers. 34-41. 
And Meshobab, and Jam lech, and joshah, etc. 
These thirteen princes of the tribe of Simeon are 

CHAP. IV. 38-43. 


only made prominent because they were the 
leaders of the present expedition, not because the 
former genealogical series (vers. 24-26) was con 
tinued by them. For although of some of them 
(Joshah, Jehu, and Ziza) the descent for several 
generations is given, yet the connection of these 
small genealogical lines with that earlier series is 
wanting With the remarkable form H3pJP, " to 

Jacob " (reckoned to him), comp. the analogous 
form n^N~lfc", 1 Chron. xxv. 14, and other 

examples in Ewald, Le.hrb. p. 670, n. 1, 7th edit. 
-Ver. 38. These are they that entered by name 
princes in their families (not: "these were famous, 
celebrated princes," as Luther). A phrase essen 
tially the same occurs iu ver. 41 ; comp. also xii. 
31 ; Num. i. 17 ; Ezra viii. 25. " Princes of 
families " are, moreover, not heads of families, 
but " heads of the houses into which the families 
were divided " (Keil). And their father-houses 
spread greatly, unfolded and branched out into a 
great multitude. On r)toX"TPH> plural of the 

compound nKTPBj comp. Ewald, 270, p. 657, 

where the same plural is cited from 2 Chron. 
xxxv. 5, Num. i. 2, 18, 20, vii. 2, etc., and 
the similar rriQB JVH. high houses, from 1 Kings 

xii. 31, 2 Kings xvii. 29, 32. And they went to 
the entrance of Gedor (scarcely "to the west of 
Gedor," as Keil, for this would have required 
the addition of t^l9$n to fcO;}^), to the east of 

the valley. What valley is uncertain, as the de 
finite article only points to some known valley 
near Gedor, a place that cannot itself be deter 
mined ; but the identification of this j^an with 

the valley of the Dead Sea is a very precarious 
conjecture of Ewald and Berth eau, for the valley 
of the Dead Sea with its southern continuation 
bears in the 0. T. the standing name of !"Q"iyn. 

Equally uncertain is the conjecture of the same 
inquirers, and of Kamph., Graf, Miihlau (also of 
Menke in ch. iii. of his Bible Atlas), that I lj 

is an error of transcription for 113 (r-^ in Sept. ; 

see Crit. Note). A place so far west as Gerar 
(now Kirbet el Gerar) on the river Gerar can 
scarcely ave been used to mark the border of the 
Simeonite pasture lands ; and the mode of ex 
pression is not fitted to indicate the west and 
east bounding points of the region occupied by 
the Simeonites (comp. also on ver. 41). On the 
3ther hand, to identify Gedor with the town 
tfl3 named in Josh. xv. 58, situated on the 

mountains of Judah, has its difficulties. For it 
must also be presumed that the Meunim named 
in ver. 41 were the inhabitants of the adjacent 
hill-town Maon, Josh. xv. 55 ; and the region of 
this hill-town of Judah cannot be that intended 
here, as the latter is described, "er. 40, as on all 
sides (literally " on both sides; " D^T, as in Gen. 

xxxiv. 21) open, and therefore clearly as a plain. 
Ver. 40. For they were of Ham who dwelt there 
before. For the phrase, comp. Judg. xviii. 7, 28. 
These men of Harn, whom the Simeonites found as 
inhabitants, peaceable and harmless inhabitants of 
the country in question, and subdued, may have 
been Egyptians, Cushites, or Canaanites ; most 
probably they belonged to the last branch of the 

Hamites, as the region in question is contiguoua 
to Palestine. Hitzig("The Kingdom of Massa" in 
Zeller s Theolog. Jahrbiichern, 1844, p. 269 ff., 
and on Prov. p. 312) gratuitously supposes the 
Amalekites to be designated by "the men of 
Ham " (likewise Hoffmann, Blicke in diefruheste 
Geschichte des heiliyen Landes, p. 73) : for the 
history of the second expedition of the Simeonites 
refers to the Amalekites, vers. 42, 43, and it is a 
question whether the Amalekites were Hamites 
(Knobel on Gen. x. 13, 23, and comp. above on 
i. 36 f.) ; and the circumstance that these Hamites 
were nomades aoes not compel us to think of 
Amalekites (Ludim, Hyksos ?), since many 
Canaanitish tribes lived as nomades ; for example, 
those of Laish, Judg. xviii. Ver. 41. Came in 
the days of Hezekiah. Here is a quite definite 
chronological date, that shows still more posi 
tively than the reference to the reign of David in 
ver. 31, the high age and the certainty of these 
notices. And smote their (the Karaites ) tents, 
and the Mcunites that were found there. The 
smiting refers first to the tents or d veilings of the 
Hamites, and then to the Meunit<;s found there, 
who are therefore foreigners who had come to 
dwell among the Hamites. D^IJ/O (f r which the 

Kethib has D^iJJJO and the Sept. M/v~<) are here, 

as in 2 Chron. xxvi. 7 (comp. xx. 1), probably 
inhabitants of the town Maon near Petra, t ast of 
the Wady Musa (Robinson, iii. 127). Their 
being involved in the fate of the Hamites implies 
that the scene of the present event lay to the east, 
though it cannot be further defined. Against the 
reading proposed by some old expositors (Luther, 
Starke), Q^yftrrnNl, "and the fixed habita 

tions," in contrast with the forementioned tents, 
see Bochart, Geoyr. Sacra, p. 138. And destroyed 
them unto this day, and divdt in their stead. 
, a d internecionem usque eos exciderunt 

(J. H. Mich.), deleverunt (Vulg.). Comp. 


ban, extirpate, in 2 Chron. xx. 23, xxxii. 14, 2 
Kings xix. 11, Isa. xxxvii. 11. The term "unto 
this day " points to the time of composition, not 
by the Chronist, but by the old historical sources 
at least before the exile employed by him. 

b. Second expedition of the Simeonites against 
Mount Seir : vers. 42, 43. And of th<m, of the 
sons of Simeon, Jive hundred men went to Mount 
Seir. Nothing more precise is stated regarding 
the time of this expedition ; it may have been 
before or alter that in the time of Hezekiah. 
And the statement, "of them, of the sons of 
Simeon," is quite general, and sets no limit either 
to the Simeonites named vers. 34-37 or to those 
before enumerated, vers. 24-27. Keil, who ex 
changes the Ishi of our verse with Shimi, ver. 27, 
is arbitrary in thinking only of the latter ; and 
no less so is Bertheau, who refers the words to 
the part of the Simeonites described ver. 34 ff. 
Of the surmise, that the event of our verse is 
somehow connected with that referred, vers. 34- 
41, to the time of Hezekiah, and is to be re 
garded as in some measure a continuation of it 
(Ew., Berth., Kamph.), there is not the slightest 
hint in the text, even if the valley of the present 
expedition to Mount Seir could be situated in the 
same direction from the tribe of Simeon as that of 
the former ; see on vers. 39, 40. Ver. 43. And 
they smote the remnant that had escaped of 


Amalek, that is, those Amalekites who escaped 
anniliilation in the victories of Saul and Uavid 
over this hereditary foe of the Israelites (who 
were formerly settled, Judg. v. 14, xii. 15, comp. 
Num. xiii. 29, chiefly in Paran or half-Manasseh 
east of Jordan ; comp. Hitzig, Gesch. d. V. /.ST. 
pp. 26, 104) ; comp. 1 Sam. xiv. 48, xv. 7; 2 Sam. 
viii. 12. These who thus escaped had retired 
into the Idumean mountains, and there inter 
mingled partly with the Edomites (comp. i. 36 f. ). 
Here they were now sought out and extirpated 
by the Sirneonites under the sons of Ishi, while 
the conquerors occupied their seats. From a 
comparison of the present passage with Mic. 
i. 15, ii. 8-10, Isa. xxi. 11, xxviii. 12, etc., 
which appear to indicate an advance of the 
Israelites who believed in Jehovah far into the 
south and south-east in the times of Hezekiah 
and Isaiah, Hitzig (Dus Konigreich Massa) has, 
with the concurrence of Bunsen, Bertbeau, etc., 
his hypothesis of the founding of an 

Israelitish kingdom of Massa east or south-east 
of Seir (not far from Dumah ; comp. Gen. xxv. 44; 
1 Chron. i. 30) by the colony of Simeonites here 
mentioned, and has assigned to it as kings, Agur 
and Lemuel, the authors of the two appendices 
to the book of Proverbs. Comp. our substantially 
concurring judgment concerning this hypothesis 
on Prov. xxx. 1 ff., vol. xii. p. 208 of the Bibdw. 
The objections urged against this hypothesis by 
Graf (Der Stamm Simeon, p. 12 ff.) and M uhlan 
(De prov. Aguri, etc., orig. p. 24 f.) certainly 
point out much that is not and cannot be proved 
in it, but are not sufficient to show that it is a 
mere fancy picture. At all events, the traditions, 
that in accordance with our passage part of the 
tribe of Simeon penetrated far into Arabia and 
founded there an Israelitish colony, are as wide 
spread as they are ancient. Arabian legends even 
make the tribe of Simeon found the city and the 
temple of Mecca. See Hoffmann, Blicke, etc., 
p. 124. 

2. The Tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half- Manasseli: ch. v. 

a. The Tribe of Reuben: vers. 1-10. 

CH. V. 1. And the sons of Reuben, the first-born of Israel, for he was the first-born ; 
but, because he defiled his father s bed, his birthright was given to the sons ot 

2 Joseph the son of Israel, though he was not to be registered as first-born. For 
Judah was mighty among his brethren, and of him was the prince; and Joseph 

3 had the birthright. The sons of Reuben, the first-born of Israel : Hanoch and 

4 Pallu, Hezron and Carmi. The sons of Joel : Shemaiah his son, Gog his son, 
5, 6 Shimi his son. Micah his son, Reaiah his son, Baal his son. Beerah his son, 

whom Tilgath-pilneser king of Asshur carried away ; he was prince among the 

7 And his brethren by their families, in the register after their generations: 

8 the chief Jeiel, and Zechariah. And Bela the son of Azaz, the son of Sherna, 

9 the son of Joel ; he dwelt in Aroer, even unto Nebo and Baal-meori. And east 
ward he dwelt unto the entrance into the wilderness from the river Euphrates ; 

10 for their cattle multiplied in the land of Gilead. And in the days of Saul they 
made war with the Hagarites, and they fell by their hand ; and they dwelt in 
their tents on all the east side of Gilead. 

/3. The Tribe of Gad: vers. 11-17. 

11 And the sons of Gad dwelt over against them, in the land of Bashan, unto 

12 Salcah. Joel the chief, and Shapham the second, and Janai and Shaphat 1 in 

13 Bashan. And their brethren by their father-houses: Michael, and Meshullam, 

14 and Sheba, and Jorai, and Jachan, and Zia, and Eber, seven. These are the 
sons of Abihail the son of Huri, the son of Jaroah, the son of Gilead, the son 

15 of Michael, the son of Jeshishai, the son of Jahdo, the son of Buz. Ahi the 

16 son of Abdiel, the son of Guni, chief of their father-houses. And they dwelt in 
Gilead in Bashan, and in her daughters, and in all the suburbs of Sharon 2 unto 

17 their outgoings. All of them were registered in the days of Jotham king of 
Judah, and in the days of Jeroboam king of Israel. 

y. War of the Tribes of Reuben, Gad, and Jidlf-Manasseh with Arab Notions: vers. 1822. 

18 And the sons of Reuben, and Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseli, of valiant 
men bearing shield and sword, and drawing the bow, and skilful in war, were 

19 forty and four thousand and seven hundred and sixty going forth to war. And 

20 they made war with the Hagarites, and Jetur, and Naphish, and Nodal). And 
they were helped against them, and the Hagarites were delivered into their 
hand, and all that were with them ; for they cried to God in the battle, and He 

CHAP. V. 1-6. 

21 was entreated of them, because they trusted in Him. And they took their 
cattle; their camels fifty thousand, and sheep two hundred and fifty thousand, 

22 and asses two thousand, and souls of men a hundred thousand. For many fell 
slain, because the war was of God ; and they dwelt in their stead until the 

S. The half -Tribe of Manasseh: vers. 23, 24. 

23 And the sons of the half-tribe of Manasseh dwelt in the land, from Bashan 

24 unto Baal-hermon and Senir and Mount Hermon ; these were many. And 
these were the heads of their father-houses, even Epher, and Ishi, and Eliel, 
and Azriel, and Jeremiah, and Hodaviah, and Jahdiel, valiant heroes, famous 
men, heads of father-houses. 


e. Carrying of the Three East-Jordanic Tribes into Exile: vers. 25, 26. 
And they were untrue to the God of their fathers, and lusted after the gods 

26 of the people of the land, whom the Lord destroyed before them. And the God 
of Israel stirred up the spirit of Pul king of Asshur, and the spirit of Tilgath- 
pilneser king of Asshur, and he carried them away, the Reubenites, and the 
Gadites, and the half-tribe of Manasseh, and brought them to Halah and Habor, 
and the mountain and the river Gozan, unto this day. 

For DBBH the Sept. read DDE or Ifi I for it gives the words JC/113 ED^l ^JTI by : *.} r o 
uwrti/t iv Bxtra.v. 

* For plt^ the cod. Vat. of the Sept. has repioifA (possibly from an original JV"I^5 comp. Exeg. Note). 


PRELIMINARY REMARK. The three east-jor- 
danic tribes are closely connected by our genea 
logist on account of their common fate, not only 
by being here placed together, although by this 
arrangement the eastern half of Manasseh are 
severed from their western kindred, but also by 
the insertion of two historic episodes referring to 
the common doings and fortunes of the three. 
The first of these pieces is inserted between Gad 
and hal f- Manasseh ; the second is transferred to 
the end, because it describes the catastrophe by 
which the three tribes lost their independence. 
"An endeavour after an equable distribution of 
the historical matter" (Berth.) may lie at the 
ground of this; for even to the genealogical 
account of the Reubenites a short war notice, 
ver. 10, is appended. But the notable thing is, 
that the more copious and important of these; 
historical notices refer to the common acts and 
the common fall of the three (it is not observed 
that the tribe of Gad, in connection with whose 
generations the war report, vers. 18-22, is given, 
played a specially prominent part in it), by which 
our section is distinguished as one compact group 
from the genealogical series of our chapter. 

1. The Tribe of Reuben : vers. 1-10. The in 
troductory vers. 1, 2 treat of the birthright of 
Reuben in its relation to that of Joseph. For he 
icas the fir xt-born; but because, etc. These words 
to the close of ver. 2 form a parenthesis, which, 
reminding us in its opening words of Gen. xlix. 4, 
set forth the ground on which the birthright of 
Joseph is mentioned along with that of Reuben. 
Though he was not, to be registered as first-born, 

literally, "though not to register (^ before 

to denote that which should take place ; see Ew. 
237, c^ for the first .birth," that is, in the rank 
of the first-born. The subject here is perhaps 

not Reuben (Sept., Vulg.), but Joseph, as Kimchi 
and other Rabbinical expositors justly observe ; 
for the statement of the following verse refers to 
Joseph as the chief person spoken of Ver. 
2. For Judah was mighty among his brethren. 
"133, was strong, mighty, in numbers and influ 

ence; comp. Gen. xlix. 8 ff. ; Judg. i. 1, and ch. 
ii.-iv. And of him was the prince (namely, 
David, xxviii. 4; 1 Sam. xiii. 14, xxv. 30), or, "and 
of him should be one of the princes" (Kamph.). 
This concealed reference to the Davidic kingdom 
that sprang from Judah reminds us in its form 
of Mic. v. 1 (comp. ^yQ here with TjBE) there, 



there). And Joseph 

had the birthright. To him were allowed two 
territories (according to the right of first birth, 
Deut. xxi. 15-17), one for Eplmiim and one for 
Manasseh. Ver. 3 Hanoch and Pallu, Hezron 
and Carmi. So are the four sons of Reuben 
named Gen. xlvi. 9, Ex. vi. 14; comp. Num. 
xxvi. 5-7. Vers. 4-6. The descendants of Joel, 
as a single line of Reubenites, which is carried 
through several generations. From which of the 
four sons this line descended, the author of the 
present list knew, and perhaps even the Chronist, 
who incorporated it into his work ; but the know 
ledge is lost to after times. Shemaiah his son, 
Gog his son, etc. The first faa after iTyDKJ the 

Sept. has read as a nom. propr., and therefore 
inserted between Shemaiah and Gog another 
descendant of Joel, Baw*/a, whereby his whole 
descendants are increased from seven to eight, 
though scarcely in accordance with the original 
text. The seven names occur also elsewhere, 
but only here in reference to the descendants of 
Reuben. Ver. 6. Beerah his son, ivhom THyath- 
pilneser carried away. The Chronist always 
writes IDX^Q FI whereas in 2 Kings the 



only form of writing is "iDXsS Dn (comp. the 

similar difference between "Nebuchadrezzar" of 
Jeremiah and Ezekiel and "Nebuchadnezzar" of 
the other books; see on Dan. i. 1). Whether G. 
Oppert s interpretation of the name = Vvjfi 
"IPID N^Q- "prayer to the son of the Zodiac," 

the Assyrian Hercules, be correct, or the cer 
tainly preferable one of Sehrader (Tuklut-habal- 
asar, "trust in the son of the house of grace," 
or, "he who trusts in the house of grace," that 
is, in the god Adtir ; comp. Sehrader, Die Keilin- 
schriften und das Alte T,, 1S72, pp. 134 f., 237), 
the form used in the books of Kings appears 
the more original. He was a prince among the 
Reubenites, that is, Beerah. He was prince of a 
family of Reubenites, not of the whole tribe ; for 

the ^) ( 1 o:i*JOt>) indicates a looser sort of con 

nection than the relation of prince to the whole 
tribe, to be expressed by the stat. constr. The 
adjective form, "the Reubenite," denotes here, 
as in ver. 26 and xxvi. 32, generally those be 
longing to the tribe of Reuben ; comp. ver. 18, "H2, 


and iv. 2, Tiyisfn, and similar forms in Chronicles. 

Vers. 7-9. The brothers of Beerah, that is, 
the families among the descendants of Joel most 
nearly related to his family. And his brethren 
by their families (before VflhS^ D^ supply ti^tf, 

every one by his family ; comp. Num. ii. 34, 
xi. 10), in (he register after their generations (or 
order of birth): the chief Jelei, ete. C N~in, the 

head, the first, the chief of the family. Comp. 
ver. 12 and ix. 17, where, however, this epithet 
stands after the name of the person in question, 
while in xii. 3, xxiii. 8, as here, it stands before. 

Ver. 8. And Bda the son of Azaz, the son of 
Shema, the son of Joel; scarcely any other than 
the Joel of ver. 4. From him sprang Bela in the 
third generation, a clear proof tluit he belonged 
only in the wider sense to the brethren of Beerah, 
who descended from him in the seventh genera 
tion, and that he was at all events considerably 
older than the latter; see on ver. 10. He dwelt 
in Arocr, even unto Nebo and Baal-incon. Aroer, 
now a ruin, Arrayr on the river Arnon (comp. 
Josh. xii. 2, xiii. 9, 16); Nebo, a place on Mount 
Nebo, in the range of Aburim, over against Jericho 
(Num. xxxii. 38, xxxiii. 47); Baal-meon, perhaps 
the ruins Myun, two miles south of Heshbon 
(comp. Num. xxxii. 38, where it is also found 
along wi h Nebo). Ver. 9. And eastward he 
dwelt, unto the entrance into the wilderness from 
the river Euphrates, that is, to the line where the 
great wilderness begins, that extends from the 
Euphrates to the east border of Penea, or Gilead 
as it is called in this verse ; for Gilead (Gen. xxxi. 
21, xxxvii. 25; Josh. xiii. 11, xvii. 1; Judg. v. 
17, ete.) is the general term usual in the Old 
Testament for the territory of Israel east of the 
Jordan; comp. on ver. 16. Ver. 10. And in the 
days of Saul (the first king of Israel) they made 
war with the Hagarites (or Hagarenes; comp. 
Ps. Ixxxiii. 7), the same North Arabian tribe that 
appears, vers. 19, 20, as the adversary of the east- 
jorddiiic^Israelites, perhaps the Ayptuai of Strabo, 
xiii. p. 767, occurring, according to Sehrader, in 
the form Hagaranu (or Ha-ar-gi- i) several times 
in the Assyro -Babylonian cuneate inscriptions. 

And i hey fell by their hand, or, even into their 
hands, of which the consequence was, that the 
victors dwelt in the tents of the vanquished (that 
is, occupied their country, Gen. ix. 27), "on all 
the east side of Gilead," that is, on the whole east 
border of the land of Gilead and beyond it (with 
*3Q~^2ri>j; comp. IJQ Sn, "close before," Gen. 

- : T - : - 

xvi. 12). Who are these conquerors? Are they 
the Reubenites in general, or only those of the 
family of Bela ? Against the latter alternative, 
which is defended by Keil, appears to be the 
circumstance that in vers. 8, 9 Bela is spoken of 
in the singular. But this singular begins even in 
ver. 96 to pass into the plural (DrPJpE)), and the 

mighty outspreading of the Belaites mentioned 
there seems intended to prepare for the notice of 
their war with their Hagarene neighbours. More 
over, the statement in ver. 8, that Bela was great- 
grandson of Joel, while Beerah was his descendant 
in the seventh generation, corresponds with the 
fact that this conquest of the Hagarites preceded 
the deportation of the Reubenites under Beerah 
by Tilgath-pilneser, ver. 6, some centuries. After 
the removal of a considerable portion of the 
Reubenites, so wide an outspreading of another 
Reubenite family as is here related would scarcely 
have taken place. We must therefore refer what 
is recorded from ver. 7 of the family of the 
brothers of Beerah, and especially of that of Bela, 
to a much earlier time than that which is related 
in .ver. 6, because the narrative issues in the pre 
sent notice of a war in the time of Saul; and there 
is no good ground why we should isolate this war 
notice, and regard it as an unconnected appendix 
to the genealogy of Reuben (against Berth, and 
others, and also against Hoffmann, Das gelobte 
Land in den Zeiten des getheilten Reichs, etc. 
1871, p. 27). 

2. The Tribe of Gad: vers. 11-17. And the 
sons of Gad dwelt over against them in tJie land oj 
Bashan, that is, over against the Reubenites 
dwelling beside the Dead Sea in the mountain 
range of Abarirn or Moab, and also beyond the 
Jordan in middle Gilead, which formed the 
southern part of the former kingdom of Og king 
of Bashan (Num. xxi. 33; Deut. iii. 11)". The 
extension of this tract inhabited by the Gadites 
to the east is shown to be considerable by the 
addition "unto Salchah"(as in Josh. xiii. 11). 
For Salchah, now Sulkhad, lies on the southern 
slope of Jebel Hauran, six or seven hours east of 
Bozra, and therefore about thirty hours in a direct 
line east from Jordan. Ver. 12. Joel the chief, and 
tiliapliam the second, and Janai and Shaphat in 
Bashan, that is, dwelling, the !Qt ; i of the pre 

vious verse completing the sense here. It is un 
certain how these four Gadite heads of families 
are genealogically connected with the immediate 
descendants of Gad named in Gen. xlvi. 16. The 
omission of thos- seven sons of Gad enumerated 
in Genesis (Ziphion, Haggi, Slnmi, Ezbon, Eri, 
Arodi, Areli) is surprising, and raises the sus 
picion of a gap in the text. On the variant 
reading of the Sept. for BE>1, see Grit. Note. As 

KJ occurs elsewhere as a proper name, for ex 

ample, iii. 22, its retention here is the less doubt 
ful. Ver. 13. And their brethren by their father- 
houses, that is, by the families at whose head 
they stood, and which were named after them. 

CHAP. V. 15-22. 


For the plur. Qn TiUX JV3, c m P- on iv. 38. 
Luther has erroneously taken the phrase for a 
singular, and therefore translated, " and their 
brethren of the house of their fathers," etc. The 
term "brethren" stands naturally in as wide a 
sense as in ver. 7. A statement of the country 
where they dwelt does not follow the names of these 
seven brothers of the four Gadite heads of families 
already named. But their pedigree is first given, 
vers. 14, 15, through eight generations, termin 
ating in a not otherwise known Buz, who has 
perhaps as little to do with his namesake the son 
of Nahor, Gen. xxii. 21, as with the progenitor of 
Elihu, Job xxxii. 2. Ver. 15. Ahi, the son of 
Abdiel, the son of Guni, chief of their father - 
houses. This Ahi we may suppose to have lived 
t the beginning of the eighth century B.C., under 
jeroboam n. of Israel, or half a century later, 
under Jotham of Judah, as ver. 17 shows. Ver. 
16. And they dwelt in Gilead, in Bashan, anil in 
her daughters, and in all the suburbs of Sharon 
unto their outgoings. The first of these designa 
tions of place is the widest and most general : it 
embraces both " Bashan and her daughters " and 
"the suburbs of Sharon;" see on ver. 9. The 
suffix in rPnii:i3 refers to both countries, the 

more extensive Gilead and the narrower Bashan 
forming merely the northern part of Gilead ; and 
the " suburbs " or pastures (Q^HJJfi, as in Num. 

xxxv. 2ff.; Josh. xxi. 11 ff. ; Ezek. xlviii. 15) of 
Sharon are no doubt to be sought in Gilead, as 
nothing is known of a dwelling or a grazing of 
any Gadites on the well-known plain of Sharon, 
west of Jordan, between Csesarea and Joppa 
(Song ii. 1; Isa. xxxiii. 9, xxxv. 2, Ixv. 10); and 
the " outgoings " of the suburbs of Sharon are not 
necessarily outgoings or boundaries on the sea, as 
Keil, referring to Josh. xvii. 9, will have it ; 
comp. on the contrary, Num. xxxiv. 4, 5. Kamph. 
is right, who at the same time mentions a plausi 
ble conjecture of the early expositors, that Shirion 
should be read for Sharon. But we see no reason 
why there should not -be a Sharon east of the 
Jordan. Comp. Smith s Bibl. Diet., Art. "Sharon. " 
Ver. 17. AIL of them were registered in the days 
of Jotham, etc. "All of them " refers to the col 
lective families of the Gadites from ver. 11, not 
merely to those mentioned ver. 13 ff. Of the 
two kings of the eighth century under whose 
reign the registration took place, that of the 
rightful kingdom of Judah is, contrary to the 
order of time, named first. We meet with no 
other notices of these two registrations of the 
tribe of Gad, of which that undertaken by Jero 
boam n. of Israel (825-784), at all events, coin 
cides witli the restoration of the old boundaries of 
the northern kingdom mentioned 2 Kings xiv. 
25 ff. A temporary subjection of the tribe of 
Gad by Jotham of Judah (759-743), or per 
haps by his predecessor, the powerful Uzziah 
(811-759), as a prelude to the second registration 
here mentioned, is easily conceivable, because 
after Jeroboam s death a long weakening of the 
northern kingdom by internal strife and anarchy 
ensued, from which it recovered under Pekah s 
reign of twenty years (759-739). Comp. Keil, 
p. 77, where, however, Pekah s reign, probably 
by an error of the press, is stated to be of only ten 
years duration. 

3. War of the Tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half- 

Manasseh with Arab Tribes : vers. 18-22. On 
the reason why this account is inserted here after 
the families of Gad, see Preliminary Remark. Of 

valiant men, literally, of sons of valour (^>n "03 }D ; 
comp. ^TI <l li33> ver - 24). These and the follow 

ing descriptions of the military prowess of these 
tribes are confirmed by 1 Chron. xii. 8, 21, at 
least with regard to Gad and half-Manasseh. 
With non^D "n^JD^j comp. the partic. Pual 

Song iii. 8 and ch. xxv. 7. The number 

44,760, which certainly rests on an exact numera 
tion, nearly agrees with that given in Josh. iv. 13, 
but not with the added numbers yielding a far 
greater sum in Num. i. 21, 25, xxvi. 7, 18. The 
difference is explained by this, that the statements 
in Numbers refer to the time when the whole 
tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half-Manasseh were 
armed for war under Moses, and in a wandering 
state, and each of these tribes, at least of the first 
two, numbered more than 40,000 men fit for war, 
whereas the present statement, like that in Josh. 
iv. 13, refers to the time after they were s ttled 
beyond the Jordan, when the number of troops 
available for external service was naturally much 
smaller; cornp. on xxi. 5. Ver. 19. And they 
made war with the Hagarites. The same tribe of 
northern Arabs with which Reuben alone, ver. 
10, had been at war. The present common fight 
of all the tribes beyond the Jordan with this tribe 
is perhaps to be dated later than that of Reuben ; 
comp. ver. 22. And Jetur, and Naphlsh, and 
Nodab. The first two tribes (of which -flQi has 

given name to the district of Ituraa) occurred 
in i. 31 and in Gen. xxv. 15 as descendants of 
Ishmael. Nodab, also a Beduin tribe, occurs 
nowhere else. The name appears to signify 
"noble, princely," and might possibly be the 
source of the Nabataeans (Arab, nabt) ; for to 
identify this at once with J"iV3J Gen. xxv. 13, 

Isa. Ix. 7, as is usually done, has its difficulties ; 
comp. Chwohohn, Die Sabier, i. 698 ; Quatre- 
mere, Les Nabat6ens, Par. 1835; Muhlau, De 
prov. Aguri et Lemuelis orig. et indole, p. 28 f. 
Ver. 20. And then w ? re helped against them. 
j namely, of God ; comp. 2 Chron. xxvi. 15; 

Ps. xxviii. 7. And all that were with them, 
namely, the Ituraeans, etc., the confederates of 
the Hagarites. And he was entreated of them. 
"liny 31 is no * an unusual form of the perf. 
Niphal (for Iflyjl, Isa. xix. 22), but, what alone 

suits for continued narrative, as here, infin. abs. 
Niph., with a perfect meaning ; comp. 

Esth. viii. 8; l]iSH3, Esth. ix. 1. Ver. *h. 

Camels, fifty thousand. Luther, Starke, and 
even Kamph., in Bunsen s Bibelwerk, incorrectly 
(not observing the plur. D s $Of"l) "five thousand." 

The enormous numbers, that are explained by the 
great riches in herds of the north Arabians, re 
mind us of the like statements regarding the 
rich booty in the war with Midian, Num. xxxi. 
11, 32 ff. Ver. 22. For many fell slain. The 
greatness of the defeat which the foe sustained 
accounts for the extremely great value of the booty 
taken from them. On the further explanatory 
sentence, " for the war was of God, comp. 




2 Chron. xxv. 20; 1 Sam. xvii. 47. And they 
dwelt, in their stead, in the seats of the conquered 
tribes ; unhindered, they made use of their abodes 
and pastures, "until the captivity," until the 
deportation decreed by Tilgath-pilneser, ver. 6. ; 

4. The h llf-Tribe of Manasseh : vers. 23, 24. 
From Balkan unto Baal-hcrmon and Senir and 
Mount Hermon. As Bishan is the district in 
habited by Gad bordering on the south, ver 12, 
it denotes here the south border, while Baal- 
hermon (Judg. iii. 3, or " Baal-Gad under Her- 
non," Josh. xii. 7, xiii. 5), Senir (later, by the 
Arabs, Sunir ; according to Ezek. xxvii. 8, the name 
of a part of the Hermon range ; according to Dent. 
iii. 9, an Amorite name for the whole of Hermon), 
and Mount Hermon (or Antilibanus, now Jebel 
esli Sheik) designate the north border. On 
account of this wide extent from south to north, 
and also in breadth, it is said of those belonging 
to this half-tribe, "these were many;" coinp. 
Num. xxvi. 34, where the number of military age 
in this whole tribe is said to be 52,700. Vt-r. 24. 
And these were the head* of their father -houses, 
even Epher. The 1 before -|Qy may be rendered 

" even " ; but it is surprising, and raises the sus 
picion that perhaps a name has fallen out. None 
of these heads of families of East Manasseh is 
otherwise known, so that we know nothing of the 
deeds for which they were called " valiant heroes, 
famous men." 

5. Carrying away into Exile of the three east- 
Jordanic Tribes: vers. 25, 26. And they were 
Untrue, etc., namely, the three eastern tribes 
ijiamed in the following verse, and not merely 

the Manassites. For the terms, as for the fact, 
comp. 2 Kings xvii. 7 ff. The people of the land, 
whom the Lord had destroyed before them, are 
the Amorites and the subjects of Og of Bashan. 
-Ver. 26. And the tlod of Israel stirred up the 
Hpi it of Pul. ly^, as 2 Chron. xxi. 16 (comp. 

xxxi 26; Ezra i. 1, 5). L. Lavater justly re 
marks : in mentem itlis dedit, movit eos, ut ex- 
peditionem facerent contra illos. Pul is, more 
over, named as the beginner of the oppressions 
coming from Assyria (comp. 2 Kings xv. 19 f.); 
the removal itself is completed by Tiglath-pi- 
leser, as the sing. Q^SI, relerring only to him, 

shows. Besides, the Assyriologista, especially 
Kawlinson. Schrader (p. 124 ff.), declare Pul to 
be the same with Tiglath-pileser, and his name 
a. mere mutilation of the latter name, because the 
Assyrian inscriptions nowhere exhibit any such 
thing as a ruler Pul almost contemporary with 
TigUth- pileser. Carried them away, the Reuben- 

ttes, etc. The suffix in Q^s 1 ) is more precisely 

defined by the following accusatives iJ 

introduced by p (according to later usage); comp. 
Ew. 277e. And brought them to Halah and 
Habor, and the mountain and the river Gozan, 

unto this day. J"6n, perhaps = TI^3, Gen. x. 11, 

at all events = K*Xa;^>?v>7, a region described by 
Strabo and Ptolemy: "On the east side of the 
Tigris, near Adiabene, north ol Nineveh, on the 
borders of Armenia." Not far from this Halah 
(the name of which occurs on the Assyrian monu 
ments in the form Kal-hu; comp. Schrader, Die 
Keilenschriften und d. A. T. p. 20 f . ) is to be 
sought ?nn, perhaps a district in North Assyria, 

after which both the mountain X3*!/)j (Ptolem. 
vi. 1), near the Median border, and a river flow 
ing into the Tigris (Khabur Chasanice, now 
Khabur), are named. We are not here to think 
of the Mesopotamia!! river Chaboras, rising at 
Nisibis, and falling into the Euphrates near 
Circesium, as its Hebrew name is "Q3, Ezek. i. 1. 

The river Gozan, also, is scarcely to be sought in 
Mesopotamia (where there is certainly a district 
rauaw>ic, the present Kaushan, bordering on 
that river Chebar, and where also Schrader, p. 
161, has pointed out a place Guzana, near Nisibis 
Nasibina in an Assyrian inscription), but per 
haps in the border land of Assyria and Media, 
where the Median city Tat/^av/a, mentioned by 
Ptol. vi. 2, lay, and where also a river Ozan (in 
full, Kizil-Ozan, the red Ozan) is found, the 
Mardos of the old Greeks, rising south-east of 
the lake Urumiah, forming the boundary of 
Assyria and Media, and falling into the Caspian 
S.-a. As all these places point to the north of 
Assyria and to Media, so the term before the 
last, "the mountain," appears to mean the Median 
highlands ; and, indeed, &$-in seems to be the 

Aramaic form for the Hebrew in, mountain, the 

popular designation in that region of the Median 
highlands (al Jebal among the Arabs); comp. also 
2 Kings xvii. 6, where, in place of &on, the 

, " cities of Media" (HO "njf) are nary t-d. Keil 

on our passage and on 2 Kings xvii. 6, Bahr on 
the latter, Ew. (Gesch. iii. p. 318), M. Niebuhr 
(Gesch. Assurs und Babels), Wichelhaus (Das 
Exit der 10 Sttimme, in the Deutschen Morgenl. 
Zeitschr. v. 467 ff.), Kamph. on our passage, etc., 
are here right ; while Thenius, Berth., Hitz. 
think, without sufficient grounds, of parts of 
I Mesopotamia, near the Euphrates. Moreover, 
not merely the Chronist, but the sources used by 
him, appear to have assumed as the place to 
which Tiglath-pileser removed the tribes beyond 
the Jordan, the same region in the north of 
Assyria to which, 2 Kings xvii. 6, some decennia 
afterwards, Shalmaneser transplanted the remain- 
ing tribes of the northern kingdom. Whether this 
statement be historically correct, or involve the 
confounding of two different events ^as Berth, 
will have it), must remain undecided. From 
2 Kings xv. 29, where the country to which 
Tiglath-pileser brought the 24 tribes is simply 
called Asshur, the inaccuracy of the present state 
ments cannot be proved. 


TRIBES. CH. v. 27-vi. 66. 

1. The Family of Aaron, or the High-priestly Line to the Exile: ch. v. 27-41. 

Oil v. 27, 28. The sons of Levi : Gershon. Kohath, and Merari. And the sons of 
29 Kohath : Amram, Izhar, and Helron, and Uzziel. And the sons of Am ram 

CHAP. V. 27-VI. 66. 67 

Aaron, and Moses, and Miriam. And the sons of Aaron : Nadab and Abihu, 

30 Eleazar and Ithamar. Eleazar begat Phinebas, and Phinehas begat Abisbua. 

31, 32 And Abishua begat Bukki, and Bukki begat Uzzi. And Uzzi begat Zerahiah, 

33 and Zerabiah begat Meraioth. Meraioth begat Amariah, and Ainariah begat 

34, 35 Ahitub. And Ahitub begat Zadok, and Zadok begat Ahimaaz. And Ahi- 

36 maaz begat Azariah, and Azariah begat Johanan. And Johanan begat 

Azariah, he that served as priest in the house that Solomon built in Jeru- 

37, 38 salem. And Azariah begat Amariah, and Amariah begat Ahitub. And 

39 Ahitub begat Zadok, and Zadok begat Shallum. And Shallum begat Hilkial 

40 and Hilkiah begat Azariah. And Azariah begat Seraiah, and Seraiah begat 

41 Jehozadak. And Jehozadak went away, when the LORD carried away Judah 
and Jerusalem by the hand of Nebuchadnezzar. 

2. The Descendants of Ger shorn, Kohath, and Merari, in a Double Series: ch. vi. 1-15 

Cir VI. 1, 2. The sons of Levi : Gershom, Kohath, and Merari. And these are the 

3 names of the sons of Gershom : Libni and Shimi. And the sons of Kohath : 

4 Amram and Izhar, and Hebron and Uzziel. The sons of Merari : Mahli and 

5 Mushi. And these are the families after their fathers. 

6 To Gershom : Libni his son, Jahath his son, Zimmah his son. Joah his 
son, Iddo his son, Zerah his son, Jeatherai his son. 

7 The sons of Kohath : Amminadab his son, Korah his son, Assir his son. 
8, 9 Elkanah his son, and Ebiasaph his son, and Assir his son. Tahath his son, 

10 Uriel his son, Uzziah his son, and Shaul his son. And the sons of Elkanah : 

1 1 Amasai and Ahimoth. Elkanah his son, 1 Elkanah of Zoph his son, and Nahath 
12, 13 his son. Eliab his son, Jeroham his son, Elkanah his son. And the sons of 

Samuel : the first-born 2 Vashni, and Abiah. 

14 The sons of Merari : Mahli, Libni his son, Shimi his son, Uzzah his son. 

15 Shima his son, Haggiah his son, Asaiah his son. 

3. The Ancestors of the Levitical Songmasters Heman, Asaph, and Ethan: vers. 16-34. 

16 And these are they whom David set over the singing in the house of the 

17 LORD, after the resting of the ark. And they ministered before the dwelling 
of the tent of meeting with singing, until Solomon built the house of the Lord 

18 in Jerusalem, and they attended in their order to their service. And these 
are they who attended, and their sons : of the sons of Kohath : Heman the 

19 singer, the son of Joel, the son of Samuel. The son of Elkanah, the son of 

20 Jeroham, the son of Eliel, the son of Toah. The son of Zuph, 8 the son of 

21 Elkanah, the son of Mahath, the son of Amasai. The son of Elkanah, the 

22 son of Joel, the son of Azariah, the son of Zephaniah. The son of Tahath, 

23 the son of Assir, the son of Ebiasaph, the son of Korah. The son of Izhar, 
the son of Kohath, the son of Levi, the son of Israel. 

24 And his brother Asaph, who stood on his right hand, Asaph the son of 

25 Berechiah, the son of Shima. The son of Michael, the son of Baaseiah, the 

26 son of Malchiah. The son of Ethni, the son of Zerah, the son of Adaiah. 
27, 28 The son of Ethan, the son of Zimmah, the son of Shimi. The son of Jahath, 

the son of Gershom, the son of Levi. 

29 And the sons of Merari, their brethren on the left hand : Ethan the son of 

30 Kishi, the son of Abdi, the son of Malluch. The son of Hashabiah, the son 

31 of Amaziah, the son of Hilkiah. The son of Amzi, the son of Bani, the son of 

32 Shamer. The son of Mahli, the son of Mushi, the son of Merari, the son of Levi. 

33 And their brethren the Levites, given for all service of the tabernacle of 

34 the house of God. And Aaron and his sons offered on the altar of burnt- 
oifering, and on the altar of incense, for all the work of the holy of holies, 
and to atone for Israel, in all that Moses, the servant of God, had com 

4. The Series of High Priests from Eleazar to Ahimaaz (in the time of Solomon) : vers. 35-38. 

35 And these are the sons of Aaron : Eleazar his son, Phinehas his son, 


36, 37 Abishua his son. Bukki his son, TJzzi his son, Zerahiah his son. Meraioth 

38 his son, Amariah his son, Ahitub his son. Zadok his son, Ahimaaz his son. 

5. The Towns of the Levites: vers. 39-66. 

39 And these are their dwellings, by their districts, in their border, of the 
sons of Aaron : of the family of the Kohathites, for to them was the lot. 

40 And they gave them Hebron, in the land of Judah, and its suburbs round 

41 about it. And the field of the city and its villages they gave to Caleb the 

42 son of Jephunneh. And to the sons of Aaron they gave the free towns, 4 
Hebron and Libnah and its suburbs, and Jattir and Eshtemoa and its suburbs. 

43, 44 And Hilen 5 and its suburbs, Debir and its suburbs. And Ashan and its 

45 suburbs, and Bethshemesh and its suburbs. And out of the tribe of Benjamin: 
Geba and its suburbs, and Allemeth and its suburbs, and Anathoth and its 
suburbs ; all their cities were thirteen cities in their families. 

46 And to the sons of Kohath that remained of the family of the tribe, were 

47 from the half-tribe, the half of Manasseh, by lot, ten cities. And to the sons 
of Gershom for their families, of the tribe of Issachar, and of the tribe of 
Asher, and of the tribe of Naphtali, and of the tribe of Manasseh, in Bashan, 

48 thirteen cities. To the sons of Merari for their families, of the tribe of 
Reuben, and of the tribe of Gad, and of the tribe of Zebulun, by lot twelve 

49 And the sons of Israel gave to the Levites the cities and their suburbs. 

50 And they gave by lot out of the tribe of the sons of Judah, and the tribe of 
the sons of Simeon, and the tribe of the sons of Benjamin, these cities which 
they called by names. 

51 And of the families of the sons of Kohath, some had the cities of their 

52 border out of the tribe of Ephraim. And they gave them the free towns, 
Shechem and its suburbs in Mount Ephraim, and Gezer and its suburbs. 

53, 54 And Jokmeam and its suburbs, and Beth-horon and its suburbs. And 

55 Aijalon and its suburbs, and Gathrimmon and its suburbs. And out of the 
half-tribe of Manasseh, Aner and its suburbs, and Bilam and its suburbs, 
to the family of the remaining sons of Kohath. 

56 To the sons of Gershom, out of the family of the half-tribe of Manasseh, 

57 Golan in Bashan and its suburbs, and Ashtaroth and its suburbs. And out 
of the tribe of Issachar, Keclesh and its suburbs, Daberath and its suburbs. 

58, 59 And Ramoth and its suburbs, and Anem and its suburbs. And out of the 

60 tribe of Asher, Mashal and its suburbs, and Abdon and its suburbs. And 

61 Hukok and its suburbs, and Rehob and its suburbs. And out of the tribe of 
Naphtali, Kedesh in Galilee and its suburbs, and Hammon and its suburbs, 
and Kiriathaim and its suburbs. 

To the sons of Merari that remained, out of the tribe of Zebulun, Rim- 

63 mono and its suburbs, Tabor and its suburbs. And beyond Jordan by 
Jericho, east of Jordan, out of the tribe of Reuben, Bezer in the wilderness 

64 and its suburbs, and Jahzah and its suburbs. And Kedemoth and its 

65 suburbs, and Mephaath and its suburbs. And out of the tribe of Gad, 

66 Ramoth in Gilead and its suburbs, and Mahanaim and its suburbs. And 
Heshbon and its suburbs, and Jazer and its suburbs. 

: The Kethib is ij3 H^ppX , the Keri puts "03 for 133, and places i"Up?J< (with Athnach) as a separate super- 
: T T : v : : T T: . 

scription The text is, at all events, corrupt (see Exeg. Expl.), whether the firt rUpPK is to be erased, and ^3 
to be read, or the second !"13p,>X removed, and the sing. fa3 to be retained. 

After "rtSSn, the name ?$,}* must have fallen out, as the comparison of 1 Sam. viii. 2 shows (comp. also ver. 18). 

8 The Keihib has t\^~]2 J the Keri, more correctly, 

* For D/-pBn ^imK, some old prints, after the Bibl. Veneta Rabb. 1525, have ffin JYTin* "H^TIX. The 
MSB. (see de Rossi, Var. Lect ) do not show this addition, which appears to have come into the text from the margin. 
1 For pTl (in Josh. xxi. 16, Pf"l), the mere accurate Kss. have, according to R. Norzi and Ed. Neapolit., P^H- 

CHAP. V. 27-36. 



PRELIMINARY REMARK. Of the five sub 
divisions into which this section falls, the first 
(v. 27-41) is a list of the high priests from Aaron 
to the exile, which appears to be taken from a 
peculiar older source, partly because one portion 
of the high priests is enumerated again (vi. 35-38) 
under a different genealogical form (instead of 

T^in before the name, foa comes after it), partly 

because Gershon (v. 27) appears instead of " Ger- 
shom," which is used throughout ch. vi. But 
the four divisions also in ch. vi. bear a more or 
less fragmentary character ; only the genealogies 
of the three Davidic songmasters Heman, Asaph, 
and Ethan (vers. 16-34), appear to be complete in 
themselves, and without de.ect. In the register 
of the three Levitical families Gershom, Kohath, 
and Merari (vers. 1-15), many names are obviously 
wanting, and some parts, especially in the series 
of the Kohathites, vers. 7-13, appear to have 
come down in a state of some confusion. The 
list of the Levitical cities, vers. 39-66, presents 
great corruptions of the text in considerable num 
ber, with many inaccuracies, and a notorious per 
version of the original order (see on vers. 49, 50), 
as a cursory comparison of it with that drawn 
from other sources in the book of Joshua, xxi., 
will show. And lastly, the .short list of the high 
priests appears clearly to be a fragment from its 
breaking off with Ahimaaz ; is, moreover, closely 
connected with the preceding remarks in vers. 
33, 34, on the ministry of the Aarouites in the 
temple, and might be titly formed with these two 
verses into a special section referring to the ap%u- 
fetTixov y tvos of the house of Levi and its func 
tions. Comp. moreover, H. Graf, Zur Gexch. d. 
St. Levi, in A. Merx s Archiv. f. Wissenschaftliche 
Erforschung des A. T. vol. i. 1870 (hypercritical 
on the content of our chapter, and throughout). 

1. The Family of Aaron, or the Hi<jh- priestly 
Line to the Exile : v. 27-41. a. Aaron s descent 
from Levi: vers. 27-29. Gershon, Kohath, and 
Merari. So run the names of the three sons of 
Aaron in the Pentateuch, Gen. xlvi. 11, Ex. vi. 
18. The form ih is there constant, while for 

np is occasionally nnp- Ver. 28. The names 

of the four sons of Kohath (the father of the chief 
Levitical line) are literally the same in Ex. vi. 
18. Likewise the names of the three children of 
Amram, and those of the four sons of Aaron, ver. 
29, agree literally with Ex. vi. 20, 23 ; comp. 
Num. iii. 2-4, and in 1 Chron. xxiv. 2, the ac 
count of the premature death of Nadab and 
Abihu by a divine judgment, reminding us of 
Lev. x. 1 ff. b. The descendants and successors 
of Eleazar (Num. xx. 28; Josh. xiv. 1) in the 
office of high priest : vers. 30-41. Only this series 
of high priests from Eleazar is given here, as in 
vi. 35 ff., not that from Ithamar, as the former 
only is strictly legitimate. That the line from 
Ithamar, to which Eli belonged (1 Sam. ii. 30), 
whose son was Phinehas, and grandson, Ahitub 
(1 Sam. iv. 11, xiv. 3), further, Ahitub s son 
Ahijah or Ahimelech (comp. 1 Sam. xiv. 3 with 
xxii. 9ff.), lastly, this Ahimelech s son Abiathar 
(from whom Solomon took the high-priesthood to 
give it to Zadok, 1 Sam. xxii. 20 ; 1 Kings ii. 
26-35), was not unknown to our author, is shown 
by his account in 1 Chron. xxiv. 3 ff. But the 

line of Eleazar only must have passed with him 
as really legitimate ; for here, and in vi. 35 ff., he 
ignores the line of Ithamar running parallel with 
it for several generations (from Uzzi, ver. 31, the 
contemporary of Eli, to Zadok, the contemporary 
and rival of Abiathar, ver. 34). On the relation 
existing between thoee collateral lines in the times 
of Saul and David we find nothing certain, either 
in our books or in those, of Samuel or Kings. Sc 
much appears certain, however, from various in 
timations in the latter books, that the statement 
of Josephus (Antiq. Jud.vni. 1.3; con p. ch. v. 12), 
that the descendants of Eleazar kept quiet, and 
lived as private persons during the supremacy of 
Eli, Phinehas, Ahitub, and Ahimelech, is incor 
rect, and rests on mere conjecture. Rather, from 
1 Kings iii. 4 ff. (comp. 1 Chron. xvi. 39), Zadok 
appears to have presided at Gibeon, contemporary 
with Abiathar (the constant companion of David, 
1 Sam. xxii. 20-23) at Jerusilem over the service 
of the sanctuary ; and even before David, there 
seems to have been a certain co-existence of differ 
ent sanctuaries with different high priests in 
different places, an assumption that is at least 
better supported than the conjecture proposed by 
Thenius on 2 Sam. yiii. 17, that, in David s time, 
the two high priests of the collateral houses might 
have held office in alternate years. Ver. 35. And 
Ahimaaz begat Azariah. As Ahimaaz (ver. 
38) is son of Zadok, he belongs to the reign of 
Solomon, within which also his son Azariah may 
have been high priest. Without doubt, the notice 
standing in ver. 36, beside a younger Azariah 
(grandson of the other), " he that served as priest 
ril), Ex. xl. 13; Lev. xvi. 32) in the house that 

Solomon built in Jerusalem, " only suits the pre 
sent Azariah, the grandson of Zadok. For in 

1 Kings iv. 2, also, Azariah the son (more exactly 
grandson) of Zadok is named as priestly prince 
under Solomon ; his grandson of the same name 
in ver. 36 cannot have lived before the time of 
Rehoboam, or even Asa or Jehoshaphat. We 
must therefore assume, with Bertheau, that the 
words quoted from ver. 366 originally stood after 
the name rrnfy ver. 35a, an assumption which, 

from the second occurrence of the same name 
shortly after, and from the notorious occurrence 
of such erroneous transpositions in our section 
(see on ver. 49 f.), involves no difficulty, and at 
least commends itself more than the attempt of 
Keil to identify the Azariah of ver. 36 with the 
high priest of this name under king Uzziah (who, 

2 Chron. xxvi. ] 7, boldly resisted the attempt of 
this king to burn incense in the sanctuary). The 
name Azariah appears to have ofter. recurred in 
the family of the high priest- in the time of the 
kings ; for as our series contains this name no less 
than three times (vers. 35, 36, 40), we know from 
other accounts several, other high priests of the 
name before the exile ; thus, besides the one in 
Uzziah s time, another in the time of Hezekiah, 
2 Chron. xxi. 10, who cannot possibly be identi- 

1 It is only an insipid rabbinical conceit, which Kcil should 
not have reproduce^, of Rashi and Kimchi 10 apply the 
words, ver 366, "he that served as priest in the house tliat 
Solomon built," to the bold stand of the Azariah, ui der 
Uzziah, against this king recorded in 2 Chron xxvi. 17. Bit 
no less untenable is Nett ler s assertion (Chron. pp. 68, 240), 
that Azariah was the son of Jehoiadu, the husitand of Jeho- 
shabath, and effecter of that revolution which raised -loash 
to the throne (2 Kings xi.; 2 Chron. xxiii. 1 ff.); s ee 
2 Chron. xxiii 8. 



eal with those here mentioned. For the one 
named in ver. 40 as the son of Hilkiah (2 Kings 
xxii.; may have lived under Josiah, nearly a 
century after Hezekiah ; of all the three Azariahs 
of our section, therefore, only the first (ver. 35) 
can coincide with one of the elsewhere mentioned 
high priests of this name, and this can have been 
no other than that contemporary of Solomon 
named in 1 Kings iv. 2. Ver. 37. And Azariah 
begat Amariah. This is the Amariah mentioned, 
2 Chron. xix. 11, in the history of Jehoshaphat. 
Here Oehler, Art. Hoherpriester" in Herzog s Real- 
Encycl. vi. 205, is certainly right, though opposed 
by Keil ; in the sixty-one years between Solomon s 
death and Jehoshaphat s accession, the four high 
priests named between Zadok and Amariah may 
very well have followed in succession. Ver. 38. 
And Ahitub begat Zadok. In the neighbourhood 
:>f this second Ahitub, whom we must place at the 
beginning or middle of the ninth century B.C., 
we miss the Jehoiada who dethroned Athaliah, 
and governed some time for the young king 
Joash (who was perhaps, however, not properly 
high priest, but only " chief of the priesthood of 
his time," that is, a very influential priest ; see 
011 2 Chron. xxiii. 8). Even so somewhat later in 
the vicinity of. Shallum is wanting the Uriah, 
known from 2 Kings xvi. 10 ff., who was high 
priest under king Ahaz. The list from vers. 
37-40, or for the last period of the kings (ninth, 
eighth, and seventh centuries), appears very defec 
tive and concise, like the New Testament genealo 
gies of Jesus (Matt. i. 8-10; Luke iii. 28-31), 
which make the longest leaps in this very epoch. 
The number of the links omitted in our list 
between the high priests for the time of Solomon 
(ver. 36) and Seraiah must be at least seven ; for 
with the ten generations of high priests enume 
rated vers. 36-40, correspond seventeen genera 
tions of the house of David, from Solomon to 
Zedekiah (comp. iii. 10-27); and there is no 
reason why the line of priests should have a less 
rapid succession of generations than that of kings. 
Ve.r. 41. And Jehozadak went away, to captivity 

in Babylon. Tj^n stands here for the usual more 
definite r6i3Zl 7]^n> Jer. xlix. 3. The carrying 

away of this Jehozadak must have taken place 
before the destruction of Jerusalem (perhaps 599); 
for at the destruction of Jerusalem (588), not he, 
but his aged father Seraiah, grandson of Hilkiah, 
was high priest, as appears from the account in 
2 Kings xxv. 18, 21, of his capture by Nebuchad- 
ne/zar and execution at Riblah. Jehozadak, in 
exile, became father of that Joshua who returned 
536 E c. with Zerubbabel at the head of the 
ttxiles, Ezra iii. 2, v 2, Hag. i. 1. 

With the series here given of the high priests 
trom Aaron to the exile, agrees that in Ezra vii. 
1-5, which is more summary, and makes even 
greater omissions. If we compare the sixteen 
names there given, from Seraiah to Aaron, with 
twenty-two of our list, the shorter list of Ezra 
appears to be an abbreviated extract of the pre 
sent longer one. But the author of the latter 

1 With Keil s and Bahr s attempt (BiMw. part vii. p. 25 ff.) 
to regard the " Azar ah son of Zadok" of this passage, not 
as priest or high priest, but as the first of the great civil 
functionaries of Solomon, we cannot agree, because ilbn 

h thereby taken in too abnormal a sense. Comp. Gesen.- 
Dietrich on the word - 

cannot have aimed at absolute completeness. The 
V^in used by him to denote the descent is quite 

as much a mere phrase of indefinite and elastic 
meaning as the p OI Ezra. Moreover, the argu 
ment of Gramberg, p. 55, from the repeated 
occurrence of the same names in our list, for 
the assumption of an arbitrary process of com 
piling by the Chronist, has been long refuted by 
Movers, Keil, and others. On the extra-biblical 
traditions concerning the series of high priests 
before the exile, in Josephus, in the Seder Olam, 
etc., comp. Lightfoot, Ministerium tetnpli, Opp. 
t. i. p. 682 sqq. ; Selden, De successions in pontif. 
1. i ; and Reland, Antiq. ii. c. 2. So far as these 
accounts supplement the statements of our text, 
they are almost devoid of any historical authority. 
[The line from Aaron is not said to be a list of 
actual high priests. External influence seems to 
have often determined who should be the actual 
high priest. J. G. M.] 

2. The Descendants of Gershom, Kohath, and 
Merari : vi. 1-15. These are first given alone 
with their sons (vers. 1-4, ; then follow further 
genealogical statements regarding the descendants 
of the most important of these sons, who became 
the ancestors of the three chief families of the. 
Levites. That in the Kohathite family the line 
of Amram, the father of Aaron, is not given again, 
as in v. 27 ff., is explained by this, that the 
families of the Levites, not that of the high priest, 
are here to be registered. For the form "Ger 
shom," comp. on v. 27. The two sons each tf 
Gershom and Merari, and the four sons of Kohath, 
bear the same names as in the Pentateuch, Ex. 
vi. 16-19, Num. iii. 17-20, xxvi. 57 ff. Ver. 46. 
And these are the families of Levi, after their 
fathers. This formula, found by the author in 
his source, seems rather to be the superscription 
for the following special genealogy of the Levites, 
than the subscription to what precedes ; but comp. 
Ex. vi. 19, where the same words serve clearlv as 
the subscription to the list of the sons and grand 
sons of Levi. Vers. 5, 6. Descendants of Ger 
shom. To Gershom: Libni his son, etc. The ^) 
before Qi^lU serves for introduction, and there 
fore stands in another sense than in Ezra ii. 6, 16, 
where it is nota genitivi; comp. rather Ps. xvi. 3; 
Isa. xxxii. 1. Jeatherai, the last in this eight- 
link chain of the descendants of Gershom, may 
have lived in the times of Saul and David, but is 
not otherwise known. That some of the names 
in this series, Jahath, Zimmah, and Zerah, occur 
also among the ancestors of Asaph, who springs 
from the line of Shimi (vers. 24-28), does not 
warrant the identification of the two series, nor 
(as Bertheau affirms) the assumption that " these 
are inserted, not because they lead to Jeatherai, 
but because they belong to the ancestors of 
Asaph." As if the recurrence of the same names 
in different lines were not usual in our genea 
logical sections! Vers. 7-13. Descendants of 
Kohath. Three series of names, each beginning 
with a new 133 or ij2| (vers. 7, 10, j 3), without ex 
hibiting their genealogical connection. The very 
beginning: "The sons of Kohath: Amminadab 
his son," involves a surprising deviation both 
from ver. 3 and from Ex. vi. 18 ff., where no 
Amminadab occurs among the sons of Kohath. 
As the latter parallels, as ver. 23, agree in naming 

CHAP. VI. 10-17. 


an Izhar as the link between Kohath and Korah, 
with Keil and the majority of older expositors, 
Amminadab is to be regarded as a by-name of 
Izhar ; for to regard Amminadab, with Bertheau, 
as a descendant of Izhar, and suppose an omission 
of the latter by some oversight^ is less probable. 
Why should not the name Amminadab, otherwise 
occurring among the descendants of Judah as 
father of Nahshon arid father-in-law of Aaron 
(Ex. vi. 23; Num. vi. 23; Ruth i. 19; com p. 
1 Chron. ii. 10), by some no longer discoverable 
?.ause, serve as a by-name to Izhar, the second son 
Kohath ? Korah his son, Assir his son, Elkanah 
his son, and Ebiasaph his son. If we compare 
the series in vers. 18-23 of the ancestors of 
Heman, which presents so many points of contact 
with the present, that it may and must be used 
for the elucidation of several of its obscurities, it 
appears that Ebiasaph also (the father of that 
second Assir who is named ver. 8) is a son of 
Korah, and a brother of that first Assir; and in 
fact Assir, Elkanah, and Ebiasaph appear in Ex. 
vi. 24 as sons of Korah. Thus these three, not 
withstanding the inexact phraseology of our list, 
which seems to exhibit them as father, son, and 
grandson, are rather to be taken for brothers. 
That Ebiasaph, the third of these Korahites, had a 
son Assir, and this a son Tahath, is recorded also 
in the genealogy of Heman, ver. 22. On the con 
trary, the names of the three following members, 
Uriel, IFzziah, and Shaul, vary from the parallel 
names Zephaniah, Azariah, and Joel, in the line 
of Heman, ver. 21 ; whence it would appear 
natural to assume a double name (favoured by 
the known identity of the king s name, Uzziah- 
Azariah) for these three members; but this is 
liable to grave doubts. Ver. 10. And the sons 
of Elkanah: Amasai and Afiimoth. Among the 
ancestors of Heman also, ver. 20, an Arnasai is 
named as son of an Elkanah. It is natural to 
identify that Elkanah with the present, to take 
him for a son of Joel, son of Azariah, and so 
supply the severed connection between Shaul, 
ver. 9, and Elkanah. The present Elkanah 
might also, indeed, be the son of Korah men 
tioned ver. 8, and brother of Ebiasaph. It is 
impossible, however, to decide absolutely. Ver. 
11. Elkanah his son, Elkanah of Zoph his son, or 
" Elkanah Zophai." As the text is here notori 
ously corrupt, and an Elkanah, be it the first or 
the second, is redundant (see Crit. Note), it 
should perhaps be emended, with Bertheau, 
"Elkanah his son, Zophai his son," etc. In this 
case, a desirable agreement with ver. 20 is gained, 
where Elkanah appears, not indeed as son, but as 
grandson of Amasai (through a certain Mahath 
omitted in our text), and where, further, Zuph is 
named as son of this Elkanah, a name that is 
obviously identical with Zophai (cornp. Kelubai, 
ii. 9, with Kelub, iv. 11). Ver. 12. Eliab his son, 
Jcroham his son, Elkanah his son. As " Nahath, " 
the father of Eliab, bears a name that is closely 
allied in etymology to Toah, the son of Zuph (or 
Zophai), in the series of the ancestors of Heman, 
ver. 19, and so may pass for a by-form of this 
name, 3Kytf also appears to be a collateral form 
of ta ta, ver. 19 ; but Jeroham and Elkanah 

coincide exactly with the two there named pre 
decessors (or rather descendants) of Eliab. Hence 
tho two parallel series actually agree out and out, 

from Zuph to the last Elkanah. So much the 
more certainly is a ij3 talOE* (comp. ver. 18), 

forming the transition to ver. 13, to be supposed 
omitted at the end of our verse, or the assumption 
at least to be made that the author (as follows at 
once from ver. 13) meant by the last Elkanah no 
other than the father of Samuel. Ver. 13. And 
the sons of Samuel : the Jirst-born Vashni, and 
Abiah. That he,re the name of Joel, who was 
actually the first-born of Samuel, and is named, 
ver. 18, as his proper scion, has fallen out, ap 
pears indubitable from 1 Sam. viii. 2 ; comp. 
Crit. Note. On the whole, the present genealogy 
of Kohath coincides with that of the ancestors of 
Heman in vers. 18-23, though the text of our 
list appears the more defective, inaccurate, and 
partly corrupt. Vers. 14, 15. Descendants of 
Merari, of the line of Mahli, from whom six 
generations of direct descendants are given. 
Against Bertheau s attempt to identify the names 
Mahli, Libni, Shimi, Uzzah, Sherna, Haggiah, 
A-saiah with those of the ancestors of Ethan in 
vers. 29-32 (Mushi, Mahli, Shamer, Bani, Amzi, 
Hilkiah, Arnaziah), in order to represent the three 
series of our section as mere parallels to the three 
series of the following section, see the remarks of 
Keil (p. 89). The latter justly asserts, in refer 
ence to ver. 4a: "The vers. 14 and 15 furnish a 
list of the family of Mahli, whereas the ancestors 
of Ethan, vers. 29-32, belong to the family of 
Mushi. Accordingly, our series cannot be de 
signed to introduce Ethan or Ethan s ancestors. 
This hypothesis is altogether a castle in the air." 
3. The Ancestors of the Levitical Gtongmcuten 
Heman, Asaph, and Ethan: vers. 16-34. And 
these are they whom David set over the singing in 
the house of the Lord; comp. xv. 17 if. and 
2 Chron. xxxix. 27. TB^V/J?j properly: "to 

the hands of song," that is, for the singing, for 
the purpose of leading and executing it. After 
the resting of the ark; from the time when the 
ark r, = IV"ian }hX), instead of its previous 

wandering, had a permanent abode on Mount 
Zion, 2 Sam. vi. 2, 17. Ver. 17. And they 
ministered before the dwelling of the tent of meet 
ing with singing. " Before the dwelling;" for in 
the court, before the holy tent, or before the 
temple, took place the public worship, consisting 
of sacrifice and singing. The genitive, "of the 
tent of meeting" (institution), is explicative of 
the dwelling, that is, the dwelling of God among 
His people. This means, in the first place, the 

tent of institution or meeting 

> which 

David erected on Zion, as the immediate pre 
decessor of the stone temple (2 Sam. vi. 17 ff . ; 
1 Chron. xxi. 28 ff. ; 2 Chron. i. 3), and along 
with which the old Mosaic tent of meeting con 
tinued a long time in Gibeon, with a separate 
service (1 Chron. i. 29 ; 2 Chron. i. 3 ; 1 Kings 
iii. 4). That this Davidic tent on Zion is in 
tended in the first place, is shown partly b} 7 the 
following reference to the building of Solomon s 
temple, and partly by the circumstance that the 
following genealogy takes its start from the three 
songmasters of David. And tJiey attended in 
their order to their service. "In their order" 
that is, according to the order pre 

scribed by David, so, namely, that fver. 18 ff.) 



Heman the Kohathite, as chief leader of the 
whole choir, should stand in the middle, Asaph 
the Gershonite, with his choir, on his right, and 
Ethan the Merarite on his left, in conducting the 
sacred singing of the temple (coinp. xvi. 37 If., 
xxiv. 1- 2 Chron. xxx. 16). Ver. 18. And these 
(the following) are they who attended, and their 
son*, with the choirs formed of their sons and 
their families. The names of their sons, see in 
xxv. 2-4. Here it is intended to trace, not so 
much the descendants of these songmasters from 
David s time down, as rather their ancestors up 
to Levi. Of the sons of Kohath: Heman the 
singer. He stands before the rest, and is dis 
tinguished from them by the mere predicate, "the 
singer" ("VliC Dn; Sept. o ^-aXT&^oj), because the 

chief leading of the temple singing belonged to 
him. He appears here as the grandson of Samuel, 
which is chronologically and genealogically admis 
sible, and is needlessly questioned by Hitzig 
(Gesch. d. Isr. p. 125 f. ), who denies that Samuel 
belonged to the house of Levi. On the series of 
Kohathites now following to ver. 23, consisting 
of twenty-two generations, and its relation to that 
in vers. 7-13, see above. Ver. 23. The son of 
Levi, the son of Israel. Only here is this ascent 
beyond Levi to the patriarch of all Israel ; comp. 
Luke iii. 38: TV A$au. TOV &<u. Vers. 24-28. 
The ancestors of Asaph the Gershonite. And his 
brot/ier Asaph. " Brother," obviously in a wider 
sense, as relative and fellow-officer in the sacred 
service. On the relation of his genealogy, in 
cluding fifteen members to the earlier series of 
Gershonites, see on vers. 5, 6. Vers. 29-32. The 
ancestors of Ethan the Merarite. And the sons 
of Merari, their brethren on the left, forming the 
choir standing on the left. For the name Jedu- 
thun , "pi aiseman"), otherwise occurring 

for Ethan, perhaps an honorary surname, comp. 
xvi. 41, xxv. 1; 2 Chron. xxxv. 15; Neh. xi. 17. 
The series of Ethan s ancestors must be greatly 
abbreviated, as it contains only twelve names up 
to Merari. Ver. 32. The son of Mahll, the son 
of Mushi, the son of Merari. If Mahli and 
Mushi, ver. 4, be named together as sons of 
Merari (as also Lev. iii. 20), this does not con 
tradict our passage, as Mahli is plainly enough 
designated, not as son, but as grandson of Merari, 
therefore as nephew or perhaps grand-nephew of 
Mushi the younger son of Merari. On the 
diversity of the whole series, vers. 29-32, from 
that in vers. 14, 15, see on these verses. Ver. 
33 f. And their brethren the Levites, given for all 
service, etc. "Their brethren the Levites" are 
other Levites beside the singers already men- 
t.:med. A general notice of the ministry of the 
Levites not belonging to the families of the 
singers thus closes our section, as the like notice 
of the liturgical functions of the singers them 
selves (vers. 16, 17) opened it. D^FO, "given 

to all service, " that is, given to Aaron and his 
descendants, to the priestly family appointed for 
service in the performance of worship ; comp. 
Num. iii. 9, viii. 16-19, xviii. 6; also Samuel s 
consecration or dedication to the temple service, 
1 Sam. i. 11, 28, and the oblati of monkery in 
the middle ages, for example, Bernard, etc. Ver. 
34. And Aaron and his sons offered. There are 
three functions of the priestly portion of the 
Levites: 1. Sacrifice (on the altars of burnt- 

offering and incense), Num. xviii. 1-7 ; 2. 
Ministration in the holy of holies, 1 Chron. 
xxviii. 13; 3. Propitiation or expiation for Israel, 
Lev. xvi. 32. In all that Moses, the servant oj 
God, had commanded. For this honourable de 
signation of, comp. Num. xii. 7 ; Deut. 
xxxiv. 5; Josh. i. 1, 13; Heb. iii. 2 if. 

4. The Series of High Priests from Kleazar to 
Ahimaaz: vers. 35-38. This section is clostly 
connected with the two preceding verses ; for it 
states who were "the sons of Aaron" named, 
ver. 34, as the conductors of the priestly service 
in the temple. This series (which agrees essen 
tially with v. 30-34 ; comp. Ezra vii. 1-5) is 
brought down only to Ahimaaz, the contemporary 
of Solomon (comp. 2 Sam. xv. 27), because in the 
whole section, from ver. 16, a "source is used in 
which the prominent families of Levi in the time 
of David (and Solomon) were described, and along 
with the genealogies of Heman, Asaph, and 
Ethan, that of Ahimaaz also stood, which the 
author of Chronicles was induced to insert for 
the sake of completeness and confirmation of the 
former series" (Bertheau). This series of high 
priests, breaking off with the time of Solomon, 
does not form a specially suitable transition to 
the following list of the Levitical cities (against 
Keil), although by its introductory words (espe 
cially by the suffix in DDUD, ver. 38, that 

points to pinj< \J3 nlpKI, ver. 35) it appears 

closely connected with the foregoing section. 

5. The Cities of the Levites: vers. 39-66. ^-A nd 
these are their dwellings, by their districts in their 
border the border which was then assigned to 
the several Levitical families. The superscrip 
tion may have stood in the document which the 
Chronist here follows ; it is wanting in the list of 
the dwellings of the Levites, Josh, xxi., which 
runs in the main parallel to this, but deviates in 
form and in many details. For JITLD (from -pjft, 

cireumdare), in ea r ly times, village of nomades, 
of tents (Gen. xxv. 16 ; Num. xxi. 10), here dis-- 
trict, circuit of dwellings, comp. Ps. Ixix. 26. 
Of the sons of Aaron, of the family of the Ko 
hathites; for to them was the lot. These words 
form the special superscription to vers. 40-45. 

After ^nian, perhaps njb^K") has fallen out ; 

comp. Josh. xxi. 10. At all events, the first lot 
is here in question. Vers. 40, 41 agree almost 
literally with Josh. xxi. 11, 12, only Hebron has 
there its old name Kiriath Arba; and for "in 
the land of Judah," stands "on the mountains 
of Judah." And its suburbs round about it. 
is the standing phrase for the pastures 

(Kamph.) or commons belonging to the cities, as 
distinguished from the field m^> or ara ^le land, 

ver. 41. For the historical contents of ver. 41, 
comp. also Josh. xiv. 14, xv. 13. Ver. 42. And 
to the sons of Aaron they gave the free towns 
Hebron and Libnah. As Hebron only was a free 

town (niin B " i )lace ^ refu g e f r tlie 

manslayer), the plural appears at least inexact. 
The parallel, Josh. xxi. 13, has the correct form 
VJJ. The same occurs with respect to Shechem, 

ver. 52. And Jattir, and Eshtemoa, and its 
suburbs. After T FI 1 , the standing addition 

CHAP. VI. 43-66. 


which is found in Josh. xxi. 13 
as always. Ver. 43. And Hilen and its suburbs. 
Instead of j^n> Josh. xxi. 15 has the more correct 
fth (cornp. Josh. xv. 51). Ver. 44. And Ashan 
and its suburbs. The name fy in this place 
appears more correct than py in Josh. xxi. 16. 

Immediately after this Ashan the name of Juttah 
must have fallen out, as appears from Josh. xxi. ; 
as in ver. 45 the name of Gibeon before G^ba. 
This twofold omission is indirectly confirmed by 
the closing notice in ver. 45: "all their cities 
were thirteen cities in their families;" for at 

E resent, the list referring to the tribes of Judah, 
imeon, and Benjamin, vers. 42-45, contains only 
eleven cities. Besides, the third of the Levitical 
cities in Benjamin is called, Josh. xxi. 18, not 

Allemeth (n^y), but Almon (pE^y). It is im 

possible to decide which is the original form. 
Vers. 46-48 give summarily only the number, 
not the names, of the cities of the remaining 
Levites of the families of Kohath, Gershorn, and 
Merari (pa allel to vers. 5-7 in Josh, xxi.); the 
enumeration by name follows ver. 51 ff. Of the 
family of the tribe, from the half -tribe. Between 
these words of ver. 46 niSSH and rpvnsn) there 

is an obvious gap ; according to Josh. xxi. 5, the 
words " Ephraim, and of the tribe of Dan and" 
have here fallen out. Ver. 47. And of the tribe 
of Manasseh in Bashan. More exactly, Josh. 
xxi. 6, " and of the half-tribe of Manasseh in 
Bashan," though we may do without the missing 
v;|-|. Vers. 49, 50 disturb the progress of the 

enumeration, which, after the summary state 
ments of the foregoing three verses, raises the 
expectation of a specification of the cities of the 
other Kohathites in a way so surprising, that 
their original occupation of another place, and 
that before ver. 396 ("of the sons of Aaron," 
etc.), admits of no doubt; comp. Josh, xxi., where 
they stand in vers. 8, 9 as superscription of the 
list of cities assigned to the priests. As they are 
there annexed to the summary statement, vers. 
5-7, which forms here vers. 46-48, a mechani 
cally proceeding compiler takes them over with 
these at once, and the Chronist, who followed 
this compiler, neglects to repair his negligence. 
These cities which they called by names. The 
plurals niC> and IJOP" are suitable explana 

tions, instead of the corresponding singulars in 
Josh. xxi. 9, as the subject, "the sons of Israel," 
is easily supplied to the verb from ver. 48, and 
several names of cities are given. The masc. 
QnriX> instead of jnnX? niav be only an oversight 

(Berth., Keil). Vers. 51-55. The cities of the 
remaining Kohathites; comp. Josh. xxi. 20-26. 
And of the families of the sons of Kohath. 
Instead of ninS^tDE>1> i s perhaps to be read 
ninS J ctal, "and with respect to the families," 

etc. Ver. 52. For the pi. "free towns," comp. 
on ver. 42. Ver. 53. And Jokmeam. Josh. 
xxi. 22 gives for this DyTpp 11 an otherwise un 

known D N V3p > but the Sept. confirms the former 

reading by its hx^aav. Ver. 54. And Aijalon 
tvnd its suburbs, and Gaih-rimmon and its suburbs. 

In Josh. xxi. 23, 24, these two Levitical cities, 
with two others here omitted, Eltekeh and Gib- 
bethon, belong to the tribe of Dan. According 
to this, before these words a whole verse has 
fallen out: "and of the tribe of Dan, Eltekeh 
and its suburbs, Gibbethon and its suburbs." 
That the mention of the tribe of Dan is here for 
the second time avoided (comp. ver. 46), can 
scarcely be called accidental ; comp. on vii. 12. 
Ver. 55. Aner and Us suburbs, and Bilam and 
its suburbs. Josh. xxi. 25 calls the two Levitical 
cities in West Manasseh rather Tanach and Gath- 
rimmon ; but these names appear to be errors of 
transcription originating in the foregoing verse. 
In this case, our text should be the more correct, 

only that Djfea (Josh. xvii. 11) should perhaps 
be changed into DJ&3X To the family of the 

remaining som of Kohath. These words, formally 
annexed to "they gave," etc., ver. 52a, form 
a kind of subscription, in which, perhaps, the 
singular "family" should be changed into the 

plural; comp. niri2l ; cta Josh. xxi. 26. Vers. 

: : : 

56-61. The cities of the Gershonites; comp. Josh. 
xxi. 27-33. Golan in Bashan. That Golan is 
one of the six cities of refuge, like Hebron, 
Shechem, etc. , is not mentioned ; this again is 
one of the omissions in which our text abounds. 
For the name Ashtaroth, Josh. xxi. 27 substitutes 
Beeshterah (mn^ys), perhaps compounded of 
mn^y-rPZl. This city (Deut. i. 4, Josh. xiii. 

12, once the seat of king Og) was perhaps formerly 
called Ashteroth-karnaim, Gen. xiv. 5, now Tell 
Ashteroth, some hours noi th-west of Edrei. 
Ver. 57. Kedesh and its suburbs. For np, 

Josh. xxi. 28 has more correctly |Vl* p, as in 
ver. 58 the reading rflJOT 1 , Josh. xxi. 29, is per 
haps more correct than DlOiOi an( l D*33 ]*]} than 

. Ver. 59. Mashal 

is contracted for 

D Josh. xix. 26. On the contrary, 
ver. 60, appears to be wrongly transcribed for 
np^n, which Joshua has in our passage and xix. 
25 (pjjn in Naphtali, Josh. xix. 24, cannot be 

here intended). Ver. 61. Kedesh in Galilee. Of 
this city, also, it is not noted that it belonged to 
the sir free towns, Josh. xxi. 32. On its site, 
west of the lake Merom, where Kedes now lies, 
see Rob. iii. 682, Kaumer, Palcest. p. 116. The 
following Hammon corresponds to Hammoth-dor, 
Josh. xxi. 32, and to Hammath, Josh. xix. 35, 
which three forms appear all to point to hot 
springs in the vicinity of the place. In Joseph. 
Antiq. xviii. 2. 3, the name is APUKOVS. For 
Kiriathaim, Josh. xxi. 32 has the contracted form 
Kartan (jmp), that stands to the present full 

form as jnfa, 2 Kings vi. 13, to pnfa, Gen. xxxvii. 

17. Vers. 62-66. The cities of the Merarites ; 
comp. Josh. xxi. 34-37. To the sons of Merari 
that remained, namely, the Levites, as the fuller 
form Dnnian D S H, Josh. xxi. 34, shows, which 

may mean, " those of the Levites still to be men- 



tiuned. " Rimmono and its suburbs, Tabor and 
ila suburbs. Here the names of two other cities 
of Zebulun have fallen out, Jokneam and Kartah. 
But even the two here named have other names 
there, where, for fai^H, the probably less correct 

appears (comp. the repeated mention of a 

city pGn in Zebulun, Josh. xix. 13), and where, 
in place of our linfl, stands the name 7?H3, which 

is certainly identical with Nahalol, Judg. i. 30, 
and is perhaps found in the present Nalul, south 
west of Nazareth. It is hard to say how our 
came into the text instead of the un 

doubtedly original )[-|3 ; possibly the author 
meant, instead of the city, only the region where 
it lay Mount Tabor (Movers) ; possibly the name 
of the city fell out, and of the determination of 
its site, that was perhaps included in the words 

r6D3 ^Q3 hy-i on ly the last word remains 

xxi. 36, where also the name is written, not as 
here, niDJO, but riiD~l, as f the two places 

(Berth.); or possibly the place bore two quite 
different names. Vers. 63, 64 are wanting in 
some editions of the books of Joshua, where they 
are xix. 36, 37. But the most and best MSS. 
contain them, and there is no decisive reason for 
their con.lemnation as spurious ; see the par 
ticulars in Fay on the passage. And beyond 
Jordan by Jericho, east of Jordan. This deter 
mination of place (which is often found in like 
terms, Num. xxii. 1, xxvi. 3, xxxiv. 15 ; comp. 
on 2 Chron. viii. 3) is wanting in the book of 
Joshua, which in other respects agrees with our 
verse, only that it omits not to mark Bezer as a 
free town. Ver. 65. And out of the tribe, of Gad, 
Ramoth in Gilead. Here also is wanting the 
mention of its being a city of refuge ; comp. Josh. 

mentioned in the following verse, the latter is 
there not Jaazer but Jazer ; comp. Num. xxi. 32. 
The situation of these towns is wholly unknown. 

Moreover, let us compare, with respect tt the 
Levitical cities in general, the not unimpoitant 
remark of Hengstenberg, Gesch. d. JReichs Gottes 
unterdem A. B. ii. i, p. 259: "the number of the 
cities in all amounted to forty-eight. At first 
sight, for a comparatively small tribe, this appears 
to be too great. But this appearance vanishes, 
when we consider that in these cities, not the 
Levites alone, but, along with them, craftsmen and 
others from the other tribes dwelt, who made 
often the greater part of the population ; comp. 
Lev. xxv. 33 ; 1 Chron. vi. 40, 41 (Caleb as in 
habitant of the lands of Hebron), etc." There 
is weight also in his remark, p. 260, on the many 
| differences between our list and Josh. xxi. ; these 
" are most easily explained by the fact that some 
of the cities assigned to the Levites were at the 
time (when the land was divided among the twelve 
tribes) in possession of the Canaanites, and as the 
hope of their immediate conquest failed, were first 
recovered from them by others, in whose posses 
sion they remained, on account of the inconve 
nience of the change." In many cases this 
assumption may be correct, and serve to explain 
the double names, as Ashan and Ain, Allemeth 
and Almon, Kedesh and Kishion, Anem and En- 
gannim, Tabor and Nahalal, etc. (See on vers. 
44, 45, 57, 58, 62.) But that, besides numerous 
corruptions of the text, errors in transcription, 
and omissions of names, sentences, and clauses, 
took place not merely in our text, but also in that 
of Joshua, must have been abundantly evident 
from our exegetical and critical remarks. 


1. The Families of Issachar, Benjamin, Naplitali, West Manasseh, Ephraim, and Asher: ch. vii. 
. The Tribe of Issachar : vers. 1-5. 

CH. VII. 1. And the sons 1 of Issachar: Tola and Puah, Jashub 2 and Shimron, four. 

2 And the sons of Tola : Uzzi, and Rephaiah, and Jeriel, and Jahmai, and 
Jibsam, and Samuel, heads of their father-houses to Tola, valiant heroes in 
their generations ; their number in the days of David was twenty and two 

3 thousand and six hundred. And the sons of Uzzi : Izrahiah ; and the sons of 

4 Izrahiah : Michael, and Obadiah, and Joel, Ishiah, five heads in all. And with 
them, by their generations, by their father-houses, troops of the host of war, 

5 thirty and six thousand ; for they had many wives and sons. And their 
brethren of all the families of Issachar, valiant heroes, eighty and seven 
thousand was their register for all. 

ft. The Tribe of Benjamin : vers. 6-11. 

