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Full text of "Communism in the Detroit area. Hearings"

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COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA— PART 2 



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HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE 

COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 
HOUSE OF REPEESENTATIVES 

EIGHTY-SECOND CONGRESS 

SECOND SESSION 



MARCH 10, 11, 12, AND APRIL 29 AND 30, 1952 



Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities 




UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
97097 WASHINGTON : 1952 



r'^'L i^ i^i>^ 



COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 

United States House of Representatives 

JOHN S. WOOD, Georgia, Chairman 

FRANCIS B. WALTER, Pennsylvania HAROLD H. VELDB, Illinois 

MORGAN M. MOULDER, Missouri BERNARD W. KEARNEY, New York 

CLYDE DOYLE, California DONALD L. JACKSON, California 

JAMES B. FRAZIER, Jr., Tennessee CHARLES E. POTTER, Michigan 

Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., Counsel 

Louis J. Russell, Senior Investigator 

John W. Carrington, Clei-k of Committee 

Raphael I. Nixon, Director of Research 

U 



CONTENTS 



March 10, 1952: 

Testimony of — Page 

Stanley Nowak 2959 

Casimir Rataj 3032 

March 11, 1952: 

Testimony of — 

Elesib "Lee" Romano 3035 

Carl J. Turner 3091 

James M. Simmons 3092 

Leon England 3094 

Mack Cinzori 3095 

Thomas Jelley 3096 

Celia Edwards 3099 

James Watts 3102 

Edgar Lock 3115 

Paul Boatin 3107 

March 12, 1952: 

Testimony of — 

Shelton Tappes 3117 

John Gallo 3145 

Nelson Davis 3149 

Roy Narancich 3151 

Walter Dorosh 3153 

Dave Avarill 3157 

John Saari _ _ 3170 

Tersil T. Obriot___ 3171 

Statement of Ernest Goodman, counsel for Saul Grossman 3172 

Testimony of — 

Ruben Mardiros 3173 

Statement of Ernest Goodman, counsel for Harold Franklin 3174 

Testimony of — 

Jules Yano ver 3175 

Elliott Maraniss 3179 

David William Moore 3183 

William M. Glenn 3185 

Mildred Pearlstein 31 89 

Archie Acciacca 3190 

April 29, 1952: 

Testimony of — 

Saul Grossman 3203 

Harold Franklin 3212 

Saul Grossman (resumed) _ _ _ 3221 

April 30, 1952: 

Testimony of Thomas X. Dombrowski 3223 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETEOIT AEEA 



MONDAY, HOlRCH 10, 1952 

United States House of Representatives, 
Subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Detroit^ Mich. 

PUBLIC hearing 

A subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met 

Sirsuant to call at 10 : 40 a. m. in room 740, Federal Building, Detroit, 
ich., the Honorable John S. Wood (chairman) presiding. 

Committee members present : Representatives John S. Wood, Fran- 
cis E. Walter, Donald L. Jackson, and Charles E. Potter. 

Staff members present: Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., counsel; Thomas 
W. Benle, Sr., assistant counsel; Donald T. Appell, investigator; and 
John W. Carrington, clerk. 

Mr. Wood, Let the committee be in order. 

For the purpose of this hearing, let the record show that a subcom- 
mittee has been set up by the chairman, consisting of Messrs. Walter, 
Jackson, Potter, and Wood, who are all present. 

Are you ready to proceed further, Mr. Counsel ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

Mr. Wood. Whom Avill you have ? 

Mr. Tavenner. I will call as the first witness, Senator Stanley 
Nowak. 

Mr. Wood. Will you be sworn ? 

Mr. Nowak. Yes. 

Mr. Wood. You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this 
subcommittee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Nowak. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF STANLEY K. NOWAK, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS 
COUNCIL, GEORGE W. CROCKETT, JR. 

Mr. Wood. Are you represented by counsel ? 

Mr. Nowak. I am. 

Mr. Wood. Will counsel please state his name and business address ? 

Mr. Crockett. I am George Crockett, attorney for Mr. Nowak, a 
member of the Michigan bar, and my offices are in the Cadillac Tower, 
Detroit, Mich. 

Mr. Tavenner. Senator Nowak, will you state your name, please? 

Mr. Nowak. My name is Stanley Nowak. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell it, please? 

Mr. Nowak. N-o-w-a-k. 

2959 



2960 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born? 

Mr. NowAK. I was born in Poland in 1903. 

Mr. Tavenner. When did you arrive in the United States? 

Mr. NowAK. I came to the United States in 1914. 

Mr. Taa'enner. That would be at the age of 10 years? 

Mr. NowAK. Yes. 

Mr. TA^^ENNER. Are you a naturalized American citizen ? 

Mr. NowAK. I am. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you naturalized through the derivative 
process ? 

Mr. NowAK. No. I applied for naturalization and received such. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was your father's name? 

Mr. NowAK. John Nowak. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wlien were you naturalized? 

Mr. NowAK. I received my naturalization in 1938. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliere were you naturalized ? 

Mr. NowAK. In the city of Detroit. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where did you file your first naturaliza- 
tion papers ? 

Mr. NowAK. That is a matter of public record and certainly the 
Immigration Service has all the necessary information, and, if this 
committee desires, I feel confident that the Immigration Service will 
cooperate. 

Mr. Wood. We are asking you to cooperate with us now. 

Mr. NowAK. I am cooperating. 

Mr. Wood. All right; then please answer the question. 

Mr. NowAK. Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, there was 
some time ago, a nmnber of years ago, when the action was taken 
against me — in fact, an indictment which later on was dropped — and 
I am fully aware that the Immigration Service is represented here, 
well represented here, and 

Mr. Wood. You have already told us that. We are asking you to 
cooperate with us and you have been asked a direct question. Will 
you answer it or not? 

Mr. NowAK. Mr. Chairman, I have to decline to answer this ques- 
tion, relying on the Constitution as provided in the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Wood. In other words, am I to imderstand you decline to answer 
where and when you filed papers seeking naturalization as a citizen of 
the United States Government ? 

Mr. NowAK. I explained the reason why. 

Mr. Wood. I asked you the question if you would do it. 

Mr. NowAK. I stated my reasons. 

Mr. Wood. You still adhere to that ? 

Mr. NowAK. As I stated in my reply to the direct question, that I 
was naturalized in the city of Detroit. 

Mr. Wood. Yes; we heard that. Then you were asked when and 
where you filed your application for naturalization papers. So far 
you have declined to answer that. Do you persist in that declination ? 

Mr. NowAK. I stated, Mr. Chairman, it was in the city of Detroit. 
I stated that 

Mr. Wood. When? 

Mr. NowAK. I believe the reiiord will show that I pointed out that 
I received my citizenship in the city of Detroit. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 2961 

Mr. Walter. Do you remember when you received your papers ? 

Mr. NowAK. Yes; in 1938. 

Mr. Wood. Does that cover your question, Mr. Counsel? 

Mr. Tavenner. No. The question was when he filed his first 
papers, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Wood. What is your answer to that, if any ? By "first papers," 
I assume you mean application for naturalization ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

Mr. NowAK. What is meant by "first papers" ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Your declaration of intention to become an Ameri- 
can citizen, and I think it is usually referred to as the first naturali- 
zation papers. 

Mr. NowAK. Then my answer to your question is the same as I said 
before. There are documents and records in the hands of the Immigra- 
tion Service, and I don't think I should at this moment be asked from 
memory to decide what I did and how I did it. 

Mr. Wood. Can you tell us within a year of the time you filed that 
declaration ? 

Mr. NowAK. I don't recollect the exact dates. It is natural that I 
had to apply before I could receive my citizenship papers and the 
fact that I received my citizenship papers proves that I complied 
with all the regulations. 

Mr. Wood. That is not an answer to the question at all. The ques- 
tion was : When did you file your declaration of intent for your first 
papers to apply for citizenship ? 

Mr. NowAK. May I ask the committee a question ? 

Mr. Wood. We are asking you when you did that. 

Mr. NowAK. I would like to have an explanation why you persist 
on getting from me a date from memory when you can find all that 
information documented in the Immigration Bureau. 

Mr. Wood. Nevertheless, we are asking you that question. 

Mr. NowAK. Mr. Chairman, I feel I have given the best answer I 
can to the best of my knowledge and the best of my information. 

Mr. Wood. What is your answer to the question ? 

Mr. NowAK. Mr. Chairman, I decline to answer the detailed ques- 
tions. I filed my application sometime before 1938. 

Mr. Wood. That is obvious. When ? 

Mr. NowAK. I don't recollect at this moment the exact date. 

Mr. Wood. What calendar year ? 

Mr. NowAK. My answer is I do not recollect that date at this 
moment. 

Mr. Wood. Do you want to leave this committee with the statement 
that you do not even recall the calendar year in which you filed that 
declaration ? Is that the way you want to leave it ? 

Mr. NowAK. If I don't remember, I don't remember. 

Mr. Wood. It is not a question whether you can remember or not, 
because sometimes we very conveniently forget to remember. Can 
you remember, if you filed, and, if so, when ? 

Mr. NowAK. Mr. Chairman, I resent that implication. 

Mr. Wood. I would much rather you use the term "I can't re- 
member" than to say "I don't remember." If you sincerely are trying 
and you will tell this committee now mider your oath, notwithstand- 
ing the fact that you got your citizenship papers in 1938, approxi- 



2962 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

mately 14 years ago, and you do not remember when and wliere you 
filed your declaration, whether vou filed it tliat vear or the year 
before or the year before that, if you want to leave it that way, that 
is up to the committee. We want a forthright answer to it, if you 
will give it to us. 

Mr. NowAK. I am trying to give the best answer I can. If I do 
not recollect the specific date, I don't want to give you a date. 

Mr. Wood. We did not ask you to state the specific date. I asked 
if you could tell us the calendar year in wliich you filed that declara- 
tion. Can you do that or not ? 

Mr. NowAK. At this moment I don't remember. 

Mr. Walter. Which is your answer? You have given an answer 
a moment ago that you (lecline to answer on the ground that the 
answer might incriminate you. Which is your answer? 

Mr. NowAK, I didn't say I decline to answer because it might 
incriminate me. I didn't say that. 

Mr. Walter. You said that you declined to answer l:)ecause of the 
protection given under the fifth amendment of the Constitution. Now, 
just exactly which is your answer ? Do you decline to answer because 
of the protection given you under the fifth amendment or don't you 
recollect ? Which is the answer? 

Mr. Now^AK. I don't remember the date. I know it was sometime 
before 1938, and I refer to the Immigration Service for the documents 
and records. That is honest and sincere, and I can't see all these 
implications. 

Mr. Walter. Committee counsel can refresh your recollection. 
Counsel, will you give him those dates and see if that refreshes his 
recollection ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Would it refresh your recollection to state that it 
was December 15, 1937 ? Was that the correct date ? 

Mr. NowAK. That I don't know. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was it in December 1937? 

Mr. NowAK. Well, mv answer still is : T don't remember the exact 
date. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was it in the year 1937? 

Mr. NowAK. Quite likely. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat part of the year was it when you filed your 
declaration ? 

Mr. Now\\K. Mr. Chairman, I said before, and I have to repeat 
again, that I do not remember. If I remembered the date, I would 

Mr, Walter. Give him the date, and then we can see if he 
remembers. 

Mr. Tavenner. December 15, 1937, is the information I have. I 
would like to verify from the witness if that is the correct date. 

Mr. NowAK. May I ask if you have a photostatic copy of my decla- 
ration of intention to become a citizen, from the Immigration Service? 

Mr. Tavenner. No ; I do not. 

Mr. Now^AK. Then you have only a date or some information. 

Mr. Tavenner. Regardless of what I have or may not have, you do 
admit that it was in the year 1937, as I uiwierstand it, that you filed 
your declaration of intention? 

Mr, Wood. Mt. Crockett, please confer with your client in an under- 
tone, because the microphone picks up your conversation. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 2963 

Mr. Tavenner. My recollection is that you said possibly it was in 
the year 1937. 

Mr. NowAK. That is correct. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was it in 1937, according to your best recollection ? 

Mr. NowAK. It is impossible for me to say definitely "Yes" or "No" 
because I do not remember. If I could look into the files of the Im- 
migration Service at this moment, or if I could look up some records 
that I have at home, I could verify it; but, from memory, I can't and 
I don't want to definitely accept any date that I don't remember, that 
1 am not sure of. 

Mr. Tavenner. T\^iat was the month in which you received your 
naturalization? 

Mr. NowAK. Franklv, I do not remember the month. It was some- 
where early in the spring. 

Mr. Tavenner. It was June 13, 1938 ; was it not ? 

]Mr. NowAK. That I do not recollect either. 

JMr. Tavenner. Would you say it was more than 1 year prior to that 
that you filed 3'our first papers ? 

Mr. NowAK. If I remembered the exact date, I would definitely 
answer. Since I do not remember the exact date, I cannot give you 
a definite answer. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you state for the committee, briefly, what your 
educational background has been ? 

Mr. NowAK. I received a Catholic parochial-school grammar-school 
education. Then I went to evening high school and did not complete 
it, and later I tried to extend my education by reading extensively. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you state briefly for the committee what your 
record of employment has been, and I think since you were 21 years 
of age is adequate. If you were born in 1903, that would mean you 
should begin with the year 1924. 

Mr. NowAK. What year did you say I am to begin with ? 

Mr. Tavenner. I suggested that you begin with the year 1924, when 
you became 21 years of age. 

Mr. NowAK. When I became 21 years of age? Yes. I worked for 
about a year or a year and a half for a weekly paper. Then later here 
in Detroit 

Mr. Jackson. Would you give the approximate dates? 

Mr. NowAK. Somewhere in 1924—25. That is as close as I can re- 
member. I returned later to Chicago and worked in a clothing 
industry. 

Mr. Tavenner. By what paper was it that you were employed? 

Mr. NowAK. A paper that is out of existence at the moment. It was 
a weekly paper in the Polish language. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the name of it ? 

Mr. NowAK. The name of the paper was "Workers Voice" in English 
translation, and in original Polish it was "Glos Robotniczy." 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell the last name of the paper, please? 

Mr. NowAK. There are two words. The first is G-l-o-s, and the sec- 
ond, R-o-b-o-t-n-i-c-z-y. 

Mr. Tavenner. Very well. Will you continue, please? After 
working for about a year and a half you say you went to Chicago. 

Mr. NowAK. Yes ; I worked in the clothing industry. I was there 
until sometime in 1930, when the depression came and I left the city of 
Chicago and returned to Detroit somewhere around 1931. 



2964 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. Just a minute. You were in Chicago from approxi- 
mately 1925 to 1930? 

^h\ NowAK. I lived in Chicago before. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes ; I understand. During this period of time 
between 1925 and 1930, approximately, you were employed in Chicago. 

Mr. NowAK. I believe it was from 1926 until 1930. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the nature of your employment ? 

Mr. NowAK. I worked in clothing as a machine operator. 

Mr, Ta-st^nner. Did you have any other employment besides that 
while in Chicago ? 

Mr. NowAK. Yes. I worked for a publishing house as a clerk, mail- 
ing out books. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the name of the publishing house? 

Mr. NowAK. Charles H. Kerr Co. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you engaged in any other employment ? 

Mr. NowAK. No. 

Mr. Tavenner, At that time, I mean, between 1926 and 1930 ? 

Mr. NowAK, No, 

Mr. Taa^nner. Then vou say you returned to Detroit in 1930 ? 

Mr. NowAK. 1931. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. How did you become employed in 1931 in Detroit? 

Mr. NowAK. I didn't have any employment. I was one among the 
many who were unemployed. If was not until some time in 1934, 
I believe, that I got a job in a shop here in an automobile shop, 

Mr. Tavenner. In 1934 what was the nature of your employment? 

Mr. NowAK. I worked at a machine, as a helper. 

Mr. Tavenner. By whom were you employed ? 

Mr. NowAK. If I correctly recollect the name of the company, I 
believe it is the Detroit Gasket Co. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long were you employed by that company? 

Mr. NowAK. Maybe a year. I don't remember the exact time. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you proceed, please? 

Mr. NowAK. After that I worked in a store as' a salesman, a paint 
store. 

Mr. Tavenner, For how long a period ? 

Mr. NowAK. I believe until the summer of 1946, 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. Until 1946? 

Mr. NowAK. Yes. 

Mr, Tavenner. During that period from 1935 to 1946, did you have 
any other employment besides that of salesman for a paint company ? 

Mr. NowAK. No. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the name of the paint company? 

Mr. NowAK. I believe it was the Nu-Enamel. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell it, please? 

Mr. NowAK. N-u-E-n-a-m-e-1. 

Mr, Tavenner. After 1946 how were you employed? 

Mr. NowAK. I worked for the UAW. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. In what capacity? 

Mr. NowAK. In the capacity as organizer ; as they call it "interna- 
tional representative." 

Mr. Ta\^nner. Were you affiliated with any particular unit of the 
UAW? 

Mr, NowAK. Well, first I worked directly for the international office 
of the UAW under the supervision of the president. Homer Martin. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 2965 

Later on, I was affiliated with what is known as the West Side Local 
174:, of which Walter Reuther was the president. 

Mr. Tavenner. You say you began w^ork for the UAW in 1946. 
Had you worked for the UAW at any time prior to that ? 

Mr. NowAK. No. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long did you continue in your official position 
as international representative of the UAW ? 

Mr. NowAK. As international representative of the UAW, I be- 
lieve it is difficult to recollect the exact date, but it w^as until sometime 
in 1937. 

Mr. Tavenner. 1937? 

Mr. NowAK. Correct. 

Mr. Ta\t3nner. Then I have misunderstood the dates all the way 
through that you have given because you spoke of 1946. 

Mr. NowAK. I am sorry ; I meant 1936. 

Mr. Tavenner. Let us go back and get that straight. Then you 
worked as an organizer for the UAW from 1936 instead of 1946 ? 

Mr. NowAK. Correct. 

Mr. Ta\'enner. What was the approximate date when you ceased 
to work in that capacity ? 

Mr. Now^AK. I don't remember. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, can you give us the year ? 

Mr. NowAK. 1937, 1 believe. 

Mr. Tavenner. Who was president at the time your work was 
terminated ? 

Mr. NowAK. With the international ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

Mr. NowAK. Homer Martin. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you work at any other time for the UAW after 
1937 or after you ceased to function as an international representa- 
tive? 

Mr. NowAK. Yes. I immediately started to work for the West Side 
Local, local 174. 

Mr. Tavenner. That was in 1937 ? 

Mr. NowAK. That is to the best of my recollection. 

Mr. Tavenner. In what capacity ? 

Mr. NowAK. As on organizer of the local, business representative ; 
they used various terms. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long did you work for the West Side Local? 
Is that local 174? 

Mr. NowAK. That is correct. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long did you remain as an organizer ? 

Mr. NowAK. Until some tmie after I was elected to the State senate. 

Mr. Tavenner. When was that ? 

Mr. NowAK. I was elected to the State senate in the fall of 1938 and 
took my office in 1939. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wlien was it that you ceased to work for the West 
Side Local 174 as an organizer ? 

Mr. NowAK. We had this understanding : That after I was elected 
as State senator, that when the legislature was in session, then I did 
not work for the UAW and I was off the payroll. When the regular 
session was over, then I would return to my work. It is difficult now 
to recollect all the dates when I was off the payroll and when I went 
back on the payroll. 



2966 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. I am not asking for specific dates when you were 
on and off the payroll, due to your service in the senate, but approxi- 
mately when did you sever your connections with the West Side Local 
174 as organizer ? 

Mr. NowAK. It must have been somewhere in 1939. 

Mr. Tavenner. What shop did local 174 represent? 

Mr. NowAK. It was an amalgamated local, representing many shops 
on the West Side. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you name them, please? 

Mr. NowAK. I don't know whether I can recollect them all, par- 
ticularly now, since I am not with the local for a long time. 

Mr. Tavenner. I imderstand. 

Mr. NowAK. But I believe at that time the Cadillac Motor Car Co. 
was one of the units of the West Side local. Ternstedt was one of 
the units, Kelsey-Hayes 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the size of Ternstedt? 

Mr. NowAK. In 1936 I believe there were about 12,000 people work- 
int^ in that unit, in that shop. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was that one of the larger of the group? 

Mr. NowAK. One of the largest in the West Side local at that time. 

Mr. Tavenner. Would you consider it was one of the most impor- 
tant fields for organization work in the West Side Local 174^ 

Mr. NowAK. The West Side local, as a local, was the important 
local ; it was an important local. Every major shop was an important 
shop, and Ternstedt was one of the major General Motors shops on 
the West Side. 

Mr. Tavenner. All right. Will you proceed to give us the names 
of the others, please? 

Mr. NowAK. Frankly, that is all that I definitely recollect at this 
moment. I wouldn't like to cite names that I am not sure. That is a 
good many years ago. 

Mr. Tavenner. Beginning in 1939, after you terminated your or- 
ganizational work for the West Side Local 174, how were you em- 
ployed ? 

Mr. NowAK. Well, I always tried to devote my spare time from my 
legislative work to some local union affiliated with the CIO. It made 
it difficult for me to hold any regular union position because I was 
frequently called to Lansing and because of regular sessions lasting 
for many months — so every time I was free from my legislative work I 
would offer my service to some local or some union of the CIO and 
they would call upon me to do whatever work they had during that 
time. I worked for quite a number of months for district 50 of the 
United Mine Workers, helping to organize the chemical industry in 
the downriver section. I also was a part of the drive to organize the 
Ford Motor Co. Whenever I was free from my legislative service, 
I would work on particular projects at that moment. I also worked 
for the local of the hotel and restaurant workers affiliated with the 
CIO. That is the Avork that I did in between, and I lived from my 
meager income from my legislative work and whatever I earned in 
between my service working for one or the other locals or unions of 
the CIO. 

INIr. Tavenner. Did that continue during the period that you were 
in the State senate? 

Mr. NowAK. Yes. 



COMMUNISM EST THE DETROIT AREA 2967 

Mr. Tavenner. How long was that period ? 

Mr. NowAK. I served in the State senate for 10 years. I was elected 
in 1938 and served until and including 1948. 

Mr. Tavenner. Until when? 

Mr. NowAK. 1948, 10 years. I served 5 terms. 

Mr. Tavenner. After 1948, how were you employed, or rather, be- 
ginning with 1948 ? 

Mr. Nowak. Beginning with 1948? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. After you completed your various terms in 
the State senate. 

Mr. NowAK. I completed it in 1948, the end of 1948 was the end of 
my last term in the senate. 

Mr. Tavenner. All right. From that time, how have you been 
employed ? 

Mr. Nowak. In 1948 I worked for another CIO union, the Fur and 
Leather Workers. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long did you work with the Fur and Leather 
Workers ? 

JNIr. Nowak. Probably 2 years. I don't recollect the exact date. 

Mr. Tavenner. That would bring you up to about 1950, would it 
not? 

Mr. Nowak. No. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. You said 2 years. 

Mr. Nowak. You see, I concluded — I worked for the Fur and 
Leather Union I believe it was 1947 and 1948. 

Mr. Tavenner. Since you finished your term in the senate in 1948, 
how have you been employed ? 

Mr. Nowak. I tried to develop a small business of my own, selling 
printing, with not too much of a success. I worked at it for a couple 
of years. At the present time my small income is largely from public 
speaking. I have no permanent employment. 

Mr. Ta\^enner. Your public speaking has been your employment? 

Mr. Nowak. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Your public speaking has been by what organiza- 
tions, or what individuals? 

Mr. Nowak. Anyone who would like me to speak on some topic, I 
gladly spoke. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you give us a general idea of the nature of 
the public speaking you have been engaged in during 1951 ? 

Mr. Nowak. Yes ; I will be very happy to. The topic that I speak 
often on is peace, and particularly that aspect of peace that I consider 
so very important is the rearmament of Germany. There was quite 
a demand and request on the part of people who are interested in 
peace, interested in what is happening in Germany in particular, and 
why Germany is being rearmed. I made a study of it so that is the 
topic of discussion that I used most in the last year or two. 

Mr. Ta\^enner. Have you done any work for the UAW since you 
left the State senate in 1948 ? 

Mr. Nowak. I have not. 

Mr. Tavenner, Why have you not continued with that work? 

Mr. Nowak. Apparently I was not asked. 

Mr. TA^-ENNER. Senator Nowak, the committee's investigation dis- 
closes that your name has been identified with quite a number of organ- 
izations which have been classified, either by this committee or by 



2968 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

the Attorney General of the United States, as Communist or Com- 
munist-front organizations. The committee would like to inquire 
of you regarding such affiliations with the view of obtaining from you 
such information as you may have about the Communist infiltration 
or control of these groups, if it be true, in the Detroit area. 

The first organization that I desire to ask you about is the Ameri- 
can Committee for the Protection of the Foreign Born. I show you 
a photostatic copy of a letterhead of the American Committee for the 
Protection of the Foreign Born, dated April 28, 1941, in which you 
appear to have been listed as a vice chairman. Will you examine the 
photostatic copy, please, and state whether or not von were vice chair- 
man in 1941 ? 

Mr. NowAK. As I understood you to say that this organization you 
speak of and many others were put on a subversive list by the Attorney 
Genera] — well, I would like to comment on that first. The Attorney 
General has arbitrarily put any organization that he pleased on the 
subversive list and determined they are subversive, without giving 
them any hearing whatsoever. If my recollection is correct, the Su- 
preme Court just recently ruled on that. 

Mr. Tavenner. Let us ask 3^ou about your knowledge of any of these 
organizations and, if you disagree with the Attorney General, I would 
like to know the basis of your disagreement. 

Mr. NowAK. My disagreement is first on principle. 

Mr. Tavenner. I am not talking on principle ; I am talking about 
the particular organization, the letterhead of which was handed you, 
which you have not yet looked at and which is lying before you on 
the table. Will you look at it? 

Mr. NowAK. Well 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know its contents without looking at it? 

Mr. NowAK. No : I don't know its contents. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you look at it, please? 

Mr. NowAK. I will get to it. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you get to it now ? We will wait for j^ou. Will 
you look at the document that has been handed to you ? 

Mr. NowAK. It is a matter of public record. 

Mr. Tavenner. The letterhead that I handed you is a matter of 
public record? 

Mr. NoAVAK. I can't help — it is right here lying right before me. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you examine it ? 

Mr. NowAK. What is the purpose of examining it ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you examine it and I will base some questions 
on it after you have looked at it, unless you already know its contents? 

Mr. NowAK. I have seen the photostatic copy here. Now, if you have 
any questions 

Mr. Tavenner. My question is for you to examine it and see if your 
name appears on it as a vice chairman. Will you look at it and see if 
that is true ? 

Mr. NowAK. The organization you are speaking of is a matter of 
public record. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you answer my question, please ? 

Mr. NowAK. As I stated before, the Attorney General saw fit to 
place this organization on a subversive list. Therefore, I have no choice 
m the matter, not because of my own will, but because of what was 
done over which I have no control 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 2969 

Mr. Walter. Did you ever protest against the action talcen by the 
Attorney General ? 

Mr. NowAK. Yes. 

JNIr. Walter. Wh.en ? 

Mr. NowAK. I believe so. I don't recollect the time and date. 

Mr, Walter. How did you protest? 

Mr. NowAK. I presume it was protested by mail. 

Mr. Walter. You are sure that you wrote a letter to the Attorney 
General protesting his action? 

Mr. NowAK. The organization — it is my understanding did — I 
didn't do it individually. 

jMr. Walter. The organization was given a hearing, was it not I 

]\Ir. NowAK. Not to my knowledge. 

Mr. Walter. Its protest was considered pretty carefully and there 
was nothing in the protest that indicated to the Attorney General 
that he had acted improperly when that organization was listed as 
a subversive organization ; is that not the fact ? 

Mr. NowAK. My understanding is that the Attorney General never 
calls in a representative of the organization that he puts on the sub- 
versive list but he decides and puts them on the subversive list without 
a hearing. That's my understanding. 

JMr. Walter. That is right, because of the abundance and pre- 
ponderance of the evidence. Then wlien an error is made he is very 
happy to correct it, just as this committee lias done. 

Mr. NowAK. What evidence? Who knows the evidence ? Who has 
cross-examined the evidence? 

Mr. Walter. The Attorney General, the FBI, and the Central Intel- 
ligence, and all the agents who are on the alert for the kind of activities 
we are now discussing. 

Mr. NowAK. But can they legally, without public hearing, without 
giving opportunity to the people who are involved in it to present their 
side, can they make a decision ? 

Mr. Walter. Of course the^^ can and do by virtue of express orders 
from the President of the United States. 

Mr. NowAK. Yes, but I may call your attention. Congressman, that 
the Supreme Court has ruled on it and said that the Attorney Gen- 
eral has no right to do that. That before any organization can be 
placed on a subversive list, that the representative of the organization 
must be called in and given an opportunity and given a day in court. 
That is my understanding of the decision of the Supreme Court. 

Mr. Jaoksox. Are you not in an excellent position to use this as a 
forum right now to clear the American Committee for the Protection 
of the Foreign Born of any onus which they have been placed on it? 
You are asking for an opportunity to appear before the American 
people and you have a great opportunity here, Senator, the best op- 
portunity^ in the world. If there is nothing wrong with the organiza- 
tion, as a matter of principle with you, if there is nothing wrong with 
it, certainly you are not going to incriminate yourself in any way b}^ 
expressing your opinions on it. You have the greatest forum in the 
world if you really want a forum. 

Mr. Walter. This is the kind of opportunity that is rarely given 

to anyone 

Mr. NowAK. Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I didn't 
come here representing this organization. In fact, I didn't know that 
the question of this organization will be raised here at all. 



2970 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Walter. You knew that you were a member of the organization ; 
did you not? 

Mr. NowAK. Further 

Mr. Walter. You knew that, did you not, when you came here? 
Answer my question. You knew you were a member of that organiza- 
tion when you came here, did you not? 

JSIr. Nowak. Mj^ attorney advises me that I sliould not answer any 
questions concerning membership of any organization that the At- 
torney General put on the subversive list. 

Mr. Walter. But I thought this organization was improperly listed 
by the Attorney General, according to you, and if that is a fact, why 
are you afraid of any criminal prosecution for being a member of it? 

Mr. Nowak. It is true that the organizaticjn was improperly listed 
and that the whole procedure of the Attorney General is improper, 
but still, that is the decision of the Attorney General and the most I 
can do is to express how unfair it is, but I can't change it. 

]\Ir. Walter. You are not taking any chances, are you ? 

Mr. Nowak. Congressman, with the situation as it is today, with 
the kind of procedures, with the kind of methods that are used, no 
intelligent citizen can take any chances. 

Mr. Walter. I would not go so far as to say that. I know a great 
many intelligent citizens, the vast majority, who are perfectly willing 
and anxious to testify in response to the sort of questions that were 
asked you. Of course, there are intelligent people and there are in- 
telligent people. 

Mr. NowAK. Congressman, how it happens that 3'ou never put these 
questions to what you call favorable witnesses? Why do they always 
ask these questions and these questions are put to the witness that you 
choose to classify as unfavorable witnesses? 

Mr. Walter. That is a very improper question to ask me, but since 
you asked it, I will tell you. We know a great deal more about the 
witnesses who testify before us than they think we know, and this 
committee has been very careful to screen everybody who ever tes- 
tifies so as to prevent a grave injustice being done anyone. 

Mr. Wood. With further reference to that, let me correct the wit- 
ness. It has not only happened, but happened many times that wit- 
nesses have answered questions as to their affiliation with these various 
front organizations and the Communist Partj?^ itself. They have been 
asked those questions and they have given us forthright answers, not 
only in connection with a few Communist-front organizations, but 
some witnesses with reference to dozens and dozens of them. So, any 
inference that you make that only those who cloak themselves behind 
the fifth amendment are asked questions as to membership in Com- 
munist-front organizations is not a true statement. 

]Mr. Potter. AVhether a person is a friendly or unfriendly witness 
is determined b}- the individual, and not by the committee. You have 
an opportunity here to be the friendliest witness in the world if you 
so seek to take that course. 

Mr. Wood. I am going to ask you this question : You say this or- 
ganization known as the iVmericau Committee for the Protection of 
the Foreign Born has been improperly listed by the Attorney General. 
I assume from that that you know something of it or you could not 
make that assertion under your oath, because you are under oath, and 
you made that assertion under oath, namely, that it has been im- 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 2971 

properly listed hj the Attorney General. Will you please elucidate 
to this committee what there is about this committee that caused you 
to think it is not a subversive organization? 

Mr. NowAK. Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I was 
not referring to any specific organization for the moment. I was 
pointing out that all the organizations that are on the list of the 
Attorney General were placed in that fashion that was illegal and 
unfair and may I say, un-American ? 

Mr. Wood. Did you not in response to a question asked by my col- 
league, Mr. AValter, from Pennsylvania, just before I interrogated 
you, state in response to his question, that this organization, the 
American Committee for the Protection of the Foreign Born, had 
been improperly listed by the Attorney General as being subversive ? 
Did you not answer it that way? 

Mr. NowAK. If I may refresh your memory, Mr. Chairman 

Mr. Wood. I would like to have a forthright answer to that ques- 
tion. I asked you if you did not answer it that way. 

Mr. NowAK. I will come to it. I don't dodge questions. 

Mr. Wood. Then let us have an answer to that. 

Mr. NowAK. I will 

Mr. Wood. Then you may make any explanation you desire. Did 
you answ^er it that vray or not ( 

Mr. NowAK. First of all I am not in the habit or custom to answer 
questions "Yes" or "Xo," any question. 

Mr. Potter. That is a question as to something you stated and cer- 
tainly that can be answered "Yes" or "No." Did you say that or did 
you not ? 

Mr. NowAK. Yes, I am going to answer it but I have to answer it my 
own way. Your attorney remarked in the pi-eface to his question that 
this organization alongside with others are on the subversive list of the 
Attorney General and it was in the reply to that statement that I said 
that any organization that is put on tlie subversive list by the Attorney 
General is unfair; the entire procedure is unfair. May 1 at this mo- 
ment 

Mr. Wood. Is that your answer? 

Mr. NowAK. Yes. 

^Ir. Wood. Will you answer my question if, in response to an inter- 
rogation made to you by a member of this committee, JNIr. Walter, 
when he asked you if you felt that this American Committee for the 
Protection of the Foreign Born had been improperly listed by the 
Attorney General, whether or not you did not state that you did feel it 
was? 

Mr. NowAK. As I recollect what I said, it is that all organizations 
were improperly put on the list. 

Mr. Wood. You say now that you did not understand Congressman 
Walter had asked you that question with particular and specific refer- 
ence to this committee, the American Committee for the Protection 
of the Foreign Born ? Is that the way you want to leave it now ? 

Mr. NowAK. Will you repeat your question ? 

Mr. Wood. You are leaving the committee to understand that you 
now say that you understood Mr. Walter, in interrogating you, to have 
reference to all organizations listed by the Attorney General rather 
than the specific American Committee for the Protection of the For- 

97097— 52— pt. 2 2 



2972 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

eign Born. Is that what you mean to leave as an impression of the 
committee? 

Mv. NowAK. May I ask tliat the record be read, the exact question as 
it was recorded ( 

Mr. Wood. 1 am asking you : Do you rememlier what it was? 

Mr. XowAK. Wliy must we guess about it^ Is it unfair to ask that 
the ({uestion be read from the record? 

Mr. Vn^ood. Do 3'OU say it is your understanding it did not have refer- 
ence to this particular committee ? That is what I want to know. 

Mr. Now\K. Why is there objection to having the record read? 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Xowak, you are a witness and not an interrogator 
here ; bear that in mind. I am asking you now if that is the way you 
understand it. I just want to know honestly of your own convictions 
about it and whether that is the way you understand it. 

Mr. NowAK. Mr. Chairman, may I also comment on it ? I served 
also on many committees and I have some experience 

Mr. Wood. I am familiar with your 10 years' experience in the Legis- 
lature or Senate of the State of Michigan. I know you have served 
on committees before and have been before committees long enough 
to know when a committee is undertaking to ascertain anv facts from 
a witness tliat the committee is entitled to at least a forthright answer 
from the witness. 

Mr. NowAK. That is right. 

Mr. Wood. Will you give us one then ? 

INIr. NowAK. My answer is to have the record read. 

Mr. Wood. If the committee wants to go back to the record, we 
Avill do it. I am asking you your recollection about it. 

Mr. NowAK. Why should I depend on my recollection? 

]Mr. Wood. Are you unwilling to? 

jMr. NowAK. I asked that the record be read. 

Mr. AYooD. Are you unwilling to depend on your memory of 10 
or 5 minutes ago ? 

Mr. XowAK. Why do we have records here ? Why can't we go and 
have the record read? 

Mr. Wood. I am asking if you are unwilling to rely on your memory. 

Mr. NowAK. No, but I would rather rely on the record. 

Mr. Wood. You vrould rather rely on the record ? 

Mr. NowAK. Yes, it is much better tlian my memory. 

Mr. Walter, Even though it goes back only 10 minutes I 

INIr. NowAK. Regardless. 

Mr. Wood. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to otTer the photostatic cop}^ of the letter- 
head of April 28, 1941, in evidence and ask that it be marked "Xowak 
Exhibit No. 1." 

Mr. Wood. That will be admitted. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 1"' 
and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. I show you a photostatic copy of a leaflet refer- 
ring to an address delivered before the National Conference on the 
Foreign Born in Post War America at the Hotel New Yorker in New 
York City, October 20, and 21, 1945. This leaflet was circularized by 
the American Committee for the Protection of the Foreign Born. 
Does your name appear tliereon as chairman of the organization ? By 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 2973 

that I mean the organization, the American Committee for the Pro- 
tection of the Forein Born ^ Have you looked at it ? 

Mr. NoAVAK. I see it, it is before me, 

Mr. Tavenner. Does your name appear on it as chairman of the 
organization ? 

Mr. NowAK. I see there is "Stanley Nowak," I see the name, and 
marked with a red arrow, so I couldn't help see it. 

Mr. Ta\-enner. Do you see anything else right beside as to the po- 
sition of that individual ? 

Mr. NowAK. As I see there it says, "Chairman." 

Mr. Tavenner. Was that you? 

Mr. NowAK. Mr. Chairman, nothing would please me more than 
to answer positively your question 

Mr. Wood. That niakes it unanimous. Suppose you go ahead and 
do it. 

Mr. NowAK. I know, but you see, as your attorney said, this organ- 
ization is placed on the subversive list by the Attorney General and 
therefore I have no choice in the matter but to rely on the constitu- 
tional protection that I have as stipulated in the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Walter. Suppose that which you say is correct, it is not a crime 
to be a member of any organization that the Attorney General has 
placed on that list. 

Mr. NowAK. Then, Congressman Walter, will you answer me a 
question? Why did the Attorney General put that organization on 
a subversive list ? What is meant by "subversive list" ? 

Mr. Walter. To prevent infiltration into sensitive places in Gov- 
ernment of the kind of people dedicated to overthrow the very things 
you are' now hiding behind. 

Mr. NowAK. I am not hiding behind anything. 

Mr. Walter. You are hiding behind the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Nowak. I am not. 

Mr. Walter. Then answer the question. 

Mr. NowAK. I want to make it clear that wherever I stand on my 
constitutional rights, I am hiding nothing : I am only exercising that 
right that the Constitution gives every citizen. 

Mr. Wood. You will have to admit that you are invoking a provision 
of the Constitution of America, will you not ? 

Mr. NowAK. I am exercising a constitutional right. 

Mr. Wood. That is what I am talking about. You are invoking a 
provision of the Constitution as a right to claim to refuse to answer 
these questions. 

Mr. NoAVAK. I am exercising the right the Constitution gives me 
and I don't believe it is a crime — it hasn't become a crime to exercise 
the rights the Constitution gives us. It is a crime to violate the 
right. 

Mr. Potter. You are fortunate to live in a country where you can 
exercise that right, the right you are now exercising. There are many 
countries today, as in your own native Poland, which is now under 
the heel of communism, where the right you are exercising here today 
is not granted to those fine people in your native countrj^ of Poland. 

Mr. NowAK. May I comment on that? I am defending that right 
that some people are trying to take it out of the Constitution and trying 
to violate it. I am defending that right. May I also remark. Con- 



2974 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

gressman Potter, about Poland. I would like to know what you know 
about Poland. 

Mr. Wood. I understood you to say awhile ago you were not claim- 
ing that it would tend to incriminate you in any way to answer these 
questions when you invoke the provisions of the fiftli amendment; is 
that true ? 

Mr. Crockett. Mr. Chairman, I do not think any such statement 
was made by my client. It is a misquotation of the record. 

Mr. Wood. Did you make that statement or not? 

Mr. Crockett. What is the statement ? 

Mr. Wood. Did you make the statement a minute ago when you 
invoked the fifth amendment that it did not mean you were claiming 
that to answer the question would incriminate you? Did you make 
that statement or not? 

Mr. NowAK. I do not recollect the exact words I used. The record 
will show. 

Mr. Wood. I ask you now if that is what you meant to say. 

Mr. CR0CKETa\ The fifth amendment says no person shall be com- 
pelled to testify with respect to anything that can be used against him 
and I think, Congressman Walter, what you have in mind is to include 
the words, "in a criminal proceeding." Is that what you have in 
mind, Congressman ? 

Mr. Walter. Go on, I know the Constitution. Go on and advise 
your client. 

Mr. Crockett. I have heard it quoted by persons whom I thought 
knew it, but who evidently do not know it. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Crockett, we would appreciate it if you would confer 
with your client in undertones. I have called your attention to it 
before because the microphone picks up your conversation. 

Mr. ISTowAK. Mr. Chairman, as my counsel advised me, that when 
I rely on the fifth amendment I am not implying anything, any guilt 
at all, I feel confident of my innocence, but the fifth amendment pro- 
vides that I am not to testify against myself or anyone. 

Mr. Walter. How would you testify against yourself? 

Mr. NowAK. Under the present circumstances, with the hysteria 
throughout the country, with the Attorney General arbitrarily put- 
ting organizations and people on subversive lists, with the new theory 
of guilt by association^ 

Mr. Walter. Mr. Nowak, you are not testifying against yourself in 
any matter that would get you in any difficulty. It is not a crime to 
be a member of the organizations. If the Attorney General has 
listed them, it is for a purpose, but to admit you are a member of an 
organization that has been classified as subversive does not in any wise 
implicate you in anything so you are not being asked to give any testi- 
mony' against yourself. 

Mr, Crockett. Mr. Congressman, you are asking my client a legal 
question. Do you mind if I as an attorney answer it ? 

Mr. Walter. I will withdraw it. I know what you will tell him 
to answer. I will save some time and withdraw it. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I desire to offer in evidence the leaflet 
and ask that it be marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 2." 

Mr. Wood. It will be admitted. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 2" and 
received in evidence.) 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 2975 

Mr. Tavenner. I show you a photostatic copy of an article tliat 
appeared in the Daily Worker of December 6, 1949, on page 2. Ac- 
cording to this article, you were a speaker at the sixteenth annual 
conference of the American Committee for the Protection of the For- 
eign Born held here in Detroit in December 1949. Will you examine 
it, please? 

Mr. NowAK. I see it before me. 

Mr. Tavennek' Did you examine it? 

Mr. NowAK. I see it here. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you examine it, please, and state whether or not 
Rev. Charles A. Hill of Detroit was also a speaker at that meeting, or 
was a speaker at that meeting? 

]Mr. NowAK. I have seen the document and if it is there then you 
know it. Why must I testify for someone else? 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall that Rev. Charles A. Hill was a 
speaker on that occasion ? 

Mr. NowAK. On this document I do see the name of Rev. Charles A. 
Hill. 

]\Ir. TA^^ENNER. Did he speak at that meeting? 

Mr. NowAK. Who do you have in mind ? 

Mr. Tavenner. The Reverend Charles A. Hill, to whom you just 
referred. Do you recall it ? 

Mr. NowAK. There are many Hills in 

Mr. TA^^NNER. Any Rev. Charles A. Hill. That ought to be a 
simple question. 

Mr. NowAK. As far as this document is concerned that you sub- 
mitted here, all I see is a name. 

Mr. Tavenner. My question was : Did Rev. Charles A. Hill, to your 
knowledge, speak on that occasion ? 

Mr. NowAK. First, what Charles A. Hill do you have in mind, and 
second, what is wrong with speaking publicly? 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you answer my question ? 

Mr. NowAK. I would like at this moment to make this statement 
for the committee. I have never been an informer. I have never 
served as a stool pigeon, what we call in the shops and factories and 
later in the union, and I do not propose at this time to serve as an 
informer. If this committee is interested, you have plenty of inves- 
tigators, and I am sure your investigators 

Mr. Po'fi'er. Mr. Nowak, I never heard anyone inform on the Boy 
Scouts. 

Mr. Crockett. I believe you said that last week, Coiigressman. 

Mr. Jackson. It is just as true this M^eek. 

Mr. Po'iter. And I mean it today. 

Mr. Jackson. We will change it a little. No one ever infornT,ed on 
the YMCA. You have to inform on something in the nature of a 
conspirac5^ 

Mr. NowAK. Congressman, if I may observe on that one, no one 
knows, if this thing goes on as it is now, whether we will not be ob- 
servers and informers even on the Boy Scouts. 

Mr, Jackson. If it goes to the idtimate end advocated by some of 
the witnesses who have sat in that chair. Communist commissars will 
get the words out of them wdth thumb screws. You are very lucky 
to sit before a committee of the United States Congress, Mr. Nowak. 



2976 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

111 Poland they would have you out before a stone wall tomorrow 
morning at sunrise. 

Mr. Wood. You were asked awhile aj?o about an individual that was 
referred to by counsel. How many people do you know by that name ? 

Mr. N(nvAK. I am sure that if we look in the telephone book there 
will be quite a number of them. 

Mr. Wood. I did not ask you that. I asked you how many you know. 

Mr. NowAK. AVhy ask the question ? What importance has it to the 
investigation ? 

Mr. Wood. You were asked which one we referred to and I am asking 
you how many you know. 

Mr. NowAK. Wliat you are doing is exactly turning the question 
around. 

Mr. Wood. You may put whatever construction you may on it but 
that is the question I have asked, namely, How many people by that 
name do you know? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer that question. 

Mr. Wood. You may proceed. Counsel. 

Mr. Tavexner. Was Carl AVinter also a speaker on that occasion ? 

Mr. NowAK. Will you tell me something about who is this Carl 
Winter you are referring to? 

Mr. Tavenner. That is not necessary for your answer. I am asking 
you if you know that Carl Winter spoke on that occasion. 

Mr. Nowak. I would like to have some identification, which Carl 
Winter? 

Mr. Wood. Did any Carl Winter speak there ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Any Carl Winter. 

Mr. Nowak. If I was to answer questions concerning anyone at the 
meeting you speak of, I would be admitting that I was at the meeting 
and I clecline to answer that question. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Counsel, at this point we will take a recess for about 
15 minutes. 

(Short recess.) 

AFTER recess 

Mr. Wood. Proceed, INIr. Counsel. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know whether or not Carol Weiss King 
was also a speaker at that meeting? 

Mr. Nowak. Mr. Counsel, may I state, so we undei-stand one 
another, that I will not — that I will decline to testify concerning 
any organization that is on the Attorney General's subversive list, 
claiming my constitutional right as stipulated in the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Wood. It will abbreviate the record considerably if you will 
just ijnswer the questions or decline to answer, without explaining 
your position. 

Mr. Nowak. May I also point out 

Mr. Wood. You have already pointed that out. Just answer the 
question. 

Mr. Nowak. — that your counsel would abbreviate the expenses of 
the taxpayers if he stops asking these questions that he knows well I 
have said over and over that I decline to answer. 

Mr. Wood. Now, will you answer that one question, Mr. Nowak? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer any question concerning any 
organization 



COMMXTNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 2977 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Nowak? 

Mr. Nowak. That is on the list of subversive organizations. 

Mr. Wood. Yon were asked a question with respect to a particular 
individual ; whether or not the individual spoke on the occasion of 
the meeting- that he asked you about. What is your answer to that 
question ? 

Mr. Nowak. The reference was made to this speaking at a meet- 
ing of an organization listed as subversive. 

Mr. Wood. What is your answer? Did he or didn't he? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question on the constitutional 
rights 

JMr. Walter. That is very sensible and sound, except — were you a 
speaker on that occasion ? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question on the constitutional 
grounds as provided in the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. I offer the photostat copy of the item in evidence, 
and ask that it be marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 3," 

Mr. Wood. Let it be admitted. 

(The document above referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 
3," and received in evidence.) 

Mr. TA^^:xNER. Thank you. 

Mr. Walter. Due to the fact that you decline to answer these ques- 
tions because of protection, you say, in the fifth amendment, let me 
read the pertinent part. 

Nor shall he be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself. 

I am at loss to understand why you feel that language in the fifth 
amendment makes it possible for you to properly decline to answer a 
question of whether or not a person spoke at a meeting. 

Mr. Crockett. Counsel, that is another legal question. If you want 
me to, I will answer it. 

INIr. Walter. No, no, don't bother. I know the answer myself. 
Thank you just the same. 

Mr. Tavexner. Senator Nowak, the investigations of the committee 
disclose that one of the purposes for the foundation of the organiza- 
tion of the American Committee for the Protection of Foreign Born 
was to defend aliens who may be subject to deportation. Was that 
known to you to be one of the purposes of the organization ? 

Mr. Nowak. I stated before that I decline to answer questions con- 
cerning any organization that the Attorney General listed as sub- 
versive on constitutional grounds. 

Mr. Ta\'enner. Aside from the organization, what is your position 
with relation to aliens who have entered this country illegally? 

Mr. Nowak. You want my opinion on it ? 

Mr. Tavenner. I want your position ; what your position has been ; 
what vou have done about it in the past. Have you ever endeavored 
to defend a person who entered this country illegally from deporta- 
tion? 

Mr. Crockett. May I ask as counsel, that committee counsel ex- 
plain what he means by entering the country illegally ? 

Mr. Walter. Jumping ship, stowaway. 

Mr. Crockett. Is that what you are limiting it to ? 

Mr. Walter. Without the proper credentials. Actually, it is lim- 
ited to those two cases: jumping ship, stowaway. Coming into the 
United States without proper authorization. 



2978 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Crockett. In other words, you are not talking about exclusion 
cases ? 

Mr. Walter. We are talking about deportation, because, after they 
are here, the procedure is then to deport. You can't exclude some- 
body who has already entered. 

Mr. Crockett. That depends on how long they have been here. 

Mr. Wood. I would like to call your attention to the fact that this 
witness is intelligent. He knows what illegal entry into this country is. 

Mr. Crockett. I am not sure that he does. I am not sure that you 
do, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Wood. Let him say so, if he doesn't know. 

Mr. NowAK. May I make a general statement ? 

Mr. Tavexner. No; just answer the question. 

Mr. NowAK. That will answer it. 

Mr. Tavenner. Let it be in the form of an answer, rather than a 
statement. 

Mr. NowAK. I am not interested in protecting anyone who violates 
any deportation or immigration law, but, I am interested in the fact 
that anyone should be given a fair trial and an opportunity to pre- 
sent his case, and, if he is found innocent, to receive what assistance 
is necessary so he can prove his innocence. That is the answer that I 
can give to your question. 

Mr. Wali-er. Mr. Nowak, do }^ou know Jack Wasserman? 

Mr. NowAK. Congressman, will you tell us who is Jack Was- 
serman ? 

Mr. Walter. Do you know anybody by the name of Jack Was- 
serman ? 

Mr. NovvAK. May I see the document you are reading from? 

Mr. Walter. You have already seen it. You know all about that. 
That is exhibit No. 1, 1 believe. 

Mr. NowAK. This document is the one that was submitted here a 
short while ago. It is related to the organization that was men- 
tioned, and I explained to the committee tliat because this organiza- 
tion is on the subversive list, therefore I cannot answer any questions 
concerning both the organization and any individuals specified in this 
document. 

Mr. Walter. You decline to answer the question whether or not 
3'ou know Jack Wasserman, whose name appears on that paper? 

Mr. NowAK. Yes, Congressman, I decline to answer. 

Mr. Walter. That is very interesting to me because Mr. Wasser- 
man is the man who is ]>resentlv opposing the immigration code 
which will be presented to the Congress of the United States on 
Thursday, of which I am very proud to be the author. I am glad 
to know you refuse to answer the question whether or not you laiow 
the principal leader to the opposition of the enactment of this legis- 
lation. It may be a better law than I thought it was. 

Mr. NowAK. I refuse to answer the question. 

INIr. Walter. Yes ; I understand ; you refused two, three, four, five 
times. 

Mr. NowAK. Because of the organizations and the individuals that 
are listed on the subversive list. 

Mr. Walter. I understand. 

Mr. NowAK. I wish I was at liberty to speak freely on this matter. 



COMA-rUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 2979 

but, with the situation as it is today, I have to protect myself by the 
constitutional rights. 

Mr. Walter. Protect yourself from what ^ 

Mr. NowAK. That was discussed here several times. 

Mr. Walter. Protect yourself from what ^ 

Mr. NowAic. I have stated here, both my attorney and 1, that be- 
cause the Attorney General arbitrarily listed organizations as sub- 
versive, and because that list is open, often used in courts, and used by 
many individuals as an established fact that anyone related to or has 
any association with it is subversive, therefore, I cannot here give any 
positive answers on questions as to these organizations; I have to rely 
on the protection of the constitutional rights given me in such case. 

Mr. Walter. Protection against what^ 

Mr. NowAK. Possible action against me. 

Mr. Walter. What for? 

Mr. Now^AK. That, I don't know. People have different ways and 
different reasons for it. I call on, Mr. Congressman, maybe you don't 
know, but there are people who are always anxious to defeat me in 
elections, and, one time the}'^ probably would have succeeded, with the 
Justice Department taking action against me, and it was necessary 
for Attorney General Biddle to examine the facts and point out there 
were no basis. I have my political enemies here. 

Mr. Walter. This is a great opportunity for you to expose your 
political enemies. All you have to do is to give us a straightforward 
story, and, I know that you can be of great help to this committee. It 
is indeed disappointing to me, and the other members of the com- 
mittee, that you won't help us, because, we know you could if you 
want to. 

Mr. NowAK. Congressman Walter, I would be very happy to meet 
any members of this committee on a public debate, radio, television, 
public hall ; away from these rules here, and I will speak very freely. 
If you or any member of this committee will accept that kind of dis- 
cussion, outside of these regulations that I am under here 

Mr. Walter. You flatter yourself. 

Mr. Jackson. You mean, of course, without taking the oath under 
which you are testifying today. 

Mr. NowAK. Without the oath, as my attorney points out, there 
would be no basis for criminal prosecution. 

Mr. Jackson. Without the oath tliere would be no reason for you 
to be afraid of the questions you are refusing to answer. 

Mr. NowAK. Not necessarily. 

May I also say, Congi-essman Walter, you said about my willingness 
to cooperate with this committee : I would be very glad to cooperate 
with this committee if this committee was really interested in finding 
out the reasons why we have comnumism ; why some people work for 
new ideas, new political theories. 

IVIr. Wood. SujDpose you tell the committee why you have those 
ideas. 

