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"We lead ail nations in Agriculture, we lead
all nations in Mining, and we lead all nations in
Manufacturing. These are the trophies which
we bring after twenty-nine years of a Protective
Tariff. Can any other system furnish such evi-
dence of prosperity? There is no country in the
world where individual enterprise has such wide
and varied range and where the inventive genius
of man has such encouragement."
— WM. Mckinley, Jr.
The
Republican Campaign
Text-Book
For 1892.
Protection, Reciprocity,
AND
Dollars of Equal Value.
Voters' Library, Vot III, ITo. 1. Published Tri-Weekly by
September 19th. 1892. * i' Franklin Pi/bushing Co., New Yokk.
A 1 c u • 7 ^.^ Entered at Post Office, N. Y.
Annual Subscription, $5.(X)l as second class matter.
ISSUED BY THE
REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE,
New York,
1892.
PRICE 25 CENTS.
Pre«8 of BRODIX PUB. CO., New York and Wa«hin«ton,
^^'^^■
352
PRESIDENT HARRISON.
Just the Kind of an American Whom
Americans Love to Honor.
A SKETCH OF HIS LIFE AND RECORD,
Soldier and Statesman.
Benjamin Harrison, twenty-third President of the United
States, was born in North Bend, Oliio, August 20, 1833.
His father, John Scott Harrison, was twice elected to Con-
gress; his grandfather, William Henry Harrison, the hero
of Tippecanoe, was the ninth President of the United
States, and Benjamin Harrison, his great-graudfatlier, a
signer of the Declaration of Independence, was four
limes Member of Congress, and three times Governor
of Virginia; all were "men of rugged character, plain
and unpretending. Like the boyhood of Lincoln
and Grant, tlie early years of Benjamin Harrison
were spent in a coimtry home, in a section
where schools were few. But the lessons learned by the
President in his youth were more needful, perhaps, to the
full development of his character than the study of books
- -the lessons of industry and thrift. In this school of ex-
perience he acquired that love of and capacity for hard,
earnest work which leads him now to attend to his own
correspondence rather than use a stenographer.
John Scott Harrison, the President's fatlier, was never
a politician. Public honors he did not care for. He
found in the homely tasks of the farm his life work, and
in laboring to give his children a good education his high-
est duty. Benjamin took a serious interest in the farm
work. His tasks were similar to those of the farmer
boy of to-day. He worked in the fields, helped at harvest
time, and it is said that the tallow dips which liglited up
the big " family room" at the evening gatherings were
made by him.
The Harrison home was hallowed by the presence of a
Christian mother. Mrs. Harrison was a woman of much
gentleness, strength and earnestness. Her spirit per-
vaded the place, and its influence, exerted more through
example than admonition, instilled in her boys traits
which made the possessors of them upright men and good
citizens.
Harrison at School.
Amidst such environments President Harrison passed
his childhood. The countiy surrounding the farm was
sparsely settled. It offered none of the advantages
23,3978
for education that the father was so anxious his children
should enjoy, so he engaged private teachers and opened
a school in a log cabin not far from the farm. In this rough
building Benjamin's school life began. The masters had
but few facilities for teaching. Books were scarce and
costly. The school-house was meanly furnished, tlie
windows were small and few, cracks and openings in
roof and sides let in wind and rain, and the seats were
made of slabs without backs. The future President was
an apt pupil. He soon outgrew his teacher's ability to
give him further instruction. At the age of fourteen he
was sent to Farmer's College, at College Hill, near Cin-
cinnati. Here he began the study of the dead languages
and acquired a love for literature that he still cherishes.
In the fall of 1850 he entered the junior class at Miami
University, where he was graduated, in 1852, fourth in a
class of sixteen. While at the university he first dis-
played that remarkable talent for extempore speaking
which he has so often exhibited to the admiration of the
public since he became Chief Magistrate.
Early an Orator.
In 1853 he married Miss Caroline Scott, a daughter of
Dr. John W. Scott, principal of a young ladies' seminary
at Oxford, Ohio.
President Harrison's earliest inclinations with regard to
a profession were towards the law, and after leaving
Miami he began to study in Cincinnati in the office of
Stover & Gwynne. His practice began in Indianapolis,
where he settled in 1854. He formed a copartnership
with Mr. William Wallace, and of his abilities as a lawyer
Mr. Wallace says: "He very soon displayed his admi-
rable qualities. He was quick of apprehension, clear,
methodical and logical in his analysis and statement of
a case. He possessed a natural faculty for getting the
exact truth out of a witness. In this he has few equals
anywhere in the profession ; ♦ ♦ * and when occa-
sion demanded he showed the rarest powers of the genuine
orator."
First Successes at the Bar.
At this time the President was twenty-one years of age.
He was poor. It was a hard struggle for daily bread.
He even did the work around the house for a long time
that he might not exceed in expenditure his income.
His noble wife cheerfully shared with him the burden.
The story is told how he first came into prominence as a
lawyer. He had been engaged as counsel in an important
suit. When the time came for him to make his argument
he was much disconcerted to find the room too dark for
him to read from the copious notes he had taken of the
evidence. In desperation he 1 ng the notes aside and
began to speak. He found his memory perfect and him-
self at ease. His argument was unanswerable, and
the cause was won. He soon became recognized as one
of the ablest, as well as the most painstaking, members
of the Indiana bar. His partnership with Mr, Wallace
ended with his election, in 1860, as Reporter of the
Supreme Court, a position to which he was re-elected in
1864.
He Goes to the War Like a Man.
President Harrison began to take an active part in poli-
tics so early as 185(3. In the first Lincoln campaign he
came into notice as a political speaker. In the great de-
bates of 1860 he was at one time pitted against Thomas
A. Hendricks. Mr. Hendricks sized up his yonthful
opponent as one unworthy of his oratory, a person
to be crushed with a word and a gesture. It
did not take him long to find out his mistake. The
young Republican got clearly the better of him. He
never afterwards questioned Benjamin Harrison's powers
as a debater.
At a time during the Civil War when it looked dark for
the Union, Governor Morton urged Harrison to assist in
raising troops, saying that, as Harrison had just been
elected Reporter of the Supreme Cou'-t. he would find
some one else to take command. The President's reply
shows the splendid character of the man : •' If I make
speeches aiid ask men to go, I purpose to go with them."
"Very well," the Governor said; "if you want to go,
you can command the regiment." "I do not know that
I want to command the regiment," responded Mr. Harri-
son; " so, if you can find some suitable person of experi-
ence in such matters, I am not at all anxious to take
command.
A Beave and Successful Soldier.
He raised the regiment, and, as its Colonel, went with
it into camp at Bowling Green, Ky. Colonel Harrison
was a disciplinarian, yet he required of his men no hard-
ship he was not willing to share with them. Although,
at first, there was some grumbling over the hard duties of
army life, yet finally the regiment took as much pride
and interest in the thorough drill to which they were
subjected as the Colonel himself. In its moral as-
pects he attempted to make the camp a counterpart of
home. Though strict. Colonel Harrison was never harsh.
His men loved and honored him. His sympathy with the
sick and dying was deep and sincere. He was courageous.
No danger made him flinch. His regiment shared his
courage and made for itself a lasting fame. As a part of
the Twentieth Army Corps it fought in Sherman's victori-
ous campaign against General Joseph Johnstone.
During this campaign Colonel Harrison frequently dis-
tinguished himself by his quick, courageous action.
At Peach Tree Creek, Georgia, July 20, 1864, he
saved the day. General Hooker, in a report recom-
mending Colonel Harrison for promotion, said :
"My attention was first attracted to this young oflScer by
the superior excellence of his brigade in discipline and
instruction, the result of his labor, skill and devotion. In
all the achievements of the Twentieth Corps in that cam-
paign Colonel Harrison bore a conspicuous part. At
Resacca and Peach Tree Creek the conduct of himself and
command was especially distinguished."
He shared in the Battle of Nashville as commander of a
temporary brigade. In June, 1865, he received his dis-
charge, after having been breveted Brigadier-General.
3
Elected as Membek of the Senate.
Home again, he entered with renewed zest upon the
practice of his profession, taking, also, an active part in
politics. He has been engaged in many noted causes,
in one of which— the action against the Order of the
Sons of Liberty— the opposing counsel was his old an-
tagonist, Mr. Hendricks. In 1876 President Harrison was
nominated for Governor. He was defeated, but ran 2,000
ahead of his ticket. His election to the United States
Senate, in 1881, was as much a spontaneous tribute to the
worth of the man as an acknowledgment of his ability.
He was offered, but declined, a place in President Gar-
field's Cabinet. Of his career in the Senate and his dis-
tinguished services all know. His speeches on the questions
of the times were splendid efforts of thought and logic,
and were listened to with care and attention. His views
oa every question were clearly defined.
His Career as Chief Magistrate.
In 1888 Mr. Harrison was elected President of the
United States, having in the Electoral College sixty-five
votes over Mr. Cleveland, the Democratic nominee. In
the administration of the affairs of office President Harri-
son has shown a marvelous capacity for work. He
does his own writing, not liking dictation to sten-
ographers. The import of the grave questions of
the day he seems to grasp intuitivel3^ Upon
the tariff, financial and other great issues, he never speaks
in vague or doubtful phrases. His messages to Congress
are penned with no lagging hand. In our relations with
foreign Governments, where the honor of the nation has
been affected. President Harrison has been sternly, un-
compromisingly, patriotically American. The dignity of
the United States has been upheld on land and sea.
A President Who Is President.
He has worked unceasingly for the furtherance and
practical execution of all the policies to which the party
he leads is committed. He has been most emphatically
its general. He has been its advocate, too, and by
speech and act has contributed mightily to new and noble
pages in its glorious history. He has been President
in veriest deed. His mind and hani have been in sole
authority in all branches of his A.aministration. He lias
accepted all the responsibilities the law has placed upon
him ; and at the close of his first term he is presented by
his party for re-election as a President who has made no
failures and few mistakes. The triumphs of his term are
legion, as these pages will tell, and those who differ from
him and his party can point to no feature of his record
which is not eloquent of reasons why he should be con-
tinued in the office he has administered so worthily.
WHITELAW REID.
His Career as Editor, Orator and
Statesman.
A LIFE OF INFLUENCE AND BRILLIANT
SUCCESS.
Whitelaw Reid, the Republican nominee for Vice-Pres-
ident, was born in Xenia, Ohio, in October, 1837. His
father was Robert Charlton Reid and his mother Marian
Whitelaw Ronalds, whose ancestors were of the Clan
Ronald of Scotch histor3\ His paternal grandfather, also
Scotcli, emigrated to this country at the close of the last
century and settled in Kentucky. In 1800 he crossed over
into Ohio and bought land in Cincinnati. One of the
conditions of the sale was that the purchaser should run
a ferry every day in the week across the Ohio River. The
Scotchman, a strict Covenanter, rebelled at this obligation
to break the Sabbath, and gave up his bargain. He re-
moved to Green County and was one of the earliest set-
tlers in Xenia.
An Apt and Serious Student.
Tlie early education of Whitelaw Reid was intrusted to
an uncle. Dr. Hugh McMillan, principal of the Xenia
Academy, one of the best preparatory schools in the
State.
The young man Avas in capable hands. He was
taught so well in Latin that when, at the age of fifteen,
he entered, as a sophomore, Miami University, of which
his uncle was a trustee, no pupil there was more pro-
ficient in Latin than he.
'He was graduated in 1856 and became principal of a
graded school in South Charlestown, Ohio. With a sense
of obligation characteristically Scottish he repaid his
father, out of his first earnings, the expenses of his senior
year at the University.
Advocating Fremont and Freedom.
While as a teacher he was successful, his natural bent
was towards journalism. He soon found an opportunity
to engage in newspaper work, and became proprL^tor of
The Xenia News. Under his management the r)a er was
both morally and financially successful. His" 1 ^st con-
siderable political work was done in advocating on the
stump the election of John C. Fremont.
At this time he became a constant reader of 77ie New
York Tnbune. The News was the first Western paper
outside of Illinois to advocate the election of Lincoln.
Mr. Reid went to Columbus to meet Lincoln after the lat-
ter's great speech in Cooper Institute, New York, and in-
troduced him at the railway station to the people. While
acting during tlie Lincoln campaign as secretary of the
Green County Republican Committee, and taking other
active parts in politics, his health gave way, and he trav-
eled through the Northwest.
He Goes to the War as a Correspondent.
The following winter he spent in Columbus as the leg-
islative correspondent of llie Cincinnnti I'mes. He left
that paper to take a position with The Cleveland Herald,
but soon afterward became correspondent for The Com-
mercial Gazette, of Cincinnati. His work for that great
newspaper brought him into national prominence. He
was soon promoted to be city editor, but at the beginning
of the war was sent to the front as correspondent. He
went with McClellan into West Virginia. Gen. Morris
had command of the advance, and Mr. Reid was assigned
to duty as volunteer aide-de-camp with rank of captain.
His letters, under the signature of "Agate," furnished
pen pictures of the war as graphic and effective as any
that were w^ritten. He was promptly recognized as one
of the most forceful writers of the country. After resum-
ing for a short time his editorial work in The Gazette
office, he was assigned to duty in the second campaign
which ended in the battles of Carnifex Ferry and Ganley
Bridge. In 1861-62 he went to Fort Donelson. He re-
corded the Tennessee campaign, and was the only corre-
spondent who witnessed the fight at Pittsburg Landing.
No more accurate or brilliant account of that terrible
battle has ever been written than his.
As Washington correspondent for The Gazette, his
ability as a writer and thinker caused Horace Greeley to
speak of him as a man for whom the future had much in
store.
Mr. Greeley Calls Him to " The Tribune."
Mr. Reid went with Chief-Justice Chase on a trip through
the South in 1866, which resulted in his writing a book—
" After the War ; A Southern Tour," He tried his hand
at cotton raising, but gained more experience than money
in the venture. His "Ohio in the War" is a careful
compilation of facts in regard to the great part his State
played in the conflict.
After finisiiing this work Mr. Reid went back to his
place as chief editorial writer for The Gate'te. He now
had a proprietary interest in the paper. Mr, Greeley be-
fore this time had invited him to take a place oh The
Tribuve's staff, and. receiving another and more urgent
offer, Mr. Reid left Oliio and'became an editorial writer
for The Tribune.
When John Russell Young's connection as managing
editor with the paper ceased, Mr. Reid took that post, and,
after Mr. Greeley's nomination to the Presidency, he be-
came editor-in-chief.
('nosEN AS Mr. Greeley's Si'ccessor.
At the close of the campaign of 1872, the control of The
Tribune was committetl to him. Many supposed the
paper to be irretrievably ruined. But, easily obtaining
6
tlie capital necessary to produce good results, JVlr. Held
entered ardently upon the task of rebuilding its fortunes,
lie gathered about him a staff of general and magnificent
talent ; among his assistants were Bayard Taylor. George
W. Smalley, John Hay, William Winter, E. C. Stedman
and George Ripley. The paper quickly obtained more
than its old popularity and influence.
Mr. Reid, tiiougli often tempted to accept political
office, had uniformly declined until President Harrison
was elected and the French Mission was tendered to him.
He had chosen to work as a newspaper exponent of Re-
publican principles rather than as an official. He declined
the Mission to Germany, though twice offered him- once
by President Hayes and again by President Garfield. But
in 1889 he had become more reconciled to the idea of
leaving his work as a journalist, for a time at least, and
accepted President Harrison's offer of the Ministry at
Paris. There was needed at the French capital an
American Minister whose strong personality, energy and
ability might render him capable of carrying out the
plans of this Government to secure needed changes in
French legislation concerning American commercial in-
terests.
Notable Diplomatic Victories.
Minister Reid's w^ork in France proved him the pos-
sessor of rare diplomatic talents. He secured the repeal
of the decree prohibiting the importation of American
meats, and negotiated reciprocity and extradition treaties.
Never w^ere the relations between France and the United
States more cordial and satisfactory than at the time
Minister Reid, early in the present year, felt obliged to
resign his position. His work in France brought him
many lionors, and this, together with his eminent service
to the party as an editor and orator, rendered him partic-
ularly available to become with General Harrison a
standard-bearer in the National Campaign of 1892. He
was unanimously nominated for the Vice-Presidency at the
request of the solid delegation from New York. Mr.
Reid married, in 1881. Miss Elizabeth Mills, a daughter of
D. O. Mills. Mrs. Reid's entertainments in Paris and her
unremitting attentions to the American colony and to
American visitors and travelers rendered her exceedingly
popular among her countrymen, and greatly promoted the
success of Mr. Reid's mission.
" The Western farmer'fe instinct is wiser than Mr.
Gladstone's philosophy. The farmer knows
that the larger the home market the
IbeLter are his prices, and' that as the home
market is narrowed his prices fall."
— James G. Blaine.
THE REPUBLICAN PLATPOEM
Principles and Policies Represented
by Harrison and lleid.
WHAT THE REPUBLICAN PARTY
COMMENDS.
Adopted at Minneapolis, June 10, 1892.
The representatives of the Republicans of the United
States, assembled in general convention on the shores of the
Mississippi River, the everlasting bond of an indestructible
republic, whose most glorious chapter of history is the
record of the Republican party, congratulate their coun-
trymen on the majestic march of the nation under the
banners inscribed with the principles of our platform of
1888, vindicated by victory at the polls and prosperity in
our fields, workshops and mines, and make the following
declaration of principles :
I.
THE TARIFF ANI> RECIPROCITY.
We reaffirm the American doctrine of protec-
tion. AVe call attention to its growth abroad. We main-
tain that the prosperous condition of our country is largely
due to the wise revenue legislation of the Republican
Congress.
HOW DUTIES SHOULl> BK LEVIED.
We believe that all articles which cannot be produced
in the United States, except luxuries, should be admitted
free of duty, and that on all imports coming into
competition with the products of American labor
there should be duties levied equal to the ditterence
between wages abroad and at home.
VALUES GENERALLY REDUCED.
We assert that the prices of manufactured articles of
general consumption have been reduced under the opera-
tions of the Tariff Act of 1890. We denounce the efforts
of the Democratic majority of the House to destroy
our tiirift' laws by piecemeal, as manifested by their
attacks on wool, lead and lead ore, and we ask the people
for their judgment thereon.
RECIPROCITY AND ITS WONDERFUL SUCCESS.
We point to the success of the Kepublicaii policy of
Keeiprocity, under which export trade has vastly
increased, and new and enlarged markets have been
opened for the products of our farms and workshops.
We remind the people of the bitter opposition of the
Democratic party to this practical business meas-
ure, and claim that, executed by a Republican adminis-
tration, our present laws will eventually give us
control of the trade of the world.
11.
SILVER AN1> CURRENCY.
The American people, from tradition and interest,
favor bimetallism, and the Republican party de-
mands the use of both gold and silver as standard
money, with such restrictions and under such provisions,
to be determined by legislation, as will secure the main-
tenance of the parity of values of the two metals, so
that the purchasing and debt-paying power of the dolhir,
whether of silver, gold or paper, shall be at all times
equal.
EVERY DOLLAR MUST BE AS GOOD AS ANY.
The interests of the producers of the country— its
farmers and its workingmen — demand that every dol-
lar, paper or coin, issued by the Government shall be
as g-ood as any other dollar. We commend the
wise and patriotic steps already taken by our Government
to secure such an international conference to
adopt such measures as will insure a parity of value be-
tween gold and silver for use as money throughout the
world.
III.
FREE AND FAIR ELECTIONS.
We demand that every citizen of the United States shall
be allowed to cast one free and unrestricted
ballot in all public elections, and that such ballot shall
be counted and returned as cast ; that such laws shall be
enacted and enforced as will secure to every citizen, be he
rich or poor, native or foreign bom, white or black, this
sovereign right, guaranteed by the Constitution, — the free
and honest popnlar baliot, the
JUST AND KCJUAL REPRESENTATION
of all the people, as well as the just and equal protection
under the laws as the foundation of our Republican insti-
tutions, and the party will never relax its efforts until the
integrity of the ballot aiirt the purity of elec-
tions shall be fully guaranteed and protected in every
State.
POLITICAL OUTRAGES MUST STOP.
We denounce^ the continued inhuman outrages perpe-
trated on American citizens for political reasons in certain
States of the Union.
IV.
FOREIGN liELATIONS.
We favor the extension of our foreign commerce, the
restoration of our mercantile marine by home-
built ships, and the construction of a navy for the protec-
tion of our national interests and the honor of our flag ;
the maintenance of the most friendly relations with foreign
powers, entangling alliances with none, and the protection
of the rights of our fishermen.
THE IMMIGRATION EVIL.
We reaffirm our approval of the Monroe doctrine, and
believe in the achievement of the manifest destiny of
the Republic in its broadest sense. We favor the en-
actment of more stringent laws and regulations for the
restriction of criminal, pauper and contract
immigration.
V.
LAWS TO PROTECT LABOR.
We favor efficient legislation by Congress to protect
the life and liml>s of employees of the railroad com-
panies engaged in carrying interstate commerce, and rec-
ommend legislation by the respective States tliat will pro-
tect employees engaged in interstate commerce, and in
mining and manufacturing.
VI.
SYMPATHY FOR IRISH HOME RULE.
The Republican party has always been the champion of
the oppressed, and recognizes the dignity of manhood
irrespective of faith, color or nationality. It sympathizes
with the cause of home rule in Ireland, and pro-
tests against the persecution of the Jews in Russia. The
ultimate reliance of free popular government is the in-
telligence of the people, and the maintenance of freedom
among men.
10
Vll.
FREE SPEECH ANJ> RELIGIOUS
LIBERTY.
We declare anew our devotion to liberty of tlioiiglit
and conscience, of speech and press, and approve all
agencies and instrumentalities which contribute to the
education of the children of the land ; but, while insist-
ing upon the fullest measure of religious liberty, we are
opposed to any union of cliurcli and state.
VIIL
TRUSTS ANI> ILLEGAL COMBINATIONS.
We reaffirm our opposition, declared in the Republican
platform of 1888, to all combinations of capital
organized to control arbitrarily the condition of trade
among our citizens. We heartily indorse the action taken
on this issue, and ask for such further legislation as may
be required to remedy any defects in existing laws, and to
render their enforcement more complete and effective.
IX.
POST OFFICE REFORMS.
We approve the policy of extending to towns and rural
communhies the advantages of the free delivery serv-
ice now enjoyed by the large cities of the country, and
reaffirm the declaration contained in the Republican plat-
form of 1888, pledging the reduction of letter posta{>:e
to one cent at the earliest possible moment.
X.
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM.
We commend the spirit and evidence of reform in
the civil service, and the wise and consistent enforce-
ment by the Republican party of the laws relating to the
same.
XI.
NICARAGUA CANAL.
The construction of the Nicaragua Canal is of the high-
est importance to the American people, both as a measure
of national defense and to build up and maintain American
commerce, and it should be controlled by the Govern-
ment of the United States.
XIL
RIGHTS OF TERRITORIES.
We favor the admission of the remaining Territories at
the earliest possible moment, having due regard
to the interests of the people of the Territories and of the
United States. All the Federal ofliceholdera appointed in
the Territories sliould be selected from the residents
thereof, and the right of selt-jfoveriiiiient should
be accorded as far as possible.
Xlll.
CESSION OF ARID LANI>S.
"We favor the cession, subject to the liomestead laws, of
the arid public lands to the States and Territories in which
they lie, under such Congressional restrictions as to dis-
position, reclamation and occupancy by settlers as will
secure the maximum benefits to the people.
XIV.
AID FOR THE WORLD'S FAIR.
The World's Columbian Exposition is a great na-
tional undertaking, and Congress should promptly
enact such reasonable legislation in aid thereof as will in-
sure a discharge of the expense and obligations incident
thereto, and the attainment of results commensurate with
the dignity and progress of the nation.
XV.
INTEM PE R ANCE.
We sympathize with all wise and legitimate efforts to
lessen and prevent the evils of intemperance and promote
morality.
XVI.
THE JUST CLAIMS OF OLD SOLDIERS.
Ever mindful of the service and sacrifices of the men
who saved the life of the nation, we pledge anew to the
veteran soldiers of the Republic a watchful care and recog-
nition of their just claims upon a grateful people.
XVII.
HARRISON'S ADMINISTRATION.
We commend the able, patriotic and thoroughly
American administration of President Harrison. Under
it the country has enjoyed remarkable pros-
perity, and the dignity and honor of the nation at home
and abroad have been faithfully maintained, and we offer
the record of pledges kept as a guarantee of faithful per-
formance in the future.
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37
THE PRESIDENT'S LETTEfi.
All the Issues Clearly Discussed.
PROTECTION AND ITS UNDENIABLE RESULTS.
More and Larger Markets.
AMERICAN SHIPS FOR AMERICAN FREIGHT.
The Democratic Scheme for Wild-Gat Money Issues.
THE PROFITS OF RECIPROCITY.
■Washington, September 3, 1892.
Hon. William McKinlet, Jk., and Others, Committee,
Etc.:
Gentlemen — I now avail myself of the first period of re-
lief from public duties to respond to the notification which
you brought to me on June 30 of my nomination for the
office of President of the United States by the Republican
National Convention recently held at Minneapolis. I ac-v
cept the nomination and am grateful for the approval
expressed by the Convention of the acts of the Adminis-
tration. I have endeavored without wavering or wear-
iness, so far as the direction of public affairs was commit-
ted to me, to carry out the pledges made to the people in
1888. If the policies of the Administration have not been
distinctively and progressively American and Republican
policies, the fault has not been in the purpose but in the
execution. I shall speak frankly of the legislation of Con-
gress and of the work of the executive departments, for
the credit of any successes that have been attained is in
such measure due to others, Senators and Representatives,
and to the efficient heads of the several executive depart-
ments, that I may do so without impropriety. A vote of
want of confidence is asked by our adversaries; and this
challenge to a review of what has been done we promptly
and gladly accept.
Sekious Results of a Change.
The great work of the Fifty-first Congress has been sub-
jected to the revision of a Democratic House of Repre-
sentatives, and the acts of the Executive Department to
its scrutiny and investigation. A Democratic National
Administration was succeeded by a Republican Adminis-
tration, and the freshness of the events gives unusual
facilities for fair comparison and judgment. There has
seldom been a time, I think, when a change from the de-
clared policies of the Republican to the declared policies
of the Democratic Party involved such serious results to
the business interests of the country. A brief review of
38
what has been done and of what the Democratic Party-
proposes to undo will justify this opinion.
Democratic Menace of Bad Money.
The Republican Party during the Civil War devised a
national currency, consisting of United States notes,
issued and redeemable by the Grovernment, and of national
bank notes, based upon the security of United States
bonds. A tax was levied upon the issues of State banks,
and the intended result, that all such issues should be
witlidrawn, was realized. There are men among us now
who never saw a State bank note. The notes furnished
directly or indirectly by the United States have been the
only and the safe and acceptable paper currency of the
people. Bank failures have brought no fright, delay or
loss to the bill-holders. The note of an insolvent bank is as
good and as current as a Treasury note — for the credit of
the United States is behind it. Our money is all national
money — 1 might almost say international, for these bills are
not only equally and indiscriminately accepted at par in
all the States, but in some foreign countries. The Demo-
cratic party, if intrusted with the control of the Govern-
ment, is now pledged to repeal the tax on State bank
issues, with a view to putting into circulation again,
under such diverse legislation as the States may adopt, a
flood of local bank issues.
Safe Cuebengy Not to Be Abandoned.
Only those who in the years before the War experienced
the inconvenience and losses attendant upon the use of
such money can appreciate what a return to that system
involves. Tlie denomination of a bill was then often no
indication of its value. Tlie bank detector of yesterday
was not a safe guide to-day as to credit or values. Mer-
chants deposited several times during the day lest the hour
of bank closing should show a depreciation of the money
taken in the morning. The traveler could not use in a
journey to the East the issues of the most solvent banks of the
West, and in consequence a money-changer's office was the
familiar neighbor of the ticket office and the lunch
counter. The farmer and the laborer found the money re-
ceived for their products or their labor depreciated when
they came to make their purchases, and the whole busi-
ness of the country was hindered and burdened. Clianges
may become necessary, but a national system of currency,
safe and acceptable throughout the whole country, is the
good fruit of bitter experience, and I am sure our people
will not consent to the reactionary proposal made by the
Democratic Party.
OuE Mebohant Mabine.
Few subjects have elicited more discussion or excited
more general interest than that of a recovery by the
United States of its appropriate share of the ocean-carry-
ing trade. This subject touches, not only our pockets,
but our national pride. Practically all the freights for
transporting to Europe the enormous annual supplies of
provisions furnished by this country, and for the large re-
turn of manufactured products, have for many years been
paid to foreign shipowners. Thousands of immigrants
annually seeking homes under our flag have been denied
the sight of it until they entered Sandy Hook, while in-
creasing thousands of American citizens, bent on European
travel, have each year stepped into a foreign jurisdiction
at the New York docks. •
FoEKiGN Shipping Sustained by Subsidy.
The paerchandise balance of trade which the Treasury
books show is largely reduced by the annual tribute which
we pay for freight and passage moneys. The great ships
— the fastest upon the sea— which are now in peace profit-
ing by our trade, are in secondary sense war ships of
their respective governments, and in time of war would,
under existing contracts with those governments, speed-
ily take on the guns for which their decks are already
prepared, and enter with terrible efficiency upon the work
of destroying our commerce. The undisputed fact is that
the great steamship lines of Europe were built up, and
are now in part sustained, by direct or indirect govern-
ment aid, the latter taking the form of liberal pay for car-
rying the mails, or of an annual bonus given in considera-
tion of agreements to construct the ships so as to adapt
them for carrying an armament, and to turn them over to
the Government on demand, upon specified terms.
Great American Vessels Building.
It was plain to every intelligent American that, if the
United States would have such lines, a similar policy
must be entered upon. The Fifty-first Congress enacted
such a law, and under its beneficent influence sixteen
American steamships, of an aggregate tonnage of 57,400
tons and costing $7,400,000, have been built or contracted
to be built in American shipyards. In addition to this, it is
now practically certain that we shall soon have, under the
American flag, one of_tlie finest steamship lines sailing
out of New York for any European port. This contract
will result in the construction in American yards of four
new passenger steamships of 10,000 tons each, costing
about $8,000,000, and will add to our naval reserve six
steamships, the fastest upon the sea.
Democrats Hostile to Shipping.
A special interest has been taken by me in the estab-
lishment of lines from our South Atlantic and Gulf ports ;
and, though my expectations have not yet been realized,
attention has been called to the advantages possessed by
these reports ; and, when their people are more fully alive
to their interests, I do not doubt that they will be able to
secure the capital needed to enable them to profit by their
great natural advantages. The Democratic party has
found no place in its platform for any reference to this
subject, and has shown its hostility to the general policy
by refusing to expend an appropriation made during the
last Administration for ocean mail contracts with Ameri-
can lines. The patriotic people, the workmen in our
shops, the capitalists seeking new enterprises, must de-
cide whether the great ships owned by Americans, which
have sought American registry, shall again humbly ask a
Dlace in the English Naval Reserve ; the great ships now
On the designers' tables go to foreign shops for consti*ue-
tion, and the United States loses the now-brightening op-
portunity of recovering a place commensurate with its
wealth, the skill of its constructors and the courage of its
sailors, in the carrying trade of all the seas.
Recipeooity.
Another related measure, as furnishing an increased
ocean traffic for our ships, and of great and permanent
benefit to the farmers and manufacturers as well, is the
reciprocity policy declared by Section 3 of the Tariff act
of 1890, and now in practical operation with five of the
nations of Central and South America, San Domingo, the
Spanish and British West India islands, and with Ger-
many and Austria, under special trade arrangements with
each. The removal of the duty on sugar and the con-
tinuance of coffee and tea upon the free list, while giving
great relief to our own people by cheapening articles used
increasingly in every household, was also of such enor-
mous advantage to the countries exporting these articles
as to suggest that in consideration thereof, reciprocal
lavors should be shown in their tariffs to articles exported
by us to their markets.
Me. Blaine's Geeat Woek.
Great credit is due to Mr. Blaine for the vigor with
which he pressed this view upon the country. We have
only begun to realize the benefit of these trade arrange-
ments. The work of creating new agencies and of adapt-
ing our goods to new markets has necessarily taken time ;
but the results already attained are such, I am sure, as to
establish in popular favor the policy of reciprocal trade,
based upon the free importation of such articles as do not
injuriously compete with the products of our own farms,
mines or factories, in exchange for the free or favored
introduction of our products into other countries. The
obvious efficacy of this policy in increasing the foreign
trade of the United States at once attracted the alarmed
attention of European trade journals and boards of trade.
The British Board of Trade has presented to that Govern-
ment a memorial asking for the appointment of a com-
mission to consider the best means of counteracting what
is called " the commercial crusade of the United States."
How FoEEiGN Nations Take It.
At a meeting held in March last of the Associated
Chambers of Commerce of Great Britain, the president re-
ported that the exports from Great Britain to the Latin
American countries during the last year had decreased
$23,750,000, and that this was not due to temporary
causes, but directly to the reciprocity policy of the United
States. Germany and France have also shown their startled
appreciation of the fact that a new and vigorous contest-
ant has appeared in the battle of the markets, and has
already secured important advantages. The most con-
vincing evidence of the tremendous commercial strength
of our position is found in the fact that Great Britain and
Spain have found it necessary to make reciprocal trade
41
agreements with us for their West India colonies, and
that Germany and Austria have given us important con-
cessions in exchange for the continued free importation of
their best sugar.
How THE New Policy Results.
A few details only as to the increase of our trade can
be given here. Taking all the countries with which ar-
rangements have been made, our trade to June 30, 1892,
had increased 23.78 per cent.; with Brazil the increase
was nearly 11 per cent. ; with Cuba, during the first ten
months, our exports increased $5,702,193. or 54.86, and
with Porto Rico. $590,5^9, or 34 per cent. -The liberal
participation of our farmers in the benefits of this policy
is shown by the following report from our Consul-General
at Havana under date of July 26 last :
" During the first half year of 1891 Havana received
140,056 bags of flour from Spain, and other ports of the
island about an equal amount, or approximately 280,112
bags. During the same period Havana received 13,976
bags of American flour, and other ports approximately an
equal amount, making about 28,000 bags.
" But for the first half of this year Spain has sent less
than 1,000 bags to the whole island, and the United States
has sent to Havana alone 168.487 bags, and about an
equal amount to other ports of the island, making ap-
proximately 337,000 for the first half of 1892."
Increased Shipments of Pokk.
Partly by reason of the reciprocal trade agreement, but
more largely by reason of the removal of tlie sanitary re-
strictions upon American pork, our export of pork pro-
ducts to Germany increased during the ten months ending
June 30 last ^2,025,074, or about 32 per cent.
They Dread American Competition.
"The British Trade Joiirnal," of London, in a recent
issue, speaking of tiie increase of American coal exports
and of the falling off of the English coal exports to Cuba,
says:
" It is another case of American competition. The
United States now supplies Cuba with about 150,000 tons
of coal annually, and tliere is every prospect of this trade
increasing as the forests of the island become exhausted
and the use of steam machinery on tlie sugar estates is
developed. Alabama coal especially is securing a reputa-
tion in the Spanish West Indies, and the river and rail
improvements of the Southern States will undoubtedly
create an important Gulf trade. The new reciprocity
policy by which the United States is enabled to import
Cuban sugar will, of course, assist the American coal ex-
porters even more effectively than the new lines of rail-
way."
Shall Sugar Be Taxed Again.
The Democratic platform promises a repeal of the Tariff
law containing this provision, and especially denounces
as a sham reciprocity that section of the law under which
these trade arrangements have been made. If no other
issue were involved in the campaign, this alone would
give it moineutous importance. Are the farmers of the
great grain-growing States willing to surrender these new,
large and increasing markets for their surplus ? Are we
to have nothing in exchange for the free importation of
sugar and coffee, and at the same time to destroy the
sugar-planters of the South and the beet-sugar industry of
the Northwest and of tlie Pacific Coast ? Or are we to
have the taxed sugar and coffee, which a " tariff for rev-
enue only " necessarily involves, with the added loss of
the new markets which have been opened ?
What They See We Can See Too.
As I have shown, our commercial rivals in Europe do
not regard this Reciprocity policy as a " sham," but as a
serious threat to a trade supremacy they have long
enjoyed. Tiiey would rejoice, and, if prudence did not
restrain, would illuminate their depressed manufacturing
cities, over the news that the United States had abandoned
its system of Protection and Reciprocity. They see very
clearly that restriction of American products and trade,
and a corresponding increase of European production and
trade, would follow, and I will not believe that what is so
plain to them can be hidden from our own people.
A Daring Democratic Leadership.
The declaration of the platform in favor of "the Amer-
ican doctrine of Protection " meets my most hearty ap-
proval. The Convention did not adopt a schedule, but a
principle that is to control all tarilf schedules. There
may be differences of opinion among Protectionists as to
the' rate upon particular articles necessary to effect an
equalization between wages abroad and at home. In
some not remote National campaigns the issue has been —
or, more correctly, has been made to appear to be — be-
tween a high and a low protective tariff, both parties
expressing some solicitous regard for the wages of our
working people and for the prosperity of our domestic
industries. But, under a more courageous leadership, the
Democratic party has now practically declared that, if
given power, it will enact a tariff' law without any regard
to its effect upon wages or upon the capital invested in
our great industries.
The Rejected Democratic Plank.
The majority report of the Committee on Platform to
the Democratic National Convention at Chicago contained
this clause: "That when Custom House taxation is
levied upon articles of any kind produced in this country,
the difference between the cost of labor here and labor
abroad, when such a difference exists, fully measures any
possible benefits to labor, and the enormous additional
impositions of the existing tarilf fall with crushing force
upon our farmers and workingmen."
An
A Clear Admission.
Here we have a distinct admission of« the Repub-
lican contention that American workmen are advantaged
by a tariff rate equal to the difference between home and
foreign wages, and a declaration only against the alleged
'* additional impositions " of the existing tariff law.
Another Admission.
Again, this majority report further declared : "But in
making a reduction in taxes, it is not proposed to injure
any domestic industries, but rather to promote their
healthy growth. Moreover, many industries have come
to rely upon legislation for successful continuance, so
that any change of law must be at every step regardful of
the labor and the capital thus involved."
The Tariff Does Protect.
Here we have an admission that many of our industries
depend upon protective duties "for their successful con-
tinuance," and a declaration that tariff changes should be
regardful of the workmen in such industries and of the
invested capital.
Former Admissions Now Denied.
The overwhelming rejection of these propositions,
which had before received the sanction of Democratic
National Conventions, was not more indicative of the new
and more courageous leadership to which the party has
now committed itself than the substitute which was
adopted. This substitute declares that Protective du-
ties are unconstitutional — high Protection, low Protec-
tion, all unconstitutional. A Democratic Congress hold-
ing this view cannot enact, nor a Democratic President
approve, any tariff schedule, the purpose or effect of which
is to limit importations or to give any advantage to an
American workman or producer. A bounty might, I
judge, be given to the importer under this view of the
Constitution, in order to increase importations, and so the
revenue for "revenue only" is the limitation. Reci-
procity, of course, falls under this denunciation, for its ob-
ject and effect are not revenue, but the promotion of com-
mercial exchanges, the profits of which go wholly to oui
producers.
A Mad Crusade Against Industry.
This destructive, un-American doctrine was not held
or taught by the historic Democratic' statesmen whose
fame as American patrots has reached this generation —
certainly not by Jefferson or Jackson. This mad crusade
against American shops, the bitter epithets applied to
American manufacturers, the persistent disbelief of every
rei)ort of Uw opening of a tin-plate mill or of an increase
of our foreign trade by Reciprocity, are as surprising as
they are discreditable.
d4
What the Demooeatic Plan Would Do.
There is not a thoughtful business man in the country
who does not know that the enactment into Jaw of tlie
declaration of the Chicago Convention on the subject of
the Tariff would at once plunge the country into a
business convulsion such as it has never seen ; and there
is not a thoughtful workingman who does not know that
it would at once enormously reduce the amount of work
to be done in this country by the increase of importations
that would follow, and necessitate a reduction of his
wages to the European standard.
Either Dangerous or Insincere.
If any one suggests that this radical policy will nof; be
executed if the Democratic party attains power, what
shall be thought of a party that is capable of thus trifling
with great interests? The threat of such legislation
would be only less hurtful than the fact. A distinguished
Democrat rightly described this movement as a challenge
to the protected industries to a fight of extermination,
and another such rightly expressed the logic of the
situation when he interpreted the Chicago platform to be
an invitation to all Democrats holding even the most
moderate protection views, to go into the Republican
party.
Unoontradioted Facts.
And now a few words in regard to the existing Tariff
Law. We are fortunately able to judge of its influence
upon production and prices by the market reports. The
day of the prophet of calamity has been suceeded by that
of the trade reporter. An examination into the effect of
the law upon the prices of protected products and of the
cost of such articles as enter into the living of people of
small means has been made by a Senate Committee, com-
posed of leading Senators of both parties, with the aid of
the best statisticians, and the report, signed by all the
members of the committee, has been given to the public.
No such wide and careful inquiry has ever before been
made. These facts appear from the report :
First. The cost of articles entering into the use of
those earning less than $1,000 per annum has decreased
up to May, 1892, 3.4 per cent., wliile in farm products
there has been an increase in prices, owing in part to an
increased foreign demand and the opening of new markets.
In England during the same period the cost of living in-
creased 1.9 per cent. Tested by their power to purchase
articles of necessity, the earnings of our working people
have never been as great as they are now.
Second. There has been an average advance in the rate
of wages of .75 of 1 per cent.
Third. There has been an advance in the price of all
farm products of 18.67 per cent, and of all cereals 33.59
per cent.
Commissioner Peck's Statistics.
The ninth annual report of the Chief of the Bureau of
Labor Statistics of the State of New York, a Democratic
otiicer, very recently issued, strongly corroborates as to
45
that State the facts found by the Senate Committee. His
extended inquiry shows that in the year immediately fol-
lowing the passage of the Tariff Act of 1890 the aggregate
sum paid in wages in that State was $6,377,925 in excess,
and the aggregate production $31,315,130 in excess of the
preceding year.
In view of this showing of an increase in wages, of a
reduction in the cost of articles of co;r!hon necessity, and
of a marked advance in the prices of agricultural pro-
ducts, it is plain that this Tariff law has not imposed bur-
dens, but has conferred benelits upon the farmer and the
workingman.
The Republican Tin Plate Yiotory.
Some special effects of the act should be noticed. It
was a courageous attempt to rid our people of a long-
maintained foreign monopoly in the production of tin-
plate, pearl buttons, silk plush, linens, lace, etc. Once or
twice in our history the production of tin-plate had been
attempted, and the prices obtained by the Welsh makers
would have enabled our makers to produce it at a profit.
But the Welsh makers at once cut prices to a point that
drove the American beginners out of the business, and,
when this was accomplished, again made their own prices.
A correspondent of the "Industrial World," the official
organ of the Welsh tin-plate workers, published at Sw\^n-
sea, in the issue of June 10, 1892, advises a new trial of
these methods. He sa3''s :
**Do not be deceived. The victory of the Republicans
at the polls means the retention of the McKinley bill, and
means the rapidly accruing loss of the 80 per cent, of the
export American trade. Had there been no Democratic
victory in 1890, the spread of the tin-plate manufacture in
the United States would have been both rapid and bona
fide. It is not yet too late to do something to reduce the
price of plates. Put them down to lis. per box of 100,
14 by 20, full weight basis. Let the workmen take half-
pay for a few months and turn out more. Then let the
masters forego profits for the same time."
And again that paper says : " It is clearly the interest of
botli (employer and workmen) to produce tin plates, tariff
or no tariff, at a price that will drive all competitors from
the field."
But, in spite of the doubts raised by the elections of
1890, and of the machinations of foreign producers to
maintain their monopoly, the tin-plate industry has been
established in the United States, and the alliance between
the Welsh producers and the Democratic party for its de-
struction will not succeed.
Ameeioan Tin Plate Peoduction.
The official returns to the Treasury Department of the
production of tin and terne plates in the United States
during the last fiscal year show a total production of
13.240,830 pounds, and a comparison of the first quarter,
826,922 pounds, with the last, 8,000,000 pounds, shows the
rapid development of tiie industry. Over 5,000,000 pounds
during the last quarter were made from American black
plates, the remainder from foreign plates. Mr. Ayer, the
46
Treasury ai^eiit in charge, estimates, as the result of care-
ful inquiry, that the production of the current year will be
100,000,000 pounds, and that by the end of the year our
production will be at the rate of 200,000,000 pounds per
annum.
Industries Eveetwhere Flourishing.
Another industry that has been practically created by
the McKinley bill is the making of pearl buttons. Few
articles coming to us from abroad were so distinctly the
product of starvation wages.
But, without unduljt extending this letter, I cannot fol-
low in detail the influences of the Tariff law of 1890. It
has transplanted several important industries, and estab-
lish them here, and has revived or enlarged all others.
The act gives to the miners protection against foreign
silver bearing lead ores, the free introduction of which
threatened the great mining industries of the Rocky
Mountain States ; and to the wool growers protection for
their fleeces and flocks, which have saved them from a
further and disastrous decline. The House of Repre-
sentatives, at its last session, passed bills placing these
ores and wool upon the free list. The people of the
West will know how destructive to their prosperity these
measures would be. This Tariff law has given employ-
ment to many thousands of American men and women,
and will each year give employment to increasing thou-
sands. Its repeal would throw thousands out of employ-
ment and give work to others only at reduced wages. _
Strange Appeals to Labor.
The appeals of the Free Trader to the workingman are
largely addressed to his prejudices or to his passions, and
not infrequently are pronouncedly communistic. The
new Democratic leadership rages at the employer, and seeks
to communicate his rage to the employee. I greatly
regret that all employers of labor are not just and consid-
erate, and that capital sometimes takes too large a share
of the profits. But I do not see that these evils will be
ameliorated by a tariff policy, the fi.rst necessary effect of
which is a severe wage cut, and the second a large diminu-
tion of the aggregate amount of work to be done in this
country. 'If the injustice of his employer tempts the
workman to strike back, he should be 'very sure that his
blow does not fall upon his own head or upon his wife
and children.
Protection the Onlt Barrier.
The workmen in our great industries are as a body re-
markably intelligent, and are lovers of home and country.
They may be roused by injustice, or what seems to them
to be such, or be led for the moment by others into acts
of passion ; but they will settle the tariff* contest in the
calm light of their November firesides, and with sole
reference to the prosperity of the country of which they
are citizens and of the homes they have founded for their
wives and children. No intelligent advocate of a protec-
tive tariff claims that it is able of itself to maintain a uni-
47
lorm rate of waives without regard to fluctuations in the
supply of and demand for the products of labor. But it
is confidently claimed that protective 'duties strongly
tend to hold up wages, and are the only barrier against a
reduction to the European scale.
Pkotection foe tue South.
■ The Southern States have had a liberal participation in
the benefits of the Tariff law, and, though their represen-
tatives have generally opposed the Protection policy, I
rejoice that their sugar, rice, coal, ores, iron, fruits, cotton
cloths and other products have not been left to the fate
which the votes of their representatives would have
brought upon them. In the construction of the Nicaragua
Canal, in the new trade with South and Central America,
in the establishment of American steamship lines, these
States have also special interests, and all these interests
will not always consent to be without representation at
Washington.
Taxation Largely Reduced.
Shrewdly, 1but not quite fairly, our adversaries speak
only of the increased duties imposed upon tin, pearl but-
tons and other articles, by the McKinley bill, and omit al-
together any reference to the great and beneficial enlarge-
ment of the free list. During the last fiscal year $458,-
000,772 worth of merchandise, or 55.35 per cent, of our
total importations, came in free (the largest percentage m
our history), while in 1889 the per cent, of free importa-
tions was only 34.43 per cent. The placing of sugar upon
the free list has saved to the consumer in duties in fifteen
months, after paying the bounties provided for, $87,000,-
000. This relief has been substantially felt in every house-
hold upon every Saturday's purchase of the workiugman.
We Save Ouk Own Market and Gain Many Others.
One of the favorite arguments against a Protective tariff
is that it shuts us out from a participation in what is
called, with swelling emphasis, " the markets of the
world." If this view is not a false one, how does it hap-
pen that our commercial competitors are not able to bear
witli more serenity our supposed surrender to them of the
" markets of the world," and how does it happen that the
partial loss of our market closes foreign tin-plate mills and
plusii factories that still have all other markets? Our
natural advantages, our Protective tariff and the Reciproc-
ity policy make it possible for us to have a large partici-
pation in the "markets of the world," without opening
our own to a competition that would destroy the comfort
and independence of our people.
Coinage and Currency.
The resolution of the Convention in favor of bimetallism
declares, I think, the true and necessary conditions of a
movement that has, upon these lines, my cordial adher-
ence and support. I am thoroughly convinced that the
free coinage of silver at such a ratio to gold as will main-
48
tain the equality in their commercial uses of the two
coined dollars would conduce to the prosperity of all the
great producing and commercial nations of the world.
The one essential condition is that these dollars sliall liave
and retain an equal acceptability and value in all commer-
cial transactions. They are not only a medium of ex-
change, but a measure of value, and, when two unequal
measures are called in law by the same name, commerce
is unsettled and confused, and the unwary and ignorant
are cheated. Dollars of unequal commercial value will
not circulate together. The better dollar is withdrawn
'and becomes merchandise.
The true interest of all our people, and especially of the
farmers and working people, who cannot closely observe
the money market, is that every dollar, paper or coin, is-
sued or authorized by the Government shall at all times
and in all its uses be the exact equivalent, not only in debt-
paying, but in purchasing power of any other dollar. I
am quite sure that if we should now act upon this subject
independently of other nations we would greatly promote
their interests and injure our own.
The International Conference.
The monetary conditions in Europe within the last two
years have, I think, tended very much to develop a settle-
ment in favor of a larger use of silver, and I was much
pleased and encouraged by the cordiality, promptness
and unanimity w^ith which the invitation of this Govern-
ment for an international conference upon this subject
was accepted by all the Powers. We may not only hope
for, but expect, highly beneficial results from this confer-
ence, which will now soon assemble. When the result of
the conference is known, we shall then be able, intelli-
gently, to readjust our financial legislation to any new
conditions.
One Man One Vote.
In my last annual message to Congress I said; "I
must yet entertain the hope that it is possible to secure a
calm, patriotic consideration of such constitutional or
statutory changes as may be necessary to secure the
choice of the officers of the Government to the people by
fair apportionments and free elections. I believe it would
be possible to constitute a commission, non-partisan in its
membership, and composed of patriotic, wise and impar-
tial men, to whom a consideration of the. questions of the
evils connected with our elections systems and methods
might be committed with a good prospect of securing
unanimity in some plan for removing or mitigating those
evils.
An Electoral Commission.
The Constitution would permit the selection of the
Commission to be vested in the Supreme Court if that
method would give the best' guarantee of impartiality.
This Commission should be charged with the duty of in-
quiring into the whole subject of the law of elections as
related to the choice of officers of the National Govern-
49
ment, with a view to securing to every elector a free and
unmolested exercise of tlie sutfrage, and as near an ap-
proach to an equality of value in each ballot cast as is at-
tainable. * * * The demand that the limitations of
suffrage shall be found in tlie law, and only there, is a
just demand, and no just man should resent or resist it.
The Cry feom the South.
It seemed to me that an appeal to our people to con-
sider the question of readjusting our legislation upon
absolutely fair, non partisan lines might find some effective
response. Many times I have had occasion to say tliat
laws and election methods designed to give unfair advan-
tages to the party making them would some time be used
to perpetuate in power a faction or a party against the
will of the majority of the people. Of this we seem to
have an illustration in the recent State election in Ala-
bama. There was no Republican ticket in the field. The
contest was between white Democrats. The Kolb party
say they were refused the representation guaranteed by
law upon the election boards, and that, when the courts
by mandamus attempted to right this wrong, an appeal
tiiat could not be heard until after the election made the
writs ineffectual. Ballot boxes were thrown out for
alleged irregularities, or destroyed ; and it is asserted on
behalf of one-half, at least, of the wliite voters of Alabama
that the officers to wliom certificates have been given
were not honestly elected.
Perils of Unfair Elections.
There is no security for the personal or political rights
of any man in a community where any other man is de-
prived of his personal or political rights. The power of
the States over the question of the qualification of elect-
ors is ample to protect them against the dangers of an
ignorant or depraved suffrage, and the demand that every
man found to be qualified under the law shall be made
secure in the right to cast a free ballot and to have that
ballot honestly counted cannot be abated. Our old Re-
publican battle cry, "A free ballot and a fair count,"
comes back to us, not only from Alabama, but from other
States, and from men who, differing with us widely in
opinions, have come to see that parties and political
debate are but a mockery if, when the debate is ended,
the judgment of honest majorities is to be reversed by
ballot-box frauds and tally-sheet manipulations in the
interest of the party or party faction in power.
A Non-Paetisan Solution.
These new political movements in the States and the
recent decisions of some of the State courts against unfair
apportionment laws encourage tlie hope that the arbitrary
and partisan election laws and practices which have pre-
vailed may be corrected by the States, the laws made
equal and non-partisan and the elections free and honest.
The Republican party would rejoice at such a solution, as
a healthy and patriotic local sentiment is the best assurance
of free and honest elections. I shall again urge upon Con-
60
gress that provision be made for the appointment of a non^
partisan commission to consider the subject of appor-
tionments and elections in their relation to- the choice of
Federal officers.
Civil Service Reform.
The Civil Service System has been extended and the
law enforced with vigor and impartiality. There has
been no partisan juggling with the law in any of the de-
partments or bureaus as had before happened, but ap-
pointments to the classified service have been made im-
partially from the eligible lists. The system now in force
in all the departments has for the first time placed pro-
motions strictly upon the basis of merit, as ascertained by
a daily record, and the efficiency of the force thereby
greatly increased.
Educational Interests.
The approval so heartily given by the convention to all
those agencies which contribute to the education of the
children of the land was worthily bestowed and meets my
hearty approval, as does also the declaration as to liberty
of thought and conscience, and the separation of Church
and State. The safety of the Republic is an intelligent
citizenship, and the increased interest manifested in the
States in education, the cheerfulness with which the nec-
essary taxes are paid by all classes, and the renewed in-
terest manifested by the children in the National flag are
hopeful indications that the coming generation will direct
public affairs with increased prudence and patriotism.
Our interest in free public schools, open to all children if
of suitable age, is supreme, and our care for them will be
jealous and constant.
Free Schools for All.
The public-school system, however, was not intended to
restrain the natural right of the parent, after contributing
to the public-school, fund, to choose other educational
agencies for his children. I favored aid by the General
Government to the public schools with a special view to
the necessities of some of the Southern States. But it is
gratifying to notice that many of these States are, with
commendable liberality, developing their school systems
and increasing their school revenues to the great advan-
tage of the children of both races.
Agricultural Affairs.
The considerate attention of the farmers of the whole
country is invited to the work done through the State and
Agricultural Departments in the interest of agriculture.
Our pork products had for ten years been not only ex-
cluded by the great Continental nations of Europe, but
their value discredited by the reasons given for this exclu-
sion. All previous efforts to secure the removal of these
restrictions had failed, but the wise legislation of the Fifty-
first Congress, providing for the inspection and official cer-
tification of our meats, and giving to the President power to
51
forbid the introduction into this country of selected prod-
ucts of such countries as should continue to refuse our
inspected meats, enabled us to open all the markets of
Europe to our products. The result has been not only to
sustain prices, by providing new markets for our surplus,
but to add 50 cents per hundred pounds to tiie market
value of the inspected meats. Under the Reciprocity
agreement special favors have been secured for agricultu-
ral products, and our exports of such products have been
greatly increased, with a sure prospect of a further and
rapid increase.
Protection for Farm Products.
The Agricultural Department has maintained in Europe
an agent whose special duty it is to introduce there the
various preparations of corn as articles of food, and his
work has been very successful. Tlie Department has
also sent skilled veterinarians to Liverpool to examine, in
connection with the British veterinarians, the live cattle
from the United States landed at tiiat port ; and the
result, in connection with tlie sanitary methods adopted
at home, has been that we hear no more about our cattle
being infected with pleuro-pneumonia. A judicious system
of quarantine lines has prevented tiie infection of
Northern cattle with the Texas fever. The Tariff bill of
1890 gives better protection to farm" products subject to
foreign competition than they ever had before, and the
home markets for such products have been enlarged by
the establishment of new industries and the development
of others.
The American Farmer Will See the Point.
We may confidently submit to the intelligent and candid
judgment of the American farmer whether, at any corre-
sponding period, so much has been done to promote his
interests, and whether in a continuance and extension of
these methods there is not a better prospect of food to
him than in the invitation of the Democratic party to give
our home markets to foreign manufacturers, and to
abandon the Reciprocity policy ; and better, also, than the
radical and untried methods of relief proposed by other
parties, which are soliciting his support.
The Nioaragtia Canal.
I have often expressed my strong conviction of the
value of the Nicaragua Ship Canal to our commerce and
to our Navy. The project is not one of convenience, but
of necessity. It is quite possible, I believe, if the United
States will support the enterprise, to secure the speedy
completion of the canal without taxing the Treasury for
anj'- direct contribution, and, at the same time, to secure
to the United States that iuliuence in its management
which is imperative.
Foreign Affairs and National Honor.
It has been the purpose of the Administration to make
its foreign policy not a matter of partisan politics, but of
patriotism and national honor, and I have very great
gratification in being able to state that the Democratic
members of the Committee of Foreign Affairs responded
in a true American spirit. I have not hesitated to consult
freely witli them about the most confidential and delicate
affairs, and I frankly confess my obligation for needed
co-operation. They did not regard a patient, but firm
insistence upon American rights, and upon immunity
from insult and injury for our citizens and sailors in
foreign ports as a policy of "irritation and bluster."
They did not believe, as some otliers seem to believe, that
to be a Democrat one must take the foreign side of every
international question, if a Repulilican Administration is
conducting the American side. I do not believe that a
tame submission to insult and outrage b}^ any nation at
the hands of another can ever form the basis of a lasting
friendship; the necessary element of mutual respect will
be wanting.
Chili and Me. Egan.
The Chilian incident, now so happily and honorably
adjusted, will, I do not doubt, place our relations with
that brave people upon a more friendly basis than ever be-
fore. Tills already appears in the agreement since nego-
tiated by Mr. Egan for the settlement by a commission of
the long unsettled claims between the two Governments.
The work of Mr. Egan has been highly advantageous to
the United States. The confidence which I refused to
withdraw from him has been abundantly justified.
Fair to All, Afraid of "None.
In our relations with the great European powers, the
rights of t^e United States and of our citizens have been
insisted upon with firmness. The strength of our cause
and not the strength of our adversary lias given tone to
our correspondence. The Samoan question and the Behr-
ing Sea question, which came over from the preceding
Administration, have been, the one settled and the other
submitted to arbitration upon a fair basis. Never before,
I think, in a like period have so many important treaties
and commercial agreements been concluded, and never
before, I am sure, have the honor and influence — National
and commercial— of the United States been held in higher
estimation in both hemispheres.
A Tribute to the Veterans.
The Union soldiers and sailors are now A^eterans of time
as well as of war. The parallels of age have approached
close to the citadels of life and the end, for each, of a
brave and honorable struggle is not remot(\ Increasing
infirmity and years give the minor tones of sadne^^s and^
pathos to the mighty appeal of service and suffering.
The ear that does not listen with sympathy and the heart
that does not respond with generosity are the ear and
heart of an alien and not of an American. Now soon
again the surviving veterans are to parade upon the great
avenue of the National Capital, and every tribute of
honor and love should attend the march. A comrade in
the column of the victors' parade in 1865, I am not less a
comrade now.
53
Mob Law Must Go.
I have used every suitable occasion to urge upon the
people of all sections the consideration that no good
cause can be promoted upon the lines of lawlessness.
Mobs do not discriminate, and the punishments inflicted
by them have no repressive or salutary influence. On the
contrary, they beget revenges and perpetual feuds. It is
especially the duty of the educated and influential to see
that the weak and ignorant when accused of crime are
fairly tried before lawful tribunals. The moral sentiment
of the country should be aroused and brought to bear for
the suppression of these offenses against the law and social
order.