6, 7 Benjamin : Bela, and Becher, and Jediael, three. And the sons of Bela : 
Ezbon, and Uzzi, and Uzziel, and Jerimoth, and Iri, five, heads of father- 
houses, valiant heroes ; and their register was twenty and two thousand and 

8 thirty and four. And the sons of Becher : Zemirah, and Joash, and Eliezer, 
and Elioenai, and Omri, and Jerimoth, and Abiah, and Anathoth, and Alemeth: 

all these were the sons of Becher. And their register by their generations, 
heads of their father-houses, valiant heroes, twenty thousand and two hundred 

CHAP. VII. 75 

10 And the sons of Jediael: Bilhan: and the sons of Bilhan: Jeush, 3 and 
Benjamin, and Ehud, and Chenaanah, and Zethan,and Tarshish,and Ahishahar. 

11 All these were sons of Jediael, by the heads of the fathers, valiant heroes, 
seventeen thousand and two hundred going out in the host for war. 

y. Another Tribe, and the Tribe of Naphtali : vers. 12, 13. 

12, 1 3 And Shuppim and Huppim, sons of Ir : Hushim, sons of another. The 
sons of Naphtali : Jahziel, and Guni, and Jezer, and Shallum, sons of Bilhah. 

d. Half- Tribe of Manasseh (west of Jordan): vers. 14-19. 

14 The sons of Manasseh: Ashriel,* whom his concubine, the Aramitess, bare; 

15 she bare Machir, the father of Gilead. And Machir took a wife for Huppim 
and Shuppim, and the name of his sister was Maachah, and the name of the 

16 second was Zelophehad ; and Zelophehad had daughters. And Maachah, 
wife of Machir, bare a son, and she called his name Peresh ; and the name of 

17 his brother was Sheresh ; and his sons were Ulam and Rekem. And the sons 
of Ulam : Bedan : these are the sons of Gilead, the son of Machir, the son of 

18 Manasseh. And his sister Hammolecheth bare Ishod, and Abiezer, and 

19 Mahlah. And the sons of Shemidah : Ahian, and Shechem, and Likhi, and 

g. The Tribe of Ephraim : rers. 20-29. 

20 And the sons of Ephraim : Shuthelah, and Bered his son, and Tahath his 

21 son, and Eladah his son, and Tahath his son. And Zabad his son, and 
Shuthelah his son ; and Ezer and Elad ; and the men of Gath that were born 
in the land slew them, because they came down to take away their cattle. 

22 And Ephraim their father mourned many days, and his brethren came to 

23 comfort him. And he went in to his wife, and she conceived and bare a son, 

24 and he called his name Beriah, because it went evil with his house. And his 
daughter was Sherah, and she built Beth-horon, the nether and the upper, and 

25 Uzzen-sherah. And Rephah his son, and Resheph and Telah his son, and 
26, 27 Tahan his son. Ladan his son, Ammihud his son, Elishama his son. Non 

28 his son, Joshua his son. And their possession and their habitations were 
Bethel and her daughters, and eastward Naaran, and westward Gezer and 
her daughters, and Shechem and her daughters unto Ajjah 5 and her daughters. 

29 And on the side of the sons of Manasseh, Bethshean and her daughters, 
Taanach and her daughters, Megiddo and her daughters, Dor and her 
daughters ; in these dwelt the sons of Joseph the son of Israel. 

. The Tribe of Asher: vers. 30-40. 

30 The sons of Asher : Imnah, and Ishuah, and Ishui, and Beriah, and Serah 

31 their sister. And the sons of Beriah : Heber and Malchiel ; he is the father 

32 of Birzavith. 6 And Heber begat Japhlet, and Shomer, and Hotham, and 

33 Shua their sister. And the sons of Japhlet Pasach, and Bimhal, and 

34 Ashvath : these are the sons of Japhlet. And the sons oi Shumer : Ahi, and 

35 Rohgah, and Hubbah, 7 and Aram. And the son of Helem his brother: 

36 Zophah, and Imna, and Shelesh, and Amal. The sons of Zophah : Suah, and 

37 Harnepher, and Shual. and Beri, and Imrah, Bezer, and Hod, and Shamma, 

38 and Shilshah, and Ithran, and Beera. And the sons of Jether : Jephunneh, 

39 and Pispah, and Ara. And the sons of Ulla : Arah, and Hanniel, and Riziah. 

40 All these were the sons of Asher, heads of father-houses, choice, valiant heroes, 
heads of the princes : and their register for the service in war was twenty and 
six thousand. 

1 For ""pllpl read ^3}i as the Sept. cod. Alex, reads * mi rat I M lo-a-u.%a.p (cod. Vat. has xt raTt vlt7t "Iff.). 
S So the Keri: the Kethib h,.s TtJ^. 

11 in the Kethib. 




& S appears to be a gloss introduced into the text by the double writing of the following consonants, 

5 So (n*y) all the best MSS. and prints. The il^/ of some other MSS. and editions is an error of the pen or the press 
introduced into the text by the influence of the Sept , Vulg., and Targ. ; comp. de Rossi, Fa*-, lect. ad h. I. 

6 So the Keri: it is doubtful how the Kethib rW~Q is to be pronounced (refill ? with Gesen., who supposes it to bjj 
a woman s name). 

7 For Hun 11 is to be read, with the Keri, J"I2! 


1. The Tribe of Insachar : vers. 1-5. And the 
sons of Issachar. That 13 371 is an error of the 
pen for ij^ (comp. ver. 20, v. 11, etc.), occa 
sioned by the many 1337 in the previous section 

(vi. 42, 46, 47, etc.), is probable in itself, and is 
confirmed by the Sept. cod. Alex, (see Grit. Note). 
To regard the 7 as introductory, "as for the sons 

of Issachar," is impossible, because the names of 
the four sons immediately follow. On the con 
stant Keri (13^, "obtained by hire ") referring 

to the name 12^C^\ and n its probable pronun 
ciation, comp. the expositors on Gen. xxx. 16, 
and Dietrich s Gesenias. Tola and Puah, Jushub 
and Shimron. So run the names also in Num. 
xxvi. 23 ff., while in Gen. xlvi. 15 the second 
and third vary (n^Q for n&tfl3> and 2V for 3^). 

Yer. 2. Uzzi an<l Repliaiah, etc. These sons 
of Tola ojcur nowhere else They are here de 
signated " heads of their father-houses to Tola " 
their parent ; this addition ]fcf\rb serves to define 
i3N JTQJ> more exactly ; but it is somewhat 

strange, which raises the suspicion of corruption. 
Valiant heroes in their generations, after their 
births, that is, as they are registered. Before 

Dnil/rv a Db fVnn appears to have fallen out ; 
comp. ver. 9. Less probable is the connection 
f DrniPJv with the following D"13DD, against 

the accentuation, which Keil proposes, " after 
their births their number was," etc Moreover, 
the number 22,600 for the men of Issachar fit for 
service in David s time should rest on the known 
census made by Joab under this king (ch. xxi. ; 
2 Sam. xxiv.), and therefore, like the following 
numbers, vers. 4, 5, 7, 11, etc., should be cre 
dible and accurate. Ver. 3. Five heads in all, 
namely, Izrahiah the father with his four sons. 
Ver. 4. And with them, namely, the five heads of 
families mentioned ver. 3 (7^ in DfT^jn, "with, 

along with "). The number 36,000 for this 
family alone is at first sight surprising ; but the 
following remark: "for they (those five heads) 
had many wives and sons," is sufficient to explain 
and justify it, pointing to an unwonted fruit- 
fulness of this family, and making it conceivable 
that the grandson of Izrahiah should have nearly 
twice as many descendants (36,000) as the patri 
arch Tola (22,600). Ver. 5. And their brethren 
. . . eighty and seven thousand was their register, 
literally, their register with respect to all (737). 

In this sum total of all the tribes of Issachar in 
the time of David are included 1. The 22,600 
descendants of Tola ; 2. The 36,000 of Izrahiah ; 

and 3. "Their brethren," 28,400 of the other 
families of the tribe not mentioned by name. 
The credibility of these numbers is shown by the 
circumstance that in the two enumerations under 
Moses the men of Issachar fit for service were 
respectively 54,400 (Num. i. 29) and 64,300 
(Num. xxvi. 25). The comparatively slow in 
crease (about 23,000) during the centuries from 
Moses to David is due to the desolating troubles 
in the time of the judges. 

2. The Tribe of Benjamin: vers. 6-11. Benja 
min : Beta, and Becker, and Jediael. three. A 133 

or 133:1 appears to have fallen it before |V3^3. 

If only three sons of Benjamin are here enume 
rated, this seems to contradict Gen. xlvi. 21, where 
ten sons of Benjamin are named ; also Num. xxvi. 
38, where at least five are named ; and 1 Chron. 
viii. 1 f., where at all events five are enumerated, 
though some of them are different from those in 
Numbers. The relation of these four different 
registers may be thus exhibited : 

Gen. xlvi. Num. xxvi. 1 Chr. viii. 1 Chr. vii. 

Bela. Bela. Bela. Bela. 

Becher. Becher. 

Ashbel. Ashbel. Ashbel. 



EM. Ahiram. Ahrah 


Muppim. Shephuphan. 

Huppim. Hupham. 





From this comparison, it appears that 1. 
Jediael occurs only here, and may be corrupted 
from the Ashbel of the other three lists, or a 
synonymous by -form of it. If this conjecture of 
most old expositors (with whuh the derivation of 

73>j< from 7i72^*J< [Wellhausen, Text d. B. 

Sam. p. 31] would not agree) "verewell grounded, 
our text would give three sons of Benjamin 
agreeing with Genesis, and pass 3ver in silence 
the remaining seven. 2. Becher the second son 
of Benjamin, is, to our surprise, wanting in 
Num. arid 1 Chron. viii., although a family of 
nine sons, growing into 20,200 men, are given 
underneath (vers. 8, 9). His omission in those 
lists in Num. xxvi. may arise from this, that he 
did not attain to great numbers in the time of 
Moses, but only in the days of David and 
Solomon, whose enumerations lie at the basis of 
the data here. 3. Some of the differences in 
the. other names prove to be mere variations of 
pronunciation or structure ; thus Ehi, Ahiram, 
and Ahrah are one and the same ; also Mup- 

CHAP. VII. 7-13. 


pirn (D^SD, probably written by mistake for 
; see n ver - 12) and Shephupham, Huppim 

and Hupham. 4. Two of the ten names in Gen. 
xlvi., as the partly more correct genealogy in Num. 
xx vi. 38-40 shows, are not sons, but grandsons of 
Benjamin, Naaman and Ard, who were sons of 
Bela. 5. The two names in Gen xlvi. that have 
no parallel, Gera and Rosh, appear to have died 
childless, or to have not been blessed with a 
numerous offspring, to wV.ose existence the later 
genealogists were not ted to make any further 
reference. Ver. 7. And the sons of Bla . ; . 
five, etc. Their names do not agree with the 
names of the sons of Bela given in vih. 3 and in 
Num. xxvi. 40 ; the difference will rest on this, 
that a part of these heads of father-houses of the 
family of Bela, or perhaps all of them, were later 
descendants of their ancestors, and therefore sons 
in a wider sense, Valiant heroes. D^ 

here and in ver. 10 for the otherwise usual and 
more concrete ^n ^33 (vers. 2, 9, etc.). Ver. 8. 

And the sons of Becker, etc. Of the names of 
these nine sons of Becher, the last two, Airathoth 
and Alemeth, occur otherwise as cities of Benja 

min ; Alemeth (in the varied form TW^y), vi. 45, 

and Anathoth there and Isa. x. 30, Jer. i. 1, both 
as Levitical cities. Ver. 9. Heads of their 
father-houses, valiant heroes. DJ")i3K JTQ ""K N"! 

is in explanatory apposition with Dnil^h?, an d 
^n "Hi 33 with the former. The heads of houses 

are, at the same time, designated as heroes of. 
war. See a similar construction in Ezra iii. 12. 
Ver. 10. And the sons of Bilhan : Jeush, and 
Benjamin, and Ehud, etc. Of these grandsons 
of Jediael, the first is called in the Kethib 
" Jeish " (see Grit. Note) ; the second bears the 
name of the patriarch, his ancestor ; the third is 
a namesake of Ehud the judge (Judg. iii. 151, 
who was of the family of Gera, and scarcely 
identical with the present one (Gen. xlvi. 21). 
Ohenaanah, njyJS, may incline us to think (with 

Berth. ) of a Canaanitish family incorporated with 
the Benjamites. The names Tarshish, otherwise 
denoting a precious stone, and Ahishahar, brother 
of the morning blush, point to the glory and 
fame of their bearers, and may be surnames, 
which afterward became personal names. Ver. 
11. All these were sons, descendants, of Jediael, by 
the heads of the fathers registered. ni3SH 

stands briefly for J"li3N JV3 ^{O- The be- 

T T : 

fore iJjO seems to be redundant ; it is also want 

ing in th^ Sept., and is perhaps to be erased, 
though it may be dependent on a Dt^lTnn ( ver - 

b) to be supplied in thought, and in this case 
to be retained. The 17,200 men of Jediael s 
family fit for war, with the 20,200 men of 
Becher s and 22,034 of Bela s, make up 59,434 
warriors or heads of houses in Benjamin when 
David made his census, about 14,000 more than 
in the days of Moses, when all the families of 
Benjamin presented in the field 45,600 men 
(Num. xxvi. 41). In weighing the grounds for 
this not very rapid increase during a period of 

three or four centuries, it is proper to take into 
account the catastrophe of the first period of the 
judges, whereby the whole tribe of Benjamin 
was reduced to 600 men (Jud^. xx. 47). The 
number of 280,000 Benjamite warriors given, 2 
Chron. xiv. 7, for the time of Asa is explained 
in this way, that there, not heads of houses, 
but individuals fit for military service, are in 

3. Another (unnamed) Tribe, and the Tribe of 
Naphtali : vers. 12, 13. And Shuppim and 
Huppim, son.s of Jr. This first half of the verse 
contains pretty certainly a supplement to the 
genealogy of Benjamin ; for the names Shuppini 
and Huppim coincide with those of two by the 
sons of Benjamin, as they are called Gen. xlvi. 
21 (the word Qipj^ there appears, as has been 

said, corrupted from D^St^) ; and that these two 
Benjamites, whose more correct forms are pre 
served in Num. xxvi. 39, appear here as T>y ^33, 
is easily reconciled with other statements, for Ty 
is most probably identical with i-py the son of 

Bela, ver. 7 ; hence those who are called, Gen. 
xlvi. and Num. xxvi., sons of Bela, appear here 
more correctly as his grandsons. Thus our verse 
contains so far nothing difficult or enigmatical. 
Hushim, sons of another, or "sons of Aher " 
(")HN)- It is possible that these words also re 

fer to a Benjamite family, for the name DKTIi 
in the varying form D^PI or D^H, is found, 

viii. 8, 11, among the Benjamites as the son of a 
Shaharaim, who might lie hid under the 

of our passage (so thinks Davidson, Introd. ii. 
51, who proposes the middle form in^ as com 

mon ground for -)n&* and D HnE )- But it is 
more probable that Qt^ n denotes the only son of 

Dan mentioned Gen. xlvi. 23, who is himself, in 
dicated by the mysterious "^fltf- F r 1- Both 
in Gen. xlvi. and Num. xxvi. Dan immediately 
follows Benjamin, and he stands in the first 
passage, as here, between Benjamin and Naphtali. 
2. The name DH^ j which Num. xxvi. 42 gives 

for the only son of Dan, is different only in form 
from the DT1 of our passage and the Q^n 

of Genesis ; we may suppose a Q^n or DinnC* 
(comp. QS^SC?, Num. xxvi. 39) as common ground- 

form for both. 3. Decisive for the reference ol 
ver. 126 to the tribe of Dan is the nn^3 \33 at 

the close of ver. 13, a note referring obviously, 
Gen. xlvi. 25, to Dan and Naphtali, the two sons 
of Bilhah. The avoiding to name Dan, and con 
cealing him under the indefinite inX (comp. 

Ezra ii. 31), recall the former surprising omissions 
of this tribe in vi. 46-54, and appear to rest like 
these on a peculiar dislike of our author to 
record particulars concerning a tribe that had 
early separated itself from the theocratic com 
munity by the establishment of a foreign wor 
ship ; comp. Judg. xvii. xviii. That the name 
Dan occurs three times in our book (ii. 2, xii. 35, 
xxvii. 22) certainly appears to stand against thi 



hypothesis proposed by Berth eau, and approved 
by other moderns, as Kamph., Bohmer (Zur 
Lehre vom Antichrist, Jahrb. f. deutsche Theol. 
1859, p. 449), and to favour either the view of 
Ewald, who supposes an accMental omission of 
the name of Dan and of some other words by a 
corruption of the text, or that of Keil, who, 
with the ancients, finds in the words " Hushim, 
sons of Aher," only a Benjamite family (named 
viii. 8, 11). But that here again a corruption of 
the text accidentally affects the name of Dan, 
whom we expect to meet between Benjamin and 
Naphtali, is scarcely credible ; and against the 
addition of the words in. question to the fore 
going series of Benjamites is the absence of the 
copula 1 before Q JTI- There is therefore con 
siderable probability in the assumption of Berth., 
that the omission of Dan is as little accidental 
here as in the list of the twelve tribes in Kev. vii. 
5-8, and that it has a theocratic, judicial import, 
as it points to the fall of Dan into idolatry. 
From the Rabbinical tradition concerning Judg. 
xviii. 30, where the name of Moses is supposed 
to be intentionally changed into Manasseh, that 
it might not occur in the history of the Danite 
sanctuary, nothing can be drawn in support of 
this assumption, as this is only an insipid conceit 
in explanation of the Kcri nc ; 3 (against 
Berth.). It is also to be borne in inind that 
another tribe, that of Zebulun, is wholly passed 
over in our series, the omission of which may 
well be called accidental (as, for example, that of 
the tribes Asher and Gad in the list of tribe- 
princes, xxvii. 16-24). Comp. the evangelical- 
ethical principles, No. 2. The sons of Naphtali: 
Jahziel, and Guni, and Jazer, and Shallum. The 
parallel lists, Gen. xlvi. 24, Num. xxvi. 48 f., 
give these names, only the first is there Jahzeel 
(^KVrP) an d the last Shillem (c^"0- For ^ ne 

addition, " sons of Bilhah," see on ver. 12. 

4. The half-Tribe of Manasseh (west of Jor 
dan) : vers. 14-19. The sons of Manasseh: 
Ashriel, whom his concubine the Aramitess bare. 
That here it is treated of the western half of 
Manasseh is understood of itself after the former 
communications concerning East Manasseh, v. 23 f. 
Of the six families of West Manasseh named in 
Num. xxvi. 30, 34, and Josh. xvii. 2, only two 
are mentioned here, Ashriel and Shemida (ver. 
19). But Ashriel, from the more exact accounts 
in Num. xxvi. 31, is not a son, but a grandson, of 
Manasseh, by his father Gilead. Now, as the fol 
lowing sentence referring to the Aramaean con 
cubine of Manasseh, " she bare Machir the father 
of Gilead," seems designed to explain how Ashriel 
could be called a son of Manasseh and his concu 
bine, it seems necessary to assume that he sprang 
from her in the fourth degree as the son of Gilead 
and grandson of Machir. But this assumption is 
as doubtful as the Masoretic expedient, which 
separates the words ni?" 1 ~l" N by an Athnach 
under the latter from the following * t y\ yy^Q, 

and requires the supplement of some unmentioned 
wife to the "whom she bare." The sagacious 
hypothesis of Movers (assented to by Berth, and 
Kamph. ) here commends itself, that the name 
Ashriel, as a gloss arising from writing twice the 
consonants immediately following ^i "i^ X, is to be 
erased, and so the sense is to be gained: " the 

sons of Manasseh, whom his Aramaean concubine 
bare : she bare Machir," etc. Comp. the Sept. 

011 Gen. xlvi. 26 : iy tvovro 21 vlot Mva<ro-ij, out 
Ttx,sv UVTU fi TO.X^U.K.YI *i 2t^a. Ver. If). And 
Machir took a wife for Huppim and Shuppim, 
etc. The whole verse is so obscure, that the 
assumption either of interpolation or of the omis 
sion of some words seems unavoidable. Bertheau 
proceeds in the former way, rejects the wcrds 

Q^EC ^I D I3r6 as a gloss from ver. 12, and by 

\ : \ : 

means of some other changes, especially the in 
sertion of ver. 18a, arrives at the sense : "anr 7 
Machir took a wife, whose name was Maachah, 
and the name of his sister was Hammolecheth ; 
and the name of his brother (the second) was 
Zelophehad." Somewhat less violent is the 
emendation attempted by Movers (p. 89), which 
limits itself to the change of iflhS before r 

into nnXflj and yields the sense : "and Machh 
took a wife from Huppim and from Shuppim (^5 
standing for jn, and pointing to a marriage of 

Machir with two wives out of the families of 
Huppim and Shuppim, ver. 12) ; the name of 
the first was Maachah, and the name of the 
second Zelophehad." Keil conjectures an omis 
sion of some words, among these the name of 
Ashriel, the first son of Oilead, but at the same 
time the intrusion of senseless interpolations in 
ver. 15ay while, on the contrary, he regards as 
critically impregnable the words of the second 
half verse : " and the name of the second is 
Zelophehad ; and ZelopLehad had daughters 
(only)." Several gaps are also supposed in the 
emendations of older writers, as in that of J. H. 
Michaelis, who endeavours to squeeze out the 
sense : "and Machir took to wife (the sister of) 
Huppim and Shuppim, and the name of his sister 
(namely of Huppim) was Maachah, and the name 
of the second (here named son of Manasseh) was 
Zelophehad." From the unsatisfactory character 
of all these attempts, it is plain that a correct 
interpretation of the verse must be given up. So 
much only is clear from the second gloss, whether 
it be preserved intact or in some way corrupted, 
that therein Zelophehad was called the brother 
or near relative of Machir, and was the same who, 
Num. xxvii. 1, xxxvi. 1 ff., Josh. xvii. 3, was called 
the father of a great number of daughters. Ver. 
17. The sons of Maachah here mentioned, Peresh 
and Sheresh, as also the sons cT the latter, Ulam 
and Rekem, occur only here. Ver. 17. And thf 
sons of Clam: Bedan. The Masoretic text names 
a judge Bedan, 1 Sam. xii. 11, where, however, 
perhaps p~Q is to be read. These are the sons of 

Gilead, the son of Machir. Bertheau, perhaps 
rightly, proposes here the change (favoured by 
ver. 41 and by ii. 21): " These are the sons of the 
father of Gilead, of Machir the son of Manasseh." 
Ver. 18. And his sister Hammolecheth bare 
Ishod. The Vulg. explains this not elsewhere 
occurring name appellatively : Regina (as Kimchi, 
queen of a part of Gilead). Rightly ? The first 
of her sons, Ishod, "man of fame, of glory," is 
otherwise unknown ; on the contrary, the second 
appears to be identical with the Abiezer named 
Josh. xvii. 2, the chief of one of the families of 
Manasseh. If this were so, he would have to pass 
for the ancestor of Gideon, Judg. vi. 11, 15. But 

CHAP. VII. 19-27. 


Abiezer in Joshua, or Jezer 

as it i s i* 

Num. xxvi. 30, appears as first son of Manasseh 
after Machir, not as the mere sister s son of this 
Machir, as here ; for which reason the identity is 

doubtful. Whether the following name r6nO 

denotes a brother of these two, or a sister (comp. 
Mahlah, the daughter of Zelophehad, Num. xxvi. 
33, xxvii. 1), is doubtful. Ver. 19. And the sons 
of Shemidah. A son of Manasseh, Josh. xvi. 2, or, 
more exactly, of Gilead, Num. xxvi. 32. The 
names of his four sons, except Shechem, 

who appears, Josh. xvii. 2, as an immediate son 
of Manasseh, but, Num. xxvi. 32, as a son of 
Gilead, occur nowhere else ; for Bertheau s at 
tempts to connect Likhi with Helek, Num. xxvi. 
30, and Amam (DJK) with nyb one f tne 

daughters of Zelophehad, Num. xxvi. 33, Josh. 
xvii. 3, are arbitrary. 

5. The Tribe of "Ephraim: vers. 20-29. Shu- 
thelah, and Bered his son, etc. Shuthelah ap 
pears also, Num. xxvi. 25, as founder of a chief 
family of Ephraim. This family is here traced 
through six generations to a second Shuthelah, 
ver. 21, to whom are then added Ezer and Elad, 
two brothers of the older Shuthelah, and therefore 
sons or near descendants of Ephraim. And the 
men of Gath, that were born in the land, sleiv them, 
namely, Ezer and Elad. The Avim (Avites), 
driven by the Philistines from their seats between 
Hazerim and Gaza, Deut. ii. 23, are said to be 
born in the land, in contrast with the intruders. 
Hence Ew., Berth., Kamph. will have these Avim 
to be here meant, whereas Keil thinks rather of 
the Philistines, whose settlement in south-west 
Palestine, in the district of Gath, was attested 
even in the time of Abraham, or even of the 
Canaanites, but not the Avites, of whom there is 
no tradition that they had spread to Gath. At 
any rate, reference is here made to a very old 
event, as Ephraim, the son of Jacob, still lived 
and begat other children. This can scarely have 
taken place before the descent into Egypt, as 
Ephraim was born in Egypt, Gen. xlvi. 20 
(against Ewald). We must suppose it to have 
occurred during the sojourn in Egypt, and to 
have been a warlike expedition from the land of 
Goshen, that may have fallen in the interval from 
Gen. 1. 13-23. The verb -p* 1 is not absolutely 

against this assumption, which was advocated by 
older expositors (Rossi, Kimcbi, L. Lavater, Grot., 
Calov., etc.), and accepted by more recent ones, 
as Fiirst (Gcsch. d. bibl. Lit. i. 318). When the 
Ephraimite host marched from the wilderness of 
Shur or Paran, we may very well regard this as a 
descent upon the district of Gath (without directly 
identifying Ephraim with Paran, as Hitzig does, 
Ge-sch. Jsr. p. 48). Ver. 22. And Ephraim, their 
father, mourned many days. Bertheau will, 
without ground, take these words figuratively, 
and apply them to the whole tribe of Ephraim ; 
the going in of Ephraim to his wife, mentioned 
ver. 23, can only be taken literally ; and as there 
is no indication that a younger Ephraim is meant 
(as Keil), it is plainly recorded of the old patriarch 
Ephraim that he begat a son, Beriah, after those 
two sons were slain by the Gathites. Ewald per- 
laps goes too far, when he makes the sons Rephah 
and Resheph, ver. 25, be born to Ephraim in this 
latter period. Rather is the interwoven historical 

notice of the raid of Ezer and Elad against Gath 
and its results to be regarded as closed with ver. 
23, and the following passage from ver. 24 to be 
taken as the continuation of the genealogy of 
Ephraim. And he called his name Beriah, 
because it went evil ivith his house, " because there 
had been calamity (njn2) in his house." This 

etymology of the name njP IZU reminding us of 

the well-known derivations of Genesis (especially 
Gen. v. 9, 29, 30), speaks for the undoubted 
antiquity of the present account. For the rela 
tion of this Ephraimite to hie namesake of Benja 
min, see on viii. 13 f. Ver. 24. And his daughter 
wasSherah, namely, Ephraim s daughter (ver. 20), 
not Beriah s, who is only mentioned by the way. 
The places Nether and Upper Beth-horon built, 
that is, fortified, by this Sherah, probably a 
powerful heiress, correspond (Robinson, iii. 273ff.) 
to the present Beit Ur et-Tachta and Beit Ur 
el-Foka, on the road from Jerusalem to Joppa. 
They lay at the south border of the tribe of 
Ephraim, on a strip of land stretching out between 
the tribes of Benjamin and Dan. Uzzen- Sherah 
must be sought in their immediate neighbourhood. 
The name (|^ = |f, ear) points to a like projec 
tion or skirt as its site. Vers. 25-27. Joshua s 
forefathers. And fiephah his son, and Resheph. 
These two can scarcely pass for actual sons of 
Ephraim ; comp. Num. xxvi. 35 f. It is uncer 
tain to which of the families of Ephraim there 
mentioned they belonged. And Telah his son, 
that is, Rephah s son, who is the chief person, 
while Resheph is only mentioned by the way. 
The Tahan named as the son of this Telah 
appears different from the Tahan named Num. 
xxvi. 25 as son of Ephraim, but might belong to 
his posterity. Ver. 26. Ladan his son, etc. The 
name pjj^> occurs, xxiii. 7 f., xxvi. 21, also as the 
name of a Levitical family, but only hen s as an 
Ephraimite. Elishama, the son of Anmihud, 
meets us, Num. vii. 48, x. 22, as prince of the 
tribe of Ephraim in the time of Moses. His 
grandson was Joshua the son of Non, or Nun, as 
it is constantly spelled in the Pentateuc i and 
Joshua. [This episode corresponds in antiquarian 
interest with the notices concerning Caleb Jn cli. 
ii. The simplest exposition of the passa^o is 
obtained by making a pause after "Shuthelah 
his son," and another after "Rephah his son." 
Ezer and Elad are then the second and third sons 
of Ephraim. This younger but greater son of 
Joseph became heir to the portion oi ground 
which Jacob had taken from the Amorive in the 
region of Shechem, Gen. xlviii. 22. Henc ; in 
the early period of Israel s sojourn in Egypt, w 
find Ephraim in this quarter asserting his claim 
and taking possession of this domain. The pre- 
sence, or perhaps the aggression, of his family 
provoked the Philistines, and in a warlike en 
counter these two sons of Ephraim were slain by 
the men of Gath. After this another son was 
born to Ephraim, of whom Sherah, the builder 
or fortifier of towns, and Repha.h were most 
probably the daughter and son, though they are 
generally regarded -.8 the immediate children of 
Ephraim. Then we have a fifth son of Ephraim, 
Resheph, through whom Jc*hua is the eighth in 
descent from Ephraim. After the exploits of 
Sherah, it is probable that the tribe lost its hold 
on this region, and the . udage in Egypt ocm- 



menced. We leani from this curious passage that 
there were nine generations in the line of Joshua 
during the sojourn in Egypt. J. G. M. ) Vers. 28, 
29 attacli as a geographical notice of the dwelling- 
places of the Ephraimites, ver. 28, and West 
Manassites, ver. 29, to their genealogies, as the 
account of the Levitical cities, vi. 39 ff., to the 
preceding genealogy of Levi, or as the like geo 
graphical notice of the dwelling-places of the 
Simeonites, iv. 28 ff., to the preceding genealogy. 
Bethel and her daughters, that is, the surround 
ing hamlets belonging to Bethel. Bethel, now 
Beitin, on the borders of Benjamin and Ephraiin 
(Josh. xvi. 2, xviii. 15), was originally assigned 
to the former tribe (Josh, xviii. 22 , but after 
wards belonged to the kingdom of the ten tribes, 
and therefore to Epliraim. Our genealogist regards 
only this later relation. Naaran bears in Josh, 
xvi. 7 the name nmy2> lengthened by n local, 

and seems to be identical with Neara, north of 
Jericho (comp. Joseph. Antiq. xvii. 13. 1). Gezer 
(Josh. xvi. 3) lay between Bethhoron and the sea, 
in the south-west corner of Ephraim, while tlu^ 
next named, Shechem and Ajjah, lay on the north 
west. For the uncertainty of the reading n-fy. 

see Grit. Note. The only here occurring n*V 

lay not far from Shechem (Neapolis, Nablous), 
perhaps in the region of Michmethah (Josh. xvi. 
6, xvii. 7). Ver. 29. And on the side of the sons 
of Manasseh, on their border, and in their posses 
sion. i"p f>y. as in vi. 16. The four cities now 

named, Bethshean, Taanach, Megiddo, and Dor, 
lie properly (like Iblearn joined with them. Josh, 
xvii. 11) outside the territory of Manasseh, in that 
of the tribes of Issachar and Asher bordering it on 
the north. They were, however, to be assigned 
to Manasseh as remote dwelling-places towards 
the north, and serve here to mark the north 
border of the whole territory of "the sons of 
Joseph," as the Ephraimite cities named, ver. 28, 
determined their south border. 

6. The Tribe of Asher: vers. 30-40. The sons 
of Asher : Imna/i, and Ishuah, and Ishui, and 
Beriah. So Gen. xlvi. 17, whereas, Num. xxvi. 

44 ff., Ishui is omitted. Beriah s sons Heber 
and Malchiel occur also in Gen. xlvi. and Num. 
xxvi., but the last, Birzajith, only here (perhaps 
a woman s name, see Grit. Note ; but perhaps 
also = rpT "1X3, " We H f t ne olive," and so a 

local name). Vers. 32-34. Heber s descendants 
for three generations. The name Shomer (~l?0i^), 

ver. 32, recurs, ver. 34, in the form "!$ (In pausa 
"ID" 5 )* without warranting a difference between 
the two. For the name Ahi (TIN) in ver. 34 

( which is not to be taken appellatively, "brother," 
as the following 1 shows), comp. v. 15, where a 
Gadite is so called. Vers. 35-38. Descendants 
of Helem, as it appears, the son of Heber, and 
brother of Shemer, who was called Hot ham in 
the third place after Japhlet and Shomer, ver. 32. 

One of the two names, either 

to have arisen from a slip of the pen, but which 
is uncertain. So it is with Ithran, the last but 
one of the eleven sons of Zophah, ver. 37, who 
reappears in the following verse under the name 
of JetluV, and perhaps also with Ulla, ver. 39, 
which may be = Beera, the last son of Zophah, 
on the supposition of a very gross error of the 
pen. Ver. 40. All, these were the sons of Asher, 
etc. This collective notice is like that in ver. 

11 ; the plur. 

l, as i n ver - 5. Heads of the 

pr mces (Vulg. duces dunnn), that is, captains ot 
the greater divisions of the army, at the head of 
which stood the D^JOb ^ elati, magnates, opti- 

mates. And their register for the service in war, 
that is, not that of the whole tribe of Asher, but 
only that of the family of Heber, as the most 
powerful and flourishing. The limitation to this 
one family explains how the present list of 
warriors (it is expressly designated as such, in 
contrast with registers including the whole in 
habitants of the country; comp. ix. 22) yields 
only 26,000 men of war, whereas for the whole 
tribe of Asher, the numbers 41,500 and 53,400 
are given in Num. i. 41, xxvi. 47. 

2. Again the Families of Benjamin, especially the Hmise of Saul: ch. viii. 

1. The Families of Benjamin : vers. 1-28. 

CH. viii. 1. And Benjamin begat Bela his first-born, Ashbel the second, and Ah rah 
2, 3 the third. Nohah the fourth, and Kapha the fifth. And the sons of Bela 

4 were Addar, and Gera, and Abihad. And Abishua, and Naaman, and Ahoah. 

5 And Gera, and Shephuphan, and Huram. 

6 And these are the sons of Ehud (these are the heads of the fathers to the 
1 inhabitants of Geba, and they removed them to Manahath. Even Naaman, 

and Ahiah, and Gera, he removed them) : and he begat Uzza and Ahihud. 

8 And Shaharaim begat, in the field of Moab, after he had sent them away, 

9 Hushim and Baarah, his wives. And he begat of Hodesh his wife : Jobab, and 

10 Zibiah, and Mesha, and Malcam. And Jeuz, and Shobiah, and Mirma: these 

11 were his sons, heads of fathers. And of Hushim he begat Ahitub and 

12 Elpaal. And the sons of Elpaal : Eber, and Misham, and Shemer; he built 
Ono and Lod, and her daughters. 

13 And Beriah and Shema (these were the heads of fathers for the inhabi- 

14 tants of Aijalon ; these put to flight the inhabitants of Gath). And Ahio, 1 
15, 16 Shashak, and Jeremoth. And Zebadiah, and Arad, and Eder. And Michael. 

and Ishpah, and Joha, sons of Beriah. 

CHAP. VIII. 1-7. 


17, 18 And Zebadiah, and Meshullam, and Hizki, and Heber. And Ishmerai, 

and Izliah, and Jobab, sons of Elpaal. 
19, 20 And Jakim, and Zichri, and Zabdi. And Elienai, and Zillethai, and Eliel. 

21 And Adaiah, and Beraiah, and Shimrath, sons of Shimi. 

22, 23 And Ishpan, and Eber, and Eliel. And Abdon, and Zichri, and Hanan. 
24, 25 And Hananiah, and Elam, and Antothijah. And Iphdeiah, and Penuel, sons 

of Shashak. 
26, 27 And Shamsherai, and Shehariah, and Athaliah. And Jaareshiah, and 

28 Elijah, and Zichri, sons of Jeroham. These were heads of fathers in their 

generations, chiefs ; these dwelt in Jerusalem. 

2. The House of Saul : vers. 29-40. 

29 And at Gibeon dwelt Abi-gibeon ; and his wife s name was Maachah. 

30 And his first-born son was Abdon, and Zur, and Kish, and Baal, and Nadab. 
31, 32 And Gedor. and Ahio, and Zecher. And Mikloth begat Shimah : and these 

also, beside their brethren, dwelt in Jerusalem with their brethren. 

33 And Ner begat Kish, and Kish begat Saul, and Saul begat Jonathan, and 

34 Malchi-shua, and Abinadab, and Esh-baal. And the son of Jonathan was 

35 Merib-baal ; and Merib-baal begat Micah. And the sons of Micah : Pithon, 

36 and Melech, and Tarea, and Ahaz. And Ahaz begat Jehoaddah; and Jehoad- 

37 dah begat Alemeth, and Azraaveth, and Zimri; and Zimri begat Moza. And 

38 Moza begat Binah : Rapha his son, Elasah his son, Azel his son. And Azel 
had six sons ; and these are their names : Azrikam, Bocheru, 2 and Ishmael, and 

39 Shehariah, and Obadiah, and Hanan ; all these were the sons of Azel. And 
the sons of Eshek his brother : Ulam his first-born, Jeush the second, and 

40 Eliphelet the third. And the sons of Ulam were valiant heroes, archers, and 
had many sons and sons sons, a hundred and fifty ; all these were of the sons 
of Benjamin. 

1 Instead of a proper name VHtf, the Sept. read VHK, as they render i$iX<p? MVTV. The conjecture of Ber- 
theau, that the appellative is the original sense, and that the name Elpaal, which from ver. 18 we expect here, has 

fallen out before this VHtf, so that the text was originally pt5>B>1 VHtf 

, is very plausible. See Exposition 

* For 

(with the closing u of proper names, comp. 

? Neh. vi. 6) the Sept. (T/>WTT*<K autroS) and some 

Hebrew jiss. read 

incorrectly however, as six sons of Azel are announced. 


PRELIMINARY REMARK. This full supple 
ment to the shorter genealogy of Benjamin in 
vii. 6-11 appears in its whole plan and form to 
have been taken from another document, when 
we regard the frequent occurrence of T^n, the 

collection of many families in vers. 6-28, without 
expressing their relation with the nearest im 
mediate descendants of Benjamin ; and lastly, 
the termination of the whole genealogy, in a 
register of the house of Saul, reaching down 
nearly to the exile (or perhaps quite beyond it, 
as Bertheau will have it). The latter phenomena 
remind us of ch. iii. and iv. in relation to ch. ii. , 
and show that the Chronist had before him genea 
logical accounts of the tribe of Benjamin, and the 
royal house descending from it, of the same ex 
tent and exactness as of Judah and the royal 
house of David. 

1. Families of Benjamin : vers. 1-28. a. Sons 
of Benjamin and Bela : vers. 1-5. For the rela 
tion of the five sons of Benjamin here mentioned 
to those of the parallel list, see on vii. 6. Keil is 
perhaps right in supposing that only those sons 
are mentioned here who founded families of 
Benjamin. That Ahrah = Ahiram, Num. xxvi. 

38, and also = Ehi, Gen. xlvi. 21, appears certain. 
It is possible that the not otherwise occurring 
names Nohah and Rapha correspond to the She- 
phupham and Hupham of the parallel list, Num. 
xxvi., or at least denote descendants of these two> 
sons of Benjamin. Ver. 3 ff. And the sons of 
Bela were Addar, and Gera, etc. The suspicion 
that the list of the sons of Bela contains several 
errors of transcription, is raised by the recurrence 
of the name Gera. Trjtf also appears to be a tran- 

scriptive error for -q-iK, Gen - x l yi - 21 > JB1S f r 
, an <l D^H possibly for QSin> Num. xxvi. 

39. At any rate, several are found among these 
six sons of Bela, that appear in Gen. xli. 21 and 
Num. xxvi. 38 f. among the sons of Benjamin ; 
in particular, the first of the two Geras is like the 
Gera there; and Naaman there appears again 
here. Only Abihud, Abishua, and Ahrah occur 
exclusively here as sons of Benjamin. 

b. Sons of Ehud: vers. 6, 7. And these, are 
the sons of Ehud. As Ehud ("piPltf, union, from 

is radically different from Ehud 
mild, from HiiX, t be mild), the well-known 
judge Ehud, the son of Gera, Judg. iii. 15, ha 



nothing to do with the person here named. These 
are the heads of the fathers to the Inhabitants oj 
Geba. These words, with the following notice of 
the removal to Manahath, are a parenthesis ; the 
names of the sons of Ehud, Uzzah and Ahihud, 
follow at the close of ver. 7. For Geba, that is, 
"Geba of Benjamin," now Jeba, a LevHical city, 
comp. vi. 45; 1 Sam. xiii. 3, 16. The placo is 
the same as "Gibeah of Benjamin," 1 Sam. xii. 
2, 15, xiv. 2, 16 (comp. Knobel on Isa. x. 29). 
For Manahath, a place of uncertain situation, of 
which the inhabitants were partly from Judah, 
see on ch. ii. 52 (Hazi-hammenuhoth). The sub 

ject -to Q^IPl is the three men named in ver 7, 

of whom, as the sing, j^n shows, the last must 
have been the proper originator of the removal. 
Whether this Gera was the first or the second of 
the sons of Bela so named, is as uncertain as the 
other details of this old historical event. 

c. Descendants of Shaharaim : vers. 8-12. 
And tShaharahn begat in the field of Moab, etc. 
Tins Shaharaim,and his connection with the genea- 
logv of Benjamin, are quite unknown. That he 
was the same as Ahishahar, vii. 10, or Shechariah, 
ver. 26, or that he lies hid under -injtf (= "int?), 

all these are uncertain conjectures. Neither do 
we know the ground of his coming to the h eld of 
Moab, or of his tarrying there. After he had 
sent them away, (namely) ffushim and Baarah, 

his wives. ir6ty \O- literally, "from his send 
ing;" \rb&, inf. Piel, retaining the i and re 

jecting the Dag. f. (Ew. 238, d). The suff. 
lua y> though masc., refer only to the 

two wives whose names are appended (comp. Ew. 
309, c). The construction is thus more loose 
and negligent than in vers. 6, 7, since to the 
prefixing of the verb is added an enallage generis. 
Moreover, the first of the two names has not a 
feminine form (D^ lPl), and is only known as 

such by the following ^^, j. Ver. 9. And he 

begat of Hodesh his wife, namely, his third, after 
the dismissal of the two above named; perhaps a 
Moabitess, as the names of some of her sons have 
a Moabitish sound, particularly tf" (comp. the 

king of Moab, JJt*vZ3, 2 Kings iii.), D3 (name of 
the idol of Ammon and Moab, Jer. xlix. 1, 3), 
etc. For jjp Ivin, coinp. on ii. 18. Vers. 11, 

12. Here follow the descendants of Shaharaim 
by Hushim, and these are certainly, in contrast 
with those Moabites, genuine Israelitish and cis- 
jordanic, as the reference of the places Ono and 
Lod, west of the tribe of Benjamin, to one of them 
(probably to Elpaal, to whom the fr^n appears 
to apply y shows. Ono, without doubt adjacent 
to Lod, occurs also in Ezra ii. 33, Neh. vii. 37, 
xi 35, as a place in West Benjamin (properly by 
situation in Dan), and Lod is certainly Lydda, 
afterwards Diospolis, now Ludd or Lidd, north of 
Rainleh, near the road from Jaffa to Jerusalem. 
In vers. 17, 18 follows a further series of sons of 
an Elpaal, whose identity with the present one is 

d. Benjamite Heads of Families ofAijalon, ver. 

13, and of Jerusalem (see ver. 28) : vers. 13-28. 
A nd Beriah and Shema, etc. There is no visible 

genealogical connection of these and the next 
following with the foregoing names. On the 
contrary, a partly genealogical connection seems 
to exist between the five heads of families in 
vers. 13 and 14 and the following names in vers. 
15 27. For in vers. 15. 16 are "sons oi Berian " 
enumerated, in -vers. 32-25 "sons of ^hashak 
(see ver. 14) ; and if we may oonne.z the fljns 
of Shimi " in vers. 19-21 with Shema, ver. 13 
(because ;E>J and IJJEJ^ lk like two forms of 

the same name), and discover in "the sons o 
Jeroham," vers. 26, 27 (by assuming an error of 
the pen), descendants of Jeremoth, ver. 14, it 
will be still more natural to combine " the sons 
of Elpaal," vers. 17, 18, with the fifth of the 
heads of families in ver. A 3 f. , nnd suppose 
"Ahio," ver. 14 = Elpaal, read .FIN, with the 

Sept., instead of vntf, ail( ^ su PPty 
it (according to Bertlweau s proposed emendations ; 
see Crit. Note). Many doubts, however, remain 
in force against this hypothesis, especially the 
circumstance that both ver. 13 and ver. 15 
(where the descendants of Beriah, the lirst of 
the five heads of families, are enumerated) begin 
with a mere ) instead of a more distinct formula 
of introduction (such as in ver. 6, 

These were the heads of fathers for the in 
habitants of Aijalon . . . (Jath. A historical 
notice in parenthesi, like that in vers. 6, 7. 
Aijalon, now Jalo, lay west of Gibeon, in the 
earlier district of Dan, where also Ono and Lod as 
Benjamite colonies were situated (comp. on ver. 
12) ; see Josh. x. 12, xix. 42. Because Beriah 
and Shema are here named as conquerors of the 
inhabitants of Gath, Bertheau thinks we may 
infer an identity of the present fact with that 
mentioned vii. 21 ff., that the Benjamite family 
Beriah, after the defeat there recorded (in which 
Ezer and Elad fell), came to the help of Ephraim 
against the Gathitcs, overcame and chastised 
them, in gratitude for which they were admitted 
by the Ephraimites into their community, whence 
Beriah is there represented as a late-born son of 
Ephraim. That this is a mere fancy is manifest 
from the impossibility of understanding the 
account of Ephraim and his sons in vii. 21 ff. 
otherwise than literally (see on the passage). 
Besides, the name Beriah is by no means so rare 
that the identity of these persons and events can 
be inferred from it alone (comp. for example, 
Asher s son Beriah, vii. 30). And v r1i v might 
not Gath, in the long period of cir.ttict between 
Israel and the Philistines, have been the object cf 
repeated attacks by Israel ? Vers. 15, 16. And 
Zebadiah, and Arad, and Eder, etc. Of these 
six sons of Beriah nothing further is known, 
though their names almost all occur elsewhere : 
Zebadiah, ver. 17, among Elpaal s sons, and also 
xii. 7, Ezra viii. 8, x. 20 ; Michael still oftener, 
etc. Vers. 17, 18. And Zebadiah, and MefJiul- 
lam, and Hizki, etc. Of these seven sons of 
Elpaal, Bertheau will identify three, Meshullam, 
Heber, and Ishmerai, with the three sons of 
Elpaal in ver. 12, Misnam, Eber, and Shemer, to 
make the identity of the Elpaal in both places 
probable. But this assumption is the more un 
certain, the more doubtful it is whether that 
earlier Elpaal family that dwelt in Ono and 
Lydd can, by a supposed migration, be con- 

CHAP. VIII. 19-40. 


nected with the present family in Jerusalem (see 
ver. 28). Ver. 19 ff. Oil Shimi, Shashak, and 
Jeroham, and their probable identity with Shema, 
Shashak, and Jeremoth, vers. 13, 14, see above. 
Of the sons of these three heads of families 
given as far as ver. 27, nothing is known else 
where, although their names mostly recur. Ver. 
28. These were heads of fathers in their genera 
tions, chiefs. The repetition of D^&O serves 

scarcely (as the Vulg., principes htquam, and some 
older expositors will have it) to lay stress on the 
idea of heads, which would be here quite unmean 
ing. The sense rather appears to be, that the 
persons named in the genealogical lists are cited as 
heads (of houses) ; and this appears to be noted, 
that those cited as sons of such and such persons 
may not be taken for individual members of 
houses" (Keil). These dwelt in Jerusalem, not 
merely the heads, but their families, who cannot 
be supposed to be separate from them. 

2. The House of Saul : vers. 29-40 (comp. ch. 
ix. 35-44, where this section, with the exception 
of vers. 39, 40, recurs). a. Saul s Ancestors : 
vers. 29-32. And at Gibeon dwelt Abi-gibeon ; 
and his wife s name was Maachah. The plur. 
^DC^ refers also to the sons of Abi-gibeon, to be 

named in the following verse. Gibeon is now 
el Jib, two and a half hours north-west of Jeru 
salem; cornp. Rob. ii. 351. The here appellatively- 
named Abi-gibeon, that is, father (founder) of 
Gibeon (comp. the like remarks in ii. 42 If.), 

hears in ix. 35 the name Jeiel or Jeuel 


- His descent from Benjamin is 

not given, and he occurs only here ; and so it is 
with Maachah his wife, whose name, however, is 
of frequent occiurence (comp. on ii. 48). Ver. 
30. And his first-born son was Abdon, etc. In 
stead of the eight sons of Abi-gibeon here named, 
ch. ix. 36 f. enumerates ten ; and, in fact, the 
names of two seem to have fallen out of our 
passage, namely Ner (between Baal and Nadab) 
and Mikloth (at the end of the series, ver 31), for 
their descendants are given in the following 

verses. It is doubtful whether the names 3 


at the close of our verse are to be com 

bined into one, 313^21 ( as Wellh., Text d. B. 

Sam. p. 31, will have it). In chap. ix. 37 we 
find Zechariah in place of the present ^3}. Ver. 

32. And Mikloth begat Slilmah. In ix. 38 he is 
called Shimam. And these also, namely Shimah 
and his family, beside their brethren, dwelt in 
J<ritsalem with their brethren. "These also" 
perhaps points only to Mikloth s family as like 
wise dwelling in Jerusalem. The "brethren " 
of these descendants of Shimah are the remaining 
Benjamites, in the first phrase ("beside then- 
brethren ") perhaps those dwelling outside of 
Jerusalem to the west and north, and in the 
second ("with their brethren") those settled in 
Jerusalem itself. 

b. The Family of Ner, and the House of Saul : 
vers. 33-45. A nd Ner begat Kish, and Kish begat 
Sa<iL As in 1 Sam. ix. 1, xiv. 51, the father of 
Kish is called Abiel, Ner is an earlier ancestor, 
perhaps the father or grandfather of the Abiel. 
Possibly, indeed, there was originally in the 
text, "And Ner begat Abner (comp. 1 Sam. xiv. 

51), and Kish begat Saul ;" for it is scarcely con 
ceivable that the celebrated general Aimer, the 
uncle of Saul, should be originally wanting in 
this genealogy (comp. Berth, and Kamph.). And 
Saul begat Jonathan . . . and Eshbaal. In 
stead of these four sons of Saul, 1 Sam. xiv. 49 
names only three Jonathan, Ishui, and Malchi- 
shua. But Ishui is, as appears from 1 Sam. 
xxxi. 2 and 1 Chron. x. 1, only another name for 
Abinadab ; and thus the three, who are the 
three that fell with Saul, quite agree with the 
first three of those here named. But Eshbaal 
is no other than Ishbosheth, the well-known 
rival of David 2 Sam. ii. 8 ff. The change of 

the second element of this name (^y^O into 
ntJ 3, "shame, idol," expressing abhorrence and 

contempt, may be compared with Jerubbaal, 
Judg. vi. 32, changed into Jerubbesheth 
, 2 Sam. xi. 21, or with the name of 

the son of Ishbosheth, who is here called Merib 
baal (so, with a slight difference in orthography, 

^- nO, ix - 4 )> but in 2 Sam. iv. 4, xxi. 7, 

Mephibosheth (or perhaps flK h HlO, as at least 

Berth, thinks ; but comp. Wellh., Der Text d. 
B. Sam. p. 31). Ver. 35. The sons of Micah, 
the son of the lame Meribbaal, are four in num 
ber, the same as in ix. 41, 42, only that the last 
but one is called Tahrea (jnnn) instead of 

Tarea (jnKfi). Ver. 36. And Ahaz begat 

Jehoaddah. The descendants of this Ahaz are 
traced through ten generations. For myiiT 

stands in ix. 42 m, l>y a mistake of 

1 for "7. Of the two following names, Alemeth 
occurs (with a slight variation) in ix. 45 as a 
Benjamite place, and Azmaveth twice, xi. 3& 
and xii. 3, as a Benjamite person. Ver. 37. 
Instead of Eapha (NET)), the parallel ix 43 has 

the longer and more original form Eephaiah 
(rPETl)- Ver. 38. For the name Bocheru, the 

second of the sons of Azel, comp. Crit. Note. 
Ver. 40. And the sons of Ulam were valiant 
heroes, archers. For the expression, comp. v. 18. 
For the thing, namely, the warlike prowess ol the 
tribe of Benjamin, comp. Judg. xx. 16, Gen. 
xlix. 27. And had many sons and sons sons, a 
hundred and ffty. For D^SPIp, properly " mul 

tiplying" sons, comp. vii. 4, Lev. xi. 42. As 
grandsons of Ulam and grand-nephews of Azel 
(who was the thirteenth in descent from Saul), 
the hundred and fifty here mentioned were the 
fifteenth generation from Saul. If we reckon for 
every generation a maximum average of thirty 
years, the resulting sum of 450 years from the 
time of Saul (1095-1055) would terminate in the 
middle or second half of the 7th century B.C., 
and therefore in the time before the exile. 
Against Bertheau s attempt to assign the sons and 
grandsons of Ulam to the time after the exile, 
Keil justly remarks on the whole : " This reckon 
ing is too high. Sixty years cannot be allowed 
for Saul and Jonathan, as Jonathan fell in the 
year 1055, and his son Meribbaal was then only 
five years old, and therefore born in 1060. In 
the following generations also not more than 


twenty-five years on an average (?) can be allowed. 
Accordingly, the grandsons of Ularn s sons, who 
were the twelfth generation from Micah (son of 
Meribbaal), may have come into the world about 
760 B.C., have grown into the host of 150 grand 
sons of Ulam about 760-700. But even if thirty 

tioned vers. 8-10 with the "princes in Moab" 
(3&OD fins) named in Ezra ii. 6, viii. 4, x. 30, 

Neh. iii. 11, vii. 11, the form V"O3 correspond 
ing with }DU|, the near agreement of the num- 

years be reckoned for each generation, the last- ber 150 with the numbers cf some families in 

named generation of 150 grandsons and great- 
grandsons of Ulam would have lived in the 
period from 660-600, and therefore before the 
exi .a, at least before the first great deportation of 
the people under Jehoiachin, 599 B.C." More 
over, the traces of a representation of the relations 
of the tribe of Benjamin after the exile which he 
has endeavoured to show in our chapter, for 
example, the occurrence of several names of 
places and persons of our section in the history 
of the times of Ezra and Nehemiah, the connec 
tion of the Benjamites in the land of Moab men- 

Ezra and Nehemiah (comp. Ezra ii. 18-30, viii. 
3 ff.), etc., would only render it probable that 
the present genealogical account extends beyond 
the exile, if we were entitled to suppose that a 
number of links had fallen out in the series of 
generations from Saul to Ulam and his grandsons. 
The possibility of such assumption is as un 
deniable as it is precarious to take it for granted 
without any sufficient ground. Alt these were of 
the sons of Benjamin. " All these " goes oack to 
ver. 1, and includes the whole of the names in 
our section. 


1. The Inhabitants of Jerusalem: vers. 1-34. 

Oil. IX. 1. And all Israel was registered; and, behold, they are written in tte book 
of the kings of Israel ; and Judah l was carried away to Babel for hit trans- 

2 gression. And the former inhabitants, that were in their possession in 

3 their cities, were Israel, the priests, the Levites, and the Nethinim. And in 
Jerusalem dwelt, of the sons of Judah, and of the sons of Benjamin, and of 
the sons of Ephraim and Manasseh. 

4 Uthai the son of Ammihud, the son of Omri, the son of Imri, the son of 

5 Bani, 2 of the sons of Perez the son of Judah. And of the Shilonites : 3 Asaiah 

6 the first-born, and his sons. And of the sons of Zerah: Jeuel and their 
brethren, six hundred and ninety. 

7 And of the sons of Benjamin : Sallu the son of Meshullam, the son of 

8 Hodaviah, the son of Hassenuah. And Ibneiah the son of Jeroham, and 
Elah the son of Uzzi, the son of Michri, and Meshullam the son of Shephatiah, 

9 the son of Reuel, the son of Ibnijah. And their brethren in their generations, 
nine hundred and fifty and six ; all these men were chiefs of their father- 

10, 11 And of the priests: Jedaiah, and Jehoiarib, and Jachin. And Azariah 
the son of Hilkiah, the son of Meshullam, the son of Zadok, the son of 

12 Meraioth, the son of Ahitub, a prince of the house of God. And Adaiah the 
son of Jeroham, the son of Pashhur, the son of Malchijah, the son of Maasai, 
the son of Adiel, the son of Jahzerah, the son of Meshullam, the son of 

13 Meshillemith, the son of Immer. And their brethren, heads of the father- 
houses, a thousand and seven hundred and sixty, able men for the work* of 
the service in the house of God. 

14 And of the Levites : Shemaiah the son of Hashub, the son of Azrikam, 

15 the son of Hashabiah, of the sons of Merari. And Bakbakkar, Heresh, and 
Galal, and Mattaniah the son of Micah, the son of Zicri, the son of Asaph. 

16 And Obadiah the son of Shemaiah, the son of Galal, the son of Jeduthun, 
and Berechiah the son of Asa, the son of Elkanah, who dwelt in the villages 

17 of the Netophathites. And the porters: Shallum, and Akkub, and Talmon, 

18 and Ahiman, and their brethren ; Shallum the head. And hitherto he was in 
the king s gate eastward ; these are the porters for the camps of the sons of 

19 Levi. And Shallum the son of Kore, the son of Ebiasaph, the son of Korah, 
and his brethren, for the house of his father, the Korhites, were over the work 
of the service of the keepers of the thresholds of the tents ; and their fathers 

20 in the carnp of the Lord were keepers of the entry. And Phinehas the son 

21 of Eleazar was formerly prince over them; the LORD with him. Zechariah 5 


22 the son of Meshelemiah was porter at the door of the tent of meeting. All 
these that were chosen to be porters at the thresholds were two hundred 
and twelve ; they were registered in their villages : David and Samuel the 

23 seer had ordained them in their trust. And they and their sons were over 

24 the gates of the house of the LORD, at the house of the tent, by wards. To 

25 the four winds were the porters, to the east, west, north, and south. And 
their brethren in their villages were to come in seven days from time to time 

26 with them. For they were in trust, the four head keepers of the gates, these 
Levites, and were 6 over the chambers and treasuries of the house of God. 

27 And they lodged around the house of God ; for on them was the charge, and 

28 they had to open every morning. And some of them were over the vessels 
39 of service, for they brought them in and out by tale. And some of them 

were appointed over the vessels, even over all he holy vessels, and over the 

30 flour, and the wine, and the oil, and the frankincense, and the spices. And 
of the sons of the priests some were compounders of the ointment of the spices. 

31 And Mattithiah of the Levites, who was the first-born of Shallum the Korhite, 

32 was in trust over the baking in pans. And of the Kohathites their brethren, 

33 some were over the shew-bread, to prepare it every Sabbath. And these the 
singers, heads of the fathers for the Levites, were free 7 in the chambers ; for 
they were over them in the service day and night. 

34 These are the heads of the fathers for the Levites, heads in their genera 
tions ; these dwelt in Jerusalem. 

2. Register of Saul s Family repeated: vers. 35-44. 

35 And in Gibeon dwelt the father of Gibeon, Jeiel; 8 and his wife s name was 

36 Maachah. And his first-born son Abdon. and Zur, and Kish, and Baal, and 
57, 38 Ner, and Nadab. And Gedor, and Ahio, and Zechariah, and Mikloth. And 

Mikloth begat Shimam ; and they also, beside their brethren, dwelt in Jeru 
salem with their brethren. 

39 And Ner begat Kish, and Kish begat Saul, and Saul begat Jonathan, and 

40 Malchi-shua, and Abinadab, and Eshbaal. And the son of Jonathan was 

41 Merib-baal: and Merib-baal begat Micah. And the sons of Micah : Pithon, 

42 and Melech, and Tahrea. And" Ahaz begat Jarah; and Jarah begat Alemeth, 

43 and Azmaveth, and Zimri ; and Zimri begat Moza. And Moza begat Bina, 

44 and Rephaiah his son, Elasah his son, Azel his son. And Azel had six sons ; 
and these are their names : Azrikam, Bocheru, and Ishmael, and Sheariah, and 
Obadiah, and Hanan ; these were the sons of Azel. 

The Sept., the Vulg., and Luther attach miiTI to the foregoing words (TV &*fft\itn l<r/?<*jA x*i ID5), with an 

arbitrary interpretation of the following iJI vJH (ptrit rw *oixi(rdt*r*v w*B<xpvXtovet,translatiquesuntinBabyl.). 

2 For the Kethib Jirpp OirjB is doubtless to be read the Keri s J3~})p ^2~|3 (comp. the name *02i in vL 
81, among the Merarites). 

* For " pPK n, since J"1;V* (}vCO is a city of Ephraim, must apparently have been read, according to Gen. 

xxvi. 20, "Obt^n (the Shelanites, descendants of Shelah, third son of Judah). The incorrect pointing *3V$n 
appears to have arisen from the scriptio plena: *&$*} Comp. Neh. xi. 5, where, instead of ^T^H, we should 
also perhaps point "O^tf H- 

* Before fDiOD a 7 (in consequence of the p at the end of P^H) seems to have fallen out. Comp. ut iffmrim 
of the Sept., and ch. vii. 2, xii. 21 also F. Bottcher, Neue exeg. krit. Aehrenlese, iii. 223). 

* Before iT~13T a 1 seems to have fallen out. 

T :-: 

* For V!"!1 D*}pn Dri i the original text seems to have been VH Q^pn \0^ j comp. ver. 14. 
Kethib: D Tpa. Ken: 

* So the Keri. The Kethib is 




PRELIMINARY REMARK. Of the two unequal 
sections into which our chapter falls, the second, 
vers. 35-44, coincides almost literally with viii. 
29-38, and so presents only a repetition of the 
register of Saul and his house there given, pre 
liminary to the narrative of the fall of his dynasty 
following in ch. x. The first section, vers. 1-34, 
presents in its first half, containing a list of the 
heads of families dwelling in Jerusalem, vers. 
4-17, several points of contrast with a similar 
list in Neh. xi. 3-19. The plan of both lists is 
at all events the same ; and if, with Bertheau, of 
the three chiefs of Judah, vers. 4-6, we put Uthai 
beside Athalah (Neh. xi. 4), and Asaiah beside 
Maaseiah (ver. 5) (so that only the third name, 
Jeuel, has nothing corresponding to it in Nehe 
miah); if we consider the recurrence of the Berija- 
mite chiefs Sallu and Hodaviah in Neh. xi. 7-9 
(where, certainly, the remaining names are want 
ing); if we compare the six chiefs of the priestly 
divisions with those corresponding in number and 
mostly in name in the list of Nehemiah, and find 
here (vers. 10-13) the series : Jedaiah, Jehoiarib, 
Jachin, Azariah, Adaiah, Masai, there the series : 
Jedaiah, Joiarib, Jachin, Seraiah, Adaiah, Ama- 
shai; if we observe among the chief of the Levites 
two, Shemaiah and Mattaniah, verbally identical, 
and a third, Obadiah (-=Abda in Nehemiah). 
approximately so; if, lastly, we perceive at least 
two of the four chiefs of the porters, Shallum and 
\kkub, common to both lists, a pretty general 
agreement even in names appears to prevail be 
tween the two registers. It seems natural, also, 
either with Zunz (GottesdiensU. Vortrdge der 
Juden, p. 31 ; also Herzfeld, Gesch. p. 298) to 
conceive our list modelled after that of Nehemiah, 
or both drawn from one source, and in like manner 
referring to the inhabitants of Jerusalem after the 
exile, as Movers (p. 234), Berth., Kamph., etc., 
do. But if both lists are based upon one common 
document, relating to the times of Ezra and Nehe 
miah, and arising from them, we should expect a 
more complete agreement with regard to all the 
names. The accordance of the names in only half 
of the whole number given, and the resemblance 
in place (giving first the sons of Judah, then the 
sons of Benjamin, then the priests, and then the 
Tjevitea and porters), are sufficiently explained bv 
supposing a general continuity of the inhabitant s 
of Jerusalem before and after the exile, and laying 
the diversities of the two lists to the account of 
the altering, disturbing, and partly destroying 
effects of the exile, and the similarities to that of 
the endeavour of those returning with Zerubbabel 
and Ezra to restore as far as possible the former 
state of things. The following exegetical treat 
ment of the passage will prova that, with this 
picsupposition, the assumption of the origin of 
our present list before the exile, in contrast with 
the obvious reference of Nehemiah s list to the 
times after the exile, has nothing of mnnent 
against it, and is even demanded by ver. 2 and 
other indications. 

1. Vers. 1-3. Transition from the Genealogical 
Registers of the Twelve Tribes to the Enumeration 
of the Inhabitants of Jerusalem. And all Israel 
was registered ; and, behold, they are written in 
the book of the, kings of Israel ; and Judah was 
carried away. By the Masoretic accentuation, 
which plainly separates iTHiTI from the fore 

going words, and makes it the subject of a ne\ 
sentence (comp. Grit. Note), the first sentence 
appears to treat of Israel in the narrow sense. 
that is, of the northern kingdom, and its kings 
in particular (so Berth., Kamph., etc.). But the 
phrase "all Israel" makes it more natural here 
to think of the people of the south as we.l as of 
the north ; and it is also in favour of this, that 
the expression : " the book of the kings of Israel," 
is in 2 Chron. xx. 34 manifestly of like import 
with " the book of the kings of Judah and 
Israel," or "Israel and Judah," as well as that 
the universal sense of the term " Israel " is found 
at the beginning of the second verse. Keil 
therefore justly remarks : " The antithesis of 
Israel and Judah is analogous to that of Judah 
and Jerusalem ;" that is, Israel denotes the whole 
covenant people, Judah a part. To understand 
the name Israel of the whole people is also 
demanded by the position of our verse at the 
end of the genealogies of all the tribes of Israel, 
and not merely of the ten northern tribes. That 
ver. 1 efl eets the transition from the genealogies 
to the following enumeration of the inhabitants 
of Jerusalem, and so forms properly the of 
the geneiilogies in ch. ii.-viii., is so obvious, that 
Bertheau has not been able to bring forward a 
single tenable ground for his counter assertion, 
that "the verse forms obviously a new begin 
ning. " For the affirmation, that " we perceive in 
it a brief introduction to the historical accounts 
of the tribe of Judah, or of the Israelites after 
the exile," can furnish no ground for this, be 
cause it not only contradicts the assertion that 
Israel is to be understood of the northern king 
dom, but cannot be reconciled with the letter of 
the verse (that begins with the connective i). 
The same exegete justly declares against the 
further assertion of Berth., that ver. 1 cannot be 
written by our historian himself, but must have 
been taken literally from his source, an assertion 
which is devoid of all solid ground. For their 
transgression: so ch. v. 25 f., 41. Ver. 2. And 
the former inhabitants, that were in their posses 
sion in their cities. Movers, Berth., and Kamph., 
who find in the following list the inhabitants of 
Jerusalem after the exile, in the time of Nehe 
miah, will understand by these "former inhabi 
tants " those citizens of Jerusalem who dwelt 
there in the time of Zerubbabel and his imme 
diate successors, before Jerusalem was newly 
peopled from the smrounding districts. It is 
much more natural, with almost all old exposi 
tors, and with Keil, to refer D^JOn here to 

the inhabitants of Jerusalem before the exile ; 
for, in that case, "the inhabitants in their pos 
session in their cities " are in no way opposed 
as former inhabitants of Jerusalem to the later, 
but both appear so placed side by side that this 
opposition is excluded. The parallel Neh. v. 15, 
quoted by Bertheau, where the governors from 
Zerubbabel to Ezra are opposed as nlnQH 

to Nehemiah as the later HP! 3, proves 

indeed the possibility of understanding the pre 
dicate D^lC JOn in the sense of "before the 
exile," but not the necessity. And from the 
dwelling "in their cities" (comp. Ezra ii. 70, 
Neh. vii. 23, xi. If.) nothing can be concluded 
in favour of this interpretation. Were Israel, the 
priests, the Levites, and the Ncthinim. "Israel" 

CHAP. IX. 3-13. 


denotes here obviously the lay element of the 
citizens, that which is otherwise designated by 
Oy beside jnjg (Isa. xxiv. 2 ; Hos. iv. 9). For 

the notion and name of the Nethinim, properly 
the "bestowed," that is, the temple ministers, 
comp. Num. viii. 19 ; Josh. ix. 27 ; 1 Sam. i. 11 ; 
Ezra ii. 43, viii. 17, 20, and elsewhere. Ver. 3. 
And in Jerusalem dwelt of the sons of Judak, etc. 
These words are not a superscription of the list 
of those dwelling ir Jerusalem ; ja contrast with 
those living in other cities (ad Berth., etc.). 
The list rather begins with these words, so that 
thus the verse serves to introduce the contents 
of the greater part of our chapter (to ver. 34), 
and corresponds to ver. 35. This close connec 
tion of our verse with the following special enu 
meration of the families of Jerusalem (ver. 4 if.), 
and the mention of "the sons of Ephraim and 
Manasseh" as fellow-citizens with them in Jeru 
salem (comp. 2 Chron. xxxiv. 9), are against 
referring the present list to the time after the 
exile. The book of Nehemiah (xi. 3) announces 
its list corresponding to ours in quite another 
way, so that there no doubt at all remains of its 
exclusive reference to conditions and relations 
after the exile. Moreover, the circumstance that 
the following list contains no names of Ephraim- 
ites and Manassites in Jerusalem, is simply ex 
plained by this, that of the former only a very 
few families dwelt in Jerusalem, while the Jews 
and Benjamites formed the bulk of its popula 
tion. On the evangelical and theocratic import 
of the association of Ephraim and Manasseh with 
Judah, Benjamin, and Levi in the citizenship of 
Jerusalem, comp. below, evangelical and ethical 
principles, No. 1. 

2. Vers. 4-17. Special Enumeration of the In 
habitants of Jerusalem, and first, of the Heads of 
Families of Judah and Benjamin, of the Priests 
and Levites : vers. 4-6. Three heads of families 
out of the three chief branches of Judah, those of 
Perez, Shelah, and Zerah (comp. ii. 3, 4). 
Uthai, the son of Ammihud . . . of the sons of 
Perez. The name Uthai might be etymologieally 
equivalent to that of the Athaiah (iTDI?) men 

tioned Neh. xi. 4 as a head of a family of the 
sons of Perez ; for Tlty rpnty, " whom Jehovah 

helps," might, if we regard the somewhat obscure 
root nny as a by-form of j^y, have the same 
meaning as nVlj;. But to the still diverse form 

is to be added the quite different series of ances 
tors that connect Athaiah with Perez (Uzziah, 
Zechariah, Amariah, Shephatiah, Mahalalel, in 
stead of the present Ammihud, Omri, Imri, 
Bani). It seems therefore very doubtful whether 
Uthai be the same with Athaiah. For the defec 
tive reading concealing the name Bani, see the 
Grit. Note. Ver. 5. And of the tikilonites, Asaiah 
the first-born, etc. It seems pretty certain that 

should be read here instead of l on as 

in Neh. xi. 5. We expect to find the descend 
ants of Shelah (Num. xxvi. 20; cornp. 1 Chron. 
ii. 3, iv. 21) mentioned between the sons of Perez 
and those of Zerah. Moreover, it is doubtful 
whether the Shelanite Asaiah .T^ " whom 

Jehovah has made") is to be at once taken as 
identical with the Maaseiah (n^VE, "Jehovah s 

work "), as both names are of frequent occurrence 
(comp. for Asaiah, iv. 36, vi. 15, xv. 6, 11, 2 
Kings xxii. 12, 14, and for Maaseiah, xv. 18, 20, 
2 Chrou. xxiii. 1, Jer. xxi. 1, xxix. 21). The 
existence of an Asaiah as head of a house in the 
family of Shelah before the exile does not preclude 
the appearance of a Maaseiah, son of Baruch, son 
of Col-hozeh, son of Hasaiah, etc., as head of this 
family after the exile. Ver. 6. And of the sons 
of Zerah : Jeuel and their brethren, six hundred 
and ninety. This number refers, as the plur. 
suff. in QrpriN shows, not to Jeuel alone, but to 

the three chiefs named in vers. 4-6, and to their 
brethren, the remaining heads of houses of sub 
ordinate import. So it is also with the number 

956 in ver. 9. Moreover, the name Jenel (^y), 
or its variant (^PJP), occurs elsewhere; for ex 

ample, v. 7, 2 Chron. xxvi. 11. In Neh. xi. no 
descendants of Zerah are given. Vers. 7-9. Four 
Benjamite chiefs: Sallu, Ibneiah, Elah, Meshul- 
lam, of whom the first (and, as here, the son of 
Meshullam) occurs also Neh. xi., but the other 
three not ; see the Preliminary Remark. Ver. 9. 
And their brethren, etc.; comp. on ver. 6 All 
these men were chiefs of their father -houses. This 
remark, which naturally refers, not to the brethren 
numbered, but to the chiefs named, applies to all 
that are named from ver. 4, botli Jews and 
Benjamites. It serves thus to close the list of 
family chiefs, and lead to the following one of the 
priests and Levites. Vers. 10-13. The priests of 
Jerusalem. Jedaiah, and Jchoiarib, and Jachin. 
The names of these three priestly classes dwelling 
in Jerusalem (comp. xxiv. 7, 17) are found also 
in the parallel list in Neh. xi. 10 if. (supposing 
that there, by a change of 3 n ) i r "|21 into ^Yirp, 

the true reading is restored). Ver. 11. And 
Azariah the son of Hilkiah . . . a prince of the 
house of God. Instead of this prince or president 
of the temple, Azariah ben Hilkiah, certainly the 
same who, v. 40, was named as grandfather of the 
Jehozadak who was carried to Babel (comp. also 
2 Chron. xxxi. 13), Neh. xi. 11 names rather a 
Seraiah son of Hilkiah. Yet the identity of this 
Seraiah with the Azariah of our passage is pro 
bable, as the other ancestors of both up to Ahitub 
(Meshullam, Zadok, Meraioth, Ahitub) are quite 
the same. Seraiah might indeed be a descendant 
of Azariah ben Hilkiah after the exile. Ver. 12. 
And Adaiah the son of Jeroham, etc. This 
priestly chief Adaiah (belonging to the class of 
Malchijah; comp. 1 Chron. xxiv. 9) is given in 
Neh. xi. 12 in the same form and with the same 
line, up to Malchijah, as here. The following 
Maasai (^yft), belonging to the class of Immer 

(1 Chron. xxiv. 14), is called in Nehemiah 
Amashai (" DK ftJ?), and appears there connected 

by another line with Immer. Another priestly- 
chief given by Nehemiah, Zabdiel, son of Hagge- 
dolim, who is designated the president or over 
seer of the last-named priestly family (that of 
Amashai), is wanting here. Ver. 13. And their 
brethren, heads of the father -houses, 1760. This 
number cannot possibly refer to the heads ; it 
rather denotes (like the number 1 1 92 in Nehemiah) 
that of the brethren or the heads of houses stand 
ing under the heads of the great complex of 
families. The phrase appears thus inexact ; per- 



haps, *ith Keil, a transposition of the words is to 
be assumed, in such a way that " heads of father- 
liouriea" is placed before and drawn to ver. 12 
as closing formula, while "and their brethren" 
(DlTnSO) i s immediately connected with the 

number 1760. Moreover, that all the priests 
dwelling in Jerusalem, or the priestly families of 
the six classes named, amount in our passage to 
1760, and in Nehemiah only to 1192, tends to 
confirm our view of the present list as belonging 
to the period before the exile ; we expect for the 
priesthood of Jerusalem after the exile, about 150 
years after the restoration of the city and temple, 
not so great a number as here. Able men for the 
work of the service in the house of God. Before 
rDK^D, which may not be a mere accusative of 

reference ("able men with respect to the work"), 
the word tJy (comp. xxiii. 24; Neh. xi. 12), or per 

haps a mere ^ (which might easily be overlooked 
after ^n)> appears to have fallen out ; see Grit. 

Note. Vers. 14-16. The Levites of Jerusalem. 
Shemaiah the son of Hashub, etc. This Merarite 
Shemaiah, as the descendant of Asaph (therefore 
Gershonite) Mattaniah named in ver. 15, recurs 
in Neh. xi. 15, and with substantially the same 
line of ancestors. Bakbakkar, Heresh, and Galal 
(ver. 15a) are wanting there ; for the first name 
would have to be identified with Bakbukiah, Neh. 
xi. 17, of which there are grave doubts, as Ij53p2l 

( = inn p3pll) seems to mean "destruction of 
the hill;" but iTBpH, "desolation from Jeho 

vah." And of the names of Levites in ver. 16, 
only Obadiah can be identified with Abda, Neh. 
xi. 17 (as Jeduthun appears as the ancestor of 
both). Berechiah is wanting in Nehemiah ; and 
the latter has two names, Shabbethai and Jozabad, 
which are foreign to our text. And Berechiah, 
the son of Asa, the son of Elkanah, and so a 
Kohathite, as the name Elkanah is native in this 
family; comp. vi. 18-23. Who dwtlt in the 
villages of the Netophathites, thus near Beth 
lehem ; comp. Neh. vii. 26. This clause refers, 
not to Berechiah, whose dwelling is in Jerusalem, 
but to his ancestor Elkanah. It is impossible to 
determine what the Kohathite so called in vi. 
18 ff. was to this Elkanah. Ver. 17. And the : Shallum, and Akkub, and Talmon, and 
A hi in an, and their brethren ; Shallum the head. 
The four here named (of whom, in Neh. xi. 19, 
only two, Akkub and Talmon, recur) are to be 
regarded, as appears from the particulars follow 
ing (vers. 24, 26), not as common porters, but as 
captains of the four companies of porters, who 
were to keep guard on the four sides and gates of 
the temple : they are designated, ver. 26, as 
" head keepers of the gates," a phrase reminding 
ns of the ffrpa.Tyyo i <mv hpov in Luke xxii. 52. 
The number of all the doorkeepers, which is 
stated to be 172 in Neh. xi. 19, is wanting here, 
where it would, like that of the priests, have been 
considerably higher, because Jerusalem before the 
exile must have had a much more numerous staff 
of officers in every respect than that after the 
exile, to which the catalogue of Nehemiah refers. 
From all this, the correspondence of the two 
similar lists in the personal matters is only 
partial, and by no means such as to be inconsis 
tent with the origin of the one before the exile 

arid of the other after it. The resemblance and 
even sameness of the names in two or thret* 
generations do S not of itself prove the identity 
of the persons, because we learn from the genea 
logy of Aaron (v. 29 ff. ) that the series Amariah, 
Ahitub, Zadok repeats itself at different times 
(comp. vers. 33 f. and 37 f. ). In general, the same 
names recur very often in genealogies, because it 
was the custom to give the children the names of 
their ancestors ; comp. Luke i. 59 ; Winer, Mealw. 
ii. 133 ; Haverniek, Einl. ii. 1, 179 ff. But if the 
likeness of names in the two lists furnishes no 
necessary ground for the identity of the lists, 
and in no way warrants us to identify the like 
sounding names by the assumption of errors of 
the pen, we must, on account of the great 
diversity in all points, understand our list of the 
inhabitants of Jerusalem before the exile, espe 
cially as the following remarks on the functions 
of the Levites demand this, because they relate 
throughout to the time before the exile. 