Mr. NowAK. Mr. Chairman, you have already concluded that 1 have 
those ideas? 

Mr. Wood. I assume from your answers that you have. I think it is 
a reasonable assumption. 

Mr. NowAK. You expect me to answer yes oi' no ? 



2980 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Wood, No. I ^Yant you to give me a reason. 

Mr. NowAK. Reason for what? 

Mr. Wood. WTiy yon embrace this philosophy. 

Mr. NowAK. I have never said I embraced 

Mr. Wood. That is very trne, but you left a very strong inference. 
I Avill ask you if yon have? 

Mr. NowAK, What philosophy? 

Mr. Wood. Communism. Have you ever been a member of the 
Communist Party ? 

Mr. NowAK. Mr. Chairman, I decline to answer any question 

Mr. Wood. Do you decline to answer that question ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline on the constitutional grounds. 

IVIr. Wood. Are yon now a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. ISTowAK. I decline to answer the question on the constitutional 
grounds as provided in the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Wood. All right. 

Mr. NowAK. May I return, Congressman Walter, to the first ques- 
tion you raised, that 

Mr. Jackson. Let's have the regular order, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Wood. Put a question, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir. 

Senator Nowak, were you elected national secretary of the Amer- 
ican Slav Congress at the fourth consress held in Chicago, December 
26,1038? 

Mr. Nowak. May I ask a question? Has the American Slav 
Congress been placed on the Attorney General's list ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Will your question be based on an answer to that ? 

Mr. Nowak. My answer, you mean ? Very likely. 

Mr. Tavenner. Your answer. Suppose you answer the question 
yourself without my help. 

Mr. Nowak. Well, I pointed out before, many times, that I decline 
to answer questions concerning any organizations that the Attorney 
General has placed on his list. 

Mr. Wood. He isn't asking but about one. 

Mr. Crockett. I think the committee has a publication called a 
list of organizations that have been labeled as subversive. Do you 
have that available? If so, I can examine it and advise my client. 

Mr. Wood. We don't have it. 

Mr. Tavenner. We don't have it, but I will advise you it has been 
listed. 

Mr. Walter. Will that affect the answer ? 

Mr. Crockett. It may, as far as my witness is concerned. 

Mr. Walter. I thought so. 

Mr. Wood. Will it help the truthfulness of the answer ? 

Mr. Crockett. Definitely. 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer any questions 

Mr. Walter. You have said that. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. Do you decline to answer the question I asked? 

Mr. NowAK. Let me finish, 

Mr. Wood. The question is about this organization. Do you decline 
to answer ? 

Mr. Nowak. Yes; I decline to answer any questions concerning 

Mr, Wood. We aren't talking about any question. Talk about 

this OR8. 



COMRfUNISM EST THE DETROIT AREA 2981 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to ans^Ye^ the f(iiestion concernino; the Amer- 
ican Slav Congress, because it is listed by the Attorney General as 
subversive, and, therefore, I rely upon my constitutional rights to 
decline to answer such a question, as provided in the fifth amendment. 

IVIr. Jacksox. May I ask that the citation of the American Slav 
Congress be written into the record, and also the citation on the Amer- 
ican Committee for the Protection of the Foreign Born. 

Mr. "Wood, Very well, let it be admitted. 

American Committee for Protection of Foreign Bokn 

1. Cited as subversive and Communist. (Attorney General Tom Clark, letters 
to Loyalty Review Board, released June 1, 19Jf8, and September 21, 1948.) 

2. "One of tlie oldest auxiliaries of the Communist Party in tlie United States." 
(Special Committee on Un-American Activities, Report, March 29, 1944, P- 155; 
also cited in Report, June 25, 1942, p. 13.) 

3. "Among the Communist-front organizations for racial agitation" which also 
set've as "money-collecting media" and "as special political organizing centers 
for the racial minority they pretend to champion." "Works closely with the 
International Labor Defense, legal arm of the Communist Party, in defense of 
foreign-born Communists and sympathizers." (California Committee on Un- 
American Activities, Reports, 1947, P- 45; 1948, p. 113.) 

American Slav Congress 

1. Cited as subversive and Communist. (Attorneij General Tom Clark, letters 
to Loyalty Review Board, released June 1, 1948, and September 21, 1848.) 

2. Cited as "a Moscovp-inspired and directed federation of Communist-domi- 
nated organizations seeking by methods of propaganda and pressure to subvert 
the 10,000,000 people in this country of Slavic birth or descent. (Congressional 
Committee on Un-Americati Activities, Report on the American Slav Congress 
and associated organizations. House Report No. 1951, April 26, 1950 (originally 
released June 26, 1949) p. 1.) 

3. A "permanent, completely Communist created and controlled organization." 
(California Committee on Un-American Activities, Report, 1948, p. 35.) 

Mr. Tavenner. I show you a photostatic copy of an article that ap- 
peared in the Daily Worker of May 18, 1950. at page 2. According 
to this article, you, as national secretary of the American Slav Con- 
gress and chairman of its Michigan division, made a re]:)ort to the na- 
tional committee of the American Slav Congress in May 1950. Ac- 
cording to this article, the National Committee of the American Slav 
Congress decided to convene a national peace conference and to par- 
ticipate in the Second World Congress for Peace to be held in Italy. 
Was the National Peace Congress ever held by the American Slav 
Congress ? 

Mr. NowAK. Counsel, I pointed out before, and, I think, you are 
wasting the time of the committee and the taxpayers' money-— —  

Mr. Wood. You are taking up a lot more time in explaining the 
answer than if you would answer the question as he asked it. Why 
don't you just decline, and let's get along ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question, as provided under the 
fifth amendment. I decline because the organization 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Nowak, do you belong to any organizations that 
are not listed on the Attorney General's proscribed list? 

Mr. Crockett. You have to have the list. You have about 300 or- 
ganizations on that list. 

Mr. Walter. That would imply that the witness would have some 
doubt about some of the organizations he belongs to. 



2982 COMMUNISIM IX THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Jacksox. Do you belong to any organizations, Mr. Xowak — 
and I ask this very sincerely — about which there is no question as to 
whether or not it has been proscribed? 

Mr. NowAK. Actually, I am unable to answer the question. I don't 
have the list; I haven't seen the list of the Attorney General, of the 
subversive organizations, for some time, and I know that list changes. 

Mr. Jackson. Do you belong to any service clubs, Rotary, Kiwa- 
nians, Optomist, Exchange? 

Mr. Ckockett. They are supposed to be without taint? 

Mr. Jackson. It is my understanding that no one has brought them 
into question. 

Do you belong to any of those ? 

Mr. NowAK. No; I don't. 

Mr. Jackson. Elks, any Masonic Order? 

Mr. Nowak. No. 

Mr. Jackson. Have you been active in Community Chest affairs 
here in the community ? 

Mr. NowAK. I make donations. 

Mr. Jackson. Have you served actively on the board, or as 

Mr. NowAK. No. 

Mr. Jackson. Of the American Eed Cross ? 

Mr. Nowak. No. 

Mr. Jackson. To Avhat organizations do you belong, jSIr. Nowak, 
which are not in any way connected with the Attorney General's list, or 
any oi'ganization which may have been proscribed by this committee? 

Mr. Nowak. Before I could truthfully and accurately answer the 
question, I would first have to examine the list of the Attorney General, 
then examine some of my own records, and see what organizations I 
have played a small part or bigger part, and then truthfully and ac- 
curately answer the question. 

Mr. Wood. You avouIcI want to compare your organization member- 
ship to the Attorney General's list, is that correct ? 

Mr. Nowak. I would like to check the Attorney General's list and 
see who is on it and who is not, then I can answer truthfully. 

Mr. Tavtenner. Mr. Chairman, since counsel asked for a copy of 
Ihe Guide to Subversive Organizations and Publications, published by 
this committee, we have obtained a cop.y, and I will hand it to him for 
his use. 

Mr. Crockett. Thank you very much, Mr. Tavenner. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is the Slavic American a quarterly publication of 
the American Slav Congress ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the reason that I 
mentioned before, because the organization is on the subversive list, 
and, therefore, I decline to answer on constitutional grounds. 

Mr. Taa^nner. I show you a photostatic copy of a page from the 
fall 1948 issue of the Slavic American. Will you examine it, please; 
and state whether oi- not your name appears thereon as a member of 
the editorial board? 

(Paper was extended to the witness.) 

Mr. NowAK. What is the question \ 

Mr. Tavenner. The question is, whether or not the photostatic 
copy of the page which I handed you shows your name as a member of 
the editorial board of the Slavic American? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 2983 

Mr. NowAK. I see before me the name of Stanley Nowak. 

Mr. Tavexner. Was that you ? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer on constitutional grounds. 

Mr. Tavenner. I offer the photostatic copy of the page in evidence, 
and ask that it be marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 4." 

Mr. Wood. It may be entered. 

(The above-referred-to- document was marked "Nowak Exhibit 
No. 4,-- and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. I show you a photostatic copy of a page from the 
fall 1947 issue of the Slavic American. On page 52 appears an article 
on the Michigan chapter of the American Slav Congress. According 
to this article you spoke at the sixth annual conference of the Micliigan 
chapter which was held in Detroit on March 30, 1947. Will you ex- 
amine it, please ? 

Mr. Nowak. I see the copy before me. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. You are reported as saying that the chief peace 
problem facing the American people is the development of political 
activities to keep America democratic and to help eradicate Fascist 
ideology. If you were correctly reported there, why did you not 
advocate eradication of Communist as well as Fascist ideology? 

Mr. Nowak. If this committee desires my opinion on the matter, I 
will be very happy to present it. I cannot, for the position that I 
have taken, make any specific reference to any meeting organized by 
the organization that is on the subversive list. If you want my opin- 
ion on the matter you raised, I will be very happy to present it. 

Mr. Tavenner. All right, will you answer the question? 

Mr. Nowak. May I have that question read. Miss Stenographer ? 

Mr. Wood (addressing court reporter). Bead the question. 

(The question was read by the court reporter.) 

Mr. Nowak. Because of a legal problem, I will be glad to express 
my opinion on the question you raised, but I cannot refer to a specific 
meeting you are talking about, for the reason I have given before. 

Mr. Wood. Very well. 

Mr. Nowak. If you want mj^ opinion, I will be very happy to tell 
you my opinion. 

Mr. Ta\t]nner. Very well, let's get away from that meeting, and let 
me ask j^ou this question : Is it your position that in order to help keep 
America democratic, that we should eradicate Fascist ideology? 

Mr. Nowak. Correct. It is my position that you cannot combine 
fascism and democracy. 

Mr. Ta\'i:nner. Is it your position that it is perfectly proper to have 
Communist ideology, tliat we can preserve our American democracy, 
preserve America and keep American democracy and entertain a com- 
munistic philosophy of government at the same time ? 

Mr. Nowak. My answer, counsel, is, that I am interested in preserv- 
ing democracy, and, when we have democracy functioning, when the 
people have a way of expressing themselves, when the people have a 
way of taking care of their problems, there will be no need and no 
danger for either fascism or communism. 

Mr. Ta\-enner. Now, will you answer my question ? You are not 
answering my question. 

Mr. Nowak. I am expressing my opinion. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes; but, on another matter. Will you confine 
yourself to my question ? 



2984 coMivruNisM in the Detroit area 

Mr. NowAK. I am interested in preserving democracy. 

Mr. Tavenner. I didn't ask that question. We all are. I am ask- 
ing you whether it is consistent with your view that you can entertain 
the philosophy of communism at the same time ? 

Mr. NowAK. According to my understanding of democracy, every 
person has a right to have his opinion ; has a right to advocate what- 
ever reform he is proposing, whether that reform you will call social- 
istic or whether it is a reform you will call communistic, is a matter of 
opinion, but, what I am interested in, as a matter of principle, that 
the people have a right to speak, that the people have a right to voice 
their opinions, that the constitutional right of freedom of speech and 
press is preserved, and, when we have that preserved, there is nothing 
to worry about. 

Mr. Walter. In the exercise of those rights, you contend that is a 
right to become a part of the conspiracy dictated by Moscow to over- 
throw this form of Republic ? 

Mr. Now^AK. I said nothing of the kind. 

Mr. Walter. I am merely asking the question. 

Mr. NowAK. I, as I said, I said nothing of the kind. I don't at all 
support any movement that advocates any violent methods, but, my 
point is, the people have a right to speak, and, may I call your atten- 
tion, speaking of violence and such, speaking of subversion, here in 
the Detroit News I read a report from the police commissioner of the 
State Police of Michigan, in which he says publicly, "No evidence was 
submitted of any violence or any advocation of violence," informa- 
tion he pointed out even before this committee, your informer, and 
the result of the Michigan State Police submits no evidence of violence, 
no evidence of fraud. This is a matter of record. Here is the report of 
the Police Commission of the State of Michigan. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you answer? 

Mr. NowAK. I would like to put this in the record for your informa- 
tion, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Walter. Now, will you answer my question ? 

Mr. NowAK. May I ? 

Mr. Walter. You made at least two speeches since I have asked the 
question. Will you answer it, please ? 

Mr. NowAK. You all are in politics, and it is a sort of habit of 
politicians 

Mr. Walter. I hope we are not in the same political bed. 

Mr. Wood. Let's eliminate as many arguments as we can. Let's 
eliminate as many speeches as we can. 

Mr. NowAK. Fine. 

INIr. Wood. And confine our answers to the question. 

Mr. NowAK. May I hear the question? 

Mr. Walter. Will you [addressing court reporter] read the ques- 
tion to him ? 

(The question was read by the court reporter.) 

Mr. Ta\-enner. By "at the same time" I meant, at the same time you 
are attempting to keep the United States democratic. 

Mr. NowAK. I believe I have answered the question, but I can fur- 
ther elaborate, if you desire. First of all, the understanding of com- 
munism : People have all kinds of conceptions of what communism is. 
My answer again is, I am interested in the democratic right of every 
person to exj)ress 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 2985 

Mr. Ta\tenner. Yes ; you have said that before, but that is not an 
answer. 

Mr. NowAK. That is my answer. 

Mr. Tavennek. That is the only ans'wer you can give to the ques- 
tion ? 

Mr. NowAK. That is my answer. 

Mr. Tavenner. That is as far as you are willing to answer that 
question ? 

Mr. NowAK. That is my answer. 

Mr. Walter. Since Korea, there shouldn't be any doubt in any- 
body's mind as to what communism is, and its aims and purposes. 

Mr. NowAK. Why? 

Mr. Walter. If you don't know, I am not going to tell you. 

Mr. NowAK. If the people in Korea don't like our form of govern- 
ment, capitalistic democracy, as we refer to it, they have the privilege 
and right to have whatever form of government they want to. It is 
not our right to enforce upon the people of Korea our form of govern- 
ment, just as it isn't their right to enforce their form of government 
upon us; just as we would resent someone forcing another form of 
government upon us. The people of Korea have a right. 

Mr. Jackson. Is it your contention that the people who are under 
the heels of the Communists have embraced the philosophy willingly 
and out of desire to be ruled by Moscow ? 

Mr. Now^AK. I leave it to their judgment ; that the people are able 
to take care of themselves. 

Mr. Jackson. You should talk to prisoners in a penitentiary. It 
might be illuminating. 

Mr. Wood. Put a question, Mr. Counsel. 

JVIr. Tavenner. Senator Nowak, was the Civil Rights Congress, to 
your knowledge, formed in April 1947, April 27, 1947, by merging the 
International Labor Defense and the National Federation for Con- 
stitutional Liberties ? 

Mr. Crockett. I think the Civil Rights Congress is in this book, 
isn't it? 

Mr. Wood. The question is directed to the witness. 

Mr. Crockett. But I have the right to advise him. 

Mr. Wood. You have the book before you. 

Mr. Crockett. That is why I am advising him, it is in the book. 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer that question on the constitutional 
grounds, on the fifth amendment, for the reason that I have stated a 
number of times. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you a member of the resolution committee of 
that congress ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reason 
that I mentioned before, on the same grounds as provided in the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I desire to offer in evidence a photo- 
static copy of membership of the resolution committee of the Congress 
on Civil Rights, April 27, 1946, on which the name of Stanley Nowak 
appears as American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born. 

Mr. Wood. Let it be admitted. 

Mr. Tavenner. And ask that it be marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 5." 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 5" and 
received in evidence.) 



2986 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenneh. I show you a photostatic copy of a letterhead of the 
Civil Rights Congress, dated October 19, 1948." Will you examine it, 
please, and state whether or not your name appears thereon as one of 
the national vice chairmen ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question. 

Mr. Tavenner. I offer the photostatic copy of the letterhead in evi- 
dence and ask that it be marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 6." 

Mr. Wood. Let it be admitted. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 6" and 
received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenxer. I now show you a letterhead of the Civil Rights 
Congress, dated March 31, 1949, and ask you whose name appears 
tliereon as the national executive secretary ? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer this question for the same reason 
and on the same constitutional grounds as provided in the fifth amend- 
ment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you look at the photostatic copy, please, and 
state the name — state what is shown there to be the name of the 
national executive secretary? 

Mr. Nowak. You want me to read the whole statement ? 

Mr. Tavexnek. No : just read the name of the national executive 
secretary. That would be all necessary. 

Mr. Nowak. I see the name of Stanley Nowak. 

Mr. Tavexxer. As national executive secretary? 

Mr. NowAK. No, no. It only says national vice chairman and has 
a list of names. 

Mr. Tavexxer. Yes. My question is, Wlio is shown there to be the 
national executive secretary? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question. 

Mr. Tavexxer. Then I shall read it to you. 

Mr. Nowak. My attorney advises me that I see the name of Wil- 
liam L. Patterson on the stationery. 

Mr. Tavexxer. Is this the same William L. Patterson who was an 
official of the International Labor Defense for years? 

]Mr. Crocke'11'. Is the International Labor Defense listed? 

Mr. Walter. It is listed. 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question for the same reason 
given before, on the same constitutional grounds of the fifth amend- 
ment. 

Mr. Tavexxer. Is he the same William L. Patterson who was for- 
merly the director of the Abraham Lincoln School, Mr. Nowak? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question for the same reason. 

Mr. Tavexxer. Is this the same person who was formerly a func- 
tionary of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question for the same reason, 
and on the same constitutional grounds. 

Mr. Tavexxer. I desire to offer the photostatic copy in evidence, 
and ask that it be marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 7." 

Mr. Wood. Let it be admitted. 

(The document above referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 
7," and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavexxer. Do you recall whether or not the Civil Rights Con- 
gress defended Gerhart Eisler? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 2987 

Mr, NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reason, 
and on the same constitutional grounds, as stipulated in the fifth 
amendment. 

IVIr. TA^'ENNER. Do you know any of the facts with regard to the 
furnishing of a bail bond for Eisler by the Civil Rights Congress? 

iSlr. NuwAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reason, 
and on the same constitutional grounds of the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Ta\^nner, Did you participate in a Michigan State conference 
of the Civil Rights Congress held at 2705 Joy Road, Detroit, on April 
land 2, 1949? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer for the same reason and on the 
same grounds. 

Mr. Tavexeer. I desire to offer in evidence a Call to Michigan 
State Conference of the Civil Rights Congress, in the form of a 
pamphlet, bearing date of April 1 and 2, 191:9, and ask that it be 
marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 8." 

Mr. Wood. Let it be received. 

(The document above referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 
8," and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. The committee is informed there was a meeting of 
the Civil Rights Congress in Detroit on November 17, 1947, at which 
Jack Raskin, executive secretary of the Civil Rights Congress, and 
Helen Allison, organizational secretary of the Communist Party of 
Michigan, were present. Do you have any knowledge of the presence 
of either or both of those individuals at that meeting ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reason 
and on the same constitutional grounds I mentioned before. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is it not a fact that the meeting of the Civil Rights 
Congress was held in Detroit on November 17, 1947, for the purpose 
of raising a bail fund of 50 to 75 thousand dollars in the State of 
Michigan ? 

Mr. NowAK. I presume it isn't a crime to raise a bail? 

Mr. Tavenner. Not at all, sir. 

Mr. Nowak. But 

Mr. Tavenner. But still, you may answer. 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reason 
and on the same constitutional grounds. 

Mr. Tavenner. Let me ask you this : Have you ever participated in 
a plan to raise bail for any member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question for the same reason 
and same grounds. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you suggest at any meeting of the Civil Rights 
Congress that the treasury of the American Connnittee for the Pro- 
tection of the Foreign Born might be used for this purpose? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question for the same reason 
and on the same grounds. 

Mr. Tavenner. Does the International Workers' Order have any 
connection, official or otherwise, with the Communist Party, to your 
knowledge ? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question. 

Mr. Tavenner. Does it in any manner advocate a Communist form 
of government in the United States ? 

97097— 52— pt. 2 3 



2988 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reason, 
on the same constitutional grounds. 

Mr. Tavenner. I want to read from a pamphlet published by the 
International Workers' Order, entitled "Wliy Every Worker Should 
Join the International Workers' Order." On page 10 is found this 
language : 

The International Workers' Order holds to the view that a system of society 
similar to the one in the Soviet Union should and can be established also in the 
United States and in all capitalist countries. 

Are you acquainted with that view of the International Workers' 
Order? 

Mr. NowAK. May I know the date of that document ? 

Mr. Tavenner. July 1932. 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reason, 
on the same constitutional grounds. 

Mr. Tavenner. I want to read from another pamphlet issued by 
the International Workers' Order, entitled "A New Worker's Strong- 
hold." Between pages 9 and 12 appear the following: 

The International Workers' Order assumes the point of view of the class 
struggle. It realizes that present day society is divided into two classes. 
The two major classes of our times are the capitalists and the workers. The 
International Workers' Order maintains that capitalism is bankrupt. The or- 
der realizes that in order to save itself in the present precarious situation, each 
capitalist state is attempting to exploit the workers ever more and to op- 
press them with great brutality. * * * 

The International Workers' Order realizes that only under a system similar 
to the Soviet system thei-e is no exploitation of the working class and only 
there can it advance to real freedom and happiness. The International Workers' 
Order therefore appeals to the v^orkers to join the struggle against capitalism 
and for a system where all power belongs to the working class. 

I quote again : 

The International Workers' Order realizes that the only party that leads 
the working class in its struggle against capitalism is the Communist Party 
which unites the best and proven militant members of the working class and 
which is bound to become ever stronger until the moment will come when 
the workers under its leadership will overthrow the capitalist system and es- 
tablish Soviets. 

It follows therefore that the International Workers' Order is part of the 
battle front of the working class. We find that the Communist Party is the 
only party that fights for the workers' interest. We therefore endorse the Com- 
munist Party. We appeal to all workers to vote for the Communist Party. We 
aid the party in its struggles. 

Now, were you the vice president of the International Workers' Or- 
der for the State of Michigan, which advocates those views set forth 
in its publication ? 

Mr. NowAK. What year ? 

Mr. Tavenner. 1930? 

Mr. NowAK. The answer is "No," and I decline to answer the ques- 
tion on the same grounds I mentioned before. 

Mr. Tavenner. What did you mean by stating "No" ? 

Mr. NowAK. I meant that I decline to answer the question for the 
reason I have given before, on the same constitutional grounds. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you agree with the statement that I have read, 
that the International Workers' Order realizes that only under a 
system similar to the Soviet system there is no exploitation of the 
working class, and only there can it advance to real freedom and 
happiness ? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 2989 

Mr. NowAK. It is a matter of opinion. 

Mr. Tavenner. But, do you — by that, you mean, you advocate that? 

Mr. NowAK. This is a matter of opinion. People have different 
opinions. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is that your opinion ? 

Mr. NowAK. Are you, at this moment, investigating my opinion? 
Do you want to know what my opinion is ? 

Mr. Tavenner. You iiave refused to tell us whether you are an 
official of that organization, and I think it is quite in keeping that we 
ask to what extent you have advocated the principles enunciated by 
the organization, when you refuse to tell us about your own connection 
with it. 

Mr. Nowak. I stated before that I believe in democracy, and the 
democratic right for people to voice their opinions, and through the 
democratic processes as provided in our Constitution, to advocate what- 
ever reforms or changes they propose. These are my beliefs, if you 
want my beliefs. I have no other beliefs. 

Mr. Wood. I believe, at this point we will take a recess for an hour 
and a quarter, 

Mr. Ta\^nner. May I ask one more question, and I think I will be 
at a convenient breaking place. 

I hand you a publication entitled "In Order," issued by the national 
executive committee of the International Workers' Order, under date 
of mid-August 1942, and I will ask you to examine it, particularly, 
at the right-hand column, the middle paragraph marked by a red 
check mark on the side, and ask you to state whether or not the 
International Workers' Order, according to that article, gave you 
financial aid in your political campaign in 1942 ? 

Mr. NowAK. May I hear that question stated again? 

Mr. Tavenner. I believe I can state it. Will you examine the article 
which I have just handed, you, in the right-hand column, middle para- 
graph, checked by red pencil mark, and state whether or not you find 
there a statement that financial aid was given to you in your campaign 
for political office in 1942 by the International Workers' Order ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question on the fifth amend- 
ment. 

Mr. Tavenner. I offer the exhibit in evidence, and ask that it be 
marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 9." 

Mr. Wood. It may be admitted. 

(The document above referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 
9," and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Wood. We will take a recess until 2 : 20. 

(Whereupon, at 1 p. m., the committee recessed to reconvene at 
2 : 20 o'clock of the same day.) 

afternoon session 

Mr. Wood. Let the committee be in order. 

Are you ready to proceed? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir. 

Senator Nowak, we were talking about the International Workers' 
Order before lunch. I hand you a photostatic copy of a report of the 
Sixth National Convention of the International "V^orkers' Order held 



2990 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

in New York City in July, 1941. Will you examine it, please? Were 
you a speaker at that convention ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the reasons stated 
before. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to offer the document in evidence and ask 
that it be marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 10." 

Mr. Wood. It may be admitted in evidence. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 10" and 
received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Referring again to the International Workers' Or- 
der, is the Polonia Society a section or part of the International 
Workers' Order? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question for the same — on the 
same constitutional grounds that I stated before. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is the publication Glos Ludowy, which I under- 
stand means People's Voice to which you referred earlier in — you did 
not refer to it, excuse me. Is it the official organ of the Polonia 
Society ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reasons 
as stated before. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you at one time contribute a weekly column to 
this publication ? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question for the same reasons 
as stated before. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was Henry Podolski formerly editor in chief of 
Glos Ludowy ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reasons 
as stated before. 

Mr. Tavenner. Henry Podolski was arrested August 13, 1949, by 
the Immigration and Naturalization Service. Did you, on August 
15, 1949, post $5,000 bond for Podolski ? 

Mr. Nowak. 1 decline to answer the question for the same reasons 
as stated before. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know whether or not Podolski was deported ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reasons 
as stated before. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall that the Reverend Charles Hill was 
temporary chairman of the arrangements committee for what was 
known as the Second Conference of the National Negro Congress, held 
in Detroit on March 8 and 9, 1941 ? 

Mr. NowAK. I am not an informer. It is a responsibility of your 
committee to investigate, or your investigators. 

Mr. Tavenner. Ihat is true, but were you not a sponsor of the 
conference yourself ? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question for the same reasons 
as stated before. 

Mr. Tavennfji. I desire to offer in evidence a photostatic copy of a 
memorandum on arrangements committee and sponsors of the second 
conference of the National Negro Congress in Michigan, March 8 and 
9, 1941, and ask that it be marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 11." 

Mr. Wood. It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 11" and 
received in evidence.) 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 2991 

Mr. Tavenner. Senator Nowak, I show you a photostatic copy of 
an article that appeared in the April 6, 1941,'issiie of the Daily Worker 
at page 4. It is an account of the meeting of the American Peace 
Mobilization, and is referred to as the American People's Meeting. 
According to this article, you were one of the speakers, and are re- 
ported, in the article, as saying : 

I come to this peace meeting from a battleground. The Ford workers oppose 
the war in Europe and support the real fight for democracy right here. 

Did you speak on that occasion, and were you correctly quoted? 

Mr. Nowak. What year did that occur ? 

Mr. Tavenner. 1941, April 6, 1941. 

Mr. Nowak. I do not recollect at this moment either the meeting or 
what I would say. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, would you look at the article and attempt to 
refresh your recollection as to what you said? 

Mr. Nowak. Certainly I have a right to speak, and I have a right to 
voice my opinion. It is the purpose of this question to question one's 
right to speak and express his opinion ? 

Mr. Tavenner. I am asking you if you did express yourself in the 
way that I read to you from the article. That is the question. It is 
not a question involved as to the right. I am asking you if you did. 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question on the grounds of the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to have marked as "Nowak Exhibit No. 12" 
this photostatic copy of the article, and I offer it in evidence. 

Mr. Wood. It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 12" 
and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Ta^^nner. The date of the article was April 6, 1941. That was 
during the period of the Stalin-Hitler pact ; was it not ? 

Mr. Nowak. I believe that was during the period when the majority 
of the American people were against war, and the majority of the 
Republican Congressmen were against war, if 1 recollect properly. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you answer the question, please ? 

Mr. NowAK. It was the period, as I understand, of the so-called 
neutrality that existed at that moment. 

Mr. Tan^nner. That is, the neutrality between what countries? 

Mr. NowAK. The Soviet Union and Germany. It was also the 
period of our neutrality. We were not part of the war at that time 
either. We even refused to send ammunition to Spain on the grounds 
of neutrality. 

Mr. Tavenner. The Spanish War to which you referred was in 1937. 
I am talking about the period of the Stalin-Hitler pact in 1941. The 
date of that pact, I believe, was August 23, 1939, so that that meeting 
held on April 6, 1941, then was during the period of the Stalin-Hitler 
pact. 

Now, I would like to call your attention to another document. It 
is a program of the American Slav Congress, held in Detroit on April 
25 and 26, 1942. One page of the program is given to the greetings 
to the delegates, and I quote from those greetings as follows : 

We wish each and every delegate and guest to the American Slav Congi*ess 
success in this joint undertaking which will contribute to victory over the 
enemies of our country and of the freedom-loving peoples of the world. 



2992 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

I would like you to examine the document and see if it is not correct 
that your name appears as one of the signers. 

Mr. NowAK. Counsel, I would like immensely to express my senti- 
ments on the matter that you raise at that time, but because the organ- 
ization you are mentioning is on the subversive list of the Attorney 
General, I consider it inadvisable to answer the question, and I must 
decline to answer on the grounds that — on constitutional grounds. 

Mr. Tavennek. Let us see again if we can separate ourselves from 
the document which you raise objection to. 

Is it not true that in 1942, in April 1942, you did support the joint 
undertaking in the war effort? In other words, you supported the 
position of this country ? 

Mr. NowAK. That is a matter of public record. 

Mr. Tavennek. And that is true ; isn't it? 

Mr. NowAK. Of course. 

Mr. Tavennek. Well now, when did you change your mind about 
that? Back in 1941, according to the speech I referred to as having 
been made by you on April 6, 1941, it seemed that you were opposed 
to the war in Europe. 

Mr. NowAK. I have not changed my mind. 

Mr. Tavennek. Wlien did you change your mind? 

Mr. NowAK. I did not change my mind. I have always consistently 
opposed German imperialism yet in the First War and the Second War, 
but the situation, the war situation at certain moments was not clear 
who was what, and that is why the majority of the American people 
who later on supported the war just as I did — but at that particular 
moment, the majority of our people were not in favor of the war. 
Issues were not clear. 

Mr. Tavennek. So the issues did become clear as time progressed? 
Is that what you mean to say ? 

Mr. NowAK. Yes. 

Mr. Tavennek. Well, at the beginning then, you had a different 
position from that which you finally wound up in taking? 

Mr. Nowak. I had the same position that the majority of the 
American people had. At first they were not ready to go into war, 
and then they decided that the issues were clear enough and they 
took sides. My position was no different from the majority of our 
country. 

Mr. Ta\^nnek. When did you change your mind about that ? 

Mr. NowAK. That is a matter — how can one tell the time, the day, 
or the hour when you change your mind ? Things were developing. 

Mr. Taa-ennek. Did you support lend-lease to Great Britain? 

Mr. Nowak. If I recollect, the matter of lend-lease to Great Britain 
was determined by Congress, and I did not serve in Congress. In 
the legislature we have not 



Mr. Tavennek. Certainly you could not have misunderstood me in 
that respect. Did you criticize and oppose lend-lease to England? 

Mr. Nowak. I do not recollect that I have voiced any opinion on 
that matter at that time. 

Mr. Tavennek. Well, what was it that caused you to change your 



opinion^ 



Mr. Nowak. When it became quite clear that the people of France, 
the people of England, and the American peoj^le were going into this 
war to defeat nazism, that there was no choice in the matter, that 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 2993 

we could not stay apart, away from the war, it gradually grows as 
the thing developed. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did the attack by Germany upon Eussia in June of 
1941 have anything to do with that decision on your part '^ 

Mr. NowAK. Probably no more than it had to do with the majority 
of Americans, the majority of our people who became quite clear that 
Germany is after dominating the world. 

Mr. Jackson. Were you opposed to nazism, Mr. Nowak? 

Mr. Nowak. As a philosophy ; yes. 

Mr. Jackson. You were? 

Mr. Nowak. Yes. 

Mr. Jackson. Did you denounce the Nazi-Soviet Nonaggression 
Pact? 

Mr. Nowak. Well, a pact between two countries, countries that have 
such opposite point of view 

Mr. Jackson. Precisely. 

Mr. Nowak. Yes. 

Mr. Jackson. Did you denounce it? Did you take the platform in 
opposing the alliance between two countries with such an opposite 
point of view, or did you simply go along quietly with this weird 
marriage of the dictators? 

Mr. Nowak. Well, first of all, I had no voice in the matter. This 
was not an alliance that our country, my country, was part of. It 
was an alliance between two foreign countries. What voice do I have, 
or part in determining that alliance? 

Mr. Jackson. Well, of course, you have had a voice on a number 
of other things which are not nearly as world moving. 

Mr. Nowak. I had opinions; yes. 

Mr. Jackson. Not nearly as world moving as the Nazi-Soviet non- 
aggression pact. 

Mr. Nowak. Yes. 

Mr. Jackson. You have approved of certain things, disapproved 
of certain things, as witnessed by your alleged associations. Did you 
not, in this great matter in which two separate and very distinctive 
ways of life were in conflict? You say you opposed nazism? 

Mr. Nowak. Yes. 

Mr. Jackson. Well, what was your position when nazism allied 
itself with the Soviet Union ? 

Mr. NowAK. I regretted it. 

Mr. Jackson. You regretted it? 

Mr. Nowak. Yes. I was hoping that an alliance that took place 
later between Great Britain, France, the Soviet Union, and America, 
I was hoping that that alliance would take place in 1938. It would save 
the world from this catastrophe. 

Mr. Jackson. How did you rationalize this strange alliance 
between the Soviet Union and the Nazi aggression? 

Mr. Nowak. I don't know whether I have ever rationalized. 

Mr. Jackson. You mean it was difficult for you to understand? 

Mr. Nowak. I didn't even try to rationalize. I felt that it was sort 
of a necessary evil, I presumed, on the part of these people. I re- 
gretted that it happened. 

Mr. Jackson. Did you express that regret in any meetings or any 
speeches that you made? 



2994 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. NowAK. That is difficult to tell now. -what I liave expressed. I 
presume I have. 

Mr. Jackson. But you were opposed to nazism? 

Mr. NowAK. I was, and I am. 

Mr. Jackson. Were you equally oi)posed to communism? 

Mr. NowAK. My answer to the question is: I eternally believe in 
the American philosophy of democracy. 

Mr. Jackson. But, Mr. Nowak 

Mr. NowAK. Allow me. Congressman. 

Mr. Jackson. You were very quick to express your enmity for 
nazism. 

Mr. NowAK. Yes; I am very quick. Allow me and I will exjilain 
it. I believe that within that system, whether it is the Socialist or the 
Communist — have a right to advocate their point of view. 

Mr. Jackson. You believe Fascists have a right to advocate their 
point of view ? 

Mr. Xowak. I have not advocated that we prohibit Fascists from 
advocating their point of view. I disagree with their philosophy. 

Mr. Jackson. Communists in Los Angeles protested and tried to 
get an injunction against the appearance of one Gerald L. K. Smith, 
with whom I thoroughly disagree. Do you think that ^Ir. Smith has 
a right to express his opinions or not ? 

Mr. NowAK. Yes. 

Mr. Jackson. You do? 

Mr. NowAK. Yes. 

Mr. Jackson. You would not be a party to trying to stifle Mr. Smith 
from s])eaking? 

Mr. NowAK. I don't believe so. 

Mr. Jackson. You don't think you would? 

Mr. NowAK. No ; as long as he expresses his opinion and that's all. 
I may sharply disagree with it and expose his opinion. 

]Mr. Jackson. But you believe that freedom of speech is all-inclu- 
sive, and that anyone who has an opinion should be able to express 
it ? Is that the point j^ou are making ? 

Mr. NowAK. Positively. 

Mr. Wood. Proceed. 

Mr. Tavenner. What position did you take with regard to the 
Spanish civil war, if any ? 

Mr. NowAK. If I recollect now what my thinking was at that time, 
at first it was rebellion against the legitimate constituted Government 
elected by the people, a violent rebellion, and I disapprove of violence ; 
that the Loyal Government, as they called the Loyalists, was elected 
in a democratic w^ay to the best of my information, and in many ways 
it resembled our own Civil War when the South rebelled against 
Abraham Lincoln when he was alive, and for that reason my sym- 
pathies were on the side of legitimate Government elected through 
democratic processes, and against people who organized armies and 
through a rebellion, violence, and organized force tried to overthrow 
the will of the Spanish people. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you active in any way in the recruiting of 
persons for service in the civil war in Spain? 

Mr. NowAK. No. 

Mr. Ta\T]nner. Mr. Chairman, I desire to offer into evidence a 
program of the American Slav Congress held on April 25, 1942, and 
ask that it be marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 13." 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 2995 

Mr. Wood. It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 13." 
and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. I show you now a photostatic copy of page 5 of the 
Daily Worker of February 21, 19J:2. On that page is an article about 
a letter addressed to the House of Representatives by the National 
Federation for Constitutional Liberties urging the discontinuance of 
the special committee to investigate un-American activities. Now, I 
am in no way questioning your right to take that position or your 
advocacy of that position. But you name appears as one of the sign- 
ers. I would like for you to tell the committee the circumstances, if 
you will, under which that letter was prepared, and how your signa- 
ture to it was obtained, if it was. 

Mr. Crockett. Mr. Chairman, may the record show that the Na- 
tional Federation for Constitutional Liberties has been labeled subver- 
sive by this committee. 

Mr, Wood. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Crockett. And by the Attorney General. 

Mr. Wood. It will so show. 

Mr. Jackson. May the entire citation, Mr. Chairman, and the 
reasons therefor be included in the record at this point ? 

[Guide to Subversive Organizations and Publications, May 14, 1951, pp. 83 and 84] 
National Federation for Constitutional Liberties 

1. Cited as subversive and Communist. {Attorney General Tom Clark,, letters 
to Loyalty Review Board, released Decemher J,, 191,1, and September 21, 191,8.) 

2. "Part of what Lenin called the solar system of organizations, ostensibly 
having no connection with the Communist Party, by which Communists attempt 
to create sympathizers and supporters of their program. * * * [It] was 
established as a result of a conference on constitutional liberties held in Wash- 
ington, D. C, June 7-9, 1940. * * * The defense of Communist leaders such 
as Sam Darcy and Robert Wood, party secretaries for Pennsylvania and Okla- 
homa, have been ma.ior efforts of the federation." {Attorney General Francis 
Biddle, Congressional Record, September 2^, 19^2, p. 1681.) 

3. "There can be no reasonable doubt about the fact that the National Federa- 
tion for Constitutional Liberties — regardless of its high-sounding name — is one 
of the viciously subversive organizations of the Communist Party." {Special Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities, Report, March 29, 1944, P- 50; also cited in 
Reports, June 25, 19.'i2, p. 20; and January 2, 191,3, pp. 9 and 12.) 

4. Among a "maze of organizations" which were "spawned for the alleged 
purpose of defending civil liberties in general but actually intended to protect 
Communist subversion from any penalties under the law." {Congressional Coin- 
mittee on Un-American Activities, Report No. 111.5, September 2, 191,1, p. 3.) 

5. "One of the most important Communist-front organizations in the United 
States. While following the Communist Party line meticulously the organiza- 
tion has been helpful to Communists who wish to evade and defy Government 
agencies investigating subversive activities." It "recently" combined with In- 
ternational Labor Defense and the Metropolitan Interfaith and Interracial Co- 
ordinating Council of New York to form the Civil Rights Congress. ( California 
Committee on Un-American Activities, Report, 191,8, pp. 201 and 321.) 

Mr. NowAK. T decline to answer the question, standing on my con- 
stitutional grounds as provided in the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to offer photostatic copy of page 5 of the 
Daily Worker into evidence, and ask that it be marked "Nowak Ex- 
hibit No. 14." 

Mr. Wood, It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 14" 
and received in evidence.) 



2996 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. On Jul^^ 11, 1942, tlie Nfitional Federation for Con- 
stitutional Liberties addressed a letter to the President of the United 
States, nr<Tin^ that the Attorney General's opinion in the deportation 
case of Harry Bridc:es be set aside. Now, in addition to that part of 
the letter \Yhich uro;es that the opinion be set aside, there is found 
this langua<Te : 

It is equally essential that tlie Attorney General's ill-advised, arbitrary, and 
unwarranted findings relative to the Communist Party be rescinded. 

Will you examine the document and state whether or not you were a 
signer of that letter, and, if so, why you were opposed to the Attorney 
General's finding with reference to the Communist Party? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question on the constitutional 
grounds as mentioned before. 

]Mr. Tavenner. I desire to offer the letter in evidence, photostatic 
copy of letter, I should say, and ask that it be marked "Nowak Exhibit 
No." 15." 

Mr. Wood. It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 15" 
and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. I show you a photostatic copy of a leaflet issued 
by the Citizens Committee To Free Earl Browder. This leaflet re- 
flects the names of a number of persons who appealed to President 
Roosevelt for the release of Browder. Your name appears on the list. 
Will you examine this, please, and state whether or not you authorized 
the use of your name in connection with that letter, and who solicited 
your support for the release of Browder, if you did so support it ? 

Mr. Crockett. I should like to state for the record, Mr. Chairman, 
that the Citizens Committee To Free Earl Browder is also included 
among the organizations labeled as subversive by the Attorney Gen- 
eral and by this House committee. 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question for the same reasons 
as given before. 

Mr. Tavenner. I offer the photostatic copy of the leaflet in evi- 
dence, and ask that it be marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 16." 

Mr. Wood. It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 16" 
and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. I show you a photostatic copy of a folder issued 
by the American Council on Soviet Relations, dated in June or July 
1942. It is an open letter to the President of the United States advo- 
cating an immediate declaration of war on Finland. Your name 
appears as one of the signers. 

Now, you have stated you have made various speeches in behalf of 
peace. You have been very vocal on that subject. Now, I would like 
to ask you whether or not you advocated a declaration of war by the 
United States on Finland as indicated in that document? 

Mr. Nowak. Finland was on the side of Germany and against us. 
Finland was in correlation with the Nazi Germany; isn't that so? 

Mr. Wood. Just answer the question that is asked you, please. You 
were asked if you advocated a declaration of war by the American 
Government against Finland. Did you ? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question on the constitutional 
grounds 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 2997 

Mr. Crockett. May the record show, Mr. Chairman, that the Amer- 
ican Council on Soviet Kelations has also been listed as subversive by 
this committee, the Attorney General, and the California Committee 
on Un-American Activities. 

Mr. Wood. But it doesn't show that Finland was subversive. 

Mr. Crockett. The question had to do with the publication of 
the 

Mr. Wood. No ; the question asked whether he advocated a declara- 
tion of war by the American Government against Finland. 

Mr. NowAK. The question, as I understand it, was in relation to a 
document put out 

Mr. Wood. And he declined to answer it. 

Mr. NowAK. By the Soviet American- 



Mr. Tavenner. Well, if there is anything in your mind, any ques- 
tion, about your understanding of what I asked, I will make it plain: 

Did you advocate a declaration of war by the United States on 
Finland? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question on the constitu- 
tional grounds I stated before. 

Mr. Tavenner. I offer the document in evidence and ask that it be 
marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 17." 

Mr. Wood. It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 17" and 
received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. I show you a photostatic copy of page 40 of the 
New York Times of December 22, 1943. It is a declaration by the 
Reichstag Fire Trial Anniversary Committee honoring the name of 
George Dimitrov. Your name appears as one of the signers of the 
declaration. Will you tell this committee whether or not you author- 
ized your name to be signed to it, and if so, who solicited your support 
of this declaration ? 

Mr. Nowak. May I inquire whether this organization is listed on 
the Attorney General's list? 

Mr. Tavenner. If you have the book before you, you had better go 
by the book rather than what I say. 

Mr. Nowak. On the advice of my attorney, I decline to answer, 
relying on the fifth amendment of the Constitution. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to offer the document in evidence and ask 
that it be marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 18." 

Mr. Wood. It may be admitted. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 18" 
and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. I show you a photostatic copy of page 12 of the 
New York Times of October 9, 1949. On that page appears an open 
letter to Gov. Thomas E. Dewey by the Schappes Defense Committee, 
appealing for a pardon for Morris U. Schappes. Your name appears 
as one of the signers. Will you tell the committeee, if you signed it, 
who solicited your support for this plea for pardon ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer this question for the same reasons 
as stated before. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. I desire to offer the document in evidence and ask 
t be marked "Novak Exhibit No. 19." 

Mr. Wood. It may be received. 



2998 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

(Tlie document referred to was marked "Novak Exhibit No. 19" 
and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenxer. I show you pliotostatic copy of page 19 of the Sun- 
day Worker of April 27, HUT. It is a list of names of those who 
sent May Day greetings to the Daily Worker. The name of Stanley 
Nowak appears in the list. Did you send May Day greetings to the 
Daily Worker in 1947? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reasons 
as stated before. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to offer the document in evidence and ask 
that it be marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 20." 

Mr. Wood. It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 20" 
and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. I show you a photostatic copy, page 8 of the Daily 
Worker of July 15, 1947. On that page is an article regarding op- 

Eosition to the Callahan Act, an anti-Communist act of the Michigan 
egislature. This article mentions the Committee to Repeal the Cal- 
lahan Act, and you are listed as a member of that committee. Were 
you affiliated with the Committee to Repeal the Callahan Act? 

Mr. Nowak. I opposed the Callahan Act on the floor of the Michi- 
gan Senate. I opposed it in public meetings. That is a matter of 
record. I want to say that the attorney general of the State of 
Michigan later ruled that the act was unconstitutional. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. Were you a member of the coimnittee to which 
I referred ? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question. I have stated my 
position on the Callahan Act, and whether I was a member or not, 
it is not important, and on my constitutional grounds, I decline to 
answer. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well now, it may be important. You may be wrong 
about that. I would like to know to what extent the Communist Party 
was represented on that committee, if at all, the Committee to Repeal 
the Callahan Act. Will you advise the committee about that, regard- 
less of how you may feel as to its importance or unimportance ? 

Mr. NowAK. I mentioned before : I am not a professional informer. 
1 will not serve in that capacity for this committee or any committee, 
and I rely upon my constitutional grounds and I decline to answer 
the question, as provided in the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to offer the document and ask that it be 
marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 21." 

Mr. Wood. It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 21" 
and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. I show you a photostatic copy of page 6 of the Daily 
Worker of February 20, 1948. It contains an article by William Allan, 
date line Detroit, February 19, regarding the arrest of Ferdinand 
Smith. You are listed there as one of those condemning the arrest of 
Ferdinand Smith. Did you condemn the arrest of Ferdinand Smith, 
and, if so, who solicited your participation in that activity ? 

Mr. Nowak. I have a right to have an opinion on that matter, and 
I expressed that opinion. 

Mr. Tavenner. No one challenges that. We want to know the ex- 
tent, if any, which the Communist Party influenced you in that action, 
or participated in it ? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 2999 

Mr. NowAK. May I make this point, Mr. Counsel and members of 
the committee 

Mr. Tavenner. Just answer the question. 

Mr. NowAK. Yes, I am answering the question. I am answering in 
my own way : that I do my own thinking, believe it or not ! I do my 
own thinking, and I don't like this inference somebody influenced 
me, somebody maneuvered to get me to do it ! Nobody maneuvered 
me. 

Mr. Wood. By that, do you mean you were not influenced in that 
act by the Communist Party or any member of it at all? Is that what 
you mean or are trying to say ? 

Mr. NowAK. Ferdinand Smith, I am informed and I recollect now 
was on a hunger strike for 40 days for the right to have a bail, to 
go out on bail. There were thousands of people, particularly in or- 
ganized labor movement had all the sympathies for him, and I had my 
sympathies because I believe that everybody has a right to a bail with 
the exception, of course, of a murderer. 

Mr. Wood. You know that that isn't responsive to the question that 
I asked you. Why don't you answer the question? Were you in- 
fluenced in your action in that regard in any particular by the Com- 
munist Party or any member of it? 

Mr. NowAK. Do I have to be influenced by someone ? 

Mr. Wood. I am asking you if you were. I am asking you if you 
were so influenced. 

Mr. NowAK. I believe I stated that neither the Communist Party 
nor anyone else has any particular way of impressing me or influencing 
me. I use my own opinion. When facts are presented to me and the 
facts looks reasonable, I accept them and I do my own reasoning. 

Mr. Wood. Then do you say that the Communist Party or no member 
of the Communist Party exercised or sought to exercise any influence 
over you in that regard? 

Mr. NowAK. I don't permit anybody to exercise influence. 

Mr. Wood. That isn't what t asked you at all. The question is 
whether they did, and I would like to have an answer, a direct answer. 

Mr. NowAK. I don't remember at this moment whether somebody 
came and spoke to me about it. Maybe they did. I don't recollect it. 
But the fact that somebody would speak to me, it doesn't mean that 
I will accept that point of view. There are many people who speak to 
me and who come to me with all kinds of ideas, particularly when I 
serve in the legislature. 

Mr. Jackson. You make your own decisions, Mr. Nowak, as far as 
your opinions are concerned ? 

Mr. NowAK. That's right. 

Mr. Jackson. Without influence from any other source ? 

Mr. NowAK. Well, that is a question that I doubt whether anybody 
can say absolutely that you make your own opinion without being 
influenced by the people you are surrounded by. 

Mr. Jackson. That is precisely the point I am making. Perhaps 
to clarify the matter : In w^hat regard do you disagree with the Soviet 
directives or Soviet foreign policy? 

Mr. NowAK. What are the Soviet directives? What is the Soviet 
policy ? Let's be specific. 

Mr. Jackson. Well, we could be. 



3000 COMMUNISM m THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. NowAK. I have never seen, to my knowledge, any Soviet direc- 
tives. How can I express any opinion ? 

Mr. Walter. Just read the Daily Worker. 

Mr. Jackson. You get any number of them in the Daily Worker, 
coming right from the seat of the empire, so to speak. No one could 
possibly have been connected with as many subversive organizations 
as you have not to know that fact, Mr. Nowak. 

Mr. Nowak. I have never seen any directives, and it will make no 
difference to me because I have my own opinion, and I try to use my 
own intelligence to make my own conclusions regardless who it 
might be. 

Mr. Walter. It didn't take much influencing to have you follow 
the Communist Party line throughout the years, did it ? 

Mr. NowAK. Would you, Congressman, tell me more specifically 
what policy, what Communist Party policy are you referring to ? 

Mr. Jackson. Could we submit again the documents that the 
gentleman refused to look at? All of the policies, all of the directives 
of the Communist Party for the last 25 years are contained largely 
in these documents. It has been told time and time again before this 
committee by cooperative witnesses that these organizations were, in 
large part, directed by members of the Communist Party and that 
they were in control of the executive boards of these organizations. 
These are international directives implemented at the local level. 

Mr. Crockett. Congressman, may I suggest that we read some of 
those into the record and then we will know what we are talking about. 

Mr. Jackson. I think that every word of these citations should be 
read into the record. 

Mr. Crockett. You have one document there on Negro Foreign 
Born Unity, I think. Wliy don't we read them into the record? I 
wouldn't regard that as being Communist, and I am sure you wouldn't. 

Mr. Jackson. Perhaps you wouldn't, but neither would j^ou con- 
sider the names of a great many people who have appeared before 
this committee and who have been identified time and time again as 
members of the Communist Party to be dangerous to this Nation. 
These men and women have directed the course of these organizations. 
I think any American will draw his own conclusions as to whether 
or not these organizations were directed and controlled by the Com- 
munist Party. 

Mr. Crockett. Have you any evidence at these hearings with re- 
spect to any of the persons named on there? No. None of them 
have been identified. But merely because the committee counsel 
offered them, this committee accepts it in evidence. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Chairman, I am not going to argue with counsel. 
But I should say that out of this one list of several hundred names, we 
have had scores of them identified as members of the Communist 
Party. Now, to say that these organizations were not influenced by 
Communist directives and by Communist membership is certainly to 
underestimate the native intelligence of the American people. 

Mr. Crockett. I think, however, that high lights the danger im- 
plicit in any witness admitting any knowledge of those documents. 

Mr. Wood. Counsel's province, as I have previously indicated, is to 
advise his client. 

Mr. Crockett. But the Congressman addressed something to me, 
and I thought he wanted my views on it, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Wood. The Congressman didn't address anything to you until 
you addressed him. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3001 

Mr. NowAK. Mr. Chairmiin, may I just make a brief comment in 
answer to Congressman Crawford, 1 believe the name is 

Mr. Jackson. No ; the name is Jackson, of California. 

Mr. NowAK. A good State, California. 

As a matter of principle, I speak to people with all points of view 
because I always want to know the facts. In my legislative work, I 
spend many many hours, many years for that matter, working day in 
and day out with the Republicans- — - 

Mr. Wood. Spare us a lecture on the subject. 

Mr. NowAK. Yes, but why, since emphasis was made that I have 
been associated with certain names that this committee 

Mr. Wood. Well, you refused to deny it when you had an oppor- 
tunity to do it. 

Mr. NowAK. I am not denying anything. These were general com- 
ments made by the Congressman. 

Mr. Wood. I say you have declined to deny it or to admit it on 
grounds of the fifth amendment, haven't you ? 

Mr. NowAK. Yes, sir. But why isn't the Congressman asking me 
for the association with my Republican colleagues with whom I have 
worked ? 

Mr. Wood. You can't truthfully invoke the fifth amendment, mean- 
ing a refusal to answer the question under oath, and then say to answer 
the question wouldn't do what you just said it would do. 

]\Ir. NowAK. I don't know what you are talking about. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Nowak, you associate with all kinds of people 
from all walks of life. So do 1. 

Mr. No^vAK. That's right. 

Mr. Jackson. My interest is to make Republicans out of them. I 
am concerned with what your interest is. 

(A burst of applause from the audience.) 

Mr. NowAK. I will answer that, Mr. Congressman. My interest is 
to make good Americans, and not Republicans necessarily. 