No Room foe Deones oe Thugs.
The necessity for a careful discrimination among the im-
migrants seeking our shores become every day more appar-
ent. We do not want and should not receive those who by
reason of bad character or habits are not wanted at home.
The industrious and self-respecting, the lovers of law and
liberty, should be discriminated from the pauper, the
criminal and the Anarchist, who come only to burden and
disturb our communities. Every effort has been made to
enforce the laws, and some convictions have been secured
under the Contract Labor Law.
A Geand and Blessed Land.
The general condition of our country is one of great
prosperity. The blessing of God has rested upon our
fields and upon our people. The annual value of our
foreign commerce has increased more than $400,000,000
over the average for the preceding ten years, and more
than $210,000,000 over 1890, the last year unaffected by
the new tariff. Our exports in 1893 exceeded those of
1890 by more than $172,000,000, and the annual average
for ten years by $265,000,000. Our exports of breadstuffs
increased over those of 1890 more than $144,000,000, of
provisions over $4,000,000, and of manufactures over
$8,000,000. The mtrchandise balance of trade in our
favor in 1892 was $202,944,342. No other nation can
match the commercial progress which those figures dis-
close. Our compassion may well go out to those whose
party necessities and habits still compel them to declare
that our people are oppressed and our trade restricted by
a protective tariff. It is not possible for me to refer, even
in the briefest way, to many of the topics presented in the
resolutions adopted by the convention. Upon all that
have not been discussed I have before publicly expressed
my views.
The Meaning of Change.
A change in the personnel of a National Administration
is of comparatively little moment. If those exercising
public functions are able, honest, diligent and faithful,
others possessing all these qualities may be found to take
their places. But changes in the laws and in administra-
tive policies are of great moment. When public affairs
64
have been given a direction and business has adjusted
itself to those lines, any sudden change involves a slop-
page and new business adjustments. If the chaHge of di-
rection is so radical as to bring the commercial turn-table
into use, the business changes involved are not readjust-
ments but reconstructions.
A Startling Contrast of Policies.
The Democratic party offers a programme of demo-
lition. The Protective policy — to which all business, even
that of the importer, is now adjusted — the Reciprocity
policy, the new merchant marine, are all to be demol-
ished— not gradually, not taken down, but blown up.
To this programme of destruction it has added one con-
structive feature, the re-establishment of State banks of
issue.
The policy of the Republican party is, on the other
hand, distinctively a policy of safe progression and de-
velopment— of new factories, new markets and new
ships. It will subject business to no perilous change, but
offers attractive opportunities for expansion upon familiar
lines.
Very respectfully yours,
Benjamin Harrison.
55
THE ADMINISTRATION.
What Benjamin Harrison Has Done
In The Last Four Years.
A RECORD THE NATION IS PROUD OF.
Duty Faithfully Pei-formed
In the American theory of government, the President is
not so much a deviser of policies, as an executor of laws.
In practice, however, he is necessarily both. The respon-
sibilities committed to him constantly by Congress, not
less than the duty imposed upon him by the Constitution
of advising Congress, render necessary the constant exer-
cise of judgment and the constant formulation of public
policies. The various departments of the executive
branch of the Government are the agencies through which
the President operates. In executing the laws and in
giving effect to his personal views of how the Government
should be conducted he has a latitude almost as great as
his power, almost as wide as his responsibility.
In the conduct of foreign affairs the authority of the
President is nearly supreme. It stops only at the point of
a decision for or against war. Scarcely a law is passed,
either, with regard to domestic affairs that does not in
some way involve the use of executive discretion. In the
management of the army, in the building and equipment
of the navy, in matters of treasury management, in the
direction of the Land Office and of the Indian Bureau,
the President's authority is wide and in many matters
supreme.
Grave Questions Aeisen.
During the three years and a half that have passed
since Benjamin Harrison took the oath of office more
and graver public questions, involving serious possibili-
ties to the country, have arisen than in any similar term
since the days of Reconstruction. Four serious contro-
versies with foreign Governments have engaged atten-
tion; two great financial crises, brought about by British
speculations in South American securities, have occurred
to disturb the markets of the world and to cause a strain-
ing of American resources. Financial questions at home
have taken an acute form and have greatly concerned
large bodies of the people ; an Indian war was almost
precipitated, and, from its origin, eave horrid promise of
being by far the worst Indian conflict that has occurred
in the history of the country. The President has been
constantly confronted with tlie necessity of rendering
decisions and taking actions wherein the slightest error of
judgment on his part might have begn attended with the
most serious consequences to the people.
56
"S. Record Full of Good Deeds.
How he has borne himself is a matter of pride to his
countrymen, whatever their party affiliations. It is
almost literally true to say that he has made no mistakes.
It is certainly true that he has been equal to every emerg-
ency. He was nominated four years ago as an available
candidate from a doubtful State as one who had led a
comparatively quiet life with a record as a brave soldier
and a safe and sagacious legislator. He was renominated
because his record as President had put any other
candidacy out of the question ; because his party
demanded his nomination ; because the people were
more than satisfied with his record; because he had
bravely borne every responsibility, shirking never, and
doing well his duty in the minutest as well as in the
greatest particular ; because his wisdom, his knowledge
of man, his self-reliance, his sturdy common sense, his
conservatism in judgment and his resolution and direct-
ness in action had rendered his administration of public
affairs almost incomparable; had given his party absolute
confidence in his leadership, and the country confidence
in his ofllcial character, and had left his enemies and the
enemies of his party without a word that they could
truthfully utter against the excellence of his public
work.
President Harrison's respect for the people, his feeling
of safety in relying on their temperate and well-consid-
ered judgment, and his ability to withstand all sorts of
pressure from partisan and class interests have at all
times distinguished his public action. In tlie character
of his appointments to offlce he has displayed a wonder-
ful insight into human nature. There are about 120,000
offices in the Federal Government, over which the Presi-
dent has absolute control. Many of these have necessarily
to be filled at least once in every four years. The President
cannot possibly know all the peopte he is called upon to
appoint. He must consider their looks, their conversa-
tion, the character of those who recommend them, and
then he must act on his judgment and take the conse-
quences. In no Administration have the executive ap-
pointments stood a higher test. This is especially true of
judicial appointments, scarcely one of which has met
with anything but the commendation of the whole coun-
tr3^ The bench of the Federal judiciary stands to-day
much higher in the esteem of lawyers and in the confi-
dence of the people than it stood when Benjamin Harri-
son took the oath of office.
A CONSTEUOTIVE AND DECIDING EXECUTIVE.
This is equally true of the diplomatic service. The United
States have been represented abroad in every case during
the Harrison Administration by men of understanding,
high character and excellent diplomatic ability, and our
relations with foreign powers to-day are in all cases im-
proved. The spectacle has not been presented, as it was
during the Administration of Grover Cleveland, of an
American Minister whisked about from country to country
in search of a Government that would consent to receive
him. Though issues with foreign Governments have
57
arisen far graver and more numerous than came up during
tiie Clevelaud Administration, our representatives have
been found to he men capable of handling them and
of producing a result in all cases creditable to themselves
and satisfactory to this country. When President Harri-
son Ijecame President he had on his hands the adjustment
of every diplomatic controversy that arose during the Ad-
ministration of his predecessor. Whoever his successor
may be, he will find the slate absolutelj^ clean. A com-
parison of the Administration of foreign affairs under the
Cleveland Government with that under the Govern-
ment of President Harrison affords striking illustration
of the difference between Republican and Democratic
Governments. The Republican Government does tilings
and does them so they do not have to be done over again.
The Democratic Government wnnders aimlessly through
mud and mire, and never seems to know where to turn to
get out.
The record of the several departments of this Govern-
ment during the last three and a half years is the record
of Benjamin Harrison as President. AVhat they have done,
he has done. His has been in all cases the directing mind.
While according to the heads of the departments that
respect and authority which their position and abilities
justify, the President has never lost sight of the fact that
he was the responsible head of the Government, and that
in the ultimate, as he would be the man who would be
called to account for the resuli, he must do his own think-
ing. He has acted in accordance with this fact; and
whether in the matter of foreign controversies — such as
those with England as to Behring Sea, with Germany as
to Samoa, with Italy as to the New Orleans affair, and
with Chili as to the Baltimorcoutrage — or in matters of
domestic administration — as in the purchase of bonds and
the opening of new lands, the building of the Navy and
the treatment of the Indians, postal reforms and the pres-
entation of constitutional questions to the Supreme Court
— in these and in all other affairs of moment, he has taken
a constructive and deciding part.
The record that follows in these pages, therefore, is the
record of Benjamin Harrison and the ground on which
his party appeals to the people for a renewal of their ex-
pression of confidence in him.
The L,aw Must Be Supreme.
(Knoxville, Tenn., April 14.)
We live in a Government of law. The compact
of our organization is that a majority of our people,
taking those methods which are prescribed by the
Constitution and law, shall determine our public
policies and choose our rulers. It is our solemn com-
pact ; it cannot safely be broken. We may safely
differ about policies ; we may safely divide upon the
question as to what shall be the law; but when the
law is once enacted, no community can safely
divide on the question of implicit obedience to
the law,— BENJAMIN HAKRI80N,
58
Ti STATEJEPAETIIENT.
Splendid Accomplishments for Peace and
Commercial Progress.
r
■ Sple
H A Gain of Sixty Millions in the Export Trade
mt Directly Due to Treaties Concluded by the
Harrison Administration— Samoa, Behring
Sea and Chili— The President and
Gallant Minister Eagan.
While Mr. Cleveland was President there was nerve-
less diplomacy, of which Americans had cause to be
ashamed. There were displays of petulant energy in
negotiations with feeble States, but in great affairs with
powerful Governments courage and firmness were lack-
ing. There was a naval demonstration against Hayti;
and Mexico, a country which ought always to be dealt
with magnanimously, was coarsely bullied and wantonly
affronted in a petty libel case. In its relations with great
powers like Great Britain and Germany the Democratic
Administration was irresolute and timorous.
Mr. Chamberlain easily duped Secretary Bayard into
signing a discreditable Fisheries Treaty involving the
abandonment of historical American rights won in the
Revolution. Canada triumphed alike in the North Atlan-
tic and in Behring Sea. When Lord Salisbury agreed to
sign a convention providing a season and a distance
within which pelagic seal fishing should be illegal,
Ottawa interposed a veto and Secretary Bayard was re-
duced to supine helplessness.
Cleveland Suited Sackville West.
So strongly were foreign interests favored in these
negotiations, and in the gratuities squandered upon Cana-
dian railways, that at the close of the Democratic Admin-
istration the British Minister was exposed in
tlie act of advising- American citizens of Eng-
lisii birtli to vote for Mr. Cleveland. Timorous
diplomacy was not even safe, for although Secretary
Bayard condoned when he ought to have resented acts of
- aggression in Samoa, he only succeeded in embittering
the relations of Germany and the United States.
American Influence Restoeed.
With the Harrison Administration there came a rapid
and complete transition in the conduct of foreign affairs.
Both in the Old and in the New World American pres-
tige lias been restored by courage and firmness in
dealing with Governments, whether great or small, and
by a policy of enlightened self-interest in bringing the
weight of the best market of the modern world to bear in
determining commercial exchanges. American rights
have not been either compromised or abandoned in any
quarter, but resolutely upheld in every diplomatic contro-
versy. At the same time a pacific settlement has been
invited in every instance where one could be effected on
/lonorable terms. The iiithience of the American
Kepublic among nations was never greater
tlian it is to-day after four years of liepubli-
can Administration.
OUE ViOTOEY IN THK SaMOAN CaSK.
The hi.a;hest tribute paid to the diplomacy which tri-
umphed in the Berlin Conference came from a powerful
London journal, in the coufetsion that England had sub^
mxitted tamely to German aggression until it was left for
the American Government to show her the path of honor.
With inflexible firmness American rights and the cause of
home rule in Samoa were upheld, and a treaty of peace,
excluding the supremacy of any foreign Government in
the islands, was negotiated. With equal courage and
resolution the menaces of another gi eat European nation
were resented after the lynching of Italian murderers in
New Orleans. As soon as an attitude of hostilit}' was dis-
claimed, and the American Government was left at liberty
to act upon its sense of justice, reparation was made in
the form of an indemnity for the wrong done.
American Rights in Beheing Sea.
With Great Britain the Harrison Administration lias
taken a determined, but not unconciliatory, stand respect-
ing American rights in Behring Sea. Upon the main-
tenance of those rights based on the Russian cession, and
the peculiar conditions of seal life and propagation, de-
pended the preservation of the only great herd of fur-seal
remaining in the ocean. Canada, for the sake of facilitat-
ing the destruction of the herd by its own sealers, had
vetoed an international arrangement and blocked the
course of arbitration. Secretary Blaine took up the ques-
tion with such vigor as to force an adjustment of it by an
international tribunal. While denying strenuously "that
freedom of the seas involved license for marauding enter-
prises against a herd to which Americans had every right
and Canadians none, he proposed temporary prohibition
of sealing, and consented to a reference of the whole dis-
pute to a board of neutral arbitrators.
A greatly-needed extradition treaty has also been con-
cluded with Great Britain by which Canada has been
closed as a base of retreat for American embezzlers and
defaulters. The Harrison Administration succeeded in
this work after the Cleveland Administration had failed
to negotiate a eonvention in an unobjectionable form.
The Chilian Imbeoglio and Ministee Egan.
^ In the Chilian complications the Harrison Administra-
tion upheld the dignity and honor of the country under
conditions of exceptional difficulty. The outbreak of civil
wax in a friendly state imposed upon the American Gov-
ernment tiie obligation of maintainino- an attitude of strict
neutrality. This was done by the diplomatic and naval
60
p
^K officers in accordance with explicit instructions from
^K Washington. Minister Egan made an iueli'ectual elfort to
^K bring about a pacific adjustment of the questions at issue,
^B and in the interest of humanity extended to leaders on
^K each side privileges of asylum in the American Legation.
^■^ After the triumph of the Congressional party he refused
^B to surrender the refugees under his roof, and, although
^/t harassed by spies and, subjected to gross indignities, he
^B persevered in protecting them until he secured their re-
^r moval in safety from the country. Those wlio had
taken refiij»e under the American flag were
not abandoned in their extremity.
The Attack on the * ' Baltimore's " Ceew.
In like manner those who had entered the service of the
United States Navy were protected with all the resources
of the Government when they were murderously assaulted
in Valparaiso on account of their American uniform. The
pursuit of the " Itata " for violation of port and neutrality
laws in a Calif ornian harbor had caused intense irritation
in Chili, although the leaders of the -Congressional party
in surrendering the ship admitted the justice of the Amer-
ican demand. This bitterness of feelin^g had been intensi-
fied by false rumors maliciously circulated respecting the
conduct of the American Admiral at the crisis of the
revolution. These circumstances did not relieve the
assault upon a portion of the *' Baltimore's" men from its
essential character as an attack upon the uniform of the
American Nav}^ liaving its origin and motive in hostility
to the American Government, which had been honorably
fulfilling its neutral obligations. The affront was ren-
dered more flagrant by the wanton conduct of the police
and public authorities of Valparaiso.
The Administration, while it acted with forbearance in
the early stages of this complication, was not to be put
off by evasions. A fleet was dispatched to Southern
waters, and preparations were rapidly made for naval
hostilities on a large scale. When the Chilian Minister of
Foreign Affairs issued an offensive circular letter, and
there was inexplicable delay in answering the American
Government's temperate request for explanations and rep-
aration, an ultimatum was presented, which was satis-
factorily answered. The Matta circnlar was witli-
drawn, and full and explicit expressions of
regret for the Valparaiso outrage were of-
fered. Subsequently the sum of $75,000 was
paid to the American 3Iinister as an indem-
nity for the lives. taken and the injuries inflicted in the
assault on the "Baltimore's" men. The Administration's
policy throughout this affair was forcibly expressed by
President Harrison in one of the closing passages of his
message to Congress, as follows :
National Honor Not to Be Lightly Esteemed.
** If the dignity as well as the prestige and influence of
the United States are not to be wholly sacrificed, we must
protect those who in foreign ports display the flag or wear
the colors of this Government against insult, brutality
and death, inflicted in resentment of the acts of their
61
Government and not for any fault of their own. It has
been my desire in every way to cultivate friendly and
intimate relations with all the Governments of this hem-
isphere. We do not covet their territory ; we desire their
peace and prosperity. We look for no advantage in our
relations with them except the increased exchanges of
commerce upon a basis of mutual benefit. We regret
every civil contest that disturbs their peace and paralyzes
their development, and are always ready to give our good
offices for the restoration of peace. It must, how-
ever, be understood that this (Jroverniiieiit,
while exercising the utmost forbearance
toward weaker powers, will extend its
strong and adequate protection to Its citi-
zens, to its officers and to its humblest sailor,
when made the victims of wantonness and
cruelty in resentment, not of their personal
miscoiKhict, but of the official acts of the
Oovernment. '*
The Peesidext and Minister Egan.
It was most fortunate for the United States, as Presi-
dent Harrison has frequently taken occasion to declare,
that we were represented in Chili throughout this contro-
versy by a Minister of unusual tact, sagacity, firmness,
forbearance and good judgment. In all these qualities,
not less than in patriotic devotion to the flag he repre-
sented, Patrick Egan showed his excellence. The Demo-
cratic party in Congress and in its newspaper press has
incessantly abused Mr. Egan in the endeavor to make him
the scapegoat of Chili's misconduct. His only crime, as
all knew, was that of being an Irish Republican instead
of an Irish Democrat ; but that was sufficient for the
Democratic partv. Reinforced by a coterie of renegade
Americans in Chili, who were there representing British
interests and drawing British pay, tlie Democrats have
assiduously circulated all kinds of slanders against Mr.
Egan, supplied by these renegade Americans. They ac-
cused him of engaging in private speculations ; of being
interested in contracts with the Government of the Chil-
ian President, Balmaceda ; with giving Balmaceda secret
information as to the plans of the revolutionists, and with
giving to our Government misinformation as to the
situation in Chili in the endeavor to induce President
Harrison to give Balmaceda effective aid.
All these wicked falsehoods, emanating from British
conspiracies and filtered through renegade Americans,
were shamelessly employed by the, Democratic party
throughout this country to injure Mr. Egan personally,
to coerce President Harrison into demanding Mr. Egan's
retirement, to give aid and comfort to the Chilian
revolutionists in their quarrel with our Government, and
to deceive the American people as to the merits of the
controversy.
Egan's Noble Perfoemance of Duty.
But this miserable business signally failed. President
Harrison is not the man to desert a faithful public servant,
no matter who may falsely assail him. The President
knew that Mr. Egan had given him full and accurate in-
62
formation at all times and in every crisis of the affair.
He knew Mr. Egan had followed his instructions im-
plicitly, and had behaved with wonderful tact and good
sense. He understood, too, the British commercial and
political agencies that were at work at night and day in
Santiago to entrap Mr. Egan, first because he was an
Irishman, and, second, because he was honored and
trusted by the Harrison Administration. The President
knew that Mr. Egan had walked a straight path through
all these contemptible conspiracies, regarding nothing
but his duty to the country he represented.
Knowing- these things, tiie President stood
resolutely by 3Ir. Egan, commended him by
name at the most critical point of the affair
in a special message to Congress, and let it be
distinctly known at home and abroad that
the army and navy of the United States, and
all the resources of this country were at Mr.
Egan's back, ready to vindicate him against
insult or wrong.
The result was the speedy subsidence of British and
Democratic clamor. Behind the clamor there was nothing
but lies, while behind Mr. Egan there was a noble record
of duty well performed under conditions that painfully
taxed his patience and called for the highest capacities of
a diplomat. Mr. Egan remains in Chili with the fullest
confidence of his Government and the thanks and plaudits
of the American people. When he returns from Chili, it
will not be to step down, but to step up.
All the Americas Dkawn Together.
The general policy to which the President referred was
carried into effect when the Pan-American Congress was
opened in Washington. The sessions were prolonged for
nearly five months, and exhaustive reports were received
on commercial union, international arbitration, steam-
ships, railways, banking facilities, coinage and other sub-
jects. While the recommendations of a representative
body not armed with treaty-making powers could have no
binding force, there was an amicable exchange of views
on questions affecting the peace and prosperity of all re-
publican nationalities on the continent. The most im-
portant results of this meeting were the adoption of a
report in favor of the negotiation of partial treaties of
reciprocity, the passage of a resolution recommending
compulsory arbitration as an expedient for averting war,
and the authorization of preliminary surveys for a system
of railways on north and south lines to connect the three
Americas.
Reciprocity and Its Results.
The State Department, acting upon the advice of the
Pan-American Congress, has negotiated a series of treaties
based upon the Reciprocity clause of the McKinley Act.
In return for a permanent free market for sugar, coffee
and hides, important concessions have been made to
American food products and manufactures. About
nine-tenths of the imported sugar supply
of the United States, and from three-fifths
to tliree-fourtlis of the coffee supply, are
now regulated by reciprocity eiigiigeiueiits
liiglily favoriible vo the export trade. While
tiie cost of living has been reduced to American con-
sumers, the privilege of a free market has not been flung
away as a gratuity t^o foreigners. Good business bargains
have been made for American producers. A cheap
breakfast table has been rendered contributory to the
development of the export trade. A fanner, even
wliile he sweetens and drinks his coffee,
helps to sell his wheat in a foreigrn market.
American Farmers in Control of Foreign Markets.
Ou this continent reciprocity conventions have been ne-
gotiated with Brazil, the Spanish West Indies, San Do-
mingo, Guatemala, Honduras, Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa
Rica, Jamaica, Trinidad, Barbadoes, British Guiana, the
Leeward and the Windward Ishinds. In Europe similar
commercial agreements have been made with Germany,
France and Austria-Hungary, The most important of
these conventions in commercial results is the agreement
with Germany, by which the United States is
practically admitted to all the privileges of
membership in the Continental Zollverein,
The increase of the export trade with Ger-
many duriiij? the five months ending on
July 1, 1892, was $12,748,513, mainly in
agricultural products. The treaty with Spain
has placed American millers in complete command of
the Cuban market and greatly stimulated the export
of provisions, machinery and general merchandise.
A gain of $0,293,156 with the Spanish West
Indies was reported on July 1, 1892, with the
new schedules in partial operation during the year. The
convention with Brazil has established preferential
schedules for American cotton goods and other manu-
factures and enlarged the export of breadstuffs. An
increase of $1,704,483 in the export trade has followed
in a single year. Similar results have accompanied the
negotiation of the conventions with France, Austria-
Hungary, the Central American States, the British West
Indies and San Domingo. Reciprocity has been shown
to be a great business policy.
England Bows to Bitter Necessity.
The British West Indies, in order to retain the Ameri-
can market for their sugar, were compelled to remove the
discriminations against our food products which their
tariff-makers had established for the benefit of English
manufacturers. Free-trade England was practically tax-
ing food in its colonies for the benefit of its own mercan-
tile classes. Protective America, with its Reciprocity
policy, is now cheapening food in the same islands. This
anom.aly and the remarkable gains for American trade
through the development of Reciprocity have draw^n
from Lord Salishury the despondent con-
fession that devotion to free tra<le may
be noble, but it is not businesslike. His
speech at Hastings, in which retaliatory duties were seri-
64
ously proposed, disclosed the helplessness of the British
Foreign Office in making commercial bargains with high-
tariff conntries. While the United States has been ad-
mitted to Continental Zollvereins and to the privileges of
tlie Freuch minimum tariff, and is enabled to obtain a
preferred position as an exporter to Brazil, the Spanish
West Indies and other countries, England is, as her most
brilliant diplomatist has frankly declared, without armor
or weapon for fighting the modern battle for a market.
An English Prime Minister's direct tribute to the success
of the Reciprocity policy leaves nothing wanting to com-
plete the diplomatic reputation of the Harrison Adminis-
tration.
Unexampled Commercial Victoeies.
Another great stroke of business has been the removal
of European prohibitions upon the admission of American
meat products. To this result, which has already
involved an increase of the exports of liog-
products amounting- to $10,280,881 in the
course of a few months, the Republican candidate for
Vice-President greatly contributed by his strong and lucid
presentation of the case when he was Minister to France.
Vigorous as the State Department's work has been in
the controversies which have arisen with Germany,
Italy, Great Britain and Chili, and resolute and inflexible
as its defense of American rights has invariably been,
its chief 8:lory is that of conducting the most
successful husiness Administration known
in the annals of American diplomacy. All the
productive interests of the nation have been benefited
by the enlargement of foreign markets for American
exports. There has been noble sentiment in taking up
the cause of murdered Riggin, and in recruiting a fleet
to obtain redress for the wrongs of American sailors, but
there has also been downright business in the making
of a long series of commercial bargains and in the re-
moval of restrictions upon the export trade.
Smitten with the Liove of Peace.
(S.m Francisco, May 1st, Chamber Commerce Receptiun.)
We will pursue the paths of peace ; we are not a
warlike Nation ; all our instincts, all our history is
in the lines of peace. Only intolerable aggression,
only the peril of our institutions — of the flag — can
thoroughly arouse us. With capability for war on
land and on sea unexcelled by any nation in the
world, we are smitten with the love of peace. We
would promote the peace of this hemisphere by
placing judiciously some large guns about the
Golden Gate — simply for saluting purposes, and
yet they should be of the best modern type.
—BENJAMIN HARRISON.
65
Debts Paid, Circulation Vastly Increased
and all Moneys Held at Par.
Two Hundred and Fifty-nine Millions of Interest
Bearing Debt Paid, the Greatest Record
Ever Made, with a Saving to the
People of $55,352,493.
In no department of the Government has there been
administration more skilful or more valuable to the people
than in the Treasury. These are the main results which
tell of methods and means that assure public confidence
in Republican financial statesmanship :
First. The large reduction of the public debt, and the
annual interest charge thereon.
Second. The reduction of public moneys, held by
favored national banks, and the use of the same, in pay-
ing off the public debt.
Third. The placing of a tvp^o per cent. loan.
Fourth. The increase in the volume of money in circu-
lation.
Fifth. The maintenance of all our moneys at par with
each other, and the retention of a small but safe balance
in the Treasury.
Reduction of Debt.
There has been a very large reduction of the public
debt since March 1, 1889. On that day the cash balance
in the Treasury, stated according to the present method,
and including the amount held for the redemption of
United States notes, was $173,997,428. At that date there
were no bonds outstanding, redeemable at the pleasure of
the Government, as was the case on March 1, 1885, when
the Democratic Administration came into power. At
that time there was over $194,000,000 of three per
cents outstanding and redeemable at the will of the Gov-
ernment. On March 1, 1889, the market prices of the fours
and four and one-half per cents were liigii owing to pur-
chases made by the preceding Adminisrration. Notwith-
standing these unfavorable circumstances, Secretary
Windom succeeded, during the first sixteen months .
of his administration, in purchasing $78,974,700 of four
per cents and $53,826,450 of four and one-half per cent,
bonds; and at the end of tlie purchase was
paying- eight per cent, less for the fours, and
five and five-eighths per cent, less for the
four and one-halfs, than at tlie beginning !
During the summer of 1890 the skilful management of
our national finances averted grave disaster, and com-
pletely restored that confidence in commercial circles that
had been shaken by foreign financial troubles. Within a
period of ninety days the Treasury Department disbursed
over one hundred million dollars on account of the public
debt.
The amount of United States bonds purchased and re-
deemed under this Administration since March 1, 1889,
was 1259,093,650, at a cost of $296,316,931. The cost of
these bonds had they been allowed to run to maturity
would have been $351,669,424, showing a saving to.
the Goveriimeut, through these purciiases, of
$55,352,493.
The annual interest charge on March 1, 1889, was $34,-
578,459; the annual interest charge July 1, 1892, was
$22,893,883, showing a decrease uiid'er this Ad-
ministration in tlie annual interest charge
on United States bonds of $11,084,576.
An Eloquent Comparison.
The interest-bearing debt of the United States on March
1, 1885, the advent of the Democratic Administration, was
as follows :
Makoh 1, 1885.
Annual
Amount. Interest.
3% bonds $194,190,500 $5,825,715
4^% bonds 250,000,000 11,250,000
4 % bonds and Ref. Certs. 737,958,550 29,518,342
$1,182,149,050 $46,594,057
The interest-bearing debt on March 1, 1889, the com-
mencement of the Republican Administration, was as
follows :
March 1, 1889.
Annual
Amount. - Interest.
4^ % bonds $162,842,200 $7,327,899 00
4 % bonds and Ref. Certs. 681,264,020 27,250,560 80
$844,106,220 $34,578,459 80
The interest-bearing debt of the United States at the
present time, July 1, 1892, is as follows :
July 1, 1892.
Annual
Amount. Interest.
2% bonds $25,364,500 $507,290 00
4 % bonds and Ref. Certs. 559,664,830 22,386,593 20
$585,029,330 $22,893,883 20
Democratic Favoritism of National Banks.
When the Democratic party assumed control of the Gov-
ernment in 1885, the amount of public money held by
national banks was $13,665,573, This amount was
67
increased, under Democratic Administration, until on
April 30, 1888, it was $01,1)21,294:.
By March 1,- 1889, this had been reduced to $48,818,-
991. Only about one-fourth of this amount was
actually required to be so held in the business of collect-
ing revenues and disbursing expenditures. The re-
iiiaiiicler was simply public moneys left witli
favored banks on deposit instead of beinj^
used to reduce the i^eneral indebtedness of
the United States. The amount has been reduced
under Republican Administration to $13,860,270, or
about the same amount as was held when the Democratic
party took control of the Treasury in 1885 ; that is to
say, these unnecessary balances have all been
collected, and the money so obtained has been employed
in paying off the public debt.
Placing of the Two Per Cent. Loans.
In addition to the large purchase of interest-bearing
debt this Administration was able to extend over
#25.000,000 of the four and one-half per cent, bonds, fall-
ing due last September at the rate of two per cent,
per annum, redeemable at the pleasure of the Govern-
ment, a rate lower than any other Govern-
ment has ever been able to place a public
loan, and lower than this Government has ever been
able to place it at any preceding period in its history.
Increase of the Volume of Money in Circulation.
There has been a notable increase in the volume of
money in circulation since March 1, 1889. On that date
the amount was $1,404,205,896, while on July 1, 1892, it
was $1,603,073,338, or an increase of $198,807,442,
an increase per capita of $1.44. During a corre-
sponding period of the last Administration there was an
increase of only $85,421,811, and a decrease
per capita of sixteen cents.
All Moneys at Par.
Notwithstanding the purchase of over 107,065,000 fine
ounces of silver bullion under tlie Act of 1890, and the,
issue of $105,472,000 in treasury notes, and notwithstand-
ing the large exports of gold from the United States dur-
ing this period, by wise and skilful management of the
public finances every dollar of money issued by the Gov-
ernment has been kept at par with every other dollar of
equal purchasing value, and every holder of any
oblij^ation of the United States has been able
and will continue to receive ^old coin upon
demand.
The Reduction of the Surplus.
Notwithstanding the large reduction in the revenues of
tlie Government occasioned principally by placing sugar
on the free list, tlie expenditures have been kept Avell
within the receipts. The receipts of the Government from
all sources from March 1, 1889, to July 1, 1892, have
68
a.^gregated $1,81 7,768,781, while the expenditures
have aggregated $l,07t5,070,931, showing a net
excess of receipts over exi>euditures of $244,-
688,850. This surplus has been used, as shown,
above, in the reduction of the public debt.
The cash balance in the Treasury March 1, 1885,
stated by the present method, and including the amount
held for redemption in United States notes, was $151,581,-
970. This was considered by the outgoing Republican
Administration a liberal balance ; but, by August, 1886,
notwithstanding the fact that there was over $194,000,000
three per cent, bonds outstanding redeemable at the pleas-
ure of the Government, the surplus revenues had been
allowed to accumulate in the Treasury until the balance
had reached the enormous sum of $209,184,242.
Later it was reduced to $169,146,475, but on May 1,
1888, it ]iad again increased to $288,148,858 ; and
on March 1, 1889, when the Republican Administration
again took charge of the Government, it was $172,-
997,428. Since March 1, 1889, there has been a consid-
erable reduction of the balance, which on July 1, 1892,
was $126,692,377.
Thus the revenues wlieii collected have
been proni.ptly returned to the circulation,
but witliout impairing^ the ability of the
Oovernnient to meet all its obligations
promptly as they came due.
Sir John Macdonald Shows How American Protection
Works.
{From a speech in the Canadian Parliament by the late
Sir John A. Macdonald, Premier.)
Suppose the man has 100 acres on the Canadian
side of the line and 100 acres of land on the Amer-
ican side of the line. Suppose he grows 1,000
bushels of barley on each of his farms. He takes
his 1,000 American bushels to the American market
and gets $1.00 a bushel for it. He takes his 1,000
bushels of Canadian barlej^ to the American market
and gets but 85 cents per bushel, because lie lias
to pay 15 cents duty for taking: it
across the line. How can it, in this case, be
said that the consumer pays the duty? It COmes
out of tlie pockets of the Canadian
farmers.
69
m HAVY DEPAlffflH.
Amazing Progress in Every Branch of
Naval Science.
The Ablest Ship Ever Floated Can Now Be
Launched in an American Yard Within Fifteen
Months after the Keel Is Laid— Democratic
Obstruction at Every Stage of the
Reform.
The Republican party initiates and develops new-
policies; the Democratic party obstructs them. This
cardinal principle of American politics has been illustrated
in the building of the navy. This movement received its
first impulse under President Arthur's Administration.
The work was undertaken in a self-reliant, American way.
No attempt was made to discredit the expert
talent of tlie service. No commission was sent
abroad to purchase English designs at first or second hand.
There was no thought of borrowing European ideas or of
importing material or mechanism. Two Advisory Boards
of recognized ability and experience reported a general
schemeof naval development, and recommended the con-
struction of three cruisers and a dispatch boat. These ves-
sels were built from American designs, the contracts being
awarded by Secretary Chandler, and were of American
material and workmanship. The vessels were approach-
ing completion when a Democratic Administration entered
upon office. A characteristic display of partisanship and
obstruction followed.
The Destruction of the Roach Shipbuilding Plant.
Instead of accepting the work of his predecessor as a
successful attempt to supply the Navy with cruisers of
moderate cost, and directing all his energies to obtaining
improved designs for faster and more useful vessels, Sec-
retary Whitney devoted the first year of his term to war-
fare upon a Republican contractor, and with Attorney-
General Garland's assistance drove him into bankruptcy.
He not only delayed the completion of the vessels, but
also seemed bent upon arraying one naval faction against
another and securing condemnation of the designs. It is
only just to add that during the closing half of his term
he displayed commendable energy in planning new work
and in securing the introduction of naval industries by
awarding a large contract for gun steel and armor.
But, even when his partisan raid upon John Roach had
ended, his prejudice against American expert talent re-
mained. He sent to Eiijjrland for^ desij^iis of
ships and macliiiiery and discredited the
ahilityof onr engineers to compete witii the
best talent in Europe. Some of his English-
70
r American ships would have proved miscalculated failures
if gross errors had not been discovered. The battle-
ship "Texas" would not liave lloate<l if she
had heeii built on the orij'iiuil Kuj^iish lines.
One of the most ambitious of his cruisers was dangerously
American Designs Only, and They the Best.
Secretary Tracy, when he succeeded Secretary Whit-
ney, proved to be neither a partisan nor a speculator in
English designs, but a plain man of business, bent upon
building the navy as rapidly as possible and upon obtain-
ing the highest class of work. He did not declare war
upon the contractors employed by his predecessor, nor
did he organize a raid upon the shipbuilding industry.
Without disparaging the work which had been done, he
employed the best talent in the service in improving upon
it. The English designs were not duplicated. Every
vessel which lias been planned under the
Harrison Administration has been American
In desig'n. At least three original types of construction
liave been provided,, and these have been markedly in
advance of the naval architecture of Europe.
One of these is a commerce destroyer, with the unpar-
alleled speed of twenty-two knots and a coal endurance
enabling her to sail around the world without replen-
ishing her bunkers. Another is an armored cruiser
with a formidable battery and high speed, and
designed to protect as well as to destroy com-
merce. Still another is a battleship with a
tonnage of 10,000, with heavy armor and a very powerful
battery, and with defensive qualities of the liighcst
etficiency. Nine vessels of these three types, each essen-
tially new to naval architecture, are now under construc-
tion, with an aggregate tonnage of 64,000. With forty-
six vessels in various stages, there has been a great
volume of work, employing 80,000 mechanics. Secre-
tary Tracy's energ-y lias carried everything
before it. Every branch of the service has felt
the impetus of his resolute purpose and organ-
izing power.
America, at Last, a First-Rate Naval Power.
No detail of modern naval warfare has been neglected
by this working Secretary. There has been a marked
improvement in both the guns and the armor used for the
new navy. The cost of the batteries has been reduced at
the gun foundries, and by scientific tests a quality of
nickel-steel armor, superior to anything used in Europe,
lias been produced for the protection of tlie battleships.
Secretary Tracy found the gun factory in Wash-
ington at work upon six-inch guns. He will
leave with mechanical appliances for turning out 13-
inch guns. The manufacture of projectiles of high power
has been introduced, and supplies of torpedoes and smoke-
less powder have been obtained. The project of having
a force of trained naval militia in the coast towns has
been carried out with marked success and with signs of
increased public interest.
71
Ailded to all these improved methods of warfare are
important reforms in various branches of the service, one
of them being the reorganization of the navy yards on a
business basis. So indefatigable a worker as Secretary
Tracy has no time for such displays of reckless partisan-
sliip as clouded the reputation of his predecessor. More-
over, he is too practical an administrative officer to think
of driving a shipbuilder into rack and ruin when there is
such an enormous mass of work to be done for the new
navy. A shipbuilder is his friend and ally, not his
irreconcilable foe.
The Navy Confronting Chili.
The Republican Administration has shown not merely
that it can build a new fleet of greatly increased efficiency,
but also that it can be depended upon in an emergency
to use it with overwhelming effect. In the Chilian com-
plications the Department was subjected to a rigorous
test. The new navy had cost many millions. Could it
be handled with vigor and success ? Was there a Secre-
tary in charge of it capable of preparing for war and of
striking a sudden blow without delay when the time should
come ? Such questions as these could not be answered at
the critical stage of the negotiations, but, when danger
was past, the navy was found to have been prepared for a
rapid concentration upon the Chilian coast. There was a
fleet in the South Atlantic, and another one within hail in
the Pacific. Coal ships had been chartered and were
sailing southward ; adequate arrangements had been made
for provisioning the fleet ; a repair ship had been secured
and transports were available ; batteries were in order and
a torpedo outfit was under contract ; and the navy was in
readiness for active operations. If it liact not been
thoiijjht to be so well prepared, it might have
had serious work to do.
Amazing Peogress in Naval Science.
Never before has there been such unity of purpose nor
such concentration of effort in making the navy a model
service with all the resources of a modern fleet under
symmetrical development. After a long and inexplicable
season of indifference to naval progress Americans have
suddenly mastered the intricacies of modern shipbuilding
and are rapidly forging ahead of Europeans in all matters
of offensive and defensive armaments. They are getting
the best armor, guns, projectiles, powder and ships, and
are adapting themselves to the practical requirements of
the nation. The complex naval industries have been
introduced with remarkable facility and the most difficult
work -is now undertaken and rapidly executed. So
lari^'e and fine a vessel as tlie ** New York '*
can be launched fourteen months after the
keel is laid. Wonderful progress has been made in
less than a decade.
TlTe newest vessels added to the navy are essentially
original and American in every sense. The " New York"
and the " Columbia " will serve as modelg for foreign
cruisers and commerce destroyers, and their remarkable
combination of effective qualities will be reproduced by
72
w
^B European designers. Ko longer are English aud Frencli
^B' designs purchased and foreign types closely imitated.
^K Only the best of its class is fit for the American Navy, and
^R to have the best it must be invented by American talent.
^m This is the spirit of the service which has felt under
B Republican Administration the invigorating impulse of a
^B • broad and practical mind with a creative policy.
Wonderful Yards and Shops.
The wrork begun under the Arthur Administration has
been steadily developed and carried to a high level of
perfection during the last four years. A new and most
intricate manufacturing industry has been undertaken in
private and public yards — that of building steel ships with
engines and batteries of the highest power. Such war-
ships as the four 10,000-ton armored vessels, and 22-knot
commerce destroyers like the " Columbia," are the most
delicate and complicated machines of modern times. The
work of building such a fleet has involved the conversion
of navy yards into machine shops, where the highest
classes of mechanics are employed regardless of anj'- other
consideration than skill. So scientific are the, processes,
and so thorough is the organization of the Department,
that the best results of European skill and experience have
been surpassed.
Demooeatio Attempts to Kill the New Navy.
It is a great and patriotic work conducted on a large
scale and with vast expenditures, but the Democratic
party does not seem to be in sympathy with it, and never
allows an opportunity for obstructing it to pass. Mr.
Holnian within a year lias lieadeda series of
petuleiit revolts against the new navy. Secre-
tary Tracy having caught up with all arrears, desired to
continue the work of enlarging the fleet. - His recommen-
dations were very moderate, but democratic econo-
mists would not consent to have a dollar ap-
propriated for new work. They even opposed the
bare authorization of two additional ships, and were only
defeated after a desperate struggle. Even then they had
succeeded in restricting the Secretary's proposals aud in
suspending the operation of a Republican Senate's pro-
gressive policy. Widely and deservedly popular as is the
movement for developing the defensive resources of the
nation, Democratic leaders cannot bring themselves to
approve of it without hesitation and reserve. Their ob-
struction instincts overmaster them whenever fresh pro-
posals are made for battleships of the highest class.
They are confused by the notion that a fighting navy
should be wanted. Some of them like Mr. Holman are
constantly mumbling under their breath, ''What is a
navy good for anyway?" The work of makinj^
the American Navy what it on^ht to he— a
marvel of modern science and the pride of
the seas, a fortress and a defense of Ameri-
can rights— falls upon the more progressive
and patriotic party. The battle of American naval
supremacy will have to be fought to the very end, and the
victory won by the Republican party.
73
IB WAR DEPABTll
Sea-Coast Defenses Now Constructing in
a Dozen Great Harbors,
Great Gun Factories Have Been Born of Republi-
can Endeavor— Submarine Mines Laid— The
Army Reorganized in Rank and File.
President Harrison is to be congratulated upon the ad-
ministration of the affairs of the Department of War.
Under Secretary Proctor, and now under Secretary
Stephen B. Elkins, reforms and progress have been tli'e
rule. Over $50,000,000 are annually applied under the
direction of this Department in the superintendence of
liver and harbor improvements and public works through-
out the country ; in the maintaining of free and unob-
structed commerce along the seaboard and through
navigable higliways ; in defenses and ordnance in connec-
tion therewith ; in addition incidental matters pertain-
ing to the preserving and perfecting the records of the
War of the Rebellion and pensioners, and a careful
management of the entire military system.
During the Harrison Administration there have been
more activity and Successful development than in any
previous corresponding period for thirty years. Nearly
two Imiiclrecl iiiillioiis of dollars have been
expeiiclecl without the loss throiijjh defalca-
tion or official mishap of a single dollar to the
Government !
No Invasion Now Is Feaked.
Our people had real occasion to be apprehensive of
foreign invasion until in August, 1890, a Republican
Congress began the creation of a system of defenses,
and appropriated a million and a quarter for the con-
struction of gun and mortar batteries at Boston,
New York and San Francisco, the three great
gateways to the American Continent. That system
embraces (1) an armament of the heaviest rifle
guns, which, while widely dispersed, can concen-
trifte on the enemy's vessels, projectiles calculated
to keep the most powerful fleet at a distance, or to de-
stroy it if it ventures near ; (2) submarine mines planted
in the channels and roadways ; (3) the protection of
these*mined areas by batteries of rapid-firing guns.
Appropriation was last year made for the defense in
this fashion of Hampton Roads and Washington, and
projects for the defense of Charleston and Savannah are
under consideration. Modern heavy rifle guns are of
such increased range that the Administration's plan pro-
74
F 1 ^f ihn oviorior line of defenses even
flel^t beyond bombarding ai^^^^^^^ ^^,^^^^ 1,,,,,.^
President Harrison beheyes wo . ourselves. This
modern ordnance ^"^ shouUl maj^^c t^^ ^^ ^^^.^^^
we now do. ^o longer need wcimpm^^^^ Under lie-
armament is made, nor ^lie ^r^es tor ^^^^^^_
publican encouragement a new i^misiry ^^^^ ^^^_
fished. The niachmery for he army an^ used^in them is
tories is Aniencan-made and the ^^^enai ^^^^.^ ^^^. .^
fabricated in tl"S country. The bestjay ^^^.^^^ ^^^_
^^i^^trSX f^SniUrim^P^oLg prepUion.
A Vastly Improved Akmy.
The army itself, in Us "}-'„ -^jf, j~'S"'-"o;.i'
The eftcf'-'n'^y "f '™?''Xmies ol each officer are regu-
K^^on'^S^'lVdlmprred attainments and conduc:
are already ^"J^^-. ,^^„„ o-nidance the primitive system
mary courts which promptly ai^poseu ^ ^^.^^
nets being punished ^^"^^^^J.^et^i^rmSch better". He
penalties. The enlisted man likes tins i
Fs better fed, clothed ^"^ lodpd t^^^^^^^
ially does the law Passed ^Pon^h^ AdSstration, which
Department during the P^^^l^'^^^Xnorable discharge,
passed.
The Akmy on the Frontiee.
The Department l^as enlisted Indians as reg^
with signal success, /he practce promotes c^^^^^ ^^^^^^
among the tribes and secures the war^^^^^^^ g^^^^ ^^^
.as champions, not enemies of the ^^P^ "^^^ ^^^^ ^even
Indians, including five f'^l troops oi c J'^. ^^.^^ ^i^^
companies of ^^^'^''y^J'^Zt^^^^^^^ ^^
last four years, of the /^^^^ler garrib , ^^^^^^
them many ^^ ^ -m isolat d and au^ ,^^^^
abandoned. ^ ^ i . f linp of Secretary Elkins' much-
rJ;ia^idTd%oii:r^Mch ^tf X «'e estahlishment
at stategic points of larger posts.
Royal Tbaininq fob Ouk Militia !
To utilize the splendidly d""«d|; regulars .-in tnuning
lltrSi%nTo^e'''^eetn?Sr"eau^^^^^^
75
manly young fellows who form the thousands of military
companies of which our cities and towns are justly
proud. The State troops will be placed upon a higher
plane of efficiency and brought into more intimate relation
with the regular army.
The notorious injustice worked by the Democratic
Administration upon those entitled to pensions, through
red tape and grossly lax methods, resulting in hopeless
blockade of business in the Pension Records Division of
the War Department, has been happily remedied. System
has been introduced. The calls from the Pension Office
alone for information from the records average 205,000
annually. Under this Republican Administration 40,000
cases in arrears were brought up in one year, 30,000 new
ones were disposed of, and 197 clerks were doing the work
that formerly occupied 649.
Our army, happily, numbers only 25,000, as against
1,000,000 professional soldiers in Germany with two-
thirds of our population ; but recent occurrences remind
the Republic, both as regards our dignity abroad and
good order at home, that the spirit of a vigorous patriot-
ism— even a military spirit — must be encouraged and con-
served. It would indeed be folly for voters in the coming
election to make change in the Administration and thus
deprive the Republic of a continuance of the progressive,
vigorous, yet wise and careful, policy of President Harri-
son and Secretary Elkins.
The Dignity of I.abor.
Gentlemen, you can not elevate labor. It is beyond
your reach. God blessed labor in the beginning. We
may and should do that which tends to eimoble and
elevate the laborer, but we can not elevate labor, God
blessed that in the beginning, when by His holy ordinance
He commanded that in the sweat of our faces we should
eat bread. Labor is not only noble, but ennobling.
* * * This is a nation of laborers; it is not of con-
sequence where or how we labor to honorably fill life's
mission, but do we live and labor worthily and w^ell ? We
recognize no idlers save the gamblers, the loafers, and
those who subsist by lawlessness, and they are taw, W'e
all get our bread in sweat of our faces, whether our
efforts are bestowed in one capacity or another. And
this creates one great bond of sympathy betv/een all our
people. I am in favor of all those organizations which cal}
together men of kindred sympathies, who, recognizing
the universal brotherhood of mankind, and the equal
rights of all, seek to do that which will lift men up, make
them better, and which gives them to understand that
in this country, to those who practice industry, economy,
and sobriety, the road to competence and excellence is
open.
—BENJAMIN BUTTEKWORTH.
76
TIE rap JEFAETINT.
How Its Great Bureaus Have Been Con-
ducted by Secretary Noble.
Reforms in Every Branch of the Service— The
Eleventh Census— Commissioner Carter's
Work in the Land Office— The Indian
Bureau and Its Care of the
Nation's Wards.
The Interior Department is a vast collection of busi-
ness offices wiiereiu the laws of the Government witii n. •
gard t^ its Territories, the Public Lauds, the Indian
Service, Pensions, Patents and many other smaller con-
cerns are put into execution. The census is taken under
the direction of the Secretary of the Interior, so that his
duties since the Harrison Administration came into office
have been even more varied and laborious than usual.
Signal success has marked their performance. The
eleventh census, dealing with a much greater number of
public affairs than have heretofore been investigated by
any census, has been taken three months earlier tiian any
other. The work of enumeration began on June 1, and
its result as to population was announced on October 30.
The result of the next preceding census was not announced
until January. In other words, although there was an in-
crease of more than 12,000,000 of people to bo counted,
making the work 25 per cent, greater than before, the re-
sult was made out three months earlier. What this means
in the handling of the enumerators is not easily appre-
ciated. The publications of the eleventh census have been
five times greater already than those of the tenth census,
but there is no doubt that in the collection and arrange-
ment of tlie finally completed statistics as nuich as two
years will be gained over any preceding record. The new
departments covered by the eleventh census are tliose of
school and church statistics, Indian statistics, mines and
mining and the general subject of mortgage indebtedness.
These are matters of the highest value to the public, with-
out which the real condition of the country would be but
partially exhibited. ^
It is an interesting fact, that wdiile our population has
been increasing from 50,000,000 to 62,000,000, that of the
United Kingdom has grown from 85,000,000 to only 39,-
000,000. T^'! force of this fact is most impressive in the
story it telli >f American development.
Many attempts have been made by Democratic parti-
sans to impeach the work of Superintendent Porter, but
every such proceeding has ended in the Immiliation of
tliose engaged in it. The Congress investigation, carried
on b^-- Democratic Congressmen to inquire into Democratic
chit-'' '>s, proved abundantly that Mr. Porter's work has
bee onderfully fair, accurate and complete, and proved
oul} .hat. Tlie c^ "ximittee of investigation, ashamed to
report that its libe -us informants were false witnesses,
77
unwilling, before election, to admit tlic trutli, and unable
to declare anything to the discredit of the Bureau, made
no other report before Congress adjourned than to say it
would report some time in the distant future !
In tue Land Office.
The change of Administration when Cleveland went out
and Harrison came in was to none more apparent than to
that great body of the American people who had newly
settled on the public domain in the great States and Ter-
ritories west of the Mississippi River. For four years
they had been treated almost barbarously. The Home-
stead laws of the United States, created by the Republican
Party, were aimed to settle the West, to bring into culti-
vation the vast and wonderfully fertile plateaus and
prairies that had been waiting for centuries the touch of
plow and harrow. Beyond comparison and far
beyond expectation bad been tbe success of
the Homestead policy. Millions of Americans
from the Eastern States and millions more of immigrants
from all the countries of Europe had settled, developed
and brought into fellowship with the Union, Territory
after Territory and State after State.
But the Democratic party, as hungry after scandals as
after spoils, when it came into power, proceeded, without
investigation and without the slightest evidence, to de-
nounce the settlers, whose thrift and industry had made
the country great, and to vex and plunder them. Andrew
Jackson Sparks, Commissioner of the General Land Office,
under Mr. Cleveland, within a few days after he took
office, declared that the great body of settlers in the West
had acquired their lands dishonestly, and, in his first
annual report, placed the falsehood on record, that at the
outset of his administration he " was confronted with
overwhelming evidences that the public domain was
being made a prey of unscrupulous speculation and the
worst forms of land monopoly, through 83'^8tematic fraud
carried on and consummated under the public land laws."
Slanders and Wrongs against the West.
He bad the crazy audacity to declare, in the same re-
port, that the proportion of fraudulent entries could be
more nearly estimated at the whole number of such
entries than in any other manner. At no time was Com-
missioner Sparks in possession of the slightest particle of
proof in support of his statements. There is not on fib;
in the Department, and there never has been, any state-
ment of facts even suggestive of such proof. If tbe
idea in bis liead was not purely cbimerical,
it was partisan and malicious.
At this time large numbers of applications for final
papers were before the Department. Claiming that the
entries upon the public domain were in almost all in-
stances fraudulent, and that the merchants and farmers
who had created Iowa, Nebraska, Kansas, the Dakotas,
Montana and all the far West were unscrupulous specu-
lators. Commissioner Sparks issued an order on April 3,
1885, suspending action on all entries in almost the entire
country west of the Mississippi River. Tbe spirit
tbat prompted tbis order controlled tbe
administration of tlie land laws for four
years. Settlers were in all cases treated as suspicious
78
characters, and the vaguest and most indefinite charges
against them were enough to cause dehiys in the
acquirement of their lands and expenses in the protection
of their rights that rendered all their relations with the
Government a source of vexation, reproach and loss. In
thousands of cases farms that had been fully acquired
were actually lost to their rightful owners by the unjust
conduct of Commissioner Sparks.
Naturally, when this Administration assumed the reins
of government in 1889, it was confronted by a land sys-
tem utterly demoralized in every branch and bureau.
There were pending and awaiting' considera-
tion no less than ,350,953 applications and
entries. In the first year of the Cleveland Adminis-
tration agricultural patents had been issued to over
11,800,000 acres, but in the three succeeding years the
total number issued covered only 14,000,000 acres.
Republicans Do Things Bettkk.
Secretary Noble, with the aid of Commissioners GrolT
and Carter, has in three years cleared up allthese
arrearages. In 1890, 117,347 agricultural patents
were issued, covering 18,759,520 acres. In 1891, 114,300
patents were issued, covering 18,297,000 acres. In 1892,
96,380 patents were issued, covering 15,420,800 acres.
Tlie total number of patents issued from
1885 to 1888 was 162,754. The total
number issued from 1888 to 1892 was
398,128. The total number of acres handed
to those who had earned them in the lirst
period amounted to only 26,040,040, while
in the second period they amounted to
63,700,480. The docket is now clear, and when
Commissioner Carter resigned office on July 1, 1892,
he left a bureau free to attend to current business
as it arose. The brave and hardy people who had
said, with Tennyson, " more life and fuller that I
want," who had turned the wilderness into a garden, and
had dug millions in metal from the hills, are no longer
treated as if their business was a disgrace and an injury to
tiie Nation. The Government's assumption in dealing with
them is not that they are frauds seeking to swindle the
public, but honorable Americans seeking to give homes
to their children and wealth and strength to the country.
The Indian Bureau.
The Bureau of Indian Affairs is one of the most difficult
and perplexing offices in the Government. It has to do
with the oversight of 250,000 Indians, ranging all the way
from the lowest savagery up to complete civilization. It
deals with their lands, their offences, their education,
etc., etc. It disburses every year many millions of dol-
lars, purchases and distributes large quantities of pro-
visions, clothing, agricultural implements, stock, etc.,
and has to contend with great difficulties.
During the three years, from July 1, 1885, to June 30,
1888, the total appropriations for the Indian service
amounted to $16,993,265.48 ; while for the three years,
from July 1, 1889, to June 30, 1892, the total appropria-
tions amounted to $38,831,355.16. During the first three
years mentioned above, there was paid for lands pur-
chased from the Indians nothing ; while during the last
79
throe years there was paid for lands purchased from
Iiidians $16,808,092.41).
Indian Lands Thrown Open.
The relinquishment to the Governrntrnt of large tracts of
land held by Indians in common, and their accepting of
small individual allotments for farming purposes during
the past two or three years, while of great good to tlie
Indian, was also a pecuniary benefit to the Government ;
as although considerable cash had to be paid to the
Indians, which swelled the annual appropriations greatly
in the end by the disposal of the land to actual white
settlers, the Government will be f idly reimbursed.
That which distinguishes the present admistration of
Indian affairs more tlian any one thing is the policy of re-
ducing the Indian reservations and allotting lands to the
Indians in severalty. During the three years of Harrison's
Administration, more than twenty-four millions of acres
of Indian lands have been restored to the public domain,
to become the residence of pioneer settlers. During the
first three years of the last administration there were
4,135 individual allotments of land made to Indians ; while
during the three years of Harrison's Administration,
12,273 Indian allotments were made. During the first
three years of the last administration there were 690
patents issued to Indians for lands, while during the
three years of the Harrison Administration there have
been 7,248 delivered. A vast amount of labor is involved
in this, matter of reducing the reservations, and especially
in the matter of making allotments.
Indian Reforms.
The object of making Indians successful farmers has
been kept constantly and prominently in view for the last
four years, and the results have been very gratifying, as,
owing to great numbers having taken allotments of lands
in severalty, and now feeling a personal interest and
ownership in their land, they have more inducement to
fence, break and cultivate it, and a very decided advance
may be expected in the next few years. They are being
assisted by training schools, where farming, gardening
and care of stock, especially milch cows, are tairghttothe
young men. Great numbers of stock for breeding pur-
poses have been issued to then\ under such provisions and
restrictions as will insure their proper care and the care
of the increase for sufllcient length of time to supply each
thrifty farmer with a small herd of his own. Practical
farmers are located amongst them, so as to be constantly
with them to instruct and encourage them.
Indian Education.
The educational work of the Indian Bureau for the fis-
cal years 1886-7-8-90-92 may be summarized as follows r
No. Of
Schools.
Capacity.
Enrollment.
Average
Attendance.
1886
1887
1888
1890
1891
1892
214
223
233
246
256
275
15,291
15,766
16,464
18,457
• 19,992
•22.000
12,316
14,333
15,212
16,377
17,926
•19,000
9,360
10,2.50
11,240
12,232
13,588
•16,000
• Approximately.
80
During the last three fiscal years new reservation board-
ing schools have been established among the White Mount-
ain Apaches, Arizona; at Fort Belknap, Montana ; Fort
Totten, North Dakota; Fort Sill, Oklahoma; Seger
Colony, Oklahoma; Okanagan, Washington. New reser-
vation boarding schools will soon be opened in the south-
western part of the Kiowa Reservation, at Hoopa Valley,
California; Ouray, Utah; Oneida, Wisconsin, and West-
ern Shoshone, Nevada.
Large training schools have already been established at
Fort Mojave,and Phoenix, Arizona, and Fort Lewis, Colo-
rado, n^r the Southern Ute Reservation, and a similar
school will immediately be opened at Fort Shaw, Mon-
tana. Building operations are already under way which will
result in a few months in the opening of training schools
at Mount Pleasant, Michigan ; Tomah, Wisconsin ; Pipe-
stone, Minnesota ; Flandreau, South Dakota, and Perris,
California. The total capacity of these new ochools is
2,340.
Reforms in School Methods,
Some ot'jer important matters which have occurred
during the last three fiscal j^ears are the following : The
repairing, enlarging, remodeling, and furnishing with a
better and fuller equipment schools already in existence.
By means of these agencies, the enrollment and average
attendance has been largely increased. The service 1ms
been greatly aided by the adoption of a new course of
study, based upon the latest researches in educational
science; a list of text books by modern authors; the
promulgation of uniform rules for the government of
schools ; the enactment by Congress of a compulsory law
for the education of Indian youth ; the adoption of a more
complete and extended system of supervision, whereby
careful and critical inspection can be made of the whole
field of Indian-school work ; the extension of the contract
system to public schools by means of which Indian youth*
can be educated in company with their white brethren,
and the extension of the regulations of the Civil Service
Law to the more important positions in the Indian school
service.
The Pension Buheau.
No bureau of the whole Government is more jealously
watched or ardently hated by the Democratic party than
that which deals with pensions. The best answer to
slander is found in the two tables following, comparing
the work done under Grover Clevieland with that done
under Benjamin Harrison. The record for Cleveland's
Administration from March 1, 1885, to June 30, 1888, is as
follows :
81
From Marcu l, 1885, to June 30, 1888.