3. Vers. 18-34. The Ministerial Functions of 
the Levites, and first (vers. 18-2t>a), of the 
Levitical porters. And hitherto (he was, namely 
Shallum, who is called in ver. 17 the head of the 
porters) in the. king s gate eastward ; that is, till 
the present time the family of Shallum had to 
keep the guard at the east gate of the temple, 
that chief entrance to the inner court, by which 
the king alone entered (comp. 2 Kings xvi. 18; 
Ezek. xlvi. 1, 2). The "hitherto " scarcely gives a 
hint of the time when the present list was com 
posed. It may point as well to a time before the 
exile as after it, as Shallum is here obviously 
named as a hereditary name of a house or col 
lective personality, which Keil contravenes un 
necessarily. For the circumstance that a pedigree 
of Shallum is given, not yet in ver. 18, but at 
length in ver. 19, shows that in this latter pas 
sage the person of the patriarch of the leading 
house of doorkeepers is first distinguished from 
his descendants ; see also after. These are the 
porters for the camps of the sons of Levi. This 
expression, having an antique ring, and remind 
ing us of the wanderings of the people under 
Moses (Num. iii. 21 ff. ), proves no more than the 
many other designations of this kind ("tent," 
ver. 20 ; "tent of meeting," ver. 21 ; "house of 
the tent," ver. 23a) that our list was composed be 
fore Solomon or near the time of Moses ; comp. 
"camp of Jehovah" of Solomon s temple, 2 
Chron. xxxi. 2. Ver. 19. And Shallum the son 
of Kore, the son of Ebiasaph, the son of Korah. 
This reference of Shallum to Korah, the grandson 
of Kohath (v. 7), comes so close upon the an 
cestry of Shelemiah or Meshelemiah, the Korhite 
appointed by David over the east gate, 1 Chron. 
xxvi. 1, 14, that the Shallum of our passage can 
scarcely be different from him. It is also highly 
probable that the name of PjD^K, the father or 

ancestor of Korah, should be restored there (see Grit. 
Note), so that the identity of the two persons and 
the merely formal diversity of their names (D1;>tP, 

requital ; 

, whom Jehovah requites) is 

almost certain ; and the Meshelemiah, ver. 21, 
must be held to be identical with the Shallum 
belonging to the time of David : for there, as in 
xxvi. 2, a son Zechariah is ascribed to him. Thus 
the record goes back, as in ver. 20 to Phineba.* 
the contemporary of Joshua, so in ver. 21 at 

CHAP. IX. 18-26. 

least to a contemporary of David ; and the guard 
at the east gate (the king s gate), as it was 
hereditary in the family, is referred to a nomi 
nation by King David. The then mentioned 
brethren of Shallum, of the house of his father, 
the Korhites, are the heads of the other three 
families of porters, Akkub, Talmon, and Ahiman, 
living in the time of David, ver. 18. Were over 
the work of the service of the keepers of the 
threshobls of the tent. This specifies the service 
performed by these Levites at the temple ; they 
were threshold or gate keepers ; comp. 2 Kings 
xii. 10 ; 2 Chron. xxiii. 4. The genit. "of the 

tent " (here expressed by ^) before pnx, because 

the preceding word having the article cannot be 
in the construct state) applies to the tent in 
Jerusalem erected by David, without, however, 
expressing any contrast to the temple of Solomon 
(which, in ver. 23, seems clearly to be included 
in the term "tent"); comp. on ver. 18. And 
their fathers in the camp of the Lord were keepers 
of the entry, namely, in the time of Moses, to 
which there is reference here as in the following 
verse. "In the Pentateuch there is no mention 
of the Korhites keeping guard in the time of 
Moses ; but as the Kohathites to whom they be 
longed were the first servants of the sanctuary, 
Num. iv. 4 ff., and especially had the charge of 
the tabernacle, it is in itself probable that they 
had to keep the entrance to the sanctuary (comp. 
Num. iv. 17-20); and therefore we cannot doubt 
that our statement follows an old tradition " 
(Berth.). Ver. 20. And Phinehas the son of 
Eleazar was formerly prince over them, over the 
porters of the Korhite family. Phinehas cannot 
nave been invested with this oversight of the 
Korhite porters when he was high priest, but only 
under the high-priesthood of his father Eleazar ; 
as also Eleazar, as chief over the chiefs of Levi, 
Num. iii. 32, under the presidency of Aaron, had 
the oversight of the keepers of the sanctuary. 
The Lord with film. This clause might be meant 
as a historical remark, and so completed by a 
flTl, "was," in which case the copula j was to 

be expected before rriiV, as in xi- 9. It is more 

natural to see in the two words a blessing, " God 
be with him," and to compare the German 
phrases, "God bless him," "Of blessed memory." 
We may remember also God s covenant of peace 
with Phinehas and his posterity, Num. xxv. 11 ff. 
[This goes to prove that the historical is the 
correct meaning, and not one that is nearly 
akin to an error of doctrine. J. G. M.] Ver. 
21. Zechariah the son of Meshelemiah, that is, 
Shallum ; see on ver. 19. The designation of 
this Shallum (before whose name we miss the 
copula i ; see Crit. Note) as porter at the door of 
the tent of meeting has something indefinite 
needing explanation. But we can find nothing 
either from the present passage or from ch. xxvi. 
2 to clear up this difficulty, or account for the 
prominence given to this Zechariah. Ver. 22 re 
turns to the description of the service of the 
porters, which was interrupted by the historical 
digression, vers. 19-21. What is now stated be 
longs to the time of the author of the list, with 
the exception of the remark applying to the 
time of David, ver. 22b.All these, that were 
chosen to be porters at the thresholds. On 

"chosen," comp. vii. 40, xvi. 41 ; for construc 
tion with $>, xxv. 1. The number 212 as the 

total of the porters agrees neither with the time 
of David, in which (xxvi. 8-11) 93 porters in 
all officiated at the tabernacle ; nor with that of 
Zerubbabel, for which Ezra ii. 42 gives the num 
ber 139 ; nor, lastly, with that of Nehemiah, for 
which, Neh. xi. 19, the number 172 is set down. 
But it suits the time before the exile, to which 
also the numbers of the families and priests in 
vers. 6, 9, 13 most probably point. They were 
registered in their villages. They dwelt, there 
fore, in villages (D HVn, as vi. 41 ff.) around 

Jerusalem, and came to it on the days of their 
service, as the singers in the time after the exile, 
Neh. xii. 29 f. David and Samuel the seer 
(ancient designation for prophet, ^33 ; comp. 1 

Sam. ix. 9) had ordained them in their trust. 
, "in their trust," official trust or duty ; 

comp. the same term without suffix, vers. 26, 31 ; 
2 Kings xii. 16, xxii. 7; 2 Chron. xxxi. 12. The 
naming of Samuel with David (and after him, 
against the order of time ; comp. Heb. xi. 32) the 
Chron ist no doubt found in his source, and it is 
explained by the fact that the agency of Samuel 
in the religious institutions of Israel prepared 
the way lor the reforms of David, and were 
therefore usually mentioned along with them. 
And perhaps some arrangement regarding the 
Levitical porters was made by Samuel which laid 
the foundation for that of David, though we 
have no information concerning this beyond the 
present passage. Ver. 23. And they and their 
sons, the porters of the time of David and after 
it. The following phrase also, "at the house of 
the tent" (comp. on vers. 18, 19), is chosen, be 
cause the present statement applies to both 
the tent-sanctuary before Solomon, and the stone 
temple built by him. Ver. 24. To the four 
winds (quarters of the heaven. ; comp. Job i. 19; 
Matt. xxiv. 31) were the porters, pj-p, that is, 

according to the arrangement of David (xxvi. 
14 if.). By wards, fiilJDC D of persons, as Neh. 

xii. 9, iv. 3, 16. Ver. 25. Were to come in seven 
days, the seventh day from time to time, that is, 
on the Sabbath of the week, on which every 
family was in their rank to perform the service 

($) in Ki3^>, to denote obligation, as v. 1). 

With them 

Dy)> along with the heads or 

chiefs of the divisions, ver. 17, who dwelt in 
Jerusalem itself, and to whom the notice in ver. 
26a refers. For they were in trust, the four head 
keepers of the gates; comp. on ver. 17. Vers. 
266-32 report on the duties of the other Levites 
besides the porters. These Levites, and were, 
etc. It has been remarked in the Crit. Note 
that for this we are most probably to read 
(according to ver. 14), " And of the Levites were." 
At all events, the duties enumerated in the fol 
lowing passage (exclusive of ver. 27) belong to 
the Levites in common, and not to the porters. 

Accordingly, the words Qs^n Dni ,must be re 

garded either as a subscription to the whole pre 
ceding paragraph from ver. 14 (so Berth.), or 
amended (with Keil) in the way indicated. 



Over the chambers and treasuries of the house of 
God. These chambers CrrinKO) and treasuries 

were in the side buildings of the 

temple, over which the Levites presided ; coinp. 
Ezek. xl. 17, xlii. 1 ff.; Neh. x. 38 ; and Keil, 
BiU. Arch. i. pp. 121, 124. Ver. 27. And they 
lodged around the house of God. This notice, 
referring again to the porters, with the sub 
joined statement, that they had to open every 
morning (lit. "were set over the keys ;" comp. 
, Judg. iii. 25; Isa. xxii. 22), is strange in 

the present place : it had its place perhaps 
originally after ver. 26a. Ver. 28. And some 
of them were over the vessels of service, the more 
valuable vessels of gold and silver, with the 
sacrificial bowls (xxviii. 13 f. ; Dan. i. 2, v. 2 ff. ), 
which required careful keeping, and as they were 
to be taken out of the treasuries for the public 
worship an exact "tale." Ver. 29. Over the 
vessels, even over all the holy vessels, and over 
the flour, and the wine, etc. As the term 0^3 

is used here as in ver. 28, the difference between 
the vessels here and there mentioned seems to 
depend on the articles which are here named in 
connection with the latter, namely, flour 

Lev. ii. 1 if.), wine, oil, frankincense, and spices 
(OWn, as Ex. xxx. 23). They may be, there 

fore, the more ordinary, less costly vessels used 
in the daily incense, meat and drink offering 
(com]), on Ex. xxv. 6). For nj> "order, 
appoint," in the Piel, comp. Dan. i. 5, 10, 11; 
the partic. Pi. only here. Ver. 30. And of the 
sons of the priests, etc. To them belonged, Ex. 
xxx. 23 if., the preparation of the holy anointing 
oil, by the compounding of several spices. This 
notice referring to the priests does not, strictly 
taken, belong to the functions of the Levites. 
The division of tilings has here for the moment 
overruled the division of persons. [The priests, 
however, were Levites.] Ver, 31. And Matti- 
thiah of the Levites, who was the first-born of 
Shallum the Korhite : thus an elder brother of 
that porter Zechariah, ver. 21, if this is actually 
to pass for the son of the Shallum here. But 
certainly, in ch. xxvi. 2, Zechariah is directly 
called first-born (liua) of Meshelemiah ; and 

hence, to maintain the identity of this Meshele 
miah with Shallum, we must assume "that in 
our passage Mattithiah bears the honourable 
title of first-born only in an improper sense, 
because he ranks high among the descendants 
of Shallum on account of his office" (Berth.). 
"Nothing further is known to us concerning the 
person or time of Mattithiah. Was in trust over 
the baking in pans. The term DTOnn, a baking 

ii pans (comp. J"Dn, an iron pan, Lev. ii. 5, 

vi. 14 ; 1 Chron. xxiii. 29; Ezek. iv. 3), is used 
only here. Ver. 32. And of the Koliathites their 
brethren, the brethren of the last-mentioned 
Levites, at whose head was the Korhite Matti 
thiah. For the way of laying on the shew-bread, 
see Lev. xxiv. 6 ff. Every Sabbath. For the 
phrase n3t? flat? (the first with Pattach in the 

kst syllable, for euphony), comp. Bertheau. Ver. 

33. And these the singers, heads of the fathers 
for the Levites, wef-e free in the chambers. This 
is usually regarded as a first subscription to the 
foregoing, from ver. 14, to which a second still 
more general subscription is added in ver. 34. 
Yet in the mention of the singers (the families 
of which had been reported in vers. 14-16), the 
enumeration of the ministerial functions of the 
several classes of the Levites, which had begun 
ver. 266, is rather continued ; and therefore, 
instead of "these are the singers," the rendering 
is rather "these singers, etc.," and thus a force, 
extending to a rather remote point (ver. 14), is 
to be assigned to the demonstrative (Kainph. 
justly). The "being free" in their chambers is 
set forth very naturally, because their exclusive 
occupation with their art was to be indicated. 
Comp. Rashi s and Kimchi s interpretation of 
, immunes ab omni alio ojjicio. For they 

were over them in the service day and night. 
This literal rendering of the Masoretic text 

(nD&6l33 DH^y) seems to express the sense : 

"they were placed over them, the subordinate 
singers, had to superintend them" (Berth.). 
But the comparison of the somewhat different 
passage, 2 Chron. xxxiv. 12, is insufficient tc 
justify this view. It is more natural to take 

DiTy to mean: "it lay upon them;" but then 

D2 would have to be changed into 

(ver. 27), and so the suitable sense restored : "for 
by day and night their service, their singing 
function, was incumbent on them." Ver. 34. 
These are the heads of the fathers for the Levites, 
etc. Comp. the similar subscription, viii. 28. 
Since this precedes the first genealogy of Saul, 
as here the repetition of this genealogy imme 
diately follows, Movers (p. 82 f. ) conjectured 
that it had its place here originally, but was 
taken by an old transcriber erroneously for the 
beginning of the following genealogy of Saul, 
and therefore transposed with this (as he en 
deavoured to point out a more suitable place, 
as he thought, for it at the close of the genealogy 
of Benjamin, viii. 1-27) to that previous place, 
and thereby somewhat altered. This assumption 
would only be plausible if the double position ot 
the genealogy of Saul must be regarded as resting 
on a mistake, and contrary to the plan of the 
writer, for which there is no manner of ground. 
He rather repeated this genealogy intentionally 
here to form a proper transition from his genea 
logical section to his following (introducing the 
historical section) account of the fall of Saul s 
house. This simple consideration removes all 
that was formerly adduced in the way of doubts, 
conjectures, and highly absurd and superfluous 
reflections on the supposed ground of this repe 
tition, as, according to Mar Sutra in Tr. Pesa- 
chim 626, 400 (or in another report, 1300) 
camel -loads of explanations are forthcoming on 
this repetition and on the present section ; comp. 
Herzfeld, Gescti. p. 299. 

4. Repeated Genealogy of Saul: vers. 34-44. 
On the deviations of this list from viii. 29-39, 
see on that passage, where it has been already 
stated that our present passage seems to present 
the older and more correct text with respect to 
the forms of the names. 

CHAP. t.-IX. 


CH. I. -IX. 

There is in many respects the impression of 
wandering in a wilderness, of walking among 
the stones in a graveyard, ranged in long rows, 
and more or less weathered, remaining on the 
mind after the exegetical examination of the 
genealogical contents of these chapters. But as 
in the wilds of Hauran, Idumaea, and Arabia 
Petrgea, bristling with innumerable bare rocks, 
there is, notwithstanding all the drought and 
waste, a mysterious charm that acts with irre 
sistible attraction on all Christian travellers 
animated by the spirit of biblical research ; or 
as, to use another but kindred figure, the laby 
rinthine windings of the old Christian catacombs 
of Rome, with their thousands of sarcophagi, 
and the ever-varying inscriptions and manifold 
symbolic figures on them, prepare for the Chris 
tian antiquarian walking through them, riot 
weariness, but an inexhaustible charm and ever 
new satisfaction ; even so do the seemingly so 
dry and unrefreshing names of these nine chapters 
act upon the searchers of Scripture, not only the 
Jewish, but also the Christian. For it is from 
beginning to end holy ground through which we 
here pass. They are the grave-stones of the 
people of God, the monuments of a thousand 
years of the old covenant people, between the 
rows of which the Chronist leads us. They are 
the cities and places of the holy land, the origins 
of which are here presented to us in greater or 
briefer extent. And the same mysterious attrac 
tion that yearly impels thousands of Christian 
pilgrims, of all countries and confessions, to that 
land, in which not merely Israel after the flesh, 
but also the confessors of Christ, have to seek a 
right of home, insensibly influences every reader 
of this section who is led by a Christian and 
scientific interest. The same home-longing that 
comes upon us on beholding every chart of the 
country of the twelve tribes, on examining every 
plan and picture of Jerusalem, even on reading 
the plainest and simplest of the innumerable 
books of travels with which the present luxuriant 
literature of Palestine constantly floods us, seizes 
with irresistible power the biblical inquirer who 
turns his attention to these opening chapters of 
our work ; it sweetens in many ways the hard 
labours that are occasioned by the deciphering 
of the often illegible text, the pondering on the 
import of so many isolated names, the reconciling 
of so many contradictory statements concerning 
places, persons, and genealogical lists. Considered 
in detail, there are four chief aspects in which the 
deeper significance of the history of salvation in 
our chapters is presented, and on which the 
attention of the historical inquirer, moved by 
higher motives than mere profane history and 
criticism can yield, will be concentrated. 

1. The grouping and arrangement of the genea 
logical material, with all the complication, seem 
ing inconnection and a bitrariness of the con 
siderations involved, is highly attractive, as it 
affords a deep insight into the organic arrange 
ment of the tribes of God s people, and the parts 
they are destined to perform in the history of the 
theocracy. The fundamental principle of division 
is neither purely genealogical nor politico-theo 
cratic, but has reference to all these relations. 
The enumeration of the tribes is not arranged 

genealogically, according to the ages of the twelve 
sons of Jacob ; otherwise it would have begun 
with Reuben and ended with Benjamin. It 
proceeds not according to the political relations 
of the time of the divided kingdom ; otherwise 
Judah and Benjamin would have stood first, and 
Ephraim would have followed at the head of the 
northern kingdom. It follows not exclusively 
the geographical principle ; for if it starts with 
Judah, the chief tribe of the south, and passing 
over the seats of the Simeonites, extending far 
to the south, bends round to the three eastern 
tribes, and enumerates them from south to north, 
in order to pass on to the remaining tribes of 
middle and northern Canaan, in the enumeration 
of the latter it abandons all geographical order, 
as the southern Benjamin and probably Dan are 
annexed to the northern Issachar, and then 
follows, not Ephraim, the more southern of the 
tribes of Joseph, but the more northern Manasseh, 
next to Naphtali ; and lastly, after Ephraim and 
Asher, Benjamin reappears. In the midst of 
this not very geographical enumeration falls the 
copious genealogical details of Levi, to whom a 
definite territory was wanting, on account of its 
distribution over all the tribes. And yet in this 
apparently ungeographical and unhistorical order 
there lies a deeper sense. The author, as a strict 
theocratic legitimist, subordinates all the others 
to the two chief tribes, Judah and Benjamin, 
forming the kingdom of Judah, and adhering to 
the legitimate national sanctuary, as well as the 
tribe of Levi remaining in natural mutual con 
nection with them. As he otherwise ignores, as 
far as possible, the northern kingdom, that had 
revolted from the legitimate worship, and sub 
ordinates the tribes belonging to it, on every 
occasion, to the orthodox tribes of the south, 
and regards them as mere dependencies of th> 
latter (comp. ix. 3, where, along with Jew;, 
Benjamites, and Levites, those belonging to the 
tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh are named as 
belonging to the inhabitants of Jerusalem ; also 
the quite similar passage, 2 Chron. xxxiv. 9, and 
our remarks on it), here also is all that does not 
belong to the kingdom ot Judah treated as acces 
sory, and not only more briefly despatched (none 
of the tribes belonging to the north is given as 
fully as the tribe of Simeon belonging to Judah ; 
some, as Dan and Naphtali, are almost wholly, 
and one, Zebulun, wholly omitted), but pushed in 
as subordinate, filling up between the tribes of 
Judah, Levi, and Benjamin, forming the beginning, 
the middle, and the end. What is especially 
conspicuous and beautiful is the central, all-per 
vading, embracing, and connecting position of 
the priestly tribe of Levi. "Over the whol i 
distribution of the tribes is spread out as a con 
necting network the uniformly -distributed tribe 
of Levi, as the priestly mediator between God 
and His people, in its forty-eight cities, that 
belonged to all the tribes, but are not to be re 
garded as exclusively inhabited by Levites (comp. 
our remarks on vi. 65); whereby, according to 
Josh. xxi. (and our ch. vi.), a peculiar crossing 
of the families of Levi took place, partly in the 
east and partly in the north of Palestine, so that 
those akin in family appear removed as far asunder 
as possible (Kohathites in Judah and Simeon, but 
also in Ephraim and West Manasseh ; Merarites 
in Reuben and Gad, but also in Zebulun, etc.). 
It is as if this tribe, provided it remained at the 



height of its destiny, and the consciousness ol 
God s people clung to it, should represent the 
strong sinews and muscles running through the 
body of the people, which bind the members into 
a living and moving whole" (Hoffmann, Bllcke in 
die friiheste Gescldchte des gelobten Landes, p, 
99 f.)- 

2. Prominent in this arrangement, with regard 
to the history of grace, is the passing over of two 
tribes in silence. That Dan is only indicated, 
not named, in vii. 12. can only be conceived as a 
critical judgment on this tribe, that early and 
almost wholly fell into idolatry (see on the pas 
sage, and comp. xxvii. 16 ff., where there is not 
so much an overpassing of the name as a trans 
position of it to the end of the twelve tribes, by 
which the same theocratico-critical judgment is 
passed upon it). On the contrary, it may be 
accidental that no mention is made of the tribe 
of Zebuluu in giving the genealogy of the twelve 
tribes, though it occurs in the enumeration of the 
Levitical cities (vi. 48, 62). Yet a certain signi 
ficance for the history of salvation cannot be 
denied to this accidental omission, as it was 
certainly the relative smallness of the tribe, the 
low number of famous and populous families, that 
occasioned its disappearance from the genealogical 
traditions of the later time. Yet this so small 
and obscure tribe ! it was that included Nazareth, 
the dwelling - place of the earthly parents of 
Jesus. Zebulun, with its neighbour Naphtali, 
was, according to prophetic announcement (Isa. 
ix. 1; Ps. Ixviii. 28), to prove to be "the people 
walking in darkness," the land overshadowed 
with heathen gloom, that was to see the great 
light of salvation go forth from its midst. In 
this contemporaneous omission, then, of Dan, the 
tribe typically pointing to the Antichrist, and of 
Zebulun, the tribe serving as the earliest scene of 
the earthly living and working of the Saviour, 
there is in our registers a certain significance for 
the history of salvation, that even if it rests upon 
accident, points to a higher guidance and a provi 
dential arrangement. 

3. The investigator of all that is significant for 
the history of salvation and the defence of the 
truth, will take no less interest in the many 
historical and archaeological notices that are inter 
woven in the genealogical text. With their now 
scanty, now copious, contributions to the special 
history of the tribe, their details, often truly sur 
prising by the epic grandeur and dramatic life of 
the narrative (to which belong, in particular, the 
records of the conquests of the Sirneonites, the 
successful raids of the three trans-jordanic tribes 
against the north Arabian Beduin, and the slay 
ing of the two sons of Ephraim, Ezer and Elad, 
by the primeval inhabitants of Gath), their highly 
ancient colouring both in style and deed, which 
prompts us almost to generalize the remark once 
added by the author: " these are ancient things," 
and apply it to the whole of these accounts, 2 these 
notices delight us as petrifactions from the grey 

1 That Zt-bulun, in the times of Moses, and even David, 
sent into tlu- field an army of 50.000 men (see xii. 33), is not 
in contradiction with its insignificance in the later times be 
fore and after the exile, and is historically quite conceivable. 

2 Thus J. Fiirst (Gexch. der bitil. Lit. i p. 318) conjec 
tures that the raid of Eiad and Ezt-r, the -sons of Ephraim, 
against, narrated vii. 21. is probably taken from "the 
old accounts (D^pTlJJ D s ~Q*l) nentioned iv. 22, which 
the Chtonist had before him," but without adducing any 
direct proof for it. 

foretime imbedded in the strata of genealogical 
series ; they resemble scattered gems or medals of 
antique stamp shining through the rubbish of 
ages, that give us accounts of otherwise unknown 
events of theocratic history, and open to us per 
spective views into remote epochs of the develop 
ment of God s people, on which the darkness of 
absolute oblivion would otherwise have rested. 
From each of these, now shorter, now longer, 
documents concerning the older and oldest his 
tory of the tribe, goes forth the testimony of an 
unusually rich and many-sided individual impress 
of the Israelitish spirit, reminding us almost of 
the German nation in the multiplicity of its tribes, 
of a fresh but rude native power as a heritage 
more or less proper to each of the twelve tribes, 
and to each in peculiar modification, and thereby 
of a divine providence guiding and governing the 
life of the several tribes and of the whole nation 
with uninterrupted fatherly love as well as judi 
cial integrity. 

4. Of pre-eminent importance is finally the 
appearance, more or less clear in every tribe, of 
a preponderating repute and influence of one 
family over the rest. In the tribe of Judah, it 
is the family of Hezron the son of Perez, and 
grandson of Judah, that by its growth and 
power casts all the rest into the shade. In the 
tribe of Levi, the Kohathites predominate; in 
that of Benjamin, it is the house of Jeuel, or 
Abi-gibeon, the ancestor of Saul (viii. 29, ix. 
35 ff.), that, obscuring all the rest, to 
kingly worth and power, and even in its later 
offshoots, especially the sons of Azel and the 
bold archers of Ularn (viii. 38-40), remains great 
and renowned. Among the Sirneonites, Shimei, 
the descendant of Shaul, the last of the fi ve sons 
of Simeon, becomes the ancestor of the most 
flourishing family (iv. 26 f.). Among the Reu- 
benites, the family of Joel is conspicuous (v. 4 f., 
8 f.); among the Gadites, that of Buz (v. 14); 
among the Manassites, that of Machir the father 
of Gilead (vii. 14 ff.); among the Ephraimites, 
that of Resheph the ancestor of Joshua (vii. 25) ; 
among the sons of Issachar, that of Izrahiah the 
son of Uzzi, the son of Tolah (vii. 3) ; among the 
sons of Asher, that of Heber the son of Beriah 
(vii. 32 ff.). It is obvious enough to explain this 
remarkable phenomenon naturally, and regard it 
as preservation and completion of the strong 
families in "the struggle for existence," or, if 
you will, as natural training. The statement of 
Palgrave, the English traveller, regarding the 
division of all the Arab tribes into two kinds of 
families, the townsmen or peasants, and the 
nomads or beduin, of which the former are the 
stronger and more developed, the latter the 
weaker, though patriarchally the more simply 
constituted, and therefore better fitted for hand 
ing down faithfully their genealogical recollec 
tions, should perhaps be regarded as pointing to 
a partial explanation of the present interesting 
phenomenon. 1 Neither of these two purely 

Palgrave, Central, Arabia, i. p. 35: "Arab nationality 
is and always has been based on the divisions of families 
and clans. These clans were soon by the nature f the land 
tself divided each and every one into two branches, corre- 
ative indeed, but of unequal t-ize and importance. The 
greater section remained as townsmen or peasants in the 
districts best susceptible of culture and permanent occupa 
tion, wht-i-ethey still kept up much of their original clannish 
denominations and forms, though often blended, and even 
at times obliterated, by the fusion inseparable from civil 
and social organization. The other and lesser portion 


natural attempts at explanation can be called 
satisfactory. The last and deepest ground of 
the rise of one family or tribe to a physically, 
ethically, or intellectually distinguished pre 
eminence, and to an illustrious name, obscuring 
kindred tribes or families, is the secret of the 
divine election, that, without respect to character 
or conduct, raises and glorifies the one people or 
family, and leaves the other to lowness and obli 
vion, according to the words, "Jacob have I 
loved, but Esau have I hated;" and, "I will 
have mercy on whom I will have mercy, and I 
will have compassion on whom I will have com 
passion" (Rom. ix. 13, 15; Mai. i. 2 f . ; Ex. 
xxxiii. 19). As in the life of nations, ao is this 
elective grace visible in the development of single 
tribes, clans, and families, and often in a way 
that directly contradicts the normal mode of 
growth and self-development, especially the law 

devoted themselves to a pastoral life. They, too, retained 
their original clannish and family demarcations, but un- 
softened by civilization, and unblended by the links of close- 
drawn society; so that in this point they have continued to 
be the faithful depositaries of primeval Arab tradition, and 
constitute a sort of standard rule for the whole nation. 
Hence, when genealogical doubts and" questions of descent 
arise, as they often do among the fixed inhabitants, recourse 
is often had to the neighbouring beriuins for a decision 
unattainable in the complicated records of the town life." 
Wellhausen (De gentibus etfamiliis ./nd., etc., p. 24 f.), setting 
out from the mainly correct presupposition, that these obser 
vations of Palgrave on the Arabs apply mutatis mutandis to 
the tribes of ancient Israel, has described the family of 
Caleb (ii. 18 ff.. 42 ff.) as an example of a Jewish tamily 
dwelling in towns and tilling the ground, and therefore 

of the prevalence of the strong over the weak in 
"the struggle for existence," and rather proceeds 
according to the Pauline saying : "God hath chosen 
the weak things of the world to confound the 
things which are mighty ; and base things of the 
world, and things which are despised, hath God 
chosen, and things which are not, to bring to 
nought things that are, that no flesh should glory 
in His presence" (1 Cor. i. 27-29). Above all, 
in the development of the forefathers of Christ, 
before David as well as after, in the times of the 
rise as in those of the decline, this election by 
grace has repeatedly asserted itself, and operated 
as the proper principle and inmost motive of that 
blessed historical process, embracing many thou 
sands of years, which, as the divine education of 
the human race, is the counterpart of all natural 
training, and the ideal archetype of all human 

widely spread, but certainly difficult to reduce to a genea 
logy; and, on the contrary, that of his brother Jerahmeel, 
ii. 25-41, as an example of a m mnd family, remaining cer 
tainly smaller and less renowned, but also provided with far 
more precise and correct genealogical recollections Etrnim 
aisu rton factvm est, he thinks, with reference to ii. 25-41, 
quod nntqvam eorcultior invenitur articulafio corporis ethno- 
logici, quam aj ud Jerachmeefem, Jmmo tit mo* ille schemate 
genealogico depingtndi ves gentVieias flnxit prhnarie t tali 
socie ate. qux maynai familix erat similinr quavi. nrtificiosx 
ac contortse utructwss civi atis qiise recte did potest. ita posted 
etiam ibi sine dvbio maxinie viyuit. ubi antiqua pat riar char um 
JideHus serrabatur vitse consuetvdo, sic quidem t sanuuinis 
vis jtinyetts et dirimens cetei is omnibus, quibux homines 
Solent conciliari et dbalienari, aut iev<-ra pneva/eret out certe 
secundum conscientiam popularem prsevalere judicaretur, etc. 

EXILE. 1 CHRON. x.-2 CHRON. xxxvi. 

1. DAVID. 1 CHRON. x.-xxix. 


CH. X. 1. And the Philistines fought against Israel; and the men of Israel fled 

2 before the Philistines, and fell down slain in Mount Gilboa. And the Philis 
tines pursued Saul and his sons ; and the Philistines smote Jonathan and 

3 Abinadab and Malchi-shua, sons of Saul. And the battle went sore against 

4 Saul, and the archers found him, and he trembled for the archers. And Saul 
said to his armour-bearer, Draw thy sword and thrust me through therewith, 
lest these uncircumcised come 1 and insult me ; but his armour-bearer would 

5 not ; for he was sore afraid : and Saul took the sword and fell upon it. And 
his armour-bearer saw that Saul was dead, and he also fell on the sword and 

6 died. And Saul died, and his three sons, and all his house died together. 

7 And all the men of Israel that were in the valley saw that they fled, and 
that Saul and his sons were dead ; and they forsook their cities and fled, and 
the Philistines came and dwelt in them. 

8 And it came to pass on the morrow that the Philistines came to strip the slain, 

9 and they found Saul and his sons fallen in Mount Gilboa. And they stripped 
him, and took his head and his armour, and sent into the land of the Philistines 

10 around, to bear tidings to their idols and to the people. And they put his 

armour in the house of their god, and fastened his skull in the house of Dagon. 

11, 12 And all Jabesh-gilead heard all that the Philistines had done to Saul. And 

all the valiant men arose, and took the body of Saul and the bodies of hia 



sons, and brought them to Jabesh, and buried their bones under the oak in 
Jabesh, and fasted seven days. 

13 And Saul died for his transgression which he committed against the LORD, 
for the word of the LORD which he kept not, and also for asking a necromancer 
to inquire. 2 And inquired not of the LORD ; and He slew him, and turned the 

kingdom to David the son of Jesse. 


*Kethib: W3*. Keri: 

2 After tJJi"! v the Sept. gives the superfluous addition : #) avixp iv 

. Comp. Sir. xlvi. 20 


PRELIMINARY REMARK. This account of the 
downfall of Saul and his house agrees, except in 
subordinate details, literally with 1 Sam. xxxi. 
1-13 ; only the vers. 13, 14 are an addition of 
the Chronist, designed to mark the history of the 
fall of Saul s family as the transition to the fol 
lowing history of David, that forms the proper 
centre of the whole work of our historian. For 
to this history of David points all that precedes, 
the whole of the genealogies in the first nine 
chapters, with their emphatic elevation of the 
tribe of Judah. And if these genealogies are so 
disposed that they close with the register of the 
Benjamite house of Saul, this serves to prepare 
for the contents of our chapter, which on its part is 
preparatory to the following special history of the 
reign of David, the ancestor and founder of the 
legitimate line of kings. 

1. Saul * Defeat and Death in the Battle with 
the Philistines on Mount Gilboa : vers. 1-12 
(comp. 1 Sam. xxxi. 1-12). And the men of 
Israel fled before the Philistines. The fuller 
statement of the books of Samuel (1 Sam. xxix. 
1 ; comp. xxviii. 4) shows that this flight of the 
defeated Israelites was directed from the plain of 
Jezreel, as the proper field of battle, to Mount 
Gilboa, their former post. Ver. 2. And the 
Philistines pursued Saul and his sons ; properly, 
"clung to Saul," a fit expression for the incessant 
and vehement pursuit (Sept. : <rvvK<r>rovffi TM 2o^ X; 
Luth. : " hingen sich an Saul"). The abridged 
form :|p2TP% fr ^p^"* 1 ), as in 1 Sam. xiv. 22, 

xxxi. 2. On Jonathan, Abinadab, and Malchi- 
shua, see ch. viii. 33. Ver. 3. And the archers 
found him, overtook him (as ver. 8 ; comp. 1 Sam. 

xxx. 11). And he trembled for the archers. ^n*V 
fut. apoc. Kal of ^n? torqueri, tremere ; so 
1 Sam. xxxi. 3 ; comp. ^nffil, Ps. xcvii. 4. The 

present terror of Saul corresponds with that in 
1 Sam. xxviii. 5. It is unnecessary here to 
prefer the reading of the Sept. : xa,} Ivovirtv a.-ro <ruv 

<r o\uv (iwcviffiv, perhaps resting on a ~>n s V from 
n^n, TOVIIV), and so render (with Kamph.), "and 

he was pressed by the archers." For the Irpau- 
ftarlfffl*, " he was wounded," of the Sept. in the 
parallel 1 Sam. xxxi. 3, comp. Berth, and 
Wellh., Text der Bilcher Sam. p. 147, who 
perhaps unnecessarily assumes that the Chronist 
may have read 7IT I 1, "and he was wounded" 
(Niph. of ^>n)> and therefore omitted 1 j$, which 

did not suit this verb. The omission of this 
adverb is sufficiently accomted for by the abbre 

viating habit of the author, on which also the 
omission of the pleonastic Q ^X after 

(1 Sam. xxxi. 3) rests, as also that of ifty at the 
close of ver. 5, etc. Ver. 4. Lest these uncircum- 
cised come and insult me. Before *y^Jjnpfl 

(comp. Jer. xxxviii. 19; 1 Sam. vi. 6) the parallel 
text in Samuel exhibits a i3~|p*n, which perhaps 

did not originally stand in the text, but seems to 
be repeated by mistake from the foregoing imper. 
l, so that the word is rightly omitted by 

the Chronist ; comp. Berth, and Wellh. Ver. 6 
And all his house died together. Again an abbre 
viation for, "and his armour-bearer, and all his 
men on that day together," in Sam. xxxi. The 
design of this abbreviation was scarcely to remove 
the strong " exaggeration " (Wellh.) contained in 

DIU on account of which the Sept. 
perhaps left these words untranslated ; for the 
f ur author contains a like exaggera 

tion, as Saul s whole house did not fall in this 
battle, as the author (ix. 35 if. ) knew very well. 
The expression is general and excessive, as the 
longer one in 1 Sam. xxxi. also. Ver. 7. And all 
the men of Israel that were in the valley, or on 
the plain. More exactly, 1 Sam. xxxi., "the 
men of Israel that were beyond the valley and 
beyond the Jordan," that is, that dwelt west and 
east of Mount Gilboa. That our writer had a 
defective text (Thenius) is not to be assumed ; 
rather the same process of abbreviation is frund 
here, as immediately after, where the required 

subject ^sob* "C iX is omitted after }co *3. 

Ver. 9. And they stripped him, and took his head 
and his armour. Instead of this, 1 Sam. xxxi. 9 
has, "and they cut off his head and stripped off 
his armour." The beheading, understood of itself 
(comp. Goliath, 1 Sam. xvii. 54), our author leaves 
unmentioned. And sent into the land of the 
Philistines around, namely, these trophies, Saul s 
head and armour (comp. Judg. xix. 29 f.). Ac 
cordingly, the Sept. in 1 Samuel has translated *< 
cc-roa-Ti^Xauc-iv KVT, where perhaps "messengers * 
, D HEOft) is to be supplied ; see Then. 

and Wellh. To their idols and to the people. 
For DiTBVjmX (where JIN with, before), the 

text in Samuel has yy JV3, " i n the house of 

their idols," a reading not confirmed by the Sept., 
which seems to owe its origin to the following 

verse (D!Vi"6&$~n l O)- V er - 10- And they put kis 
armour in the house of their yod ; according to 

CHAP. XL 1-9. 


1. Sara. xxxi. 10, in the temple of Astarte. For 
the Ashtaroth, the same deity as the "queen of 
heaven" of the Canaanites, Jer. vii. 18 ff ., or the 
Alilat of the Arabs, Herod, iii. 8 (perhaps also 
a^the Pheniciaii mother of gods, Astronoe of 
Damascius [vit. Isid. 302 ; comp. Dollinger, 
Judenth. p. 143], and the Spartan Venus hastata 
victrix of Oythera), was the chief deity of the 
Philistines, that *Aty)im Ovpvia. whose ancient 
and wealthy sanctuary at Askelon is mentioned 
by Herodotus i. 108. We are perhaps, therefore, 
to understand this Astarte temple at Askelon, as 
the next named temple of Dagon, the second chief 
divinity of the Philistines, will be that mentioned, 
1 Sam. v. 3ff., at Ashdod, which was especially 
frequented in the times of Saul (comp. Vaihinger, 
Art. " Philister " in Herzog s Encycl. xi. 576 f.). 
That "their god" and "JJagon" could not be 
opposed, as Wellh. thinks, is too much to assert. 
Rather was the Astarte of the Philistines a kind 
of androgynous being, that formed with Baal a 
syzygy or a supreme divine principle, and cer 
tainly one fundamentally different from the fish 
god Dagon (because the latter was both younger 
and less esteemed). Comp. Dollinger, p. 397 tf. ; 
Miiller, Astarte, a contribution to the mythology 
of oriental antiquity, Wien 1861 (in which also 
the Cretan Europa [ = ri3"1, the strong] is iden 
tified with Astarte), Vaihinger, as above. And 
fastened his skull in the house of Dagon. These 
words are wanting in 1 Sam. xxxi., where, on the 
contrary (ver. 10), is found the following notice: 
" and they fastened his body to the wall of Beth- 
shean." Here we must choose between the as 
sumption, that our text arose from a corruption 
of this reading of Samuel (Wellh.), and such 
harmonizing attempts as that of Ewald and 
Thenius, who assume that originally after the 
words, " his skull in the house of Dagon," stood 
the following, " and they fastened his body to the 
wall of Bethshean," but they fell out on account 

of the similarity of tffe&j flfiO an d irPU DKI ; 
or that of Bertheau, who explains the omission of 
the notice of the fastening of the body to the 
wall of Bethshean as an intentional one, that is 
to be judged in the same way as the other abbre 
viations of our writer. The latter assumption is 
the most probable, because in ver. 12 there is no 
mention of fetching the body from Bethshean. 
Ver. 11. And all Jabesh-gilead: 1 Sam. xxxi. : 
"and the inhabitants of Jabesh-gilead. " Accord 
ing to Berth., the 13^ before Q^ came into the 

text on account of the plur. ^OKH 5 hut here 
again the easier supposition is that the Chronist 
has abbreviated the tex of Samuel. Besides, it 
was gratitude for the deliverance wrought for them 
by Saul (1 Sam. xi.) that moved the citizens of 
Jabesh to this pious care for his burial. Ver. 12. 
And took the body of Saul. D213 is a later 

phrase, usual in Aramaic, occurring only here in 
the 0. T. for the n 8 13 of Samuel. Whence the 

body was fetched, and what was done with it (fo? 
example, its incremation, 1 Sam. xxxi. 12), our 
author, true to his abbreviating habit, omits. 

2. Closing Reflection on the Fall of the Kingdom 
of Saul: vers. 13, l. And Saul died for hi* 

transgression. Wherein this transgression 
unfaithfulness, apostasy; comp. v. 25, ix. 1; Lev. 
v. 5) consisted, is added 1. In not following the 
word of the Lord, that is, His command to destroy 
Amalek (1 Sam. xv. 11; comp. xxviii. 18); 2. In 
inquiring of the necromancer. For the word of 
the Lord which he kept not. Besides 1 Sam. xv., 
we are to understand here, also, that earlier case 
of disobedience in 1 Sam. x. 8, x ii. 13, and also 
1 Sam. xxii. 18 f. And also for asking the necro 
mancer to inquire, to seek an oracle, a revelation ; 
comp. 1 Sam. xxviii. 7, where grn is used in the 
same pregnant sense. On the quite superfluous 
gloss of the Sept., comp. Crit. Note. Ver. 14. 
And inquired not of the Lord, sought not informa 
tion. This is not inconsistent with the fact that, 
1 Sam. xiv. 37, xxvi. 6, Saul had inquired of the 
Lord, but without effect (because the Lord had 
departed from him, xxviii. 15). It rests rather 
on the certainly correct and historical presupposi 
tion, that Saul had neglected to seek the favour of 
Jehovah with the proper zeal, and then inquire 
of Him. Comp. Starke : "he sought Jehovah not 
uprightly and in due order, and put not his trust 
in the Lord, in the order of true repentance ; 
he did not continue his inquiry of the Lord, 
when God refused him an answer on account of 
his sins, to the confession and entreaty for pardon 
of which he had not brought himself, but betook 
himself forthwith to the soothsayer." And He 
slew him (in the battle, after Samuel s spirit had 
announced to him his doom, 1 Sam. xxviii. 19), 
and turned the kingdom to David. On 20"% 
comp. xii. 23; 2 Sam. xiii. 12. On the signifi 
cance of the present small section for the history 
of salvation, comp. the evangelical and ethical 
reflections on ch. x.-xxxix., No. 1. 


*. The Anointing of David in Hebron, and his Removal thence to Jerusalem: ch. xi. 1-9. 

C/H. XI. 1. And all Israel gathered to David unto Hebron, saying, Behold, we are tny 

2 bone and thy flesh. Also heretofore, even when Saul was king, thou wast he 
that led Israel out and in ; and the LORD thy God said unto thee, Thou shalt 

3 feed my people Israel, and thou shalt be prince over my people Israel. And 
all the elders of Israel came to the king to Hebron ; and David made a cove 
nant with them in Hebron before the LORD, and they anointed David over 
Israel, according to the word of the Lord by Samuel. 

4 And David went and all Israel to Jerusalem, that is, Jebus ; and there 


5 the Jebusites were the inhabitants of the land. And the inhabitants of Jebus 
said to David, Thou shalt not come hither ; and David took the castle of 

6 Zion : this is the city of David. And David said, Whosoever smitetb the 
Jebusites first shall be chief and captain ; and Joab the son of Zeruiah went 

7 up first, and became chief. And David dwelt in the castle ; therefore they 

8 called it the city of David. And he built the city around, from Millo to the 
& circuit ; and Joab repaired the rest of the city. And David became greater 

and greater ; and Jehovah Zebaoth was with him. 

/3. List of David s Heroes: ch. xi. 10-47. 

10 And these are the chiefs of the heroes of David, who held fast to him in 
his kingdom, with all Israel, to make him king, by the word of the Lord con- 

11 cerning Israel. And this is the number of the heroes of David: Jashobam 
son of Hachmoni, the chief of the thirty; 1 he lifted his spear against three 

12 hundred slain at one time. And after him Eleazar son of Dodo 2 the 

1 3 Ahohite ; he was among the three heroes. He was with David at Pas-dam- 
mim, and the Philistines were gathered there for battle, 3 and there was a 
plot of ground full of barley ; and the people fled before the Philistines. 

14 And they stood in the midst of the plot, and defended it, and smote the 
Philistines ; and the LORD granted them a great salvation. 

15 And three of the thirty chiefs went down the rock to David, to the cave 
of Adullam ; and the camp of the Philistines was in the valley of Rephaim. 

1 6 And David was then in the hold, and a post of the Philistines was then at 

17 Bethlehem. And David longed, and said, Who will give me drink of the 

18 water of the well of Bethlehem, that is at the gatel And the three brake 
through th camp of the Philistines, and drew water out of the well of Beth 
lehem, at the gate, and took and brought it to David ; but David would not 

19 drink it, but poured it out to the LORD. And said, My God, forbid it me 
that I should do this thing ; shall I drink the blood of these men at the risk 
of their lives] for at the risk of their lives they brought it: and he would not 
drink it ; these things did the three heroes. 

20 And Abshai, Joab s brother, he was chief of the three ; and he lifted up 
his spear against three hundred slain, and had 4 a name among the three. 

21 Above the three he was honoured among the two, and was their captain; but 

22 he attained not to the three. Benaiah the son of Jehoiada, son of Ish-hail, 
great in deeds, from Kabzeel ; he smote two [sons] of Ariel of Moab, and he 

23 went down and smote a lion in a pit in a snowy day. And he smote the 
Egyptian, a man of stature, 5 of five cubits ; and in the hand of the Egyptian 
was a spear like a weaver s beam, and he went down to him with a staff, and 
plucked the spear from the Egyptian s hand, and slew him with his own 

24 spear. These things did Benaiah the son of Jehoiada, and had a name among 

25 the three heroes. Before the thirty, behold, he was honoured; but he attained 
not to the three ; and David set him over his guard. 

26 And the heroes of war were Asahel the brother of Joab, Elhanan the son 
27, 28 of Dodo of Bethlehem. Shammoth the Harorite, 6 Helez the Pelonite. Ira 

29 the son of Ikkesh the Tekoite, Abiezer the Antothite. Sibbechai the Husha- 

30 thite, Ilai the Ahohite. Maharai the Netophathite, Heled the son of Baanah 

31 the Netophathite. Ithai the son of Ribai of Gibeah, of the sons of Benjamin, 

32 Benaiah the Pirathonite. Hurai of Nahale-gaash, Abiel the Arbathite. 
33 34 Azmaveth the Baharumite, Eliahba the Shaalbonite. The sons of Hashem 

35 the Gizonite, Jonathan the son of Shageh the Hararite. Ahiam the son of 

36 Sacar the Hararite, Eliphal the son of Ur. Hepher the Mecherathite, Ahijah 
37, 38 the Pelonite. Hezro the Carmelite, Naarai the son of Ezbai. Joel the 

39 brother of Nathan, Mibhar the son of Hagri. Zelek the Ammonite, Naharai 

40 the Berothite, the armour-bearer of Joab the son of Zeruiah. Ira the Ithrite, 
4] , 42 Gareb the Ithrite. Uriah the Hittite, Zabad the son of Ahlai. Adina the 

son of Shiza the Reubenite, a chief of the Reubenites, and thirty with him, 7 

CHAP. XL 1-4. 


44 Hanan the son of Maachah, and Joshaphat the Mithhite. Uzziah the 

45 Ashterathite, Shama and Jeiel the sons of Hothan the Aroerite. Jediaei 

46 the son of Shimri, and Joha his brother, the Tizite. Eliel the Mahavim, 8 and 

47 Jeribai and Joshav.iah the sons of Elnaam, and Ithmah the Moabite. Eliel, 
and Obed, and Jasiel of Hammezobaiah. 9 

For the Keri D* 1 vn the Kethib DVtTH is to be retained; comp. vers. 15, 25, xii. 4, 18, xxvii. 6. 
8 For 1"nT"}3 the Sept. seems to have read ^^"13 ; comp. xxvii. 4. 

* For the not unimportant gap here, see Exeg. Expl. 

* For &O1 is to be read 17), one of the fifteen cases in which this form occurs in the Masoretic text, as Ex. xxi. 10, 
ba. Ixiii. 9. etc. 

* For !"RD must apparently be read, with the Sept. ($/>* e>*Tav), HtOD- 

6 Instead of """liinn read, 2 Sam. xxiii. 25, ^hl"]!"!, and, as there, supply Hhnn Sp vX- For the further 
conjectural corruption of the text till ver. 41, comp. Exeg. Expl. 

* The Sept. and Vulg. appear to have read &vh&\\ wjfli like the Masoretic text, but the Syr. D^B^ il f>V; 
for it renders thus: " and even he (Adina) was a prince over thirty heroes." 

* For D^HISn the Sept. gives <5 M/, the Vulg. Mahumites. The corruption of the name, under which, perhaps, 

is concealed, seen-.s indubitable. 

is at all events corrupt. Sept. o Mi/3/*, Vulg. de Masobia; comp. Exeg. Expl. 


PRELIMINARY REMARK. In the history of 
David, the author dwells chiefly on the bright 
and prosperous side of the Davidic kingdom ; the 
troubles and disorders of his glorious career, 
occasioned by misfortune and his own guilt, he 
passes over as much as possible (comp. Introd. 
4, p. 11). Hence the mention of his anointing at 
Hebron, vers. 1-3, and yet the entire omission of 
the rival kingdom of Ishbosheth at Mahanaim, 
to which there is not even an indirect allusion in 
stating the seven years duration of David s resi 
dence at Hebron. An account of the taking of 
Jerusalem, and the valour of Joab therein dis 
played, vers. 4-9, is then followed by a list of 
the other famous warriors of David, vers. 10-47, 
wherein again a shadow in the bright picture, 
the unprincipled and barbarous conduct of Joab 
(the murderer of Abner, Uriah, Absalom, etc.), 
is passed over in silence. And after this list, the 
appendix in ch. xii., containing the heroes de 
voted to David during the reign of Saul, and the 
proceedings in his elevation to the throne at 
Hebron, makes no reference to the rival kingdom 
of Ishbosheth, though many occasions of doing so 
were presented ; so that it appears almost as if the 
statement in x. 6, that Saul and all his house 
together had fallen in the battle of Gilboa, were 
meant by the author to be literally true. But 
besides the conscious tendency to glorify as much 
as possible the kingdom of David, as the proto 
type of all theocratic excellence, his propensity 
to communicate long lists and mere enumerations, 
his statistical rather than historical mode of re 
presentation, also contributes more or less to the 
one-sidedness of his narrative. This method leads 
him to place the list of heroes, which in the books 
of Samuel (at least in its greater part ; see 2 Sam. 
xxiii. 8-39) stands at the end of David s history, 
at the very head of it. Besides, not only this 
list, of which the closing verses only (41-47) 
are peculiar to Chronicles, but also the account of 
the anointing at Hebron, has its parallel in the 
books of Samuel, 2 Sam. v. 1-10. The agree 
ment between the two is tolerably exact ; comp. 

vers. 1-3 with 2 Sam. v. 1-3, and vers. 4-9 with 
2 Sam. v. 6-10. Yet the note of the length of 
David s reign, 2 Sam. v. 4, 5, is wanting in our 
text, not from an oversight of the Chronist 
(Then.), but because he preferred to introduce it 
at the end of his report, xxix. 27. 

1. The Anointing of David at Hebron: vers. 
1-3. And all Israel gathered to David unto 
Hebron. The phrase "all Israel" (comp. Ezra 
ii. 70) includes the northern and trans- jordanic 
tribes ; it is therefore not the earlier anointing 
of David in Hebron by the tribes of Judah only, 
2 Sam. ii. 4, which is here reported, but that 
which was performed after the deaths of Abner 
and Ishbosheth by all the tribes together, 2 Sam. 
v. 1 ff. , to which there is a still fuller reference 
in xii. 23 ff. Behold, we are thy bone and thy 

Jlesh, thy relatives by tribe and blood ; comp. 
Gen. xxix. 14. Ver. 2: Also heretofore, literally,, 
"yesterday and ere yesterday," that is, a long, 
time since ; comp., besides 2 Sam. v. 2, also Gen. 
xxxi. 2 ; 2 Kings xiii. 5. That led Israel out and- 
in, out to the battle, and home after the victory ; 
comp. 1 Sam. xviii. 13, 16. And the Lord thy> 
God said unto thee, by the mouth of Samuel the 
prophet; comp. 1 Sam. xvi. 1-3; 2 Sam. iii. 9, 18, 
etc. Ver. 3. And all the elders of Israel came, as 
the representatives of the people, to establish the 
rights of the kingdom (1 Sam. viii. 11, x. 25) by 
contract (by making a covenant or elective, 
treaty). According to the word of the Lord by 
Samuel. These words, wanting in the corre 
sponding place in 2 Sam. v. 3, appear, to be an 
explanatory addition of our author ; for it is not 
probable that they originally stood in the text of 

Samuel, and fell out by opeioTti.. (?fcO& " " ^NIDKOr 
comp. ver. 10 with 2 Sam,, xxiii. 8 (against 
Then.). On the absence of the, date .. here ap 
pended in the parallel text 2 Sam. v. 4 f. as in 
tentional on the part of the writer, who reserves 
it for xxix. 27, comp. Preliminary Remark. 

2. The Taking of Zion, and the Change of Re* 
sidence to Jerusalem: vers. 4-9. To Jerusalem, 
that is, Jebus ; and there the Jebusites were the 
inhabitants of the land. FoTithia circumlocution 




2 Sam. v. 6 gives more briefly : " to Jerusalem, to 
the Jebusites, the inha aants of the land." 
That the latter reading has been obtained by cor 
ruption of the text from the former (Berth., 
Then. ) it is by no means needful to assume ; the 
DO 1 * NT! after D^VV seems rather to be an 

addition of the Chronist, serving as a transition 
from "Jerusalem" to the Jebusites, which then 
further necessitates the insertion of the notice: 
"and there the Jebusites were" (properly, the 
Jebusite was); comp. Wellh. p. 162 f. Ver. 5. 
And the inhabitants of Jebus said to David, Thou 
shalt not come hither. Only the close of this 
threat, given in full in 2 Samuel, is here recorded, 
after the abbreviating manner of the author. 
Ver. 6. Whosoever smiteth the Jebusites first. 
Only these first words of David s speech occur 
in 2 Sam. v. 8, where something quite different 
is given as spoken by him. "The highly peculiar 
account in 2 Sam. v. 8, clearly resting on strictly 
historical recollection, is obviously the more 
original and exact. It may well be conceived 
that in other accounts of the conquest of Jebus, 
the great captain of David, Joab tin like manner 
as Othniel, Judg. i. 12 if., in the conquest of 
Kiriath-sepher), was mentioned ; and a celebrated 
saying of D.ivid in the siege was referred to Joab, 
not from clear recollection, but from a conjecture 
which might rest on the account of Joab in ver. 
8. Thus two different accounts of this saying 
might arise ; the simpler, presenting apparently 
no difficulties, found its way into Chronicles." 
Such is Bertheau s view, at all events more 
probable than that of Then, on 2 Samuel, who 
makes the Chronist complete a critically corrupt 
text on the ground of tradition by conjecture. 
And Joab the son of Zeruiah (comp. ii. 16) went 
up first and became chief. That this " becoming 
chief" is only a confirmation of Joab in his pre 
vious office is shown by 2 Sam. ii. 3. Ver. 7. 
And David dwelt in the castle, "jvn, the same as 

in ver. 5 ; comp. xii. 8, 16. Therefore they 

called it the city of David. - According to 2 Sam. 
v. 9, David himself gave it this name ; but the 
one does not exclude the other. Ver. 8. And he 
built the city around, from Millo to the circuit, be 
ginning from Millo, and returning to it in a cir 
cuit. Somewhat different is 2 Sam. v. 9 : 
" around from Millo and inward ; " that is, from 
the circumference to the centre. For the fortress 
Millo, situated probably on the north-west corner 
of Zion, comp. Thenius and Bahr on 1 Kings 

ix. 11. The name tffoft signifies filling ; that is, 
probably not wall or sconce, but a strong tower 
(bastion, castle) ; comp. &0;>D JT3, 2 Kings, xii. 

21 and 2 Chron. xxxii. 5. And Joab repaired 
the rest of the city, properly, "quickened, made 
alive ; " comp. nTl in the same sense, Neh. iii. 
34, as the similar expression "heal," 1 Kings 
x*dii. 30. On account of the supposed trace of 
ancient style contained in the use of nTl f r 
i"03, "rebuild, Wellhausen, p. 164, declares 
this addition peculiar to the Chronist regarding 
Joab s co-operation in the building of Jerusalem, 
especially it? fortification, to be not even histori 
cally credible. But that ,-pn in this sense 
occurs only here and in Nehemiah does not prove 

the lateness of this usage ; and the circumstat.v>* 
that David s fieM-marshal took part in the forti 
fication of the capital is so far from being im 
probable, that the statement seems a genuine 
trace of ancient history. Wherefore Kennicott s 
emendation, accepted by Thenius, is unnecessary: 

"Pyn ~\vh tViT 3NV1i "and Joab became governor 
of the city." Ver. 9. And David became greater 
and greater. The construction *v:th q^n is like 
that in Gen. "iii. 3, 5, xii. 9, xxvi. 13, Judg. iv. 
24 ; comp. Ew. 280, b. On b, comp. ix. 20. 
The general remarks of the verse prepare very 
suitably for the foi 1 owing list of the numerous 
heroes of David. 

3. List of David s Heroes : vers. 10-47 ; and 
first of Jashobam, Kleazar (and Shammah) : vers. 
10-14. And these are the chiefs of the heroes oj 
David. By these words, peculiar to the Chronist 
(t!ie parallel text 2 Sam. xxiii. 8 opens the list 
merely with the clause: " and these are the names 
of the heroes of David "), the communication ot 
the following list is justified, as standing in rela 
tion with David s elevation to the kingdom and 
confirmation in it. Hence the designatic n : 
"chiefs of the heroes," chief heroes, heroes of 
the first rank. Who held fast to him in his 
kingdom, who stood bravely by him (in common 
with him) during his reign. Qy p^nni"!, as in 

Dan. x. 21. To make him king. Rightly Keil- 
s no ^ ^ ^ e limited to the appoint 

ment to the kingdon, but includes also confirma 
tion in it ; for of the men named, heroic deeds 
are mentioned, which they performed in the 
wars which David as king waged with his foes, 
to maintain and extend his sway." By the word 
of the Lord concerning Israel. Comp. on vers. 2 
and 3 ; for the same word of God in and by 
Samuel is meant here also, as there. Ver. 11. 
And this is the number of the heroes of David. 
In 2 Sam. xxiii. 8 : " and these are the names of 
the heroes of David." The term ISD^D instead 

f niD^ is not surprising, especially after the 

plur. n^X- If "1QDE be the original, the ex 

pression must mean : that these heroes at first 
formed a corps definite in number (the thirty) " 
(Keil). Moreover, Bertheau s conjecture, "irQD 

for "iSDE ("and this is the choice, the elite, of 
the heroes "), deserves all attention. Jashobam 
son of Hachmoni, the chief of the thirty. After the 
perhaps right reading here is to be "cn-vjcted the 
corrupt "OO^nn rQCO 3", 2 Sa.n xxiii. 8. It 
remains doubtful, however, in this respect, that 
Jashobam in yxvii. 2 is called son of Zabdiel, not 
of Hachmoni, and that the MSS. of the Sept. 
differ surprisingly in the vriting of the name, 
inasmuch as cod. Alex, presents l<rpa.scu (or 
iff^,, xxvii. 2), but Vatic., the fire .ime, xi. 11, 
lirxfia^K, the second time, xxvii. 2, I<r/3. 
Hence Wellhausen (p. 212) might possibly be 
right in his conjecture, that the true name 
may have been " Ishbosheth the Hachmonite " 

an( i tnat tne Dnc^ of our 

verse is corrupted from 

, the well-known 

by-form or rather primitive form of the name 
Ishbosheth. The "head of the thirty" ^se< 

CHAP. XL 12-20. 


Crit. Note) is given as an epithet to .Tashobam as 
leader of the thirty heroes of second rank who 
are set down by name in ver. 26 ff. He lifted his 
spear against three hundred slain at one time. 
The same heroic deed is recorded, ver. 20, of 
Abshai ; whence Thenius, Keil, and Wellh., 
starting from the supposition that Jashobam was 
a greater hero than Abshai, wish to correct our 
passage after 2 Sam. xxiii. 8, where the number 
of those slain at once by Jashobam is set down 
as 800 (otherwise Ew. Gesch. ii. p. 603, who 
defends the number 300 for both places ; while 
Berth eau gives no decision). Ver. 12. And after 
him Eleazar son of Dodo the Ahohite. 

is the correct reading, as appears from xxvii. 4, 
not TlhS 3 2 Sam - xxiii - 9 - Whether the 

name \-\\t\ is to be changed, with the Sept. (as in 
ch. xxvii. 4), into HH appears less certain. He 

was among the three heroes, among the three 
warriors of the first rank, Jashobam, Eleazar, and 
Shamma, of whom the name of the third has 
fallen out of the middle of ver. 13, as the 
parallel 2 Sam. xxiii. 11 shows. On the sur 
prising but still grammatically admissible com 

bination D H33n n^ivj 3 instead of n^6^*3 
*JH (comp. v. 19), see Berth., who justly re 
jects as unnecessary the emendation of Thenius : 
v$21 "among the knights (Shali- 

shim) of the heroes." Ver. 13. He was with 
David at Pas-dammim, and the Philistines. 
These words refer still to Eleazar ; see 2 Sam. 
xxiii. 9. Pas-dammim, or Ephes-dammim, 1 
Sam. xvii. 1, is a place between Socho and 
Azekah, not otherwise known ; in 2 Sam. xxiii. 
the name is wanting, from the great corruption of 
the text, which is otherwise fuller than our text 
here, as it describes more exactly the heroic deed 
of Eleazar. It is there said, vers. 9, 10, at the 
close of the sentence : " and the Philistines were 
gathered there for battle:" "and the men of 
Israel were gone away (to the mountain, fleeing 
before the Philistines); and he stood and smote 
the Philistines, until his hand was weary and 
clave unto the sword ; and the Lord wrought a 
great victory that day ; and the people returned 
after him only to spoil. And after him was 
Shammah the son of Age the Hararite ; and the 
Philistines were gathered for battle," etc. This 
not inconsiderable gap in our text, by which that 
which follows in ver. 136 and ver. 14 seems to be 
a description of a heroic deed, not of Shammah, 
but of Eleazar, appears to have been occasioned 
by the eye of the transcriber wandering from 

Sam - xxiii - 9 > to 

D TTJ ^S, ver. 11. And there was a plot of 
ground full of barley. For barley 

2 Sam. xxiii. 11, the plot is said to be full of 
lentiles (D^^Hy) ; which is the original reading 

It is hard to decide, but it may be a mere slip of 
the pen (Movers, Wellh.). And they stood in the 
midst of the plot. More correctly 2 Sam. xxiii. : 
"and he stood," namely, Shammah. The two 
following verbs also, "defended" and "smote," 
we to be changed into the sing. , as, according to 

2 Samuel, the one Shammah clearly achieved the 
successful defence of the plot. The three plurals 
have come into our text after the lines referring 
to Shammah had fallen nit. 

4. Continuation. The Three He. oes who fetched 
Water to David from Bethlehem : vers. 15-19 
(comp. 2 Sam. xxiii. 13-17). And three of the 
thirti/ chiefs went down: three other than those 
already named. The thirty chiefs or captains are 
those mentioned ver. 11 and given by name in 
ver. 26 ff. The rock to David, to the cave of 
Adullam. This cave must have been either in 
the rock itself or in its immediate neighbour 
hood. On the rock itself, however, stood the 
hold miVO mentioned ver. 16. The valle 

of Rephaim (valley of giants. xttXa,; rv r/y- 
TMV ; Joseph. Antiq. vii. 4. 1), mentioned as the 
camping ground of the Philistines, lie<. according 
to Robinson, "between the present convent Mar- 
Elias and Jerusalem ; is wide, bounded on the 
north by a small ridge of rock, that forms the 
margin of the valley of Hinnom, and sinks 
gradually to the south-west" (Winer, Reahvorterb. 
ii. 322); comp. Josh. xv. 8, xviii. 16; 2 Sam. v. 
18, 22. Ver. 16. And a poxt of the Philwtine* 
was then at Bethlehem, which is therefore to be 
conceived as not far from Adullam and the valley 
of Rephaim. Ver. 17. Of the well of Bethlehem, at 
the gate. On the dried-up cistern situated oiie- 
quarter hour north-east of Bethlehem, which 
tradition gives as the well of our passage, see 
Robinson, ii. 378, and Berth. Ver. 18. And the 
three brake through the camp of the Philistines, 
namely, not through the main camp, but that of 
the post before Bethlehem. But poured it out to 
the Lord, made a libation to God by pouring it on 
the ground; comp. 1 Sam. vii. 6. Ver. 19. My 
God forbid it me. The same construction as in 
1 Sam. xxiv. 7, xxvi. 11, 1 Kings xxi. 3, etc. 
Shall I drink the blood of these men at the risk of 
their Urns, literally, "in their souls;" comp. Gen. 
ix. 4; Lev. iii. 17, vii. 26, xvii. 10 ff., xix. 26 ff., 
especially xvii. 14. "As blood and soul are here 
made equal, the blood as the seat and bearer of 
the soul, the soul as moving in the blood, so 
David, according to our report of his words. 
makes the water which those heroes had brought 
at the price (or risk) of their souls equal to their 
souls, and the drinking of the water brought by 
them equal to the drinking of their souls, and the 
souls equal to the blood, in order to express his 
abhorrence of such drinking. So that we may 
express the meaning thus : Should I drink in the 
water the souls, that is, the blood, of these men : 
for they have fetched the water at the price of 
their souls?" (Keil). Moreover, DnilTWS ap 

pears to be put down twice only by an oversight ; 
in the parallel 2 Sam. xxiii. 17 it stands only 
once, which is perhaps the original form of the 
text. That David pours the water out instead 
of drinking has its ground in this, that it was 
become blood in his eyes ; for blood, if it cannot 
be put on the altar, must be "poured on th*i 
earth as water," Deut. xii. 16 (Berth.). With 
the Levitical prohibition of the use of blood, the 
saying of David has evidently nothing to do. 

5. Abshai and Benaiah : vers. 20-25 (comp. 2 
Sam. xxiii. 18-23). And Abshai, JoaVs brother, 
he was chief of the three. Abshai or Abishai 
(2 Samuel), one of the three sons of Zeruiah 
(ii. 16), is here designated as chief, and in the 



following Terse as captain, of the three, while it 
is said of him: "but he attained not to the three." 
This enigmatical saying has been explained in 
various ways : 1. So that two groups or classes 
of three are distinguished : those mentioned vers. 
15-19, whose head or ruler Abshai may have 
been and the three heroes, Jashobam, etc., men- 
tinned before in vers. 11-14, to whom he was not 
so related (so in particular the ancients, and 
Starke). 2. So that it is sought to unite both, the 
being chief of the three and standing after them 
(in bravery), as possibly co-existent, though the 
same three, Jashobaji, Eleazar, and Shammah, 
are still referred to; that is, Abshai has taken, 
along with Joab the field-marshal, the first place 
among David s captains ; is therefore, as having 
a higher command, the chief and leader of the 
three heroes, while they excel him in personal 
bravery and famous deeds (Keil). 3. So that 

nt5^$n in vers - 20 and 21 is taken in two diffe 

rent senses, in that of the number three (so ver. 
21), and in this of the abstract substantive, "body 
of thirty, Sheloshah-company " (so the three first 
times), a sense that necessarily results from the 
comparison of ver. 21 with ver. 25, and of 2 Sam. 
xxiii. 19 with 2 Sam. xxiii. 23 (Berth. ). We shall 
have the choice between these three modes, unless 
we prefer the three first times (ver. 20 and ver. 21 a) 

to read the pi. Q B^&tfnlfor n^ fen, as Well- 

hausen (supported by the numerous cases in which 
these like numbers are exchanged; see pp. 20, 81, 
214 ff. of his work) declares to he necessary in the 
parallel 2 Sam. xxiii. And he lifted up his spear 
against three hundred slain ; coinp. on ver. 11. 
Ver. 21. A hove the three he was honoured among 
the two. These enigmatical words in the present 
form can neither be explained, with the Vulg. : 
"Of the three of the second class "(inter tres 
secundos), nor, with the Sept.: "Of the three, 
above the two was he honoured" (*vo TUV vfiuv wip 
rovs luo tv$o%os). If the Q^^B is to be retained 

as genuine, it must be taken, with Ewald (Lehrb. 
269, b) and Keil, in the sense of "twofold, 
doubly," and so rendered: "above the three 
doubly honoured, he became their chief" (Keil). 
Or we may read, with Berth., vpn for D^B, 

according to 2 Sam. xxiii. 19 (comp. 2 Sam. ix. 1; 
Gen. xxvii. 36, xxix. 15), and render: "Among 
the Sheloshah-company certainly he was honoured, 
and became their captain. " Ver. 22 If. Benaiah s 
Haroic Deeds (comp. xviii. 17, xxvii. 6). Benaiah 
the son of Jehoiada, the son of Ishhail. So, if 

we retain p before ^TrE^K- There is much, 

however, for its erasure (Berth., Wellh., Kamph.), 
in which case the sense comes out: " Benaiah the 
son of Jehoiada, a valiant man of great deeds." 
For the home of this Benaiah, Kaozeel in the 
south of Judah, comp. Josh. xv. 21; Neh. xi. 25. 
He smote two (sons) of Ariel of Moab, the king 
of Moab, who bore the epithet "ntf* "lion of 

God," as a title of honour. Before fcOltf is to be 
inserted, with the Sept., 133; comp. Then, and 

Wellh., 2 Sam. xxii?.. 20. And he went down 
and smote a lion. This feat of Benaiah, which 
happened on a snowy day, and therefore in winter, 
may have been performed during the great war of 

David with the Moabites, 2 Sam. viii. 2. Ver. 
23. And he smote the Egyptian, a man of stature t 
or probably, according to the Sept., "a man of 
repute." The following particulars of the suc 
cessful combat of Benaiah with the giant nearly 
coincide with those of the conflict of David with 
Goliath, though the differences are not to be 
overlooked (there a Philistine, here an Egyptian ; 
there a stature of six cubits and a span, here of 
five cubits ; there the weapons are a staff and a 
sling, here only a staff ; there the slaying of the 
fallen with his own sword, here with his own 
spear). If, with the Sept., in 2 Sam. xxiii. 21 be 
substituted for the weaver s beam a "bridge- 
beam" (guXav $/a/3fya,-), as an object of comparison 
to show the thickness of the spear, the difference 
of the two narratives would be still greater. But 
even without this, the similar feats are only so 
related as Shamgar s heroic deed to that of 
Samson (comp. Judg. iii. 31 with xv. 15), or as 
Jashobam s valiant deed (with the right reading 
800 in ver. 11) to that of Abshai. Vers. 24, 25. 
For "among the three heroes" and "above the 
thirty " Berth, would in both cases read "among 
the Sheloshah-company;" comp. on ver. 20. And 
David set him over his guard, literally, " over 
his obedience," that is (abstr. pro concr.), over 
his obedient, his trusty men ; comp., besides 
2 Sam. xxiii. 23, also 1 Sam. xxii. 14; Isa. xi. 14. 
According to Bertheau s not improbable conjec 
ture, by this guard of David is meant the corps of 
the Cerethi and Pelethi (see 2 Sam. viii. 18), 
from which, however, a second troop of guards, 
that of the 600 Gibborim (or Gittites, 2 Sam. 
xv. 18), 2 Sam. xvi. 6, xx. 7, etc., were no doubt 
different. Commander of the former was Benaiah, 
according to our passage and 2 Sam. viii. 18 ; 
over the 600 Gibborim, on the other hand, may 
have been placed the often named thirty, so that 
one of the thirty was leader to every twenty of 
the 600. This assumption of a difference of the 
Cerethi and Pelethi from the Gibborim is not 
certain ; for as Benaiah, 2 Sam. viii. 28, appears 
as commander of the Cerethi and Pelethi, he is 
also, 1 Kings i. 10, connected with the Gibborim 
(Benaiah and the heroes). 

6. The Forty-eight Warriors: and first the 
thirty-two enumerated in 2 Sam. xxiii. : vers. 
26-41a. On the sixteen added by the Chron st, 
vers. 416-47, see No. 7. And the heroes of war 
were, or more precisely: "And heroes of war 
were ; " for the phrase Dnn "33 without 

the article is a general superscription. The article 
before D^H constitutes no real difference from 
D^n "nisa, vii. 5, 7, 11, 40, or from ^>n 3, 

vers. 2, 9, etc. [?] Here, as there, are meant: 
"heroes in action, valiant heroes," not "leaders 
of the divisions," as Berth, (appealing to 2 Kings 
xv. 20, 1 Chron. xii. 8, etc.) thinks. At sahel 
(he brother of Joab. For him, comp. ii. 16 ; for 
his murder by Abner, 2 Sam. ii. 19 ff. The 
parallel text 2 Sam. xxiii. 24 adds to his name 
D*v$3 " among the thirty. " Elhanan the son 

of Dodo, different from Elhanan son of Jair, 
xx. 5. Ver. 27 Shammoth the Harorite. In 
2 Sam. xxiii. this hero is called " Shammah the 
Harodite," but in 1 Chron. xxvii. 8, "Shamhuth 
the Izrahite." In the gentilic. Tnnn there ap 

CHAP. XI. 28-46. 


pears at all events to be an error, which is to be 
corrected by ^Tinn of Samuel ; for in Judg. vii. 

1 a Jewish place "nn is expressly mentioned. 

After the name of this Harodite Shammoth must 
have fallen out that of a second Harodite Elika 
(Np ta), as 2 Sam. xxiii. 25 shows. Helez the 

Pelonite. So xxvii. 10. whereas in 2 Sam. xxiii. 
26 this Helez is originally designated as a Paltite 

(of Beth-pelet, tD^Q J-pS, J sh- xv - 2 ?> Neh. xi. 

26). Ver. 28. Ira andAbiezer; comp. xxvii. 9, 12. 
Ver. 29. Sibbechai the Hushathite. By the name 
the suspicious ^)3JO of 2 Samuel must be 

corrected. Inversely, Ilai (Jj) must be amended 
after the fio^f of Samuel. Ver. 31. Ithai the 

son of Ribai of Gibeah, of the sons of Benjamin. 
For the situation of this Gibeah of Benjam n (near 
Raman), comp. the expositor on Josh, xviii. 28 
and on Judg. xiv. 19tf. ; for that of the follow 
ing Pirathon (that occurs also, Judg. xii. 13-15, 
as the home of Abdon), Zeitschr. der Deutschen 
morgenl. Gesellsch. 1849, p. 55, and particularly 
Sandreczky in Ausland, 1872, No. 5, p. 97 tf. 
Ver. 32. Ilurai (so read also 2 Samuel for 

of Nahak-gaash. This place, occurring only here 
(and 2 Sam. xxiii. 30), properly, "valleys of 
Gaash," is at all events to be sought near Mount 
Gaash in the Ephraimite range, not far from 
which was Joshua s grave ; comp. Josh. xxiv. 30; 
Judg. ii. 9. Abiel the Arbathite, of Beth-haara- 
bah, Josh. xv. 6, 61, xviii. 18, 23. The name 

is in 2 Samuel 

which form 

Berth, takes without ground to be original, while 
Wellh. rejects both forms, and makes the original 

to be ^iT OX. Ver. 33. Azmaveth the Baha- 

rumite, that is, he of Bahurim (read 
comp. 2 Sam. xvi. 5, xix. 17. The following 
gentilic. ^hiwn is Lo be refemd to D 3&Jft?, 
Judg. i. 35, 1 Kings \\r. 9 (or p;j6j?B>, J sn - xix. 
42), and so to be written 3)jfl0n. Ver. 34. 
The sons of Hashem the Gizonite. vja before 

H appears to owe its origin to a repetition of 
the last three consonants of the foregoing gentilic. 
^SyyVn ; and thus originally there was only 
Hashem the Gizonite, after which 2 Samuel is to 
be amended : likewise in the following word the 
corrupt reading there is to be altered into our 
"Jonathan the son of Shageh the Hararite;" 
comp. Wellh. p. 216. Ver. 35. Eliphal the son 
of Ur. 2 Sam. xxiii. 34: " Eliphelet the son of 
Ahasbai." The original was perhaps (comp. 
Then, and Berth, on the passage): " Eliphelet the 
son of Ur. "Ver. 36. Hepher the Me<herathite ; 
perhaps the Maachathite (2 Samuel) ; as also 
" Ahijah the Pelonite " (comp. ver. 27) must 
perhaps be changed, as in 2 Samuel, into " Eliam, 
eon of Ahithophel i-the Gilonite." Ver. 37. 
Naarai the son of Ezbai. For njJJ 2 Samuel 
ha* TJJQ ; for i3|X"}3, TIND, which is perhaps 

to be preferred on account of 3-1^, Josh. xv. 52. 

Ver. 38. Jo^l the brother of Nathan. L 
Nathan the prophet were meant, the flX, 
"brother," by the side of the usual -, would 

lose its strangeness. But in 2 Sam. xxiii. 36 we 
find a Nathan of Zobah. Hence >riX is perhaps 
to be changed into p ; and ^31 might possibly 

be more original than our ^tfi\ Mibhar tht. AO 

of Hagri. For these words 2 Sam. xxiii. 36 has 
" Bani the Gadite." -irnn way have there fallen 

out ; but it may also have been corrupted from 
In Hjn (if this, and not -njn, is to be 

read) may possibly lie the name of the prophet 
Gad (Wellh. ), so that here two relatives of pro 
phets, a brother (son ?) of Nathan and a son of 
Gad, may be named together. Ver. 40. Ira the 
Ithrite, Gareb the Ithrite. The family of the 
Ithrites was enumerated, ii. 53, among those of 
Kiriath-jearim. Ver. 41. Uriah the Hittite, the 
husband of Bathsheba, 2 Sam. xi. 3 ff. Here 
follows in 2 Sam. xxiii. 39 the closing subscrip 
tion: "thirty and seven in all," as, according to 
the correct text, actually thirty-seven heroes are 
there enumerated, namely, twenty -nine others 
besides the eight mightiest heroes named in vers. 
8-23 (Jashobam, Eleazar, Shammah, etc.). These 
twenty-nine should in the view of the author of 
the books of Samuel represent those thirty warriors 
(named in 2 Chron. xi. 25): whence he breaks off 
his enumeration after Uriah (or perhaps after 
Gareb, as Wellh. seeks to render probable), 
although most probably the same list, containing 
forty-eight names in all, lay before him, which 
our author has eont}iimjd from thisyverse to the 
end. Moreover,^ for the criticism of both lists 
running parallel as far as our verse, the facts 
brought out by Wellh. (p. 21 5 f.) are to be con 
sidered : 1. " That the heroes are place, ! in pairs, 
and often every two from jthe s^rne city (two 
Bethlehemites, ver. 26, two NWophathites, ver. 
30, two Ithrites, ver. 40); 2. That the adjective 
of descent is always added, but not regularly the 
father s name, to the name of the hero ; 3. That 
thorough corrections are only possible, if we have 
first collected the whole material of the proper 
names in the 0. T. along with the variants in 
the Sept., and then elaborated them." The last 
rule applies also to the criticism of the following 
names preserved by the Chronist alone, which in 
this arrangement have no parallel. 

7. The last Sixteen of the Forty-eight War 
riors, whom the Chronist alone enumerates : 
vers. 416-47. Ver. 42. Adina ... a chief of the 
Reubenites, and thirty with him, or besides him. 

So, according to the Masoretic reading, V^JJI ; bul 
Berth, prefers that of the Syriac version (see Grit. 
Note), and so gets the sense : "leader of the Reu 
benites over thirty," that is, commander of the 
thirty captains or heroes of the Reubenites, to 
which may be compared the thirty leaders of the 
Benjamites, xxii. 4. Ver. 44. Uzziah the Ash- 
terathite, from Ashteroth (Karnaim) or Beth- 
Kshterah, a city of East Manasseh, vi. 56. 
Whether the "Aroerite" points to Aroer in the 
tribe of Reuben (Josh. xiii. 16), or in that of 
Gad (ver. 25), is doubtful. A er. 46. Eliel the 
MaJiavim. We should probably read " the 



Mahanaimite " (Josh. xiii. 26) ; corap. Grit. 
Note. Ver. 47. Eliel, and Obed, and Jasiel of 
ffammezobaiah. The unmeaning rPDVftn, that 

hy its form cannot be a gentilic., is either to be 
Changed by omitting the article and the penult 
consonant into nnJTO, "from Zobah" (comp. 

2 Sam. xxiii. 36) (so Bertheau), or to be regarded 
an corrupted from a longer mme, such as injio 

( a place, according to Rabbinic tradition, 

not far from Hebron), not, however, as a contrac 
tion or abbreviation of this name, as Reland ( Pal. 
p. 899). Moreover, the Rabbinic Migdol Zebuiah 
could scarcely be contemplated, because almost 
all the sixteen names of our section, from ver. 
416 on, belong to heroes from the east of Jordan. 
The Syrian Zobah would suit better in this con 

y. Supplementary List of Brave Men who held to David during the Reign of Saul: 

ch. xii. 1-22. 

CH. XTT. 1 And these are they that came to David to Ziklag, while banished from 
Saul the son of Kish ; and they were among the heroes, helpers of the war. 

2 Armed with bows, using both right hand and left with stones and with 

3 arrows on the bow : Of the brethren of Saul of Benjamin. The chief Ahiezer 
and Joash, sons of Hashmaah the Gibeathite ; and Jezuel 1 and Pelet the 

4 sons of Azmaveth ; and Berachah, and Jehu the Antothite. And Ishmaiah 
the G-ibeonite, a hero among the thirty, and over the thirty ; 2 and Jeremiah, 

5 and Jahaziel, and Johanan, and Jozabad the Gederathite. Eluzai, and Jeri- 
d moth, and Bealiah, and Shemariah, and Shephatiah the Haruphite. 8 Elkanah, 

7 and Ishiah, and Azarel, and Joezer, and Jashobam, the Korhites. And 
Joelah and Zebadiah the sons of Jeroham of Gedor. 4 

8 And of the Gadites, separated themselves unto David at the hold in the 
wilderness, valiant heroes, men of the host for battle, handling shield and 
spear, 5 with faces like lions, and like roes on the mountains for swiftness. 

9. iO Ezer the chief, Obadiah the second, Eliab the third. Mishmannah the 
11 12 fourth, Jeremiah the fifth. Attai the sixth, Eliel the seventh. Johanan 

13 the eighth, Elzabad the ninth. Jeremiah the tenth, Machbannai the 

14 eleventh. These were of the sons of Gad, heads of the host: one for a 

15 hundred, the least, and the greatest for a thousand. These are they that 
went ovet Joidan in the first month, when it had overflown all its banks ; 6 
and they put to flight all the valleys to the east and to the west. 

16 And there came of the sons of Benjamin and Judah to the hold unto David. 

17 And David went out before them, and answered and said unto them, If ye 
be come peaceably unto me to help me, my heart shall be at one with you ; 
but if to betray me to my enemies, with no wrong in iny hands, the God of 

18 our fathers look on and rebuke it. And the spirit came upon Amasai the 
chief of the thirty, 7 Thine are we, David, and with thee, son of Jesse ; peace, 
peace be to thee, and peace to thy helpers ; for thy God helpeth thee ; and 
David received them, and made them captains of the troop. 

19 And of Manasseh some fell to David, when he came with the Philistines 
against Saul to battle ; but they helped him not : for on advisement, the 
lords of the Philistines sent him away, saying, At the peril of our heads he 

20 will fall to his master Saul. When he went to Ziklag, there fell to him of 
Manasseh, Adnah, and Jozabad, and Jediael, and Michael, and Jozabad, and 

21 Elihu, and Zillethai, captains of the thousands of Manasseh. And they 
helped David against the troop ; for they were all valiant heroes, and they 

22 became captains in the host. For day by day they came to David to help 
him, until the camp was great, like a camp of God. 

d. Supplementary Data concerning the Number of the Warriors ivho made David 
King in Hebron : vers. 23-40. 

And these are the numbers of the heads of those armed for the host who 
came to David to Hebron, to turn the kingdom of Saul to him, according to 

24 the word of the LORD. The sons of Judah, bearing shield and spear, were 

25 six thousand and eight hundred, armed for the host. Of the sons of Simeon, 

26 valiant heroes for the host, seven thousand and one hundred. Of the sons of 

CHAP. XII. 1-7. 


27 Levi, four thousand and six hundred. And Jehoiada was the leader of the 

28 Aaronites, and with him three thousand and seven hundred. And Zadok, a 

29 valiant young man, and his father s house twenty and two captains. And of 
the sons of Benjamin, brethren of Saul, three thousand ; for hitherto the 

30 most part of them kept the ward of the house of Saul. And of the sons of 
Ephraim, twenty thousand and eight hundred valiant heroes, famous men of 

31 their father-houses. And of the half-tribe of Manasseh, eighteen thousand, 

32 who were expressed by name, to come to make David king. And of the sons 
of Issachar, men having understanding of the times, to know what Israel had 
to do, their heads were two hundred, and all their brethren were at their 

33 command. Of Zebulun, those going to the host, ordering the battle with all 
weapons of war, fifty thousand, arraying themselves 8 with a single heart. 

34 And of Naphtali, a thousand captains, and with them, with shield and spear, 

35 thirty and seven thousand. And of the Danites, ordering the battle, twenty 

36 and eight thousand and six hundred. And of Asher, those going to the host 

37 to order the battle, forty thousand. And beyond the Jordan, of the Reu- 
benites, and the Gadites, and the half-tribe of Manasseh, with all weapons 
of war for the battle, a hundred and twenty thousand. 

38 All these men of war, keeping rank, 9 came with true heart to Hebron to 
make David king over all Israel ; and all the rest 10 of Israel also were of one 

39 heart to make David king. And they were there with David three days eat- 

40 ing and drinking; for their brethren had prepared for them. Moreover, 
they that were nigh them, even to Issachar, and Zebulun, and Naphtali, 
brought bread on asses, and on camels, and on mules, and on oxen, bread of 
meal, fig and raisin cakes, and wine, and oil, and oxen, and sheep abundantly; 
for there was joy in Israel. 