Mr. Jackson. I am delighted to hear that. The record doesn't 
reflect it. 

Mr. Wood. I am sorry this outburst occurred. I hope there are 
people in the audience who were here last week when it occurred be- 
fore, at which time I cautioned you very positively that this commit- 
tee will not tolerate it. If it happens again, I am going to clear the 
liearing room immediately. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Cliairman, I apologize for my part in it. 

Mr. Potter. Mr. Nowak, now that politics has been brought into 
your discussion and you have been a candidate for oJfRce many times 
and have served in the State legislature, could you inform the com- 
mittee on what party you served, and what party ticket you ran on for 
election ? 

Mr. Nowak. I tliink that is a public record. Anybody 

Mr. Potter. Well, I am not as familiar with the politics in Detroit 
RS probably you are. 

Mr. NowAK. I believe that it is public record. Everybody knows 
that I was elected and served on the Democratic ticket; that I was, for 
two terms, chairman of the Democratic delegation in the senate, the 
entire Democratic delegation in the senate. I was elected for 5 succes- 
sive terms on the Democratic ticket, and you, Mr. Potter, know it. You 



3002 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

are a Republican and I am a Democrat. We liave certain things in 
common. 

Mr. Potter. Have you ever run for office on any other ticket? 

Mr. NowAK. A nonpartisan election ticket. That's the only other 
ticket that I ever ran for office on. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Nowak, when you so ran and you were so elected, 
were you a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. NowAK. I refuse to answer the question on my constitutional 
grounds for the reasons that we have stated here at least 20 times be- 
fore. 

Mr. Wood. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to offer the document which I presented to 
the witness into evidence and ask that it be marked "Nowak Exhibit 
No. 22." 

Mr. Wood. It may be admitted. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 22" 
and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. I show you a photostatic copy of the news letter is- 
sued by the National Committee to Defeat the Mundt Bill. You are 
listed as one of the sponsors of this organization. Will you tell the 
committee the circumstances under which you assisted, or your signa- 
ture was obtained ? 

Mr. Nowak. I believe that anybody has a right to oppose legisla- 
tion, that this is our democratic right. 

Mr. Tavenner. Unquestionably. I have made that plain from the 
beginning. We draw no inference from the fact that a person ex- 
presses his opinion regarding legislation. But what I am interested 
in is the manner in which your assistance in that matter was obtained, 
if it was. 

Mr. Nowak. If it is correct to oppose legislation or to voice an 
opinion, what does it matter how someone's support was gotten for it? 
I have stated before 

Mr. Tavenner. Who solicited your support ? 

Mr. Nowak. I don't recollect. 

Mr. Tavenner. Who organized the effort made to oppose that legis- 
lation in this area, in the city of Detroit? 

Mr. Nowak. I do not remember. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to offer the document into evidence and ask 
it be marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 23." 

Mr. Wood. It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Ei'xhibit No. 23" and 
received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. I show you a photostatic copy of page 3 and also of 
page G of the Sunday Worker of October 30, 1949. On page 3 is an 
article regarding the verdict rendered against 11 Communist Party 
leaders in New York City, followed by a list of persons protesting the 
verdict. Your name appears on the list of those protesting the verdict. 
Will you tell the committee how your support of that action was 
obtained, if you did protest the verdict? 

Mr. Nowak. First, there was an official decision from the United 
States Supreme Court on the matter. There was a majority and 
minority opinion, and I do have the same opinion that was expressed 
by the minority of the Supreme Court, by Justice Jackson and Justice 
Black. That is for the matter of information. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3003 

Mr. Tavenner. Now will you answer my question ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question on the constitutional 
grounds as i^rovided in the fifth amendment. 

Mr. TA^'ENNER. I show you a photostatic copy of page 5 of the Daily 
Worker of August 10, 1950. There is an article to be found there in 
reference to an open letter to President Truman, released by the Ameri- 
can Committee for Protection of the Foreign Born, expressing con- 
cern about an announcement that the Department of Justice will 
seek the denaturalization of more than 1,000 American citizens. Your 
name appears as one of those signing that letter. 

Mr. NowAK. Certainly I am concerned about any legislation or any 
move that aims to take away citizenship, and I have definite opinions 
on it, and therefore I expressed those opinions, and I don't consider 
that to be any violation of any law or our Constitution. I consider 
that my prerogative. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you opposed to the denaturalization of citizens 
under any and all circumstances? 

Mr. NowAK. I didn't say that. 

Mr. Tavenner. No ; but I am asking you. 

Mr. NowAK. I would disagree with the mass movement of revoking 
citizenship in general. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you think that citizenship should be revoked 
for fraud in obtaining citizenship ? 

Mr. NowAK. That is a very ticklish legal question. I am not an 
attorney. I will leave it to the lawyers to determine that question. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your opinion ? 

Mr. NowAK. A question like tliis is determined according to laws. 
If the individual violated laws, the judges, the courts will decide that. 

Mr. Tavenner. If the naturalization was obtained through fraud, 
would you oppose deportation ^ I don't mean deportation, I mean de- 
naturalization. 

Mr. NowAK. It is a supposition. I cannot answer, give a specific 
answer to a hypothetical case. Certainly an attorney shouldn't ask 
me to give a specific answer to a hypothetical case. 

Mr. Tavenner. Let us make it more specific. 

Mr. NowAK. I may say that I am opposed to any fraud, if that is 
what you are anxious to know. 

Mr. Tavenner. If a fraudulent representation were made to obtain 
citizenship, you believe it should be denaturalized? 

Mr. NowAK. I stated that. My attorney informs me that is exactly 
what the law says. 

Mr, Tavenner. I desire to offer the document in evidence and ask it 
be marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 24," 

Mr, Wood. It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 24" and 
received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. I show you a photostatic copy of page 2 of the Daily 
Worker of May 3, 1951. In the lower left-hand corner is an article 
about the May Day rally in Cleveland. According to this article you 
made a speech, and you are reported as demanding a cease-fire in Ko- 
rea. Were you correctly reported ? 

Mr, Nowak. I can voice my opinion on the matter. 

97097— 52— pt. 2 4 



3004 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you correctly reported ? 

Mr. NowAK. I would have to study this thing. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, there it is before you. Look at it, please. 

Mr. NowAK. Well, may I ask this: Does the committee want my 
opinion on the matter, or you just want to know whether I was cor- 
rectly reported in the press? 

Mr. Tavenner. I want to know what you said about it. Will you 
answer the question, please? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to asnwer the question for the reasons stated 
before, basing it on my constitutional rights as provided in the fiftl^ 
amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you attend a meeting of the Emergency Con- 
ference for Constitutional Rights, in Detroit in June 1951, when a 
resolution was adopted to ask President Truman and Chief Justice 
Vinson to grant a rehearing to the 11 convicted Communist Party 
leaders ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer for the reasons stated before. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to present to you a document which is a 
photostatic copy of page 5 of the Daily Worker for June 20, 1951, 
making reference to and setting forth the resolution mentioned, and 
I ask that it be introduced in evidence and marked "Exhibit No. 25." 

Mr. Wood. It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 25" 
and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Was Carl Winter one of the speakers at that 
meeting ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer for the reasons stated before. 

Mr. Ta\'enner. Mr. Nowak, have you been out of the United States 
since your naturalization ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer that question for the reasons stated 
before. 

Mr. Tavenner. Didn't you apply for a passport to go to Poland, 
and in the passport state that it was at the request of the Polish 
Government ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the reasons stated 
before. 

Mr. Ta\t5nner. I hand you a photostatic copy of a passport appli- 
cation, bearing date the 19th day of October 1945, and ask you to 
examine page 2 and state what the purpose was as shown in that appli- 
cation for your proposed visit to Poland. That is, what reason did 
you give and did you sign for your visit to Poland ? 

Mr. NoAVAK. Do you want me to read what is in here ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

Mr. NowAK. Just to read what is in there ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir. Read, please. 

Mr. NowAK. In fact, I wonder why I must read. Why can't you 
read it in the record ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you read it? 

Mr. NowAK. I am sure that the counsel can read ]ust as well as I. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you answer the question ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question. 

Mr. Tavenner. You decline to read what it says? 

Mr. NowAK. Yes. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3005 

Mr. TA^'ENNER. Tlien I will read it. 

Mr. NowAK. Fine. 

Mr. Tavenner. The application for passport states : 

I intend to visit the following countries for the pui'poses indicated : France 
and Poland, perhaps England, visiting on special invitation of Polish Government 

Now, did you make that answer and swear to it on the 19th day of 
October 1945? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question. 

Mr. Tavenner. Before the deputy clerk ? 

Mr. NowAK. Based on my constitutional rights as provided in the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Before the deputy clerk of the Federal court of 
Detroit, Mich. 

Is that your photograph or picture on the passport in your appli- 
cation ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reasons 
as I have stated before. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to offer the photostatic copy of the applica- 
tion for passport in evidence and have it marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 
26." 

Mr. Wood. It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 26" and 
received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you go to Poland in the fall of 1945 and return 
in January 1946? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reasons 
as stated before, for the constitutional reasons as provided in the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did Henry Podolski, Vincent Klein, Thadcleus 
Kantor, and Anthony — now, I will have to spell the last name — 
K-a-r-c-z-y-m-a-r-z-y-k accompany you in traveling to and from 
Poland ? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question on the same grounds 
and for the same reasons as I mentioned before. 

]Mr. Tavenner. Who extended you the invitation to come to Poland ? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question for the same reasons 
on the same grounds as stated before. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you speak at a meeting sponsored by any or- 
ganization at the hall in Philadelphia known as the Karzynaski Hall 
on February 25, 1951? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question for the same reasons 
and on tlie same grounds. I have a right to speak and I see no reason 
why I should be questioned. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you at the time an agent for any government 
other than the United States, for any foreign government at the time 
you made that speech? 

Mr. Nowak. I am not an agent and never have been for any foreign 
government. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now, have you during the year 1951 represented 
any foreign government in the promulgation of information, propa- 
ganda in this country ? 

Mr. Nowak, Not to my knowledge. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you explain your answer, please? 



3006 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. NowAK. My answer is : Not to my knowledge, not that I know of. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, let nie see if I can help you. 

Mr. Walter. You mean to say that you don't know whether or not 
you have received compensation from any foreign government? 

Mr. NowAK. I didn't say that. What I don't know is what the at- 
torney has in mind when he speaks of foreign propaganda. The ques- 
tion, as it was worded, was a very confusing one, and to be honest 
and accurate, that is the best I could answer to a very involved and 
complicated question. 

Mr. Walter. What is the question that you say was so involved? 

Mr. NowAK. Well, if we were to ask 

Mr. Walter. Are you a representative of a foreign government ? 

Mr. NowAK. My answer was quite clear. 

Mr. Crockett. That was not the question. He answered that ques- 
tion, Mr. Congressman. 

Mr. NowAK. I answered that question very definitely. 

Mr. Walter. Let us see if we can get at it a little plainer : During 
the year 1951, did you receive any compensation from any foreign 
government or any person representing any foreign government ? 

Mr. NowAK. My answer is definitely "No." 

Mr. Tavenner. In making speeches over the country at Philadel- 
phia, Buffalo, Pittsburgh, and other places, were you representing 
in any way a foreign power in making the talks that you made? 

Mr. NowAK. I never represented a foreign power in any capacity at 
any meeting at any time. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you represent then a foreign power in any man- 
ner in the distribution of information or propaganda ? 

Mr. NowAK. I think I gave a very definite answer to that question. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was it? 

Mr. NowAK. At no time did I willingly, knowingly represent in any 
capacity any foreign power. I think it is a clear definite answer. 

Mr. Tavenner. How was the arrangement made for your appear- 
ance with members of the Polish consularship either in New York or 
in other places in public appearances in Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, and 
Buffalo, or other places ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer that question on my constitutional 
grounds for the following reason : There is nothing established in the 
record yet and I w^ould have to establish that in the record that I ap- 
peared at any meetings, so I decline to answer that question on my 
constitutional grounds. 

My. Walter. Now, I understand you to say that your only source 
of income has been from the fees that you have received for making 
speeches ; is that correct ? 

Mr. Nowak. As regards my own income, that is correct. 

Mr. Walter. Who has been paying you for making these speeches? 

Mr. Nowak. Usually the organization that wants me to speak. 

Mr. Walter. What organizations have paid you? Let us just take 
the last year. 

Mr. Nowak. Specifically they were groups working for peace who 
were interested in me speaking on peace. 

Mr. Walter. What were the names of these organizations ? 

Mr. Nowak. Just one second — and among them particularly the 
Polish groups who are very much alarmed over the rearmament of 
Germany, because they see at this moment an attack upon their people 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3007 

in Poland, and they asked me to speak on it, knowing that I have 
made some study of the subject, knowing that I know quite a bit 
about it. 

Your specific question is : Who were the people? You want names. 
Well, gentlemen, I have made that point clear before. I am. not an 
informer, and I will rely on my constitutional grounds. 

Mr. Walter. You are not informing on anybody if you tell us 
where you spoke and under what auspices. 

Mr. NowAK. Well, from the remarks of your counsel, apparently 
your committee knows quite well where I spoke. 

Mr. Walter. I am asking you now. Let us take the city of Phil- 
adelphia, for example. Under whose auspices did you speak in 
Philadelphia? 

Mr. Nowak. I recall some peace group. Specific names, I do not 
recall at this moment. 

Mr. Walter. What was your compensation for that appearance? 

Mr. NowAK. It varies, from $25 to $50 a meeting. It varies. 

Mr. Walter. How many meetings did you address last year ? 

Mr. NowAK. I don't recollect. I addressed a good many of them. 

Mr. Walter. Twenty? 

Mr. NowAK. Probably quite a bit more. I don't recollect the exact 
number at this time. I speak very often. 

Mr. Walter. Well, the fact of the matter is you were being com- 
pensated by the representatives of the present Communist Polish 
Government, weren't you ? 

. Mr. NowAK. That is not true. I absolutely deny and resent that 
implication. 

Mr. Jackson. You have had no contact with the representatives 
of the present Polish Government ? 

Mr, NowAK. What do you mean by contact? 

Mr. Jackson. Have you had contact ? 

Mr. NowAK. What do you mean by contact ? 

Mr. Jackson. Have you visited with any members of the preseut 
Polish regime in a diplomatic or consular position either here or else- 
where in the United States ? 

Mr. NoAVAK. May I answer the question ? 

Mr. Jackson. Yes, please do. 

Mr. NowAK. Sure. As the committee knowns well, I am of Polish 
origin. Everybody in this community knows that. I am quite active 
among the Americans of Polish descent, and they are quite interested 
in the I'elatives back in Poland. I am invited to affairs where people 
speak, including consular and diplomatic representatives of Poland. 
After all, that country is recognized by our Government, and has 
diplomatic representatives here. 

Mr. Jackson. Let us not make an issue of it. I simply asked you 
if you had conferred with the consular representatives either here or 
elsewhere. I mean I am not asking for a speech on tlie subject. I am 
simply asking if you have so conferred with consular representatives. 

Mr. Nowak. Yes, but that word, "conferred," I presume 

Mr. Jackson. Let us take the onus off. Have you discussed Polish 
matters with them, or the welfare of Poles, or anything of that sort? 

Mr. NowAK. Yes. I would inquire about some information in 
Poland, sure. If the individual or a representative of another coimtry 



3008 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

comes here and speaks on the subject, and if I am interested, certainly 
I would inquire about conditions in the country he represented. 

Mr. Jackson. That is all I wanted to know, Mr. Nowak, whether 
that was the case. 

Have you also interested yourself in organizations of Polish citizens 
who are very much opposed to the present regime in Poland? 
Have you spoken before those groups which seek the overthrow of 
the Communists in Poland? 

Mr. NowAK. If they ask me, I would. 

Mr. Jackson. Have they asked you? 

Mr. Nowak. Not to my knowledge. 

Mr. Jackson. They haven't asked you? 

Mr. Nowak. No. 

Mr. Tavennek. Have you disseminated pamphlets or any literature 
or material of any kind at the request of the present regime in 
Poland? 

Mr. Nowak. It is a very involved question. What do you mean by 
"regime" ? 

Mr. Tavenner. By the present government in Poland. 

Mr. Nowak. For the matter of record, I was never asked to distribute 
any materials. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you receive any from the Polish Government 
or any representative of the Polish Government in this country such as 
the consulate here or other places ? 

Mr. Nowak. I received in the mail all kinds of information from 
many countries. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes? 

Mr. Nowak. And many people. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes ; but would you answer my question ? 

Mr. Nowak. Yes; I received official publications of the Polish 
Embassy. I received it in the mail. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you received it for distribution to other per- 
sons? 

Mr. Nowak. Not to my knowledge. 

Mr. Tavenner. Not to your knowledge? 

Mr. Nowak. Not to my recollection, no. I receive a copy once a 
month, or I believe now they discontinued, they just publish a maga- 
zine once a month and I used to get a copy of it. They mailed it to me. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you take an active part in the distribution 
of it? 

Mr. Nowak. It is only one copy that I get. 

Mr. Tavenner. I understand, but of other copies? 

Mr. Nowak. I only received one copy, and I usually kept it for my 
own use. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever taken an active part in the distribu- 
tion of information of that character which you receive from the Pol- 
ish Government through its Embassy or through its consularships? 

Mr. Nowak. If someone would ask me if I have any information 
on certain aspects of life in Poland and I happen to have a publica- 
tion or a book or a magazine or a paper, I certainly would give it to 
them. 

Mr. Tavenner. That isn't my question. 

Mr. Nowak. Well, that is the extent of my activities. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3009 

Mr. Ta^tinner. That is the full extent of your activity in that re- 
spect ? 

Mr, NowAK. That is, to the best of my recollections. I do not recol- 
lect engaging in any mass distribution. 

Mr. Tavenner. Or have you engaged in the showing of propa- 
ganda films from Poland ? 

Mr. NowAK. There is a — well, the question the attorney asked: 
What is a propaganda film? But besides that point, may I inform 
you, counsel, that there is a private company which brings in foreign 
films from many countries, France, England, Russia, Poland, many 
Italian films, and I have gotten films from them, Polish films, sure. 

Mr. Tavenner. From what company have you obtained the Polish 
films? 

Mr. NowAK. They are located in New York. At this moment — 
Amkino or something. 
• Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell it, please ? 

Mr. NowAK. Frankly, I don't know how you do spell it. I am not 
too sure of the name. I don't consider these films propaganda films, 
incidentally. 

Mr. Jackson, Wliat do you do with them after you finish showing 
them, Mr. IFowak? 

Mr. NowAK. Return them. 

Mr. Jackson. To this firm? 

Mr. NowAK. Yes ; because you rent them for showinr^. 

Mr. Jackson. Well, tlien, the committee can assume that yo i can 
find out the name of the firm. 

Mr, NowAK. Oh yes, 

Mr. Jackson. And would you furnish that to the committee through 
your counsel ? 

Mr. Nowak. Yes, 

Mr, Tavenner. Will you look in the Guide to Subversive Organi- 
zations and see if you see that name that you referred to ? 

Mr. Jackson. Is this the picture firm ? 

Mr. Potter. Yes. 

Mr. Jackson. I withdraw my request then. There is probably no 
necessity for duplicating the information, 

Mr. NowAK, I do not find the name. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is that a Polish or a Russian corporation or 
concern ? 

Mr. Nowak. To my knowledge it is an American business firm. 

Mr. Walter. Did any of these films show the concentration camps 
that the American Federation of Labor found to be located all over 
Poland and Russia? 

Mr. NowAK, Well, first, I have never heard that there was a film 
based on concentration camps in Russia. Looking through the catalog 
of this company, I am speaking about who has foreign films, I do 
not remember ever seeing a film like that. 

Mr. Jackson. It would be very unlikely. If they had a film of a 
concentration camp, it would disabuse the minds of a lot of people. 

Mr. Taa'enner. Did you speak at Pittsburgh as one of the places 
that you referred to ? 

Mr. Nowak. I mentioned before I speak in many places throughout 
the country at different times. 



3010 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Wood. He asked you if one of them was Pittsburgh. 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the specific question on this matter 
for the reasons I have stated before. 

Mr. Walter. It is no crime to speak in Pittsburgh. 

Mr. NowAK. No ; no crime to speaK in Pittsburgh. I hope it is no 
crime. That is why I wonder why these questions: Did I speak in 
Pittsburgh. 

Mr. Walter. I assure you there is no crime, or I would be a very 
hardened criminal by this timp. 

Mr. Tavenner. You wanted to know why I asked you that question, 
and I will tell you. 

Mr. NowAK. That is right. 

Mr. Tavennek. Did you, in Pittsburgh in the course of the speech, 
make a stateiftent that you urge the withdrawal of American troops 
from Korea ? 

Mr. NowAK. If I would answer definitely this question, then, of 
course, I would have to proceed then and tell you all about the meeting 
in Pittsburgh. Therefore I decline to answer the questions for reasons 
stated before, but I will voice my opinion on the subject if you like. 

Mr. Tavenner. No. I want to know whether you made that state- 
ment in a public address. 

Mr. NowAK. I can make a statement on that matter here before this 
entire committee, not only in a public address. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you make it in a public address in Pittsburgh 
on April 27, 1951 ? 

Mr. NowAK. It is quite likely that I made that statement at many 
meetings. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you also suggest at the meeting that Congress- 
men be flooded with messages to withdraw American troops from 
Korea ? 

Mr. NowAK. Certainly that is not a criminal act. 

Mr. Tavenner. No, but did you do it ? You will not plead the fifth 
amendment if it is not a criminal act, so will you answer? 

Mr. NowAK. You are again referring to a specific meeting ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

Mr. NowAK. And then once I answer the question, then I will have 
to tell you all about the people who were at the meeting. 

Mr. Walter. Why not, if you are not ashamed of the company you 
were keeping? 

Mr. NowAK. No, I am not ashamed of the company I was keeping. 

Mr. Walter. Then why don't you tell us who they were ? 

Mr. NowAK. Yes, but I am not an informer, and I will never be an 
informer. 

Mr. Walters. You have said that before. 

Mr. NowAK. That's right. It seems like I have to constantly remind 
you, refresh the memory of the committee. 

Mr. Walter. We understand that, but it seems to be ridiculous. 
That is why we get up to the point so often. 

Mr. NowAK. It is a matter of opinion. Congressman. 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. My question was: Did you suggest that the Con- 
gressmen be flooded with messages to withdraw American troops from 
Korea ? 



COMMUlSriSlM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3011 

Mr. NowAK. I believe I have expressed my opinion on it and given 
a satisfactory explanation. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you or not ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question on my constitutional 
grounds as I stated before. 

Mr. Wood. The committee will stand in recess for 10 minutes. 

(A recess was taken.) 

Mr. Wood. Let us have order, please. 

Mr. Tavenxer. Senator Nowak, did you speak at a meeting of the 
Polonia Society in Buffalo, N. Y., on March 31 or April 1, 1951? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reasons 
and on the same constitutional grounds that I declined to answer 
previous questions. 

Mr. Tavenner. Senator Nowak, I show you a document entitled, 
"The Proletarian Party, Its Principles and Practices," and ask you if 
you have seen this or a similar document before. 

Mr. Nowak. May I know the date on it ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you examine it, please? I am not certain 
whether the date appears on it or not. 

Mr. Nowak. I do not see any date on it. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, regardless of the date, have you ever seen it 
or a similar document before ? 

Mr. Crockett. Mr. Chairman, can the record show at this point that 
the Proletarian Party of America is listed among the organizations 
labeled subversive by this committee and by the Attorney General — 
no, I beg your pardon, not by this committee, but by the Attorney 
General aiid by the Massachusetts House Committee on Un-American 
Activities. 

Mr. Jackson. Does this document purport to show association be- 
tween the witness and the Proletarian Association? 

Mr. Tavenner. No. sir. I don't think his name is mentioned in this 
document. 

Mr. Jackson. I request permission to withdraw my question in 
that regard. 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer that question for the same reasons 
and on the same grounds as I stated before. 

Mr. Ta\'enner. I desire to introduce the document in evidence and 
ask that it be marked "Nowak Exhibit 27" 

Mr. Wood. It may be introduced. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 27" and 
received in evidence.) 

Nowak Exhibit No. 27 
The Peoletakian Party — Its Principles and Practices 

The Proletarian Party of America was orfranized in Jnne 1920. The group of 
workers who orcRnized it were the hest informed IMarxists in America. From 
its inception the Proletarian Party openly proclaimed itself to he the basic Com- 
munist Party of America. Its revolutionary objective was winning the workers 
to a recognition of the need for establishina; a new social order. The proclaimed 
method was through revolutionary political action for the overthrow of the 
capitalist system and the setting up of a new form of government through which 
the working class could wield its political power and exercise its authority over 
society — the dictatorship of the proletariat. 

For the first 18 months of its existence the Proletarian Party stood alone as 
an open and avowed Communist Party. There were two other proclaimed Com- 



3012 coMMxnsriSM in the Detroit area 

munist Parties which were "underground," functioning "secretly." These two 
romantic and very confused groups shriveled into small internecine warring sects 
and were ultimately liquidated as secret organizations. 

PABTT PRINCIPLES 

The basic principles upon which the Proletarian Party was organized and 
to which it has adhered are substantially as follows: That the present social 
order — capitalism — has outlived its historic usefulness and that its continuation 
must of necessity work increasing hardships upon the vast majority of the popula- 
tion of America, the toiling proletarian masses, and that the new society must 
be inaugurated through the revolutionary action of this class. 

The Proletarian Party has held to this basic position, maintaining that it is 
this class, the wage-working class, and this class alone, which can and must 
organize for tlie conquest of power and the abolition of capitalism, and that if 
other elements in society, such as the small capitalists (urban and rural) rallied 
to the support of the proletariat in its struggle for political supremacy (and the 
application thei-eof through its dictatorship), that such aid should be utilized, 
but all efforts of the small capitalist elements to use the proletarian movement 
to prop up their collapsing economic status should be resolutely resisted. 

Since the starting point of action for the Proletarian Party is the recognition 
of the independent and untrammeled political action of the working class as such, 
no schemes for catching middle-class support or the advocacy of reforms to pro- 
long the present social system have ever characterized its policies and practices. 

WORKING-CLASS ACTION 

With the recognition of the historic role which the proletariat as a class must 
play, the Proletarian Party strives to arouse, enlighten, and marshall the pro- 
letariat for its revolutionary act of self-emancipation. To that end the Pro- 
letarian Party ceaselessly labors in all fields of working-class activity. 

THE LABOR UNIONS 

The Proletarian Party has consistently cooperated and supported the labor- 
union movement in the inevitable daily conflicts in which the unions must of 
necessity engage, but has not subscribed to their political policies or their anti- 
quated organizational forms. Although critical of union shortcomings, it has 
unstintingly supported these militant mass movements, especially during strikes 
and other struggles waged against the exploiting class, and has always striven, 
to raise the issue of the larger aspects of the working-class struggle, namely, the 
complete abolition of the wages system, 

UNEMPLOYMENT ORGANIZATIONS 

Just as the Proletarian Party has given every possible assistance to the labor 
unions, it has also, especially since the great depression, given consistent support 
to the organized bodies of unemployed workers who have found it necessary to 
struggle for a larger measure of "relief" or to resist the efforts to reduce the 
starving unemployed to a still lower level of subsistence. 

The Proletarian Party has never regarded these bodies of hungry workers as 
mere masses of unthinking elements to be led into indiscriminate conflict with 
the state machinery, but has viewed them as genuine organized sections (how- 
ever temporary) of the working class, whose interests ns a whole are the interests 
of the Proletarian Party. As "flesh of their flesh and bone of their bone," it has 
not been necessary to talk about "going to the masses," but simply to formulate 
ways and means of winning larger nimibers to an understanding of the ultimate 
outcome of the conflict between capital and labor. 

THE GREAT WIVIDE 

America today is divided into two great classes, the vast mnjority — the 
workers — receiving their income in wages. The members of the minority class, 
on the other hand, obtain their income from profit, interest, and rent, sometimes 
all three. This latter class, perhaps 30 percent of the population, owns income- 
yielding property of some sort. Within its ranks there are a small number who 
have vast property holdings, mines, factories, railroads, etc. 

The working class not only increases numerically but it also increases in rela- 
tion to the total population, and consequently there is a relative decrease in the 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3013 

class which derives its income from the ownership of property. The bulk of the 
workers are poor and vast and increasing tiumbers are in abject poverty. Only 
a small and decreasing number of them are in comfortable circumstances, fewer 
and fewer own their homes, and ever fewer numbers are secure from the haunting 
specter of poverty in their declining years. 

INNEE DIVISIONS 

The property owning class is itself divided into different sections having con- 
flicting interests. The division into various economic groups gives rise to constant 
clashes over political policies, clashes over issues which are for the most part 
entirely foreign to working-class interests, although millions of workers allow 
themselves to be involved and get highly excited over issues which are really 
affairs of the business class, and which, no matter how they are settled, leave 
the workers just where they were. 

There are the conflicts between the industrial capitalists and the financiers, be- 
tween the individually owned stores and the chain stores, between big business in 
general and the vast number of small business people. Also in this relation there 
is the continual struggle between the creditor section and the debtor section of 
the property owning class. 

The workers in general are not creditors because they have nothing to lend and 
they are not debtors because no one will lend them anything. Therefore, the 
conflict between debtors and creditors is not a working-class problem. Neverthe- 
less, much of the recent squabbing on America's storm-tossed ship of state is over 
the debtor-creditor issue. The Republicans, in the main, represent the creditor 
elements and big business generally, while the Democrats chiefly defend the 
debtors and champion the cause of the small business people, including the major- 
ity of the poorer farmers. But these differences are gradually disappearing and, 
moreover, it must not be forgotten that when a real working-class issue arises to 
confront these old parties, their differences in the face of the "common danger" 
disappear completely. Both are there to protect the business class, the property 
owners as a whole, and to keep the workers, "the inferior class," in "their place." 

PKOLETARIAN POLITICAL ACTION 

From the social situation described above it naturally follows that if the 
workers as a class are ever going to be other than "voting cattle" in times of 
peace, and "cannon fodder" in times of war, for the protection or extension of 
capitalist property and profits, they will have to take political action on their own 
behalf. 

Millions of workers have already learned to act independently on the econ- 
omic field. The organized labor movement testifies to this, but only a small num- 
ber have as yet broken with the political parties of their enemies — the capital- 
ists — who exploit them for profit, and who cast them upon the human scrap heap 
when they are too worn out for profit making. 

INDEPENDENT POLITICAL ACTION 

The first step in the direction of independent working-class political action is 
for the workers to break forever with the Republican and Democratic parties. 
The second step which we here advise is to join the ranks of the Proletarian Party, 
membership in which is open to all workers regardless of race, color or nationality. 

The Proletarian Party is a dues paying organization, the monthly dues of each 
member being fifty cents. Exempt stamps are provided for those unemployed and 
unable to pay, which keep them on a basis of full membership without any 
cost whatsoever. 

The Proletarian Party is aware that it is not the only party claiming to rep- 
resent the working class. In fact, it is continually being asked, "Why are there 
so many parties and what are the differences which keep them apart?" 

WHERE WE STAND 

First of all, the Proletarian Party is not a reform organization. It has no 
"immediate demands" in its program. It holds that any immediate demands that 
can be obtained by the workers under capitalism can be procured through the 
action of the unions and the unemployed organizations. 

Legislative reforms will be enacted by the political parties of capitalism only 
in the interests of capitalism. In the event that a substantial number of workers' 



3014 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

representatives were elected to the legislative bodies (a most desirable advance) 
they could enact nothing vital without a majority. Even then, if a working-class 
party did get a majority, no real enactment on behalf of the working class would 
ever get by the Supreme Court. As for the "immediate demand" to abolish the 
Supreme Court, we think that a revolution might be nearly as easy and, even if 
that court was abolisiied capitalism could still go on, as it does in other countries 
which have no such court. The Proletarian Party asserts that capitalism is not 
worth reforming and further asserts that, while it can be tinkered with, capi- 
talism cannot be fundamentally reformed. 

On the labor union field the Proletarian Party strives for a change in the 
structure of the unions to the industrial form as being a more efficient form for 
effective labor action. 

The Proletarian Party does not think that the means of production, the mills, 
mines, and factories can be taken over and held by the workers without first 
breaking the political yoke of capitalism and setting up a workers' "state" to 
prevent counter-revolution. 

The Proletarian Party, unlike those parties which have lost faith in the work- 
ing class, does not think an alliance with the small-business people is imperative. 
In fact, it holds that any reliance on such suiiport endangers the revolutionary 
movement of the working class. 

The Proletarian Party recognizes the Communist International as the only 
International worthy of the support of the workers, and, in addition, while 
critical of its errors, it recognizes the Communist International as the best 
International which the world's workers have as yet brought forth. 

The Soviet Union is not regarded by the Proletarian Party as the land of a 
new form of capitalism, as claimed by some alleged revolutionary parties. While 
aware of the fact that communism has not yet been introduced in the U. S. S. R., 
because such a development requires time and because a hostile capitalist world 
is forcing the U. S. S. R. to retain armies — which is not compatible with com- 
munist society — we see in the U. S. S. R. an advancing form of proletarian state 
socialism, an economic and political transitional form leading to communism. 

On the question of the attitude of the Proletarian Party to the "farming ques- 
tion," vs^e tirst of all emphatically assert that the farm hand, the wage slave of 
the farm, is a proletarian, just I'ke the wage worker of the factory. Secondly, 
we assert that the farmer is a capitalist. Some farmers are quite large exploiters 
of labor, but most of them are petty capitalists who work hard in order to live. 
Many of these can and will be won to the support of the proletarian revolution, 
but it is the contention of the Proletarian Party that the status of the small 
farmer cannot be raised under capitalism, all promises to the contrary not- 
withstanding, and even if such were possible it is not the task of the Proletarian 
Party to save any dying section of the property owning class, but instead it is 
our duty to urge them to abandon their illusions and throvs^ in their lot with the 
workers and struggle for the new classless society — the communist society. 

The absolute certainty of the overthrow of capitalism and the introduction 
of a new social order does not alone lie in the poverty and suffering of the 
masses, nor in the inuuense wealth of the capitalists. The phenomenon of 
poverty and wealth is not new. 

The basis for the future social order lies within the structure of present-day 
capitalism, and is in harmony with its very nature. It is social production and 
the accompnnying parasitic character of the present generation of capitalists 
which assure the victory of the proletariat. 

SOCIAL PRODUCTION 

But what is social production? It is the modern method of producing commod- 
ities through the extensive division of labor, with each worker within the fac- 
tory doing but a small contributory part of the work. No one makes a hat, a 
shoe, or a siiovel any more. In the modern factory each is a "specialist" who 
puts in full time, day after day, boring holes or tui'ning nuts on the end of bolts, 
sewing a seam, polishing a piece, or a piece of a piece of some product. Thou- 
sands of men and women work together cooperatively. They turn out the fin- 
ished product collectively. 

That is what is meant by social production, as distinct from individual pro- 
duction when the shoemaker made shoes e<nnplete or the hatter made the hats 
alone from start to fnish. But this social production in the individual factory 
is again connected up with factories preparing the raw materials, or with a power 
industry, perhaps miles away, which furnishes the motive force to drive the 
machinery. In the last analysis the factories are interdependent. Therefore, 



COMHrUXISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3015 

social production, in tlie wider sense, includes all modern industry. It is like 
one big shop consisting of many departments. 

Let us illustrate the process. We will consider the production of rubber tires 
which, like any other present-day product, are produced socially within the 
individual rubber works. By themselves they would be practically worthless, 
but they find their complete social setting when attached to an automobile or 
other such vehicle. The same is true of the gasoline to furnish the power by 
which these vehicles are driven. Spark plugs and windshield wipers, head- 
lights and tail lights, each in themselves pruduced socially, find their proper 
places within the highly social process of modern industrial production. 

In the past, when the people produced directly for use, there was no question 
as to the ownership of the product. And still later, when products were first 
placed upon the market as commodities they were owned by the small producers, 
the owners of the primitive means of production. When capitalism arose and 
expanded, a class of people, owners of the means of production, developed along 
with this expansion and likewise another class, much more numerous, with no 
ownership in the means of production, who were obliged to work for wages in 
order to live. Time, especially after the development of modern machinery and 
technique, has only widened the chasm between the workers and the owners. 
Some machines now cost more than a worker can earn in a lifetime. 

The producers no longer own the means of production, and consequently they 
do not own the products, while the capitalists who do own the means of pro- 
duction, the mills, mines, railroads, factories, and are in the main nonproduc- 
ers, still appropriate the products. In the days of individual production there 
naturally followed individual appropriation of the products. The producer was 
the owner. Today it is social production but by a nonowning class. But indi- 
vidual appropriation still remains. However, it is a nonproducing class, the 
capitalists, who approiiriate the products. In other words, those who make don't 
take and those who take don't make. 

THE SOLUTION OF THE PROBLEM 

Since social production is not compatible with individual appropriation based 
upon capitalist ownership, it is quite obvious that the next step in social de- 
velopment must be social ownership. The socialization of the means of pro- 
duction, collective ownership, can only be brought about by the workers as a 
class. Those who make collectively must take collective possession of the 
means of production. This cannot be done while the capitalist class still holds 
political power. Socialization of the means of production, which must not be 
confused with capitalist state ownership (state capitalism), can only follow the 
achievement of political supremacy by the producing class, the proietariat. 

With the means of production socialized, the products would no longer be 
appropriated by a nonproducing class, the capitalists, but by the producers 
themselves. From the common store, the entire national supply, the workers 
would appropriate, according to their n^eds, a very much higher appropriation 
than that which wages now permit of. With the elimination of the exploitation 
of labor by capital ; with profit, interest, and rent abolished, capitalism will go 
to join its feudal ancestor in the graveyard of history. 

WHAT WILL A WORKERS' REVOLUTION ACHIEVE 

With the overthrow of capitalism and the introduction of a new social system, 
a classless society, there would be tremendous changes and almost unlimited 
possibilities for advancing the welfare of all. While we cannot give details 
in advance of this development, the approximate results would be as follows: 
(1) The abolition of poverty. (2) The abolition of the mass murder known as 
war. (3) Tremendous expansion of production through the removal of the ob- 
struction of profit making, the workei-s having the opportunity of consuming 
the bulk of what they produce. (4) The disappearance of panics and unemploy- 
ment, as in the event of overproduction the people would simply cut working 
hours, or take a holiday until consumption overtook production, at least until 
the surplus was greatly reduced. (5) The elimination of costs of armies and 
navies (a burden now met by the capitalists out of the surplus values exploited 
from the workers). (6) Enormous reduction in crime through the removal of its 
main cause, poverty, and consequently a reduction or elimination of police, 
judges, jailers, and other prison expenditure. (7) Reduction in general waste, 
such as competitive advertising and other nonessentials. 



3016 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

UFE ABUNDANT 

With the tremendous savings that could be effected by abolishing all the 
above non-essential costs and the elimination of the rich parasites, i. e., the 
present generation of capitalists, who waste so much without producing any- 
thing useful, the people could have just as much as they desired to produce, 
within the limitations of the degree of existing productivity. 

Consumption, now on a starvation minimum for the toiling masses, many of 
whom are not even permitted to produce, could be extended to great propor- 
tions, permitting the use of so much which the wages of present-day workers 
make impossible of attainment. 

The former parasites (when able-bodied and mentally fit) would have to 
work for their own living, and likewise their army of servants (flunkies, 
butlers and other retainers) would be transferred to useful labor and thus 
cut down further on the working hours of all. 

Having outlined above the principles and practices of the Proletarian Party 
and set forth what the objective of the Party is, we hereby urge all working 
men and women who are in agreement with us to become dues paying members, 
to join the ranks of the Proletarian Party. 

For further information write to the Proletarian Party of America, 1545 N. 
Larrabee Street, Chicago, 111. 

Mr. Tavexner. I show you another document entitled, "The Pro- 
letarian Party, Its Principles and Program," and ask you if you have 
ever seen this or a similar document. 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question on the same grounds 
and for the same reasons as I stated before. 

Mr. Tavenner. I offer the document in evidence and ask that it 
be marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 28." 

Mr. AVooD. It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 28" 
and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. And I would like, Mr. Chairman, to read one short 
paragraph from this document : 

Ever since its inception, in 1920, the Proletarian Party of America has con- 
sistently adhered to the fundamental principles of Marxian communism. 

I note also at the top of the document in typewritten form : 

Proletarian Party lectures 1st and 3rd Sunday monthly 2 : 30 p. m., Danish Hall, 
1775 West Forest at 12th. 

Nowak Exhibit No. 28 
The Proletarian Party — Its Principles and Program 

For more than a quarter of a century, the Proletarian Party of America has 
consistently set forth its revolutionary principles for the consideration of the 
whole working class. Its starting point on all social questions, during peace or 
wai', during prosperous periods or depressions, is that which will best serve the 
economic interests and political advancement of the working class as a whole. 

The Proletarian Party contends that the greater war, the unceasing conflict 
between the employing class and the working class, cannot be compromised, can- 
not be modified with the passing of time, but only intensified and sharpened. 
It contends that this war between capital and labor can only be fought to a 
finish, that the only consistent and practical slogan for the workers against their 
exploiters, the industrial and financial capitalists, is "unconditional surrender." 

There is no middle ground. Contrary to official teaching, capital and labor 
are not brothers, but deadly enemies. The struggle of the classes, rich against 
poor, is a historic fact. It is not the product of the rich hating the poor or tiie 
latter hating the rich. Hatred is there sure enough, but it is not the cause. It is 
the result of the division of society into classes, possessors and nonpossessors. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3017 

REVOLUTIONARY POLITICAL ACTION 

While the objective of the class struggle is economic, the retention of the means 
of production, the mills, mines, railroads, etc., by the capitalists, and the tight 
for possession of those means of production by the proletarians, the modern wage 
workers, the form which the struggle takes is political. This, too, is a historic 
fact, existing objectively outside of the minds of men. 

When Karl I\Iarx and Frederick Engels wrote into the Communist Manifesto, 
of 1849, that : "All class struggles are political struggles," they meant just exactly 
what thc^y said. The institution which decrees that the class struggle is political 
was founded originally by, and in the interest of. the property-owning classes. 
It is the State, or what is commonly called government. 

In all present-day phases of tlie struggle between capital and labor, between 
the workers audiheir exploiters, the State takes its stand on the side of capital, 
even when it tries, or pretends, to be impartial. That is what it exists for. It 
is the "public power of coercion." Its constitutions are founded upon property 
rights. Its purpose is the protection of those with property, especially property 
in the means ol' production. Tliose without property, the modern working class, 
the vast majority, may grasp, at its substance, but they only get its shadow. 

Political action which has for its objective the overthrow of the profit system, 
the taking possession of the means of production by the vast majority, in the 
interests of the vast majority, is Revolutionary Political Action. 

Ever since its inception, in 1920, the Proletarian Party of America has con- 
sistently adhered to the fundamental principles of Marxian conmmnism. 

The objective of this party is to arouse the working people of America to a 
realization of the historic role they are called upon to play, namely, their self- 
emancipation from the yoke of capitalist exploitation. To this end, the Prole- 
tarian Party proclaims that the starting point of all intelligent class action is 
the recognition of the class character of present-day society, recognition of the 
fact that it is divided into two great camps, rich exploiters and exploited workers. 

Tlie wealtli of America is produced socially. Enormous numbers of workers 
cooperate in tlie productive process. This is social production. But, while the 
wealth is produced collectively, it is appropriated individually, by the individual 
capitalists. 

Th's result springs from the fact that the members of one class, the capitalists, 
own the means of production, the mills, mines, railroads, etc., and also own the 
natural resources of the nation, while the members of the other class, the 
proletarians (wage workers), have no ownership in the means of production. 

If the workers would live, and provide for their dependents, they are obliged to 
sell, for wages, the only thing they possess, namely, their labor power, their 
mental and physical power to produce. But, the wage system of payment is like 
charity, "it covers a multitude of sins." Under the cloak of wage payments there 
lurks a legal system of plunder, politely called "tlie exploitation of labor." It is 
the source of all profit, interest, and rent. From this source alone, from the toll 
and sweat of social labor, arises the great fortunes of millionaires and multi- 
millionaires. 

The chief problems of today cannot be solved within the structure of the 
prevailing social order, within the profit system. The basic problem, of course, 
is the "exploitation of labor." In otiier words, the workers produce wealth, the 
value of which is vastly in excess of the value of their wages, and, as we have 
previously pointed out, the abolition of this exploitation can be achieved only 
by revolutionary political action. 

ORGANIZED ACTION 

The working people, the vast majority of the population, must organize for the 
purpose of taking political power into their own hands, and establishing a new 
form of government through which they can direct the nation in the interest of all, 
instead of it being directed, as at present, in the interest of the capitalist class 
alone. 

For this purpose, a political party is of prime importance. Hence, the Prole- 
tarian Party, which asserts that the collective ownership of the means of produc- 
tion, and tlie natural resources of the nation, is the only possible solution to the 
great problems of today, such as war, unemployment, mass starvation, ignorance, 
slums, disease, and crime. The achievement of permanent peace, adequate hous- 



3018 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

ing, health, and jreneral security, can never be attained so long as production 
has to pass through the bottleneck of the profit system, which leaves tlie bulk of 
the wealth in the hands of rich parasites. 

As long as capitalism remains, these problems will remain. Nay, more, they 
will increase in volume and viciousness. Strikes will take on greater magnitude 
and severity. They will become more and more political in cliaracter. More 
frequently wiU the government be forced to intervene to save capitalism, to keep 
it from collapse. Those struggles of labor against capital will take on tlie form 
of struggles against the government, which is, of course, the highest organized 
form of capitalist repression and coercion of the workers. The recent action of 
Congress in overwhelmingly supporting President Truman, and his proposed 
law to conscript into the army all who .strike against a government-controlled 
industry, is emphatic proof of this trend. 

POSTWAR PROBLEMS 

As a result of the war, American capitalist imperialism has greatly expanded. 
It is now the dominant imperialism of the world and, as a consequence, the armed 
forces of the State will be maintained upon a vastly increased scale. The role of 
chief of police to the world, formerly Great Britain's role, has been taken over in 
the name of democracy by the United States. "Bearing the white mans burden," 
as the British imperialists used to hypocritically call it, and which meant carry- 
ing off everything of value that wasn't nailed down, now becomes the interna- 
tional mission of the Wall Sti'eet imperialists. 

Large numbers of young men and women will be taken from their homes and 
sent to remote parts of the earth to police and protect the investments of the 
American finance capitalists, the great banking institutions, industrial monopo- 
lies, and if necessary, to lay down their lives in defense of those investments. 

If the masses of the American people wish capitalism to continue, or think 
that there is nothing that can be done about it, then they will have to put up with 
its effects. If they want to remain in poverty, if they are satisfied with in- 
security, if that is the inheritance they wish to pass i>n to their children, just to 
be wealth producers for another class all the days of their lives, then they can be 
sure that it will continue, especially with their support of the political parties of 
capitiilism, the Democratic and Republican pai'ties. 

However, should the workers come to comprehend that by the power of their 
numbers (the only force they really have), thoy can, through organized action, 
niter this state of affairs, then independent political action is the first step to 
take. 

Capitalism does not fear an ignorant mob, no matter how large or violent, but 
numerical strength, enlightened and organized, that is a different matter. That 
means real power, the only sort that will be effective. The difference between 
an army and a mob is a matter of organization. 

The "ruling class today has everything on its side, except numbers. All es- 
tablished institutions are at its disposal — the press, the radio, the schools, uni- 
versities, and churches. All are openly or covertly, in the service of the rich and 
against the working class. "Public education" is capitalist education. The 
"public press" is the capitalist press. Its propaganda is in the interest of the 
property owners. Some of it is openly antilabor. Some of it pretends to be 
friendly to labor, provided that the workers are satisfied with the present social 
arrangement, or want but slight improvements. 

Those who preach class peace, whether through the press or the pulpit, mean 
peace with poverty, the continuation of .slums or, at best, improved slums. The 
professional charity mongers are staunch defenders of the system which makes 
their "charity" necessary. 

Those who look to the rich exploiters, their Government and political parties, 
for justice, will get capitalist justice and no othei". The workers, the vast 
majority, must establish their own justice. Tlie first step is to break with the 
political traditions of the past, and the second is to build a powerful political 
party of the working class, upon principles, and with policies, such as those of 
the Proletarian Party. 

The Proletarian Party has consistently asserted that capitalism with its profit, 
interest, and rent, for one class, and starvation wages for the workers, has out- 
lived its historical usefulness, that the time is now here for its entire abolition. 

Reforming the present social order will not bring advantages to the workers. 
Each "improvement" which emanates from Congress, is overtaken and nullified 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3019 

by new breakdowns, bv further inroads upon the living standards of the working 
class. Problems, under capitalism, arise faster than they can be remedied. 

THE LABOK MOVEMENT 

What is commonly called the Labor INIovement, namely, labor unions of all 
sorts has grown enormously in the last decade. Millions of workers are now 
organized on the economic field, but they are still unorganized politically. They 
do not trust the employing class in relation to their jobs and conditions of em- 
ployment, but they have complete confidence in the political representatives 
of that class, the Republicans and Democrats, 

Capital school "education" and inculcated prejudices make the organized labor 
movement victims of deceit and betrayal on the political field. Their top-lofty, 
high-paid officials, many of whom have grown rich and arrogant, are but the 
henchmen of Wall Street's capitalist imperialism. Their scheme is to keep the 
workers looking to the political parties of big business for legislation favorable 
to the working class. Therefore, no real progress is made, just palliatives and 
promises which leave the workers as bad off, or worse, than before. 

It is time that organized labor broke with its ancient policy of supporting 
"good" enemies against bad enemies. Political "friends" of labor within the 
Republican and Democratic parties are supported and "enemies" are opposed 
on election days. By this "practical" maneuver the organized workers are led 
into the political sheep pens of Wall Street. The longer the workers stick to this 
outworn political course, the longer will they be pushed around and left "holding 
the bag" by the very system which they help to uphold. 

While recognizing those political shortcomings of organized labor, the Prole- 
tarian Party has given, and will continue to give, unstinting support to the 
workers in their day-to-day struggle with the employing class for better con- 
ditions of employment, more wages and shorter hours. 

The workers, as yet, do not understand that with their present weapons and 
plans of battle they are foredoomed to defeat, but they will learn as a conse- 
quence of those defeats. Stricken to the ground they will rise again stronger 
than before. Capitalism will foi'ce them to organize politically, as it has done 
in most other countries, and it will force their political action into revolutionary 
channels, because the workers, as a class, so long as the profit system remains, 
cannot rise with the progress of industry but only fall. 

WHAT WILX A WOKKEKS' KEVOLXJTION ACHIEVE? 

With the overthrow of capitalism and the introduction of a new social system, 
a classless society, there would be tremendous changes and almost unlimited 
possibilities for advancing the welfare of all. While we cannot give details in 
advance of this development, the approximate results would be as follows: (1) 
The abolition of poverty. (2) The altolition of the mass murder known as war. 
(3) Tremendous expansion of production through the removal of the obstruc- 
tion of profit making, the workers having the opportunity of consuming the bulk 
of what they produce. (4) The disappearance of panics and unemployment, 
as in the event of overproduction the people would simply cut working hours, 
or take a holiday until consumption overtook production, at least until the sur- 
plus was greatly reduced. (5) The elimination of the costs of armies and 
navies (a burden now met by the capitalists out of surplus values exploited 
from the workers). (6) Enormous reduction in crime through the removal 
of its main cause, poverty, and consequently a reduction or elimination of police, 
judges, jailers, and other prison expenditure. (7) Reduction in general waste, 
such as competitive advertising and other nonessentials. 

LIFE ABUNDANT 

With the tremendous saving that could be effected by abolishing all the above 
nonessential costs and the elimination of the rich parasites, i. e., the present 
generation of capitalists, who waste so much without producing anything use- 
ful, the people could have just as much as they desire to produce, within the 
limitations of the degree of existing productivity. 

Consumption, now on a starvation minimum for the toiling masses, many 
of whom are often not even permitted to produce, could be extended to great 



97097— 52— pt. 2- 



3020 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

proportions, permitting the use of so mucli which the wages of present-day work- 
ers make impossible of attainment. 

The former parasites (when able-bodied and mentally fit) would have to work 
for their own living, and likewise their army of servants (flunkies, butlers, and 
other retainers) would be transferred to useful labor and thus cut down further 
on the workinc:: hours of all. 

Having outlined above the principles and program of the Proletarian Party 
and set forth wliat the objective of the Party is, we hereby urge all working 
men and women who are in agreement with us to become dues-paying members, 
to join the ranks of the Proletarian Party. 

(Adopted by the Proletarian Party at its National Convention, at Chicago. 
May 30, 31, aiid .Tune 1, 1946.) 

(For further information wi'ite to the Proletarian Party of America, 1545 
North Larrabee Street, Chicago 10, 111. Read Proletarian News, 5 cents, monthly ; 
subscription 50 cents a year.) 

Mr. Tav?:nxer. I show you another document entitled, "Manifesto 
and Program of the Proletarian Party of America," and ask you if 
3"ou have ever seen this or a similar document. 

Mr. NowAK, I decline to answer the question for the same reasons 
and on the same constitutional grounds as I declined to answer other 
questions. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I desire to offer this document in 
evidence and ask that it be marked "Novak Exhibit No. 29." 

Mr. Wood. It may be admitted. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 29" 
and received in evidence.) 

NoWAK Exhibit No. 29 
Manifesto and Program of the Proletarian Party of America 

Beginning with, and following, the Great War, America entered upon the 
greatest period of prosperity in its entire history. During this period the Ameri- 
can capitalists achieved a dominant position in world connnerce and inter- 
national finance. Undreamed of wealth was produced by the workers and ap- 
propriated by the capitalists. "Pi-osperity" was upon the lips of all. The press 
teemed with praises of America's prosperity and even contended that it would 
last indefinitely. Other nations might experience depression and unemployment 
but not so America. This nation was different. "American ingenuity, American 
enterprise, American brains, American methods" were the all-saving virtues that 
were to prevent America from falling Into the econondc chaos that the European 
nations were experiencing. 

So dominant were tliese opinions that they deluded certain officials of the 
Labor Movement who should have known better, and lulled to sleep large sections 
of organized labor itself. But a rude awakening was in store, not only for the 
capitalists, especially the smaller ones, but for millions of workers "who had 
come to believe in the permanency of American prosperity. 

Some of tliese workers who received better pay and more permanent employ- 
ment than the rest iiad invested in real estate, usually upon the installment plan. 
Some of them had become small stockholders, others had built up bank accounts. 
Those who had been less fortunate hoped soon to do likewise. Tliey had come to 
regard themselves as part of the Capitalistic class. These conditions formed 
the basis for the extreme indifference of the workers toward the labor move- 
ment and their own political and economic interests. 

Such was the situation that for the past several years confronted the Prole- 
tarian Party. But a great change is now taking place in the general attitude of 
the American worker. The collapse of capitalist prosperity, the inevitability of 
which was continually asserted by the Proletarian I*arty, has brought along 
with it unemployment on the largest and most prolonged scale ever experienced. 
It has speedily reduced millions to the verge of starvation and millions more 
to the most precarious condition of existence. 