Number of calls on War Deparlment 567,259
Pieces of mail matter received 7,632.293
Pieces of mail matter sent ; 5,450,826
Certincates Issued :
Invalid original 173,420
Widows' original, increase, etc 160,987
Total ~.. 334,407
Total amount expended for salaries of clerks and
special examiners, together wltti per diem and
expenses of special examiners '18,106,419 87
Average cost in salaries of issuing each certificate. . . 24 24
Amount expended for per diem and traveling ex-
penses of special examiners 1,486,389 79
Medical examinations made 592,212
Number of boards of examining surgeons 400
Amount disbursed for pensions from Marcli 1, 1885, to
June 30. 1888 $237,685,704 77
Cost Of disbursemement 899,009 56
Average cost of disbursing one dollar during said
period .a35
Average cost of paying one pensioner <- .729
Total numl)er of original and restoration cases al-
lowed from March 1 , ias5, to June m, 1888 181,269
Total number of increase and reissue cases allowed
from March 1 , 1885, to June 30, 1888 207,177
Total number -^f pensioners added to rolls from March
1, 1885, to June 30, 1888 182,269
Total number of pensioners on rolls March 1, 1885 337,(569
Total number of pensioners on rolls June 30, 1888 452,557
Net increase during said period 114,888
From March 1, 1889, to June 30, 1892.
The record during llarrison's Administration was as
follows :
Number of calls on War Department 855,871
Pieces of mail matter received 15,126,871
Pieces of mail matter sent 9,994,942
Certificates issued : '
Invalid original 468,216
Widows' original, increase, etc 291,387
Total 759,603
Total amount expended for salaries of clerics and
special examiners, togetlier Avith per diem and
expenses of special examiners '18,437,^57 40
Average cost in salaries of issuing each certificate. . . ii lO
Amount expended for per diem and traveling ex-
penses of special examiners $1,059,270 81
Medical examinations made 1,204,038
Number of boards of examining surgeons 1,232
Amount dispersed from March l, 1889, to June 30,
1892 $.391,064,778 46
Cost Of disbursement. 1,268,310 23
Average cost of disbursing one dollar during said
period .0032
A veragMeost of paying one pensioner 0.49 j^
Total number of original and restoration cases
allowed from March 1, 1889, to June 30, 1892 475,360
Excess during Harrison's Administration 294,091
Total number of increase and reissue cases allowed
fromMarchl, 1889, to June ;^, 1892 266,778
Excess during Harrison's Administration 69,601
Total number of pensioners added to rolls from
March 1, 1889, to June 30, 1892 475,360
Excess during Harrison's Administration 294,191
Total number of pensioners on rolls March 1, 1889.. . . 472,920
Total number of pensioners on rolls May 31, 1892 856,087
Net increase during said period 383 ,167
Excess during Harrison's Administration , 268,279
83
No More Democratic Deficiencies to be
IVIade Up by Congress.
Mr, Wanamaker Carries Out a Host of New and
Sweeping Reforms in Postal Service— Fewer
. Lost Letters, Faster Trains, and a Vastly
Improved Local Service,
The management of postal affairs under the last Demo-
cratic Administration left much to be desired. Post-
master-General Wanamaker has applied to the postal
service his abilities as a business man, and many progres-
sive reforms have been accomplished. The deficiency of
$6,227,919.43 for the fiscal year 1889, v^hen the Demo-
crats were in control, has been reduced to $3,978,392.38,
as estimated for the year ended June 30, 1892 ; and for
1893 there will probably be a small surplus. The Admin-
istration is bringing this better state of affairs about by
providing better service, thus increasing the business,
and, consequently, the revenues, of the Office. There is
no surer indication of the general condition of business in
this country than the postal receipts. The amount of in-
crease and the improved rate under this Administration
betoken prosperity.
Some Striking Compaeisons.
Comparisons with the preceding Democratic regime
prove the efficiency of Republican work. The Adminis-
tration of Mr. Cleveland increased expenditures thirteen
and one-half per cent. ; the present Administration not
quite four per cent. The Democrats in their last full year
of Administration increased the special delivery business
over that of the preceding year a little less than fifteen
per cent. During the past year — 1892 — ihe increase has
been over eighteen per cent. In 1888, under Democratic
management, the losses of registered mail matter averaged
one piece in every 15,300 registered ; in 1892 the loss has
been about one in every 40,000 pieces registered. Great
savings have been achieved in the obtaining of supplies
by contract. The people now have their choice of three
sizes of postal cards. A system of visitation by the post-
masters of the larger offices has been instituted. The
object is not to inspect or reprimand, but to help and
encourage ; and the officials of the smaller and more re-
mote offices are greatly benefited.
This one measure costing the Government not one dol-
lar, but at the cost of many hundreds of dollars and many
days of time voluntarily given out of the zeal of the post-
masters, has greatly promoted harmony and an esprit de
corps throughout the Department.
83
No Partisanship in the Kailway Mail Service.
The railway mail service, an intricate maze, was under
the Cleveland Administration permitted to fall a prey
to the greed of the politician. No longer so. liusi-
jiess laws rule absolutely now. Whereas for the year
ending June 30, 1888, there was noted against railway
postal clerks one error to 3,707 pieces distributed, for
1892 there was but one error to 5,406 pieces. This rec-
ord is the best ill tlie history of the railway
mail service. Hallway postal clerks are stimulated
to the highest endeavor by the award of competitive
prizes. Since May 1, 1889, not one clerk has been dis-
missed from this service excepting for cause ; indeed, the.
merit system, with promotions to fill vacancies, finds in
Mr. Wanamaker a staunch supporter. Last July he
brought about a complete change in tlie status of thous-
ands of postal employees both in the Department at
Washington and in the service at large, which takes
wholly out of the range of extraneous influences the
advancement and salary of any of the people affected.
New Lightning Mail Service.
. Letters make their journeys in less time than formerly.
This Administration is forever looking about for faster
trains and shorter routes over which to send the mail
bags. For instance, the gain in transit between New
York and San Francisco from March, 1888 (under Demo-
cratic management), to November, 1888, with the Harri-
son Administration in power, was 2| hours. From New
York to New Orleans the schedule has been advanced 11
hours and 35 minutes since 1889. So in every direction,
and between many points. In the one year, 1890, there
were put on 5,354. new railway post-ofiices, and 8,917 cars
improved by added space. In the following year the addi-
tions were : New, 2,010; improved, 8,078.
Better Local Services.
The suburban service has been greatly improved. City
distributions aiv. .. '^^requeut. New conveniences have
been added. All these things are in the experience of
every citizen. There never was.a time when mail matter
was so promptly collected, so ''swift in transmission, so
absolutely sure of reaching its destination.
The advantages of the money-order system have been
placed as far as practicable within the reach of communi-
ties destitute of means for the transmission of small sums
of money. Within twelve months the policy has been in-
augurated of extending the system so that it shall embrace
all post-offices at which the compensation of the Post-
master is not less than $200 per annum. By reducing the
amount of security required of a postmaster to authorize
liim to do a money-order business, the number of such
offices is greatly increased, Postmaster-General Wana-
maker's plan, however, perfectly securing the Govern-
ment against loss. The number of money-order offices
has been increased by this Administration since June 30,
1888, by 0,617, or a little over 80 per cent.
The abolition of the lottery curse is a Republican
84
triumph. By persistent effort in the Post-Oflice Depart-
ment, lottery matter is now known to be almost wholly
driven out of the mails.
The Fokeign Mail Service.
The Postal Aid Act will secure increased and quicker
service, and henceforth American mails are to be carried
imder the Stars and Stripes. Forty-six communities have
already successfully tried tlie rural free delivery. It will
change the whole home life of our farmers, bringing them
the newspaper regularly without expenditure of timeoref-
f ort on their part. Life on the farm will thus be made more
attractive. Mr. Wanamaker is endeavoring to secure the re-
duction of the registry fee for mail matter down to five
cents. House to house collections of mail matter, and
sea post-offices, the application of the railway mail prin-
ciple to ocean steamers, are other triumphs of practical
government scored by this Administration.
TIE fflOBlT-GEim'S OFFICE.
it Has Been Rarely Successful in Its
Work Before the Courts.
Election Thugs Sent to Condign Punishment-
Justice no Longer Denied by Delays— Fed-
eral Judges Protected and the Laws
Everywhere Upheld.
In the Department of Justice, Attorney-General Miller
has acquitted himself with much credit. It is not gen-
erally appreciated that an unusual number of great con-
stitutional questions are being adjudicated during this
Administration — more than at any other period since Re-
construction days. The Department has been prompt
and thoroughly prepared in the presentation of cases.
The election laws have been better enforced than for sev-
eral years previously, especially in the South, and violators
rigorously punished. In cases where the juries have failed
to do their duty, often by reason of partisan considera-
tions, the Attorney-General instructed the district-at-
torney to try and retry the cases so Jong as there was any
hope of obtaining a verdict. Tlie lottery interests have
been foiled at every point. Indeed, this great moral vic-
tory achieved b^ the Harrison Administration is in itself
sutflcient to entitle it to the support of upright citizens at
the polls. The much abused Fifty-first Congress, the
" Do Something Reed Congress," as Republicans have
proudly dubbed it, paved the way with vigorous legisla-
tion, and the Republican Department of Justice looks to
it that the lottery people do not perpetuate their institu-
tion through technical or illegal evasions.
Peotecting Fedekal Judges.
The new tariff law, which is w^orking benefits and
prosperity in every community, has been upheld as con-
stitutional, and the Interstate Commerce Law, the safe-
guard of the people, especially of the farmers and ship-
pers of the West and South, has been strengthened and
adhered to. The protection of Mr. Justice Field by a
United States Marshal of California, through instructions
from Washington, though it resulted in the killing of the
notorious Terry, was earnestly approved by the people.
The episode re-established the important principle that
the President is vested with not only the authority, but
the duty to protect Federal Judges in the discharge of
their duties.
Everywhere Upholding the Laws.
The conviction of three young men of Northern Mis-
sissippi, charged with combining to prevent a young
colored man from acting as postal agent, is an instance of
86
the firm intention of this Administration to uphold the
rights of colored citizens.
The conspiracy in the neighborhood of Macon, Georgia,
to prevent certain citizens of New York from occupying
and enjoying their land holdings in that locality, was suc-
cessfully shattered and a number of the conspirators con-
victed, first, for contempt and perjury, and, finally, for
murder. Three of them went to the penitentiary for life.
Their scheme involved the occupation of the land under
forged deeds, the cutting of timber, etc., and finally
murder of the agent of the property— one Colonel For-
sythe. The general agent of the Department at Washing-
ton was sent to Macon to secure complete justice against
these persistent offenders.
Successful war has been waged upon the unprincipled
fellows of Alabama and other States who were in the habit
of plundering the Government by means of prosecutions
instituted and carried just far enougli to make fees, but
not to stop the offense in vogue. The Department has re-
fused to commence suits to set aside patents long since
issued, and in any way to disturb old titles, except in cases
where the public interest imperatively demanded that
such litigation be undertaken. The Government cannot
be " used" under this Administration.
Mil. Miller's Successes Before tue Courts.
A large majority of the cases argued before the Supreme
Court have been decided in favor of the Government. The
Supreme Court docket has been cleared of cases out of
place there. The establishment of the Circuit Court of
Appeals was another triumph of the Fifty-second Con-
gress, and one heartily applauded by the bar of the nation.
President Harrison's appointments of Judges for this and
other benches have been ideak Mr. Cleveland's judicial
appointments \^ere disappointing, and some of them bad.
This new Court relieves the Supreme Court, which is
years behind in its work, and provides against further
justice being side-tracked or wholly .unattainable through
interminable delays.
New Judicial Methods.
In the Circuit and District Courts methods have been
approved, and irregularities, due to negligence under Dem-
ocratic rule, in large measure corrected. Some six thou-
sand war claims cases are now pending, each one of which
is examined with the same thoroughness as is bestowed in
private litigation. Greater stress is laid on the loyalty of
claimants, especially in claims coming from the South.
Last year the Department of Justice caused to be dismissed
from the dockets of this Court between four and five hun-
dred cases involving claims against the Government
aggregating over two million dollars.
How the Five Million Farmers of the Land
Kave Been Served.
Their Products Borne Successfully Into Every
Foreign Market— New Agricultural Oppor-
tunities Developed— Cattle Disease
Stamped Out— Communicating
with the People.
There are about 5,000,000 farmers in the United States
and with their families and laborers they constitute nearly
one-half the population of the Union. The earnest work
done for this vast body of the people has frequently led
to the denunciation of the Harrison Administration by the
Democracy as a "Farmers' Government." Gladly the
contemptuous fling is accepted as a title of distinction by
the Republican party, whose pioneers thirty-five years ago
were largely recruited by tillers of the soil.
At the time the present Administration came into power
profound depression seemed to be the prevailing senti-
ment among the farmers. A slight but steady diminution
in the prices of most of the staple agricultural products
had been going on for some years. During the very first
year of President Harrison's Administration, however, the
adverse agricultural current which seemed to threaten the
country's prosperity was arrested — indeed, it was turned
back, and the future once more holds out bright promises
to the American farmer.
A Happy Choice in "Uncle Jerry" Rusk!
The first step taken by President Harrison was the choice
of Hon. J. M. Rusk as Secretary of Agriculture. This
olBcial's success is the talk of the nation. Hitherto the Agri-
cultural Department had been regarded with indifference,
or, what was worse, good-natured contempt. All this has
been changed. . Realizing that his nominee would be
practically the first Secretary of Agriculture of tlie
United States, and that upon him would devolve the re-
sponsibility of showing to the coaintry whether the eleva-
tion of the Department to its present rank was a wise or
unwise measure. President Harrison chose for this port-
folio a man of affairs, endowed with exceptional good
sense, with energy and perseverance, in thorough sym-
pathy with farmers in all their pursuits.
Opening Foreign Markets to American Meats.
In the promotion of the live-stock interests the Harri-
son Administration has scored a notable triumph. When
it came into power, vexatious restrictions, and in some
88
countries prolonged quarantine, discouraged and ham-
pered exporters of live stock, while the meat trade, espe-
ciall}'" that in pork —of the utmost importance to the great-
est number of farmers was })racticallj'^ strangled by op-
pressive regulations and costly inspections abroad, and,
in the case of pork, by absolute prohibition in
most of the countries of Europe. The growth of
the pork trade, so thriving during the seven-
ties, was pitifully reduced during the following
decade, and there was a disastrous glut of the home
market.
But it was not to continue through the Harrison Ad-
ministration. An admirable system of inspection has
been devised in the teeth of opposition, and with no
dearth of skepticism as to results. Restrictions against
the admittance of American pork have been removed by
the following European countries : Germany, September
o 1891 ; Denmark, September 8, 1891 ; Italy, October 17,
1891 ; Austria, December 4, 1891 ; France, December 5,
1891 ; Spain, May 21, 1892. From September, 1891, to
April, 1892, more than 30,000,000 pounds of inspected
pork have been exported. This prosperity reminds the
producers of the good old days before 1881. By that time
foreign countries had absolutely refused our hog products.
In the years in which these prohibitions were enacted our
export trade absorbed 46.5 per cent, of the entire quantity
turned out by the packing houses of the United States.
So with cattle. It was estimated that the requirement
of immediate slaughter by Great Britain depreciated the
price of American cattle in that market from $10 to $15
per head as compared with Canadian bullocks admitted
without restriction. This meant, for tlie period during
which the prohibition had been enforced, a direct loss
abroad certainly of $4,000,000; and, the depression affect-
ing the price of every steer marketed in the United States,
the home loss has been estimated at $25,000,000 annually.
The Republican Administration took hold of this matter
vigorously and sagaciously. The allegations of the ex-
istence of disease among American cattle— often falsely
made by foreigners to justify the restrictions which made
the trade unprofitable — have been disproved when false;
and a tireless fight waged for the extirpation of pleuro-
pneumonia in the one or two comparatively insignificant
sections of the country where this menace to the cattle
interests could be discovered. This task was tre-
mendous. It involved co-inspection by representatives
of the Department in Great Britain of all animals
inspected by the British authorities, inspection on this
side of all animals shipped abroad, and a system of num-
bering and tagging some 400,000 animals, so that any al-
leged case of disease could be traced from its original
source.
The Wonderful Inspection Seevioe.
Under the present Administration all this vast amount
of work has been undertaken and carried out ; so success-
fully, mdeed, that on the single item of insurance of cattle
in transit, shippers are saving annually $2,000,000 on the
prices paid tliree or four years ago. An idea of a part of
the labor of this bureau can be obtained when it is known
89
that in two years it inspected 59,483 herds, 594,417 ani-
mals; tagged 102,801 ; purchased and killed 4,440; lias
made \Q)iA4:5 po.'it 7)iot te77i examinations and disinfected
7,906 premises. Not a case of the dreaded disease lias
been found in any part of the country where it pre-
viously existed during the last twelve months, with the
single exception of one county in New Jersey, and there
over two months have elapsed without a new case having
been discovered.
Yet this is a disease with which Great Britain and
many other countries have been unsuccessfully coping
for forty and lifty years, with the result that many
authorities declare that its thorough extirpation is im-
possible.
Of the new markets opened to American farmers by
this Administration, mention is made elsewhere. The in-
vestigation of the resources and conditions of other coun-
tries which might be made available as markets for our
surplus crops has fallen largely to the Agricultural De-
partment. The introduction of our American indian corn
into Great Britain, and Germany especially, for use as
human food, gives promise that before the present Ad-
ministration closes an American product hardly known
abroad, save as a cheap substitute for cattle feed, will be
in demand all over Europe as a cheap and nutritious sub-
stitute forother cereal foods. No longer will an abundant
corn crop mean distressingly low prices. In the last de-
cade but four per cent, of "the crop has gone abroad. Bet-
ter things ahead !
New Opportunities foe Farmees.
The policy of this Administration, as regards the food
supply of the nation, is to have our own farmers produce
it. It is a matter of surprise to many to find that every
year American consumers pay to foreigners between
$250,000,000 and #275,000,000 for farm products which
can and ought to be successfully grown on American soil
to the profit of the American fanners. For instance, the
Administration has revived the courage and energy of
American sugar producers. Why should every living
American be levied upon to the extent of $1.60 annually
to support the foreign sugar-producing industry ? The
Department of Agriculture has found scores of incidental
ways to prove useful to the farmer and the country. New
methods have been developed by which the farmer is now
enabled to save a large pQrtion of his fruit crop from the
ravages of insect pests or plant diseases, and so with his
cereal crops, his cotton, potatoes, hops and tobacco.
The destruction of the fluted scale in California by the
importation of the Australian lady-bug saved the orange
groves of California. The Division of Pomology has
imported and distributed many new varieties of foreign
fruits and seeds.
Communicating with the People.
The present Administration is noted for profound in-
vestigation and the most widespread diffusion of informa-
tion obtained. The number of documents issued has in-
creased in the ratio of four to one. The transfer of the
90
Weather Bureau from the War to the Agricultural De-
partment was a wise achievement of this Administration.
It has been followed by the multiplying of the number of
voluntary observers, and by the extension of the State
weather service. The reports of the Agricultural De-
partment under Secretary Rusk are much more
intelligible than any previously issued. The new series
of publications called " Farmer's Bulletins" are of great
value to the practical farmer. The investigation of the
arid regions with reference to their irrigation by a system
of artesian wells has been carried forward with success
by this Administration. Zeal, system and intelligence
mark the efforts of Secretary Rusk's department. The
farmers of the United States will not tolerate any change
of policy by another party.
91
THE DEMOCRATIC RECORD.
d.
h
A Party Which Has Neither Re-
formed, Nor Economized,
Nor Legislated.
NOTHING DONE EVEN UNDER GAG
RULE.
Work of the Two Houses.
Among the closing scenes of the first session of the Fifty-
second Congress there was a bit of low comedy. There
was a riotous attempt to wring from Mr. Watson, a Georgia
Democrat converted to the Alliance Party, a retraction of
an intemperate attack upon his associates. The single
reckless passage to which objection was angrily offered
might readily have been condoned in view of the trans-
cendent merits of the epitaph '^which he had written on
the expiring session. Never was there more truth con
densed into sixty words than in this epigrammatic ac-
count of the most incapable and pretentious House which
ever assembled in Washington :
** Pledged to reform, they have not re-
formed. Pledged to economy, tbey have not
economized. Pledged to legislate, they have
not legislated. Extravagance has heen the
order of the day. Absenteeism was never so
pronounced. I^ack of purpose \vas never so
clear. Lack of common business prudence
never more glaring. Useless employees crowd
every corridor. Useless expenditures pervade
every department."
Democratic Promises.
Never'was there a House so preoccupied with a sense
of its own virtues, or so possessed with a frenzy for re-
form, for retrenchment and for legislation. Its mission
was to redeem an oppressed country from the tyranny of
a Republican Czar, the rapacity of military satraps and
the intrigue and chicanery of a Little Napoleon! Old
things had passed away. A new order of political regen-
eration had come, and everything was to be changed.
The rights of minorities were to be respected, the privi-
lege of debate was to be jealously guarded as the strong-
hold of civil liberty, legislation was to be conducted with
deliberation and decency, appropriations were to be sci-
entifically reduced, so as to meet the bare necessities of
economical administration, and the sacred cause of Tariff
Reform was to be advocated with ceaseless patience and
the fervor of fanaticism. Out of revolution the Demo-
cratic House had sprung. Reform was the breath of itf-
life. The Tariff must first be destroyed, and then al'
things would be fulfilled I
92
The Reality.
Such were the vaticinations of the priests of Tariff Re-
form and the prophets of Retrenchment when " the crus-
ade against Republican misrule " was begun; Seven
months passed and the host of howliii?^ dervishes
was ill full retreat, sullen, cleiiioralizecl and
faction-rent. Every policy to which it had been sol-
emnly pledged had been either renounced or evaded. Of
legislation there had been little ; of economy none at all ;
and its achievements in reform were as disordered as
Ophelia's dreams. The leadership had been in commis-
sion. There had been discordant partisanship without
unity of direction or -discipline in the ranks. The last
days of the session witnessed a series of lilibuster-
ing raids headed by the Chairman of the
Committee on Appropriations in a House
where two-thirds of the members were dem-
ocrats. From beginning to end there was a remarkable
contrast between the well-ordered, industrious and united
Republican House of the Fifty-first Congress and the riot-
ous, incompetent and faction-torn Democratic House of
the Fifty-second Congress.
How A Republican House Woeked.
The Republican House had enacted legislation with the
precision of a well-oiled registering machine. The Cus-
toms Administrative Act had been a radical reform
measure, the passage of which had been attended with
extraordinary difficulty. The complex system of tariff
and internal revenue law had been subjected to critical
examination and thorough revision. A comprehensive
Pension Act was passed for the relief of disabled veterans
and their families. The largest gambling business in the
world was suppressed by the Anti-Lottery Act. There
was a World's Fair Bill, with an Army Promotion Bill,
an Anti-Trust Law, a Meat Inspection Act, a Copy-
right Law, a Reapportionment Act, and an Ocean
Mail Subsidy Measure. A compromise Siver Coinage
Bill was enacted after protracted debates in both Houses,
and another measure to refund the Direct Tax. An inter-
mediate Court of Appeals was established, a Land Grant
Forfeiture Act was passed, the Foreign Contract Law
was amended, the Eight Hour Bill was enacted, two new
States were admitted into the Union, and the maritime
laws were revised in accordance with the recommenda-
tions of the International Conference. This magnificent
record of legislative activity was made by a House
wherein the balance of power lay in the hands of a dozen
members.
How a Democratic House Has Not Worked.
The Democratic House, with a majority so overwhelm-
ing that it could always supply a quorum from its own
side, did not enact a single measure of magni-
tude. The Chinese Exclusion law, an act granting
American registr}^ to the In man steamers, a bill authoriz-
ing retaliation against Canada, the appropriation of
$2,500,000 for the World's Fair and a series of pension
93
bills were the meagre fruits of a long and unprofitable
session. Never in American history was there so gross
an exhibition of legislative incompetence as was displayed
by this J)emocratic House. If the leaders had any seri-
ous purpose, it was that of making a record which would
be considered conservative and safe by the mass of the
electors. But they lacked even tlie intelligence required
for producing a plausible party programme.
Taeiff Pop Guns.
The leaders sought to make themselves useful to the
" Tariff Reform " cause ; but they did not know how to do
it. The Democratic House, with its overwhelming ma-
jority, did not lack power. If it had repealed the Mc-
Kinley Act and enacted in its place the Mills bill revised
on broad lines, it would have fulfilled its principal pledge
to the country. In that way it would have presented a
clear and intelligible issue in the elections of this year.
Both courage and capacity were lacking. What was
flaunted East and West as the " High Tariff Waterloo"
had been fought; but no sooner was the "Low Tariff
victory " won than something like a retreat was sounded
with the random firing of pop-gun artillery. The Demo-
cratic House, after a fierce struggle over the leadership,
revealed its inabilty to deal with trie Tariff Question as a
whole in an intelligent, coherent manner. Tariff hole-
punching became the recreation of small minds.
A Silly Political Game.
Nothing could have been more puerile or insincere than
the tariff policy of the Democratic majority. A Republi-
^n Congress had done its work thoroughly and scientific-
ally. Not only had a great impulse been imparted to the
industries of the nation, but the surplus revenues of the
Government had also been reduced so heavily that a deficit
in income was not impossible, though highly improbable.
The Democratic leaders recklessly declared that the nation
was on the verge of bankruptcy, and that the Secretary of
tiie Treasury was deceiving the public with misleading
statements; yet, even while they were gloating
over the prospect of exhaustion of revenues,
they proposed revenue legislation which,
according to their own calculations, would
deprive the Government of $50,000,000 or
$00,000,000 a year. A free wool and woolen bill
was passed, and was followed by another repeal bill
placing cotton ties, gins and bagging on the free list ; and
a third, repealing the duties on binding twine. Subse-
quently, bills reducing the duties on tin-plate and lead
ores were forced through the House under pressure of
gag rule. Nothing could have been more childish than
the passage of a few illogical and unconnected repeal bills
when there were no surplus revenues to be reduced, as
there had been before the McKinley Bill was passed. The
D<'mocracy was playing a silly little political game at a
time when it ought to have been at work upon a large
measure of tariff revision as an alternative policy for the
McKinley Act.
94
Gag Rule Adopted.
Barren as were the results of Democratic legislation,
even the little that was done Jjad to be carried through
tlie House under high pressure. " The tyranny of the
Czar" was so good a phrase that the leaders were reluc-
tant to take the edge from it by adopting the rules of the
Republican House, by which partisan obstruction had
been paralyzed, and even a small majority had been en-
abled to dispatch public business. The Democratic ma-
jority was so large that it thought it could afford to allow
the minority old-time privileges. The leaders affected
great regard for minority rights and freedom of debate,
and ostentatiously declined to follow "the evil prece-
dents" of Speaker Reed's management of the House.
Long before the session ended, the new rules were gener-
ally admitted to be a failure. The debates were more dis-
orderly, and the blocks in business more frequent than
ever before. Time has been wasted on roll-calls and
trivial discussion. In place of freedom of debate there has
been unlicensed filibustering and obstruction, all carried
on by Democrats themselves against Democratic meas-
ures, and all the measures of a^iy importance have been
railroaded through the House under suspension of the
rules and by sheer strength of numbers. Even while they
were still mouthing phrases about ' ' the ukases of the
Czar from Maine" and "the tyranny of gag law," they
were themselves registering the arbitrary decrees of the
Committee on Rules, having recourse to unscrupulous
suppression of debate and, enacting measures with pre-
cipitate haste and utterly without deliberation.
Examples of Gag Law.
The Legislative, Executive and Judicial Appropriation
Bill, covering thousands of items, containing 150,000
words and carrying? $22,000,000, was carried
with lifteeii niiiiutes' debate on each side.
Bills for the admission of Arizona and New Mexico were
passed with only half an hour of debate allowed for each.
On the same day the Anti-Option bill was hustled through
the House with fifteen minutes for discussion on each side.
This was a measure which might disorganize the com-
merce of the world, yet it was driven through the House
virtually without debate, although a prominent leader on
the Democratic side found time to denounce it as un-
constitutional. The second series of tariff-repeal bills
were railroaded through the House without discussion.
Rules which had received the approval of tlie collective
wisdom ot a Democratic caucus were practically sus-
pended before the close of the session. The Democratic
majority were bound hand and foot by their own regula-
tions and unable to transact business. Even when a vote
liad been obtained upon the appropriation for the World's
Fair, it was possible for Mr. Holman to lead an insurrec-
tion against the majority, and, after blocking business for
two weeks, to dictate a compromise to a Democratic
caucus. Even then it was necessary to imitate closely the
procedure of the last Republican House in order to extri-
cate the majority from their embarrassments.
95
Rules of the Two Houses.
Tin tier Speaker Reed's rules legislative paralysis had
been removed, business was transacted in an order! v way
and tlie House had full control over its time. Under
Democratic organization faction ran riot, deliberate
legislation was impracticable, gag law regulated debate,
and business could only be transacted by the suspension
of all rules passed for the protection of the minority.
Repudiation of Pledges.
The record of the last Republican Congress involved
conscientious fultillment of pledges made to the people
when President Harrison was elected. On the tariff,
silver, pensions, shipping and other great questions of the
day the Kepublicaii party, through its Kep-
resentatives at Washington, kept faith with
tlie country. There was no repudiation of pledges on
that side. On the Democratic side there has not been a
pledge that has been respected and fulfilled. A revis-
ion of the tariff was promised, and nothing has been
accomplished beyond the firing of a series of pop-gun
salutes in honor of "Tariff" Reform." Another measure
to which the Democratic majority was pledged was a Free
Coinage bill. Twice, within a period of four months, this
pledge was violated out of deference for the timorous
representatives of the party from the Eastern States.
Retrenchment of the cost of National Administration w^as
another Democratic promise, and it has been re-
<leeniecl by the increase of appropriations far
beyond tlie level of the so-called "Billion
l>ollar Conifress." Reciprocity was to be renounced,-
the sugar bounties were to be cut off, the Ocean Mail bill
was to be repealed, and many other characteristic Repub-
lican policies were to be overthrown. The Democratic
^arty was pledged to do all these things, but nothing has
jeen done. Every promise has gone to ])rotest.
There has been a little desultory bushwhacking against
the Tariff, and there has been a wild revel of Democratic
extravagance in appropriations. Of legislalion of any
kind, destructive or constructive, there has been a bottom-
less deficiency. Of reckless financial grants there has
been an overrunning surplus.
Rebel Wae Claims.
The payment of Confederate war claims is already loom-
ing up as one of the ulterior aims of Democratic policy.
While the House has only acted on a few of these cases,
what it has done is an earnest of what it will do in the
future. By releasing the Sibley case from the
statute of limitations it has allowed the heirs
of an officer who deserted the United States
Army in order to join the Confederates to col-
lect a royalty on tents used in the war wherein
he was enlisted. There is a precedent in that case
which shows the trend of Democratic tendency. The
Committee on War Claims have re]>orted favorably
upon more than $70,000,000 of similar
claims for damages by destruction of property in the
96
war. In addition to this new budget there arc cases al-
ready before the Court of Claims aggregating $400,000,000
at the lowest, and $600,000,000 at the highest, estimate.
The sympathy shown for these cases by a party which
has antagonized the Pension policy of the last Republican
Congress has drawn from Ex-Speaker Reed this senten-
tious comment : *'If the Democracy have adopted what
one of their own men calls a pop-gun system of tariff re-
form, their Committee on War Claims have started a Gat-
ling-gun system of war claims."
A Party of Repudiation.
The record of the Democratic House proves that every
one of the leading issues of the party has been either re-
pudiated outright or temporarily abandoned. Every
promise made in 1890 has been broken. The revision of
the Tariff, the passage of a Free Silver Act, the reduction
of the expenditures of the Government, the repudiation of
the Reciprocity policy and the repeal of the Bounty and
Subsidy acts have been deferred for a more convenient sea-
son when a Presidential election is not pending. Never
has there been a more discreditable record
of violated pledges in American public life.
The causes of failure are various — such as factional divis-
ions in the party, incapacity of leaders to deal with large
questions, a lack of civic courage in making a resolute
stand for party principles, and the clash of rivalry in the
ambitions of leaders who were afraid to trust the people
and fancied that they could deceive them with shuffling
evasions.
Inaction, but No Change of Heaet.
But while pledges have been repudiated, and the course
of legislative activity opened by the courage of the last
Republican House has been interrupted, the attitude of
the Democratic party towards the great questions of the
day has not been changed. Inaction and legislative torpor
are not proofs of a change of heart. The McKinley Act
has not been repealed, but the Democratic party is ar-
rayed in deadly hostility to the American policy of Pro-
tection. Its misshapen, inoperative tariff bills do n6t in-
dicate abandonment of the English low-tariff theory. The
party is merely waiting until it can destroy the protective
system by the passage of such a measure as the Mills bill.
Evasions of the silver question do not signify conversion
to sound views of finance. The opposition to Republican
policies of Reciprocity, bounties for sugar producers, and
subsidies for ocean mail service, has been temporarily re-
laxed, but the hostility of the Democratic party to every
one of these measures remains implacable and irreconcila-
ble. The Democracy has a fatal facility for
getting" on the foreign side of every great pub-
lic question. The policies which it represents are
those which Europeans are anxious to have Americans
adopt. To these policies it clings with that Bourbon
fixedness of purpose which neither learns nor forgets
anything.
97
The Republican Recokd.
Tlie last Republican Congress stood exclusively for
American policies and interests. A united party under
the inspiring leadership of Speaker lieed and Major
McKiuley labored with unceasing fidelity and high-minded
patriotism to promote the welfare of the nation. When
its authority to govern the country was challenged by
Democratic obstructionists in the House, it vindicated the
American principle of majority rule. Democratic con-
spirators had proclaimed their deliberate intention of pre-
venting any and all legislation in the line of Republican
policies. They had been sent to Washington to transact
the business of the country, and sitting silent in their
seats when the roll was called they attempted to thwart
the will of the majority of the American people and to
paralyze legislation. The conspiracy was suppressed with
the same courage with which rebellion had been crushed
in an earlier generation, but by wholly constitutional
means. Speaker Reed by his famous ruling counted
them when they were present and restored the functions
of the House as a working body. That was the " crime "
for which he was denounced on every Democratic plat-
form. It was the enforceinent oftlie supreme
principle of majority rule.
WOEKING FOR NATIONAL POLICIES.
The sun shone and Republican legislators worked.
They had made their pledges to the American people and
every one of them was honored. If they failed to estab-
lish honest elections throughout the Union, it was through
no fault of their own, but solely because the forces of ob-
struction in the Senate were too well organized to permit
the passage of a just and righteous law in a session of
extraordinary legislative activity. Their record on the
Tariff question disproved the charge of sectionalism, for
they had labored with patriotic ardor to promote the in-
dustrial prosperity of all the States, South as well as
North. Republican policy in the Fifty-first Congress was
iu the most comprehensive sense national. As a record of
legislative activity and broad-minded statesmanship it is un-
exampled in American history. Opposed to it is the record
of the Democratic House of the Fifty-second Congress —
the imbecile and scandalous record of a party which could
neither reform, nor economize nor legislate, nor even suc-
ceed in transacting business with a two-thirds majority
without gag-rule and riotous tumult.
98
AGAINST THE WORLD'S FAIR.
Unblushing Repudiation of Pledges
Made .at the Chicago Convention.
REPUBLICANS MEAN 1\ HAT THEY SAY,
BUT DEMOCRATS DO NOT.
Both political parties in their national Platforms took
high ground in favor of the Columbian Exposition. One
party meant what it said and the other did not. The Re-
publican Party described it with simplicity as a great
national undertaking, and declared that " Congress should
promptly enact such reasonable legislation in aid thereof
as will insure the discharging of the expense and obliga-
tions incident thereto and the attainment of results com-
mensurate with the dignity and progress of the nation."
That was the party pledge, and it was carried out in good
faith within two months at Washington by Republican
Senators and Representatives. The Democratic platform
was equally emphatic in its approval of the enterprise.
"Recognizing," it declared in high-sounding phrase,
"that ^he World's Columbian Exposition is a national
undertaking of vast importance in which the General
Government has invited the co-operation of all the Powers
of the World, and appreciating the acceptance of such
Powers of the invitation extended and the broadest liberal
efforts being made by them to contribute to the grandeur
of the undertaking, we are of the opinion that Congress
should make such necessary financial provision as shall be
requisite to tlie maintenance of the national honor and
public faith." That, too, was a party pledge, but it was
promptly repudiated by the Democratic House.
Five Millions Needed.
The World's Fair was organized under an Act of Con-
gress passed on April 25, 1890. After the question of the
site was settled, there was no occasion for local, sectional
or political prejudice against it. Public opinion was be-
hind it. Every consideration of business enterprise, civic
pride, hospitality to the invited guests of the Nation and
enlightened self-interest required that the Fair should be
\yorthy of the resources and fame of the American people.
Chicago had agreed to raise $10,000,000 for the enterprise.
This was done, and the work was entered upon with a
strong, intelligent, artistic purpose. A series of buildings
was planned that would be grander, more costly and more
appropriate than those erected for any previous World's
Fair. The scheme increased in magnitude until it em-
braced an inclosure at Chicago equal in area to that of the
99
Paris and Philadelphia Expositions combined. Tliere
were no scandals connected with the Fair, and the re-
sults were satisfactory from every point of view ; but it
was found to be necessary to expend more money upon
the buildings and grounds than had been originally in-
tended. Accordingly, an appeal for a contribution of
,$5,000,000 was made to Congress, which had authorized
an appropriation of only $1,500,000 for a Government ex-
hibit.
Action Upon the Message.
The appeal was submitted to Congress by President
Harrison with the recommendation that just and reason-
able support should not be withheld from an enterprise
to which the honor of the nation was committed. ''Lib-
erality on the part of the United States," he said, " is due'
to the foreign nations that have responded in a friendly
way to the invitation of this Government to participate in
the Exposition, and will, I am sure, meet the approval of
our people. The Exposition will be one of the most illus-
trious incidents in our civic history." While this mes-
sage was sent to Congress as early as February 24, 1892,
action upon it was deferred in the House, although a bill
appropriating $5,000,000 in the form of souvenirs made
from abraded coins in the Treasury was placed on the
calendar, where it would not have been reached during
the session. The Senate under Republican leadership,
and in the face of Democratic protests from the House,
incorporated the principle of this bill witlf other provisions
in a series of amendments to the Sundry Civil Appropria-
tion bill, thereby securing action upon it by the House.
The amendments when they reached the House receivc'd
the unanimous support of the Republican minority, but
excited a storm of Democratic resentment and fury.
Democratic Insincerity Unmasked..
The speeches and votes of the Democratic majority
during the protracted struggle were an illuminating com-
mentary upon the sincerity of the party which had de-
clared at Chicago that "Congress should make such
necessary financial provision as shall be requisite to the
maintenance of the national honor and public faith." A
powerful combination headed by Mr. Holman made a de-
termined effort to defeat the appropriation at all hazards.
Day after day there were fierce assatllts upon the manage-
ment of the enterprise. One Democrat after another as-
serted that it was unconstitutional and bad policy, even
if the Treasury were overflowing with surplus revenues,
"to collect money from the people by taxation and then
lend it to either a corporation or an individual. Even
when there was perfunctory praise of Chicago and meas-
ured commendation of the World's Fair, these economists
and constitutional quibblers sought by their arguments,
as one of the Republican champions of the amendments
declared, to assassinate the national character of the en-
terprise and 1o reduce it to a local and municipal affair.
"Looting of the Treasury," "public robbery" and
" stock-jobbing operation " were the favorite phrases on
the Democratic side. The proposed appropriation was
100
as a Western speculation supported by a
venal lobby at Washington recruited from Government
officials and " the heel-taps of former Houses." No lan-
guage appeared to be too coarse or too violent for use on
the Democratic side.
CoAESB Abuse of the Fair.
** How are the Democratic representatives," asked Mr.
Bland, "to go before their constituents as the agents
and abettors of a job and a steal, for that is all it is? "
" In reality," Mr. Little declared, " you are now asked to
vote five millions of the people's money in order to afford
collateral security to the people of Chicago for two or
three millions of dollars." Mr. Sayers denounced it as
**oneof the most audacious pieces of legislation" ever
attempted in the House. Mr. Gates sneered at Govern-
ment partnership " in the show business." Mr. Butler,
of Iowa, characterized the scheme as " conceived in
dishonesty and impregnated with fraud." Mr. Cummings
compared the lobbyists to swarms of grasshoppers that
stop the wheels of railroad trains on the prairies. *' They
are here," he asserted, " in the shape of World's Fair
officials, drawing sustenance from the public Treasury,
and they are here in the shape of men, women and chil-
dren from Chicago, all trying to loot the Treasury."
Mr. Otis, of the Farmers' Alliance, considered it to be
" one of the most gigantic swindles ever perpetrated
upon Congress." Mr. Bailey opposed the appropriation
as " legislative burglary," and when a compromise was
eJffected described his Democratic colleagues as bound
hand and fool and delivered " to the merciless greed of a
private corporation," despoiling the public Treasury.
Struggling Against the Fair.
With insults and affronts, such as these the Democratic
majority persevered in its warfare upon the World's Fair,
until the wheels of Government were on the point of stop-
ping. When the five-million cjiuse was first presented
to the House, it was defeated by a majority of 13, every
Republican voting for it. When it was returned to the
House from a conference committee, it was carried by a
vote of 117 to 105. Out of 235 Democrats, only 63 voted
for it ; but, with 54 Republican members, a majority was
secured. Although vanquished, the opponents of the
World's Fair would not yield. After moving to recon-
sider the vote, they followed Mr. Holman into a fortnight's
filibustering campaign, at the end of which a Democratic
caucus was called, and a compromise was arranged by
which the Senate amendments to the Appropriation Act
were dropped, and the original House bill, with the
$5,000,000 cut down to $2,500,000, was substituted for
them. The extraordinary spectacle was thus witnessed
of a surrender of the majority of the House, who had voted
for the Senate amendments, to the minority who had de-
fied their authority. The attitude of the Republican
members throughout these proceedings was uncompro-
mising. Not one speech was made nor one vote given on
that side against the great National enterprise. It was,
through the action of the Republican Senate, forced upon
101
\
\
the attention of the House, and it was through the un-
wavering support of the Republican minority that even
the reduced appropriation was carried through Congress.
Enemies of the Faik.
The filibustering operations were brought to an end, not
because the Democratic majority relaxed their opposition
to the World's Fair, but because they were forced to ex-
tricate themselves from the embarrassment of liaving practi-
cally blocked the business of the Government by hanging up
one of the great appropriation bills. The pretense of de-
votion to constitutional principles did not stand in the
way of their compromising with their convictions at fifty
cents on the dollar, since they finally consented to allow
the World's Fair $2,500,000 of the $5,000,000 which had
been asked. The scandalous scenes in the House virtually
involved a repudiation of the party pledge made a few
weeks before at Chicago. As actions speak louder than
words, the Democracy through its Representatives in the
Fifty-second Congress has earned the righteous enmity
of every friend of the great national enterprise which is
destined to be a source of glory and honor to the country,
to promote the commercial prosperity of the American
people, and to elevate and advance the civilization of the
world.
Enlightened Self-interest.
For the present tlie world is divided into separate
nationalities, and that Divine command still applies ;
He that provideth not for his own household has
denied the faith and is worse than an infidel." And
tni that era arrives described by the gentleman
from Virginia, patriotism must supply the place of
imiversal brotherhood. For the present Gortchals:o£f
can do more good for the world by taking care of
Russia. The great Bismarck can accomplish more
for his era by being, as he is, a German to the core
and promoting the welfare of the German Empire.
Let Beaconsfield take care of England and Mc-
Mahon take care of France, and let Americans de-
vote themselves to the welfare of America. When
each does his part for his own nation to promote
prosperity, justice and peace, all will have done
more for the world than if all had attempted to be
cosmopolitans rather than patriots.
—JAMES A. GAKFIELI>.
103
OVER A BILLION.
Forty-four Millions Added to the
Appropriations by Democratic
"Economy."
COLLAPSE OF A CAMPAIGN OF
DEFAMATION.
Ketrencliment a Costly Sham.
The most disastrous failure of the Democracy has been
the collapse of such reputation as it had for retrenchment
and economy. It was a cheap reputation. A party that
obstructs national progress and industrial policies and
raises a loud outcry against "paternalism in govern-
ment " whenever legislation of a creative order is pro-
posed, naturally has a bent for economy. From the time
of Jefferson it has advocated the restriction of taxation
" to the necessities of the Government when honestly and
economically administered." In accordance with this
traditional policy, every Democratic House has made a
practice of cutting down appropriations for national ex-
penditures, and of making a specious show of retrench-
ment even when it has been necessary to withhold
supplies so as to swell the deficiencies another year. As
economy has been its chief stock in political trade for
many years, the Democracy can ill afford to be convicted
of reckless prodigality in national expenditures. That is
what has happened this year. The Democracy has been
found out.
Defamers Self-Convicted.
"What has rendered this exposure disastrous has been
the hue and cry raised two years ago over the "Billion Dol-
lar Congress." From every Democratic platform the Re-
publican paity was denounced for its wanton extravagance.
In that campaign of defamation partisan orators were
never weary of enlarging upon the wastefulness of Re-
publican legislation and administration. The "Billion
Dollar Congress " was a libel which matched the lies about
" McKinley prices" and the tyranny of " the Republican
Czar." When a Democratic Congress was elected, the
country was heartily congratulated upon being released
from the ruinous financial speculations of "a spendthrift
Republican House." With Mr. Holman to hold the purse-
strings of the nation, it was confidently assumed on that
side that the appropriations would be reduced to the ex-
tent of $100,000,000. That was his own forecast ; and
there were half-trained and foud-barking watchdogs of
the Treasury who predicted a saving of $150,000,000 as
the result of the election of a Democratic House. The
Presidential election was approaching, and there was a
grand chance for making a record for frugal administration,
which would favorably impress voters. Then the changes
would be rung once more upon the " Billion Dollar Con-
gress," and the Government would be handed over to the
party which was pledged to conduct the Administration
with economy and frugality !
Which is the Spendthrift?
This was the Democratic Plan of Campaign, and the
best results were expected from it. Mr. Holman had the
cordial co-operation of all his political associates in his
great work of knocking the millions out of the National
Budget. The surplus revenues had been drained off;
there was no pressure brought to bear upon Congress for
expenditures in any new directions ; and there was ap-
parently nothing to prevent a large shrinkage in the ap-
propriations. Indeed, if calamity howlers were to be
believed, there was a most urgent necessity for reducing
expenditures, since there was a strong probability of a de-
ficiency in income. Mr. Holman had everything in his
favor, but he has failed to redeem the pledges of his
party. It is a striking illustration of the sheer incapacity
of the Democratic party to succeed in anything which it
undertakes. The House continued to pile up the appro-
priations, and for a long time nobody on the Democratic
side seemed to be keeping tally of them. Suddenly there
was consternation. The appropriations were overtopping
those of the " Billion Dollar Congress." Desperate efforts
were made to lighten the ship so that it would float in
shallower waterj'but without avail. The appropriations
had become unmanageable. Not even Mr. Holman could
keep them down. When the columns were balanced at
the end of the session, it was found that the Democratic
House had exceeded by $44,302,869.78 the limit of that
"wasteful and spendthrift" Republican House whose
enormities had been held up for public execration for two
years. The following exhibit explains itself :
The Billion Dollar Houses.
Title of BilL
Agricultural
Army
Diplomatic and Consular.
Distilct 01' Columbia
Fortiflcations
Indian
Legislative
Military Academy
Navy .'
Pensions.
Post-Office
River and Harbor
Sundry CivlL
Total
Denciencies ..,
Miscellaneous.
Democratic
House,
First Session.
Republican
House,
First Session.
13,232,995 50
24,308,499 82
1,604,045 00
5,323,414 27
2,734,276 00
7,664,047 84
21,899,252 97
428,917 33
23,543,385 00
154,411,682 00
80,331,876 73
21,153,618 00
27,837,228 93
$374,473,239 39
8,211,261 18
3,153,000 00
Total Kegular Annual Approprit
tiong
Permanent Annual Appropriations. .
Grand Total Appropriations.
$385,837,500 57
121,863,880 00
$507,701,380 57
$1,799,100 00
24,206,471 79
1,710,815 00
5,769,544 15
4,232,935 00
7,262,016 02
21,030,752 75
435,296 11
24,136,035 53
123,779,368 35
72,226,698 99
25,136,295 00
29,738,282 22
$341,463,610 91
13,295,541 61
7,010,905 27
$361,770,057 79
101,628,453 00
$463,398,510 79
Increase 4|44,303,869 78
104
Legislating foe Deficiencies.
In order to complete this comparison several large
amounts must be added to the total appropriations made
by the Democratic House of the FifLy-secand Congress.
These are expenditures for which contracts are author-
ized. Thus the contracts on account of river and harbor
improvements amounted to $31,760,521, making the
actual aggregate of the River and Harbor Act, $52,914,-
139. Contracts were also authorized requiring the ex-
penditure of $640,000 for materials for the new building
for the Library of Congress. This amount was not in-
cluded in the aggregate of the Sundry Civil Bill. The
construction of two new war vessels was authorized with-
out the appropriation of a dollar for them on current ac-
count. It was the deliberate intention of the Democratic
House to conceal the real aggregate of expenditures au-
thorized and to evade immediate responsibility for its
prodigality. Senator Allison gave prompt warning that
unusual deficiencies would have to be provided for an-
other winter as the inevitable consequence of placing Con-
gress under bonds to meet obligations contracted, but
temporarily evaded by "the prudent and economical"
Holman and his associate " reformers." Recourse was
had to every artifice and trick known to professional
economists in order to obscure the record of Democratic
extravagance and to run up the deficiency account at the
second session. Still, with all these shuffling evasions,
the record remains black enough to convict the Demo-
cratic Party of canting hypocrisy in its campaign of defa-
mation against the last Republican House.
Political Incapacity Revealed.
With a balance of $44,302,869.78 against them in this
comparison of the appropriations of the Fifty-first and
Fifty-second Congress, the Democratic leaders have sought
to saddle upon the Republican Senate the responsibility
for the increase of the appropriations. This cannot be
true, unless the House has abrogated its constitutional
privilege of initiating financial legislation for current sup-
ply. Every increase proposed by the Senate was neces-
sary, either to prevent the piling up of deficiencies for the
second session or else to maintain various branches of the
public service in operation. From the outset Mr. Holman
and his confederates were fighting for the last cause of
Democratic economy without being conscious that it was
a hopeless struggle. They were laboring against invinci-
ble tendencies, yet persevered in their folly, blind and
stubborn to the end. There had been a vague notion
among " economists " of the Holman type that the ex-
penditures of the National Government could be held to a
fixed basis without reference to the growth of the country
and its increase in population. They were ignorant
and stupid legislators as well as dishonest partisans. They
could not perceive that government "on the cheap " v/as
impossible when the country was increasing in power,
resources and population hand over hand.
105
The Republican Reooed.
The last Republican Congress, which was mercilessly-
criticised for extravagance by Democratic demagogues,
had to settle deficiencies amounting to f 50,000, OOOincurred
under the legislation o^ the previous Congress. When
these arrears were discharged, the highest debt of honor
the nation was owing was generously paid. That was
the obligation of making suitable provision in pension
legislation for dependent veterans and their families. Other
increases in appropriations were ordered to meet the re-
quirements of national policy, such as harbor defenses, the
new navy, internal improvements and the World's Fair, or,
else, to promote the efficiency of the public service, and,
especially, of the Post-Office, Indian Bureau and Census.
Large as the appropriations of the Republican Congress
were, the bulk of the increase was for Democratic defi-
ciencies and soldiers' pensions, and the remainder was
naturally involved by the development of the country.
By suspending the process of debt- paying. President
Cleveland had artificially created his so-called surplus as
a pretext for breaking down the tariff. An overflowing
Treasury naturally involved increasing expenditures,. As
Mr. Reed has remarked, " it is the tendency of piled-up
money to scatter," Great national interests which had
been neglected when there was more urgent need of
economy were promoted. There was an expansion of
many branches of the public service. Harbor improve-
ments were undertaken on a large scale. Many greatly
needed public buildings were ordered. All the conditions
were favorable for an increase in the expenditures of a
great and prosperous country.
The Demooeatio Reooed.
When tlie Fifty-second Congress assembled, the con-
ditions had materially altered. A Republican Adminis-
tration had resumed the process of debt-paying which had
been unnecessarily interrupted during President Cleve-
land's term. The current revenues had been largely
reduced by the revision of the Tariff. Mr. Holman was
brought face to face with the fact that the surplus had
disappeared and that the revenues only sufficed for
economical administration of the National Government.
He was not compelled to resist any undue pressure for
the increase of expenditures. His party associates recog-
nized the political necessity for making a party record for
economy, and lent their moral aid to his ostentatious cam-
paign of retrenchment. He had promised to cut down
the Republican figures by at least $100,000,000. They
were all under pledge to support him in a policy of
closely calculated economy. All the superficial conditions
favored a very large reduction of the budget ; but the
tendencies of a Billion-Dollar country were as irresistible
as Democratic appetite was insatiable. The appropria-
tions instead of being scaled down were heavily increased.
The Cheap Johns of the Democratic House were revealed
in their true character as Spendthrift Financiers.
106
True Inwardness op " Reform."
Not only were the appropriations run up far above the
level of the llepublicau Congress, but the increase was
ordered under conditions which must inevitably involve a
greatly enlarged aggregate for the Fifty-second Congress
in order to meet dehcieucies and to provide the means for
carrying out legislation which has been postponed for
partisan reasons until next winter. Senator Allison has
pointed out one instance in which a large appropriation
has been cut down one-half with the understanding that
the other half shall be covered by the next year's Defi-
ciency bill. That method of " economy " is characteristic
of the Democratic Party, and it has been largely employed
in a desperate but unsuccessful attempt to produce political
capital in a Presidential year. Moreover, elaborate prep-
arations have been made ^^^ raiding the Treasury when
the exigencies of a political canvass conducted on sham
issues of reform shall have passed. Large appropriations
have been favorably reported by committees and hung up
until the second session, when it will be safe to act upon
them. More than sixty bills carrying appropriations for
new public buildings have been sidetracked to await the
passage of the Presidential election train. A meritorious
measure providing for the erection of sixty lighthouses
and the establishment of fog-signal stations has been
shunted off the track and held over until another winter.
These are samples of a " retrenchment" policy which has
already carried appropriations $44,302,869.78 beyond the
record of the first session of the "Billion Dollar Con-
gress," and opened the floodgates for deferred legislation
and a cumulative drift of deficiencies at the second session.
A Fraud Exposed.
The Democracy is not a party of retrenchment and re-
form. Its own record of violated pledges condemns it.
Its own dishonorable career of miscalculated financial
mismanagement quashes its indictment of the "Billion
Dollar Congress." Its own revels of prodigal extrava-
gance menace the country with a deficiency oi income
another year. A spendthrift party masquerading under
the guise of thrift and carefulness has been found out.
107
THE TARIFF QUESTION.
Neyer Before H«as the Issue Been so
Sharply Defined.
DEMOCRATS OFFER FREE TRADE PURE
AND SIMPLE.
They Say Protection is Unconstitutional.
For thirty years the Republican party has favored Pro-
tection. For more than sixty years the Democratic party
has opposed every protective tariJBf. by threats of nullifi-
cation caused compromise or the gradual reduction of
1832, and, when it came into power, by pretending to fa-
vor " Polk, Dallas and the tariff of '42," it repealed the
^riff of 1842, substituted the horizontal tariff of 1846,
and has voted against every protective tariff adopted since
1860. The position of the two parties is not determined
alone by their platforms, and yet is determined more
clearly than ever before by the platforms this year. The
Kepublican Platform declares unequivocally
for Protection, and for sufficient Protection
to maintain the American standard of wages
for labor. There is no room to dispute about its mean-
ing, unless the claim is set up that Protection is justified
only to the extent of the ascertained difference between
wages of labor in a particular occupation at a given time
in this and in other countries. The purpose of a protective
tariff is to afford sufficient protection when labor is es-
pecially depressed abroad, as well as when it is best paid,
and thus to prevent the prostration of industry here in
consequence of prostration in other countries.
The Republican Tariff Plank.
The language of the Republican Platform is :
" We reaffirm the American doctrine of Protection.
We call attention to its growth abroad. We maintain
that the prosperous condition of our country is largely
due to the wise revenue legislation of the Republican
Congress.
"We believe that all articles which cannot be produced
in the United States, except luxuries, should be admitted
free of duty, and that on all imports coming into compe-
tition with the products of American labor there should be
levied duties equal to the difference between wages
abroad and at home.
** We assert that the prices of manufactured articles of
general consumption have been reduced under the opera-
tion of the Tariff Act of 1890.
♦' We denounce the efforts of the Democratic majority
of the House of Representatives to destroy our tariff laws
108
piecemeal, as is manifested by their attacks upon wool,
lead and lead ores, the chief products of a number of
States, and we ask the people for their judgment
thereon."
The Rejected Demockatio Plank.
The Democratic Platform, reported by the majority of
committee to the National Convention, read as follows :
" We reiterate the oft-repeated doctrines of the Demo-
cratic party that the necessity of the Government is the only
justification, for taxation, and whenever a tax is unneces-
sary it is unjustifiable ; that when Custom House taxation
is levied upon articles of any kind produced in this coun-
try, the difference between the cost of labor here and labor
abroad, when such a difference exists, fully measures any
possible benefits to labor, and the enormous additional
impositions of the existing tariff fall with crushing force
upon our farmers and workingmen, and, for the mere ad-
vantage of the few whom it enriches, exact from labor a
grossly unjust share of the expenses of the Government ;
and we demand such a revision of the tariff laws as will
remove their iniquitous inequalities, lighten their oppres-
sions, and put them on a constitutional and equitable
basis.
" But in making reduction in taxes it is not proposed
to injure any domestic industries, but rather to promote
their healthy growth. From the foundation of this
Government taxes collected at the Custom House have
been the chief source of Federal revenue. Such they
must continue to be. Moreover, many industries have
come to rely upon legislation for successful continuance,
80 that any' change of law must be at every step regardful
of the labor and capital thus involved. The process of
reform must be subject in execution to this plain dictate
of justice."
This resolution was voted clown by a majority of
564 to 342, and a tariff for revenue only was approved .
in form as follows :
The Plank Adopted at Chicago.
"We denounce Republican protection as a fraud — a
robbery of the great majority of the American people for
the benefit of the few. We declare it to be a fundamental
principle of the Democratic party that the Federal Govern-
ment has no constitutional power to impose and collect
tariff duties, except for the purpose of revenue only, and
we demand that the collection of such taxes shall be
limited to the necessities of the Government when hon-
estly and economically administered." '*'
Cleveland vs. Jefferson.
There could not be a more emphatic declaration of
Democratic hostility to every degree or form of protec-
tion. The party denounces the protective policy as un-
constitutional, in spite of the fact that President Wasliing-
ton signed, and all the framers of the Constitution advo-
cated, the first protective tariff" adopted in 1789, which was
designed, as its preamble declared, "for the support of
109
^
the Government, for the discharge of the debts of th6
United States, and the encouragemeut and pro-
tection of manufactures."
Andebw Jaokson a Protectionist.
Tlie Democratic declaration is in contemDtuous disre-
gard of President Jackson's statement in his annual mes-
sage of 1830, for he said :
" The power to impose duties on imports originally be-
longed to the several States. * * * This authority hav-
ing thus entirely passed from the States, the right to ex-
ercise it for the purpose of protection does not exist in
them ; and consequently, if it be not possessed by the Gen-
eneral Government, it must be extinct. Our political sys-
tem would thus present the anomaly of a people stripped
of the right to foster their own industry and to counteract
the most selfish and destructive policy which might be
adopted by foreign nations. This surely cannot be the
case. This indispensable power, thus surrendered by the
States, must be within the scope of the authority on the
subject expressly delegated to Congress. In this conclu-
sion I am confirmed as well by the opinions of Presidents
Washington, Jefferson, Madison and Monroe, who have
each separately recommended the exercise of this right
under the Constitution, as by the uniform practice of Con-
gress, the continued acquiescence of the States, and the
general understanding of the people."