With D*B?5>$n *?[ the fourth verse closes in the MSS. and older editions, even that of R. Norzi, so that the whole 
chapter contains forty-one verses. 

tori: " the Hariphite" OSTinn); comp. ^"IH "021, Neh. vii. 24. 
For TflJin is certainly to be read ")Vl3 il ; comp. iv. 4. 

For ntDll the Bibl. Venet. Rabb. has poi : so some old prints, but not the MSS. 

The Kethib Vn*"]3, if correct, would be the plur of iT^a, and occur only here. With the Keri VT 
Josh. iii. 15, iv. 18 : Isa. viii. 8. 

Kethi>> : D Bn^n ; Keri, as usual : D tjP^BW- The Sept. and Vulg. agree with the Kethib. 

For ~nyi?1 nine MSS., the Sept. (Mi0iirj), and the Vulg. read "if JDV 

Three MSS. change *Tfy into *yty unnecessarily. See Exeg. Expl. 

... ... 

N defective for 

, occurring only here; hence some MSS. have the scr. plena. 


PRELIMINARY REMARK. The whole of the 
twelfth chapter is peculiar to the Chronist. 
Standing after that which is related in xi. 4 ff., 
it has th naturt of an appendix, in the form of 
several military lists referring to the force of 
David before and at his accession to the sole 
sovereignty. The first of these lists consists pro 
perly of three smaller ones a. That of the Benja- 
mites and Jews that came to David during his 
residence at Ziklag : vers. 1-7 ; b. That of the 
Gadites and some other men from Judah and 
Benjamin who passed over to him during his 
residence in the hold : vers. 8-18 ; c. That of the 
Manassites who joined themselves to David 
shortly before the battle with the Philistines, 
and the death of Saul at Gilboa: vers. 19-22. 

To these lists referring to the Sauline period it 
then subjoined that of the contingents from all 
the tribes present at the anointing in Hebron : 
vers. 23-40. 

1. The Benjamites and Jews who came to Zik 
lag : vers. 1-7. And these are they that came to 
David to Ziklag. Ziklag, belonging to the tribe 
of Simeon (iv. 30; Josh. xix. 5), assigned by Achish 
to David as a residence, was in a site not certainly 
determined. The sojourn of David there until 
his anointing at Hebron lasted (1 Sam. xxvii. 
7) a year and four months. While banished 
from Saul ("l^y liy), that is, while his return 

to Israel as king was still hindered by Saul: 
inter Israelitas publice versari prohibitus (J. H. 
Michaelis). And they were among the heroes, 
helpers of the wars. They belonged to the heroes 



who served and stood by him in his earlier wars ; 
comp. vers. 17, 18, 21, 22. Ver. 2. Armed with 
bows, or "aiming with the bow;" not really 
different from bending the bow (0 

viii. 40; comp. 2 Chron. xvii. 17 and Ps. 
Ixxviii. 9. Using both right and left with stones 
(in slinging, Judg. xx. 16) and with arrows on 
the bow, namely, to shoot and surely hit with 
them. Of the brethren of Saul of Benjamin. 
The second restriction serves to explain the lirst : 
^N! M ""T!N do not mean near or blood relations. 

Comp. Gibeath-Saul, 1 Sam. xi. 4, Isa. xv. 29, 
and as denoting the same place, Gibeath-Benja- 
min, 1 Sam. x. 16, xv. 34, or Gibeah of the sons of 
Benjamin, 1 Chron. xi. 31. Ver. 3. Son* of Hash- 
maah the Gibeathite, from the Gibeah of Benja 
min just mentioned. Ver. 4. And Ishmaiah the 
Gibeonite. That this Gibeonite (this Benjamite 
of Gibeon ; comp. viii. 29, ix. 35, with 2 Sam. 
xxi. 2 ff.) Ishmaiah is described first as a hero 
among the thirty, and then as a leader over the 
thirty, may be explained by assuming a tempo 
rary command over this company. The absence 
of his name in ch. xi. must be explained by this, 
that he was no longer alive at the time when this 
list was composed, and was therefore among the 
earliest members of the corps of the thirty. And 
Jozabad the Gederathite; perhaps from Gederah 
(now Ghedera, one hour south-west of Jabneh), a 
Jewish locality in the Shephelah, Josh. xv. 36. 
That Jozabad, though coming from Gederah, be 
longed to some family of Benjamites dwelling 
there, is an unnecessary assumption of Keil. The 
following verses, especially the Geder, ver. 7, 
rather show that those here enumerated were 
by no means exclusively Benjamite. Ver. 6. 
Elkanah . . . the Korhites. To think of another 
Korah as the ancestor of the Korhites than the 
known descendant of Levi is unnecessary ; these 
may be Korhitic Levites settled in Benjamin 
who are here in question; and the names Elkanah 
and Azarel having a genuine Levitical ring, make 
it very probable that they are such ; comp. Keil 
on the p. and Del. Psalter, p. 300. Yet it is 
possible that they may be descendants of the 
Jewish Korah mentioned ii. 43 (so Berth., Kamph., 
etc.). Ver. 7. And Joelah . . . of Gedor, with 
out doubt the Jewish city mentioned iv. 4, south 
west of Bethlehem ; so that here also non- Benja 
mites are included in the series, notwithstanding 
the announcement, ver. 2, which leads us to 
expect only Benjamites. Whether this contra 
diction between the announcement and the con 
tents of the list arises from the whole series of 
names being greatly abridged and composed out 
of two originally distinct lists, one of pure Benja 
mites, and another containing Jews, as Berth. 
thinks, appears doubtful; comp. Keil, p. 134. 

2. The Gadites and some other Jews and Benja 
mites who joined themselves to David while in the 
Hold: vers. 8-18. a. The Gadites: vers. 8-15. 
And of the Gadites (that is, of those belonging to 
the tribe of Gad, while the others adhered to 
Saul) separated -themselves unto David at the hold 
in the wilderness. This was during the first year 

of his flight before Saul, 1 Sam. xxii. ff. 

"IBID (> pointed for o *Job on account of 

the close connection of the two following words) 
denotes properly : " to the hold towards the 

wilderness. " A definite single hold 

; comp. xi. 16) is here as little intended 

as in ver. 16, but rather the greater number of 
those holds of the wilderness of Judah (comp. 
3 "O1E2, 1 Sam. xxiii. 14, xxiv. 1) in 

which David dwelt at that time ; thus 1D is 
here general, as miVlp, 1 Sam. xxiv. 23. Men of 

the host for battle, practised in war; comp. vii. 11. 
On the following "handling 03l y) shield and 

spear," comp. ver. 24 ("bearing shield and 
spear") ind Jer. xlvi. 3 ; for the comparison 
of the warriors with lions and roes, 2 Sam. i. 23, 
ii. 18. "The expressions in the description of 
their power and fleetness, ver. 8, remind us of 
such as are used in the historical books of heroes 
in the time of David, and are without doubt 
drawn from the source which our author here used" 
(Berth.). Ver. 13. Machbannai the eleventh, liter 
ally, the eleven; comp. xxiv. 12. Ver. 14. Heads 
of the host (so ver. 21/>), that is, chief warriors, not 
leaders. One for a hundred the least, and the 
greatest for a thousand. The smallest of them 
was equal to one hundred other warriors, and 
the strongest to a thousand, an expression of 
manifestly poetical colouring, reminding us 01 
Lev. xxvi. 8 and of 1 Sam. xviii. 7, xxi. 11, 
which our author certainly found in his source. 
The Sept. and the most of the older Rabbis rightly 
understood the passage, but the Vulg. wrongly : 
navissimus centum militibus prceerat et maximut 
mille, for which ^>y instead of p, and anothe* 

order of words, should be expected. Ver. 15. 
These are they that went over Jordan, at the time 
when they separated themselves from the other 
Gadites of the host of Saul, and were forced tr 
break through this to reach David. Their flight 
fell "in the first month," that is, in the spring. 
when the Jordan was greatly swollen, and had 
overflown its bank. So much greater was the 
heroic deed. And put to fliyht all the valleys to 
the east and to the west, on both sides of the river, 
just as if its overflowing waters were not present. 
D^pEy, properly "valleys," here inhabitants of 
the valleys, Hitzig (Gesch. Isr. p. 29) conceives 
to be the name of a people, that occurs also Jer. 
xlix. 4 (comp. xlvii. 5), and is identical with the 
Anakim, Josh. xv. 14, and with the Amorites 
with the latter really, with the former even in 
name (?). See, on the contrary, Keil on Jer. p. 
480. b. The men of Benjamin and Judah : vers. 
16-18. And there came of the sons of Benjamin 
and Judah. The names of these other followers of 
David when persecuted by Saul the Chronist 
does not give, either because his source did not 
contain them, or because they may ha-e been 
included for the most part in the lists aheady 
communicated in ch. xi. Amasai only, the leader 
of this troop, is named. Ver. 17. And David 
went out before them, or to meet them; comp. xiv. 

8. My heart shall be at one with you. *jn*f> i>, 

a phrase occurring only here, not essentially 
different from intf 3^ ver - 38 (comp. ver. 33). 
But if to betray me to my enemies, n^i, with 

accus. of the object, means, "to practise fraud on 
anyone." For the following, compare, on the 
one hand, Job xvi. 17, Isa. liii. 9 ; on the othei 

CHAP. XII. 18-31. 


hand, 2 Chron. xxiv. 22. For the phrase : "theGod 
of our fathers," namely, of the patriarchs Abraham, 
etc., comp. Ex. iii. 13; Ezra vii. 27; 2 Chron. xx. 
6; Matt. xxii. 32. Ver. 18. And (the) Spirit came 
upon Amasai the chief of thirty. Here, as in the 
parallel .ludg. vi. 34, the Spirit of God is meant 
(comp. 2 Chron. xxiv. 20), as the principle of 
higher inspiration to great and bold deeds. The 
-Amasai of our passage is perhaps not different 
from Amasa (with X instead of 1 at the end) the 
son of Abigail, sister of David, ii. 17, who, at a 
later period, in the time of Absalom, performed 
a not unimportant part as commander (first under 
Absalom, and then under David), till Joab mur 
dered him (2 Sain. xvii. 25, xix. 14, xx. 4 ff.). 
Much less probable is the identity assumed by 
others of this Amasai with Abshai the brother of 
Joab (ii. 16, xi. 20). Thine are we, David, to thee 
we belong, and with thee, we hold. Notwith 
standing this simple and obvious completion, 
the Sept. has wholly misunderstood the words 

"JDyi TIT "p, and made of them vopivou / 
XKO; veu.For thy God helpeth thee. This ^pjy 

refers to the past aid which David had received 
from God (1 Sam. xviii. 12 ff ), but also to the 
further aid in prospect, which was to be imparted 
to him in future. And made them captain* of 
the troop, appointed them leaders of the several 
divisions of his army, that army (ill 3) of all 

kinds of people that had gathered about him; 
comp. 1 Sam. xxii. 2, xxvii. 8, etc. 

3. The Seven Manassites who joined themselves 
to David before the Last Battle of Saul with the 
Philistines: vers. 19-22. And of Manasseh 

some fell to David, ^y (333, as in 2 Kings xxv. 

11; 1 Sam. xxix. 3; comp. 

at the close 

of the verse. For the historical situation, comp. 
1 Sam. xxix. 2-11. For on advisement, nVJO* 
on consultation, as Prov. xx. 18. At the peril 
of our heads, literally, "for our heads, for the 
price of them;" comp. 1 Sam. xxix. 4. Ver. 
20. When he went to Ziklag, and thus before 
the great battle of Gilboa in which Saul fell ; 
comp. 1 Sam. xxix. 11. Captains of the thou 
sands of Manasseh, of the great military divisions 
(regiments) into which the tribe of Manasseh was 
divided ; comp. Num. xxxi. 14, 26, xxvii. 1, and 
ch. xv. 25. Ver. 21. And they helped David 
against the troop, namely, his present foes, the 
Amalekites ; comp. 1 Sam. xxx. 8, 15, where the 
here used (for which the Sept. perversely 

read a n. pr. Ttolovp) appears more definitely as 
the army of the Amalekites. Moreover, the 
seven here named Manassites only are the imme 
diate and direct subject of the sentence, not all 
the heroes named from ver. 1 to ver. 20 (as 
Berth, thinks), though certainly the whole force 
of David (600 strong, 1 Sam. xxx. 9) was drawn 
out to fight with Amalek. But that by 

only the seven Manassites can here be meant is 
shown by the following words : " and they became 
captains in the host," which cannot apply to the 
whole troop. Ver. 22. Until the camp was gr<at, 
like a camp of God; comp. Gen. xxxii. 2 and 
phrases like mountains, cedars of God, Ps. xxxvi. 
7 Ixxx. 11. The phrase is "only rhetorical, not 

idealizing or exaggerating" (Keil) ; it extends also 
clearly beyond the time when David had only 
600 followers to the time when thousands, and 
then hundreds of thousands, followed him. The 
following description seizes the moment \\hen 
out of the thousands of the first seven years of 
his reign at Hebron came the hundred thousands 
and more. 

4. The Number of the Warriors who made 
David King over all Israel : vers. 23-40. And 
these are the numbers cf the heads of those armed 
for the host, or for military service (comp. Num. 
xxxi. 5; Josh. iv. 13). The "heads of those 
armed " are here not the captains or leaders 
(Vulg. principes exercitus, Berth., etc.), but the 
sums or masses of the warriors, as Judg. vii. 16, 
20. ix. 34, 37, 44, 1 Sam. xi. 11, or perhaps 
also the polls (Judg. v. 30) ; so that ^ j 

would be the number of polls. For it cannot be 
proved (against Berth.) that only r6i!?3, and not 

also >tf-|, can have this sense ; arid the following 
is not a list of leaders, but a poll list, that also 
originally bore this form, though the abbreviating 
changes of our author make it difficult to prove. 

To turn the kingdom of Saul to him ; comp. 
x. 14, and for the following, xi. 3, 10. Ver. 24. 
The sons of Judah, bearing shield and spear ; 
comp. on ver. 8. The enumeration begins with 
the two southern tribes, Judah and Simeon ; next 
gives the priestly tribe of Levi, whose chief force 
lay at that time in and about Judah ; and then, 
proceeding from south to north, names first the 
other western tribes, and then the three eastern 
ones. Ver. 26. And Jehoiada was the leader of 
the Aaronites, literally, "the leader of Aaron," 
that is, not the high priest (who was at that time 
Abiathar, 1 Sam. xxiii. 9), but the head of the 
family of Aaron. Perhaps this was Jehoiada the 
lather of Benaiah, xi. 22. Ver. 28. And Zadok, 
a valiant young man, perhaps that descendant of 
Eleazar (v. 34) whom Solomon, 1 Kings ii. 26, 
made high priest. That the house of this Zadok, 
at the time of David s elevation, counted twenty- 
two chiefs or heads of families, proves how flourish 
ing this branch of the Aaronites was at that time. 

Ver. 29. And of the sons of Benjamin, brethren 
of Saul, three thousand. This number is indeed 
surprisingly small, but certainly original. The 
writer accounts for it also, first briefly, by the 

characteristic addition ^^ "HX, then more 
fully by the remark, "for hitherto (nsn "Wl, as 

ix. 18) the most part of them kept the ward ol 
Saul s house ;" that is, the most of them were 
still devoted to the interest of the kindred house 
of Saul (rniDBfo "IDS?! as Num. iii. 38 ; comp. 

1 Chron. xxiii. 32 ; 2 Chron. xxiii. 6), so that 
they turned to David only slowly, and when 
Ishbosheth was dead. Ver. 30. Famous men of 
their father-houses, arranged according to their 
father-houses. The Ephraimites, on the whole, 
though their number was above 20,000, are 
called celebrated, famous men (comp. Gen. vi. 
4), perhaps because they were distinguished by 
their warlike bravery, and had not merely a few 
able heroes or leaders. Ver. 31. And of the half- 
tribe of Manasseh, the western half. The "being 
expressed by name " (niEK^l }3j33, as Num. i. 17; 



1 Chron. xvi. 41) points to the formation of a list 
by the tribe authorities, in which all those war 
riors of the tribe were entered who were chosen 
to take part in the elevation of the new king at 
Hebron. All the other tribes may have formed 
similar lists for this purpose. Ver. 32. And of 
the sons of Issachar, men having understanding 
of the times, to know what Israel had to do. 
This applies, not to the whole tribe, but only to 
the 200 heads of their forces ; and it denotes, not 
every kind of activity in astronomical or physical 
science (Chald., several Rabbis, Cleric.), but only 
that those leaders "saw what was most advisable 
to be done in the condition of the times" (Starke), 
that they were prudentes viri, qui quid, quando 
rt quomodo agendum esset, varia lectione (?) et 
usu rerum cognoscebant (L. Lavater). "Men un 
derstanding," literally, knowing judgment, <t yii 1 

nya; comp. 2 Chron. ii. 12 and the similar 
Din "jniV Dan. i. 4. "To know what Israel 

had to do," in the present case, means to whom 
it had to apply as its king and supreme ruler. 
These men of Issachar were not dull and narrow 
"bony asses" (Gen. xlix. 14), but prudent 
"judges of the signs of their time" (Matt. xvi. 
3). And all their brethren were at their com 
mand. DrPQ ^y, literally, "by their mouth," 

namely, guided ; comp. Gen. xli. 40 ; Num. iv. 
27 ; Deut. xxi. 5. Ver. 33. Ordering the battle 
with a/I weapons of war, practised in the conflict 
with all kinds of weapons ; comp. ver. 6. 
Arraying themselves with a single, heart, literally, 
" and to band together with not heart and heart." 

For "I lpTl, with some critical evidence (see Crit. 
Note), to read "ifyh is unnecessary and unten 
able, from the recurrence of -ny in ver. 38. 
From this parallel passage, this verb must mean, 
"to take rank for war, to stand in order of 

battle." For ^1 3^, to denote double-minded- 
ness or a divided heart, comp. Ps. xii. 3 and ver. 
38 ; tfe 33^ and ir.K i>. Ver. 38. All these 

men of war, keeping rank ; Sept. T/>ara<r<r*tw 
cra^aral/y. The change of i-njj into i^-fy (see 

Crit. Note) is unnecessary, and as little demanded 
by -spy in vers. 33, 35, 36 as by m"lJfl!D ; cornp. 

on ver. 33. "All these" points naturally to the 
whole troops enumerated from ver. 24 on. And 
all the rest of Israel, etc, On -jnx J?, "one, 
united heart," comp 2 Chron. xxx. 12. Ver. 39. 
And they were there with David three days, eating 

Namely, frc 

Also w 


m Judah, 
Levi, .... 
h .Jehoiada, .... 
ra Benjamin, .... 

6.800 men. 
3,700 ( 
3 000 - 

Ephnum, . 
IssHchar, .... 
Zebuhm, .... 
Nnphtali, . 
Dan, . 


" ( 


Aslier, .... 
m the three eastern Tribes. . 


and drinking. Comp. the festivals described 1 
Sam. xxx. 16, 1 Kings i. 25, 40, etc., and also 
from the most recent oriental history ; for example, 
the enormous feast (100,000 sheep and wethers, 
20,000 oxen, 40,000 gallons honey- wine, etc.) 
that was given in connection with the elevation 
of Kassai to be emperor (negus) of Abyssinia 
(Feb. 1872). For their brethren had prepared 
for them (victuals), namely, the Jews about 
Hebron. Comp. on this fpn, Gen. xliii. 16 ; 

2 Chron. xxxv. 14, etc. Ver. 40. Moreover, they 
that were nigh them (comp. Deut. xiii. 8), all the 
neighbouring tribes of Judah on this side the 
Jordan ; and not merely those immediately adja 
cent, but also the tribes in the middle, and some 
of those in the north of Palestine. Brought bread 
(victuals) on asses, and camels, and mules, etc. 
Observe the purely epical character of the repre 
sentation, that points to a very ancient historical 
source used by the Chronist. Fig and raisin 

cakes. For the masses of dried figs (Dv2l) and 
raisins (D^ptDV), as indispensable dainty additions 

to feasts, comp. 1 Sam. xxv. 18, xxx. 12 ; Jer. 
xl. 10, 12; Arnos viii. 1 f. ; also Celsius, Hierobot. 
i. 377 if. ; Winer, JRealw., Art. " Feigenbaum. 

APOLOGETIC ON Cn. xn. 23 ff. 

With respect to the credibility of the numbers 
of our section, it is to be remarked in general, 
that the sum total of about 340,000 men, 1 re 
sulting from the data relative to the military 
contingents of the several tribes, agrees, on the 
whole, with other known data concerning the 
sum of the people of Israel equipped for war (for 
example, ihe 600,000 men in the time of Moses, 
the 800,000 Israelites and 500,000 Jews in the 
census of David), as, indeed, a full call of all 
those fit to bear arms could not be expected on 
the present occasion. On the contrary, the re 
lation of the numbers in the several tribes 
presents much that is surprising. The strength 
of the three eastern tribes (120,000), exceeding a 
third of the sum total, and the likewise con 
siderable strength of Zebulun (50,000), Naphtali 
(37,000), and Asher (40,000), seem to contrast in 
a manner scarcely conceivable with the small 
contingents of Judah, Simeon, Levi, and Benja 
min. But 1. With regard to Benjamin, the 
ground of his only small share in the festivities at 
Hebron is expressly stated, and in a way entirely 
satisfactory, and admitting of no further objec 
tion. 2. The number of the Levites is, in vers. 
27, 28, not fully given, inasmuch as of the 
third division of them, the house of Zadok, only 
the number of the chiefs (22) and not that of the 
common order is stated (as in Issachar only the 

(with 22 chiefs ot the house of Zadok). 

(200 chiefs " and all their brethren"). 
(with 1000 chiefs). 

339,000 men (with 1222 chiefs and heads). 



number of the chiefs or heads is expressed, ver. 
32). 3. Qf Judah and Simeon are certainly only 
comparatively very small numbers given, for 
this reason, that the warriors of this tribe had 
long since, seven years before, ranged themselves 
on the side of David, and therefore, in the 
review on the occasion of the solemnities of his 
anointing, did not need to be represented in 
their full military strength (which would have 
reached in itself to between 100,000 and 200,000 
men). These warriors of Judah and Simeon had 
rather to act as commissaries, to make provision 
for the greater bodies of troops ; and most of 
them were to be sought, not am;ng the 

( vers - 24, 25 ff.), but among the 
PlK- 4. Yet highly surprising is 

the numerical relation of the middle and northern 
tribes west of the Jordan, namely, the smallness 
of Ephraim (20,800) beside Zebulun and Naph- 
tali. " But if we consider that Ephraim, which 
had 40,500 men at the first census under Moses 
at Mount Sinai, had diminished to 32,500 at 
the second on the stepj^s of Moab, this tribe 
may not at this time have been v^ry strong 
in men-at-arms, as it may have suffered and 
been weakened most of all the tribes in the 
last wars of Saul with the Philistines, and 
in the battles ot Abner for the recovery of 
the region occupied by the Philistines for Ish- 
bosheth. Moreover, perhaps Ephraim, in his 
jealousy of Judah, dating from the time of the. 
Judges, might not be altogether inclined to make 
David king over all Israel. That, however, 
Zebulun and. Naphtali are here so numerously 

represented, though they played no important 
part in the history of Israel, is not enough to 
cast suspicion on the numbers given. As 
Zebulun under Moses numbered 57,400, and 
afterwards 60,500, and Naphtali then 53,400, 
afterwards 45,400 men-at-arms (romp. Num. 
i.-iii. with Num. xxvi. ), the former might send 
50,000, the latter 37,000, men to David at Heb 
ron " (Keil). The subsequent smallness and in 
significance of thes^ tribes (comp Evangelical- 
Ethical Reflections on ch. i.-ix., No. 2, p. 92) 
is simply explained by their only imperfect re- 
storation after the destruction of the kingdom of 
Israel by Shalmaneser. The credibility of the 
data of our list cannot in general be doubted 
according to all this, that is, irrespective of 
particular corruptions of the text that are always 
to be admitted as possible. It would much more 
present matter for well-founded doubts if the 
numerical strength of the several tribes attested 
in it were exactly proportional to the data of 
Numbers regarding the early relations of the 
military divisions. The appearance of something 
surprising in the present numerical data speaks 
directly for their true historical origin, and im 
poses the greatest caution on the modern critic of 
the contents of our chapter, that exhibit so many 
traces of fresh originality and high antiquity. 
This also may perhaps be urged as a proof of the 
essentially unchanged transmission of the present 
documents from the author, that the tribe of Dan, 
which is elsewhere often omitted, as it seems in 
tentionally, by the Chronist, is here expressly 
mentioned, and in no disparaging way ; comp. 
ver. 35 with Introd. 6, Mo. 1, p. 24, and with 
the remarks on vi. 46 and vii. 12. 

s. The Removal of the Ark from Kiriath-jearim : ch. xiii. 

CH. xiii. 1. And David consulted with the captains of thousands and of hundreds, 

2 with every leader. And David said unto all the congregation of Israel, If it 
seem good to you, and it be of the LORD our God, let us send quickly unto our 
brethren remaining in all lands of Israel, and with them the priests and Levites 

3 in the cities of their suburbs, that they gather unto us. And let us bring again 

4 the ark of our God to us ; for we inquired not at it in the days of Saul. And 
all the congregation said, We must do so ; for the thing was right in the eyes of 

5 all the people. And David gathered all Israel, from Shihor of Egypt even unto 
Hamath, to bring the ark of God from Kiriath-jearim. 

6 And David went up, and all Israel, to Baalah, unto Kiriath-jearim, which be 
longed to Judah, to bring up thence the ark of God the LORD, that sitteth over 

7 the cherubim, as He is called by name. And they carried the ark of God on a 
new waggon from the house of Abinadab ; and Uzza and Ahio drove the 

8 waggon. And David and all Israel played before God with all their might, and 
with songs and with harps, and with psalteries, and with timbrels, and cymbals, 
and trumpets. 

9 And they came to the threshing-floor of Chidon ; and Uzza put forth his 

1 hand to hold the ark ; for the oxen shook it. And the anger of the LORD was 
kindled against Uzza, and He smote him, because he put his hand to the ark; and 

11 he died there before the Lord. And David was angry, because the LORD had 

12 made a breach upon Uzza ; and that place is called Perez-uzza to this day. And 
David was afraid of God that day, saying, How shall I bring the ark of God to 

13 me ? And David removed not the ark to him to the city of David, but placed 

14 it in the house of Obed-edom the Gittite. And the ark of God remained in the 
house of Obed-edom in his house three months : and the LORD blessed the house 
of Obed-edom, and all that he had. 




PRELIMINARY REMARK. In the second book 
of Samuel, where eh. vi. 1-11 corresponds to the 
present section, the history of the transference of 
the ark from Kiriath-jearim to the house of Obed- 
, edom (which is there related, irrespective of the 
somewhat shorter introduction, almost word for 
word as here; coinp. 2 2-11 with vers. 
6-14 of our chapter) is immediately followed by 
the account of the removal three months later of 
the ark from that house to Zion. Our author, 
on the contrary, inserted (ch. xiv.) an account 
of David s house-building, his family, and his 
victoiy over the Philistines, which in 2 Sam. v. 
11-25 follows the narrative of the taking of Zion, 
between the history of the removal of the ark to 
the house of Obed-edom and its introduction into 
Zion, and, moreover, on the ground of an old 
Levitical document, has treated this latter part 
of the history with vastly greater detail and ful 
ness (see ch. xv. and xvi. ). The more circum 
stantial introduction of our chapter, vers. 1-5, to 
which there is only one verse parallel in 2 Sam. 
vi., may spring from the same source as the 
following full detail in ch. xv., xvi. 

1. Description of the Assembly in which the 
Removal of the Ark from Kiriath-jearim was 
resolved upon: vers. 1-5. And David consulted 
(com p. 2 Chron. x. 6, xxx. 2) with the captain* 
of thousands and of hundreds (comp. xv. 25), 

with every leader. ^ before TJIT^S serves here 

for the brief recapitulation of the fore-mentioned, 
thus, "in short, namely;" comp. Gen. xxiii. 10. 
Ver. 2. And David said unto all the congrega 
tion of Israel, that is, to those princes as the 
representatives of the community (to the cclesia 

repra sentativa); comp. ?np in Lev. xiv. 3; Deut. 
xxxi. 30, etc. If it seem good to you, properly, 
"if it be good with you;" comp. Neh. ii. 5, 7; 
Esth. i. 19, iii. 19. For the following: "and it 
be of the Lord our God," comp. Gen. xxiv. 50; 
Acts v. 39. Let us tend quickly, properly, "let 
us break through (f*!B) and send," that is, with 
all diligence, and instant suppressing of all hesita 
tion ; comp. 1 Sam. xxviii. 23. Less certain is 
the interpretation, flowing from the notion of 
spreading out (so JHS, for example, Isa, liv. 3): 
"send far and wide. " Unto our brethren remain 
ing in all lands of Israel, in all lands of the several 

tribes: comp. ni"lN~^3 in Gen. xxvi. 3, 4; 

from the south to the north border; comp. Judg. 
xx. 1; 2 Sam. iii. 10, xvii. 11. D*HD ~lirp> i 


abbreviated for 

xiii. 3. It means the small stream between 
Palestine and Egypt, which is otherwise called 

the river of Egypt ( ^D J>HD, Josh. xiii. 4, 47; 
1 Kings viii. 65; 2 Chron. vii. 8, etc.), the 
Rhinokorura of old. and the Wady el Arish of 
the present. The Nile certainly bears the name 
", that is, "black water" (Isa. xxiii. 3; Jer. 

ii. 18); yet smaller waters are also so named, as 
Josh. xix. 26, the shihor Libnath, in the tribe of 
Asher, which, however, casts no doubt on our 
interpretation. On DEH tfUo to denote the 

northern border of Palestine, comp. Num. xxxiv. 
5, 8; 2 Kings xiv. 25. Hamath, on the river 
Orontes, on the southern slope of Antilibanus or 
Hennon, an old Canaanitish colony (Gen. x, 8), 
which the prophet Amos (vi. 2), in the 9th 
century B.C., designated " the great " 

2 Chron. xi. 23, xxxiv. 33. The preposition fjy 
before r^TlX, because in the sending is implied 
at the same time the commanding (comp. py H lV). 
After crifty ("with them," that is, here, "like 

wise, besides"), this >y, or even y PinKO, i g to 
be repeated. Ver. 4. We must do so, literally, 
"to do so;" |3 nib i6, the infin. with fj, as in 

v. 1, ix. 25. Ver. 5. All Israel, from Shihor of 
Egypt even unto Hamath, that is, not all the 
individuals, but a large representation of the 
whole people (according to 2 Sam. vi. 1, a select 
number of "0,000). "From Shihor of Egypt 
even unto Hamath" means essentially the same 
as "from Dan to Beersheba," namely, Palestine 

, a nd which stili, in the Seleucidic and 

Roman times, when it was called E-r^avs/a, 
belonged to the most considerable Syrian cities, 
was in David s time the seat of a king friendly to 
David, but independent of him, and tolerably 
powerful ; see xviii. 9 f . ; 2 Sam. viii. 9 ff. 

2. The Execution of this Resolve : vers. 6-14. 
And David w-nt up, and all Israel. By "all 
Israel " is undoubtedly to be understood here, as 
well as in the foregoing verse, that assembly of 
select representatives of the people from every 
tribe, which amounted, 1 Sam. vi. 1, to 30,000 
men. Neither the assumption that hwe, in 
the fetching of the ark, the participation of 
a much greater number is presupposed than 
in that preparatory assembly, nor the hypo 
thesis that 2 Sam. vi. 1 originally conveyed the 
sense: "And David multiplied all the men of 
war in Israel, the Sheloshim and the captains 
of thousands" (instead of 30,000), is neces 
sary (against Berth.), as the indefinite "all 
Israel " would suit even a smaller number of 
representatives than 30,000. To Baalah, unto 

Kiriath-jearim. For S j-)V)jp jtf nr^ mi ght 
be expected, from Josh. xv. 9, perhaps nn^ya 
/s p fcOii; for Baalah is the older Canaanitish 

name for Kiriath -jearinv, which is also called 
Kiriath-baal (Josh. xv. 60, xviii. 14). Yet the 
thing is expressed intelligibly enough; the "to 
Baalah " is sufficiently explained by the addi 
tion, "unto Kiriath-jearim." F..r the addition, 
"which belonged to Jud;.n. ; cjmp. ;n Judg. 
xviii. 12, and for the situa::on o p Kiriath-jearim, 
the present Kureyet el Enab, on the way from 
Jerusalem to Rainleh and Lydda (three hours 
from Jerusalem), comp. Rob. Pal. ii. 589. T\at 
sittefh over the cherubim, as He is called by name. 
I^ N, ht>re us, "as" (comp. Ew Lehrb. 333, a); 

the ace. of reference Qty belongs not merely to 

mrp, but to D nVOn 3B* nilT, and designates 
the whole phrase as a usual epithet of God in 
religious worship; comp. Isa. xxxvii. 16; Ps. 
Ixxx. 2. Others would refer l j< to jiltf, and 



change Q> into 055*3 (Karaph. : "which is called 
by the name"), or even change Q^ into Qty (with 
reference to 2 Sam. vi. 2, where also Q> is once 

to be read), and so get the sense: "who was there, 
at the ark, addressed" (Berth.; comp. Then, on 
2 Sam. vi. ). See, on the contrary, and in favour 
of our interp., Keil, p. 144. Ver. 7. And tlxy 
carried . . . from the house of Ab madab. T lis 
house lay 01. a hill in Kiriath jearmi (ny333, 

1 Sam. vii. 1), not in a place Gibeah, near 
Kiriath-jearim, as the passage 1 Sam. vii. 1 
seems to say in tin faulty translation of the Vulg. 
and Luther (cornp. C. Hoffmann, Blicke in die 
friih. Gescli. d. gelobten Landrs, i. p. 156). Uzza 
and Ahio, the drivers of the waggon with the ark, 
are, 2 Sam. vi., expressly called the sons of Abina- 
datx Ver. 8. With all their might, and with 
songs, and with harp*, etc. The parallel: "with 
all woods of cypresses," in 2 Sam. vi. 5, rests on 
a corruption of the text, and is, as iv if^v i of the 
Sept. there showa, to be amended by our passage 
I comp. 2 Sam. vi. 14. For the in 

struments here named, particularly the harps, 
psalteries, and cymbals, see on xv. 16. Cymbals 
and trumpets. The words presented instead of 

and with rattles and with cymbals," 

are perhaps more original ; at least the D^V^D 
(Vulg. sistra), occurring nowhere else, might 
easily have been suppressed by the alleviating 
correction of a later hand (comp. Wellh. p. 
167 f.). 

3. Uzza s Fall, and the Placing of the Ark in 
the House of Obed-edom : vers. 9-14. And they 
came t>> the threshing -floor of Chidon. The name 
T3 is written, in 2 Sam. vi. 6, toj (Sept. No^), 

a reading scarcely preferable to our own. For the 
oxen shook it, were on the point of upsetting it 
(Sept. 1% txXiviv u.vrriv; Vulg. paululum inclinaverant 
earn) the ark of itself supplies the subject to 
^DDW- Others give "the oxen let go" (Berth.), 

or "stept aside" (Luther and many ancients), or 
"flung on every side," Ew., etc. Ver. 10. And 
the anger of the Lord was kindled against Uzza, 
whose error might lie less in the accidental and 
involuntary touching of the ark, as in his con 
veying this sacred thing on an ox waggon, instead 
of having it borne according to the law (Num. 
vii. 9, x. 17); comp. what David afterwards did, 
xv. 2. For the parallel text of S:tmuel to be 
amended by our passage, comp. Thenius and 
Wellhausen. Ver. 13. In the house of Obed- 
edom the Gittite; according to xv. 18, 24, this 
Obed-edorn was one of the Levitical porters ; 
whence we are not to think of the Philistine 
Gath, but the Levitical city Gath-rimmou (Josh. 
xix. 45, xxi. 24), as his birth-place. Ver. 14. In 
the house of Obed-edom in his house, in his own 
tent, which was spread over it in the court of this 
Levite (thus, in his dwelling-house, i;v:rDy). 

This text appears more correct than that in 2 Sam. 
vi., which only states that the ark remained "in 
the house of Obed-edom the Gittite." And all 
that he had. For this 2 Sam. vi. has: "and all 
his house." The various reading of our passage 
"is well chosen, because, just before, ^n"21 was 

used of the tent of the ark" (Berth.). That the 
blessing which God gave to Obed-edom consisted 
chiefly in numerous offspring, appears from xxvi. 
4-8. Yet, even during the three months men 
tioned in our passage, David must have clearly 
perceived that the Lord s anger was sufficiently 
appeased by the death of Uzza, and that the re 
moval of the ark to Jerusalem involved no danger, 
but would be attended with blessed effects. 

. David s House-Building, Family, and Victories over the Philistines: ch. xiv. 

CH. xiv. 1. And Hiram l king of TyrS sent messengers to David, and cedar-wood, 

2 and masons, and carpenters, to build him a house. And David perceived that 
the LORD had confirmed him king over Israel ; for his kingdom was lift up on 
hi-h, because of his people Israel. 

3 " And David took more wives in Jerusalem ; and David begat more sons 

4 and daughters. And these are the names of those born to him in Jerusalem : 

5 Shammua and Shobab, Nathan and Solomon. And Ibliar, and Elishua, and 
6,7 Elpelet. And Nogah, and Nepheg, and Japhia. And Elishama, and Beeliada, 

and Eliphelet. 
3 Apd the Philistines teard that David was anointed king over all Israel; 

ana aii the Philistines went up to seek David : and David heard it, and went 
9 out against them. And the Philistines came and spread themselves in the 

10 valley of Rephaim. And David inquired of God, saying, Shall I go up against 
the Philistines, and wilt Thou give them into my hand 1 And the LORD said 

1 1 unto him, Go up, and I will give them into thy hand. And they went up to 
Baal-perazim ; and David smote them there : and David said, God hath 
broken my enemies by my hand, like the breaking of waters ; therefore they 

12 called the name of that place Baal-perazim. And they left their gods there; 
and David ordered, and they were burnt with fire. 

3, 14 And the Philistines came again and spread themselves in the valley. 2 And 

David inquired again of God ; and God said unto him, Go not up after them ; 

15 turn away from them, and come upon them by the bacas. And it shall be, 

when thou hearest the sound going on the tops of the bacas, then go out to 



the battle : for God is gone out before thee to smite the camp of the Philistines. 

16 And David did as God commanded him: and they smote the camp of the 

17 Philistines, from Gibeon even unto Gezer. And David s fame went out into 
all lands ; and the LORD brought his fear upon all nations. 

1 Kethib- DTP!- Keri: D^FI, as always in Chronicles (Sept. XE//J*/*, as ever). 

8 For py;i the Sept. and Syr. read Q^Dl p!3JQ, wnicn ^ perhaps original; comp. 2 Sam. v. 22 


PRELIMINARY REMARK. On the different posi 
tion of this section in 2 Sam. v. 11-25, namely, 
before the history of the removal of the ark from 
Kiriath-jearim, comp. the Preliminary Remark on 
eh. xiii. The motive of the Chronist for the 
transposition is evidently the wish to represent 
the preparations for the removal of the national 
sanctuary to Jerusalem as the first undertaking of 
the king after the taking of the capital, to exhibit 
the building of his own palace as a work certainly 
taken in hand soon after, but still standing behind 
that all -important concern. To the history of the 
beginning of the palace-building is attached in 
the sources common to both historians a descrip 
tion of the blessing which attended David as a 
father and a captain in the battles with the 
Philistines. Our author took this description, in 
the main unaltered, along with the notice of the 
beginning of the palace-building, over into his 
narrative, undeterred .by the appearance thence 
arising of the events in question, especially the 
*;wo successful battles with the Philistines, having 
fallen in the three months between the removal of 
the ark to the house of Obed-edom and its intro 
duction into Jerusalem. This grouping is here, 
as often in his representation of the history of 
David, determined by the order of thought rather 
than of time. 

1. David s Palace-building and Family: vers. 
1-7. The text of the older parallel, 2 Sam. v. 
11-16, agrees in the main with the present, only 
here and there more precise. And cedar-icood, 
and masons, and carpenters, literally, " and 
timbers (beams) of cedars, and craftsmen of walls, 
and craftsmen of timbers " (Vulg. artifices parie- 
turn lignorumqite). Ver. 2. And David perceived 
(concluded from the high honour which was con 
ferred upon him by this message from the Pheni- 
cian king) that the Lord had confirmed him king 
over Israel, definitely transferred the kingdom to 
him, established I " bestatigt," Luther) him as 
king. For his kingdom wax lift up on high. 
if genuine, would be an irregularly formed 

3 fern. perf. Niph. (not, as 2 Sam. xix. 43, an inf. 
abs. Niph.} from $&>}, intensified by the rbych, 

"on high ;" comp. xxii. 5, xxiii. 17, xxix. 3-25. 
Biit perhaps, as in 2 Sam. v. 12, the perf. Piel 
#\tf) is to be read, and Jehovah taken as the sub 

ject: "and tnat He had exalted his kingdom. 
For ^FOPDD, 2 Sam. v., our text presents the 

later (occurring also xvii. 11, 14) form 

perhaps merely by a slip of the pen ; see Wellh. 
p. 164. Ver. 3. And David took more wives in 
Jerusalem. Before Q^ J i 1 2 Samuel stands 

D^C ^D* which ni;;y have fallen accidentally out 

of oui passage, as the concubines of David are 

mentioned in iii. 9. Comp. on iii. 5-9, where 
the names of the thirteen sons of David born in 
Jerusalem, and the partly different spelling her* 1 
and theie, are fully handled. 

2. The First War with the Philistines : vera 
8-12 (comp. 2 Sam. v. 17-21). To seek David, 
to attack, D Q, sensu host Hi, as in 1 Sam. xxiii. 

15, 25, xxiv. 3, xxvi. 2. And David heard it, 
and went out against them, properly, " before 
them;" comp. xii. 17. Into this general and 
indefinite expression our author has changed the 
more concrete, but also more obscure, statement 
of Samuel: "and went down to the hold" (the 
hold of Zion), perhaps designedly. Ver. 9. And 
spread themselves in the valley of JRephairn / 
comp. on xi. 15, 2 Sam. v. 18: "sat down in the 
valley of Rephaim." The perhaps more original 
, 2 Sam. v. 18, 22, the Chronist has hero 

and ver. 13 exchanged for the simpler and moie 
intelligible ^L" D*V Ver. 11. Like the breaking 

ofivaters, like an outburst of water (Q"E f*"lD). 

We may think of the rending or outbursting of 
enclosing dams by rapid floods, perhaps after a 
water-spout. The situation of Baal-perazim can 
not be exactly ascertained. Mount Perazim, Isa. 
xxviii. 21, is not essentially different from it. 
Ver. 12. And they left their gods -there. 2 Sam 
v. : " their idols " (QiT3VJj)- T ne present phra* 
is the stronger ; it yields, along with the follow 
ing statement regarding the burning of these gods, 
a bitterly sarcastic sense. The burning took place, 
moreover, on the ground of the divine command 
in Dent. vii. 5, 25. The text of Samuel weakens 
the statement in a strange way: " and David and 
his men took them away." If the more <-oncrete 
and stronger statement of our author is a tradi 
tional expansion of that text, the tradition on 
which it rests is at all events credible ; comp. 
Movers, p. 224. By this victory, David wiped 
out the old disgrace qj Israel, which rested on the 
people since Eli s time. " As then Israel lost the 
ark, 1 Sam. iv. 11, so now the sacred thiags of 
the Philistines fell into the hands of the Israelites " 

3. The Second War with the Philistines : vers. 
13-17 (comp. 2 Sam. v. 22-25). And spread 
themselves in the valley, that is, as the parallel 
text (so as the Sept. and Syr. ; see Crit. Note) 
shows, in the same valley as above, ver. 9, 
scarcely in another at Gibeon, as Movers, p. 243, 
thinks. Ver. 14. Go not up after them, that is, 
as Samuel shows: "go not directly towards them; 
seek not to drive them before thee by a direct 
attack." Perhaps also our text is somewhat 
faulty, and to be amended, according to 2 Sam. 

v. 23: DrmnK ^ SDH i"6yn && by the change 

v -:r v - T A -.-:,- 

f DlTnnX in DHvy (Berth.).- And come upon 



them, by the bacas, literally, over against the 
bacas. These we must suppose, as the divine com 
mand implies a going round the Philistine army, 
to be behind them. The baca, mentioned only 
here and 2 Sam. v., and perhaps Ps. Ixxxiv. 7, is, 
according to Abulfadi (in Celsius, Hierobot. i. 
339), a plant related to the balsam tree, and re 
sembling it, which, when cut, discharges a white, 
sharp, and warm resin in the manner of tears, and 
appears to have received its name from &O2, 

flare. The older expositors, wavering uncertainly, 
render the term variously: Sept. T/?, Vulg. 
pyrus; Luther, after the Jewish expositors, mul 
berry tree. Ver. 15. The sound going on the 
tops of the bacas, namely, the rustling of their 
leaves in the wind (Sept. : r*iv <puvw nv ffv<riru<rp,ou 
KUTUV], not the sound occasioned by the entrance 
of God (supernatural, as in Gen. iii. 8). As the 
baca has much larger leaves than the ordinary 
balsam, the rustling of them may occasion a suffi 
ciently loud sound ; the rendering "baca trees" 
(Kamph.) is therefore unnecessary. Ver. 16. 

And they smote the camp of the Philistines, from 
Gibeon even unto Gezer. Two places of this name 
lie to the north-west of Jerusalem, the former 
(now el Jib) 2, the latter 4, hours distant from 
it. If the battle-field is to be sought between the 
two, in the region of Upper and Nether Beth-horon, 
the valley, ver. 13, may still be the valley of 
Rephaim ; only the site of it should be sought 
not so far south, as Thenius and Bertheau suppose 
(who also read for Gibeon in our passage, " Geba," 
according to 2 Sam. v. 25), and the battle must 
be regarded as moving in a north-westerly direc 
tion from its starting-point (comp. Wellh. on 
2 Sam. v. 25, also Ew. Gesch. d. V. Isr. ii. 610). 
Ver. 17. And David s fame went out into all 
lands; and the Lord brought his fear upon all 
nation*, literally, " gave his fear upon all 
nations;" comp. Esth. viii. 17. A pragmatic 
reflection of our author added to the original text, 
as its absence in 2 Sam. v. 25 shows. Comp. the 
similar reflections in 2 Chron. xvii. 10, xx. 29. 
On Q j> xvi especially, comp. 2 Chron. xxvi. 15. 

17. The Removal of the Ark to Jerusalem, with the Solemn Hymn sting on this occasion : 

ch. xv., xvi. 

CH. xv. 1. And he made him houses in the city of David, and he prepared a place 

for the ark of God, and pitched for it a tent. 
2 Then David said, None should carry the ark of God hut the Levites ; for 

the LORD hath chosen them to carry the ark of God, and to minister to Him 
? for ever. And David gathered all Israel to Jerusalem, to bring up the ark of 

4 the LORD unto its place which he had prepared for it. And David assembled 

5 the sons of Aaron, and the Levites. Of the sons of Kohath : Uriel the chief, 

6 and his brethren a hundred and thirty. Of the sons of Meran : Asaiah the 

7 chief, and his brethren two hundred and twenty. Of the sons of Gershom : Joel 

8 the chief, and his brethren a hundred and thirty. Of the sons of Elizaphan : 

9 Shemaiah the chief, and his brethren two hundred. Of the sons of Hebron : 

10 Eliel the chief, and his brethren eighty. Of the sons of Uzziel : Amminadab the 

11 chief, and his brethren a hundred and twelve. And David called Zadok and 
Abiathar the priests, and the Levites Uriel, Asaiah, and Joel, Shemaiah, and 

12 Eliel, and Amminadab. And said unto them, Ye chiefs of the Levites, sanctify 
yourselves with your brethren, and bring up the ark of the LORD God of Israel 

1 3 to the place I have prepared for it. For because ye were not at the first, the 

1 4 LORD our God broke out upon us, because we sought Him not aright. And the 
priests and Levites sanctified themselves to bring up the ark of the LORD God of 

15 Israel. And the sons of the Levites bare the ark of God, as Moses commanded 
by the word of the LORD, upon their shoulders, with staves upon them. 

16 And David said to the chiefs of the Levites, to appoint their brethren the 
singers with instruments, psalteries, and harps, and cymbals, sounding, to lift up 

17 the sound with gladness. And the Levites appointed Heman son of Joel ; ard 
of his brethren, Asaph son of Berechiah ; and of the sons of Merari their brethren, 

18 Ethan son of Kushaiah. 1 And with them their brethren of the second degree : 
Zechariah, 2 and Jaaziel, and Shemiramoth, and Jehiel, and Unni, Eliab, arid 
Benaiah, and Maaseiah, and Mattithiah, and Elipheleh, and Mikneiah, and Obed- 

19 edom, and Jeiel, the porters. And the singers, Heman, Asaph, and Ethan, with 

20 cymbals of brass to sound aloud. And Zechariah, and Aziel, and Shemiramoth, 
and Jehiel, and Unni, and Eliab, and Maaseiah, and Benaiah, with psalteries, 

21 in the way of maidens. And Mattithiah, and Elipht leh, and Mikneiah, and 
Obed-edom, and Jeiel, and Azaziah, with harps after the octave to lead. 

22 And Chenaniah, chief of the Levites ; 3 for he instructed in bearing, for ho 

23 was skilful. And Berechiah and Elkanah were door-keepers for the ark. 

24 And Shebaniah, and Joshaphat, and Nathaneel, and Amasai, and Zechariah, 


and Benaiah, and Eliezer, the priests, blew 4 with the trumpets before the ark of 
God ; and Obed-edom and Jehiah were door keepers for the ark. 

25 And David, and the elders of Israel, and the captains of thousands, were 
going to bring up the ark of the covenant of the LORD out of the house of Obed 

26 edom with gladness. And when God helped the Levites bearing the ark of the 

27 covenant of the LORD, then they offered seven bullocks and seven rams. And 
David was clothed with a robe of byssus, and all the Levites bearing the ark, 
and the singers, and Chenaniah the master of the bearing [the singers] ; 5 and upon 

28 David was a linen ephod. And all Israel brought up the ark of the covenant of 
the LORD with shouting, and with sound of cornet, and with trumpets, and with 

29 cymbals sounding, with psalteries and harps. And when the ark of the covenant 
of the LORD came to the city of David, then Michal, daughter of Saul, looked out 
from the window, and saw King David leaping and playing; and she despised him 
in her heart. 

CH. XVI. 1. And they brought the ark of God, and set it in the tent that David had 
pitched for it ; and they offered burnt-offerings and peace-offerings before God. 

2 And David made an end of offering burnt-offerings and peace-offerings, and blessed 

3 the people in the name of the LORD. And he dealt to every one of Israel, both 
man and woman, to every one a loaf of bread, and a measure [of wine], and a grape 

4 And he appointed before the ark of the LORD ministers of the Levites, to 

5 record, and to thank and to praise the LORD God of Israel. Asaph the chief, and 
next to him Zechariah, Jeiel, 6 and Shemiramoth, and Jehiel, and Mattithiah, and 
Eliab, and Benaiah, and Obed-edom, and Jeiel, with psalteries and harps ; and 

6 Asaph sounding with cymbals. And Benaiah and Jahaziel the priests with 

7 trumpets continually before the ark of the covenant of God. On that day then 
David ordered for the first time to thank the LORD by Asaph and his 
brethren. 7 

8 Thank ye the LORD, call on His name, 

Make known His deed among the peoples. 

9 Sing ye to Him, play ye to Him ; 

Muse on all His wonders. 

10 Glory ye in His holy name ; 

Let the heart of them that seek the LORD be glad. 

11 Seek ye the LORD and His strength, 

Seek ye His face continually. 

12 Remember His wonders that He hath done, 

His signs, and the judgments of His mouth. 

13 ye seed of Israel His servant, 

Ye sons of Jacob, His chosen. 

14 He the LORD is our God, 

His judgments are in all the earth. 

15 Remember His covenant for ever 

The word He commanded to a thousand ages. 

16 Which He made with Abraham, 

And His oath unto Isaac. 

17 And appointed it to Jacob for a statute, 

To Israel for an everlasting covenant. 

1ft Saying, To thee I give the land of Canaan, 

The line of your inheritance. 

19 When ye were small in number, 

Few, and strangers in it. 

20 And they went from nation to nation, 

And from one kingdom to another people. 

21 He let IK man do them wrong, 

And reproved kings for their sake. 

22 " Touch not mine anointed, 

And do my prophets no harm." 

CHAP. XVI. 11 

23 Sing ye to the LORD, all the earth ; 

Proclaim from day to day His salvation. 

24 Tell ye among the nations His glory, 

His wonders among all the peoples. 

25 For great is the LORD, and greatly to be praised ; 

And He is to be feared above all gods. 

26 For all the gods of the peoples are idols ; 

But the LORD made the heavens. 

27 Majesty and honour are before Him, 

Strength and gladness are in His place. 

28 Give unto the LORD, ye kindreds of the people, 

Give unto the LORD glory and strength. 

29 Give to the LORD the glory due to His name ; 

Bring an oblation, and come before Him ; 
Worship the LORD in the beauty of holiness. 

30 Tremble before Him, all the earth : 

The world will also stand fast without moving. 

31 Let the heavens be glad, and let the earth rejoice ; 

And let them sing among the nations, The LORD reigneth. 

32 Let the sea roar, and the fulness thereof ; 

Let the field rejoice, and all that is therein. 

33 Then shall the trees of the wood sing out 

Before the LORD ; for He cometh to judge the earth. 

34 Thank ye the LORD ; for He is good ; 

For His mercy endureth for ever. 

35 And say ye, Save us, God of our salvation, 

And gather us and deliver us from the heathen, 
To thank Thy holy name, 
To glory in Thy praise. 

36 Blessed be the LORD, the God of Israel, 

For ever and ever. 
And all the people said, Amen, and praised the LORD. 

37 And he left there, before the ark of the covenant of the LORD, Asaph ana 
his brethren, to minister before the ark continually, for the day s work in its day. 

38 And Obed-edom 8 and their brethren sixty and eight ; and Obed-edom, son of 

39 Jedithun, and Hosah, to be porters. And Zadok the priest, and his brethren 
the priests, before the tabernacle of the LORD, in the high place that was at 

40 Gibeon. To offer burnt-offerings to the LORD on the altar of burnt-offering con 
tinually morning and evening, and for all that is written in the law of the LORD, 

41 which He commanded Israel. And with them Heman and Jeduthun, and the 
rest that were chosen, who were expressed by name, to thank the LORD, that His 

42 mercy endureth for ever. And with them, Heman and Jeduthun, 9 were trumpets 
and cymbals for loud sounding, and [other] instruments of God ; and the sons of 

43 Jeduthun were at the gate. And all the people went every man to his house; 
and David turned in to bless his house. 

without variation, while in vi. 29 the name is ^Kj?> and so the Sept. read here Kifetfa (Vnlg. 

3 }2 after 1iT"lDT has come into the text by a mistake of the pen, aa the 1 before the next name shows. On th 
contrary, the name ^rPTTV seems to have fallen out at the close of ver. 18 (see Exeg.). 

* K&E2- So most editions, in the first place; whereas R. Norzi has NtJ^S even the first time. 

Kethib: D HVVnD- Keri: D^Vntt (partic. Hiph.). The same variation recurs 2 Chron. v. 18, where, how 
ever, the Keri is to be read as partic. Pi. 


The words DmK l iTJJDI are wanting in the Pe*h. At least, D s "]"ln should apparently 

b erased as unmeaning (comp. Exeg.), though the Sept. and Vulg. have it. 

Instead of ^JOT after xv. 18 : s certainly to be read here, in the first place (after niOVEK-Oi ^Vy* 1 
1 The variants in this song, from its parallel in the Psalter (Ps. cv., xcvi., cvi. ,, see in Exeg. 

8 After D1X T3J?j as the plur. sun , in DilTlXT shows must at least one name, probably HD!"!! (see the follow 
ing), have fallen out. 

9 The names plHV^l JO^H were not read by the Sept. (xa.} MT <x,i>r!av iroiK^i-yyi; xoti 

.T.>. ), and appear to be repeated by mistake from the preceding verse, which also begins with 


PRELIMINARY REMARK. Instead of the brief 
description of the parallel text 2 Sam. vi. 11-23, 
our author gives a detailed account: 1. Of the 
preparations for the solemn act of transferring the 
ark into its new sanctuary in Jerusalem, xv. 1-24, 
including a. The erection of the tent for the 
reception of the ark, ver. 1 ; h. a conference of the 
king with the priests and Levites, vers. 2-16; and 
c. the selection of the Levites appointed for the 
chief part in the solemnity (and therefore desig 
nated by name), vers. 16-24. 2. Then follows 
the execution of the so prepared holy act itself, 
xv. 25--xvi. 3 ; at the close of which comes the 
description of the first solemn service before the 
ark in its new sanctuary on Zion, xvi. 4-43, in 
cluding the psalm of praise and thanks then sung, 
vers. 8-36. This long closing section is (except 
the last verse) pociuiar to the Chronist. On its 
credibility, and especially on the genuineness and 
age of the psalm of praise and thanks, see at the 
close of these expositions. 

1. The Preparation for the Removal; and first, 
a. The erection of the tent on Zion: xv. 1. And 
he made him houses in the city of David. This 
may be understood of the building of other houses 
besides the palace bnilt with the aid of Hiram of 
Tyre, xiv. 1 (Berth., Kamph.); but as the verb 
used is ilb y* n t H]3, it appears rather to refer to 
the internal finishing of a palace for th: abode of 
the king and his wives. And he prepared a place 
for the ark of God. This was probably in the 
immediate neighbourhood of the king s house 
adjoining it ; for here the one of the two existing 
high priests, Abiathar the Ithamaride, who, since 
the massacre at Nob, was constantly about David 
(as it were his court or domestic priest, while 
Zadok of the house of Eleazar officiated at Gibeon), 
was to exercise his functions. And pitched for 
it a tent, we may suppose, after the model of the 
old tabernacle still existing at Gibeon (xvi. 39 f. , 
xxi. 29; 1 Kings iii. 4 ff.), but only as a pro 
visional sanctuary. 

2. Continuation, b. The conference with the 
priests and Levites: vers. 2-15. Then David 
#a>d, namely, at the end of the three months, 
xiii. 14. None should carry, properly, "it is 
not to carry. " With this confession of the sole 
right of the Levites to carry the ark (comp. 
Num. i. 50, iv. 15, vii. 9, x. 17), David acknow 
ledges that it was unlawful to convey it on a 
waggon, xiii. 7. Ver. 3. And David gathered 
all Israel, by its natural representatives, the 
elders and captains of thousands ; see ver. 25, and 
oomp. 2 Sam. vi. 15 : " all the house of Israel." 
Of this summons to a previous consultation in 
Jerusalem nothing further is reported, 2 Sam. vi. 
Ver. 4. And David assembled the sons of Aaron, 
ind the Levites ; he formed of these representa 

tives of the priesthood an inner circle in the 
assembly of the people, to hear their counsel re 
garding the order of the solemnities. " The sons 
of Aaron " are the high priests Zadok and Abia 
thar, ver. 11; the " Levites " are the six chiefs 
named in vers. 5-10, with their brethren. Ver. 
5. Of the sons of Kohath: Uriel, the chief ; see 
vi. 9. The Kohathite chief is named first, be 
cause the ministry of the most holy, the carrying 
of the most holy vessels of the tabernacle, belonged 
to the Kohathites, the family from which Aaron 
the high priest sprang, Num. iv. 4, 15, vii. 9 
(Keil). On the Merarite chief Asaiah, cornp. vi. 
15 ; on Joel, the chief of the sons of Gershom, 
vi. 21. Vers. 8-10 name the chiefs of three other 
Kohathite families, those of Elizaphan ( = Elza- 
phan son of Uzziel, Ex. vi. 22), of Hebron (son 
of Kohath, Ex. vi. 18 ; comp. 1 Chron. v. 28), 
and of Uzziel. The last named is. probably not 
different from the Kohathite Uzziel, father of 
Elizaphan, Ex. vi. 22 ; there are thus formed of 
the sons of this Uzziel two houses, of which one 
is named after Elizaphan, the other after Uzziel 
himself, and not any of his other sons. There 
are then in all four Kohathite houses, with one 
Merarite and one Gershomite, here represented: a 
strong preference of the house of Kohath, which 
is not surprising, because the conveyance of the 
ark specially belonged to them. Ver. 11. And 
David called Zadok (of Eleazar, v. 27 ff.) and 
Abiathar (of Ithamar), the high priests, who 
then acted together ; see above on ver. 1, and 
comp. xxiv. 3; 2 Sam. xv. 24 if., xx. 25. Ver. 12. 
Ye chiefs of the Levites, literally, "ye chiefs of 
the fathers of the Levites ;" coinp. viii. 6, 10. 
Sanctify yourselves with your brethren, properly, 
"ye and your brethren." The "sanctifying" 
consisted in keeping from their wives, from con 
tact with unclean things, and also in washing the 
body and the clothes ; comp. Gen. xxxv. 2 with 
Ex. xix. 10, 15, also 2 Chron. xxx. 3. To (the 

place) / have prepared for it, fa Tli^rr/tf. 


The same elliptical construction (with omitted 
or immediate connection of the relative 

sentence with the preposition) see in 2 Chron. i. 4, 
comp. 1 Chron. xxix. 3; 2 Chron. xvi. 9, xxx. 18; 
>Neh. viii. 10 (Ew. 333, b). Ver. 13. For because 
ye were not at the beginning, or "ye were not 
those who bare the ark. " "At the beginning," 
on the former occasion, when three months before 
the ark was brought from Kiriath-jearim, xiii. 

On the peculiar construction n^fcTQE^ (from 

n?3> and njirNis), comp. 

Mai. i. 13, and Ew. 91, d. noi? in this com 
pound signifies "for this, that," "be oauae;" 

CHAP. XV. 15-22. 

oomp. Ew. 222, a, 353, a. The Lord oar God 
broke oat upon ut> \xiii. II), because >, sought Him, 
not aright, because we approached Him not in the 
manner prescribed by law, had neglected to testify 
our reverence to Him by keeping the legal regula 
tion. that only Levites should bear the holy things 
Ver. 15. And the sons of the Levites bear the 
ark of God. An anticipation, occasioned by that 
which was said in the verse before of the imme 
diate execution of the order for the purification 
of the Levites. See the particulars, ver. 25 If. 
Upon their shoulders, with staves upon them, upon 
their shoulders. On ntti?3 (from BIO, "waver"), 

the pole, comp. Num. xiii. 23 (also Lev. xxvi. 13; 
Ezek. xxxiv. 27). In the Pentat. the poles are 
besides called D s<! 13, Ex - xxv - 13 ff., etc. 

3. Close, c. The appointment of the Levitical 
singers for the solemnity: vers. 16-24. To ap 
point their brethren the singers with instruments, 
properly, "with instruments of song," that is, to 

accompany the singing. Such V> v3 (comp. 
Neh. xii. 36) are now named in three classes : 1. 
D^33 tttt. rvpia (Sept.), or nablia (Vulg.), guitar- 

like instruments, consisting of an oblong chest 
with flat bottom and convex sounding board, over 
which strings of wire were stretched, called by 
Luther, in accordance with the Sept. (and the 
Arab, santir), psalteries, by others "harps" or 
nablia ; 2. rii~)})3 (Sept. xiwpxi, Vulg. lyrce), harps 

or lute-like instruments, rendered by Luther not 
unsuitably, " harps," though lutes would perhaps 
be more correct [rather should the former be 

called lutes] ; 3. DTl^VO (equivalent to the older 
term D^S^f, 2 Sam. vi. 5; Ps. el. 5), here more 

<"ully defined by the epithet 


bounding" (making to hear), which belongs neither 
to all the three instruments (Berth.), nor to the 
too remote "their brethren the singers" (Kamph. ), 
but, as in vers. 19, 28, and xvi. 5, 42, only to 

DTl^VO I comp. Bottch. Neue exeg.-krit. Aehrenl. 

iii. 223 f. (who, however, assigns to the term the 
unsuitable meaning, "beating time"). To lift up 
the sound with gladness, to express or signify joy; 
comp. ver. 25; 2 Chron. xxiii. 18, xxix. 30. This 
telic clause refers not merely to the clear-sounding 
cymbals, but to the chief sentence. Ver. 17. And 
the Levites appointed Heman son of Joel. That 
this Heman was of the family of the Kohathites, 
and Asaph of the Gershonites (comp. vi. 18, 24), 
is not here stated ; only of the third song-master 
Ethan is his family, or his descent from Mer;iri, 
expressly mentioned. On the name of Ethan s 
father, Kushaiah, see Grit. Note. Ver. 18. And 
with them their brethren of the second degree. 
On D^w tSH, "the second in rank," comp. the 


2 Kings xxiii. 4 and 1 Chron. xvi. 

5. Zechariah and Jaazie.l. For the certainly 
spurious p after }rP"OTi see Grit. Note. The 

here named Jaaziel is certainly identical with the 
Aziel, ver. 20, and with the Jeiel, xvi. 5, or rather 
these names are to be changed into the present 
one. And Obed-edom and Jeiel the porters. 

The office of doorkeeper does not exclude thf-r 
acting also as musicians, as ver. 21 shows. After 
Jeiel, as the same verse teaches, the name Azaziah 
must have fallen out, so that originally there wero 
not thirteen but fourteen persons named a.s musi 
cians of the second order. After these singers 
and musicians have been mentioned by name (a:id 
in two orders or ranks, vers. 17 and 18i, they aie 
again brought forward, vers. 19-21, divided into 
three choirs, after the musical instruments or. 
which they played. Ver. 19. TheCymbal Players. 
Heman, Asaph, and Ethan. With cymbals of 
brass to sound al<>ud, they were bound, had this 
to do. The cymbals were wholly of brass; comp. 
1 Gor. xiii. li^aXxo? *!%*, and Joseph. Aiitit/. 

vii. 12. 3: xt;^t/SXa Tt fiv ^rXarsa x,ou fnytiXai. 

The "loud-soundin" n of the 

three cymbal players was designed to beat time or 
direct ; for in ver. 17 they are placed before as 
leaders. Ver. 20. The Players on Psalteries or 
Nablia : Zechariah and Seven Others. Of these, 
who are here repeated with slight changes from 
ver. 18 (instead of Jaaziel, the second is here called 
Aziel ; and at the end of the first series stands here 
Maaseiuh before Benaiah, there inversely), it is 
here stated that they played with psalte/i/ s in the 

way of maidens. nioSir^y is certain!} the namo 
of that tone, which sounds in a high, clear voice, 
that is, the soprano, as the following rP3*tD$!T ^i 

"after (or on) the octave," is equivalent to "on 
the bass," al ottava bassa. Comp. Del. on Ps. 
vi. 1, xlvi. 1. Ver. 21. The Harp or Lute Players: 
Mattaniah and Five Others. With harps after 
the octave to lead. How this leading or directing 
expressed by n3 is distinct from that which is 
expressed, ver. 19, by y)0^n, we can no longer 
define ; at all events, it was not such directing as 
could belong only to the music-master. Comp. 
Delitzsch on Ps. iv. 1. Vers. 22-24 bring forward 
the other Levites engage* 1 in the solemn procession. 
And Chenaniah, chief of th* Levites, for bearing, 
3 ( or as perhaps is to be read, with R. Norzi, 
i s scarce ly to be understood of any presid 

ing or overseeing action of Chenaniah (as the 
Sept. o cipxav TAIV uluv,^ Vulg. p opftetiue prceerat 
ad pr(jnclnendam melodiam; Luth. "to instruct in. 
singing;" L. Lavater, supremus music us; Kamph. 
and others, "the leader in execution," etc.). 
The phrase is rather to be referred to the bearing 
of the ark, which, according to ver. 23 f., is here 
in question (comp. also j<&C in 2 Chron. xxxv. 3 

and Num. iv. 19). With this agrees, rightly 
conceived, ver. 27, as well as the later mention of 
Chenaniah in xxvi. 29, where he is placed over 
the outward business of the Levites (rightly 
$erth. and Keil ; undecided Kamph.). . In 
structed in bearing; for he was skilful, acquainted 
with the ritual, experienced in the ceremonial 
relative to the bearing of the ark. Whether wo 
take "ib* as inf. abs. Kal in the sense of the 

verb. Jin. -\&, "instruct" (J. H. Mich., Gesen., 
etc.), or as imperf. of "nD = T16?, " be cnief 

command" (Berth., etc.), or as a subst. in the 
sense of "instructor" (Keil), the meaning of pre 
siding, directing, leading, is at all events ex- 



pressed by the word. Ver. 23. And Berechiah 
and Elkanah were doorkeepers for the ark, who 
were to guard not so much the doors of the ark 
itself as those of the tent that gave access to it ; 
thus, in general, to guard the ark. As these two 
at first, and then at the close of the following 
verse, Obed-idom and Jehiih also, are named as 
doorkeepers of the ark, we must regard the former 
two as going before the ark during the solemn 
procession, and the latter twD as following after. 
Close by the ark, however, either immediately 
before it or on the two sides, the seven priests 
blowing trumpets, ver. 24, may be supposed to go. 
Ver. 24. And Shebaniah . . . blew with trumpet* 
before the ark of God. Whether the Kethib 
(denom. from mVVH) r the Keri 

(Hiph. of 

re ad 

n t affect 

the sense. The blowing of trumpets here is ac 
cording to the prescription, Num. x. 1-10, and 
the example of the compassing of Jericho, Josh. 
vi. 4-6. And Obed-edom and Jehiah were door 
keepers for the, ark. Of these, Obed-edoin was a 
son of Jeduthun, xvi. 38, and so perhaps different 
from him of the same name among the singers, 
vers. 18, 21 (though he also, ver. 18, is called a 
doorkeeper). Perhaps also the Jehiah named with 
him is not to be identified with Jehiel there 
(vers. 18 and 21) named with Obed-edom (against 
Raschi, Berth., etc.). It is plain that according to 
all this the whole procession included the follow 
ing divisions : 1. The singers arranged in three 
choirs ; 2. Chenaniah the captain of the bearers 
(as it were marshal) ; 3. Two doorkeepers ; 4. 
Seven priests blowing trumpets close by the ark ; 
5. Two doorkeepers. After these followed, ver. 
25, the king, with the elders and captains of 

4. The Execution of that which was resolved in 
the Assembly : xv. 25-xvi. 3. And David and the 
elders of Israel, and the captains of thousands 
(commanders over the thousands, chiliarchs). in" 1 1 

*\y\ T>n connects this with ver. 3, after the details 

concerning the preparations liave intervened. The 
parallel 2 Sam. vi. 12 wants this connecting ij-ji^ 
and does not mention the elders and chiliarchs 
along with David. Ver. 26. And wlien God 
helped the Levites, permitted them without danger 
or harm to convey the ark, thus to escape the 
fate of Uzza. The offering of seven bullocks and 
seven rams seems to have been made at the close 
of the procession, after he conveyance had been 
successfully conducted. Otherwise 2 Sam. vi. 
13, where (at least in the Masoretic text) David, 
after the bearers of the ark had made the first six 
steps, offered a sacrifice. It is probable that both 
accounts are original, and that the two must be 
harmonized and combined. Ver. 27. And David 
was clothed with a robe of byssus. Instead of 

these words (pa ^ypa $>l3 TV!}), 2 Sam. 

THl (with the 

vi. 14 presents fy^>3 
addition niiT 1 ^zb)- That ^aias is corrupted 
from 13-OD, and pa ^JflDa from fjr$oa 
(Berth., etc. ; also Bottcher, Neue Aehrenlese, 
iii. 224), might be assumed, it the nirv ^&, 
wanting in our text, did not create a difficulty. 

For this assumption, according to which the 
Chronist shall have thought it unbecoming to 
speak of David (and, with Berth., the Levitea 
also) dancing, though in ver. 29 and xiii. 8 he 
states, or at least implies, this fact quite freely, 
it is at all events easier to regard both texts as 
abbreviations of one and the same narrative con 
tained in the common sources of our author, 
which, besides the dancing of David (which the 
Chronist merely presupposes, while the author of 
2 Samuel gives it prominence), contained full 
reports of the clothing of David, and of the 
Levites around him. It is accordingly to be 
supposed that the Chronist has taken only thfso 
latter reports in full, "because the statement 
concerning the clothing of the king and the 
Levites appeared more important for the purpose 
of describing fully the religious aspect of the pro 
cession, as this import of it was more conspicuous 
here ; for the dress which the king wore had a 
priestly character" (Keil ; comp. Movers, p. 168). 

That the verb 7a")3> "to be wrapt up," belongs 
to the later usage of speech, or rather, is properly 
Chaldaic (Dan. iii. 21), can scarcely bring into 
question the justice of this harmonistic assump 
tion (against Bottch.). And all the Levites . . . 
and the singers, and Chenaniah. To these also 
obviously applies the being "clothed with a robe 
of byssus," which is first said of David. All 
these, who are here in apposition with David, are 
described as adorned with priestly attire, with 
the meil of byssus (comp. the byssus attire of 
the Levites and singers in the dedication of the 
temple by Solomon, 2 Chron. v. 12, and for the 
meil, the upper garment of distinguished persons, 
1 Sam. ii. 19, xv. 27, xviii. 4, xxiv. 5 ; Ezra ix. 
3; Jo)) xxix. 14). The closing sentence, "and 
upon David was a linen ephod," first names the 
distinguishing part of the clothing of the king as 
the sovereign of the priestly people (comp. 2 Sam. 
vi. 14). The designation of Chenaniah as "the 
master of the bearing" (K&13n ifetfl with the 

double article ; comp. Ew. 290, d) is to be 
understood according to ver. 22 ; the unmeaning: 
"the singers," after fc^jsn, appears spurious (see 

Crit. Note) ; even if we understood J^ of musi 

cal performance, this addition would be disturb 
ing. Ver. 28. With shouting, and with sound of 
cornet, etc. Shorter and simpler 2 Sam. vi. 15, 
without naming the several instruments. Ver. 
29. Then Michal . . . saw King David leaping 
and playing. Instead of pnt^DI "IplD, 2 Sam. 
vi. 16 has 13"OO} fiBD- This brief reference to 

the well-known history, fully reported in 2 Sam. 
vi. 16, 20-23, of the dispute between David and 
Michal, shows sufficiently that the Chronist did 
not wish to be silent concerning this matter from 
dogmatic or aesthetic considerations. Moreover, 
ver. 29-xvi. 3 agrees in all essentials with 2 Sam. 
vi. 16-1 9a. Ch. xvi. 3. To every one a loaf of 

bread (Qni? "133, the more usual phrase for the 
rarer (> j-^n used in 2 Sam. vi. 19), and a measure 
(of wine), and a grape cake. The 1 )> &{, occur 

ring only here and 2 Samuel, is explained by the 
Vulg., Chald., and Syr., and by several Rabbis 
and moderns (Ew., Berth., Kamph.), as "a j-ieca 

CHAP. XVI. 4-27. 


of flesh" (roast), as if from 

or rather from -|Q{j? = pp jv 

reference of the word to 


ascertained, according to which, ~|5^ (with tf 

prosthet.} signifies a portion of drink, a measure 

of wine (de Dieu, Gesen., Rodiger, Keil, etc.). 

On n^CJX, "grape or raisin cake" (from B^. K, 

, ox, and &$, fire, 

to burn. " But the 

, in the sense of the 

to measure," is better 

to make firm, press), comp. Song ii. 5, Hos. iii. 
A, and the equivalent QiplJOV, x ^- 40. 

5. The First Solemn Service before the Ark in 
Jerusalem, and the Institution of Divine Service 
in general: vers. 4-43. a. The Levites appointed 
for service by David: vers. 4-6. And he appointed 
(properly, "gave;" comp. ver. 7) before the ark 
of the Lord ministers of the Levites, namely, as 
the addition "to record, etc." shows, singers and 
players for the purpose of sacred singing, Levi- 
tical ministers (xuTovpyovvru.;, Sept.). To record, 

and to thank, and to praise. T3tn!>, literally, 
"to bring to remembrance, to pray at the n~GTX 

of the meat-offering" (Lev. ii. 2; comp. Ps. 
xxxviii. 1, Ixx. 1, and Del. on the first passage). 

nnii"6, properly, "to confess" (Sept., i%t>f*iXo- 

yi7<r6a.i\ refers to the singing of psalms that pro 
minently confess and express thanks to God, as 
^nS refers to the praises of the hallelujah songs. 

Ver. 5. Asaph the chief, and next to him 
Zechariah, literally, "and as his second, his 
next man (follower);" comp. Esth. x. 3. Of 
the three song-masters and fourteen musicians 
named in the list xv. 19-21, a part only are 
named again : of the song-masters only Asaph, 
and of the musicians only nine (namely, six of 
the eight nebel-players and three of the six 
kinnor-playei*), and also, ver. 6, of the seven 
trumpet-blowers, only two, Benaiah and Jahaziel, 
the latter of whom did not appear in xv. 24. As 
we possess no parallel report to compare with the 
contents of our section, nothing definite can be 
conjectured of the relation of the present names 
to those of the longer series, and it must be left 
uncertain whether Jahaziel be identical with the 
Eliezer named, ver. 24, along with Benaiah. 

6. Continuation, b. The song of praise and 
thanks by Asaph arid his brethren: vers. 7-36. 
On that day then David ordered for tlie first time 
. . . by Asaph, etc. Properly, "then David gave 
over ... by the hand of Asaph ;" *va jfij, here 

"to hand over, arrange." B &oa, not "by the 

chief, by Asaph," but " first, for the first time ; * 
comp. ^N"ID, Isa. xl. 21. This is the first intro 

duction of the new rultus. Along with Asaph 
are named "his brethren," the Levites arranged 
with (and under) him, enumerated in vers. 5, 6. 
We may observe, moreover, how clearly this 
verse, especially by its J{<13,, announces the fol 

lowing song as an ideal composition, characteriz 
ing only ir. general that which was to be sung by 
the musiciris, but not expressing a stereotype 
form. Had the author wished to convey the 
sense that the song was sung for all time so as 
he communicated it, and not otherwise, he would 

have added, "and he commanded them thus to 
sing," or, "to sing this song." Ver. 8 ff. Thank 
ye the Lord, call on His name, etc. Of the eight 
strophes of the song, the first four (vers. 8-22) 
correspond to the opening of Ps. cv. (vers. 1-15); 
the next three (vers. 23-33) to Ps. xcvi. ; the 
last (vers. 34-36) to the first and last two verse? 
of Ps. cvi., with some unimportant variations 
which are here to be noted. First Strophe: vers. 
8-11 ( = Ps. cv. 1-4) : Summons to sing praise to 
the Lord and to seek His face. Second Strophe : 
vers. 12-14 ( = Ps. cv. 5-7): Summons to think 
of the wonders of the Lord and His judgments. 
Here are the first variants, namely, ver. 12, 

instead of VQ, an d, ver. 13, JOb* JHT instead 
f DiTQS *T, f which the latter only is of any 

consequence. On account of the parallelism with 
the "sons of Jacob," tbe "seed of Israel " appears 
the better reading. Third Strophe : vers. 15-18 
( = Ps. cv. 8-11) : Summons to think of the 
covenant made by the Lord with the fathers. 
Remember His covenant for ever. Ps. cv. rather: 
" He remembereth, etc." ("Of for 

reading, corresponding better with the applica 
tion of the song to the end proposed in ver. 7, 
appears to be substituted for the more original 
one of the Psalm. Ver. 16. And His oath unto 

Isaac. For pnv P S - cv - 9 presents the weaker 
form pni^ (found also in Amos vii. 9 ; Jer. 

xxxiii. 26), a critically unimportant variant, like 
that in ver. 18a, where {^3 pj< stands for 

"3~pK~nK. Fourth Strophe : vers. 19-22 ( = Ps. 

cv. 12-15) : Reason of the summons to remember 
the covenant of the Lord with the fathers, because 
the Lord has so truly and mightily protected 
them according to His promise. When ye were 
small in number. Instead of 

12 presents DHOTIS- To address the children of 

Israel again corresponds better with the aim of 
the Psalm ; this variant is thus similar to that 
in ver. 15, but affords no presumption in favour 
of the priority of this or that reading. Ver. 20. 
And from one kingdom,. Ps. cv. omits the "and" 
( before n^bfOD) 5 critically unimportant, as 

also the two following variants (ver. 21, V*vb for 
, and, ver. 22, w:u:W for JO^l). Fifth 

Strophe : vers. 23- 27 ( = Ps. xcvi. 1-6) : All the 
world shall concur in praise of the greatness and 
glory of God. The first verse of this passage 
seems compounded of the first two verses of Ps. 
xcvi., the first members being omitted. Whether 
this be an abbreviating process of the Chronist, 
or an amplifying one of the Psalmist, it is hard 
to determine ; much may be said for each of the 
two assumptions (see Keil). Ver. 27. Strength 
and gladness are in His place (iDpfD2 HHril; 

comp. for this late, but in Aram, frequent, nnn, 

Ezra vi. 16 ; Neh. viii. 10). On the contrary, Ps. 
xcvi. 6 : " strength and beauty in His sanctuary" 
- Sixth Strophe: vers. 28-30 


= Ps. xcvi. 7-9) : All nations shall worship God 



with offerings and confessions. Ver. 29. Give to 
the Lord the glory due to His name, etc. Instead 
of two, this verse has, to our surprise, three 
members : the first two correspond to Ps. xcvi. 
8 ; ver. 9 there to our ver. 29c and ver. 30a. 
The disturbance of the parallel in our verse rests 
on this, that after ver. 31a (=Ps. xcvi. lla) the 
verse-member Ps. xcvi. lOa is placed, but Ps. 
xcvi. lOc is altogether omitted. Thus, in our 
text, the verse beginning with "give to the Lord 
the glory;" on the contrary, in Ps. xcvi., that 
beginning with "say among the heathen " (ver. 
10), forms the exception to the otherwise constant 
bipartition of the verse. It is impossible, how 
ever, to arrive at a certain result on which side 
the priority lies (see on ver. 31). Bring an obla 
tion, and come before Him. Ps. xcvi. 86: "and 

come to His courts" (vnnr6 for V3D) This 

variant is similar to that in ver. 27, where "in 
His sanctuary" of the Psalm is changed into the 
more general " in His place," because the mention 
of the "sanctuary" (as here of the "courts") 
does not seem to comport well with the time and 
aim of the present song, which was sung before 
the erection of the temple. Ver. 30. Tremble 

before Him, all the earth. For VJD pD P S - xcvi. 
9 has V331D, an unimportant difference. Seventh 

Strophe: vers. 31-33 ( = Ps. xcvi. 10-13): Even 
the inanimate creation will exult before the Lord 
of all nations coining to judgment. Ver. 3 la 
corresponds to Ps. xcvi. lla, but ver. 316 to Ps. 
xcvi. 10(i. And let them nay among the nations, 
etc., is in Ps. xcvi. lOa: "say among the nations" 
CON instead of W^fe^l). It is too much to say 

that this summons, addressed to the Israelites 
after the words "tremble before Him, all the 
earth " (which there go immediately before, as 
ver. 96), yields a "rather tame thought," and 
speaks for the priority of the text of Chronicles 
(Keil). The position of the present summons 
among mere appeals to the representatives of 
inanimate nature, as the heavens, the earth, the 
sea, the field, may appear surprising and disturb 
ing. There is something excited and wavering 
in the line of thought and mode of expression, 
there as well as here. Ver. 326. Let the field 

rejoice, etc. For rn&n f* Ps- xe. 12a 

presents v-jjv f^JP, i n which the poetic and 
archaic i"j^, instead of the prosaic nl ^H, seems 

not without significance. Ver. 33. Then shall 
the trees of the wood sing out. For this Ps. xcvi. 
126 has "all trees of the wood." The second 
member of this verse corresponds to the first in 
Ps. xcvi. 13, as far as the repetition of "for He 
joineth" (jo 13), which occurs only once here. 