OVERPRODUCTION 

This plight of the workers is not due to a shortage of food or other necessaries 
of life. While millions are in want, the storehouses are filled to the limit of 
their capacity. There is wheat by millions of bushels. There are admittedly 



COMJMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3021 

vast surpluses of nearly all commodities. Much of it is being wasted, some 
allowed to rot and some is being deliberately destroyed because it cannot be 
sold at a profit. Meanwhile, factories are falling into decay and productive 
orgranization are being discarded. 

This problem of vast stocks of food, etc., and millions of jobless and hungry 
workers, finds the administrators of present-day society baffled and helpless. 
The same problem has thoroughly exposed the intellectual bankruptcy of the 
political soothsayers at Washington and their allies of the university, the press 
and the pulpit. 

The Proletarian Party once more reminds the American workers of the simple 
economic facts of the problem confronting them. The present social system is 
based upon the capitalist class ownership of the means of production, the mills, 
mines, railroads, factories, etc., and is operated solely for the profit of that 
class. The supplying of human wants is only incidental, profit comes first. 

In the competition among Capitalists, and their constant effort to increase 
profit, they are forced to continually improve the machinery of production. 
This increases the product and, at the same time, decreases the number of 
workers employed. Although this is not a new feature of Capitalism, it has 
recently become so pronounced that unemployment actually increased during 
the greatest period of prosperity the country has ever known. Between the 
years 1919 and 1929 the workers in America inrceased their average productivity 
fifty percent. This increase in the volume of each worker's product, through 
improved machinery and the speeding iip of labor, results in what is now called 
"Technological Unemployment." 

PERMANENCY OF UNEMPLOYMENT 

One of the characteristics of the present crisis is the duration and threatened 
permanency of unemployment. Many workers are now coming to realize that 
even if business could be restored to its former status, the great mass of unem- 
ployed could not be put back to work. 

The American workers must realize that from now on there will be a per- 
manent army of unemployed, running into millions, and that this permanent 
army will become larger and larger. 

The Capitalist system moves through a series of business cycles. There is a 
period of normal operation ; a period of break-neck speed ; and a period of ex- 
pansion and overcapitalization which results again and again in a crash. The 
present world-wide crisis springs tyom these same causes. In this most dis- 
astrous depression the unemployed armies have reached the enormous total of 
thirty millions. 

The palliatives of Capitalism have all failed to solve the problem. Rigid 
economy, unemployment insurance, shorter hours, public building programs, have 
all proved unsuccessful. The more vulgar schemes of "Buy now," "Restore con- 
fidence," and "Spend for Prosperity" campaigns have likewise failed. 

The Capitalist system contains within it an inherent contradiction that will 
cause its downfall. This contradiction is social production and individual appro- 
priation of the products. In social production the product is turned out by large 
numbers of workers, each of whom performs a certain operation upon it. There 
is specialization, cooperation, and scientific planning within the privately owned 
factory. By individual appropriation, this social product, made by the combined 
effort of countless workers, becomes the property of the Capitalist. 

This contradiction cannot be solved through reforms. Only a social revolution, 
introducing social appropriation to take the place of capitalist appropriation of 
the social products, can effect a solution. In other words, the working class must 
abolish capitalist ownership of the means whereby the workers live. The work- 
ing class must take over the political power and centralize all means of produc- 
tion in their own hands, to the end that they will not produce only to starve but 
to enjoy the fruits of their labor. 

SOCIAL PKOGKESS 

All social progress is based upon advancement in the methods of wresting from 
nature the things needed to sustain human life and securing the enjoyment 
thereof. All social upheavals and political changes are only expressions of the 
social recognition that new methods of production and distribution require new 
social organization for their promotion and protection. 

Ever since man's productive ability reached the stage where he could produce 
more than was absolutely necessary for his individual maintenance, some class 



3022 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

has taken advantage of this productivity. Through assumed social leadership, 
or "ordained" rulership, these classes have claimed for themselves all surplus 
products. They have surrounded themselves with organized guards — the state, 
the church, the press, etc. — and have wielded these institutions coercively and 
deceptively to maintain themselves in power and uphold their property "rights." 

Throughout the forward march toward greater productive aljility the bene- 
ficiaries of the old system have only given way when the new system had devel- 
oped enough strength to force out the old ruling; class, together with their now 
antiquated social organization. Thus the ancient system of chattel slavery was 
replaced by feudalism, and again, in its time, feudalism was superseded by 
capitalism. 

But the capitalist system is no more perpetual than its predecessors. Already 
within its framework there has developed the means of its destruction. As we 
have pointed out, social production has developed into the gigantic machine 
and factory method which, confined within the narrow channels of private 
ownership, is no longer able to function normally. As a result it has developed 
these absurd conditions where producers have no access to the means of pro- 
duction, and where factories must stand idle wliile willinfjr workers, in ever- 
increasing numbers, walk the streets and starve because they have produced 
too much and have not the means to purchase a portion of their own products. 

THE PROLETARIAN EEVOLUTION 

In opposition to the repressive forces of the imperialist powers, the world's 
workers must look to the Communist International for guidance in their strug- 
gle to break the yoke of capitalist rule. Tlie Proletarian Party recognizes that, 
despite its errors and the worthlessness of its American section, the Communist 
International is the only organized world force capable of combating the or- 
ganized force of world capitalism. Its militant leadersliip and its unceasing 
efforts are a source of hope and inspiration to the exploited and oppressed of 
all lands. 

LABOR UNIONS 

The most important section of the American Proletariat is the organized labor 
movement. The Proletarian Party recognizes this fact and urges the workers 
to support the unions, even when they are highly reactionary and in the hands 
of corrupt leaders. To desert the unions is to play into the hands of the capi- 
talist class. The class-conscious worker remains within the union and works 
to remove such parasites as have fastened themselves upon the rank and file, 
and to enlighten his fellow unionists as to the real nature of the task confront- 
ing the working class. The Proletarian Party members are part and parcel of 
the labor unions and the Party's policy is in direct harmony with the best inter- 
ests of the working class. Its object is to broaden, encourage, and develop the 
everyday struggle into a political conflict for working class supremacy. To 
this end the Proletarian Party calls upon organized labor to definitely ally itself 
with the organized workers of all other countries under the banner of the 
lied International of Labor Unions. 

GOVERNMENT 

The abolition of the wage system and the ushering in of tlie communist society 
can be achieved only by the conquest of political power. The State, "the public 
power of coercion," was instituted in society with the development of property 
and the division of society into classes — property owners and propertiless 
workers. 

Today the State with its repressive machinery (the army, navy, state militia, 
police, courts, and jails) functions exclusively for the interests of a powerful 
minority, namely, tlie capitalist class. Congress is but an executive committee 
for carrying out the will of this class. 

THE PARLIAMENTARY FORM 

The present form of the State, parliamentary government, with universal suf- 
frage is the form par excelence for capitalist society. The Proletarian Party 
will nominate, where possible, candidates for all political offices, for the pur- 
[)ose of using elections as a means of conveying to the masses an understanding 
of the State and its function. The Proletarian Party will use its elected repre- 
sentatives, not merely to keep out representatives of the bourgeoisie but to ex- 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3023 

pose the shallowness, corruption, and fraud of capitalist democracy, from within 
the parliamentary bodies and to hasten the downfall of the capitalist class which 
uses the State as a means to perpetuate its rule. 

THE SOVIET FOBM 

The parliamentary form of the State, because of its capitalist nature, cannot 
function for the liberation of the proletariat. A new state form must be set 
up, constituted of the proletariat, the immense majority, organized as ruling 
class. In Russia this new state form is the Soviets. It is the dictatorship 
of the proletariat which enables the workers to suppress counter-revolution and 
carry out the socialization of the means of production. The Soviet is the dying 
out form of the State. It is the form that exists only in the transition period 
between capitalism and communism. 

As society becomes classless the State gradually loses its coercive features. 
It will finally disappear and leave in its place an economic administration of 
affairs. Production and distribution will then be carried on, not for the profit 
of a few but for the well-being of all, for society as a whole — The Communist 
■Society. 

COMMUNIST ORGANIZATION 

The most efficient organized force that the workers can wield against their 
oppressors is communist organization. This takes the form of a revolutionary 
political party. It is only through political action that the working class cajn 
overthrow their oppressors. 

But revolutionary political action is not confined to participating in elections 
and in parliamentary bodies. It embraces all working class action that has for 
its objective the undermining and the overthrow of the capitalist system which 
now retards human progress. 

The revolutionary party of the working class, although distinct from the 
organized labor movement, is an inseparable part thereof. Its task is not a mere 
critical one. It shows by example and active participation in the daily struggle 
the line of demarcation between capital and labor. It must at all times struggle 
to keep the class issue clear and point the revolutionary road of advance. It 
must be capable of visualizing and analyzing concrete situations confronting the 
workers. It must take the necessary steps, in keeping with the prevailing condi- 
tions, at every stage in the ripening conflict between capital and labor. 

The revolutionary party of the working class in America, at this time, must 
labor to awaken, marshall and organize the workers into a mighty force to be 
directed against the organized power of the capitalist class. This is the present 
task of the Proletarian Party. It, more than any other working class party, has 
grasped the principles and methods of Communism, and is therefore most able 
to cope with the problems now confronting the American working class. It 
has continually sought to bring within its ranks the already awakened workers 
so that they may become trained and experienced leaders in this struggle. 
Through its agitation and education it has consistetly worked for the develop- 
ment of political consciousness in the masses, to the end that they may become 
the lever for overthrowing the political supremacy of the ruling class. 

JOIN THE PROT.ETARIAN PARTY 

To all workers conscious of their class interests and conscious of the fact that 
organization is indispensable to working class victory, the Proletarian Party 
makes its appeal. It calls upon these workers to join its ranks and fight in the 
world-wide struggle for the termination of all class rule, for the ending of the 
exploitation of man by man. 

Workers, organize and fight for the rule of your class ! Fight for the new so- 
ciety that abolishes poverty amid wealth and establishes well-being and security 
for the masses — for mankind ! Fight for the progress of the future and against 
the reaction of the past, for Science and against religious superstition, for the 
plenty your labor produces, and against capitalist misery and starvation, for 
working class freedom and against capitalist slavery, for Communist planning 
and against capitalist anarchy! Workers, unite! Organize! Join the Prole- 
tarian Party ! 

Proletarian Party of America, 
S i09 West North Avenue, Chicaoo, III. 



3024 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

IMr. Tavenxer. Mr. Nowak, were you ever a member of the Prole- 
tarian Party '? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question on the constitutional 
grounds as provided in the fifth amendment. 

jNIr. Tavenner. I show you a copy of the Proletarian, issue of 
November 1929. On the inside front cover it is recorded that the 
Proletarian is the official organ of the Proletarian Party of America. 
Page 2 of the issue — if you will turn to it — is devoted to party notes, 
and in the first column mention is made of a series of le(*tures. It is 
reported that Comrade Stanley Nowak lectured on October 27, and 
his subject was the history of bolshevism. 

Mr. Nowak. What date it that? 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you examine it? It is right in front of you. 
It is the issue, I think, of November 1929. 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question on the same grounds 
for the same reason that I stated before. 

Mr. Tavenner. Does "Comrade Stanley Nowak" apply to you? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question. 

Mr. Tav'enner. Did you make a lecture on October 27, 1929, on the 
subject, of the history of bolshevism, as stated in the party notes of 
that issue of the Proletarian? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reasons 
and on the same grounds as I declined other questions. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to offer the document in evidence and ask 
it be marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 30." 

Mr. Wood. Let it be introduced. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 30" 
and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you examine the document again, please? On 
the right-hand side of the page you will find the beginning of an 
article entitled "Russia From 1905 to 1917" by Stanley Nowak. Does 
that refer to you ? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did vou write an article on Russia from 1905 to 
1917? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question on the same ground as 
I declined others. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you write the aiticle appearing in the No- 
vember issue of 1929 ? 

Mr. Nowak. I answered the question. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your answer ? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question. 

Mr. Tavenner. Under the heading "Party notes" in the July 30 
issue of the Proletarian, mention is made of Comrade Novak, 
N-o-v-a-k, according to the spelling appearing there, and others ad- 
dressed a large meeting of unemployed in the Polish district of the 
Northwest Side in Chicago. Were you in Chicago in 1930? 

Mr. Nowak. I testified that I was in Chicago in 1930. 

Mr. Tavenner. Does that article refer to you ? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question for the same reasons 
that I stated before. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you address a large meeting of unemployed in 
Northwest Side Chicago in July 1930 ? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3025 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reasons 
and same grounds as I stated before. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to offer the document in evidence and ask 
that it be marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 31." 

Mr. Wood. It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 31" 
and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Under the same title of "Party Notes" in the August 
1930 issue of The Proletarian, mention is made that Comrade S. No- 
vak — and the spelling again is N-o-v-a-k — spoke at two meetings in 
Dowagiac, Mich. Will you examine the article, please, and state 
whether or not you did appear and speak at two meetings in Dowagiac, 
Mich. ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question on the same constitu- 
tional grounds and for the same reasons I refused to answer previous 
questions. 

Mr. Tavenner. I offer the document in evidence and ask it be 
marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 32." 

Mr. Wood. It may be admitted. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 32" and 
received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Under the heading "Party Notes" in the June 1931 
issue, mention is made that Comrade Stanley Novak — - again the spell- 
ing is N-o-v-a-k — delivered a series of four lectures on the progress 
of the Soviet Union, at the Detroit headquarters located at 2036 Wood- 
ward Avenue. Did you deliver a series of four lectures as reported in 
that issue of The Proletarian ? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question on the same constitu- 
tional grounds and for the same reasons that I declined previous ques- 
tions. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to offer the document in evidence and ask 
it be marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 33." 

Mr. Wood. It may be admitted. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 33" and 
received in evidence.) 

Mr.TAVENNER. The Proletarian News, successor to The Proletarian, 
issue of January 7, 1932, under the title "Proletarian Party Activi- 
ties," page 6, mentions that Comrade Novak — the spelling again is 
N-o-v-a-k — was in Boston and several meetings were held, and that the 
Boston Local was looking forward to his return. Did you speak at a 
meeting in Boston as reported by The Proletarian News ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question on the same grounds 
and for the same reasons as I declined to answer previous questions. 

Mr. Ta\'enner. I offer the document in evidence and ask it be 
marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 34." 

Mr. Wood. It may be introduced, 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 34" 
and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. The February 15, 1932, issue of the Proletarian 
News at page 8 mentions that Comrade Stanley Novak — the spelling 
is N-o-v-a-k — addressed a meeting in Cleveland on January 26 on the 
subject of Russia Today. Did you make the speech referred to? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question on the same grounds 
for the same reasons. 



3026 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. I offer the document in evidence and ask that it be 
marked "Exhibit No. 35." 

Mr. Wood. It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 35" 
and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. I have before me an article entitled, "Religion, 
Science and Social Progress," in the July 1929 issue of the Proletarian. 
I wish you would examine this article which I am now handing you. 
Will you take it, please, and examine it, because I want to base a 
question on it. 

In that article, did you say that religion is a social phenomena, sub- 
ject to the economic conditions of society and their relation to nature; 
that it could originate only at a certain stage of historical develop- 
ment and will disappear when those conditions that brought it into 
being are no more? Did you write that article containing that lan- 
guage ? 

Mr. NowAK. I certainly have a right to express my opinion to write 
or to study a religious question or philosophical question. That privi- 
lege, I have. That privilege I reserve. I made studies of religion and 
a study of philosophy. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. But did you write that article? 

Mr. Nowak. That question I decline to answer on constitutional 
grounds. It is my privilege to write if I want to as provided in the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to offer the document in evidence and ask 
it be marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 36." 

Mr. Wood. It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 36" 
and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. I will refer to the Proletarian, the issue of March 
1931, which reports from South Bend, Ind., that Comrade Stanley 
Nowak spoke at the Workman's Circle Hall on Monday, February 23, 
on Russia's Challenge to Capitalism. Will you examine the issue of 
the Proletarian, please, and state whether or not you spoke at that 
time and on the occasion mentioned on the subject of Russia's Chal- 
lenge to Capitalism. 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reasons 
as I stated, and on the same constitutional grounds. 

Mr. Tavenner. I offer the document in evidence and ask that it be 
marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 37." 

Mr. Wood. It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 37" 
and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. The Proletarian News of March 1, 1932, under a 
Detroit dateline — which is the same as Nowak exhibit No. 37 — reports 
as follows : After stating that Comrade Stanley Nowak spoke on Mon- 
day, February 23, as referred to just a few moments ago, there is 
stated : 

Before an audience of 800 people at the Proletarian Forum, held at Northern 
High School in Detroit, February 7, 1982, Comrade Stanley Novak spoke on 
Europe at the Crossroads — Communism or Fascism. 

Did you make such an address at the Northern High School in 
Detroit'? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3027 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question on the same grounds 
and for the same reasons. 

Mr. Tavenner. I turn now to the March 15, 1932, issue of the 
Proletarian News, in which there is stated, in black type, on the sub- 
ject of Comrade Novak — N-o-v-a-k — reports on recent tour, the fol- 
lowing language which is quoted : 

I have been making speaking trips for the Proletarian Party, a party organ- 
ized to ad- 

and that is the end of the line, and apparently a line is left out, so I 
will read it just as it appears here with the line left out and I will begin 
again : 

I have been making speaking trips for the Proletarian Party (a party or- 
ganized to ad-communism of the Third Internationale dedicated to overthrow 
of all but Soviet governments) for the last 3 years but the one I have just com- 
pleted was the longest one I have made, and the most fruitful for the party. 

I hand you the document and ask you to examine it and state whether 
or not you were correctly quoted. 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reasons 
and on the same grounds. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long a speaking trip did you make for the 
advancement of the Proletarian Party ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question on the same grounds, 
for the same reasons. 

Mr. Tavenner. I offer this document in evidence and asked that 
it be marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 37." 

Mr. Wood. It has been so received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 37" and 
received in evidence.) 

Mr. Walter. What is that date ? 

Mr. Tavenner. March 15, 1932. 

In 1932, according to the statement you made at the beginning of 
your interrogation, you were in Detroit unemployed. Now, as a 
matter of fact, you were not unemployed during the entire period of 
1931 to 1934, were you? In 1934 you were engaged in the work of 
organizing for the Proletarian Party ; isn't that true ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer that question. 

Mr. Tavenner. And you were not correct in your statement that 
you were unemployed from 1931 to 1934 ? 

Mr. NowAK. I was corrrect that I was unemployed. I received no 
pay during that period. I was not employed by anybody. 

Mr. Tavenner. You received no compensation of any character for 
any services that you rendered during that period ? 

Mr. Nowak. I was not employed. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you draw a distinction between being employed 
and working as an organizer ? 

Mr. Nowak. Don't you? 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, I am glad you recognize the difference. 

Did you receive pay as an organizer for the Proletarian Party 
between 1931 and 1934? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, let us return, for a moment, to the period of 
time in 1951 after your alleged return from Poland when you were 
making speeches around to various cities. You said you were not paid 



3028 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

by any foreign government or power. Were you paid through the 
Polonia Society of the International Workers' Order? Weren't you 
paid a weekly salary and your expenses for doing that very work ? 

Mr. Crockett. Counsel, isn't the International Workere' Order 
listed in this book ? I believe it is. 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question on the same grounds 
for the same reason. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. Were you on June 13, 1938, a member of the Pro- 
letarian Party? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reasons 
as I stated before as stipulated in the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. You told us at an earliei- point in your testimony 
that you were the organizer of the West Side local 174 from 1937 
until 1939, and you enumerated several of the plants that came within 
the jurisdiction of that local. One of them was Temstedt. Will you 
tell us the circumstances under which you became employed as an 
organizer for the West Side local 174? 

Mr. NowAK. Well, first I was hired by Mr, Homer Martin to work 
for the International of the UAW. Later on, on the suggestion of 
Walter Keuther, the executive council — I believe they called it — the 
legislative body of local 174 hired me to work as an organizer for 
that local. 

Mr. Tavtsnner. Did any other group of individuals have any part 
to play in your being employed at local 174? 

Mr. NowAK. I couldn't conceive of any other group because the only 
people who were in authority was the council of the local. It is the 
only legislative body, and the president of that local who was Walter 
Reuther. No one else could employ me. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you ever employed independently at Tern- 
stedt in a capacity other than as organizer? 

Mr.' NowAK. No ; I was not. 

Mr. Ta^t.nner. Would you say that your work as organizer was 
located at Ternstedt ? 

Mr. Nowak. Principally at Ternstedt. 

Mr. Ta\'enner, Principally? 

Mr. NowAK. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. I show you a photostatic copy of the Temstedt 
Flash, issued by the educational committee of stewards council, Tem- 
stedt division, West Side Local No. 174, UAW, and ask you if you 
wrote the article appearing there entitled "To the Workers of Tern- 
stedt"? 

Mr. Nowak. To the best of my knowledge, it appears like an article 
that I have written for that publication, 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to offer the document in evidence and ask 
that it be marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 38." 

Mr. Wood. It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Nowak Exhibit No. 38" 
and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Senator Nowak, William O'Dell Nowell testified 
before the Special Committee on Un-American Activities on November 
30, 1939. He stated as follows : 

I met Nowak casually before he joined the Communist Party. In fact, he 
joined the Communist Party in 1935. I was present at his initiation at a banquet 
during which he was initiated by William Weinstone. He was subsequently 
associated with him in Communist Party activities in Detroit. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3029 

Now, will you state whether that is true or false insofar as it refers 
to you ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question on the constitutional 
grounds and as stipulated in the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you initiated into membership in the Com- 
munist Party by William Weinstone ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reason 
and on the same grounds. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you initiated into the Communist Party in 
1935? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reasons 
and on the same constitutional grounds. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know William Weinstone ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reasons 
and on the same constitutional grounds. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I would like Investigator Jackson 
Jones to present, before the committee, an individual whom I will be 
content at the present with calling Mr. X. 

(Whereupon Mr. Casimir Rataj was brought forward.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Nowak, are you acquainted with the person who 
is now standing in front of you and facing you whom I referred to as 
Mr.X? 

Mr. NowAK. May I ask who this man is? What is his name? 

Mr. Tavenner. Will it be of any assistance to you in identifying 
him if I tell you his name is Mr. Casimir Rataj ? 

Mr. NowAK. I do not recollect the name. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever seen him before to your knowledge 
even if you do not remember his name ? 

Mr. Nowak. I decline to answer the question relying on the pro- 
visions in the fifth amendment of the Constitution. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you mean to state that the basis for your refusal 
to answer it is that to admit that you know the identity of this indi- 
vidual might subject you to criminal prosecution ? Is that the basis 
of your reply ? 

Mr. NowAK. This individual apparently is one of those professional 
informers that can be called at any time to testify. I don't know what 
he will say, and therefore I call upon my constitutional rights at this 
moment. 

Mr. Jackson. I think the record should show that so far as 98 per- 
cent of the American people are concerned, the so-called informers are 
in very, very excellent standing and are rendering a great service to the 
Unitexl States of America. 

Mr. NowAK. That is a matter of opinion. 

Mr. Jackson. Very definitely. 

Mr. Nowak. Yes. In the ranks of labor, every informer is looked 
down upon. 

Mr. Wood. You branded this party as an informer. How do you 
know that? 

Mr. Nowak. Well, the fact that you bring this individual here 

Mr. Wood, Have you heard him open his mouth ? 

Mr. Nowak. No, but the mere fact that you bring him and you con- 
front me 

Mr. Wood. But you, under oath, say he is an informer. Now you 
either know that or 



3030 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. NowAK. No. I said he might be. 

Mr. Wood. Now wait a minute. You either know that or you havft 
sworn falsely. Wliich is it ? 

Mr. Crockett. I beg your pardon, Mr. Chairman. The witness 
did not say that this individual is an informer. 

Mr. Wood. He said it, and you know he said it. 

Mr. Crockett. Let us have the record read, then. 

Mr. Wood. Don't argue about that. 

Mr. Crockett. He said that he suspected that he was 

Mr. Wood. I am not going to let you put words in the record that 
the witness hasn't put in the record himself. The witness said, "This 
man is an informer, and I don't know what he will say when he gets 
on the witness stand." 

Mr. Crockett. He said he might be. 

Mr. Wood. That statement is true or false. If you know, how do 
you know it? 

Mr. NowAK. I said he might be. 

Mr. Wood. No ; you did not. You said he was an informer. You 
don't know that, do you ? 

Mr. NowAK. I don't know who he is. 

Mr. Wood. Well, if you did say he was an informer, you swore 
falsely, didn't you ? 

Mr. NowAK. I didn't say that. I said he might be. Bringing him 
under such a dramatic situation as you do creates all kinds of sus- 
picion. And, for that reason, I decline to make any specific answer. 

Mr. Wood. You do know that man, don't you? Let us be honest 
for once in our lives. Wliat do you say about that? You do know 
the man, don't you? 

Mr. NowAK. Mr. Chairman, I am honest. 

Mr. Wood. All right. Then tell me whether you know him or not. 

Mr. NowAK. But I cannot under the circumstances answer the ques- 
tion because I may lay myself open to some charges. 

Mr. Wood. Well, you know as weil as I know that the answer to 
that question isn't going to lay you open to any charges. 

Mr. NowAK. How do I know? The mere fact what happened here 
is a good indication. How do I knoAv what you people are planning? 

Mr. Jackson. If you don't know this gentleman — and I make the 
distinction between that and informer — would you incriminate your- 
self if you said you didn't know him? 

Mr. Nowak. My attorney informs me that it is a legal question, 
and, therefore, I, as a layman 

Mr. Jackson. In other words, you can't say that you don't know 
this man because in doing so you might jeopardize yourself? 

Mr. Nowak. I didn't say that at all. 

Mr. Jackson. No ; I said that. 

Mr. Nowak. I know you did, but I didn't. 

Mr. Jackson. I said it, and I think that fact is self-evident. 

Mr. Nowak. No, it is not. 

Mr. Jackson. You were asked if you knew this gentlenuin, and 
you say, "No, I don't know him." 

Mr. Nowak. No, I just refused to answer the question. 

Mr. Jackson. That is quite apparent. 

Mr. Nowak. Sure. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3031 

Mr. Walter. Well, nothing this witness or any witness could say 
would more eloquently brand you for what you are than what you 
have done here today. 

Mr. NowAK. That is a matter of opinion. 

Mr. Wood. Anything further? 

Mr. Ta\^nner. Yes, sir. 

You stated you did not know the individual. Possibly I can re- 
fresh your recollection about circumstances under which you may 
have met him. 

Mr. Wood. I didn't understand the witness to say that he didn't 
know him. 

Mr. Tavenner. I so understood him a few moments ago. I under- 
stood him to say he didn't know him. 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall attending a meeting in the basement 
of the Finnish Hall at 5969 Fourteenth Street in August of 1937 ? 

Mr. NowAN. I decline to answer the question on the same grounds 
and for the same reasons. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall Mr. William Weinstone discussing 
with you your reluctance to openly avow your Communist Party 
membership ? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reason 
and on the same grounds. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall on the occasion I mentioned a dis- 
cussion in which Mr. Boleslaw Gebert entered into with regard to 
your participation in Communist Party work ? 

Mr, NowAK. I decline to answer the question for the same reasons 
on the same grounds. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you acquainted with Mr. Gebert? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer the question on the same grounds 
and for the same reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. NowAK. I have answered that question. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was your answer? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer that question. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. NowAK. I decline to answer that question for the same con- 
stitutional reasons that I have mentioned, as provided in the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Walter? 

Mr. Walter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Jackson ? 

Mr. Jackson. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. F'otter? 

Mr. Potter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Is there any reason why the witness should not be 
excused from further attendance? 

Mr. TA^^3NNER. No, sir. 

Mr. Wood. It is so ordered. 

(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Tavenner. I would like to call to the stand Mr. Casimir Rataj. 



3032 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Wood. Will you raise your ri^ht hand and be sworn, please? 

You do solemnly swear that the evidence you frive this subcommittee 
will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help 
you God ? 

Mr. Rataj. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF CASIMIR KATAJ 

Mr, Wood. Are you represented by counsel here, Mr. Rataj ? 

Mr. Rataj. No, sir. 

Mr. Wood. Do you desire counsel ? 

Mr. Rataj. Not necessarily. 

Mr. Wood. If you do at any time during your examination, you are 
at liberty to make that fact known and procure counsel. 

Mr. Rataj. I have nothing to hide, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your name, please? 

Mr. Rataj. Casimir Rataj. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell your last name, please? 

Mr. Rataj. R-a-t-a-j. 

Mr. Tavi<:nner. When and where were you born? 

Mr. Rataj. Poland, March 28, 1902. 

Mr. TA'srKNNER. Are you a naturalized American citizen ? 

Mr. Rataj. Declaration papers. 

Mr. Tavenner. Where do you live ? 

Mr. Rataj. Marine City. 

Mr. Tavenner, How long have you lived in Marine City? 

Mr. Rataj, I believe about 6 years now. 

Mr. Wood, Will you raise your voice just a little? We cannot hear 
you up here, 

Mr, Tavenner. Did you. ever live in Hamtramck? 

Mr, Rataj, I did. 

Mr, Tavenner, Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Rataj. I was. 

Mr. Tavenner. Over what period of time were you a member? 

Mr. Rataj. I believe from the fall of 1936 to the spring of 1938. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you become a member of the Communist Party 
at the instance of a non-Communist, a person who was not a member 
of the Communist Party? Did you become a member of the Com- 
munist Party at the suggestion of a person who was not a member? 

Mr. Rataj. No. 

Mr. Tavenner. How did you become a member of the party? 

Mr, Rataj, I was signed by a Communist Party member, Richard 
McMahon, 

Mr. Tavenner, Richard McMahon ? 

Mr, Rataj. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. And he was a member of the party ? 

Mr. Rataj. Yes, sir. 

Mr. AVood. How do you spell that name ? 

Mr, Rataj. M-c M-a-h-o-n. 

Mr. Tavenner. How did you happen to get out of the party ? 

Mr. Rataj. I was president of the Hamtramck WPA Workers, a 
Hamtramck local of the WPA workers, in which Richard McMahon 
was a business agent of Wayne County, WPA Union. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3033 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, how did you happen to leave the party ? 
Mr. Rataj, Well, I was kicked out, beat up. 
Mr. Tavenner. You were kicked out ? 

Mr. Rataj. They found out after a while what I really was in there 
for. 

Mr. Tavenner. Why were you in the party ? 
Mr. Rataj. To get some information. 

Mr. Tavenner. And when they found that out, they kicked you 
out of the party ? 

Mr. Rataj. They beat me out — they threw me out. 
Mr. Potter. Who were you getting the information for ? 
Mr. Rataj. The gentleman is deceased at the present. He is de- 
ceased. It was John Matkowski. He was president of PRCU, presi- 
dent of the Political Club, and also a member of the Knights of 
Columbus. 

Mr. Tavenner. Who was the president of this club of the section 
of the Communist Party that you were assigned to ? 

Mr. Rataj. George Kristalsky. He was the chairman of the sec- 
tion. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. Did Mr. Kristalsky invite you to attend a meeting 
of functionaries of the party with him ? 
Mr. Rataj. Oh, yes ; on many occasions. 
Mr. Tavenner. On many occasions ? 
Mr. Rataj. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you see the gentleman on the witness chair 
occupying the same position you now occupy when I brought you here 
and referred to you as Mr. X i 
Mr. Rataj. Yes ; I did. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever seen him before ? 
Mr. Rataj. I saw him when he had a corner here on Michigan Ave- 
nue preaching the Proletarian Party. That would be around 1926 or 
1927. 
Mr. Tavenner. Did you see him at any time after that ? 
Mr. Rataj. I saw him several times, but later my father forbade me 
to see him any more, or attend any of his meetings, and I lost contact 
until after the UAW started organizing and he came here to Detroit. 
And the first time I met liim was when they organized — Stanley 
Nowak and Mary Zuck was organizing the cigar factory workers on 
Forest and Grandy. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you meet him at any time in a meeting with Mr. 
George Kristalsky ? 

Mr. Rataj. No. You mean when they were at the same meeting? 
Mr. Tavenner. At the same meeting. 
Mr. Rataj. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. What kind of a meeting was that? 
Mr. Rataj. Well, it was a membership meeting, what I understood, 
only, as I say, just party big brass was supposed to attend. 
Mr. Potter. What party? 
Mr. Rataj. Communist Party. 
Mr. Tavenner. Where was this meeting held? 
Mr. Rataj. At the Finnish Hall on the Fourteenth Street in a base- 
jnent. At that time and at that meeting the visitor was Foster. 
Mr. Tavenner. Was Mr. Nowak there? 
Mr. Rataj. He was. 



3034 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you remember any conversation that took place 
with regard to Mr. Nowak? 

Mv. Kataj. Well, with regards to Mr. Nowak, he was questioned 
how the membership on the West Side local, or in particular, Ternstedt 
was progressing and he said, "They are going fine." Well, then Wein- 
stone asked him, he said, "Why haven't we got any applications from 
you?" His answer w^as: He don't subscribe members because he has 
other people in there which do the work and he don't want to come 
out in the open. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Weinstone asked him why he had no subscrip- 
tions ? 

Mr. Rataj. That's right. 

Mr. Tavenner. And he said he had other people doing the work 
because he did not want to do it openly himself ? 

Mr. Rataj. That's right. Then that's when Weinstone quit. Geb- 
ert jumped up and he said, "There you are. There's a member of the 
party." He didn't mention w^hat party. But he said, "party member." 
He said, "There you are. That's the way he works. We put him on 
the job and he lets us down. He is ashamed of us." 

Mr. Ta-st^nner. That is -vvliat Boleslaw^ Gebert said ? 

Mr. Rataj Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. What year did this meeting take place? 

Mr. Rataj. In 1937. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you remember the month ? 

Mr. Rataj. In August. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Walter? 

Mr. Walter. I have no questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Jackson? 

Mr. Jackson. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Potter? 

Mr. Potter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Is there any reason why the witness shouldn't be excused 
from further attendance? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir. 

Mr. Wood. It is so ordered. 

The committee appreciates very much your coming here, and you 
will be excused. 

(The witness was excused.) 

The committee will stand in recess until 10 o'clock in the morning. 

(Whereupon, at 5 : 15 p. m., the committee was recessed to reconvene 
at 10 a. m. Tuesday, March 11, 1952.) 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETKOIT AEEA— PAKT 2 



TUESDAY, MARCH 11, 1952 

United States House of Eepresentatives, 

Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Un-American Activittes, 

Detroit^ Mich. 

public hearing 

A subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met 
pursuant to call at 10 : 05 a. m., in room 740, Fecleral Building, Detroit, 
Mich., Hon. John S. Wood (chairman), presiding. 

Committee members present : Eepresentatives John S. Wood, Fran- 
cis E. Walter, Donald L. Jackson, and Charles E. Potter. 

Staff members present: Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., counsel; Thomas 
W. Beale, Sr., assistant counsel; John W. Carrington, clerk; and 
Donald T. Appell and Jackson Jones, investigators. 

Mr. Wood. Let us have order, please. 

Mr. Counsel, are you ready to proceed ? 

Mr. Tavenner. I will be in just one moment. I am ready, Mr. 
Chairman, 

Mr. Wood. Wlio will you call as your first witness ? 

Mr. Tavenner. The first witness will be Lee Romano. 

Mr. Wood. Is Mr. Romano present? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Wood. Will you be sworn? 

You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this subcommittee 
will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help 
you God ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes, sir. 



^5 



TESTIMONY OF ELESIO ("LEE") ROMANO 

Mr. Wood. Are you represented by counsel, Mr. Romano? 

Mr. Romano. No, I do not believe I need counsel, sir, because I am 
going to tell the truth. 

Mr. Wood. If, during the course of your interrogation, you deter- 
mine that you do need counsel, you are at liberty to select whoever 
you desire. 

Mr. Tavenner. You are Mr. Lee Romano? 

Mr. Romano. My official name is Elesio Romano, but I am known 
by the name of "Lee" Romano. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. Will you spell your first name? 

Mr. Romano. E-1-e-s-i-o. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born ? 

3035 

97097 — 52— pt. 2 9 



3036 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Romano. I was born on October 28, 1912, in the Province of 
Udine, Italy. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wlien did you come to the United States ? 

Mr. Romano. I came to the United States in 1920. 

Mr. Tavenner, Are you a naturalized American citizen ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes, I was naturalized through my father's papers, 
and I took out my own papers in 1937. 

Mr. Tavtenner. Was that done in Detroit? 

Mr. Romano. Originally it was done in New Haven, Conn., in 1928. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you now live in Detroit? 

Mr. Romano. I do. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you lived in Detroit? 

Mr. Romano. I have lived in Detroit since January 1, 1937. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. Will you tell the committee, please, briefly, what 
your educational background has been? 

Mr. Romano. I went through grammar school, the Prince Street 
School in New Haven, Conn., and went to New Haven High School for 
4 years and completed that and went to New Haven College, 2 years 
at night. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the conunittee, please, what your occu- 
pational background has been since you came to Detroit? 

Mr. Romano. When I came to Detroit, I started working for the 
Ford Motor Co. and I Avorked for the Ford Motor Co. until I was 
elected to the office of vice president of local 600 in 1948. I served 
2 years as vice president of local 600 in 1948 and 1949, through April 
or May of 1950. Then I went on the payroll of the Amalgamated 
Clothing Workers of America in June, approximately June of 1951. 

Now, I am since last July, employed by the UAW-CIO, and I am 
an international representative working out of region 1-A, Joe 
McCloskey's office. 

Mr. Tavenner. Since the year 1948, you have held various impor- 
tant positions in connection with the union ( 

Mr. Romano. Yes. In 1941, I was elected recording secretary 
of the pressed steel unit. Tlien I was elected to the bargaining com- 
mittee and I became president of the pressed steel unit and held that 
office for 2 years. Tlien I became vice president of local 600. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the date when you became vice presi- 
dent ? I believe you have already told us, but I do not have it. 

Mr. Romano. I think tlie election that year was very long and 
drawn out. I think I took office around August 9, I think it was, 
somewhere around there, t\w latter part of July or the early part of 
August. 

Mr. Taatdnner. 1948? 

Mr. Romano. 1948; yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. The Taft-Hartlev Act went into effect in June of 
1947. 

Mr. Romano. That is right. 

Mr. Tavenner. If you became an official on August 9, 1948, were 
3'OU required to sign a non-Connnunist affidavit for the position that 
you held at that time ? 

Mr. Romano. In 1949, we signed the affidavit, when the local union 
held an election on wliether or not we were to sign the affidavits and 
the local union voted in favor of having the officers sign the affidavit. 
We signed it the early part of 1949. • 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3037 

Mr. Tavennee. Can you tell us more definitely when that action 
was taken by 3- our local? 

Mr. Romano. It was in the early part of 1949, I think January. 

Mr. Tavenner. Prior to that time, the non-Communist affidavits 
had not been signed by the members of the CIO ? 

Mr. Romano. No, not in local 600 at least. 

Mr. Tavenner. ]\Ir. Romano, are you at this time a member of the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Romano. No, sir. 

Mr. Taa-enner. Were you a member of the Communist Party in 
1949 when you signed the non-Communist affidavit? 

Mr. Romano. Definitely not. 

Mr. Tavenner. Had you at any time prior to that been a member 
of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. I was a member of the Communist Party from 
the early part of 1942 through the early part of 1946. 

Mr. Tavenner, So, for a period from 1942 to 1946, you were a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. TA^'ENNER. The committee would be interested in knowing how 
you were recruited into the Communist Party. 

Mr. Romano, First of all, I would like to say this : That if you will 
permit me, I came here with the sole purpose, since I was called by 
the United States Government, to tell the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth. My only scope in coming here is, that if I can 
convince one of my fellow workers from my experience in the party, 
I will have accomplished my mission. If I can convince a hundred 
of them, my mission will be accomplished 100 fold. 

I didn't come here to whitewash my past, or ask for any clemency 
from this body or the American people. The only reason I came be- 
fore this body is to tell the truth. 

In my opinion, I am more or less of an idealist. Naturally, by my 
background, it had a little to do with the question of my becoming a 
Communist. I can remember, and it is indelibly inscribed in my 
memory, the depression, and another thing that took place during 
that period, such as bread lines, the bonus march, and one thing and 
another. Avhere I could still remember seeing people on the bread lines 
with their heads bowed because of the fact they had lost their pride, 
because when I looked into their eyes they seemed to be with no past, 
no future, and no present. 

Also, I came in contact at that time with some fellows who fought 
in World War I, and who were asking for a little bit of the promise 
that was made to them. Of course, as we all know, the administra- 
tion in Washington at that time didn't see fit to grant them what they 
were entitled to. All these things played an important part in this 
psychological make-up. Naturally, we saw the administration at 
that particular time being replaced by an administration which pulled 
the people, so to speak, by their bootstraps out of the depression and 
we all know the only thing we had to fear then was fear itself. 

Following that, I could see that a lot could be done in terms of re- 
solving the social and economic problems of our way of life, and when 
I came to Detroit, naturally, later on, I became interested in the Ford 
•organization. You can imagine the feeling one has, especially when 



3038 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

even Harry Bennett claims what the conditions were at Ford, in his 
own book. 

The conditions were no doubt terrible. And certainly it had an 
effect when we felt that we had the opportunity to give the people 
in the shop a little more of the better things of life and a little more 
human dignity. That played an important part at that time. 

I didn't join the party at that time, because of one thing, and that 
was because of the Community Party of America being definitely 
anti-American, and certainly the 8 years in grammar school and 6 
more years of schooling, certainly left its imprint insofar as my love 
for xlmerica was concerned. 

Later on, after June 22, 1941, when Hitler attacked Russia and 
everything and after Pearl Harbor. I saw that the question of the 
Communist Party being an enemy of America, was more or less wiped 
out. Being as green as a pepper, so to speak, as far as political science 
was concerned, I joined the party, let us put it that way, in good faith. 
The people that were responsible, more or less for my joining the 
party — not that* they put pressure on me in any way, shape, or form, 
were John Gallo and Roy Wilson. As far as I was concerned, I 
more or less fell in love with the slogans that they peddled at that 
time, such as freedom, brotherhood, democracy, peace, security, human 
dignity, and all the rest that are part of the Communist Party every- 
day slogans. 

However, after a period of time, approximately 2 years or for a 
period of 2 years, I was very active, especially within the pressed-steel 
unit cell in terms of putting these things into effect. 

As time went on, and after a period of 2 years, a certain incident 
happened which in my mind began to raise questions insofar as the 
honesty and sincerity of the party, in reference to the workers of 
America. From that time on, I began to question every policy that 
the Communist Party made. I found that instead of working toward 
resolving the needs of the working people of America, they were more 
interested in helping — more interested in exploiting the grievances of 
the people of America for the benefit of the foreign policy of the 
Soviet Union. 

I also found out they were men without principle and loyalty, only, 
of course, to Russia. I want to make this very clear as far as I am 
concerned, that since after my first 2 years in the party, I began to 
read up avariciously the books on political science. 

Only until about 6 months before I left the party did I begin to 
find out the real hoax that the Communist Party is trying to perpe- 
trate, not only among the working people of America, but among 
working people throughout the world. I found out it was not a pro- 
gressive movement. It was not a liberal movement. It was not a left 
movement, not definitely a Socialist movement, but it was a totali- 
tarian movement, more so beyond the wildest dreams that Hitler ever 
dreamed, because the human equation was eliminated. People were 
to become only slaves, rather than human beings. 

In my opinion, it was retrogression back to tlie medieval ages where 
people would be reduced to the status of horses, cows, and jackasses. 
Never during my time in the party did they criticize the Soviet Union. 
They used the union movement, the labor movement in America, as 
a cover up for their real activities in America, namely, to gain power 
in order to use it for the benefit of Soviet policies. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3039 

I left the party in 1945. After the CPA days, I definitely began to 
skip meetings and didn't show too much enthusiasm for it. A Miss 
Gannett from New York happened to be in town at that particular 
time. Twas called before her 

Mr. Tavenner. That is Betty Gannett? 

Mr. Romano. That is right. She asked me questions as to why I 
wasn't as active as I was in the previous years. In order to more or 
less get the thing over with, I promised that I would attend meetings 
in the future, but my heart more or less was not in this party. 

After the middle of 1945, I made up my decision to leave the party, 
but the question was, would I leave the party as others had left it, and 
start out for myself, or should I stay in the party as long as possible 
in order to bore from within and destroy the Frankenstein I had 
helped to create. I did just that. I was able to destroy the cell in the 
pressed steel unit over a period of 6 months. 

Incidentally, in 1946, I was asked to come to a meeting downtown 
because Carl Winter and the rest of them wanted to talk to me. I 
told them that if I could make it, I would. My mind was already 
made up, and the next morning I was contacted and told that the 
party had placed me on a 6 months' probation. They told me, "Lee, 
don't worry about anything; we'll cooperate with you. As far as we 
are concerned, the only reason we are putting you on probation is be- 
cause of the fact we feel you are a good guy, and you have a lot on the 
ball, and so forth, and so forth." 

They said, "We feel that you need a little shaking up, so to speak." 
That is all I needed. Then we really started in earnest, disorganiz- 
ing the cell in the pressed steel unit and from that time on, after the 6- 
months period was over, they contacted me again and asked me to 
join the party. I told them, definitely, "No." They said, "You know 
what that means?" I said, "What does it mean?" They said, "It 
will mean the party out here will be fighting you." I said, "If that's 
the case, two can play at the same game. If you guys don't give me 
no quarters, I'll certainly give you no quarter." 

That's the way it stood from '46 on. From '46 on, I became pub- 
lic enemy No. 1 in the Communist Party in local 600. 

Mr. Tavenner. I suppose from your experience you found it took 
quite a bit more courage to get out of the Communist Party than it 
did to get into it, in the first instance. 

Mr. Romano. It certainly was, because of the fact that I received 
threatening 'phone calls, and at every opportmiity, whether I was in 
the building or pressed steel unit or plant, or in general council meet- 
ings, I was taken over the coals by the party as a company stooge, 
and so forth. I underwent a terrific amount of character vilification, 
and so forth, of which the party is very well able to do a terrific job. 
I am pretty sure everybody recognizes that in the labor movement. 
Mr. Tavenner. That is just as true today, when you appear before 
this committee? 

Mr. Romano. That is right. 

Mr. Tavenner. As it did when you took your action to break with 
the party back in 1946, is that not true ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. I expect that from here on, the tempo will be 
stepped up, no question about it. I have made up my mind regard- 
less of what happened, to tell the truth even, I might also say, when 
on one occasion when they felt they couldn't bring me in line, they even 



3040 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

called up my wife and threatened lier over the 'phone unless I kept 
my mouth shut. That didn't deter me in any way, shape, or form, 
because the recoi'ds of local 600 will prove that my position has been 
consistent since the early part of 1946, insofar as the party is con- 
cerned. 

I never cooperated with anyone who has aided and abetted the 
Communist Party in any way, shape, or form from that time on. 

Mr. Tavenner. Goin<:^ back to the cell in the pressed steel unit, 
is that the cell or unit of the party to which you were assigned when 
you first became a member? 

Mr. Romano. When I first became a member, I entered the mem- 
bership of the Communist Party in this manner : I was told to join the 
IWO, and I joined that in the latter part of 1941, the IWO, which is a 
Communist-front organization, beyond a question of doubt, in the 
same way as the Boy Scouts of America might be called an American- 
front organization, which promotes the best interests of the United 
States on the one hand, the IWO promotes the best interests of the 
Soviet Union. 

Mr. Tavenner. What reason was assigned to you for your joining 
the IWO, if any ? 

Mr. Romano. The only thing I could gather was they wanted pos- 
sibly to have me feel my oats to see whether I was the proper type of 
person to join the Communist Party. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was it in a sense a part of your education and 
orientation in the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. That is what I feel it was, yes, and from there I 
started attending YCL meetings all over town. 

Mr. Tavenner. By "YCL" you mean Young Communist League 
meetings ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. Without signing any cards, making any pledges 
or anything, I went to the meetings. I was invited to the meetings 
and tiien I joined the Communist Party and I started to attend Com- 
munist Party meetings in the early part of 1942, without signing any 
pledge or without signing any cards. I don't know whether that was 
the regular procedure. The only time I remember getting a card was 
in 1943, after I had been in the thing a year. I don't know whether 
it was because of the fact of the honeymoon had already started that 
they didn't go through the proper procedure. I don't know and 
1 never actually signed a card or made any pledge or so forth. 

Mr. Tavenner. Who issued the card to you ? 

Mr. Romano. Well, the card came through from the central office 
downtown. It came through to the party cell and the membership 
director issued the card. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wlio was the membership director ? 

Mr. Romano. The membership director of the pressed-steel unit at 
that time, in 1942 when we met on the west side of Junction and 
Michigan Avenue, was Dave Averill. 

Mr. Tavenner. I might say, Mr. Chairman, ]Mr. Averill has been 
subpeiuied as a witness and is expected to testify. 

Mr. Romano. I might also say that he definitely quit the party in 
1943. 

Mr. Tavenner. Who was the chairman of the party at the time? 
Chairman of the pressed-steel unit when you first joined the party? 

Mr. Romano. You mean the chairman of the party ? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3041 

Mr. Tavenner. No ; the chairman of the cell or unit. 

Mr. Romano. When we first joined the cell, I might say this : That 
there were approximately four members in the pressed steel prior to 
the time that I joined, that I knew of, and at first we didn't have any 
chairman. We had Mrs. Ann Beiswenger running some of the 
meetings. 

First of all, Billy Allan was running some of the meetings prior to 
the time he went into tlie Army, and then Mrs. Beiswenger. We didn't 
actually organize the thing on an efficient basis until the latter part of 
1942. It was on a haphazard basis. 

I would like to bring out this point at this time : That prior to the 
organization at Ford's, for which the Communist Party takes the only 
and the major credit for, which is a hoax just like most of the things 
that are involved with the party — and that is this : That had the party 
a strong organization it would have organized Ford long before 1941. 
I don't believe in my mind they had more than 50 or 60 members in 
the Communist Party in the Rouge plant at this particular time. 
They might have had a lot of fellow travelers, but not too many party 
members, and only half of those involved open organizational drives 
as volunteer organizers. 

That handful might be compared to approximately the 2,000 organ- 
izers in the plant which were credited with the voluntary organizer 
credentials at that time. So you see they built up their propaganda 
machine on the basis that they were the ones responsible for it. If any 
one group or any one man is responsible for organization at Ford's, it 
was Henry Ford himself, by maintaining the conditions that he main- 
tained during the period of his rise as a motor magnet. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the maximum number at the time of the 
organization of the union in Ford ? 

Mr. Romano. I would say around 50 or 60 on the over-all plant 
basis, and only 4 in the pressed steel meetings that I know of. 

Mr. Tavenner. Then in 1946, you left the party. Wliat is your 
best judgment as to the number of Communist Party members in, let 
us say first, the pressed steel unit when you left the party? 

Mr. Romano.. As far as pressed steel was concerned, there were 
approximately, when I left, about, I should say, 25 members, but the 
peak was a year prior to that when they had around 37 members. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you in a position to form a reasonably accu- 
rate opinion as to the number of Communist Party members in Ford, 
when you left the party in 1946? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. I would say there was about 400 members at 
that particular time. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now, returning for a few minutes to the unit of 
pressed steel, can you tell the committee just the role that the Com- 
munist Party played in the functioning of your unit in pressed steel. 
First, I think the committee may properly understand that the 
pressed-steel unit is just a branch of the Ford industry. 

Mr. Romano. Yes ; there are 16 units in the Ford Rouge plant, and 
the pressed steel is one of them. There were approximately, during 
the war, approximately 5,000 to 6,000 people who worked in that par- 
ticular unit. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is the general character of the work of that 
unit? 



3042 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Romano. The general character of the work of that unit is 
pressed stampings and making bodies, the roof tops, fenders, and 
welding them together prior to going to the assembly lines to be 
painted and so forth. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell us, please, just what role the Com- 
munist Party played, if you will, in the functions of the pressed steel 
unit of your unit ? 

Mr. Romano. When we were organized on an efficient basis in the 
latter part of 1942, the cell would meet approximately every 2 or 3 
weeks and discuss matters pertinent first of all, on the agenda to the 
party functions. That was No. 1. Discussion on decisions that were 
handed down from the top echelon of the party, and of course without 
these decisions — these decisions came down, of course, without previous 
consultation with the rank and file. 

It was democracy in reverse, so to speak. We went through the robot 
actions of passing on these decisions. Anyone, of course, who de- 
viated from the policy was called a deviationist and it was more or 
less of a mortal sin to even question the policies from up on top. 

Mr. Tavenner. That was democratic centralism? 

Mr. Romano. They called it centralized democracy, is the word 
for it ; centralized democracy. Then we discussed, of course, the press 
drive, the question of obtaining subscriptions to the Daily Worker, 
the Sunday Worker, or the Michigan Herald at that time in 1942 and 
1943. I don't remember which came up, but it was the Michigan 
Herald. Also, in terms of press-drive petitions. They used to go 
out every so often to fill the coffers of the Daily Worker and the Mich- 
igan Worker. They would go out with petition soliciting donations 
from different people for this particular function. 

Also, another phase of the agenda at these meetings was the question 
of education. It was taken care of by the individual who attended 
educational classes downtown. Then we discussed, of course, union 
politics within the building. How to put over our resolutions that 
the party were interested in at that particular time ; to put them over 
in terms of the meetings that were held for the pressed-steel unit, 
UAW-CIO. There is a difference between the cell and the UAW- 
CIO. There we would have the officers prepared to take the floor on 
these particular resolutions, or any particular problem that might be 
to the best interest of the party at that particular time, or anything 
they were pushing at that particular time. 

We used to spot our people in different parts of the hall so that 
they would be more effective. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did that have a name in this locality, the spotting ? 

Mr. Romano. No ; I wouldn't say there was any name. 

Mr. Tavenner. In some places it has been referred to as the "dia- 
mond-type formation." 

Mr. Romano. I never heard of that particular term. 

Mr. Tavenner. The committee learned that within the Writers' 
Guild in Hollywood, that the device used was to place speakers right 
in front, another over to the side, and another small group over to the 
opposite side, and then a group in the back. That formed a diamond 
shape in the audience and by that method the chairman would most 
likely have to recognize someone from those areas. In that way they 
would be able to be more certain of obtaining the floor at times when 
it was needed. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3043 

Mr. EoMANO. That is the reason why we did it, but we never called 
it a diamond shape. 

Mr. Tavenner. But it is the same thing? 

Mr. Romano. That's right ; exactly the same thing. 

Mr. Tavenner. Then, if there was an occasion in which the Com- 
munist Party would be interested in having it appear that the position 
of the audie^ice was almost unanimous, these people would applaud 
and the applause sounded as if it came from the entire audience, when 
actually it was only a few spotted people. 

Mr. Romano. You have hit the nail right on the head. 

Mr. Tavenner. Those devices were used here ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. It would seem then that it is a rather common 
practice. 