This practice of the Government has continued to this
day, for no tariff has yet been adopted without a protec-
tive element. Moreover, the I>einocratic declara-
tion is at war with a recent decision of the
Supreme Court of tiie United States.
A Fkee Tkade Platform.
It is a declaration hostile to protection of every degree
and form. It is not more acceptable to the Eastern Demo-
crats who want free raw materials, but protective duties
on manufactured products, than to the Southern Demo-
crats who want free wool and woolens, but protection on
iron ore and pig iron. It is hostile to the development of
industry everywhere, and in every branch of production
with which foreigners are now able to compete. It is
clearly a foreign policy, and not an American, which this
party proposes. It ought to be supported, as it actually
is, by foreign statesmen and journals, and not by Ameri-
cans.
Thus, the mask is off. For thirty years the Democratic
party has pretended to oppose only excessive protection,
or unwise and improper forms of protection, and while
secretly bent upon British free trade it has worn the
mask of "tariff reform." At last disguises are
thrown aside. The Democratic platform demands a
tariff for revenue only, that is, a tariff which shall inci-
dentally benefit no American industry if it can be avoided.
The British tariff is framed on that principle, and raises
the entire revenue by duties on articles not produced in
Great Britain, or of which the production there is subject
to excise. Hence the British rate of duties on dutiable
imports is much higher than the rate of duties on dutiable
110
imports in this country; last year the British ciifafoms
revenue was £19,948,313, and the dutiable imports were in
value only £30,653,058, so that the rate was 65.08 percent.
_But the American customs revenue for the past fiscal
"^year was .$177,883,034, and the dutiable imports were in
value $369,400,801, so that the rate of duties on dutiable
imports was 48.16. To sweep away the Amerlcaii
system which encourages manufactures, and
maintains a high rate of wages for labor, and
to substitute Britisli free trade whicli would
subject American labor to direct competition
with the pauper labor of other countries,
thus forcing down American wages, is at last
the declared object of the I>emocratic party.
False Pjkktenses Abandoned.
For years there have been Democratic pretenses that
duties should not be reduced beyond tlie rate necessary
to compensate for the difference between wages here and
wages in other countries. The pretense was a fraud, for in
the Wood tariff of 1878, and in the Morrison tariff of 1886,
and the Mills tariff of 1888, which were all supported
by substantially the whole body of Democrats in Con-
gress, the duties proposed on many articles w^ere far be-
low the difference between wages of labor here and in
other countries. This year the false pretense is abandoned
as useless, and tariff for revenue only is proposed in all
its nakedness. For years Democrats have pretended in
some sections that they only wanted such tariff reform as
would give to manufacturers free raw materials, and
therefore, it was claimed, better protection. That pre-
tense also was a fraud, for the Democratic party well knew
that it could not take off duties from wool without cutting
off duties on woolens also; nor abolish duties on iron ore
and pig iron of the Virginias, Alabama and Tennessee
without sweeping away duties on finished iron and steel
products. Tills false pretense also has failed in
every national contest, and at last the dem-
ocratic party choses to fight under its true
colors, tliose of British free trade.
The question, therefore, is no longer whether this or
that particular tariff can be improved, but whether pro-
tection of every kind and measure should be abolished.
It is no longer whether thore are mistakes of details,
which should be corrected, but whether tlie national
policy of defending American industries should be aban-
doned. With an amazing audacity, bom of
its power to control the voting and returns
in many States by fraud, the I>emocratic
party noAV aslis American wage earners to
vote down tlie policy w^hich has added more
tlian 50 per cent, to tlieir wages within thirty
years. Surely no party would ever expect votes honest-
ly cast and honestly counted to be in favor of such a
policy.
Ill
THE NEW TARIFF.
How It Was Contrived and What It
Has Accomplished.
MORE TRADE, LOWER TAXES, HIGHER
WAGES.
New Industries Everywhere.
The McKinley tariff is the latest endeavor to apply pro-
tective principles in practice. Its framers rejoice at the
illustration it has given to the results of that policy.
Already its workings constitute the strongest argument in
favor of protection. It was declared by Senator Carlisle,
when this measure was pending, that under it foreign
commerce would decrease, but it has vastly increased,
SO tliat imports during the last fiscal year
exceeded 827 millions against 745 millions
in the last year before its passage in either
House, while in the last year of a I>emo-
cratic revenue tariff imports were less than
354 millions. (See Table A.) It was declared
that this taritt' would cut ofi' exports of
American products to other countries, but
exports during the last fiscal year exceeded
1,080 millions, against 742 millions in 1889,
and 333 millions in the last year of the
Democratic revenue tariff'. It was declared
that goods admitted free of duty would be
less than one-half the total imports, but in
the last fiscal year the goods admitted free
were more than 458 millions, Avhile the
goods subject to duty were only about 369
millions. It was declared that the rate of
duties on imports would be OO per cent, or
more, but in the last fiscal year the duties
collected were but 21.5 per cent, of the im-
ports, actually smaller than in any year save
six in the past fifty years. For the first time in
the history of the United States more than half of all the
imports in value have been admitted free of duty under
the new tariff, and yet imports and exports have each been
in value the largest ever known in the entire history of
the country.
Reduction of Duties.
The first object of this act was to reduce taxation,
because the revenue of the Government had been greatly
in excess of its needs. As a result, the customs revenue
was reduced about .f 42.000,000, while reductions in in-
ternal taxes were more than overcome by the increased
112
consumption. It was predicted by opponents of this
measure that it would bankrupt the Treasury, but ex-
perience has proved that the revenue is sufficient for the
needs of the government, unless wasteful and extravagant
Democratic appropriations are to continue. The re-
moval of duties on sugars alone has been a direct benefit
to the consumers of this country, amounting to about
one dollar for every inhabitant, old and
younj?, or about $5 for every family.
New Industries Springing Up.
The second object of this measure was to develop
home industries and secure a greater de-
mand for American labor. In this respect, also,
the act has been surprisingly successful, already accom-
plishing more than its most hopeful supporters had ex-
pected. It has secured the establishment of many new
industries, which had no existence in the country prior to
its enactment. Lists of new establishments, several hun-
dred in number, employing thousands of hands, have
been published, but can at no time be made complete, for
for each week adds to the roll. Tin plate v/orks by the
score are already producing more than eight million
pounds in a quarter, but many more are soon to begin
operation. Works for the manufacture of pearl buttons
are already counted by the dozen, and American mills
now make all the cotton ties used in the country, while
new works are producing plushes, laces, linen goods and
a multitude of woolen, worsted and cotton fabrics, never
before produced here. Every part of the country
has shared in the benefits resulting, and has
seen new establisments created by this act,
which give increased employment to labor,
and a greater demand for the products of
neighboring farms, and for the labor of
mechanics and artisans.
Great Expansion of Industries.
Great as these results have been, much greater have
been realized in the exj^ansion and development
of industries previously existing. Three years ago the
woolen manufacture was greatly depressed in conse-
quence of changes made by Democratic votes in the tariff
of 1883, and it was said that fully a third of the machin-
ery was idle, while of the works remaining, compara-
tively few realized fair profits. Excessive competition of
foreign goods, many of them fraudulently undervalued,
was the chief cause of depression. Now many classes
of goods which were formerly importetl in
great quantity are no longer imported at all,
and merchants handle of those classes Amer-
can goods exclusively. Dress goods, in excellence
and fineness never equalled in this country, have excluded
similar foreign goods, and the same is true of many kinds
of worsteds and woolen goods. The mills arc busy even
at this season nearly to their full capacity, and trade re-
ports speak of the orders for goods as astonishing to man-
ufacturers. The consumption of wool in manu-
facture has increased 17 per cent, in three
113
years, and is much the largest ever known,
while tlie value of woolen goods imported lias
decreased $21,000,000 during the same
period.
Advances in Every Branch of Trade.
In other industries similar results are seen. Many-
cotton fabrics never equaled in fineness by the manu-
facture in this country are now produced so largely that
similar foreign products are almost wholly excluded, and
the consumption of cotton in the mills of this country
has increased 24 per cent, in two years. The
production of pig iron since the new tariff Avas enacted
has for the first time surpassed that of Great
15ritain both in 1891 and this year thus far, having in-
creased about 10 per cent, in three years. It is especially
important that this increase has not been due to unusual
railroad building, but has been in spite of smaller con-
sumption of iron for that purpose than has been known in
other years for a long time ; it is the result of vastly in-
creased consumption of the material in other branches of
the manufacture. In the silk manufacture there has been
an increase of 25 per cent, beyond that of any other year,
the imijorts of raw silk exceeding those of
1890 by 1,500,000 pounds, and the manufacture
has increased nearly three-fold since the census of 1880,
when it employed 31,000 hands and yielded products
worth $41,000,000. The imports of india rubber during
the last year were 40,000,000 pounds, an increase of
18 per cent, in two years, though the manufacture
had substantially doubled in the ten preceding years.
The manufactures using tin as a material consumed 44
million pounds against 35 million pounds in 1890,
an increase of more than 25 per cent. , and imports of
bleaching powder have increased 10 per cent, in two years.
These are but samples of a marvellous ad-
vance which is seen in nearly all branches of
American industry since the new tariff* was
enacted.
Objects of the New Tariff.
These results have not been attained by a general in-
crease of duties on imports. On the contrary, the articles
on which duties were ^educed by the new tariff greatly
outnumber the articles on which duties were increased.
Not only by the removal of duties on sugar, but by the
addition of many other articles to the free list, were the
burdens of American consumers greatly
diminished. Where duties w^ere increased the objects
were (1) to afford greater protection to agri-
culture, which had not been adequately defended under
previous tariffs; (2) to correct errors which had
sprung up tlirough misunderstanding or judicial interpre-
tation of previous tariffs, or through changes in modes of
production abroad which rendered previous duties in-
effective ; and (3) to secure the establisliment of
new industries which had been prevented hitherto by
foreign competition, previous duties on imported articles
having been inadequate. The greater number of changes
in the direction of higher duty was for the benefit of agrl-
114
Culture, while as to the great manufactures already well
established in this country, duties on a great variety of
products were reduced.
Protection fok Fakmers.
In raising duties on many farm products Congress did
but respond to the earnest demand of a great number of
farmers. At the suggestion of a commiUee representing
the farmers in all parts of tlie country, petitions in great
number had been signed and forwarded to the Congress
of 1886-7, asking increase in duties on certain farm pro-
ducts, and settinj? forth in strong terms the
necessity of sucli an increase in order to de-
fend this industry against liurtf al and rapidly
growing" competition along the sea coast and
the Canadian border. These petitions were con-
temptuously disregarded by the Democratic majority of
the House at that time, and the result was that over-
whelming majorities were given for the Republican
candidates in agricultural States at the election four years
ago. The Republican Congress thus elected proceeded to
respond to the declared wishes of the farmers by increas-
ing duties in every instance where such increase had been
asked by the great body of petitions above mentioned,
and in several cases a greater advance of duties was
judged necessary in order to secure the end desired.
These provisions were intended to defend, and as ex-
perience thus far proves, do in fact defend the farmers
against excessive competition in quarters where they had
been most readily deprived of the enjoyment of their
home markets. At the same time, in nearly all parts of
the country they have in no way affected prices or en-
hanced the cost of products to consumers, because there
foreign farm products were not brought nor
sold and would not have been under any form
of tarift'. The Canadian, who taxes products im-
ported from this country, and contributes nothing directly
to the support of our national. State or local government,
is now compelled to pay something for the
privilege of selling in competition with
American farmers, and in consequence there
has been a decline in prices of certain pro-
ducts in Canadian markets, and an advance
in prices realized by farmers of this countr5^
near the border. Similar benefits have been
realized by farmers near the sea coast, whose best markets
were oft^n spoiled or taken from them by the importation
at sea ports of vegetables, fruit, eggs and tobacco from
other countries. This competition was rapidly destroy-
ing agriculture where it was most exposed to competition
with foreign producers, but by giving encouragement to
that industry the uew act ensures the maintenance of an
adequate home supply in such quarters, and in the long
run larger and steadier supplies and more reasonable
prices. While agriculture is being destroyed in Great
Britain, as farmers of that country admit with sorrow,
by the free importations from the continent, it is pro-
posed by Democrats that the American farmers shall de-
liberately adopt the British policy and iEvite the
same results.
115
AS TO PRICES.
They Are Lower Than Before the New
Tarijft' was Passed.
DECLINES IN VALUES ALL ALONG THE
LINE.
The Result of Home Competition.
When the new tariff was enacted, the whole land was
filled with falsehoods about its effect on prices. An army
of peddlers and travelling salesmen was sent out to warn
people that a great rise in prices would quickly follow the
enforcement of the new law. Merchants by the thousand
repeated the same statement as a reason for asking higher
prices from customers. Public journals were full of ex-
aggerated or false accounts of advances already realized.
After nearly two years' experience under tbe
operation, consumers have learned how full
of falsehood these assertions were. The most
elaborate investigation of retail prices ever undertaken,
conducted by leading Senators of both political parties,
who absolutely agreed in their report of the facts, has now
established beyond dispute that retail prices were, as a
whole, lower in September, 1891, than a year before the
new tariff was enacted. The results of this investigation
further proved (see table B) :
(1) That the advance in retail prices at many points
during the year ending with last June was almost wholly
due to the partial failure of crops in 1890, and the conse-
quent scarcity of supply. The investigation proves that
61 articles of clothing were at no time as high
after December 1, 1889, as in June, July and
August of that year ; that metals and implements embrac-
ing 34 articles rapidly declined after the new
tariff was passed, the fall amounting in the average
10 2^ per cent, within the year ; that drugs and chemicals
in like manner declined nearly 2 per cent., and
were at no time afterwards as high as when the act passed,
and that household furnishing goods, 27 in number, have
never been so high since August, 1889, as at
that time. In general, all articles, except food, were
lower in every "month after March, 1891, than in 1889,
proving conclusively that manufactured
products affected by duties were not on the
whole enhanced in prices by the new tariff'.
(2) That the slight and temporary advance in retail
prices immediately after the act went into effect at no
time amounted, for all articles other than food, to more
than a quarter of one per cent, or 25 cents on $100, and
lasted no longer than March, 1891, and has been fol-
lowed by a general decline. Food products also de-
clined when the giDod crops.of 1891 began to come forward,
116
so that all classes of articles then became lower
than in 1889. These facts, established by the con-
curring reports of Senators of both parties, put an end
absolutely^ to the pretence that the new tariflt*
caused a general advance in the cost of living
or in retail prices of articles to consumers. But the
same committee went farther, and
(3) By investigation at three points in May, 1892, es-
tablished the fact that there had been a further
decline from September, 1891, to May,
1892. At Fall River, Massachusetts, this decline was
1.2 per cent, in the aggregate of all retail prices, at Chi-
cago 4.2 per cent, and at Dubuque, Iowa, prices were
unchanged. A still later investigation at Homestead,
Pennsylvania, not by official agents, has exhibited a con-
tinued decline in the same articles down to August, 1892,
extending to every class of articles, and making the
entire decline in retail prices in three years,
from July, 1889, a little over ten per cent.
Cost of Living Reduced.
It is, therefore, established beyond dispute that the
cost of living has not been increased by the new Tariff,
but that every dollar earned by labor will
purchase more of things required for the
support and comfort of a family than a
dollar would purchase when the new Tariff
was enacted, or the year before its enactment. In
large measure, moreover, this decline in prices can be
directly traced to the increased American production,
and more active competition between home producers,
which the new Tariff has caused. Thus, the imports
of cotton ties have been completely stopped,
but the home producers have competed so
sharply that steel cotton ties of the best
quality have been largely sold at the South
for 2 cents per lb., a price lower than was
ever quoted before the act was passed. Many
articles of clothing, woolen goods, dress goods and
cottons especially, have been lower since the new Tariff
went into effect than ever before, owing to the enormous
production that measure has brought about. Never in
the history of the country has the value of a protective
measure been so quickly demonstrated at any other- time,
in greatly increased production and reduced cost to
consumers, ai within the past two years under the new
Tariff.
A Tariff " For Revenue Only " Impossible.
(Annual Message to Congi^ess, Dec. 3, 1889.)
These duties necessarily have relation to other things
besides the public revenues. We cannot limit their
effects by fixing our eyes on the public treas-
ury alone. They have a direct relation to
home production, to work, to wages and to
the commercial independence of our country,
and the wise and patriotic legislator should enlarge the
field of his vision to include all of these.
-BENJAMIN HAKKISON,
117
WHAT FEEE TRADE MEANS.
Economic Theories That Are Utterly
Contradicted by the Facts.
HIGH DUTIES DO NOT CAU8E HIOH
PRICES.
But Low Duties Compel Low Wages.
Never has the soundness of Republican principles
regarding the tariff been more conclusively demonstrated
than by the experience of the past two years. Every
theory held by free traders has been crushed by an ava-
lanche of hard facts. It has long been claimed'that there
could be no protection or increased stimulus for manu-
facturing industry without higher prices for consumers.
But irresistible facts tell a different tale.
They prove that there has been a wonderful impulse given
to industries, so great that jj^aiiis of 10 to 25 per cent.
ill production have been realized in different branches
within two years ; so great that new works by the
hundred have been established and have gone into
operation, employing thousands of hands, and yet there
has been no advance whatever, but a general decline in
retail prices paid by consumers. The mill which could
not afford to make the finer dress goods at all, to be
retailed at 50 cents per yard or upward, when it could
not count upon the home market and its enormous
demand, because the loss on part of its product if left
unsold would destroy all its profits on whatever part of
its production it might sell, now devotes its whole force to
the making of such goods, better in quality than were
ever made in this country before, better than were ever
imported and sold at that price, and yet sells them at the
same prico realizing a profit, and builds new works to
double its capacity as quickly as possible, because the
American market is laige enough to ensure quick and
enormous sales.
Men who knew they could not make money in produc-
ing tin plates at $5.30 per box, because foreign makers,
who have been selling plates, duty paid, at that price be-
fore the ne w tariff was enacted, could cut off a dollar per
box or more, and yet sell without loss, in order to crush
any American competition, now invest millions in
the establishment of the most complete
works in the world, because the foreign maker has
taken off his dollar per box from his selling price, and
yet the tin plates paying the new duty cannot be sold
here below the cost of production at American establish-
ments. With the great American market ensured, the
finest machinery which the unrivalled American ingenuity
can devise is employed in order to produce goods more
cheaply than anywhere else in the world, though without
such a market secured a few months of competition with
118
cheap foreign labor and great accumulated capital would
make many establishments worthless.
Retail Peioes Kept Down.
It has long been claimed that prices paid to farmers for
their products could not be raised by duty on imported
articles without making the cost of living greater to all
wage earners, and enhancing the retail price of food to
all consumers. But hard facts tell a different tale.
They prove that wholesale and retail prices
do not advance side by side. An advance of
17.3 per cent, in the wholesale price of wheat
at the farms in forty-one States from July, 1889, to Sep-
tember, 1891, 'as established by the unanimous report of
the Senate Finance Committee, has actually brought with
it an advance, according to the same unanimous report,
of scarcely two per cent, in the price of flour at
seventy cities, and the advance of two per cent, in flour
has brought with it an advance of only four-tenths
of one per cent, in the retail price of bread.
Corn rose 47 per cent, within the same period, but
corn meal at retail advanced not quite ten per cent.
Sheep rose 8.6 per cent, in value to the farmer, but mut-
ton at retail advanced in cost to consumers less than three
quarters of one per cent. The advance in all farm
products at wholesale, from July, 1889, to
September, 1891, was 18.23 per cent., but
in retail prices of all food during the same
time, there was a slight decline. The farmers
have realized better prices for grains, vegetables and
animals, and yet the consumers have not paid more for
their food. The charge for every step and process from
the farms to the dinner table in an eastern city has been
reduced, the middlemen take each a little less,
the farmer gets much more, and the con-
sumer pays a shade less than before for tlie
same food. Democratic theorists sneer at these as im-
possible Republican miracles, but the investigation
of prices by a committee representing both
parties results in unanimous agreement that
the miracles are nevertheless facts.
Wages of Laboe Advanced.
The consumer pays no more, but the laborer gets
higher wages — another miracle to Democratic theorists ;
but again the hard facts are established by the unanimous
report of the same committee of both parties. The fig-
ures given by the committee*(see Table C) prove that the
wages of labor in fifteen general occupations actually ad-
vanced from July, 1889, to September, 1891, about three-
quarters of one per cent. They also prove that in fourteen
special industries there was no change of wages in four ;
decline of wages in five, amounting to 1.59 per cent, each,
and an advance in five, amounting to 2.54 per cent, each,
so that the average advance in these fourteen special indus-
tries was a third of one per cent, if each is treated as of
the same importance. The advance was greatest
in woolen goods, which are on the whole
cheaper than two years ago, and in pig iron
and cotton goods, prices of which are lower
than at any previous time in the history of
119
the country. Nor is it strange that the establishment
of many hundred new works, with the demand for thou-
sands of new hands, should enable the workers to obtain
higher wages. That is the legitimate and inevitable re-
sult of a protective system, well devised and steadily
maintained, which accomplishes its purpose, and does, in
fact, cause establishment of new works and expansion of
old industries.
It is precisely what has been realized constantly during
the past thirty years as the result of the llepublican policy
of protection. Comparison of wages in more
than 1,100 distinct occupations and posi-
tions, given in the census report of 1880,
showed that there had been an advance from
I860, the last year of a Democratic
revenue tariff, to tlie date of the census,
amounting to about forty-live per cent. This
advance has continued, although similar official figures do
not yet exist showing how great it has been within the
past ten years ; but such facts as have been collected un-
officially show a further advance of more than six per
cent, at the least; so that the wages of manufacturing and
mechanical labor must now be more than fifty per cent,
liiglier than they were in 1860 under the last Democratic
tariff. For every dollar that a day's or a
month's labor would then procure under a
Democratic policy, the same labor would
now^ procure at least $1.50 under Republican
protection. Yet the laborers of the United States are
asked this year to vote against the system which has
brought to them such benefits 1
The New Tariff Must Have a Fair Trial.
There is neither wisdom nor justice in the suggestion
that the subject of tariff revision shall be again opened
before this law has had a fair trial. It is quite true that
every tariff schedule is subject to objections. No bill was
ever framed, I suppose, that in all of its rates and classi-
fications had the full approval even of a party caucus.
Such legislation is always and necessarily the product of
compromise as to details, and the present law is no excep-
tion. JBut in its general scope and eftect 1
think it will justify the support of those who
believe that American legislation should
conserve and defend American trade and
the wages of American workmen.
—BENJAMIN HAKKISON.
Take the Issue to Your Homes.
{Fort Wayne, Ind., Sept. 4, 1888.)
Some think it enough to say that they are not free-
traders because they are not in favor of abolishing all
customs duties. Let me remind such that the free-trade
countries of Europe, recognized to be such, have not
abolished all customs duties. A better distinction is this :
The free-trader believes in levying customs
duties without any regard to the effect of
those <luties upon the wages of our working
people, or upon the production of our own
shops. This, then, is the issue. Take it to your homes.
—BENJAMIN HAKRISON.
120
WAGES AND VALUES.
More of Everything to be had for a
Dollar than Formerly.
AND MORE DOLLARS TO GET THEM
WITH.
Mechanics and the Tariff.
In like manner the lowering of prices for all manufac-
tured products has been going on for more than thirty-
years under Republican protection, and this has enabled
the workingman to buy more with every dollar received
in wages than he could buy in 1850. Official records of
prices prior to 1889 are not completed, but tables have
been published which show that less than $75 would now
buy as much of all articles entering into the consumption
of an ordinary family at wholesale prices on the seaboard
as $100 would buy at the same markets in the last year of
a Democratic revenue tariff. Farm products have been
reduced in cost to Eastern consumers by a reduction in
the cost of transportation, but their value has not been
correspondingly reduced to the farmers who ship their
products over the long lines of railway. On the other
hand, manufactured products have been reduced in cost
much more than prices of farm products at the seaboard,
and almost without exception are cheaper thau they
ever were under the Democratic revenue
tariff. It is undeniable that the tendency of inventions
and of progress in the arts and sciences is to reduce the
expenditure of human labor and consequently the cost of
producing manufactured articles. 13ut comparison
between tlie prices for such articles in tliis
and in otiier countries makes it clear that
the reduction in prices has been as great in
this as in any other land. Of all the benefits which
advancing civilization has secured to the human race the
American people have been enabled to enjoy under pro-
tection not only their full share but a larger share than
has fallen to the lot of the people in other countries.
Mechanics Peoteoted.
It is often asked why hands engaged in mechanical
trades, such as house-building occupations and the bakers,
butchers, plumbers and the like, should secure as much
increase in wages as those engaged in protected manu-
factures. But the men in tlie mechanical occu-
pations have no foreign competition what-
ever to retard their improvement in condi-
tion. They, therefore, feel the full effect of that steady
increase in demand for all American labor which protec-
19.1
tion has caused for thirty years. The employer who is
manufacturing woolen goods, or steel in various forms,
or other articles largely imported, may often find it im-
possible to grant an advance in wages when it is asked,
because a further advance at that time in the cost of pro-
duction might enable foreign competitors to undersell
him and cut oil part of his market. But the carpenters
or the masons have no such competition to meet. No
foreign artisan can lay the foundation or put up the
frame-work of a house for Americans to occupy, and ship
it to this country f-or sale. The natural protection
provided by the cliaracter of tlieir occupation
enables these workmen to reap the full benefit of that up-
ward impulse which protection gives, through the con-
stant demand for American labor in the expansion and
diversification of industries.
Wages of Farm Labor.
The wages of farm labor, as exhibited by official re-
ports of the Agricultural Department, disclose the opera-
tion of the same influence. Because there is a greater de-
mand for all labor, when new establishments are con-
stantly being completed and put in operation, through
the withdrawal of hands from the supply available for
farm labor, there results an advance in the wages of such
hands which bears strong testimony to the power of the
upward influence. The official statements (see Table D)
show that the average of wages paid to farm hands per
month in all the States has advanced 1.4 per cent, during
the last two years, 2 per cent, during the last four years,
3 per cent, in the last seven years, and 15.7 per cent, since
1879, the year of specie resumption. While this advance
makes the cost of production somewhat greater, the
farmers have compensation in the far greater efficiency of
farm implements and machinery, in their greater cheap-
ness, especially within the past two years, and in the re-
duction of more than one-half in the cost of transporting
their products from the farms to distant eastern markets.
The Nation's Marvellous Progress.
This is but an outline of the magnificent results which
have followed a steady maintenance of the Republican
policy of protection for more than thirty years. The
progress of the nation has been greater than that of any
other nation, and so great that this has surpassed every
other in aggregate valuation. The wealth-produc-
ing power of the people has gained so greatly
that foreign statisticians now estimate the
annual addition to the wealth of the United
States as greater than the annual addition
to the wealth of Great Britain, Germany and
France combined. The distribution of wealth has
been so favorable that labor earns about twice as much in
this as in other countries, while the purchasing power of
wages earned has been increased in greater proportion
here than elsewhere. Within thirty years under the pro-
tective policy, the value of labor measured in
the things it will buy has more than doubled
in the United States, and nowhere else has it gained
in any such proportion. Manufactures have developed
and increased in production at a rate not even rivalled in
any other country, making this the foremost nation of
the world in many great departments of industry in
which thirty years ago its productive capacity was insig-
nificant, and the strong home competition has so cheap-
ened products that the cost of living has been greatly re-
duced. More tlian ten million immigrants
have come to this country within twenty
years, and yet have not prevented a great
advance in the wages of labor. Millions of them
have taken new farms and brought under cultivation
rich lands of the far West, and yet have not prevented
an advance in prices of farm products at the farms. In a
word, no other country has prospered so marvellously or
gained so much as this country under the protective
policy, nor has the progress been more remarkable at
any other time than during the past two years under the
latest tariff framed and passed by the Republicans.
Bismarck's Tribute to Protection.
{From a Speech in the Reichstag hy Prince Bismarck^
May 12, 1882.)
The success of the United States m material
development is the most ilhistrious of modern
time. The American nation has not only
successfully borne and suppressed the most
gigantic and expensive war of all history, but
immediately afterward disbanded its army,
found work for all its soldiers and marines,
paid off most of its debt, given labor and
homes to all the unemployed of Europe as fast
as they could arrive within the territory, and
still by a system of taxation so in-
direct as not to be perceived, mnch
less felt. Because it is my deliberate
judgment that the prosperity of
America is mainly due to its system
of protective laws, I urge that Germany
has now reached that point where it is neces-
sary to imitate the tariff system of the United
States.
123
STRIKING AT WOOL.
The Democracy is a Party Hostile to
Industries.
FLOCKS ENORMOUSLY INCREASED
BURIXi; 1891.
Woolen Goods Cheaper.
It is against this wonder-working policy, which brings
to all benefits greater than any have anticipated, that the
Democratic party fights. No longer trying merely to find
flaws in the details of the tariff, or particular duties which
can be successfully attacked, the party denounces as rob-
bery a system which has helped to benefit every class of
citizens in every section of the land, and declares that
it is unconstitutional to provide by protection
a larger demand for American labor and an
expansion of American industries. The con-
trast between the Democratic and Republican platforms is
not greater than the contrast between the measures which
the two parties have supported.
The bills framed this year by the Democrats, and passed
by the enormous Democratic majority in the House, were
confessedly intended only as a few samples of what the
party would do if it had full power. The intention was
plainly avowed to frame no general tariff bill, because it
was not thought wise to show in detail exactly what the
party meant to do, except as these few bills indicate its
purpose. But, judging from these measures alone, the
l>emocratic policy must be pronounced hos-
tile to American industries, hostile to Amer-
ican producers and to the interests of Ameri-
can wage-earners, and calculated to benefit
only the manufacturers of other countries,
their employees, and the agents or others
who import foreign goods into the United
States.
Fkee Wool.
The first of these measures, passed April 7th, 1892, in
the Democratic House by a vote of 194 yeas, all Demo-
crats, against 58 Republicans and 2 Democrats in the
the negative, provides in its first section that " on and
after tlie first day of January, 1893, the following articles,
when imported, shall be exempt from duty, namely : All
wools, hair of the camel, goat,, alpaca, and other like
animals, and all wool and hair on the skin, noils, top
waste, slubbing waste, roving waste, ring waste, yarn
waste, card waste, bur waste, "rags and flocks, including
all waste or rags composed wholly or in part of wool."
134
This is the same sweeping and destructive change which
President Cleveland advocated in his free-trade message,
the first animal iiiessaj»e by an American
President ever devoted exclusively to an at-
tempt to destroy an imi)ortant industry of
his own country.
1? But the bill of 1892 went even further than the Presi-
dent in his bid for free-trade votes. It proposed to admit
free of all duty, not only all wool, whether washed or un-
unwashed, but all the various forms of noils, flocks, tops
and so-called waste, names which have been devised by
foreign manufacturers for the purpose of fraudulently in-
troducing into this country at lower rates of duty parti-
ally manufactured wool ready for use, as if it were the
worthless refuse of manufacture. The pretence that such
partially manufactured wool would be dutiable under
another provision, as having been advanced by subsequent
processes or labor beyond the condition of waste, is frivo-
lous, because the same false pretences which formerly
gained its admission at low rates would, under the Demo-
cratic act, get it admitted free of duty. In the fiscal year
1890, the last before a new tariff was adopted, no less than
4,985,268 pounds of such pretended refuse was imported
at ten cents per pound duty, the foreign value of which
was more than forty-6ue cents per pound, nearly double
the value of clothing wool imported the same year, and
nearly three times the average value of all wool. The
effect of such importations is to cut off the
demand for more tlian three pounds of
American wool aj?ainst every pound of such
scoured and partially manufactured material
imported, and no party not desiring to break down
wool-growing in this country would have proposed such a
change.
To Destroy Wool Geowing.
Free wool means for more than a million American
wool growers direct and unchecked competition of the
most degrading sort, not with free men of any race who
own their lands and support their own government, but
with convicts or coolies in Australasia, with the savages
of South America and the blacks of South Africa.
Where land costs nothing-, where the climate
reduces the expense of sheep raising to the
minimum, and where the laborer has neither
Jiome nor citizenship, and lives on nothing,
wool can be grown at a cost with which
American farmers cannot compete and
should never be obliged to compete. Already
Australian production has been so vastly increased, and
the price of wool in other countries so greatly depressed,
that 148,670,672 pounds were imported during the past
fiscal year, the greater part of which was valued abroad
at less than 10 cents per pound. Without any duty on
cheap foreign wool, the industry in this country would
have to be almost wholly abandoned, even in the distant
unsettled and rapidly narr*owing regions where lands can
be occupied for nothing. The growers of wool number
more than a million, and own 45,000,000 sheep, the value
of which is $116,000,000. Rarely, if ever, has it been pro-
125
posed to abandon and destroy an industry of such niagni.
tilde, and to render worthless such large investments by
citizens and voters.
Wool has never yet been free of duty under any party
or tariff since the iirst duties thereon were imposed, and
imtil Mr. Cleveland's desperate bid for free trade support,
it was scarcely believed that any party would venture to
propose a change so unjust and injurious to the entire
body of farmers. Only the year before his election the
Democratic party in Ohio, realizing that votes by some
Democratic members for a mere reduction of wool duties
would render its defeat probable, sought to avoid that
defeat by pledging restoration of the wool duties to those
imposed in 1866, which are substantially the duties im-
posed by the new tariff. Failing to catch votes by a
pledge so palpably insincere, the party next threw the
w^ool growing farmers aside as hopeless and sought to
entice manufacturers by the promise of free raw material
with protective duties on manufactured products.
Wlieu President Cleveland had been defeated
on that device also the party concluded, it
appears, that neither wool growers nor wool
manufacturers could be enticed into destroy-
inj? their own interests by their votes and
tlius it has cast off the mask, declares all
protective duties robbery and unconstitu-
tional, and votes for free wool and for duties
on woolen goods much too low for protection
of the industry.
Duties on Woolens Not Protective.
The Mills bill of 1888 was framed with the avowed in-
tention to make all wool free of duty, and the pretense
that the remaining 40 per cent, duty on all woolen goods
would be adequate for protection, A great majority of
the manufacturers, through their association and indi-
vidually, protested that the removal of specific duties on
woolen goods would not leave duties adequate for protec-
tion, because the ad valorem duties could be easily evaded,
and were relatively lowest just when the industrj'^ most
needed defense against foreign competition. That these
proposed duties were not in fact sufficient for the defense
of t-lie wool manufacture, the people in wool-manufactur-
ing and wool-growing States both decided by heavy ma-
jorities in the elections of that year. Yet the bill of
1892 retluced the duties on woolen goods be-
low the rate proposed in the Mills bill; on
woolen yarns from 40 to 35 per cent.; on blankets, hats
and flannels for underwear to 25, 30 and 35 per cent.; on
dress goods with cotton warp to 35 percent.; and on all
carpets to 30 per cent. On clothing ready made and
various garments made up, the new bill imposed a duty
of 45 per cent., whereas the Mills bill had admitted these
goods at the same rate with the cloth of which they were
made; and on all-wool dress goods, woolen cloths and
knit, fabrics, and on webbings, braids, laces and other
goods of like description, the*40 per cent, duty of the
Mills bill was retained in the bill of 1892. But on the
great majority of woolen and worsted goods the duties
proposed by the Democrats this year were lower than
126
those of the Mills bill, which the manufacturers had proved
inadequate, and which the people in the election of 1888
had held insufficient for the protection of industry.
Against Demookatio Protests.
The Democrats in the House were not without warning
of the consequences. While this bill was under consid-
eration the committee at first proposed to take off only
those duties which were designed to compensate for the
duties on raw wool. It was falsely pretended that this
would leave the manufacture as well defended as it had
been under the present tariff. It was quickly shown that
the abolition of the compensatory specific duties would in
fact take away a great part of the protection for the man-
ufacture, leaving only ad valorem duties which could be
easily and almost indefinitely evaded. Yet even this was
not enough for the majority of Democratic members, who
insisted upon still greatej reduction in the duties on woolen
goods. At once they were warned by some of the most
experienced and competent Democratic manufacturers in
the country, who were members of the House, and one of
them a member of the committee, and who declared that
such a reduction would be fatal to the industry.
Nevertheless, the committee voted, and the Democratic
members of the House afterwards voted, for this ruinous
reduction. These manufacturers declared that the aboli-
tion of all specific duties was of itself more than the
industry could stand, and that further reductions in the
ad valorem duties also would close a multitude of
works, drive many thousand people out of
employment, and cripple the manufacture so
that the home demand for wool would be
ruinously diminished. These Democrats warned
their associates that such a measure would drive a host of
voters away from their party, and sacrifice all that it had
gained by adroitly recommending " tariff reform " in-
stead of free trade. All warnings were in vain. The
Democratic majority insisted, the specific duties were all
swept away, and part of the ad valorem duties besides,
and in that form the bill was passed by the House as a
sample of the deliberate intention of the Democratic
party.
This destructive measure is the less excusable because
the country had been taught, by painful experience under
the tariff of 1883, that duties only a little lower than those
now in force, and yet much higher than those proposed
this year by Democrats, would subject the industry to
great loss and peril. Under that tariff, for the first time
in a quarter of a century, wool growing and wool manu-
facture had sustained great reverses. More than a third
of the mills were idle, it was stated, and their prostration
caused the slaughter of millions of sheep and reduced the
output of wool 46,000,000 pounds, according to the re-
ports of the Agricultural Department, from 308 million
pounds in 1884 to 262 million pounds in 1889, or about 15
per cent, in five years. Not ignorantly, but after such
demonstration as this, the Democrats insisted upon far
lower duties than those which had exposed wool growing
and wool manufacture to destructive foreign competition.
19,7
Pkee Trade Theories.
The theory of the free traders is that the manufacturer
cannot prosper without cheap raw material, and that the
duties raise the cost of domestic wool so much as to make it
impossible for the manufacturer to compete with foreign
imports. At the same time the wool grower is told that
the protective duties do not raise the price of wool in tlie
least, but actually depress it, so that he can get no ad-
vantage, but only injury from such duties. Palpable
fraud is in these assertions ; either one or both must be
false. The facts prove that the manufacture
has prospered under the new and higher
duties as it never prospered before, and that
the wool growers also have been so greatly
encourag-ed that they have rapidly increased
thenumber of their flocks, 1,500,000 in the
year 1801, The extreme depression of prices in all
other countries has necessarily affected the market in the
United States to some extent, but the wool growers
know that the decline has been twice as great in other
countries as in this. In August, 1890, before the new
tariff was framed, 102 qualities and grades of wool
averaged in the Philadelphia market 23. 6 cents per pound,
and the same qualities and grades in the market now
average 22.6 cents per pound. But, in foreign markets,
all wool of similar qualities has declined far more, New
South Wales, at London, from 9^ pence in August, 1890,
to 7j pence in August, 1892, or 21.6 per cent. Protective
duties have shielded the American grower from the
greater part of an extreme depression, which, but for that
defense, would have been fatal to this industry.
Woolen Goods Not Dearer.
What excuse is given, or can be given, for exposing to
such peril great industries which feed millions of people ?
The only one yet offered is the false pretense that
consumers of woolen clothing have been frightfully taxed
under the new tariff, having to pay greatly increased
prices for goods in consequence of the higher duties.
But the report of the Senate Finance Committee, all par-
ties agreeing, establishes the fact that the prices of
woolen goods as a whole were slightly lower
in September, 1891, than in June-August,
1889, the average of all quotations exclusive of carpets
being 99.4 against 100 two years earlier. Carpets were
about four per cent, higher in 1891, but have since been
reduced as much or more. Other woolen goods are also
lower this year than last, while none of any importance in
consumption have advanced. Wholesale clothing houses
furnish lists showing that they sell all sorts of ready-made
clothing and suits, made of the same goods and in the
same way, as cheaply as they did two years or three years
ago. Thus absolutely no loss has resulted to
consumers from the new duties on woolen
goods, and the only excuse that can be given for ex-
posing a great industry to disaster is a false and fraudu-
lent one.
128
OTHER STRIKES AT PROSPERITY,
Democratic Proposals to Turn Hosts
of Workmen into the Street.
BILLS TO PUT PROTECTED PRODUCTS
ON THE FREE LIST.
Confessed Folly and Worse,
The next bills proposed as samples by the Democratic
party were purely sectional and wortliy only of dema-
gogues. These were bills to put binding twine on the
free list and to take off duties from cotton ties and cotton
bagging. The character of these bills was fully exposed
by one of the most prominent Democratic organs of free
trade, " The New York Times," in an editorial February
17th, entitled "The Committee's Folly," which said of
the binding twine bill :
'* The removal of the insignificant duty on binding
twine could be of no service to the Western farmers
whom the majority members are supposed to have in
mind. That duty is only seven-tenths of a cent per
pound. The removal of it would not perceptibly reduce
the price of binding twine. As we have said before,
substantially all that could be done for consumers of
binding twine by changes in the t&.iff was done by the
McKinley Act. That act removed the duties on the
raw materials out of which the farmer's binding twine is
made — manilla, sisal, sunn and other vegetable fibres —
and at the same time so cut down the duty on the twine
itself that this product is practically on the free list now.
Those who think they can fool the farmers now by
cutting off the merely nominal duty of seven-tenths of a
cent per pound — the weight of which may be shown by
the fact that the price of such twine now ranges from
9 to 13 cents a pound — are building upon the assumption
that the farmers cannot understand some of the simplest
provision^ of the present tariff law. It was folly to waste
time in the consideration of such a measure."
Regarding the cotton ties bill the same editorial sa3^s :
"The cotton ties now consumed in this country are
no longer imported. The quantity imported in the calen-
dar year 1890 was 33,834,387 pounds. In that year sub-
.stantially the entire demand was supplied by imports. In
the calendar year 1891 the quantity imported was only
416.550 pounds. The demand was supplied" by domestic
manufacturers. It does not escape our attention that this
will be cited by the devotees of McKinleyism as an admis-
sion in their favor. We do not contend that the McKinley
tariff is wholly and uniformly bad. As to the cotton tie
industry we shall say more hereafter. The fact to be con-
sidered by the Springer Committee is that the cotton ties
129
used in this country arc at the present time made here.
The industry is an American one. The removal of the
duty witliout any relief to tlie manufacturer, so far as his
raw material is concerned, would put an end to the do-
mestic production of cotton ties. The industry now car-
ried on in this country would be transferred to Europe.
Does the committee think that it can afford to stand upoi*
a policy which provides clearly for the transfer of an
American industry to England ? Will such a policy com-
mand the votes of a majority of the American people?
There is neither justice nor common sense in abruptly
cutting off the duty on a manufactured product and in
retaining the taxes upon the raw materials which the
maker of this product must use."
These are the admissions of a disgusted free trader,
who sees that the arrant demagogues in the House were
unscrupulous enough and also ignorant enough to pro-
pose these measures in the hope that they would befool
Western farmers and Southern cotton producers. But
there is not merely demagogism in the bill ; there is also
hostility to American industry, so spiteful that it would
strike down a new industry in this country, already em-
ploying multitudes of industrious workers, solely be-
cause it has been created by a Republican
tariff. Every such proof that the Republican policy is
wise and benefits the country must be suppressed at any
cost, for it is damaging to the Delnocratic party.
The Binding Twine Bill a Feaud.
This measure was passed May 2d, 183 yeas to 47 nays.
The duty on binding twine had been reduced by the
McKinley Bill to seven-tenths of a cent per pound, the
cost of twine being from 9 to 13 cts., so that the duty in
the present tariff is from 5.4 per cent, to 7.7 per cent, of
the cost. Less than 1^ lbs. of twine is required for an
acre of grain, so that the duty, if it were all paid by the
grain grower, as it is not, would amount to a cent per
acre, or less than one mill per bushel of grain. But it is
an insult to the intelligence of farmers to pretend that
tliey suppose the insignificant duty on this article is added
to the cost of domestic twipe, when none is imported
even since the duty was greatly reduced two years ago.
The true question is whether Chinese labor
at Hong Kong, which is paid only $5 per
month, shall be employed in preference to
American labor for the sake of saving: less
than a mill per bushel on the cost of grain to
consumers. The industry established here uses ma-
chinery of American invention, consumes 10,000 tons of
hemp grown on American farms each year, besides other
materials, and pays to American laborers in the manufacture
about $2,000,000 yearly, or 2 cts. per pound of twine pro-
duced. A free trader, and only a free trader, would see a
profit in destroying the industry, depriving the laborers
of employment and the farmers of a market for their
hemp, in order to get the twine from China, even if it
could be obtained cheaper to the extent of a cent for each
acre of grain.
130
The Cotton Ties Bill.
This bill was passed April 9 by a vote of 157 Democrats in
favor against 43 Republicans and 3 Democrats against it,
and places on the free list an important product of iron or
steel, while similar products intended for other uses re-
main dutiable as well as the materials from which it is
manufactured. More than 30,000 tons of cotton ties were
imported in a single year before the new duties were im-
posed. Since they were imposed the imports have not
been 500 tons. About forty American works have gone
into the business, and have not only supplied the entire
consumption, but at the end of last season had considera-
ble stocks over. Competition between them not only
prevents any advance in price ; it has actually caused the
price to decline below that of two years ago. In June,
1890, makers were selling at $1. 10 per bundle of 50 pounds ;
in July, August and September at $1.12, and a small ad-
vance of eight cents per bundle followed the new duties
in November and December, but in the same months last
year the price had fallen again to $1.10 per bundle, and
has since gone below $1 at the same works. Thus there
is not the shadow of excuse for pretending that consumers
are iu the slightest degree burdened by the new duties.
The only motive that can exist for breaking down this
new industry, which already aids in giving employment
to 11,000 hands, is either a narrow sectionalism or a
spiteful desire to destroy every evidence that the new
tariff has benefited the country without taxing con-
sumers.
Works in Great Britain, which produced a large part of
the ties used in this country, have been stopped by the
new American competitton. Their managers
openly state that they wait in hope that
American voters will drive back across the
ocean the new industry established here, and
restore to the British makers the large profits
they formerly enjoyed. They indulge strong hope
that President Cleveland and a Democratic Congress will
be elected, being assured that such a result would mean
many millions to them. Putting cotton ties on the free
list would take from American workers, who produced
last year over 1,600,000 bundles, at least $1,000,000 in
wages which they now expend in the purchase of food
from farmers, and of clothing and other supplies from
American artisans and mechanics, and would send more
than that sum each year to Great Britain to the manu-
facturers who are impatiently waiting for a Democratic
victory in the United States.
Cotton Bagging.
The proposal to put cotton bagging on the free list was
merely an act of favoritism which demagogues thought
M'ould benefit the cotton-growing States. It had no other
possible excuse, and if the committee had not been igno-
rant, or had not supposed the cotton growers ignorant,
the proposal would never have been made. But for no
other or better reason than this the Democrats of the
House were willing to close a large number of American
works, and to deprive of employment a multitude of
131
American operatives, in order to favor an Indian trust
wliich controls the mills at Calcutta, and produces bag-
ging with coolie labor at a cost of less than 14 cents per
day. To the cotton planter who gets more per pound for
the gross weight of his bales of cotton than he pays for the
bagging included in that weight, no reduction in the cost
of bagging is necessary, but under protective duties the
cost of bags has been largely reduced by the competition
of American w^orks. An official statement from the
Bureau of Statistics (see Table E) shows the price of
gunny bags for some months before the new tariff was
enacted and down to March, 1892. The two-pound bag
which cost 8 cents in June, 1890, fell to 6f cents in
January, 1891, and to 6 cents in January and February,
1892, a decline of 25 per cent, in two years. In 2^-pound
bags the decline has been 2^ cents, and in l|-pound bags
it has been 1| cents. In the face of such a cheapening of
this product under protective duties, the proposal to
abolish those duties, and depend upon coolie labor and the
Calcutta trust, is eminently worthy of free traders.
Lead Ore.
Another bill passed by the Democratic House, July 8—
165 yeas to 62 nays— placed lead ore on the free list, in
contempt of the interest of Western miners, whose votes
the Democratic party now seeks. The pretext for this
change was that the Mexican ore is needed to smelt with
American ore as a flux, but the testimony of experts
proves that there is no such necessity. The true purpose
was to get cheap ore, mined by the cheapest Mexican
labor at 50 cents per day, to compete with the ore mined
by citizens of this country, who earn five times as much.
In 1891 the importation of silver ore amounted -to
271,000,000 pounds, bearing 15.6 per cent, of lead, so that
more than 20,000 tons of lead would thus have been
brought in free of duty, the product of Mexican cheap
miners, if the Democratic policy had been in force. In
six months of this year 26,772,000 pounds of lead con-
tained in Mexican silver ore have been imported paying
the present duty,, and the Democratic party would admit
all this ore free, to the injury of American producers.
" We lead all nations in agriculture, we lead all nations
in mining, and we lead all nations in manufacturing.
These are the trophies which we bring after twenty-nine
years of a Protective Tariff. Can any other system
furnish such evidences of prosperity ? Yet in
the presence of such a showing cf progress there are
men everywhere found who talk about the restraints we
put upon trade and the burdens we put upon the enter-,
prise and energy of our people. There is no
country in the world where individual
enterprise has such a wide and varied
range and wliere the inventive genius of
man has sueli encouragement."
—WILLIAM McKINLEY, Jr.
132
TIN PLATES IN PLENTY.
Made by American Workmen In
American Shops of American
Plates.
FORTY-TWO FACTORIES ON THIS
OFFICIAL LIST.
And It Constantly Grows.
Perhaps the least excusable of all the tariff mea«ww«s
passed by the Democrats of the House was the tin plate
bill, for which 207 votes were cast July 8th against 66
in the negative. This bill places tin plates on the free
list. It cuts down the duty after October 1, 1892, to one
cent per pound, the old rate under which not a single
pound of tin plates had been produced, but without any
discoverable reason, postpones until October 1, 1894, the
entire abolition of all duties on this product. As the re-
duction or the abolition of duty would equally destroy
the manufacture in this country, the Democratic majority
might as well have voted to annihilate the industry at
once, without the shabby pretence of humane delay. Tlie
thousands of American workingmen who would be
thrown out of employment by the closing of works, if
the duty should be reduced to one cent per pound, might
better have had fair warning to look for their livelihood
elsewhere, with no false hope that the manufacture could
endure for two years longer.
Tin Plate Actually Reduced in Price.
This bill is the outgrowth of an impudent falsehood,
repeated so often and so widely that the Democratic party
would have been disgraced, even in the eyes of its most
ignorant adherents, if it had not pretended to consider the
new duty on tin plates a frightful burden to consumers
which should be removed. If that impudent lie had never
been told, and if ignorant people by the thousand had not
been persuaded to believe it, no party managed by sane
men would have ventured to propose the destruction of a
new industry, which has already given employment to
many thousand hands, without imposing any tax whatever
upon the people. The cost of I. C. Coke Tin Plates 14x20
at New York and at Liverpool at the dates named has
been :
N. Y. Liverpool.
Oct. 7, 1890 $5.50 $4.11
Jan. 1, 1891 5.30 4.23
July 1,1891 5.30 3.40
Jan. 1, 1892 5.25 3.08
Aug. 24, 1892 5.15 2.96
1Q9
The foreign maker has reduced the cost of plates sub-
stantially the entire amount of the additional duty, which
is 1.2 CQnts per lb. or $1.29 per box, so that the selling
price at wholesale in this country is actually lower than
it was when the new tariff went into effect, or when the
new tin plate duty took effect July 1, 1891. The duty
is not added to the cost, as Democratic rea-
soiiers stupidly assert, but has been taken
from his protit by the Welsh manufacturer,
practically the wbol© of it in this as in many
other instances. The British price never has been
as low as it is now, except for a very short time in the year
1886. •
It is not denied that the price had been put up by the
foreign trust which controls this manufacture a little
before the new tariff bill passed, so that prices were
higher when it passed than they had been for some
months. But it was this very power, which the monopoly
held and mercilessly exercised, to put up prices at plea-
sure for an article enormously consumed in this country,
which at last exhausted the patience of the American
people, and determined a Republican Congress to destroy
the monopoly by creating the tin plate industry in this
country. At one time $12.50 was charged American con-
sumers for the same tin plates which foreign makers
now offer them at $5.15 after paying the additional
duty of $1.29 per box, and in six of the eleven years
prior to the new duties, prices had been pushed higher
by the foreign mpnopoly than they are now with the new
duties paid.
Amebioan "WoRiJS OP Unequaled Excellence.
When it was proposed .to establish this new industry by
adequate duties for protection, free trade journals and
orators broke out in a chorus of protestation that the
thing was utterly impossible. It has been proved
that they did not tell the truth. Erected within a
single year there are in this country works
which the managers of establishments in
Wales and heads of the Welsh Manufactur-
ers' Association who have visited this
country, have publicly declared the finest
and most complete works for the purpose
they have ever seen. The tin plate turned out
is of such excellence that, as a letter from the Record
Manufacturing Company of Ohio to Col. Ayres of the
Treasury Department declares, it " is far superior to
that of foreign makers," owing to the superiority
of the ore in this country from which the steel is made,
so that "during the last month they have not had a
single sheet cracked under their dies, which is something
they could never say of the very highest grade of foreign
plates they ever obtained." Sworn statements to Col.
Ayres, agent of the Treasury Department, under the re-
quirements of the law, prove that during the last
quarter more than 8,000,000 pounds of tin plates
were made in this country besides the laage quantity
for use in stamping establishments, and yet some
of the works of largest capacity and finest equip-
ment have gone into operation since that quarter
134
closed,* and others will soon commence work. The
official list of conipauies engaged in the man-
ufacture of tin plates already includes 42,
and, when all are at work to the capacity for which j^lants
are erected or being erected, the production will far ex-
ceed that required b}^ the law, for the McKinley act
provided that the new duty should terminate unless
within six years the American makers should produce in
one year over a third of the tin plates imported and con-
. sumed in this country in one of the six years. Uuring"
the past year 418 million pounds have been
imported, and the exports with drawback
have been about 150 million pounds, so that
a production of 90 million pounds in any one
year of the six will meet the requirement of
the law. But before the end of the very first year the
capacity of works in operation exceeded 40 million pounds
yearly. It would be strange indeed, in view of the past
increase, if the production for the next year, the second
under the new law, should not exceed the required one-
third of the past year's net imports, unless a free trade
victory should arrest the progress. It is plain enough
that the foreign makers have no longer a hope except in
the friendly activity of the Democratic party. Thus
"Industries," a London trade paper, of April 1, 1893,
says : ■
"The statement made this week that the "Ways and
Means Committee of the House of Representatives had
determined to recommend the passing of the bill reqently
introduced into that branch of thfe Legislature, With a
view to getting rid of the duty of 2^ cents per pound on
imports of tin plates, is one that will come as a great re-
lief to a very important branch of the iron trade of Great
Britain."
Cost to Consumers.
The falsehood that Americans cannot make tin plates
having thus been buried out of sight by their energy and
enterprise, the free traders next pretend that consumers in
this country are paying an unjust tax for the establish-
ment of the new works. But this untruth will
not live long. Out of the 418,000,000 pounds im-
ported during the fiscal year just closed, about
150,000,000 pounds were used in the manufacture of cans
exported, on which a drawback of 99 per cent, of the duty
is allowed, so that there was practically no added cost to
the American consumers. A large portion of the remain-
ing 268,000,000 pounds is consumed in roofing or the man-
ufacture of cans and other articles for use in this country,
the consuming manufacturers buying at the wholesale
prices already (Quoted, so that they are actually paying
less than they paid in October, 1890, when the new tariff
became a law, and less than they paid in July, 1891, when
the tin plate duty went into effect. If they have
charged more for cans and other articles of
tin produced by them, they have plundered
the consumers without proper excuse. The re-
maining portion, certainly less than a third of the entire
consumption, has gone into tin ware for the use of the
people, and it is demonstrable that, if retail prices of such
ware have been increased, it has been without justifica-
tion.
135
Prices of Tinware.
The foreign monopolists and the inainifacturcrs have
had a fine time charging Americans for tinware tv^o or
three times the cost, and it is well tliat consumers should
have their turn. The tin dinner puil, about which free-
trade orators have wailed so loudly, cost the manufact-
urer 27 cents each, the old duty paid, and weighs two
pounds twelve ounces, so that the additional duty would
amount to 3.3 cents per pail. Thus the entire cost, with
the new duty paid, will be only 30.3 cents, but the retail
price of this same pail has been 50 cents. The profits
after pajing the old duty were 23 cents, and after paying
the new duty would be 19.7 cents— more than 60 per
cent. A trader who refuses to sell at a 60 per cent profit,
and demands a higher price from customers on account
of the 3.3 cents duty lie has to pay, deserves to be set be-
fore the people in his true light, for in that case the ad-
ditional charge is not because of the tariff, but because lie
is an extortionist.
This is not, by any means, the worst illustration of the
same character. The half-pint cup, •vvliich would cost 1.4
cents each with the new duty paid, retails at some places for
5 cents, the profit being 3.6 cents, or more than 200 per
cent. What have customers to say of the dealer who tries
to jnake them pay more, because his cup costs him 1.4
cents instead of 1 cent each ? In Table F are given de-
tails of 24 kinds of tinware, the actual cost of eacli at
wholesale, and the Qiost of each with the old duty paid,
the weight of each article, and the cost with the new duty
of 1.2 cents per pound added, and the retail price actually
charged. On only 8 of the 24 articles is the retail profit less
than 100 per cent, after paying the whole of the new duty.
On one other it is 90 per cent. ; on two others 80 per cent. ;
on one only 70 per cent. ; on one only 60 per cent, and on
two others 58 per cent. There remains only one article in
the entire list on which the payment of the whole new duty
would bring down the retail profit below 58 per cent. If
the price is raised in such cases, it is not in the slightest
degree due to the tariff, but only to the disposition of men
who want more than 58 per cent, profit.
It ought to be known to consumers that there are some
retail dealers, happily by no means the majority, who do
extort where they can additional prices on the pretense
that the new duty makes the charge necessary. If they
do, it is, in almost every instance, in order to swell retail
profits which are already greater than the facts warrant.
But the investigation of retail prices by the Senate Finance
Committee demonstrated that comparatively tew of
the many hundred traders visited were
makiiigr a-ny higher charg-e for tinware than
they had made before the new tariff was
imposed. The average of retail prices was but slightly
raised on such articles, less than it would have been had
only half the dealers added but a single cent to the price.
Within a short time, when American workers are supply-
ing tin freely, there will be found not even the shadow of
an excuse for such extortion.
If Democratic free traders let this industry alone, it
sR, will soon save the people of this country
H more than $20,000,000 yearly which they
130
have been seiicliii^ abroad for the products
of British labor. (See Table G.) Expended hero
by American workiugmen, that sum would add to the de,
mand for products of farms and shops throughout the
country. It is cheaper always to keep our own people at
work than to be forced to supply them in idleness and dis-
content, while millions in money go abroad to support the
industries of other countries.
A Foreign, Not an American, Policy.
Such has been the tariff policy which Democrats have
ventured this year to disclose to the people. At every
point hostile to the growth and development of American
industries ; at every point calculated to benefit foreign
manufacturers and traders rather than American work-
iugmen ; at every point tending to bring American labor
into competition with the lowest grade of labor in other
countries — with the coolies of the far East and the pauper
labor of Europe ; designed to strike down and destroy
those very industries which have made most notable
progress within the past two years, and at not a single
point justified by a prospect of saving anything for Amer-
ican consumers. It is not only blundering^ and
ignorant, spiteful and sectional, but distinctly
unpatriotic. In every sense it is a foreign, and not an
American, policy. It can have no intelligent aim, except
to enrich other countries at the expense of our own ; to
turn thousands of Americans out of profitable employ-
ment that foreign manufacturers and monopolists may be
rewarded for their intense sympathy with the Democratic
party and candidate.
Sir. John Macdonald Shows How American Protection
Works.