Ps. xcvi. 136, the close of the whole Psalm, is 
wanting in our text, whi ;h the defenders of the 
priority of the latter explain thus : that when 
the contents of our verses 23-33 were made a 
distinct Psalm, it was found necessary to make 
at the close a suitable addition ; whereas the 
matter may as well be explained by the abbre 
viating habit of our author (as the later compiler 
of the present song). Eighth Strophe: vers. 34- 
36 ( = Ps. cvi. 1, 47, 48): Repeated summons to 
thank God, and to pray for His further help, with 

the closing doxology. Thank ye the Lord ; for 
He is yood, etc. This verse is found not merely 
at the head of Ps. cvi., but also of Ps. cvii., 
cxviii., cxxxvi. (comp. also Ps. cxviii. 29 ana 
Jer. xxxiii. 11) ; as an old and favourite litur 
gical form, it is not necessarily to be regarded as 
taken from Ps. cvi. in particular. Ver. 35. And 
say ye, Save us, God of our salvation. Similar, 
but not verbally so, Ps. cvi. 47, where "and say 
ye" is wanting, and for " God of our salvation" 
stands "the Lord our God." And gather us and 
deliver us from the heathen. For this Ps. evi. 
47 has : " and gather us from the heathen." The 
two following members agree verbally with tha 
parallel verse of the Psalm. Blessed be the Lord, 
etc. This closing doxology, which recurs exactly 
in Ps. cvi. 48, forms there the close of the fourth 
book of the Psalter, together with the words : 
"and let all the people say, Amen. Praise ye 
the Lord," which are here changed into the his 
torical notice : "and all the people said, Amen, 
and praised the Lord" (}~)E)N S T for the jussive 

alld ilrP 


Even in 

these last deviations from the similar passages of 
the Psalter there is nothing that could prove 
with certainty the priority of our text, and a 
partly imitative, partly devious, procedure of the 
Psalmist. With regard to the doxology Tp-0 
"01 iTinS which was originally nothing else than 
the liturgical close of the fourth book (analogous 
to those at the close of Ps. xli., Ixxii., and 
Ixxxix.), it is much more probable that our 
author changed, for his own purpose, this doxo- 
logical formula, which may have been attached 
to Ps. cvi. long ago, from liturgical use. And 
the more probable this must appear to the un 
prejudiced mind, the more clearly all the other 
differences between our text and that of the cor 
responding Psalms appear as alterations, occa 
sioned by the revising and compiling habit of 
the Chronist, of that which was before him in 
the Psalter. Cornp. the closing remarks. 

7. Division of the Levites and Priests for Divine 
Service (as continuation and close of the list of 
Levitical singers and players in vers. 4-6) : vers. 

37-43. Asaph and his brethren. The f) before 

the accus. of the object, according to later usage. 
For the day s work in its day, literally, for the 
matter of the day on its day," that is, according 
to the service required for every day ; comp. 
2 Chron. viii. 14, xxxi. 16. Ver. 38. And Obed- 
edom and their brethren sixty and eight. That 
here should be read, according to what follows: 
"and Obed-edomand Hosah and their brethren," 
see Grit. Note. If, indeed, in the next clause of 
our verse: "and Obed-edom . . . and Hosah to 
be porters," another Obed-edom were meant, as 
the distinction of this as "son of Jedithun" (pos 
sibly, xxvi. 4, a Korhite Jedithun, and not the 
Merarite singer Jeduthun) appears to indicate, 
some other name than that of Hosah must be 
supplied along with the former Obed-edom. Even 
in xv. 21, 24 there seem to be two different 
Obed-edoms, a singer, ver. 21, and a porter, ver. 
24. Yet the diversity of the two named in our 
verse is by no means certain ; for in xxvi. 4-8, of 
Obed-edom with his sons anil brothers, sixty-two 
men are mentioned as porters, which nearly agrees 
with the present number sixty -eight, and seems 

CHAP. XVI. 39-43. 


to point to the identity of the first-mentioned and 
the second Obed-edom. Ver. 42 of our chapter 
also shows clearly enough the identity of the pre 
sent Jedithun with Jeduthun. In the notorious 
defectiveness of the text, besides, we cannot attain 
to a certain decision. Ver. 39. And Zadok the 
priest. &>d his brethren the priests. 3TJP1, ver. 
37, still acts as the governing verb. For the 
continued religious use of the sanctuary at Gibeon 
under David, see on xv. 1. It is to be remarked 
that Zadok is designated only as priest, not as 
high priest, as he was made first by Solomon ; 
see 1 Kings ii. 27, 35. Ver. 40. To offer burnt- 
offerings to the Lord on the altar of burnt-offer 
ing. The mention here of burnt-offerings only at 
Gibeon proves nothing against the assumption 
that they were also offered in the sanctuary at 
Jerusalem ; and ch. xxi. 26, 30 shows directly 
and expressly that these offerings were made here 
also, no doubt under the direction of Abiathar 
(comp. xviii. 16). Continually morning and even 
ing. Comp. the prescriptions of the law, Ex. 
xxix. 38; Num. xxviii. 8, 6. And for all (that 
was prescribed besides the daily burnt-offering; 

comp. Num. xxviii. ) that iff written. 

briefly for arrta Ttiwy. Ver. 41. And with 

them, etc., with Zadok and his brethren. This 
refers to the singers at the sanctuary in Gibeon, 
where Hernan, Jeduthun (Ethan), and a number 
of subordinates were appointed. The Chronist 
points indeed to a list before him, in which the 
Gibeonite singers were named (on niDK>2 to^, 

comp. xii. 31), but does not specify them, because 
the singers under Asaph at Jerusalem, who are 
enumerated vers. 4-6, interested him most. 
Ver. 42. And with them, Heman and Jeduthun, 
were trumpets and cymbals. So, according to 
the Masoretic reading, which, however, appears 
suspicious, from the absence of the names Heman 
and Jeduthun in the Sept. (comp. Grit. Note), 
and gives no very suitable sense. If we erase the 
two names, the sense comes out: "and with them 
were, that is, they had trumpets and cymbals," a 
phrase somewhat strange, but still affording a 
suitable sense, which is at all events to be pre 
ferred to the artificial and forced emendation -of 
Bertheau ("And Heman and Jeduthun were play 
ing aloud with trumpets and cymbals, and with 
them the others chosen, with song-instruments of 

God"). For loud sounding, D^yDK^. This 

epithet belonging to the 

defines the 

cymbals as giving the tone, or intoning the 
melody, and thus being a means of leading the 
song for the song-masters Heman and Jeduthun ; 
comp. on xv. 16, 19. And (other) instruments of 
God, other instruments of religious music besides 
those named, especially psalteries and harps. 
And the sons of Jeduthun were at the gate; they 
were appointed to guard the entrance of the 
Gibeonite tabernacle. These are obviously Obed- 
edom, Hosah, and their brethren, who had been 
designated, ver. 38, as doorkeepers. Ver. 43. 
And all the people went every man to his house ; 
essentially as in 2 Sam. vi. 19, 20, where this 
closing verse of our chapter has its parallel in an 
otherwise much more concise report. The narra 
tive there added, of David s altercation with 
Michal (comp. xv. 29), our author omits as a 

scene of a purely domestic character, unsuitablo 
to his purpose. And David turned in to bless his 
house, on this festive day, as he had before (ver. 
2) blessed the whole people in the name of the 

Appendix : On the Credibility of the Contents 
of ch. xvi. 

As ch. xii., notwithstanding its exclusive trans 
mission by our author, makes the impression of 
the highest credibility, the statistical data and 
registers also of our section, just because they are 
mostly of a concrete and detailed kind, afford 
the warrant of a true rendering of the historical 
facts. Important there as well as here is the 
reference to greater and richer registers, that 
must have served the Chronist as sources, without 
being exhausted by him ; comp. the characteristic 
rriDC 3 Dpr-t^K, xii. 31, xvi. 41, and such 

specifications of names as vers. 4-6 and ver. 38 ff., 
which clearly indicate in the author a process of 
abstracting and contracting more copious lists. 
It is manifest enough that he was in a position, 
as belonging himself to the corps of Levitical 
singers after the exile (Introd. 3), to draw these 
statements from the full fountains, and to depend 
on copious written and oral traditions. 

Only with respect to the song given in vers. 
8-36, at the dedication, the assumption of strict 
historical accuracy appears to be given up on 
account of its relation to several parallel Psalms; 
and an ideal composing process of the writer, 
similar to that of Livy and Thucydides in their 
speeches, is assumed as necessary. We know not, 
in fact, what could stand against the adrnissi- 
bility of this assumption, defended by Bertheau, 
Kamph., Dillmann, Davidson, Ewald (Bibl. 
Jahrb. vi. 24), Delitzsch (Komm. zum Psalter, ii. 
p. 93 f.), A. Kohler (Zeitschr. fur luth. Theol 
1867, p. 295 ff.), C. Ehrt (Abfassungszeit und 
Schluss des Ps., Leipzig 1869, p. 41 ff.), Hupfeld, 
and others. If, of recent scholars, on the one hand 
Hitzig (Die Psalmen, 2 Bd. 1865, p. viii. ff.), OD 
the other Keil (Komm. p. 155 ff.), the former im 
pelled by a hypercritical zeal to show the Macca- 
bean origin of those Psalms to be probable, the 
latter by an apologetic motive in favour of the 
Chronist, have endeavoured to prove our form to 
be original, and the passages of the Psalms cv. 
1-15, xcvi. 1-13, cvi. 1, 47, 48, to be mere frag 
ments of the original song, against this the 
following considerations remain still in force : 

1. The constitution of both the texts, even it 
the greater number of defects and corruptions 
occur in the Psalms, and the text of Chronicles 
be comparatively older and better, admits of no 
certain conclusion with respect to the greater or 
less age of the one or the other recension. For, 
irrespective of the many cases in which Chronicles 
most probably contains the later readings (for 
example, ver. 27, iTHn ; ver. 32, rn&H ; ver. 29, 

for VT)mr; and again, ver. 27, 
for ^HpD3) the more archaic form of the text 

cannot of itself decide in favour of priority, as 
younger MSS., and certainly Hebrew as well aa 
Greek and Latin, often enough present a mor 
original text than older ones, and the text of the 
passages in the Psalms are not to be judged 
according to their external written form. Foi 



"the text of the Psalms, while they were in 
liturgical use, was more exposed to alterations 
from the influence of the later speech than that 
of a historical book ; and on this ground, more 
ancient turns and phrases in Chronicles could not 
be at once maintained as proofs that Chronicles 
was original and the Psalms an imitation " 

2. If we consider the matter and line of thought 
in our song, and compare it with the correspond 
ing Psalms, the latter appear simple, well con 
nected, and well-ordered wholes in a higher degree 
than the former. The transition from strophe 
four to strophe five of our song (see vers. 22, 28) 
is abrupt and sudden. We expect that after ver. 
22, either the agency of Jehovaii in the early time 
of Israel will be further depicted, as is done in 
Ps. cv., where complete connection and unity of 
thought prevails, or at least, by a description of 
His agency in the heathen world or in inanimate 
nature (comp. Ps. civ. ). the way will be prepared 
for the summonses contained in vers. 23-33. A 
similar hiatus again appears between vers. 33 and 
34 (or between strophes seven and eight), arid also 
after the section parallel with Ps. xcvi. For the 
summons of ver. 34, as appears undeniable from 
ver. 35, is to be regarded as specially directed to 
Israel ; but Israel is not spoken of either in ver. 
34 or in the whole preceding paragraph, vers. 
23-33. If Hitzig thinks that here the end of the 
song only returns to its beginning, he has not 
sufficiently considered that petitions such as those 
contained in ver. 35, for the deliverance and 
gathering of Israel from the heaihen, do not occur 
at the beginning of the song, and that these 
petitions come in here quite unexpectedly after 
the previous line of thought in vers. 8-33; where 
as they are very well introduced in Ps. cvi. 47, 
after vers. 40-46. 

3. Decisive for the priority of the Psalter is the 
transference of the closing doxology of the fourth 
book of Psalms (Ps. cvi. 48) by the redactor of our 
song ; see on this passage, and comp. Delitzsch on 
the Psalm. 

4. The manner in which the song is introduced 
(see on ver. 7) points also to an ideal composing 
activity of the author of it. 

5. Our combining of a number of passages 

1 For the picture of the benign sway of God over Abra 
ham, in vers. 10-15 of ttiis Psalm, forms only the beginning 
of that which is said in the further course of the same 
picture, of Jacob, of Joseph and his brethren, of Mo^es, and 
of the whole of God s people in the patriarchal and Mosaic 

| from the Psalms into one whole should not be 
regarded as a product of mere trifling and insipid 
compilation, like the Homeric or Virgilian cantos 
of the declining old classical poetry, because it 
applies to a festal song to be used for a definite 
liturgical purpose, and because nothing certain 
can be opposed to the assumption, that not the 
Chronist in the tim s after the exile, but the 
writer of his source, the older report (certainly 
before the exile) which he follows throughout 
the section vers. 4-42, is to be regarded as the 
author of the present composition. 

6. Whether the present attempt to exhibit the 
opening of the worship on Zion in Davidic strains 
is to be considered older than the composition of 
our book, or contemporary with it, we are not to 
find an offence against the obligation of historical 
fidelity in this ideal composition, which seeks to 
reproduce the fundamental tone of the song sung 
on that occasion. The author knew that in the 
religious festivals of his people songs were sung of 
the tone of Ps. xcvi., cv., cvi., from the oldest 
times ; hence he puts in the mouth of the Leviti- 
cal singers in David s time a song formed out of 
these Psalms as a probable expression of the 
spiritual thanksgiving presented to the Lord by 
the community of that day, without in the least 
making himself guilty of a falsehood. He ap 
pears on this ground as little a falsifier as the 
author of the song of Mary, of Zacharias, or of 
Simeon in the introductory chapter of Luke s 
Gospel, the verbal recitation of which, according 
to the form there given, need scarcely be insisted 
on, and the harmony of which with so many 
characteristic phrases of the Psalms and Prophets, 
has its historical precedent in the relations of our 
.^ong to the Psalms in question. 

[Ps. xcvi., cv., and cvi. are anonymous in the 
Hebrew ; but on examination, there is no con 
vincing reason why they may not have been 
composed by David. Ps. xcvi. is actually 
ascribed to him in the Sept., with the following 
remarkable addition: "when the house was built 
after the captivity." Here the captivity seems to 
refer to the captivity of the ark when far from 
the sanctuary, 1 Sam. iv., and the house to the 
tabernacle which David erected on Zion. The 
other two Psalms may be as old as David ; and 
there is therefore no reason to doubt the historical 
veracity of the statement made by the Chronist, 
that David selected from these Psalms the piece 
that was actually sung at the dedication of the 
tabernacle on Zion. J. G. M.] 

6, The Purpose of David to build a Temple, and the Objection raised by the Prophet Nathan. 

ch. xvii. 

CHAP. xvii. 1. And it came to pass, as David sat in his house, he said unto Nathan 
the prophet, Lo, I dwell in a house of cedars, and the ark of the covenant of the 

2 LORD is under curtains. And Nathan said unto David, Do all that is in thine 

3 heart ; for God is with thee. And it came to pass in that night, that the word of 
the LORD came to Nathan, saying, Go and say unto David my servant, Thus 

5 saith the LORD, Thou shalt not build me a house to dwell in. For I have not 
dwelt m a house from the day that I brought up Israel unto this day; but I was 
trom tent to tent, and from one tabernacle to another. As long as I have walked 
m all Israel have I spoken a word with any of the judges of Israel, whom I com- 

7 manded to feed my people, Why have ye not built me a house of cedars ? And 
now, thus shalt thou say unto my servant David, Thus saith the LORD of hosts. 

CHAP. XVII. 1, 2. 


I took thee from the common, from behind the sheep, to be ruler over my people 

8 Israel. And I was with thee, whithersoever thou wentest ; and I cut off all thy 
enemies from before thee, and made thee a name like the name of the great on 

9 the earth. And I ordained a place for my people Israel, and planted them, and 
they dwelt in it, and were no more troubled ; and the sons of evil no more wasted 

10 them as before. And since the days that I appointed judges over my people 
Israel: and I subdue all thy enemies; and I tell thee that the Lord will build 

11 thee a house. And it shall come to pass, when thy days are fulfilled to go unto 
thy fathers, that I will raise up thy seed after thee, which shall be of thy sons , 

12 arid I will establish his kingdom. He shall build me a house, and I will estab- 

13 lish his house for ever. I will be his father, and he shall be my son ; and I will 
1 4 not take my mercy from him, as I took it from him who was before thee. But 

I will settle him in my house and in my kingdom for ever ; and his throne shall 
be established for ever. 

15 According to all these words and all this vision, so Nathan spake unto David. 

16 And King David went and sat before the LORD, and said, Who am I, LORD 

17 God, and what is my house, that Thou hast brought me hitherto 1 ? And this was 
a small thing in Thine eyes, God ; and Thou hast spoken of the house of Thy 
servant for a great while to come, and regardest me after the way l of man that 

18 raiseth up, LORD God. What shall David add to Thee of the glory of Thy 

19 servant 1 2 and Thou knowest Thy servant. LORD, for Thy servant s sake, and 
after Thy heart, hast Thou done all this greatness, to make known all these great 

20 things. LORD, there is none like Thee, and no God besides Thee, according to 

21 all that we have heard with our ears. And what one nation in the earth is like 
Thy people Israel, whom God went to redeem to Himself as a people, to make 
Thee a name of great and terrible deeds, to drive out nations before Thy people, 

22 whom Thou didst redeem from Egypt ] And madest Thy people Israel a people 

23 to Thee for ever ; and Thou, LORD, becamest their God. And now, LORD, let the 
word which Thou hast spoken of Thy servant and of his house be maintained for 

24 ever, and do as Thou hast said. Yea, let it be maintained, and let Thy name be 
magnified for ever, saying, JEHOVAH Zebaoth, the God of Israel, is God to Israel ; 

25 and the house of David Thy servant is established before Thee. For Thou, my 
God, hast opened the ear of Thy servant, that Thou wilt build him a house ; there- 

26 fore Thy servant hath found [courage] to pray before Thee. And now, LORD, 

27 Thou art God, and hast spoken this goodness concerning Thy servant. And now 
Thou art pleased to bless the house of Thy servant, that it may be before Thee 
for ever ; for Thou, LORD, hast blessed, and it is blessed for ever. 

1 For "liri3 a good many jfss. read 

vii. 19, or as the reading of ihe Sept. : xcti i 
tpectabtlem *uper omnes homines, 

2 T"Ni wanting in the Sept. and in 2 Sam. vii. 21, is perhaps spurious. But see Exeg. Expl. 

which is as unsatisfactory as the obscure 11713, or as J"niFl, 2 Sam. 
&t; pi as />*.<ris indpAxou, / tytia-at.? pi, or that of the Vu .g.: et fecisti me 


PRELIMINARY REMARK. After the history of 
the transplanting of the ark to Jerusalem, the 
author of the books of Samuel has given the 
account of David s purpose to build a temple, and 
of the word of God communicated to him by 
Nathan, 2 Sain, vii., and, indeed, in a form sub 
stantially agreeing with the present text, though 
occasionally deviating from it in words. Besides 
the expositors of Chronicles are therefore here to 
be compared also those of the corresponding 
parts of the books of Samuel, namely, C. A. 
Crusius (Hypomnemata, ii. pp. 190-219), Thenius, 
Keil, Hengstenberg (Christol. 2d edit. i. 143 if.), 
L. Keinke(Z)ie Weissayung des Propheten Nathan, 
in his contributions to the explanation of the 0. 
T., vol. iv. p. 427 ff.), and, in a critical respect, 
Wellhausen (p. 170). 

1. David s Purpose, and Nathan s Consent at 
first to it : vers. 1, 2. As David sat in his hoiise, 
in that cedar palace described in xiv. 1, xv. 1 fF. 
Alter iryoa 2 Sam. vii. 1 has the further 

* : 

chronological determination : " and the Lord had 
given him rest round about from all his enemies. " 
Our author leaves out this determination inten 
tionally, to avoid the apparent contradiction with 
the circumstance that the severest wars of David 
are introduced afterwards, and so, according to 
his arrangement of the material, following the 
order of thought rather than of time. Ver. 2. 
Do all . . . for God is with. thee. In 2 Sam. : 
"Go and do ... for the Lord is with thee." 
The omission of Tjp before nb JJ rests on the 
strong abbreviating and simplifying tendency of 
our author ; the substitution of DTT^tf f r 



r^iT on his aim to choose the current expressions 

r : 

of his day. The older practical expositors justly 
designate this preliminary consent of Nathan as 
proceeding " from his merely human judgment " 
(bon-a intentione et sincero animo, non tamen ex 
divina revelatione, J. H. Mich.). Luth.: "The 
prophets themselves occasionally err and sin, as 
Nathan when he says to D-ivid of his own spirit 
that he shall build a house to the Lord, which is 
soon after altered by a divine revelation." 

2. God s Revelation to Nathan: vers. 3-15. 
On the night as the time of divine revelations by 
dreams, visions, etc., comp. our remarks on Job 
iv. 13 (pp. 75, 84). Thou shall not build me a 
home to dwell in. In 2 Samuel this prohibition 
is put in the form of a question : "Shalt thou 
build me a house? " Ver. 5. But I was from tent 
to tent, and from tabernacle ; that is, from one 
tabernacle to another. For this sentence, which 
is obscure from its pregnant brevity, 2 Samuel 
gives : but have walked (have been walking) in 
a tent and in a tabernacle." The tabernacle 

is presented along with the tent 
as the more comprehensive notion, including 
court, altar of burnt- offering, etc. Ver. 6. With 
any of the judges of Israel. 2 Samuel: "with 
any of the tribes of Israel " (*tD3B> for 

Our reading is perhaps the older ; comp. Berth. 
and Wellh. Ver. 7 ff. give the proper contents 
of the divine revelation, as far as it concerns 
David s relation to the building of the temple. 
Ver. 8. And made thee a name, like the name of 
the great on the earth, referring to the kings of 
the heathen monarchies. These words (ver. 86) 
formed the text of the memorial sermon preached 
in all the churches of the Prussian state on the 
death of Frederick n. (1786). Ver. 9. And I 
ordained a place for my people Israel. The per 
fects (with i consec.) TiE^ l, 1!Tfiyt331, etc., may 

be taken as future statements of that which God 
will further show to His people. Yet it seems 
better to make these promises of future salvation 
begin with ver. 11. And the sons of evil no more 
wasted them as before. The Egyptians are no 

doubt chiefly intended ; comp. xvi. 20. On n^3 
in the sense of wasting (= njjy in 2 Samuel), 

comp. Dan. vii. 25. Ver. 10. And since the 
days tit at I appointed judges over my people 
Israel. D^Jp^l, "and until the days" (Ew. 
218, b) ; comp. the still more definite phrase : 
*, 2 Sam. vii. 11. The whole time 

from Joshua to Saul is here included. And I 
subdue all thy enemies. 2 Samuel : "and I give 
thee rest from all thy enemies" (TT^J Tlh^ni for 
nyaarr), perhaps more original. The change of 

the suffix^ of the 2d pers. into that of the 3d 
\Berth., Ew.) is not necessary, either in our pas 
sage or there, as the enumeration, of the divine 
benefits extends to the present, and even to that 
which wns experience. I by David himself. And I 
tell thee that the Lord will build thee a home, and 
not inversely : thou build Him a house. The 
building of the house is here naturally figurative 

of the bestowment of a blessed posterity, etc. 
There is no allusion to David s house of cedar 
(ver. 1, xiv. 1). Inadmissible is the past mean 
ing of T3JO, "and I have told them," etc. 

(Berth., Wellh.) ; for we cannot discover that 
such an announcement was made before, as our 
historical books nowhere mention it. Even 
2 Sam. (T3i"ll) speaks of an announcement in 

the present or immediate future. Ver. 11. To 
(jo unto thy fathers. 2 Sam. vii.: "fr.lie with 
thy fathers." For the phrase, comp. Deut. xxxi. 
16 ; 1 Kings ii. 2. Thy seed . . . which shall 
be of thij sons. Instead of this somewhat 
pleonastic reference to Solomon, 2 Samuel pre 
sents perhaps the original : which shall proceed 

out of thy bowels " (?pJJ13S NV" 1 T^K ; comp. 1 

Sam. xvi. 11; Gen. xv. 4). Probably the chrono 
logical difficulty contained in this phrase, accord 
ing to which Solomon appeared to be not yet 
born at the time of this promise, led our author 
to choose the more general expression, as he had 
in ver. 1 altered the text for a chronological 
reason by means of an omission. That here, as 
in the two following verses, he m^ant to designate 
not so much Solomon as the Messiah, is asserted 
by the older orthodox exegesis (for example, L. 
Lavater : "Si tantitm de Salomone h. I. inte/li- 
y end us esset, non dixisset semen quod erit de Jiliis 
tufa, sed quod erit de te ;" and so Starke and 
others), and recently still by Keil. But the very 
next prediction: "He shall build me a house" 
(ver. 12), applies clearly to Solomon only, as in 
2 Chron. vii. 18 his person, and not that of some 
future Messianic descendant, is manifestly de 
signated. Accordingly, as in 2 Samuel, so also 
in Chronicles the Messianic element is limited 
essentially to the eternal duration that is pro 
mised (vers. 12-14) to the kingdom of Solomon ; 
comp. Hengstenb. Christol. i. 152 ff. Ver. 13. 
And he shall be my son. The words following 
this promise : whom I will chasten with the 
rod of men, and with the stripes of the sons of 
men," the Chronist has designedly omitted, to 
bring out more sharply the thought of the ever 
lasting divine favour, in harmony with his usual 
practice to set the light before the shade of the 
house of David. From him who was before thee, 
from Saul, whose name is added, 2 Sam. vii., 
perhaps by the hand of a glossator. The present 
text is certainly more original, even with respect 

to the foregoing "DDK yfo (for i^D" 1 V&), as 

Bertheau and Wellh. justly assert against 
Thenius. Ver. 14. But I will settle him in my 
house and in my kingdom for ever ; 

as in 2 Chron. ix. 8, 1 Kings xv. 4, of 

enduring foundation or preservation, causing per 
petual existence. The " house " or " kingdom " 
of God, in which this preservation or confirming 
of the seed of David is to take place, is first the 
Old Testament theocracy, then the Messianic 
kingdom of the new covenant. The text of 
Samuel differs : " and thy house and thy kingdom 
shall endure for ever before thee, and thy throne 
shall be established for ever," of which form it 
can scarcely be so absolutely asserted, as is done 
by Bertheau and others, that it is the more 
original. Moreover, the sense of the one as ol 

CHAP. XVII. 15-27. 


the other form is Messianic. Ver. 15. Accord 
ing to an these words and all this vision. A 
hendiadyoin, by which the words addressed by 
Jeliovali to Nathan are characterized as spoken, 
(comp. 1 Sam. iii. 1) or i^ri2 (2 Sam. vii. 

17), as a divine revelation or prophetic message 
from God. It is to be observed also that this 
prophetic message is communicated not as it was 
related by Nathan before the king, but as it was 
revealed to him of the, Lord by n ght, which is a 
plaiii indication that we are to hold by the matter 
rather than the form of the words in question. 
The case is the same as in 1 Sam. iii. 10-14 (the 
disclosure made to the young Samuel concerning 
the fate of Eli) and in 1 Sam. viii. 7-9 (God s 
word to Samuel on the introduction of the king 
dom in Israel). 

3. David s Thanksgiving for the Promise made 
to him through Nathan : vers. 16-27. And Kin;/ 
David went, into the sanctuary erected by him, 
as the following words : " and sat before the 
Lord," show. Who am I, Lord God? 2 
Samuel: "my Lord God," a difference actually 
not existing for the Masoretic reader, as our niiT 
is to be read by ijltf. Ver. 17. And this was a 

small thing in Thine eyes. This is the literal 
rendering. And Thou hast spoken of the house 
of Thy servant for a great while to come, literally, 

"hast spoken that which points far away ;" pimiO^ 

is an accusative depending on "HID* of the same 
force as in Prov. vii. 19, Job xxxix. 29 ; comp. 
ver. 14. And regardest me after the way of man 
that raiseth up. So should the obscure ^JTiOl 

ins perhaps be rendered ; " the 
way of man leading upwards " (~\\ft, abbreviated 
would then be the gracious and up 

Grit. Note. Ver. 18. What shall David add to 
Thee of the glory of Thy servant, of the h jiiou. r 
pertaining to Thy servant, of the high hunoul 
which Thou hast vouchsafed to Thy servant (me, 
David). So conceived, ^JlliynX gives a toler 


holding (thus not merely condescending, but 
positively furthering and improving) disposition 
and conduct of human benefactors, with which 
the gracious procedure of God towards David is 
here compared. Nearly so Keil, who makes r6jftSn 
correspond to the parallel pjiTUD^, whereas Heng- 

stenberg, like many ancients, conceives the phrase 
to be an address to God: "Thou highest Lord 
God ;" and other expositors take it as an adverb 
of place equivalent to DnEQ (tt me intidtas es 

more hominum in cozlis). It is natural enough to 
assume some corruption of the text here, as in the 
parallel reading of Samuel: 

though none of the proposed emendations give 
aariftfWtinn neither Ewald s and Bertheau s 

the Hiph. 

change of the 
and of 


- into 

into rbytf? (resulting 
in the sense, "and hast caused me to see, as it 
were, the order of men upwards"), nor Bottcher s 
reading JTVN l}, " so that I saw myself as the 

order ot men that is upwards " (saw myself as the 
after-age at the head of a ruling race), nor Well- 
hausen s conjecture that riilT ^fcOFfl (at least in 


2 Samuel) should be read. That the 

some Heb. MSS. affords no sufficient help/ see 

able sense, and need not be erased, with the 
modern critics, though its absence in the Sept. 
and in 2 Samuel (where there is merely: "what 
shall David say further to Thee ? ") is fitted to 
create suspicion. Ver. 19. Lord, for Thy 
servant s sake. 2 Sam. vii. 21: "for Thy word s 
sake. " The original reading is not necessarily to 
be sought in the text of Samuel (see "Wellh. ). In 
b our author has contracted the longer form of the 
other text. Ver. 21. Whom God went to redeem 
to Himself as a people. After this certainly 

correct reading ({pri^Kil Tj^n) is tnat in 2 Samuel 
(DTlta 13^n ">K ; tf) to be altered. To make 
Thee a name of great and terrible deeds. The 
words niiOi:i niVia appear to be loosely an 
nexed to Qgj, to define the way in which God 
made him a name (comp. Ew. 283). If this 
construction seem too harsh, nifc^ must be 
inserted (as in 2 Sam. vii. 23) after E$J: " that 

Thou makest Thee a name, and doest great and 
terrible things." To drive out nations before 
Thy people. The here much deviating text in 
2 Samuel should be altered partly according to 
the present text, namely, by inserting the certainly 

original gnj^ ; see Geiger, Urschrift und Ueber- 

setzung des A. T., and Wellh., who follows him. 
Ver. 24. Yea, let it be maintained, etc. This 
JD&01 is wanting in 2 Samuel, and is perhaps 

repeated from ver. 23, to set forth more clearly 
the connection with the following: " and let Thy 
name be magnified." On the copula i, in tho 

sense of our "yea," comp. Dan. x. 19. Ver. 25. 
For Thou, my God, hast opened the ear of Thy 
servant, revealed, disclosed, made known to him ; 
comp. 1 Sam. ix. 151 That Thou wilt build him 
a house, figuratively, by the increase of his pos 
terity and the prosperity of his dynasty; comp. 
ver. 10. Therefore Thy servant hath found to 
pray before Thee, namely, " the courage, the 

heart to do so " (ij^Tltf, 2 Sam. vii. 28), which 

is, at all events, here to be supplied, if not neces 
sarily inserted in the text. Ver. 27. For Thou, 
Lord, hast blessed, and it is blessed for ever; 
comp., for the sentence and the expression, Ps. 
xxxiii. 9. On the credibility of the thanksgiving 
of David given here and 2 Sam. vii. 18 ff., 
Thenius and Bertheau express themselves very 
favourably. They refer its main elements to 
David, on account of its many properties harmon- 
iziii.r with other genuine Davidic documents. In 
particular the last words of David (2 Sam. xxiii. 
5 ff.), in which the joyful confidence founded on 
the divine promises in the happy continuance of 
his house has found a quite similar expression, 
count with them as a proof that our verses rest 
on a definite recollection of the utterance of David, 
and that exact reports of important expression* 



concerning the history of salvation, as they were 
handed down partly by David, partly concerning 

him, inust have been contained in the sources 
the books of Samuel and of Chronicles. 

t. David s Wars and Officers of State, especially his Victorious Batiks with the Ammonites ana 

the Philistines: ch. xviii.-xx. 

CH. XVlli. 1. And after this it came to pass, that David smote the Philistines, and 
subdued them, arid took Gath and her daughters out of the hand of the 

2 Philistines. And he smote Moab ; and the Moabites became David s servants, 
and brought gifts. 

3 And David smote Hadadezer J king of Zobah towards Hamath, as he went 

4 to set up his sign at the river Euphrates. And David took from him a thousand 
chariots, and seven thousand horsemen, and twenty thousand footmen : and 

5 David lamed all the teams, but reserved of them a hundred teams. And the 
Syrians of Damascus 2 came to help Hadadezer king of Zobah ; and David slew 

6 of the Syrians twenty and two thousand men. And David put [men 3] in Syria 
Damascus ; and the Syrians became David s servants, and brought gifts : and 

7 the LORD preserved David wherever he went. And David took the arms of 
gold that were on the servants of Hadadezer, and brought them to Jerusalem. 

8 And from Tibhath and from Chun, cities of Hadadezer, David took very much 
brass, of which Solomon made the brazen sea, and the pillars, and the brazen 

9 And Tou king of Hamath heard that David had smitten all the host of 

10 Hadadezer king of Zobah. And he sent Hadoram his son to King David, to 
greet him and to bless him, because he had fought against Hadadezer and 
smitten him ; for Tou was at war with Hadadezer ; and [with him] all manner 

11 of vessels of gold, and silver, and brass. These also King David dedicated unto 
the LORD, with the silver and the gold that he had taken from all the nations, 
from Edom, and from Moab, and from the sons of Ammon, and from the Philis 
tines, and from Amalek. 

12 And Abshai the son of Zeruiah slew of Edom in the valley of salt eighteen 

13 thousand. And he put garrisons in Edom ; and all the Edomites became 
servants of David : and the LORD preserved David wherever he went. 

14 And David reigned over all Israel, and executed judgment and justice for all 

15 his people. And Joab the son of Zeruiah was over the host ; and Jehoshaphat 

16 the son of Ahilud was recorder. And Zadok the son of Ahitub, and Abimelech < 

17 the son of Abiathar, were priests ; and Shavsha was scribe. And Benaiah the 
son of Jehoiada was over the Cherethi and Pelethi ; and David s sons were the 
chief beside the king. 

CH. xix. 1. And it came to pass after this, that Nahash king of the sons of Ammon 

2 died, and his son reigned in his stead. And David said, I will show kindness 
unto Hanun the son of Nahash, because his father showed kindness to me ; and 
David sent messengers to comfort him concerning his father : and the servants of 

3 David came to the land of the sons of Ammon, to Hanun, to comfort him. And 
the princes of the sons of Ammon said to Hanun : Thinkest thou that David 
doth honour thy father, that he hath sent comforters unto thee 1 are not his 
servants come to thee to search and to turn over, and to spy out the land? 

4 And Hanun took David s servants, and shaved them, and cut off half their 

5 garments by the breech, and sent them away. And they went, and they told 
David about the men, and he sent to meet them ; for the men were greatly 
ashamed : and the king said, Tarry at Jericho until your beard be grown, and 
then return. 

6 And the sons of Ammon saw that they had made themselves stink with David : 
and Hanun and the sons of Ammon sent a thousand talents of silver to hire 
them chariots and horsemen out of Mesopotamia, and out of Syria-maachah, and 

7 out of Zobah. And they hired them thirty and two thousand chariots, and the 
king of Maachah and his people ; and they came and pitched before Medeba : 
and the sons of Ammon gathered together from their cities, and came to battle. 


8, 9 And David h*ard, and sent Joab, and all the host of the mighty men. And the 
sons of Ammon came out, and set the battle in array at the gate of the city ; and 
the kings that were come stood by themselves in the field. 

10 And Joab saw that the battle was directed against him before and behind; 
and he chose out of all the choice in Israel, and drew up against the Syrians. 

11 And the rest of the people he gave into the hand of Abshai his brother, and 

12 they drew up against the sons of Ammon. And he said, If the Syrians be too 
strong for me, then thou shalt come to my help ; and if the sons of Ammon be 

13 too strong for thee, then I will help thee. Be courageous, and let us do valiantly 
for our people and for the cities of our God ; and the LORD do that which is good 

14 in His sight And Joab, and the people that were with him, drew nigh before 

15 the Syrians ^o the battle ; and they fled before him. And the sons of Ammon 
saw that the Syrians fled, and they also fled before Abshai his brother, and went 
into the city ; and Joab went to Jerusalem. 

16 And when the Syrians saw that the} 7 " were smitten before Israel, they sent 
messengers, and drew forth the Syrians that were beyond the river ; and Sho- 

17 phach, captain of the host of Hadadezer, went before them. And it was told 
David ; and he gathered all Israel, and passed the Jordan, and came to them, 5 
and drew up against them ; and David drew up against the Syrians for battle, 

1 8 and they fought with him. And the Syrians fled before Israel ; and David slew 
of the Syrians seven thousand teams, and forty thousand footmen ; and he killed 

19 Shophach, captain of the host. And when the servants of Hadadezer saw that 
they were smitten before Israel, they made peace with David, and served him ; 
and the Syrians would not help the sons of Ammon any more. 

OH. XX. 1. And it came to pass, when the year was ended, at the time when the 
kings go out, that Joab led forth the strength of the host, and wasted the land 
of the sons of Ammon, and came and besieged Kabbah ; but David tarried in 

2 Jerusalem ; and Joab smote Rabbah, and destroyed it. And David took the 
crown of their king from his head, and found it in weight a talent of gold, and 
set with precious stones ; and it was put upon David s head, and he brought 

3 very much spoil out of the city. And he brought out the people that were in 
it, and cut them with saws, and iron threshing-carts and saws ; 6 and so David 
did to all the cities of the sons of Ammon ; and David returned with all the 
people to Jerusalem. 

4 And it came to pass after this, that a war arose at Gezer with the Philis 
tines ; then Sibbecai the Hushathite slew Sippai, one of the sons of Rapha ; and 

5 they were subdued. And there was a war again with the Philistines ; and 
Elhanan the son of Jair slew Lachmi, brother of Goliath the Gittite ; and his 

6 spear s staff was like a weaver s beam. And again there was war in Gath. where 
was a man of [great] stature, and his fingers were six and six, twenty and four 

7 [in an] ; and he also was born to Rapha. And he reproached Israel ; and Jona- 

8 than the son of Shima, David s brother, slew him. These were born to Rapha 
in Gath; and they fell by the hand of David, and by the hand of his 

" l iyi"]Q is the Kethib in a11 Passages of our chapter, but the Keri : "lt#"nn (so in 2 Sam. x. 16-19). The first 
form, the more usual in the book* of Samuel and Kings, is also the more original, because "ITH, a Syrian idol name, 
occurs in other Syrian proper n;imes. 

Properly Damascus (tWH so here and ver. 6, also 2 Chron. xvi. 2, xxiv. 23, without variation ; elsewhere always 

3 After TYH D^S} there seems to hare fallen out DWJJ; comp. Sept. (<?/>//>) and Vulg. (milites), and see Exeg. 

4 For ]7!D3K read rather (with the Sept., Vulg., and xxiv. 3, 6) 

For D!"6x N2 8 1 the text, in Samuel (2 Sam. x. 17) has HCfcOn N3 S 1, " and went to Helam," perhaps mow 
v -: T- T T / T- . 

correct and original (comp. Exeg. Expl.), though all the translations and MSS. confirm the DHvK of our passage. 

Rather, perhaps, " and scythes," *s for nlJDSI is (with 2 Sam. xii. 31) no doubt nlTJttltt to be read. 




PRELIMINARY REMARK. The present group 
of war reports runs parallel to four sections o 
2 Samuel, separated from one another by othei 
accounts. To the present summary accounts oi 
the victorious warfare of David with all surround 
ing enemies in general, in ch. xviii., corresponds 
2 Sain. viii. ; to the more copious description of 
the peculiarly difficult war with Ammon, in ch. 
xix., corresponds 2 Sam. x. ; the close of this war, 
described in ch. xx. 1-3, by the taking of Kabbah, 
has its parallel in 2 Sam. xii. 26-31 ; the shorter 
reports of the several heroic acts of David s 
warriors in conflict with giants from the land 
of the Philistines, ch. xx. 4-8, corresponds with 
the section 2 Sam. xxi. 18-22. The statements 
of 2 Samuel coming between these sections (namely 
ch. ix. and xi. 1-12, 25; but also ch. xiii. and 
xiv. -xviii.) are particulars from tbe private life 
and domestic history of David, which theChronist, 
in conformity with his plan, neither could nor 
would take up. 

1. General Report of David s Victorious Wars 
with hia Neighbours : ch. xviii. 1-13. Ver. 1 
treats of the victories over the Philistines. And 
took Oath and her daughters out of the hand of 
the Philistines. This statement is surprising, 
because 2 Sam. viii. 1 has the more general and 
withal poetical expression : "and David took the 
arm-bridle from .the hand of the Philistines 

Da). To assume a purely arbi 

trary change of text on the part of ourauthor isques- 
tionable ; and against, at least, a passing seizure 
of the metropolis Gath with its daughter towns 
(vii. 28) by David, it can scarcely be maintained 
that in Solomon s time Gath was again an inde 
pendent city under its own king. Ver. 2. And 
the Moaliites became David s servants, and brought 
gifts, in short, became tributary subjects (ver. 6). 
Why our author has omitted the notice, following 
here in 2 Sam. viii. 2, of the severe handling of 
the Moubites by David, is uncertain. It scarcely 
rests on an apologetic tendency in favour of 
David ; comp. in xx. 3 the account of the cruel 
punishment of Rabbath Ammon. Moreover, this 
war of David with Moab seems to be that in 
which Benaiah slew the two sons of the king of 
Moab, xi. 22. Vers. 38. The War with Hada- 
dezerof Zob&h.KinyofZobqh toivards Hamath. 
This closer determination of the situation of Zo- 
bah (nnon), which is peculiar to our text, places 

it pretty far north, not far from Hamath, the later 
Epiphania, on the Orontes ; scarcely Haleb or 
Nisibis, both of which lay farther north than 
Hamath, and can scarcely, from an Israelitish 
point of view, be described as lying "towards 
Hamath " (against the Rabbis of the middle ages 
on the one hand, and J. D. Mich, on the other). 
Zobah is perhaps = Zabe of Ptolemy ; at all events, 
it i,s to be sought north or north-east of Damascus 
(with Ew. , Then. , Berth. , etc. ). J On the spelling 
peculiar to Chronicles and 2 Sam. x. 16-19, Ha- 
darazer (Sept. A^ a ^), see Crit. Note. As he 
went to set up his sign at the river Euphrates, to 

1 Recently Th. Bischoff (Dns Ausland, 1873, p. 136) thinks 
hf. has found the ruin.- f- Zobah south-east of Aleppo, i ear 
the salt lake Jabul. He appears to meim the same ruin* 
which J W. Heifer (Heifer s Reixm in Vorilerasien, bv 
Countess Pauline Nostnz, Leipz. 1873, i. p 174 ff.) t-aw in 

establish his power (properly "hand") there; 
comp. 1 Sam. xv. 12. Whether these words 
refer to David or Hadadezer is doubtful ; the 
latter (which J. H. Mich., Ew., Berth., etc., 
assume) may be the more probable, on account of 
the mention of David as subject at the beginning 
of the following verse. The various reading in 

2 Sam. viii. 3: iT> S^VI^, "to turn his hand," 

is perhaps to be amended from our passage, as it 
gives a less suitable sense. Ver. 4. And David 
took from him a thousand chariots, and seven 
thousand horsemen, and twenty thousand footmen. 
For this 2 Sam. viii. 4 has "1700 horsemen and 

20,000 footmen," perhaps defectively; after p^j<, 
and before rnNJO-JDE- l, it appears necessary to 
insert 33-1 there, for which also the Sept. speaks. 

Yet comp. Wellh. on this passage, who questions 
the insertion of 3,3-1, on account of the close of 

the verse. A nd David lamed all the teams, but 
reserved of them a thousand teams, for his own 
ise ; in fact, therefore, he lamed only 900. For 
this custom of laming (~py) war-horses, comp. 

Josh. xi. 6, 9. Ver. 6. And David put in Syria 
Damascus, men, soldiers, garrison troops. From 
2 Sam. viii. 6 and ver. 13 of our chapter the 
word D^TVJ appears to have fallen out after 

TH D^ S 1; comp. also xiii. 3; 1 Sam. x. 5. 
Ver. 7. And David took the arms (or equipments) 
of gold, 3i"Hrr s D?J ; so rightly the moderns, 

nstead of the golden collars (xXoioi} of the Sept. , 
the quivers (pharetrm) of the Vulg., and the 
golden shields of the Chald., of some Rabbis, 
and of Luther. Which were on the servants of 
Hadadezer, his military servants, soldiers. On 
the addition of the Sept., in 2 Sam. viii. 7 rela- 
:ive to the later capture and carrying away of 
;hese golden arms by Shishak of Egypt, under 
Rehoboam, comp. the expositors of that passage. 
Ver. 8. And from Tibhath and from Chun, etc. 
Tibhath (nrOD), or, as it is perhaps to be read, 

Tebah (rl3tD, f r which, 2 Sam. viii., stands 
rroneously nt33), appears t:> be identical with 

he family mentioned. Gen. xxii. 24, among the 
lescendants of Nahor ; whether it be the present 

Taibeh, on the caravan road between Aleppo and 
he Euphrates, is questionable. In place of pQ 

2 Samuel gives THB ( = Barathena, Ptol. v. 

19 ? or nrh3, Ezek. xlvii. 16 ?). On what this 

liversity of name rests, whether on the corrup- 
ion of the original THS into jrp, as Berth. 

hinks, or on a double name of the place in ques- 
ion, must remain doubtful. Of ivhich Solomon 
nade the brazen sea, and the pillars, and the 
>razen vessels. These words, wanting in 2 Sam. 
riii. 8 in the Masoretic text, are perhaps to be 
-estored according to our passage, and according 
the Sept. and Vulg. Vers. 9-11. Embassy 
and Present of Tou King of Hamath to David. 
T ri the parallel account, 2 Sam. viii. 9-12, this 
ou is called Toi Ojjfr). Ver. 10. And he sent 

Hadoram his son. 2 Samuel: "Jorani," at all 

CHAP. XVIII. 10-XIX. 3. 


events incorrect, as a name compounded with 
would scarcely have suited a member of 

a Syrian royal house ; and the Sept. gives there 
litiaofufi. (here A)puf*). To greet him, to wish 
him health. So is Di^B& iWfcIK to be taken, 

according to the parallel passages, as Gen. xliii. 
27, not, with the Sept. and Vulg., in the sense of 
a prayer for peace (ut postulant ab eo pacem). 
For Ton was at war with Hadadezer, liter. illy, 
" For Hadadezer was a man of wars of Ton," a 
constant assailant and adversary to him ; comp. 
xxviii. 3 ; Isa. xlii. 13. After these words, which 
form a parenthetical explanation to the foregoing, 

follows the wider object of fife*! : " and a11 man 
ner of vessels of gold and silver and brass," which 
Luther erroneously refers to ver. 11.- Ver. 11. 
With the silver and the gold that he had taken. 
For NbO IC X 2 Samuel presents 

perhaps the original form. From all the nations 
. . . and from Amalek. In 2 Samuel a more 
complete and probable text is found (in which, 
besides, D lKD is to be read f r D"IKO)-~ Vers - 

12, 13. Abshai s Victory over the Edomites in the 
Valley of Salt. And Abshai . . . slew of Edom 
(literally, "slew Edom") in the valley of salt, 
18,000 men. In Bertheau s combination of the 
very different reading in 2 Sam. viii. 13 with our 
passage, for "Abshai son of Zeruiah " would 
have to be read " Joab, etc.," and after "slew of 
Edom " would have fallen out the words "when 
he (Joab) returned from the conquest of Aram." 
Otherwise Ew., Then., Wellh., Keil, etc., the 
latter of whom upholds the statement of Chroni 
cles, that Abshai gained this victory, by reference 
to ch. x. 10 ft , of our book (where Abshai appears 
as commander under his brother Joab), and de 
clares it consistent as well with Ps. Ix. 2 as with 
1 Kings xi. 15. Ver. 14. And all the Edomites 
became servants of David. For this 2 Samuel 
has more fully, and perhaps originally : "and in 
all Edom he appointed officers; and all the Edom 
ites became David s servants." 

2. David s Officers of State : vers. 14-17, a list 
in 2 Sam. viii. also appended to the above sum 
mary war reports ( = 2 Sam. viii. 15-18), that was 
certainly found here in the old common sources 
of both authors, introduced by the general remark 
on the ability and excellence of the government 
of David (ver. 14). Ver. 15. For Joab, comp. on 
ii. 16. Jeho-shaphat the son, of Ahilud was re 
corder. "VSTJOi properly "remembrancer," that 

is, not annalist (Sept. o i<ri TUV yTo^v^arwv ; 
Vulg. acommentariis), but chancellor, who makes 
to the king a report of all that takes place in the 
kingdom, and conveys his commands ; comp. the 
magister memories of the later Romans, and the 
Waka Nuvis in the Persian court (Chard in, Voy 
ages, v. p. 258). Ver. 16. For Zadok, comp. on 
v. 30 ff. Abimelech the son of Abiathar. For 

Tjta QN is certainly to be read, with the Sept., 
Vulg., and 2 Sam. viii. 17, "n^DTlS 1 ? > f r so i s 

this priest called in xxiv. 3, 6, 31, where he is 
likewise named as the representative of Ithamar 
with Zadok of Eleazar, and where he appears as 
the son of Abiathar. That Abiathar s father was 
also called Ahimelech, 1 Sam. xxii. 20, does not 

warrant the assumption that in our passage, as in 
xxiv., there is an exchange of the father and the 
son ; and thus a transposition of the names into 
" Abiathar the son of Ahimelech " is necessary 
(as Movers, Then., Ew., Wellh. think). Rather 
is our Ahimelech to be regarded as a son of the 
same name with his grandfather, according to the 
known Hebrew custom, who, even during his 
father s lifetime, acted in the priestly office. 
Comp. the frequent recurrence of the grand 
father s name in the grandson in v. 30-41. And 
Shavsha was scribe, that is, secretary of state. 
This Shavsha (Lath. "Sausa") is called in 1 
Kings iv. 3 Shisha (tfCJ^, differing only in 

spelling from K>1K>), but in 2 Sam. xx. 25 
. If 2 Sam. viii. 17 exhibits , 

this is to be considered, perhaps, an error of the 
pen. Ver. 17. And JBenaiah . . . was over the 
Cherethi and the Pelethi. So also 2 Sam. viii. 

18, with the more correct reading 

in 2 Sam. xx. 23. That 

JJ for 

and Pelethi" denote the two divisions of the 
royal guard (the <raftKre(pv*.otxi:, Joseph. Antiq. 
vii. 5. 4) is undoubted, though, with Gesen., 
Then., Bahr (on 1 Kings i. 36), Keil, etc., the 
former name be explained by confostibres, lictores, 
executioners, the latter by celeres, u.yya.?oi, run 
ners (couriers), and thus both appellatively, for 
which the passages 1 Kings ii. 25, 2 Kings xi. 4 
appear to speak, or though (with Lakemacher, 
Movers, Ew., Berth., Hitz., etc.) they be re 
garded as the nationalities of the Cretans 
(Carians) and the Philistines. Comp. the latest 
discussion of this controversy by J. G. Miiller 
(Die Semiten in ihrem Verhdltniss zu Chamiten 
und Japhetiten, 1872, p. 263 tf.), who decides for 
the latter interpretation. For Benaiah, comp. 
also xi. 22 ff. And David s sons were the chief 
beside the king, the next to him. In 2 Sam. viii. 
18 the ancient term D"0n3, privy counsellors, is 

chosen to designate the high rank of the royal 
princes (comp. 1 Kings iv. 5). 

3. The War with Ammon and Syria : ch. xix. 
1-xx. 3 ; comp. 2 Sam. x. And it came to pass 
after this. The loose form of connection Tn 


p HPIX serves sometimes to introduce new re 

ports, even if there be no strict chronological 
order, or if, as here (comp. xviii. 3-5 with xix. 
16 ff. ), that which is to be related has been partly 
mentioned before. Comp. for example, 2 Sam. 
viii. 1, x. 1, xiii. 1. For the Ammonite king 
Nahash, and his war with Saul, see 1 Sam. xi. 
And his son reigned in his stead. The following 
certainly shows tnat this son was called Hanun ; 
yet the name j^n, from 2 Sam. x. 1, appears to 

have originally stood in the text after faa, as in 

versely there, the omitted name 

must ap 

parently be supplied from our passage. Ver. 3. 
Thinkest thou that David doth honour thy father? 
literally, " Does David honour thy father in thine 
eyes?" The emphasis in this question rests on 
the notion of honouring, of which the questioners 
doubt whether it really forms the object of David s 
embassy. To search and to turn over (turn up- 



side down, examine thoroughly), and to spy out 
the land. This sentence is also in Hebrew a 
question, but, as an affirmative answer is ex 

pected, introduced, not with n, but with j^n: 

"Are they not come to search, etc.?" In 2 Sam. 
x. 3, the" sentence runs .somewhat different, so 
that not the land (ptfn), but the city (Tyn), 

is the object of the verbs, and the Tpn removed 

to the end has the sense, not of turning over, but 
of destroying. But it is scarcely necessary to 
change our text accordingly (against Berth.). 
Ver. 4. And shaved them. 2 Samuel more exactly: 
"shaved off the half (the one side) of their beard. " 
And cut off half their garments by the breech. 
nyb 3E>n, properly, "the step, the step-region in 

the middle of the body," here euphemistic for 
ty, nates, which is used in 2 Samuel. Ver. 5. 

And they went. This is wanting in 2 Samuel, 
but not therefore to be erased as superfluous 
(against Berth.). And the king said, Tarry at 
Jericho. So far they were then come on their 
way to Jerusalem. The following "then return " 
is naturally completed by adding "to Jerusalem" 
or "hither." Ver. 6. TJiat they had made them 
selves sfink with David, had drawn his hatred on 
them. For the Hithp. M? K3Tin 2 Samuel has 
the Niph. of the same verb, in the same reflexive 
sense. ffanun . . . sent a thousand talents of 
silver to hire, etc. The statement that this hiring 
of auxiliaries took place is wanting in 2 Samuel, 
but is certainly genuine. For Mesopotamia = 
Aram-naharaim, 2 Samuel names, as the first of 
the countries from which Haruin hired his auxili 
aries, Aram-beth-rehob, which can scarcely be 
only another name of Mesopotamia (as some 
ancients have assumed, identifying the city Beth- 
reliob with Rehobath, now Rahabe, on the Eu 
phrates, Gen. xxxvi. 37), but the kingdom or 
territory of Beth-rehob, a Syrian city, Num. xiii. 
21, Judg. xviii. 28, lying south of Hamath. For 
the following name, Aram- Maachah, 2 Sam. x. (as 
ver. 7 of our ch.) has only Maachah (on which 
region, bordering northward on the trans-jordanic 
Palestine, comp. Deut. iii. 14; Josh. xii. 5, xiii, 
11). On the contrary, Zobah is there called more 
fully: Aram-Zobah (comp. on xviii. 3). Ver. 7. 
And they hired them 32,000 chariots, that is, 
chariots with riders, Q^hai S^T), as the fore 

going verse shows. The number 32,000 agrees 
substantially with the deviating statement in 
2 Samuel, in which these auxiliaries appear 
rather as footmen, and, indeed, consisting of 
20,000 footmen from Aram and Aram-beth-rehoT), 
ItOO nifii from Maachah, and 12,000 men from 
the kingdom of Tob (Judg. xi. 3), which latter 
our author has left undistinguished. A nd they 
came and pitched before Medeba, the city of the 
tribe of Reuben mentioned Josh. xiii. 16, two 
miles (about nine English miles) south-east of 
Heshbon. _ This statement as well as the follow 
ing, relative to the simultaneous assembling of 
the Ammonite troops, is wanting in 2 Sam. x., 
but was found no doubt in the old sources used 
by our writer, in common with the author of the 
books of Samuel. Ver. 8. And all the host of the 
mighty. Different, but merely in expression, from 
2 Samuel: " the who]? host, the mighty men." _ 

Ver. 9. And the sons of Ammon . . . at the gate 
of the city, before the gates of Kabbah, their 
capital, this reading : -ryn firiB, is to be P re - 

ferred, as clearer than that in 2 Sam. x. : flDS 

- -. 

i"l, "at the gate, outside the gate." Ver. 10. 

And Joab saw that the battle was directed against 
him before and behind, literally, "that the face 
of the "battle ( = the front of the line) was before 
and behind him:" that before him stood the 
Ammonites, and in his rear the Syrians. Oppo 
site the latter, as the stronger foe, Joab took his 
ground, while, ver. 11, he entrusted the engage 
ment with the Ammonites to his brother Abshai. 

Ver. 13. For our people, and for the city of our 
God : that these may not fall into the hands of 
the heathen, and from cities of the Lord become 
cities of idols. Ver. 15. And went into the city, 
fled their capital Rabbah, while Joab first 
returned to Jerusalem, reserving the siege and 
capture of this strong fortress for the following 
campaign. Vers. 16-19. The Conquest of the 
Syrians allied with the Ammonites. They sent 
messengers, and drew forth the Syrians that were 
beyond the river Euphrates, the Mesopotamians, 
who must have been somehow subject to Hadad- 
ezer, and laid under tribute; comp. 2 Sam. x. 16. 

Ver. 17. And came to them. Instead of this 
notice, which is superfluous, along with the follow 
ing words : "and drew up against them," should 
be. read, with 2 Sam. x. 16 (see Crit. Note) : 
"and he came to Helam." This elsewhere not 

occurring local name 


Vulg. Helam) the Chronist quite omits in its 
first place (in 2 Sam. x. 16 = ver. 16 of our ch.), 
and changes it the second time, whether inten 

tionally or not, into DPI vK- Comp. Joseph. Antiq. 
vii. 6. 3, where the name is regarded as a proper 
name of a king beyond the Euphrates, the master 
of the general Shophach (Sabekos). It is. more 
over, not impossible that the local name Helam 
corresponds to the Alamatha on the Euphrates in 
Ptolem. xv. 5, in which case ch. xviii. 3 might 
be combined with our passage, if the same war 
with Hadadezer and the Syrians be spoken of 
there as here. Ver. 18. And David slew of the 
Syrians 7000 teams (chariot horses) and 40,000 
footmen. On the contrary, 2 Samuel has 700 
teams and 40,000 horsemen. Perhaps the 
smaller number of teams in 2 Samuel and the 
designation of the 40,000 as footmen in our text 
deserve the preference; comp. Wellh. p. 180. 
Ver. 19. And when the servants of Hadadezer, 
here not his warriors, but his allies or subject 

kings (vassals); comp. 2 Sam. x. 19: Q^TJsn P3 
ifjmn "nsy- Ch. xx. 1-3. The Siege and Con 

quest of Rabbah, here more briefly related than in 
2 Sam. xi. 1, xii. 26-31, and therefore without 
any reference to the death of Uriah. When the 
year was ended, at the time when the kings go out, 
in the spring, as most suitable for re-opening the 
campaign. The last described battle with the 
Syrians appears accordingly to have fallen in the 
autumn of the previous year. Joab led forth 
the strength of the host; more circumstantially 
2 Sam. xi. 1: "David sent Joab, and his servants 

with him, and all Israel." On fcOjfn {vn, comp 

CHAP. XX. 3-6. 


the similar 

2 Chron. xxvi. 13. And 

Joab smote, Rabbah, and destroyed it, properly, 
pulled it down ; comp. Ezek xvi. 39, xxvi. 4, 
12; Lam. ii. 2, 17. Compared with 2 Sam. xii. 
26 ff., where it is reoorted that Joab first only 
took- the so-called city of wa;ers, but called King 
David to the taking of the proper fortress (citadel, 
acropolis), that the honour of completing the 
conouest and destruction of the city might be 
nis, the present report appears brief and summary. 
Ver. 3. And cut them with saws, and iron 
threshing -carts and saws. ~|j^, u.v. Aey., from 

the root ~]]&, "cut"; comp. lifc^Q, "saw," from 
the cognate root ~)^j. In 2 Sam. xii. 31, 

is perhaps only an error of the pen for -)j>^ or 
(Bottcher). For nilJEQl, as in 2 Samuel, 

? "and with scythes" (or like iron-cut- 

:: ~ : 

ting instruments, scarcely "wedges," as Luther, 
or "axes," as Kamph., thinks), is perhaps to be 
read. A twofold mention of saws, first in the 
sing., then in plur., would be an intolerable 
tautology. Mort j over, this cutting and grinding 
of the vanquished Ammonites with iron saws, 
threshing sledges, and the like, is in itself horrible 
and barbarous enough (comp. Prov. xx. 26; Amos 
i. 3); and we need not assume that the (Jhronist 
intentionally, and from an apologetic tendency, 
passed over a still more horrid kind of punish 
ment then inflicted on the vanquished Ammonites, 
burning in tile-kilns (2 Sam. xii. 31); comp. on 
xviii. 2. 

4. Appendix, : Briefer Report of the Heroic 
Deeds of some of David s Warriors in the Con 
flict with, Philistine Giants: vers. 4-8. This 
report is also treated as an appendix in 2 Samuel, 
where it is found quite at ilie end of the history 
of David, ch. xxi. 15-22, and, indeed, enlarged 
by a fourth heroic deed (vers. 15-17), there related 
in the first place, but here wanting -the danger- 
cus conflict of David with the giant Ishbi-benob, 
whom AbsLai at length slew. It appears as if the 
Ohronist had omitted this story intentionally, 
because it might have lessened the military fame 
of David. Comp. Lightfoot, Chronol. V. T. p. 
68 : Illud prcelium, in quo David in periculum 
venit et unde decore et UlcKsus prodire non potuit, 
bmissitm est; as Starke : "The dangerous combat 
of David with Ishbi is not mentioned here, as 
the book of Chronicles, as some remark, conceals 
or passes over the shame of the saints ; whence 
also nothing occurs here of the adultery and 
murder by David, or of the idolatry of Solomon. " 
Ver. 4. And it came to pass after this. This 
formula stood here originally nbt so unconnected 
as in xix. 1 ; but the event to which it referred, 
2 Sam. xxi. 18, was that history of the combat 
with Ishbi which is intentionally omitted by our 
author, on which account the formula does riot 
now appear very suitable. A war arose at Gezer. 
(perhaps arising out of "|iy Tim, 2 Sam. 

xxi. 18), here=Qpfli, according to later usage. 

For Gezer (in the tribe of Ephraim, to the south 
west, near the north border of the Philistines), 
see vii. 28. For "ifja, moreover, we should ap- 

vv : 

pirently (2 Sam. xxi. 18) read ^3, or perhaps 

333 ; that passage is not inversely to be amended 

from ours (against Berth.). Then Sibbecai the. 
Ffuxhat/iite (one of David s Gibborim ; see xi. 29 
and xx vii. 11) slew Sippai, one of the sons of 
Rapha one of the Rephaites or descendants of 
Rapha, that gigantic tribe that before the inva 
sion of the Philistines inhabited the south-west 
of Canaan, and of which several families of gigantic 
size still lived among the Philistines ; comp. Josh. 
xi. 22; Deut. ii. 6, 23. And they were subdued, 
namely, by the conquest of this giant ; comp. 
Judg. xi. 33 ; 1 Sam. vii. 13. The absence of 
this remark in 2 Samuel does not make its 
originality suspicious. Ver. 5. And ther* wa f 
a war again with the Philistines, namely, 2 Sam. 
xxi. 19, at Gob (or Nob), and so at the same 
place as the former. Elhanan the son of Jair 
slew Lachmi, brother of Goliath, the Gittite. Ac 
cording to this certainly original reading is the 
defective text, 2 Sam. xxi. 19: "Elhanan the 
son of Jaare-oregim, a Bethlehemite, slew Goliath 
the Gittite," to be amended (with Piscat., Cleric., 
Mich., Mov., Then., Keil, Wellh.). "The form 
i-)y, instead of "vy of Chronicles, would be 

caused by the following D S 3~IK, the accidental 
insertion of which from the line underneat^ : s 
easily understood " (Wellh.). Besides, the here 
quite unexplained mention of the celebrated 
captain of David, Elhanan of Bethlehem (xi. 26\ 
will have occasioned a change of 

" Dfvn JT2- Accordingly, the question started by 
Berth., as defender of the originality of the text 
of Samuel: "Have there been two Goliaths?" 
falls to the ground as an idle one. Ver. 6 ff. The 
Last of the Four Heroic Deeds. Where was a man 
of (great) stature : ,-pJO P K = the p^p V>tf, 

vir mensurarum, in 2 Samuel. And his fingers 
were six and six (namely, on the hands and the 
feet, therefore in all), twenty and four. Comp. 
the sedi<jiti mentioned by Plin. H. N. xi. 43 ; 
also Trnsen, Sitten, Gebrduche, und Krankheiten 
der alt en Hebrder, p. 198 f . ; Carlisle, "An 
account of a family having hands and feet with 
.supernumerary fingers and toes" (in Philos. 
Traimac. 1814, part 1, p. 94) ; Rosbach, Diss. 
de numero diyitorum adauc o, Bonn 1838;. 
Blasius, Fall von Ueberzahl der Zehen. in Sie- 
bold s Journ. fur Geburtshu/fe, vol. xiii. Art. 1 ; 
also Lond. Medic. Gaz vol. xiv. Apr. 1834,. 
and Friedrich, Zur Bibel, i. p. 298 f. Recently, 
the well-known Arabian traveller F. v. Maltzan, 
in the Berlin Anthropological Society, reported: 
as follows: "Among the Himyarites (in South 
Arabia), in the dynasty of Forli. the six fingers 
are hereditary, and the pride of the ruler and the. 
people. Indeed, this property of six fingers, a. 
sign of bodily or, if not bodily, of mental strength 
among the Arabs, is still kept up artificially, as 
the six-fingered princes of the reigning house are 
allowed to marry only six-fingered members of 
the family, to avoid as much as possible the 
appearance of five fingers. In short, the twenty- 
four fingers and toes of the ruler are the pride of 
the country; and any one out of the country might 
prove his nearer or further connection with the 
ruling house by a greater or smaller superfluity of 
fingers" (Correspondence Sheet of the German 
Society for Anthropology, Ethnol., etc., 1872, 



No. 8, p. 60). Ver. 7. Jonathan the son of nV l"x in 2 Sam. xxi. 22, where it is preceded 
Shima. Davids brother, dew him. Comp. ; on this . . 

by the number " four (which is naturally onntteu 

Shima, ii. 13. Ver. 8. These were born. ^ for by the Chronist). And they fell by the hand of 

. . , , , . " . David, and by the hand of his servants, namely, 

H|M is an archaism, that occurs eight times i . by David - s hand in a mediate W ay, as he was the 

the Pentateuch, but always with the article (^n), !su P reme commander and military chief of. the 

T victorious Israelites, but immediately by the hand 
nd stands only here without it, for which reason of his so-called servants or heroes. The whole 

it appears suspicious ; the following rf]^ also remark forms a concluding subscription tint 

: | appears no less suitable in our passage than in 

probably contains an error; cornp. the regular | 2 Sam. xxi. 22 (against Berth.). 

x. The Census and the P<agw: ch. xxi. 

CH. xxi. 1. And Satan stood up against Israel, and provoked David to number 

2 Israel. And David said unto Joab, and to the rulers of the people, Go, 
number Israel from Beersheba even to Dan ; and bring it to me, that I may 

3 know their number. And Joab said, The LORD add to His people an hundred 
fold as many as they are. Are they not, my lord the king, all my lord s ser 
vants 1 Why doth my lord require this thing 1 Why shall it be a trespass 

4 to Israel ? But the word of the king prevailed against Joab ; and Joab de- 
,5 parted, and went through all Israel, and came to Jerusalem. And Joab gave 

the sum of the number of the people unto David ; and all Israel were a 
thousand thousand and a hundred thousand men that drew sword; and 
6 Judah was four hundred and seventy thousand men that drew sword. But 
Levi and Benjamin he counted not among them ; for the king s word was 
abominable to Joab. 

7, 8 And God was displeased with this thing ; and He smote Israel. And 

David said unto God, I have sinned greatly, because I have done this thing : 

but now take away the iniquity of Thy servant; for I have done very foolishly. 

9, 10 And the LORD spake unto Gad, David s seer, saying, Go arid tell David, 

saying, Thus saith the LORD, Three things I lay before thee ; choose thee one 

11 of them, that I may do it unto thee. And Gad came to David, and said unto 

12 him, Thus saith the LORD, Choose thee either three years of famine ; or three 
months to be driven J before thy foes, and the sword of thy enemies to over 
take thee ; or three days the sword of the LORD and pestilence in the land, 
that the angel of the LORD may destroy in all the border of Israel ; and now 

13 consider what word I shall return to Him that sent me. And David said 
unto Gad, I am in a great strait : let me now fall into the hand of the 
LORD ; for very great are His mercies : but let me not fall into the hand of 

And the LORD sent pestilence upon Israel ; and there fell of Israel seventy 

15 thousand men. And God sent an angel to Jerusalem to destroy it ; and as 

he was destroying, the LORD beheld, and repented of the evil, and said to the 

destroying angel, It is enough now, stay thy hand : and the angel of the 

1 6 LORD stood by the floor of Oman 2 the Jebusite. And David lifted up his 

eyes, and saw the angel of the LORD standing between the earth and the 

heaveii, having a drawn sword in his hand stretched over Jerusalem ; and 

17 David and the elders, clothed in sackcloth, fell on their faces. And David 
said unto God, Have not I commanded to number the people ? it is I that 
have sinned, and done evil indeed ; and these sheep, what have they done ? 
O LORD my God, let Thy hand now be on me and on my father s house, and 
not on Thy people to smite. 

18 And the angel of the LORD commanded Gad to say unto David, that 
David should go up and set up an altar unto the LORD in the floor of Oman 

li the Jebusite. And David went up at the word of Gad, which he spake in 

20 the name of the LORD. And Oman turned, and saw the angel ; and his four 

21 sons with him hid themselves : and Oman was threshing wheat. And David 
went to Oman ; and Oman looked, and saw David, and came out of the floor, 

CHAP. XXI. 1. 


22 and bowed to David with his face to the ground. And David said unto 
Oman. Give me the place of this floor, that I may build therein an altar 
unto the LORD : thou shalt give it me for the full price, that the plague be* 

23 stayed from the people. And Oman said unto David, Take thee, and let my 
lord the king do that which is good in his eyes : lo, I give thee the oxen for 
burnt-offerings, and the threshing-rollers for wood, and the wheat for the 

24 meat-offering : I give all. And King David said unto Oman, Nay ; but I will 
verily buy it for the full price ; for I will not take that which is thine for the 

25 LORD, nor offer burnt-offerings without cost. And David gave to Oman for 

26 the place six hundred shekels of gold by weight. And David built there 
an altar unto the LORD, and offered burnt-offerings and peace-offerings; and 
he called upon the LORD, and He answered him by fire from heaven on the 

27 altar of burnt-offering. And the LORD commanded the angel ; and he put 
his sword again into its sheath. 

28 At that time, when David saw that the LORD had answered him in the floor 

29 of Oman the Jebusite, he sacrificed there. For the tabernacle of the LORD, 
which Moses made in the wilderness, and the altar of burnt-offering, were at 

30 that time in the high place at Gibeon. And David could not go before it 
to inquire of God ; for he was afraid before the sword of the angel of 
the LORD. 

According to the parallel text 2 Sam. xxiv. 13 ^JD3 for HSDj, rather " flight " So the Sept , Vulg , and Luther. 

* P"]K the Sept. renders here and in the whole chapter by O/>c, as it conforms to i"U~lii<, the Kethib in 2 Sam. xxiv. 

16 (for which elsewhere there the Ktri TC}\~\& always stands). Our text has throughout invariably I3"1fc$, which the 

: - -: T : T 

Vulg. gives rightly Oman, Luther wrongly Arnan." 


PRELIMINARY R KM ARK. Relation of the Fore 
going Account of Chronicles to 2 Sam. xxiv. As 
clearly as the mostly verbal agreement of our 
account with the parallel text of Samuel points 
to one common source of both, so numerous and 
important are also their deviations from one 
another. They chiefly consist of the following : 
a. The position of the history of the census in 2 
Samuel is that of an appendix to the history of 
David s reign already in the main completed." In 
our book, on the contrary, it closes only that 
section of the history of this king which refers 
to the external security and enlargement of his 
power by wars, buildings, etc. ; but it thereby 
leads (in connection with the following description 
of his preparation for the building of the temple, 
xxii.) to a new section, that by means of full de 
tails of his temple, state and war officers, is fitted 
to present a picture of the inner character of his 
government, b. The event is so introduced in 
2 Samuel, that reference is made to a former 
plague, a famine (2 Sam. xxi. 1-14) which God 
had brought on the kingdom, so that David s 
pernicious project of a census is represented as 
the direct effect of the divine anger ("And again 
the anger of the Lord was kindled against Israel ; 
and He moved David, etc. "), but, in our account, 
so that the whole is referred to a tempting in 
fluence of Satan on David, and connected neither 
with that famine nor any former visitation of 
Israel under David (not, for example, with the 
insurrections of Absalom and Shebna, which, 
like the famine, are entirely unnoticed by our 
author). For the question, whether the repre 
sentation of Satan as the moral originator of the 
census rests on the influence of the religious 
ideas of a later time, see on ver. 1. c. The 

census executed by Joab at the command of 
David is described pretty fully in 2 Sam. xxiv. 
4-9, but only summarily in our chapter, with the 
chief emphasis on the numerical result, and the 
notice of a special circumstance un mentioned in 
2 Samuel, namely, that Joab, because the royal 
commission was repugnant to him, neglected to 
enumerate the tribes of Levi and Benjamin (vers. 
4-6). d. On the purchase of Oman s (or, as the 
Keri is in 2 Samuel, Arannah s) floor and the 
sacrifice by David, our text (vers. 19-27) is more 
full than 2 Sam. xxiv. 19-25. e. The statement, 
forming the close of our account and its connec 
tion with what follows, regarding the selection of 
the floor of Oman for the constant place of sacri 
fice by David (and for the site of the temple), in 
vers. 28-30, is wholly wanting in 2 Sam. xxiv., 
as, indeed, an express reference to the fact that 
that place attained a special sacredness under 
David by the angelic appearance and the sacrifice 
during the plague is absent there, while the 
whole occurrence is presented under the prevailing 
view of such a judicial punishment as the re 
bellions of Absalom and Shebna, and the famine 
already reported there, but by our author entirely 
omitted. That the most of these deviations are 
occasioned by the peculiar pragmatism and the 
special tendency of the author of the books of 
Samuel on the one hand and of the Chronist on 
the other, is already apparent from this brief sur 
vey, and will recei /e further confirmation from 
the following exposition. 

1. The Census, its Occasion and Effect: vers. 
1-6. And Satan ~tood up against Israel. That, 
instead of the divine anger, here Satan, the per 
sonal evil principle (see on Job i. 6, ii. 1), is 
named as the hostile power that occasioned the 
pernicious expedient of the census, is now usually 
explained (even by Keil) as a later idea of th* 



Israelites, and accordingly reckoned among the 
proofs that our book was composed after the exile. 
That this view is at least hasty, if it does not 
involve an error, is plain when we reflect 1. That 
the way in which the prologue of the book of Job 
presupp >ses the idea of Satan, as long naturalized 
in the belief of Israel, speaks for the origin of this 
idea, not only before the exile, but before the time 
of Solomon ; 2. That passages such as Gen. iii. 1 ff. 
and 1 Kiugs xxii. 19 ff., though the name }E^ 
does not occur in them, show that the materials 
of this idea arose from that early time ; and 3. 
That to the parallel passage 2 Sam. xxiv., though 
not u-4ng the name, the notion of an intervention 
of Satan in the temptation of David is by no 
means foreign ; indeed, even a positive hint of 
this is implied in it. Ew. and Wellh. justly 
assume that in the verb used, 2 Sam. xxiv. l", 
nD^ "provoked," lies an allusion to a personal 
tempting power, which cannot be God or the 
divine anger ; l that, indeed, according to the 
original, now mutilated, text of Samuel, probably 
fE&n was the subject of riD^V -And provoked 

David to number Israel. The injury of the census, 
indicated by this expression, rests on this, that 
such an undertaking in and of itself counted as 
an act exciting the anger of God, and therefore 
demanding propitiation (comp. the expiatory 
customs in the enumerations of the Romans, ac 
cording to Valerius, Maximus, Varro, and Livius, 
as also that census instituted by Moses, Ex. xxx. 
11-16, which did not provoke God, only because the 
money collected by it as a gift to the tabernacle 
had a holy purpose, and therefore an expiating 
significance in itself). But a special wrong and 
blame was attached to the census of David, be 
cause. it was a work of proud boastful ness and 
wicked haughtiness, not valuing, but over- valuing, 
his own power and greatness (comp. Joab s warn 
ing, ver. 3). The measure can scarcely be 
regarded as an expression of despotic wilfulness 
and tyrannic oppression of the people, or as a pre 
paration for the imposition of an oppressive war 
tax or other tribute (Berth., etc.), or even as 
expressive of a lust for warlike conquest in the 
king (J. D. Mich. ; comp. Kurtz in Herzog s 
Real-Encyl. iii. 306); at least the text in nowise 
indicates that blame was attached to it on any of 
these grounds. Ver. 2. Go, number Israel from 
Beersheba even to Dan, the usual formula to 
designate the land of Israel in all its length ; 2omp. 
Judg. xx. 1; 1 Sam. iii. 20; 1 Kings iv. 25, etc. 
The plain customary phrases: "Go, number" 
(VISE) 5G^)i are simplifying and explanatory for 
those selected in 2 Samuel : ^ L^ (specially ad 
dressed ID Joab) and vij3B (including the assist 

ants of Joab in the enumeration, the captains or 
commanders of the army). And bring it to me, 
that I may know their number, the number of the 
Israelites. Ver. 3. Joab s Warning. The Lord 

1 Comp. Volck, De summa carminix ./obi tententia p 33 
sqq. : Hoc si tc.nes, Denm non sine cau<a populo xuo argue ejus 
rccit, super- ienti Hit q,i,lem. sucanawse. Sat -nuinq^e eum 
es.te, <7-i, ut homines propter deHrta apud Deum arcuset rorum 
ptenas repetihu-u*. it a hoe fffiri,*, ut ptceati pullulantw vis 
erumpat: dtfku/tatem ita expedies, ut Davidem, quia Dcus 
iratus pmvit itis pcenam irroyarevoluerit ml infc/ix illud con- 
sthum adduet im fuisse dicas diaboli divinie roluntoti in-er- 
vientis impulsu, etc. Comp. also Hofniann, Krhriftbew ii p 
43T ff., and Schlottmann, Das Buck Hiob, p. 38 ff 

add to His people a hundredfold as many as they 
are. In 2 Samuel stands, in accordance with the 
preference of this author for repetitions of the 
same phrase (comp. 1 Sam. xii. 8), a double DM3, 

"so many as they are, so many as they are, a 
hundredfold, " or more briefly: " so and so many as 
they are a hundredfold." For the present simpler 
expression, comp. Deut. i. 11. Are they not all 
. . . mji lord s servants ? Does any one doubt 
that this great multitude of people is subject to 
thee ? Will any one check thy joy in the great 
ness and power of thy kingdom ? This question 
is wanting in the often deviating text of Samuel, 
in place of which are the words: "that the eyes 
of my lord the king may see it " (the hundred 
fold increase of the people). Why shall it be a 
trespass to Israel? a trespass (HDK fcO that 

brings divine punishment on the people instead 
of thee, the king, who art guilty of this wicked 
haughtiness. Ver. 4.. But the word of the king 
prevailed against Joab, literally, " was strong 

above Joab " (which form "py pfpj is perhaps to 
be restored in 2 Samuel in place of the present 
^N n)> overcame his resistance (Luth. : "suc 
ceeded against Joab"); comp. 2 Chron. viii. 3, 
xxvii. 5. Ver. 5. And all Israel were a thousand 
thousand and a hundred thousand men that drew 
xivord, literally, "that bare the sword ;" comp. 
Judg. viii. 10, xx. 2, 15, 17, 46, etc. The num 
ber 1,100,000, compared with the 800,000 men-at- 
arms in 2 Sam. xxiv. 9, involves an actual devia 
tion, which either depends on an ancient variety 
in the traditions concerning the numerical result 
of the census, or what is more probable, must be 
derived from a confusion of the numbers ; comp. 
the cases of this kind cited in the Introd. 6, 
Xo. 5. The difference in the number of the 
Jewish men-at-arms is smaller, in which the 
500,000 in 2 Samuel is merely a round number, 
for the more exact one, 470,000, contained in our 
text. Moreover, differences in the later traditions 
might the more easily ari.-e in this Davidic census, 
because it was merely oral, as, according to 1 
Chrou. xxvii. 24, the result was not entered in 
the annals of the kingdom. The general correct 
ness of the account, that Israel then numbered 
about a million, and Judah about half a million 
warriors, is warranted by the communications of 
the author, which attest even for much later 
times the extraordinary density of the population 
in the formerly so fruitful land of promise. And 
that the actual army of David, 1 Chron. xxvii. 
1 ff., amounted only to 288,000 men, by no means 
contradicts the present statement relative to the 
total number of men fit to bear arms ; comp. our 
remark on iv. 18. Ver. 6. But Levi and Benja 
min he counted not among them ; for the king s 
word was abominable to Joab ; on account of the 
reluctance with which he obeyed the command of 
the king, the numbering was not quite completed : 
it was stopped, perhaps at the king s command, 
before Benjamin, the last of the tribes to be num 
bered, was taken in hand ; comp. the more exact 
statements in 2 Sam. xxiv. 5 if. concerning the 
order pursued by the commission under Joab, that, 
starting from the southern tribes east of Jordan, 
went round over the north of the land to the south 
of Judah, and thence arrived at Jerusalem. Aa 
no time remained for the numbering of Benjamin 

CHAP. XXI. 7-16. 


(comp. xxvii. 23 f. the express statement that 
the numbering was not completed ; also Josephus, 
Antiq. vii 13. 1: x, u i tf r ** s frtvutttiTibo; <pu^n;. 
lytpitftnftii ya.f otuTiiv ol> tfifartv), so the tribe of 
Levi was omitted on account of its legal exemption 
from numerations for political or military objects 
(comp. Num. i. 47-54). In the present state 
ment, therefore, there is nothing incredible ; and 
neither its. absence in 2 Samuel, nor the circum 
stance that the Ohronist, instead of the unfinished 
state of the census, puts forward in his subjective 
pragmatism the reluctance of Joab as the cause of 
the omission of those tribes, justifies the suspicions 
entertained by de Wette and Gramberg against it. 
Cornp. Keil, Apologet. Versuch, p. 349 if. 