Mr. Romano. Those devices were common practice. After reading 
the God That Failed All Over the World, not only in the United 
States — Arthur Koestler in his memoirs explains the same thing in 
the agenda for the cell as practically the same, so it is a pattern in 
existence all over the world, not alone in Ford Rouge plant. 

Mr. Potter. Did the directives come down to the Communist Party 
group within your plant? I understand from your testimony that 
you could discuss the directives, but that you always carried out the 
policies that came down from up above, is that true? 

Mr. Romano. The people in the top echelons always batted 1,000 
percent. 

Mr. Potter. In other words, you had freedom of discussion, but 
you always had to accept the school solution ? 

Mr. Romano. That is correct. 

Mr. Walter. On the theory, the old theory, that the king can do 
no wrong. 

Mr. Romano. Correct. 

Mr. Tavenner. You spoke of decisions being made in advance as 
to how the resolutions in which the Communist Party was particularly 
interested, would be presented. Did that mean the selection of 
speakers in advance on the resolution and the various angles that 
would be covered by the speakers ? 

Mr. Romano. That is correct. And if one more or less received a 
bad reaction, then the other would step up and fill in his shoes, so 
to speak, and have moral support behind him, and naturally, with the 
rapidity and atomic reaction that would occur then, there would 
be no question about the ultimate solution of the problem. 

Mr. Tavenner. I would like for you to express your opinion as to 
whether this procedure was always followed in those meetings. We 
have found in some situations where issues have been drawn between 
the Communists and non-Communists in an organization, that the 
Communists would have what they call their first and second teams 
of speakers. That they would bring out their second rate speakers 
first and draw the fire from the better speakers of the non-Communist 
group, and then after that, the Communists would bring in their first 
team and have virtually no opposition. Was a practice of that kind 
engaged in here? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. I might say this: That the role of a proper 
Communist or fellow traveler, or I even might dilute it a little more, 



3044 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

a sympathizer, is more important than the role of a Communist Party 
member, because a Communist Party member has to do certain duties 
which little by little begin to expose him ; whereby he begins to expose 
himself and camiot very well defend his actions insofar as being an 
anti-Communist or non-Communist. Whereas a fellow traveler or 
pro-Communist is in a much better position ; a much better position, 
because he also can deny the fact always that he is a Communist 
but still fight for the Communist program. That is what gives 
the party in the Rouge plant or local 600 the position of strength 
that it enjoys today, because of the role played by the pro-Commu- 
nists and fellow travelers. They are the source of strength of the 
party. They are more dangerous than the party. 

The only analogy I can use between a party member and pro-Com- 
munist or a fellow traveler, is this analogy that an automobile driver 
is an automobile driver, whether he has a license to drive or not. He 
still is an automobile driver. So actually, there is no difference be- 
tween the two other than the fact that one has intestinal fortitude to 
join the ranks, and the other has not the intestinal fortitude to join the 
ranks and is not a master of his own convictions. 

Mr. Tavenner. Also, the key to the situation is the fact that his 
identity as a Communist Party member has not been disclosed. 

Mr. KoMANO. That is right. 

Mr. Tavenner. If this committee can, during the course of its inves- 
tigation, disclose the actual Communist Party membership of the in- 
dividuals or the fact that individuals are fellow travelers, it would go 
a long way toward aiding the non-Communists in legitimate organiza- 
tions, such as the UAW, to fight the menace of communism, would it 
not? 

Mr. Romano. I would say yes, and I would add this to that : That 
a pro-Communist and fellow traveler works closely with the Com- 
munist Party member. First of all, the Communist Party is pressed 
steel 

Mr. Walter. May I interrupt you ? Do you think they realize — do 
the pro-Communists and fellow travelers realize that they are being 
the tools of the Communists or do smart Communists take advantage 
of the gullibility of some of these people ? 

Mr. Romano. Possibly with 2 percent, they take advantage of their 
gullibility, but with 98 percent, they know the score because they meet 
with top party echelon. 

Mr. Walter. In other words, the pro-Communists and fellow 
travelers, are to all intents and purposes as dangerous as Communists, 
the only difference being that they do not have the nerve to take the 
step which brings them a card. 

Mr. Romano. That's right. As I was saying, at pressed steel level 
we had our Communist cell and then we had what we call, or what 
might be referred here to, as a progressive caucus. The party cell 
would meet on the question of discussing different problems relative to 
elections in the local building of pressed steel officers, and also, for 
election of delegates to conventions, and we would pool our strength 
in terms of electing the particular delegates. 

In other words, it would act in the same manner that the cell was a 
core of this particular caucus and they mastered the situation at all 
times, and the fringe pro-Communists and fellow travelers and the 



COMMUNISM m THE DETROIT AREA 3045 

few disgruntled people who were part of this caucus were led by the 
central core, the party cell itself, and naturally, it became a big group 
of people in this particular pressed-steel building and worked the same 
way on the local level, where the party cell in the local level dominated 
the progressive caucus of local 600, where they met prior to the progres- 
sive caucus in party caucus to discuss who was going to run for this, 
for that, and for the other thing. 

I might bring up a very elucidating example of what I mean. Back 
in 1942, prior to the time that William Allan went into the Army, we 
had the election in 1942, the first election we had in 1942 after our 
organizational drive. We promoted, and the party at that time was 
arguing within caucus, within party caucus, as to who should be the 
top man ; who should be the president of the local, the candidate for 
president and candidate for vice president, and so forth. 

For some unknown reason, Pat Rice was chosen as the standard 
bearer of that particular year. I was chosen trustee for that par- 
ticular period. 

Mr. Potter. You were chosen by the Progressive Party caucus ? 

Mr. EoMAXO. We discussed that within the partj^ caucus first. A 
certain Percy Llewelyn was selected as vice president. Neither of the 
two individuals, of course, was present at the party caucus. The ques- 
tion came up, because of the fact that Percy Llewelyn had a militant 
background during the organizational drive, he was the logical guy 
from a political standpoint to support. Billy Allan said no, "because 
of the fact we believe Percy Llewelyn to be a company stooge." 

Being as green as a pepper, I got up and asked, "If you think he is 
a company stooge, then he is going to be just as dangerous in a second 
spot, as in the first spot." He says, "No, Bill McKie is assigned full- 
time to take care or orient Brother Pat Price. He will see to it he does 
not make any deviationist moves." 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. He would build a fence around him, in other words? 

Mr. Romano. That's right. Then, when we decided on the slate, all 
of us, of course, responded to the call of the plant-wide caucus and it 
was just a question of time as to the final results. We were always 
able, in this particular part of the campaign in 1942 anyway, to put 
over our slate 100 percent. 

Mr. Potter. Did the men in the shop, the rank and file of the men, 
know that the Communist Party was directing this activity or direct- 
ing this slate of men as officers in the union, or what type of propa- 
ganda was used to convince the men that that slate of officers should 
receive their votes? 

Mr. Romano. Well, of course, the people in the shop — you asked a 
question first about whether they knew the party was leading — what 
part the party was playing in the question of bringing about a slate. 
Well, as far as the people — that is at least 95 percent of them — they 
didn't know anything about it, with the exception possibly of the party 
members, the sympathizers and fellow travelers and so forth. They 
knew what was going on. These caucuses at most only comprised 200 
or 300 people where these final deliberations on the caucus took place. 

Then, of course, you went on a campaign the same as the Republicans 
and Democrats. Once they choose a caucus in convention, they go out 
in the same methods, in terms of literature, propaganda, and try to 
point up your candidate as the most logical who will serve the best 
interests of the working people. 



3046 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Potter. As I understand it, there is a right-wing and a left- 
wing slate normally, is that true, when you select your officers? 

Mr. Romano. In the early organization of our union, that was true. 
It was strictly right and left wing and nobody else had a chance. An 
independent didn't have a chance. He didn't have the machine behind 
him. 

Mr. Potter. Did the right wing accuse the left wing of being Com- 
munist-dominated during the election, and did the left wing accuse the 
right wing of being Fascist? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Potter. What methods were used by the so-called left wing to 
counteract it ? 

Mr. Romano. The same method as is used all over, the weapon of 
company stooges call us Communists ; the FBI calls us Communists ; 
the Un-American Activities calls us Communists ; and so forth right 
down the line. 

And Walter Reuther — incidentally, this is the first time I come 
across his name and never have I attended a party meeting on a cell, 
building, or a plant basis, even downtown when I was a member of 
the executive board downtown, did they ever miss crucifying or vili- 
fying or character assassinating of Walter Reuther. He was the No. 
1 public enemy within the UAW-CIO for the Communist Party, and 
that's for sure, 

Mr. Jackson. They called you Communists and you called them 
Facists? 

Mr. Romano. That is correct. 

Mr. Jackson. And there was no middle ground where an objective 
observer could take a position? 

Mr. Romano. That is right, until later years in local 600, where, in 
1946, after I quit the party, we dissolved the cell — not dissolved it 
completely, but it was more or less useless because they never got any- 
body elected in pressed steel from that time onward to any convention 
or any other major office within the unit, with the exception of vice 
president one time in the unit. 

In 1946, after the open fight with the party, I began to work twice 
as hard as when I was in the party, in order to beat it at its own game, 
and we were successful in orientating 90 percent of the leadership on 
our side. We formed a middle-of-the-road group at that particular 
time, and then we went in to the progressive caucus which was holding 
meetings at Twelfth and Clairmount, called the Twelfth Street cau- 
cus, as everybody referred to it. 

Over a period of 6 or 7 months we destroyed that particular effec- 
tiveness OT that particular caucus with the help of 3 or 4 other fellows, 
and Thompson, president at that time — we were able to form a middle- 
of-the-road caucus which rode to victory, defeating both the right 
wing and left wing. The left wing, incidentally, ran third in that 
particular year, 1948. 

Mr. Potter. When you speak of "left Aving" of the progressive 
caucus, I assume you mean the Communist members. 

Mr. Romano. I mean, to an individual like myself who has studied 
a little about political science, "left wing" is certainly a misnomer as 
far as and with respect to the Communist Party. It is more right 
wing, more Fascist than Hitler himself ever was, and that's for sure. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3047 

Mr. Potter. From your statement, apparently, at that time you had, 
in the so-called progressive caucus — is that not the word you used 'i 

Mr. Romano, Yes. 

Mr. Potter. That you had in your Communist and non-Communist 
groups, groups ^yhich were opposing each other within that one 
caucus. 

Mr. Romano. That's right. Then another thing too : At this par- 
ticular stage, after we were elected in 1048 — after I was elected in 
1948 in the fall of that year, we had this election. 

Mr. Potter. You were elected what? 

Mr. Romano. In the fall of 1918, I think probably December, we 
started tliis fight on the Taft-Hartley law about having the officers 
sign the affidavits. Of course, the party opposed the situation be- 
cause of the fact that it had two of its members, admitted members. 
Bill McKie who was a trustee at that time, and Gallo who was a guide 
at that time. They opposed it on that basis. 

The strange thing about the Taft-Hartley law is the party never, 
during executive board meetings or council meetings, at the inception 
of the drive of the Taft-Hartley law, never opposed it. The only 
time they started opposing the Taft-Hartley law is when the amend- 
ment or rider was added and all Communists had to sign Communist 
affidavits. That is the only time they started coming out foursquare 
against the Taft-Hartley law. The reason for that is very clear. 
They are in favor of repressive legislation against labor in this coun- 
try, so they can have more reasons to exploit the grievances of people 
so that the Soviet Union can pick it up and use it in their grinder for 
propaganda through every country of the world; that the United 
States is opposed to labor movements, is opposed to the honest aspira- 
tions of the working people in America, and so forth. I am pretty 
sure you people know pretty well their type of propaganda. 

Mr. Potter. I am interested in knowing the work of the so-called 
fraction, which I believe they called it ; is that not true ? Members of 
the Communist Party that met first and then endeavored to influence 
the mass organization of which they belonged through the efforts, con- 
certed efforts of the fraction. 

While you were a member of the party, was the work of your fraction 
very successful ? 

Mr, Romano. In the pressed-steel unit it was very successful. I 
can remember from 1945 onward, nobody else could get anybody 
elected even for dog catcher in that place, until 1946. 

Mr. Potter, In other words, the fraction was running the show ? 

Mr. Romano. That's for sure. We could have run Jim Jones from 
Timbuktu, and he would have gotten elected. That is how efficient 
the machine became. When I once broke the party, it turned the other 
way around. I might say at this point for your information, that the 
party certainly never helped us to any extent in pressed-steel unit. 
We helped the party because of its role during the war and we had to 
apologize every day for its action and only through the hard work of 
contacting people — and you people know how it can be done, just as 
well as I can, because you are in a position, being in politics — only 
through hard work and constant contact of people were we able to 
maintain that particular status. 

Mr. Potter. You would work with a singleness of purpose whereas 
jion-Communists, many times, divert their efforts ? 



3048 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Romano. That is right. One of the examples the party used all 
the time was, "Always throw a little pebble in the other guy's camp 
and before you know it they will be throwing rocks at each other." 

Mr. Jackson. In other words, divide and conquer. 

Mr. Romano. No truer words were said. 

Mr. Tavenner. You referred to the work of the progi'essive caucus 
in 1948, I believe, and how it resulted in the breaking of the Commu- 
nist Part}^ organization at that time, if I understood you correctly. 

Mr. Romano. No. I did not say the progressive caucus broke the 
Communist Party at that time. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. I understood you to say by taking a large number 
of people into the progressive caucus 

Mr. Romano. You mean outt:;if the progressive caucus. 

Mr. Tavenner. I understo .t, into the progressive caucus with the 
result that the Communist Party came out third best in the voting. 

Mr. Romano. In 1948, or rather by the latter part of 1947, we were 
able to start a middle-of-the-road, or what they call a mugwump 
caucus which broke way from the progressive caucus. That is. a large 
group of us spearheaded by myself and three other people, because we 
were sick and tired of dictation from the top. 

Mr. Tavenner. That is what I am referring to. 

Mr. Romano. We broke away from them and they were left with 
the actual pro-Communists who were left in their ranks, plus party 
members, and they ran third at that particular year. 

Mr. Tavenner. Therefore, the key probably to successful opposition 
to the Communist Party is just to outvote them ? 

Mr. Romano. That's right. 

Mr. Tavenner. In your meetings ? 

Mr. Romano. That's right. You see, we withdrew from the pro- 
gressive caucus and it took them about 2 years to start U- , . ^ - Jieir 
fences. It took them 2 years to mend their fences, thattat^iijiv/ ^^194:8 
to 1950. '^'orrA up ' 

]Mr. Wood. By that, do you mean to say at the prefcj^jt time the 
Communist influence in local 600 is sufficiently strong to dominate 
the policy of the organization ? 

Mr. Romano. I say at this time that the Communist Party, through 
its progressive caucus and through its present unity move within the 
local union, has the greatest influence of any time in local 600, because 
it controls the general council, it controls the executive board, it con- 
trols the arm of propaganda, the Ford Facts, by indirect action and 
completely controls it. 

I also might add on the Taft-Hartley thing, that we were successful 
in the election, when it was presented to the rank and file and the 
rank and file voted by a majority of almost 3 to 1, ordering 
its officers to sign the affidavits. The two people who were on the 
staff of officers, the nine officers, were forced to resign because they 
refused to sign the Communist affidavit. In that sense, the Taft- 
Hartley Act gave us a little success, let us put it that way. But from 
that point on, after defeat in local 600, no longer did the party adopt 
the policy of having the members refuse to sign the affidavits and it 
is a matter of record in the Daily Worker and the Michigan Worker, 
that many of its members resigned from the Communist Party, offi- 
cially resigned from the Communist Party, in order to keep in office 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3049 

and still sign the affidavit without putting them beyond the repercus- 
sions from the law. 

Mr. Potter, At the same time they are carrying out the policies of 
the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. They say so right in black and white, it is a matter of 
record. 

Mr. Potter. In other words, they are resigning from the Commu- 
nist Party just as a hoax ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. As an individual put it, just to be able to sign 
the affidavits without going to jail. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Romano, may I ask one question? Would you 
care to estimate at the present time the strength, the actual Commu- 
nist Party strength — and I realize th.^^it would have to be a rough 
estimate — the strength of the party ctelually, the pro-Communists, 
the fellow travelers as you put it, those with driver's licenses and 
those without driver's licenses, in local 600? 

Mr. Romano. The part}' members themselves, I do not think the}' 
have more than 150 or 175 at the most, and I doubt if they have that 
much, but between them and the others I would say that there are 
approximately a couple of thousand of them. 

Mr. Jackson. A couple of thousand who may be depended upon to 
follow the Communist Party line? 

Mr. Romano. That is right, about a couple of thousand of them. 

Mr. Wood. And you always find them pretty militant, do you not ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes; very militant, militant in terms of fighting for 
the policies of the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Wood. That is what I am talking about. 

l,Li\ Romano. But not fighting for the real needs of the workers. 

Mr. Tavenner. You spoke of officeholders resigning from the Com- 
mun' "*-iift J i in order that they may sign the non-Communist affi- 
davii . fear or likelihood of criminal prosecution. 

Do _\u. <v whether Olga Zenchuck did that very thing, and an- 

nounced th: hat was her purpose? 

Mr. Romano. That is right. It is a matter of record in the Michi- 
gan Worker. 

Mr. Tavenner. You spoke of several officers refusing to sign the 
non-Communist affidavit and resigning for that reason. Did you mean 
resigning from their positions in the union, or resigning from the 
Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. They resigned their positions in the union. 

Mr. Tavenner. Rather than sign it? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. Since that time, no other local union in the 
country, where they had the same situation, did they allow them to 
resign. They only allowed them to resign from the party, rather 
than resign from their office in the union. They made a niistake at 
P'ord and they recognized it and corrected it. 

Mr .Ta\t3nner. Tliat was one of the first moves ? 

Mr. Romano. That was one of the first moves. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wlio were those who resigned from the union 

Mr. Romano. From union office? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes; rather than sign the non-Communist affidavit. 

Mr. RomAno. John Gallo and Bill McKie. 



3050 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tax'enner. You mentioned a few moments ago that the in- 
fluence of the Communist Party on the council was great. What do 
you refer to when you say "the council" ^ 

Mr. EoMANO. The general council of local 600 is similar to the 
Congress of the United States, and gentlemen, it is exactly the same. 
Wliat the Congress of the United States is to the United States, the 
general council of local 600 is to local 600. 

Mr. Tavenner. In other words, it is made up of representatives 
from the difi'erent buildings or units ? 

Mr. Romano. One representative for every 400 people. They are 
elected once a year. They are the top policy-making body between 
membership meetings. 

Mr. Tavenner. We have had testimony here during the course of 
these hearings as to a conference which was held by the Communist 
Party in 1950, at which Max Chait announced before the convention 
or during the convention that the Communist Party controlled the 
general council at that time. 

Did I understand you to say a few minutes ago that you believed 
they controlled it now ? I am not certain that I understood you that 
way. 

Mr, Romano. I didn't say the Communist Party controlled it now. 
I said the Communist Party controls it within — with the aid of the 
progressive caucus and unity caucus in existence today in local 600. 
They control it completely and overwlielmingly at the present time. 

Mr, Tavenner. Were you acquainted with Max Chait? 

Mr. Romano. Yes, I was. 

Mr. Tavtenner. Did you know him to be a member of the Com- 
munist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes ; he was a member of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Tavenner. You have told us in considerable detail the opera- 
tion and method of operation of the Communist Party within present 
steel unit of the Ford Motor Co. 

Now, was there any great significance to Communist Party activities 
beyond the pressed steel unit from the standpoint of your particular 
cell of the party, I mean, did it have influence outside of the pressed 
steel ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes; it did. Its influence became stronger when it 
united with the rest of the cells and units in the plant and formed 
one big caucus, which met on different occasions, possibly when hot 
issues had come up before the council of transcending importance and 
other issues, like for example, conventions is another point where they 
got together and used their influence. 

I might point out this : I remember very distinctly that when the 
second-front resolution — rather when the second-front drums were 
beating throughout the Nation, that in 1942 at Muskegon, at the 
State CIO convention, I attended a party caucus the night prior to 
the beginning of the convention where the most important thing in 
the convention was not the election of officers any more during this 
period — during this period, the election of officers was not important — 
the question of promoting good will between Russia and the United 
States was of transcending importance and to promote the pet is- 
sues of the Soviet Union which at that time was a second front 
in the fall of 1942 — we discussed that very thoroughly. We were 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3051 

also told thcat we were going to get pretty unanimous support from 
everybody in the convention, if that meant anything, because of the 
fact' that the party, for the fii-st time in its history, was relegating 
the election of officers for the State CIO in the background to a 
secondary position and putting the second front as the No. 1 issue 
of the convention. 

Mr. Tavenner. Which was a foreign policy of a foreign power '^ 

Mr. Romano. That is right. 

]Mr. TA^^ENNER. Which the Communist Party was endeavoring to 
get the workers in the Ford industry behind? 

Mr. Romano. Not only the Ford .industry, but the State CIO and 
the UAW. 

Mr. Jackson. And which at that time was contrary to the best 
interests militarily of the United States of America. It can be 
shown affirmatively that it was not to our best interests at that time, 
but irrespective of that, the Communist International was bringing 
pressure to change the policy through the Communist Party of the 
United States. 

jNIr. Tavenner. And it was endeavoring to do so with the rank and 
file workers in the Ford IVIotor Co., of which you were a member. 

Mr. Romano. That is right. This thing hadn't reached its climax 
yet, because in 104.'] — and this points up the negative, the betraying 
role of the Communist Party during the war effort, as far as the 
labor movement was concerned — it begins to point up from that 
point on, which T would like to explain at this particular time. 

In 1943 we held a convention in Buffalo, a UAW convention, and 
this involved all the local unions in the country. The main ob- 
jection at this convention, at which I was a member, was the second 
front No. 1 and No. 2, was the incentive pay issue at that particular 
time. 

The reason I point that up was because of the fact that today its 
program is not toward more production in America, but less pro- 
duction in America, and that is in 1943. The party was almost able 
to put through, with the help of some of the officers of the UAW, 
mind you, this piecework program. Piecework is something that 
the workers in America have always bitterly fought against with 
everything they had in them. They promoted a piecework plan, 
an incentive plan, in order to increase production so that of course 
Russia would get more material and so forth. 

We almost succeeded with the help of one of the officers within 
the UAW, and with such floor leaders as Catafio of Allis-Chalmers, 
and Nat Ganley ; we almost succeede<^l in putting it through. It had 
to come to a vote. After Frankensteen spoke in favor of it, it 
possibly would have passed, and most of the pressed steel delegation 
breathed a sigli of relief that it didn't, because we would have a heck 
of a situation back home, going back to tell them we voted for it, 
even though we did vote for it, because the question of piecework was 
now a reality in the UAW. It was fought bitterly and is one of the 
points the UAW was organized to eliminate, piecework and sweat- 
shop conditions. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was the floor leader to whom you referred a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. Catafio ? 

97097— 52— pt. 2 -7 



3052 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. You did not mention his name. 

Mr. Romano. One of the officers. No, I don't recall him ever being 
a member of the party. In fact, they probably used him in this par- 
ticular issue to speak in favor of the incentive pay plan. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was Catafio known to you to be a member of the 
Communist Party ? 

Mr. EoMANO. He was always touted as one of the glamour boys, 
let's put it that way, but I never sat in meetings with him or anything 
like that; no. We didn't have a mass caucus at UAW conventions, 
the game as at Muskegon where we did. 

Mr. Potter. Was this issue decided upon before you went to the 
convention, by the Communist Party here in Detroit, namely, that first 
would be the second front, which would be the main issue, and sec- 
ondly, the incentive pay ? Were you all prepared for this before you 
went to the convention ? 

Mr. Romano. I might add this : That the incentive pay was issue 
No. 1, and the second front, if I recall correctly now, was already 
passed by the executive board of the UAW at that time. It came up 
as a resolution anyway. The incentive pay was handed down, not by 
the top echelon in Detroit, but by the top echelon in New York ; by 
Browder and his statements in the Daily Worker where he called for 
incentive pay as a means of increasing production to stave oil the horde 
of Hitlerism and so forth. 

Mr. Potter. Did you get your directive before you w^ent to the con- 
vention ? 

Mr. Romano. That is right. We met in party caucus before we left 
the city. But you see, in that day, they were waving two flags. In one 
hand they w^ere waving the American flag and in the other hand the 
Soviet flag. Today, they are only waving the Soviet flag. They have 
dropped the American flag for the 30-hour week, because everybody 
knows in America that although we may have a problem in Detroit, 
in most of the key centers of industry there is a shortage of manpower. 

The only reason they promote it, and they promoted it long before 
local 600 promoted it and came out in the papers 3 or 4 months prior 
to local 600 adopting that policy ; that of the 30-hour week, which was 
headlined in the Daily Worker and the Michigan Worker 

Mr. Potter. Conditions are much different today than they were at 
the time you mentioned as far as the Communist Party program is 
concerned. Today, when production is needed for our defense ni order 
to combat and contain international communism throughout the world, 
the Communist Party position is to cut down on our defense produc- 
tion. I do not believe you will find the Communist Party today ad- 
vocating the incentive pay, is that not true? 

Mr. Romano. That's for sure. 

Mr. Potter. Because this happens to be in defense of our own coun- 
try rather than an aid to the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Romano. That is the point I am trying to point up during this 
interview here. That the needs of the American working people are 
not important. They are to be exploited for the superimposed needs 
of the Soviet Union. In other words, the American people are made 
out as pawns to be exploited for their needs and not for the needs of 
of the American people, and that's for sure. 

Mr. Walter. How successful has the Communist Party, been m 
bringing about a curtailment of the workweek? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3053 

Mr. Romano. Well, they have not been successful in that because 
the people objected to that themselves, with the high cost of living and 
everything concerned, the more hours you put in, the much better and 
much easier it is to buy the commodities and necessities of life. 

Mr. Walter. Because of that resistance, did the Communist Party 
abandon its program of the shorter week ? 

Mr. Romano. No. They asked for a 30-hour week with 40 hours' 
pay. That is something everybody desires. Every worker in America 
desires it. I desire it and I imagine you gentlemen desire it— to work 
less hours, if possible, and still maintain an equilibrium insofar as 
your living is concerned, your standards are concerned. Everybody 
wants that and we know that. 

The only thing is, they point up these things and fan this hysteffiat 
which they claim this committee is raising. They are master "hys-- 
terists" — if that's the word, although I never used it in that way before. . 
They are masters at hysteria. They know that by creating this hys- 
teria, which meets the needs and desires of the people, that they are- 
able to drum up enough agitation for this particular program. Th«y 
don't say they want a 30-hour week with 30 hours' pay. No, they are 
for 30 hours a week with 40 hours' pay. 

Mr. Ta\tenner. Mr. Romano, you were a member of the party dur- 
ing the days prior to the Communist Political Association and through 
the daj^s of the Communist Political Association, and then for a short 
time thereafter, were you not ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenxer. Will you tell the committee, please, what happened 
to the organizational strength of the Communist Party units in the 
Ford buildings, with the formation of the Communist Political Asso- 
ciation. 

Mr. Romano. The Communist Political Association was formed in 
the spring of 1944, at a convention in New York, at which convention 
were in attendance delegates from practically every country in the 
Western Hemisphere. 

This convention followed the meeting at Teheran between Roose- 
velt, Churchill, and Chiang Kai-shek later on, I understand. Because 
of that conference, the party felt that they must change their strategy 
if they were to gain their ultimate goals as soon as possible. Earl 
Browder put out a pamphlet of some 20 or 30 pages analyzing the 
decisions at Teheran, and the decision that was being made in refer- 
ence to the dissolution of the Communist Party as such and the forma- 
tion of the Communist Political Association, at that time. 

Naturally, there were repercussions in the party and some of the 
more militant party members fell away, but most of them remained 
and their places were taken by many more who joined the ranka 
because of this change of policy within the Communist Party. 

That brings me up to the point where a year later, the party or the 
Communist Political Association was dissolved. During this period 
of the Communist Political Association, the cells, the industrial cells 
as we talked about them up to this point, were dissolved. We no 
longer met on a basis of a pressed-steel unit. We no longer mpt on the 
basis, as we did before in the plant, unless for some important prob- 
lem or issue that came up that was to be discussed in the general coun- 
cil or somewhere else. The only time — that was the only time I recall 
we used to meet, but verj', very rarely however. 



3054 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

During that period of about 15 months, we met instead — we or- 
ganized instead the community cells which were not only on a basis 
of industrial cells, but included housewives, included people who 
owned their own living through probably small business, barber shops, 
and one thing and another; the regular rank and file people, so to 
speak, not the professionals. These community cells met on a com- 
munity basis and I was assigned to Delray cell, which met at Petofi 
IJall on the corner of West End and West Jefferson. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did the geographical location of the members have 
anything to do with the cell to which they were assigned? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. The people in that down-river section of De- 
troit were assigned to the Delray branch. Then they had several 
other branches, Northwest, Midtown, Fred Douglas branch, and I don't 
know what the exact regional delineations were at that time but they 
had quite a f cav branches all over the city. 

Tlie first meeting that I attended of the Delray branch  

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, let me suggest that this is a good 
place to have a recess. 

Mr. Wood. The committee will stand in recess for about 15 minutes. 

(A short recess was taken.) 

Mr. Wood. Let us have order, please. 

Proceed, Mr. Council. 

Mr. Tavenner. At the beginning of the recess, you were telling us 
about the formation of the Communist community clubs on a geo- 
graphic basis and your assignment to one of those clubs, and you were 
just about to tell us about your activity in that club, the Delray Club. 

Mr. Romano. Well, when we held our first meeting at the Delray 
Club, we were faced with a dilemma at the beginning of the meeting 
because there was no one to take over the chairmanship of the club. 
I think there were about seven or eight of us present at that particu- 
lar time, and already, in the middle of 1944 because of certain events, 
I had begun to lose faith, so to speak, in the Communist Party or Com- 
munist Political Association as a force for good within the labor 
movement in America. 

Everybody was looking at each other to see who was going to be 
chairman. It seemed that nobody wanted to be, least of all myself. 
Eventually, I was drafted in order to get the meeting started. 1 told 
them before I started, that I didn't care to be chairman of the club 
and that I would officiate for this particular time. 

As it happened, I more or less inherited, by default, and I con- 
tinued in that capacity until the dissolution of the Communist Politi- 
cal Association. During that period as chairman of that club, I auto- 
matically became part of the executive board of the Communist Po- 
lital Association, as it is now called — that is thinking in terms of 
1944 — part of the executive board of the Communist Political Associ- 
ation in the city of Detroit, at which chairmen and secretaries of other 
clubs attended. 

We discussed policies in the usual manner from the top down. 

IVIr. Tavenner. Was there any change in the method of the ap- 
proach to those problems than that which it had been during the 
period of the Communist Party itself ? 

Mr. Romano. The difference was that they did not have probably 
the atmosphere — the atmosphere was different in view of the fact that 



COJVIjVIUNISM in the DETROIT AREA 3055 

all of the people in the club were not factory workers. We didn't 
discuss factory politics. But we discussed the same agenda that was 
used with that exception, in terms of mobilizing for scrap drives and 
blood drives, and so forth. 

At this particular time, Russia's foreign policy demanded complete 
cooperation with the United States for the complete annihilation of the 
Hitler hordes, as they put it. We worked in terms — as I said, I didn't 
go into this thing with effectiveness and with the enthusiasm that I 
did at first. The club didn't grow as rapidly as it possibly could have, 
had I worked at it in a similar manner. We didn't recruit too many 
members. We didn't accomplish too much, other than in terms of 
pointing up the issues of the war to the people and the needs of the 
country in terms of bringing about a complete and successful solution 
to the war effort. 

At one time, the Communist Political Association — during the Com- 
munist Political Association period, I was asked by David White to 
function as an educational director for the State of Michigan. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was David White known by a nickname, do you 
recall ? 

Mr. Romano. Not that I Imow of. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was his middle name McKelvey ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes, that is his middle name. I refused to accept the 
assignment on the basis that I had too much work to do in the shop 
for one thing, and another, I couldn't devote my time and couldn't see 
niy way clear in devoting any time to something like that, when I 
knew I couldn't fulfill it. But the real reason I didn't want to become 
involved any deeper than I had become at this particular time is be- 
, cause it functioned on the same basis as the industrial cell with the 
exception of the politics, which was not brought into it at all, out- 
side of the question of international politics. 

Mr. Tavenner. That brings me to this question: What was the 
purpose, the over-all purpose, as you understood it, in establishing the 
Communist Political Association and the temporary abandonment of 
the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. As I said before, the Communist Political Association 
was formed after Teheran, and at this meeting, according to the analy- 
sis of Earl Browder in his pamphlet, Teheran and After, he pointed 
up the fact that we were entering into a new phase in the world and 
that the free peoples of the world who were fighting a war for libera- 
tion must work closer together. We must break down the barriers 
that were in existence prior to Teheran. That now we had had a rap- 
prochement between the United States, England, China, and the rest 
of the freedom-loving nations and we should do everything possible 
to work with them. 

However, in my opinion, the real reason for it was that they thought, 
through cooperation, they could get a better settlement after the war 
because after Teheran they knew that Hitler's days were numbered 
and the all-important thing was the best possible peace negotiation 
between the Soviet Union and the United States, whereby the Soviet 
Union would materially, shall we say, become more powerful in terms 
of territory ; in terms of extending its influence throughout the world. 

In my opinion, it was more or less of a Trojan horse to put their 
"capitalist enemies," so to speak, at peace with the party and bore from 



3056 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

within in terms of bringing about a lion's share, insofar as Russia 
vras concerned, of the over-all world picture. 

Mr. Potter. In that objective, they were very successful? 

Mr. Romano. They were very successful. They stood ready to sell 
out the labor movement completely from top to bottom to do it. 

Mr. Jackson. Didn't these frequent right-angle changes of direction 
cause a certain amount of consternation? All the comrades would be 
moving in one direction and then overniglit things would change and 
they would have to do an about-face? Did their momentum carry 
them on for a few days before they would catch up and turn around 
and start back in the other direction? I am talking about the Duclos 
letter and the Nazi-Soviet nonaggression pact. 

Mr. Romano. The Duclos letter, in ni}^ opinion — Duclos was picked, 
of course, by the Kremlin to start the machine in reverse because he was 
an old party warhorse who did everything that the party wanted done, 
even more so than Maurice Thorez, who was titular head of the party 
at that particular time in France. That was the reason for that par- 
ticular letter by Duclos or picking him to write the letter. 

As far as Browder was concerned, he was the man upon whom fell the 
abuse, the vilification as a traitor to the revolution of the working 
classes of the world. He was made the goat of the whole thing, be- 
cause in my opinion, when the delegates from South America, Central 
America, attended in 1944 the founding convention of the Communist 
Political Association, they did not go there at the expressed request 
of Earl Browder. They went there because they got orders from the 
Kremlin, and no other place. They wouldn't go there because they 
wouldn't take orders from Browder. They would only take orders 
^rom on top. That is why I say that Browder was made the goat in 
;4:his particular thing. 

Coming down below, we found, too, that a lot of the top leaders at 
that time were put on ice, so to speak, to make the thing look on the 
uip-and-up. Pat Toohey was shipped back, for example, somewhere 
East. Mrs. Beiswenger was put on ice and in wraps for a year or two 
in order to make it look palatable to most, of the people within the 
Communist Political Association, and that this was an honest move. 
That Browder had steered Uncle Joe wrong, if that could be possible, 
and so forth and so on. 

One thing they always taught us in the party was to never be an 
emotionalist and to be a realist. The man of steel from the Kremlin 
was the biggest realist of them all, and no question about it. For a 
little guy like Earl Browder to fool him was not in the cards at any 
stage of the game. 

Mr. Potter. Was there any doubt expressed by the members of the 
party who were one day praising Browder, and then after the Duclos 
letter, had to come out and see all the abuse piled on him ? Was there 
any consternation on the part of tlio individual ])arty members? 

Mr. Romano. For a period of a few months, there was a lot of con- 
fusion in the party, to say the least. But they were able to pick up 
the loose ends and continue once more on their international agitation 
program, which began in the early part of 1946. It did not start really 
getting momentum in the early part of 1946, when I became disasso- 
ciated with them completely. 

Mr. Tavenner. What occurred in the organizational set-up of the 
Communist Party after the abolition of the Communist Political 
Association ? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3057 

Mr. Romano. After the abolition of the Communist Political As- 
sociation in July of 1945, for a couple of months, as I said before, there 
was confusion. But then we were ordered back to reorganize ourselves 
within the factories and to organize them in the same fashion as we 
previously had them organized prior to the founding of the Com- 
munist Political Association, and we continued from there. That 
didn't take place, however, until about November of that particular 
year. It took several months to get back and get the wheels turning 
in the proper direction again. 

Mr. Tavenner. I would be interested to know if there were any 
considerable number of Communist Party members in 1944, who be- 
came members of the Communist Political Association and who re- 
fused to come back into the Communist Party in response to the 
directions and the change from Browder to the Communist Party. 

Mr. Romano. The Communist Party in America gained its greatest 
membership during the period of the Communist Political Associa- 
tion, because the doors were thrown right open and anybody could 
join. They didn't ask him any questions or anything. They didn't 
ask them who they were or where they were coming from. If Henry 
Ford II wanted to join, it was O. K. as far as they were concerned. 
Anybody could join the Communist Political Association with no 
restrictions or bars made, insofar as membership was concerned. 
Through that method they were able to gain the highest peak in 
membership in the Communist Party of America. 

Mr. Jackson. They were even taking in FBI agents, were they 
not ? 

Mr. Romano. That is quite obvious. 

Mr. Walter. What was the maximum strength of the Communist 
Political Association? 

Mr. Romano. During that period? 

Mr. Walter, Yes. 

Mr. Romano. Close to 100.000 I would say, approximately. But a 
lot of people fell away during that period who came back after the 
line changed again, because these old-time party members who had 
been in it for years, since 1919 and 1920, did not like the Communist 
Political Association deal at all and couldn't go for it. 

Mr. Potter. They did not believe in the principle that the Soviet 
Union and the United States could coexist ? 

Mr. Romano. You couldn't orientate them after 20 or 30 years. 
You couldn't reorientate them that fast. It had been pounded in their 
heads that the enemies of the working people were the capitalist 
class, and so on and so on. You know the dialectics used in terms of 
defending the role of the working man against the capitalist democ- 
racy, as they put it. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you return to a cell in Pressed Steel? 

Mr. Romano. That's right. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were the Communist Party cells reorganized in 
the other buildings or units of the Ford Motor Co. on the same basis 
that they had been before the Political Association, the Communist 
Political Association, was established? 

Mr. Romano. That is right, sir. In other words, we went back to 
the same status. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now, I would like to ask you regarding the Com- 
munist Party membership of certain individuals, and in asking about 



3058 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

these names, some of them are persons who occupy important positions 
in the union. The fact that I am asking you about them does not 
necessarily mean that the committee has any information to the effect 
that they are members of the party. In other words, the fact that I 
am asking you the question shoukl bear no connotation of Communist 
Party membership. We are anxious to know to what extent — and it is 
very important for us to know to what extent — that the Communist 
Party has been successful in infiltrating into important positions in 
the union. 

When I ask you about these names, I would ask, if you know any of 
them were members of the Communist Party, to tell the committee the 
circumstances under which you know it. And I would ask you that 
you be specific about your answers. If you are in doubt, say that you 
do not know. 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. I think I should also say that in the event you iden- 
tify any of these individuals as members of the Communist Party and 
you know that they have now left the Communist Party, as a matter 
of fairness, you should say so. 

Mr. Walter. Mr. Chairmaii, before the witness answers the ques- 
tion, I think it ought to be very definitely understood that anybody's 
name, or anybody whose name is mentioned at this time, should be 
afforded plenty of opportunity to come before the committee and make 
any statements they care to make in connection with the allegations 
that will be made here. 

Mr. Wood. That has been a rule of the committee for some time, 
which was announced here last week, I believe, or rather the week 
before last during the course of our original hearings here. It is the 
policy of this committee to afford any person who is mentioned in 
connection with membership in the Communist Party or any other 
subversive organization — to have a perfect right to ask to be heard, 
and they will be lieard befoi-e the committee; and to make any denials 
or explanations they see fit in connection with it. That rule still exists. 

Mr. Tavenner. I assume, Mr. Chairman, in making that statement, 
you are referring to the right of a person who is named by a witness 
as a member of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Wood. That is what I am talking about; named by a witness. 

Mr. Tavenner. "\Miat position does Carl Stellato hold in local 600 ? 

Mr. Romano. He is president of local 600. 

Mr. Tavenner. Has he ever been a member of the Communist Party, 
to your knowledge ? 

Mr. Romano. No. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall whether a person by the name of 
Joe Hogan ran for the position or became a candidate for the posi- 
tion of president of local 600 ? 

Mr. Romano. He* did. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was he ever known to you as a member of the Com- 
munist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. No, other than to say he had been a very active mem- 
ber of the progressive caucus. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat position did Pat Rice hold in the 

Mr. Romano. He is 

Mr. Tavenner. In the union, local 600 ? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3059 

Mr. EoMANO. He is vice president of local 600. 

Mr. Ta\tenner. Was he known, at any time, by you to be a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. EoMANO. No, although he is also an active member of the 
progressive caucus, and Bill McKie was assigned to him, according 
to William Allan, to see that he got the proper orientation. He 
knows what the score is. 

Mr. Walter. He is in the category which you described as being 
pro-Communist ? 

Mr. Romano. That's right. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. We have learned, in the course of our investiga- 
tion, that William R. Hood was recording secretary of local 600. 
Was he known to be a member of the Communist Party at any time ? 

Mr. Romano. I recollect an incident that happened way back in 
1948, when myself, Hood, and Thompson were working closely to- 
gether, and he made a very blistering speech against the Communist 
Party, because of an issue in the plant at that particular time. On 
the subsequent issue of the Michigan Worker, the party, under the 
column Auto Town Alley, if I remember correctly issued a blistering 
statement against him, notifying their party members that William 
R. Hood, a renegade from the party, was no longer to be trusted, 
and et cetera, et cetera, et cetera, right down the line. The next day, 
which was Monday after — I read this 2 days later ; I read it on Sat- 
urday ; it comes out on Saturday- — I greeted William R. Hood as an 
ex-comrade, and he agreed that he was, "But, we know how to fight 
those so-and-so's." 

I want to point out, at this time, for the information of my ex-com- 
rades "who are so easy with their smear and vilification, that it wasn't 
the first time that stool pigeons have informed on ex-Communist Party 
members. On many occasions, in their publications, they refer to me 
as ex-Communist, and to Dave Averill as ex-Communist, and other 
derogatory remarks, so when it comes to stool pigeons, informers, and 
spies, they work on a 24-liour basis for the Soviet Union as such with- 
out pay. So, when they throw that w^ord at me, and if they say that 
I am a stool pigeon because I believe in the honest aspirations of the 
working people of America, then I want my name to be on the top of 
the stool pigeons who work for the true aspirations of the working 
people of America. That is how I knew about Bill Hood. He left 
the party, but his actions in the past year are certainly not those of 
an honest and sincere ex-party member. 

Mr. Tavenner. What group was it that you referred to that pub- 
lished in the Ford Facts the article in the Worker, the article under 
the heading of the "Old Timers" ? 

Mr. RoMAxo. Auto Town Alley. 

Mr. Tavenner. By the Old Timers ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you loiow the identity of the Old Timers? ^ 

Mr. Romano. As far as I know, as far as I could gather, the editor, 
or the fellow who writes that, from my knowledge — I couldn't prove 
it, but I give credence to my source — is William Allan. 

Mr. Walter. Wlio is William Allan ? I have heard his name men- 
tioned several times. 



^ According to committee investigation, "Auto Town Alley" is authored by' Nat Ganley. 



30G0 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Romano. He is the Michigan editor for the Daily Worker and 
the Michigan Worker, and, also, he was in charge of the Ford cell 
prior to going into the Army, and the other cells within the auto indus- 
try ; although he never worked or was a part of the auto industry at 
any time as a worker, to my knowledge, at least, at Ford's ; he never 
was a worker at Ford's. 

Mr. Tavenner. He is the person who makes the officif^l announce- 
ments of the Communist Party in Michigan ? 

Mr. Romano. I don't know if he is that, unless title doesn't mean a 
thing. I always thought Carl Winter was the chief, and, I wouldn't, 
at this time, attempt to divide Carl Winter and William Allan as to 
who is the big boss. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Romano, 1 have before me a copy of a page from 
the Worker, of December 19, 1948, in which I see mider the column 
known as Auto Town Alley this paragraph : 

Hood is a renegade from the Communist and progressive movements, who 
was elected to his present post on the Tommy Thompson slate last spring. 

Is that the article to which you refer ? 

Mr, Romano. That is right, if my memory serves me right. 

Mr. Tavenner. I hand it to you and ask you to say whether or not, 
after glancing at it, that it is the article you refer to. 

Mr. Romano. Yes. I might point out, too, that after this — the fol- 
lowing election, the election following this article, which took place 
2 months later— we were able to form a coalition of all the right- 
^^ing forces, slowly, but surely. My aim was to orientate our people 
to an anti-Communist position, and try to involve all the anti-Com- 
munist people in Ford Local 600 to attack the inroads or any offensive 
that the party might put up. During the period of that article, cer- 
tain individuals were imported from New York ; a fellow by the name 
of Schatz and a fellow by the name of Jackson were imported to 
strengthen or build up the weakening forces of the Communist Party 
within Ford Local. By joining in a movement with all anti-Com- 
munist leaders in local 600, we were able to give the party, in 19-49, 
the greatest defeat that it has ever faced within local 600. Thompson 
beat his opponent, Racey, by a majority of over 10,000 votes at that 
time. The main issue in that election was the question of communism. 
The great majority of the people in Ford Local 600 are honest Amer- 
ican working people. 

Mr. Walter. How many votes did Racey get ? 

Mr. Romano. Somewhere in the neighborhood of 13,000. 

Mr. Walter. Would that indicate the number of fellow travelers, 
pro-Communists, and Communists? 

Mr. Romano. No. I want to tell you why. In the history of local 
600, from the time of its organization, unfortunately, the newspapers 
indicated the strike as Communist-dominated, which was the farthest 
thing from the truth, because it was a grass-roots rebellion against 
conditions at Ford Motor Co. ; and because of this — people going about 
the country designating workers as Communists who really weren't 
Communists — the people became confused over a period of time, 
honestly and sincerely confused about the real issues facing the 
workers, insofar as communism was concerned — who was and who 
wasn't, who helped and who didn't, and so forth. Also, the policy of 
the local 600 played an important part in confusing the people, be- 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3061 

cause people who would be rabidly anti-Communist, for political 
consideration would support communism at different times to support 
their own aspirations. However, the people, despite that fact, an 
overwhelming majority voted against the party slate at that time. 

Mr. Walter. The 13,000 votes isn't particularly significant? 

Mr. Romano. No. 

Mr. Jackson. What percentage of the total membership of local 
600 voted in that election ? 

Mr. Romano. A majority of the working people; around thirty- 
eight or thirty-nine thousand, forty thousand, almost. 

Mr. Jackson. Out of a membership of ? 

Mr. Romano. About 60, at that time, which was a good percentage, 
in comparison to national elections. 

Mr. Jackson. How have subsequent elections reflected the ratio ? 

Mr. Romano. Pardon? 

Mr. Jackson. In subsequent elections, has that general ratio been 
maintained ? 

Mr. Romano. Sometimes, yes; always sliding back and forth be- 
tween twenty-five and forty thousand, depending upon the interest 
created by the election. 

Mr. Tavenner. You mentioned the name of Phil Schatz as one per- 
son who had been brought in here from New York for organizational 
purposes. I believe you mentioned the name of Schatz. I was going 
to ask you whether that was Phil Schatz ? 

Mr. Romano. If I remember correctly, I think that is his name. 
He was secretary of the Dearborn branch of the party at that time. 
The Dearborn branch is the branch that encompasses the Ford Motor 
Co., or the Rouge plant, to be specific. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, he has been identified during the 
course of the hearing as a member of the Communist Party by Wayne 
Salisbury and also Toby Baldwin. 

You spoke of a man by the name of Jackson. What is his first 
name? 

Mr. Romano. I think it was James Jackson. An interesting in- 
cident led up to my knowing him, not knowing him, but almost meet- 
ing with him, was during the 1949 strike we had out at Ford. Thomp- 
son and Bill Hood were in negotiation with the company and the rest 
of the union officials, and I was left in the local in complete charge of 
the operation of the strike. Prior to the strike, we had set up the 
machinery of conducting an orderly and responsible strike, in what 
I felt was in the best interest of the workers and everybody else con- 
cerned. I didn't make up the plans myself. There was a series of 
committees selected to bring in reports and to set up the apparatus for 
strike action. Naturally, when the strike took place, we were ready 
for that particular situation. We set up a publicity committee, which 
is very important; a food committee, all committees which are im- 
portant. But, it seems, through democratic procedure, none of the 
party members were on any of the important committees. 

Mr. TA^^RNNER. You mean, the Communist Party members? 

Mr. RoM\NO. That's right. A group came in to see me one day, 
and said, "Look, we want to help in this thing. We want to work 
with ;you. We want to bring about a successful conclusion to this 
strike, but," he said, "we can't tolerate this situation as it is today. 



3062 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

The flying squadron is refusing to permit the Michigan Worker and 
issuance of the leaflets we want to put out as the Communist Party, and 
also the issuance of the food under the name of," not the Communist 
Party, Un, Garibaldi group, which happened to be an I WO chapter 
within the city of Detroit, and other IWO groups. So, he said, ''We 
would Ilk' to arrange a meeting with you with James Jackson', who 
would like to talk to you and show yon and prove to you we are honest 
and sincere''; and I told him at that time, without tliinking too much 
because I was involved in a lot of problems that I had, "O. K." ' 

 But, m discussing it later the same day, I contacted them and told 
them I would talk only to them and them alone. We didn't want any 
interference from the outside. As far as we are concerned, the exec- 
utive board had ruled there would 1)? no distribution of literature 
outside of any kind, regardless of wliether it emanated from the 
company or any outside organization. AVe told them we didn't want 
them to pass out leaflets which would be inflammatory and tendino- to 
take away from the minds of the people tlie real issues during this 
strike; and, if they did, we would execute the orders of the executive 
board on that particular thing. 

As far as the food is concerned. I know what vou are trying to do. 
You are trying to instill into the people's mind the Communist Party 
is leading the strike; tlieir New York boy, a big dog, the Garibaldi 
group, IWO, and another local Hungarian IWO group, passing along 
that these boys were associated with the Communists. I told them 
;ye had a central local point in the basement for all food to pass 
through, and, "if you people have an honest desire to help in the strike, 
you can send the food down there, and we will see that it gets dis- 
tributed.'" I said, ''If you are in here to make propaganda, to gain 
a position during the strike for yourselves as the Communist Party, 
that's out." To this day the Garibaldi group never delivered any 
iood ; the Hungarian IWO never delivered any food. The only time 
they do things they don't want to do them anonymously ; they want 
the credit. They want to make sure they come out on top, insofar 
as their propaganda machine is concerned.'^ That is why this was held 
to exist during the original strike, that they, and they alone, were 
responsible for the organization at Ford. ' That is the way they 
operate. 

Mr. Taa-enner. Do you know of any other special activities of James 
Jackson, in connection with his alleged Communist Party activities? • 

Do yon know of any other incident 

Mr. Romano. No; I don't. 

Mr. Tavenner (continuing) . Where he was consulted by the party 
as to the procedure to take in any given incident ^ 

Mr. Romano. The only thing t Icnow, other than that, he attended 
several council meetings as spectator. That is all I know about him. 
I left the party 3 years prior to that. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do yon knoAv whether this is the same James Jack- 
son who was indicted in the United States district court in New York 
recently ? 

Mr. Romano. I understand it is the same person. 
Mr. Tavenner. It is our information he is now a fugitive. Do you 
know anything about his present wliereabouts? 
Mr. Romano. Definitely not. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETEOIT AREA 3063 

Mr. Ta\^nner. Mr. Chairman, I would like to offer in evidence the 
December 19, 1948, issue— that is, page 14 of that issue— and ask that 
it be marked "Eomano Exhibit No. 1." It is the Sunday Worker. 

^Ir. AVooD. It may be received. 

(The above referred to document was marked "Komano Exhibit No. 
l"- and received in evidence.) 

]Mr. Tavenner. It is the committee's information that a person by 
the name of Carl J. Turner was a candidate for recording secretary 
of Dearborn Iron Building of the Ford Motor Plant. Do you know 
whether that is correct ? 

INIr. Romano. There are so many units out there, and so many elec- 
tions being held, I couldn't possibly say it was true. 

Mr. Taa^nner. Are you acquainted with Carl J. Turner ? 

Mr. Romano. I am acquainted with him: I know who he is; yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. AYas he a member of the Communist Party at any 
time, to your knowledge ? 

IVIr. Romano. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Ta\tenner. Do you know the unit to which he belonged ? 

Mr. Romano. I think at that time it was the Spring Up-set. I am 
not sure. Then he went into the foundry. I am not positive, but I 
think that is the score on that. 

]\Ir. Tavenner. "What year is that, if you can tell us ? 

]\Ir. Romano. During the period between 1942 and 1946. 

Mr. Ta\tenner. What position does William G. Grant h(jld in 
local 600? 

Mr. Romano. He is present financial secretary of local 600. 

Mr. Tavenner. Has he been known by you, at any time, to have 
been a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. No; he hasn't, but he has associated himself with 
the "progressive caucus" of local 600 from time to time, and certain 
times he ran as an independent. I can say that. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you acquainted with Walter Quillico? 

Mr. Romano. Yes ; I know Walter Quillico. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was he known to you to be a member of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr. Romano. No ; to mj^ knowledge, he was never a member of the 
Communist Party; but he did attend, one night over at my house, a 
meeting of the IWO. That is the only knowledge I have of him, and 
he is a member of the "progressive caucus," one of the active members. 

INIr. Tavenner. A moment ago you told us of an incident in which 
the Communist Party, for its own purposes, had made public the fact 
that certain of its members were members of the Communist Party. 
Do you know whether that occurred in the case of Leo T. Orsage? 

Mr. Romano. Yes; he w^as, but at a later date he was expelled from 
the Communist Party for deviationist action, if I remember the 
article correctly — I read it quite a while back — and because of the 
fact that he ran for president of his unit over the objections of the 
party at that particular time. He was expelled from the party for 
that reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. The reason being that he desired to run for office ? 

Mr. Romano. That's right. I can say that truthfully; that for a 
man of his activity within the party, and so forth, that after he was 
expelled the party went so far as to — one of the party members went 
so far as to call him a "Bilbo"' during a council meeting, a word 



3064 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

which would never fit the man's make-up or character in any stretch 
of the imagination. The way they throw around villifications is 
sometimes not only surprising but actually without foundation. 
Certainly a man like Leo Orsage, to apply a term of "Bilbo" to him, 
when you stoop that low you can't go any lower; you have let out 
the bottom of the barrel. I want to say that for him because he is a 
grand fellow. 