{From a Speech in the Canadian Parliameni by Sir John
A. Macdonald, Premier.)
Suppose a man has 100 acres on the Canadian side of
the line and 100 acres of land on the American side of
the line. Suppose he- r grows 1,000 bushels of barley on
each of his farms. He takes his 1,000 American bushels
to the American market and gets %\ a bushel for it. He
takes his 1,000 bushels of Canadian barley to the
American market and gets but 85 cents per bushel,
because he has to pay 15 cents duty for takinj^
it across the line. How can it, in this dtise, be said
that tlie consumer pays the duty? It conies out of
the pockets of the Canadian farmers,
137
PROTECTION AND EXPORTS.
Official Treasury Statistics Preying
that the Country Sells Yastly
More Under Protection
THAN UNDER ANY OTHER POSSIBLE
SYSTEM.
Startling Treasury Tables.
For fifty years it has been the cry of free traders that
protection would suppress exports. It would stop buy-
ing foreign products by Americans, and, therefore, theo-
rists said, would necessarily stop the buying of American
products by foreigners, since nations must, in the long
run, buy goods with goods. Such has been the free-trade
theory. It was enticing, but it does not fit the facts.
Those who know anything of foreign trade are aware that
the exports of domestic products have been much larger
during the past thirty years than before, but there are
very few who realize how astonishing tlie increase
has been.
Since the protective policy went into effect in 1861
there have been 30 years of undisturbed operation of that
policy, which may be contrasted in official reports
of the Treasury with the preceding 71 years under
various forms of tariff. During nearly all the preceding
period the tariffs were either for revenue only, in accord-
ance with Democratic theories, or in the nature of com-
promise, or but partially protective. The aggregate of
domestic exports, as tables which follow will show, for
101 years ending with 1890 was $21,692,739,844,
of which $15,639,818,791 were during tJie
thirty years of protection ending- with 1890,
while the aggregate of exports during the 71 years ending
with 1860 were only $6,052,921,053. A stronger
comparison still may be made if the 10 years, which in-
cluded the Civil War, the first decade under the present
protective policy, be omitted on the ground that the full
force of that policy was in a measure defeated by the dis-
turbances during and connected with the war, and by the
great depreciation of the currency. For 81 years
ending witli 1870 the total value of domestic exports
from this country was $8,442,396,861, while for
only 20 years ending with 1890 the value was $13,250,-
348,983, an increase of about 57 per cent.
Comparisons Showing Wondeeful Results.
The tables, shown on pages 238 to 263, present a summary
of the official record of important domestic exports for
one year more than a century, though in some cases, where
the exports of a particular product were so small, during
138
the earlier years of the century, that no oflacial record of
the quantity or value was made. But as the test by values
of property exported is liable to be deceptive, since with
declining prices the exports of a larger quantity may ap-
pear to show no increase whatever in value, unless the
quantity marketed in foreign countries has increased as
much as the product declined in price, the comparisons
are made whenever it is possible in quantities of various
products exported. In many items, for obvious reasons,
a comparison by quantities is not possible.
How Southern Plantees Have Fared Under Protection.
These tables show an astonishing increase in the exports
of some of the most important products. More cotton
has gone abroad during the last twenty-two
years under Protection, 41,362,000,000 lbs.,
than in the previous sixty years under all
tariffs, 30,108,000,000 lbs. This does not sus-
tain the claim that Protection has in any way tended to
close the world's markets against the products of Southern
planters. It will be noticed that the exports during the
last two fiscal years have been far greater than the aver-
age for any previous decade.
Grain Growers and the Tariff.
Again, the exports of breadstuffs in 20 years under
Protection have been $3,147,000,000 in value, but
in the previous 50 years were only $1,260,000,000
in value. In the last two fiscal years the exports have
been in value 427 millions, fully a third greater than
the average in any previous decade. The exports of wheat
in 22 years under Protection were 1,713 million
bushels, but in 60 preceding years they were only 292
million bushels, and the last two years show an average
of 106 million bushels a year, against 83 million
bushels yearly in the previous decade, 66 million bushels
in the decade 1871-80, 22 million bushels in the decade
1861-70, and only 5^ million bushels yearly in any decade
prior to the Protective tariff of 1861. The exports of flour
in the last 22 years have been 162 million barrels,
but in the previous 50 years were only 97 million
barrels ; in the last 22 years the average has been 13 mill-
ion barrels yearly, 9^ million barrels yearly in the previous
decade, and less than 3 million barrels in any decade prior
to the tariff of 1861. The exports of corn in 22 years have
been 1,215 million bushels, but in 81 years preceding
they were only 250 million bushels. The average for
the last two years was 51^ million bushels yearly, and a
little larger in each of the two previous decades, but only
5 million bushels yearly in any decade prior to 1861. No
man, in the face of these facts, can claim that
Protection has closed the world's markets to
the products of American grain growers.
How Animal Products Have Been Sold.
Exports of animals and products of animals have enor-
mously increased. The number of cattle exported in two
years, 769,000 head, is greater than the number in
139
I
seventy years ending with 1870, 494,000 head, while
in twenty years, ending with 1890, the number was
3,389,000 head. Exports of bacon and hams have
averaged for the past two years 592 iiiillioii pounds
yearly ; in the previous decade 457 millions ; in the
decade ending with 1880, 418 millions ; and in the decade
ending with" 1870 only 76 millions ; the aggregate in
twenty-two years has been 9,935 million pounds, while in
eighty-one previous years it was only 1,263 million
pounds. Exports of lard have averaged for two years
past 479 million pounds yearly, 310 millions in the
previous decade, and 233 millions in the decade ending
with 1880, but were not 33 million pounds yearly in any
decade prior to 1861. In twenty-two years under
Protection the aggregnte has been G,391
million pounds, but in eighty-one years pre-
ceding it was only 1,490 million pounds.
These figures show clearly that the marketing of Amer-
ican animal products has not been checked byProtection.
DaIEY FARMEB8 NeED NOT WoEEY.
Exports of dairy products have for two years been
about tiv6 times as great as the average in any decade
under free trade — 15 million pounds yearly for butter
against nearly 19 millions and 15 millions in the two
previous decades, but only 3,600,000 yearly in any decade
prior to 1861. In twenty- two years tlie aggre-
gate has been 371 million pounds against
253 million pounds in the seventy previous
years. Exports of cheese have averaged for two years
82 million pounds yearly, and in the previous decade 104
millions, and in the decade 1871-80 about 100 millions,
but averaged only nine millions in any decade prior to
1860. In twenty-two years tlie aggregate has
been 2,205 million pounds against 657
million pounds in the previous eighty-tone
years. Assuredly the dairy farmers do not find the
world's markets closed to their markets by Protection.
Petroleum Is All Right.
Exports of petroleum have commenced since the Pro-
tective tariff of 1861 was enacted, and have cut off to
some extent the former exports of whale and other oils.
But of all kinds of oils sent abroad prior to 1861 the
quantity was but 105 million gallons. In thirty years
since 1861 the quantity has been 8,865 million gallons. In
the last two years the quantity of petroleum
alone has averaged 712 million gallons
yearly, against about 540 million gallons
yearly for the previous decade, so that the world's
markets are not closed to this product, but are demand-
ing it in increased quantity.
We Sell Some Tobacco, Too.
Exports of tobacco cannot be exactly compared in
quantity, but for the past twenty-two years have averaged
about 250 million pounds yearly, and in no decade prior to
1861 did the export average more than about 160 million
140
pouHds yearly. Against about $20,000,000
yearly, during the past twenty years, the
value before the war was in no decade
$15,000,000 yearly. Exports of turpentine now
average over 13,000,000 gallons, in the last decade about
9,500,000 gallons yearly, and never before the war as
much as 2,000,000 gallons yearly.
It is a favorite theory of free traders that exports of
manufactured products have been checked by Protection,
because it has increased the cost of production, it is
claimed, ^making American products more costly than
similar products of other countries. But a few compari-
sons from the official record suffice to prove that this no-
tion is as false as other free-trade theories. In the follow-
ing tables the values or quantities prior to 1861 are stated
in the first column ; the values or quantities in thirty
years— 1861-1890 — under Protection in the second col-
umn, and the values or quantities for the last two fiscal
years in the third column.
Exports of Manufaotitrkd Products.
Agricultural Implements.
Brooms and Brushes
Carriages
Cars, Kallroad, number.. .
Chemicals ,
Clocks.., ,
Watches
Coal, Anthracite, tons....
CoalKBltumlnous, tons
Copper and manufactures.
Cotton, manufactures
Earthenware
Fertilizers
Glassware
Hemp and Flax,manuf actures
India-rubber, manufactures. .
Iron and steel, manufactures
Lead, manufactures
Leather, manufactures.
Musical Instru:nents
on Cake
Paints and Colors
Paper and manufactures
Soap, pounds
Spirits, gallons
Sugar, Refined, pounds.
Tobacco, manufactures
Trunks, etc
Up to 1861.
$^317,349
$6,448,116
'^8,498,96i
1,147,343
$9,437,730
$150,681,203
$626,480
$3,&41,299
$4,097,565
$3,899,204
$58,827,492
$701,540
$21,635,556
$l,a80,727
$7,307,309
$2,371,209
$3,708,012
236,510,077
70,298,352
106,550,540
$31,978,223
$485,146
1861-90.
$59,740,695
$4,777,4)82
$27,389,296
25,179
$117,706,295
$25,475,414
$2,756,681
10,958,032
10,029,613
$90,399,193
$245,039,692
$3,090,366
$18,146,219
$22,173,853
$34,940,346
$11,522,953
$4*4,551,766
$3,495,388
$173,694,139
$18,492,356
$138,739,262
$11,198,256
$25,879,170
346,467,078
130,067,428
1,144,851,258
$84,481,13^3
$4,230,405
1891-2.
$7,014,113
$331,719
$3,960,040
5,582
$13,239,209
$2,325,330
$484,450
1,735,346
3,172,466
$11,840,989
$23,026,069
$396,957
$4,839,394
$1,810,676
$3,503,403
$2,652,510
$57,710,544
$348,490
$25,363,628
$2,491,045
$17,165,298
$1,400,555
$2,681,420
49,901,136
5,2.55,802
122,833,228
$8,856,093
$374,324
Protection Does Not Close Foreign Markets.
In many cases it will be seen that the exports duringf
the last two fiscal years have been larger or
about as large as the exports during the 71
years before the War, Thus, in agricultural imple-
ments, brooms and brushes, railroad cars, clocks and
watches, anthracite and bituminous coal, copper and its
manufactures, leather and its manufactures, fertilizers,
musical instruments, oil cake and refined sugar, the ex-
ports were actually greater in two years under Protection
Uiau in 71 years before the enactment of the Protective
HI
Tariff of 1861. In iron and steel manufacture there was
nearly as great a value of exports in two years as in the
entire period before the War, and also in flax and hemp
manufactures, rubber manufactures, paints and colors,
paper and its manufactures, and trunks and valises. In
all other cases the enormous increase in recent years un-
der Protection is sufi-jiently shown by contrasting the
quantities and values .or only two years with the quanti-
ties or values for the whole period prior to the War, as in
carriages, chemicals, cotton manufactures, earthenware,
glassware, lead manufactures, soap, spirits, and tobacco
manufactures.
The vast increase of exports under Protection demon-
strates beyond the possibility of dispute that the free
trader does not tell the truth when he pretends
that Protection so enhances the cost of production as to
depress and cripple American industries in comparison
with those of other countries. It proves that they do not
tell the truth when they pretend that Protection, by re-
stricting imports, closes the markets of other countries
against the products of the United States.
143
MAGIC RECIPROCITY.
It Sayes Nearly Sixty Million Dollars
of Taxation, and Adds Tliirty
Millions to American
Exports.
IT IS A PRACTICAL BUSINESS MEASURE.
But Democrats Oppose it.
Reciprocity is the compliment of a protective tariff. Both
are policies based on the fact that the American market
is the most valuable market in the world. The American
people are consumers to an amount vastly greater than the
consumption of the entire continent of Europe, and Re-
publican statesmen hold to the theory : First, that this
great and immensely wealthy market should
be as far as possible reserved for the benefit
of American producers, and, Second, that for-
eigners who are admitted to enjoy its enor-
mous advantages should be compelled to give
corresponding advantages in return, either by
helping to defray the burdens of government or through
reciprocity to supply their own needs from American pro-
ducers.
It is constantly claimed by Democratic free-trade the-
orists that the Republican Party is opposed^ a foreign
trade. This claim is made, as is almost eve^ other ad-
vanced by free traders, in wanton and grotesque defiance
of the statistics of our foreign trade. The imports and
exports of the United States during the period since 1860,
which is the period wherein the Republican policy of Pro-
tection has been continuously pursued, are greater
than they were from the foundation of the
Government until that time. Protection has
thus been consistent with the growth of a foreign trade as
enormous as it is confusing to Democratic doctrinaires.
But the Republican Party believes in progressive states-
manship. Glorious as. its past has been, it appeals to
the people, not with reminiscence so much as with new
policies for the advancement and prosperity of the Nation.
Of these none is more conspicuous, more impressive,
more practical, or more popular than the new policy of
Reciprocity with the nations of Latin America.
Balance of Trade Against Us.
Our situation with respect to the vast trade of these
Southern countries is unique, and it is from this excep-
tional situation that the possibility of Reciprocity pro-
ceeds. The principal productions of these countries are
sugar, molasses, colTee and hides ; and of these products
the American people have been for many years the prin-
143
cipal consumers. But while we have purchased of Latin
America so enormously that we have long since become
its best and chief customer, its supplies have been drawn
mainly from Europe. Of the food stuffs and manufac-
tures necessary to its existence, it produces substantially
nothing. Everything it needs in the way of food stuffs,
clothing, house-furnishing goods, machinery, and other
goods in common and necessary use among the people, is
brought from abroad, and the United States have hitherto
supplied it with only a small and insignificent proportion
of this demand.
Our trade with Brazil illustrates this fact : For the ten
years preceding the year 1890 we had received of Brazil's
goods and products $502,547,258, and had sent to Brazil
American products amounting in value to only f 83,432.-
557. The balance against us, aniountingr to
more than $400,000,000, had been paid by
us to Brazil in gold, and our gold had gone to
Europe in the shape of bills of exchange, there
to be paid by its Brazillian owners in the pur-
chase of English, French and German pro-
ducts.
A further illustration is supplied by the figures o ourf
trade with Cuba. Every year during the last decade we
have taken from Cuba goods to the value of $52,000,000,
and have returned our goods to the value of no more than
$11,000,000.
The Reoipeocitt Peoposition.
Republican statesmanship has found a cure for this un-
reciprocal condition of trade. The supplies these nations
have purchased in Europe are in a large measure such as
we are now prepared to furnish and at rates that would
enable us to compete with Europe if once the trade was
turned our^^py. The problem which the Harrison Ad-
ministratio^ias solved is the problem of turning it. We
have said to Cuba, Brazil and all other countries produc-
ing sugar, molasses, coffee and hides : If you want us
to continue to buy your products, you must
increase largely your purchases of us ; if you
want us to give you a free and favored ent-
rance into our markets, you must consent to
give us a free and favored entrance into
yours ; we are willing to buy of you, as we have been
doing substantially, all the sugar, molasses, coffeeand hides
you can produce ; our people want these goods and are will-
ing to take them and pay liberally for them ; but we are not
willing to leave your goods untaxed at our custom houses
while our goods are being unconscionably taxed in yours.
It is unfair that we should spend with Brazil nearly $60, 000,-
000 a year and receive from Brazil only eleven millions ;
with the West Indies nearly eighty-three millions and re-
ceive only thirty-five millions ; with Venezuela nearly eleven
millions and receive only four millions; with Mexico
nearly twenty-three millions and receive only thirteen
millions, and with all the principal southern countries of
Latin-America nearly two hundred millions, while receiv-
ing less than ninety-one millions. These conditions must
improve a^nd you must give us special advantages in
your markets for the special advantages we give you in
144
Conditions of Southern Trade.
It is important to remember these as the essential facts
relating to South American trade as it existed before the
adoption of the Reciprocity policy.
First. That we purchased a much larger proportion of
their products than any other country. In many instances,
as in that of Cuba and Brazil, we purchased more than all
the other countries put together. Ninety per cent, of
Cuba's entire exportation, and sixty per cent, of Brazil's,
are consumed by the American people.
Second. That, although their imports -consisted chiefly
of agricultural and food products, machinery and the
cheaper lines of dry goods, all of which we can supply as
cheaply as or cheaper than any competing nation, they were
being drawn almost wholly from Europe and from countries
which did not buy in anything like the proportion of our
purchases. In other words, the Latin American countries
sold their goods to us and bought exchange on London,
thus drawing our gold to Europe for the pur-
chase oftlieir supplies.
Third. That the chief reasons for this inequitable trade
were a lack of quick, direct and regular steamship trans-
portation between our ports and those of Latin America,
a lack of banking facilities and a lack of knowledge on
the part of our merchants of the conditions of trade there,
especially with regard to the character of goods desired
and the nature of the tariff duties exacted upon them at
the port of import.
The Trade Is Ours Already.
It will not do at this point to omit a reference to the
charge of the Free Traders that the American Tariff is re-
sponsible for our feeble export trade with South America.
The Free Trader has got so in the habit of charging all of
the disorders of society upon Protection that were the
plagues of Egypt to befall us, he would undoubtedly insist
that they were due to Protection and might easily be dis-
sipated by the adoption of a Mills Bill. The way he puts
his point about our South American trade is that we
charge such high duties on raw materials as to be unable
to produce in competition with European countries. You
can't have an export trade, he says, if you won't take an
import trade. But in this case, as the facts show, we do
have the import trade, and therefore his con-
dition is supplied, but we don't get the export
trade, and therefore his statement of cause
and eftect is plainly erroneous. Moreover, the
goods demanded by the South Americans are of kinds
that are not in the least affected by our tariff.
They want chiefly goods of which we are already enorm-
ous exporters. Their demand is for flour, petroleum,
bacon, salted fish, cheap cotton goods, and those classes
of machinery that we export even to England, France and
Germany. Our Consular officers at South American ports
are continually informing the State Department of large
shipments of American goods to South American coun-
tries by way of Europe, dishonestly labeled as Spanish,
English, German or French goods.
145
Demooeatio Praise of Reoipeooity.
The circumstances under which the Reciprocity policy
was proposed furnish a curious commentary upon the
sincerity of Democratic statesmen. Reciprocity was the
result of an extended investigation by Secretary Blaine
into the statistics of our South American trade. He was
conducting that investigation while other Republican
statesmen in Congress were contriving the McKinley Bill.
The basis of the scheme for the reduction of revenue, as
designed by Speaker Reed and Congressman McKinley,
was the placing of sugar on the free list. . In 1889 we had
received as revenue drawn from the sugar duty $54,896,-
437- The framers of the McKinley Bill proposed that this
enormous sum should be hereafter remitted to the people,
and that sugar should come into American ports free of all
revenue taxes.
But here their plan conflicted with Secretary Blaine's.
He quite agreed that the American people ought to have
free sugar, but he urged that by the adoption of his Re-
ciprocity idea tliey could obtain free siigrar and
something more besides, namely, the free en-
try into South American markets of Ameri-
can products now havily taxed. He reminded
Congress that it had provided free entry into Ameri-
can ports of tea, coffee, rubber, and other Oriental
and equatorial products, of which we were enormous
consumers but insignificant producers. He suggested
that instead of giving our market without price to the
producers of these articles, we ought to have required
them in return for such a valuable privilege to give us
reciprocal advantages. For a brief moment it appeared
as if there were a sharp controversy between President
Harrison and Mr. Blaine, representing the Administration,
and the Republican Statesmen in Congress, who were
framing the new tariff. The Democrats hailed this sup-
posed controversy with intense delight ; they lauded Mr,
Blaine and Reciprocity to the seventh heaven ; they said
that Reciprocity was the greatest invention of American
statesmanship. Of course it was, but they found their
admission all too previous and all too dangerous. For
soon it developed that, as a matter of fact, there was no
controversy at all between the Administration and Con-
gress and that the Republican leaders in both depart-
ments of the Government were entirely agreed upon a
plan by which the American people could obtain free
sugar at once and at tlie same time carry out the Ad-
ministration's policy of Reciprocity.
This fact appeared by the introduction of an amend-
ment to the McKinley bill declaring that the remissions of
duty upon sugar, molasses, coffee, tea and hides were
made ' ' with a view to secure reciprocal trade with coun-
tries producing " those articles, and providing that, when-
ever the President shall be satisfied that reciprocal favors
are not granted to the products of the United States in the
countries referred to, "he shall have the power, and it
shall be his duty," to impose upon the articles mentioned,
the products of the countries concerned, the rates of duty
set forth in the general act.
146
Demooeatio Abuse of Reciprocity.
Immediately the Democrats concluded that Reciprocity
was a humbug ; that it had no virtue whatever ; that
Mr. Blaine, instead of being a great statesman, was a
tricky, shifty politician, and that his idea, instead of
being the greatest invention of American statesmanship,
was nothing but a dodge to capture unthinking voters •,
wherefore, with one accord, from having been the devoted
adherents of Reciprocity, they straightway wheeled about
and every Democrat in both Houses of Congress voted
against the amendment, furnishing, as Senator Hale has
aptly remarked, another '* illustration of what the world
has seen for thirty years— that even upon plain
business propositions touching the common
good of all the country and the everyday life
and prosperity of the people, upon which, if
anyw^here, there should be no party division,
the Democratic Party selects the darkness
rather tliaii the light for its standing ground."
But the people selected the light. From every import-
ant city in the United States ; from every exporting com-
munity ; from every association of farmers, manufacturers
and other producers, a cataract of approving resolutions
poured in upon Congress, and it was immediately apparent
that the entire American Nation, without the slightest dis-
tinction of pariy among business men, was heartily in
favor of Reciprocity. However, the Democratic politicians
were not warned. From the moment of the introduction
of the Reciprocity amendment until to-day nothing has
come from Democratic oflScial sources except opposition
and sneers. At first it was said that no Nation would
give us a Reciprocity treaty ; that the President would not
dare enforce the extraordinary powers committed to him
under the law, and that the sagacious statesmen of these
southern countries knowing that fact, would naturally de-
cide that they could well afford to disregard the threat of
a closed market. It was assiduously urged upon the
attention of the representatives of these nations in Wash-
ington that the Democratic Party would soon come into
power and would repeal the McKinley Act and the Recip-
rocity clause with it, and that they were foolish to make
treaties with President Harrison's Administration when,
if they would only wait a couple of years for the Demo-
cratic Party, they would obtain a free market for nothing.
This sort of talk, coming from responsible Democratic
statesmen and from the newspaper organs of Democratic
opinion, exerted a great influence upon southern Nations
and their Ministers at Washington ; they weakened the
effect of the measure abroad. They made the task of our
negotiators exceedingly difficult ; they strengthened the
hands of foreign governments who were naturally unwill-
ing to abandon important sources of revenue at our
demand. They were intended to be mischievous, and
mischievous they were, and they were as unpatriotic as
they were hurtful.
Many Treaties Made.
But in the end they were a conspicuous failure. Mr.
Blaine, with the able assistance of the Hon. John W.
Foster, his successor in the office of Secretary of State,
147
addressed himself in the first instance to Brazil, and con-
vinced the Government of that country that they could not
longer expect us to spend six dollars with them for every
one dollar they spent with us. The result was a treaty,
under which Brazil agreed to admit free a line of importa-
tions when furnished by this country, of which, in 1889,
Brazil had consumed over $20,000,000, and of which, in
that year, we had furnished only $3,394,633. It was
agreed also to admit at the preferential reduction of
twenty-five per cent, articles when supplied by the United
States, of which the total annual importation into Brazil
had been nearly $39,000,000, and of which the United
States had furnished only a little more than $2,000,000.
Thus we were placed as against all other
Nations in a favorable position in the Bra-
zilian market for tlfe supplying of goods, of
which their total annual consumption in
1889 had been $58,635,182, and of which
in that year only $5,430,532 had come from
United States.
The conditions of this treaty are shown in the tables
following, which specify the imports into Brazil in dollars
from the United States and from all other countries in
1889 of the articles which are now under the Reciprocity
treaty admitted into Brazil when brought from the United
States free of duty. This table shows also the rate of duty
which is levied against such articles when imported from
countries other than the United States :
148
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The arrangement shown in the above tables went into
effect on April 1, 1891, and has been operating until the
close of the fiscal year ending June 30, 1892, just fifteen
months. A comparison of the trade of the fifteen months
just closed, with that of the fifteen months ending on the
date when the new treaty went into effect, will fairly illus-
trate how Reciprocity has effected our trade with Brazil
thus far. Below is a table showing the exact result.
The improvement in trade lias been in many
respects wonderful, in all respects notable,
and has been accomplished in the face of
domestic conditions in Brazil which have
been utterly adverse to tratle of any kind.
During substantially the whole period in which Recipro-
city has been operating, the Government of Brazil has
had to do with revolution; one Government has been
pulled down, and another set up, and fighting and
disorder have been constantly going on in all the important
seaboard States. There has been a net improvement in
our Brazilian trade of $1,764,483, or nearly 11 per
cent. Had there been a condition of domestic peace
and tranquility in Brazil, it is more than clear that the im-
provement would have been four or five times as great.
In breadstuffs the increase is over 1 8 per cent. ; in
manufactures of iron and steel, over 93 per cent. ; in
manufactures of wood, over 18 per cent.; in glass-
ware, over 19 p^r cent., and in general trade, over
27 per cent. There has been a large reduction in
exports of bacon, hams and lard, and a small reduction
in manufactures of cotton, but the whole result is a great
triumph for Republican statesman ship and for American
trade :
151
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Tee AT Y WITH Cuba.
Following' closely upon the Brazilian treaty came one
with Spain in behalf of her West Indian colonies, Cuba
and Porto Rico. This was much more difficult of nego-
tiation, and has proven to be much more valuable in its con-
cessions. For many years Cuba, though politically depend-
ent upon Spain, has been commercially dependent upon the
United States. Of her total exports we have received
about 90 per cent. In 1890 they amounted to |53,801,591.
But the Cuban tariff, enacted by Spain to compel the
Cubans to buy Spanish goods, has permitted us to sell to
Cuba only about 20 per cent, as much as we have bought.
Our exports in 1890 amounted to only ^13,084,415. Until
the formal notification to Spain of our intention to enforce
the penal clauses of the Reciprocity amendment, she had
listened to our suggestions looking to the improvement of
the situation with regard to Cuba with only a languid in-
terest. The adoption ol that amendment, however, was
to the Cubans either the sword of death or the pledge of
emancipation. Retaliation meant utter ruin, free trade
with the United States meant unbounded prosperity.
Spain was promptly confronted on the one hand with the
formal demands of a country she could not longer afford
to resist, and with the demands of a colony she could not
afford to fight. The Cubans to a man arrayed themselves
in support of Mr. Blaine's requirements, and enormous de-
legations presented themselves at Madrid demanding the
adoption of a Reciprocity treaty.
The American negotiator was General Foster, now Sec-
retary of State, and within three months after the publica-
tion of the Brazilian treaty he had obtained an agreement
with Spain conceding a provisional tariff schedule, going
into effect on September 1, 1891, and holdinggood until July
1, 1892, and a permanent schedule going into effect on the
latter date, when certain embarrassing commercial treaties
between Spain and various European countries expired.
American salt, canned goods, lard, tallow, fish, oats, bar-
ley, rye, starch, cotton-seed oil, hay, fruits, vegetables,
woods and wooden manufactures, wagons, sewing ma-
chines, petroleum, coal and ice were admitted free of
duty ; and, at rates greatly reduced from the regular rates,
American wiieat, corn, flour and meal, butter, refined pe-
troleum and boots and shoes were permitted to enter Cuban
and Porto Rican ports. The permanent schedule places
on the free list all American exports of marble, jasper and
other building stones and earth, mineral waters, ice, coal,
resinous substances, crude petroleum, clay, pig iron, cast
iron and wrought iron, cotton, cotton-seed oil, tallow,
books, woods and wooden manufactures, manure, imple-
ments, tools and machines, shipbuilding materials, salt
and canned meats, lard, butter, cheese and fish, starch,
fruits and vegetables, hay, trees and tan barks ; and, at
rates variously reduced from the regular rates," American
exports are admitted of corn, corn meal, wheat, wheat
flour, carriages, wagons and cars, glass, earthenware,
needles and cutlery, metals, furniture, broom corn and
rushes, rice, manufactures of rubber, petroleum, cotton
goods, rope, paints, soap, perfumes, medicines, leather
goods, boots and shoes, trunks and harness, clocks and
watches and carriages,
153
The result of the operation of the provisional treaty is
shown in the following table. There has been a net in-
crease in our Cuban trade in ten months of f 5,702,197 or
54.86%. In bread stuffs the increase has been from
$710,730 to $2,195,098, or over 20% ; in cotton goods the
increase has been 15% ; in chemicals, 41% ; in manu-
factures of iron and steel, 41% ; in mineral oils, 31% ; in
manufactures of leather, 83%; in provisions, mainly
bacon, hams and lard, 51% ; in manufactures of wood,
31%; in glassware, 22%; in vegetables, 171%. There
has been nowhere a decrease, and the increase has been a
glowing one month by month.
154
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155
Reciprocity is thus an accomplished fact. It is doing
its destined work. Practically the entire surplus of
the sugar-growing countries comes upon the American
breakfast table without one cent of taxation^
at any point between the producer and the
consumer. We have free sugar; nearly $60,000,000
per year are being left in the people's pockets that form-
erly came out into the public treasury, and by tlie
manner in which this has been accomplished thirty
millions of export trade have been obtamed for
our farmers and manufacturers which were formerly de-
nied to them. Well may the Republican platform describe
this policy as a " practical business measure."
A Business Administration.
I have tried to make this a business Administration.
Of course, we cannot wholly separate politics from a na-
tional Administration ; but I have felt that every public
officer owed his best service to the people without dis-
tinction of party; that in administering official trusts we
were in a very strict sense— not merely in a figurative
sense — your servants. It has been my desire that in every
branch of the public service there should be improvement.
I have stimulated all the Secretaries, and have received
stimulus from them in the endeavor, in all the depart-
ments of the Government that touch your business life, to
give you as perfect a service as possible. This we owe to
you ; but if I were pursuing party ends I should feel that
I was by such methods establishing my party in the con-
fidence of the people.
—BENJAMIN HARRISON.
The Greatest Is Agriculture.
The farmers of the Republic will control its destiny.
Agriculture, Commerce and Manufactures are the three
pursuits that enrich a nation, but the greatest of these is
agriculture, for without its products the spindle cannot
turn, and the ship will not sail. Agriculture furnishes
the conservative element in society, and in the end is the
guiding, restraining, controlling force in government.
Against storms of popular fury ; against frenzied madness
that seeks collision with established order ; against theo-
ries of administration that have drenched other lands in
blood ; against the spirit of Anarchy that would sweep
away the landmarks and safeguards of Christian society
and Republican Government, the farmers of the United
States will stand as the shield and the bulwark— them-
selves the willing subjects of law — and, therefore, its
safest and strongest administrators.
-JAMES G. BLAINE.
156
CURRENCY AND COINAGE
Republicans for Safe and Genuine
Bimetallism and Honest Money.
MORE MONEY AND BAD MONEY THE
DEMOCRATIC AIM.
Policies Contrasted.
There have always been three opinions about currency
and the coinage. Some money lenders who are money
monopolists want scarcer money that it may be dearer.
Bankrupts who have borrowed more than they can pay,
speculators who have gambled on the wrong side, debtors
who are dishonest, want more money and bad money, so
that large debts can be paid with small values. The
honest wage-earners, the tillers of the soil, and other pro-
ducers who would rob no man, want more money but
good money. More money, they believe, is required by
the constant growth of commerce and industry. Bad
money, ihey know, would rob everybody, and the toilera
and producers most of all.
Where Paeties Stand.
No party has ever favored money monopolists, a con.
traction of the currency, or an unchanged volume of cir-
culation which, with growing business, would involve a
relative contraction. The Democratic party, as facts will
prove, has always favored the money sharks and the dis-
honest debtors. The Republican party has always favored
the wage-earners and honest producers. Democrats have
fought for more money, not caring how bad it might be.
Republicans have given the country an ever-increasing
volume of money, every dollar of which is absolutely-
good.
The Republican a Bimetallic Party.
Nine-tenths of the people are bimetallists. They want
both money metals used, because they believe both needed
to sustain the world's commerce. The Republican party
intelligently and honestly answers their wishes. Presi-
dent Harrison is a bimetallist, as his official papers and
his speeches plainly show. The Republican platform de-
clares for bimetallism, and in that respect faithfully rep-
resents the course of the party. Every measure for the
past thirty years, looking to a larger use of silver, has been
passed by Republican votes. But the Republican bi-
metallism is genuine. It does not blunderingly offer gold
monometallism or silver monometallism through sheer
stupidity, imagining that either is the thing the people
want. Democracy has proposed measures that would
157
drive all gold out of use in this country, and has been ig,
norant enough or dishonest enough to call that bimet-
talism.
Dishonest Money Demooratig.
It has been the party of dishonest money for many years.
Under its fostering laws and rascally partisan officials,
there grew up, before the War, State bank systems which
robbed the people of $36, 000, 000 yearly. When an honest
national currency was proposed, as a measure necessary
to save the Union in the stress of civil war, the Democratic
party had neither love enough for sound money nor patri-
otism enough to refrain from malignant opposition. Then
it denounced the notes of the Government as unconstitu-
tional ; a little later it demanded the issue of enough of
these same notes to render them worthless.
Repudiation.
In 1868, if Republicans had not prevented, it would
have forced public creditors to accept these same un-
constitutional notes in payment of bonds. When Repub-
licans proposed to restore the notes to par, making every
dollar of them as good as the gold it promised, the Demo-
cratic party denounced the measure at the East as a farce
and a fraud which could never be carried out, and at the
West as infamous tyranny and wholesale robbery. It
tried to cheat both sections by pretending devotion to the
ideas of both. Since Resumption has blessed all sections
alike with wonderful prosperity, the Democratic party has
tried to make the silver question a pretext for such paper
inflation as would give dishonest debtors the greatest
advantage.
SILVER COINAGE.
Democratic Bills Mean Unlimited Paper Driving Out Ail Coin.
GENUINE BIMETALLISM NECESSARY.
Neaj'ly all agree that bimetallism is desirable. But a
difference of opinion arises as to the best means of bring-
ing about a settled or fixed parity between gold and silver,
so that silver may be restored to general monetary use.
On this diversity of opinion the discussion of the silver
question is chiefly based. In this country the popular
voice has repeatedly been so decisive that the desirability
of reacliing the bimetallic standard may be considered
beyond dispute. But tlie means of reaching that desired
end may continue for some time the subject of grave and
thoughtful consideration.
158
A Lakgeb Monetaey Basis.
The Republican policy seeks a broader monetary basis.
The world's* commerce expands so rapidly— the volume of
paper currency and of various credit substitutes for money,
which nmst be supported by the specie basis, has become
so vast— that scarcely any can be found to deny that com-
merce and industry would be safer if the entire stock of
$3,711,845,000 gold and $3,939,578,000 silver in the world
(see Estimate by Director Leech of the Mint, Table A),
could be freely employed as a foundation, instead of only
a part of that amount. As matters stand, in the great
commercial nations of the world the credit system and
commercial exchanges now rest upon the stock of gold as
the only basis. A bimetallic system would render the
commerce and industry of those nations safer and more
healthy.
Serious losses and great risks are incurred through the
constant disturbance of exchanges between gold-using
and silver-using countries. Even in Great Britain, where
gold monometallism is worshipped as it is nowhere else,
the greatest statesmen and the most powerful Boards of
Trade are at their wits' ends to discover some way of es-
caping the frightful losses in commerce with the East,
which have this very year involved great banks and firms
Fltjotuations and Distuebanoes Lessened.
It is desirable to have as stable a monetary basis as pos-
sible, and fluctuations and disturbances springing from
sudden increase or decrease in the yearly production of
one metal or the other would be lessened if the monetary
mass serving as a basis for all exchanges and credits were
nearly doubled. A difference of $40,000,000 in the gold
production of a single year is now more than 1 per cent,
of the whole stock of specie available for exchanges be-
tween Western nations. With silver restored it would be
only half of one per cent. Because the Republican Party
gives full weight to arguments in favor of a bimetallic
basis it has not ceased to strive for concurrence of com-
mercial nations in the final restoration of that metal.
Safety Must Not Be Sacrificed.
But neither does it flinch from the supreme duty of
maintaining for the people a safe and honest currency.
Soundness and safety first — after that all the expansion of
currency that growing commerce and industry may need —
is the Republican rule. Thus far other nations do not
consent to bear their part in the restoration of silver, nor
to take any steps in that direction. What the United
States can do alone without impairing the soundness or
risking the safety of its own monetary system is the prob-
lem which the Republican Party has steadily endeavored
to solve. True progress never loses sight of true conserv-
atism. Republican progress has done much, and at
cA^ery step it has been guarded by determination not to sac-
rifice the solid good already attained — the inestimable bless-
ings of a sound currency, as good as that of any other
nation.
159
Americans Want the Best Money.
Republicaus do not mean that the money of this na-
tion should come to be inferior to that of other commer-
cial nations. This people, they hold, have a right to enjoy
the very best money that can be had. If Great Britain,
or France, or Germany should have in use a better money
than ours, that fact would put all our producers and mer-
chants in legitimate trade at a fearful disadvantage, and
would help only those engaged in gambling, as painful
experience with a depreciated currency during and after
the War abundantly proved. But would the American cur-
rency remain as sound and good as that of other nations
if this country alone should undertake unlimited coinage
of silver ? Until the step can be taken with safety, the
Republican Party does not risk the incalculable evils which
a separation in purchasing power between the currency
of this and other nations would bring upon our people.
That would inevitably mean the use of two kinds of dol-
lars at home, differing in value.
The Democratic Silver Bill.
This bill, reported by Representative Bland from the
Democratic Coinage Committee of the House, which was
supported by the great majority of Democrats in that
body, was not in any sense an honest free, coinage bill.
It was not calculated to help, but to prevent, agreement of
nations regarding the use of gold and silver. It was
never intended to help American silver producers, but
only to use them and their friends as the cat's-paws of
Democratic demagogues. This is plain, because the bill
provided for unlimited issues of a new kind of paper
money against all the silver of the world that might be
brought to the mints. It would have disorganized and
driven from use the forms of paper currency to which the
people have become accustomed, which they love for its
incalculable services to the nation in the past, and which
they know to be as good as gold, and accepted without
hesitation or discount by every banker or trader in every
part of the land. To extinguish all the kinds of paper
money that are thus known and approved by experience,
and to substitute a new kind, redeemable in silver coins,
to be issued in absolutely unlimited amount, would be to
bring a monetary earthquake instead of genuine progress.
To Drive Out Gold.
This bill, falsely called a free-coinage measure, would
have driven gold out of use and out of the country. For
other nations needing gold in their struggles with each
other, and having enormous stores of unused silver, would
liave made haste to sell their silver at almost any price
and draw away our gold. Paper obtained for the bullion
could be passed through Clearing Houses or sold, and
gold obtained instead. With unlimited issues of this paper
coming, many business men would surely liave hoarded
their gold or sent it abroad, a danger which Chairman Bland,
of the Democratic House Committee, admitted in his re-
{)ort recommending tlie bill. In a single year this country
las taken in more than $150,000,000 thus invested by for-
160
cigiiers. How would its ])usiness fare if as great a sum
of money should be drawn out quickly from the channels
of trade ?
Foreign Distrust Warranted.
The distrust of such a measure would have been en-
tirely justified, for every busine.'ss man knows that giving
129 pieces of new paper called dollars for 100 ounces of
silver bullion would not have imparted to the paper the
value of $129 in gold, nor any other fixed value whatever.
The question would then have instantly arisen, " What is
the Bland paper worth ?" No new use of silver coin was
provided by this measure to give silver bullion a higher
value, but the paper would have pushed silver out of use
entirely. Giving paper of unknown value for silver
bullion would not have fixed or lifted the value of the
bullion. Neither could the bullion, being itself not fixed
in value in the world's markets, give a fixed value to the
paper.
Depreciation of Such Paper.
This Democratic measure, falsely called a coinage bill,
would have thrust into circulation"over $1,000,000,000 of
the new kind of paper in place* of various kinds of money
now in established use, besides $129,000,000 more of such
paper for every 100,000,000 ounces of silver brought to
the mints. When this nation had outstanding less than
$700,000,000 in paper of all kinds, the value of the
national currency dropped to 38.7 cents on the dollar (see
Tables B and C). Who can guess what an unlimited issue
of new paper would be worth ? As much as the silver,
Democrats would say. But what would the silver be
worth ? Obviously, as much as the paper, paid for it at
the mint. Nobody could tell how far silver would then
fall in the world's markets. Redemption of the new notes
in silver would have no practical value. How many men
would send a wagon to haul away a ton of coins in order
to pay a commercial debt of $30,000 ? What working-
man, earning $100 per month, would ask to have 100
silver dollars paid to him instead of paper ?
No Help for Silver.
The Bland paper dollar would be in practice irredeem-
able, and would sink in purchasing power, no one can
tell how far. The silver bullion at the mint would be
worth no more than the paper there given for it. Else-
where it would sink with certainty, because the emptying
of unused silver upon this country and the hoarding of
gold here would make the premium on gold mount
rapidly. Instead of helping silver producers, this Demo-
cratic measure would have been the worst for them that
could be conceived. Instead of free coinage, it would
have substituted paper unlimited in quantity and un-
limited in depreciation. In such paper the w^orkingmen
would be paid their wages, and in such paper the farmer
would receive pay for his products. Instead of progress,
this would be shooting Niagara, to end in the Gulf ot
Replidiation.
161
Depeeciated Money Not Wanted.
The people have tried a depreciated paper currency,
and want no more of it. The South ha§ seen -f 200 paid
for a pair of boots, and $50 for a poor dinner. Tlie North
has seen tlie cost of living — payments being made in de-
preciated paper — rise far beyond the wages of labor, so
that in 1864, though men could earn in paper 37 per cent,
more than in 1860, they could buy with their wages 36
)er cent, less than in 1860. Never again, by consent of
the people, North or South, will the American dollar be
cut adrift from the money of the civilized world, so that
it shall become poorer money in power to buy necessaries
or comforts of life tllan any other money used by civilized
nations. The Bland unlimited paper bill, the latest exhi-
bition of Democratic statesmanship and Democratic hon-
esty, ought to be detested by the miner, by the toiler in
the fields and shops, as heartily by the banker with whom
they deposit.
THE SILVER MEASURES OF REPUBLICANS.
Prices of Silver Bullion Under Two Administrations.
THE ACT OF 1890.
The Reptjblioan Not the Calamity Party.
The Republican party has not framed and voted for
bills to bring a financial earthquake, with the notion that
such bills would tickle ignorant voters. It has respected
the intelligence of the people, remembered its grave re-
sponsibility,'and framed measures which have borne the
test of stern experience. It has never tried to make a
living by pretending that the people were ruined or
robbed. It has never tried to make voters believe their
calamities so intolerable that a dishonest course would be
excusable, nor has it cultivated desperation as a pretext
for reckless and crazy means of relief. It is not the
calamity party, but prospers with the public prosperity.
Bad crops, -devastating storms, national disasters, are
never expected to help any other than the Democratic
party. The people have prospered grandly under Repub-
lican measures, and every glad harvest home is a Re-
publican rejoicing ; every new factory or mill or mine is
a Republican fortress, and every dollar added to the
nation's wealth is an evidence of Republican sagacity and
fidelity to duty.
Silver Demonetized by Democrats.
Silver was actually driven out of use as money in this
country by a Democratic blunder in the Act of 1853. For
seven years thereafter it was exported, because legally
made more valuable to export than to keep in circulation
163
&s com. Democratic rebellion, and the loans necessary
to resist it, drove gold also out of the country, and, while
paper only was used as currency, silver was still relatively
more valuable than gold, so that, after nearly twenty
years of practical disuse, its coinage was stopped. It is
now of no avail to argue about the responsibility for the
discontinuance of silver coinage. But the practical ques-
tion is _not how the trouble began, bat liow to get out
of it.
The Republican Policy.
In the face of demonetization by other nations, the Re-
publican party set itself to do what it could to secure for
"silver a larger monetary use, and to enlist European
powers in measures for its full restoration. The act
framed by the Republican Senate in 1878 provided for
limited coinage of silver. It was savagely denounced by
Democrats, but, after twelve years of experience, was
found to have done no harm. Specie payments had been
resumed, silver had circulated all the time at par with
gold, and silver certificates at par with gold certificates.
Under Republican Administrations the price of silver de-
clined not at all, but was actually higher in October, 1884,
than it had been in October, 1878. Then a Democratic
President was elected, and before another Presidential
election came the price of silver bullion had dropped 8.71
pence per ounce, about 17 per cent, (see Table D). The
belief that a change from the safe and conservative Repub-
lican policy must come was in large measure the cause of
this extraordinary decline.
Peesident Harrison's Administration.
With the election of President Harrison silver began to
recover steadily, and his first message made it clear that
he did not believe in depreciating a product of American
mines. By him and by his Secretary of the Treasury meas-
ures were suggested to promote the larger use of silver,
but the necessity of securing international agreement on
the subject was strongly urged. The Republican Congress
of 1890, in part accepting the suggestions of the Adminis-
tration, passed a law requiring purchase of 4,500,000
ounces of silver each month, a quantity as large as was
then produced by the mines of this country. With the
quantity required for use in the arts, the whole silver
product of this country is taken from the world's markets.
This measure also was savagely denounced by Democrats,
but has thus far proved safe.
Result of the Act of 1890.
Under this act silver bullion rose rapidly to 55 pence
per ounce, and at New York to $1.21, so that a gain of
13 pence per ounce in two years followed Republican
victory. Before the full effect of the measure could be
tested. Democratic denunciation of it and clamor for its
repeal were followed in November, 1890, by sweeping
Democratic victories. A House pledged to free coinage
was elected, so strongly Democratic that a change of
policy was deemed inevitable. From that day silver
rapidly declined. It was 48.62 pence per ounce Novem-
163
ber 1, 1890, and fell to 37| pence per ounce August 18,
1892, when a Democratic Congress liad proved the
falsity of its professions and pledges. This fall of 10^^
pence per ounce, or 22^ per cent, in 22 months, shows
how little the Democratic victories in 1890 have helped
silver. Never has there been so great a decline at any
other time within so short a period.
Merits of the Republican Act.
This step toward a larger use of silver was profoundly
distrusted by many, but it has manifested its helpful
power in a serious emergency, and may have saved the.
country from grave financial disturbance. Last year*
Russia suddenly demanded great sums in gold from banks
and bankers of Western Europe. At the same time fail-
ures in South America and other disasters increased the
pressure abroad. Those bankers, in defending themf^elves.
caused large sales of American securities, and railroad
and even municipal bonds to a large amount were re-
turned to this country, and gold was drawn away. The
exports of gold began in February, and in six months the
net outgo from this country was nearly $75,000,000.
A Severe Test.
Precisely such a sudden drain of gold has been a thou-
sand times mentioned with fear as the one thing tiiat
might cause a collapse of confidence in American cur-
rency— hoarding of gold and redemption of notes at tlie
Treasury. Treasury reserves were unusually low, and
Democrats, with accustomed patriotism, seized the occa-
sion to declare it bankrupt, and to create all the distrust
they conld. But wise management by the Administration
averted all danger. The gold went abroad without occa-
sioning any pressure in financial circles. In its place the
Act of 1890 put out $527,000,000 of new Treasury notes.
No distrust of the Treasury appeared, nor the least dis-
position to draw gold for circulating notes, and at the end
of the six months, though $75,000,000 gold had left the
country, the Treasury held only $17,000,000 less gold.
An Expanding Cieoulation.
The Republican party does not believe that any good is
done by confining a growing trade with cast-iron restric-
tions of the volume of currency. The business of the
country increases far more rapidly than its population,
and while it makes credit currency for itself to a large
extent, some expansion of the monetary basis contributes
to safety and freedom of development. As Secretary
Windom stated, a moderate increase in the circulation,
not disturbing the relations between the volume of money
and the volume of trade, can involve no danger, and for
such an increase the Act of 1890 provides. The ofl3cial
record proves (see Table B) that the Republican policy
has lor 15 years since tiie resumption of specie payments
gradually and prudently expanded the circulation, so that
instead of $16.75 for each inhabitant July 1, 1878, it was
$24.47 for each inhabitant July 1, 1892.
164
An Important Difference.
Under President Cleveland's Administration the ctir-
rency slightly flecreased, from $23.02 iii 1885
to $22.52 in 1889. But under President Harrison's
Administration it has increased about $223,000,-
OOO, nearly $2 per capita. In consequence,
while the increased volume is fully employed at certain
seasons, the current rate of interest has been generally
somewhat reduced, notwithstanding the enormous ex-
pansion of business. Since 188j^, the last year of Presi-
dent Cleveland's Administration, actual payments through
Clearing Houses have increased 29.3 per cent. Against
this the actual circulation has increased 16.8 per cent, in
the four years, not enough to alarm the most cautious and
conservative.
American Silver All Used.
The new Treasury notes circulate freely everywhere with-
out objection or discount, are interchangeable with gold,
receivable at custom-houses, and possessed of equal debt-
paying powers. Over $104,000,000 of suchnotes have been
added to the circulation, and the credit of the Govern-
ment is as strong as it was before any were issued. Mean-
while all American silver, not required for use in the arts,
is taken by Government and added to its metallic reserve.
The silver producers have a far better market for their
product than if they could get for it, under the Bland bill,
a fixed price, but only in paper of unknowable value,
which the invasion of foreign silver in indefinite quantity,
and the unlimited issues of the new paper, would surely
cause to depreciate.
INTERNATIONAL ACCORD.
Conference of Nations Called.
DEMOCRACY THE CHIEF OBSTACLE.
The Republican party has neglected no opportunity to
promote a broader and permanent settlement of the silver
question through international agreement. The Adminis-
tration of President Harrison has labored to this end with
greater prospect of success than has rewarded any pre-
vious efforts. After much negotiation, looking toward
international co-operation in reopening the mints of the
world to the coinage of silver upon some agreed ratio, an
invitation to a monetary conference has been sent out by
the United States, and has been accepted by all the great
commercial nations of Europe. The declared object of
the United States, in extending the invitation, was to
bring about, if possible, through international agreement,
the re-establishment of bimetallism.
165
The Kepttblioan Plan.
This the Republican party has steadily sought to ac-
complish by safe and conservative steps, believing it
would be a permanent blessing to this and other countries.
In spite of stubborn foreign opposition it has persisted.
In spite of sneers and derision from those who believe that
safe and harmonious use of both metals is no longer pos-
sible, it has persisted. At length the losses and necessi-
ties of other nations have prepared theiA to consider the
subject seriously, and, in jyiie.;flpirit of Lord Salisbury, to
seek earnestly some mearfpDf permanent monetary read-
justment.
Feee Coinage Would Defeat the Effort.
Negotiations with other powers have made it clear that
free coinage of silver, by the United States alone, would
put an end to all hope of such agreement. By that step
this country would take upon itself all the risk of under-
taking to receive and pay gold for the silver which other
powers now hold unused. Whether this attempt here
should ultimately succeed or quickly fail, it would at
least give opportunity for a time to all other nations to in-
crease their store of gold and lessen their stock of un-
available silver, and by sending hither quick orders to
sell in large amounts they would greatly strengthen their
own position. If the attempt here should succeed, they
could join in it at any time without risk. If it should
fail, they could then renew negotiations for some inter-
national agreement; but in any event would be the
stronger for the supply of gold drawn from this country.
Bkitish Teade with India.
Enormous losses in British trade with India have com-
pelled statesmen of Great Britain to inquire anxiously
what can be done to put that trade on a more healthy
basis. It is even proposed by the Indian Monetary Asso-
ciation to close the mints of India entirely against the
coinage of silver, and British financial journals are now
discussing that proposition at length, pointing out that it
would fail to bring any relief, but would greatly restrict
the trade of India with silver-using countries. Instead,
Sir David Barbour, the -Indian Minister of Finance, at last
publicly declares that " a common standard of value for
England and India is absolutely essential," and proposes
the " adoption of the system of double legal tender by in-
ternational agreement." With such an appeal from the
officials of its most important dependency, the British
Government would doubtless be ready to concede much
in order to secure an international settlement of the
question. But free coinage in this country alone would at
once put an end, at least for a time, to this willingness.
Great Britain would then wait to see how far the action of
the United States might give relief to British commerce
with Eastern countries, and what chance there might be of
forcing this and other countries to a silver basis.
Democratic Agitation a Great Obstacle. •
Constant Democratic clamor for free coinage in this
country alone, however faithless and insincere, has strongly
impressed other nations with the idea that, if they put off
166
action a little longer, Democratic victory in this country
may give them a golden opportunity. The great obstacle
to negotiations has been the belief that the Democratic
party, succeeding in the coming election, would estab-
lish free coinage here without waiting for or seeking
action by other powers. Though favored by unpre-
cedented circumstances abroad, and signally successful
thus far, negotiations are blocked until after the election
by the idea that the next Administration may be hostile to
the present policy of the Government.
Danger of Acting Alone.
Standing alone among the great commercial nations,
the United States would attempt free coinage with great
risk and difficulty. Each and all would be anxious to
get what gold they could from this country without giv-
ing the United States a fair chance to determine how far
its single-handed effort would go towards restoring bi-
metallism. If other nations did not hold American bonds
and stocks and other obligations to an enormous amount,
which could be sent hither by holders for quick realiza-
tion, the risk would be less, and the chance of drawing
away gold and breaking the credit of tlie United States in
the midst of its undertaking would be much smaller. The
Democratic party, as usual, is fighting for foreign countries
and against the interests of tliis country when it insists
that our Government shall open its mint to the unlimited
coinage of silver without an effort to reach any agree-
ment with other nations.
The President Should Be Sustained.
The Republican party is abundantly able to settle this
question, as it has settled every other great question yet
committed to its charge — safely, wisely g,nd honestly. It
needs only to be upheld by the people in serving their in-
terests. If it is confirmed in the possession of power by a
verdict of the people this year, the President will then be
able to speak with the unquestioned authority of the great
Republic in dealing with foreign powers. He will not
then be crippled by the doubt in foreign minds whether a
change of Administration may not bring a total change of
policy. When foreign powers are assured that the United
States will gladly join them in restoring bimetallism for
the common good of all, but will not suffer them to break
its credit or destroy its prosperity for their own advantage,
they will quickly see that it is the part of wisdom to join
in settling the long-vexed problem of the monetary basis.
167
WILD -CAT BANKS.
Democrats Against All Honest Money,
HOW THE OLD STATE BANKS PLUN-
DERED THE PEOPLE.
A Scheme Hostile to Silver and Gold.
A party having so detestable a record as that of the
Democratic party might despair of making it worse. But,
among other things at once ridiculous and offensive, the
Democratic Convention declared : " We recommend that
the prohibitory 10 per cent, tax on State bank issues be
repealed." If this means anything, it means to revive the
wild-cat banking system which disgraced and robbed the
country in days of Democratic supremacy, the fitting
financial outcome of that political barbarism which up-
held slavery and rebelled against a free government.
The old State banks, the infamous party favoritism behind
them, their wholesale plunder of the people, and the
frightful obstacles which they placed in the way of civil-
ized commerce or individual prosperity, ar^ yet remem-
bered with loathing by those who did business or received
wages in the years before the Rebellion.
The Curse of Bad Money.
State banks, with no uniform security for bill holders,
nor any security save such as the politicians in power
happened to require in any State, formerly sent their bills
all over the country. Whether those bills were good, bad
or doubtful, nobody could be sure, nor how great a shave
he might have to bear if he tried to use one of them in
buying anything or paying any debt. A bank-note detec-
tor was as necessary an item of expense to every business
man as the rent of his store, but the millions of working-
men who could not afford that protection were robbed
without limit. Official returns state that there were 1,422
State banks in the country in 1858, but " Thompson's
Detector " of January 2, 1958, published a list of broken,
closed and worthless State banks, numbering 758, in the
different States as follows :
State Banks More Than Half Broken.
Maine 46
New Hampshire 22
Vermont 12
Massachusetts 56
Rhode Island 13
Connecticut 10
New York City 42
" " State 147
Total, N. y 189
168
New Jersey
Pennsylvania 63
Maryland 23
Delaware 3
District Cohimbia 40
Virginia 3
NortkCarolina 2
South Carolina 2
Georgia 13
Ohio G4
Indiana 68
Illinois 16
Michigan 25
Wisconsin 7
Kentucky 6
Tennessee : 7
Louisiana 10
Alabama 9
Mr. Thompson, the veteran editor of the " Bank Note
Detector," estimated that the loss of bill holders in only
ten years ending with 1860 was $75,000,000, which
averaged more than $13.85 for every family in the land.
Others estimated the loss from broken banks alone at five
per cent every year on the whole circulation. With the
present paper circulation of more than a thousand mill-
ions, this would mean over $50,000,000 every year. But
for thirty years not one bill holder has ever lost a single
dollar by the breaking of banks established under Repub-
lican laws.
Paper at a Discount.
This was not the worst of the vile system which the
Democratic Party proposes to revive. Because not even
the author of a detector could tell from day to day what
bank had failed since his last advices. Bills of nearly all
banks were taken only at a discount to Insure against the
prospect of loss. On the banks of the different States
the discount quoted by ' ' Thompson's Detector" January 2,
1858, was as follows :
East New Jersey | Discount.
New England (except R. I.) f '*
New York State | "
Delaware 1^ "
Philadelphia 1^
Canada 1^-1^
West New Jersey 1^ "
Rhode Island 1^ "
Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana and Missouri... 2" "
New Orleans and Mobile 2 "
Interior Pennsylvania 2f-3 "
Baltimore banks H~H "
South Carolina and Georgia 3|-4 "
Interior Maryland 4-4^ "
Virginia. 5 "
Illinois and Wisconsin 5|-6 **
North Carolina 6|-7 "
These were the rates charged for consenting to take
notes of. the banks supposed to be sound in the various
169
States, and that at New York, the centre of financial in-
formation. What rates of discount were charged in the
different States on notes from banks of other States no
one can say ; it must be left to the imagination.
MoDEEN Commerce Impossible.
With such a currency in circulation, nobody could enter
into large engagements based upon receiving money in
distant States without charging for the risk of uncurreut
money or discount a percentage so great that, in these
days, it would make transactions impossible. The whole
interior trade of this already great and rapidly growing
nation was stunted and blighted to an extent which can
be realized only by those who had to endure the nuisance
of Democratic State banks. Payments of 60,000 millions
are now made in a year with not the loss of a dollar from
bad bills, or discount to protect against uncurrent money.
But the discount alone on the present volume of pay-
ments at the rates above stated would exceed $100,000,000
yearly.
State's Rights Folly Again.
It is to sensible Democrats a marvel that their own or
any other party should ever propose to bring back upon
the country so deadly a curse, and they blurt out with
quite superfluous wrath their amazement at the stupidity
of their Convention. They ought to know by this time
that the stock of folly in that party is inexhaustible. For
thirty years this moss-grown and fossilized concern has
been blundering itself out of all its chances, and smashing
its head against every stone wall it could reach, and yet
it knows no more now than it knew when it solemnly de-
nounced the creation of national banks in 1862. Now, as
then, it stupidly supposes that everything done by the
State must be right, and that nothing can he done as it
ought to be by the General Government of all the
States.
Consequences of Repeal — A Corrupt System.
Nothing, except the tax on State-bank circulation, has
for thirty years prevented the starting of such banks by
the thousand. No man in the least acquainted with prac-
tical business will doubt that the evils of the system would
speedily become as great as they ever were. States,
whose bonds sell all the way from nothing up to par,
would not fail to provide for an endless crop of banks
without delay. As in old time, the control of State
officials over the banks would be used by unscrupulous
partisans. There was no end to the base uses to which the
State-bank system was applied, and he knows little of the
Democratic Party who imagines that it has giipwn more
virtuous with advancing age.
A Flood of Depreciated Paper.