2. The Divine Displeasure with the Numbering 
of the People by the Voice of the Seer Gad: vers. 
7-13. And God was displeased with this thing, 
literally, "and it was evil (jn s 1) in God s eyes 

for this thing: " the same construction appears in 
Gen. xxi. 22 ; usually without ^y before the dis 

pleasing object, Gen. xxxviii. 10; 2 Sam. xi. 27, 
etc. And He smote Israel. This is not so much 
an anticipation of that which is narrated ver. 14 if., 
as a generalizing description of the mode in which 
God s anger took eifect on Israel. It does not 
appear that the words are to be amended (Berth.), 

according to 2 Sam. xxiv. 10: iritf "1Vn~l6 7] s l, 

" and the heart of David smote him." We have 
here simply two modes of narrative, one of which 
regards more the human thought and deed, the 
other more the divine. Ver. 10. Three things 1 
lay before thee, concerning thee, with thee, laying 
the choice before thee. Wellh. justly declares, 

not the strange ^3 f Samuel, but our J-JD3 
to be original (against Berth.). Ver. 12. Either 
three i.ears of famine. This time is certainly the 
original, not the seven years of the text in Samuel, 
which has arisen by the easy change of the letters 

(y3 J> for {59E>), and finds its emendation in the 

Sept. Or three months to be driven before thy 
foes. What is here original, whether n^Di of 

our text (nom. particip. Niph.: "to perish, be 
swept away ") or ^pj in 2 Samuel, must remain 

doubtful. On the contrary, the following 21 HI 
JWE6 *p!MKi "and the sword of thy foes to 

overtake" (=so that the sword of thy foes over 
take thee), is certainly to be preferred to the 
reading TJDl l fcttm in 2 Samuel. That the angel 

of the Lord destroy in all the border of Israel. 
This enforcing addition to the third question is 
wanting in 2 Samuel, but must be no less original 
than that parallel addition to the second question. 
And the hendiadyoin: "the sword of the Lord 
and pestilence, " for the simple pestilence 

in 2 Samuel, can scarcely be regarded as an arbi 
trary addition of the Chronist. Comp. , moreover, 
with respect to the triad of divine judgments 
famine, sword, and pestilence the parallels, Lev. 
xxvi. 25 f. ; 1 Kings viii. 37 ; 2 Chron. xx. 9; Jer. 
xiv. 12 ff., xxi. 7-9, xxiv. 10, xxvii. 8, 13, xxix. 
17 f., xxxii. 24-36, xxxiv. 17, xxxviii. 2, xlii. 
17, 22, xliv. 13; Ezek. v. 12, vi. 11 f., vii 15, 
zii 16; also Ezek. xxi. 19, where this woful 

triad is indicated by the figure of three swords ; 
likewise Ezek. v. 17, xiv. 13-19, Rev. vi. 8, where 
the triad is extended to a quatrain by the addition 
of beasts of prey (comp. still other appropriate 
parallels in my Theol. naturally i. p. 637). 

3. The Judgment, and David s Repentant En 
treaty for its Removal: vers. 14-17. And the 
Lord sent pestilence upon Israel. That this 
pestilence continued "from the morning even to 
the time appointed " is stated in the precise 
account in 2 Samuel ; likewise that it affected 
all the people "from Dan even to Beersheba. ; 
Wellh. (p. 220) defends, perhaps not unjustly, 
the extended form of our first verse-member, 
which the Sept. presents, as original: "And 
David chose the pestilence ; and when the days 
of wheat harvest came (comp. ver. 20), the 
plague began among the people." Ver. 15. And 
God sent an angel to Jerusalem. The T 

without the article, "an angel," is strange, as the 
angel in question, ver. 12, was named before. 
Berth, gives the preference to the text 2 Sam. 
xxiv. 16: " And the angel stretched out his hand 
to Jerusalem," whereas Movers (p. 91) defends 
our text as original. Perhaps neither text now 
contains exactly and fully the original, whether 
we amend, with Keil: "And the angel of God 
stretched out his hand toward Jerusalem," or de 
clare the restoration of the original now impos 
sible (with Wellh.). And as he was destroying, 
the Lord beheld, and repented of the evil ; that is, 
as soon as the angel had begun to destroy, 
Jehovah considered, and repented that He had 
decreed the heavy stroke. On this repentance of 
God, comp. Gen. vi. 16 ; Ex. xxxii. 14 ; Jer. xlii. 
10 ; Jon. iii. 10 ; Ps. cvi. 23. It is enough now, 
stay thy hand. Notwithstanding the ace. dis 
tinct. over 3-), this word is to be connected with 

the following nny, au ^ taken in the sense of 

" enough " (suffidt) ; comp. Deut. i. 6 ; 1 Kings 
xix. 4. Against Berth., who in 2 Sam. xxix. 
16 connects y\ with DJ72- an d regards this "a 

great mass of people " as the original reading, 
see not only Keil, but also Wellh. And the 
angel of the Lord stood by the floor of Oman the, 
Jebmite. That this Oman (or Araunah, as the 
Keri writes his name in 2 Samuel ; comp. Grit. 
Note here) had been king of the Jebusites 
cannot be inferred from 2 Sam. xxiv. 23, as the 
word Tpftn there is either to be erased, with 
Then., or (with Bottcher and WelJh.) to be re 
ferred by emendation to David (there addressed 
by Araunah). That the floor of Oman was on 
Mount Moriah, the subsequent site of the temple, 
north-east of Zion, is stated in the sequel ; see 
ver. 28 if. Ver. 16. And David . . . saw the 
angel of the Lord standing between the earth and 
the heavens. This whole verse, as also ver. 20, 
with the statement of the hiding of Oman and 
his four sons before the angel, and ver. 26, with 
the mention of the fire coming down from God 
on David s offering, are wanting in the shorter 
and simpler account in 2 Samuel. These may be 
called embellishments of tradition, but they are 
not to be regarded as inventions of our historian 
(against Berth., etc.). And David and the elders 
. . . fell on their faces. The mention of the 
elders is wanting in 2 Samuel, but is not the 
least strange, as it was a solemn act of expiation 



and penitence on behalf of the whole nation. 
Comp. also the mention, 2 Sam. xxiv. 20, of the 
retinue of servants accompanying the king when 
he went to Oman. Ver. 17. Have not I com 
manded to number the people? In 2 Samuel the 
prayer of David is much briefer. But for this 
very reason the attempt of Bertheau to show that 
our text here and in the sequel arises from the 
effort to explain and improve the other text is 
altogether unjustified. Neither are the present 

words Din T\\xh VPBX "ON fc6fl corrupted 
from those in Samuel : H3DH 

n JTjni to be changed into a 

supposed original 

\3iKl, "and I, 

the shepherd, have done wrong ; " for the ques 
tion : "but these sheep, what have they done ? " 
is easily understood without the previous men 
tion of the shepherd ; comp. Ps. xcv. 7, c. 3, 

4. The Purchase of Oman s Floor, and the 
Offering of the Burnt-Sacrifice there: vers. 18- ! 
27. Ver. 20. And Oman turned. So 

silver. The one of these two contradictory state 
ments is certainly corrupt, and more probably 
that in 2 Samuel, as fifty shekels of silver is too 
low a price ; comp. Abraham s 400 shekels of 
silver for the cave of Machpelah, Gen. xxiii. 15. 
The sum of 600 shekels of y,old appears, indeed, 
too high ; but an over-payment corresponds better 
with the crisis than a much smaller price, which 
might have been interpreted as an act of mean 
covetousness. That the Chronist has "inten 
tionally exaggerated " (Then. ) is a conjecture as 
little to be justified as the different harmonizing 
attempts of the ancients ; for example, that each 
of the twelve tribes must have given fifty shekels, 

whereby the 

shekels mentioned by the 

is certainly to be translated (comp. 2 Kings xx. 
5 ; Isa. xxxviii. 5 ; and such New Testament 
passages as Luke xxii. 61, etc.), not "returned," 
as Bertheau does against the context, at the same 
time defending the conjecture that 355*1 is cor 

rupted from PiV And Oman was threshing 

wheat, a clause wanting in 2 Samuel, but cer 
tainly original, which is continued by the notice 
of the Sept. already mentioned on ver. 15 con 
cerning the wheat harvest as the time when the 
pestilence began Ver. 22 Give me the place of 
this floor. So it is to be translated, not as in 
Luther: "Give me space in this floor." The 
whole floor was necessary for the king s object ; 
it is also all bought by him. The history of this 
purchase recalls in general the similar incident in 
the life of Abraham, Gen. xxiii., but does not 
necessitate the assumption that the recollection 
of Gen. xxiii. 9 affected the forms of the text, 
nor in particular that the twofold ^ 

was taken thence. Ver. 23. Lo, I give the oxen 
for burnt-offerings. Along with DM niBni stands 

also 2 Samuel : ipon ^1, "and the harness of 

the oxen," their wooden yokes, a certainly 
original phrase, that has only fallen out of our 
text by a mistake. The other text also requires 
the mention of "the wheat for the meat oiler- 
ing," which can be no late addition. Ver. 24. 
Nor offer burnt-offerings without cost, that is, 
without having paid the full price tor them. 
The infin. Jtini after the finite verb as a con 

tinuation is not surprising ; comp. Ew. 351, c. 
Here also Bertheau s emendations are superfluous. 
Ver. 25. And David gave to Oman for the 
place six hundred shekels of gold by weight. 
Otherwise 2 Samuel xxiv. 24, where David pur 
chases the floor with the oxen for fifty shekels of 

Chronist were raised (Raschi), or that the 600 
shekels are to be reckoned as silver, but to be 
paid in gold, and with fifty pieces of gold, of 
which each was= twelve silver shekels (Noldius, 
ad concord. Part. not. 719), etc. Ver. 26. And 
David . . . offered burnt-offerings and peaci - 
offerings. After the sentence corresponding tJ 
these words in 2 Sam. xxiv. 25 is found in tie 
Sept. an addition that anticipates in brief the 
contents of xxii. 1-6. And he called upon tie 
Lord, and He answered him by fire (or heard 
him with fire)/ro??i heaven on the altar of burnt- 
offering. For these words, to be understood 
according to Lev. ix. 24, 1 Kings xviii. 24, 38, 
2 Kings i. 12, and 2 Chron. vii. 1, 2 Samuel has 
simply: "and the Lord was entreated for the 
land" (comp. on ver. 16) ; likewise for our ver. 
27, with its mention of the angel s sword returned 
into its sheath, the plainer and less poetical : 
"and the plague was stayed from Israel." 

5. David s repeated Offering on the Floor of 
Oman, with the Reason: vers. 28-30. A t that 
time . . . he sacrificed there ; that is, repeatedly, 
frequently : Luther rightly : " was wont to offer 
there." Only this sense of Q jj Q3n agrees with 
the sequel, especially with xxii. 1. Vers. 29, 30 
explain this selection of Oman s floor foi the 
regular place of sacrifice for the king morn pre 
cisely, by referring to the older sanctuary at 
Gibeon, and to the apparent neglect of it ; comp. 
on ch. xv. 1, xvi. 39 f. And Darid could not go 
before it, the tabernacle at Gibeon, and the, altar 

there ; comp. for 13;^ in this connection, xvi. 4, 

37, 39. For he was afraid before the sword of 
the angel of the Lord ; the appearance of the 
angel, with its desolating effects, had left in his 
mind an awfully strong impression of the holi 
ness of the place, so that he did not venture to 
sacrifice in any other plac^. This interpretation 
only (comp. Berth.) suits the fact and the con 
text, not that of various recent expositors, who 
wish to extract strange motives out of the words ; 
for example, J. H. Mich. quia ex terror evisioi, is 
angelica 1 infirmitatem corporis contrazerat," or 
< >. v. Gerlach : "because Gibeon was too far 
away," or Keil : " because Gibeon, notwithstand 
ing the sanctuary existing there with the Mosaic 
altar, was not spared by the plague," etc. 

Comp., moreover, for the various details of the 
present account, the evangelical and ethical reflec 
tions at the close of the exposition of this book. 




ot. Provisions for the Building of the Temple: ch. xxii. 

CH. xxii. 1. And David said, This is the house of the LORD God, and this is the 
altar of burnt-offering for Israel. 

2 And David commanded to gather the strangers that were in the land of 
Israel ; and he appointed masons to hew square stones to build the house of 

3 God. And David prepared iron in abundance for the nails for the doors of 

4 the gates, and for braces ; and brass in abundance without weight. And 
cedar-trees without number; for the Zidonians and Tyrians brought much 

5 cedar-wood to David. And David said, Solomon my son is young and 
tender, and the house to be builded for the LORD must be highly magnifical 
for name and glory in all countries : I will now prepare for it: and David 
prepared abundantly before his death. 

6 And he called for Solomon his son, and charged him to build a house for 

7 the LORD God of Israel. And David said to Solomon, My son, 1 I had it in 

8 mind to build a house unto the name of the LORD my God. But the word of 
the LORD came unto me, saying, Thou hast shed much blood, and made great 
wars ; thou shalt not build a house unto my name, because thou hast shed 

9 much blood on the earth in my sight. Behold, a son shall be born to thee, 
who shall be a man of rest ; and I will give him rest from all his enemies 
around ; for Solomon shall be his name, and I will give peace and rest unto 

10 Israel in his days. He shall build a house to my name ; and he shall be my 
son, and I will be his father ; and I will establish the throne of his kingdom 

11 over Israel for ever. Now, my son, the LORD be with thee; and prosper 

12 thou, and build the house of the Lord thy God, as He hath said of thee. Also 
the LORD will give thee wisdom and understanding, and ordain thee over 

13 Israel, that thou mayest keep the law of the LORD thy God. Then shalt thou 
prosper, if thou takest heed to fulfil the statutes and judgments which the 
Lord commanded Moses concerning Israel : be firm and strong ; fear not, nor 

14 be dismayed. And, behold, in my trouble I have prepared for the house of 
the LORD a hundred thousand talents of gold, and a thousand thousand 
talents of silver, and of brass and of iron without weight ; for it is in abun 
dance : and I have prepared timber and stone, and thou shalt add thereto. 

15 And with thee are workers in abundance, hewers and carvers of stone and of 

16 timber, arid all skilful men in all work. Of the gold, the silver, and the brass, 
and the iron there is no number : arise and do, and the LORD be with thee. 

17 And David commanded all the princes of Israel to help Solomon his son : 

18 Is not the LORD your God with you 1 and hath He not given you rest on 
every side ? For He hath given the inhabitants of the land into my hand ; 2 

19 and the land is subdued before the LORD, and before His people. Now give 
your heart and your soul to seek the LORD your God ; and arise and build 
the sanctuary of the LORD God, to bring the ark of the covenant of the LORD, 
and the holy vessels of God, into the house that is to be built to the name of 
the LORD. 

1 S 33, according to the Keri; the Kethib has fa^, "unto Solomon his son; " but it scarcely tle-erve< the preMvLce, 

: * J f * 

a faS might easily arise from fal TOH^i ver 6> 

2 So the Masoretic text and a part of the MSS. of the Sept. CA 2 F X: tv %upt ftw). But the Sept. cod. Vat, Vul. 
Luther, etc. : " into your hands." 


1. Connection with the Foregoing Section: ver. 
1. The present chapter, which opens the second 

half of David s history referring to the inner side 
of his government, is, by its introductory verse, 
closely connected with the foregoing account oi 
the pestilence, and the consequent jlevaticn of 



the floor of Oman to be the place of sacrifice for 
the king. The further accounts, relating directly 
or indirectly to the security of David s kingdom 
for his successor, to the end of the book, are thus 
in a suitable way connected with the last-men 
tioned important event in the external history of 
the government of David. This is the house of 
the Lord God, or: "shall be a house of the Lord 
God." David gives this determination to the 
former threshing-floor on the same ground that 
moved Jacob to consecrate his resting-place at 
Luz to be a Bethel (Gen. xxviii. 17), because 
Jehovah had there revealed to him His saving 

2. The Preparation of Materials for the future 
Temple : vers. 2-5. And David commanded to 
gather the strangers that were in the land of 
Israel, the descendants of the Canaanites sub 
dued in the conquest of the land, who lived as 
bondmen under his government ; comp. 2 Chron. 
viii. 7-10 and ch. ii. 16, 17, where the number 
of these bondmen under Solomon is stated to be 
150,000, whom he employed as bearers and work 
men in building the temple. Masons to hew 
square stones. Comp. 1 Kings v. 17, 31 ; also 
the simple fVTHj square stones, 1 Kings vi. 36, 

vii. 9 ff. ; Ex. xx. 25; Isa. ix. 9. Ver. 3. For 
the nails for the doors of the gates, and for braces. 

nftanri, properly, "for joining things " (Sept. 

rrpoQiTf ; more correctly Vulg. commissurce atque 
junctures,} ; comp. 2 Chron. xxxiv. 11, where, 
nowever, braces of wood are meant. Ver. 4. For 
the Zidonians and Tyrians ( = Phenicians ; 
comp. Ezra iii. 7) brought much cedar-wood to 
David; this at first naturally, as an article of 
trade for the exports of Palestine, corn, wine, 
fruit, etc., not yet by a contract of supply for 
building the temple, such as Solomon afterwards 
made with Hiram, 1 Kings v. 15 ff. Ver. 5. 
Solomon my son is young and tender. So (iyj 

spl, parvulus et delicatus, Vulg.) David names 

Solomon also, ch. xxix. 1, in one of his last 
speeches to the people, although, born shortly 
after the Syrian Ammonite wars (2 Sam. xii. 24), 
he must have been at this time, shortly before 
David s end, above twenty years of age. But 
even shortly after the beginning of his reign, 
Solomon calls himself 13, 1 Kings iii. 7; 

comp., for example, also Benjamin, Gen. xliii. 44; 
Joshua, Ex. xxxiii. 11 ; Rehoboam, 2 Chron. xiii. 
7, etc. And the house to be builded for the Lord 
must be highly magnificat (properly, "great to 

make"). n^ftA, properly, "upward," "above 

measure great;" comp. on xiv. 2. For name 
and glory in all countries, that it tend to the 
glory of the Lord in all countries ; comp. xiv. 
17. I will now prepare for it. The meaning of 
this cheerful offering is somewhat weakened, if, 
with the Vulg. (prceparabo ergo, etc.) and Luther 
("therefore will I make preparation"), we take 
$2 as a particle of inference. 

3. The Charge to Solomon to build the Temple: 
vers. 6-16. This charge is obviously to be re 
garded as given to Solomon shortly before the 
ieath of David ; see the toitt "OsA at the close of 

ver. 5. The whole address on to ver. 16, beside* 
being a legacy of the predecessor to his successor, 
is therefore to be regarded in some measure as 
parallel to 1 Kings ii. 2-9, and as essentially con 
temporary with the contents of ch. xxviii. and 
xxix. of our book. On its perhaps not strictly 
historical but ideal character, which is common 
to it with those addresses of David in ch. xxviii. 
and xxix., see Introd. 6, No. 6. Ver. 7. On 
ilieKeri 133 to be preferred to the Kethib ^3, see 

Grit. Note. / had it in mind, literally, " I, it was 
in my heart ; " quite so (with the same emphatic 

position of ^ before 13^ QJJ) also ch. xxviii. 2. 

The phrase : " it is or was in my heart," for: "I 
have (had) in mind," appears also in 2 Chron. i. 
11, vi. 7 f., ix. 1, xxiv. 4, xxix. 10, as in other 
historical books, Josh. xiv. 7; 1 Kings viii. 17 f., 
x. 2. Ver. 8. But the word of the Lord came 
unto me, saying. What was a historical necessity 
in the course of David s government is by this 
concrete description referred to a definite word of 
the Lord communicated somewhere and sometime 
to David, as in ch. xxviii. 3 (comp. 1 Kings v. 
17). It is not necessary to seek a definite place, 
where such a divine command was at least inti 
mated to him. What Nathan says, xvii. 4 ff. , of 
David s wars, concerns only the help which God 
gave him in these, but does not give prominence 
to the circumstance that he was by those frequent 
wars unfitted for building the temple. Comp. 
also Hengstenb. Gesch. des fieiches Gottes, iii. 
124. Ver. 9. Behold, a son shall be born to thee. 

The participle 

is here in the sense of the 

tuture ; comp. ver. 19 and 1 Kings xiii. 2. 
Who shall be a man of rest, not a man who makes 
rest (Jer. Ii. 59 ; comp. Hitzig on this passage), 
but, as the sequel shows, a man who enjoys rest, 
who has the blessings of peace, and therefore 

rightly bears his name 

Comp. the de- 

and x! 10. 

scription of the profound peace during the reign 
of Solomon, 1 Kings v. 4 f. On ver. 10, comp. 
ch. xvii. 12 f., which prediction of Nathan is 
briefly repeated in our passage. Ver. 11. The 
Lord be with thee (comp. vers. 16, 18); and prosper 
thou; comp. ver. 13; Josh. i. 8; and lastly, 

py, to charge any one, ver. 8 

Ver. 12. Also the Lord will give ihee wisdom and 
understanding ; the same terms are so connected 
in 2 Chron. ii. 11. The fulfilment of this pro 
phecy, as of the similar one of Nathan (2 Sam, 
vii. 11), see in 1 Kings iii. 5 ff. That thou mayest 
keep the law of the Lord, properly, "and to keep 
the law," etc. Comp., on this continuation of the 

verb Jin. by the infin. with j, Ew. 351, c. 

Ver. 13. If thou takest heed to fulfil ("to do") 
the statutes and judgments. The language here 
frequently coincides with the prescriptions and 
promises of Deuteronomy ; comp. Deut. iv. 1, 
v. 1, vii. 4, 11, xi. 32 ; and respecting the closing 
admonition: "be firm and strong," Deut. xxxi. 
6, 8; Josh. i. 7, etc. Ver. 14. And behold, in 
my trouble, etc. So is "oyi-l to be taken here 

(comp. Gen. xxxi. 42, and the parallel meaning, 
ch. xxix. 2), not "in my labour," as the Sept., 

CHAP. XXII. 16-19. 


Vulg. , and Luther have misunderstood the phrase. 
The following numbers, 100,000 talents of gold 
and 1,000,000 talents of silver, are only free from 
the suspicion of wilful exaggeration by theChronist 
or an error of transcription, if we are permitted 
to introduce a reckoning according to other, that 
is, smaller units than those customary in the 
0. T. (comp. Introd. 6, No. 5). If we reckon 
the talent ("133) of silver at 3000 shekels of silver, 

according to the usual Mosaic or sacred value of 
about 2s. 3fd. each, it would amount to 342, 
and therefore 1,000,000 such silver talents would 
make the. large sum of 342,000,000 ; and 100,000 
talents of gold, if the gold shekel be sixteen times 
that of silver, would reach the still higher sum of 
547, 500,000. The gold and silver thus gathered 
by David would amount to 889,500,000, a sum 
incredibly high for the requirements of worship 
at that time. On the contrary, if we assume, with 
Keil, that the present shekel is not the sacred 
(Mosaic) but the civil so-called shekel, after the 
king s weight, and that these royal shekels were 
only half as weighty as the others, and* so equal 
in weight and value to the bekah or Mosaic half- 
shekel (Ex. xxxviii. 26), an assumption that 
seems to be corroborated by the comparison of 
1 Kings x. 17 with 2 Chron. ix. 16, the sum 
named is reduced by at least a half. That so 
large a sum gathered and saved by David is not 
inconceivable, but has its parallel in other high 
sums of oriental antiquit} , Movers (Die Pkonizier, 
ii. 3, p. 45 ff.) and Keil (p. 182 f. of his Comment.) 
have rendered probable by examples from the 
history of Persia and Syria, those exceedingly 
rich countries adjacent to the kingdom of David; 
comp. the 34,000 of gold and 500,000 talents 
of silver which Cyrus seized in the conquest of 
Athens (Varro, in Plin. Hist. Nat. xxxii. 15), the 
40,000 talents of uncoined gold and silver and 
9000 talents of coined silver which Alexander 
seized in Susa alone, the 120,000 talents which 
the same conqueror acquired in Persepolis ; like 
wise the colossal treasures of Syria, with its 
numerous great idols of solid gold, its gold shields 
for the servants of Hadadezer, 2 Sam. viii. 7 ff. , its 
gold pins as ornaments of the boots of the common 
soldiers of an Antiochus the Great, etc,. At all 
events, it is hasty in Bertheau, who, besides, com 
mits a great error in asserting that 5000 millions 
of thalers (about 750,000,000) would suffice to 
pay off the debt of all European states, to deny 
the credibility of the present high numbers, and 
suppose that they could be "nothing but the 
first circumlocution of the notion, great, exceed 
ingly great, a circumlocution that may still be 
heard in the mouth of those who have not re 
flected on the value and import of the numbers, 
and therefore deal quite freely with thousands 
tnd hundred thousands. " Neither the fact that 
Solomon s annual revenue amounted only to 666 
talents of gold, nor that the queen of Sheba made 
him a present of 120 talents of gold (comp. 
1 Kings x. 10, 14; 2 Chron. ix. 9), is sufficient to 
confirm this suspicion of a boastful exaggeration 

1 See Mosis Maim on Constitution** ote siclis, quas illus- 
>ravit, Jo Esgers, Lu^d. Bat. 1718, p 19, and comp the 
remarks on 2 Chron iii. 3 concerning the relation of the older 
(sacred or Mosaic) cubit to the shorter civil cubit of later 
limes. (In the text, English money has been substituted for 

as the ground of the present statements. For, 
besides the 666 talents in gold expressly mentioned 
in those passages, Solomon must have had still 
other revenues considerably higher in their total 
amount (especially from tolls and tributes of the 
subject nations); but the value of a single gift in 
money and precious metals cannot in itself be 
compared with that of a great treasure amassed 
during several years. And should not David have 
actually contemplated the foundation of a temple 
treasure, of which the surplus remaining after 
defraying the cost of building should be kept in 
the sanctuary, and saved for covering the future 
expenses of it (as Solomon actually did after the 
building was finished with the money remaining 
over, 2 Chron. v. 1; 1 Kings vii. 51), and there 
fore have accumulated so vast a sum ? Comp. 
that which is expressly reported to this effect, 
and see Keil s full discussion of all questions and 
opinions on this matter (pp. 181-184). And thou 
shall add thereto. That Solomon followed this 
advice of his father, to add to the building 
materials, is clear from 2 Chron. ii., where also 
the activity of the here (ver. 15, and in vei. 2) 
mentioned workers in stone and wood, as well as 
the "skilful men in all work" (Q3n, to denote 

T T 

the ingenious mastery in the crafts of building 
and figuring, as in Bezaleel, Ex. xxxi. 3), is again 
mentioned. Ver. 16. Of the gold, the silver, and 
the brass, and the iron, there is no number, pro 

perly, " for gold," etc. The ^) before the several 

words serves to make more prominent that which 
is hitherto enumerated (Ew. 310, a). On the 
following nb>yi Dip, "arise and do," comp. Ezra 

x. 4. 

4. Invitation to the Princes of Israel to aid in 
the building of the Temple: vers. 17-19. Is not 
the Lord your God with you ? The remembrance 
of God s former grace toward the people is a 
ground for the invitation. That the words com 
municated here and in ver. 19 are David s words 
to the princes, is sufficiently clear even without 

"ibX^ from the foregoing 1^1 ^ ; comp. the same 


immediate introduction of the address in xxiii. 4. 
He Jiath given the inhabitants of the land into my 
hand, the Canaanites, Jebusites, Philistines ; 
comp. xiv. 10f., Josh. ii. 24, as on the following: 
"the land is subdued," Josh, xviii. 1, Num. 
xxxii. 22, 29. Ver. 1 9. Now give your heart and 
\soul to seek the Lord your God ; comp. 2 Chron. 
xvii. 4, Ezra iv. 2, where the same construction 

of grn with ^ is found, whereas elsewhere it 

usually has the simple ace. of the object after it 
(xvi. 12, xxi. 30, etc.). To bring the ark of the, 
covenant (xv. 1; 2 Chron. v. 2) . . . into the house, 

etc. ^j in JT3^ stands (as in Josh. iv. 5) for 
^, and is not perhaps nota accusativi (Berth.), as 
is never constructed with the ace. loci, but 

with ^>tf, or with the ace. and n local. For the 

future sense of n^sarij comp. on ver. 9. 


/S. Distribution of the Levites and Priests, and Order of their Service: ch. xxiii.-xxvi. 

CH. xxiii. 1. And David was old and full of days, and he made his son Solomon 
king over Israel. 

1. Enumeration of the Levites, and Arrangement of their Work: vers. 2-5. 

2 And he gathered al] the princes of Israel, and the priests and the Levites. 

3 And the Levites were numbered from the age of thirty years and upwards ; 

4 and their number by their polls in men was thirty and eight thousand. Of 
these, twenty and four thousand were to oversee the work of the house of the 

5 Lord, and six thousand were to be officers and judges. And four thousand 
porters ; and four thousand praising the LORD with instruments which I have 
made 1 for praise. 

2. The Twenty-four Houses of the Levites: vers. 6-23. 

6 And David divided them 2 into courses for the sons of Levi, for Gershon, 
Kohath, and Merari. 

7, 8 Of the Gershonites were Ladan and Shimi. The sons of Ladan were the 

9 chief Jehiel, and Zetham, and Joel, three. The sons of Shimi were Shelomith, 8 

and Haziel, and Haran, three : these were the chiefs of the fathers for Ladan. 

10 And the sons of Shimi were Jahath, Zina, and Jeush, and Beriah : these four 

11 were Shimi s sons. And Jahath was the chief, and Zizah the second; and 
Jeush and Beriah had not many sons ; and they formed one lather-house and 
one class. 

12, 13 The sons of Kohath : Amram, Izhar, Hebron, and Uzziel, four. The sons 
of Amram : Aaron and Moses ; and Aaron was separated to sanctify him as 
most holy, he and his sons for ever, to burn incense before the LORD, to 

1 4 minister to Him, and to bless in His name for ever. And Moses, the man of 

15 God, his sons were called after the tribe of Levi. The sons of Moses were 
16, 17 Gershom and Eliezer. Of the sons of Gershom, Shebuel was the chief. And 

the sons of Eliezer were Rehabiah the chief : and Eliezer had no other sons ; 

18 but the sons of Rehabiah were very many. The sons of Izhar, Shelomith the 

19 chief. The sons of Hebron : Jeriah the first. Amariah the second, Jahaziel 

20 the third, Jekamam the fourth. The sons of Uzziel : Micah the first, and 
Jesiah the second. 

21 The sons of Merari : Mahli and Mushi ; the sons of Mahli : Eleazar and 

22 Kish. And Eleazar died, and had no sons, but only daughters ; and their 

23 brethren, the sons of Kish, took them. The sons of Mushi : Mahli, and 
Eder, and Jeremoth, three 

3. Closing Remarks on the Levites: vers. 24-32. 

24 These are the sons of Levi after their father-nouses ; the chief of the 
fathers for those mustered by the number of the names for their polls, doing 
the work for the service of the house of the LORD from twenty years old and 

25 upwards. For David said, The LORD God of Israel hath given rest to His 

26 people, and He dwelleth in Jerusalem for ever. And also the Levites have 

27 no more to carry the tabernacle, with all its vessels for its service. For, by 
the last words of David, these were the number of the Levites from twenty 

28 years old and upward. For their post was at the hand of the sons of Aaron, 
for the service of the house of the LORD, for the courts, and for the chambers, 
and for the purifying of everything holy, and the work of the service o the 

29 house of God. And for the shew-bread, and the fine flour for meat-otfering, 
and the unleavened cakes, and pancakes, and that which is fried, and all 

30 measures of capacity and length. And to stand every morning to thank and 

31 praise the LORD, and so in the evening. And to offer all burnt-offerings to 
the LORD for the Sabbaths, for the new moons, and the set feasts by number, 


32 after the order of them, continually before the LORD. And they shall keep 
the charge of the tent of meeting, and the charge of the sanctuary, and the 
charge of the sons of Aaron their brethren, for the service of the house of the 

4. The Twenty-four Classes of Priests: ch. xxiv. 1-19. 

CH. xxiv. 1. And for the sons of Aaron, these are the divisions : the sons of Aaron : 

2 Nadab and Abihu, Eleazar and Ithamar. But Nadab and Abihu died before 

3 their fathers, and had no sons ; and Eleazar and Ithamar became priests. And 
David distributed them, so that Zadok of the sons of Eleazar and Ahimelech 

4 of the sons of Ithamar were for their office in their service. And the sons of 
Eleazar were found more numerous in chief men than the sons of Ithamar ; 
and they were thus divided : for the sons of Eleazar sixteen chiefs of father- 

5 houses ; and eight of father-houses for the sons of Ithamar. And they 
divided them by lot, one with the other ; for the holy princes and the princes 

6 of God were of the sons of Eleazar, and of the sons of Ithamar. And 
Shemaiah son of Nethaneel, the scribe of the Levites, wrote them before the 
king and the princes, and Zadok the priest, and Ahimelech the son of Abiathar, 
and the chiefs of the fathers for the priests and for the Levites : one father- 
house being taken for Eleazar, and one 4 taken for Ithamar. 

7, 8 And the first lot came out to Jehoiarib, the second to Jedaiah. The third 

9 to Harim, the fourth to Seorim. The fifth to Malchijah, the sixth to 

10, 11 Mijamin. The seventh to Hakkoz, the eighth to Abijah. The ninth to 

12 Jeshuah, the tenth to Shecaniah. The eleventh to Eliashib, the twelfth to 

13, 14 Jakim. The thirteenth to Huppah, the fourteenth to Jeshebab. The 

15 fifteenth to Bilgah, the sixteenth to Immer. The seventeenth to Hezir, the 

16 eighteenth to Hapizez. The nineteenth to Pethahiah, the twentieth to 

17 Jehezkel. The one and twentieth to Jachin, the two and twentieth to Gamul. 

18 The three and twentieth to Delaiah, the four and twentieth to Maaziah. 

19 These are their offices for their service, to go into the house of the LORD 
according to their order by Aaron their father, as the LORD God of Israel had 
commanded him. 

5. The Classes of the Levites: vers. 20-31. 

20 And for the remaining sons of Levi: for the sons of Amram, Slmbael; for 

21 the sons of Shubael, Jehdeiah. For Rehabiah : for the sons of Rehabiah, the 

22 chief was Isshiah. For the Izharites, Shelomoth ; for the sons of Shelomoth, 

23 Jahath. And the sons [f Hebron]*: Jesiah [the first], Amariah the second, 

24 Jahaziel the third, Jekamam the fourth. The sons of Uzziel, JVJicah ; for the 

25 sons of Micah, Shamir. 6 The brother of Micah was Isshiah ; for the sons of 

26 Isshiah, Zechariah. The sons of Merari were Mahli and Mushi : the sons of 

27 Jazziah, Beno. 7 The sons of Merari, by Jaaziah his son : Shoham, 8 and 
28,29 Zaccur, and Ibri. To Mahli belonged Eleazar; 9 and he had no sons. Con- 

30 cerning Kish, the sons of Kish, Jerahmeel. And the sons of Mushi : Mahli, 
and Eder, and Jerimoth : these were the sons of the Levites after their 

31 father-houses. And these also cast lots like their brethren the sons of Aaron, 
before David the king, and Zadok, arid Ahimelech, and the chiefs of the 
fathers for the priests and for the Levites : the fathers, the chief like his 
younger brother. 

6. The Twenty-four Classes of Singers: ch. xxv. 

CH. xxv. 1. And David and the captains of the host separated for service the sons 
of Asaph, and Heman, and Jeduthun, who prophesied 10 with harps, with 
psalteries, and with cymbals : and the number of the workmen for the service 

2 was. For the sons of Asaph : Zaccur, and Joseph, and Nethaniah, and 

3 Asharelah sons of Asaph, under Asaph, who prophesied under the king. For 
Jeduthun : the sons of Jeduthun were Gedaliah, and Zeri, and Jeshaiah, 
Hashabiah, and Mattithiah, six, under their father Jeduthun, on the harp who 


4 prophesied to thank and praise the LORD. For Heman : the sons of Heman 
Bukkiah, Mattaniah, Uzziel, Shebuel, and Jerimoth, Hananiah, Hanani, 
Eliathah, Giddalti, and Romamti-ezer, Joshbekashah, Mallothi, Hothir, 

5 Mahazioth. All these were the sons of Heman, the king s seer in the words 
of God, to lift up the horn : and God gave Heman fourteen sons and three 

6 daughters. All these were under their father for song in the house of the 
LORD, with cymbals, psalteries, and harps for the service of the house of God 

7 under the king, with Asaph, and Jeduthun, and Heman. And their number 
with their brethren that were instructed in singing to the LORD, all that 

8 were cunning were two hundred eighty and eight. And they cast lots for the 
charge, the small as the great, the teacher with the scholar. 

9 And the first lot came forth for Asaph to Joseph: 11 the second to 

1 Gedaliah ; he and his sons and his brethren were twelve. The third to 

1 1 Zaccur, his sons and his brethren, twelve. The fourth to Izri, his sons and 

12 his brethren, twelve. The fifth to Nethaniah, his sons and his brethren, 
13, 14 twelve. The sixth to Bukkiah, his sons and his brethren, twelve. The 

15 seventh to Jesharelah, his sons and his brethren, twelve. The eighth to 

16 Jeshaiah, his sons and his brethren, twelve. The ninth to Mattaniah, his 

17 sons and his brethren, twelve. The tenth to Shimei, his sons and his 

18 brethren, twelve. The eleventh to Azarel, his sons and his brethren, twelve. 
19, 20 The twelfth to Hashabiah, his sons and his brethren, twelve. The thirteenth 

21 to Shubael, his sons and his brethren, twelve. The fourteenth to Mattithiah, 

22 his sons and his brethren, twelve. The fifteenth to Jerimoth, his sons and 

23 his brethren, twelve. The sixteenth to Hananiah, his sons and his brethren, 

24 twelve. The seventeenth to Joshbekashah, his sons and his brethren, twelve. 
25, 26 The eighteenth to Hanani, his sons and his brethren, twelve. The nineteenth 

27 to Mallothi, his sons and -his brethren, twelve. The twentieth to Eliathah, 

28 his sons and his brethren, twelve. The one and twentieth to Hothir, his sons 

29 and his brethren, twelve. The two and twentieth to Giddalti, his sons and 

30 his brethren, twelve. The three and twentieth to Mahazioth, his sons and 

31 his brethren, twelve. The four and twentieth to Eomamti-ezer, his sons and 
his brethren, twelve. 

7. The Classes of Porters: ch. xxvi. 1-19. 

Cn. xxvi. 1. Concerning the divisions of the porters : to the Korhites was Meshele- 

2 miah son of Korah, of the sons of Asaph. 12 And Meshelemiah had sons: 

Zechariah the first-born, Jediael the second, Zebadiah the third, Jathniel the 

3, 4 fourth. Elam the fifth, Jehohanan the sixth, Elioenai the seventh. And 

Obed-edom had sons : Shemaiah the first-born, Jehozabad the second, Joah 

5 the third, and Sacar the fourth, and Nathaneel the fifth. Ammiel the sixth, 

6 Issachar the seventh, Peulthai the eighth ; for God blessed him. And to 
Shemaiah his son were born sons, that ruled in the house of their father ; for 

7 they were valiant men. The sons of Shemaiah : Othni, and Rephael, and 

8 Obed, Elzabad, his brethren, strong men, Elihu, and Semachiah. All these 
of the sons of Obed-edom, they and their sons and their brethren, strong men 

9 of ability for service, were sixty and two of Obed-edom. And Meshelemiah 

10 had sons and brethren, strong men, eighteen. And Hosah, of the sons of 
Merari, had sons : Shimri the chief ; for he was not tht first-born, but his 

11 father made him chief. Hilkiah the second, Tebaliah the third, Zechariah 
the fourth : all the sons and brethren of Hosah were thirteen. 

To these divisions of the porters, to the chiefs of the men, were the wards 

1 3 like their brethren, to minister in the house of the LORD. And they cast 

14 lots, the small as the great, after their father-houses, for every gate. And 
the lot eastward fell to Shelemiah : and for Zechariah his son, a wise coun- 

15 sellor, they cast lots, and his lot came out northward. To Obed-edom south- 
J6 ward; and to his sons the house of Asuppim. To Shuppim 18 and to Hosah 

westward, at the gate Shallecheth, by the causeway of ascent, one ward like 
17 another. Eastward were six Levites, northward four a day, southward four 


18 a day, and towards Asuppim two and two. At Parbar westward, four on 

19 the causeway, and two at Parbar. These were the divisions of the porters 
for the sons of Kore, and for the sons of Merari. 

8. The Administrators of the Treasures of the Sanctuary, with the Officers for the 
External Business : vers. 20-32. 

2? And the Levites their brethren 14 were over the treasures of the house of 

21 God, and over the treasures of the holy things. The sons of Ladan, the sons 
of the Gershonite of Ladan, chiefs of the father-houses of Ladan the Ger- 

22 shonite, Jehieli. The sons of Jehieli : Zetham, and Joel his brother, over the 

23 treasures of the house of the LORD. Of the Amramites, the Izharites. the 

24 Hebronites, and the Uzzielites. Shebuel son of Gershom, the son of Moses, 

25 was ruler of the treasures. And his brethren by Eliezer were Rehabiah his 
son, and Jeshaiah his son, and Joram his son, and Zichri his son, and Shelo- 

2C moth 15 his son. This Shelomoth and his brethren were over the treasures of 
the holy things, which David the king had dedicated, and the chiefs of the 
fathers, and 16 the captains of thousands and hundreds, and the captains of 

27 the host. Out of the wars and of the spoil they dedicated to maintain the 

28 house of the LORD. And all that Samuel the seer, and Saul the son of Kish, 
and Abner the son of Ner, and Joab the son of Zeruiah, had dedicated ; every 
thing dedicated was under Shelomoth and his brethren. 

29 Of the Izharites was Chenaniah with his sons, for the outer business over 

30 Israel, for officers and judges. Of the Hebronites were Hashabiah and his 
brethren, valiant men, a thousand and seven hundred, for the oversight of 
Israel on this side Jordan westward, for all the business of the LORD, and for 

31 the service of the king. Of the Hebronites was Jeriah the chief; for the 
Hebronites, in their generations for the fathers, in the fortieth year of the 
reign ot David, they were sought, and there were found among them men of 

32 valour in Jazer of Gilead. And his brethren, valiant men, two thousand and 
seven hundred fathers of families ; and David the king appointed them over 
the Reubenites, the Gadite.s, and the half-tribe of Manasseh, for every matter 
of God, and of the king. 

1 For TPt^JJ the Sept. (S^V") and Vulg. (fecerat) have the 3d person. But see Exeg. Expl. 

* For Dpn s 1 read (here and xxiv. 3) Dj^pJTV See Exeg. Expl. 

So the Keri: in the Kethib the name is Shelomoth. The same difference appears in another Shelomith, xxvi. 25. 
< For THXI is perhaps to be read 1HJO (with L. Cappell., H. Grotius, Gesen., etc.), as some late and unimportant 
MBS. in de Rossi exhibit in the var. hct. 

* The insertion of P^2H after \)3 (Luther., Berth., and most moderns) is certainly confirmed neither by the 

Hebrew Cod. nor by the old translations (Sept., Vulg., etc.), but appears necessary from xxiii. 19. 

* So the Keri- the Kethib has Shamur: the old Vers (Sept. Sotfttp, Vulg. Samir) as the Keri. 

1 Before ^3 a name seems tc have fallen out. The text in vers. 26 and 27 is corrupt. See the Exeg. Expl. 
Properly "and Shoham " 

After the name of Eleaz&r the Sept. v cod. Vat.) adds */ I0,oa/>, *<*/ ia-eflavsv EAE*/>, a g oss which is wanting 

10 The Kethib D^N^H is an error of transcription for the c- rtainly correct Keri D^SSH (p irtic. Niph.) ; comp. the 
sing. N33H in vers. 2 and 3, and see Exeg. Expl. 

11 After t]pi V, the notice constantly recurring in the following verses: "his sons and his brethren, twelve," appears 
to have fallen out by an oversight. Yet It Is to be observed that this notice in ver. 96, after "O^il }H y!3, is different 
from that in ail subsequent cases, namely, "he and his brethren and his sons" (iTlS before, not YJ3, as afterwards) 

whence it is probable that the writer did not mention with the first singer the ileven companions, whom he preceded 
the twelfth. 

17 For tjDX, .according to ch. ix. 19, P|D I I1X appears to have been read, though no external evidence confirms tbto 



> D s S3tt (Sept. TU 2<p/v; but cod. Vat. it; Styn/>) appears to have come into the text by the repetition of the 
two syllables of the foregoing Q^BDNn, which was perhaps aided by an obscure remembrance of the root 

, vii. 12. 
"So according to the Sept. (K*/ el A.tv7ri ettttyai VTV), which has here certainly the right text; comp. QS^,-J 

Xi 2 Chron. xxix. 34, If the 

of the Masoretic text be original, 

must have stood in place of 

(comp. the Vulg., which has wholly omitted that 

14 Ktthib: fllc? 
the name recurs, ver. 28, as JVD without variation. 

(comp. xxiii. 9). The Kethib is proved t-y ver. 26 to be more correct, though 

18 For D l| 5?Krr l nKv should apparently be read iT"nb>1 J comp. xxix. 6. 


PRELIMINARY REMARK, especially regarding 
the introductory notice, ch. xxiii. 1. The con 
nected survey of the condition, distribution, and 
ministerial functions of the tribe of Levi at the 
end of the reign of David, which fills the four ch. 
xxiii.-xxvi. (and falls into eight subdivisions, as 
is noted in the superscriptions of the above trans 
lation), is introduced by the statement, ch. xxiii. 
1, that the aged and life-weary King David ap 
pointed his son Solomon to be king over Israel, 
formally appointed him his successor on the 
throne, and regularly delivered over the kingdom 
to him. The numbering and classification of 
the Levites, and the order of their service in the 
sanctuary, appears accordingly to be the principal 
measure by which David introduces the trans 
ference of the kingdom to his successor. A 
survey of the state of his army and of his mili 
tary and civil officers (ch. xxvii.) is appended as 
the second of these measures, after which the 
final arrangements committed in solemn assembly 
to Solomon and the heads of the people, referring 
chiefly to the building of the temple (ch. xxviii., 
xxix.), form the close of these measures, and the 
immediate transition to the death of the king (ch. 
xxix. 26 ff.). As sources in communicating these 
accounts of the order of the Levites and their 
service, the Chronist had no doubt liturgical 

Srecepts and statistical notes proceeding (me- 
iately or immediately) from David, that ^r\3 

TPI, which he mentions, 2 Chron. xxxv. 4, along 

with a nbSt^ 2rO?3, an d which we may regard 

either as part of the royal annals of this king or 
as an independent document. Comp. Introd. 5. 
And David was old and full of days, jpf is 

here not an adjective, but 3d p. perf. of the verb, 
as in Gen. xviii. 12 ; and so y^jj; with its accusa 

tive of restriction Qit for which elsewhere 

yyy (Gen. xxxv. 29 ; 
alone (Gen. xxv. 8). 

usually the adj. o 
Job xii. 17), or even 

He made his son Solomon king over Israel. 
This notice does not perhaps forestall the more 
precise and definite statement o! the appointment 
of Solomon to be king in ch. xxix. 22 (which 
reports also the mode of appointment, by the 
anointing of the successor), but forms a general 
introduction to all that follows to the end of our 
book (comp. the similar general but not forestal 

ling statement in ch. xxii. 7), and serves to place 
all that is here related of the Levites, the military 
and civil officers, under the head of the last will 
and concluding acts of the king. A statement 
in many respects similar occurs in John xiii. 1, 
which characterizes all that follows to the end of 
this Gospel as a "loving of his own unto the 
end." Against the opinion of Bertheau, that the 
Chronist has in our verse given briefly the con 
tents of the narrative 1 Kings L, the remarks of 
Keil suffice ; comp. also our exegetical exposition 
of ch. xxix. 22. 

1. Enumeration of the Levites, and Arrange- 
ment of their Work: ch. xxiii. 2-5. And he 
gathered ail the princes of Israel. These, the 
representatives of the tribes, had to co-operate in 
this mustering and regulation of the Levites, 
because this was a general concern of the king 
dom. The present account concerning the hold 
ing of a great census Levitarum in a solemn 
assembly of the spiritual and temporal chiefs of 
the people, shortly before the end of David, is 
confirmed by the passage xxvi. 30 f., wliich 
speaks specially of the result of this muster "in 
the fortieth year of the reign of David" with 
regard to the family of Hebronites in Gilead. 
Ver. 3. And the Levites were numbered from the 
age of thirty years and upwards. This accords 
with the proceeding of Moses, who, Num. iv. 3, 
23, 30, 39 ff., likewise numbers the Levites from 
thirty years of age (to fifty) for service in the 
sanctuary. But as he had already included 
younger men, namely, from twenty-five years of 
age (Num. viii. 23-26), David s muster may also 
have extended not merely to those of thirty years 
and upwards, but rather, according to the express 
statement of ver. 24, reached the Levites of twenty 
years and upwards. That this later statement 
does not contradict the present one, and that it is 
not necessary to amend our passage by inserting 

for D" 1 ^ ^ (Keil), see on ver. 24. By 

their polls in men, thus excluding women and 
children ; the D S ~Q)6 defining more exactly the 

Ver. 4 f. contain the words of the 
king, as appears from the 1st perf. ni^ J? at 

the end of ver. 5, for which the Sept. and Vulg. 
have unnecessarily, and only from ignorance of 
the true state of the matter, substituted the third 
person. Of thee, twenty and four thousand were 
to oversee the work of the house of the Lord, th.3 
duties of the Levitical temple service in general, 
to which belonged not a. the proper priestly 

CHAP. XXIII. 6-23. 


functions (xxiv. 1-19) ; b. those of the Levitical 
civil and judicial officers (the Q nt^ and 
D*D5G5% ver - *b / comp. xxvi. 29-32) ; c. those 
of the porters (ver. 5a; comp. xxvi.) ; d. those 
of the singers and musicians (ver. 5 ; comp. 
xxv.). With instruments, which I have made for 
praise, which I have introduced to accompany 
the sacred singing in the service of God ; comp. 
2 Chron. xxix. 26 ; Neh. xii. 36 ; also Amos vi. 
5, where David is mentioned as inventor of sacred 
musical instruments. 

2. The Twenty -four Houses of the Levites: 
ch. xxiii. 6-23. And David divided them into 
courses for the sons of Levi. In his new muster 
and order of the Levitical houses he thus founded 
upon the three old well-known branches of this 
tribe (comp. v. 27-vi. 15). Dp^lTV f r which, 

here and xxiv. 3, R. D. Kimchi would read 

rather Dp^n s 1 (see Crit. Note), stands for 

(comp. ch. xxiv. 4, 5), and is merely a by-form of 
the imperf. Kal, not Piel, as Ges. and Ew. think. 
Bertheau asserts that not all the Levites, but 
only the 24,000 specially appointed for the service 
in the house of the Lord, are to be regarded as the 
object of Dp^lTI; an( i, in fact, ver. 24 appears 
to favour this, as well as the circumstance that 
a great part of the names here enumerated recur 
in xxiv. 20-31 and xxvi. 20-28; whereas in 
the enumeration of the twenty-four classes of 
singers (xxv.), porters (xxvi. 1-19), and officers, 
arid judges (xxvi. 29-32), quite other names 
occur. What Keil adduces against this (p. 188) 
is by no means sufficient to invalidate it. a. 
The Houses of the Gershonites: vers. 7-11. Of 
the Gershonites were Ladan and Shimi. In ch. 
vi. 2, as already in Ex. vi. 17, Num. iii. 18, these 
two sons and founders of the two chief branches 
of the Gershonites are called Libni and Shimi. 
Our Ladan appears not to be identical with Libni, 
but rather to have been a descendant of this son 
of Gershon, after whom, in David s time, a greater 
branch of the family was named. Vers. 8, 9 
analyze this branch of the Ladanites as falling 
into the two chief stems of the sons of Ladan and 
the sons of Shimi, a descendant of Libni, by 
name Shimi, not the brother of Ladan or Libni 
named in ver. 7, whose branch is more fully 
described in vers. 10, 11. Those belonging to 
the branch of Ladan fall altogether into six 
houses, namely, three of the sons of Ladan 
(ver. 8) and three of the sons of Shimi (ver. 
9). On the contrary, the descendants of the 
other Shimi (brother of Ladan, ver. 10) form 
only four, or rather only three, houses, as 
the two youngest of the families belonging to 
them, Jeush and Beriah, from their numerical 
weakness, are included in one house, and also 
in one class (mpB ver - H)- The Gershonites, 

T \ : 

therefore, in David s time counted in all nine 
houses, b. The Houses of the Kohathites : vers. 
12-20. Amram, Izhar, Hebron, and Uzziel. So 
are the four sons of Kohath named also in v. 28, 
vi. 3, and previously in Ex. vi.- 18; Num. iii. 27. 
Aaron was separated to sanctify him as most 

holy. So is Q{gnp &jnp fo5fr*lpni to be under 

stood of Aaron s choice and anointment to be the 
most holy person of a high priest, not from his 

ministering in the moat holy place (Vulg. ut 
ministraret in sancto sanctorum; likewise the 
Peschito), nor from his appointment to consecrate 
the most holy utensils (Clericus, against which 
see Hengsten. Chriatol. ii. 50, and Keil on the 
passage). And to bless in His name for ever, in 
Jehovah s name, to pronounce the blessing on the 
community (after the prescription of Moses, Num. 
vi. 23, xvi. 2; Deut. xxi. 5); not to bless the 
name of Jehovah, or call upon Him, as Ges. and 
Berth, think. Ver. 14. And Moses the man of 
God, his sons were called after the tribe of Levi, 
were reckoned among the simple Levites, and not 

among the priests. On ^y N"ljM, comp. Gen. 

xlviii. 6; Ezra ii. 61; Neh. vii. 63. Ver. 15. Of 
the sons of Gershom, Shebuel was the chief, pro 
perly, "Gershom s sons, Shebuel the chief;" 
comp. the numerous cases in which "sons" are 
announced, and yet only one follows, as ch. ii. 
31, etc. That, moreover, Gershom had other 
sons, who were reckoned with the house of 
Shebuel (or Shubael, as he is called in ch. xxiv. 
20), appears to follow from ver. 17, where it is 
expressly said of Eliezer that he had no sons 
besides Rehabiah. Shebuel and Rehabiah there 
fore were the names of the houses of the family of 
Amram that sprang from Moses. To these two 
non-sacerdotal houses of the Koliathites are to be 
added, according to vers. 18-20, of the family of 
Izhar, the house of Shelomith (or Shelomoth, ch. 
xxiv. 22) ; of the family of Hebron four houses, 
Jeriah, Amariah, Jahaziel, and Jekamam ; of the 
family of Uzziel two, Micah and Jesiah, in all, 
nine Levitical houses of Kohathite origin. c. 
The Houses of the Merarites : vers. 21-23 The 
sons of Merari : Mahli and Mushi. So are 
called the two sons of Merari also, vi. 4; Ex. vi. 
19; Num. iii. 33; whereas in xxiv. 27 a third 
son of Merari is named, Jaaziah, the founder of 
the three houses of Shoham, Zaccur and Ibri. 
The conjecture is obvious, that the name of this 
Jaaziah with his three sons has fallen out of our 
passage by an old oversight, as Berth eau assumes 
when he supplements the text of our passage from 
ch. xxiv. 26, 27. But, 1. The Sept., Vulg., and 
Syr. present our text, that gives only two sons 
of Merari ; 2. The books of Moses, and indeed 
the whole of the Old Testament elsewhere, know 
nothing of a third son of Merari and his descend 
ants ; 3. The passage xxiv. 26, 27 bears manifest 
traces of an interpolation in itself, by which the 
name Jaaziah must have come into the text ; 4. 
The names of the supposed sons of Jaaziah occur 
nowhere else, with the exception of Zaccur alone 
(see xxv. 2) ; 5. The only gain that the assump 
tion of the names in question into our text could 
be, that, namely, the number of the Merarite 
houses should be brought up to six, and so a total 
of twenty-four houses of Levites should be shown 
in our section (nine Gershonite, nine Kohathite, 
and six Merarite), analogous to the number of 
twenty-four houses and classes of priests (ch. 
xxiv.), and of twenty-four classes of singers (ch. 
xxv.), and corresponding with the express asser 
tion of Josephus (Antiq. vii. 14. 7), that David 
divided the Levites into twenty-four classes, this 
single gain is lost by this, that there should be 
not twenty-four but twenty-five houses resulting 
from the addition of the three sons of Jaaziah, as 
our passage (vers. 21-23) derives not three but 
four houses from Merari : one from Mahli (named 



after Eleaztir the father of the heiress, or after 
his brother Kish, and then after Jerahmeel, chief 
son of this Kish; see xxiv. 29), and three from 
Mushi, namely, Mahli, Eder, and Jeremoth. 
Now of these three sons of Mushi, Bertheau will 
certainly exclude from the text the first, Mahli, 
on account of his identity of name with Mahli 
the brother of Mushi, to obtain the desired result 
of six Merarite houses ; but the arbitrariness of 
this procedure is obviously greater and more un 
justifiable than the baldness of our condemnation 
of the vers. 26 and 27 in ch. xxiv. as interpolated, 
that has sufficient ground in the clearly corrupt 
text of this verse. It necessarily follows that our 
section yields only four Merarite, and therefore in 
all only twenty-two Levitical houses. 

3. Closing Remarks respecting the Levites: ch. 
xxiii. 24-32 are the sons of Levi . . . for 

those mustered, 

(coin p. Ex. xxx. 14, 

Num. i. 21 ff., as on the following words: "by 
the number of the names," Num. i. 18, iii. 43). 
Doing the work for the service of the house of the 

Lord. ro&^Bn nb y is > as also in 2 Ciiron - 

xxxiv. 10, 13, Ezra iii. 9, Neh. ii. 16, not sing, but 
plur.= ^3n ^fctyj and differing only in writing 

from this regular form (that occurs, for example, 
2 Chvon. xxiv. 13); comp. Ew. 16, b.From 
twenty years old and upwards. This statement, 
that the twentieth year is fixed as the starting- 
point for the entrance of the Levites on their 
official duties, is more exactly explained in the 
following words, by reference to the lighter labour 
which fell upon the Levites when the wandering 
life of the wilderness ceased, a conclusion that is 
not fully expressed, but indicated clearly enough 
by vers. 25, 26. Ver. 27. For by the last words 
of David these were, etc. Thus it is obvious we 
are to understand the orders of David issued 
shortly before his end by the words "iri "HIT] 3 
D Oiinxn (with the Vulg. : juxta prcecepta David 

novisslma, and so Clericus, J. H. Mich., Keil, etc. ), 
not "in the later histories of David" (Kimchi, 
Berth. ), a conception which imports into the text 
a thought quite foreign to the context, and by 
no means justified by referring to ch. xxix. 29. 
Even because a last arrangement of David is now 
expressly named as the ground of the introdu<- 
tion of Levites of twenty years into the sacred 
service, it is to be assumed that that statement 
in ver. 3 respecting the entrants at the age of 
thirty years refers to an earlier numeration, in 
which David had adhered to the legal determina 
tion in Num. iii. 23, 30 (so Kimchi, J. H. Mich., 
and others), though the words and the connection 
of that passage, especially the circumstance that 
there the number 38,000 is given as the result 
of the muster, and that here no grea ei number 
takes it* place, may not appear to favour such a 
distinction between an carder and a later muster. 
It is conceivable, though not indicated by our 
author, that David may have established a dis 
tinction of classes, in such a way that he intro 
duced the Levites of twenty years to the lower 
and easier duties, and those of thirty years to the 
higher and holier functions. At all events, any 
mode of harmonizing the two accounts appears 
more reasonable than the expedient of Bertheau, 

that the Chronist placed side by side two differ 
ent accounts, the one giving twenty, the other 
thirty, years, without explanation as they were 
found in his sources, or than the emendation of 

Keil, who changes D" 1 ^^, ver - 3, into Qi^y. 

Vers. 28-31. Here follows an enumeration of 
the duties to be performed by the Levites, rising 
from the lower and more external (referring to 
the court and its chambers, to purification and 
the like) to the higher, and closing with the 
assistance given in the sacrifices of the great 
feasts. And for the shew -bread, that is, the 
preparation, not the presentation of it, which 
belonged exclusively to the priests (Lev. xxiv. 
8 If.). And pancakes, properly, "the pan," 
comp. Lev. ii. 5. And that which is fried (Lie?. 
vi. 14), and all measures of capacity and length, 
for measuring flour, oil, and wine, which were 
added to the sacrifices, which the Levites had to 
clean and keep (comp. Ex. xxix. 40, xxx. 24 ; 
Lev. xix. 35). And to stand every morning to 
thank and praise the Lord. This naturally refers 
to the duties of the 4000 Levitical singers and 
musicians (ver. 5; comp. ch. xxv. ); for here are 
enumerated the offices of all classes of the Levites, 
not merely of the 24,000 (against Berth.). And 
to offer all burnt-offerings to the Lord. "Hereby 
the Levites were obliged to prepare the requisite 
number of victims, to examine the fitness of them, 
to slay the animals, to flay them, etc." (Keil.) 
By number after the order of them continually 
before the Lord, that is, by number as they are 
to be presented continually before the Lord, 
according to the prescriptions of the law regard 
ing them. The "POfl continually refers to " the 

offering " (nft y rri^yn) as a business recurring 
regularly on the appointed day ; comp. fri^y 
, Num. xxvii. 6, etc. Ver. 32. And they 

shall keep the, charge of the tent of meeting (" the 
temple," comp. Num. xviii. 4), and the charge 
of the sanctuary (of all holy things connected 
with worship, Num. xviii. 5), and the charge of 
the sons of Aaron (the care of all that the priests 
enjoin upon them, all the help given to the 
priests). On this particular recapitulation of all 
the functions of the Levites, comp. the similar 
passage, Num. xviii. 3 ff. 

4. The Twenty-four Classes of Priests: ch. xxiv. 
1-19. The enumeration of these follows quite suit 
ably after the foregoing passage, particularly after 
ch. xxiii. 32 ; comp. the " sons of Aaron" with 
that in ver. 1 of our chapter. The sons of Aaron : 
Nadab and, etc. Comp. on this introduc 
tion to the Davidic regulations referring to the 
Mosaic time in vers. 1 and 2, ch. v. 29, and Ex. 
vi. 23 ; Lev. x. 1 ; Num. iii. 4. Ver. 3. And 
David distributed them, so that Zadok of the sons 

of Eleazar. For EpSf-pl, comp. on xxiii. 6 ; for 
Zadok and Abiathar, on v. 30, xvi. 39, xviii. 16; 
for mpQ, official class, on xxiii. 11. Ver. 4. 

And the sons of Eleazar were found more, 
numerous in chief men. These "men" (D"H23)i 

of whom Eleazar had twice as many in heads or 
chiefs D^fcO) as Ithamar, are the chiefs, not of 

the great complex of families or houses (Berth.), 
but of the several families, the fathers, chiefs off 

CHAP. XXIV. 5-25. 


the several priestly homes. Ver. 5. And they 
divided them. The subject is David, Zadok, and 
Ahirnelech, to whom naturally this matter be 
longed. One with the other, literally, "these 
with those," those of Eleazar with those of 
Ithamar ; comp. xxv. 8. For the holy princes 
and the princes of God. On the former phrase, 
comp. Isa. xliii. 28, and the parallel phrase : 
"princes of the priests," Dnbil *nj?, 2 Chron. 

xxxvi. 14 ; on the second (Sept. eip^avrts xvplov), 
the equivalent: "high priests, upper priests." 
For the princes of priests and high priests from 
Ithamar, who were far behind those of the line 
of Eleazar in number and importance, comp. 
on v. 80. Ver. 6. Wrote them, namely, the 
classes, as the lot determined. One father-house 
being taken for Eleazar and one for Ithamar, 
that is, alternately, from the urn containing 
the lots for Eleazar, and then from that contain 
ing the lots for Ithamar (so fritf signifies ; comp. 

Num. xxxi. 30, 47), that none might seem pre 
ferred before the other. And, indeed, this alter 
nation in drawing the lots might have been so 
managed, that, on account of the double num 
ber of the families of Eleazar, two lots for 
Eleazaf might be drawn for every one for Ithamar 
(comp. Berth. ). Whether this mode of drawing 
lots be indicated by the doubling of the fCltf 

in the second place (tDTPl6 THN Trjfcfl), as 

Berth, thinks, is more than doubtful. Notwith 
standing the almost universal agreement of the 
MSS. respecting this double jpN, and the fact 

that the old translators and the Eabbis did 
not understand the passage, the alteration of 
the first jnx into nriK (see Crit. Note) appears 

to be the only means of obtaining a correct con 
ception of these otherwise dark words. Ver. 7 ff. 
The names of the twenty-four classes are now 
given in order, as they were settled by lot. And 
the first lot came out of the urn ; comp. for 5^ 
in this sense, Josh. xvi. 1, xix. 1. Jehoiarib and 
Jedaiah, the names of the first two classes, are so 
named together in ch. ix. 10. For Jedaiah, comp., 
besides Ezra ii. 36, Neh. vii. 39 ; for Jehoiarib, 
as Lhe class from which Mattathias and the Mac 
cabees sprang, 1 Mace. ii. 1 ; for Abijah, as the 
class of Zacharias the fat her of John the Baptist, 
Luke i. 5 ; for the classes of Immer (ver. 14) and 
Jachin (ver. 17), ch. ix. 10, 12. Some of the 
twenty-four classes never occur again, namely, 
Seorim (ver. 8), Jeshebab (ver. 13), and Hapizez 
(ver. 15), some at least not among the priests, as 
Mijamin (ver. 9), Huppah (ver. 13), and Gamul 
(ver. 17). With respect to the name Pethahiah 
(ver. 16), Holzhausen (Die Weissagungen des Joel 
ubers. und erkldrt, Gbtt. 1829) has propounded 
the quite arbitrary conjecture that it is identical 
with Pethuel rpnns = i fettnB the father of the 

prophet Joel, a conjecture which is of almost as 
much value as that of Kaschi, who would identify 
Pethuel the father of Joel with Samuel (comp. 
R. Wiinsche, Die Wei.s*agungen des Joel, 1872, 
p. 1). Ver. 19. According to their order by 
Aaron their father, as the Lord . . . had com 
manded him. Comp. the words occurring so often 
in the law : " And the Lord said unto Moses and 
Aaron" (for example, Num. iv. 1, 17), and 

similar Pentateuchic testimonies for the regula 
tion of the priestly service according to the 
divine command. The credibility of the present 
statements of the Chronist regarding the origin 
of the twenty-four classes of priests, and their 
order in the service by David, is attested by Ezek. 
viii. 16-18 (see the exposition of the passage), 
Neh. xii. 1-7, 12-21, and by Josephus, Antiq. 

vii. 14. 7 : ^lipuv-v ou-rog o [tipi<r[*.os X,? **"** <r*lf*lp** 

tippets. Against the assertion made by de Wette 
and Gramberg, and defended by Herzberg (Gesch. 
des V. Israel, i. 381 ff.), that the twenty-four 
classes originated after the exile, see Movers, 
Ghronik, p. 279 ff., and Oehler in Herzog s Real- 
Kncycl. xii. 185 ff. 

5. The Classes of the Levites : ch. xxiv. 20-31. 
And for the remaining sons of Levi, after the 
enumeration of the priests. By this might be 
understood all the Levites except the family of 
Aaron or the priests ; but as in the two following 
chapters the twenty- four orders of singers and the 
divisions of the porters and of those charged with 
external duties are enumerated apart, it seems 
necessary to suppose that the present section 
speaks only of the Levites employed in worship, 
and not of the whole body. They are "the 
brethren of Aaron," the Levites specially assigned 
to the priests as assistants in divine service, 
whose division into classes is here described. 
Only on this assumption is explained the other 
wise very surprising, indeed inconceivable, in 
completeness of the present list of Levitical 
classes, compared with that of the Levitical 
houses named in xxiii. 6-23, which embraces all 
the three families, the Kohathites, the Merarites, 
and the Gershonites, whereas the Gershonites are 
wholly excluded from the present list. This ex 
clusion seems to have its ground in this, that, xxvi. 

20 ff., several Gershonite houses had the charge 
over the treasures of the sanctuary, and also the 
duties of officers and judges (although this is not 
expressly stated) were partly discharged by the 
Gershonites. So at least Keil, whereas others 
certainly, as Berth., regard our list as laid out 
for a full enumeration of all the Levitical classes 
or houses, but from some cause (perhaps because 
the author was not able to make out all the 
names of the classes ") no longer fully preserved. 
The list, for the at least often defective character 
of which the elucidation of the details will afford 
more than one proof, begins after omitting the 
Gershonites, ver. 20, at once with the classes of > 
the Kohathites. For the sons of Amram, Shubael 
was the chief or head of a class ; obviously the 
son of Gershom son of Moses, therefore grand 
son of Amram, who is called Shebuel xxiii. 16. 
The same double spelling of this name is found 
also xxv. 4, 20, in a family of singers of the 
house of Heman. As chief of the class springing 
from Shubael was, in David s time, Jehdeiah, a 
person otherwise unknown, whose name, xxvii. 
30, is also borne by an officer of David. Ver. 

21 ff. Other chiefs of classes are now named 
1. For the Amramite class, Isshiah (different from 
the one named ver. 25). 2. For the Izharite 
class, Jahath (ver. 22). 3. For the Uzzielite 
class of Micah, Shamir (ver. 24). 4. For the 
(Jzzielite class of Isshiah, Zechariah (ver. 25). 
In this kind of enumeration, it is strange that in 
ver. 23, where we should expect to find the chief* 
of some classes of the great Hebronite family 
(xxiii. 19), only the names of the four chiefs or 



founders of the Hebronite houses, Jeriah, 
Amariah, Jahaziel, and Jekamam, are mentioned, 
quite as in xxiii. 19, and indeed introduced by a 
mere "j^ before the name of the first in*"] 1 *- 

There can be no doubt that the text is here de 
fective. It is probable that not merely the name 
is to be inserted after 13 (see Grit. Note), 

but that also the names of the four chiefs in 
David s time have fallen out after those of the 
four classes. Vers. 26, 27 bear still" clearer 
marks of the corruption of the present text, per 
haps even of its complete spuriousness, than ver. 
23 (comp. partly thn Grit. Notes and partly the 
Exeg. Expl. of xxiii. 21-23). Especially strange 
is 1. The ^n ty "03 i n ver - 266, detached from 

that which goes before (instead of "i i^U}). 2. 
The 133 in the same place, that cannot possibly 

be taken for a proper name (with some older 
exegetes), but rather indicates that a proper name 
had fallen out before it. 3. The repetition of 
2 at the beginning of ver. 27, which ap 

pears to presume a wholly different mode of 
enumeration from that which is usual from ver. 
20 on. 4. The copula i before Qnb>, as nrs t f 

the sons of Jaaziah, in ver. 276. To all this are 
to be added the reasons which make improbable 
the existence of a Jaaziah as third son of Merari 
along with Mahli and Mushi ; see on xxiii. 21 f. 
The spurious character of the two verses appears 
therefore almost certain, though they are attested 
by the Sept., Syr., and the Vulg. For vers. 28, 
29, comp. likewise the remark on xxiii. 21 IF. 
Ver. 30. And the sons of Mushi : Mahli, and 
Eder, and Jerimoth. As in ver. 23, so here it is 
strange to name the houses without stating the 
chiefs oi th classes taken from them. The text 
appears here also to be defective. Ver. 31. And 
these also cast lots like their brethren the sons of 
Aaron From this manifestation of the quite 
analogous character of the allotment of the 
Levites and the priests (vers. 1-19), it is highly 
probable that the number of the Levitical classes 
(as also that of the singers in the following 
chapter) was likewise twenty-four, although in 
the present text, the partial effectiveness of 
which is obvious, and needs no further proof, 
only fifteen chiefs of classes are expressly named. 
The fathers, the chief like his younger brother ; 
that is, the eldest brother representing the house, 
as well as his younger brother (for ^~in, in ap 

position with the father-house, comp. on xxiii. 
17, 1 8). Quite correct in sense the Vulg. : " tarn 
minores, quam majores ; omnes sors cequaliter 
dividebat." That nothing is communicated to us 
.)f the order of the several classes, as they were 
settled by lot, completes the impression of the 
^eat defectiveness which characterizes this sec 

6. The Twenty -four Classes of Singers: ch. 
xxv. And David and the captains of the host 
separated. "Gaptains of the host" (jOVH "H^O 
are those partakers in the legislative and judicial 
government of David who were designated, xxiv. 
6, merely as "princes," xxiii. 2, as "princes of 
Israel" Th designation explains itself from the 
conception of Israel as the host of the Lord (Ex. 

xii. 17, 41), not from that of the Levites as an 
army, or their doings as a military service (Num. 
iv. 23). The sons of Asaph, and Htman, and 

Jeduthun. The > before Pinsf is here nota ae~ 

cusativi; comp. Ezra viii. 24. For the genealogy 
of the three song- masters, of whom Asaph was a 
Gershonite, Hem an a Kohathite, and Jeduthun a 
Merarite, see vi. 18, 24, 29 ff. Who prophesied 
with harps, or showed themselves inspired with 
harps ; for "the really artificial play is, like every 
art, an expression of inspiration or enthusiasm " 
(Berth.) ; comp. Ex. xxxi. 3, and for the Keri 
as alone admissibly the Grit. Note. 

And the number of the workmen for tJie service 
i.vas. For the position of the genitive 

after the governing 1QDD with suffix, comp. the 
similar construction ^y i& Q3, "his the slug 

gard s soul," Prov. xiii. 4 (Ew. 309, c-). That 
statements are actually made in the sequel con 
cerning the number of the Levitical musicians 
appears from vers. 3-5, where the families of 
them are referred to : four sons of Asaph (ver. 2, 
without express mention of the number four), six 
sons of Jeduthun, and fourteen sons of Heman ; 
and also from ver. 7, where the sum of all the 
singers of these families is stated to be 288. Ver. 
2. Sons of Asaph under Asaph, literally, "by 
the hand," or "at the hand," of Asaph, that is, 

led by him. vi?y here means the same as in 
the vers. 3 and 6, l| T"vJ? "at the hands," under 

the guidance or order. Ver. 3. For Jeduthun, 
the sons of Jeduthun were Gedaliah, or, as to 
Jeduthun (the family of Jeduthun), the sons of 
Jeduthun," etc. As the number of these "sons 
of Jeduthun" (perhaps disciples trained by him ; 
comp., for this figurative import of the term 
"sons" in our section, on ver. 7) is expressly 
stated to be six, and yet only five are here 
named, hence one name must have fallen out, 
and, indeed, according to ver. 17, that of Shimi, 
the only one that is wanting in our verses, while 
all the other twenty-three names recur (vers. 
9-31). Under their father Jeduthun on the harp, 
or "under the guidance of their father Jeduthun 
on the harp ;" "1^33 belongs to JtflVT 1 . For 

the following : who prophesied (or was in 

spired") to thank and praise the Lord, comp. 

xvi. 4 ; 2 Ghron. v. 13. Ver. 4. Giddalti and 

Romamti-ezer. The genitive "ify probably t 

longs also to 

so that the full _ame of 

this son of Heman is Giddalti-ezer (though in 
ver. 9 this is not expressly stated). Ver. 5. All 
these were the sons of Neman, the king s seer in 
the words of God. Heman is so called as 
mediator of divine revelations for the king ; 
comp. 2 Ghron. xxxv. 15, where the same pre 
dicate is applied to Jeduthun, and ch. xxi. 9, 
where Gad is introduced as David s seer. To 
lift up the horn; and God gave to Heman fourteen 
sons and three daughters. The rich blessing of 
descendants is here, as elsewhere (for example, 
Job xlii. 13 ; Ps. cxxvii. 3 f. ; also ch. xxvi. 5), 
represented as a lifting up of the horn, that is, 
the might and consequence of the person con- 

CHAP. XXV. 6-XXVI. 7. 


cerned ; comp. for pp D" 1 ^!! (which does not 

mean to "sound the horn," as Berth., misled by 
the certainly erroneous Masoretic accentuation, 
supposes) in this figurative sense, for example, 
1 Sam. ii. 10 (Luke i. 78) ; Lam. ii. 17 ; Ps. 
Ixxxix. 18, xcii. 11, cxlviii. 14. Ver. 6. All 
these were under their father, literally, "under 
the guidance of their father." The genitive 

DrPStf is distributive, and does not refer 
v -: 

specially to Heman (Berth.) ; for by "all these" 
our verse clearly points to all enumerated from 
ver. 2, and not merely to Heman s sons, vers. 4, 
5. Under the king, with Asaph, and Jeduthun, 

and Heman. That here, by the H >- ^y referring 
to Tj^n and the three following names, David 

appears co-ordinated with the three song-masters, 
is explained by his having co-operated with them 
in the first arrangement and institution of the 
service of song. Ver. 7. And their number . . . 
all that were cunning, were two hundred eighty 
and eii/ht. This total of 288, or 24x12, as the 
sequel (ver. 9 fT.) shows, is explained by this, 
that each of the twenty-four (4 + 6 + 14) sons of 
Asaph, Jeduthun, and Heman, with his eleven 
"brethren," not his nearest kindred, but rather 
his companions in calling, was incorporated into 
one class or choir of twelve musicians, so that thus 
there were twenty-four such dodecades. These 
288 musicians were designated "all the cunning" 

(pDSivbs)? as by instruction and practice they 

were entrusted with the art of sacred singing, 
and were able to train the great body of singers 
(the 4000 who, ver. 8, are distinguished from 

them as "scholars," Q^VD^fl)- Ver. 8. And 

they cast lots for the charge, 

properly, "lots of service" 

Sept.). The small as the great, the teacher with 

the scholar. To DEipp belongs 71133 }bf?3 as 

genitive . " in the way of as the small so the 
great" (comp. Eccl. v. 15 and Ew. 360, a. ). The 

repetition of a rnEJ^j after HDy?, which some 

MSS. present, and some Rabbinical expositors, as 
Raschi and Kimchi, demand, is an unnecessary 
attempt to amend and interpret. The passage 
says that the whole of the Levites destined for 
the service of song, the leaders as well as the 
choristers, the 288 DZl as well as the 3712 

fl were chosen by lot ; and so the regu 

larly exchanging classes, or \$np.ipioti, included 
both kinds of singers. Vers. 9-31. The Result 
of the Lot. And the first lot came out for Asaph 
to Joseph, literally, "for Asaph, (namely) for 

Joseph" his son. The j), "for" or "on," is 

usually omitted in the following. For the ques 
tion whether the words "his son and his brethren 
twelve " (or, " he and his sons and his brethren " 
together " twelve"), which stand after the fol 
lowing twenty-three names, have fallen out after 

t)DV^, or were intentionally omitted, see Crit. 

Note. Ver. 11. The fourth to Izri, his sons. 
This Tzri is called Zeri in ver. 3, as several other 

names in this list vary in spelling and form from 
those in vers. 2-4, namely, Nethanjflhu and 
Hananjahu, vers. 12, 23 (for Nethaniah, Hana- 
niah, vers. 2, 4) ; Hashabiah, ver. 19 (for Ha-, ver. 3); Jesharelah, ver. 14 (for 
Asharelah, ver. 2) ; Azarel, ver. 18 (for Uzziel, 
ver. 4 ; comp. the various forms of the loyal 
name Uzziah-Azariah, 1 Chron. iii. 12 ; 2 Chroi 
xxvi. 1) ; Shubael, ver. 20 (for Shebuel, ver. 4) , 
Jeremoth, ver. 22 (for Jerimoth, ver. 4) ; Elija- 
thah, ver. 27 (for Eliathah, ver. 4). For the 
absence of Shimi, ver. 17, in the former list, see 
on ver. 3. The various deviations in the spelling 
and formation of the names deepen the impression 
of the historical character, for which the whole 
account of singing-classes vouches. That of the 
twenty-four names of the leaders only one, that 
of Mattithiah, ver. 21, occurs elsewhere (xv. 18, 
21, in the account of the removal of the ark), 
proves nothing against the credibility ol the 
present double list, the arbitrary invention of 
which would be far more difficult to conceive 
than the assumption of its renting on ancient and 
genuine documents. 

With regard to the series of names in vers. 
9-31, what is remarked by Keil suffices for its 
explanation : "The series is so determined by 
lot, that the four sons of Asaph hold the first, 
third, fifth, and seventh places ; the six sons of 
Jeduthun, the second, fourth, eighth, tenth, 
twelfth, and fourteenth places ; lastly, the four 
sons of Heman mentioned in ver. 4, the sixth, 
ninth, eleventh, and thirteenth places ; and the 
remaining places, 15-24, fall to the remaining 
sons of Heman. Hence it follows that the lots 
of the sons of the three song-masters were not 
put in separate urns, and one lot drawn from 
each urn in succession, but all the lots were 
united in one urn, and, in drawing, the lots of 
As;ipli and Jeduthun so came out, that after the 
fourteenth drawing only the sons of Heman re 
mained." This simple explanation of the order 
of the names is certainly preferable to the arti 
ficial assumption of Bertheau, that "two series 
of seven each were first put in the urns, and one 
drawn from each of these alternately, and then 
the remaining ten sons of Heman were put in." 

7. The Classes of Porters: ch. xxvi. 1-19. 
To the Korhites was Meshelemiah. Comp. ver. 
14, where the name is Shelemiah. On the patro 
nymic DTPpn, "the Korhites," comp. ix. 19, 

where also the names Kore and Abiasaph occurred. 
That "Asaph" is a slip of the pen appears from 
this, that, vi. 24 ft ., Asaph belongs to the de 
scendants of Gershon, not, as the Korhites, to 
that of Kohath. Ver. 2. Zcchariah the first 
born. This son of Meshelemiah occurs also ix. 21 
and in ver. 14. Vers. 4-8. Obed-edom and his 
Descendants. And Obed-edom had sons. This 
Obed-edom, already occurring iv. 18, 24, and xvi. 
38, is called in the latter place a son of Jeduthun, 
not of the well-known song-master of the house of 
Merari, for the account of the Merarite porters 
begins in ver. 10, but of some other unknown 
Korhite of the same name, as appears from ver. 
1 comp. with ver. 19. Ver. 6. And to tShemaiah 
. . . were born sons that ruled in the house of 

their father, properly, "the lordships ( 

abstr. pro concr. for D^C TSH 5 comp. Ew. 160,6) 

of the house of their father." Ver. 7. And Obed, 



Elzabad, his brethren. The missing copula ) is 

to be supplied before 

as before vntf. Then 

the strong men, Elihu and Semachinh, are named 
as Elzabad s brethren. That the names of the 
brethren are not stated (Berth.) is less probable. 
Ver. 8. Strong men of ability for service. The 
sing. ^TTB^N is m apposition with the ^3 stand 

ing at the beginning of the verse (or such a ^3 

is to be supplied before it). Ver. 9. And Meshe- 
lemiah . . . eighteen. By this appended statement 
of the number of Meshelemiah s family, the sum 
oJ the Korhite porters is fixed at eighty. Vers. 
10, 11. And Hosah, of the sons of Memri. This 
Hosah occurred before, xvi. 38, along with Obed- 
edom as porter. Sldmri the :hief ; for he was not 
the first-born, that is, because none, of the families 
springing from Hosah possessed the birthright 
(perhaps because the eldest son had died without 
male heirs), the father named Shimri, the strong 
est and cleverest of his sons, chief of the family. 
Ver. 11. All the sons and brethren of Hosah 
were thirteen. Hence the whole number of all the 
porters here named is ninety-three (62 + 18 + 13). 
On the relation of this number to the statement 
in ix. 22, that the porters were in all 212, see 
on the passage ; comp. also xvi. 38. Vers. 
12-19. The Division of Porters according to the 
several Stations at which they were to serve. 
To these divisions of the porters, to the chiefs of 

the men. For this explicative D HSSH " K- tf*^ , 

comp. on xxiv. 4 ; for the following statement 
respecting the division of the stations by lot, 
xxv. 8. For every gate, literally, " for gate 
and gate. " These are the gates of the four-sided 
temple, facing the four quarters of heaven. 
Ver. 14. And for Zechariah his son, a wise 
counsellor, literally, "one counselling with pru 
dence;" on what this strange predicate rests is 
unknown. Before ^PT IDT we are to repeat fj. 