Mr. Tavenner. That was a method of discipline within the Com- 
jcnunist Party, that a person who joined it may be subjected to? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Since we mentioned the matter of discipline, do you 
know whether the paity here had any particular committee set up as 
a disci})linary committee, before whom people were tried? 

Mr. KoMANO. Well, I don't recall any special committee, as far as 
the Ford local was concerned. Once in a while we used to be taken 
in for a little reprimand, or one thing or another, for deviation of 
policy. We were held up to scorn, so to speak, before the rest. I was, 
on a couple of occasions, after I had been in the party, when I began 
to question some of their policies, and would just be the opposite way. 
But I never was brought to trial by the party, other than held up and 
scorned before the rest of the members while they did a nice hatchet 
job on me. They were careful not to antagonize me too much, but 
they got their point across. 

Mr. Tavenner. Who was the leader of the incident you have in 
mind 'f 

Mr. Romano. At that time we had a committee of the union func- 
tioning, during the Communist Party activities, which was always 
the contact between the local union and the high echelon of the UAW. 
You have your region, which is above the local union, and you have 
your international officials, which is above the region. They used to 
be their contact men, so far as visiting the region, directing and trying 
to straighten them out on issues that the party thought was impor- 
tant, making them see the light, discussing it with them, in order to 
make them change their opinions. They were the agents between the 
regional officers and the international officers. Anytime one got out 
of line, they would go over and put the pressure on; the same thing 
they would do to UAW officials on different occasions, to correct a 
certain problem they thought was necessary to get their support on 
different issues, or things they thought might be going on within the 
province of local 600. 

Mr. Tavenner. A moment ago, in speaking of Walter Quillico, you 
said he attended an IWO meeting at your home. What group or 
fraternity or society of the IWO was that? 

Mr. Romano. That w^as the Garibaldi group. 

Mr. Tavenner. You were advised, as I understand, at the tini« 
you became a Communist Party member, to become a member of the 
IWO. Did you then join the Garibaldi group of the IWO? 

Mr. Romano. You are automatically in. Our insurance was issued 
through that particular group. I might say, incidentally, if anybody 
knows anything about political science, ever since that name was given 
to the IWO group, I am pretty sure Garibaldi still hasn't stopped 
turning over in his grave. If there was anything he hated, it was 
totalitarianism. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3065 

Mr. Jackson. Is not that true of Thomas Jefferson and the other 
splendid gentlemen who wrote the main articles of the Declaration 
of Independence ? 

Mr. Romano. The answer to that is "What crimes are committeed 
in thy name." 

Mr. Tavenner. Was the exact name of the society of Garibaldi, 
American Fraternal Society of the IWO? 

Mr, Romano. That is right, if my memory serves me correctly. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the strength of the organization ? 

Mr. Romano. A^'ell, I don't know, exactly, how many members 
there were. I didn't attend open membership meetings; to be very 
frank, but, I imagine around 50 or 60 members. I wouldn't be cor- 
rect on that. I never attended a membership meeting. I can only 
say that from hearsay. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know what the national membership was? 

Mr. Romano. No ; I don't. 

Mr. Tavenner. The next name I would like to ask about is Ed 
Lock. Was he known to you to be a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Romano. Very definitely. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall the branch or building of the Ford 
Motor Company where he was employed? 

Mr. Romano. He was originally employed in the motor plant, and 
then, he moved over to the plastic plant, when his job moved there, 
and he still remains there. 

Mr. Tavenner. What official position does he now hold or has he 
recently held in the plastic building ? 

Mr. Romano. As president of the plastic building. 

Mr. Tavenner. James M. Simmons is another person we under- 
stand was in the plastic building, employed there. Are you acquainted 
with him ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was he known to you to be a member of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr. Romano. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know what position he now holds or has 
recently held in the organization of 'that building? 

Mr. Romano. He has held the position of vice president from time 
to time. I don't know if he holds any official position at the present 
time, but, I would like to scratch the surface a little bit there. On 
this question of promoting people from sainthood and back to the dog- 
house, here was an individual who, during the strike at Ford, worked 
in the plant, and, naturally, the tag of a company stooge would be 
the most appropriate thing for him. Once he joined the party, how- 
ever, he was absolved of all previous sins, and elevated to the saint- 
hood as a leader of the working class of people of America. He was 
active from the very begiiming of the organizational drive, fell out 
of grace with the party, and demoted from the sainthood. Any time 
they challenge party policy or chose to fight party policy, they have 
a very adequate slide rule of demoting people from the sainthood 
back down to the doghouse, to hell, if I may say so. 

Mr. Walter. Who did the promoting and demoting? 

Mv. Ro:\rANo. Once they become party members, naturally they 
have to whitewash their past, and everybody is told what the score is, 



3066 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

and tliey are instructed that anybody who calls him a company stooge, 
is a company stooge, himself. As far as elevating him is concerned, 
when he becomes a member, he automatically is elevated in the eyes 
of tlie party. 

Mr. Tavenner. We had a witness who came voluntarily before the 
committee last week, or several weeks ago, who had been identified 
as a Communist Party member, and he told us the story of how the 
Communist Party had induced him to become a member, on the promise 
that he would be upgraded. Was that a common practice in re- 
cruiting; they would make inducements or give out inducements of 
that kind to prospective members, that if they joined, their positions 
in the union would be raised ? 

Mr. EoMANo. I might say this : That I have been — that everybody 
is indoctrinated to a certain extent on how to recruit people. First 
of all, you size up your prospect, see whether or not he is an oppor- 
tunist, see where his weakness lies, whether he is an opportunist, 
principle kind, or whether he is sincere in what he is doing, and, of 
course, you use the best method to obtain a membership; you use the 
best method to recruit him into the party. That goes for the selling 
of subscriptions, too. I have known, many times a fellow who couldn't 
sell a fellow a subscription would pay for it out of his own pocket, 
as long as the fellow was willing to read the thing. Probably the fel- 
low Avon't sign; he will say, "is it O. K. if I put your name on T' He 
says, "O. K." That's the w^ay it went. I don't say that is the majority 
of cases, but in lots of cases. 

Mr. Wood. I believe this is a pretty good time for us to take out for 
lunch. The committee will stand in recess until 2 o'clock. 

(Whereupon, at 12: 30 p. m., the committee recessed until 2 o'clock 
of the same day.) 

AFTER RECESS 

Mr. Wood. Let us have order, please. 

Proceed. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Romano, I was asking you about your knowledge 
of Communist Party membership of certain individuals, and I would 
lilce to remind you again, in answering, if j^ou can point out any 
activity, any particular activity of the individual in the Communist 
Party whose name I may call, I wish you would do so. 

Was Archie Acciacca known to you to be a member of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr. RoiMANo. He was a member of the Communist Party and he 
quit in the middle of 1947, I think, as a]^proximately as I can put 
it, and for a number of years he was bitterly anti-Communist, but his 
actions in the past year are not those of a sincere and honest ex- 
Connnunist. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know whether he holds any position at the 
present time in the union ? 

Mr. Romano. He is the president of the pressed-steel unit, or, as 
it is known now, the Dearborn stamping plant. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know whether or not Dave Moore was a 
member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. In what connection was he involved in the Com- 
munist Party ? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3067 

Mr. Romano. Well, he was a member of the cell in the axle building, 
as best I can remember, 

Mr. Tavenner. Does he hold any position now, or has he held any 
position in local 600 in recent years ? 

INIr. Romano. He has held various positions : vice president of the 
axle building, if I recall, district committeeman, and member of the 
general council. That is all I can remember ofl'hand. 

Mr, Tavenner. Was Paul Boatin known to you to be a member of 
the Communist Party at any time ? 

Mr, Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. What official position did he hold in local 600? 

INIr. Romano. Well, he was a member of the bargaining committee 
in the motor building, and approximately 2 years ago he was elected 
jjresident of the motor plant, and he still holds that office--also a mem- 
ber — automatically he becomes a member of the executive board of 
local 600 and the general council in view of his office as president of 
the motor plant. 

Mr. Taat.nner. Did he hold any position, to your knowledge, in the 
Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano, I can't recall of any definite position, 

Mr, Tavenner. Was Johnny Gallo known to you to be a member 
of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr, Tavenner, How has he been employed by local 600 ? 

Mr. Romano, In 1941 he was elected to the office of guide, and was 
.appointed recreational director for the local, and he was in charge of 
all recreational facilities among the younger members of the local. 
He held that office until 1945, when Joe Mascusky was elected presi- 
dent, and he appointed someone else in his place. Then he was re- 
elected again the following year and held it until the time he resigned 
because of the Taft-Hartley affidavits. At the present time he is a 
district committeeman over in the new Dearborn engine plant where 
they produce the Pratt & Whitney engine, 

Mr, Tavenner, Our information is that William H. Johnson is the 
executive adviser to the president of local 600. Is that correct ? 

Mr, Romano, That is right, sir, 

Mr, Tavenner, Was he known to you to have been a member of the 
Communist Party at any time ? 

Mr, Romano, I don't recall meeting him at Communist Party meet- 
ings, although he has been a very very active member in the progres- 
sive caucus of local 600. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you acquainted with Nelson Davis ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes, 

Mr, Tavenner. Was he known to you to be a member of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr, Romano, Yes, he was, I guess everybody knows that, because 
the Michigan Worker touted him as a leader of the Communist Party 
in many of its publications, 

Mr, Tavenner, His position then had been close to that of being 
an open member of the Communist Party in that the official organs 
of the Communist Party had mentioned him as a Communist ? 

Mr, Romano, That is right. 

97097 — 52 — pt. 2- -8 



3068 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. How has he been employed in local 600 ? 

Mr. Romano. Well, he has held several various offices in the Dear- 
born Iron Foundry, as it is called today, and I understand vice presi- 
dent of the bargaining committee in charge of safety and one thing 
and another. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is Harold Franklin a person known to you to have 
been a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Romano. I recall him being named, but I can't place him at any 
of the meetings that I attended. I don't recall his name. The reason 
I can't recall it is because I have been thinking about it for a period of 
days since he was named by Miss Bereniece Baldwin. I just can't re- 
call ever placing him at a meeting. 

Mr. Tavenner. What position did he hold in the union ? 

Mr. Romano. The latest I know of, he was recording secretary of 
the Dearborn Iron Foundry. In fact, I think he still is recording 
secretary of the Dearborn Iron Foundry. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was Mack Cinzori 

Mr. Romano. Yes. I met him early in the — when I joined the 
party in '42, 1 think, at some of the party functions and meetings. 

Mr. Tavenner. What official position has he held at the local 600, 
if you know? 

Mr. Romano. The only one I can recall is he was a member of the 
general council and a district connnitteeman in the tool and die unit, 
and he is still a district committeeman in the tool and die unit. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was Tom Jelley known to you to have been a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. What official position did Tom Jelley hold in local 
600, if you know? 

Mr. Romano. Since 1941 he has always been a district committee- 
man in the tool and die section of the Dearborn stamping plant. 

JNIr. Tavenner. How do you spell his last name ; do you know ? 

Mr. Romano. J-e-1-l-e-y, I think. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you acquainted with James Watts ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was James Watts known to you to have been a 
member of the Communist Party at any time? 

Mr, Romano. Well, during the trials in local 600 a year and a half 
ago, he admitted himself on the stand that he was a member of the 
Communist Party in 1943 for a period of about a year. 

Mr. Tavenner. Aside from his own admission, did you have knowl- 
edge of his Communist Party membership? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. I remember a meeting that Nelson Davis 
brought him in. I think it was, if I am not mistaken, the civic center 
out on Erskine and Brush Street, or John R., I think it was. That is 
it, Erskine and John R. 

Mr. Tavenner. You spoke of James Watts having admitted his 
Communist Party membership. In what connection did he admit 
his Communist Party membership? 

Mr. Romano. Well, during the trials at Ford Local 600, which 
were held in 1950 

Mr. Tavenner. Was he under oath at the time? 

Mr. Romano. He was sworn by the committee under oath, yes. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3069 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you present during the trial ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. And you heard him testify ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did he testify as to the Communist Party member- 
ship of John Gallo ? 

Mr. Romano. Right. 

]Mr. Tavenner. Nelson Davis? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. By that I mean did he state under oath that they 
■were members of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. He mentioned that Nelson Davis was the one 
Avho recruited him. 

Mr. Tavenner. Paul Boatin ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Johnny Gallo? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Dave Moore ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat positions, if you know 

Mr. Romano. On the question — pardon me a second. To be fair 
about this, I don't remember if he mentioned them all as party mem- 
bers because they weren't on trial as party members alone. They were 
on trial on two counts : As party members, or subservient to the party 
line. I think those were the specific charges. He said that Nelson 
Davis recruited him, and I am pretty sure he said — in fact, I am posi- 
tive he said- — that Johnny Gallo belonged, Paul Boatin belonged, but 
I am not so sure on the question of Dave Moore. I am not positive on 
that one. 

]\Ir. Tavenner. Now, what positions has James Watts held in local 
'600, if you know? 

Mr. Romano. Well, he was member at one time of the international 
UAW staff. Then he was returned back to the shop for some reasons 
which I am not familiar with, and he was a member of the general 
council for quite some time. Now he is a member of Carl Stellato's 
personal staff. 

Mr. Tavenner. AYas John Lawson known to you to have been a 
member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was his connection or employment with 
local 600? 

Mr. Romano. He never had any connection as far as employment 
is concerned with local 600. He is a rank-and-file worker. I am not 
sure if he was a member of the council at one time or not, but in most 
of the time he was just a mere rank-and-filer, a worker on the job in 
the tool and die unit section of the pressed steel Dearborn plant — I 
mean Dearborn stamping plant. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was Charles E. Morgan known to you to be a 
member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. What position did he hold in local 600, if any? 

Mr. Romano. He was a district committeeman at one time for a 
while. Then he was a member of the general council also at one time, 
I am pretty sure, and that's about all the extent of his holding office. 



3070 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. Is tliere anything especially significant about his 
Connniinist Party membership or activity ? 

Mr. Romano. Oh, yes. I remember when he first came into the 
pressed steel cell. We were warned about him, to watch him closely 
because of the fact that he had formerly belonged to the party but 
he had been expelled for certain deviations of which I never could 
get a very close picture, and he operated under the name of Peoples 
at that time, if I am not mistaken. That must have been during the 
"Red decade." That was between 1930 and 1940. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was Roy Narancich a member of the party, to 
your knowledge ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did he have any employment with local 600 I 

Mr. Romano. Not to my knowledge, outside of being a member of 
the council possibly at one time or another. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you acquainted with Bagrad Yartainian? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was he known to you to have been a member of the 
Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. What were the circumstances under which you 
knew him to be a member? 

Mr. Romano. Well, the first time I knew he was a member of the 
Communist Party is when we dissolved the factory branches — 
factory cells, rather, and operated under tlie CPA and tlie comnuniity 
cell, and he belonged to the Delray Club by virtue of his location— 
I mean by virtue of the fact that he lived in that region. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know whether he is the father-in-law of 
Paul Boatin ? 

Mr. Romano. At the present time he is. 

INIr. Tavenner. Do you know whether his daughter is employed in 
the office of local 600? 

Mr. Romano. She is. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is her name ? 

Mr. Romano. Ann Vartainian. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is she now the wife of Paul Boatin ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is she known to you to be a member of the Com- 
munist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. How many other persons are employed in the 
same general capacity in which she is employed on the job? 

Mr. Romano. There must be around 30, 1 imagine, about 30 typists, 
clerks — clerk of all sorts to take care of membership records and 
work as secretaries to the different officers and staff members. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know whetlier Ann Vartainian was press 
director of the Delray unit of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. I don't know exactly whetlier she was press director, 
but she pinch-hitted more or less oil the job of secretary and doing 
some typing and stuff that we needed and so forth. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know whether Paul Boatin at any time held 
an official position in the Deb-ay unit of the Communist Pa'rty ? 

Mr. Romano. I don't recall because of the fact that he didn't attend 
meetings too regularly, and when he did have occasion to bo in the 



COMMUXISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3071 

meetings himself, he just came in and made a speech and that was 
the extent of his activity at that particular time, as I remember. 
Whether he had any activities within the party itself, I don't know. 
I never asked him. 

Mr. Tavenner. I think I should ask you this at this time: You 
have mentioned the names of a number of individuals who were mem- 
bers of the Communist Party and who held positions or were employed 
by local GOO. Which of those positions are elective and which are 
appointive ? 

Mr. KoMANO. All of them are elective with the exception of staff 
members at the local. All of them are elected. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you acquainted with Walter Dorosh? 

Mr. HoMANO. Yes. He is now on the personal staff of Carl Stellato. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was he known to you to be a member of the Com- 
munist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. Not only a member of the Communist Party, but he 
was part of the top echelon in the State. 

Mr. Tavenner. You mean of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Romano. That's right. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was he press director at any time for the Ford 
section of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. He might have been. I don't recall specifically. 

Mr. Tavenner. You do not recall ? 

Mr. Romano. No. 

Mr. Tavenner. You stated that he was a member of the top echelon 
of the Communist Party in the State of Michigan. Do you remember 
specifically what office he held ? 

Mr. Romano. From what I understood at executive board meetings 
I attended, he was a member of the State committee. 

Ivlr. Tavenner. Wliat position or to what extent was he active in 
local 600 ? That is, in local GOO in Communist Party affairs. 

Mr. Romano. He was in charge of correlating the organization from 
a local level, from a rank-and-filer level, from a member of local GOO 
level. 

Mr. Tavenner. For the Communist Party? 

Mr. Romano. That's right. Everybody knew that that knows 
anything about politics in local 600, 

Mr. Tavenner. Was Mike Hrabar known to you to have been a 
member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Ta^tenner. Will you describe his activity in the party ? 

Mr. Romano. Well, he never held an office outside of general council 
member and district committeeman, but he wielded a tremendous 
influence within local GOO. 

Mr. Tavenner. Influence within what group? 

Mr. Romano. Well, within the party itself. 

Mr. Tavenner. The Communist Party? 

Mr. Romano. Yes, within the Communist Party. You see, we had 
a top committee, as I said before, that would meet with the officers of 
the local when the officers were cooperating with the party, and also 
in the region when the region was controlled by the left wing, and also 
in the international when the international was controlled by the left 
wing on cases and problems pertinent to local 600. 



3072 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know whether Leroy Krawf ord was a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party at any time ? 

Mr. Romano. I can't place him at meetings, but I knew him as a 
member of the Communist Party, let's put it that way. 

Mr. Tavenner. What were the circumstances under which you knew 
him as a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Romano. Well, within the progressive caucus, a question before 
the caucus itself, we discussed different maneuvers, et cetera, and he 
also was in those side caucuses that we held in order to put over our 
program, and we discussed it as party members. 

Mr. Tavenner. As Communist Party members? 

Mr. Romano. That's right, 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know the correct spelling of his name ? 

Mr. Romano. L-e-r-o-y K-r-a-w-f-o-r-d. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was Frank J. Martin known to you to have been a 
member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. I don't recall Frank J. Martin. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was Tersil Obriot known to you to be a member of 
the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you describe, please, his position in local 600 
and his activity in the party, if you know ? 

Mr. Romano. In local 600 his position was tliat of a member and a 
worker in the shop, and as far as positions in the party, he never held 
any other than he was^ — he could be classified as a hard worker for the 
party. 

Mr. Tavenner. John — sometimes referred to as Whity — Saari, 
was he known to you to have been a member of the Communist Party f 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was his function in local 600 and in the party ,^ 
if you know, the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. V.>11, during the war he wasn't very active. Then I 
understand he quit Ford, and he came back again in the motor plant^ 
and now he is holding the office of appointed district committeeman in 
the Dearborn engine plant, appointed b}' the president of the motor 
plant, of course, Paul Boatin. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was Kenneth Roach known to you to have been a 
member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you state what position he held both within the 
Communist Party and local 600, if you know ? 

Mr. Romano. He joined the party at the tail end of my association 
with the party, and I don't know what his functions were in the party, 
as I recall, because he never belonged to our cell in the pressed steel 
unit, and when we met on an over-all local basis, we never went 
through the procedures of agenda or anything other than to discuss 
political situations in the local union. But right now he is holding 
the office of district committeeman in the Dearborn engine plant. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mrs. Celia Edwards, also known as Mrs. Byron 
Edwards ? 

Mr. Romano. I don't recall ever meeting her at party meetings, but 
I do know that her husband was a party member, and I understand 
during the first years of his membership the home life wasn't on a 
stabilized equilibrium because of his position. But whether she joined 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3073 

the party after that or not, I don't know at all. I couldn't swear 
to it. 

Mr. Tavenner, Do you know whether of not she held any position 
or place of employment with local 600 ? 

Mr. Romano. She is a clerk in local 600. 

Mr. Tavenner. At the present time ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you acquainted with Mary Page Davis? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was she known to you to have been a member of 
the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. During my association with the party, she never be- 
longed to the pressed steel cell, of course, because she never worked 
at Ford. She didn't belong to the Delray cell because of the fact 
that she didn't live in that region. But I knew for a fact that she 
was a member of the party because her name came up on different 
occasions during discussions within the party itself, and she was 
pointed out as a party member, a person that we could confide in, et 
cetera, et cetera. 

Mr. Ta\tenner. Do you know whether she held any place of employ- 
ment in local 600 ? 

Mr. Romano. I think she is a clerk-typist in local 600 at the present 
time. 

Mr. Tavenner. You have already referred to Ann Boatin, I think. 

Mr. Romano. That's right. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you acquainted with Opal Palmer? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was she known to you to have been a member of 
the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. I met her during the CPA days in the Delray 
branch. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did she have any position of employment within 
local 600? 

Mr. Romano. She is stock clerk in local 600. 

Mr. Tavenner. She is employed in that capacity now ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you acquainted with Ruben Mardiros? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. I remember him. He chaired one of our meet- 
ings, one of the first meetings I went to at the pressed steel cell in the 
basement of a Rumanian church on Saline there, if I recall correctly, 
and he is a member of the tool and die vmit, but he never held any 
official capacity to my knowledge in local 600. He wasn't elected to 
any official capacity. 

Mr. Tavenner. When you said he chaired one of your meetings, you 
mean a Communist Party meeting? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you acquainted with Johnny Duncan? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was he known to you to have been a member of the 
Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. Everybody around local 600 knew it because he never 
made any bones about it, and he was one of the top four or five on 
the top committee of local 600 of the party. He functioned as a review 



3074 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

board member of the committee in local 600 which took up the griev- 
ances in their third stage between the company and the union. 

Mr, Tavenner. Was Pete Kasper known to you to have been a 
member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. KoMANO. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. How was he employed, if at all, by local 600? 

Mr. Romano. I don't remember him being ever employed as such 
unless he participated probably on PAC drives and one thing or an- 
other, but he is a member of the open hearth unit, and he has held 
some official capacities such as general council memljer and possibly 
on the committee at one time or another. But I understand now he 
is on tlie incentive-pay committee, if I am correct. I tliink I am pretty 
correct on that. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was Frank Stepanchenko known to you to have 
been a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. EoMANo. He belonged to the pressed steel branch. When I 
don't add to my answers the fact that they didn't leave the party, that 
indicates their present policy is still with the party. I want that 
understood. 

I don't know what happened to him after 1946. I can't verify it. I 
can judge by the actions which speak louder than words, of course. 

Mr. Taa^nner. Do you know anything of his activities within the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Romano. No. He didn't have any official capacity within the 
Communist Party, but he has been a district committeeman in the now 
Dearborn stamping unit for — oh, since I can remember way back in 
'41 or '42. 

INIr. Tavenner. Was Walter O. Brown known to you to have been a 
member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. 

Mr. Ta\t5NNer. What official position did he hold, if any, with 
local 600? 

Mr. Romano. Well, he served on the election committee on several 
occasions in local 600. He has been a district committeeman for many 
years in the now Dearborn stamping plant foj pressed steel. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was Emmett Forsythe known to you to have been a 
member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes, but he quit at the same time I did, in 1946. I was 
responsible — I might add, without being facetious, that I was respon- 
sible for him joining the party, and he was one of the first ones 
that got out with me when we made our decision, and he was a great 
help in dissolving the cell in that particular unit although now, at the 
present time, he is serving on the staif of Carl Stellato. 

Mr. Tavenner. You were asked a question by a committee member 
regarding William Allan. I am not certain that you answered fully 
what William Allan's position was with reference to the Communist 
Partv while vou were a member. 

Mr. Romano. I knew William Allan at some of our first meetings 
aroimd the city and he was in charge, when I first joined the party, 
of the Rouge branch of the party, the Ford Rouge plant, and he was 
the guiding light, so to speak, of the party even though he never worked 
in the Foi'd Motor Co., and he served as Michigan editor of the Michi- 
gan Worker, the Herald — I don't know about the Herald because that 
was during the war — the Michigan Worker and the Daily Worker. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3075 

Mr. Tavennkr. Yoii say he occupied that position in the party and 
in the activity in the Ford plant notwithstanding tlie fact he was not 
an employee ? 

]Mr. Romano. That's right. 

]Mr. Tavenner. Not an employee of the Ford plant ? 

Mr. Romano. That's right. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, was he an official of the union at any time ? 

Mr. EoMANO. No, not to my knov.ledge, not at Ford for snre. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, isn't that a rather nnnsnal thing that a person 
would occupy a position of that importance in a Communist group 
organized within a special industry such as the Ford plant? 

Mr. Romano. No; it wasn't unusual. I remember a convention, 
now that you ask the question, in 1943, I think it was, where we 
elected officers of the State committee. I never saw the guy in my life. 
1 mean I don't think he ever was in Michigan until that particular 
convention. We elected them to these particular offices because they 
were proposed from the top down, and the case of Schatz and Jackson 
was another occasion, especially at that time when the forces of the 
party were sagging terrifically, in 1947, 1948, and 1949. 

Mr. Tavenner. Who was the individual that you had reference to 
that was elected to a State position in the party who probably had not 
been in the State before that time ? 

Mr. Romano. I don't recall his name. I wouldn't recall his name. 

Mr. Jackson. ]Mr. Chairman, may I ? 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Jackson. 

Mr. Jackson. Before you leave the matter of Mr. Allan, if you have 
not done so, Mr. Counsel, I personally have been asked on several occa- 
sions by interested individuals as to whether or not any cloak of 
immunity extends to a member of the woi'king press. I think it 
should be made perfectly clear that as far as I personally am con- 
cerned, that I hope as soon as this matter has been disposed of in the 
Detroit area, and at such time as the committee cannot be accused of 
stifling any ex])ression on the part of the press, Mr. Allan will be 
called to Washington to testifv before this committee. I think there 
are obvious reasons why he should not be called at the present time, 
but I should certainly not want the impression to go abroad that he 
enjoys any immunity by virtue of his professional emploj^nent. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Romano, were you a delegate to the National 
Negro Congress ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. I was, in 1941. a delegate to the National Negro 
Congress. If I am correct — I am pretty sure I am correct — it was the 
founding convention of the National Negro Congress, and it was in 
the fall, I think either October or November of 1941. I was sent there 
as a member of local 600, and I learned only later that I was sent 
through the maneuverings of the party to this particular convention 
with the administrator of the local at that particular time. 

Mr. Tavenner. When you say you were sent by the maneuverings 
of the party, what party are you referring to ? 

Mr. Romano. The Communist Party. All of us ex-party members 
refer to it as the party. 

Mr. Tavenner. I understand, but for the accuracy of the record, 
you were speaking of three organizations in that one instance : One was 
local 600, another was the National Negro Congress, and the other 
was the Communist Party. 

Mr. Romano. That's right. 



3076 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. And if you are not rather specific about it, there 
mi^ht be room for confusion. 

Mr. Romano. I realize that everybody didn't belong to the party. 
I am sorry. But anyway, I remember very specifically we went to 
Washington with a delegation of five, and we attended this convention. 
I can assure you it was quite a revelation to me because I- had never 
been any other place but New Haven, Conn., and Detroit, Mich., pe- 
riod. It was a revelation in many ways because of the fact that I 
had heard a lot about Washington but I had never appreciated the city 
before. Of course, we took in the tourist spots such as Abraham 
Lincoln's monument and all the rest of them. But during the conven- 
tion, people were pointed out to me as leaders of the party whose 
names I don't recall. In fact, they didn't mention their names. Just 
pointed them out with their fingers. 

Mr. Tavenner. Leaders of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes, who were browsing around, so to speak, from 
place to place, or caucusing with people, so to speak, in terms of mak- 
ing it a very successful convention. 

I might add this was during the period when Russia was calling 
for the support and unity of the American people for the people's 
army to participate in the fight for liberation against the Fascists, 
and this conference was called primarily for the purpose of uniting 
the Negro people behind the war effort. 

I remember very well a speech made by Clayton Powell, and if any 
of you have heard Clayton Powell, you know that he is a man wlio can 
really bring you up to the chandeliers, and when he is through he 
leaves you holding on to the chandeliers. There is no question about 
it. He is a very forceful speaker. 

But anyway, the party functionaries criticized this speech by him 
because of the fact that he pointed up the grievances of the Negro 
people in the country, and that he felt that not only should we support 
the war effort — the Negro people were prepared to support the war 
effort — but also that their grievances must be given some consideration 
during the war period. And the party at this particular time, because 
they were waving two flags, the American flag and the Red star, 
couldn't tolerate any type of deviation of this kind, and naturally 
they, I understand, called him on the carpet because he made this 
kind of a stirring speech. 

Mr. Wood. Called who on the carpet ? 

Mr. Romano. Called Clayton Powell on the carpet. 

Mr. Wood. Who did ; the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano, I heard that he was called on the carpet because pf 
the stirring speech he made, and that it was not in keeping with a 
unity that was trying to be generated at this particular conference 
or convention. 

You see, as I tried to point out this morning, the party is not inter- 
ested in the real grievances of the Negro people, the working people, 
or the American people as a whole. 

Mr. Wood. By stating that you understood he was called on the 
carpet by some member of the Communist Party, did you mean to leave 
an inference here that Mr. Powell himself may have been a member 
of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. No, no ; but he was working with the party at that 
time as many people have worked during 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3077 

Mr. PoiTER. The point that you make is this: That after Mr. 
Powell's speech, the Communist Party criticized the speech? 

Mr. KoMANO. That's right. 

Mr. PoiTER. Because he believed that the so-called grievances of 
the Negroes should be considered as a problem even during this period 
of time? 

Mr. KoMANO. That's right. 

Mr. Potter. And the Communists, because of our collaboration 
with the Soviet Union, wanted to put the interest of the Soviet Union 
ahead of any Negro problems that might exist? 

Mr. Romano. That is exactly correct. 

Mr. Potter. And they criticized Powell for his speech ; is that the 
'essence ^ 

Mr. Romano. That's right. 

Mr. Jackson. That is, as distinguished from calling a member of 
the party before a disciplinary board for disciplinary action? 

Mr. Romano. That's right. 

Mr. Jackson. I think that is the thing we want to straighten up here. 

Mr. Romano. I am sorry if I left the inference that Clayton Powell 
was a member of the Communist Party. I never heard of that and 
I have never seen anything about that. 

Mr. Potter. He is a highly respected Negro leader. 

Mr. Romano. Yes. But I found it strange at that time that they 
should raise the issue because of the fact that I had heard that the 
party was honestly and sincerely attempting to resolve the problems 
of the Negro, but after I read the book by Clarence Darrow of his life, 
relating to the Scottsboro case, I found out that it was much different. 

Mr. Potter. That speaks a lie to the propaganda that the Communist 
Party puts out of their great interest in Negro problems. When the 
interest conflicts with the interest of the Soviet Union, why, the inter- 
est of the Negro problem takes second place in preference to the interest 
•of the Soviet Union. Is that true ? 

Mr. Romano. That is correct; definitely correct. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was that your judgment of the role of the Commu- 
nist Party with regard to the Negro race in the area of Detroit ? 

Mr. Romano. During the war, definitely. 

I might say this : That not only this particular National Negro Con- 
gress brought about that conclusion, but also because of the fact that 
•everj'body else in the labor movement outside of the Communists were 
lighting for a double program. Victory at home and victory abroad, 
at that particular time during the war period, and they agitated and 
used all the villifications they were capable of to undermine this double 
victory program on the part of the American people at that particular 
time. 

I also might add, since we are on this particular question of the 
Negro people, that I personally admire the Negro people very very 
much, because never have they, in my opinion as I have seen it in 
action during my membership in the party, been sucked in, so to speak, 
on a mass basis as they woukl like people to believe, because the Negro 
people probably are taught when they are small not to accept the 
words of people as a means of establishing friendship or that people are 
their friends, but rather actions speak louder than words. They came 
in in droves during the war, but they left in droves also. Very few 



3078 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

staj'ed on on a permanent basis. Yon conld count them on the fingers 
of your hand practically in the city of Detroit. 

But anyway, the question of propaganda again enters into the pic- 
ture as far as exploiting the problems of the Negro. I have here a 
copy — and I want to use as an exhibit, I am not going to read it — of 
the Sunday Worker dated February 10, 1952, which states under a 
subheadline here, "Local 600 wins jobs for Negroes in aircraft build- 
ing," and it goes on to say: "Despite all efforts of the Union from 
1941 to 1945, Negroes could not get hired in the Aircraft Building."^ 

That is the greatest piece of literary prostitution, to use the com- 
mon dialetical Communist term, that I have ever seen in my life, be- 
cause today there are 2,000 people — at least 2,000 people walking 
the streets of Detroit who worked in the Aircraft Building from 1941 
to 1945. And, further, Abe Sanford, Buddy Waterman, and Kermit 
Meade were elected district committeemen in that particular unit of 
the Ford Motor Co, So you see how they try to use the Negro issue 
to their own ends, Paul Boatin, who reported this article says that 
he is the guy who got the Negroes in the Aircraft Building in local 
600 when everybody here from local 600 in the audience and other- 
wise knows that that is a premeditated lie, a premeditated lie, just 
to point up their great love for the Negro people of America when 
they really don't have any love because they are only waving the 
Communist flag at all times. 

Mr. Ta\T2NNer. Well now. were the three persons whom you men- 
tioned as being elected to official positions in the union members of 
the Negro race ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. All three of them were members of the Negro 
race, and Kermit Meade is now a time-study engineer for the UAW — 
and this took place in the Aircraft Building where no Negro was work- 
ing between the years of 1941 and 1945, I would like to submit that 
for the record, 

Mr. Wood. Do ' ou mean there were no Negroes working, accord- 
ing to that article '. 

Mr. Romano, That's right. But there were over 2,000 Negroes 
working there in that particular unit, and most of them are still liv- 
ing today, walking the streets of Detroit who can bear testimony to 
that fact, who can bear testimony to that fact and point that up as the 
most unmitigated piece of literary prostitution that I have ever run 
across. 

Mr, Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I offer the document in evidence and 
ask that it be marked "Romano Exhibit No. 2." 

Mr. Wood. It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Romano Exhibit No. 2'^ 
and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Wood. Proceed. 

Mr. Romano. I also might point out another incident that hap- 
pened and then I can close because I think that the Negro people 
know what the role of the Communist Party is without me telling 
them or telling anyone in the city of Detroit Avho is of the Negro race. 

Mr. Tavenner. This committee though is very much interested in 
that subject. 

Mr. Romano. Yes, I know. Everybody knows that in the city of 
Dearborn, Negroes are not allowed to live. It isn't only in Georgia, 
or Tennessee, or Alabama, of Louisiana, or any place else. It is up 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3079 

here, too, in certain cases. The top echelon of the party in the Ronge 
pLant lives in Dearborn. 

]\Ir. Tavennek. The Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. Many of its leaders live in Dearborn. I re- 
member about a year ago — well, let me say it this way: When I 
bought a Iiome in 1945, 1 didn't buy it in Dearborn because I still felt 
that prinicple came before anything else, and I still feel the same 
way. But I fiud that a certain individual by the narne of Ed Lock 
who is supposed to be an outstanding leader of the proletariat, who 
is supposed to lead the workers from the morass of darkness into 
the light, was living in Delray at that time and the Negroes had 
moved into that section of Detroit and what does he do? The first 
chance he gets to buy a house, he buys it in Dearborn, and he is a 
member of the top echelon of local COO party members. Now, if 
these people have such a great love for the Negro people, how come 
they scurry away from them and go where they can't live next to 
them? 

Mr. Wood. Perhaps he may be an apostle of the old doctrine: 
Sometimes it becomes necessary for a man to rise above principle. 

Mr. Romano. I can say this — That people who cast stones should 
never live in glass houses. I understand that these people have 
been casting quite a few stones about Georgia, Alabama; although 
I can agree that possibly there is no doubt that there are some prob- 
lems which I hope with time and education we can take care of in 
America, but the only people that are going to take care of it are the 
American people and no one else. 

Mr. Potter. But the question here is the fact that the Communists 
have used the Negro issue as an issue without any effort or real effort 
to try to solve that issue. 

Mr. Romano. That's right. 

Mr. Potter. You know, there are many people that like to keep 
things as issues rather than to solve the issues because by doing that, 
they remove the issue. 

Mr. Romano. Well, I just don't think that they are honest and 
sincere when they talk about resolving the problems of the Negro 
people. The only reason they point them up is because they know as 
am" other intelligent person in this country knows that three-quarters 
•of the people in the world are part of the colored race, three-quarters 
of them. You know and evei-ybody in this room knows that the of- 
fensive today is on these countries such as in Asia and Africa, and 
they point up these questions such as lynchings and so forth in these 
countries which take place in America and they point them up sharply 
and say that the . Americans are anti-Negro, they are anti-this and 
anti-that, and naturally they gain some adherence to their cause 
through that. 

jNIr. Poot'er. And we can thank God that the vast majority of the 
Negro people, despite all of the concentrated efforts made by the Com- 
munists to divide them and to bring them into their sphere, have been 
able to withstand it. 

Mr. Romano. That's right. 

Mr. Potter. And they have problems which they want to solve and 
wnll solve by constitutional means. 

Mr. Romano. That's right. That is why I said when T started: 
I am proud of the Negro people, and I am proud to be one individual 



3080 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

■who will always fight in the best interests of civil rights, because I 
too come from a minority group such as being an Italian and being 
foreign born at the same time. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Romano, we have seen according to a program 
of the Michigan School for Social Science that there was a course 
conducted there by William Allan on the role of Communists during 
strikes. Do you have any special knowledge regarding the Com- 
munist role durino- strikes which you have not already told us about? 

Mr. Romano. No, I don't, because I never attended that school. As 
I said before, immediately after I became a member of the Communist 
Party, within a 6 -month period, William Allan joined the Armed 
Forces, and when he came out I only participated in several meet- 
ings after that, and since that time I have never attended any meet- 
ings of the Communist Party or its classes. 

Mr. Tavenner. There have been prosecutions of members of the 
Communist Party under the Smith Act. Are you acquainted with 
the Communist Party position with regard to the Smith Act? 

Mr. Romano. I am, sir. I am glad you asked that question because 
of the fact that if I can remember correctly, a strike took place in the 
city of Minneapolis in which 18 people, members of this particular 
teamsters local, were indicted for rioting et cetera, et cetera, and the 
Communist Party at that time during the procedure of the trial — 
Earl Browder himself sent a telegram to charge these people with 
sedition because of the fact that they were involved in a strike during 
the war which was inimical and sabotaging the war effort. You see, 
the reason they did this was because of the fact that these individuals 
or some of them at least known as the Dunne brothers, if I am correct, 
were members of the Socialist Workers' Party or the Trotskyite wing 
of the Communist Party wiio are supposedlv the greate^^t no good so- 
and-so's in God's creation insofar as the Communist Party is con- 
cerned, or the Stalinist Party which should more appropriately be 
named since Trotsky broke with Stalin way back after Lenin's death, 
and anyone that smells like a Trotskyite would have the same effect as 
a red flag in front of a bull, and they were only too eager to take up 
cudgels for the Government to railroad, as they claim they are being 
railroaded now under the Smith Act, these men for sedition because 
they had the audacity to participate in a strike during the war effort. 

Mr. Tavenner. In other words, if the Communist Party did not 
believe in the brand of communism that was involved, they desired 
prosecution under the Smith Act, but if it was their brand of com- 
munism that was being prosecuted under the Smith Act, then we 
would find these various defense committees arising all over the 
country with protests to Judge INIedina, protests to the Supreme 
Court, protests to the President to the prosecution of members of 
the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. That's correct, sir. And anybody that knows any- 
thing about political science in America knows that immediately 
after the First World War, when they started certain trials of the 
same type after the First World War, everybody came to the aid 
of the Communists, but they found out that when anybody else in 
the labor movement such as a Socialist, Social Democrat, Trotsky- 
ite, or any member of a great many different wings of socialism were 
involved in trouble with the Government, they were the first ones 
to deny organizations such as the Civil Rights Congress, such as the 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3081 

American Committee for the Protection of the Foreign Born, defense 
for this, defense for that; they denied them the right to help them 
because democracy to them only works on a one-way street basis : "We 
want the democracy, and to hell with the next guy," God help them 
as far as they are concerned ! 

When a person like Stanley Nowak comes up here and talks about 
democracy, about the freedom of speech, and all those goose-pimple 
phrases that draw goose-pimples from the top to the bottom of your 
neck and to the tip of your haunches, so to speak, why, that don't 
mean a thing. It is empty phrases. They are peddlers of fake 
slogans just like a bootlegger is a peddler of fake alcohol, the same 
way. Their hypocrisy knows no height and it knows no hell, be- 
lieve me. 

Mr. Wood. Would it interfere with your line of questioning, Mr. 
Counsel, to permit me to make a few interrogations of this witness 
before he gets away from local 600 ? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir ; not at all. 

INIr. Wood. Notwithstanding the fact that according to your testi- 
mony you had been disassociated with the Communist Party for 
some years, your observation of the party and its influence in this 
particular trade organization known as local 600, which I believe 
has a membership now of approximately 60,000 people; is that 
correct ? 

Mr. Romano. About 50,000 right now. 

Mr. Wood. Is the influence of the Communist Party and the Com- 
munist sympathizers, whether members of the party or not, greater 
or less now than the ratio of the membership generally of the party ? 
Has it decreased as the membership of the party has, or has it in- 
creased, or is it on a level? How do you figure it today? What is 
your opinion about it? 

]Mr. Romano. Do you want me to answer that question, sir ? 

Mr. W^ooD. Yes. 

Mr. Romano. I hesitated to mention that this morning when I 
mentioned the facts about fellow travelers and pro- Communists be- 
cause I didn't want to deviate from the thing at hand, and that is 
the Communist issue itself. But since you asked the question, the 
membership of the party is at least four times or three times less 
than it was during the war, but still they are able to sway more 
influence because the party is interested in unity all the time,' unity 
programs. They come out a dime a dozen, about 10 times a year, 
unit program for this, unity for that. They want to reunite with 
everybody that is for their program. So you have in local 600 today 
three forces united together which met, I understand — I don't under- 
stand, I know — 3 weeks ago, the Sunday before the hearings started 
in the first instant in Detroit. 

Mr. Wood. You mean the hearings of this committee ? 

Mr. Romano. That's right. And they pledged in blood, so to speak, 
to help one another ; one for all and all for one. Stellato got up and 
Rice got up and all the rest of them. Hood and so forth, and these three 
forces joined forces; namely, what is left of what use to be the right 
wing force, and the progressive caucus, and the party in the progres- 
sive caucus. All these forces joined forces officially in local 600. 
Prior to that they had been working together since May of last year. 
They controlled in the council at least 90 percent of the delegates, 



3082 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

these 3 forces together, and they controlled 19 out of 25 positions 
on the executive board. Naturally that means they control the propa- 
ganda arm, the Ford Facts. And incidentally, the JFord Facts is super- 
vised by the president of the local union. I know. I was vice presi- 
dent once, and I know that the president of the local union has the sole 
authority of enunciating its policy and what goes into the paper and 
not the publicity. That committee hasn't met, I don't think three 
times since 1941. So the members of the commercial press c^n get 
that straight, that the publicity committee very rarely meets. It is the 
president of the local who sets the policy of the paper. And also it 
controls all the committees of the general council such as PAC which 
plays an important part in elections, and so forth ; the election commit- 
tee; and all the other committees which make up the general council. 
They have today the greatest influence, the party has, because 3 months 
before the adoption of the present program of local 600, or even before 
it came up for discussion at local 600, the Michigan Worker carried 
that same particular program word for word. That is not my state- 
ment, sir. That is a matter of record in local 600 and a matter of 
record of the Michigan Worker, and I hope that no one will try to de- 
viate from the thing that I am here personally for, and that is to tell 
my experiences so that other people will realize what is going on. be- 
cause like I said before, if I can make one convert against communism, 
my mission shall be accomplished. If I can made it 100, it will be 
accomplished one-hundred-fold. 

Mr. PoiTEE. I understand that there is nothing as vicious as labor 
politics. In national politics they claim you are subject to the double- 
cross at any time, but in labor politics if you can get by without a triple- 
cross, whv, vou are lucky. Is that an experience that you have had in 
the labor" field? 

Mr. Romano. I had it in 1950, believe me. I will never forget it. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Chairman, may I make a comment here ? These 
hearings have resulted in a number of disclosures respecting Com- 
munists, past and present, not only in 600, but in other branches, other 
agencies. Up to this point, it has been pretty much like Mark Twain 
said about the weather: "Everybody is talking about it, nobody is 
doing much about it." Remember that this situation is not limited 
to Detroit; 150 million people are looking to these developments and 
they are wondering when all of the agencies in this part of the country 
are going to take some of these Communists by the seat of the pants 
and throw them out of the unions. I think it is a very proper inquiry 
because up to this time we have been confronted with bylaws and con- 
stitutions and any number of reasons why certain things could not be 
done. The committee has not been told why self-admitted, why identi- 
fied Communists have not been removed. I think it is apropos to this 
particular moment. 

Do you have any comment on that ? 

Mr, Romano. Yes, I have ; and my comment is this, sir ; I hope you 
will take it in the light in which it is given. I found that when I 
started in 1946, boring from within and using the same tactics they 
used on others, that the only way tliat you can beat the Communists 
is beat them on a programmatic basis. If we use the same methods 
they do in Russia, I believe that we would be defeating the purpose. I 
sincerely and honestly believe that we would be defeating the purpose. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3083 

The thing that the Communists hate most is to be brought out into 
the light of day. That is the thing they hate most, to be brought out 
into the light of day. 

Mr. Jackson. Let me say in that connection that the philosophy 
that a few Communists working in an organization can do no harm, 
that the processes of democracy will, in time, take care of the situation 
has taken a third of the poiDulation of the earth behind the iron 
curtain. 

You can no more do business with a Communist today than you could 
do business with Adolf Hitler during the war. 

Mr. Romano. I agree with you. 

Mr. Jackson. The sooner the substantial loyal American elements 
in the unions of Detroit and of Michigan and of this country, take the 
bull by the horns and throw the Communists out. the sooner we are 
going "to get the matter of communism in hand. But as long as they 
remain, they remain a constant undeviating influence for the over- 
throw of this country. So I have no sympathy with those who say : 
"Well, true, so and so has been identified two or three times, but after 
all, he has certain rights and certain privileges." I say that he will 
destroy those rights and privileges if you let him go far enough. 

Mr. KoMANO. I might say this: I don't think you understood me 
correctly. Possibly I would be in favor of changing the constitution 
of the UAW, for example, but until it is changed, then we should 
follow democracy. When it is changed, then it becomes democracy 
again to put them out of the union, if the convention so delegates the 
union to do so. 

Mr. Jackson. HavQ any proposals been advanced to make the 
changes that will be required to expel an admitted Communist or an 
identified Communist? 

Mr. Romano. As far as admitted Communists or Communists who 
have been placed on trial and proven guilty, the UAW constitution 
so provides that they be removed from office, but the UAW conven- 
tion does not take place until next year in April, and possibly at that 
convention the thing may be made much more broad than what it 
is today, possibly to include people who have refused to answer under 
the fifth amendment or something like that, I don't know. But then, 
once it is in the books, it becomes part of the UAW constitution. Then 
it is democratic to follow through with that constitution. 

Mr. Jackson. Let it be hoped that the vast majority of the members 
of the UAW-CIO about whose loyalty I have no question will under- 
take to expel those who expound the same philosophies as those who 
are wielding bayonets against our men in Korea. 

Mr. Wood. I'think it might be pertinent to at this time insert into 
the record this provision of the UAW constitution which reads as 
follows, and I quote : 

No member of any local union shall be eligible to hold any elective or appointive 
position in this international union or in any local union in this international 
union if he is a meujber of or subservient to any political orjianizations such as 
the Communist, Fascist, or Nazi organizations' which owes its allegiance to 
any government other than the United States or Canada, directly or indirectly. 

What broader authority do they need than the authority they have 
got now under their own constitution? 
Mr. Jackson. It requires implementation. 

97097— 52— pt. 2 9 



30S4 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Potter. As I understand it, this is for the officers, the elected 
and appointed officers? 

Mr. Romano. Not appointed. The appointed they can summarily 
discliarge, but the elective officers — you see, the constitution under its 
(rial procedures must implement that particular part of the constitu- 
tion. Such trials were held in local 600 in 1950. They came to a final 
conclusion eventually, but they were sidetracked by so many detours 
because of many different reasons which I don't like to go into at this 
particular time. 

Mr. Wood. Excuse the interruption, Mr. Counsel. 

Maybe at this time we had better take a 15-minute recess. 

(A recess was taken.) 

Mr. Wood. Let us have order, please. 

Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Romano, will you tell the committee, please, 
what role the Communist Party played, if you know, in the organ- 
ization and the activity of the Michigan Congress for the Protection 
of the Foreign Born and the Michigan Civil Rights Congress also, 
if you know? 

Mr. Romano. As far as the Michigan Civil Rights Congress, I at- 
tended one of their conventions in 1943, I believe, and the role of the 
Civil Rights Congress is to protect the civil liberties of the Com- 
munists and fellow travelers and pro-Communists in America. It is 
particularly a Communist-front organization as I pointed out this 
morning, and it promotes the interests of the Communist Party in 
America and only for the Communists in America. 

Mr. Tavenner. May I interrupt you there a moment? Do j^ou have 
any personal knowledge of their plan and the manner in which they 
raise money for bail bonds? 

Mr. Romano. No, I don't. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, now, will you proceed, please, in answer to 
the question with regard to the Michigan Committee for the Protec- 
tion of the Foreign Born? 

Mr. Romano. My only knowledge about this organization took place 
in my office while I was vice president of local 600 when one afternoon 
Arthur McPhaul came into my office to discuss a problem, so he said. 
When he came in, he started talking about sponsoring — if I would be a 
sponsor for the Committee of the Foreign Born. I told him — I asked 
him rather, "What is the purpose of this committee ?" I said, "I would 
buy something if it was in the best interests of the working people 
of America and America as a whole to protect the rights of people if 
necessary." And he told me that because of the hysteria and deporta- 
tions that were taking place at this time, that he was going around 
getting sponsors for this particular organization, and that he felt that 
since I was a vice president of local 600 and born in Italy that I would 
be a great influence on the sponsorship list. 

So I asked him, I said, "Well, level off. Art." I said, "Level off. 
There is nobody here in the office so you can't say that I am going 
around red-baiting you. You are a party member and I am an ex- 
party member. So there is no question of red-baiting involved. We 
iDoth know the score. Level off. Is the party behind this? Maybe 
I will buy it, I don't know." So he said, "Well, you know, Lee, you 
know of course the party is behind it." 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3085 

S'o I said, "McPhanl, I will buy this any time in the future when I 
want a one-way ticket back to Italy, a free one-way ticket back to 
Italy. Then I will become a sponsor for this organization, because 
the best way for me to end up in Italy — not that I don't like the coun- 
try as far as taking a trip back there — but the best way for me to 
end up there permanently would be to be a sponsor on this com- 
naittee." 

That is my full extent and knowledge of the committee. 

Mr. Walter. During the course of these discussions, did anybody 
ever tell you what the foreign born who were lawfully in the United 
States had to fear? 

Mr. Romano. Well, I told him that I wasn't worried about being 
picked on, and I said I saw no reason why I should band together with 
other foreigners in this country for that particular purpose, because 
certainly I felt that with the exception of the episode from 1942 to 
1946 that I saw no reason why they should start persecuting me. 

Mr. Walter. I am thoroughly convinced that that line of argu- 
ment has been adopted for the purpose of deceiving people who were 
not born in the United States, because the Supreme Court has ruled 
that a person lawfully in the United States whether born here or not 
has the same protection under the Constitution as a native-born citi- 
zen, and because of all of these misrepresentations I am convinced that 
it is part of the Communist line to endeavor to deceive these people 
and make them feel that they are second-class or inferior in some 
respect. 

Mr. EoMANO. That is absolutely my feelings on it, sir. 

Mr. Wood. Would you yield for a moment? 

In that regard, it might be pointed out that with the exception of 
the few remaining American Indians in America, all of us are either 
foreign born or the descendants of foreign-born people. 

Mr. Walter. It is just a case of which boat our ancestors came 
over on. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Romano, the CIO expelled from its ranks sev- 
eral labor international unions, among which were the United Elec- 
trical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America, and the Mine, Mill, 
and Smelter Workers. I think possibly there were five or six different 
international unions which were expelled. Now, at the time of their 
expulsion, the CIO advised its membership of the role of the Commu- 
nist Party and of its aims and purposes in infiltrating the labor move- 
ment. Are you acquainted with the circumstances under which these 
expulsions occurred, and if you are, we would like to have the benefit of 
your knowledge relating to them, and, if at the same time you know 
of any factual illustrations which would either prove or disprove the 
correctness of the CIO in that action, we would like to hear about it. 

Mr. Romano. Yes ; I have that knowledge, and I might say this on 
it: The party at one time dominated approximately 20 international 
unions in the CIO, and 12 of these unions were expelled from the CIO. 
The party felt that once they dominated these unions they practically 
owned these unions. They felt that they owned these unions. But 
time has proven that the gyrations of the party reacted like a cancer 
in the American labor movement, and many of the leaders of the CIO 
recognized that. 

The beginning of the end of the influence of the Communists or 
the Communist Party in the CIO took place, in my opinion, at the 



3086 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

UAW convention in 1946 when the most anti-Communist labor lead- 
er in America, Walter P. Eeuther, was elected president of the UAW- 
CIO, That started a chain reaction which ended up in the expulsion 
of these 12 unions. The election of Reuther was followed by the 
breaking of Curran in the Maritime from the Communist Party 
domination ; Quill in the Transportation Workers Union broke with 
the Communist Party in 1947, I understand. The setting for the 
expulsion of these unions, to the best of my knowledge, took place 
in 1947 at the CIO convention in Portland, where, under the leader- 
ship of Reuther and other strong anti-Communists, they put the Com- 
munist Party Vv'ithin the CIO on the spot and told them to stop and 
desist — it was written right into the constitution — to stop and de- 
sist from interfering with the CIO. However, the party never paid 
any attention to it. 

In the 1949 Cleveland convention, the UE was expelled by con- 
vention action because of its gyrations, because of the Communist 
Party line. But the outstanding example of the whole 12 .was the 
Mine, Mill, and Smelter Union which, for a period of 12 years, fol- 
lowed the Communist Party line from A to Z. Their program and 
their activities were pointed up to achieve the Communist Party pro- 
gram in America and not the legitimate hopes and aspirations of the 
CIO program, and the facts prove it. 