With a swarm of State banks, each poaring out paper,
the value of which no one in other States could know,
there would come another era of wild paper inflation,
such as ended in the crash of 1857. The country would
be flooded with bank notes, which would drive out of use,
170
not only gold, but also silver, which would be quite too
costly and luxurious a currency for the man who could
get wild-cat bank notes. Monometallism would go, bi-
metallism would go, any and every kind of honest money
would go, and instead Democrats would give us wild-
catism.
Stupidity Bokn of Cowaedice.
This piece of amazing stupidity in the Democratic
party had its origin in cowardice and bad faith. The
party did not dare to avow responsibility for the Bland
unlimited paper bill, for which the large majority of Dem-
ocrats in Congress had voted. It had neither the sense
nor the courage to devise a real silver policy in accord
with its pledges to voters. Incapable of devising anything
new, wanting the courage or the intelligence to carry out
its pledges to constituencies throughout the country, the
party followed its natural instinct by returning to the past
and proposing to resurrect the most vicious and ruinous
banking system the world has ever known.
Trying to Dodge Its Own Pledges.
It was worthy of Democratic sagacity to suppose that
the question of bimetallism for all the world could be
effectually side-tracked, and put out of Mr. Cleveland's
way, by proposing to allow irresponsible persons all over
the country to start cross-road banks, and to flood the
country with substitutes for money. Incapable of com-
prehending the aims of honest bimetallists, this party
imagined they wanted only more dollars, with no care about
the value of the dollars, and that it would suit them per-
fectly to let every man set up a more-money shop of his
owni and print so-called dollars to his heart's content. So
it comes to pass that the party pledged to free coinage pro-
poses to the people, as its idea of financial reform, to
sweep out of use every kind of coin.
THE PARTIES CONTRASTED.
Democracy False to Silver.
FALSE TO ITSELF.
The contrast between the two great parties is in noth-
ing more discreditable to Democracy than in its treatment
of monetary questions. On the tariff question it had
some sort of courage, if only the courage of a rat driven
into a corner. It had some sort of frankness, if onl^ that
of one who has no sense. But on the money question it
has been false and treacherous to everj^body, even to
itself. Democrats had elected Representatives pledged to
171
free and unlimited coinaj^e of silver by the United States
alone, and accustomed to clamor frantically for it, when
they iiad no power. Yet these identical Representatives
numbering more than two-thirds of the House, when
assembled in Congress at Washington, passed no silver
bill whatever because there was an election coming, and
its passage might cost some votes. Loud for silver coin-
age when it had no chance, they deliberately chose to try
the trickster's game once more in New England and New
York by pretending in that latitude unalterable hostility
to free coinage.
Untrue to Its Own Falsehoods.
It is this same party which voted for fiat money and
payment of bonds in greenbacks, and then nominated
Mr. Tilden. For Eastern votes it has now nominated Mr.
Cleveland, a gold monometallist ; in silver States it pre-
tends that he will bow to the will of his party, as if it had
any will except to get office ; in Alliance States it shouts
for paper issues of $50 per head, or 1,500 millions, against
land mortgages, and to catch the men who want money
that has no value at all it recommends a revival of its
wild-cat banks. Not true in anything, it has played the
trickster on the money question until it can no longer be
true to its own falsehoods.
The Republican Party True to Itself.
On the money question in all its phases the Republican
party has preserved throughout the grand reputation
earned by success in sustaining armies through a civil
war, by specie resumption, by the safest banking system
ever devised, and by such a reduction of public debt as
no other nation has ever achieved: Again and again it
has staked all its future upon a manly refusal to permit
the money of tiie people to be debased. Every financial
measure proposed it meets at once with the question,
" Will it make and keep every dollar as good as every
other dollar ?"
A Party True to the People.
It has met defeat more than once, because it has not
hesitated to refuse a step which, in its conscientious
belief, might impair the soundness of the money received
by the laborer for his toil and by the farmer for his grain.
It has never hesitated to tell gold monometallists that it
sincerely believes in bimetallism, and intends to do what
it can to restore silver to monetary use throughout the
world. It does not hesitate to tell advocates of free
coinage by the United Slates alone that danger lies that
way, and that a surer, shorter and safer road is through
agreement of nations. It w^ill not be the tool of gold
monometallists or of silver monometallists, but believes
in a genuine bimetallism — in the largest monetary use of
silver that can be attained, keeping every dollar issued by
the nation, whether paper, silver or gold, equal in
purchasing power with every other dollar.
172
PENSIONS ANI) VETERANS,
Contrasts that Show Clearly Where
the Candidates and Parties
Stand as to Soldiers'
Rights.
BOTH DEMOCRATIC CANDIDATES
HIRED SUBSTITUTES.
Cleveland's Pension Record.
Senator Blackburn, in 1879, speaking as well of pension
legislation as of other enactments, the result of Civil
War, declared in the House of Representatives, of which
he was then a member, " We " — meaning the Democratic
party — *' do not intend to stop until we have stricken the
last vestige of your war measures from the statute books."
In this remark he anticipated the policy Grover Cleve-
land pursued while President of the United States. With
a Republican Senate to contend with, Mr. Cleveland was
not in a position to strike very much pension legislation
from the statute books, but what he could do, and what he
did do, was to prevent more getting on. Mr. Cleveland
was not a soldier in the late Civil War. He served his
countrymen by the vicarious sacrifice of a hired substi-
tute. And it was, perhaps, a thus disinterested point of
view that led him to declare in vetoing the Dependent
Pension bill, which a Republican Congress and a Repub-
lican President afterwards put into law, that "it is sad,
but nevertheless true, that in the matter of procuring pen-
sions there exists a widespread disregard of truth and
good faith, and there can be no doubt that the race after
the pensions offered by this bill would not only stimulate
weakness and pretended incapacity for labor, but put
a further premium on dishonesty and mendacity." Mr.
Cleveland was not in the race after pensions. His " weak-
ness and pretended incapacity " had occurred thirty years
earlier.
Once every four years the Democrats in certain parts of
the country, but by no means in all, are wont to tell the
veterans of the Union Army what their party has done in
aid of pension legislation. They make no mention of the
fact that the pension legislation from 1862 to 1875, which
is the basis of our present system, was passed by
Congresses Republican in both branches and signed
by a Republican President. They say nothing of the
fact that, during their furtive control of one branch of
government or another since 1875, only one or two im-
portant pension bills were allowed to become laws, and
then only after the virulent and persistent opposition of
the great majority of their members. Nor do tl>ey speak
of the malicious record made by their late President and
their present candidate, who vetoed more than 500 pension
measures sent to him through the persistency of Repub-
licans in Congress, couching his vetoes in language of de-
liberate insult to the soldiers and to the legislators who by
such measures had endeavored to express the country's
gratitude to those whose lives had been offered in its
service.
Cleveland's Insulting Veto Messages.
Mr. Cleveland sneeringly accused Republican Con-
gresses of having adopted the theory " that no man who
served in the army can be the subject of death or impaired
health except they are chargeable to his service." In
vetoing a bill passed for the relief of John W. Ferris in
June, 1886, he relieved himself of this beautiful sentiment
and delicate humor: "The ingenuity developed in the
constant and persistent attacks upon the public treasury
by those claiming pensions, and in the increase of those
already granted, is exhibited in bold relief by this attempt
to include sore eyes among the results of diarrhcea."
In vetoing the bill for the relief of Alfred Denny, who
swore that he was injured by being thrown forward on
the pommel of his saddle, Mr. Cleveland thought it be-
coming to remark: "The number of instances in which
those of our soldiers who rode horses during the War
were injured by being thrown forward on their saddle in-
dicates that those saddles' were very dangerous con-
trivances." It might be supposed that it would have sat-
isfied Mr. Cleveland's animosities against the body of vet-
eran patriots, whose ranks he had refused to join thirty
years before, when he had used his veto power to deny them
the relief Congress had deemed it proper to give them ;
but it seemed almost impossible for him to veto a pension
bill without becoming funny at the expense of the soldiers.
Is it unreasonable to attribute this propensity to a desire
on his part to defend his own record of cowardice, or
something worse, by attacking the record of those who
had done and dared while he had stopped at home? In
the affidavit of Andrew I. Wilson tliere had occurred a
long recital of injuries received in the service. "What-
ever else," said Mr. Cleveland, in vetoing the bill for Mr.
Wilson's relief — " whatever else maybe said of this claim-
ant's achievements during his short military career, it
must be conceded that he accumulated a great deal of
disability." It was certainly from the point of view of a
man who had not thought the flag worth his defending
that Mr. Cleveland proceeded to the consideration of pen-
sion bills. His patriotism was of the kind which was
willing enough to accept the highest honors and the
greatest emoluments in the gift of his fellow-citizens, but
which hung back when they asked him to go forward to
do battle, to suffer hardship and to confront danger for
the salvation of the Union I
it4
Pensions and Paeties.
'he following comparison in parallel columns will show
the extent and nature of pension legislation since tlie
War, enacted by the Republican party on the one hand,
and by the Democratic party on the other :
MepuUican Legislation.
First general Act of 1862 pro-
vided the most ample and
generous system of pensions
that had up to that time Deen
enacted Into law— provided lor
disabled soldiers, widows, chil-
dren, mothers and sisters.
Act of July 4, 1864, extended
limitation of arrears to three
years, fixed pensions for loss of
both feet at twenty dollars and
both hands or eyes twenty-five
per month.
Act of June 6, 1866, Increased
pension for loss of both hands
or feet, or one hand or foot, also
granted pensions to dependent
fathers and mothers.
Act of July 25, 1868, granted
additional pensions to widows
with children under sixteen
years of age, and gave full
pension to orphan children.
Act of July 8, 1870, Inaugu-
rated new system of paying,
and protected pensioners from
designing agents.
Act of February 14, 1871, pro-
vided pensions for soldiers of
tbe War of 1812 and their
widows.
Act Of March 4, 1890, Increased
pensions of totally helpless to
seventy-five dollars per montli.
Act of June 27, 1890, pensions
all having existing disability,
without proof that It was con-
tracted in the service; also
pensions the widows of" all
such and all soldiers' widows
dependent on their labor.
Democratic Legislation.
Act of March 3, 1877, grants
pensions to certain disabled
soldiers, although they had
engaged In rebellion against
the United States.
Act of March 9, 1878, restores
to the pension rolls the names
of participants In the War of
1812 and Indian wars who had
participated In the KebelUon.
Act of June 7, 1878, limits
fees of pension agents to ten
dollars.
Act of June 27, 1878, adds
twenty-two dollars per month
to the pensions of about two
hundred persons.
Arrears of Pensions Act, intro-
duced by allepubUcan, passed
by Republican votes and signed
by a Republican President.
Act of 1879 repealed the
Arrears of Pensions Act.
Mexican War Pension bill;
benefited mostly Southern men.
Dependent Pension bill ;
vetoed by President Cleveland.
How THE VaRIOTJS PENSION ACTS WeEE PaSSED.
This statement shows that the Republican Party has
been the author of practically all the important legislation
in behalf of the Union veteran. The legislation to be
ascribed to Democratic Congresses has been almost wholly
in aid of Mexican veterans, whether afterwards engaged
in rebellion or not. This showing, however, is not com-
plete. Before the record of the two parties can be fully
understood it is necessary to see how the members of
■ them who were in Congress when these several bills were
passed actually voted. The opposition to pensions first
developed in a strongly marked way in the vote on the
Arrears Bill in 1879, when the Democrats had control of
both branches of Congress. The law of 1862 had given
Boldiers arrears of pensions back to date of injury, pro-
vided they applied within one year of its incurrence.
Later this was amended so that they might apply within
three years. In 1868 the time was extended five years
175
longer, and in 1874 a further extension of five years was
given. All these acts had been passed by Republican
Congresses. In 1878 Mr, Cummings, a Republican, intro-
duced a bill repealing all limitations, but the Democratic
Committee in chaige of it refused to report it. Mr. Has-
kell, a Republican, moved to discharge the committee and
pass the bill. On this proposition the votes stood :
Democrats for the bill 48
Democrats against the bill CI
Republicans for the bill 116
Republicans against the bill None
Thus the bill passed by Republican votes. Had the
Democrats alone voted upon it, it would have been over-
whelmingly defeated.
The next great pension measure voted on was the bill
increasing the pensions of widows from eight dollars to
twelve dollars per month.
The vote upon this bill was as follows :
Democratsfor the bill 80
Democrats against the bill 66
Republicans for the bill 118
Republicans against the bill None.
This vote was upon a proposition to suspend the rules
and pass the bill. A motion of that kind requires a two-
thirds vote to carry it. It thus appears that on this propo-
sition the bill would have been defeated ha<i the Demo-
crats alone voted upon it, for less than two-thirds of them
supported it.
In the Forty-ninth Congress the Senate voted upon a
bill to pension disabled dependent soldiers. On this the
vote stood as follows :
Democratsfor the bill. 7
Democrats against the bill 14
Republicans for the bill 27
Republicans against the bill None.
The Dependent Pension Bill.
In the same Congress a dependent pension bill was
voted upon in the House. The vote upon this was as
follows :
Democratsfor the bill 66
Democrats against the bill 76
Republicans for the bill 114
Republicans against the bill None.
This bill was vetoed by President Cleveland. It was in
tills remarkable veto that he made use of the language : ' ' The
soldiers of our civil war, in their pay and bounty, received
such compensation for military services as has never been
receivedbysoldiersbefore since mankind went to war. * * *
The really needy and homeless soldiers of the rebellion
have been, to a large extent, provided for at soldiers'
homes. * * * It is sad, but nevertheless true, that in
tl.e matter of procuring pensions there exists a wide-
176
spread disregard of truth aud good faith ; * * * and
there can be no doubt that the race, after the pensions
offered by this bill, would not only stimulate weakness
and pretended incapacity for labor, but put a further
premium on dishonesty and mendacity." The theory on
which these ugly lines were written, that the American
citizens wlio answered Abraham Lincoln's trumpet call to
duty — who left wife and sweetheart, lielpless youth aud
far more helpless age to confront blazing cannon, to en-
dure disease and starvation in Rebel prisons — did it all
" for compensation," and that they are well enough off
when lodged by charity in a Soldiers' Home, is a theory
truly natural to a man who was content to answer the
draft with a hired substitute, and then to leave his substi-
tute to die in age and want in a county poorhouse !
Figures Moee Eloquent than Words.
The House of Representatives attempted to pass the
Department Pension bill over Mr. Cleveland's veto, but
as it required a two-thirds vote the motion did not carry.
On this vote the result was as follows :
Democrats for the bill 37
Democrats against the bill 125
Republicans for the bill 138
R(;publicans against the bill None.
The most important pension legislation enacted since
the Republicans lost control of Congress in 1874 was the
Dependent Pension bill, which was passed by the Re-
publicans when they again had control of Congress of
two years ago. This bill first came up in the Senate in
March, 1890, and passed by the following vote :
Democrats for the bill 10
Democrats againstthe bill 12
Republicans for the bill 32
Republicans against the bill None.
When this bill reached the House, it was taken up on a
motion to suspend the rules and pass the bill, but failed
for want of a two-thirds vote, the Democrats opposing it
in a body. A few days later it was called up again and
passed by the following vote :
Democrats for the bill 38
Democrats against the bill 71
Republicans for tlie bill 141
Republicans against the bill None.
The next pension measure of importance was the bill
pensioning prisoners of war, aud allowing them a per
diem of two dollars for every day that they were held as
prisoners of war. On this bill, which was taken up under
a motion to suspend the rules, the vote stood:
Democrats for the bill : 24
Democrats against the bill 78
Republicanslfor the bill 119
Republicans against the bill None.
177
And so it would be possible to go on indefinitely with
these official records showing the attitude of the two
parties on the pension question. A tabulation of the
votes cast on the important pension bills since the begin-
ning of the Forty-sixth Congress, omitting some of the
less important motions voted upon, gives the following
totals as shown by fourteen votes on various pension bills :
Democrats for the bills 501
Democrats against the bills 902
Republicans for the bills 1,291
Republicans against the bills 2
General Cutcheon, of Michigan, the gallant and dis-
tinguished Union officer and friend of the soldier, com-
menting upon these remarkable facts and figures in the
House of Representatives, said: "Mr. Speaker, I do not
think that any poor words of mine can add anything to
the force of these figures. They are the mute, dumb
mouths that speak louder and more eloquently than could
any human voice."
When to these remarkable figures is added the fact that
President Cleveland refused his approval to more than five
hundred individual pension bills, one can but think that
Senator Blackburn spoke by the card when he said : **We
do not intend to stop until we have stricken the last ves-
tige of your war measures from the statute books !"
A COWAED, OE WOESE.
To-day out of every $5 collected for the expenses of
Government two go to the support of veterans of the
Army and Navy that served in suppressing the rebellion,
and practically every dollar of this enormous pension fund
was appropriated under acts passed by the Republican
Party and opposed by the Democratic Party. The candi-
date of the Republican Party to-day is a man who organ-
ized a regiment from among his fellow-citizens and led it
bravely into battle ; a man whose military service won him
the praise of Sheridan and Grant. He faced the cannon's
mouth with calm and intrepid courage. In conflict he
moved wiiere the fight was hottest ; he asked no man to
go where he did not lead himself; he fared as his soldiers
fared ; he shared their afflictions and their sacrifices as now
he shares their undying glory. The candidate of the
Democratic party when the War broke out was a bachelor.
No claim of family or duty existed to be placed paramount
to the claim of his country. He did not volunteer; he
did not ask his friends and neighbors to go with him to
the front. He did nothing until he was drafted, and then
he paid S200 to another man and sent him off in his
stead. The war record of Grover Cleveland is the record
of a man who confessed himself a coward or a sympa-
thizer with the effort to break the Union into fragments.
In either view of his case, and without considering the
record he made as President in overruling the action of
('ongress with regard to pensions, is it possible that he
can receive the support of any American soldier ?
178
Stevenson's CoppERnEA.D Record.
Equally glaring is the contrast between the candidates
for the Vice Presidency. The Republican candidate voted
for John C. Fremont in 1856. As the boy editor of one of
the first Republican newspapers in Ohio, he was actually
the first writer in that State to advocate the nomination
of Lincoln in 1860. As the correspondent of a great Re-
publican journal, he was present in a score of battles,
where he both fought and wrote for the honor and ad-
vantage of his country. He is opposed to-day by a man
who, at that time, was a member of the Knights of the
Golden Circle, a secret society of traitors — a man who spent
his time haranguing his fellow-citizens in the effort to in-
duce them to refuse to defend the nation, and in de-
nouncing Abraham Lincola and the boys in blue — the one
as a tyrant, and the others as that tyrant's hirelings. Mr.
Stevenson now makes a feeble and very painful effort to
deny his record. But it is fastened on him by the testi-
mbny of hundreds who were then his neighbors and the
victims of his anonymous circulars threatening them with
death if they dared to speak or write, or act in defense of
the flag.
These men are now running on a platform which pre-
tends fair things for the veterans. But if they are elected
it will be by the votes of those eleven States which then
constituted the so-called Confederacy, as until now they
have constituted the Solid South. Not in that part of the
country at least, which is where their votes must come
from, are they making a soldiers' canvass. The kind of
speeches which are arousing their supporters to shouts of
enthusiasm and exultation is well illustrated by the speech
delivered on Monday, August 32d, 1892, in the City of
Fredericksburg, Virginia, "by E. E. Meredith, Congress-
man from the Eighth District of that State, and now a
candidate for re-election, and quoted as follows in the
" Fredericksburg Free Lance," a Democratic journal of
that city :
Southern Attacks on Pensioners.
"Three out of every four persons who now receive
pensions are not entitled to them, and the time will come,
if the Republicans retain power, when they will place
upon the pension list every man or woman who even
nursed a Union soldier. There are now on the pen-
sion rolls, and receiving- pay, twenty-five
thousand women, most of whom are Avithout
character."
This reference to the wives and mothers of Union sol-
diers is a characteristic and common occurrence in the
Democratic oratory and newspaper writing of the South.
As a further illustration of the kind of newspaper
articles which Southern Democratic editors are offering
to their readers as arguments why Grover Cleveland
should be elected President, it is worth while to quote
the following article as it appeared in full on August 17th,
1892, in the " Globe," a leading Democratic newspaper
published in Durham, N. C. : '
' ' Some of the Northern papers are howling about the
positive fact that Grover Cleveland hired a cheap man to
179
represent him when the North pillaged and plundered
and burned and ravished the South. There could not
be a better recomineiidatioii. The scamps at the
North who went into the War went in for fourteen dollars
a month, with an explicit understanding that they should
and could steal all that was in sight. Grover Cleveland
knew that the country would need his services in 1884
and again in 1892, and he did not propose to have his
body filled with Northern lead in order to give a Yankee
the chance to pick his pocket after he had been killed.
He simply did a good business job, as he did
when he slapped the dirty beggars called pen-
sioners in tlie face. Why should he, a statesman
and a man of his intellect, take the chance of war when
he could hire a cheap fellow to represent him ? "
The "Globe" regards that as one of the best things
Cleveland ever did. When the North had money ; had
credit and had the sympathy of the world, Cleveland
was for the South, which was impoverished. He fig-
ured it out that he could hire a cheaper man than he was.
All the North wanted was to call men out and have them
shot. Grant, at Shiloh, killed more men than the slaughter
houses of North Carolina have killed cattle in a month.
What did he care and what did the North care ? Nothing.
They employed speakers to get recruits, and paid them
wonderful salaries. Men who talked for recruits got a big
salary, and the poor devil whom they influenced got four-
teen dollars a month and a grave without a mark — got the
bill of fare which brought disease and killed 'em.
Cleveland, who was loyal to his country, saw that he
had better have a servant, so that he could do business
for his country when it wanted brains and ability instead
of brute force.
If Cleveland had fought he would have
been lowered in the estimation of the South.
He did not propose to use his skill in killing the boys of
the Southland. So he paid a lazy fellow, out of a job,
three hundred dollars to represent him on the field. He
knew the fellow could not kill any one, and in that way
he was a benefactor.
The Solid South owes a debt of gratitude to Grover
Cleveland.
Do the veteran soldiers and sailors of the United States
desire that men with the records of Grover Cleveland and
Adlai Stevenson, supported by those who, in Senator
331ackburn's language, would strike from the statute books
every vestige of our pension legislation, shall assume the
highest offices in this country ? Will it be representative
of the sentiment of any Union veteran that they are lifted
into place and power ? Do men of gallantry and patriot-
ism prefer such as they to those who shared a soldier's
hardships and a soldier's sense of duty ? Do Union vet-
erans wish another four years' pension vetoes, and of
jibes, and sneers, and thrusts at those who, in patriotic
anguish and patriotic ardor, sacrificed everything they
held dear and sacred— sacrificed wife, child, home, mother
— sacrificed fortune — sacrificed life — for the safety and the
honor of the country and flag !
180
THE FLAO ON THE HIGH SEAS.
Republican Legislation Has Assured
the Restoration of the Merchant
Marine.
DEMOCRATIC ATTEMPTS TO UNDO THE
GOOD WORK.
Two Hundred Millions May Be Saved.
The decline of American shipping on the high seas is a
fact generally recognized and deplored. Men differ re-
specting causes ^nd remedies, but they agree in regarding
the dependeucQ of the nation upon foreign flags for the
movement of its ocean traffic as alike discreditable and
dangerous. T^he question has its economic side. The ex-
ports and imports amounted durfng the last fiscal year to
$1,857,679,603; over $200,000,000 was paid to foreign
shipowners in freight charges ; and the country would
have been richer, not poorer, if a large share of the cost
of transportation had been received by American ship-
owners.
Then, too, the question has its patriotic side. A great
maritime nation needs a commercial marine quite as much
as it needs a navy. Dependence upon foreign flags must
always be a source of humiliation and reproach. Wherever
the responsibility for the decline of the shipping interests
lies, and whatever may be the best measures for restoring
the commercial marine, poor in spirit must be the Ameri-
can who does not long to see the flag again on the high
seas!
Why Has American Shipping Declined ?
A Democrat will say, "Because it has been protected
to death." If that be true, it is an extraordinary excep-
tion, for every other protected industry is alive and flour-
ishing. "But it is not true," a Republican will reply. "The
commercial marine has declined not in consequence of
Protection, but from lack of it. It is the only great indus-
trial interest which has been systematically neglected and
allowed to languish from sheer inanition." Who is right,
the Democrat or the Republican ? The history of Ameri-
can shipping will tell.
Among the first acts of the first American Congress was
one for the creation and protection of a commercial marine
by means of discriminating impost and tonnage dues.
The founders of the Republic regarded ships and ship-
yards as hardly less important than a Federal Constitution.
They enacted navigation laws for the protection of both
interests. The discrimination carried American ship-
owners into the carrying trade, and the Registry law se-
cufed the shipbuilder against foreign competition. Pro-
iftl
tective legislation had the desired effect. The tonnage
rose from 124,000 in 1789 to 529,500 in 1795. In 1810 it
had reached nearly 1,000,000 tons, and 93 per cent, of the
imports and 90 per cent, of the exports were carried in
American bottoms. Shipyards were multiplied all along
the Atlantic seaboard. American sails began to whiten
every sea. That was genuine Protection of shipping
interests, and it created a maritime nation with a navy as
well as a commercial marine.
The Neglect of Shipping Begins.
From 1815 to 1849 the discriminating duties and tonnage
dues in favor of American shipping were gradually re-
moved by the enactment of free freighting laws and the
negotiation of conventions with England and other
powers based upon the principle of equality of flags.
England was granted full reciprocity in our foreign trade,
^first, as to European traffic in 1815; secondly, as to
"colonial commerce in 1830, and, finally, as to the shipment
of cargoes from all ports of the world in 1849. The advo-
cates of these repeal measures justified them by asserting
that navigation should be as free as air; that all shackles
on commerce should be stricken off, and that everything
should be left to unrestricted competition. They boasted
of it as a free-trade movement, and so it was. It deprived
American shipowners of the Protection under which they
had prospered. From 1849, when the free-freighting
policy was consummated, the percentage of foreign trade
in American bottoms has steadily declined. From 1849
to 1853 foreign vessels enlarged their business 177 per
cent., and American vessels only 59 per cent.
Results of Unrestricted Competition.
During those four years British arrivals of tonnage in
our ports increased 70 per cent. That was the be-
ginning of the aggressive policy against American shipping
by which British supremacy was to be established. Since
1849 the American shipowner in foreign trade has been
without direct Protection. There has been unrestricted
competition in ocean freighting, and the foreign shipowner
has profited by it at the expense of the American ship-
owner. In 1810 about 90 per cent, of the exports were
carried in American bottoms ; in 1849 the percentage had
fallen to 69, and the shrinkage has continued until
to-day only 9 per cent, are under the flag. This
decline has gone on under any and every kind of
tariff. The greatest shrinkage in the American share
of. the carrying trade in any period of peace was
during the five years preceding the Civil War. That was
when the Democratic ideal of statesmanship, a low
revenue tariff, was in force. The shrinkage was 15 per
cent, under the precise conditions which the Democratic
party is now seeking to reproduce. From 1861 to 1866
the decline was 33 per cent., or only twice as great,
although English-built privateers were scuttling ships and
ruinous rates of insurance were driving the American
flag from the seas. As the American share of the carry-
ing trade' declined under a low tariff, so it has continued
to shrink, although less rapidly, under a high tariff, until
I8d
to-day only 13 per cent, of our foreign transportation is
in American bottoms.
Strangled by Fkee Fkeightinq.
Wlietber there has been a low tariff or a high tariff,
American shipping has not been in any sense a protected
industry under these conditions of free freighting. It
has been exposed to merciless competition from cheap-
labor countries which were doing everything in their
power to build up their merchant fleets while Americans
were systematically neglecting their shipping interests.
To-day there is a high tariff under which the money
invested and the labor employed in an American factory
is protected; but there is nothing in the system that
protects the money invested or the labor employed in an
American ship in the foreign trade. American shipping
protected to death ! Why, it is almost the only great in-
dustry of the country which has not been protected. It
has been strangled by free-trade freighting. So long as
the American carrying trade was protected it flourished ;
but as soon as there was equality of flags, and foreign
freighting was conducted under free-trade conditions, it
languished and declined.
Illusteation and Proof.
There is a very simple way of proving that the Republi-
can is right, and the Democrat wrong, in this matter :
There are two divisions of our commercial marine, one in
the foreign trade, and the other in coasting, lake and river
trade. Both divisions were protected by the navigation
laws enacted by the founders of the Republic. Protection
was withdrawn from American ships in foreign trade, and
the free carriage of freight on the high seas has been well
nigh monopolized by European shipowners. But the
laws excluding foreign ships from the coasting and
lake and river trade were not repealed. That
division of the commercial marine has been
protected to this day, and it has steadily prospered and
provided employment for American shipyards. The
coastwise trade had a registered tonnage of 2,704,544 in
1861 ; in 1890 it had risen to 3,409,435. On the great
lakes a magnificent fleet of even greater tonnage has been
built, and the cost of freight transportation has been
heavily reduced. The American tonnage pass-
ing throiigli the '*Soo'* Canal exceeds that
registered for all flags in the Suez Canal.
Great shipyards have been established in lake ports. The
American lake and river marine and the coasting service
is the best built and the largest in any internal waters in
the world. It has prospered under low and under high
tariffs. And why? Because it has never ceased
to have the protection of American law. Its
prosperity under Protection when contrasted with the
decline of the commercial marine in foreign trade
without Protection proves the whole case.
Plenty of Freights to Carry.
The Democrat will say that the coasting and river and
lake fleets have flourished because there are no restrictions
isa
i
on trade between the States of the Union ; and that the com-
mercial marine on the liigh seas has declined in prosperity
because a "Chinese Wall" has been built around the sea-
boards in a high tariff. That cannot be true. The
American carrying trade on the ocean suffered most
heavily under the low tariff enacted a few years before
the Civil War. That decline of fifteen per cent, between
1857 and 1861 shows that the Democracy cannot hope to
restore American shipping to the high seas by means of a
low tariff. Then, how absurd it is to talk of a
prohibitory "Chinese Wall" when the ex-
ports and imports amount to $1,857,679,-
G03!
There is trade enough to employ an enormous foreign
tonnage. If, in 1890, our tonnage in foreign trade was
928,000, whereas in 1810 it was 1.000,000, and if we were
carrying twelve per cent, of the freight instead of ninety
per cent., it was not because commerce had declined, nor
because we were willing to sell our products, but refused
to buy in exchange. The following table shows at a
glance that the percentage of free to dutiable goods has
steadily increased under a protective tariff.
Average Years. Free Goods. Dutiable Goods.
From 1847 to 1857 ., 12 88
" 1857 to 1861 22 78
McKinley Tariff, 1892 55.4 44.6
Protection Has Saved What There Is.
There is trade enough, and the restrictions on buying
have steadily diminished. Tiie trouble does not lie in the
tariff. Foreign shipowners have a magnificent volume of
business in our foreign trade. Our shipowners have a
beggarly share in it. The trade is there, but foreigners
have crowded us out of it and live and prosper at our ex-
pense. We do not have the ships and we are not in the
trade because Protection has been withdrawn from Ameri-
can shipping interests for forty years. The coasting and
river and lake fleets have prospered because they have
been protected by law. If tlmt trade had l)een opened to
foreign competition, Americans would have lost the
greater part of it. The lake fleet would have been under
the British flag. Foreign tramps would have been pick-
ing up freight along our seaboards, and we would have
had an inferior coasting fleet in place of the finest one in
the world. The shipbuilding industry would have been
utterly destroyed.
So much for causes ; what about remedies ? The
Democratic party has its shipping policy. The Republi-
can party has another and very different policy for
restoring the flag to the seas. Each line of action is
characteristic of the partv which proposes it. One policy
begins and ends with the repeal of an antiquated statute.
The other is grounded upon the practical experience of
maritime Europe during the last fifty years.
The Democratic Plan Is to Do Nothing.
Since the disappearance of the flag from the high seas
is a calamity and a disgrace affecting the interests and the
reputation of the American people, its restoration to its
184
rightful place is a question of high national policy. The
attitude of the Democratic party toward it is character-
istic. Always a party of obstruction, hostile to new ideas,
and, on general principles, opposed to legislation of crea-
tive tendencies, it exhausts its energies in at-
tempting to undo wliat has already been
done. With navigation bounties or liberal payments for
the ocean mails or the creation of an auxiliary navy, it
will have nothing to do. These are constructive policies
which it abhors. It looks upon the Protective Tariff as
the sum of all evils. Its leaders profess to believe that
when that is removed, root and branch, all things will be
fulfilled — the revival of American shipping among the
rest; but, being mindful of the unmistakable decline of
American water carriage under the last low tariff, they
do not stop with that. They point to the antiquated
statute limiting American registry to American-built ships,
and demand its repeal as the one thing needed for the
restoration of the flag to the seas. All the Democratic
leaders are committed to this policy of free
ships. They have made it the pretext for systematic op-
position to shipping bills. Their full party strength, with a
few notable exceptions, was thrown against the Bounty and
Ocean Mail Service bills in the last Republican Congress.
When they obtained control of the present House they
brought forward their alternative plan of providing the
country with a foreign-built merchant marine. The Fithian
bill, which was reported by the Democratic majority of the
House Committee on Commercial Marine and Fisheries,
was a measure for enabling Americans to purchase foreign-
built vessels and to run up the flag over them. It was
not passed, but was hung up for discussion during the
next session.
Ameeioans in the Old Days.
The navigation law, relating to American registry, was
not enacted for the protection of shipowners, but of ship-
builders. The patriotic legislators of the Inde-
pendence era insisted upon having a mer-
chant marine that was American from stem
to stern. They were not willing to have a merchant buy
a foreign ship, obtain a national registry for it, and then
enjoy the privileges of discriminating impost and ton-
nage dues. They protected the shipbuilder by limiting
the conditions of registry. So clearly was this under-
stood that, when flags were equalized between 1815 and
1849, the registry statute was not repealed, but was
allowed to remain for the protection of the shipyards.
.What the Democracy now aims to do is to remove that
safeguard. It is a characteristic policy. The Democracy
aspires to restore the flag to the ocean by striking down
the shipbuilders on land — to create one industry by de-
stroying another. It has even a more malignant purpose.
The merchant marine in foreign trade was paralyzed by
the withdrawal of Protection forty years ago. The mer-
chant marine in inland waters and in tlie coasting trade
remained American-built and American-manned, and pros-
pered. The policy office sliips involves inevi-
tably the employment of foreign-built vessels
in iuternal trade. If they are bought for foreign
185
service and are allowed American register, they will drift
into the coastwise and lake trade. The shipbuilding in-
terests of the seaboard aud tlie lakes will be irretrievably
ruined. An American-built marine will disappear from
the face of the earth.
First Cost Not the Main Question.
If American registry for foreign-built ships offered an
absolute guaranty of the creation of a merchant fleet for
foreign trade, these terrible risks of the destruction of
two established industries and a magnificent marine for
domestic trade might be regarded with some degree of
hardihood, but it is not. The Democratic leaders in the
Fithian bill are groping in tlie dark and grasping at a
flickering shadow. They assume that the difference in
the first cost of an American-built aud a foreign-built
ship is so great that competition is impracticable. What-
ever that difference may have been when British ship-
yards were first supplied with expensive plant and had
the advantage of skilled labor, it is now inconsiderable.
The building of a new navy has equipped
American yards with all tlie requisite ma-
chinery. Skilled mechanics are now employed ; the
iron and steel industries have been marvelously devel-
oped, and, if the labor be better paid here, the ship, when
built, is a better ship and will have a longer life. The
difference in cost is insignificant in comparison with the
difference in operating expenses in service.
That is one of the chief reasons for the decline of Ameri-
can shipping under pressure of foreign competition. The
advocates of free ships take no account of it. They as-
sume that every difficulty will be overcome and competi-
tion rendered practicable if foreign ships can be pur-
chased. They forget that American wages will have to be
paid to officers and crews, and that these will largely ex-
ceed the wages on competing European ships. The Am-
erican register will involve better food and a higher cost
of maintenance than on foreign ships. It is in these
respects that an American vessel owner has always re-
quired as much protection as the American factory owner,
and he has not received it, but been left to struggle help-
lessly against foreign rivals with cheaper labor and Gov-
ernment subsidies behind them. Free ships, even if they
cost a little less, will be operated as dearly as American-
built ships, and they will not last as long. The conditions
for successful competition will be as unfavorable as they
are now.
Free Ships a.n English Policy.
The Democratic policy of free ships is English in a'
double sense. Great Britain set the example of offering
registry to foreign ships in 1850, but not until she had ob-
tained a marked supremacy in shipbuilding and believed
that it was safe to do so. England also encourages
American free traders to persevere in their demand for free
sliips. That is natural. She is anxious to build and sell
ships to Americans, and strongly covets the privileges of
our coasting trade and a large share of our lake trade for
Canada. Her advice is not strictly benevolent respecting
free ships, and Americans ought to be warned
186
rather than influenced hy it. The Democratic
policy is English, but it is not American. The leccislators
of the Kevolutionary era were wise as well as patriotic
when they protected alike the shipowning and the ship-
building interests. Each of 'those interests is bound up in
the other. Neither can tlirive without the other. The free
ship movement would ruin the shipbuilder, and not restore
the flag to the ocean. It would menace the magnificent
coasting and lake marine with ruin. It would overwhelm
the nation with repioach and dishonor.
Republican Policies Businesslike and Effective.
The Republican policy does not begin with the abroga-
tion of time-honored safeguards for the protection of
American shipbuilding and internal and coastwise com-
merce. Since it is no longer practicable to protect the
merchant fleet on the ocean by discriminating impost and
tonnage dues, it substitutes for them methods which have
received the sanction of maritime Europe. It aims to re-
store the flag to the seas by liberal payments for the
transportation of foreign mails, by the creation of an
auxiliary navy of high speed and by navigation bounties,
if need be. An appropriation of $800,000 for ocean mail
service marked the beginning of this policy. A Demo-
cratic Postmaster-General found this law among the
statutes of Republican legislation, and he refused to exe-
cute it, thereby defrauding American steamship lines out
of what lawfully belonged to them. The Republican
Senate in 1890 passed a Navigation Bounty and an Ocean
Mail Service Act over the votes of all the Democratic
members with a single exception. Both measures met with
determined opposition from the Democratic minority in
the House during the following year. The Bounty bill
was defeated by a close vote, but the Ocean Mail bill was
enacted with 136 Republicans and 3 Democrats voting
for it, and 115 Democrats and 5 Republicans against it.
This measure would have resulted in immense benefit to
the commercial marine if the subventions to ships had
not been reduced in the House one-third.
Signs of a Foreign Marine at Last.
Although the efficiency of the act was greatly impaired
by this horizontal cut in the postal subsidies, it has not
been without its effect. As many as five new lines of
American ships are to be established in Southern trade.
As many as twenty-six new steamships with an aggregate
tonnage of 150,000 will be added to the American mer-
chant fleet. Willie these results are to be
credited jointly to the Reciprocity policy
an€l to the Ocean Mail hill, the approaching
transfer of the Jnnian Line with the two
fastest ships afloat to the American flag is to
be attributed to the Influence of the shipping-
legislation of the last Kepublican Congress.
American registry has been properly granted to these
two ships since the necessities of naval policy, as illus-
trated during the Chilian complications, required the
immediate creation of an auxiliary fleet of high speed.
But this departure from the registry practice, while made
187
tinder exceptional circumstances, has not been at the ex-
pense of American sliipbuilders. Two new ships
of the same tonnage will he huilt in
American shipyards, and a trans-Atlantic liner of
the first class will be under the American flag. All
these vessels, as well as the new ships building for the
Southern trade, will be available for the purposes of a
naval reserve. A beginning at least has been made
toward the revival of American shipping interests, and
President Harrison is to be credited with leadership in
the movement. In his messages and in many
of his puhlic addresses East, West and Soutli,
he has advocated the restoration of the flag
to the ocean hy the payment of hounties, suh-
sidies and a liberal mail service. With the
single exception of Senator Frye, he has done more
than any other American statesman to arouse public
interest in this great national question.
The Lessons of Expeeienoe.
The Republican shipping policy is American since it
aims to restore the maritime supremacy of the naf.on.
But it has received the sanction of all the European
Powers of the first rank. England's commercial suprem-
acy was established by steamship subsidies and liberal
payments for mail service. That policy was adopted in
1835, and involved the organization and maintenance
of great steam lines on all the chief routes of ocean
traffic now followed. It has cost England
$250,000,000 in mail subventions of
various kinds, and it is worth all that has been
paid, for maritime energy has been accompanied by
a tremendous expansion of trade. Germany has pur-
sued the same course during recent years and has
enlarged her commercial empire. France and Italy have
been paying bounties and subsidies for the last decade
both to shipowners and shipbuilders. Spain grants an
annual subsidy of $1,242,800 to a line which preys upon
the business of American steamships in the West Indies,
Mexico and Venezuela. Even Chili has a powerful
national line under a subvention from the Government —
an available naval reserve in time of war. Alone among
nations the United States has persisted in neglecting its
shipping interests while its European rivals have been
competing with unexampled vigor for maritime su-
premacy.
A Baeken Policy.
A strange spectacle it has been — the richest and most
prosperous nation on earth saving its pennies in ocean
mail contracts and flinging away its millions in ocean
freightage to aliens! In one of President Cleveland's
years the amount paid to American vessels for mail car-
riage was $43,319. Even in 1889 the American lines
received only $109,828— barely more than a quarter of the
receipts of foreign lines from the American Government
for the same service. This barren policy has been in force
when the actual cost of the ocean mail service has been
25 per cent, of the revenues derived from foreign postage.
The richest country on earth, while making money on
188
foreign postage, has been too poof to do anything for its
shipping ! It has been content to have its mails carried by
foreigners at the lowest cost I But, meanwhile, free-trade
England has never relaxed its policy of aiding its com-
mercial marine. In 1889, when the United States was
doling out $109,828 to American lines, England paid
$3,184,425 for its foreign mail service ; and there was never
a free-trade outcry against subsidies ! That was a goodly
sum, but it was barely one-half of what was paid when its
fleet was to be built up at the expense of American ship-
ping interests which had been paralyzed by the withdrawal
of Protection, harassed by hostile discriminations from
the British Lloyds, embarrassed by the substitution of
iron for wood in shipbuilding, and finally shattered and
destroyed by underwriters' risks and piratical raids in
war time.
A New Era of Kestoeation.
From 1835 England has never swerved from the policy
of aiding its commercial marine by generous payments for
mail service. That has been its method of protecting and
developing its merchant fleet under free-trade conditions
of freighting. Americans made a spasmodic attempt in
President Pierce's time to imitate the policy by payments -
for mail service, amounting in one year to $2,000,000 — a
Democratic tradition which free traders have put out of
mind; but during recent years compensation for mail car-
riage has hardly suflBced to keep a steamer's engines thor-
oughly oiled.
Under these conditions the cause for wonder is not that
American shipping has reached its present stage of decad-
ence, but that there is anything left that can be recog-
nized as a remnant oif its former glory and prosperity.
Republican policy points to a new era of restoration. The
building of the new navy, the development of the iron
and steel industry, the negotiation of the Reciprocity
treaties, the marvelous expansion of the nation's foreign
commerce, and the great markets opened abroad for
American farm products and manufactures, offer an op.
portunity for the creation of a new and powerful merchant
marine. The American flag has not been furled on the
ocean. The Republican party has run it up to the mast-
head and will keep it there.
Pay Tribute First to Ourselves.
{Malone, August 2G, 1892.)
And I take great delight in the contemplation of the
fact, which I believe is now assured, that, before another
year has rolled around, one of the swiftest and best of all
the great lines of steamships that go out of the port of
New York will bear the American tlag at the fore, and the
tribute we have paid to foreign nations in the way of
freight charges I believe will speedily, in a large measure,
be abrogated forever. These great stores of agricultural
products which we pour out from our granaries to feed
the nations of Europe should, and I believe speedily will,
be delivered at the Port of Liverpool in American bot
toms.
. —BENJAMIN HARRISON.
THE iNTER-OCEANIO CANAL POLICY.
The Republicans Have One and tlie
Democrats Notliing But
Sounding Phrases.
THE MONROE DOCTRINE AND THE
NICARAGUA CANAL.
Commercial and Military Reasons.
The Flag Oyer the Canal.
The Democratic party, when forced to break silence on
any question of National interest, invariably strikes an
attitude without committing itself unreservedly to the
policy and all that is implied. Its official utterances re-
specting the Nicaragua Canal are characteristic. It is
compelled, by the progressive tendencies of Republican
policy and by the movement of enlightened public opinion,
to say something about an enterprise which commands
public sympathy on the Atlantic and Pacific seaboards,
the Gulf Coast, and the Mississippi Valley. The Chicago
Platform accordingly declares that " for purposes of
National defence and the promotion of commerce between
the States, we recognize the early construction of the
Nicaragua Canal audits protection against foreign control
as of great importance to the United States.
Democratic Vaporing.
This is cartilage without bone. It is a vapid generali-
zation to assume that the opening of an interoceanic
waterway and its protection against foreign control are
matters of importance. The Democratic party stops
short of assuming the responsibility of declaring that the
canal shall be under American control. That required
grit, patriotism and lucidity of intelligence. The Demo-
cratic party is not conspicuous for any of these qualities.
Timorous Democratic Diplomacy.
In its reluctance to take an uncompromising stand on
this question, the Democratic party was influenced by the
traditions of its timorous canal diplomacy in an earlier
generation. When the Nicaragua project was proposed,
a crowning opportunity was offered of making an intelli-
gible application of the Monroe doctrine. In the tangled
skein of inexplicable diplomacy, beginning with the nego-
tiation of the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, and dragging
through the Pierce and Buclianan Administrations, the
United States Government was duped and overreached.
The Monroe doctrine was fatally compromised when
Great Britaui was admitted to an equal share in the pro-
tectorate of any canal which might be constructed across
Central America. In return for this concession, which
190
ought never to have been mode, a series of promises were
secured which have never been fulfilled to this day.
British claims to sovereignty over the coasts of Nicaragua
and Honduras were nominally withdrawn. The condi-
tions upon which the dual protectorate were grounded
have been persistently violated both in Belize and in the
Mosquito reservation.
Protests Mean Nothing.
It \b in the old-time spirit of vacillation and cowardice
that the Democratic party returns to the subject of the
interoceauic canal. It contents itself with a mild protest
against foreign control of the waterway. That does not
amount to anything. The neutralization of the waters
and the defence of the proposed canal must be guaranteed
by some great power. If the conditions of military and
naval defence involve the construction of the canal, for-
eign control must be rigorously prevented. The only
practical method of acconiplishing this object is the estab-
lishment of American control of the canal. The way to
control the canal is to control it.
Repttblioan Policy Uncompromising.
The Republican party recognizes this obligation without
equivocation and reserve. In its National Platform of
this year is this explicit declaration: *'The construction
of the Nicaragua Canal is of the highest importance to
the American people, both as a measure of national defence
and to build up and maintain American commerce, and
it should be controlled by the United States Govern-
ment." That is a canal policy which has in it the ster-
ling ring of the Monroe doctrine.
The Nioaragtia Project.
Among the projects of connecting the two oceans, tlie
Nicaragua Canal has always been favored by American
engineers as the only practicable one. It has been under-
taken by an American corporation, and the work is now
in progress after tlie completion of thorough and scientific
surveys, which were neglected by the French at Panama.
Of the scheme, as a whole, it may be stated that Nature
has done a large part of the work of connecting the oceans,
and has greatly facilitated what remains to be finished by
human effort.
"With and Not Against Nature.
At Panama the engineers were working against Nature^
There were mountains to be pierced and brought down to
sea level ; there were floods to be regulated without suffi-
cient area for reservoirs ; there was a deadly climate, and
there were no winds in the Bay of Panama to carry sailing
vessels out into the Pacific from the proposed canal. In
Nicaragua the engineers are working with Nature. Lake
Nicaragua is within 17 miles of the Pacific, and the
San Juan River is a natural ship channel for 64^^ miles, or
within 31^ miles of the Caribbean Sea. There are three
natural basins of large area, which can be flooded during
m
the rainy peasoii without injury to the Canal. There is
only one great rock cut, and that is insignificant in com-
parison with the Isthmus mountains. Tliere is a climate
favorable for the construction of a work of the first mag-
nitude. There are trade winds which will blow sailing
vessels into the Canal from either end without risk of their
being becalmed for weeks at the other end. Nature is the
friend and ally of the Nicaragua project, and not its ir-
reconcilable foe.
Proposals for a Gitaeantee.
The conditions for the construction of this waterway
are so markedly favorable, and the advantages to be de-
rived from its completion, both in a commercial and a
military sense, are so apparent, that President Harrison,
in his messages, has taken very strong ground in favor of
the work. The Senate Committee on Foreign Relations,
after a thorough investigation of the subject, reported,
in 1891, a bill embodying a Goverment guarantee of $100,-
000,000 for the enterprise. This measure was debated
with great spirit and intelligence, but no vote upon it was
reached. The strongest argument for a Government
guarantee is that it will settle the question of American
control of the Canal. If the credit of the United States
be employed for facilitating and cheapening the construc-
tion of this great work, and for securing low tolls after
its completion, all diplomatic controversies will be rapidly
adjusted.
The Clayton-Bulwer Convention.
The circuit of canal diplomacy will never be complete
until the Clayton-Bulwer treaty is abrogated. That anti-
quated convention, which has never served any useful
purpose, will always remain a source of embarrassment
to the State Department. The present guardianship of
the Mosquito reservation by Great Britain under a de-
cision rendered by the Emperor of Austria is a sufllicient
warrant for the withdrawal of the United States from that
treaty. The conversion of Belize into a Crown colony
has been as clear a repudiation of the English covenant
upon which the joint protectorate was based. Every
prohibition of the right of the United States to exercise
practical control over the canal, and also to fortify and
garrison islands in the lake near San Carlos, ought to be
removed by the cancellation of the Treaty.
American Control Necessary.
American control will be necessary, because the San
Juan River, when converted into a ship channel, will re-
main the boundary between two rival States, which have
been strongly intiuenced by resentments and jealousies
for several generations. The United States Government
is the only one which can properly be depended upon to
induce these States to cease wrangling over their frontiers
and to maintain friendly relations with each other in tlie
interests of the world's commerce. American control is
indispensable from this point of view. A joint Protec-
torate would be an interminable source of international
strife and intrigue. While disclaiming any desire to make
acquisitions of territory in Central America, the United
States can justly claim and secure the right of fortifying
the canal, either at the ends or in the middle, and of de-
fending the approaches by naval force. This is what
American control will involve, whether it be grounded
upon a Government guarantee or upon an exclusively
Ameiican investment.
Commercial and Military Reasons.
The completion of the Nicaragua Canal will virtiially
bring the Atlantic and Gulf seaboards into direct com-
munication with the Pacific. It will offer a magnificent
opening for the expansion of American commerce with
the west coast of this continent below California, and
with China, Japan and Australia. On this ground an
American policy respecting this waterway is urgently re-
quired. Even more imperative is the consideration that
the Canal will bring the Atlantic and Pacific seaboards
into close relations for purposes of military and naval de-
fence. That involves the necessity of American control
of the waterway.
England's Line of Foeteesses.
From Halifax to Bermuda, and thence to Kingston and
St. Lucia, England has established, during the last twenty-
five years, a line of impregnable naval stations and dock-
yards where ships can be repaired and coaled and military
garrisons marshaled into an aggressive army. Two of
these fortresses command the approaches to the Nicaragua
and Panama Canal routes. With this menacing line of
naval stations on the Atlantic side, it is only prudent for
Americans to take the strongest possible ground respect-
ing the control and defence of any interoceanic canal
which maybe opened on this continent. The Democratic
party, witli characteristic lack of courage, evades the
responsibility of declaring that the United States ought
to be armed with the exclusive ri^ht of protecting the
Canal. Tlie Republican party, loyal to its traditions and
true to its instincts, proclaims an American Canal policy
that is strong, positive and grounded upon enlightened
self-interest.
Naval Interests Involved.
Secretary Tracy has shown in one of his reports how
great a saving would be eftected in naval expenditures by
the opening of the Canal. With the waterway com-
pleted, the naval forces on the opposite seaboards could
be readily concentrated in an emergency like that of the
recent Chilian complications. But, in order that the Canal
should be open at such times to vessels of war, it would
be necessary to have it under American control, just as
the Suez Canal was virtually under British control in the
Gladstone Government's operations against Egypt.
President Harrison's Strong Views.
President Harrison has advocated the construction of
the canal under a Government guarantee on commercial
193
as well as military grounds. *' I deem it," he has said in
his third message, '' to be a matter of the higliest concern
to the United States that this Canal should be speedily
constructed, and at the smallest practicable limit of cost.
The gain in freights to the people, and the direct saving
to the Government of the United States in the use of its
naval vessels, would pay the entire cost of this work
within a short series of years. * * * j most sincerely
hope that neither party nor sectional lines will be drawn
upon this great American project, so full of interest to the
people of all our States, and so influential in its effects
upon the prestige and prosperity of our common
country."
A Resolute Canal Policy.
Unless the French company can succeed in its desper-
ate attempt to raise $100,000,000 for the completion of the
Panama Canal, the Colombian Government will take pos-
session of what remains of that financial wreck early in
1893. That project will then be in the market for the
highest bidder from London or Berlin, If work in Central
America goes on without interruption the Panama Canal
will be abandoned. Americans have the commanding
opportunity of completing the waterway in Nicaragua. It
will be a great work for the commerce and civilization of
the world. The responsibility of protecting that water-
way is one which cannot be divided with any European
power. It must be under American control. There must
be no compromise of the Monroe doctrine. That is the
principle to which the Republican Party is committed
most positively by the Platform of 1892. As for the
Democracy, it has its attitude and its empty phrases, but
no real and enduring Canal policy.
It Will Win.
The Republican party has always fought its battles
single-handed against great odds, and now, with princi-
ples untarnished and courage undaunted, it will again
triumph over the combined force of all its foes.
— JA3IE8 G. 13I.AINE.
Social Conditions in Free Trade England,
The class of agricultural laborers of this country are
never able to do more than make both ends meet, and
have to look forward, in time of illness or on the approach
of old age, to the workhouse as the one inevitable refuge
against starvation. * * * Children are stunted in their
growth and dulled in their intellects for want of proper
nourishment and proper food. The houses of the poor
are so scanty ^and so ineflicient that the most horrible im-
morality prevails, which seldom comes to the surface,
but which is known to all those who move among the
poor, while the ordinary conditions of life among the
large proportion of the population are siu;li that common
decency is absolutely impossible ; and all this goes on in
sight of the mansions of Ihe rich. * * * Private charity
of all forms and religious organizations can do nothing to
remedy the evils which are so deep set in our social sys-
tem.—THE KlGllT HON. JOSEPH CHAM-
BE111.A1N.
194
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196
FOR HONEST ELECTIONS.
Every Man to Haye One Vote and
that Vote to be Duly Counted.
DEMOCRACY'S RECORD OF GENERAL
FRAUD.
A Non-Partisan Commission.
No serious person will question the statement of fact
tliat elections are not in all parts of this country, surely,
certainly, and unfailingly conducted with fairness. None
will question that there is an electoral disease. None will
deny that in certain States electoral frauds of one kind
and another are resorted to constantly and systematically.
Nor will any deny that the foundation principle of our
form of government is the equality of the citizens at the
ballot box. If by artifices, even legal in character, one
man is permitted to count more than another when he
comes to cast his vote, a wrong is committed which, in
our country at least, has all the qualities of high treason.
The Republican party holds nothing so dear as free and
fair elections. The tariff, currency, reciprocity — all are
minor issues compared with that of a free ballot and a fair
count. If the suffrage is tainted all is tainted. If men
go to Congress who have no business there ; if men are
put into State Legislatures, there to vote for United States
Senators, without the right to sit in such Legislatures,
every elector throughout the Union is denied his equal and
proportionate influence in the determination of public
questions.
To Republicans it seems as if it ought not to be neces-
sary to argue these matters ; it seems as if the equality of
the suffrage, its purity, its freedom from all force and
fraud — ought to be so dear a principle to every American
heart as that all measures for the reformation of electoral
methods would be disQussed and determined without the
slightest reference to their effect on partisan majorities.
The idea that any American party can afford to array
itself on the side of dishonest elections— that any party can
afford to defend electoral crime — certainly ought to be
repulsive to every true American.
Demooeatio Feauds on the Ballot.
And yet we see the Democratic party in almost every
State the persistent opponent of ballot reform ; the apolo-
gist of electoral crime ; the beneficiary of all sorts of
electoral misdemeanors, and in many cases the author of
laws intended to render easy and safe the perpetration of
outrages at the polls. That these things are true in many
Southern States is a matter of common notoriety, but the
197
extent to which this tendency has taken possession of the
])emocratic party everywhere few people realize. By a
series of gigantic frauds the Democratic party of the State
of New York in the fall of 1891 stole the Legislature.
Their State Board of Canvassers openly and deliberately
defied the judgments of the Court of Appeals, five mem-
bers of whom o\it of seven were themselves Democrats.
Certificates of election were given to persons who were
not only not elected, but who were declared by the Court
of Appeals to be not elected. The Legislature thus organ-
ized passed a series of laws intended to promote frauds at
the ballot box. They placed the electoral machinery of
the City of New York in the hands of Tammany Hall
absolutely, a'nd by a dozen charter amendments affecting
as many different cities they gave over similar machinery
to individual Democratic officials, such as mayors and
police commissioners. The rights of the minority, and,
in many cases, of the majority, were overthrown and
trampled upon.
Ckies of "Force Bill!"
These are illustrations of the extent to which the Demo-
cratic party is going in its criminal conspiracies against
the ballot; and, when a Republican protests, it is thought
a sufficient answer to yell "Force Bill !" If a Republican
says that ballots ought to be freely cast and fairly counted,
liis Democratic neighbor shrieks "Force Bill." If a Repub-
lican says that one man's influence in public affairs ought
to be equal to every other man's, he is at once accused of
talking in favor of Federal bayonets and centralization.
He is accused of aiming to control the election of Con-
gressmen from Washington, and of seeking to undermine
local self-government.
What the Elections Bill Peovided.
All such charges are utterly baseless. The Elections
bill of the Fifty-first Congress was no more a "Force
Bill" than are the Ten Commandments. It simply re-
cited a number of acts which all intelligent persons admit
to be criminal in their nature, and it said that these acts
must not be committed under penalties of fine and im-
prisonment, to be adjudged in the courts of law through
the ordinary machinery by which judicial judgments are
obtained and enforced. Not a line or a word suggested
Federal bayonets or the use of any other mode of pre-
vention or punishment than those everywhere in use to
sustain the criminal statutes.
It made false registration a crime.
It made unlawful interference with registration a crime.
It made willfully keeping any false poll list, or know-
ingly entering false names or false statements thereon, a
crime.
It made the giving or receiving of a bribe to induce a
person to vote or refrain from voting a crime.
It required the ballot box to be placed in plain sight of
the voters, and in such a position as to enable the election
officers, National and State, and the voter when voting, to
see that tlie ballot was placed in the box.
It made the willful rejection of legal votes a crime.
198
It made the willful acceptance of illegal votes a crime.
It made the fraudulent substitution of one ballot for
another, for the purpose of having the vote rejected, and
for the purpose of having it counted for a person other
than the voter intended, a crime.
It made the willfully placing of ballots not lawfully cast
in any ballot box among ballots lawfully cast for the pur^
pose of changing the result, a crime.
It made the unlawfully removing of ballots from a bal.
lot box, lawfully cast, for the purpose of affecting the re.
suit of the election, a crime.
It made the willful false canvass of votes, or the false
certification of such a vote, a crime.
It made it a crime for every officer charged with a duty
under the law to willfully neglect to perform such duty, or
to be guilty of any corrupt or fraudulent conduct of prac-
tice in its execution.
It made false swearing, in matters pertaining to Con-
gressional election, perjury.
It made stealing the ballot box, or the ballots, a felony.
It provided just punishment, by fine or imprisonment,
or both, for each of these crimes against a government by
the people through manhood suffrage.
This was the bill. ^ There was not a section, line, or syl-
lable in it, besides this, more than was necessary to enforce
with certainty these provisions.
A Non-Paetisan Commission.