Ver. 15. To Obed-edom . . . and to his sons the 
house of Asuppim, namely, to guard. This "TV 21 

D^QDtfn, "house of collections" (comp. Neh. 

xii. 25), must have been a place for keeping the 
sacred stores for the temple service, a temple 
magazine, situated in the court near the south 
gate, and, as appears from ver. 17, had two 
entrances to guard. No particulars of it are 
known. "The translation of the Vulg. : MI qua 
parte erat seniorum concilium, appears to rest 
upon the explanation of the word D^DDN by 
assembly of men " (Berth.). Ver. 16. ToShup- 
pim and to Hosah. On the probable spurious- 
cess of "Shuppim," see Crit. Note. The "gate 
Shallecheth by the causeway of ascent," the keep 
ing of which was committed to Hosah, is to be 
regarded as turned, because toward the west, also 
to the lower city (east of which lay the temple 
mount). Thus, "the causeway of ascent," by 
this gate is the way that led from the lower city 
up to the higher temple mount. The name 
"gate Shallecheth" is perhaps to be explained, 
with Bottcher and Thenius, by "refuse gate." 
One ward like another, literally, "ward beside 
ward" (nQ^ as in ver. 12 and xxv. 8), not 
"ward over against ward," as Berth, thinks, 

who, on the ground of this precarious interpre 
tation, assumes a diversity of the west gate and 
the Shallecheth gate as two entrances placed 
over against each other. Even ver. 18 does not 
confirm this interpretation, as here the guard 
stationed on the west side is represented certainly 
as double, consisting of four guards standing at 
"Par bar," and two on the causeway, but not as 
a guard divided between two gates. Far-fetched 
and contrary to the Masoretic division is the 
attempt of Clericus to refer the words 

?3y!> to all the stations, and so to the 

contraposition of the four temple gates. Ver. 17. 
Eastward were six Levites, northward four a 
day. These (6 + 4) ten daily guards the house of 
Meshelemiah (with his eighteen sons and brothers), 
ver. 14, had to set, as the (4 + 2 + 2) eight guards 
stationed southward, ver. 15, belonged to the 
house of Obed-edom (with his sixty-two sons and 
brothers), and on Hosah (with his thirteen sons 
and broilers) was imposed the setting of the 
(4 + 2) six guards for the west side; comp. ver. 
16 with ver. 18. A uniform and systematic 
division we cannot discover; probably it was 
arranged by lot. Moreover, not (6 + 4 + 8 + 6) 
twenty-four single men are meant, but so many 
leaders or guarding officers ; for the strength of 
the several stations was certainly greater, as the 
sum total of all the porters is said in ch. xxiii. 6 
to be 4000 men. There is nothing in the text to 
show that the number twenty-four points to a 
division of the whole body of porters into twenty- 
four classes, analogous to the twenty-four classes 
of priests and singers. Ver. 18. At Parbar west- 
ward, four on the causeway, and two at Parbar. 
This -13*113 (= D H nB, 2 Kings xxiii. 11) is, as 

the statement of its situation to the west shows, 
to be regarded as a part of the temple buildings, 
near the Shallecheth gate, an addition with cells 
for depositing the stores and utensils of the 
temple, similar to the house of Asuppim, ver. 15, 
on the south side. The "causeway" is naturally 
the "causeway of ascent," ver. 16. 

8. The Administrators of the Treasures of 
the Sanctuary, with the Officers for the Ex 
ternal Business: vers. 20-32. a. The Lord 
Treasurers (Stewards): vers. 20-28. And the 
Levites their brethren. That instead of the un 

meaning n s nx D s 1;)ni of the Masoretes we are 

to read thus (after the Sept. and the analogy of 
such passages as 1 Chron. vi. 29, 2 Chron. xxix. 
34), is maintained by most modern expositors^ 
since J. D. Mich. Were over the treasures of 
the house of God, and over the treasures of the 
holy things. This general statement is special 
ized by the following passage in this way, that 
the sons of the Gershonite Ladan were placed 
over the treasures of the house of God, that is, 
in a strict sense the temple treasures (ver. 22 ff.), 
but the sons of Shelomoth over the treasures of 
the holy things, that is, the spoils consecrated by 
David (ver. 26 ff.). Ver. 22. Jehieli, the sons of 
Je/>ieli: Zetham, and Joel his brother. The sense 
is, as appears from xxiii. 7 f., that Zetham and 
Joel, the heads of the house cf Jehieli (or Jehiel), 
belonging to the Gershonite line of Ladan, had to 
administer the treasures of the house of God (the 
proper treasures of the temple, vei. 20). Ver. 
23 f. Of the Amramites, tlie Jzharites, the Hebron* 

CHAP. XXVI. 25-32. 


Ues, and the Uzzielites, the four branches of the 
family of the Kohathites, xxiii. 15 ff. Shebuel 
. . . ruler over the treasures (i before ^O^ con 

tinuing the sentence). As "son of Gershom son 
of Moses," this Shebuel (or Shubael, as in xxiv. 
20) belongs to the Amrarnites. And indeed this 
Amramite Shebuel appears, as the general phrase : 
"ruler (TM) of the treasures," shows, to be chief 

superintendent or administrator of all the sacred 
treasures, the president or administrator of the two 
departments of these treasures mentioned in ver. 
20 (not merely as superintendent of such sums as 
flowed regularly into the sanctuary, as Berth., 
limiting the word nVTOlK* thinks). Ver. 25. And 

his brethren by Eliezer were Rehabiah his son 
(Eliezer s), and Jeshaiak his son, etc. These are 
called brethren of Shebuel, because they sprang 
from Moses by Eliezer, as this by his brother 
Gershom (xxiii. 16). Ver. 26. This Shelomoth 
and h> brethren. As a descendant of Eliezer, 
and therefore an Amramite, this Shelomoth (or 
Shelomith ; see Grit. Note) is different from the 
two Shelomiths of ch. xxiii., the Gershonite (ver. 
9) and the Izharite (ver. 18; comp. xxiv. 22). 
As he with his brethren has charge over the 
treasures of the holy things of David (that is, 
over the consecrated gifts from the spoils of the 
wars of this king), he appears co-ordinate with 
the Jehielites Zetham and Joel, but subordinate 
to the ruler Shebuel. And the captains. These 
last-named fcO^n "H^ are the field-officers or 

for keeping, committed to the charge of any one. 
b. Officers for the External Business : vers. 29-32. 
Only one Izharite and two Hebronite families are 
mentioned in this category, consequently only 
those belonging to two lines of the family of 
Kohath, and no Gershonites or Merarites (as also, 
vers. 20-28, to the treasurers belong no Merarites 
and the Gershonites play only a subordinate pait^ 
Of the Izharites was Chenaniah . . . for the 
outer business. In what this outer business con 
sisted the more definite addition shows: "for 
officers (scribes) and judges. " Although, xxiii. 4, 
the whole number of the Levites assigned to these 
functions is stated to be 6000, a number so high 
that all the situations of this kind in Israel might 
apparently be filled by them, yet we should in 
clude, according to Neh. xi. 16, the administra 
tion of the external business specially for the 
temple and its servants, the exaction of the taxes 
for the temple, the collection of tithes, etc. Ver. 
30. Of the Hebronites . . . for the oversight of 
Israel on this side the Jordan westward, of the 
west-land of Israel ; comp. Josh. v. 1, xxii. 7. 

y the Sept. correctly renders: i<ri r^ t 

generals of David s army, as Joab, Amasa, as 
distinct from the before-mentioned captains of 
thousands and hundreds, or officers in general. 
Ver. 27. Out of the wars and of the spoil they 
dedicated to maintain the house of the Lord, not 
to keep it in good condition or to repair it 
(according to the meaning which p^n has in 

2 Kings xii. 7; Neh. iii. 7 ff.), but "to make it 
great" (comp. xxix. 12, where pjf-j stands by 

7jj3, and is synonymous with it). Only this view 

agrees with the circumstance that the temple, at 
the time now in question, was not built, but only 

as nota accus., 

about to be built. For in 

comp. xxix. 12. Ver. 28a belongs still to the 
parenthetical explication of the dedicated gifts 
which began with ver. 27. And all that Samuel 
. . . had dedicated. The article in {jfajpnn stands 
for the relative I&K, as in xxix. 17; 2 Chron. 

xxix. 36; Ezra viii. 25, x. 14, 17 . -Everything 
dedicated, literally, every one who had dedicated 
(t^Tpftn";^), who placed that which was dedi 
cated by him under Shelomoth and his brethren. 
The enumeration of the several gifts derived from 
war, which began with ver. 27, or properly with 
ver. 266, is here concluded, and referred to ver. 
26a. "p"5>y, properly, "on the hand," entrusted 

iTTHrxi^iia; rou itrpttYiX (ad inspectionem Israel). 
The view of Berth.: "were over the gifts," that 
is, the taxes, is unsupported by the usage, and 
scarcely reconcilable with the explanation of tho 
contents of the foregoing verses on such taxes. 

Comp. also (jy TjpBH in ver. 32, which signifies 

nothing but "appoint as overseers," give the 
oversight. Ver. 31. Of the Hebronites was Jeriah 
titf. chief. This Jeriah occurred in xxiii. 19, but 
not in his present character as chief of the Hebron 
ite family appointed over the land east of the 
Jordan. For the Hebronites. This parenthesis, 
extending to the end of the verse, explains the 
surprising circumstance that the oversight of 
both sides of the Jordan was committed to the 
Hebronites. Why Jazer of Gilead, according to 
Josh. xxi. 39, a Merarite city, served as a chief 
residence to these Hebronites, remains obscure in 
the brevity of the present notice. Ver. 32. And 
his brethren, valiant men, two thousand and seven 
hundred fathers of families. So in the sense of 
house or family fathers is flUSH 

without doubt to be understood, as the very great 
number 2700 teaches (not "heads of father- 
houses"). The phrase is essentially equivalent 
to the shorter fitotf, "fathers," in ver. 31. 

Moreover, the conjecture is natural, that as the 
Hebronite family of Hashabiah numbered 1700, 
and the Hebronite family of Jeriah 2700, house 
fathers, so to the Izharite family of Chenaiuah. 
(ver. 29) belonged the 1600 still wanting to the 
sum total of 6000 (xxiii. 4), and that this number 
has fallen out by some oversight. The present 
list of officers for the outer business appears not 
to have been preserved entire (comp. Keil, p. 

y. Division of the Military Officers; Order of the Service and of the Royal Househould : 

ch. xxvii. 

1. The Twelve Divisions of the Army: vers. 1-15. 

CH. xxvii. 1. And the sons of Israel after their number, the heads of the houses 
and the captains of thousands and hundreds, and their officers that served the 


king in any matter of the courses, that which came in and that which went 
out month by month for all the months of the year, the one course was 

2 twenty and four thousand. Over the first course, for the first month, was 
Jashobam son of Zabdiel ; and in his course were twenty and four thousand. 

3 Of the sons of Perez, the chief of all the captains of the host for the first 

4 month. And over the course of the second month was Dodai 1 the Ahohite, 
and his course, and Mikloth the commander ; and in his course were twenty 

5 and four thousand. The third captain of the host, for the third month, was 
Benaiah son of Jehoiada the priest as chief ; and in his course were twenty 

6 and four thousand. This is Benaiah the hero of the thirty, and above the 

7 thirty; and his course was for Ammizabad his son. The fourth, for the fourth 
month, was Asahel Joab s brother, and Zebadiah his son after him ; and in 

8 his course were twenty and four thousand. The fifth, for the fifth month, was 
the captain Shamhuth the Izharite ; and in his course were twenty and four 

9 thousand. The sixth, for the sixth month, was Ira son of Ikkesh the Tekoite; 

10 and in his course were twenty and four thousand. The seventh, for the 
seventh month, was Helez the Pelonite, of the sons of Ephraim ; and in his 

11 course were twenty and four thousand. And the eighth, for the eighth month, 
was Sibbechai the Hushathite, of the Zarhites ; and in his course were twenty 

12 and four thousand. And the ninth, for the ninth month, was Abiezer the 
Anthothite, of the Benjamites; and in his course were twenty and four 

13 thousand. The tenth, for the tenth month, was Maharai the Netophathite, of 

1 4 the Zarhites ; and in his course were twenty and four thousand. The eleventh, 
for the eleventh month, was Benaiah the Pirathonite, of the sons of Ephraim ; 

15 and in his course were twenty and four thousand. The twelfth, for the twelfth 
month, Heldai the Netophathite, of Othniel ; and in his course were twenty 
and four thousand. 

2. The Princes of the Twelve Tribes: vers. 16-24. 

And over the tribes of Israel : of the Reubenites, Eliezer son of Zichri was 

17 ruler : of the Simeonites, Shephatiah son of Maachah. Of Levi, Hashabiah 

18 son of Kenmel : of Aaron, Zadok. Of Judah, Elihu. 2 of the brethren of 

19 David: of Issachar, Omri son of Michael. Of Zebulun, Ishmaiah son of 

20 Obadiah : of Naphtali, Jerimoth son of Azrid. Of the sons of Ephraim, 
Hoshea son of Azariah : of the half-tribe of Manasseh, Joel son of Pedaiah. 

21 Of the half-tribe of Manasseh in Gilead, Iddo son of Zechariah : of Benjamin, 

22 Jaasiel son of Abner. Of Dan, Azarel son of Jeroham : these are the princes 

23 of the tribes of Israel. But David took not their number from twenty years 
old and under, because the LORD had promised to increase Israel as the stars 

24 of heaven. Joab the son of Zeruiah began to number, but did not finish, 
because for this there was wrath against Israel ; and the number was not put 
in the account of the chronicles of King David. 

? The Lords of the Treasures and Possessions of David : vers. 25-31. 

25 And over the king s treasures was Azmaveth son of Adiel : and over tne 
stores in the country, in the cities, and the villages, and the towers, was 

26 Jonathan son of Uzziah. And over the field-labourers for tillage of the ground 

27 was Ezri son of Chelub. And over the vineyards was Shimi the Eamathite ; 
and over that which was in the vineyards of stores in wine was Zabdi the 

28 Shiphmite. And over the olive-trees and the sycamores which were in the 
Shephelah was Baal hanan the Gederite : and over the cellars of oil was 

29 Joash. And over the herds that fed in Sharon was Shitrai 3 the Sharonite : 

30 and over the herds in the valleys was Shaphat son of Adlai. And over the 
camels was Obil the Ishmaelite : and over the asses was Jehdeiah the 

31 Meronothite. 4 Arid over the flocks Jaziz the Hagrite : all these were rulers 
of the substance which belonged to King David. 

CHAP. XXVII. 1-15. 


4. The State Counsellors of David: vers. 32-34. 

32 And Jonathan, David s kinsman, was a counsellor, a wise man, and a 

33 scribe; and Jehiel son of Hachmoni was with the king s sons. And Ahithophel 
was the king s counsellor ; and Hushai the Archite was the king s friend. 

34 And after Ahithophel was Jehoiada son of Benaiah, and Abiathar ; and the 
general of the king s army was Joab. 

For HH, according to xi. 12, is to be read 

* For in vN the Sept., in accordance with ii. 13 and 1 Sam. xvi. 6, xvii. 13, exhibits EX//3. 

So the Ktthib: the Keri has Shirtai 

* Sspt. o ix Mi/>0wv; but nfa""lE> occurs also, Neh. iii. 17, as the name of a place near Mizpah; a jlmD nowhere. 


PRELIMINARY REMARK. In this list of the 
military and civil officers of David, the collocation 
of ministers and associates >of the army, domains, 
and kingdom of this king is connected with the 
survey contained in ch. xxiii.-xxvi. of the Levites 
and priests in his reign, and also with the account 
of the census of the people in ch. xxi. To the 
latter vers. 23, 24 distinctly refer, which show 
the fore-mentioned captains of the military divi 
sions and princes of the tribes as included in that 
census, and thereby indicate the political and 
military import of that measure (comp. on xxi. 
1, 6). With the registers of Levites and priests in 
ch. xxiii.-xxvi., however, our section is connected 
partly by its position and the similarity of its 
contents, partly by the circumstance that both the 
spiritual (Levitical) and the temporal hierarchy 
of officers had obtained their more permanent 
regulation and organization in the last year of his 
government, and, indeed, in connection with the 
census of the people, as appears again from 
ver. 23. 

1. The Twelve Divisions of the Army: vers. 
1-15. And the sons of Israel after their number. 
Ver. 1 forms the full superscription to the follow 
ing list. As this contains only the twelve divi 
sions of the army of 24,000 men each, with the 
names of their commanders, this circumstantial 
superscription seems to promise too much ; the 
detailed description of the army divisions an 
nounced in it, and of their officers, appears in 
vers. 2-15 to be no longer complete, but only 
preserved in the form of an abstract (Berth.). 
But the chief stress rests on "after their number " 

(DIBDD^), as the determination of the monthly 

changing military courses at the strength of 
24,000 each, immediately after the close of this 
superscription, clearly shows. Hence all else 
that is here indicated, the mention of the captains 
of the thousands and hundreds, the officers, etc., 
is to be regarded as of mere secondary account. 
That which came in and that which went out 
month by month, properly, " the coming in and 
outgoing," namely, the course going in and out 
of service at the beginning of every month ; 
comp. 2 Kings xi. 5, 7, 9, and 2 Chron. xxiii. 
4, 8. Here naturally only the monthly attend 
ance of each of the twelve divisions or corps is 
spoken of, not that they had changed places every 
month, and were stationed one after another in 
Jerusalem, which would have been quite impos 
sible for so large a corps. The one course; 

taken distributively, as Num. xvii. 18; Judg. viii. 
18. Ver. 2. Over the first course . . . Jasho- 
bam. Concerning this Jashobam (perhaps "Ish- 
bpsheth") son of Zabdiel, see on xi. 11. And in 
his course were twenty and four thousand, liter 

ally, "on (->y) his course went 24,000 men." 

Ver. 3. Of the sons of Perez: he was descended 
from that distinguished Jewish family from 
which David sprang; comp. ii. 4 ff. The chief 
of all the captains of the host for the first month t 
stood as first in the series of twelve commanders 
relieving each other monthly, but was still subor 
dinate to the commander of the whole army 
(generalissimo), namely, to Joab (ver. 34). Ver. 
4. Dodai the Ahohite. On the omission of 
" Eleazar son of" before Dodai, see the Grit. Note. 
And his course, and Mikloth the commander. \ 
before flvpD appears to introduce the consequent^ 

and seems to be superfluous, as it is wanting before 
ver - 6, in a similar connection. At all 

events, Mikloth is a proper name, as viii. 32, 
ix. 37 f. prove ; whether the there named Benja- 
mite be identical with the present Mikloth must 
remain doubtful. Ver. 5. The third captain ... 
was Benaiah ... as chief. t^fcO, predicate to 
Benaiah, not attribute to jnbi~l. Concerning this 

Benaiah and his distinguished position as "hero of 
the thirty, and above the thirty" (more honoured 
than all of them), see xi. 22, 25 ; 2 Sam. xxiii. 
23. For the construction in ver. 6b, comp. on 
ver. 4ft. Ver. 7. Asahel . . . and Zebadiah his 
son after him. This form of expression contains 
a plain reference to the early death of Asahel 
(xi. 26), his tragic end, which Abner prepared for" 
him, 2 Sam. ii. 18-23. The fourth course would 
thus, at least for the late time now in question, 
have to be designated properly after Asahel s son 
Zebadiah, its then living leader. But it is called 
(honoris causa) de patris defuncti nomine, as 
Clericus well remarks, just as the family of the 
Maccabees is distinguished by the name Asmo- 
nseans. Ver. 8 If. The following names Shamhuth 
(earlier, xi. 27, Shammoth ; 2 Sam. xxiii. 11, 
Shammah), Ira, Helez, Sibbechai, Abiezer, Maha- 
rai, Benaiah, and Heldai occurred together already, 
though in a somewhat different order, in the list of 
heroes in xi. 27-31. Shamhuth the Izrahite, the 
descendant of Zerah son of Judah, ch. ii. 4, 6; 

stands for 
Ters - 

Ij an( l this is equivalent to 
and 13. Ver. 15. Heldai th* 



Netophathite, of Othniel, belonging to the family 
of Othniel, incorporated by his connection with 
Caleb into the tribe of Jucluh, Josh. xv. 17; Judg. 
i. 12-15. The name Heldai is besides in xi. 30 
Heled, and in 2 Sam. xxiii. 29, by an error of the 
pen, Heleb. 

2. The Princes of the Twelve Tribes : vers. 
36-24. In this list the twelve tribes are 
enumerated in quite a different order from that 
in Genesis, and even that in iv.-vii. of our book. 
A fundamental ground for the order here ex 
hibited Reuben, Simeon, Levi, Judah, Issachar, 
Zebulun, Naphtali, Ephraim, Manasseh, Benja 
min, Dan can the less be ascertained, because 
the names of two tribes (Gad and Asher) have 
fallen out probably by an old corruption of the 
text ; and there is no means even of conjecturing 
what was their original place in the list. There 
remains, therefore, only an uncertain surmise 
that Dan has been assigned the last place on 
account of his fall into idolatry ; comp. evangeli 
cal and ethical reflections on ch. i.-ix., No. 3. 
Ver. 17. Of Aaron, Zadok. Whether this 
naming of a prince of the Aaronites, namely, the 
high priest Zadok, of the line of Eleazar, along 
with that of the Levite was to make amends for 
the omitted princes of Gad and Asher is uncer 
tain. Ver. 13. Of Judah, Eliha. That "Eliab" 
(ii. 13) is to be read, with the Sept., for "Elilm" 
is most probable, even for this reason, that Eliab 
was the nrst-born of Jesse, to whom the dignity 
of prince must have naturally fallen. Ver. 21. 
Of the half . . . in Gilead, literally, "toward 

Gilead" (mjJP2)i a suitable designation of the 

east half of Manasseh. Vers. 23, 24. Closing 
Kern ark on the Two Lists referring to the Army of 
Israel, vers. 2-15 and vers. 16-22. But David 
took not their number from twenty years old and 
under ; he had only those above twenty years 
numbered. On "ISDD Nt"}, to take, determine, 

a number, comp. Num. iii. 40, and Ex. xxx. 12 ; 
Num. i. 49. Because the Lord had promised to 
increase Israel as the stars of heaven. This 
ground for the remark that David included only 
those above twenty years in his census of the 
people obviously means that to number the 
whole mass of the people, which God s promise 
to the patriarchs (Gen. xxii. 17, etc.) had de 
signated as innumerable, was not intended by 
David ; he had only wished to ascertain the num 
ber of those able to bear arms for the organization 
of his army. On ver. 24a, comp. xxi. 6. And 
the number was not put in the account of the 
chronicles of King David, literally, " and the 
number went not up," etc. ; comp. -^D ^>y r6j/i"l, 
2 Chron. xx. 34, on account of which parallel, 
moreover, 1BD3 is not to be read for 

especially as the phrase D <| Q>n "H21 13D does 
not occur in Chronicles. The second 

rather to be understood in the sense of "reckon 
ing, register of numbers," and therefore we are 
to think of the statistical section of the annals 
of David s reign (Berth., Kamph., etc.). In 
these the result of that great census of the people 
had no place according to our passage ; and if, 
xxi. 5, a communication regarding this result is 
made, it must have been derived from some other 

3. The Lords of the Treasures and Possessions 
of David : vers. 25-31. And over the kiny s 
treasures was Azmaveth. These first-mentioned 
treasures in general (nf~lJ< ; comp. xxvi. 20 ; Job 

xxxviii. 22) were perhaps, as the contrast with 
the "treasures in the country" teaches, the 
stores or spoils of war preserved in Jerusalem, sc 
far as they were crown and not temple property 
(xxvi. 22); thus rightly Luther: "over the 
treasure of the king." And over the stores in 
the country, in the cities, and the villager, and the 
towers, that is, in the forts or keeps ; comp. the 
notice of such towers in 2 Chron. xxvi. 10 ; Mic. 
iv. 8 ; Song iv. 4. Ver. 26. And over the field- 
labourers for tillage of the ground was Ezri. 
Here begins the specification of the stores in the 
h eld, with the royal domains or fields (mty here 
in the strict or proper sense, not as in ver. 25). 
Ver. 27. And over the vineyards was Shimi the 
Ramathite, of llamah in the tribe of Benjamin, 
Josh, xviii. 25. The next following officer, Zabdi, 
the manager of the wine-stores in the vineyards, 
is called " DQ^n, "the Shiphmite," coming per- 

haps from DJ, a place mentioned in Num. 

xxxiv. 10 f., on the north border of Canaan. 
But perhaps it is more natural to refer to 

in the south of Judah (1 Sam. xxx. 28), as the 
south produced the most wine, and of course the 
niot vineyards and vine cultivators. Ver. 28. 
And over the olive-trees and the sycamores in the 
Shrphelah, in the lowlands of the fruitful plain, 
between the hills of Judah and the Mediterranean, 
Josh. xv. 53. DTPT> olive plantations and gar 

dens ; comp. Deut. vi. 11, 1 Kings v. 25 ; and so 
the following Q^p^. How important the pro 

duce of the sycamores must have been in the 
times of David and Solomon appears from the 
proverbial expression, 1 Kings x. 27, 2 Chron. i. 
15: " Cedar- wood as plentiful as the sycamores 
that grew in the Shephelah." Comp. C. Hoffmann, 
Blicke in die fruhere Geschichte des gelobten 
Landes, p. 171 : " None of the plants adorning 
the country in that time is so fallen as those oft- 
mentioned sycamores, of which only a few still 
stand in the gardens of Jaffa as tokens of by 
gone beauty. On the coast, on the hot soil, 
moistened by under water, stood in broad planta 
tions these mighty, shady, leafy crowns, the 
native land of which is Egypt. They are men 
tioned at Jericho in the time of Christ (Luke 
xix. 4). Did they, as the herdsman Amos, who 
plucked their figs, intimates Amos vi:. 14, extend 
to the now so cool and dry valleys of Tekoa, 
about the Frank Mountains, that now bear 
among the Arabs the name of paradise, as a 
monument of vanished glories ? At all events, 
they were proverbially common in Solomon s 
time ; and this leads to one of those numerous in 
dications of a former abundance of water," etc. 
Baal-hanan the Gederite, of Geder or Gederah, 
situated in the lowlands south-east of Jabneh 
(comp. Josh. xii. 13, xv. 36, and our remark on 
Beth-geder, ii. 51) ; "112.1 is thus not really 

different from "Trnjin, xii - 4 - Keil would deriye 
nian rather from Gedor (lil2), on the hills 
of Judah, Josh. xv. 58 ; but the form of the 



Oentilicium is against this. And over the herds 
in the valleys, namely, those in the hill country 
of Judiih towards the Dead Sea and the Jordan ; 
comp. xii. 15. Ver. 30. And over the camels 
was Obii the Ishmaelite. As the riches of the king 
consisted in camels (comp. Job i. 3 ; Judg. vii. 
12) Vn the south country, where the Ishmaelites 
formerly wandered, a descendant of this race was 
appointed overseer of them. So it might be with 
the Hagarite Jaziz, who was placed over the flocks 
(comp. v. 10, 19 ; Ps. Ixxxiii. 7). For Jehdeiah 
the Merouothite, see Crit. Note. Ver. 31. All 
these were rulers of the property which belonged to 
King David. ^31, "property," a wider notion 

than that of the "treasures of the king," ver. 25, 
including these (the treasures in Jerusalem) and 
"the treasures in the country." The total num 
ber of the officers appointed to take charge of all 
this property, as they are named above, is twelve, 
namely, the two head officers, ver. 25 (for the city, 
Azmaveth ; for the country, Jonathan), and the 
ten over.seers of the tillage and pasturage, the 
latter of whom were to give a yearly account of 
the produce of the stock under their charge to 
the former. The number twelve can scarcely be 
accidental here, though it is not expressly noticed. 
4. The State Counsellors of David : vers. 
32-34 ; comp. the similar lists of the chief officers 
of state in xviii. 15-17 (2 Sam. viii. 15-18) and 
in 2 Sam. xx. 23-26, with which, however, the 
present has only Joab the cornmander-in-chief in 
common, whereas, otherwise, here partly other 
persons, partly other functions, appear ; and, 
indeed, its chief aim is to name the counsellors 
of the king: it is a list of the chief. 

counsellors of David (as it were his private 
council of state or cabinet). And Jonathan 
David s kinsman was a counsellor ; ^fa (pro 
perly favourite, friend, Song i. 13, etc.) may 
signify the father s brother, Jer. xxxii. 7, in which 
sense it appears to be taken by the Sept. 
(rf$X<p*f) and Vulg. (patraus). Yet it 
signifies also (Jer. xxxii. 12) "kinsman, cousin" 
in general, and appears here also to convey this 
wider ^ense, where scarcely any other Jonathan 
than the son of Shima is meant, and therefore a 
nephew of David. On fyv, counsellor, comp. 

xxvi. 14; on the following attribute, "wise," 
xv. 22 ; on a " scribe " (121 D> nere n t a name 

of office, as in xviii. 16), ii. 55 ; Ezra vii. 6. 
And Jehiel .... was with the king s sons, as 
their instructor or tutor, an office mentioned only 
here. Whether Hachmom the father of this 
Jehiel be the same with the Hachmoni father 
of Jashotam mentioned xi. 11 must remain un 
certain. Ver. 33. And Ahithophel was coun 
sellor of the king, without doubt the same who 
became notorious from the history of the revolt 
of Absalom comp. 2 Sam. xv. 31, xvi. 23, 
xvii. 1 ff. ; Ps. xli. 10 as Hushai the Archite 
is the well-known opponent of this Ahithophel, 
2 Sam. xv. 32, 37, xvi. 16. Ver. 34. And after 
Ahithophel was Jehoiada son of Benaiah and 
Abiathar. That by the latter the well-known 
high priest of the family of Ithamar (v. 27) is 
meant cannot well be doubted ; whether with 
regard to the previous name we are to think of 
the Benaiah named ver. 5, captain of the third 
division, son of Jehoiada the priest, so that 
here a transposition of the names has taken 
place (Berth.), appears doubtful. It is perhaps 
simpler to take the Jehoiada named as successor 
to Ahithophel in the privy council of the king 
for a son of that Benaiah who, after the well- 
known Hebrew custom, bore the name of his 
grandfather. We may observe, moreover, how 
clearly the Chronist here again (as in ver. 7) 
betrays his acquaintance with certain episodes in 
the history of David, the special course of which 
it does not lie within the scope of his plan to 
narrate. And the general of the king s army 
was Joab; as such generalissimo, at the same 
time in some sense minister of war, and there 
fore eo ipso belonging to the rank of king s coun 
sellors. Accordingly he appears, xxi. 2 ff., in the 
exercise of his office of counsellor in regard to the 
census of the people. 

In an apologetic respect, it is worthy of remark, 
in regard to this list of the counsellors of David, 
that, with the exception of Jehiel, names of 
persons about David occurring also in the books 
of Samuel and elsewhere in our books are con 
tained in it, but that it cannot be compiled by 
the Chronist from the other accounts of the 
history of this king, because it exhibits some 
thing peculiar, not elsewhere occurring, in its 
statements of the functions of these men. " We 
must therefore assume that this list comes from 
the same source from which our historian has 
drawn the previous lists (xxiii. -xxvi. and xxvii 
1-31) "(Berth.). 

d. The Last Directions of David concerning the building of the Temple and the Succession qj 
Solomon, and his own Death : ch. xxviii., xxix. 

1. Directions to Solomon concerning the building of the Temple: ch. xxviii. 

CEL xxviii. 1. And David assembled all the princes of Israel, the princes of the 
tribes, and the captains of the divisions, that served the king, and the 
captains of thousands, and captains of hundreds, and the stewards of all the 
property and cattle of the king and his sons, with the courtiers and the heroes, 

2 and all the valiant men in Jerusalem. And David the king stood up on hia 
feet, and said, Hear me, my brethren and my people. I had it in my heart 
to build a house of rest for the ark of the covenant of the Lord, and for the 

3 footstool of our God; and I made ready for the building. But God said to 
me, Thou shalt not build a house for my name, because thou hast been a 

4 man of war, and hast shed blood. And the LORD God of Israel chose me out 


of all my father s house to be king over Israel for ever : for He hath chosen 
Judah to be the ruler, and in the house of Judah the house of my father ; and 
among the sons of my father He liked me, to make me king over all Israel. 

5 And of all my sons for the LORD hath given me many sons He hath chosen 
Solomon my son to sit upon the throne of the kingdom of the LORD over 

6 Israel. And He said unto me, Solomon thy son, he shall build my house and 
my courts ; for I have chosen him to be my son ; and I will be his father. 

7 And I will establish his kingdom for ever, if he be strong to do my com- 

8 mandments and my judgments as at this day. And now in the eyes of all 
Israel, the congregation of the LORD, and in the ears of our God, keep and 
seek all the commandments of the LORD your God, that ye may possess 

9 the good land, and bequeath it to your sons after you for ever. And thou, 
Solomon my son, know the God of thy father, and serve Him with a whole 
heart, and with a willing mind; for the LORD searcheth all hearts, and 
understand eth all the imagination of the thoughts : if thou seek Him, He 
will be found of thee ; and if thou forsake Him, He will cast thee oif for ever. 

1 Take heed now ; for the LORD hath chosen thee to build a house for the 
sanctuary : be strong, and do it. 

11 And David gave Solomon his son the pattern of the porch, and of its 
buildings and its treasuries, and its upper rooms, and its inner parlours, and 

12 the house of the mercy-seat. And the pattern of all that his spirit had in 
thought for the courts of the house of the LORD, and for all the chambers 
around for the treasures of the house of God, and for the treasures of the 

13 holy things. And for the courses of the priests and the Levites, and for all 
the work of the service of the house of the LORD, and for all the vessels of 

14 the service of the house of the LORD. For gold by weight, for gold for all 
instruments of every service ; and for all instruments of silver by weight, for 

15 all instruments of every service. And the weight for the golden candlesticks, 
and their lamps of gold ; by the weight of every candlestick and its lamps ; 
and for the silver candlesticks, by weight for the candlestick and its lamps, 

1 6 according 1 to the use of each candlestick. And the gold by weight for the 

1 7 tables of shew-bread for every table ; and silver for the tables of silver. And 
the forks, and the sprinkling bowls, and the cans of pure gold ; and for the 
golden tankards by weight for every tankard, and for the silver tankards by 

18 weight for every tankard. And for the altar of incense, refined gold by 
weight; and for the pattern of the chariot; the cherubim of gold that 
spread out (their wings) and cover 2 the ark of the covenant of the LORD. 

19 "All this has He taught me in writing from the hand of the LORD upon me, 
even all the works of the pattern." 

20 And David said to Solomon his son, Be strong and active, and do it : 
fear not, nor be dismayed, for the LORD God, my God, is with thee ; He will 
not fail thee, nor forsake thee, till all the work of the service of the house of 

21 the Lord is completed. And, behold, the courses of the priests and the 
Levites for all the service of the house of God ; and with thee is in every 
work every willing man of wisdom for all service ; and the princes and all 
the people for all thy matters. 

2. Contributions of the assembled Princes for building the Temple: oh. xxix. 1-9. 

CH. XXIX. 1. And David the king said unto all the congregation, Solomon my son, 
whom alone God hath chosen, is young and tender, and the work is great ; 

2 for the palace is not for man, but for the LORD God. And with all my 
might I have prepared for the house of my God, gold for golden things, and 
silver lor silver, and brass for brazen, and iron for iron, and wood for wooden; 
onyx-stones and set stones, rubies and mottled stones, and all kinds of pre- 

3 cious stones, and marble stones in abundance. And, moreover, because I 
delight in the house of God, I have a treasure of gold and silver which I have 
given to the house of my God over and above all that I have prepared for 


4 the holy house. Three thousand talents of gold, of the gold of Ophir, and 
seven thousand talents of refined silver, to overlay the walls of the houses. 

5 The gold for golden, and the silver for silver, and for all work by the baud of 
artificers ; and who is willing to fill his hand this day unto the LORD 1 

6 And the princes of the houses, and the princes of the tribes of Israel, and 
the captains of thousands and of hundreds, with the rulers of the king s work, 

7 showed themselves willing. And gave, for the service of the house of God, 
of gold, five thousand talents and ten thousand darics ; and of silver, ten 
thousand talents ; and of brass, eighteen thousand talents ; and of iron, a 

8 hundred thousand talents. And they with whom stones were found gave 
them for the^ treasure of the house of the LORD, by the hand of Jehiel the 

9 Gershonite. And the people were glad, because they were willing, because 
with a perfect heart they offered willingly to the LORD ; and David the king 
also was exceedingly glad. 

3. David s Thanksgiving: vers. 1019. 

10 And David blessed the LORD in the eyes of all the congregation ; and 
David said, Blessed be Thou, LORD God of Israel our father, for ever and 

11 ever. Thine, LORD, is the greatness, and the power, and the beauty, and 
the lustre, and the majesty ; for all in the heaven and in the earth is Thine : 

12 Thine, LORD, is the kingdom, and Thou art exalted as head over all. And 
the riches and the glory come of Thee, and Thou rulest over all ; and in Thy 
hand is might and power ; and in Thy hand it is to make all great and strong. 

13, 14 And now, our God, we thank Thee, and praise Thy glorious name. For who 
am I, and what is my people, that we should be able to offer so willingly in 

15 this way 1 ? for all comes of Thee, and of Thy hand have we given Thee. For 
we are strangers before Thee, and sojourners, as all our fathers : our days on 

1 6 the earth are as a shadow, and there is no hope. LORD our God, all this 
store that we have prepared to build Thee a house for Thy holy name, it 3 

17 cometh of Thy hand, and is all Thine own. And I know, my God, that 
Thou triest the heart, and hast pleasure in uprightness : I, in the integrity of 
my heart, have willingly offered all these things : and now Thy people who 

18 are present I have seen with gladness to offer willingly unto Thee. LORD 
God of Abraham, Isaac, and Israel, our fathers, keep this for ever in the 
imagination of the thoughts of the heart of Thy people, and stablish their 

19 heart unto Thee. And give to Solomon my son a perfect heart, to keep Thy 
commandments, Thy testimonies, and Thy statutes, and to do all, and to 
build the palace which I have prepared. 

4. Close of the Public Assembly ; Solomon s Elevation to the Throne: vers. 20-25. 

20 And David said to all the congregation, Bless now the LORD your God : 
and all the congregation blessed the LORD God of their fathers ; and they 

21 bent and bowed down to the LORD, and to the king. And they killed sacri 
fices unto the LORD, and offered burnt-offerings unto the LORD, on the morrow 
of that day, a thousand bullocks, a thousand rams, a thousand lambs, with 

22 their drink-offerings, and sacrifices in abundance for all Israel. And they 
ate and drank before the LORD on that day with great gladness, and the 
second time made Solomon the son of David king, and anointed him unto 

23 the LORD to be ruler, and Zadok to be priest. And Solomon sat on the 
throne of the LORD as king, instead of David his father ; and he prospered, 

24 and all Israel obeyed him. And all the princes, and the heroes, and also all 

25 the sons of King David, submitted to Solomon the king. And the LORD 
magnified Solomon exceedingly in the eyes of all Israel,, and bestowed on him 
the majesty of the kingdom, which had not been on any king over Israel 
before him. 

5. Close of the History of David: vers. 26-30. 
26, 27 And David the son of Jesse reigned over all Israel. And the time that 



he reigned over all Israel was forty years ; in Hebron he reigned seven years, 

28 and in Jerusalem he reigned thirty and three. And he died in a good old 
age, full of days, riches, and glory ; and Solomon his son reigned in his stead. 

29 And the acts of David the king, first and last, behold, they are written in the 
words of Samuel the seer, and in the words of Nathan the prophet, and in. 

30 the words of Gad the seer. With all his reign and his might, and the times 

that went 

over him, and over Israel, and over all the 


of the 

1 For miliy3 a number of MSS. and old editions read mi3V2 (" for the service ") 

For D Oab) D Bnbij the Sept. and Vulg. read Deafen} D BnSH; comp. Exeg. Expl 

So the Kethib (&OH) \ the Keri has ^H, referring to 


1. Directions to Solomon concerning the build 
ing of the Temple: ch. xxviii. 1-21. These 
directions for building the temple David an 
nounces in a solemn assembly of the states or 
representatives of the people, or as they are de 
signated in general : " all the princes of Israel " 
(D HbO- The several classes of these representa 
tives of the kingdom are there specified : 1. " the 
princes of the tribes" (see their enumeration in 
xxvii. 16-22) ; 2. "the captains of the divisions 
that served the king ;" see xxvii. 1-15 ; 3. "the 
captains of thousands and captains of hundreds," 
the officers of the army, and those captains of 
divisions, the commanders and chiefs of the 
twelve corps of the army (xxvii. 1); 4. "the 
stewards of all the property and cattle of the 
king and his sons," the officers of the royal 
domains (xxvii. 25-31), who are here extended 
by the addition (misunderstood by the Vulg.) 

V3D^I to the royal princes and their possessions ; 
5. the courtiers," D^D^D, properly, eunuchs (so 

the Sept. and Vulg. in our passage), but here 
obviously in a wider sense, of officers of the royal 
court, or chamberlains in general ; comp. 1 Sam. 
viii. 15 ; 1 Kings xxii. 19; 6. the "heroes," 
that is, the distinguished champions enumerated 
in xi. 10 11 ., so far as they not merely (as captains 
of the divisions or over the thousands, etc.) be 
longed to the active service, but perhaps as 
occasional counsellors of the king, or otherwise 
influential persons, were entitled to a prominent 
position in the kingdom (hence the Sept. not 
unsuitably: roug Si/vao-raf) ; 7. all " the valiant 

men" (^n "li3-T?37l with h as nota ace.), 

every other person of note or importance, a wide 
phrase reverting to the general notion of the 
"princes of Israel." Ver. 2. And David the 
king stood up on his feet, in order to speak ; for 
before he was sitting from the weakness of age 
(not reclining, as the Rabbinical expositors would 
infer from 1 Kings i. ). For the kindly humble 
address, "my brethren," in the king s mouth, 
comp. 1 Sam. xxx. 23 ; 2 Sam. xix. 13. / had 
it in my heart to build, literally, "I, in my heart 
it was to build ;" comp. xxii. 7. A house of 
rest, a house where the ark might abide at rest. 
Along with the ark, on account of its special 
holiness, is mentioned the mercy-seat (ver. 11), 
and, indeed, described in a figurative way as 

"the footstool of our God," as Jehovah is re 
garded as sitting on the cherubim of the cap- 
poreth. And I made ready for the building, I 
prepared workmen and materials for it ; cornp. 
xxii. 2 ff. , 1 4 ff. ; as for the following verse xxii. 
8, and for ver. 4, ch. xi. 2, v. 2. Ver. 5. To sit 
upon the throne of the kingdom of the Lord over 
Israel, the theocratic kingdom ; comp. the equiva 
lent briefer phrase: " to sit on Jehovah s throne," 
xxix. 23 and Ps. xlv. 7, where the correctly 
interpreted DK 1> "thy God s throne," 

yields practically the same notion (see Moll, Der 
Psalter, p. 237). God is the proper king of 
Israel; but David, Solomon, etc., are only the 
earthly representatives of His royalty. Ver. 7. 
And / will establish His kingdom. Comp. in 
general xxii. 10 and xvii. 11 f. , and for the con 
dition : "if he be strong," etc., the quite similar 
conditions which God, 1 Kings iii. 14, ix. 4, im 
poses on Solomon ; also 1 Kings viii. 61 (where also 
the n^n Di 3)- Ver. 8. Keep and seek all the 

commandments, keep them earnestly, seek to keep 
them with zeal. That ye may possess the good 
land. Comp. Deut. iv. 21; Lev. xxv. 46; Jer. 
iii. 18. Ver. 9. And thou, Solomon my son, 
know the God of thy father, the God who so truly 
helped me, thy father, in all troubles ; comp. the 
emphatic "my God," ver. 20 and Ps. xviii. 3, 
and similar passages. And serve Him with a 
whole heart, with an undivided mind, without 
I^U^ IK ; comp. xxix. 9 ; also xxix. 19 and 1 Kings 
viii. 61. Under standeth all the imagination oj 
the thoughts. The phrase: "imagination of the 
thoughts," as in Gen. vi. 5; the reference to the 
omniscience of God, as in 1 Sam. xvi. 7; Ps. vii. 
10, cxxxix. 1 ff. If thou seek Him, He wiU be 
found of thee ; comp. Deut. iv. 29; Isa. Iv. 6; Jer. 
xxix. 13 f. On the following strong expression- 
" He will cast thee off" (^IT^D, comp. 2 Chron. 
xi. 14, xxix. 19, and Lam. iii. 17. Ver. 10. Be 
strong, and <lo it. In essentially the same words, 
ver. 20, David again addresses Solomon, after the 
interruption, vers. 11-19, occasioned by deliver 
ing the draft and plan of the holy buildings. 
Vers. 11-19. The Details of the Outline and Plan 
for the Temple, as David laid it before his Son in 
the public Assembly. We may imagine the 
architects and other craftsmen, by whose help he 
had this outline and plan drawn out, present in 
the assembly, and explaining it at the king s 
order. And David gave . . the pattern of the 
court, fPJSfl, pattern, model, as Ex. xxv. 40 ; 

CHAP. XXVIII. 11-19. 


the porch before the sanctuary, 2 Chrou. 

iii. 4: 1 Kings vi. 3. And of its buildings, those 
of the temple. The suffix must refer, not to the 

D^N, Du t only to JTOn, "the temple, the house," 

to be supplied from the context. The buildings 
of the house are the holy place and the most 
holy. And its treasuries (p3T:)3, cognate with 

pp3, Ezra vii. 20, Esth. iii. 9, iv. 7, occurs only 

here), and its upper rooms (above the most holy 
place, 2 Chron. iii. 9), and its inner jjarlours, 
namely, the porch and the holy place ; for only 
to these can the phrase refer, as immediately after 
follows the special mention of the most holy 
place, designated as the "house of the mercy- 
geat" or "abode of the capporeth. " Ver. 12. 
And the pattern of all that his spirit had in 
thought (or what was before his mind) for the 
courts . . . and all the chambers around, the cells 
or rooms on the four sides of the court, that 
served to keep "the treasures of the house of 
God," that is, the treasure of the temple and the 
"treasures of holy things," the stores of dedicated 
things collected from the spoils of war (the same 
distinction as in xxvi. 20). Ver. 13 continues 
the statement of that for which the chambers or 
cells of the court were designed. And for the 
courses of the priests and the Levites, for their 
sojourn during their service, likewise for the 
works belonging to this service (cooking of flesh, 
preparing of shew-bread, etc. ), and for the keep 
ing of the requisite utensils, which last are enu 
merated in detail from ver. 14 on. Ver. 14. For 
gold. The ^> in 3n^ corresponds to that in 

DiDK^rrfo^, ver. 12 ; the sentence begun in 

ver. 11 thus extends to the close of this verse. 
A new construction begins first in ver. 15, which 
may be regarded as a continuation of that begun 

in ver. 11. As to the object ^K, a ns must 

be supplied from ver. 11, but not certainly in the 
same sense of giving, but in that of stating or 
defining. Thus: "And (he stated) the weight 
for the golden candlesticks and their lamps of 
gold;" 3HT i- s frfely subordinated to 

(comp. 2 Chron. ix. 15). For the golden candle 
sticks of the sanctuary, comp. Ex. xxv. 31 f. ; 2 
Chron. iv. 7. According to the, use of each candle 
stick, according to its set service, its import for 
the holy service. For the var. : "for the service of 
every one" (rnfajja), see Grit. Note. Ver. 16. 

, accus. of free 

And the gold by weight; 

subordination. For the tables of shew-bread for 
every table : and silver for the tables of silver. 
Whereas elsewhere (Ex. xxv. 23 ff. ; 1 Kings vii. 
48; and 2 Chron. xxix. 18) only one table of 
shew-bread is spoken of, here several tables of 
this kind are mentioned. As also, 2 Chron. iv. 
8, a greater number of golden tables, namely, ten, 
destined as it appears lor the ten golden candle 
sticks, is spoken of, so in our passage (as in 2 
Chron. iv. 19) a synecdoche appears to be used, 
and the one golden table of shew-bread to be 
included with the tables for the golden candle 
sticks. Silver tables (as silver candlesticks, ver. 
15) are only here expressly mentioned : such may 

be understcod as included among the silver 
articles mentioned on the occasion of the repair 
of the temple by Joash (2 Chron. xxiv. 14; comp. 
also 2 Kings xxv. 15). The statements of the 
Rabbis, that the silver tables stood in the court, 
and the silver candlesticks in the chambers of 
the priests, may rest on an old tradition. Ver. 
17. And (gave him in pattern : the same supple 
ment as in ver. 15) the forks, namely, the flesh- 
forks used in cooking the pieces of the sacrifices ; 
comp. Ex. xxvii. 3 ; 1 Kings vii. 50. For the 
sprinkling-bowls (rnp~lTE)^ comp. also 2 Chron. 

iv. 11, 22; for the "cans" or "cups" (nij^p, 

ff-rav^uet) that were used in libations, Ex. xxv. 29, 
xxxvii. 16; Num. iv. 7. Of pure gokl ; aecus. 
of free subordination, as in vers. 15, 16. And 
for the golden tankards. D"niD3, from "1^3, 

cover, are covered vessels, and so tankards (not 
cups) ; comp. Ezra i. 10, viii. 27, the only other 
passages in which it occurs. Ver. 18. The pattern 
of the chariot, the cherubim of gold. The term 
pattern, JT^fl, recurs here, near the close of the 

whole enumeration, from vers. 11 and 12, but 
with ^ as nota accusat. The mercy -seat with its 

cherubim appears here symbolized as the chariot 
on which Jehovah sits or moves (comp. Ex. xxv. 
22; Ps. xviii. 11, xcix. 1), a very important 
passage for the right understanding of Ezek. i. 
15 ff. The cherubim themselves, though only 
two in number, according to the present descrip 
tion, which represents the older and simpler idea, 
exhibit as it were a chariot (observe that 

is not subordinate to rQ3"]!D as a genitive, but 

co-ordinate with it, as in apposition) ; of a wheel- 
work connected with it, an external exhibition of 
the chariot idea, as Ezekiel depicts it, nothing is 
indicated in the passage; the Sept. and Vulg. 
only, by taking Q^spSn as a genitive (eifftet <ru* 

Xipovfiip.: quadriga cherubim), have introduced 
this foreign element. That spread out (their 
wings) and cover the ark of the covenant of the 
Lord, literally, "for spreading and covering," that 
is, they are represented spreading and covering 

with their wings. Comp. for this use of > in tho 
sense of becoming something, or appearing as 
somewhat, ch. xxix. 33 (7jS)!D,>, "as king"), also 
Gen. ix. 5, Job xxxix. 16, and other passages, in 
Ew. 217, d (p. 553). The change of Q^IS^ 
into D MBni D fenBPI (Sept., Vulg., and 

recent expositors, as Berth., Kamph., etc.) is 
therefore unnecessary. J. H. Mich, correctly : 

ut essent expandentes, etc. To 

^ is easy 
to supply D^an, " the wings," as object ; 

comp. Ex. xxv. 20, and 1 Kings viii. 7; 2 Chron. 
v. 8. Ver. 19 contains again words of David, as 

the ^y, "upon me," and the whole sense and 

contents teach. All this has He taught me in 
writing from the hand of the Lord upon me. So 
it seems the difficult and perhaps corrupt words 



-j^-j S nS 2 37133 fen must be taken. 
To ^3K>n we are to understand niiT as subject, 
and "me" (or perhaps "us") as object. Possibly 
also "by might be connected with T St^n (comp. 

Prov. xxii. 11) ; but it is easier, on account of the 
collocation, to connect it either with mif TO or 
with anaa. Now, as the grammatically (Ps. xl. 
8: t^jy 3}D3) admissible connection of the w r ords 
^y 3FI33 i n t one notion, "by a writing from 

the hand of Jehovah given me as a rule" (Berth.), 
yields a very harsh and obscure sense, and as, 
moreover, the position of HliT TO between anaa 
and *by renders this connection extremely diffi 
cult, nothing remains but the connection of 
TO, " a writing from the hand of 

Jehovah being or coming upon me," by which 
is designated a writing springing from divine 
revelation, an immediate effect of divine inspira 
tion (comp. the known phrase: "the hand of 
Jehovah came upon me," 2 Kings iii. 15; Ezek. 
i. 3, iii. 14, etc.). This naturally refers, not to 
the law of Moses, as the Rabbinical expositors 
think, but to the proposed building plan, draft, 
etc., which David refers to divine teaching, in so 
far as he did not conceive it arbitrarily, but 
designed it under the influence of the Divine 
Spirit (which, however, must have been effected 
in this case not directly by vision, as with Moses 
on Sinai). Comp. moreover, on the transition 
into the address without an introductory formula, 
ch. xxii. 18 f., xxiii. 4 f. Vers. 20, 21. Closing 
Admonition and Promise to Solomon. Be strong 
and active; comp. ver. 10 and ch. xxii. 13. For 
lie Lord God, my God, is with thee; comp. on 
ver. 9. For the following promise: "He will 
not fail thee (properly, withdraw from thee, 
namely, His hand) nor forsake thee," comp. 
Dent. xxxi. 6, 8 ; Ps. cxxxviii. 8 ; Josh. i. 5 ; 
Heb. xiii. 5. And behold the courses of the 
priests. Personal attendance of the priests and 
Levites, or only of a majority of representatives 
of their order in the public assembly, can scarcely 
be inferred from this *\y\ ilSiT), just as the 

"and with thee," does not necessitate the assump 
tion that the willing craftsmen stood by Solomon, 
or were assembled around him. Every willing 
man of wisdom for all service, properly, "with 

regard to every willing man." The f) here is not 
nota accus. (as ver. 1, xxvi. 26, xxix. 6), but yet 
serves to give emphasis to HH3~fe (Ew. 310, a), 

which, though it cannot be translated, is yet not 
to be erased (against Berth.). For the notion of 

free-will (av-jj = 3^5 31-^, 2 Chron. xxix. 31), to 

. T .. . . 

designate the higher wisdom and skill of a crafts 
man, comp. Ex. xxxv. 5, 22, and Latin phrases, 
as artes ingenuce, liberates. We are to think, 
moreover, of the same craftsmen as those named, 
xxii. 15; 2 Chron. ii. 6. For all thy matters: 

i? to be explained according to xxvi. 

32 (concerns, matters) scarcely: "for all thy 

words or commands " (as J. H. Mich., Starke, 
Keil, etc., think). 

2. Contributions of the assembled Princes for 
"building the Temple : ch. xxix. 1-9. Unto all 
the congregation, which consisted, ch. xxviii. 1, 
merely of the " princes " or more eminent repre 
sentatives (notables) of the people. Solomon, my 
son, whom alone God hath chosen, properly a 
parenthesis: "as the one ("in&0 hath God chosen 

him." For "young and tender," comp. xxii. 5. 
For the palace is not for man. Only here and 
ver. 19 stands the later word m^iT to denote 

the temple (with regard to its fort- like size and 
strength) ; elsewhere either of the Persian royal 
castle (Esth. i. 2, 5, ii. 3 ; Neh. i. 1) or of the 
castle in the temple at Jerusalem. Ver. 2. On a, 
comp. xxiii. 15. Onyx-stones and set stones. For 
o n y x (sardonyx, etc.), or perhaps beryl, 

comp. Gen. ii. 12; Ex. xxviii. 9, 20; Job xxviii. 
16; on D^l^p "OIIK, "stones of settings," Ex. 

xxv. 7, xxxv. 9, where also onyx-stones, designed 
for the high priest s ephod and hoshen, are men 
tioned. ftubies and mottled stones, and all kinds 
of precious stones, and marble stones in abund 
ance. TpSr^aX, properly stones of paint or 

lead-glance (comp. 2 Kings ix. 35; Isa. liv. 11), 
perhaps precious stones of very dark glancing 
colour, of dark purple, as carbuncle or ruby (7]Qb, 

perhaps radically connected with TQ). The 

n!2p"l, stones of various colours, striped with 
veins (agate?), as nip" 1 pN, "precious costly 
stones," in general, v*W tfi white marble (the 

Sept. and Vulg. explain it by an anachronism of 
Parian marble); comp. the contracted form ;, 

Song v. 15; Esth. i. 6. Ver. -3. Over and above 
all that I have prepared for the holy house, liter 
ally, " upwards of all, out above all. " On Tli^an, 

without a relative particle connecting it with the 
foregoing ^3, comp. xv. 12. Ver. 4. Three 

thousand talents of gold of the gold of Ophir, ol 
the finest and best gold ; comp. the excursus 
after 2 Chron. ix. Three thousand talents of 
gold, reckoned after the holy or Mosaic shekel, 
would amount to ninety million thalers (about 
13,500,000), reckoned after the royal shekel to 
half as much; and the 7000 talents of silver would 
amount in the first case to fifteen million thalers 
(about 2,250,000), in the second case to half 
that sum. The greatness of this sum shows, at 
all events, that this includes the whole of David s 
private property ; comp. on xxii. 14 ff. To over 
lay the ivalls of the houses, the proper temple 
buildings (QV3, as in xxviii. 11), the holy place 

and the most holy, with the court and the upper 
chambers, the inner walls of which, 2 Chron. iii. 
4-9, were all hung with gold. Ver. 5. The yold 
for golden, or literally, "for the gold, for the 
gold," etc.; comp. ver. 2. And for all work by 
the hand of artificers, for all works to be made by 
the hand of craftsmen. And who is willing 
n, show oneself willing, as ver. 6; Ezra ii 

CHAP. XXIX. 6-17. 


68} to fill his hand this day unto the Lord, to 
provide himself with free-will offerings for Him ; 
comp. Ex. xxviii. 41, xxxii. 29, and 2 Ohron. 
xiii. 9. The infinitive niSD (along with 

)D, 2 Chron. xiii. 9), also Dan. ix. 2; Ex. 

xxxi. 5. Ver. 6. The princes of the houses, 
properly, "of the fathers;" ntaKJI for JV3 

; comp. xxiv. 31, xxvii. 1, etc. With the 
rulers of the king s work, literally, "and with 
regard to the rulers;" before ^n fDK^IO ") 

v : T 

the same superfluous untranslatable f> as in 

xxviii. 21. These are "the stewards of all the 
property and cattle of the king," xxviii. 1, the 
officers of the royal domains. Ver. 7. And gave, 
for the service of the house of God, of gold Jive 
thousand talents. We must suppose, a partial 
"signing" or guaranteeing of the sums named, 
not an immediate bate paying down, especially as 
the bulky contributions in the baser metals, the 
18,000 talents of brass and the 100,000 talents 
of iron, could not possibly be present in natura. 
Even David s gifts of 3000 talents of gold of 
Ophir and 7000 talents of silver may be regarded 
as not a proper direct delivery of these large 
quantities of metals. Moreover, what the princes, 
according to our passage, contributed was about a 
half more than that given by David from his 
private means, namely 1. 5000 talents of gold = 
150 million thalers (about 22,500,000), or by 
the other mode of reckoning, half that sum ; 

2. 10,000darics=75,000 thalers (about 11,250); 

3. 10,000 talents of silver = twenty-four million 
thalers (about 3,600,000); 4. 18,000 talents of 
brass (copper), and 100,000 talents of iron ; 5. 
Precious stones amounting to an indefinite sum. 

prosthetic here and Ezra viii. 27, 

along with jto2*n, Ezra ii. 69, Neh. vii. 70 ff., 

is not a Hebrew designation of the drachma (as 
Ew. Gesch. i. 254 still thinks), but of the daric, 
a Persian coin, containing l ducats, or 7 thalers 
(about 22s. 6d.) ; comp. Eckhell. Doctr. numm. i. 
vol. iii. p. 551; J. Brandis, Das Munz-, Maass-, 
and Gewichtssystem in Vorderasien (1866), p. 
244; see also Introd. 3, a. In darics, the gold 
coin most current in his time (it is not meant by 
our author that it existed in David s time), the 
Chronist states a smaller part of the sum contri 
buted by the princes, and indeed that part which 
they gave in coined pieces, while he expresses the 
amount of uncoined gold that was ottered in 
talents. Ver. 8. With whom stones were found, 
the present possessors of precious stones. Against 
Bertheau s rendering : "and what was found there 
with in precious stones," is the fact that the sing. 
fotf, that is certainly to be taken distributively 

(comp. Ew. 319, a), cannot possibly refer to the 
sums or quantities in vers. 6, 7. For the <#er- 
shonite Jehiel, comp. xxvi. 21 f., where the name 
is Jehieli. Ver. 9. Was exceedingly glad, liter 
ally, " was glad with a great gladness;" comp. 
Zech. i. 14. 

3. David s Thanksgiving : vers. 10-19. Blessed 
be Thou, Lord God of Israel our father. Among 
the partriarchs, as whose well-tried tutelary God 
and heavenly fountain of blessing Jehovah had 

now again proved Himself to David (by the opera 
tion of so highly joyful an act of faith as the 
free-will offering of the princes of the people), 
Israel is here specially set forth, because his life 
most resembled that of David, especially in this, 
that the cry, " Lord, I am not worthy of the least 
of all the mercies," etc. (Gen. xxxii. 10), might 
and must for him also (see ver. 14) be the funda 
mental note of his prayer at the close of his fight 
of faith. At the end of his confession, where the 
expression is still more solemn, the address is 
more full : "Lord God of Abraham, Isaac, and 
Israel, our fathers." Forever and ever; comp. 
Ps. ciii. 17. Ver. 11. Thine, Lord, is the great 
ness; comp. Ps. cxlv. 8: and on "power" (here 
and- ver. 12), Ps. xxi. 14; on "beauty" (here 
and ver. 13), Ps. xcvi. 6; on "lustre" 

less suitably rendered "victory" by Luther), 
1 Sam. xv. 29; on "majesty" ("rifl, by Luther, 
against the text: "thanks"), xvi. 27, Ps. xxi. 6. 
The whole doxology belongs to the apocalyptic in 
its main figures, as Rev. iv. 11, v. 12, vii. 12, 
etc. Thine, Lord, is the kingdom, and Thou 

art exalted as head over all. H3^D, "king 

dom, sovereignty," as Ps. xlvii. 8 f. ; comp. Matt. 
vi. 13. Htolp is not the participle, before 

which nnK, "Thou art," should be supplied 

(Berth.), but an infinitive noun, "the being 
exalted ;" comp. 2 Kings ii. 21; Ew. 160, e. On 
" head over all," comp. xs<paXjv v-rtp vuvra, Eph. 
i. 22. Ver. 12. And the riches and the glory; 
the same connection, Prov. iii. 16; comp. also 
ver. 28; 2 Chron. xvii. 5; 1 Kings iii. 13. Ver. 
13. And noiv, our God, we thank Thee, properly, 
" now are we thanking and praising Thy name: 
the participles express the constancy of the work ; 
comp. xxiii. 5. Thy glorious name, literally, 
"the name of Thy glory," as Luther here renders, 
while he has, ver. 3, put "holy house" for "house 
of holiness." Ver. 14. .for (literally, "and for;" 
"31, as Judg. x. 10) who am I, and what is my 

people, that we should be able ? fib "IVJ7, P r o- 

perly, "to hold or retain strength," then valere, 
be able; comp. 2 Chron. xiii. 20; Dan. x. 8, 16, 
xi. 6. In this way, as our just completed collec 
tion of free will offerings for the temple (vers. 3-8) 
has proved. On nJ^D, comp. 2 Chron. xxxii. 15. 

Ver. 15. For we are strangers before Thee, and 
sojourners ; comp. Ps. xxxix. 13; Heb. xi. 13, 
xiii. 14. Even in this strong assertion of the 
vanity and uncertainty of earthly life (on b, comp. 
Job viii. 9; Ps. xc. 9f., cii. 12; and Jer. xiv. 8} 
appears, as in the foregoing verse, which recalls 
Gen. xxxii. 10, an allusion to that which Jacob 
confessed at the end of his earthly career ; comp. 
Gen. xlvii. 9. Ver. 16. All this store, 

heap of money, wealth, as Eccl. v. 9. For the 
var. "it" (referring to "the heap") for "her," 
see Grit. Note. Ver. 17. In the integrity of my 

heart. 337 i>\ as Deut. ix. 5; comp. the fore 
going D Ht^p, "uprightness," Ps. xvii. 2. Thy 

people who are present, "have found themselves 
here." On n for "i{^ x, comp. xxvi. 28 and ver. 8; 



on finding oneself = being present, corny), xxviii. 1 ; 
2 Chron. v. 11. Ver. 18. Keep thin, the spirit of 
willingness, which expresses itself in these gifts. 
Imagination of the thoughts, as xxviii. 9. 
Stdblish their heart (or "prepare"), as 1 Sain. 
v [[ f 3, Ver. 19. On a, comp. ver. 9; on b 
(riT3n), ver. 1. 

4. Close of the public Assembly. Solomon s 
Elevation to the Throne : vers. 20-25. And all 

the, congregation blessed ; -rp^ with ), as ver. 
13 : rnn, and ^>n with ^. And they . . . 

bowed down to the Lord, they did obeisance before 
God and the king as His earthly type and repre 
sentative. For the combination of "np and 
ninn^H) denoting now divine, now human, 
respect, comp. Gen. xxiv. 26 , Ex. xii. 27, xxxiv. 
8; 1 Kings i. 16. 31; and Ps. xcv. 6, etc. Ver. 21. 
And tkeij killed sacrifices unto the Lord, and 
offered burnt- offerings. The same phrases are 
united, only in inverse order, 1 Sam. vi. 15. DTQT 

denotes here animal sacrifices in general, but in 
b it signifies, in contrast with the before-men 

tioned burnt-offerings, peace-offerings 

Ex. xxiv. 5) in connection with the proper joy 
ful feasts. On the morrow of that day; comp. 
Lev. xxiii. 11 ; Jonah iv. 7. Ver. 22. And they 
ate and drank. This describes the joyful least, as 
xii. 39; 1 Kings iv. 20; Dent. xi i. 7, xvi. 10. 
And the second time made . . . king. 

distinct from xxiii. 1, where a first solemn ele 
vation (proclamation) of Solomon to be the 
successor of his father was reported, with which, 
however, the ceremony of anointing was not con 
nected. To the present second elevation corre 
sponds that reported 1 Kings i. 32 ff., as the 
mention there of Zadok as taking part in this 
solemn act of anointing shows. Anointed him 
unto the Lord (according to the will of the Lord) 

to be ruler, T3jp ; this is here for the sharper 
contrast with the following pb^ ; comp. more 

over, xxviii. 4 ; 1 Kings i. 35. And Zadok to be 
priest. With this notice, peculiar to the Chronist, 
began the degradation of the other high priest, 
Abiathar, of the line of Ithamar, as Solomon 
formally completed it after his father s death 
(1 Kings ii. 26 ff. ), already in the lifetime of 
David : it was prepared by Zadok alone being 
anointed in the presence of the states along with 
the young king. Ver. 23. And Solomon sat on 
the throne of the Lord as king. For the anti 
cipatory nature of this notice, comp. on xxiii. 1 ; 
for "the throne of the Lord," on xxviii. 5. And 
he prospered : and all Israel obeyed him, accord 
ing to the hope of David expressed before, xxii. 
13, regarding him. For 

= obeyed, comp. 

Dent, xxxiv. 9. Ver. 24. Also all the sons of 
King David submitted to Solomon the king, 
literally, "gave hand under" (comp. 2 Chron. 
xxx. _8 ; Larn. v. 6). We may tbserve the slight 
allusion to the soon suppressed attempt of 
Adonijah (1 Kings i. 5 ff. ) which is contained in 
this statement, quite after the manner of the 
Chronist (see Principles of History and Ethics, 

No. 1). Ver. 25. Magnified . . . exceedingly ; 
comp. xxii. 5. And bestowed upon him the 
majesty of the kingdom. jy {])}, as P S - viii. 2; 

"Nil* as ver. 11- Which had not been on any king 
over Israel before him. The construction is as 
partly in Eccl. i. 16, partly in 1 Kings iii. 12. 
The phrase is somewhat hyperbolical, as there 
were only two kings of Israel before him (Ish- 
bosheth our author is wont to ignore, as ver. 27 

5. Close of the History of David : vers. 26-30. 
And the time that he reigned oner all Israel, 
inclusive of the seven years of his residence in 
Hebron (which is more exactly fixed, 2 Sam. v. 5, 
at seven and a half years). Ver. 28. In a good 
old age; comp. Gen. xv. 15, xxv. 8. Full 
(" satisfied " ; comp. Job xlii. 17) of days, 
riches, and glory. For the combination "i^JJ 

see on ver. 12. Ver. 29. And the acts 

. . . first and last. The author here indicates 
the simple ordrr which he laid down for his now 
finished representation of the life of David ; 
see Evangelical and Ethical Reflections, No. 2. 
Behold, they are written in, properly " on " ; 
comp. ix. 1. For the sources now named, see 
Introd. 5, II. Ver. 30. With all his reign and 
his might; irpiQ-i, here his "display of might," 

the power shown by him, his brave deeds : 
comp. 1 Kings xvi. 5. And the times that went 
over him, the events that befell him. 

Job xxiv. 1; Ps. xxxi. 16. And over all the 
kingdoms of the countries, with which David 
came into friendly or hostile contact, as Phoenicia, 
Philistia, Edom, Moab, etc. For the phrase, 
comp. 2 Chron. xii. 8, xvii. 10, xx. 29. 


1. On the historical and practical point of 
view under which the Chronist regards the brief 
account of the downfall of Saul and his house, 
with which he opens his full description of the 
history of David, he explains himself very clearly 
in the two closing verses of ch. x. Saul s king 
dom must, after a brief existence, make way for 
that of David, on the simple ground that it was 
not erected on the foundation of right faith in 
Jehovah the God of the covenant, and willing 
submission to Him ; that its possessor had not 
once only, but constantly, cast to the winds that 
earnest warning voice of the prophet, " Obedience 
is better than sacrifice," 1 Sam. xv. 22, and 
neglected even in the last hour to return to such 
a course, which was alone pleasing to God. 
Cornp. Bengel s appropriate note on those two 
verses (p. 16 of the " Beitrage zu J. A. Bengel s 
Schrifterklarung, aus handschriftl. Aufzeichnun- 
gen mitgetheilt von Dr. Osk. Wachter," Leipz. 
1865) : " It is worthy of remark that Saul is not 
expressly charged, when he died in his sin, 
with his long hate of David, but rather with the 
unbelief in which he kept not the word of God, 
and sought counsel at Endor. David indeed is 
out of the country a considerable time before 
Saul s death ..... Even at the last Saul 
might have obtained pardon, if he had earnestly 
returned to God, and entreated Him. But he lost 
all." Comp. also Schlier, " Konig Saul" (Bibel 



tiunden, Nb rdlingen 1867), towards the end, and 
the homiletic notes of Erdmann on 1 Sam. xxxi. 
(Bibeiwerk, vi. 337). 

2. That our author aimed at no exhaustive 
treatment of the history of David in its external 
and internal course that he rather laboured as 
partly an excerptor, partly a supplem enter, of 
earlier writers, and so wished to furnish some 
thing regarding the history of David contained 
in the present books of Samuel and Kings, 
similar in many respects to that which John the 
Evangelist did for the evangelical history pre 
sented by the synoptics, this he himself indi 
cates iii the closing words just considered, when, 
xxix. 29, 30, he points for that which he may 
have omitted to the historical works of the pro 
phets Samuel, Nathan, and Gad as his chief 
sources. But even before he repeatedly indicates 
his acquaintance with essential elements of the 
history of David, which, according to his plan, 
he does not report. Thus, in the notice prefixed 
as preface or introduction, concerning the down 
fall of Saul and his house, where he certainly 
alludes to the incident of the necromancer of 
Kndor, but does not report it (x. 13 f.), and xx. 
5, where he names Goliath, but presumes the 
histoiy of the slaughter by the youthful shepherd 
David as known ; likewise xii. 1, where he men 
tions the times of the exile and proscription of 
David under Saul, without entering into the 
particulars at least of its well-known catastrophes 
and vicissitudes ; xi. 1 and xii. 23, where he 
likewise points to the rival kingdom of Saul and 
Abner during the residence of David at Hebron ; 
xx. 1, where the proceedings at Jerusalem during 
the siege of Rabbath Ammon by Joab are slightly 
indicated ; xxvii. 23, 24, where, by the mention 
of Ahithophel and Hushai, a similar reference is 
made to the rebellion of Absalom ; and xxix. 24, 
where the attempt of Adonijah is in like manner 
touched upon. The omitted parts are, as must 
have been often manifest, almost always of such 
a nature as would have served, if brought into 
the field, to disturb and in some points obscure 
the lustre of the picture, and throw many a 
shadow on the otherwise almost uniform light. 
It is the first growing and youthful but arduously 
soaring aloft, further, the suffering and per 
secuted David, not less the despised and derided 
by all bystanders far and near (but comp. xv. 
29) ; lastly, the deeply guilty and penitent one, 
whose picture the Chronist avoids to draw, while 
all the more earnestly he collects all that appears 
fitted to represent the hero king in his greatness, 
and the activity of his reign as an uninterrupted 
chain of splendid theocratic events. To finish a 
picture that presents David in the meridian 
height of his glory and mighty achievements is 
the obvious aim of all that our author adds in the 
way of supplement on the ground of his sources 
to the life-picture of the great king as given in 
the books of Samuel. Such are the whole con 
tents of ch. xii. (the brave men who stood by 
David even during the reign of Saul, and the 
number of the warriors out of all the tribes who 
made him king in Hebron) ; those of ch. xv. and 
xvi. (the full delineation of the preparatory, 
accompanying, and com-luding solemnities in the 
introduction of the ark into its new abode on 
Zion) ; finally, those of the closing ch. xxii.- 
xxix., on the internal history of the kingdom 
and the preparations for the building of the 

temple, which coincide only in subordinate points 
with the much more summary parallel sections of 
Samuel and 1 Kings, but on the whole exhibit 
the peculiarity and special tendency of our author 
in full force, and in so far, notwithstanding their 
dry statistical character and tedious lists of names 
find numbers, are of special interest (eomp. No. 
2). The preference of our author for the exhibi 
tion of all the brilliant traits of the history of 
David, or, if you will, his pnnegyristic idealizing 
tendency and method, is shown also in the short 
remarks of a reflective kind at the close of the 
several sections, which almost always issue in the 
exhibition of some brilliant aspect of the reign 
of David, or of the state of the people and the 
theocracy under him ; for example, passages such 
as these : " And David became greater and 
greater, and Jehovah Zebaoth was with him," 
xi. 9 ; " Day by day they came to David to help 
him, until the camp was great, like a ramp of 
God," xii. 22; "His kingdom was lift up on 
high, becaus^ of His people Israel," xiv. 2 ; 
" And D ivid s fame went out into all lands : and 
the Lord brought his fear upon all nations," 
xiv. 17; "And David reigned over all Israel, 
and executed judgment and justice for all his 
people," xviii. 14 ; "Is not the Lord your God 
with you, and hath He not given you rest on 
every side ? For He hath given the inhabitants 
of the land into my hand, and the land is sub 
dued before the Loid and His people," xxii. 18 ; 
" But David took not . . . because the Lord 
had promi-ed to increase as the stars of heaven," 
xxvii. 23 ; "And he died in a good old age, 
full of days, riches, and glory," xxix. 28 ; "And 
the Lord magnified Solomon exceedingly in the 
eyes of all Israel, and bestowed on him the 
mnjesty of the kingdom, which had not been on 
any king over Israel before him," xxix. 25. And 
the enumerations and arrangements of the names 
of David s heroes, servants, spiritual and temporal 
officers (princes), counsellors, etc., subserve the 
same optimistic and idealizing tendency as pre 
sented by the author ; and the ever-recurring 
preference in these enumerations for symbolic 
numbers, especially for three and thirty (see ch. 
xii.), seven (the supreme officers of the kingdom 
and the crown, xviii. 14 ft ., and the counsellors 
of the king, xxvii. 32 ff. ), and twelve or twenty- 
four, which latter numbers appear as the prin 
ciple regulating the whole spiritual (Levitical- 
priestly) and temporal hierarchy of officers in 
the kingdom of David (see especially ch. xxiii.- 
xxvii. ). 

3. Next to the selection of material, the ar 
rangement of it, the order followed in the history 
of David, is characteristic for the author s con 
ception of this brilliant period of the history of 
salvation before the exile. This order, however, . 
is, as the same closing remark, xxix. 29, to which 
we owe the above explanation of the choice ol 
material by the author indicates, an extremely 
simple and elementary one. The author distin 
guishes "the first and last acts of David;" he 
divides his material between the two great heads 
of the earlier and later events of the reign of 
David (or of the entrance and exit of David) 
But among the first acts he does not understand 
David s youth, with his persecutions by Saul, etc 
(so that the last acts would embrace the period of 
his reign, as in the present division of the books 
of Samuel, the second of which treats of his 



reign), but the course of events till shortly before 
the end of his life, that is, until he took measures 
for the building of the temple, and the regular 
transference of the kingdom to his successor, 
which latter the author regards as the last acts. 
The point of division separating the last acts from 
the first is to be sought neither in ch. x. 13 f., for 
the narrative of the downfall of Saul closing with 
these verses is merely the preface or introduction 
to the acts of David; nor in xii. 40 or xiii. 1, for 
here, where the accounts of the elevation of David 
to the throne of all Israel, and the close of the 
seven years reign at Hebron, come to an end, the 
author clearly intends no deeper section (against 
Kamph.). Iu truth, the transition from the first 
to the last acts takes place in xxii. 1, where, after 
representing the glorious external (military and 
political) course of the forty years reign of the 
king, his provisions for transferring as well the 
sovereignty as the still unsolved problem of the 
building of the temple to his son Solomon begins 
to be described where, accordingly, as it is said 
in the further course of the narrative, xxiii. 1 : 
" David was old and full of days ; and he made 
his son Solomon king over Israel " (comp. the 
remarks made, p. 142, on the generalizing import 
of those words). It is a peculiar trait of the 
Chronist, distinguishing in a characteristic way 
his view and method of history from that of the 
author of the books of Samuel, that he draws a 
sharp line between the evening of David s life as 
his itr^KTa., and the mid-day as his vpuTa. (or 
between the completion and continuance of his 
reign), and weaves into the representation of the 
evening of his life a full retrospect of the whole 
internal aspect of the royal household under 
David. The picture thus drawn of the Levitical 
and priestly, and of the military and civil, 
government and official hierarchy of the king 
( xxiii.- xxvii. ), forms, together with its frame of 
reports concerning the collections arid prepara 
tions of David, and the chiefs of the people for 
the temple to be built by Solomon (xxii. and 
xxviii., xxix.), as it were, the legacy of David to 
his son, the testament of one glorious king to his 
no less glorious (according to the peculiar Levi 
tical and hierarchical conception of our anthor 
indeed, xxix. 25, still more glorious) heir and 
successor. It is on account of Solomon, the 
temple-builder, that the author dwells so long 
on this legacy of his father preparing and stipu 
lating for the building, and that this part of his 
work rises to the importance of a second half of 
the history of his father, to an episode in the life 
of David, comparable with the so-called report of 
travels by Luke in the third Gospel, or the fare 
well addresses of our Lord in John xiii.-xvi., 
bearing in a still higher degree the character of a 
retrospect and legacy. Beside this very minute 
representation of the close of David s life, that 
under the .hands of our author, notwithstanding 
its comparatively brief duration, has assumed the 
form of an autumn almost equal in length with the 
preceding summer of life, the spring with its 
vicissitude of clear sunshine and rough storm is 
quite cast into the .shade ; it appears, indeed, by 
the merely occasional allusions to its incidents 
which are contained in ch. x.-xii., intentionally 
reduced to a vanishing point in the development 
of the whole. Yet, in the section relating to the 
catastrophe of Saul, ch. x., the author has fur 
nished an independent preface or introduction to 

the chief object of his representation, and so has 
given to the whole a threefold arrangement, in 
which, however, by far the greatest importance 
belongs extensively and intensively to the second 
and third parts. 

4. The statement of the Chronist has suffered 
nothing in credibility by this peculiar arrange 
ment and distribution, especially by his dwelling 
so long on the preparations for building the 
temple, and the measures taken for transferring 
the kingdom to Solomon, which are so briefly 
handled in the introduction to the books of 
Kings. The solid walls of the old sources appear 
through the cover corresponding to his individual 
view and bent, which he has imparted to tle 
building he has erected. This holds as well of 
the sections on the external government, peculiar 
to his statement, as of the closing accounts of the 
king setting his house in order and handing it 
over to his successor. It appears particularly 
fitted to awaken confidence in his statement, that 
no special preference for the wonderful is to be 
remarked in the sections peculiar to him ; that, in 
fact, some of these sections for example, xii., 
xxiii. fi ., and xxvii. ff. report only that which 
corresponds to the occurrences of every-day life, 
which might arise in the profane history of any 
kingdom or people. And even there, where his 
statement runs parallel with that of the older 
historical books, scarcely anywhere does any 
stronger preference appear for the wonderful or 
extraordinary than in those documents, except, 
pe: haps, his account of the census and the plague, 
which has certainly a trace of the miraculous 
more than the older parallel text (xxi. 26). At 
the most, the suspicion of urihistorical exaggera 
tion might rest on some of the surprisingly high 
numbers, as they appear in the present text, xii. 
23-40, xxii., and xxix. 4 ff., unless partly the 
obvious possibility of occasional corruption, partly 
the almost inevitable necessity of the assumption 
that smaller values than those usually assumed 
are to be admitted, served very much to diminish 
the ground which these passages present for criti 
cal assaults. Comp. that which is remarked on 
them in detail (xii. 23 ff., p. 106 f., and xxii. 
14, p. 137 f.), and see. moreover, the Apologetic 
Remarks on ch. xv. 16, p. 119 ff. 

5. Homiletic hints for the history of David in 
rich selection are to be found in Erdmann s ela 
boration of the books of Samuel (vol. vi. of the 

1 Comp , with reeard to the credibility of the statement 
concerning David s last directions to Solomon, especially 
thn- giving of the instructions for the building of the 
temple, the remark of Bertheau on xxviii. 11-19: "The 
whde section thus *hows that David not only made pre 
parations for bull ling the temple by providing materials, 
but also gave definite orders for the execution of the work 
and the making of the vessels to Solomon, and that he pro 
ceeded, not according to his own invention and design, but 
was directed by divinerevelation. ... In the books of Kings, 
nothing of this occurs; but if we must gather from the 
accounts of Chronicles, that David not only thought of the 
temple, but made preparations for it. which could not have 
fonsisred in an uncertain collection of materials, we shall 
not be able to avoid assuming that a communication was 
made according to which, even in David s time, the plan of 
the temple was fixed. To execute the building irself was 
not permitted to David; but he had completed the prepara 
tions so far, that Solomon in the fourth j ear of his reign 
was able to proceed with the building, and to finish it in the 
eleventh (1 Kings vi.). The report of David s preparation, 
which extended to the fixing of the plan for the building, is 
the historical foundation for the statement in our verses, in 
which the free handling of the historical material, according 
10 modem views, is as obvious as in the remaining sectiong 
of the last two chapters of the first book of Chronicles." 