In 1938, the Mine, Mill, and Smelter Union through its propaganda 
arm, their newspaper, fought for a collective security program, and 
if you will recall that period of collective security where Russia was 
demanding the revision of the Neutrality Act, they were demanding 
embargo of food and goods to Italy, Germany, and Spain and other 
Fascist countries, but in 1939 when the Russian-Nazi pact took place, 
the line changed, and so did the line of the Mine, Mill, and Smelters' 
Union. Its president and its newspaper then elevated to the saint- 
hood Mussolini, Hilter, Franco, Tojo, and all the Fascist forces in 
the world. They started what was known at that time as the Amer- 
ican Peace Mobilization program, and of course the question comes up : 
How do you spell "peace" — do you spell it, p-i-e-c-e, a piece of a coun- 
try at a time, or do you spell it, p-e-a-c-e. We know exactly how Hit- 
ler spelled it and we know today exactly how Russia spells it, a piece 
of somebody's you-know-what. 

Then came June 22, 1941, when Hitler attacked the Soviet Union, 
and the Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers' paper, which was printed 
on the day before and which was issued under the date of June 23, 
1941, the presses had already rolled. We found that they were still 
attacking, much to their embarrassment, the American policy, attack- 
ing Roosevelt as a warmonger because he was for revision of the Neu- 
trality Act and so forth and so on. They attacked Murray as a war- 
monger and as a Wall Streeter along with Hillman, Reuther, and the 
rest. But the day after Russia was attacked, the line gyrated again 
and the isolationists became the Fascists, became the warmongers. 
John L. Lewis became the Fascist, where just the day before he was 
being claimed as the great leader of the American labor movement 
because of his isolationist policies. And of course, in turn, according 
to their titles, Roosevelt, Murray, Hillman, Reuther, and all the rest 
were elevated to the sainthood once again and the others that they 
just left were relegated to the doghouse. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3087 

Then, of course, this political arm and the president of the Mine, 
Mill, and Smelter Workers Union started drumming, beating the 
tom-toms for the second front. They started beating the tom-toms 
for all those other things during the war that would help speed vic- 
tory for the great people's war, the great liberation front and et 
cetera which had come about over a period of 24 hours. 

Then again we come to 1945 and 1946 and the line changed again. 
This time, the Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers Union began to attack 
the Marshall plan, began to attack Truman as a warmonger because 
the American policy at that time was to feed and help the nations to 
resist communism in Europe and elsewhere. A resolution was brought 
up at the Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers Union attacking both the 
United States and Eussia because of their interest in Europe and 
elsewhere but this resolution was defeated in the Mine, Mill, and 
Smelter Workers Union because it attacked Russia, and Russia, ac- 
cording to its executive board and its president and its propaganda 
arm, could never be criticized or was above criticism. 

Then, of course, came the Atlantic Pact which it resisted. It sup- 
ported the coup in Czechoslovakia when Russia moved into Czecho- 
slovakia to protect the people's front, the people's democracy of the 
great Soviet Union. In the meantime the membership of this particu- 
lar union dropped from 100,000 to 44,000 members because its mem- 
bers were fed up with its anti-American policy and with its flag- 
Avaving of the Soviet flag. 

Also, in 1940, this particular union along with the other 11 unions 
and several others which had broken in the meantime supported Will- 
kie in preference to Roosevelt during that period because Roosevelt 
was a warmonger, if you will recall correctly, in 1940 prior to the 
attack of Hitler on Russia. 

It supported Wallace in 1948 in the hope of defeating the Demo- 
cratic party because again of its warmongering policies. 

Then, also, it carried on a vicious attack upon the CIO itself, call- 
ing Murray a Wall Streeter in 1946, 1947, and 1948, and attacking 
him bitterly and even accused him of just using words to defeat the 
Taft-Hartley and other acts, and Murray was lying in a sick bed at 
that particular time, if I recall correctly. When he got out of the 
hospital, he immediately started to wield the ax upon the Communist- 
dominated miions. He started in 1940, but then he was elevated to 
the sainthood so quickly in 1941 that it wasn't the most opportune 
time, of course, to attack him at that time. But when he got out of 
the sick bed, he immediately called an executive board meeting of the 
national CIO and there broke relations with the World Federation 
of Trade Unions which was dominated and, in its embryonic stages, 
was formed in the Kremlin itself, and it is still in existence and is an 
arm of the Soviet Union as far as trade-unions in iron-curtain coun- 
tries are concerned. 

They never criticized the Soviet Union, as I said before, and they 
supported UE in their fight against expulsion, and the only defense 
that the record shows that these people in the United Mine, Mill, and 
Smelter Workers ITnion and the otlier 11 unions put up was this 
defense : That by kicking these unions out, you would destroy the 
American labor movement. But subsequent events proved that noth- 
ing could have been further from the truth. 



3088 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

You see, these people, when they are on the spot always hide behind 
the cloak of labor, always point up the fact that by destroying them, 
you are destroying the labor movement. But since they were ex- 
pelled from the CIO, the CIO has become a better, a more responsible 
and a bigger union than before because with these 12 unions which 
originally left with a membership of a million and some members, 
it is now reduced to around 600,000 members or less at the present 
time, and as time goes on, they will meet complete oblivion, in my 
estimation, because as I said before, communism has nothing in com- 
mon with the working people in America, and the leaders of the CIO 
recognize this and have made a major contribution — I want to repeat 
that — a major contribution in defeating the forces of communism 
within the CIO. They have proved that. And they did it by demo- 
cratic action. That is what counts, democratic action, because they 
can't point up in other countries that they are being kicked out by 
violent or other means — by democratic action, by changing the con- 
stitution of the CIO. I think that is very, very important in the same 
manner as people today when they vote these people out of office, they 
deal them a more destructive blow than they would by throwing them 
out of the plant because they can't go crying that the people acted as 
a mob of violence, and so forth, but through the processes of democ- 
racy, and although those processes may be slow, they are forever 
supreme. 

Mr. Tavenner. Notwithstanding the fact that the CIO expelled 
these unions for Communist Party activities, do you know whether 
or not any of the leaders in the UAW have, since their expulsion, 
given them encouragement or counseled or helped them in any 
inanner ? 

Mr. Romano. 'V^Hio do you mean? 

Mr. Tavenner. That is, those organizations which were expelled by 
the CIO. 

Mr. Romano. Yes. Were they what ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Have any officials of local 600 assisted those ousted 
unions in any way, to your knowledge ? 

Mr. Romano. Yes. Now that you mention it, Pat Rice took up the 
cudgels for the UE in an election that was being held in St. Joseph, 
Mich., about a year ago. He wrote a letter to this particular UE 
president of this particular local, telling him that the actions of the 
UAW of which he was an executive in a local capacity, in local 600, 
Avas acting in the detriment of the best interests of the workers by 
challenging an election at that particular local union, and because of 
this letter the UAW lost its election; and this same letter was used in 
the Burroughs election in this particular city by the UE, who was 
also a contending party in this election. 

Also, last summer, in August, Pat Rice attended a convention of 
the Mine, INIill, and Smelter Workers in Arizona, where he attacked 
"both the foreign policy of the United States and the policy of the 
UAW-CIO in a speech he made before this particular convention. 

Mr. Tavenner. And both of those incidents were after the CIO had 
expelled those international unions from its organizations? 

Mr. Romano. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall any instances where high function- 
aries of the Communist Party appeared before conferences or conven- 
tions of local units of the Communist Party in Detroit ? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3089 

Mr. Romano. Yes. In 1943 Williamson, executive secretary or sec- 
Tetary of the Communist Party in the United States did attend that 
particular convention. He was some sort of a secretary. I forget 
what it was. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall whether he had any special mission 
with the people of this area who were members of the party ? 

Mr. Romano. No, I don't recall. I just saw him at the convention. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is he one of the 11 Communists who were convicted 
as the top leaders in the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Romano. That's right. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall whether there were other high func- 
tionaries who appeared here? 

Mr. Romano. Earl Browder appeared at the rally in 1943. I re- 
member that ; and Betty Gannett, who was a functionary, appeared on 
several occasions. She was on the national committee, I think. That 
is all I can remember offhand. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I believe I have no further ques- 
tions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Walter, any questions? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Romano, in discussing assistance in a strike, you mentioned 
the IWO Garibaldi Society, I believe. Is that a Communist-front 
organization ? 

Mr. Romano. It definitely is a Communist-front organization. 

Mr. Walter. Who are the officers of that Italian society? 

Mr. Romano. I don't recall right now who the officers were at that 
time. As I said, I never attended a membership meeting. I attended 
a couple of meetings in different people's homes, but I never actually 
attended a membership meeting. 

Mr. Walter. Well, I, for one, want to express to you my thanks 
for doing what you have done today. It has been very disturbing to 
me to see the large number of people accepting the hospitality of our 
shores and in a very short time attempting to thrust on the American 
people a different form of government. As one who was not born in 
the United States, it is indeed refreshing to find that you have the 
courage to come here and make the kind of a contribution that is far 
more significant than you or anyone else within the hearing of my 
voice for the moment appreciates. Perhaps it is equivalent to a divi- 
sion of soldiers. Wlio knows? But it is only because of men who 
have courage such as you have exhibited that the American people 
will become aware, particularly those poor misguided victims of all 
sorts of things who just don't and can't analyze or reason, and you 
have brought to them, I am certain to a great many of them, a full 
realization that after all, our beloved Republic didn't become a leader 
today through any choice, but whether we like it or not, that is what 
"we are, and I think you are entitled to a great deal of credit in this 
world-wide conflict that is now being waged. 

Mr. Romano. May I beg your indulgence? I would like to say a 
word, sir : In this whole matter, transcending the whole thing, I find 
this in my experience: that there is no shortcut to Shangri-La or 
Utopia ; that we, the American people, I sincerely and honestly feel, 
.can resolve the problems of our people providing the people are ready 



3090 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

and willing to sacrifice time and participate in their government, 
participate in the organizations that make up our way of life such as 
veterans' organizations, religious organizations, labor organizations, 
and many others. 

And I say to the American people: Let us not blame Wall Street 
and the others for our problems. It is time that we begin to blame 
oui-selves, because in America we have the tools with which to work. 
The American Constitution and the American Bill of Rights give 
us those guaranties, and if we will take the time and sacrifice and 
breathe life into every single word of that Constitution and that Bill 
of Rights, take it off the shelves and make every word mean something, 
then no one in America will ever have to fear totalitarianism, fascism, 
or any other form of government. 

And I might add, sir — pardon me — in view of the fact that Mr. 
Albertson, acting chairman of the Communist Party of Michigan — I 
understand that he has challenged you to a debate. I, as an ex-Com- 
munist, challenge him publicly to a debate on the role of the Com- 
munist Party in reference to the American working people. I chal- 
lenge him on television, radio, or anywhere else, now or at any time 
in the future ! 

Thank you. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Romano, I want to join with my colleague, Mr. 
Walter, in expressing my thanks, I think that you have out of your 
experience and your knowledge of the nature and extent of the Com- 
munist conspiracy, contributed a great deal to public information on 
the subject. 

I want to refer back, however, in very unequivocal terms to the re- 
sponsibility of organized labor to clean house from within. You are 
quite right that it should be done by the democratic process within the 
framework of the constitution and bylaws, but I would certainly hope 
as an individual that this great labor organization will continue the 
work that it commenced in the expelling of the Communist-dominated 
unions, and will see that the forces which seek the destruction not only 
of the constitutions of unions but of the Constitution of the United 
States are dealt with promptly and effectively. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Potter ? 

Mr. Potter. Mr. Romano, I, too, want to join my colleagues in 
thanking you for your testimony here today not only to the Committee 
on Un-American Activities but to the American people. Your ex- 
perience in the field of labor, of course, will give your testimony a great 
deal of weight, much more so than probably that of any other witness 
we have had or possibly will have during our hearings. I hope that 
other people, other persons who have had the same experience as you 
have had within the Communist Party after you found out and 
realized the international conspiracy of the Communist Party and 
you realized that communism and Americanism cannot lie down side 
hj side, that they will follow your example and aid not the committee 
but aid the American people in a better understanding of the menace 
that we have here within our own borders. 

Here we are today spending billions and billions of dollars, and we 
are reaching into the homes of practically every American family 
and taking the youth and forcing them to make life's greatest sacri- 
fice, the sacrifice of putting their own lives in jeopardy. We are do- 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3091 

iiig tliis to fight and contain communism abroad. Now, it is incon- 
ceivable to me that we should make the great sacrifices to contain and 
fight communism abroad and to allow this cancerous menace to gi^ow 
unhindered within our own borders. 

And I wish to state again that it has taken a great deal of personal 
courage on your part to come before this committee and give the 
testimony that you have today. Your name will be blackened by the 
Comnuniist press and all the fellow travelers in the Detroit area. 
You will be called a stool pigeon and many other names which is a 
typical Communist means to counteract somebody who attempts to 
aid his Government in this fight. I think you must consider your- 
self the same as a man in the front lines, a man who is given a job of 
reporting intelligence information to his military unit. You have 
here given our Government an intelligence report and information 
the same as a man on patrol in a combat zone gives intelligence in- 
formation from patrol work and activity that he has been on. 

So to you, Mr. Romano, I wish to heartily thank you for your ap- 
pearance here today. 

Mr. Wood. Are there any further questions, Mr. Counsel ? 

Mr. Ta\tenner. No, sir. 

Mr. Wood. Is there any reason that you know of why this witness 
shouldn't be excused from further attendance ? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir. 

Mr. Wood. I join with my colleagues in expressing to you our ap- 
preciation for your coming here, and I hope that your appearance 
hasn't caused you any considerable inconvenience. 

With our sincere appreciation, you may be excused unless the com- 
mittee sends for you further. 

Mr. Romano. Thank you, gentlemen. 

(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Carl J. Turner. 

Mr. Wood. Will you rise and be sworn, please? 

You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this subcommittee 
will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help 
you God ? 

Mr. Turner. I do. 

Mr. Wood. Are you represented by counsel, sir ? 

Mr. Turner. I am. 

Mr. Wood. Will counsel please identify himself for the record, 
including his professional address ? 

Mr. Goodman. My name is Ernest Goodman, with offices in the 
Cadillac Tower Building, Detroit, Mich. 

TESTIMONY OF CARL J. TURNER, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS COUNSEL. 

ERNEST GOODMAN 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your name, please ? 

Mr. Turner. Carl J. Turner. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born ? 

Mr. Turner. I was born in Knoxville, Tenn., May 13, 1905. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you now live in Detroit? 

Mr. Turner. I live in Detroit at the present, yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you lived in Detroit ? 



3092 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Turner. I have lived in Detroit since 1929. 

Mr. Tavexner. How are you now employed ? 

Mr. TuimER. I am employed with the Ford Motor Co. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you held any position within the UAW or 
local 600? 

Mr. Turner. I have. 

Mr. Tavenner. What position? 

Mr. Turner. As the recording secretary of the Spring and Upset 
Unit, a district committeeman within that unit. Also I served on 
various committees in the PAC and Welfare. 

Mr. Tavenner. When were you recording secretary? 

Mr. Turner. From 1947 into 1948. 

Mr. Tavenner. The committee has received testimony from Mr. 
Walter Dunn that you were a member of the Communist Party, and 
you have just been identified by the witness who left the stand, Mr. 
Romano, as having been a member of the Communist Party. Will you 
tell the committee, please, whether or not Mr. Dunn and Mr. Romano 
told the truth about that or whether they were false statements? 

Mr. Turner. In view of my rights under the fifth amendment, I re- 
fuse to answer that question. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Walter? 

Mr. Walter. No. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Jackson? 

Mr. Jackson. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Potter? 

Mr. Potter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Is there any reason why the witness should not be 
excused from further attendance? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir. 

Mr. Wood. It is so ordered. 

(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Tav^enner. Mr. James M. Simmons. 

Mr. Wood. Will you be sworn, please ? 

You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this subcom- 
mittee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, 
so help you God ? 

Mr. Simmons. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF JAMES M. SIMMONS, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS 
COUNSEL, ERNEST GOODMAN 

Mr. Taatsnner. What is your name, please? 

Mr. Simmons. James M. Simmons. 

Mr. Tavenner. "Wlien and where were j^ou born, Mr. Simmons? 

Mr. Simmons. Born on December 17, 1912. ^ 

Mr. Tavenner. "Wliere? 

Mr. Simmons. In the outskirts of Sarnia, Ontario, Canada. 

Mr. Tavenner. When did you come to the United States? 

Mr. Simmons. Sometime prior to World War I. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you enter the United States by a legal visa 
which entitled you to permanent residence in the United States? 

Mr. Simmons. I feel as though I had because I didn't have any- 
thing to do with my parents bringing me here. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3093 

Mr. Tavenner. I see. I wasn't questioning it. I just wanted to 
know. 

How long have you lived in Detroit ? 

Mr. Simmons. Since approximately 1922 — about 22 years approxi- 
mately ; since 1930. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you a United States citizen ? 

Mr. Simmons. That I am given to understand because of the fact 
that my father was an American citizen. 

Mr. Tavenner. The committee has been told by Mr. Komano who 
just left the stand that you were a vice president at the plastic building 
of the Ford Motor plant ; is that correct ? 

Mr. Simmons, That is incorrect. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you held a position with the union, local 600 ? 

Mr. Simmons. I have. 

IVIr. Tavenner. ^Vhat positions have you held ? 

Mr. Simmons. Since 1942 I held the position of rank-and-file mem- 
ber of that local union, district committeeman, council member, bar- 
gaining committee member, financial secretary for a couple of years, 
recording secretary for a couple of years. 

Mr. Tavenner. In what plant ? 

Mr. Simmons. The plastic unit. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. I did not mean to interrupt you. Just con- 
tinue if there are other positions. 

What official position do you now hold, if any ? 

Mr. Simmons. Recording secretary of the plastic unit. 

Mr. Tavenner. You have been identified by Mr. Romano as having 
been a member of the Communist Party, and Mr. O'Hair, the first wit- 
ness in these hearings, identified you as a member of the Mid Town 
Club of the Communist Party of the State of Michigan. What do you 
have to say to the committee about that ? 

Mr. Simmons. To a statement of that nature, inasmuch as I deserve 
the right as an individual to my opinion, I feel as though that Mr. 
O'Hair, with all due respect to him and the committee, that I will 
refuse to answer that, on the basis of the question on the same ground 
which is offered by me and my counsel, that I will not answer that 
question on the basis of the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. You said "with all due respect to Mr. O'Hair." Did 
you mean that Mr. O'Hair was telling the truth, but you don't want 
to say whether he was or not ? 

Mr. Simmons. I never met the man. I don't know him. And I 
refuse to answer any questions relative to Mr. O'Hair and his accusa- 
tions on the basis of the fact of the rights provided to me under the 
fifth amendment of the Constitution of the United States. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was ]\Ir. Romano telling the truth here a few mo- 
ments ago when he identified you as having been a member of the 
Communist Party ? 

INIr. Simmons. I refuse to answer that on the basis of the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Simmons. I also refuse to answer that question. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party ? 

INlr. Simmons. Again I also refuse to answer on the basis of the 
fifth amendment. 



3094 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Wood. Any questions, Mr. Walter? 

Mr. Walter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Jackson? 

Mr. Jackson. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Potter? 

Mr. Potter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Is there any reason why the witness should not be 
«Arused from further attendance? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir. 

Mr. Wood. It is so ordered. 

(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Leon England. 

Mr. Wood. Would you be sworn, please ? 

You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this subcommittee 
will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help 
yon God? 

Mr. England. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF LEON ENGLAND 

Mr. Wood. Are you represented by counsel ? 

Mr. England. I am not. 

Mr. Wood. Do you desire counsel ? 

Mr. England. I do not. 

Mr. Wood. If, during the course of your interrogation, it becomes, 
in your opinion, necessary or expedient for you to have counsel, you 
will be given ample opportunity to get one. 

Mr. England. Thank you. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your name, please? 

Mr. England. Leon England. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born ? 

Mr. England. I was born December 8, 1906, in Birmingham, Ala. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you been in Detroit? 

Mr. England. Since 1940. 

Mr. Tavenner. How have you been employed in Detroit? 

Mr. England. I have been working for the Chrysler Motor Co. 
since I have been in Detroit. 

Mr. Tavenner. You were identified by Mrs. Toby Baldwin as hav- 
ing been a member of the Joe Hill Club of the Communist Party. 
Will you tell the committee whether or not that is true ? 

Mr. England. Well, I was a member of the Communist Party in 
1946 and somewhere approximately between 1947 and 1948. I don't 
remember the exact date. I disavowed the Communist Party. 

Mr. Tavenner. Why? 

Mr. England. Because I found the Communist Party to be a phony 
organization that was supposed to be fighting for the rights of the 
Negro people, and in my opinion it wasn't. It didn't want to see 
the Negro question solved. 

Mr. Potter. In other words, they wanted to keep the Negro ques- 
tion as an issue rather than to solve it? 

Mr. England. In my opinion, yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you had any connection or affiliation with 
the party since that time? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3095 

Mr. England. No ; I have not. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you intend to go back to the party ? 

Mr. England. Not if I live to be 100 years okl. 

Mr, Tavenner. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Walter, have you any questions ? 

Mr. Walter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Jackson? 

Mr. Jackson. No questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Potter. No questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Wood. Is there any reason why this witness should not be 
excused from further attendance? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir. 

Mr. Wood. It is so ordered. 

(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Mack Cinzori. 

Mr. Wood. You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this 
subcommittee will the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help you God? 

Mr. CiNzoRi. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF MACK CINZORI, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS COUNSEL, 

ERNEST GOODMAN 

Mr. Wood. Are you represented by counsel? 

Mr. CiNzoRi. I am. 

Mr. Goodman. My name is Ernest Goodman, with offices in the 
Cadillac Tower, Detroit, Mich. 

Mr. TA^^:NNER. What is your name, please ? 

Mr. Cinzori. Mack Cinzori. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born ? 

Mr. Cinzori. I was born in 1909 in Pennsylvania. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliere in Pennsylvania? 

Mr. Cinzori. Coalbluff. 

Mr. Tavenner. What has been your educational background? 

Mr. Cinzori. I have had an eighth-grade education. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you now live in Detroit? 

Mr. Cinzori. I live in Dearborn. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you lived in Dearborn? 

Mr. Cinzori. For approximately 22 years. 

Mr. Tavenner. How are you now employed ? 

Mr. Cinzori. I am a die maker in the Ford plant. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you held any official position in local 600 ? 

Mr. Cinzori. I was at one time a sergeant-of-arms, and at the present 
I am a committeeman, district committeeman. I might add I was 
elected. 

Mr. Tavenner. When were you elected ? 

Mr. Cinzori. I have been elected approximately 7 years in a row. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now, you have been identified by a witness who 
preceded you today, JNIr. Romano, as having been a member of the 
Connnunist Party. Is that true or not? 

Mr. Cinzori. Well, I fought people like Romano back in 1937, 1938, 
and 1939 — and as the result I lost my job — building a union in the 



3096 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Ford Motor Co., in spite of people like Romano, and Romano never 
showed up those daj's 

Mr. Tavenner. Now will you answer my question ? ^ ^ 

Mr. Wood. Make your answer responsive to the question if you will, 
sir. You were asked whether or not 

Mr. CiNzoKi. Invoking my privilege under the fifth amendment, I 
refuse to answer that question. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party? 

ISIr. CiNzoRi. Invoking my privilege under the fifth amendment, 
I refuse to answer that question. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 

Party? 

Mr. CiNzORi. I refuse to answer that question for the same reasons 
mentioned before. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. William O'Dell Nowell in testimony before the 
Committee on Un-American Activities identified you as having been 
a member of the Communist Party. Do you know Mr. William O'Dell 
Nowell I 

Mr. CiNzoRi. I refuse to answer that question. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Wood. Any questions, Mr. Walter? 

Mr. Walter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Jackson? 

Mr. Jackson. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Potter? 

]\rr. Potter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Is there any reason why this witness shouldn't be ex- 
cused from further attendance? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir. 

Mr. Wood. It is so ordered. 

(The witness was excused.) 

Air. Tavenner. Thomas Jelley. 

INIr. AVooD. AVill you be sworn, please. 

You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this subcommit- 
tee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so 
helji you God? 

Ml'. Jeli.ey. I do. 

Mr. Wood. Let the record show Mr. Jelley is represented by Mr. 
(loodman. 

TESTIMONY OP THOMAS JELLEY, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS COUNSEL, 

EKNEST GOODMAN 

Mr. Tavenner. You are Mr. Thomas C. Jelley? 

Mr. Jeli.ey. That's right. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wheu and w^here were you born, Mr. Jelley? 

Mr. Jeli.ey. I was boi-n in Dayton, Ohio ,July 30, 1907. 

Mr. Tavenner. How do you spell your last name? 

IVTr. Jelley. J-e-1-l-e-y. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Jelley, how are you now employed? 

Mf. Jkf.ley. I am employed at the Ford Motor Co. 

Mr. Tavenner. In what capacity and in what plant? 



COMMUNISM m THE DETROIT AREA 3097 

Mr. Jellet. My classification at present is die try-out. That is the 
basic of die making. My position in there as a union representative 
is a committeeman. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. What other positions with local 600 have you 

held? 

Mr. Jelley. I have been a general council delegate ever since its 
inception with the exception of this past year, I did not run. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you been employed at the Ford 
Motor Co. ? 

Mr. Jelley. Since 1925. 

Mr. Tavenner. You have been identified in testimony before this 
committee given by Mr. Romano, Mr. Lee Romano, as having been 
a member of the Communist Party. Do you wish to deny or affirm 
that statement, that testimony ? 

Mr. Jelley. I would like to answer that in this way: I joined this 
union back in 1936. From 1936 to 19-11 I attended many meetings. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. Well now 

Mr. Jelley. I am saying it my own way, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. All right. Now, I am not certain I understand 
what organization you are speaking of. Are you speaking of the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Jelley. I am speaking of the UAW-CIO. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well now, I didn't ask you about that. I asked you 
with regard to your membership in the Communist Party. 

Mr. Goodman. Can't the witness answer it in his own way? 

Mr. Wood. If he will answer the question. I don't want him to go 
into detailed statements here about other organizations. 

Mr. Jelley. But Mr. Chairman 

Mr. Wood. Just a minute. It would be just as pertinent to go into 
the question of church membership or any other membership as it is 
anything except what he asked about. 

Mr. Goodman. He is talking about local 600, sir, which you are 
interested in, apparently. 

Mr. Wood. You are interested in local 600. We are interested in 
communism. 

Mr. GoODAFAN. The last witness certainly explained his answers suf- 
ficiently. This man just wants a minute in explanation of his an- 
swer. Certainly it is not unreasonable. 

Mr. Wood. It isn't unreasonable. It is just not responsive. 

Mr. Goodman. I submit that the last witness gave a lot of answers 
that were not responsive. 

Mr. Wood. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mv. Tavenner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Jelley. I started to answer you, sir, before as to when I joined 
this union, what the implications were since 1936 on. We have had a 
big fight on our hands to organize that ])lant even to the degree where 
they tried to burn my house down. 

Mr. Tavenneh. Are you now a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Jelley. Would you please let me answer in my own way? 

Mr. Tavenner. No. You are not answering my question. 

Mr. Jelley. I tried to tell you it is p(jlitical from the very beginning. 

Mr. AVoOD. You have an opportunity to answer whether you were a 
member or not. 



3098 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Jeli.ey. That's wliat I'm trying; to do. I am trying; to answer it. 
It is political from the very beoinning. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was it Communist from the very beginning as far 
as you were concerned ? 

Mr. Jelley. Mr. Chairman, w^liat are you trying to do, put words in 
my mouth? I want to answer it to the best of my abilit}'. 

Mr. Wood. All right. Now listen 

Mr. Jelley. I have been a connnitteenian 

Mr. Wood. Just a moment. It is a very simple question. You 
know wdiether you are now a member of the Comnnmist Party or not. 

Mr. Jelley. I am trying 

jNIr. Wood. Don't you know that? 

Mr. Jelley. I am trying to tell you the implications. 

Mr. Wood. We are not asking for any implications. We are asking 
for a fact. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Chairman, I would suggest that the witness be 
directed on the record to answer the question of counsel. 

Mr. Wood. I am going to direct him to do that now. Answer the 
question that has been asked you now" : Are you now a member of the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Jelley. Mr. Chairman 

Mr. Wood. You are directed to answ^er that question. 

Mr. Jelley. Mr. Chairman, j-ou allowed people to speak around 
and still you are denying me that right. 

Mr. Wood. W^ait until you answer that question. We will let you 
speak then all you want to about it after you answer it, if you will 
answer it truthfully. Are you a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Jelley. You w-on't let me answer it my own way ? 

Mr. Wood. I will let you answer the question. 

Mr. Jelley. Not in my own way ? 

Mr. Wood. There isn't but one W' ay to answer it, yes or no. 

Mr, Jelley. I will refuse to answer that under the fifth amendment,, 
sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have j^ou ever been a member of the' Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Jelley. I refuse to answer that under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions. 

Mr. Wood. Any questions, Mr. AValter ? 

Mr. Walter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Jackson? 

Mr. Jackson. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Potter ? 

Mr. Po'i'TER. No questions. 

Mr. Jelley. Mr. Chairman, I would like to make a statement 

Mr. Wood. There is nothing to explain when you don't answ^er any 
questions for us. 

Mr. Jelley. I told you it was political to start off with. It is based 
on politics in the Government and the union too. 

Mr. Wood. There is nothing political about it when a man refuses, 
to answer questions. 

Mr. Jelley. It most certainly is political. 

Mr. Wood. You are excused from further attendance. 

(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Mrs. Celia Edwards. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3099 

Mr. Wood. Will you be sworn, please ? 

You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this subcommittee 
will be the truth, the whole truth, nothing but the truth, so help 
you God ? 

Mrs. Edwards. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF CELIA EDWARDS, ACCOMPANIED BY HER COUNSEL, 

ERNEST GOODMAN 

Mr. Tavenner. You are Mrs. Celia Edwards ? 

Mrs. Edwards. That's right. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born, Mrs. Edwards? 

Mrs. Edwards. I was born September io, 1917, in Manistee, Mich. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, briefly what 
your educational training has been ? 

Mrs. Edwards. I have had 8 years of grade school, 2 years of high, 
and I have gone to night classes for a couple of years. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you lived in Detroit? 

Mrs. Edwards. It is going on 12 years. 

Mr. Tavenner. How have you been employed since you lived in 
Detroit ? 

Mrs. Edwards. For 2 months I did housework. Then I was un- 
employed until September 3 of 1946. I was unemployed. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes ? 

Mrs. Edwards. That is when I first hired in at Ford local 600. 

Mr. TA^TNNER. Wliat is the nature of your employment at Ford 
local 600? 

Mrs. Edwards. You mean at the present time ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, from 1946 on. 

Mr. Goodman. Mr. Chairman, my client would appreciate it if the 
photographers would hold their pictures until she is through. She is 
not used to it. 

Mr. Wood. Is that your wish ? 

INIrs. Edwards. Yes. 

Mr. Wood. Very well. I will ask the photographers to respect that 
wish. 

Mr. Tavenner. What has been the nature of your employment at 
local 600 since 1946, when you first became employed ? 

Mrs. Edwards. I started as a file clerk and then I worked in the 
mimeograph, and at the present time I am classed as a stenographer. 

Mr. Wood. I wonder if you would cooperate with the committee 
to the extent of elevating your voice just a little because we can't hear 
you up here. 

Mrs. Edwards. I am sorry. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you acquainted with the existence of a club or 
cell of the Communist Party known as the Fenkell Club ? 

]\Irs. Edwards. I refuse to answer that under the provisions of the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. I hand you a photostatic copy of a letter which I 
will first read. It is as follows : 

Dear Comrade : There will be a very important meeting this Wednesday, 
February 6, at 7308— 

97097— 52— pt. 2 10 



3100 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

it appears to be C-h-a-l~f-o-n — 

8 o'clock p. m. sharp. We are meeting with a group of Diesel plant strikers 
to discuss the formation of a new branch. It is extremely important that we 
meet with these workers and help them with their problems. 

A mass rally will be held Thursday, Feltruary 7, to discuss the Negro in 
Postwar World — sponsored by the LaBell and the Fenkell Clubs. It will take 
place at 15592 Inverness. 
Comradely yours, 

Fenkell Club. 

Do you know what the address 7308 Chalfonte was in 1946 ? 

Mrs. Edwards. I refuse to answer that under the provisions of the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you meet with any group of Diesel plant strikers 
to discuss the formation of a new branch ? 

Mi's. Edwards. I refuse to answer that for the same reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to offer the photostatic copy of the letter 
in evidence and ask it be marked "Edwards Exhibit No. 1." 

Mr. Wood. It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Edwards Exhibit No. 1" 
and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Goodman. By the way, do you furnish counsel with copies of 
exhibits? 

Mr. Wood. Let the counsel examine it. 

Mr. Goodman. Thank you. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever lived at 7308 Chalfonte? 

Mrs. Edwards. I refuse to answer for the same reason. 

INIr. Tavenner. AVhere did you live in 1945? 

Mrs. Edwards. I refuse to answer tliat question. 

Mr. Tavenner. Where do you live now ? 

Mrs. Edwards. I woidd prefer not answering that either. 

Mr. TA^^ENNER. Well, I am sorry but I can't respect your wishes 
about that. 

Mrs. Edwards. With the publicity there has been within the last 
few weeks I prefer to withhold my present address because of the 
children. 

Mr. Tavenner. I understand. Will you write it on a sheet of 
paper and hand it to the chairman, and with the chairman's per- 
mission it will be kept confidential. 

(Whereu]>on Mrs. Edwards followed the suggestion of INIr. 
Tavenner.) 

Mrs. Edwards. After all, the papers do play up everything. I am 
the mystery woman wlio has been sitting here for days. 

Mr. Tavenner. When did you become the mystery woman ? 

Mrs. Edwards. That was in the Detroit News, March 1, and I was 
here the 27th for 1 day. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now you have the privilege of removing all 
mysteries. You now have the privilege and opportunity of remov- 
ing the mystery from the scene. 

How long have you lived at the address which you just gave the 
chairman? 

Mrs. Edwards. About a month and a half. 

Mr. Tavenner. Prior to that where did you live? 

Mrs. Edwards. I refuse to answer that under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you lived at that address which 
you now refuse to give? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3101 

Mrs. Edwards. I refuse to answer for the same reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. I hand you a photostatic copy of another letter 
and ask you if you have ever seen the original or one similar to it. 
Will you read it, please ? 

Mrs. Edwards. I have read it. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you read it into the record ? 

Mrs. Edwards. I prefer your reading it, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. You do ? 

Mrs. Edwards. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. All right. Hand it to me, please. [Reading :] 

Dear Comrade : We take this opportunity to welcome you to the Fenkell Club, 
and look forward to greeting you in person. 

Ttis Sunday, December 30, we are mobilizing at the home of Celia Edwards, 
7308 Chalfonte, 11 : 30 a. m., for a leaflet distribution in the neighborhood. 

The leaflet is on the necessity for bringing our marines out of China, and was 
issued by our club. 

We will be glad to have you join us for this mobilization. 
Comradely yours, 

Executive Board, Fenkell Club. 

It bears date of December 28, 1945. Are you the Celia Edwards 
mentioned in this letter ? 

Mrs. Edwards. I refuse to answer under the provisions of the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was a meeting held at your home at 7308 Chalfonte 
Street or any other place on December 30, 1945 ? 

Mrs. Edwards. I refuse to answer under the same provisions. 

Mr. Tavenner. What were the leaflets for distribution in the neigh- 
borhood referred to in this letter ? 

Mrs. Edwards. I refuse to answer for the same reason as given 
before. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee what the proposal was 
in this club which seems to have originated in your club, to bi-ing the 
marines out of China in 1945? Where did the inspiration for such 
resolution or leaflet as that come from ? 

Mrs. Edwards. I refuse to answer under the provisions of the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party? 

Mrs. Edwards. I refuse to answer for the same reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mrs. Edwards. I refuse to answer for the same reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. According to the testimony of Mrs. Toby Baldwin, 
I find this : 

Cecelia Edwards is the wife of Byron Edwards who has also been known to 
work at Ford's. Whether he is working there now, I don't knuw. She attended 
a class with me at the School of Social Science at which Oscar Rhodes instructed 
on the science of society. That was held in 1948. 

Did you attend such a class with Mrs. Baldwin ? 

Mrs. Edwards. I refuse to answer under the provisions of the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to file the photostatic copy of the letter in 
evidence and ask it be marked "Edwards Exhibit No. 2." 

Mr. Wood. It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Edwards Exhibit No. 2" 
and received in evidence.) 



3102 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. I liave no further questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Walter? 

Mr. WALn':R. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Jackson ? 

Mr. Jackson. Yes. Are you at present a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mrs. Edwards. I believe I answered that question to the counsel 
before. 

Mr. Jackson. Well, we will just ask it again. 

Mrs. Edwards. I refuse to answer under the provisions of the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Jackson. Thank you. No further questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Potter? 

Mr. Potter. I have no questions. 

Mr. Wood. Is there any reason why this witness shouldn't be excused 
from further attendance? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir. 

Mr. Wood. It is so ordered. 

(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. James Watts. 

Mr. Wood. Will you be sworn, please? 

You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this subcommittee 
will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help 
you God ? • 

Mr. Watts. I do. 

Mr. Wood. Are you represented by counsel ? 

Mr. Watts. The best. 

Mr. Wood. Well, irrespective of the caliber of counsel, are you repre- 
sented by counsel? 

Mr. Watts. Yes, I am. 

Mr. Wood. Will counsel please identify himself for the record? 

Mr. Crockett. George W. Crockett, Jr., 3220 Cadillac Tower, De- 
troit, Mich. 

TESTIMONY OF JAMES WATTS, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS COUNSEL,, 

GEORGE W. CROCKETT, JR. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your name ? 

Mr. Watts. My name is James Watts. 

Mr. Tavenner. Where were you born, and when? 

Mr. Watts. I was born in either 1919 or 1921. I am not certain. My 
parents are dead. My aunt and uncle aren't quite certain. I was born 
in the lynch State of Georgia, in the city of Macon. 

Mr. Tavenner. When did you leave "the State of Georgia? 

Mr. Watts. I left there when I was about 6 months old. 

Mr. Tavenner. Where have you lived since that time? 

Mr. Watts. I lived in the city of New York for about 4 years. The 
balance of the time I have lived in the city of Detroit. 

Mr. Tavenner. How are you now employed ? 

Mr. Watts. I am presently employed by Ford Local 600. I am the 
fair-employment-practice director. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you been the f air-employment-prac- - 
tice director? 

Mr. Watts. Since May 15, 1950. 



COMMUlSriSM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3103 

Mr. Tavenner. Prior to that time did you hold any official position 
with local 600? 

Mr. Watts. Prior to that time, starting back in 1941, I was chief 
steward, district committeeman, building secretary, vice president, 
president of the foundry, international representative. I have run the 
gamut. 

Mr. Tavenner. Those are elective offices ? 

Mr. Watts. They are all elective offices except the international rep- 
resent a tiA'^e, which is an a]:)pointive position. 

Mr. Tavenner. You have been rather prominent in the work of your 
union, have you not? 

Mr. Wati^s. I have been rather proudly prominent. 

]Mr. Taa^nner. Have you also at the same time been a member of 
the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Watts. I invoke my privilege under the fifth amendment, and 
refuse to answer that question. 

(Whereupon the ensuing remarks were expunged from the record by 
direction of the chairman.) 

Mr. Wood. Leave that out of the record, Mr. Eeporter. Answer the 
questions please for this committee. 

Mr. Watts. I haven't too much confidence in your judgment of 
anything. 

Mr. Wood. We are not concerned about your opinion of our judg- 
ment. You are here to answer questions. 

Mr. Watts. I am not concerned about your opinion. 

Mr. Wood. Well, mine might be a little better. 

Mr. Watts. Mine is the the same thing. 

Mr. Wood. That makes it unanimous. 

Mr. Tavenner. You came here with the intention of causing a scene ? 

Mr. Watts, I didn't come here with the intention of causing a 
scene. I know every member of the committee is anti-Negro. I 
know every member of the committee is opposed to President Tru- 
man's civil-rights program and the record so indicates. 

Mr. Walter. The record doesn't so indicate. If you had done 
one-tenth for the cause of the Negro I have done, you wouldn't be 
ashamed to answer the question. 

Mr. Watts. My heart bleeds for you — you love me. 

Mr. Wood. One more outburst of that character and I will ask the 
officer to eject you from this hearing room. 

Mr. Watts. I didn't come here on my own accord ; you subpenaed 
me. 

Mr. Wood. If you are not going to be decorous, you are not going 
to stay. This is not a farce; this is serious business. 

Mr. Ta\t3nner. Did you testify in a proceeding or trial 

Mr. Watts. This is serious business. I have a picture here of a 
Negro being lynched in the State of Georgia. I think that is serious 
too. 

Mr. Wood. Keep your mouth shut until you are asked questions. 

Mr. Watts. One of the Negroes was being lynched in Georgia. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you got more pictures in your pocket that you 
want to show ? Are you through ? 

Mr. Watts. I am through. 

Mr. Tavenner. All right. Will you answer the question? 

Mr. Watts. I certainly will. 



3104 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. Please answer it. 

Mr. Watts. Would you repeat the question? 

Mr. Tavennek. I didn't think you were listening. Did you par- 
ticipate as a witness in the trial in 1950 in local 600 of Paul Boatin, 
Nelson Davis, Ed Lock, Dave Moore, and others possibly who were 
charged with having been members of the Communist Party or having 
been subservient to it? 

Mr. Watts. I refuse to answer that question invoking my privilege 
under the fifth amendment plus also yesterday you said that you had 
answers to all of these questions yourself. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, if the witness does not desire to 
answer about his testimony under oath in the trial in local 600, 1 have 
no desire to ask him any further questions. 

Mr. Wood. Any questions Mi. Walter? 

Mr. Walter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Jackson, do you have any questions of the witness? 

Mr. Jackson. No ; I have no questions. 

Mr. Tavenner. I'd like to amend that. There is one question I'd 
like to ask him and maybe two. Are you now a member of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr. Watts. I invoke my privilege under the fifth amendment and 
I think you have the answer to that one also. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Watts. I invoke my privilege under the fifth amendment and I 
refuse to answer that. That is one of the few amendments of any 
advantage to me as a Negro. The fifteenth amendment serves no 
value. It says Congress shall make laws to see that I have the right 
to vote. 

(Whereupon the ensuing remarks were expunged from the record 
by direction of the chairman.) 

Mr. Wood. The tirade given here about the members of the com- 
mittee will be expunged from the record physically. 

Mr. Jackson. Either the witness is entirely ignorant of what he is 
talking about or else he is terribly misinformed. It so happens that 
in my case I have voted for the repeal of the antipoll tax and have 
expressed myself as being favorable for the Federal antilynbh 
legislation. 

Mr. Watts. It is specifically to the chairman. 

Mr. Jackson. I think you brought my name into the matter and I 
think in justice to my position on the legislation it should be made 
perfectly clear. 

(Whereupon the ensuing remarks were expunged from the record 
by direction of the chairman.) 

Mr. Wood. Let that be expunged from the record. The veracity of 
the witness will not be questioned by members of this committee here, 
if there are other forums to do it in. The facts do^ speak for them- 
selves. Is there any further question? 

Mr. Tavenner. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. The witness is excused. 
(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Ta\^nner. I call Mr. Ed Lock. 

Mr. Wood. Will you please stand and be sworn. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3105 

You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this subcommittee 
will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help 
you God ? 

Mr. Lock. Yes. 

TESTIMONY OF EDGAR LOCK, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS COUNSEL, 

ERNEST GOODMAN 

Mr. Wood. Are you represented by counsel ? 

Mr. Goodman. I represent this witness, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your name, please, sir? 

Mr. Lock. My name is Edgar Lock. 

Mr. Tavenner. How do you spell your last name? 

Mr. Lock. L o-c-k. /> 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born ? 

Mr. Lock. I was born in the city of 'Rmer Rouge, Mich., October 3, 
1912. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat has been your educational background, please, 
sir? 

Mr. Lock. I attended grammar school and attended several years 
of high school and graduated from the Henry Ford Trade School and 
had several sessions in night school. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you now live in Detroit ? 

Mr. Lock. I want to make a statement here about my address. The 
subpena I received has an address I used 15 years ago. 

Mr. Tavenner. We'd be very happy to correct it. 

Mr. Lock. It is the address I retained only with the Ford Motor 
Co. For all other purposes of my business, I have used the addresses 
I have lived at since 15 years ago which clearly indicates to me there 
is collusion between this committee and the Ford Motor Co. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat is your address? 

Mr. Louck. My address now currently is 3213 Culver Street, Dear- 
born, Mich. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you lived in Dearborn? 

Mr. Lock. Approximately 1 year. 

Mr. Tavenner. Prior to that where did you live ? 

Mr. Lock. Prior to that, I lived in the city of Detroit. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long had you lived in Detroit? 

Mr. Lock. I had lived in Detroit 15 years. 

Mr. Tavenner. Your employment has been with the Ford Motor 
Co. for some time, has it not ? 

Mr. Lock. Almost all of my natural life. I started employment 
with the Ford Trade School when I was 13 years old in the year of 
1927. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat is the branch of your employment over there, 
or the building? 

Mr. Lock. I am currently employed in the plastics unit. 

Mr. Ta\'enner. Have you held any major official positions in local 
600 recently? 

Mr. Lock. I am presently the chairman of the plastics unit, UAW- 
CIO. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Lock, an examination of page 5 of Ford Facts 
for February 16, 1952, discloses an article entitled "Committee la 



3106 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Utterly Eotten, Claims Ed Lock." The heading underneath that is 
the heading in black t3^pe, "Ed Lock, President." Did you write that 
article? 

Mr. Goodman. The witness would like to look at the article. 

Mr. Lock. I think that this question as to whether I wrote that 
article or not is an internal matter of my union, a question you have 
no right to pry into and I say that and I refuse to answer whether 
I wrote the article or not based upon my obligation of office and mem- 
bership in the UAW in which I took an oath that I would not reveal 
the internal proceedings of our union. 

Mr. Tavenner. This is not a matter of union procedure. It is a 
matter of fact as to whether or not you wrote an article which appears 
over your name. Of course, if the union did it instead of you, why that 
might be a different proposition. 

Mr. Wood. Not even if the union did it — if it was published in the 
public press. 

Mr. Lock. You can see as well as I can that there is an article 
appearing in this paper under my name. 

Mr. Walter. Are you the Ed Lock that wrote it ? 

Mr. Lock. I invoke my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Ta^^nner. I notice at the end of the article there is this para- 
graph : 

Read the columns of the other units that likewise deal with the un-American 
committee. 

What are those articles to which you referred? 

Mr. Lock. I might mention that that I don't believe appears over 
my name, that part of the column. 

Mr. Tavenner. It is part of the article. There is no separation 
of any kind between it. You mean that that was not part of the article 
as originally submitted to Ford Facts? 

Mr. Lock. As far as the article is concerned, I want to say this 
about it : I subscribed to everything that is in it, 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you write it ? 

Mr. Lock. I refuse to answer that question. 

Mr. TavI':nner. Who did write it? 

Mr. Lock. I invoke my privileges and I refuse to answer that 
question. 

Mr. Tavenner. You didn't write it, did you ? 

Mr, Lock. I refuse to answer that question, 

Mr. Tavenner. You have testified to this and I don't recall what 
you said. What is your present position with local GOO? 

Mr, Lock, I am a unit chairman of the plastics building. 

Mr. Tavenner. The committee has received evidence by Mrs. Bald- 
win that she was in many closed Communist Party sessions with you. 
Mr. Romano, who was on the stand this morning and this afternoon, 
testified or rather identified you as a person known to him to have 
Ijeen a memlDer of the Communist Party. Walter Dunn in his testi- 
mony before this committee said he recalled an Ed Lock who was a 
member of the Communist Party, Were those statements true or 
false? 

Mr. Lock, I refuse to answer those questions and I invoke my privi- 
leges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Lock, I refuse to answer that question. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3107 

Mr. Ta\tenner. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Lock. I refuse to answer that question for the same reason. 

Mr. Taatenner. I have no further questions. 

Mr. Walter. No questions. 

Mr. Jacksox. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Is tliere any reason why the witness shouldn't be excused ? 

Mr. Ta\^nner. No, sir. 

Mr. Wood. It is so ordered. 

(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Tavenner. I call Mr. Paul Boatin. 

Mr. Wood. Will you please stand and be sworn ? 

You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this subcom- 
mittee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, 
so help you God ? 

Mr. Boatin. Yes. 

TESTIMONY OF PAUL BOATIN 

Mr. Wood. You are represented by counsel ? 

Mr. Goodman. I represent Mr. Boatin. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat is your name? 

Mr. BoATiN. Paul Boatin. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born ? 

Mr. BoATiN. I was born in Italy, May 24, 1909. 

Mr. Taatsnner. Wlien did you come to this country ? 

Mr. BoATiN. December of 19-23 or thereabouts. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you a citizen of the United States, that is natu- 
ralized citizen ? 

Mr. BoATiN. I became a citizen on my father's papers in 1927 or 
1928. I took out my own derivative certificate 20 years later. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you do that here in Detroit ? 

Mr. BoATix. Right in Detroit. 

Mr. Ta^^nner. How long have you lived in Detroit? You do live 
in Detroit now, do you not ? 

Mr. BoATiN. I live in Detroit. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you lived in Detroit ? 

Mr. BoATiN. I maintained permanent residence in Detroit since 
May or June of 1925. 

Mr. Tavenner. How are you now employed ? 

Mr. BoATiN. I am employed at the Ford Motor Co. 

Mr. Taat:xner. In what branch or building of the company ? 

Mr. BoATiN. The motor plant. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever held a position with local 600? 

INIr. BoATiN. I have held the elective positions with local 600 ever 
since the inception of the union. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you answer that question again or will the 
reporter read it to me ? 

Mr. BoATTN. I can answer it again. 

Mr. TA^^:NNER. All right. It will save time. 

Mr. BoATiN. Thank you. I have held the elective office in the Ford 
local ever since we have had a union there. 

ISIr. Tavenner. What are some of the principal offices which you 
held and the approximate dates 2 



3108 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. BoATiN. Recording secretary of the motor plant. 

Mr. Tavenner. When was that ? 

Mr. BoATiN. The exact date I can't establish; it might have been 
either December 1941 or January of 1942 up through 1943 or in 1944, 
I can't remember exactly. 

Mr. Tavenner. Then what other principal offices have you held ? 

Mr. BoATiN. After that for one or two or three terms, I am not 
sure, I was on the bargaining committee and served as chairman of the 
political-action committee throughout that period; I believe the po- 
litical-action committee of the local. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever served on the political-action com- 
mittee of the Communist Party? 

Mr. BoATiN. That is a tricky question. The truth is I have never 
served on any political-action committee other than that of the local 
600. 

Mr. Tavenner. That is a frank answer to it. That is all I wanted 
to know. 

Mr. BoATiN. Except that I realize that a union man before this 
committee — I am not going to try to be dramatic, you are the dra- 
matic committee — a union man before this committee in spite of what 
3'ou gentlemen will say, doesn't have much of an opportunity. I 
recall only recently 

Mr, Wood. Let's not have speeches. 

Mr. BoATiN. I have to point this up. 

Mr. Wood. You have answered the question. 

Mr. BoATTN. I haven't answered it completely. I am in the process 
of answering it, Congressman, please. 

Mr. Wood. The answer that you give 

Mr. BoATiN. You voted against the 75 cents an hour minimum wage, 
which proves you are antilabor. I'd like to get that into my answer. 
Perhaps you don't like it and you think 75 cents an hour is too much 
for the working people. That is in the record. I have seen it. So 
you ask a lot of tricl^ questions to get people tripped up and you 
bring witnesses that are paid here to testify. 

Mr. Wood. Your answer is not responsive to the question. I am 
going to let it remain in the record because you asked that it go into 
the record and it is all right. 

Mr. Walter. Of course, your answer applies only to the chairman? 

Mr. BoATiN. It applies to Congressman Wood, it applies to Con- 
gressman Jackson, and it applies to Congressman Potter, who all voted 
that the 75 cents an hour minimum wage was too high. It is in the 
Congressional Record. 

Mr. Jackson. Is your purpose in coming here today to impugn the 
•Congress of the United States or the authority of this committee? 

Mr. BoATiN. I am merely pointing out the fact that you have voted 
against the 75 cents an hour minimum wage. 

Mr. Jackson. You could have asked and I could have told you sim- 
ply, but it is not a point in issue. This committee is in possession of 
letters of endorsement from units of organized labor supporting its in- 
vestigation. Does that come as a shock to you? Do you know any- 
thing about it? 

Mr. BoATiN. Wliat investigation? 

Mr. Jackson. The investigation into the steel plants — Bethlehem, 
at Sparrows Point. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3109 

Mr. BoATiN. Your committee has been condemned by organized 
labor throughout the country. 

Mr. Jackson. Our committee has been condemned by Communists 
in organized labor and probably will continue to be condemned by 
Communists. I would worry if the Communists in organized labor 
did not condemn the committee. 

Mr. i3oATiN. It was condemned by Franklin D. Koosevelt, Murphy, 
and Mrs. Roosevelt, the Catholic Churches and the CIO. I have got 
a resolution here from the CIO of 1951. 

Mr. Wood. Off the record. 

(Discussion was held off the record.) 

Mr. Wood. Have you any further questions? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. Mr. Boatin, an examination of page 3 of the 
February 16, 1952, issue of Ford Facts shows an article entitled "Who 
Is Un-American? Asks Brother Boatin." Did you write the article? 
Your name appears underneath the caption after Motor and Engine 
Plant, "Who Is Un-American? Asks Brother Paul Boatin"— "Paul 
Boatin, president." Did you write the article? 

Mr. Boatin. I am familiar with the contents. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you write it ? 

Mr. Boatin. I endorsed the contents and I think they are true. It 
says your committee is un-American and it is here to create hysteria. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you write it ? 

Mr. Boatin. It is a trick question. It speaks for itself. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you write it? 

Mr. Boatin. I invoke my privilege under the fifth amendment on 
that one. 

Mr. Tavenner. You were identified in testimony before this com- 
mittee by a Mr. Walter Dunn as a member of the Communist Party 
who testified here as well as by Mrs. Toby Baldwin, whose testimony 
was, "Paul Boatin is very well known about, and he has been very 
active and has also handed in reports on the Ford section closed Com- 
munist meetings, conferences, and so forth at which I attended." By 
the testimony of Mr. Lee Romano today, you are identified as having 
been at one time a member of the Communist Party. Is that testi- 
mony of those various individuals true or false? 

Mr. Boatin. All I know about Walter Dunn is that when I was in 
political action I saw him during 

Mr. Wood. We are not asking you for the history. We are asking 
you if what he said was true. 