In pursuance of their general policy of misrepresenta-
tion, the Democrats have given to tliis bill in many
quarters the reputation of a "force bill." Except in so
far as it enjoined admittedly righteous conduct upon all
people, and forbids them from admittedly unrighteous
conduct, it is as innocent of force as a proverb.
The Republican party, however, is in no sense com-
mitted to this bill, or to any other particular method of
curing the evil of dishonest elections. The President, in
messages to Congress, and in his letter of acceptance, has
suggested the appointment of a non-partisan commission
to take into consideration the whole subject of electoral
laws, and to arrange a system which can be open to no
party misrepresentation for the accomplishment of results
which all honorable citizens must concede to be wise and
necessary. The Republican party asks nothing except
that the ballot shall be everywhere maintained in its
purity, let the result on election day be whatever it will.
199
CLEVELAND'S LABOR RECORD.
He Has Written Himself the Relent-
less Enemy of AH Labor
Reforms.
A FULL AND CORRECT LIST OF HIS
LABOR YETOES.
They Include the Anti-Convict Labor Bill, the Mechanics'
Lien Law, the Life and Limb Bill, the Tenement
House Cigar Bill, the Five-Cent Fare
Bill, and the Child's Labor Bill.
Cleveland, the Convict Labok Candidate.
In tlie Democratic platform, adopted at Chicfigo, occurs
the following : "We denounce the McKinley Tariff law,
enacted by the Fifty-first Congress. * * * and we
promise its repeal as one of the beneficent results
that will follow the action of the people in entrusting
power to the Democratic party."
The McKinley Bill Prevents the Product of Convict
Labor from Entering This Country.
The Fifty-first Section of the present Republican Tariff,
known as the McKinley Law, provides as follows :
" Sec. 51. Tliat all goods, wares, articles of merchan-
dise, manufactured wholly or in part in any foreign
country by convict la])or shall not be entitled
to entry at any of lue ports of the United States, and
the importation thereof is hereby prohibited, and
the Secretary of the Treasury is authorized to prescribe
sucli regulations as may be necessary for the enforcement
of this provision."
Under the direction of this statute, no article is admit-
ted into this country without a sworn statement from the
shipper and the importer that it is not the product of con-
vict labor. ■ This is a part of the law which the Demo-
cratic platform declares will be repealed in case power is
entrusted to the Democratic Party.
Cleveland, the Convict-Labor Candidate.
If it is argued that the Democratic attack upon the Mc-
Kinley law is not aimed at this particular section, the an-
swer is that Mr. Cleveland, as President of the United
States, has already committed himself to the
policy of employiiif^r convicts in Oovernment
works, and of deriving Government revenue from their
labor in direct competition with free labor.
200
Not only would Mr. Clevelantl admit the product of
foreign convict labor, but he would employ a'l the con-
victs in Federal prisons in industrial pursuits, and would
have the Government make money out of their work.
In his annual message, dated December Gth, 188G, Mr.
Cleveland, referring to the construction of penitentiaries
for the confinemennt of all prisoners convicted and sen-
tenced in United States Courts, says :
" Upon consideration of this subject it might be wise
to erect more than one of these institutions located at
such places as would best subserve the purposes of busi-
nesss and economy in transportation. The considerable
cost of maintaining these convicts, as at present, in State
institutions would be saved by the adoption of the plan
proposed; and, by employing them in the niami-
factiire of such articles as were needed lor
use by the Government, quite a larj?e pecun-
iary benefit would be realized in partial re-
turn for our outlay."
Cleveland's Peesistent Hostility to Labor Reforms.
Not only by this ugly recommendation, but by actually
twice preventing the full enactment of anti-convict labor
laws, has Mr. Cleveland demonstrated his desire to utilize
prison labor in competition with the labor of freemen.
In 1886, and again in 1888, he killed by " pocket vetoes "
Acts of Congress forbidding the use by the Government
of the product of convict labor. This law became opera-
tive only when Cleveland was defeated, and General
Harrison became President. Then it was promptly
signed.
The following is an itemized record of Cleveland's acts
in opposition to labor reforms :
While Governor of New York :
He vetoed the mechanics' lien law bill, making
the wages of workingmen engaged in the construction of
buildings a first mortgage on the property.
He vetoed the life and limb bill, making employers
responsible for accidents happening from imperfect ma-
chinery or inferior construction of buildings.
He vetoed the tenement house cigar bill, for-
bidding the manufacture of cigars in tenement houses.
He vetoed the bill compelling the elevated roads of
New York City to charge only 5 cents fare.
He vetoed the printers' bill, requiring all the
State printing to be done by union working-
men.
He vetoed the bill making ten hours a legal day's
work for all street-car employees.
He vetoed the bill abolishing convict labor in
prisons, although this proposition when submitted to
the popular vote of the people was carried by a majority
of 60,000.
He vetoed the child-labor bill providing for the in-
spection of factories where children were .employed, and
prohibiting the employment of children under fourteen
years of age.
201 ■
He signed the bill compelling the stationary engineers
of New York City to pay a tax of $2 per year to
the Police Pension Fund or be debarred from following
their vocation.
He signed the bill reducing the fees of the
New York Harbor pilots, which bill benefited only
the foreign steamship monopolies.
While President of the United States :
He killed by a "pocket veto" the Arbitration
bill, compelling the reference to impartial arbiters of
labor controversies in certain contingencies.
He killed by a " pocket veto" the Anti-Convict
Labor bill of 1886, and also that of 1888, forbidding
the use by Government officials of any merchandise the
product of convict labor.
And, in his message of December 6, 1886, he recom-
mended the employment of all Federal con-
victs in manufacturing pursuits in Federal prisons and
the use by the Government of the product of their
labor.
Will Honest Woekingmen Vote to Bring Their Labor
Into Competition with That of Convicts ?
Grover Cleveland has thus written himself the Convict-
Labor Candidate. There is no mistaking his intention or
that of his party. The Democrats will repeal the Mc-
Kinley bill if it is entrusted with power. The product of
foreign convict labor will then come into our ports freely,
and prisons will be built by the Federal Government,
while convicts will be employed in the manufacturing
industries, the Government realizing the profits of their
labor.
Do the workingmen of the United States desire to have
this programme carried out ? If they do, they will vote
for Cleveland and Stevenson, the convict-labor candidates
on a convict-labor platform ; if they do not, they will vote
for Harrison and Reid, and they will sustain the Repub-
lican law which forbids the entry of the products of con-
vict labor in competition with the production of American
citizens.
Presidents and Vice-Presidents.
Presidents.
Vice-Presidents.
Term of Office.
George Washington.
John Adams
John Adams
1789 1797
Thomas Jefferson . . .
Aaron Burr
George Clinton
George Clinton
Elbridge Gerry
Daniel D. Tompkins.
JohnC. Calhoun....
John C. Calhoun...
Martin Van Buren ..
Richard M. Johnson.
John Tyler
1797 1801
Thomas Jefferson. . .
Thomas Jefferson. . .
James Madison
James Madison
James Monroe
Jolin Q. Adams
Andrew Jaclison....
Andrew Jackson ...
Martin Van Buren ..
William Henry Har-
rison
1801-1805.
1805-1809.
1809-181 i.
1813-1817.
1817-1825.
18:25-1829.
1829-1833.
18;i3-1837.
1837-184J.
1841-1 month.
John Tyler
1841-1845—3 years 11 mos.
1845-1849.
1849-1 year 4 months.
1849-1853—2 years 8 mos.
1853-1857.
1857-1861.
1861-1865.
1865-1 month.
1865-1869—3 years 11 mos
1869-1873.
1873-1877.
1877-1881.
1881-61,^ months.
3 yeai-s 5]^ months.
1885-1889.
1889 .
James K. Polk
Zachary Taylor
Millard Fillmore ....
George M. Dallas. . . .
Millard Fillmore....
Franklin Pierce
James Buchanan...
Abraham Lincoln.. . .
Abraham Lincoln.. . .
A ndrew Johnson
William B. King . . .
J. C. Breckenridge ..
Hannibal Hamlin....
Andrew Johnson ...
Ulysses S. Grant....
Ulysses S. Grant....
Rutherford B. Hayes
James A. Garfield...
Chester A. Arthur . .
Schuyler Colfax
Henry Wilson
William A. Wheeler.
Chester A. Arthur..
Grover Cleveland.. . .
Benjamin Harrison.
T. A. Hendricks
Levi P.Morton
Popular Vote for President.
1880.
1884.
1888.
States.
la
It
S5
O
It
it
5
Alabama ....
56,221
91,185
59,591
93,951
56,197
117,320
Arkansas.. ..
42,436
60,775
50,895
72,927
58,752
85,962
California...
80,348
80,426
102,416
89,288
124,816
117,729
Colorado ....
27,450
24,647
36,290
27,723
50,774
37,507
Connecticut-
67,071
64,415
65,923
67,199
74,584
74.920
Delaware....
14,133
15,275
12,951
16,964
12,973
16,414
Florida
23,654
27,964
28,031
31,766
26,657
39,561
Georgia
54,086
102,470
48,603
94,667
40,496
100,499
Illinois
318,037
277,321
337,474
312,355
370,473
348,278
Indiana
232,164
225,522
238,463
244,990
263,361
261,013
183,927
121,549
105,845
59,801
197,089
. 154,406
177,316
211,598
182,904
179,877
102,745
Kansas
90,132
Kentucky....
106,306
149,068
118,122
152,961
155,134
183,800
Louisiana....
38,637
65,067
46,347
62,540
30,484
85,a32
Maine
74,039
65,171
72,209
52,140
73,734
50,481
Maryland.. ..
78,515
93,706
85,699
96,932
99,986
106,168
Mass
165,205
111,960
146,724
122,481
183,892
151,855
Miclilgan ....
185,341
131,594
192,669
149,835
236,387
213,469
Minnesota...
93,902
53,315
111,923
70,144
142,492
104,;385
Mississippi.. .
34,854
75,750
43.509
76,510
30,096
85,471
Missouri
153,.567
208,609
202,929
235,988
236,257
261,974
Nebraska —
54.979
28,523
76,912
54,391
108,425
80,552
Nevada
8,732
9,613
7,193
5,578
7,229
5,326
N. Hampshire
44.852
40,794
43,249
39,183
45,724
43,382
New Jersey. .
120,555
122,565
123,440
127,798
144,344
151,493
New York....
555,544
534,511
562,005
563,154
648,759
635,757
N. Carolina ..
115,874
124.208
125,068
142,952
134,784
147,902
Otilo
375,048
340,821
400,082
368,280
416,054
396,455
Oregon
20,619
19,948
26,860
24,604
33,291
26,522
Pennsylva'ia
444,704
407,428
473,804
392,785
526,091
446,633
Ehode Island
18,195
20,779
19,030
12,391
21,968
17,530
S. Carolina..
58,071
112,312
21,733
69,890
13,736
65,825
Tennessee. . .
107,677
128,181
124,078
133,258
138,988
1.58,779
Texas
57,893
156,428
93,141
225..309
88,422
234,883
Vermont
45,567
18,316
39,514
17,;3:31
45,192
16,788
Virginia
84,020
128,586
139,356
145,497
150,438
151,977
W. Virginia..
46,243
57,391
63,096
67,317
78,171
78,677
Wisconsin ..
144,400
114,649
161,157
146,459
176,553
155,232
Total
4,454,416
4,444,952
4,851,981
4,874,986
5.440.216
5,538,2.33
Majority ....
9,464
Plur'lity
23,005
98,017
Tote in the New States for Congress, 1888.
Idaho
Montana
North Dakota.
South Dakota.
Washington . .
Wyoming
Eep.
Dem.
Ind. Rep.
8,151
6,404
1,458
22,486
17,360
25,290
15,801
44,906
25,044
26,201
18,920
10,451
7,557
Plu.
1,747
5,126
9,489
19,862
7,281
2,894
304
Population of the United States.
states and Territories.
Alabama
Arkansas .».
Arizona
California
Colorado
Connecticut
Delaware
District of Columbia.
Florida
Georgia
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Idaho
Kansas
Kentucky
Louisiana
Maine
Maryland
Massachusetts
Michigan
Minnesota ,». ..
Missouri
Mississippi
Montana
New Hampshire
New Jersey
New Mexico
New York ,
North Carolina
North Dakota
Nebraska
Nevada
Ohio
Oklohama
Oregon
Pennsylvania
Rhode Island
South Carolina
South Dakota
Tennessee
Texas
Utah
Vermont
Virginia
Washington
West Virginia
Wisconsin
Wyoming
Grand total.
1890.
1,513,017
1,128,179
59,620
l,208,i;3O
412.198
746,258
168,49.3
230,392
391,422
1,837,353
3,820,351
2,192,404
1,911,896
84,385
1,427,096
1,858,635
1,118,587
661,086
1,042.390
2,2:38,943
2,093,889
1,301,826
2,679,184
1,289,600
132,159
376,530
1,444,933
153,593
5,997,853
1,617,947
182,719
1,058,910
45,761
3,672,316
61,834
313.767
5,258,014
345,506
1,151,149
328,808
1,767,518
2,235,523
207,905
332,422
1,655,980
349,390
762,794
1 ,686,880
60,805
32,622,250
1880.
1,262,-505
802,525
40,440
864,694
194,327
622,700
146,608
177,624
269,493
1,542,180
3,077,871
1,978,301
1,624,615
32,600
996,096
1,648,690
939,946
648,936
934,943
1,783,085
1,636,937
780,773
2,168,380
1,131,597
39,159
346,991
1,131,116
119,565
5,082,871
1,399,750
36,909
452,402
62,266
3,198,062
174,768
4,282,891
276,531
995,577
98,268
1.542,359
1,591,749
143,963
332,286
1,512,565
75,116
618,457
1,315,497
20,789
50,155,783
1870.
38,558,371
Dakota In 1870 was 14,181.
205
Harrison's Vote at Minneapolis.
Vote of Candidates for President. Republican National
Convention, June 7, 1892, Minneapolis.
States.
Alabama
Arkansas
California
Colorado
Connecticut
Delaware
Florida
Georgia
Idaho
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Kansas .
Kentucky
Louisiana
Maine
Maryland
Massachusetts..
Michigan
Minnesota
Mississippi
Missouri ,
Montana. .
Nebraska
Nevada
New Hampshire
New Jersey
New York
North Carolina.
North Dakota . .
Ohio
Oregon
Pennsylvania. . .
Rhode Island...
South Carolina.
South Dakota . .
Tennessee
Texas
Vermont
Virginia
"Washington
West Virginia..
Wisconsin
Wyoming.,
Territories.
Alaska
Arizona
Distinct of Columbia
Indian Territory ....
New Mexico
Oklahoma
Utah
Total
Harrison.
Blaine.
McKinley
Leed.
15
0
7
0
15
0
1
0
8
9
1
0
0
4
8 .
0
0
8
0
0
4
1
1
0
8
0
0
0
26
0
0
0
0
6
0
0
34
14
0
0
30
0
0
0
20
5
1
0
11
0
9
0
22
2
1
0
8
8
0
0
0
12
0
0
14
. 18
0
1
2
11
0
0
7
2
19
0
8
9
1
0
i3>;
28
4
0
0
2
0
5
1
0
0
15
0
1
0
0
6
0
0
4
2
0
1
18
2
0
0
27
mi
35
10
1
0
- 0
2
4
0
0
1
0
45
0
1
0
7
0
19
3
42
0
5
1
1
1
13
3
2
0
8
0
0
0
17
4
3
0
22
6
0
2
8
0
0
0
9
13
2
0
1
6
1
0
12
0
0
0
19
2
3
0
4
2
0
0
2
0
0
0
1
1
0
0
0
2
0
0
1
1
0
0
6
0
0
0
2
0
0
0
2
0
0
0
535 1/6
1821/6
183
4
Absent and not voting 1%.
Whole number of votes in Convention, 906
necessary to a choice, 453.
General Harrison's majority over all, 166.
number cast, 904X ;
^m
p
Cleyeland's Yote at Chicago.
Vote of Candidates for President. Democratic National
Convention, June 21, 1892, Chicago.
1
State.
"S
5
1
a
0
1
P.
a
a
0
d
0
.22
0
i
s
«
99
Alabama
14
16
18
2
1
2
2
1
Ifi
Arkansas ., .
California ...
18
R
Colorado
3
5
12
6
Connecticut
Delaware
12
6
5
17
H
Florida
3
26
Georgia
Idaho
5
' "e
4
••
..
•18
Illinois
48
30
30
9fi
Indiana
Iowa
"26
'"2
11
*i"
1
9X
'6
••
?0
Kansas
20
18
3
9
6
24
28
18
8
34
....
1
W
Kentucky
16
191
Louisiana
Maine
16
Maiyland
i
80
Mas>acliusetts
4
1
28
Michigan
••
18
Minnesota
Mississippi
18
3
3
4
••
34
Missouri
Montana
6
6
■■■4
"ie
'i
"i"
2
'5"
'5
m'i
;>
16
Nebraslca.. .
15
6
Nevada
8
90
New Hampshire
New .Jersey
8
20
""72
■ "6
72
New York
99.
North Carolina
6
14
8
64
8
2
7
24
23
8
12
8
7
24
3
2
5
2
2
4
2
2
6
North Dakota . .
46
Ohio
8
Oregon
64
Pennsylvania
8
Rhode Island . . .
....
'
18
8
South Carolina....;,..
South Dakota
3
13
1
....
••
••
94
Tennessee
80
Texas V .' .
1
6
..
••
••
8
Vermont
Virginia
Washington
24
8
11
""l
1
■3"
:■;
i
"i
12
West Virginia
?4
Wisconsin "
6
Wyoming
3
i"
••
••
2
Alaska
....
6
Arizona
2
District Columbia
Indian Territory
New Mexico...
2
6
" i
'"'1
....
••
2
Oklahoma
2
Utah
1
2
910
Total
617K
114
103
3
2
36y,
14
16%
1
Whole number of votes In Convention, 910 ; necessary to a choice,
607, or two thirds ; Mr. Cleveland's majority over all, 324.
207
The Electoral College.
How IT Stood Under the Old Apportionment and How it
Stands Now.
States.
Alabama
Arkansas
California
Colorado
Connecticut
Delaware
Florida
Georgia
Idaho
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Kansas
Kentucky ,
Louisiana
Maine
Maryland
Massachuoetts. . .
Michigan
Minnesota
Mississippi ,
Missouri
Montana —
Nebraska
Nevada
New Hampshire.
New Jersey
New York.
North Carolina . .
North Dakota....
Ohio
Oregon
Pennsylvania....
Rhode Island . . . .
South Carolina..
South Dakota.. . .
Tennessee
Texas
Vermont
Virginia
Washington
West Virginia.. . .
Wisconsin
Wyoming
Olc
401
New.
11
8
9
4
6
3
4
13
3
24
1.5
13
10
13
8
6
8
15
14
9
9
17
3
8
3
4
10
36
11
3
23
4
32
4
9
4
12
15
4
12
4
6
12
3
444
Increase.
43
Electoral votes necessary to a choice, 223.
The New Congress.
Its Apportionment Among the States According to the Law of
1890.
Tbe New Apportionment Bill, whlcli, however, does not go Into
effect until March, 1893, after the Presidential election, provides lor
a House of 356 Representatives, being an increase of 24 over the
present number. No State avIII lose a member. New York will con-
tinue with Its present representation. The States whose member-
ship In the House will be augmented, are as follows: Alabama, gain
of 1 : Arkansas, 1 ; California, 1 ; Colorado, 1 ; Georgia, 1 ; Illinois,
2; Kansas,!; Massachusetts,!; Michigan, !; Minnesota, 2; Mis-
souri,!; Nebraska, 3; New Jersey,!; Oregon,!; Pennsylvania, 2 ;
Texas, 2 ; Washington, ! ; Wisconsin. !. The principal gain is ob-
served in the Western States, which acquire 14 of the 24 new mem-
bers. The South, counting Missouri as a Southern State, gets 6,
while the remainder is distributed among Pennsylvania, New Jer-
sey and Massachusetts. The representation of the Northern States
is therefore Increased by 18. The Electoral College Is augmented by
24 new members, giving that body a membership of 444, making 223
votes necessary for election. The present numoer, counting in the
nve new States, Montana, Idaho, Wyoming, North and South Da-
kota, is 420. This is Increased by 24 under the new bill. The new
members are from the same States as the new representatives.
States.
Alabama
Arkansas
California
( 'olorado
Connecticut . . .
Delaware
Florida
Georgia
Idaho
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Kansas
Kentucky
Louisiana
Maine
Maryland
Massachusetts
Michigan
Minnesota. ...
Mississippi
Missouri
Montana
flrr
Popula-
^ ^
tion in
0)..-,
1890.
^B
«
!,513,0!7
9
1,!28,!79
6
1,208,1 80
7
412,198
2
746,2.58
4
168,493
1
391,422
2
1,837,353
11
84,385
1
3,826,35!
22
2,192,404
13
1,911,896
11
1,427,096
8
1,-58,635
1!
1,118,587
6
661,086
4
1,042,390
6
2,238,943
13
2,093,889
12
1,304,826
7
1.289,600
7
2,679,184
15
132,159
1
States.
Nebraska
Nevada
New Hampshire.
New Jereey
New York
North Carolina..
North Dakota...
Ohio
Oregon
Pennsylvania...
Rhode Island
South Carolina..
South Dakota...
Tennessee
Texas
Vermont
Virginia
Washington
West Virginia...
Wisconsin
Wyoming
Total 61,9U8,906 356
Popula-
tion in
1,058,910
45,761
376,530
1,444.933
5,997,853
1,617,947
182,919
3,67-2,316
313,767
5,2.58,014
345,506
1,151,149
328,808
!,767,.518
2,235,523
332,422
1,6.55,980
349,390
762,794
1,686.880
601705
Ratio of Representation in the United States House of
Representatives.
From 1789 to 1792 as provided by the U. S. Constitution .... 30,000
" 1792 " 1803 based on the U. S. Census of 1790 33,000
" 1803 " 1813 " " " " " " 1800 33,000
" 1813 " 1823 " " " " " » 1810 35,000
" 1823 " 1833 " " " » " " 1820 40,000
♦« 1833 " 1843 '* " " " " " 1830 47,700
" 1843 " 18-.3 " " " " " " 1840 70,680
" 1853 " 1863 " " " " " " 1850 9-3,420
'* 1863 " 1873 '' •'' " " " " 1860 127,381
" 1873 " 1883 " " " " " " 1870 131,425
" 1883 " 1893 " " " " " ". ...,., 1880 151,912
209
The Congress Apportionment of 1890.
states.
1890.
1880.
Increase.
Alabama
9
6
7
2
i
2
11
1
22
13
'I
11
6
4
6
13
12
7
7
15
1
6
1
2
8
9
1
21
2
30
2
7
2
10
13
2
10
2
4
10
1
8
5
6
1
4
1
2
10
20
13
11
7
11
6
4
6
12
11
5
7
14
3
1
2
7
34
9
21
1
28
2
7
10
11
2
10
4
9
1
1
1
1
Arkansas
California
Colorado
Connecticut
Delaware
Florida
Georgia
1
1
2
Idaho
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Kansas
I
Kentucky
Louisiana
Maine
Maryland
Massacbusetts
1
Michigan
Minnesota
8
Mississippi
Missouri
1
Montana
Nebraska ....
3
Nevada
New Hampshire
New Jersey ,
1
New York
North Carolina
North Dakota ...
1
Ohio
Oregon
1
Pennsylvania
2
Rhode Island
South Carolina
South Dakota
Tennessee
Texas
2
*2
Vermont
Virginia
Washington
2
West Virginia
Wisconsin
Wyoming
1
1
Total
356
325
31
The Territories— Alaska, Arizona, District of Columbia, Indian
Territorj'-, New Mexico, Oklahoma and Utah— will each be repre-
sented by a delegate. The delegates have no voice nor vote, except
upon questions pertaining to their locality.
210
New York in 1888.
The Vote by Counties Showing Eepublican Strength Above and
Democratic Below the Harlem,
(From the Republican Reference Book.)
Counties.
Allegany ....
Broome
Cattaraugus.
Cayuga
Chautauqua.
Chenango....
Clinton
Columbia —
Cortlandt....
Delaware —
Dutchess
Erie
Essex
Franklin ....
Fulton and
Hamilton..
Genesee
Herkimer
Jefferson —
Lewis
Livingston. . .
Madison
Monroe
Montgomery.
Niagara
Oneida
Onondaga....
Orange
tag
wo
1^
7,067
8,405
8,586
9,646
12,108
5,798
6,271
6,447
4,732
6,602
10,265
31,612
5,043
3,757
5,892
4,952
6,683
9,861
4,369
5,584
7,199
21,650
6,365
6.856
16,241
20,144
11,261
3,625
6,447
6,173
6,380
6,178
4,640
4,724
6,037
3,163
5,332
9,249
29,543
2,930
3,028
4,634
3,633
5,611
7,562
3,807
4,067
4,641
16,677
5,677
6,429
14,276
14,001
10,852
3,442
1,958
2,413
1,158
1,547
410
1,569
1,270
1,016
2,069
2,113
2,729
1,258
1,319
1,072
2,299
562
1,517
2,558
4,973
688
457
1,965
6,143
d
i
Counties.
s
a
W
Otsego
7,829
6,972
Oswego
11,296
7.429
Orleans
4,277
3,214
Ontario
6,957
5,753
Putnam
2,098
1,515
Rensselaer...
15,718
15,410
St. Lawrence
14,611
6,.509
Saratoga ....
8.594
6,570
Schenectady.
3.633
3,328
Schuyler. ....
2,704
1,975
Steuben
11,637
9,154
Sullivan
3,860
3,757
Tioga
4,852
3,609
Tompkins . . .
5,073
3,909
Ulster
10,825
10,487
Warren
4,135
2,883
Washington.
8,023
4.284
Wayne
7,850
5,120
Wyoming. . . .
4,899
3,166
Yates
3,410
2,150
53^
857
3,867
1,063
1,204
583
308
8,102
2,024
305
729
2,483
103
1,213
1,164
338
1,252
3,739
2,730
1,7£3
1,260
Harrison majorities above
the Harlem
Below the Harlem.
91,197
Suffolk I 7,167 I 6,600 I 567
Majorities in Counties car-
ried by Harrison
91,764
Q11
Counties Carried by Cleveland, 1888.
Above the Harlem. Below the Harlem.
Counties.
1
p
Counties.
1
3
s
is
■§§
IS
IS
Albany.
Chemung....
Greene
Rockland....
Schobarle. ..
Seneca
Westchester.
21,037
6,037
4,494
3,934
5,006
3,705
14,948
19,362
5,467
4,460
3,013
3,696
3,576
1,379
1,675
570
84
926
1,310
129
1,149
Kings
New York..
Richmond. .
Queens
Total vote. .
Below Har-
lem
Total In
State..
82,507
162,735
5,764
12,683
7,052
106,922
4,100
11,017
12,455
55,813
1,664
1,666
635,965
650,338
71,598
5,793
5,793
77,391
Recapitulation. ^
Harrison's majority above Harlem 91,197
Less Cleveland's majority above Harlem 5,793
Actual majority Harrison above Harlem 85,404
Cleveland's majority south of Harlem 71 ,598
Less Harrison's majority south of Harlem 567
Actual majority Cleveland south of Harlem 71,031
f n other words, Harrison came to the Harlem River with .... 85,404
Cleveland came north to the Harlem River with. 71,031
Majority Harrison over Cleveland 14,373
213
Where Hill Led Cleyeland.
The vote op New york by Counties for the Leading Dsmockatic
Candidates.
(From the Republican Reference Book.)
Counties.
Albany
Allegany ....
Broome
Cattaraugus.
Cayuga
CJiautauqua.
Cliemung —
Chenango....
Clinton
Columbia . . . .
Cortlandt . . . .
Delaware
Dutchess
Erie
Franklin
Fulton and Hamilton.
Genesee
Greene
Herkimer c
Jefferson
Kings
Lewis
Livingston „
Madison ...
Monroe
Montgomery
New York ,
Niagara .,
Oneida „
Onondaga
Ontario
Orange
Orleans
Oswego
Otsego
Putnam
Sueens
ensselaer
Richmond
Rockland
St. Lawrence
Saratoga
Schenectady ,.
Schoharie
Schuyler..
Seneca
Steuben
Suffolk „...
Sullivan..,..
Tioga
Tompkins
Ulster. -.»..
Warren
Washington
Wayne ,
Westchester
Wyoming
Yates
Totals
Hill's
Vote by
Counties.
21,634
3,662
6,544
6,274
6,693
6,205
6,240
4,630
4,756
6,047
3,188
5,229
9,233
8;3,050
2,977
3,067
4,660
3,722
4,439
5.640
7,616
82,933
3,850
4,188
4.826
17,602
5,749
168,454
6,633
14,786
14,679
5,818
10,854
3,243
7,510
7,068
1,475
12.653
15,827
5,532
3,841
6,631
6,573
3,305
5,000
2,045
3,731
9,418
6,386
3,825
3,620
3,814
10,550
2,944
4,304
6,258
14,485
8,318
2,222
Cleve-
land's
Vote by
Counties.
650,464.
21,037
3,625
6,447
6,173
6,380
6,178
6,037
4,640
4,724
6,037
3,163
5,332
9,249
29,543
2,930
3,028
4,634
3,633
4,494
5,611
7,562
82,507
3,807
4,067
4,641
16.677
5,677
162,735
6.429
14,276
14,001
E,753
10,852
3,214
7,429
6,972
1,515
12,683
15,410
5,764
3,939
6,509
6,570
3,328
5,006
1,975
8,705
9,154
6,600
3,757
3,609
3,909
10,487
2,883
4,284
5,120
14,948
3,166
2,150
635,965
Hill's
Gain over
Cleve-
land by
Counties
597
37
97
101
313
27
212
,507
47
39
54
425
43
121
185
925
72
5,719
204
510
678
65
2
29
81
417
122
3
70
26
264
63
61
20
138
152
72
15,884
Cleve-
land's
Gain over
Hill by
Counties.
10
103
16
214
'"95'
463
Thus Hill, In 47 Counties, led Cleveland,
Cleveland, In 13 Counties, led HllL . . .
15,844
1,385
Hlllled Cleveland In State ... 14,449
213
to
.2
a
o
©
_3
•2 « '^
:2 ^o
■ c > CU
QOOCOCOi-HC35fHQCl!:>
2
;QP
rlt CO QC CO S -* O (
•^ =e r? t cc »n CD !
liiiiiiii
.H
Exports and Imports.
TABLE A.
Exports, Imports and dutiable Imports each year, stated In
millions and decimals. Thus 292.9 means $29^,900,000; percentage
of Imports that were free of duty each year ; amount of duties
collected, also in millions and decimals ; and percentage of duties
collected to the value of dutiable imports, and to the value of
all imports.
M
m
<v
<D
1
Percentage to
1
1
Id
0 OJ
3
Dutiable
Total
w
P
^
P
Imports.
Imports.
1859..
292.9
333.5
219.5
190.6
203.9
331.3
353.6
289.3
189.3
243.3
1860...
1861...
1862..,
1863...
1864...
158.8
166.0
348.8
294.5
316.4
2.S8.7
4^.8
395.7
1865 ,
1866...
1867...
361.1
4.50
168.5
46.67
44.56
1868...
281.9
357.4
329.7
4.40
160.5
48.63
46.49
1869...
286.1
417.5
372.7
5.50
176.5
47.22
44 65
1870...
392.8
435.9
406.1
4.74
191.5
47.08
42.23
1871...
442.8
520.2
459.6
8.12
202.4
43.95
38.94
1872...
444.2
626.6
512.7
8.51
212.6
41.35
37.00
1873...
522.5
642.1
484.7
26.90
184.9
38.07
26.95
1874...
586.3
567.4
415.7
26.73
160.5
38.53
26.88
1875...
513.4
532.0
379.7
27.83
154.5
40.62
28.20
1876...
540.4
460.7
324.0
80.26
145.2
44.74
30.19
1877...
602.5
451.3
299.0
82.02
128.4
42.89
26.68
1878...
694.9
4:^7.1
297.1
82.24
127.2
42.75
27.13
1879...
710.4
445.7
296.7
82.45
133.4
44.87
28.97
1880...
8?A6
667.9
419.5
83.15
182.7
43.48
29.07
1881...
902.4
642.7
448.1
81.13
193.8
43.20
29.75
1882...
7.50.5
724.6
505.5
29.42
216.1
42.66
80.11
1883...
823.8
723.2
493.9
29.52
210.6
42.45
89.92
1884...
740.5
667.7
456.3
31.15
190.3
41.61
28.44
1885...
742.2
577.5
386.7
33.28
178.1
45.86
30.59
1886...
679.5
6;B5.4
413.8
33.83
189.4
45.55
30.13
1887...
716.2
69-2.3
450.3
34.11
214.2
47.10
81.02
1888...
695.9
723.9
46H.1
34.87
216.0
45,63
29.99
1889...
742.4
745.1
484.8
34.61
220.6
45.13
29.50
1890...
857.8
789.3
507.6
34.39
226.5
44.41
29.12
1891...
884.5
8^14.9
466.4
45.41
216.9
•46.28
25.25
1892...
1,030.3
827.4
369.4
42.18
177,9
48.16
21.50
215
Values in 1889 and 1890.
Tablk B.— The following from the report of the Senate Finance
Committee on retail prices and wages shows. In Column l, the aver-
age cost of all articles In each month from June, 1889, to September,
1891 ; in the second column averages of all articles according to
their Importance in consumption for the same dates, and In the
third column averages of all articles except butter, eggs, potatoes
and vegetables, prices of which change with the season of the year,
the remaining articles being taken according to their relative im-
portance.
1
2
3
June, 1889..
$100 22 $100 03
$99 99
July
100 lOi 100 08
100 04
August
99 89
99 92
100 01
September.
99 86
99 99
99 96
October....
100 07
100 69
99 97
November.
100 23
101 03
99 96
December .
100 48
101 60
100 05!
Jan., 1890. .
100 69
101 77
100 07!
February..
100 01
101 90
100 lo:
March
100 98
101 72
100 15;
April
100 76
101 24
100 02
Way
100 66
100 72
99 73
June
100 34
99 87
99 53
July
100 15
100 40
99 56
Aug., 1890.
"eptembei-.
October . . .
November.
December.
Jan., 1891.
Febraary..
March
April
May
June
July
August ....
September
1
2
$99 88 $100 32
99 94
100 71
100 10
101 15
100 35
101 74
100 84
102 59
101 15
103 11
101 27
103 30
101 28
103 29
101 46
102 99
100 99
102 24
100 38
101 23
99 95
100 48
99 36
99 50
99 36
99 56
$99 47
99 53
99 71
99 99
100 16
100 29
100 38
100 46
99 91
99 61
99 32
99 03
98 90
Wages of Farm Laborers,
1892.
1890.
1888.
1885.
1882.
1879.
Eastern States. . ..
Middle States
Southern States...
Western States. . . .
Afountain States..
Paciflc States
$26 46
23 83
14 86
22 61
32 16
36 15
$26 64
23 62
14 77
22 01
31 94
34 87
$26 03
23 11
14 54
22 23
33 37
36 73
$25 30
23 19
14 27
22 27
30 24
37 78
$26 55
23 21
14 67
23 26
36 50
37 22
$21 36
20 24
12 65
19 81
40 11
Average
$18 60
$18 34
$18 »4
$18 06
$18 58
$16 05
Tin Plates Imported,
Quantity, lbs.
Value.
1877
222,307,980
242,646,871
278,544,822
369,435,844
377,072,728
439,746,895
453,724,126
527,881,321
505,559,076
574,098,405
570,643,389
632,224,296
727,945,972
674,664,458
1,0.57,711.501
418,176,202
$9,818,069 69
9,893,639 61
10,248,720 34
16,524,590 19
14,641,057 87
16,550,834 64
16,688,276 67
18,931,072 70
16,610,104 56
17,719.957 12
16,883,813 95
19,034,821 03
21,002,209 15
20,746,427 73
36,355,579 79
12,315,292 00
1878 ,
1879
1880
1881
1882 r...
1883
1884
1885 ....
1886
1887
1888
1889
1890
1891
1892
216
Tin Plate and the New Duty,
Manufacturers' Wholesale Prices op Tinware, with Old Dutt
ON Tin Plates, and Cost of Same if Whole of Present In-
creased Duty of 1.2 Cents Per Pound Is Added :
*35 cents per dozen.
317
Prices of Cotton Bagging— iu Cents per Lb.
January
February...
March
April
May
June
July
August
September..
October
November. . .
December. . .
January, '92
Februaiy...
1890.
IX Itos.
7^
7
6X
^i
6>^
6
e}4
6¥
6j^
2 lbs.
8
7l-<
^Yi
7
63^
6%
6^4;
?>^
7
2^ lbs.
8%
8M
^M
83^
8}^
6%
Y
7K
7X
1891.
1% lbs.
5X
5%
534;
5X
5X
5)4
2 lbs.
6%
6%
63^
?«
6
2K lbs.
7)^
6X
6%
7?i
6K
6M
6^
6X
6>^
6^
Imports of Manufactures.
Peoteotion fok American Manufaotuees — It Gives Ad-
ditional Employment to Amekioan Labor and In-
vestment FOE American Capital.
If we consider the effect of the new tariff upon the lead-
ing articles of manufactures by compariug the imports of
these articles during the fiscal years 1890 and 1892, it will
appear there was a considerable decrease as follows :
Manufactures.
1890.
1892.
Decrease.
Wool
$56,582,432
29,918,055
38,686,374
41,679.501
4,105,262
28,421,279
$a5,565.879
28,323,725
31,172,894
28,423,883
2,928,851
26,285,217
$21,016,553
1,594,330
.7,513,480
13,255,618
Cotton
Silk
Iron and Steel
Tobacco
1,176,411
2,1:36,062
Flax, Hemp, etc
Total
$199,392,903
$152,700,449
$46,692,454
** It is proper to say in this relation that there has been
an increase in the imports of wools, $4,424,035 ; in lead
and manufactures of lead, $2,89&,720; in metals, and
metal compositions of, $2,340,401 ; cement, $1,682,020 ;
earthen, stone and china-ware, $1,677,162, and furs and
manufactures of furs, $2,643,359."
" I regard this statement as a complete refutation of the
assertions and declarations of the free-traders in regard to
the effect of the present tariff upon trade and commerce,
as well as upon our domestic industries."
Charles Foster,
Secretary of the Treasury.
August 25, 1892.
218
The War Debt Reduced.
Kearly Two Thousand Million Dollars Paid to the Nation's
Creditors Under Republican Policy and Plans.
STATEMENT Showing the annual requirements of the Sinking
Fund, the amount of bonds and other securities applied thereto,
the Interest and premium paid thereon, and the total amount ex-
pended for the fund from April 1, 1869, to June 30, 1892 :
Annual
Applications to the Fund.
Fiscal
Year.
Requirement.
Bonds and
otlier
Interest and
Premium
Total Amount
Se rarities.
I'aid.
Applied.
1869
$6,725,809 63
$.8,691,000 00
$1,511,243 23
$10,205^,243 23
1870
^7,660,879 14
88,151,900 00
4,098,057 22
32,249,957 22
1871
. 28,574,562 78
29,936,250 00
2,910,413 73
32.846,663 73
1872
29,598,187 82
32,618,450 00
4,365,958 72
36,984,408 72
1873
30,222,250 79
28,678,000 00
4,063,643 62
32,741,643 62
1874
30,852,447 93
12,936,450 00
1,617,659 83
14,554,109 88
1875
31,519,501 18
25,170,400 00
353,061 56
25,523,461 56
1876
33,584,775 82
32,183,488 09
257,517 91
32,441.006 00
1877
33,729,833 20
24,498,910 05
5,776 52
24,504,686 57
1878
35,429,001 80
17,012,634 57
809 92
17,013,444 49
1879 . ...
36,955,604 63
723,662 99
308 77
723,971 76
1830
40,135,450 00
73,904,617 41
3,731,272 02
77,635,889 43
1881
42,737,616 13
74,480,?^! 05
1.768,670 39
76,249,021 44
1832
44,905,330 76
60,137,855 55
612,039 53
60,749,895 08
1883
45,389,026 00
44,897,256 96
329,761 48
45,227,018 44
1884
46,486,536 04
46.790,229 50
318,879 93
47,109,109 43
1835
47,393,186 83
45,604,035 43
271,667 32
45,875,702 75
1886
44,872,710 64
44,551,043 36
242,487 45
44,793.530 81
1887
46,537,849 00
47,903.248 15
232,083 42
48,135,331 57
1888
46 818,149 18
43,732,550 00
3.085,592 98
46,818,142 98
1889
47,804,172 99
39.066,173 35
8.737,953 04
47,804,126 39
1890
48,321,127 76
39,847,839 50
8,473.506 06
48,321,345 56
1891......
49,077,301 37
44,006,111 37
5,070,950 22
49,077,061 59
1892
49,063,114 32
37,574,179 98
181,109 02
37,755,289 00
Totals..
$924,394,426 34
$883,096,637 31
$52,240,423 89
$935,337,061 20
The total deht of the United States, less cash In the
Treasury, at Its maximum point, August 31, 1865,
was $2,7.56,431,571 43
On June 30, 1892, It was 841,526,463 60
Making a reduction of the deht, less cash In the
Treasury, of $1,914,905,107 83
Or $990,510,681.49 more than the requirements of the Sinking
Fund called for.
219
Wages Here and in England.
An Objrct Lesson for the American Workingman— Protection
vs. Free Trade.
A table showing rates of wages paid in the United States and
Great Britain :
Occupations.
1 Boots and shoes
2 Cotton Goods Printers
3 Carpet Weavers
4 Cup Makers
5 Dyers
6 Designei-s
7 DishMalcers
8 Fullers -
9 Hat Makers
10 Hollow Ware Makers. .
11 Laborer
12 JSlechanlcs , .... .
13 Printers
14 Pattern Makers
15 KoUlng Mill Hands. . .
16 Spinners
17 Turners in Wood.
18 Tinners
19 Weavers
Averages
Wages
in tiie
U. S.
$2 56
Wages
in
Gr. Br.
$ 85
2 01
1 21
1 60
83
2 00
1 60
98
1 05
1 35
64
1 16
1 09
1 24
1 21
1 17
1 33
1 22
$1 23
Difference
in favor
U. S.
$1 46
2 66
1 79
1 68
1 42
2 12
1 64
52
72
1 64
66
1 15
1 17
1 33
2 23
56
1 50
1 24
78
$1 33
American workingmen receive per day $2 56
Great Britain's workingmen receive per day 1 23
DIITerence in favor of American workingmen $1 33
Annual difference in favor of the American Workingman for
313 working days.. $416 29
2S0
Wages Here and Abroad.
Occupation.
1 Blacksmiths . ,
2 Boilermakers.
3 Bricklayers . . .
4 Carpenters....
5 Engineers
6 Firemen ,
7 Gasmakers...,
8 Laborers
9 Machinists . . . ,
10 Masons
11 Moulders
12 Watchmen...
Average of averages.
^
$2 63
2 33
3 52
2 33
2 55
1 G6
1 94
1 38
2 45
3 28
1 70
1 54
$2 27X
$77
06
C7
81
61
65
1 19
75
66
70
83>^
So
$72
1 00
1 20
66
68
59
53
51
71
68
71
52
70fi
•^ bo
^d
S^«
1 44
>. eS P
„■< f3 d
gesS
$1 90
1 33
2 32
1 67
1 87
1 07
1 41
87
1 74
1 0-2
1 56/,
* The figures for this tahle are rates of wages per day.
Average earnings of American worklngmen on ohove
12 occupations, $2.27i^ per day, would make, on 313 days $712 07^^
For worklngmen in Great Britain for the same time and
occupations, .83^ per day 261 35i<
Difference In favor of the American worklngman . . $450 72 !
American worklngman earns .a — $712 07^
Worklngman on Continent of Europe earns, for same
time and occupation 221 96^^
Difference In favor of American worklngman $490 10/,
Wages in Different States.
A table showing that Rep^ililican States pay better wages than
Democratic States. Why ? Because Republican States are In favor
of protection, are more intelligent, and therefore more prosperous.
See the proof \tl figures :
Occupations.
Blacksmiths...
Boiler-makers..
Bricklayers....
Carpenters
Engineers.. ...
Firemen
Gas-makers....
Laborers
Masons
Mechanics
Moulders..,,..
"Averages..
Wages In Re-
publican States.
$2 75
2 50
3 55
2 50
2 60
1 81
1 95
1 45
^ 3 55
2 60
1 85
$2 46
Wages in Demo-
cratic States.
$1 67
1 75
3 00
1 75
1 86
1 38
1 50
mx
3 00
1 75
1 65
$1 84
Difference in
Favor of Repub-
lican States.
$1 08
75
55
75
74
43
45
45.^
55
85
20
61
♦Fractions not Included.
Average rate of wages In Republican States $2 46
Average rate of wages In Democratic States , 1 84
Average rate of wages in favor of Republican States.
61
Annual difference in favor of Republican States $190
Rates of Agricultural Wages.
A talDle showlncr the rates of wages paid In Republican and
Democratic States for 1891-92. '1 tiese do not include " Harvest "
wages, wlilcn are much higher.
Republican
states.
Eates
per
Month.
Rates
per
Day.
Democratic
stfttes.
Rates
per
Month.
Rates
Day.
1 Maine
$<34 50
$1 28
1 N.Jersey..
$25 50
$1 24
2N. H
25 00
1 28
2 Delaware..
18 75
80
3 Vei-mont. . . .
24 67
1 23
8 Maryland..
17 50
85
4 Mass
29 -iO
1 42
4 Virginia...
15 50
72
5 R. I
29 00
1 42
5 WestVa...
19 50
90
6 Conn
k.7 38
1 38
6N.C
13 30
63
7 New York..
24 55
1 22
7 S. C
12 50
62
8 Pa
23 00
1 10
8 Georgia....
9 Florida....
13 50
72
9 Ohio
22 63
1 10
18 67
96
10 Mich
24 00
1 20
10 Alabama..
13 75
73
11 Indiana
22 75
1 06
11 Miss
15 40
80
12 Illinois. .. .
24 25
25 25
1 14
1 30
12 La
16 25
18 75
87
13 Wisconsin..
13 Texas.
98
14 Minn
26 00
26 20
1 40
1 25
14 Mo
20 50
17 30
93
15 Iowa
15 Arkansas..
87
16 Kansas
24 20
1 15
16 Tennessee.
14 50
71
17 Nehrask-a. . .
25 75
1 26
17 Kentucky .
17 50
85
18 No. Dakota.
30 00
1 60
19 So. Dakota.,
27 00
1 45
20 Montana . . .
35 00
1 65
21 Wyoming. ..
34 00
1 55
22 Colorado. . . .
33 00
1 50
2:3 Idaho
35 50
1 60
24 Wash'gt'n..
37 50
1 70
2.5 Oregon
34 25
1 55
26 Nevada
36 00
1 60
27 California..
36 50
1 60
~$iir
Averages..
Averages..
$28 42
$16 98
83
Average rates of wages paid for farm labor, Republican
States, monthly $28 42
Average rates of wages paid for farm labor, Democratic
states, monthly 16 98
Difference in favor of Republican States 11 44
Annual difference In favor of Republican States $137 28
Average rate of wages paid for labor on farms per day in
Republican States $1 37
Average rate of wages paid for labor on farms per day in
Democratic States 83
Difference In favor of Republican States, per day 54
Annual difference In favor of Republican States (313 working
days) $169 08
Wages ill 1889-'90-'91,
Bakers.
Blacksmiths.
Bricklayers
Cabinet Makers
Carpenters
Common Laborers. .
Farm Laborers
Macblnlsts.
Masons..
Molders, iron
Painters
Plumbei's
Stonecutters
Tailors
Tinsmiths
Average (15).
Bar Iron
Boots and Shoes
Cotton Goods
Cotton and Woolen. .
Crucible Steel
Flint Glass
Green Glass...
Lumber
Machlneiy
Pig Iron
Steel Ingots
Steel Blooms
Window Glass.
Woolen Goods
Average (14) $99 93
June,
$100 01
$100 00
99 07
99 98
100 00
100 00
100 00
100 00
100 00
100 00
100 03
100 00
100 00
100 00
100 00
June,
1890.
$100 30
100 28
100 55
100 22
101 02
100 61
100 20
100 15
101 55
100 55
99 86
101 41
101 34
100 33
99 44
$100 52
$100 00
99 23
100 48
100 00
100 00
100 00
100 00
95 00
100 00
103 69
101 58
100 00
100 00
100 00
June,
$99 90
100 63
101 11
100 26
100 94
100 23
100 17
100 71
100 99
100 79
100 20
102 97
101 53
100 81
100 43
$100 78
$100 82
Sept.,
$100 00
100 63
101 02
100 26
100 91
100 22
99 81
100 75
100 99
100 79
100 16
102 97
101 51
100 83
100 43
$100 75
$99 68
99 99
100 44
100 00
100 00
100 00
99 74
95 00
100 16
103 90
97 65
100 00
101 17
107 01
$100 34
323
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Figures From Peck's Report.
A Comparative Table Showing the Increases and Decreases of*
THE Average Yearly Earnings of Employees, in and of the
State op New York, in the Year 1891 Over 1890.
[From the Ninth Annual Report of the Hon. Charles F. Peck (Dem-
ocrat), Commissioner of tlie Bureau of Labor Statistics].
44
43
30
143
95
56
136
10
22
180
4
13
9
10
1
16
8
6
2
234
227
19
26
79
9
2
13
18
145
1
142
126
649
12
44
9
52
224
15
11
10
Industries.
Agricultural implements
Arms and ammunition
Artiflclal teeth
Artisans' tools
Awnings, flags, tents, sails, etc
Boots and shoes
Bricij, tile and sewer pipe
Brooms and brushes ;
Building
Burial cases, caslcets, coffins, etc
Carpetlngs
Carriages, wagons, etc
Cement, lime, plaster, etc
Chemicals, acids, etc
Cloclcs, watches, etc
Clothing
Coolilng and heating apparatus
Cordage, rope, twine, etc
Corl<;s, corlc soles, etc
Crayons and pencils
Drugs and medicines
Dye stuffs and chemicals
Earthen and stoneware
Electrical apparatus, appUances, etc.
Electric and gas lighting
Emery ore
Fancy articles
Fertilizers
Fire-works, matches and sulphur. . . .
Flax and hemp goods
Food preparations .
Furniture
Gas lighting
Glass
Gloves, mittens, etc
Glue, starch and wax
Hair work (animal and human)
Ink, mucilage, paste and blueing
Ivory, bone, shell, horn goods, etc —
Leather and leather goods
Linen, etc
Liquors and beverages (not spiritu-
ous)
Liquors, malt, distilled and fermented
Lum ber
Machines and machinery
Metals and metallic goods
Molds, lasts and patterns
Musical Instruments and materials..
Oils and illuminating fluids
Paints, colors, varnislies, etc
Paper and paper goods
Perfumes, toilet articles, etc
Photogi'aphs and photographic ma-
terials
PollsHes, blacking, etc
227
Average
Yearly
Earnings.
1890.
$6.54 30
492 42
192 00
456 96
451 15
423 24
286 82
286 86
474 28
452 45
389 50
498 31
467 28
476 37
505 81
355 67
506 48
335 97
334 65
359 80
404 16
559 05
383 25
458 54
588 19
493 75
388 52
322 52
313 42
314 01
327 99
468 09
573 89
481 07
280 99
559 20
362 06
610 92
589 99
443 28
365 00
677 16
738 64
402 46
533 95
504 87
608 99
602 33
504 58
526 37
384 30
459 72
442 01
476 05
1891.
5646 16
468 02
254 45
479 65
482 97
4:38 17
302 71
312 70
465 45
494 75
405 42
504 28
495 12
553 85
514 99
371 00
596 90
3;^ 03
336 42
341
463 79
545 36
422 82
412 75
607 40
393 75
442 85
183 03
374 1
299 94
341 83
482 11
665 72
519 19
291 47
556 22
501 81
577 25
536 98
455 71
420 00
710 96
777 07
420 40
594 06
539 71
543 32
632 67
574 09
614 62
434 57
479 50
502 05
556 49
Increase or
Decrease.
$62 45
22 69
31 82
14 93
15 89
25 84
42 30
15 92
5 97
27 84
77 48
9 18
15 33
90 42
2 06
1 77
59 63
39 57
'19" 21
54' 33
60 75
13 84
14 02
91 83
38 12
10 48
139 75
$8 14
24 40
8 83
18 42
13 69
45 79
100 00
139 40
14 07
2 98
83 67
53 01
65 67
FIGURES FROM PECK'S B.ETOB.T— {Continued).
Industrlea
Printing and publishing
Railway cars ana equipments ....;...
Rubber goods
Salt
Scientific instruments and appliances
Ship and boat building
Sporting and athletic goods
Stone, marble, granite, etc
Tallow candles, soap grease, etc
Tobacco, snuff, cigars, etc
Toys
Trunks and valises
Whips, canes, umbrellas, etc
Wooden goods.
Average
Yearly
Earnings.
Increase or
Decrease.
550 17 28 18
633 06 105 19
408 64i 9 96
448 65
472 87
98 93
521 99
527 87
398 68
349 72
482 62
740 16 839 02
334 34; 241 59
405 01 i 394 89
479 12 490 16
395 16 424 05
242 62 213 12
472 91 531 44
425 31 i 459 86
413 38, 526 93;il3 55
11 04
58 53
34 55
9 75
92 75
10 12
29 50
Note.— The figures included In the above table seem to be, and
they are, in strict harmony with the facts established by Table No.
1. Of the sixth-eight industries included, seventy-five per cent, of
them show an increased average yearly earning In the year 1891,
while the total average increase of yearly earnings of the two-
hundred and eighty-five thousand employees was S23.ll. The
average increase of yearly earnings of the employees in the fifty-one
trades showing an increase was S43.96 in 1891 as compared with
1890.
In addition to the investigation of this special subject, the Bureau
has continued its annual investigation of all labor disturbances oc-
curring In the State daring the past year. The total number of
strikes reported for the year 1891 was 4,519 as against 6,258 oc-
curring in the year 1890— a decrease of l,740. Of the total number—
4,519—2,375, or fifty-three per cent, of them, were in the build-
ing trades, a fact that seems to follow in natural sequence the re-
sults obtained in the special Investigation of the "Effect of the
Tariff on Labor and Wages."
Money Deposited in Sayings Banks.
A tat)le showing tlie tlie savings of labor, by contrast, In Repul)-
llcan and Democratic States— 1890-1891 :
RepiiD-
Amount
Average
Demo-
Amount
Average
llcan
of
to each
cratic
of
to each
States.
Deposits.
Depositor.
States.
Deposits.
Depositor.
1 Maine..
$47,781,166
$340 02
1 N.J....
$32,462,603
$259 55
2N. H...
69,531,024
418 191
2 Del....
3,602,469
215 05
3 Vt
21,620,303
297 381
3 Md
38,916,597
288 26
4 Mass...
353,592,937
326 24|
4 W. Va..
375,440
37 94
5 R.I....
63,719,491
483 99:
5 N. C...
264,348
45 31
6 Conn . .
116,406,675
380 58 1
6 s. e....
3,286,155
187 84
7 N. Y...
574,669,972
388 86
7 Ga
477,487
188 50
8 Pa
62,150,893
263 00
8 Fla....
181,630
168 49
9 Ohio...
31,258.086
396 24
9 Ala ... .
65,816
37 18
10 Ills ....
16,362,304
267 78
10 la
1,420,798
325 42
11 Mich...
29,887,761
198 82
11 'i>xas..
384,183
m 16
12 Wis....
94,687
130 42
12 Tern . .
1,445,834
129 44
13 Iowa. . .
20,821,495
364 35
13 Ind . . .
3,552,099
238 65
14 Minn . .
7,688,677
352 9b
a ^. M.t.
165,426
155 76
15 Neb....
3,508,751
130 45
15 Utaht .
1,682,040
210 41
16 Cal
114,164,523
836 39
17 Mont.*.
344,599
106 59
Total...
$88,282,925
$245 79
18 Wash..
834,815
121 87
Total....
$1,534,438,157
$368 23
•For 1889-90.
t Territories.
Saving Bank Deposits— Republican States $1,534,438,157
Saving Bank Deposits— Democratic States 88,282,925
Difference in favor of Republican States $1,446,155,232
239
Money Capital in Banks By States.
A table showing that population, wealth and prosperity are in the
Republican States, June, 1891.
Repub-
lican
States.
Popula-
Capital in
Demo-
cratic
States.
Popula-
Capital in
tion,
Banii.
tion.
Bink.
1 Maine
663.000
$81,253,068'
1 N. J.,
1,484,000
$119,766,779
2 N. H..
379,000
96,225,832;
2 Del....
170,000
14,886,050
3 Vt
333,000
40,981,914
3 Md....
1,048,000
101,096,200
4 Mass. .
2,299,000
742,651,224
4 va....
1,670,000
42,131,055
5 R. I...
352,000
127,126,;389
5 W. Va
773,000
14,113,894
6 conn..
764,000
199,953,331
6K C,
1.6:^,000
10,602,746
7 N. Y..
6,110,000
1,663,604,173
7 S. C...
1,165,000
14,5.56,233
8 Pa
5,382,000
546,267,053
8 Ga....
1,867,000
22,682,049
9 Ohio .
3,720,000
220,297,991
9Fla....
405,000
. 8,485,786
10 111
3,899,000
271,513,188
10 Ala...
1.538,000
14,900,568
11 Mich. .
* 2,139,000
124,332,290
11 Miss..
1,309,000
11,754,338
12 Wis...
1,728,000
91,828,490
12 La...
1,137,000
35,138,019
13 Iowa. .
1,935,000
111,981,211
13 Texas
2,:3O4,000
65,070,737
14 Minn..
1,360,000
102,482,170
14 Ark...
1,161,000
7,607,971
15 Kan...
1,448,000
53,896,.588
15 Ky....
1,870,000
86,078,682
16 Neh...
1,148,000
6S, :>i,620
16 Tenn..
1,773,000
42,603,237
17 col....
440,000
^0,480,478
17 Ind. ..
2,213,000
71,753,885
18 Nev...
44,000
1,176,791
18 Mo....
2,734,000
164,047,645
19 Cal....
1,244,000
2'i ' T'^\-2^^,
-•^..^^^
20 Ore, ..
333,000
17,87»,204
^■"^^^^^
21 N. D..
193,000
8,985,308
^^^
..^^
22 S. D...
341.000
11,669,101
^^~~^^,^
23 Idaho.
93;000
2.588,258
^^^^
24 Mont .
145,000
20,277,490
^^^-,^^
25 Wash.
375,000
27,859,317
^"-^-^^.^^^
26 Wyo..
66,000
5,373,750
^^
Total...
36,933,000
$4,951,206,464
TotaL..
26,259,000
$847,275,874
Population in Republican States 36,933,000
Population in Democratic States 26,259,000
Difference in favor of Republican States 10,674,000 !
Capital In bank— Republican States $4,951,206,464
Capital in bank— Democratic States 847,275,874
Difference in favor of Republican States. .. $4,103,930,590 !
230
Protection Pays— Free Trade Does Not.
A table showing tliat tlie volume of business Is done la the
Republican States.
Drafts Drawn On Keporting- Banks.
Republican States.
Amount
Drawn.
1
Democratic States.
Amount
Drawn.
1 Maine
$176,479,284
141,525,565
103,244,799
1,647,658,703
326,295,972
428,790,755
967,584,963
1,277,263,733
833,471,368
221,086,925
1,410,M9,266
369,686,997
187,850,498
315,^15,151
328,865,169
159,419,341
381,159,666
176,871,574
2,237,907
124,474,265
70.335,904
26:574,478
33,215,067
65,765,034
94,194,996
11,891,088
10,735,684
1 New Jersey
2 Delaware
3 Maryland
4 Virginia
5 VVestVa
i 6 No. Carolina ....
j 7 So. Carolina
1 8 Georgia
$540,605,948
40,761,234
296,966,976
118,001,654
34,414,274
47,131,898
42,705,672
88,208,733
43,546,212
65,046,139
29,079,559
2N.H
3 Vermont
4 Mass
5 R. I
6 Conn
7 New York
8 Pa
9 OMO
i 9 Florida
10 Indiana
llO Alabama
11 Miss
11 Illinois
12 Mich
12 La
134,919,339
347,699,375
635,857,962
27,905,777
138,148,783
152,719,395
13 Wis
13 Texas .
14 Iowa
14 Mo
15 Arkansas
16 Kentucky
17 Tennessee..
Total
15 Minn
16 Kansas
17 Nebraska
18 Colorado
19 Nevada.
20 California
21 Oregon ,
22 No. Dakota
23 So. Dakota
24 Montana
25 Washington.. ..
26 Wyoming
27 Idaho
, Total
$9,892,374,152
$2,783,718,924
Volume of business in Republican States $9,892,374,152
Volume of business in Democratic States 2,783,718,924
Difference In Favor of Republican States. $7,108,655,228
231
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233
Official Record of Circulation— All Kinds of
Money Outside the Treasury.