Bibtlw.). With respect to the sections peculiar 
to the Chronist, a small gleaning may here be 
presented of some noteworthy practical hints 
from older expositors: 

On ch. xii. 38-40, Starke, after Burmann, 
remarks : " What is here said of David is a fine 
figure (type) of che Messiah. ... He also at first 
had only a small following ; but after He came 
to His glory, the kingdom of God burst forth 
mightily, and subjects to Him were collected in 
all the world. ... To David come even those of 
the tribe of Benjamin, the brethren of Saul, the 
bitter enemy of David ; so had Christ disciples 
from the Jews, even from the Pharisees, His 
deadly foes ; and as we by nature are all His 
foes, He yet converts us to His love and to faith 

in Him. ... At David s anointing was great joy ; 
on all sides was provided store of eating and 
drinking ; even so believers rejoiced at and after 
Christ s ascension, and because they had all things 
common." On ch. xvi. 27, comp. the remark 
(suitable also to the contents of xxiii. -x.vvi.) of 
Bengel, p. 17 : "This is so fine in David; he 
has gone as nigh to the Levites as it was possible 
for him to do, as if he were one of them ; and yet 
he has invaded no right. How finely devotion 
and valour are combined ! Something quite 
peculiar has taken place in David s heart." On 
xxix. 30 he remarks : " How earnest is the dear 
David become in his old age ! How he has 
come as nigh as possible to the building of the 
temple ! " 

2. SOLOMON. 2 CHRON. i.-ix. 

. The Sacrifice at Gibeon, and the Dream of Solomon : vers. 1-13. 

CH. I. 1. And Solomon the son of David was strengthened in his kingdom, and 

2 the LORD his God was with him, and magnified him exceedingly. And 
Solomon said unto all Israel, to the captains of thousands, and of hundreds, 
and to the judges, and to every ruler in all Israel, the chiefs of houses. 

3 And Solomon, and all the congregation with him, went to the high place that 
was at Gibeon ; for there was the tent of meeting of God, which Moses the 

4 servant of God had made in the wilderness. But the ark of God had David 
brought up from Kiriath-jearim to the place which David had prepared for 

5 it : for he had pitched a tent for it at Jerusalem. And the brazen altar, that 
Bezaleel the son of Uri, the son of Hur, had made, was there 1 before the 
tabernacle of the LORD ; and Solomon and the congregation sought him. 

6 And Solomon offered there before the LORD, on the brazen altar which 
belonged to the tent of meeting ; and he offered upon it a thousand burnt- 

7 In that night did God appear unto Solomon, and said unto him, Ask 

8 what I shall give thee. And Solomon said unto God, Thou hast showed 
great mercy unto David my father, and hast made me king in his stead. 

9 Now, O LORD God, Thy word unto David my father must be true ; for Thou 

10 hast made me king over a people numerous as the dust of the earth. Give 
me now wisdom and knowledge, that I may go out and in before this people; 

11 for who can judge this Thy great people. And God said unto Solomon, 
Because this was in thy heart, and thou hast not asked riches, treasures, and 
glory, nor the life of thine enemies, neither hast thou asked long life ; but 
hast asked wisdom and knowledge for thyself, that thou mayest judge my 

12 people, over whom I have made thee king. Wisdom and knowledge are 
given unto thee, and riches and treasures and glory will I give thee, such as 
none of the kings that were before thee have had, and none after thee shall 

13 have the like. And Solomon came from 2 the high place that was at Gibeon 
to Jerusalem, from before the tent of meeting ; and he reigned over Israel. 3 

ft. Solomon s Power and Wealth: vers. 14-17. 

14 And Solomon gathered chariots and riders : and he had a thousand and 
four hundred chariots, and twelve thousand riders ; and he placed them in 

15 the chariot cities, and with the king at Jerusalem. And the king made silver 
and gold in Jerusalem as stones ; and cedars he made as the sycamores that 

16 are in the Shephelah for abundance. And the export of horses for Solomon 
was out of Egypt ; and the company of the king s merchants fetched a troop 



1 7 for a certain price. And they brought up, and took out of Egypt a chariot 
for six hundred silver shekels, and a horse for .a hundred and fifty : and 
they them out for all the kings of the Hittites and the kings of Syria. 

So according to the reading QtJJ, which is attested by the Sept , Vulg , some MSS., and most print? while fo> 
the almost unmeaning DC* (posuit, he had set) the majority of MSS. and the Chald. and the Syr. testify. 

2 Tl.e Sept., Vulg., Luther, etc., correctly: nDBilft } the HO2? <f the Masoretes, yielding no tolerable *ense. 

appears to have crept into the text by looking back at vt-r. 3. 
z The Peschitc has * over all Israel;" comp. 1 Kings iv. 1. 


1. PRELIMINARY REMARK, and elucidation of 
ver. 1. The accounts contained in the fore 
going two small sections, to which 1 Kings iii. 
4-15 and x. 26-29 are parallel, serve to introduce 
the report of the building and dedication of the 
temple, which occupy far the greatest space in 
the representation given by our author of the 
history of Solomon (i. 18-vii.). As general 
superscription is prefixed ver. 1: "And Solo 
mon the son of David was strengthened in his 
kingdom," properly, "on," or "with, his king 

dom," imrfc ^ ; comp. iwnb^y P?nn s v 

xvii. 1, and xii. 13, xiii. 21, xxi. 4, which 

parallels likewise show that pimn, "be strength 

ened," does not refer to pretenders to the crown, 
by setting aside of whom confirmation follows ; 
and hence there is here no concealed allusion to 
Adonijah (1 Kings ii. ). And the Lord his God 
was with him (comp. 1 Chron. xi. 9), and magni 
fied him exceedingly ; comp. 1 Chron. xxix. 25, 
xxii. 5. 

2. The Sacrifice at Gibeon : vers. 2-6 ; comp. 
1 Kings iii. 4. And Solomon said unto all Israel, 
to the captains, etc. This addition of the chiefs 
of the people and representatives of the kingdom 
at the sacrifice is not mentioned in the book of 
Kings ; but the matter is understood of itself 
(comp. the similar cases in the history of David, 
1 Chron. xiii. 1 f., xxiii. 2, xxviii. 1). The 

chiefs of houses. Before iJ&n, h is to be supplied, 

as the whole phrase is an explanatory apposition 
D Ver. 4. For there was the tent 

of meeting of God, Comp. on 1 Chron. v. 30 ff., 
xvi. 39 f. Ver. 4. But the ark of God had 
David, etc. ; comp. 1 Chron. xiii. and xv. For 
the elliptical construction pDHH, to (the place) 

which lie prepared for it, where the article in 3 

the place of the relative 


1 Chron. xv. 12, xxvi. 28; also Judg. v. 27; 
Ruth i. 5. Ver. 5. And the brazen altar . . . 
was there he/ore the tabernacle of the Lord, that 
is, the Gibeonite sanctuary was still the legal, as 
it were the official and historically rightful place 
for burnt -offerings: comp. 1 Chron. xxi. 29 f.. 
where, on the occasion of the choice of the floor 
of Oman on Moriah for a place of burnt-offering, 
it is shown why David could not go to Gibeon to 
offer there. On Bezaleel s construct ion of the brazen 
(copper) altar of burnt-offering, see Ex. xxxi. 2, 
xxxvii. 1. On the reading QJ^, as undoubtedly 

to be preferred to the Masoretic ft& (which arose 

from an unwarranted reference to Ex. xl. 29), see 
Grit. Note. And Solomon and the congregation 
sought him, the Lord, not the altar ; comp. 

1 Chron. xxi. 30 ; 2 Chron. xv. 2. 

Yet, for the reference of the verb to the altar, may 
be quoted (Luther: "was wont to seek it"), at all 
events, Amos v. 5 ; comp. also 1 Chron. xxi. 28. 
Ver. 6. There before the Lord, on the brazen altar 
which was at the tent of meeting. In the Heb., 

HT " stands before the relative sentence 

Because the altar of burnt- 

offering had its place before the tabernacle (Ex. 
xl. 6), it is designated as belonging to it ; comp. 
1 Kings vi. 22. 

3. God s Revelation to Solomon : vers. 7-13 : 
coriip. 1 Kings iii. 5-15. In that night, that 
followed the offering. That the manifestation of 
God to Solomon was effected by a nocturnal 
vision, seems at least to be indicated here, but is 
expressly stated in 1 Kings iii. 5, 15. Ver. 8. 
Thou hast showed great mercy unto David my 
father. The fuller speech of Solomon in 1 Kings 
iii. 6-10 appears here (vers. 8-10) much abbre 
viated. Ver. 9. Thy word . . . must be true, 
properly, "must be established"; comp. 1 Chron. 
xvii. 23; 2 Chron. vi. 17; 1 Kings viii. 26. Ver. 
10. Give me now wisdom and knowledge. JHQ 

(here with Pattach in the second syllable ; else 
where JTJD; also vers. 11, 12) denotes knowledge, 

insight, and is found, besides the present passage, 
only in Dan. i. 4, 17 and Eccl. x. 20. That 1 
may go out and in before this people, " may know 
all that belongs thereto, may worthily govern and 
defend them" (Starke); the phrase, reminding us 
of Dent. xxxi. 2, 1 Sam. xviii. 13, 16, 1 Kings 
iii. 7, denotes the unchecked public activity of 
the king toward his people. Ver. 11. Because 
this was in thy heart ; comp. 1 Chron. xxii. 7. 
Riches, treasures, and glory. The same combina 
tion appears in Eccl. vi. 2 ; D^DD^, treasures, 

also in Eccl. v. 18 (with lJy) and Josh. xxii. 8. 
Ver. 12. Wisdom . . . given to thee. The con 
struction "jj^ pin^, as in Esth. iii. 11 (1 Kings iii. 
12, PISH, with the perf. if\r\)). In the following 

words, the Lord promises to Solomon riches, 
treasures, and glory indeed, but not long life, as 
in 1 Kings iii. 14. Whether this omission is in 
tentional (because Solomon, on account of his 
subsequent fall, did not attain to old age) appears 
doubtful in the condensing manner of our author, 
which shows itself even in this promise of the 
Lord. On the ethical - eudsemonistic sentence 

CHAP. I. 18-11. 


contained in vers. 11, 12 may be compared the 
word of Christ in the Sermon on the Mount: "Seek 
ye first," etc., Matt.v. 32. Ver. 13. And Solomon 
came from the high place. On the correctness of 
this reading (nDBno), see Grit. Note. The fol 

lowing addition : "from the tent of meeting, " which 
appears superfluous after " from the high place," 
points again to the Gibeonite place of offering, 
and to the legal validity of the offerings presented 
there. Of the burnt and peace offerings, with the 
sacrificial feast, 1 Kings iii. 15, on the return of 
Solomon to Jerusalem before the ark, our author 
makes no mention, not because in his view the 
offering presented at the brazen altar in Gibeon 
only had legal validity (as Thenius thinks, in 
defiance of the express statements of our author, 
1 Chron. xxi. 18, 26 ff.), but simply because these 
offerings, as well as the history there following 
(1 Kings iii. 26-28) of the strife between the two 
women, and its settlement by the wise judgment 
of Solomon, appeared to be of no special import 
ance for his plan (chiefly regarding the brilliant, 
glorious, and magnificent features of Solomon s 
administration). And he reigned over Israel. 
These closing words of our verse are introductory 
to what follows, and would stand more suitably at 
the head of the following section, vers. 14-17, as 
they are found, 1 Kings iv. 1, in this more suit 
able position, and are there enlarged by the 
addition of -^3 before ^ip^V which the Syr. 

exhibits here (see Grit. Note). 

4. Solomon s Power and Wealth: vers. 14-17. 
This short account of that which Solomon had in 
chariots, riders, and treasures, the Chronist pre 
sents as proof of the instant fulfilment of the 
promise of God to him in this passage, while in 
1 Kings x. 26-29 it is found near the close of the 
reign of Solomon (parallel to the fuller account of 
a similar nature in 2 Chron. ix. 13 ff.). That 
accordingly that which is here recorded by our 
author is adduced a second time, the first time 
partly abbreviated , partly completed by additions 
(see ix. 25-28), Thenius (on 1 Kings x. 26 ff. ) 
explains by the assumption of a second occurrence 
of the section in his sources, and an inadvertent 
admission of both accounts, the identity of which 

was discovered too late. More correctly, Berth., 
Keil, etc., explain that the Chronist used hia 
sources in a free and independent way, and ac 
cordingly of purpose admitted the partial repeti 
tion of the present account in ch. ix. 25 ff. And 
he placed them in the chariot cities. Instead of 
DIT3 S 1, "laid them "(so also ix. 25 stands in 

1 Kings x. 26 less definitely: Dn: s 1, "and he 

brought them " ; with regard to the number of 
the chariots (1400) and riders (12,000), the two 
texts agree. The "chariot cities" are cities in 
which the chariots and riders were stationed. 
They probably lay, partly near rich pasture 
grounds, partly in the neighbourhood of Egypt, 
principally in the south of the country ; and 
the conjecture that the Simeonite towns Beth- 
marchaboth and Hazar-susim (1 Chron. iv. 31) 
belonged to them (Then., Berth., Kamph.) is on 
this account the more probable. Ver. 15. And 
the king made silver and gold in Jerusalem as 
stones. That the words "and gold" 

which are wanting in the parallels ix. 27 and 
1 Kings x. 27, are to be erased, with the Pesch., 
in our passage also is very improbable ; and the 
Sept. and Vulg. testify for their genuineness in 
this place. For b, comp. on 1 Chron. xxvii. 28. 
Ver. 16. And the export of horses for Solomon, 
properly, " which belonged to Solomon." The 
company of the king x merchants fetclied a troop 
for a certain price. Even so 1 Kings x. 28, only 
that for the HIpD there fcOpO is here twice 

written. For the correct understanding of the 
passage, see Ba hr, Bibelw. vol. vii. p. 103. 
Ver. 17. And they brought up, and took out of 
Egypt; 1 Kings x. 29: "and there was fetched 

and brought out " (tfYfil rvi JTI instead of our 
? otherwise literally as our passage, 

except that, perhaps by a corruption of the text, 
the ^ here wanting before Q-|fc< ^ is rightly 

supplied. For the exposition, see also Bahr as 

ct. Treaty with the Phoenician King, and Preparations for Building: ch. i. 18-ii. 

CH. I. 18. And Solomon determined to build a house for the name of the LORD, and 

1 a house for his kingdom. CH. II. And Solomon told out seventy thousand 
men to bear burdens, and eighty thousand to hew in the mountain, and three 
thousand and six hundred to oversee them. 

2 And Solomon sent to Huram the king of Tyre, saying, As thou didst 
with David my father, and sentest him cedars to build him a house to dwell 

3 in, so do also with me. Behold, I build a house to the name of the LORD my 
God, to dedicate it to Him, to offer sweet incense before Him, and the shew- 
bread continually, and the burnt-offerings for the morning and the evening, 
on the Sabbaths and the new moons, and the feasts of the LORD our God : 

4 for ever this is ordained for Israel. And the house which I build is great ; 

5 for our God is greater than all gods. But who is able to build Him a house ? 
For the heaven, and heaven of heavens, cannot contain Him ; and who am I, 

6 that I should build Him a house, but to offer incense before Him ? And 
now send me a wise man to work in gold, and silver, and brass, and iron, and 


in purple, and crimson, and blue, and who knoweth to make graven work 
with the wise men that are with me in Judah and Jerusalem, whom David 

7 my father appointed. And send me cedar-trees, cypresses, and sandal-wood 
out of Lebanon ; for I know that thy servants can cut timber in Lebanon ; 

8 and, behold, my servants shall be with thy servants. And shall prepare me 
wood in abundance ; for the house which I build is to be great and wonderful. 

9 And, behold, for the hewers, who fell the trees, I give of wheat as food l for 
thy servants, twenty thousand cors, and of barley twenty thousand cors, and 
of wine twenty thousand baths, and of oil twenty thousand baths. 

10 And Huram king of Tyre answered in a letter, and sent to Solomon: 
Because the LORD loveth His people, He hath set thee over them as king. 

1 1 And Huram said, Blessed be the LORD God of Israel, that made heaven and 
earth, who hath given to David the king a wise son, endued with prudence and 
understanding, that may build a house for the LORD, and a house for his king- 

12, 13 dom. And now I send a wise man of understanding, Huram my father, son 
of a woman of the daughters of. Dan ; and his father was a Tyrian, who can 
work in gold, and silver, in brass, in iron, in stone, and wood, in purple, blue, 
and byssus, and crimson, and can do all graving, and devise every device that 
is given to him with thy wise men, and the wise men of my lord David thy 

14 father. And now the wheat and the barley, the oil and the wine, which 

15 my lord spake of, let him send his servants. And we shall fell timber out of 
Lebanon according to all thy need, and bring it to thee in floats to the sea of 
Joppa, and thou shalt take it up to Jerusalem. 

16 And Solomon counted all the men that were strangers in the land of 
Israel, after the number which David his father had counted, and they were 
found to be a hundred and fifty thousand, and three thousand and six 

17 hundred. And he made seventy thousand of them bearers of burdens, and 
eighty thousand hewers in the mountain, and three thousand and six hundred 
overseers to keep the people at work. 

1 So according to the probable correct reading J"l/3 (= J"l;?bX?D)> as the parallel 1 Kings v. 25 exhibits it for 
the unmeaning fll3D (" wheat of beating," "beaten-out wheat"?). 

EXEOETICAL. partly indeed to the letter, is opened with a 

i m ..- r , notice of an embassy sent first by Huram to 

1 Transition from the Foregoing to the Report So]omon (to congratulate him on his accession to 
of the building of the Temple : ch. i 18-n. 1. - the tlmme) wh g h our author has omitted ag not 
And Solomon determined to bmld So according sufficitjnt i y important.-^ Solomon sent to 
to the Vulg., Luther, and most of the ancients, Huram ki fr T Qn the three f f 

while some moderns, as Berth Kamph., take I the nwn Hm ^ m f Ch Von.), Hiram (1 Kings v. 
TOK, with allusion to ch. i. 2, 1 Chron. xxi. 17, 1 15)> and Hirom (1 Kings y< 24> ^ vii 4 g }> of 

which the last (in Menander in Joseph, c. Ap. i. 
18, 21 : E tpvpos ; in Herod and Syncell. : 

in the sense of "command." The context, 
especially the circumstance that instead of the 

*~"J v AXWUWUUA/VJ uAJkdrU IIIOLCCVV.I ui Liic X Uj .4J. . i^if/wu>a5 111 JlcIUU. ill 111 OVlUJcll. ^tp&/L(,Oy f 

execution of the building itself only preparations appears to be the most original, comp. Bahr on 

for it follow, favours the older view. A house 1 Kings v. 15, where, with justice, the doubts of 

for the name of the Lord (comp. 1 Kings v. 17), Clericus, Thenius, Ew., Berth., etc., regarding 

and a house for his kingdom, that is, a royal 
palare for himself, the building of which is not 
more particularly described (as 1 Kings vii. 1-12), 
hut which is mentioned several times, as ch. ii. 
11, vii. 11, viii. 1. Ch. ii. 1. And Solomon told 
out seventy thousand, etc. This statement, re 
curring, vers. 16, 17, in another connection, and 
in a fuller ami more definite form, concerning the 
70,000 + 80,000 + 3600, in all 153,600, workmen 

to whom Solomon committed the labours 


hminary to the building of the temple, stands 
here in briefer form, to indicate beforehand the 

the identity of the present Huram with the like 
named contemporary and friend of David, are set 
aside. Hitzig (Gesch. des V. Isr. p. 10 ; comp. p. 
155) gives as the probable time of the reign of 
Huram or Hirom, 1031-1000 B.C. (?). As thou 
didst with David my father, and sentest him 
cedars; comp. 1 Chron. xiv. 1. The consequent to 
this antecedent is wanting; according to ver. 6 f., 
it must run thus : " So do also to me, and send 
me cedars." This construction is like that else 
where after asseverations and oaths ; comp. also 

Ps. Ivi. 76 (Ew. 355, 356). Moreover, in the 

magnitude ot the measures undertaken by the parallel account 1 Kings v. 16 If., Solomon noes 
k* n g- not expressly remind Hiram of the aid which he 

2. Solomon s Embassy to Huram of Tyre : vers. | had already given to his father David, but only 
2-9 ; comp. 1 Kings v. 15-26, which account, j of this, that David had been prevented by liia 
agreeing with the present in all essential respects, wars from executing the project of building the 

CHAP. II. 3-11. 


temple. Hence it is clear, from the various 
differences between the present and the previous 
form of the letter of Solomon, that it is not an 
authentic original document that is here given, 
but the result of free handling of the fundamental 
thoughts of older sources by the one as well as 
the other writer. Ver. 3. Behold, I build, 
literally, " Behold me building," future of state 
see Ew. 306, d. To offer sweet incense before 

Him, literally, "to perfume," TtDpH with which 
infinitive (denning the foregoing 

exactly) are zeugmatically connected the other 
objects named, " shew-bread " and "burnt-offer 
ing." For the "sweet incense " and its burning 
every morning and evening on the altar of in 
cense, comp. Ex. xxv. 6, xxx. 7 f. ; for the 
continual laying of shew-bread 

With the wise men, etc. ; comp. 1 Chron, xxii. 3, 
15, xxviii. 21. In construction, 

Ex. xxv. 30 ; for the burnt-offering to be made 
every morning and evening, and on Sabbaths, 
new moons, and feast days, Num. xxviii. 29 and 
1 Chron. xxiii. 31. For ever this is ordained for 
Israel; comp. the passage already cited, 1 Chron. 

xxiii. 31, and the Q7ty nj3!"6 often occurring in 

the law, for example, Num. xix. 10. On ver. 4, 
comp. 1 Chron. xxix. 1, and Ex. xviii. 11, Deut. 
x. 17. Ver. 5. But who is able, literally, "who 
will show power ;" comp. 1 Chron. xxix. 14. On 
the following asseveration: "the heaven, and 
heaven of heavens, cannot contain Him," comp. 
Solomon s prayer at the dedication of the temple, 
ch. vi. 18 ; 1 Kings viii. 27. Obviously we have 
here a favourite saying of Solomon the theologian 
and philosopher : that our author has here, of 
his own will, put this formula in his mouth is 
improbable. And who am /, that I should build 
Him a house, but to offer, etc. ; that is, not a 
house for dwelling in, but only for sacrifice and 
worship (the incense, as symbol of prayer, is here 
mentioned instead of all offerings), may we build 
for Jehovah. Ver. 6. And now send me a wise 
man (skilful, see ver. 12; 1 Chron. xxii. 15; 
Ex. xxxi. 6) to work in gold. That, besides the 
works in brass and other metals, as they were 
actually executed by the craftsmen here men 
tioned, according to ch. iv. 11-16 and 1 Kings 
vii. 13 ff. , skill also in weaving purple, hewing 
stone, and carving wood is ascribed to them, 
need not seem strange in Solomon s letter. But 
it seems surprising that, ver. 13, King Huram 
also in his reply makes him exercise all these 
crafts. Yet ancient history knows several in 
stances of universal genius in art ; comp. 
Daedalus, and one Tutilo in St. Gall of the 
Christian times. On purple (13~IK, later form 

, comp. Ex. xxv. 4 ; Dan. v. 7 ; on 
crimson 6W3 only here, ver. 13, and iii. 14, 
probably an old Persic word), the *)& ny^ifi 
elsewhere used to denote this fabric ; on blue or 
violet (n/Dfi), Ex. xxv. 4. And who knoweth to 

make graven work, literally, " to grave gravings," 
here of every kind of sculpture in metal or wood 

(comp. ntflB" ver - 13 ; also 1 Kings vi. 29) ; 

elsewhere, specially 6f graving precious stones, 
Ex. xxviii. 9, 11, 36, xxxix. 6 ; Zech. iii. 9. 

wit rri^j, " to work. "Ver. 7. And send me 
. sandal-wood out of Lebanon. If the algum- 

wood (Q^j-i^y) here named along with cedars 
and cypresses be actually sandal -wood, which, 
in the obvious identity of its name with D^D^N, 

. : ~ 

1 Kings x. 11, can scarcely be doubted, our 
author, in allowing it to come from Lebanon, 
involves Solomon in an inaccuracy (at least in 
expression) ; for, according to his own later state 
ment (ch. ix. 10; 1 Chron. x. 11), algums be 
longed rather to the products of Ophir. Ver. 8. 

Prepare me wood in abundance ; the infin. fOfJ^ 
is the continuation of the imperat. ^ rhv, ver. 

7 ; Keil s attempt to subordinate it to the previous 
clause is too artificial : "to prepare for me wood 
in abundance." On b, comp. ver. 4. Ver. 9. 
And, behold, for the hewers, who fell the trees. 

( witn introductory ) is more exactly 
defined by the added D Vil "THD^, and for this 

reason, that mn (= the afterwards more usual 
n > comp. vers 1, 17) appears to our author to 
need interpretation ; comp. besides, for 3ftn, 
Deut. xxix. 10; Josh. ix. 21, 23, 27. / give 
wheat as food for thy servants. For n^3D in 
stead of the defective ni3D, see Grit. Note. 

Twenty thousand cors. In this enumeration of 
the provisions in grain, wine, and oil offered by 
Solomon, our report seems to be more detailed 
than the parallel 1 Kings v. 25, which reports 
only 20,000 cors of wheat for the household of 
king Hiram, and twenty cors of the finest 
(beaten) oil for the same, as given by Solomon. 
But, in truth, the two passages speak of quite 
different supplies : there of a yearly contribution, 
which Solomon paid to the Tyrian king during 
the building at Tyre, but here of the provisions 
which he sent to the woodcutters placed at his 
disposal by Huram in Lebanon (so correctly Keil 
and Bahr on 1 Kings v. 25 ; otherwise Thenius, 
Bertheau, etc., who here find statements that are 
partly contradictory). 

3. Huram s Answer : vers. 10-15 ; comp. 1 Kings 
. 21-25. Because the Lord loveth His people, 
etc. Instead of this compliment (comp. ch. ix. 8 ; 
1 Kings x. 9), in the parallel text 1 Kings v. 22, 
Hiram begins his letter immediately with the 
declaration: "I have heard the things thou 
sentest to me for. " On the contrary, an expres 
sion of joy concerning Solomon s message as orally 
given by Hiram precedes the composing and send- 
ng of the reply. Ver. 11. And Huram said, 
namely, as in the foregoing verse ; 

writing. " Blessed be the Lord . . . that made 
heaven and earth. Are we to see in this doxology 
f the Phoenician king, readily following into 
Solomon s religious thought and phrase (which 
rises above that in 1 Kings v. 21), the product ot 
a half-poetic fiction, after the manner of a writer 
after the exile (as Dan. ii. 28, iii. 29 ff., iv. 31 
f.)? It is perhaps more natural to take int 


account here partly the courtesies in expression, Josephus, Antiq. viii. 2. 6 f., in his rendering of 
which friendly sovereigns might and must use, the pieces, generally agrees with 1 Kings y. ; 
partly the community of speech, and even of but allows himself many peculiar forms of its 
religious tradition, which existed between the language. The statements of this historian, that 
Phrenicians and Hebrews. A wise son endowed \ the *vriyf*$*. of the two letters were extant both 
with prudence and understanding; coinp. 1 Chron. ; in the Old Testament and in the public archives 
xii. 32, xxii. 12. Ver. 12. Huram my father. I of Tyre (Antiy. viii. 2. 8), muSt therefore be 
t , c ,1 v> i received cum qrano sails, and must refer not so 

The introductory , betore the accusative, as ch. I ^^ to ^ as 8ubatance of the docu . 

v. 26. Luther takes t^tf for an element of the 1 ments. Eupolemus, in Euseb. Prwp. eva>j. ix. 

33, 34, has copied still more freely than Joseplmi 

proper name of the craftsman, who was called the correspondence between Solomon and Hiram. 
Huram-abi (or, ch. iv. 16, Huram-abiv). Most of i 4. Expanded Repetition of the Number of 
the ancients as well as moderns take it here, as j Workmen stated in ver. 1 : vers. 16, 17. And 
in ch. iv. 16, as a tropical appellative or name of I Solomon counted all the men that were strangers 
honour = master, by comparison with Gen. xlv. 8. j in the land of Israel, all the serfs of Canaan- 
Ver. 13. The son of a woman of the daughters \ itish descent under the people of Israel ; coinp. 
of Dan, that is, perhaps the city Dan in the tribe j i Chron. xxii. 2, to which place there is here 
of Naphtnli ; see 1 Kings vii. 14 and the ex- J express reference (by the following words : 
positors on this passage, especially Thenius and j "after the number [~1DD, muster, only here 
Bahr, whereas certainly Keil (with Berth., 

Kamph., etc.) defends the more difficult and | in 0. T.] which David his father had counted ). 
artificial assumption, that the mother of this j Ver. 17. The eighty thousand "hewers (^n) 
craftsman belonged by birth to the tribe of Dan, ! iu the mount ain are chiefly to be regarded as 
but by her first husband to that of Naphtali. liewers o f stone ( comp . i Chron. xxii. 2), but 
Who can work in gold, etc. The Phoenician king p art i y as fellers of timber. A nd thrte thousand 
enhances the praise of his craftsman by recount- and sie ] Mtl( ired oveneer* (D TOD? coinp. Ezra 
ing a still greater number of crafts than those i 

mentioned by Solomon, ver. 6. Hence the , iii. 8, 9), to keep the people at work, "to make 
mention of stone and wood (after brass and iron), them work"; comp. Ex. vi. 5. With the 
of byssus (p3, as 1 Chron. xv. 27), and of i present statements of the number of workmen 
"devising every device that is given to him." levie(l b J Solomon agree those contained in 

Corn}), for the last phrase, the remarks made, Ex. 
xxxi. 4, xxxv. 33, on Bezaleel. On ver. 14, comp. 

1 Kings v. 27-30, with two points of difference : 
1. Of the 30,000 socagers levied out of Israel 

ver. 9 ; the there expressed otter by Solomon of itself there first named, that were ti- cut timbers 
food for his people Huram expressly accepts. i successively in three parties of 10,0(0 each, our 
Ver. 15. According to all thy need. Tpv, "need," j text says nothing, as the enumeration ot our 

I author is perhaps confined intentionally to the 
only here in the Old Test, (in Aram, very com- QH3, perhaps, however, through a mistake in 

mon) ; likewise the following nnbETU "floats,"! . " i i .u 4. 

lu fJ i quite overlooking the statement in question; 2. 

for which, 1 Kings v. 23, rvn&l.To the sea of, instead of 3600 overseers, the author of 1 Kings 

v. 30 names only 3300 ; perhaps he had only in 

Joppa, the sea at Joppa, the port of Jerusalem. | view those of lower ran k, and not the higher, 
Also, with respect to this reply of Huram, and its ; wno accor ding to 1 Kings ix. 23, amounted in 
relation to the often-deviating parallel text 1 j all to 550> name l y , 250 Israelites (2 Chron. viii. 
Kings v. 21 if., the above remark (ver. 2) on ; 10 \ an d 300 strangers. As the Chronist men- 
the two texts ot the letter of Solomon applies, j tions liere Ollly the strangers, he enumerates only 
Neither text is wholly independent of the other, i these 3000 non-Israelite upper overseers, and 
and neither coincides exactly with a presumed . tlms alT i ves at the total of 3600 OTTOO- He 
original. Both exhibit certainly a freely imitat- j .--. 

ing or rather extracting (partly also interpolating ; : was aware also of the existence of 250 Israelite 
Bee especially the additions made by our author, upper overseers, as is clear from ch. viii. 40 or 
ver. 13) treatment of the original text ; as also our book. 

&. The Building of the Temple, and Making of the Holy Vessels : ch. iii. 1-v. 1. 

CH. in. 1. And Solomon began to build the house of the LORD at Jerusalem on 
mount Moriah, which was shown to his father David, and which he had pre- 

2 pared in the place of David, in the floor of Oman the Jebusite. And he 
began to build in the second month, on the second 1 day in the fourth year ol 
his reign. 

3 And this is the foundation of Solomon, to build the house of God : the 
length after the former measure was sixty cubits, and the breadth twenty 

4 cubits. And the porch that was before the length, before the breadth of the 
house, was twenty cubits, and the height a hundred and twenty* 2 ; and b 

5 overlaid it within with pure gold. And the great house he lined with cypress, 

6 and overlaid it with fine gold, and made thereon palms and garjands- And 
he garnished the house with precious stones for beauty ; and the gold was 

CHAP. III.-V. 1. 169 

7 gold of Parvaim. And lie overlaid the house, the beams, the sills, and its 
walls and its doors, with gold, and graved cherubim on the walls. 

8 And he made the house of the most holy, that its length before the 
breadth of the house was twenty cubits, and its width twenty cubits; and 

9 overlaid it with fine gold, to six hundred talents. And the weight of the 
nails was fifty shekels of gold : and he overlaid the upper rooms with gold. 

10 And he made in the house of the most holy two cherubim of sculptured 

1 1 work, and overlaid them with gold. And the wings of the cherubim were 
twenty cubits long ; the wing of the one was five cubits, touching the wall of 
the house, and the other wing five cubits, touching the wing of the cf^er 

12 cherub. And the wing of the other cherub was five cubits, touching the wall 
of the house, and the other wing five cubits, joining the wing of the first 

13 cherub. The wings of these cherubim spread forth twenty cubits; and they 
stood on their feet, and their faces to the house. 

14 And he made the veil of blue, and purple, and crimson, and byssus, and 
raised cherubim thereon. 

1 5 And he made before the house two pillars of thirty and five 3 cubits height; 

16 and the capital that was on the top was five cubits. And he made chains in 
the ring, 4 and put them on the pillars ; and he made a hundred pomegranates, 

17 and put them on the chains. And he set up the pillars before the temple, 
one on the right and one on the left ; and he called the name of the right 
pillar Jachin, and the name of the left Boaz. 

CH. IV. 1. And he made an altar of brass, twenty cubits its length, and twenty 

2 cubits its breadth, and twenty cubits its height. And he made the sea 
molten ; ten cubits from brim to brim, round about, and five cubits its height; 

3 and a line of thirty cubits compassed it about. And figures of oxen 5 were 
under it, compassing it round about ; ten in a cubit, encircling the sea around : 

4 two rows the oxen formed, cast out of its mass. It stood upon twelve oxen, 
three looking northward, and three looking westward, and three looking 
southward, and three looking eastward ; and the sea was set on them above, 

5 and all their hinder parts were inwards. And its thickness was a hand- 
breadth, and its brim was wrought like the brim of a cup, as a lily blossom, 

6 holding in it (many) baths ; it contained three thousand. 6 And he made ten 
lavers, and put five on the right and five on the left, to wash in them ; the 
work of the burnt-offering they washed in them ; but the sea was for the 

7 priests to wash in. And he .made ten candlesticks of gold, after their plan, 

8 and set them in the temple, five on the right and five on the left. And he 
made ten tables, and placed them in the temple, five on the right, and five on 

9 the left : and he made basons of gold a hundred. And he made the court of 
the priests, and the great court, and doors for the court, and overlaid the 

10 door-leaves with brass. And he set the sea on the right side eastward, over 

against the south. 

11 And Huram made the pots, and the shovels, and the bowls : and Huram 7 
finished the work which he made for King Solomon in the house of God. 

12 The two pillars, and the balls, and the capitals on the top of the two pillars, 
and the two grates to cover the two balls of the capitals which were on the 

13 top of the pillars. And the four hundred pomegranates on the two grates; 
two rows of pomegranates on each grate, to cover the two balls of the capitals 

14 which were upon the two 8 pillars. And he made 9 stands, and he made lavers 
15, 16 upon the stands. One sea, and twelve oxen under it. And the pots, and 

the shovels, and the forks, 10 and all their vessels, made Huram his father for 

17 King Solomon, for the house of the LORD, of bright brass. In the plain of 
Jordan the king cast them, in the clay ground 11 between Succoth and Zere- 

18 dathah. And Solomon made all these vessels in great abundance ; for the 
weight of the brass was not found out. 

19 And Solomon made all the vessels that were for the house of God, the 

20 golden altar, and the tables with the shew-bread on them. And the candle 
sticks with their lamps, to burn after their rule before the oracle of costly 



21 gold. And the flowers, and the lamps, and the snuffers : this was the most 

22 perfect gold. 12 And the knives, and the bowls, and the censers, and the 
extinguishers of costly gold : and the door of the house, its inner leaves to 
the most holy place, and the door leaves of the house for the temple, of gold. 

CH. V. 1. Then was finished all the work that Solomon made for the house of the 
LORD : and Solomon brought in the holy gifts of David his father ; and the 
silver, and the gold, and all the instruments he put among the treasures of 
the house of God. 


i which the Sept. and Vulg. do not express, appears a gloss brought into the text by the repetition of the 

appears a defective reading, as the Sept. cod. AL, Syr., and Ar. have 20 for 120. Comp. the Exeg. 

3 According to the parallels 1 Kings vii. 15, 2 Kings xxv. 17, etc., instead of thirty-five (i"P) must apparently be 
read eighteen (IT). 

4 So according to the emendation of Berth.: YT")2 instead of the Masoretic TO IS (Sept. i* TU 5/3;, which 
yields no suitable sense. 

* DHp3 appears a slip of the pen for D\JJpB (I Kings vii. 24), as in 6, "lp3H for D^pSH- 

o For D^N n fe is to be read, according to 1 Kings vii. 26, D 3tf (2000) ; the T\vfc& before DMD^K 

Comp. 1 Kings vii. 43. 

seems to have come into the text from the fourfold T\V/}W in the verse before. 

7 The Kethib has here Hiram (Dl^H), the only time this reading occurs in Chronicles. 

8 For "OSTPy read <l pJ~7y, although pQ stands also in 1 Kings vii. 42 ; but see Sept. there. 

9 riC- J? seems wrongly written for 

, as the second time for 

10 n3?TE> is perhaps written wrongly for 
For \2yZl some prints give *3y2l 

, " sprinkling cups," ver. 11. Comp. 1 Kings vii. 44. 

2 The words SPIT 

NIPI are not represented in the Sept. 


PRELIMINARY REMARK. From the description 
of the building of the temple in 1 Kings vi. and 
vii., the present account is distinguished 1. By 
this, that in the introduction more precise state 
ments are made with respect to the plan of the 
building, but less precise with respect to the time 
when it began, than there (comp. ch. iii. 1, 2 
with 1 Kings vi. 1) ; 2. By this, that our author 
describes, in unbroken connection, first (ch. iii. 
3-17) the magnitude and arrangement of the 
edifice itself, then (ch. iv. 1-22) those of its 
several furnishings in the court and the sanc 
tuary, whereas in 1 Kings vi. and vii. this 
description meets with two considerable inter 
ruptions, inasmuch as a. an account of a divine 
promise given to the king during the building 
(ch. vi. 11-13), and b. a description of a palace- 
building of Solomon, partly concurrent with that 
of the temple (ch. vii. 1-11), are there inserted; 
3. By a somewhat different arrangement of the 
several objects enumerated and described in 1 
Kings ; 4. By the greater fulness and circum 
stantiality of the description, as contained in 
1 Kings (for example, with respect to the ten 
brazen stands, ch. vii. 27-38, which our author, 
iv. 14, only slightly mentions) ; and 5. By the 
here again remarkable excerpting habit of the 
Chronist. In the following exposition, only that 
which is peculiar to our author will be fully dis 
cussed ; but with regard to that which he has in 
common with 1 Kings, or which he, compared 
with the more ample details there, only briefly 
notices, reference will be made to the exposition 

of Bahr (Bibelw. vii. pp. 38-70), which is charac 
terized by solidity and scientific ability. 

1. Place and Time of building the Temple: 
ch. iii. 1, 2. And Solomon began . . . on mount 
Moriah. Only here is the site of the temple so 
named ; but the designation is no doubt identical 
with "the land of Moriah" (nniftH JHN, "land 

of the appearing of the Lord"), Gen. xxii. 2. The 
place of the celebrated sacrifice of Abraham was 
even that floor of Oman on which David pre 
sented his offering, and which he had conse 
quently chosen for the site of the temple, the hill 
lying north-east of Zion, which is now called "the 
Haram," after the holy mosque of the Mahomine- 
dans standing on it. Comp. Rosen, Das Haram, 
Gotha 1866, and the plan and description in Ph. 
Wolffs Jerusalem (3d edit. 1872), p. 89 if. Which 
was shown to his father David, as the future site 
of the temple; see 1 Chron. xxi. 15 ff. Against 
this most usual exposition it may certainly be ob 
jected (with Keil) that the Niphal n&m else 

where denotes, not "be shown," but "be seen, 
appear. " Yet the rendering of Keil: "where He 
(Jehovah) appeared to his father David" (so also 
the Sept.), has this defect, that the subject 

Jehovah has to be supplied, and that 
to be taken in the sense of QC ; 


a s elsewhere 

only in the phrase -|{jfc DlpT33 ( Ew - 331, c, 3) 

(and) which he had prepared in the place of David, 
which site he (Solomon) had prepared on the place 
fixed by David. So Berth., Kamph., etc., and in 

CHAP. III. 2-13. 


the main Luther, Starke, and other ancients (for 
example, Ram bach: quam domum prceparavit 
Saloino in loco Davidis). On the contrary, the 
Sept., Vulg., Syr., etc., translate as if D1pD2 
stood before ^n "|{^K, " in the place which 

David had prepared" (the building of the temple) ; 
and Keil, in accordance with his supplying of 
Jehovah as subject to nN~0, interprets: "who 

(David) had prepared the house, that is, the 
building of it, in the place appointed of David. " 
None of these expositions is quite satisfactory; 
whence it is natural to suppose some corruption 
of the text. Ver. 2, And he began to build in 
the second month, in the second. As ^$2 cannot 

well (eomp. Luther, etc.) signify " on the second 
day," for this would be expressed by 

r the like (with the cardinal number), 

it is strongly to be suspected that the word has 
come into the text by an error of transcription ; 
comp. Grit. Note. The second month is Ziph, 
corresponding nearly with our May (comp. 1 Kings 
vi. 37). hi the fourth ye<ir of his reign, that is, 
as Solomon reigned from 1015, about the year 
1012 B.C. (comp. Hitzig, Gesch. p. 10 f., whose 
chronological determinations otherwise contain 
much that is arbitrary ; among other things, the 
assumption that Solomon reigned from 1035 B.C., 
thus, on the whole, not forty but sixty years). 

2. The building of the Temple itself ; arid first, 
of the Porch and the Holy Place (or the Front 
and Middle Room): vers. 3-7. And this is the 
foundation of Solomon ; these are the fundamental 
proportions which he employed in building. The 
inf. Hoph. ID^II is use d substantively, as in 

Ezra iii. ] 1. The length after the former measure, 
the Mosaic or holy cubit, that, Ezek. xl. 5, xliii. 
13, was a handbreadth longer than the civic cubit 
of the later time, in and after the exile (comp. on 
1 Chron. xxii. 13 f.). Only the length and the 
width of the temple are here given, not its height, 
which was, 1 Kings vi. 2, thirty cubits. Ver. 4. 
And the porch, that was before the length, that 
extended in front of the oblong house as its en 
trance, before the breadth of the house, was 
twenty cubits, was measured in front of the width 
of the house, twenty cubits. That the breadth 
or depth of this porch was not twenty cubits, but 
only ten (1 Kings vi. 3), is not here said, but 
follows of necessity from the following statements 
concerning the size of the most holy place com 
pared with that of the holy place, which was twice 
as long (comp. ver. 3 with ver. 8). And the 
height a hundred and twenty. A certainly erro 
neous statement; a front building of 120 cubits 
height, before a house only thirty cubits high, 

could not be called D^N, hut would have been a 

tower" (Keil). Behind the present de 

fective reading is perhaps concealed the state 
ment that the breadth of the porch was ten 
cubits. Berth, and Kamph. wish to arrange the 
text after 1 Kings vi. 3 : " And the porch, which 
was before the house, its breadth was ten cubits 
before it, and the length, which was before the 
breadth of the house, was twenty cubits." But 
there are some objections to this emendation ; see 
Keil, p. 235 (Remark 1). Ver. 5. And the great 

house he lined with cypress. The holy place is called 
the great house, as forming the chief room of the 
whole house. " Line," flSH, coinciding essen 

tially with the foregoing piBV, "overlay," stands 

here twice, first of lining the stone witt wood, 
and then of overlaying or plating this wood with 
gold. Made then-on palms and garlands, applied 
to it ornaments of palms and garlands (according 
to 1 Kings vi. 18, in the form of bas-reliefs cut 
in the panels of the wall). DHfen = the fern. 

used in the same sense, 1 Kings vi. 29, 

35, figures of palms ; this masc. form occurs 
also Ezek. xli. 28. riVll2nE>, properly, chains of 

gold wire, see ver. 16 and Ex. xxviii. 14, but 
here ornaments wound like a chain on the gilded 
walls, representing garlands. Ver. 6. And he 
garnished the house with precious stones for 
beauty ; comp. 1 Chron. xxix. 2, and Bahr on 
1 Kings vi. 7. And the gold was gold of Par- 
vaim, from Parvaim, a country, as the etymon 
of the probable Indian name seems to indicate, 
situated in the east, but of unknown, and not to be 
determined, site. On its conjectured identity with 
Ophir, and the opinions regarding it, see the ex 
cursus after ch. viii. Ver. 7. And he overlaid the 
house, the beams, those of the ceiling, as those 
next named, the sills that are under the doors. 
Somewhat more precise than the present state 
ments concerning the internal decorations of the 
house (the holy place with its porch, which are 
here in question, as ver. 8 ff. show) are those 
contained in 1 Kings vi. 18, 29, 30. 

3. The Most Holy Place, with its Cherubic 
Figures and Veil: vers. 8-14. And he made the 
house of the most holy, that its length . . . twenty 
cubits. That, besides the length and breadth, the 
height also was the same, and thus its form was 
cubic, see 1 Kings vi. 20. Our author does not 
specially set forth this certainly symbolic circum 
stance ; on the contrary, his love of the orna 
mental and magnificent leads him to set forth 
another circumstance omitted in 1 Kings, that 
the weight of the gold plating for the inner wall 
of the most holy place was 600 talents. Ver. 9. 
And the weight of the nails, that served for fasten 
ing the gold plate on the wooden lining of the 
walls. And this statement concerning the weight 
of the nails being fifty shekels is peculiar to our 
author, and characteristic of him ; as also the 
following one in b, concerning the inner gilding 
of the upper chambers over the most holy place 
(comp. 1 Chron. xxviii. 11). Ver. 10. Two 
cherubim of sculptured work, literally, "a work 
of imagery. " D^WV, from the Arab, root zua, 

finxit, formavit, only here in the 0. T. Overlaid 
them with gold, a remark occurring also 1 Kings 
vi. 28, but there forming the end of tic descrip 
tion of the cherubim. Vers. 10-12. The descrip 
tion of the size and position of the four out 
spread wings, each five cubits long, is clumsy 
and circumstantial, after the Eastern fashion, but 
at the same time perfectly obvious and clear. 
The expressions for the mutual contact of the 
tips of the wings are y:jn and (once ver. 12) 

pST, properly ; cleave, adhcerere. Ver. 13. The 
wings of these cherubim spread forth twenty 
aabits, literally, "were spreading forth (effected 



an expansion of) twenty cubits ;" comp. on EH 2, 
1 Chron. xxviii. 18; 2 Chron. v. 8. Against 
Berth., who would expel ^33 out of the text ; 

see Keil on tin s passage. Stood on their feet, and 
their faces to the house, that is, to the holy place, 
not to one another, as the faces of the cherubs on 
the mercy-seat (Ex. xxv. 20). That they had in 
this upright position a height of ten cubits, the 
author of 1 Kings (vi. 26) affirms in his more 
exact statement of the proportions. Are we en 
titled to infer from the statement of our author 
the human form of the cherubim ? This appears 
at all events very probable; comp. Bahr on 1 
Kings vi. 23 if., and Riehm, "Die Cherubim in 
der Stiftshiitte und im Tempel," T/teol. Stud. 
und Krit. 1871, iii. p. 399 ff., where (as in the 
treatise De natura et notion* symbolica cheru- 
borum, 1864) this theologian certainly, for the 
oldest time, conceives the cherubim as theophanic 
storm-clouds, and represents them in the form of 
birds, but, for tht latter time (and certainly for 
that of Solomon), affirms a change of this prey- 
bird form to a winged human form. Similarly 
H. Schultz, Alttestamentl. Theol. i. 337 if., and 
Dillmann, Art. "Cherubim" in Schenkel s Bibel- 
Lex>kon. Ver. 14. And he made the veil of blue, 
and purple, etc., thus of the same four materials 
of which the veil in the tabernacle had been 
made, and interwoven with the same cherubic 
figures as it was ; see Ex. xxvi. 31. On this 
"l3i the inner veil between the holy and the 

most holy place, the older description of the 
temple in 1 Kings vi. 21 says nothing. 

4. The Two Pillars Jachin and Boaz: vers. 
15-17 ; comp. the much fuller description in 1 
Kings vii. 15-22, 41, 42 (also ch. iv. 12 f.). 
And he made before the house <in the porch) two 
pillar* of thirty and five cubits height; in 1 Kings, 
rather of eighteen cubits; see Grit. Note. And 
the capital that ivas on the top. Instead of the 
n, head-piece (from riDV, cover, overlay), the 

parallel 1 Kings vii. 16 gives the term rnri 3, 

"crown, pommel." Ver. 16. And he made chains 
in the ring, in the girdle-formed network encir 
cling the top of the pillars, that served for the 
fastening of the pomegranates, and is otherwise 
called n^3>, network, but here Tin, collar 

(comp. Gen. xli. 42; Ezek. xvi. 11); for 

is certainly to be read instead of T2 7 !, which 

gives no tolerable sense, and has drawn away the 
old translations to strange explanations (Vulg. : 
quasi catenu/as in oraculo ; Syr. and Arab.: 
"chains of fifty cubits length," that is, reaching 
from the most holy place to the pillars, etc. ) ; 
comp. the Crit. Note. Moreover, the term 

seems to be a synonym rather of the 

work, mentioned ch. iv. 12, 13, than of the 

ni?3i "balls, rolls," mentioned in the same place 

(against Keil). Made a hundred pomegranates, 
and put them on the chains, perhaps so "that 
there was an apple on every link of the chain-like 
ornament" (Berth.). The number 100, which is 
given als :> in Jer. Iii. 23, determines also merely 
the one of the two rows of pomegranates which 

hung on every ring or girdle of the network. 
That each of these bore 100 apples, and thus the 
sum total of all the apples on both pillars 
amounted to 400, is stated ch. iv. 13, in accord 
ance with 1 Kings vii. 42. On ver. 17, especially 
on the names Jachin and Boaz, see Banr on 1 
Kings vii. 21. 

5. The Holy Furniture of the Temple and its 
Court : ch. iv. 1-10. Ver. 1. The brazen altar. 
A nd he made an altar of brass, the altar of burnt- 
ottering. See more particularly concerning its 
construction, more exactly described in Ezek. xliii, 
13-17, and its probably terrace-like appearance, in 
Keil, Archceol. p. 127, with the plan, plate iii. 
fig. 2. That our verse has no parallel in 1 Kings 
vi. and vii. is perhaps only accidental, but may 
arise from this, that there only articles made by 
Huram (Hiram) are fully described, to which the 
altar of burnt-ottering did not belong. It is, 
moreover, only incidentally mentioned in 1 Kings, 
namely, in ch. viii. 22, 64, on occasion of the 
dedication of the temple, and again in ch. ix. 25. 
Vers. 2-5. The Brazen Sea ; comp. 1 Kings 
vii. 23-26 and the expositors thereon. A line of 
thirty cubits compassed it about, formed the mea 
sure of its circumference (the actual existence of 
such a line is not to be supposed). Ver. 3. And 
figures of oxen were under it, instead of which 
1 Kings vii. 24 has: "and coloeynths (or tlower 
buds, according to Bahr) were under the brim of 
it round about." Our Q npa therefore appears 

an error of transcription for D^VpQ, as in the 
second member I^n for Qin. Ver. 5. Hold 

ing in it. (many) baths ; it contained three thou 
sand. According to 1 Kings vii. 26, rather only 
2000, which number alone suits the size of the 
vessel as described in ver. 2 (comp. Crit. Note). 
Moreover, the ^3% " it contained," is by no 

means disturbing, as Berth, and Kampli. think, 
who condemn it as a gloss coming into the text 
from 1 Kings. The pleonastic phrase rather suits 
the effort of the author to represent the size of 
the vessel as very great ; and the construction is 
essentially the same as in the following verse. 
Ver. 6. The Ten Lavers, with the incidental 
Statement of the Use of the Brazen Sea. And he 
made ten lavers. Much more full is 1 Kings vii. 
27-38, where the stands bearing these lavers are 
described with special minuteness. To wash in 
them ; the work of the burnt-offering they washed 
in them, the flesh of the burnt-offerings to be 
burned on the altar. On IT"!!"!, scour, rinse, as a 

synonym of p-p, comp. Josh. iv. 4 ; Ezek. xL 

38. Ver. 7. The Golden Candlesticks in the Holy 
Place. The notice of these is wanting, as we 1 - as 
the following one referring to the ten tabl-bi. and 
the next^ref erring to the two courts, in the parallel 
text 1 Kings vii. 39, perhaps from a gap in the 
text. Yet incidental references to these objects 
are found there; see ch. vi. 36, vii. 12, 48, 49. 
After their plan, properly, according to their 
right, DD3K>D3, a reference to Ex. xxv. 31 if. 

Ver. 8. And he made ten tables, on -which to place 
the ten candlesticks, scarcely for the shew-bread, 
as seems to follow from ver. 19; see rather on this 
passage, as on 1 Chron. xxviii. 16 (against Light- 
foot), Starke, Bahr, Keil, etc. And he mad* 

CHAP. IV. 9-V. 1. 


basins of gold, bowls or tankards for pouring the 
libation; comp. Amos vi. 6; scarcely bowls for 
receiving the blood of the victim (as Berth. 
thinks). Ver. 9. And he made the courts of the 
prieMs, the smaller or inner court (1 Kings vi. 36, 
vii. 12), or also the upper court, as it is called, 
Jer. xxxvi. 10, on account of its greater elevation. 
And the great court, the outer (mTJ?fl con 

nected with ivn); comp. Ezek. xliii. 14 ff., xlv. 19, 
where it is distinguished as the "lower" or "new" 
court, from the inner or upper court of the priests. 
A more precise description of this outer court is 
wanting as well in 1 Kings vi. and vii. , where it 
is not even mentioned, as in our passage, where 
only its door leaves overlaid with brass are men 
tioned. Ver. 10. Addendum concerning the 
Position of the Brazen Sea ; comp. 1 Kings vii. 

6. The Brass Works of Huram : vers. 11-18. 
The list is opened with the "pots, shovels, and 
bowls," objects belonging to the furniture of the 
altar of burnt-ottering in the court, that belong 
properly to the foregoing section. Even so 
3 Kings vii. 40, where likewise witli "QSI in the 

middle of the verse we pass to all that was made 
by Huram. The pots, and the shovels, and the 
bowls. niTDH (for which 1 Kings vii. 40, defec 

tively: niT3i"l) are the pots for taking away the 
ashes ; D^ H, the shovels for removing the ashes 
from the altar ; rriplTSn (perhaps to be distin 
guished from Qijifl, the sprinkling - bowls or 

wine tankards in ver. 86), the bowls for receiving 
and sprinkling the blood. And Huram finished 
the work. Comp. from this to the end of the 
section the almost literally agreeing verses 1 
Kings vii. 406-47, and Bahr on the passage. For 
the partial deviations and errors in our text, see 
Crit. Note. Ver. 16. And all their vessels. 
Most recent expositors (also Keil) wish to read, 
after 1 Kings vii. 45: "all these vessels," -^3 DK 
rrWn D^Sn* because we cannot think in the 

V " T " - 

"vessels" of the vessels hitherto named. But 
might not the forms (models) be meant in which 
the various vessels were cast? The allusion to 
the foundries of the king in the next verse makes 

this very probable ; but the reading n^NH in 

1 Kings vii. 45 appears by no means absolutely 
settled. Made Huram his ather. For 

see on ch. ii. 12. Of bright brass, p:pE> 
accus. materice ; in 2 Kings the equivalent 

stands for this. Ver. 17. In the plain of 

Jordan (properly, in the circuit of Jordan) the king 
cast them, in the clay ground, properly, " in the 
densities of the ground," ni!D*"JJ<n *3]!3, (or, if the 


is to be preferred, sing. : in the den 

sity of the ground; iv TU */ rv; yvs, Sept.). 
According to theolder exegesis, the phrase denoted: 
in the clay ground, in argillosa terra (Vulg. ). 
The designation of the hard fonts for the casting, 

which Berth, thinks are mentioned here, should 
rather be the DHv3"v3 of ver. 16. Between 

Succoth and Zeredathah. In 1 Kings vii. 46 the 
name of the second place is Zarthan, which is onlj 
another form of Zeredathah ; comp. Jud~. vii. 22. 
Ver. 18. For the weight of the brass was not 
found out, or was not determined (Berth.); that 
is, there was so great a quantity, that, etc. (comp. 
ch. v. 6). 

7. Enumeration of the Golden Vessels of the 
Sanctuary, with the Close of the whole Account 
of the Building : ver. 19-ch. v. 1; comp. 1 Kings 
vii. 48-51, which section also deviates much in 
its first verses from the present one. And the 
tables with the shew-bread on them. Oi .ginally, 
perhaps, only an inexact expression (synecdoche), 
us in 1 Chron. xxviii. 16, this mention of the 

nfafvC has here certainly the appearance of a 

multiplicity of tables for the shew-bread. But 
1 Kings vii. 48 names quite distinctly only one 
table. Ver. 20. And the candlesticks . . . to burn 
after their rule (t2)tJ*I33, as ver. 7) before the 

oracle, the " debir," that is, the most holy place. 
The candlesticks had accordingly their place in 
the holy place immediately before the veil ; and 
so the altar of incense (comp. Heb. ix. 4). Ver. 
21. And the flowers, and the lamps. Comp. Bahr 
on 1 Kings vii. 49. This was the most perfect 

gold. QHT ni^DD} properly, " perfections of 

gold"; the elsewhere not occurring fli^DD (equi 
valent to f^OO, Ps. 1. 2, or f>i^3JO, Ezek. xxiii. 

T : : 

12) appears unintelligible to the Sept., and hence 
the whole clause is omitted. As it appears super 
fluous along with the costly gold at the close of 
the verse before, and is wanting in 1 Kings vii. 
49, it awakens critical suspicion. Ver. 22. And 
tliK knives, serving perhaps to clean the lamps 
(with the snuffers), but also for other purposes. 
Their place among the vessels of the temple is 
attested also by 2 Kings xii. 14; Jer. lii. 18. For 
the next named bowls see on ver. 11. The ni33 

(trays for the incense) and JlifinD (extinguishers) 

are also named 1 Kings vii. 50: on the contrary, 
the niiiSD (basons) named there first are wanting 

here. And the door of the house. JV3,n fiDD} 

appears to be a general collective phrase for the 
"opening, doorway, outlet of the house ;" for it 
includes two doors, that into the holy place, and 
that into the holy of holies. The parallel 1 Kings 

vii. 50: )V3n niflW? ninsm, leads to the con 

jecture that riDDl is perhaps an error for 
" and the hinges " (in which case also 
must be put for vninpl)- Ch. v. 1 agrees almost 
to the letter with 1 Kings vii. 51. The } before 
X is hest rendered by "namely"; comp. 

ch. iv. 19; less probable is the rendering: "as 
well the silver as also the gold " (Keil). Foi 
these gifts of David, see the account in 1 Chron. 
xviii. 10 f.; also 1 Chron. xxvi. 26 f., xxix. 3 ff. 


y. The Dedication of the Temple : ch. v. 2-vii. 10. 
1. Removal of the Ark from Zion to the Temple: ch. v. 2-14. 

2 Then Solomon assembled the elders of Israel, and all the heads of the tribes, 
the chiefs of the fathers of the sons of Israel, to Jerusalem, to bring up the ark 

3 of the covenant of the LORD from the city of David, which is Zion. And all 
the men of Israel assembled unto the king in the feast, which was the seventh 

4 month. And all the elders of Israel came ; and the Levites bore the ark. 

5 And they brought up the ark and the tent of meeting, and all the holy vessels 

6 that were in the tent ; the priests, the Levites, 1 brought them up. And king 
Solomon, and all the assembly of Israel that assembled with him before the ark, 
sacrificed sheep and oxen, that could not be told or numbered for multitude. 

7 And the priests brought the ark of the covenant of the LORD into its place, into 
the oracle of the house, the most holy place, under the wings of the cherubim. 

8 For the cherubim spread forth their wings over the place of the ark, and the 

9 cherubim covered the ark and its staves above. And they made the staves so 
long that the ends of the staves were seen from the ark, 2 before the oracle, but 

10 they were not seen without : and they were there unto this day. Nothing was in 
the ark save the two tables, which Moses put into it at Horeb, where the LORD 

11 made [a covenant] with the sons of Israel, when they came out of Egypt. And it 
came to pass, when the priests came out of the holy place for all the priests 

I *? that were present had sanctified themselves, without observing the courses. And 

the Levites, the singers all of them, Asaph, Heman, and Jeduthun, and their 
sons and brethren, arrayed in byssus, with cymbals, and psalteries, and harps, 
stood at the east of the altar, and with them a hundred and twenty priests 

13 sounding with trumpets. 3 And the trumpeters and singers were as one [man] to 
sound aloud with one voice to praise and thank the LORD, and when they lifted 
up the voice with trumpets, and cymbals, and instruments of song, and with 
praising the LORD : For He is good ; for His mercy endureth for ever : then the 

14 house was filled with the cloud of the house of the LORD. And the priests 
could not stand to minister before the cloud ; for tb glory of the LORD filled the 
house of God. 

2. Solomon praises the Lord on his Entrance into the new Temple : ch. vi. 1-11. 

CH. vi. 1. Then said Solomon, The LORD hath said that He would dwell in dark- 
2 ness. And I, even I, have built a house of abiding for Thee, and a place for Thy 
dwelling for ever. 

And the king turned his face, and blessed the whole congregation of Israel : 

4 and all the congregation of Israel stood. And he said, Blessed be the LORD 
God of Israel, who hath spoken with His mouth to David my father, and by His 

5 hands hath fulfilled it, saying, From the day that I brought my people out of 
the land of Egypt, I chose no city among all the tribes of Israel to build a 
house, that my name might be there ; and I chose no man to be ruler over my 

6 people Israel. And I chose Jerusalem, that my name might be there ; and I 

7 chose David to be over my people Israel. And it was in the heart of David my 

8 father to build a house to the name of the LORD God of Israel. And the LORD 
said to David my father, Because it was in thy heart to build a house to my 

9 name, thou hast done well that it was in thy heart. But thou shalt not build 
the house ; but thy son, that cometh forth out of thy loins, he shall build to my 

1 name. And the LORD hath established His word that He hath spoken ; and I 
am risen up instead of David my father, and am set on the throne of Israel, as 
the LORD hath spoken ; and I have built the house to the name of the LORD God 

II of Israel. And there I have put the ark, wherein is the covenant of the Lord 
that He made with the children of Israel. 

3. Solomon s Prayer of Dedication : ch. vi. 12-42. 
i 2 Ana ne stood beiore the altar of the LORD, before all the congregation of 

CHAP. V. 2-VII. 10. 175 

13 Israel, and spread forth his hands. For Solomon had made a scaffold of brass, 
and set it in the midst of the [outer] court ; its length was five cubits, its breadth 
five cubits, and its height three cubits ; and he stood upon it, and kneeled down 
on his knees before all the congregation of Israel, and spread forth his hands 

14 towards heaven, And said, LORD God of Israel, there is no God like Thee in 
the heaven nor in the earth, who keepest the covenant and the mercy unto Thy 

15 servants that walk before Thee with all their heart. Who hast kept with Thy 
servant David that which Thou hast spoken to him ; and Thou speakest with Thy 

16 mouth, and hast fulfilled it with Thy hand, as it is this day. And now, LORD 
God of Israel, keep with Thy servant David my father that which Thou hast 
spoken to him, saying, There shall not be cut off from thee a man in my sight to 
sit upon the throne of Israel, only if thy sons take heed to their way to walk in 

1 7 my law, as thou hast walked before me. And now, LORD God of Israel, let Thy 

18 word be verified which Thou hast spoken unto Thy servant David. But will 
God in truth dwell with men on the earth ? Behold, heaven, and the heaven of 

19 heavens, cannot contain Thee; how much less this house which I have built ! But 
have respect unto the prayer of Thy servant, and to his supplication, LORD my 
God, to hearken unto the cry and the prayer which Thy servant prayeth before 

20 Thee. That Thine eyes may be open upon this house day and night, to the 
place where Thou hast said that Thou wilt put Thy name ; to hearken unto the 

21 prayer which Thy servant prayeth in this place. And hearken unto the suppli 
cation of Thy servant and of Thy people Israel, which they shall make in this 
place, and hear Thou from Thy dwelling-place, from heaven ; yea, hear, and for- 

22 give. If a man sin against his neighbours, and he lay on him an oath to make 

23 him swear, and he enter into an oath before Thine altar in this house : Then 
hear Thou from heaven, and do, and judge Thy servants, to requite the wicked, 
and bring his way upon his own head ; and to justify the righteous, and give him 

24 according to his righteousness. And if Thy people Israel be smitten before the 
enemy, because they have sinned against Thee, and shall return and confess Thy 

25 name, and pray and entreat before Thee in this house : Then hear Thou from 
heaven, and forgive the sin of Thy people Israel, and bring them again unto the 

26 land which Thou gavest to them and to their fathers. When the heaven is shut 
up, and there is no rain, because they have sinned against Thee, and they pray in 
this place, and confess Thy name, and turn from their sin, because Thou dost 

27 humble them: Then hear Thou from heaven, and forgive the sin of Thy servants 
and of Thy people Israel, because Thou teachest them the good way in which 
they should walk, and send rain upon the land which Thou hast given unto Thy 

28 people for an inheritance. If there be dearth in the land, if there he pestilence, 
blasting, or mildew, locust or waster ; if their enemies besiege them in the land 

29 of their gates ; if there be any plague or sickness. Every prayer, every suppli 
cation that shall be made by any man or by all Thy people Israel, when they 
shall know every man his own plague and his own pain, and shall spread his 

30 hands to this house : Then hear Thou from heaven, Thy dwelling-place, and 
forgive, and render unto every man according to all his ways, as Thou knowest 

31 his heart ; for Thou alone knowest the heart of the sons of man. That they 
may fear Thee to walk in Thy ways, all the days that they live on the ground 

32 which Thou gavest to our fathers. And also to the stranger, who is not of Thy 
people Israel, but cometh from a far country for sake of Thy great name and 
Thy mighty hand, and Thy outstretched arm ; if they come and pray towards 

33 this house : Then hear Thou 4 from the heaven, from Thy dwelling-place, and do 
all that the stranger calleth to Thee for, that all peoples of the earth may know Thy 
name, and fear Thee as Thy people Israel, and may know that Thy name is called 

34 upon this house which I have built. If Thy people go out to war against their 
enemies in the way that Thou shalt send them, and they pray unto Thee toward 
this city which Thou hast chosen, and the house which I have built to Thy name : 

35 Then hear Thou from the heaven their prayer and their supplication, and main- 

36 tain their right. If they sin against Thee, for there is no man that sinneth not, 
and Thou be angry with them, and give them up before their enemies, and their 



37 captors take them to a far or near land. And they turn their heart in the land 
in which they are captive, and turn and pray unto Thee in the land of theii 

38 captivity, saying, We have sinned, we have been wrong and wicked. And 
they return to Thee with all their heart, and with all their soul, in the land of 
their captivity, whither they have taken them, and pray toward the land which 
Thou gavest to their fathers, and the city which Thou hast chosen, and toward 

39 the house which I have built to Thy name : Then hear Thou from the heaven, 
from Thy dwelling-place, their prayer and their supplication, and maintain their 

40 right, and forgive Thy people who have sinned against Thee. Now, my God, 
let Thine eyes now be open, and Thine ears attent unto the prayer of this place. 

41 And now arise, LORD God, unto Thy rest, Thou and the ark of Thy strength : 
let Thy priests, LORD God, be clothed with salvation, and let Thy saints be 

42 glad for the good. LORD God, turn not away the face of Thy anointed ; re 
member the mercies of David Thy servant. 

4. The Divine Confirmation of the Dedication of the Temple : ch. vii. 1-10. 

CH. vii. 1. And when Solomon had ended [ins] prayer, the fire came down from 
heaven and consumed the burnt-offering and the sacrifices ; and the glory of the 

2 LORD filled the house. And the priests could not enter the house of the LORD, 

3 because the glory of the LORD filled the house of the LORD. And all the sons 
of Israel saw the fire come down, and the glory of the LORD upon the house, and 
they bowed down their faces to the ground on the pavement, and worshipped and 

4 praised the LORD ; for He is good ; for His mercy endureth for ever. And the 

5 king and all the people offered sacrifices before the LORD. And king Solomon 
offered a sacrifice of twenty and two thousand oxen, and a hundred and twenty 
thousand sheep : and the king and all the people dedicated the house of God. 

6 And the priests stood at their posts, and the Levites with instruments of song of 
the LORD, which David the king had made, to thank the LORD, that His mercy 
endureth for ever, when David praised by their hand ; and the priests blew the 

7 trumpets 5 before them, and all Israel stood. And Solomon hallowed the middle 
of the court that was before the house of the LORD ; for there he offered the 
burnt-offerings and the fat of the peace-offerings : because the brazen altar which 
Solomon had made was not able to receive the burnt-offerings, and the meat- 

8 offerings, and the fat. And Solomon kept the feast at that time seven days, and 
all Israel with him, a very great congregation, from Hamath to the river of 

9 Egypt. And they made on the eighth day a solemn assembly ; for they kept the 
iO dedication of the altar seven days, and the feast seven days. And in the twenty 

and third day of the seventh month he sent aw r ay the people to their tents, glad 
and merry in heart for the goodness that the LORD had shown to David, and to 
Solomon, and to Israel his people. 

1 Before D s };Tt is to be supplied "1, according to 1 Kings viii. 4. 

2 fi")Xn~j?p appc-irs to be an error of transcription for ^ *l(5n~J?p. 

8 Kethib: D H^TIS , Keri: D HVTO | so ver. 13 and ch. vii. 6. Comp. Exeg. Expl. on 1 Chron. xv. 24. 
4 nntO, supported by all the witnesses, Bertheau, without reason, changes into ilDX (after 1 Kings viii. 43). 
s above, ch. v 12, 13. 



PRELIMINARY REMARK. The first three sec 
tions or acts of this account agree with the 
parallel 1 Kings viii., mostly to the letter ; only 
a notice referring to the part of the priests, 
Levites, and singers in the solemnity in vi. 11-13 
is peculiar to our author. In the fourth section 
(vii. 1-10) is found the more considerable devia 
tion, that instead of the blessing pronounced by 
Solomon on the community of Israel (1 Kings 
Viii. 54-61), the consuming of the offerings by 

fire from heaven is narrated (vii. 1-3 ; comp. the 
similar account in the history of the census and 
the plague, 1 Chron. xxi. 26 f. ). 

1. Removal of the Ark from Zion to the 
Temple : ch. v. 2-14 ; comp. 1 Kings viii. 1-11 
(and thereon, Bahr, Bibelw. vii. 72 if.). Ver. 3. 
In the feast, which was the seventh month. Accord 
ing to 1 Kings, the statement : "in thf month 
Ethanim," appears to have fallen oui i-efore 
these words, though also Hnn might be 

mistake for nh3, "in the seventh rronti "- 

CHAP. V. 5-VI. 42. 


Ver. 5. The supplement of a i between 

and 2*l>n(*ie Grit. Note) seems indispensable ; 
for even if Levitical priests bore the ark and 
the holy vessels of the tabernacle into the temple, 
yet it is certain that the tabernacle itself (its 
boards, curtains, and coverings) was not con 
veyed by the priests, but only by the Levites, 
into the temple to be preserved as sacred relics. 
The copula ^ is perhaps left out only by a copyist, 
who thought of D^n Derail, Josh. iii. 3 ; Deut. 
xvii. 9, 18 " (Keil). Ver. 10. The two tables 
which Moses put into it at Horeb, properly, 
"gave," frU, as Ex. xl. 20. More clear and full 

is the parallel text 1 Kings viii. 9 : |-|V)n "^N 
*DB> "which he had put there." Ver. 11. For 

all the priests that were present had sanctified 
themselves. These words begin the longer 
parenthesis inserted by the Chronist in the 
statement, 1 Kings viii. 10, concerning the 
priests, Levites, and singers, which extends to 
ver. 136. "That were present," literally, "that 
were found" ; comp. 1 Chron. xxix. 17 ; Ezra 
viii. 25. Without observing the courses ; that is, 
on account of the greatness of the solemnity, and 
the multitude of persons required, the series of 
exchanging courses of the priests (1 Chron. xxiv. ) 
could not be observed ; all the courses must 
together sanctify themselves and co-operate. For 
the construction ~\iftvfo ptf, comp. 1 Chron. 

xxiii. 26 ; Ew. 321, b. Ver. 12. All of them, 
Asaph, etc., properly, "as to all, Asaph," etc. ; 

the introductory ), as 1 Chron. v. 25 (see on 

this passage). Sounding with trumpets. For 
D"nVnD, see on 1 Chron. xv. 24 ; comp. also 

the remarks on the temple musicians and their 
instruments, 1 Chron. xv. 17-28. Ver. 13. And 
the trumpeters and singers were as one man, 
literally, "and it came to pass as one concern 

ing the trumpeters and singers (^>, as before), that 
they sounded loud with one voice." For the 
construction JTE^r6 rvn, comp. Ew. 237, and 
on the import of jj DETl, 1 Chron. xv. 16. The 

. : - 

iriN ?ip, "with one voice," is properly redundant, 

T V 

but is added to the yJOK> np to strengthen the 
notion already lying in IflN, "one" of the 

unisono of the trumpet sound, and the singing of 
the many voices. When they lifted up the voice, 
literally, "and as the lifting of the voice"; 
comp. Ezra iii. 12, ix. 1. The words connect 
again with ver. 11 a, and so prepare for the con 
clusion, which, however, is formed by the last 
words of the verse : Then the house was filled 
with the cloud of the house of the Lord, the well- 
known light-cloud (shechinah) dwelling in the 
tabernacle since the time of Moses, the manifesta 
tion of the gracious presence of God in His cove 
nant sanctuary. For ver. 14, comp. 1 Kings viii. 
11, and Bahr thereon. 

2. Solomon praises the Lord on his Entrance 
into the new temple : ch. vi. 1-11 ; agreeing 
almost literally with 1 Kings viii. 12-21. We 
notice some of the never very important devia 
tions of our text. On ver. 1, comp. Lev. xvi. 1. 

Ver. 2. And I, even I, have built, etc. Instead 
f TT03 "ONI, w ^h its emphatic accentuation of 

the subject, l Kings viii. 13 gives *JTJ3 n 33, 


"I have surely built," etc. Ver. 4. Blessed be 
the Lord . . . who hath spoken with His mouth.. 
etc., a reference to 1 Chron. xi. 2, which promise 
is here repeated with great fulness, resting indeed* 
on the words of Nathan contained in 1 Chrom 
xvii. 414, to which allusion is made, especially 
from ver. 8. Ver. 5. From the day that I 
brought my people, etc. From this to ver. 7, 
the speech of Solomon, compared with 1 Kings 
viii. 16 f., appears enlarged, especially by the 
sentences there wanting, ver. 56: "and I chose 
no man to be ruler," etc., and ver. 6a: "and I 
chose Jerusalem." Ver. 11. And there I have 
put the ark. Somewhat otherwise 1 Kings viii. 
21 : "And I have set there a place for the ark." 
for the simple j 

3. Solomon s Prayer of Consecration: vers.. 
12-42 ; except the introduction, ver. 13, and 
the close, vers. 40-42, very closely agreeing withi 
1 Kings viii. 22-53. Ver. 13. For Solomon had 
made a scaffold of brass. This whole parenthesis, . 
with the notice concerning the brazen scaffold.; 
(properly, "basin," 1^3, pot-shaped elevation,. 

platform ; comp. Neh. ix. 4) in the court, is- 
w r anting in 1 Kings ; whether omitted by an old 
error of the transcriber, as Then, and Berth.. 
think, must remain doubtful. Ver. 21. And 
hear Thou from Thy dwelling-place, from heaven^. 
for which 1 Kings viii. 30 :" hear to Thy dwelling- 
place, to heaven," perhaps by a mistake in copy 
ing. Ver. 33. Then hear Thou, literally, "and 
Thou hear"; the 1 before fifiX, introducing the 

conclusion, is wanting in 1 Kings viii. 43, for 
which reason Berth, would here also exclude it 
from the text, contrary to all the MSS. Vers. 40-42 
form a close of the speech of Solomon, deviating 
greatly from 1 Kings viii. 50-53. Of the allusion 
there to the deliverance of Israel, as the heritage 
of the Lord, from the iron furnace of Egypt, and 
of the promises given by Moses (vers. 51, 53),. 
there is here nothing. On the contrary, the 
petition there : "Let Thine eyes be open," etc. 
(ver. 52), is here notably enlarged and strength 
ened by the important summons: "Now, arise 
. . . unto Thy rest, Thou and the ark of Thy 
strength." This summons to the solemn and 
formal taking possession of the temple, to which 
the following narrative of the fire coming down 
on the sacrifice corresponds, is justly declared by 
Thenius to be original, and defended against the 
assumption that it is an arbitrary addition made 
by the Chronist (Berth., etc.) ; for, in consequence 
of the absence of this summons to take possession; 
of the sanctuary, the point of the whole prayer 
is wanting in 1 Kings viii., and the suspicion is 
raised that there some lines have fallen: out at the 
end. Yet, in respect of form, our author, in his 
rendering of the close of the prayer, might have 
rested partly on other old documents, particularly 
on Ps. cxxxii. 8-10, a passage which coincides 
almost verbally with vers. 41, 42 (but possibly 
also the Psalmist might have borrowed from the 
original edition of Solomon s prayer, correctly 
retained in our passage), and on Isa. Iv. 3, where 
"the mercies of David" occur, coinciding ver 
bally with our passage (ver. 426), and intended,. 



indeed, in the same sense (denoting the Lord s 
memful dealings with David, not David s pious 
deeds, as Keil thinks) ; comp. also Ps. Ixxxix. 
50. And now arise, Lord God, to Thy rest, 
enter now the rest to which the throne of Thy 
glory has attained. mj for niTCD. on ty else 
where in Esth. ix. 16-18, and there in the form 
nii ; comp. also Num. x. 36 : nfTOH, as there is 

here a significant accord with the words of Moses 
referring to the setting out and resting of the ark 
in the wilderness. And let Thy saints be glad for 
the </ood (21123, as Jb xx. 18 ; Ps. civ. 28). 

The parallel Ps. cxxxii. 9 has here more briefly : 
" and let Thy saints shout for joy " 003T for 

31 131 ^TOb^)- V ei> - 42. Turn not away the 

face of Thine anointed, refuse not his prayer ; 
comp. 1 Kings ii. 16. For the "mercies of 
David," see above. 

4. The Divine Confirmation of the Dedication 
of the Temple: ch. vii. 1-10. The first part of 
this section, vers. 1-3, is wanting in ] Kings viii. ; 
the second, except ver. 6, which is there wanting, 
agrees almost verbally with 1 Kings viii. 62-66. 
And when Solomon . . . tliefire came down from 
heaven. Both this account of the descent of a 
miraculous fire from heaven consuming the sacri 
fice, and that of the filling of the house with the 
glory of the Lord, along with the adoring worship 
of tlie whole community before God wonderfully 
manifesting Himself, are peculiar to the Chronist. 
In 1 Kings viii. 54-61, instead of this is found an 
address of Solomon to the assembly, with the ex 
pression of thanks to God for His goodness to 
Israel, and the petition for the further manifesta 
tion of His mercy and grace. The difference, 
that our author relates something miraculous on 
which the books of Kings are silent, is similar to 
that in the history of the census and the pesti 
lence, 1 Chron. xxi. 26. Yet the earlier account of 
the miraculous rilling of the house with the glory 
of God (v. 11-14^ is also found in the author of 
1 Kings viii. 10. Thus both narratives agree in 
attesting a miraculous appearance at the temple 
dedication ; but that of the older writer places 
this wonder before the prayer of Solomon, without 
placing a second miracle at the end of this prayer, 
whereas the Chronist reports a twofold coming of 
glory of the Lord, the first before the prayer, the 
second after it, and connected with the consuming 
of the offering by heavenly fire (or, as it may be 
supposed, with Keil, consisting in this operation 
of lire). Arbitrary reduplication of the miracle 
that had already taken place according to the 
oldest record and shaping of the supposed second 
wonder according to the model from the Mosaic 
time, Lev. ix. 23 f., are charged by modern 
criticism (Then., Berth., Kamph., etc.) against 
the Chronist or the younger narrative adopted by 
him. But it may at least be assumed that the 
tendency of the Chronist to the history of worship 
was the occasion of his mentioning the second 
wonder, whereas the author of the books of Kings, 
in accordance with his attention to the history of 
the kingdom, took less interest in this. It was 
scarcely abhorrence of the miraculous, or preference 
of the natural and conceivable, on the part of the 
latter, that led him to avoid the account of the 
miraculous consuming of the offering ; comp. his 
account of the corresponding wonder in the history 

of Elijah (I Kings xviii.), on which our author io 
silent- on other grounds ; and see, moreorei, 
Evangelical and Ethical Keflections after ch. ix., 
No. 3. And consumed the burnt-offering and the 
sacrifices, the offerings mentioned ch. v. 6, which 
the king and the people had slain at the entrance 
of the ark in the temple, and which were slain 
during the prayer of dedication, but not yet 
burnt, partly on the altar of burnt-offering, partly 
on other altars erected specially for them in the 
inner courts (ver. 7). Ver. 3. And all the sons of 
Israel saw the Jire come down. So also in the 
original fact of the Mosaic history, Lev. ix. 2t. 
And they bowed down . . . on the pavement. For 
this pavement (HDVl) or flooring in the court, 
that we may not certainly conceive to be mosaic 
work of ornamental variegated stone, as in the 
Persian citadel at Susa, Esth. i. 6, comp. Ezek. 
xl. 17, 18. Vers. 4-10. The solemnities of sacri 
fice and festival, even to the addition concerning 
the musical part in ver. 6, are described in exact 
accordance with 1 Kings viii. 62 ft ., even with 
regard to the number of the victims offered. For 
these great but not incredibly great numbers 
(22,000 oxen and 120,000 sheep), comp. partly 
the remarks on the great feast at Hebron, 1 Chron. 
xii. 39, partly the notice justly quoted by Berth. 
from Josephus, De bello Jud. vi. 9. 3, according to 
which, even in the Roman times, within a few 
hours, 256,500 passover lambs were slain at Jeru 
salem. These colossal offerings and festivals 
exceed our conception quite as much as the num 
bers attesting the magnitude of the present steam 
or railway trade, or of the modern warfare, tran 
scend the imagination of the ancients.- -Ver. 6. 
And the priests stood at their posts, literally, 
"watches"; comp. ch. viii. 14, xxxv. 2; the 
Vulg. rightly in substance : in ojficiis siiis ; to 
suppose a standing of the priests acco) ling to 
their divisions (Berth.) is unnecessary. When 
David praised by their hand, that is, txecuting 
the song of praise arranged by David, so that he, 
as it were, praised God by their musical perform 
ance. The Vulg. translate in substance correctly, 
but somewhat freely: hymnos David canentes per 
manus suas (similarly the Sept.). On the whole 
verse, comp. the similar but somewhat more 
diffuse notice of the co-operation of the priests 
and Levites in the solemnity, ch. v. 11-13. 
Ver. 7. And Solomon hallowed the middle of the 
court, " the court immediately before the temple 
forming the middle of the sacred square" (Then.). 
This whole inner space had Solomon formed as it 
were into a great altar of sacrifice, on account of 
the multitude of offerings to be presented. The 
notice is plainly supplementary, on which account 
(with the 1 relat. of mere seque