Circulation.
Population.
Cir. per
Capita.
I860
$435,407,252
448,405,767
334,697,774
595,394,038
669,641,478
714,702,995
673,488,244
661,992,069
680,103,661
664,452,891
675,212,794
715,889,005
738,309,549
751,881,809
776,083,031
754,101,947
727,609,388
722,314,883
729,132,634
818,631,793
973,382,228
1,114.238,119
1,174:290,419
1,230,305,696
1,243,925,969
1,292,568,615
1,252,700,525
1,317,539,143
1,372,170,870
1,380,561,649
1,429,251,270
1,500,067,555
1,603,073,338
1,599,256,584
31,443,321
32,064,000
32,704,000
33,365,000
34,046,000
34,748,000
35,469,000
36,211,000
36,973,000
37,756,000
38,588,371
39,555,000
40,596,000
41,677,000
42,796,000
43,951,000
45,137,000
46,353,000
47,598,000
48,866,000
50,155,783
51,316,000
52,495,000
53,693,000
54,911,000
56,148,000
57,404,000
58,680,000
59,974,000
61,289,000
62,622,250
63,975.000
65,520,000
65,756,000
$13 85
1861
13 98
1862
10 23
1863
17 84
1864
19 67
1865
1866
1867
20 57
18 99
18 28
1868
18 39
1869
1870
17 60
17 50
1871
18 10
1872
18 19
1873
18 04
1874
18 13
1875
17 16
1876
16 12
1877
15 58
1878
15 32
1879
1880
16 75
19 41
1881
21 71
1882
22 37
1883
22 91
1884
22 65
1885
23 02
1886
1887
21 82
22 45
1888
22 88
1889
22 52
1890
1891
22 82
23 45
1892
24 47
1892, Sept. 1
24 32
234
Average Price of Silver Bullion in London, in
Pence, per Ounce.
1878.
1879.
1880.
1881.
1882.
1883.
50.25
50.53
51.04
50.56
50.33
50.39
50.31
50.42
50.72
50.94
50.75
50.83
1884.
53.95
54.29
54.29
53.87
53.42
53.79
52.71
52.38
51.58
50.04
50.46
50.00
49.75
49.79
49.83
49.79
50.69
52.04
51.67
51.56
51.60
52.33
53.33
52.54
52.46
52.21
52.12
52.04
52.13
52.37
52.58
52.37
52.38
52.46
51.76
51.87
51.25
52.25
52.25
52.04
51.69
51.34
51.40
51.50
51.69
5194
51.94
51.87
52.00
51.81
.51.98
52.13
52.25
52.12
51.81
51.72
51.97
.51.81
51.44
50.81
50.87
February
Marcli
51.13
51.23
April
50.72
May
50.82
June
July
50.80
50.76
August
50.83
Septemlber
50.72
50.72
November
December
50.00
49.61
Average
52.56
51.20
52.25
51.76
51.82
50.59
50.68
1885.
1886.
1887.
1888.
1889.
189U.
1891.
January
February
Marcli
49.80
49.20
49.06
49.26
49.42
49.21
49.26
49.81
47.77
47.45
47.42
47.19
46.73
46 61
46.75
46.37
45.44
44.87
43.44
42.37
44.44
45.06
40. .50
45.69
46.87
46.66
45.30
43.92
43.58
43.97
44.15
44.57
44.63
44.21
44.02
44.38
44.41
44.03
43.32
42.66
42.05
42.10
42.11
42.01
43.21
43.09
43.02
42.51
42.54
42.59
42.52
42.19
42.16
42.03
42.19
42.35
42.48
43.03
43.95
44.00
44.45
44.05
43.90
45.43
47.00
47.56
49.28
52.83
53.04
49.65
47.20
48.15
47.71
47.94
45.60
44.95
April
44.51
May
44.47
44.90
July
46.00
45.42
September
October
45.04
44.57
November
December
43.68
43.80
Average
48.66
45.37
1 44.69
42.88
42.67
45.08
January, 1892, 42.80 ; February, 41.50 ; Marcli, 40.86 ; April, 39.72 ;
May, 40.06 ; June, 40.58 ; July, 39.60 ; August, 38.11.
The World's Stock of Gold and Silver— State-
ment by the Biiector of the Mint.
Stock op
Gold.
Stock of Silver.
Full
Legal Tender.
Total Silver.
United states
United Kingdom ....
$686,845,000
550,000,000
900,000,800
500,000,000
65,000,000
140,000,000
15,000,000
2,000.000
100,000.000
40,000,000
40,000,000
25,000,000
32,000,000
190,000,000
50,000,000
100,000,000
100,000,000
5.000,000
$46^,512,000
$542,078,000
100,000,000
700,000,000
204,000,000
55,000,000
60,000,000
15,000,000
4,000,000
125,000,000
10,000,000
90,000,000
65,000,000
10,000,000
60,000,000
45,01)0,000
7,000,000
15,000,000
50,000,000
500,000
France
650,000,000
102,000,000
48,400.000
25,800,000
11,400,000
1,800,000
90,000,000
Germany
Belgium
Italy.
Switzerland
Greece
Spain
Portugal
Austria^Himgary .. . .
Netherlands
Scandinavian Union.
Russia
90,000,000
61,800,000
■22Vobb'6o6'
Turkey
Australia
Effynt
Mexico
50,000,000
500,000
25,000,000
50,000,000
900,000,000
700,000,000
100,000,000
Central America
South America
Japan
India
45,000,1.00
90,000,000
25,000,000
50,000,000
900,000,000
China
700,000,000
100,000,000
5,000,000
2,000,000
The Straits
16,000,000
20,000,000
Cuba, Haytl, etc....
1,200,000
Total
$3,711,845,000
$3,395,412,000
$3,939,578,000
QAA
Gold Yalue of U. S. Legal Tender Dollar Each
Month and Each Year.
1862.
186a
1864.
1865.
1866.
1867.
1868.
1869.
January
97.6
96.6
98.2
98.5
96.8
93.9
86.6
87.3
84.4
77.8
76.3
75.6
68.9
6^3
64.7
66.0
67.2
69.2
76.6
79.5
74.5
67.7
67.6
66.2
64.3
61.1
61.4
57.9
56.7
47.5
38.7
39.4
44.9
4S.3
42.8
44.0
46.3
48.7
57.5
67.3
73.7
71.4
70.4
69.7
69.5
68.7
68.0
68.4
71.4
72.3
76.6
78.6
75.9
67.2
66 0
67.2
68.7
^7.4
69.5
73.2
74.3
72.8
74.1
73.7
73.0
72.7
71.7
71.0
69.7
69.7
71.6
74.2
72.2
70.7
71.7
72.1
71.6
71.4
70.1
68.7
69.6
72.9
74.4
74.0
73.7
74.4
76 2
February
Marcli.
April
75 2
May
June
71.8
72 4
July
73 5
August
74 5
September
October ....
73.1
76 8
November
December
79.2
82,3
Average
88.3
68.9
49.2
63.6
71.0
72.4
71.6
75.2
1870.
1871.
1872.
1873.
1874.
1875.
1876.
1877.
January
82.4
83.7
88.8
88.4
87.2
88.6
85.6
84.8
87.1
88.7
89.8
90.3
90.3
89.7
90.1
90.4
89.7
89.0
89.0
89.0
87.3
88.3
89.9
91.5
91.7
90.7
90.8
90.0
88.0
87.8
87.5
87.4
88.1
88.3
88.6
89.1
88.7
87.6
86.6
84.9
85.0
85.8
86.4
86.7
88.7
91.8
92.1
90.9
89.7
89.1
89.2
88.2
89.9
90 0
91.0
91.2
91.2
91.0
90.2
89.6
88.9
87.3
86.6
87.1
86.3
85.4
87.2
88.1
86.4
85.8
86.7
87.8
88.6
88.2
87.4
88.3
88.7
89.4
89.5
90.2
91.1
90.1
91.6
92.5
94.1
February
Marcb
95.0
95.4
April
94.1
May
93.9
June
94.8
July
94.7
August
95.7
September
October
November
December.
96.6
97.2
97.2
97.3
Average
87.0
89.5
89.0
87.9
89.9
86.9
89.6
95.5
287
Tables of Exports.
Tliese tables are to be read in connection with the
articles entitled "ProtectioL md Exports" on page 138.
They constitute a comprehensiw'e comparison of the ex-
port of articles, the growth, production and manufacture
of the United States, to all foreign countries from 1790 to
1890 inclusive, a period of 101 years. The leading arti-
cles are given by decades, stated as fully as tlie records of
the Treasury Department will show.
The quantities of the articles exported will be a more
accurate test of the capacity and industry of our people
than can be had from their estimated money value ; the
same article in different years has varied more than 25
per cent in value.
Prior to 1803 no distinction was made between domestic
and foi'eig7i exports. Tlie value up to that time is given
of those articles wiiosc origin left no doubt of their domes-
tic production.
The following table shows the total value of articles,
the growth, production or manufacture of the United
States, exported by decades, from 1790 to 1890 = 101
years, amount to $21,692,739,844.
Total Value of Domestic Exports — by Decades.
Years.
1790-1800 (11 years) $325,483,107
1801-1810 381,779,647
1811-1 S20 462,701 ,289
1821-1830 536,104,918
1831-1840 892,889,909
1841-1850 1,131,132,001
1851-1860 2,322,830,181
1861-1870 2,389,469,808
1871-1880 5,748,885,881
1881-1890 •. 7,501,463,102
TotaljlOl years $21,692,739,844
1790-1860(71 yeai-S) $6,052,921,053
1861-1890 (30 years) . 15,639,818,791
Note.— From the above it appears that for the thirty-
one years ended 1820, we exported f<l,lf)9,9D4.043 ; for the
forty years ended 1800, there was exported $4,882,957,010.
Tlie total exported for the seventy-one years, viz., 1790
to 1860, amounted to $6,052,921,053; and from 1861 to
1890, thirty y-^ars, there was exported the sum of $15,-
639,818,791, an increase over the last thirty years of
$10,746,861,781, and over the previous seventy-one years
$9,576,897,738, or over 150 per cent.
For the eighty-one jears eiicTed 1870, the
total value exported was $8,442,390,861,
and for the twenty years ending 1890
amounted to $13,250,348,983, an increase
of $4,807,958,122 or ahout 57 per cent.; the
decade ending 1890 sliows an increase of
ahout 30 per cent.
Agricultural implements, consisting of farming mills,
horse powers, mowers and reapers, plows, cultivators and
other implements :
388
Agricultural Implements.
(First Enumerated in 1864.)
Period. Value.
1864-1870 $7,095,309
1871-1880 22,746'048
1881-1890 29,899,358
f Total, 27 years $59,740,695
Books, Maps, Engravings, Etchings and other Printed Matter.
Years. Value.
1826-1830 $211,:W3
1831-1840 390,433
1841-1850 592,252
1851-1860. 2,196,149
1861-1870 3,211,479
1871-1880. 5,942,625
1881-1890 13,538,298
-Total, 65 years $26 ,082,539
Total, 1826-1860 (35 years) $3,390,137
Total, 1861-1890 (30 years) 22,692,402
Note.— The exportation from 1861-1890 exceeded the previous
thlrty-nve years by $19,302,265, or nearly 600 per cent. The decade
ending 1890 exceeded the decade ending 1880 by $7,595,673, or about
128 per cent.
Breadstuffs op all Kinds.
Years. Value.
1821-1830 $61,160,492
1831-1840 72,982,235
1841-1850 170,288,107
1851-1860 315,350,517
1861-1870 640,448,299
1871-1880 1,464,525,975
1881-1890 1 ,682,568,928
Total, 70 years $4,407,324,553
Total, 1821-1860 (40 years) '. $619,781,351
Total, 1861-1890 (30years) 3,787,543,202
For year 1861 128,121,656
For year 1892 299,363,117
The above table of breadstuffs of all kinds
sliows that there was imported from tlie
United States, durinj? tlie forty years ending^
I860, amounting to $619,781,351, and for
the thirty years ending- with 1890, the enor-
mous sum of $3,787,543,202, or 511 per
cent. The increase of tlie last decade, ending-
1890, over the preceding decade is about 15
per cent*
iNbiAN Corn.
Years.
Bushels.
Values.
Value per
Bushel.
1790-1800
1801-1810
1811-1820
1821-1830
16,546,965
11,789,969
11,970,380
7,045,060
3,753,919
47,296,262
51,503,092
100,611,081
536,434.697
572,569,569
0
0
0
$3,894,645
2,677,815
a3,ft33,522
37,501,880
82,055,006
321,3:i5,l<)4
303,031,013
Cents.
0
0
0
55 2
1831-1840
71.3
1841-1850
1851-1860
69.8
72.8
1861-1870
81.6
1871-1880
1881-1890
59.9
52 9
1,359,520,994
Total, 1790-1820 (31 yrs.). ..
Total, 1821-1860 (40 yrs.). . .
Total, 1861-1890 (30 yrs.). ..
Fiscal year 1891
40,307,314
109,598,333
1,209.615,347
30,768,213
75,451,849
$77,107,862
706,421,213
17,652,687
41,690,460
70.3
58.4
Fiscal year 1892
The above table of corn shows we exported from 1790
to 1860 only 149,905,647 bushels ; from 1861 to 1890 the
large amount of 1,209,615,347 bushels ; the year 1890 was
the largest year of exportation, amounting to 101,973,717
bushels (the price being the lowest during the decade),
about one-third less than for the 71 years, /. e., from 1790
to 1860.
Corn Meal.
Years.
Barrels.
Values.
Value per
Barrel.
1790 1800
993,048
1,544,814
1,661,313
3,626,549
2,412,798
2,531,752
3,585,896
3,007,;357
$4,581,489
6,202,292
12,021,273
9,064,8:33
12.669,760
12,647,546
8,976,510
1801-1810
1811-1820
1821-18:30
1831 1840
$2 97
3 73
1841-1850
1851 1860
3 31
3 76
1861 1870
5 00
1871 1880
3 52
1881-1890
2 98
Total 80 years
19,363,5:35
0
0
Total 1821-1860 (40 years) ..
•' 1861-1890 (30 yeai-8)..
9,245,474
9,125,005
$31,869,887
34,29:3,816
$3 45
3 76
The above table of corn meal exhibits a slight decrease
in quantity for the two periods ; that is, 1811-1860 and
1861-1890, and small increase in value. The highest price
occurred during the decade (war period) 1861-1870, of $5
per barrrel.
240
Wheat Exported and Comp-etition.
The countries from which the compel ition we are meet-
ing are Russia, India, Australia and the Argentine Re-
public. The wheat exported is almost entirely to supply
the European markets. There is little or no com-
petition from those countries of wheat flour ; exports of
the latter have more than doubled during the last decade.
Wheat.
Period.
Bushels.
Value.
Value per
Bushel.
1790-1800
1801-1810
1811-1820
5,383,743
3,418.741
1,026,572
198,424
2,456,986
13,131,506
55,255,528
220,115,995
667,435,801
833,548,148
0
0
$1,833,249
181,732
2,554.432
15,641,878
75,028 680
295,9;38,699
830,177,921
832,636,590
0
0
$1 79
1821-1830
92
1831-1840
1 04
1841 1850
1 19
1851-1860
1 36
1861-1870
1 34
1871-1880
1 24
1881-1890 ■
1 00
Total 101 years
1,801,971,444
0
0
Total 1811-1860 (50 yrs.).. ..
" 1861-1890 (30 yrs.)....
Fiscal year 1891
72,069,016
1,721,199,944
55,131,948
157,280,351
$95,239,941
1,958,753,010
51,420,272
161,399,132
$1 32
1 14
" " 1892
From 1790 to 1860, inclusive, 71 years, we exported
only 80,871,500 bushels ; while in the year 1881, the largest
year of our exportation, there was exported 150,565,477
bushels, exceeding nearly one-half more in this single
year, or 69.693,977 bushels.
The largest year of exportation was in 1881 ; the small-
est in 1827, being only 2,062 bushels ; the highest price
during decade, 1811-1820 (war period) ; lowest price 67
cents in»1827, and the highest price in 1864 — of $1.95 per
bushel.
Wheat Flour.
Period.
Barrels.
Values.
Value
per BarreL
1790-1800
7,757,488
9,099,100
10,499,104
9,103.324
9,334,896
18,559.523
28,927,786
31,249,274
39,665,327
96,035,319
0
0
0
$49,043,089
56,579,601
100,431,897
180,143,666
►225,713,645
*!50,495,114
487,036,208
0
1801-1810
0
1811-1820
1821-1830
0
$5 39
6 06
5 41
1831-1840
1841-1850
1851-1860
6 23
1861-1870
7 22
1871-1880
6 32
1881-1890
5 07
Total 101 years
260,231,141
0
0
Total 1821-1860 (40 years)
" 1861-1890(30 " )
Fiscal year 1891
" " 1892
65,925,529
167,949,920
11,344,304
15,196,769
$386,198,253
963,244,962
54,705,616
75,362,283
$5 86
5 74
241
Covering the thirty years ending 1820, there was
exported 27, 355, 692 barrels of flour, the vahie not stated ;
from 1821 to 1860, forty years, there was exported
65,925,529 barrels, valued at $386,198,253; and for the
period from 1861 to 1890 there was exported the number
of 167,949,920 barrels, valued at $963,324,962; the
average value for the two periods being about the same,
^. e., $5.86 and $5.74 per barrel.
Brooms and Brushes.
Years. Values.
1826-1830 $27,603
1831-1840 48,135
1841-1850 31,138
1851-1860 210,473
1861-1870 1,459,297
1871-1880 1,608,414
1881-1890 1,710,271
Total, 65 years $5,095,331
Total, 1826-1860, 35 years $317,349
Total, 1861-1890, 30 years .• 4,777,982
The first record of the exportation of brooms and
brushes begins in 1826, the above shows the value ex-
ported from 1826-1860 (35 years) to be $317,349, while
from 1860 to 1890 (30 years) had increased to $4,777,982.
Candles of All Kinds.
Years.
1801-1810
1811-1820
1821-1830
1831-1840
1841-1850
1851-1860
1861-1870
1871-1880
1881-1890
Total 99 yrs.. . .
1801-1860 (60 yrs.)
1861-1890 (30 yrs.)
Pounds.
14,053,1:34
8,491,498
28,511,043
30,447,195
37,347,344
41,257,116
43,124,721
18,688,107
17,419,353
239,339,511
160,107,330
79,232,181
Values.
$7,812,165
2,675,168
1,945,630
$12,432,963
Value
per
Pound.
cents.
18.1
14.3
11.2
15.7
The above table gives only the number of pounds ex-
ported from 1801 to 1860, the values being included with
other articles. The export is diminishing annually, owing
to the introduction of other illuminating materials.
242
Carriages, Carts, Horse Cars and Parts of.
Years. Values.
1790-1800 * $135,301
1801-1810 159,535
1811-1820 ■ 192,210
1821-1830 419,360
1831-1840 631,595
18 il-1 a50 721 ,442
ia51-1860 4,188,673
1861-1870 5,515,263
1871-1880 6,839,096
1881-1890 15,034,937
Total 101 years $33,837,412
1790-1860(71 years) $8,448,116
1861-1890 (30 years) 27,389,296
Tlie above shows a gratifying increase of our manu-
factures ; the large increase of the decade ending 1890
compared with the one preceding shows an increase of
over 150 per cent.
Cars, Passenger and Freight, for Steam Railroads.
Years.
Number.
Values.
Value
per Car,
1864, '5, '9 and 70
$1,465,795
6,618,621
11,870,485
1871-1880
7,371
17,808
$807 93
1881-1890
666 58
Total
$19,954,901
The above speaks volumes in praise of our mechanical
construction and ingenuity.
Chemicals, Drugs, Dyes and Medicines.
Years.
Values.
The Exportation of these
Years Included Aslies,
Pot and Pearl.
1821-1830
$13,948,238
9,403,262
10,890,706
14,2,56,755
30,883,608
34,597,603
52,225,084
$11,594,661
7,128,606
7,256,754
5,400,532
3,959.576
871,673
1831-1840
1841-1850
1851-1860
1861-1870
1871-1880
1881-1890
Total, 70 years. ....
$166,205,256
Total,1821-1860 (40 yrs.)
Total,1860-1890(30yrs.)
$48,498,961
117,706,295
The larger portion of the exports for the first four de-
cades consisted mostly of pot and pearl ashes and ginseng.
The average exportation is about $5,000,000 annually.
2d»
Clocks, and Parts of.
Years. Values.
1864-1870 $3,782,284
1871-1880 9,618,936
1881-1890 12,074,194
TotaU27 years) $25,475,414
The first record of the export of clocks, and parts of, be-
gins in 18G4. The last decade shows an increase of near
25 per cent, over the previous one.
Watches, and Parts of.
Yeaks. Values.
1870 $4,a35
1871-1880 531,131
1881-1890 2,221,215
Total (21 years) $2,756,681
The year 1870 was the first year that watches, and parts
of, form a place in the record of exports. We exported
in 1870 $4,335 worth, while the year 1890 there was ex-
ported $351,089.
Coal, Anthracite.
Years.
Tons.
Values.
Value
per Ton.
1867-1870
790,0811
3,310,131
6,857,817
$4,772,452
15,594,458
30,059,311
$6 04
1871-1880
4 71
1881-1890
4 38
Total (24 yeai's)
10,958,032
$50,426,221
$4 60
Coal, Bituminous.
Years.
Tons.
Value.
Value per Ton.
1848-1850
57,711
1,089,632
1,008,632
285,376
3,472,927
6,262,678
$254,598
5,016,012
6,107,820
1,449,440
9,467,930
18,870,454
$4 4n Kind
1851-1860
4 60y not
1861-1866
6 05) specified.
1867 1870
5 08
1871-1880
3 83
1881-1890
3 01
Total (56 years)....
11,176,956
$41,166,254
$3 68
The table shows a large increase in quantity exported,
with a decided decrease in value per ton.
244
COPPEE AND MANUFACTURES OF (INCLUDING BRASS, AND MFS. OP).
Years. Values.
1801-1810....'. 90,498
1811-1820 101,856
1821-1830 477,013
1831-1840 1,047,839
1841-1850 795,168
1851-1860 6,925,356
1861-1870 11,002,284
1871-1880 19,963,454
1881-1890 59,483,455
Total 90 years 99,836,923
TOtall801-1860 (60 yrs.) 9,437,730
" 1861-1890(30 " .) 90,399,193
For the 60 years ending with 1860 there was exported
of copper, and manufactures of, the value of $9,437,730,
and for the 30 years ending 1890 there were exported
the sum of $90,399,193; about one-half or more consists
of copper ore.
Cotton, Eaw.
Years.
Pounds. .
Values.
Value per
Pound.
1796-1800
46,577,229
414,010,703
686,708,202
2,034,843,621
4,317,380,823
6,994,793,991
11,800,787,893
4,0-14,520,428
14,210,292,095
21,321,443,919
0
$156,726,299
256,554,294
528.806,110
553,409,821
1,236,063,866
1,083,953,310
1,945,766,387
2,216,883,294
cents.
1801 1810
1811 1820
22 8
1821 1830
12 6
1831-1840
12 2
1841-1850
7.9
1851-1860
10 5
1861-1870
26.8
1871-1880
13 7
1881-1890
10.4
Total 95 years
65,871,308,904
Total 1811-1860 (50 yrs.). ..
Total 1861-1890 (30 yrs.)... .
1891
-
25,834,464,530
39,576.256.442
2,898,553,804
2,932,013,670
$2,731,560,390
5,246,602,991
287,649,930
256,869,777
10.6
13.3
1892 ,.
The exports of cotton from 1796 to 1860, 65 years,
amounted to 26,295,053,463 pounds, and for the thirty
years ending 1890 there was exported 39,576,256,443
pounds, or about 50 per cent, more, while the price is
also above the earlier period
Cotton, Manufactures of.
Years. Values.
1826-1830 $6,402,683
1831-1840 26,428,630
1841-1850 40,845,102
1851-1860 77,001,788
1861-1870. 46.542,347
1871-1880 71,005,827
1881-1890 , 127,491,518
Total 65 years... . , $395,720,895
1826-1860 (85 years) , $150,681,203
1861-1890 (80 years)
The increase of exports of the manufacture of cotton
of the last 30 years over the previous 35 years is about 63
per cent.
Eakthen, Stone and China Ware.
Years. Values.
1826-1830 $22,410
1831-1840 117,305
1841-1850 751606
1851-1850 411,159
186 1 -1 870 473,510
1871-1880 738,838
1881-1890 1,878,018
Total, 65 years $3,716,846
Total, 1831-1860 (30 years) $626,480
Total, 1861-1890 (30 years) 3,090,366
The exports of the earlier periods consisted principally
of the common earthen and stone ware, for the first thirty-
five years, up to 1860, only exported to the value of
$626,480, and fsora 1861-1890, the sum of $3,090,366, or
about 500 per cent, increase. The last decade exhibits an
increase over the former decade of over 150 per cent.
Fertilizers.
Years. Values.
1865-1870 $226,434
1871-1880 6,827,706
1881-1890 11,092,079
Total 26 years $18,146,219
The above table indicates progress made in manufact-
uring the phosphates and other native crude fertilizers.
Fruits.
Years. Values.
1817-1820 $242,301
1821-1830 ^4,952
1831-1840 370,317
1841-1850 616,273
1751-1860 J,041,079
1861-1870 ". 4,869,402
1871-1880 14,83i,726
1881-1890 , 33,989,792
Total 74 years $56,308,842
Total 1821-1860 (40 years) $2,614,922
" 1861-1890 (;30 " ) 53,693,920
The above table of fruits for the period up to 1860
(the exports) consisted principally of green or ripe and
dried ; the tv70 latter decades of canned and preserved
fruits. The increase of the last over the previous decade
shows an increase of over 120 per cent.
246
FuEs AND Fur Skins.
Years. Values.
1790-1800 $1,984,078
1801-1810 5,417,945
1811-1820 4,031,436
1821-1830 5,945;236
1831-1840..... 7,751,968
1841-1850 7,962,797
1851-1860 10,135,860
1861-1870 14,293,236
1871-1880 37,427,898
1881-1890 44,888,429
TotallOl years $139,8.38,883
Total 1790-1860 (71 yrs.) 43,229,320
" 1861-1890(30 " ) 96,609,563
From 1790 to 1860 (71 years) there were exported of
furs and fur skins of the value of $43,229,320, and for the
thirty years ending 1890 the value of the same amounted
to $96,609,563, an increase of over 123 per cent.
Glass and Glasswaee.
Years. Values.
1826-1830 $265,496
1831-1840 691,966
1841-1850 757,9:34
1851-1860 2,12,5,903
1861-1870 6,976,.549
1871-1880 6,638,632
1881-1890 ■...-..... 8,558,672
Total65years $26,015,152
Totall826-1860 (35 yrs.) 3,841,299
" 1861-1890(30 " ) 22,173,853
Glass and glassware exported 1826-1860 (35 years)
amounted to $3,841,299, while from 1860-1890 they
amounted to $22,173,853. The exports for decade 1890
were $8,558,672, being $4,717,373 greater than for the
thirty-live years ending with the year 1860, or over 120
per cent.
Gunpowder.*
Years.
Pounds.
Values.
Value per
Pound.
1790 1800
82,799
1.616,319
3,247,519
8,751,2.34
12,775,634
11,994,805
23,690,483
7,430,727
7,115,757
13,939,658
Not given.
$1,436,158
1,603,584
1,285,024
3,271,367
1,321,426
1,210,243
2,150,888
0
1801-1810
1811 1820
0
0
1821-1830
16 4
1831-1840
12 6
1841-1850
10.7
1851-1860
13 8
1864-1870
17 7
1871-1880..
17.
1881-1890 ,
15.4
Total, 101 years
90,644,935
0
0
Total, 1790-1860(71 yrs.).
Total, 1861-1890 (30 yrs.).
62,158,793
28,486,142
0
^,682,557
0
16.4
247
lu llie above table the exports of gunpowder have de-
creased, the use of it has been superseded by other
recently introduced explosives, which are separately pro-
vided for, but not given in this series of tables.
Hemp and Flax, and Manufactures of.
Years. Values.
1821-1830 $339,789
1831-1840 315,214
1841-1850 514.771
1851-1860 2,927,791
1861-1870 6,107,234
1871-1880 12,886,355
1881-1890 15,946,757
Total, 70 years $39,037,911
Total, 1821-1860 (40 years) ^,097,565
Totals 1861-1890 (30 years) $34,940,346
With hemp, flax, and manufactures of, the export trade
has grown steadily ; an increase of the thirty years ending
with 1890, over the forty years ending with 1860, is about
700 per cent., or, in dollars, $30,842,781.
Hops.
Years.
Pounds.
Values.
Value
Per Pound.
1801-1810
2,566,054
773,723
2,723,817
5,449,186
6,723,642
8,169,' 09
61,583,114
63,743,599
84,097,494
0
0
0
0
0
$1,854,619
11,849,493
11,428,606
20,654,112
1811-1820
1821 1830
1831 1840
1841 1850 . . .
Cents
1851-1860
22.7
1861-1870
1871-1880 ..
19.2
17.9
1881-1890 ....
24.6
Total, 90 years
235,829,638
0
0
Total, 1801-1860 (60 years)
Total, 1861-1890 (30 years)
26,405,431
209,424,207
0
$43,932,211
0
21.
The exportation of hops from 1801 to 1860 (60 years)
amounted to 26,405,481 pounds ; the value of the same
cannot be stated ; and from 1861 to 1890 (30 yearsy the
exports ran up to 209,424,207 pounds, valued (at 21 cents
per 'pound) $43,932,211.
India-rubber and Gutta-percha, Manufactures of.
Years. Values.
1855-1860 $3,899,204
1801-1870 2,064,287
1871-1880 2,369,388
1881-1890 7,089,278
Total, 46 years $15,422,157
Of India-rubber and gutta-percha and manufactures of,
the figures show large increased exportation by the last
decade — over 200 per cent, increase.
248
Iron and Steel and Manufactures of.
Years. Values.
1821-1830 $2,057,361
1831-1840 4,971,265
1841-1850 11,119,714
1851-1860 40,679,152
1861-1870 84,633,313
1871-1880 155,067,526
1881-1890 : 194,850,927
Total, 70 years..... $493,379,258
1821-1860 (40 yrs.) $58,827,492
1861-1890 (30 yrs.) 434,551,766
For the 40 years ending with 1860 there were exported
of the manufactures of iron and steel the value of $58,-
827,492 ; and for the 30 years ending with 1890 the value of
$434,551,766, or over $375,724,274 more than the 40 years
ending in 1860.
Lead and Manufactures of.
Years. Values.
1826-1830 $22,905
1831-1840 54,375
1841-1850 136,467
1851-1860 487,793
1861-1870 533,808
1871-1880 1,670,892
1881-1890 1,289,148
Total, 65 years, $4,195,388
1826-1860 (35 yrs.) $701,540
1861-1890 (30 yrs.) 3,495,388
Lead, with other products and manufacture, shows its
capacity to maintain its places, the decHne in price during
the last decade may account for the decreased value in
exportation.
Leather and Manufactuers of.
Years. Values.
1821-1830 $5,509,171
1831-1840 2,667,509
1841-1850 2,620,076
1851-1860 10,856,800
1861-1870 14,956,327
1871-1880 63,788,803
1881-1890 94,954,009
Total 70 years $195,347,695
Totall82l-1860 (40 years) ' $21,635,556
Total 1861-1890 (30 yeara) 173,694,139
Leather and manufactures of, exported during the
forty years ending with 1860, amounted to $21,635,556,
and for the thirty years ending with 1890, amounted to
$173,694,139, being in excess of the forty years of
$152,058,538.
249
Marble and Stone and Manufactures of.
Years. Values.
1826-1830 $27,232
1831-1&40 86,618
1841-ia')0 200,485
1851-1860 , 1,104,012
1861-1870 1,869,735
1871-1880 4,906,745
1881-1890 6,431,068
Total 65 years $14,625,895
Totall826-1860 (35 years) $141831^
Totall861-1890 (30 years) 13,207'548
Of marble, atone and manufactures of, there was
exported for the thirty-five years ending with 1860, the
vahie of $1,418,347, and for the thirty years ending with
1890, value exported amounted to $13,207,548, being
$11,789,201 more than for the previous thirty-five years,
or over 831 per cent.
Instruments and Apparatus for Scientific Purposes, Including
Telegraph, Telephone and Other Electric.
Years. Values.
1864-1870 ^90,178
1871-1880 491,196
1881-1890 ; 6,761,544
Total 27 years $7,342,918
The above indicates that the manufacturers of mathe-
matical, scientific, philosophical, electrical and other
instruments are demonstrating their ability to compete
with the old manufacturers in Europe — an enormous
increase during the last decade.
Musical Instruments,
Years. Values.
1826-1830 $49,141
1831-1840 76,401
1841-1850. . . ; 200,642
1851-1860 1,054,543
1861-1870 1,883,775
1871-1880 6,427,050
1881-1890 10,181,531
Total, 65 years $19,873,083
Total, 1826-1860 (35 years) $1,380,727
Total, 1861-1890 (30 years) 18,492,356
From 1836-1860, thirty-five years, there was exported*
of musical instruments the value of $1,380,727, and from
1861 to 1890, thirty years, there was exported $18,492,356,
an increase of $17,111,629, and for the decade ending
with 1890 the value was $10,181,539, aa increase of nearly
66 per cent.
250
Naval Stores— Tar, Pitch, Resin and Turpentine.
Years.
1790-1800
1801-1810
1811-1820
1821-1830
1831-1840 •
1841-1850
1851-1860
1861-1870
1871-1880
1881-1895
Total, 101 yeare
Total, 1790-1860 (71 years)
Total, 1861-1890 (30 years)
Barrels.
1,265,281
1,;376,741
1,407,566
1,884,451
2,409,384
3,828,207
6,687,531
3,111,260
9,384,345
13,803,577
45,158,343
Values.
Not given.
Not given.
$4,:-}41,281
4,082,416
6,181,164
8,121,974
16,929,970
12,251,195
27,177,630
86,460,360
18,859,161
26,299,182
0
$65,889,185
The quantity of naval stores above enumerated only
given for the whole period. From 1790 to 1860 there was
exported 18,859,161 barrels, and from 1861 to 1899, thirty
years, 26,299,182 barrels, an increase of the previous
seventy-one years of 7,440,021 barrels.
Oil Cake and Oil Cake Meal.
Years,
Pounds.
Values.
Value per
Pound.
1855-1860
0
0
2,764,515,170
5,426,894,137
$7,307,309
22,951,156
47,317,341
68,470,765
cents.
1861-1870
1871-1880
Cents.
1 7
1881-1890
1.3
Total 36 years
0 .
$146,046,571
0
Oils, Mineral— Mineral Oils, Crude (Including All Natural
Oils Without Regard to Gravity.)
Years.
Gallons.
Values.
Value per
Gallon.
1862-1870
1871-1880
85,520,084
202,801,557
692,512,780
$26,981,212
23,573,357
49,646,057
cents.
31.5
11 6
1881-1890
7.2
Total, 29 years
980,834,421
$100,200,626
10.2
The exportation of crude mineral oil has largely in-
creased in quantity exported, and the price has fallen
from 31| to 7.2 cents in 1890.
351
(Oils, Mineral Continued)— Oil, Mineral, Refined or Manufact-
ured, Naphthas (Including All Lighter Products op Dis-
tillation).
Years.
1864-1870.
1871-1880.
1881-1890.
11,430.163
126,344,662
153,595,053
Total 27 years 291,369,87'8
Gallons.
Values.
$1,829,541
12,468,772
12,801,205
$27,099,518
Value
per Gall.
Cents.
16.0
9.9
8.3
The exportation of naphthas in value has slightly in-
creased during the last decade, yet the value has decreased
nearly 20 per cent, per gallon.
Oils, Mineral (Continued). Oil, Mineral, Refined, &c. (Con-
tinued). Illuminating.
Years.
Gallons.
Values.
Value per
Gall.
1864 1870
372,673,059
2,277,406,704
4,546,533,072
$134,894,080
359,945,778
386,184,008
Cents.
36.2
1871 1880
15.8
1881-1890
8.5
Total, 27 years
7,196,612,835
$881,023,866
12.2
IlluminatiDg oil, the total value of exportation for the
last decade over the previous is only a little over 26
million dollars, yet the quantity for the same period ex-
ceeds by 2,269,126,368; the price per gallon, 1871-1880,
was 15.8 cents ; while, in 1880-1890, was only 8^ cents per
gallon.
Oil, Mineral, Reigned, &c. (Continued). Lubricating and Heavy
Paraffine Oil.
Years.
Gallons.
Values.
Value per
Gallon.
1869-1870
141,403
16,287,175
152,716,209
$53,7a3
4,365,178
28,369,229
Cents.
38.
1871-1880
26.8
1881-1890
18.6
Total 22 years
169,144,787
$32,788,140
19.4
Note to preceding table will apply to this.
352
Oil, Mineral, Refined, &c. (Continued). Residuum (Including
Tab and all Other from Which the Light Have Been
Distilled).
Years.
1871-1880
1881-1890
Total 20 years
Barrels.
874,234
1,436,663
Values.
$1,779,326
2,206,024
$3,985,350
Value
per BW.
$3 17
2 52
$2 77
Large increase of fexportation in quantity, with a corre-
sponding decrease in value, viz., from $3.17 to $2.52 per
barrel.
Oils, Animal— Lard.
Years.
Gallons.
Values.
Value
per GalL
1855-1860
592,120
2,755,652
6,986,702
8,305,494
$504,210
2,547,985
4,507,403
5,140,567
Cents.
85.2
1861 1870
92.5
1871-1880
64.5
1881-1890. . . . ■
61.9
Total 36 years
18,639,968
$12,700,165
68 1
Exportations of lard oil show large increase since 1870,
and about 12 per cent, increase in quantity during the last
decade with a decrease in price. The highest price ob-
tained during war decade, 1861-1870.
Oils, Animal— Sperm.
Years.
Gallons.
Values.
Value per
Gallon.
1790-1800
1,163,199
448,029
315,273
697,839
1,321,131
5,651,262
9,421,469
7,806,319
6,556.827
2,417.634
0
0
0
442,129
. 1,161,831
5,213,722
12,791.046
13,651,804
8,697,151
2,211,626
Cents.
0
1801-1810
0
1811-1820
0
1821-1830
63.3
1831-1840
87 9
1841-1850
92 3
1851-1860
136
1861-1870-
175
1871-1H80
1881-1890
133.
91 5
Total, 101 years
35,798,982
0
0
Total, 1790-1820 (31 yrs.)
" 1821-1860(40 " )
" 1861-1890(30 " )
1,926,501
17,091,701
16,780,780
0
$19,608,728
S4,560,58l
0
114.7
146.4
Owing to the decline of the fisheries and the introduc-
tion of cheaper illuminating materials, th« exportation
has diminished.
253
Oils, Animal— Whale and Pish.
Years.
Gallons.
Values.
Value
per Gall.
1790-1800
1801-1810
1811-1820
6,735,160
5,341,692
4,114,923
10,529,134
30,188,942
30,797,885
8,481,018
8,441,411
10,049,720
9,596,736
0
0
0
$3,016,445
9,801,337
10,572,758
5,145,369
5,943,709
4,249,490
2,874,624
Cents.
0
0
28.6
32.3
34.3
60.7
70.4
42 3
1821-1830
1831-1840
1841-1850 ..
1851-1860
1861-1870
1871-1880
1881-1890..
300
TotallOl years
124,276,621
0
0
Total 1790-1820 (31 yrs )
16,191,775
79,996,979
28,087,867
$28,535,909
13,067,823
Total 1821-1860 (40 yrs.)
Total 1861-1890 (30 yrs.)
35.6
46 5
To the failure in the fisheries and introduction of cheaper
illuminating material may be attributed the decline in ex-
portation. .
Oils, Animal— Other Animal.
Years.
Gallons.
Values,
Value per
Gallon.
1867-1870...; :...
104,240
305,093
3,313,224
III
Cents.
40
1871-1880
88
1881-1890
55.7
Total 25 years.
3,722,557
$2,154,651
57 4
Oils, Vegetable— Cotton-seed.
Years.
Gallons.
Values.
Value per
Gallon.
1869-1870
Est. 130,000
22,067,500
45,384,428
$65,390
10,354,596
18,408,162
Cents.
50.3
1871-1880
47
1881-1890
40.5
Total, 22 years
67,581,928
$28,828,148
42.7
The last decade shows over 100 per cent increase of
quantity, while there is a decline in price of about 14
per cent.
254
Oils— Vegetable Linseed Oil.
Years.
Gallons.
Values.
Value per
Gallon.
1801-1810
136,372
124.599
108,663
53,665
80,075
411,634
365,923
766,190
0
0
0
0
0
0
$393,338
310,480
453,778
1811-1820
1821 1830 ...
1831-1840
1841-1850
1851-1860
1861-1870
1871-1880
84 8
1881-1890
59.2
' The last decade shows an increase over the former of
100 per cent., with a decided in vahie, per gallon, of about
43 per cent.
Paints, Painters' Colors and Varnish.
Years. Values.
182&-1830 $112,287
1831-1840 244,332
1841-1850 470,945
1851-1860 1,543,645
1861-1870 2,324,215
1871-1880 ' 2,523.851
1881-1890 ; 6,350,190
Total65 years $13,569,465
Total 1826-1860 (35 yrs.) ' $2,371,209
" 1861-1890(30 ") 11,198,256
The exportation of paints, colors and varnish for the
thirty-five years ending with 1860 show the value to be
$2,371,209 ; and for the thirty vears ending 1890 the value
amounted to $11,198,256, an increase of about 400 per
cent. The last decade shows nearly as much ($6,350,190)
as the previous fifty-five years.
Paper, and Manufactures op, Except Books.
Years. Values.
1826-1830 $175,947
1831-1840 641,556
1841-1850 872,192
1851-1860 2',018,317
1861-1870 5,303,794
1871-1880 8,296,330
1881-1890 12,279,046
Total 65 years $29,587,182
Totay826-1860 (35 yrs.) $3,708,012
" 1861-1890,(30 " ) 25,879,170
For the thirty-five years ending with 1860 there was
255
exported of paper, and manufactures of, except books,
the value of J$3,708,012, and for the thirty years ending
with 1890 we exported $25,879^170, or, say, 700 per cent,
increase.
Provisions— Bacon and Hams.
Years.
Pounds.
Values.
Value per
Pound.
1790-1800
11,453,582
13,3:35,798
6,6:36,969
17,692,566
'14,7:35,852
165,896,246
270,706,916
761,752,783
4,183,35:3,042
4,568,723,378
bog
$85,300,269
369,262,925
401,600,845
0
1801-1810
0
1811-1820
0
1821-1830
0
1831-1840
0
1841-1850
0
1851-1860
1861-1870
0
cents.
11 2
1871-1880
8 8
1881-1890
8.8
Total, 101 years
10,014,287,132
0
0
Total, 1790-1860 (71 yrs.)...
" 1861-1890 (30 yrs.)...
Fiscal year 1891
" " 1892
500,457,929
9,513,8;»,203
599,0a5,665
584,776,389
0
856,164,039
0
9.0
The exports from 1790 to 1860, a period of 71 years,
amounted to 500,457,929 pounds ; for the 30 years ending
with 1890 the enormous amount of 9,513,829,203 pounds,
nearly 20 times as much as for the 71 years. There was
exported in 1890, 608,490,956 pounds, being more in this
one year than in the 71 years ending with 1860.
The restriction placed by foreign powers upon pork
and its products being removed, exportation will naturally
increase.
Provisions (Continued). Beef.
Years.
Barrels,
Tierces.
Pounds.
Values.
1790-1800
&53,612
763 196
392,828
708,167
402,471
914,456
839,042
415,768
0
298,376
205,821
0
0
0
109,94«,863
383,188,012
1,816,047,064
S^^
1801 1810
>'i
1811-1820
1821-1830
1831-1840
gt
1841-1850
1851-1860
1861-1870
1871-1880
$23,770,466
29,626,520
174,627,924
1881-1890
TotallOl years
5,289,540
504,197
2,309,181,939
0
Totall790-1860(71yrs.
" 1861-1890(80 " )
0
0
0
2,309,181,939
0
$228,024,910
The records of the exports of beef are such that com-
parison cannot well be stated ; the two last decades will
show the magnitude and growth of the trade.
356
Provisions (Continued). Butter.
Years.
Pounds.
Values.
Value per
Pound.
1801-1810
19,558,054
9,318,450
11,596,858
9.086,536
33,773.410
36,338,779
133,985,053
1.52,452,885
188,207,890
0
0
0
0
0
0
$30,798,104
27,482.030
32,388,9.3
Cents.''
1811-1820
1821-1830
1831-1840
1841-1850
1851-1860
1861-1870.
1871-1880
23.
18.
1881-1890
17.2
Total, 91 years
594,317,915
0
0
Total, 1801-1860 (60 yrs.). . .
Total, 1861-1890 (30 yrs.)
Fiscal year 1891
119,672,087
474,645,728
15,187,114
15,047,246
0
$90,669,127
0
19.1
Fiscal year 1892
From 1801 to 1860, period of 60 years, there v/as ex-
ported of butter 119,672,087 pounds, and for the 30 years
ending 1890, 474,672,828 pounds, an increase of over 297
per cent.
Provisions (Continued)— Cheese.
Years.
1790-1800
1801-1810
1811-18<!0
1821-1830
1831-1840
1841-1850
1851-1860
1861-1870
1871-1880
1881-1890
Total, 101 years.
Pounds.
Value.
9,795,188
9,.551,323
6,167,769
7,914,198
8,247,795
90,610,348
78,533,833
446,482,816
999,924,40:)
1,041,585,996
,813.675
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
$63,850,667
116,388,443
104,155,660
Value per
Pound.
Total, 1790-1860
(71 years) .
Total, 1861-1890
(30 years).
Fiscal year 1891...
" " 1892...
210,820,454
2,487,993,221
82,133,876
82,100,221
$284,394,776
Cents.
14.3
11.6
10.
Value of
Cheese
and Butter
0
11.4
During the 71 years ending with 1860. there was ex-
ported 210,820,454 pounds, and for the 30 years ending
with 1890, we sent 2,487,993,221 pounds, or over 1080
percent., at an average price of 11.4 cents per pound.
257
Pbovisions (Continued )— Fish.
VALUES.
Years.
Fresh.
Dried or
Smoked.
Pickled.
Other,
Cured.
1811-1820
1821-1830
0
0
0
0
0
$794,075
783,708
503,606
$7,216,026
7,326,643
6,713,389
5,808,067
4,831,683
7,251,428
7,018,876
9,240,152
$2,611,157
2,486,840
2,253,099
1,493,733
1,536,679
3,398,982
3,025,693
2,422,5:34
0
0
1831-1840
0
1841-1850
0
1851-1860
0
1861-1870
$621,603
17,790,548
36,408,807
1871-1880
1881 1890 . . .
Total, 80 years....
$2,081,389
$55,406,264
$19,228,717
$54,820,958
1810-1860 (50 years)...
1861-1890 (30 years)...
0
$2,081,389
$31,895,808
23,510,456
$10,381,508
8,847,209
0
$54,830,958
Total exported of all kinds from 1811-1860 (50 years) $42,277,316
Total exported of all kinds from 1861-1890 (30 years) 89,260,012
This table shows we exported twice as much in the
thirty years ending with 1890 as we did in the fifty years
ending with 1860. Our canned goods (fish) added greatly
to our exports during the last decade.
Provisions (Continued)— Lard.
Years.
Pounds.
Values.
Value per
Pound.
1790 1800
10,045,065
16,941,301
14,380,735
59,145,881
77,297,539
802,493,787
328,379,019
681,459,734
2,330,171,326
3,103,868,128
0
0
u
0
0
0
0
$86,295,357
222,986,318
265,323,202
1801 1810
1811 1820
1821 1830 .......... . .
1831-1840
1841 1850
1851 1860
1861-1870
1871 1880
12.6
9 6
1881 1890
8 5
Total 101 years
6,924,182,515
0
0
Total, 1790-1860 (71 yrs.)
" 1861-1890(30 '' )
Fiscal year 1891
808,683,327
6,115,499,188
498,343,927
460,045,776
0
$574,604,877
0
9.4
" " 1892
Notwithstanding the restrictions placed upon our pork
products by foreign governments, our exportations are
increasing annually. The increase of the 30 years ending
with 1890, over the period from 1790 to 1860-71, is over
600 per cent., or 5,306,815,861 pounds.
The increase of last decade over the previous one
amounted to 773,696,802 pounds.
258
Provisions Continued— Pork.
Years.
Barrels.
Tierces.
Pounds.
Values.
1790-1800
520,260
585,927
377,077
670,293
576,547
1,774,068
1,857,344
1,309,306
0*
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
and 24,196
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
and 135,201,461
663,310,162
759,377,187
^
1801-1810
i#
1811-1820
1821-1830
>^
1831-1840
■So?
1841-1850
^OJ
1851-1860
1861-1870
$41,933,475
52,603,783
56,274,304
1871-1880
1881-1890
Total, 101 years
7,670,822
29,973
andl,557.889,810
0
Total, 1790-1860 (71
yrs.)
6,361,516
1,309,306
24,196
5,777
0
andl,557,889.810
0
Total, 1861-1890 (30
yi-s.)
$150,811,562
The figures show a gratifying increase during the last
decade however. The restrictions by foreign powers upon
pork having been removed, we may expect larger demand
for it from abroad.
(The barrels and tierces might be reduced to pounds at
200 and 300 pounds each respectively.)
Potatoes.
Years.
Bushels.
Values.
Value
per Busliel.
1790-1800 ?...
420,752
689,571
744,557
1,024,264
1,067,798
1,620,431
2,373,826
4,815,927
6,096,828
4,632,315
[Not given.]
$380,363
481,604
842,956
1,805,352
4,618,070
4,980,639
3,529,987
cents.
0
1801 1810
0
1811-1820
0
1821-1830
37.1
1831-1840
45 1
1841-1850
52.
1851-1860
76 1
1861-1870
1871-1880
95.9
81.7
1881-1890
76 2
Total 101 years
23,486,269
0
0
Total 1790-1860 (71 yrs.)
" 1861-1890(30 " ).
7,941,199
15,545,070
0
84.5
The seventy-one years ending with 1860 show about
half as many bushels exported as there was in the twenty
years ending with 1890. The price was about the same
in the decades ending 1860 and 1890, viz. , 76 cents per
bushel.
Soap.
Years.
Pounds.
Values.
Value per
Pound.
1801 -1810
18,764,104
20,099,896
60,646,659
39,836,907
38,297,710
58,864,801
73,794,777
103,573,503
169,099,798
0
0
0
0
0
0
$6,607,428
6,402,825
7,934,140
0
1811-1820
0
1821-18;^
1831-1840
0
0
1841-1850
0
1851-1860
1861-1870
0
cents.
g
1871 1880
6 2
1881 1890
4.7
Total 90 years
582,978,155
0
0
Totall 801-1 860.
" 1861-1890
236,510,077
346,468,078
0
$20,944-393
0
6.1
1
For the 60 years ending with 1860, exported, 236,510,077
pounds, and for the 30 years ending with 1890, exported,
346.468,078 pounds, or over 40 per cent. more. The price
or last decade is only 4.7 cents per pound.
Spirits of Turpentine.
Years.
Gallons.
Values.
Value per
Gallon.
1801 1810
130,703
192,974
546,354 •
1,174,466
3,373.974
17.943,743
14,491,169
58,723,630
94,831,502
0
0
0
0
0
$8,715,630
7,309,792
21,339,831
35,404,947
Cents.
1811 1820
1821 1830
1831-1840
1841 1850
1851-1860
1861-1870
1871 1880
48.6
50.4
36.3
1881 1890
37 2
Total 90 years
191,408,515
0
0
Total, 1801-1860 (60 yrs.)
Total, 1861-1890 (30 yrs.)
23,362,214
168,046,301
0
$64,054,570
0
38.1
The exportation of spirits of turpentine from 1801 to
1860 amounted to 23,362,214 gallons, and from 1861 to
1891 amounted to 168,046,301 gallons, an increase of
144,684,087 gallons.
Spirits Distilled from Grain, Molasses and Other Material.
Years.
Gallons.
Values.
Value per
Gall.
1790-1800
6,570,808
6,499,741
3,441,255
6,269,905
5,204,431
10,981,297
31,330,915
36,440,927
31,878,189
61,748,312
0
0
0
. 0
0
'$3,231,723
13,332,773
17,089,237
11,594,867
25,292,977
cents.
0
1801-1810
0
1811-1820 ,
0
1821-1830
0
1831-1840
0
1841-1850
29.5
1851 1860
42.6
1861-1870
46.9
1871-1880
1881-1890
36.4
41.0
Total, 101 years
202,365,780
0
0
1790-1820 (31 yrs.)
1821-1860 (40 yrs )
1861-1890 (30 yrs.)
16,511,804
.53,786,548
130,067,428
0
0
53,977,081
0
0
41.5
The total number of Gjallons exported for 31 years ended
1820 were 16,511,804 ;^from 1821 to 1860,40 years, was
53,786,548 gallon--, and for the 30 years ending with 1800
was 130,067,428 gallons, an increase of 141 per cent.
The exports for decade ending 1890 exceeded the former
decade by over 93 per cent.
Sugar Refined.
Years.
Poundo.
Values.
Value per
Pound.
1801-1810
2,071,905
426,062-
3,23r',168
27,722,090
34.923,030
38,170,285
32,974,281
289,870,127
822,206,850
0
0
414,268
2,979,062
3,166,167
3,251,232
4,200,092
29,360,829
54,879,045
Cents.
0
1811-1820
0
1821- 1830
12 8
1831-1840
1841-1850
10.7
9 1
1851-1860
8.5
1861-1870
12.7
1871-1880
10 1
1881-1890
6.7
Total 90 years . .
1,251,401,798
0
0
Total, 1801-1820 (20 yrs.)
Total, 1821-1860 (40 yrs.)
Total, 1861-1890 ,30 yrs.)
2,497,967
104,0.52,573
1,144,851,258
0
9,810,729
88,439,966
0
9.4
7.7
Exports of refined sugar from 1821 to 1860 amounted to
104,052,573 pounds ; and from 1861 to 1890 amounted to
144,851,258 pounds, or over teii times as much. The price
has decreased largely.
261
Tallow.
Yeara.
Pounds.
Values.
Value per
Pound.
1790-1800
143,360
305,968
277,322
3,682,857
4,609,226
80,250,874
81,897,537
349,759,013
816,541,219
680,481,833
i
n ■
$38,892,107
66,831,761
40,598,660
1801-1810
1811-1820
1821-18:30
1831 1840
1841-1850
1851-1860
1861-1870...
1871-1880
Cents.
11.1
8 2
18 1-1890
5 9
Total, 101 years
2,025,242,209
0
0
Total, 1790-1861 (71 y rs.) . . .
" 1861-1890 (30 yrs.)...
172,460,144
1,852,782,065
0
$146,322,528
0
7.9
Export of tallow from 1790 to 1861, 71 years, was 173,-
460,144 pounds; and from 1861 to 1891 amounted to
1,852,782,065 pounds, or over 900 per cent.
TOBACCO.
VALUES.
Years,
Leaf.
Manufactures.
Total.
1811 1820
$59,962,019
56,889,291
74,457,223
81,662,219
141,771,334
223,961,794
240,277,368
212,457,818
0
$1,946,410
4,433,842
5,937,959
19,660,012
27,078,856
27,2.'J6,201
30,146,076
0
1821 1830
$58,835,701
78,891,065
87,600,178
161,437 346
1831 1840
1841 1850
1851 1860
1861-1870
251,040,650
267,533,569
1871 1880
1881 1890
242,603,894
Total, 80 years
$1,091,439,066
$116,459,356
$1,147,942,403
1821-1860
$354,780,067
676,696,980
$31,978,223
84,481,133
$386,764,290
1861-1890
761,178,113
The records show the exports of leaf tobacco to be by
bales, cases, hogshead and pounds. No results could be
derived from them ; they are omitted from this table.
The value of all tobacco, and manufactures of, for the
30 years ending 1890, exceed the former 50 years by over
100 per cent.
Tkunks, Valises and Traveling Bags.
Years. Values.
1826-1830 $45,786
1831-1840 47,912
1841-1850 56,199
1851^860 335,249
1861-18T0 929,973
1871-1880 1,496,163
1881-1890 1,804,269
Total 65 years $4,715,551
Total 1826-1860 (35 years) $485,146
" 1861-1890(30 " ) 4,230,405
For the thirty years ending with 1890, the expgrts
exceeded those of the preceding thirty-five years by
$3,745,259, or nearly nine times as much.
Wood and Manufactures of.
YEARS. Values.
1821-1830. $21,107,394
1831-1840 29,682,626
l&ll-185a 37,311,191
1851-1860 87,119,027
1861-1870 ■ 131,982,432
1871-1880 170,749,624
1881-1890 233,676,385
Total 70 years $711,628,679
Totall82l-l860 (40 years) $175,220,238
" 1861-1890(30 " ) 536,408,441
During the forty years ending with 1860, there was
exported of wood, and manufactures of, amounted to
$175,220,238, and for the thirty years ending with 1890,
was $536,408,441, an increase of $361,188,203, or over
206 per cent. The decade ending 1890 exceeded the
former decade by 36 per cent.
Wool and Manufactures of.
Wool, Raw or Unmanufactured.
Manfs. of
Years.
Pounds.
Values.
Value per
Pound.
Values.
1818
60,935
2,023,751
4,317,764
5,414,282
1,523,029
1,150,252
$30,467
454,746
1,105,970
1,827,329
421,023
257,977
Cents.
50.
22.5
25.6
33,8
27.6
22.4
0
1846 1850
0
1851-1860
1861-1870
0
$971,889
2,579,990
4,971,227
1871 1880
1881-1890
Total
14,490,013
$1,097,512
0
0
Total, 1860
6,402,450
8,087,563
$1,591,183
2,506,329
24.9
31.
0
" 61-90.. . ,
$8,523,106
The first record of wool appears in 1818, and no other
until 1846. For the 16 years ending 1860 there was ex-
ported 6,402,450 pounds at an annual average of 25 cts.
per pound. For the 30 years ending 1890j there was ex-
ported only 14,490,013 pounds. The decrease in exporta-
tion is due to the increased manufacture of wool^^
goods, etc.
A COMRADE THEN,
A COMRADE NOW
"The Union soldiers and sailors
are now veterans of time as well as
of war. The parallels of age have
approached close to the citadels of
life, and the end for eac^. of a brave
and honorable struggle is not re-
mote. Increasing infirmity and
years give the minor tones of sad-
ness and pathos to the mighty
appeal of service and suffering.
The ear that does not listen with
sympathy and the heart that does
not respond with generosity are
the ear and heart of an alien and
not of an American. Now, soon
again, the surviving veterans are
to parade upon the great avenue of
the National Capital, and every
tribute of honor and love should
attend the march. A comrade in
the column of the victors in 1865,
I am not less a comrade now."
— BBNJAMIN HARRISON.
UNIVEESITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY,
BERKELEY
THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE
STAMPED BELOW
Books not returned on time are subject to a fine of
50c per volume after the third day overdue, increasing
to $1.00 per volume after the sixth day. Books not in
demand may be renewed if application is made before
expiration of loan period.
MAff l6 1921
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28Nov'55Hi
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