Mr. Boatin. You had a speaker on this stand for 6 hours this morn- 
ing. He talked and talked without restrictions. Now you are try- 
ing 

Mr. Wood. He answered questions. 

Mr. Boatin. You are trying to muzzle me. Will you allow me to 
answer, please ? 

Mr. Wood. Wait a minute now. The witness we had on the stand 
this morning answered the questions that were asked him. That is 
all we are asking you to do. 

Mr. Boatin. He made speeches. 

Mr. Wood. Answer the questions frankly and truthfully that we 
are going to ask you. Then we will get you a soap box and you can 
speak all night, if you can answer. 



31 10 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. BoATiN. You come out to the Ford local and talk to the work- 
ers. 

Mr. Walter. If you will admit you are a Communist, I will sit 
here until midnight and listen to you. 

Mr. Wood. So will I. or if you will deny you are a Communist, I 
will do the same thing. 

Mr. BoATiN. Look at the way you people are all jumping around. 

Mr. Wood. I want you to answer the questions. 

Mr. BoATiN. I will answer you hut give me the opportunity. 

Mr. Wood. All right. I will ask you as to the testimony that Mr. 
Dunn gave and the testimony that Mr. Romano gave today and Mrs. 
Baldwin gave the week before last to the effect that you were a member 
of the Communist Party, is any of it false? 

Mr. BoATiN. You are telling me what the testimony was. I haven't 
seen it. 

Mr. Wood. Then I will ask you, are you a member 

Mr. BoATiN. I am trying to answer it. 

Mr. Wood. You say you haven't seen it. 

Mr. BoATiN. The Free Press said Walter Dunn did not remember — 
did not know. 

]Mi-. Wood. All right, I will ask you a question that you can under- 
utancl : Are you a member of the Connnunist Party noAv ( 

Mr. BoATiN. Look, I am trying to get my point of view across here. 
We were called Communists long before 1 met you. You were prob- 
al3ly calling people Communists down in Georgia when you were 
fighting for civil rights. You are even calling Truman a Communist. 
I saw where you called him an enemy in the Free Press here. 

Mr. Wood. I am giving you an oi)portunity to determine that ques- 
tion. Are you a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. BoATiN. I want to get my position clear. You are not going 
to trap me. 

Mr. Wood. Trap you by asking you if you are a member of the 
Communist Part}^? 

Mr. BoATiN. You want to restrict the freedom of speech. 

Mr. Wood. I w^ant an answer to that question. 

Mr. BoATiN. I am trying to get my ideas across to you. 

Mr. Wood. Answer the question. 

Mr. BoATiN. Through my mouth and not through yours. 

Mr. Wood. Answer the question. 

Mr, BoATiN. 1 trust my mouth more than I trust yours. 

Mr. Wood. Answer the question. 

Mr. BoATiN. I helped organize the union. I had to fight so-called 
anti-Communists including Romano who is receiving $200 a week to 
come here and point his finger at me; Dunn possibly the saine thing 
and Baldwin has been paid. I'd like to have the opportunity to ex- 
plain my position. You don't want me to explain it. 

Mr. Wood. I want you to answer the question. 

Mr. BoATiN. I am trying to answer it. 

Mr. Wood. Are you or not 

Mr. BoATiN. I said that Walter Dunn as I read it — you are inter- 
preting what Dunn said about me. 

Mr. Wood. Are you a Communist? 

Mr. BoATiN. Walter Dunn talking about me 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3111 

Mr. Wood. I have been talking about you. I am asking you now. 
Are you going to answer my question or not ? If you are not, we might 
as well end this argument. 



Mr. BoATiN. Well look- 



Mr. Wood. Are you going to answer the question ? 

Mr. BoATiN. I already charged this committee as being antilabor- 
The truth is that it is. 

Mr. Potter. We don't care about your charges. 

Mr. Wood. We have asked you to answer a question. Are you going 
to answer it ? 

Mr. BoATiN. I am going to answer all questions. You will have 
to give me an opportunity. You are not all going to talk at the same 
time at me. 

Mr. Wood. Just answer one. Are you going to answer the question 
or aren't you ? Are you now a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. BoATiN. I am willing to tell the truth but you are going to 
have to give me an opportunity. 

Mr. Wood. Answer that question. 

Mr. Tavenner. May I make the suggestion that the witness be di- 
rected to answer the question. If he doesn't, why then we can adjourn 
the committee. 

Mr. Wood. I will ask you one more time and I direct you to an- 
swer the question. Are you now a member of the Communist Party? 
You are directed to answer it. 

Mr. BoATiN. Will you give me a minute to consult with the at- 
torney ? 

Mr. Wood. You have all the time to consult with counsel that you 
want. 

Mr. BoATiN. All right. Mr. Tavenner and Congressman Wood 

Mr. Wood. I direct that you answer the question that I have asked : 
Are you a member of the Communist Party now ? 

Mr. BoATiN. I say it is common knowledge that I am not a member 
of the Communist Party but because of the antilabor natures of this 
committee I am forced to rely on the fifth amendment to protect my 
constitutional rights because you didn't give me my opportunity to 
present my viewpoint on the matter. 

Mr. Wood. Do you refuse to answer the question ? 

Mr. BoATiN. I ah-eady answered it. 

Mr. Wood. Is that the only answer you will give us? 

Mr. BoATiN. That is an honest answer. That is the answer. 

Mr. Wood. Is that the only answer you will give us under the direc- 
tion to answer; is that the only answer you will give us? 

Mr. BoATiN. That is a fair answer. 

Mr. Wood. Is that the only answer you will give us? That isn't 
what I asked you. 

Mr. BoATiN. I thought the answer was fair. May I have it read 
back to me ? 

(Witness' answer was read.) 

Mr. BoATiN. I consider that answer complete but I will add this: 
That because of the fifth amendment and because of the attempt being 
made here to deprive me of my rights to speak, I am relying on the 
provisions and privileges of the fifth amendment and refuse to answer 
the question. 



3112 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Wood. Are there any further questions ? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir. 

Mr. Walter. You said it was common knowledge that you are not 
a Communist. Where is this knowledge common? 

Mr. BoATiN. Congressman Walter, I say it is common knowledge 
because I have been elected 

Mr. Walter. That isn't what you said. You said it is common 
knowledge that "I am not a Communist." I asked the question where 
the knowledge is common, because the only knowledge I have is that 
you are a Communist. 

Mr. Boatin. Don't twist what I said. 

Mr. Walter. That is exactly what you said ; I wrote it down — "It is 
common knowledge that I am not a Communist." Now I have asked 
you the question where is this knowledge so common, and I asked the 
question because the only knowledge I have is that you are a Commu- 
nist. 

Mr. BoATiN. I said it is common knowledge that I am not a member 
of the Communist Party. You didn't give me the opj^ortunity to 
finish the presentation of my viewpoint. I was going to answer your 
question. 

Mr. Walter. Wliere is this knowledge? 

Mr. BoATiN, I am trying to tell you. 

Mr. Walter. Go ahead. 

Mr. Boatin. The workers that know me have relied on me, have 
confidence in me, and have voted me back into office in spite of all the 
accusations. You say you have knowledge. This isn't the first time 
this type of stuff is tried. It isn't the first time that Romano and 
others who are paid point the finger. 

Mr. Walter. Wlio are they paid by ? 

Mr. B'oATiN. Here is a flag put out at the time I was elected. You 
can examine it. The workers reelected me by 3 to 1 over my opponent. 

Mr. Walter. You said the people were paid. By whom were they 
paid ? 

Mr. BoATiN. Romano — he is getting $190 a week. 

Mr. Walter. From whom? 

Mr. BoATiN. It is good money. 

Mr. Walter. Where is he getting that from? 

Mr. BoATiN. He can tell you that. 

Mr. Jackson. Are you inferring that this committee is paying any- 
one for testimony ? 

Mr. Boatin. No; I am not inferring that. 

Mr. Wood. Are there any further questions? 

Mr. Walter. No. 

Mr. Jackson. No further question. 

Mr, Potter. I have no questions. 

Mr. Wood. Any further questions? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir. 

Mr. Wood. Is there any reason why the witness shouldn't be 
excused ? 

Mr. Tavenner. I would like to ask one more question. You said you 
were elected a number of times. Did you make represenation to the 
people that you were not a member of the Communist Party when you 
ran for election ? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3113 

Mr. BoATiN. You are the one that is charging that I made represen- 
tations that I am a member. You are asking a hypothetical question. 

Mr. Tavenner. No; that is not a hypothetical question. Did you 
represent to the people in your union when you ran for office that you 
were not a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. BoATiN. It is one of those involved questions. Excuse me for 
a second. You are not here to do me any good, I know that. I 
have been an honest man — very honest. You can't point a finger at 
anything I have done and every time you look at me and smile I suspect 
something, brother. 

Mr. AVooD. Any further questions. 

Mr. Tavenner. I'd like to have an answer to that one. 

Mr. BoATiN. I have been trying to answer. I have watched you 
people pop off. I have got a few ideas, too. What is your question if 
I may have it clearly again? 

Mr. Tavenner. Read the question, please. 

(The question was read by the official court reporter.) 

Mr. BoATiN. Well, I could answer that question in two ways. I 
could answer it directly. 

Mr. Tavenner. Just answer it the correct way. That is all we 
want. 

Mr. BoATiN. I can't give you a "Yes" or "No" answer; you don't 
expect that. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, it could be answered "Yes" or "No" very 
simply. 

Mr. BoATiN. You have been trying to get me into that and this 
is a world of ideas and we move ahead not on the basis of "Yes" or 
"No." That is the Hitler method. 

Mr. Wood. Well, did you represent that you are not a member of 
the Communist Party? 

Mr. BoATiN. How many questions am I going to get? I am willing 
to answer to Mr. Tavenner's question. 

Mr. Wood. Answer the question asked. 

Mr. BoATiN. Tavenner's question? 

Mr. Wood. Yes. 

Mr. BoATiN. It is a matter of common knowledge, Mr. Tavenner, 
publicized in the union papers at our local, that we took a loyalty 
oath and support the country and the Constitution. It is important 
that I go into all of it. I am sure you are familiar with it. I say it 
is common knowledge. 

Mr. TA^^ENNER. What is common knowledge? 

Mr. BoATiN. That such an oath was signed. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes; but that isn't my question. Did you repre- 
sent to the people in your union when you ran for office that you were 
not a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. BoATiN. Well, my answer to that one has to be that in a union 
where you fight for cleaner floors and higher wages and better work- 
ing conditions, you present yourself to the people on the basis of a 
program dependent on what you are going to do for them in the shop, 
not in relation to INIoscow and Stalin and communism. The people 
who try to bring communism into the question, usually are trying to 
obscure the facts. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you answer the question, please, sir? 



3114 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. BoATix. I can't answer your question. I am trying to answer 
it in tlie way I ran for office and was elected every year. You know 
we get elected every year. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you a member of the Communist Party when 
you ran for office? 

Mr. BoATix. It is very clear you don't want the answers. I am 
going to rely on my privilege under the fifth amendment and refuse 
to answer that question. I have given an answer that it is common 
knoAvledge. I am not a member of the Communist Party. You are 
trying to twist it up. 

Mr. Jackson. Do you make the statement you are not a member 
of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. BoATiN. I said it is common knowledge. 

Mr. Jackson. It is not connnon knowledge. "VVe have three identi- 
fications of you as being a member of the Communist Party. Identi- 
fication has been made as to you being a member. With whom is this 
common knowledge, Mr. Boatin? Certainly with 150 million Ameri- 
can people it is not common knowledge. 

Mr. BoATiN. You are interpreting what these people said about me. 

Mr. Jackson. I am interpreting sworn testimony under oath. 

Mr. BoATiN. I saw it in the papers. Walter Dunn says he didn't 
know. Now that is what he said. 

Mr. Jackson. Let's put Mv. Dunn's testimony aside and assume he 
didn't know there are other identifications of you as a member of the 
Communist Party. Are you or are you not a member of the Commu- 
nist Party ? That is all we are concerned with. 

Mr. BoATiN. I don't know what you mean by it. I have been called 
so many names that if I had spent all my time defending myself on 
these phony labels, I wouldn't have had an opportunity to do any- 
thing for the workers in the plant. They fired 3,000 of us for organ- 
izing the union. 

Mr. Jackson. Maybe if you had defended yourself against the 
charges some time prior to that you might not be suspected of partici- 
pation in the international conspiracy directed against the United 
States of America. Did that ever occur to you? 

Mr. BoATiN. You are conspiring; Mr. Potter was in Flint the other 
day making a statement we should use action and you made the state- 
ment before about throwing people out. That is not the dem- 
ocratic 

Mr. Jackson. This committee enjoys the confidence of the people 
of the United States, and of the Congress of the United States. In 
your contempt which extends past this committee to the Congress 
of the United States and the people of the United States, you are 
demonstrating your contempt for the Congress and for the American 
people. 

INlr. BoATiN. All I can say is all of you people are trying to make 
speeches so you can get yourself promoted up the political ladder. I 
have seen that hai>pen. You will be running for better jobs. 

Mr. Jackson. We wdl be shot if your philosophy of government 
ever achieves domination. 

Mr. Boatin. I don't believe in violence and I have never preached 
violence against anybody. I resent your insinuation. 

Mr. Jackson. Don't be violent about this connnittee. 



COMIVIUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3115 

Mr. BoATiN. You talk about throwing people out. You made it 
from that seat, and you said it this afternoon about throwing people 
out of the plant. 

Mr. Jackson. I think that any Communist should be thrown out 
of his union and I think the loyal Americans in the union should 
see that it is done. 

Mr. BoATiN. So far all you have done is pay people to make the 
accusations. You haven't brought one single worker 

Mr. AVooD. We have one now to deny it and you are refusing to do 
it. That ought to be a complete answer. 

Mr. BoATiN. It is not a complete answer. It is a matter of opinion. 

Mr. Wood. You were given that opportunity and you haven't taken 
advantage of it. The witness is excused. 

(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Wood. Do you desire to proceed further? 

Mr. Tavenner. I think that is all. 

Mr. Wood. The committee will stand in recess until 10 o'clock in 
the morning. 

(Whereupon, at 5:30 p. m., the committee recessed to reconvene 
at 10 o'clock, Wednesday, March 12, 1952.) 



1)7097— 52— pt. 2 11 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA— PART 2 



WEDNESDAY, MARCH 12, 1953 

United States House of Representatives, 
Subcommittt:e of the Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Detroit^ Mwh. 

PUBLIC HEARING 

A subcommittee of the Conmiittee on Un-American Activities met 
pursuant to call at 10 a. m. in room 740, Federal Building, Detroit, 
Mich., the Honorable John S. AVood (chairman), presidiui!;. 

Committee members present : Representatives John S. Wood, Fran- 
cis E. Walter, Donald L. Jackson, and Charles E. Potter. 

Staff members present : Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., counsel ; Thomas W. 
Beale, Sr., assistant counsel; John W. Carringtoiij clerk; and Donald 
T. Appell, investigator. 

Mr. AVooi). Let the connnittee come to order. Countel are you ready 
to proceed ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir. I call Mr. Shelton Tappes. 

Mr. Wood. Will you raise your right hand and be sworn please? 

You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this subcommittee 
will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so 
help you God ? 

Mr. Tappes. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF SHELTON TAPPES 

Mr. Tavenner. IVliat is your name ? 

Mr. Tappes. My name is Shelton Tappes. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born, Mr. Tappes ? 

Mr. Tappes. I was born in Omaha, Nebr., in 1911. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you outline briefly to this committee what 
your educational training has been? 

Mr. Tappes. I finished high school, spent one term in the University 
of Nebraska, and had several courses, extension courses, at the Uni- 
versity of Michigan and Wayne University. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you now live in Detroit ? 

Mr, Tappes. I do. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you lived here? 

Mr. Tappes. I lived in Detroit since 1929. 

Mr. Tavenner. During that period of time what has been your 
ma.i or employment ? 

Mr. Tappes. The Ford Motor Co. principally and the United 
Automobile Workers. 



3117 



3118 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Ta\^nner. When did your work with the Ford Motor Co. 
begin ; about what year ? 

Mr. Tappes. In 1937. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you been employed by the Ford Motor Co. 
or by unions having jurisdiction within the Ford Motor plan prac- 
tically all the time since 1937? 

Mr. Tappes. That is right. 

Mr. Tavenner. I Avant to ask you what official positions you have 
held with local 600 but before doing that I believe it would be of 
some assistance to the committee if you would outline the structural 
organization of local 600 and the UAW so the committee can under- 
stand better the importance of the various positions you have held. 

Mr. Tappes. Would you rather have the positions first? 

Mr. Tavenner. I believe if you would give the organizational 
break-down first, it would be of more assistance. 

Mr. Tappes. The United Automobile Workers is an international 
organization of auto workers, aircraft-implement workers and farm- 
implement workers principally. The jurisdiction is established by 
the CIO which is the mother organization of many international 
unions. 

The United Automobile Workers International Union is composed 
of more than 1,000 local unions and each of these local unions em- 
brace some plant or industry which is under contract with the inter- 
national union. The local unions, of course, are established in various 
States, cities, and some provinces in Canada. 

Xow the international union meets in convention periodically just 
about every 2 years according to its present policy and those local 
unions, according to their size, elect delegates who attend the inter- 
national convention and establish the policy and elect the interna- 
tional officers. Each local union elects its own complement of officers 
who govern these local unions in line with the policy as established 
by the international constitution. 

The international constitution, of course, is the governing law of the 
union according to the dictates of the conventions. 

The positions I have held in the union have been several. In 
1940 I was president of the foundry unit of local 600. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now stop there a moment. How many units were 
there in local 600? You spoke of your having been president of 
the foundry unit. 

Mr. Tappes. There are presently 16 units in local 600. At that 
time there were 13. 

Mr. Tavenner. ^Yhiit was the size of the foundry unit? 

Mr. Tappes. The first time I was elected president of that unit, 
there were 17,000 members. It was the largest unit in the Rouge plant. 
I want you to understand that local 600 is the local union that has 
jurisdiction over the River Rouge Ford plant. In 1941 when the 
union became established at Ford's, I was selected for the national 
negotiating committee which negotiated the first Ford contract. In 
1942 I was elected recording secretary of local 6O0. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now that was the organization that controlled or 
had jurisdiction over all of the units within the Ford plant — all the 
16 units? 

JVlr. Tappes. That is right. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3119 

Mr. TA\Ti:NNER. What was the membership of local 600 at that 
time? 

Mr. Tappes. In 1941 there were some 72,000 people working in the 
Rouge plant and during the several terms I served as recording secre- 
tary we did reach a peak of 89,000 UAW members. 

I served as recording secretary from 1942 until 1945. Subsequently 
I was appointed while I was elected in 1945 to the bargaining com- 
mittee of the production foundry unit which is now known as the 
Dearborn foundry. That is a 3-man committee that handles griev- 
ances in the top stage as far as the foundrj' unit is concerned. 

Then I was subsequently appointed director of the housing and com- 
pensation departments of local 600 and served a year in that capacity. 
The following year, I was again elected president of the production 
foundry unit and during the same year elected again to the national 
negotiating committee. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was that the year 1947 ? 

Mr. Tappes. That would be 1947. I retired from union activities at 
that time and went back in the shop. I didn't run to succeed myself 
as president of the foundry and when the contract had been nego- 
tiated with the company I had no further activity on the national 
negotiating committee. 

Mr. Tavenner. I will want to ask you further about your reasons 
for not running to succeed yourself but I do not want to go into it at 
this point. Now have you held any other positions with the UAW 
as an international organization? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes ; I have. I am presently acting as an international 
representative and I am attached to the staff of the national Ford de- 
partment of the union. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you held that position, the position 
of international representative? 

Mr. Tappes. Since December of 1950. 

Mr. Tavenner. Briefly what are the duties of an international 
representative ? 

Mr. Tappes. Well, there are varied duties that are assigned to them. 
It depends upon which department they are assigned to. Some act 
as organizers in departments and others act as service people. Then 
we nave some who are research people in our research departments 
and educators in our education department, and so on. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you had any other assignments within the 
past few years in your union ? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes; just previous to becoming an international rep- 
resentative, I was appointed to the review board of local 600, that 
is, the grievance review board, and a little later than that I was 
appointed as educational director of local 600. 

Mr. Tavenner. You stated that you became a member of the first 
negotiating committee for the contract with the Ford Motor plant in 
1941? 

Mr. Tappes. That is right, 

Mr. Tavenner. Had you been employed in the Ford plant prior 
to your appointment to that position ? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes ; I had, 

Mr. Tavenner. When did that employment begin ? I believe vou 
said it was in 1937? 



3120 COMMUNISM IX THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tappes. That is right, March 3. 

Mr. Tavenneu. Well, were you discharged from employment in 
the Ford plant before 1941 ? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes; I was. I was discharged for engaging in tlie 
union activities. 

Mr. Tavenner. When did that occur ? 

Mr. Tappes. That occurred in 1938. 

INIr. Tavenner. Well, did that discharge constitute the first incident 
in a chain of events that finally led to your being invited into the 
Communist Party ? 

Mr. Tappes. I will say indirectly they did. When I was discliarged 
I suppose I became more energetic as a union member because I knew 
that if the union didn't succeed in Ford's, IVl never have a job there 
again, and in most plants in and around the city of Detroit a [)erson 
who had been discharged for union activity was pretty well known 
and his chances of obtaining employment in those other plants were, 
to say the least, quite lessened as the result of his being known as an 
active unionist. 

I had applied for work in other plants and had been turned down. 

Mr. Walter. May I interrupt at this point? The inference very 
plainly is that the employers were acting in concert so that evei-ybody 
knew when a man — that is the employment officer of every company — - 
was discharged for union activities. Is that the fact ? 

Mr. Tappes. There is no doubt about that. I think the La Follette 
connnittee in hearings several years ago brouglit that out ])i'etty 
clearly and the National Labor Relations Board in many hearings 
brouglit the same facts to light, that the employers did act in concert 
and they maintained what are commonly known as blacklists; and 
former employees who had been outspoken or actively engaged in 
union activities were denied em])loyment in any of those plants that 
M'orked in concert one with another. 

Mr. Walter. Only for union acti\nties desi)ite the fact that the 
employee might be very well qualified and a desirable worker? 

IVfr. Tappes. Well, I can speak for other reasons they might have. 
I was interested in that phase of their concerted action which dealt 
with unionists. 

Mr. Walter. Proceed, Mr. Tavenner. 

ISIr. Tavenner. As a result of that experience, what line of work 
did you engage in ? 

Mr. Tappes. Well, as I say, I energetically engaged myself in union 
activities with the UAW. The ILVW wasn't known to have too much 
funds available, but they did provide part-time pay for people who 
were organizing. 

]Mr. Potter. Wasn't that about the time you became the Mystery 
^'oice or Mystery Man and appeared — or your voice was on radio for 
a period of time? Was it during that time that this happened? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes; that is true, especially in the fall and winter of 
1940 and early 1941. There was a sustaining ]n-ogram of the UAW 
AA'hich was on one of the Detroit radio stations 5 nights a week and 
7 was a A^oice, an unnamed Ford worker, who made many broadcasts 
in behalf of the union. It wasn't until the time that the union thought 
it was to some advantage that my name was ever disclosed. You 
might say they saw that the voice was identified in a very dramatic 
way during the height of the Ford drive. 



COMMUNISM lx\ THE DETROIT AREA 3121 

Mr. Tavennek. That is one of the incidents that I had reference to 
;; moment ago, in which I wanted to develop the chain of circum- 
stances that led up to an invitation to you to join the Comnumist 
Party. How lono; did you en<2;a<^e over the air in broadcasting under 
the name of the JNIystery Voice ? 

Mr. Tappes. Periodically over a 3- or 4-month period. 

Mr. Tavkxxer. Was there considerable interest aroused through 
the union as to who was^ the person whose voice M'as being heard? 

Mr. Tappes. I believe there was. We tried to point it up as nnich 
as possible and ])ropagandize the programs, and things that were said 
in behalf of the union and encourage the Ford workers to become 
union members. 

Mr. Tavenner. At what occasion was the announcement of the per- 
son whose voice had been heard as the mystery voice ? 

Mr. Tappes. Well, at a certain time during the Ford drive. 

Mr. Tavenner. What do you mean by the "Ford drive" ? 

Mr. Tappes. Well the UAW drive to organize Ford. The Su[)reme 
Court had rendered a decision which upheld the decision by the Na- 
tional Labor Kelations Board which called for the restoration to their 
jobs of 37 key union ])eople. I believe that took place in January of 
1941 and in dramatizing the whole incident, the union had as many 
of the 37 people as possible go to the gates of the Ford plant to be 
returned to their jobs. 

Pictures were taken and pictures of the checks in back j)ay that 
they had coming. At the same time it was decided that the Mystery 
Voice would be identified and a j^rogram was written up in which 
I was to not only say some of the things that I had been saying before 
in behalf of unionism, biit to also state my name and I did that. 
Subsequently })ictures were printed and many of the union papers 
carried stories and pictures and so on. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you visited by any member of the Communist 
Party shortly after that? 

Mr. Tappes. Well, I was visited about 10 days thereafter. It was 
still in 1941 and I believe it was in February, at my home. It was on 
a Saturday morning and by a person who identified himself to me 
as Maben. I don't recall the first name. 

Mr. Tavenner. Maben ? 

Mr. Tappes. That is all I recall. 

Mr, Tavenner. How do you spell it. 

Mr, Tappes. M-a-b-e-n, and he told me very frankly that he was 
a member of the Communist Party, and told me that the Conmiunist 
Party was to fight for the rights of Negroes and he thought that 
tliere Vv'as a great future for me in the union and that future could 
parallel a future in the workers' movement as he put it, namely, the 
Communist Party. 

Mr. Tavenner. So an inducement was made by this representative 
of the Communist Party to bring you into the party by suggesting 
to you that your position Avould be improved both within lal)or and 
within the Communist Party, is that about the substance of what you 
say ? 

Mr. Tappes. That is the substance of the statement. 

IVIr. Tavenner. Now, this was within 10 days from the time that 
you had received a great deal of notoriety throughout the labor world 



3122 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

for a very useful service you had performed anonymously over a 
period of time for the union? 

Mr. Tappes. That is true. 

Mr. Tavenner. Can you give us any further information regard- 
ing the individual who came to see you, this man by the name of 
Maben; was he an employee in the Ford plant or in the union? 

Mr. Tappes. To my knowledge he wasn't or never was a Ford 
worker. I had learned much later and I might say several years later 
that he is a barber. I don't know whether he operates a barbershop 
or what but I do know tliat his trade was that of bar})ering. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, did you as a result of this effort to recruit you, 
join the Communist Party? 

Mr. Tappes. No, I didn't. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you at any later time join the Communist 

Party? 

Mr. Tappes. No, I didn't. 

Mr. Ta\tenner. You have described to us the various positions with- 
in vour union to which you were elevated as time progressed. I be- 
lieve one of the first and most important assignments was that which 
you had received as one of the negotiating committee for the first con- 
tract with Ford. 

Mr. Tappes. That is right. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did that occur shortly after your name had been 
made public as the Mystery Voice? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes, it was. The appointment was made at that time 
by International President R. J. Thomas. I think that I should point 
out that ordinarily the Ford workers have a procedure by which they 
elect their representatives in national negotiations, but in new unions 
wliere it is hardly practical because the unions aren't autonomously 
established, then it is the responsibility of the international president 
to. either make the appointments or sanction appointments if he dele- 
gates that responsibility to somebody else. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, as time went along and your positions within 
your union became more and more important and your position of 
leadership within your union, was an effort again made to recruit you 
into the party? 

Mr. Tappes, The only other effort that I recall took place about a 
year later, the early part of 1942. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, let me ask you this first: Did you ever attend 
closed Communist Party meetings or Communist Party meetings 
which you recognized to be such? 

Mr. Tappes. I did attend meetings to which I had been invited by 
members of the Communist Party and meetings that to my own per- 
sonal knowledge were composed of Communists other than myself. 

]\Ir. Tavenner. Well, it may be helpful to explain to the committee 
what happened at some of those meetings. Will you tell us as near 
as you can, the first meeting which you attended and where it oc- 
curred? 

Mr. Tappes. The first meeting I can recall at present was in the 
early part of 1942 at the home of James Jones who was then chair- 
man of tlie pressed steel unit of the local 600. It was a small meet- 
ing and there were only about five people present including myself. 

Mr. Tavenner. Who invited you to the meeting? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3123 

Mr. Tappes. I was invited by William McKie of the local union; 
that is, 600. 

Mr. Tavenner. Who were tlie other persons who attended tliat 
meeting ? 

Mr. Tappes. James Jones, his wife, McKie, Lee Romano, Roy Wil- 
son, and myself. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall the purpose of that meeting ? AVhat 
was the principal subject of discussion? 

Mr. Tappes. Well, I was told that this was a meeting of Pressed 
Steel people, the Pressed Steel leadership, and when I was asked 
to come along, it was because matters that I might be interested in 
would be under discussion. I might say that at that time I was a 
member of the so-called left-wing group of local 600 and we of local 
600 had just recently been granted local union autonomy by the 
international executive board and we knew that we were going to 
elect our local union officers. Jones, a part of the left-wing group, 
had been cliosen as the director of the campaign representing our 
particular point of view in the election and because it was being held 
at Jones' house I felt there would be things under discussion that I 
would be interested in. 

I would say that principally the matters under discussion were 
Pressed Steel matters because there was some difficulty with Jones 
who had suddenly decided he'd like to be a candidate for vice presi- 
dent of the local union which would have upset the plans in the 
Pressed Steel unit and also upset the plans insofar as the local union 
was concerned, in the group that I was a part of. In other words, 
we had already chosen the slate, you see, and then with one person, 
somebody else deciding he wanted to be on the slate, too, for an 
office someone else had been selected for, you can see the difficulty. 

Mr. Tavenner. So you were brought there to this meeting to dis- 
cuss that matter? 

:Mr. Tappes. That is right. 

Mr. Tavenner. You spoke of the Pressed Steel unit. Were you 
referring to the Pressed Steel unit of your union or the Pressed Steel 
unit of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Tappes. No, this is the Pressed Steel unit of local 600, as far 
as I knew. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was any mention made to you at that meeting 
regarding your joining the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Tappes. Well, not in the meeting, but after the meeting had 
broken up and before we had left the house, I was approached by 
Mr. McKie and in words like this he said, "You had better be think- 
ing of coming among us. Shelton," and I asked him what did he mean 
and he says, "The Communist Party could use people of your caliber 
or your ability"; or rather he said, "People of your ability," and 
indicating that he was asking me to join the party. 

Mr, Tavenner. What did you say to him ? 

Mr. Tappes. I told him that I wasn't interested in joining the 
party and nothing more was said about it. 

Mr. Taatenner. Did you know Mr. Lee Romano to be a member 
of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Tappes. At that time I couldn't say that I did. 

Mr. Ta\T!:nner. Mr. Roy Wilson. 



3124 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tapper. Well, Roy Wilson had told me that he at one time was a 
member of the Young Communist League but he didn't tell me that 
he was a member of the party. 

Mr. Tavexxer. Well, now, did you attend another meeting of the 
Communist Party at a later time ? 

Mr. Tappes. In 1943, I at that time was recording secretary of 
local ()00. I received an invitation to address the Midtown Com- 
munist Club of the Communist Political Association. 

Mr. TA^^NNER. You are certain it was the Communist Political 
Association w^hich you addressed ? 

Mr. Tappes. Well, I was informed that was the group that I was to 
address when I received the invitation. 

Mr. Tavex^^ner. Well, the Communist Political Association was es- 
tablished in 1944? 

Mr. Tappes. Well, I may be mixed up but I know that this was the 
Communist Political Association. It may have been in 1944 but all 
I can say is I received an invitation to address 

Mr. Tavenner. Rsgardless of the year you are certain it was the 
Communist Political Association ? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes, I am sure of that. 

Mr. Tavexner. What club of the association? 

Mr. Tappes. The Midtown Club. 

Mr. Tavexx^er. Well, will you tell the committee all about that 
meeting? You say you were invited to address the Communist Party 
meeting ? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes; I had been given the subject of anti-Semitism or 
the dangers of anti-Semitism in the industries of Detroit and I went 
to the club. I might say I didn't hesitate to accept the invitation be- 
cause I always felt that the question of anti-Semitism would be as 
dangerous as anti-Negro attitudes in this country. 

I don't recall the chairman of the meeting but I do remember the 
introduction he made in my behalf as I was about to speak. He said 
among other things that Shelton Tappes, recording secretary of local 
60D, was an outstanding labor leader and other embellishments of that 
sort and then he said, "Who by the w^ay is not a Communist." Then 
the introduction was interrupted before he completed it. 

Mr. TA^^NX*:R. In what way was it interrupted ? 

Mr. Tappes. Well, it was interrupted by one of the members who 
seemed to have had a few drinks and he made the remark that, "I'd 
like to know wdiy the hell he isn't a Communist. Does he think he is 
any better than the rest of us here?" 

iVIr. Ta\t:nner. Who was the person that made that statement ? 

INTr. Tappes. A fellow who I later learned was William R. Hood of 
local BOO. 

Mr. Tavexxer. Did any thing else occur during the progress of that 
meeting which would cause you to remember the name of any other 
individual who was present? 

]Mr. Tappes. Well, after I had made my address, there was a ques- 
tion period and as to the first person who asked me a question, he 
asked me the type of question that was not consistent with the mes- 
sage that I tried to get over and as a result of that, this person did 
become imprinted in my mind as having been present at that meeting. 

Mr. Taa^xner. Who was that person ? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3125 

Mr. Tappes. That person was Leroy Krawford who is presently 
working at Ford's who I later learned severed all connections with 
either the Communist Political Association or the party several years 
ago. 

Mr. Potter. Who invited you, Mr. Tappes, to participate in this 
program in the first instance ? 

Mr. Tappes, I am not sure now how I got the invitation because in 
those days it wasn't unusual for me to receive invitations through the 
mail or by telephone and some in person, so I wouldn't be positive. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you attend any other meetings of the Com- 
numist Party ? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes ; during that same year and I do recall now that 
it was in 1944 I received a personal invitation to address the North- 
west Communist Club on the subject of Negro women in industry. 

Mr. Tavenner. How were you invited to take part in the program 
before that Connnunist Party club ? 

Mr. Tappes. 1 received a ])ersoiial invitation from a then member 
of local 600. 

]Mr. Tavenner. Was that Byron Edwards ? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes, that was Byron Edwards. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did anything occur during the progress of that 
meeting which would be of any interest or importance to the committee 
in your judgment ? 

Mr. Tappes. Well, I don't know. I got to the meetings, I suppose, 
about midway — there seemed to have been other business that tran- 
spired before I got there and my imi)ression is that I was to partici j)ate 
in sort of a program, a session of what seemed to have been earlier a 
business meeting because when I ari-ived there was a person talking 
who was talking about the press fund of the Dailj' Worker. There 
was an effort made to reenergize the people in a fund that seemed to 
have been lagging somewhat in the amount of money that was coming 
in — discussing the quota and liow the quota had been met up until 
that time. 

jNIr. Tavenner. Did you have occasion to attend another meeting 
of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes, I had one occasion that I can recall quite clearly. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was that meeting held in 1945 ? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes, it .was. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was it held at the Ford section of the Communist 
Party at 5642 Michigan Avenue ? 

Mr. Tappes. I am not sure of the address but I do know it was on 
Michigan Avenue and I was informed that this was the leadership — 
the Connnunist leadership of the Kouge plant. I was asked to be 
present and the time given me was 11 p. m. 

Mr. Tavenner. Who invited you ? 

Mr. Tappes. Walter Dorosh brought the message to me that my 
presence was desired by this leadership of the Rouge plant, so-called, 
and Billy Allen. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, did you attend the meeting ? 

IVIr. Tappes. Yes. I did. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was Billy Allan present? 

Mr. Tappes. He was. He was the chairman on that occasion. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was Dorosh present ? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes, he was present. 



3126 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. Was Bill McKie present ? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes, he was present. 

Mr. Tavenner. John Duncan? 

Mr. Tappes. I don't recall that he was. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was Nelson Davis present ? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes. 

Mr. Taat:nner. Was Max Chait present? 

]\Ir. Tappes. Yes, Chait was there. 

]Mr. Ta\t:nner. Leo Orsage? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner, Mike Hraber ? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes, he was. 

Mr. Tavenner. Sam Eizzo? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes, Rizzo was there. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was explained to yon to be the purpose of 
calling you before that meeting and was the explanation made to you 
after you arrived there ? 

Mr. Tappes. I arrived at lip. m. It was an hour — at least an hour — 
before I was permitted to enter the roomi^vvhere these people were 
assembled. When I entered the room I was quite amazed at the col- 
lection of people there because there were about 40 people — at least 40. 

Mr. Taaenner. Let me interrupt you at that point, and let me ask 
you about the names of other persons who may have been there. Was 
Art McPhaul there ? 

IVIr. Tappes. Art McPhaul was there ; yes. 

Mr. Ta winner. Ed Lock ? 

Mr. Tappes. I don't recall that Ed Lock was there; he may have 
been. 

Mr. Tavenner. Paul Boatin ? 

^Ir. Tappes. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Kenneth Eoach ? 

Mr. Tappes. I couldn't be certain about Roach although I know him. 

Mr. Tavenner. Tersil Obriot ? 

Mr. Tappes. Obriot was there. 

INIr. Tavenner. Veal Clough ? 

INIr. Tappes. No, he wasn't there. ' 

Mr. Tavenner. James Simmons? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Leonard Lauderdale ? 

Mr. Tappes. I don't recall his presence. 

Mr. Taatenner. Now, you say you were surprised and impressed by 
the fact that 30 or 40 people were there at this meeting. Will you tell 
the committee what occurred when you went into the room ? 

Mr. Tappes. When I entered the room Allan was seated in a corner 
in what would be the northeast corner of the room. There was a large 
round table in front of Allan, and a chair sitting at this table. There 
were no other vacant chairs in the room and everyone there was sitting 
facing Allan in semicircle rows. 

I might say there were a number of people there who haven't been 
named and whom I have forgotten as having been present, and Allan 
told me this — and I might point out that the chair that was available 
to me was facing theaudience, a kind of inquisition — and he said, "You 
have before you the Communist leadership of local 600. If you are 
wondering why we called you down here, these people are concerned 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3127 

about your refusal to join the Communist Party in spite of the fact 
that we Communists have supported you over the years for various 
offices in local 600 and despite the fact that certain or various people 
have been assigned to you for the purpose of securing your recruitment 
into the party." 

Now those were the words or the essence of the words used by Billy 
Allan. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did he name the persons who had been assigned 
to recruit you into the party '? 

Mr. Tappes. He named three persons. I particularly recall that 
Byron Edwards was one of the people named and Nelson Davis was 
the other. The third one is rather indistinct to me at the present. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, after he made that statement to you what 
occurred ? 

Mr, Tappes. Well, I was almost speechless at the time. It was an 
experience I wouldn't want to go through again because I feel that I 
have a right to my beliefs and I certainly have a right to join any 
organization I choose without being forced into it by anybody and 
1 have always felt that I could take care of myself in debate or any 
other way with the average person in the United States and these are 
people whom I had worked w4th for many years, not only on the basis 
of their political beliefs but because they were union people. I cer- 
tainly thought that any support that I did receive from them or 
anyone else in the Rouge plant had been on the basis of any service 
that I could contribute to the unii.n for the be'netit of the member- 
ship of the union. 

So the only answer that I could give — and I am sure that I could 
have probably done a better job now — but I w\as just caught up short 
and it was totally unexpected to me especially from people who had 
been preaching democracy and the rights of individuals for so many 
years — so the only answer I could give them was that I was not pre- 
pared and had no desire to join the Communist Party. 

That was the only reason I could give them for not having been 
a member or succumb to their efforts or their previous efforts to join. 

Mr. Tavt.nner. Well, when you took that position what was the 
attitude of Mr. Allan ? Wliat did he say ? 

Mr. Tappes. Mr. Allan reacted by first standing up. He said, 
"You heard the words of Shelton Tappes."' And then he pointed 
out a number of people to speak their minds on what they had heard 
from me. The first speaker was Mike Hraber who used some vitriolic 
statements in condemning me and asserting that I had let him down 
and that he had had a lot of faith in me before but now he saw no 
way in which he could have any further use for me or words to that 
effect. 

Another speaker was Leo Orsage who continued in the same vein, 
maybe not quite as vocally or didn't use nearly as many words but 
he also condemned my attitude. There were more — there were tliree 
or four other speakers that did do a pretty sound job of convincintr 
themselves and the others present that as Communists I was no good 
to them or didn't mean them any good. 

Mr. Potter. In other words', Mr. Tappes, as a form of blackmail 
in order to get their support for future elections, they were trying 
to convince you to become a member of their group and I assume by 
the tirades that were made against you after you refused, thev were 



3128 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

tellinor yon in a polite, or maybe not so polite way, that yon conldn't 
expect their snpport in the future union elections — is that the essence 
of it? 

Mr. Tappes. Well, at that point I would say it was more or less 
an effort to intimidate or coei-ce and demand that I become one of 
them, and insist that their past record of their past efforts in my 
behalf — ATell, they almost came right out and said without them I 
never would have neen anywhere ill the union. 

Mr. Walter. All of the j^eople there knew full w^ell that you were 
entitled to a great deal of credit fo^- the establishment of this union, 
didn't they ? Isn't that the fact ? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes, they knew that and I might say 

Mr. Walt};r. Their actions certainly indicate they weren't inter- 
ested in the strengthening of the union but in the strengthening of the 
Communist Party. 

Mr. Tappes. AVell, if they had been interested in the strengthening 
of the union, I would have known a whole lot more of them in 1937, 
1938, and 1939. I met most of those people after the union was es- 
tablished at Ford's and not before. 

Mr. TxVvennek. Now after these three or four persons had been 
called upon by Mr. Allan to express their opinions and to take part 
in this inquisition as you called it, what occurred? 

Mr. Tappes. Well, Allan himself decided to sum up the proceed- 
ings of the evening. 

Mr. Tavenner. By the way, let me stop there. Was Mr. Allan a 
member of the union ? 

Mr. Tappes. He wasn't a member of local 600 and I don't know 
whether he has been a member of any local union of the Union Auto- 
mobile Workers. I have never been so informed. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, now, tell us what Mr. Allan had to say. 

Mr. Tappes. Well, he summed the proceedings up by saying that, 
or telling me, that I had heard from the Ford w^orkers and that from 
their statements it was quite apparent that they weren't satisfied with 
the answers that I had given. 

Mr. Tavenner. Therefore a verdict had been reached ? 

Mr. Tappes. Therefore he was to tell me that from now on the 
people who they would select would be from their own ranks — peo- 
ple who would receive their support for the office in the local union. 
He also said that there wei-e others that they were going to call in 
and speak to in the same fashion that they had talked to me, the 
implication being of course that they weren't singling me out, that 
there would ba others. 

Mr. Tavenner. What position did you hold in the union at that 
time? 

Mr. Tappes. I held the position of bargaining committee in the 
production foundry unit. I'd like to say this, that when I lost the 
election in 1945 to succeed myself as recording secretary, I received 
visits and letters and phone calls from a great number of supporters 
in various sections of the Rouge plant. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, was that before or after the meeting? 

Mr. Tappes. That was before the meeting, naturally before my 
successor had been installed in office. I was the incumbent but hadn't 
lost my books so to speak, and these people for the most part seemed 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3129 

to have been interested in what I was jjoing to do now that I was no 
lono;er one of tlie chief officers of local 600. 

Most of them expressed confidence in my leadership and asked that 
1 not leave the local union. I had received an offer from one of the 
international officers to join his staff as an international representa- 
tive and they had heard about this offer and wanted me to remain with 
them in the Rouge plant saying that we would rebuild our forces and 
make a come-back in the local union and as an indication of this, their 
sincerity when I left the local union, I took a month's vacation and 
while I was gone my supporters in the foundry unit despite my ob- 
jections had entered my name in nomination for the bargaining com- 
mittee and had elected me to that position while 1 was on vacation. 

I wasn't even in the State of Michigan at that time which certainly 
convinced me that I had a lot of friends still in local 600. 

So I assumed that position and was working in that position and had 
expected that among the so-called left-wing group or the more or less 
political group, that I was associated with — and I might say that a 
minority of the left-wing in the UAW are the Communists — I had 
expected to make a come-back in the local union and everybody knew 
that was my plan. 

However, it is quite apparent now that the Communists in local 
WO had other ideas and with this was the tip-off of their activities to 
come. In other words, to make some attempt to capture one of the 
];rincii)al offices of local 600 which they up until that time did not have. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat office was that ? 

Mr. Tappes. Well, I don't know which — I wouldn't try to designate 
any of the offices; however, the effort was quite clear and the first 
thing they would have to do would be to displace one of the possible 
candidates and replace him with one of their own whatever office that 
might be because they had no way of knowing what office I would 
seek. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now, you have told us that William Allan advised 
you that they would from that time on endeavor to elect their own 
members or as much as told you that any support you had gotten from 
that group would be denied you in the future ? 

Mr. Tappes. That is true. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, now, what occurred later to indicate that that 
was not just a barren threat? 

Mr. Tappes. Well, I can only say that at first that threat would have 
not too much importance if it wasn't for the manner in whicli officers 
are selected in the union ; I mean we have two principal groups which 
in many ways compare wdtli the two principal political parties in the 
United States. 

So whoever is selected within the party machinery or the machinery 
of these groups, have the chances of being elected without dorbt, or 
our history shows no one has ever run as an independent in local 600 
and had any success. So the way in whicli they wei-e going to carry 
out their threat would be within the group that I was associated with 
and their acts in subsequent days bore out their threat and they did 
succeed. 

Mr. Tavenner. That was in the left-wing group within your union? 

Mr. Tappes. That is right. 

Mr. Tavenner. It may be well at this point to demonstrate to the 
.committee, if you can, how the action of the left-wing group can be 



3130 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

controlled by comparatively few individuals such as members of the 
Communist Party. Will you tell us a little as to how the function- 
ing of the caucuses might affect that problem? Well let us put it this 
way : You spoke of these different groups which represented, say, par- 
ties within your political parties or branches within your union. Are 
you talking now about the rank-and-file members or are you talking 
about any representative group of the members ? 

Mr. Tappes. I am talking about a division of the entire union in- 
cluding the rank and file. They are more or less commonly known as 
the left wing and right wing and includes everybody in the union. 
When elections come, people choose sides because they have to vote- 
for a candidate; if they want to, they vote for a candidate. 

Mr. Potter. Are candidates selected by caucus ? 

Mr. Tappes. No ; candidates are nominated. 

Mr. Potter. At conventions? 

Mr. Tappes. Not conventions. Let me explain it this way : Maybe- 
if we narrow it down to local 600 it will be easier to understand. Local 
600 has 16 buildings as we said before and these buildings are required 
to have a membership meeting once a month, so when nomination 
time comes the buildings receive official notice from the local union 
recording secretary and at their building or unit meeting the record- 
ing secretary and the president together notify the membership of 
the necessity for submitting nominations for local union offices. 

So in each of the 16 units will be a period set aside for the nomina- 
tion of members who desire to be nominated or members who desire- 
to nominate somebody for any of tlie local union offices they choose 
to make that nomination for. And tliese nominations are transmitted 
to the local union and once the deadline for accepting or rejecting 
that office has passed, the remaining names are then eligible for ballot 
if they are fully paid up members of the union. 

So the left- and riglit-wing caucuses as they are better known, se- 
lect from among their own group a slate of officers to represent them 
in the election. You might have seven people running for president, 
but chances are the question of selection will remain tetween the two 
people who are chosen by one or the other of the two major political 
groups. 

Mr. Wood. At that point I am interested in knowing, since it seems 
that the caucuses have a good deal of authority in thus selecting the 
candidates, how the caucus members are selected. 

Mr. Tappes. Well the members are not selected by the caucus or 
I sliould say the 

Mr. Woon. I understood you to say the caucus of the two factions, 
make up a slate of those that have been nominated. 

Mr. Tappes. Yes. You want to know how tlie factions are made up ? 

Mr. Wood. That is right. Who actually makes up that slate? Do- 
they have a meeting of some sort? 

Mr. Tappes. They do. The caucuses are more or less open to any 
member. If there is going to be a meeting of tlie rightwing group, 
why tliey notify the membership through cards or handbills or any 
way that they feel are the most effective — or there uiight be a more 
selective way of doing it by having people who are associated with 
that group })ass cards around privately to those that he thinks might 
be sym])athetic and the same procedure is followed by the other groups.. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3131 

I have seen caucuses that have as many as a thousand or more people 
there and I have seen those that only have three or four people present. 
But in the initial stages the groups are nuich smaller. 

Most of these caucuses have officers, they have a chairman and et 
cetera and they have a treasury for the campaign funds. They must 
i-aise money to buy literature and of course, in our local ^Ye use sound 
trucks and almost everything else. It is quite a big affair. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is the role of the Communist Party in the 
caucus meeting? 

Mr. Tappes. Well they have attached themselves to the left-wing 
caucus by — I mean, historically they attached themselves to the left- 
wing caucus. The way in which they carried out their threat on me, 
was first by coming in to the left-wing caucus with their group which 
was a pretty well disciplined group who are able to — they were so well 
disciplined — convince or help in choosing a steering committee. The 
steering committe is usually the group who takes charge of the pub- 
licity and all of the phases of a political campaign in the union. At 
this time, from the steering committee was chosen a nominating com- 
mittee and this nominating committee was to bring in to the steering 
committee recommendations for a slate of officers, and that was done. 
It was done on three occasions. 

Mr. Tavenner. You mean three separate different slates? 

Mr. Tappes. Well, they brought in a slate of officers for the first 
time and included on that slate was my name for vice president repre- 
senting the group and those who are present and many of whom have 
been named since these hearings have been going on as members of 
the Communist Party were very vocal in insisting in finding other 
reasons for the committee to be sent bac^k and bring out another re- 
port. 

Mr. Walter. Did people participate in this caucus who were not 
members of local 600? 

Mr. Tappes. No. 

Mr. Walter. So that the only participants in the left-wing caucus 
were union members ? 

Mr. Tappes. That is right. The committee was sent back and they 
returned with substantially the same slate of officers and by some 
subterfuge they were sent back again because it was found to be un- 
desirable. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, now, did that all occur on the same day or was 
it postponed to another day ? 

Mr. Tappes. No, we were meeting periodically I believe at that time 
every 2 weeks. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well isn't that very much the same as the old plan 
of just waiting until the opposition had dispersed and then demand- 
ing action ? 

Mr. Tappes. That is right, only in the meantime, behind the scenes 
they were trying to influence various members of the steering com- 
mittee to change their ideas about the composition of the slate. 

Mr. Tavenner. That was all after vou had been given the warning 
by Mr. Allen? 

Mr. Tappes. That is true. 

Mr. Tavenner. About what woidd occur to you if you didn't join 
the party? 

97097— 52— pt. 2 12 



3132 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tappes. That is right. The third slate that was brought in 
had moved iny name from vice president down to the original posi- 
tion I had held — recording secretary. And all that had happened was 
a shuffling of the names on the slate to different positions and again 
there were enough people there representing the Communist point of 
view to insist that the slate was not satisfactory, only on this occasion 
the subterfuge was that well there are not enough people here to make 
a decision and we had better have a broader meeting so that more 
people can make a decision which certainly the average person has 
no reason to object to. 

By then I had received from sources the real reason for this proposed 
slate being sent back so often and why there was so much objection to 
it. There was no question that the names on the slate were people who 
had the confidence of the gioup that I have mentioned — the left-wing 
group. 

They certainly had done as much service for the group and were 
logical candidates, as much so as anybody else in local 000, so a 
meeting was called, 

Mr. Tavennek. After the slate had been sent back three times? 

Mr. Tappes. That is correct. I might say that ordinarily a slate 
is selected in that fashion and many weeks before we got started, why, 
ordinarily we would have had a campaign in full swing. 

So when I received the information I did about the attitudes of 
different people, I decided that if we were going to be able to present 
a slate of officers in the campaign and be able to put uj) any kind of a 
battle in the elections that year, that maybe the best thing for me to 
do was to remain out of the meetings, and I did. The broad meeting 
that was called was attended by more than 300 in Northern High 
School and the same slate of officers was selected or was presented to 
this body with the exception of my name. 

When they got to the office of recording secretary, a contest was 
held between me and one other person. I might say that somebody 
stood in for me and a decision was made by standing vote and the 
person that was selected received 181 votes and I was told I received 
180. So I lost the decision by one vote, even though I wasn't present. 

Mr. Walter. Who counted the votes? 

Mr. Tappes. At that meeting the Communist Party representing the 
local 000 section had made a very determined and concerted effort to 
see to it that my name was not selected. The party was even rep- 
resented by people who hadn't worked at Ford's for quite a number of 
years and some party members who had become inactive over a 
period of time and tlieir efforts in behalf of the decision to select 
someone other than me. to sav the least, were very strenuous. 

Mr. Tavenner. So INfr. Allan's prediction and threat was carried 
out in toto ? 

Mr. Tappes. That is right. 

Mr. Tavennek. Well, who was selected as recording secretary on 
that occasion? Who received 181 votes? Do you recall? 

Mr. Tappes. William Johnson. William H. Johnson. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is William H. Johnson the same person who is now 
the executive adviser to the president of local 600 ? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes; he is the administrative assistant to the president. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know whether William Johnson is a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3133 

Mr. Tappes. Well, I have never known anyone who phiced Bill 
Johnson in the party. 

Mr. Tavenner. You spoke of a pei-son by tlie name of Orsage, who 
was designated by Mr. Allan to express his views regarding your re- 
fusal to become a member of the party at this meeting which you 
were called to. Do you know whether he in turn was disciplined 
as a member of tJie party in later years ? 

Mr. Tappes. I believe he was either reprimanded or suspended from 
the party for running for office in the Dearborn assembly plant b3tter 
known ns the B building. I think he ran for president of that unit 
:at a time when they desired someone else to get the full support of 
the party forces. 

Mr. Tavexxer. As a result of that he was expelled from the Com- 
munist Party ^ 

Mr. Tappes. Yes: that was the information that was generally 
spread around local €;J0. 

Mr. Tavennek. Do you know whether or not the fact of his expul- 
sion was published in the Daily Worker of Septembsr 1950? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes; I know it was published in the Daily Worker. I 
wouldn't be able to say the date. I am a subscriber to the Daily 
W^orker so I do read 

Mr. Walter. We get it too. 

Mr. Wood. Tlie committee will stand in recess for 10 minutes. 

(A short recess was taken.) 

Mr. Wood. We will come to order. Proceed, Counsel. 

Mr. Tavenner. I was in error a few minutes ago as to the expulsion 
•of Leo Orsage as having been announced in the Daily Worker. It was 
in the Michigan Worker instead. I have it before me and desire to 
•offer it in evidence and ask that it be marked "Tappes Exhibit No. 1." 

Mr. Wood. It will be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Tappes Exhibit No. 1" 
:and received in evidence.) 

Mr. Tavenner. You stated that Mr. William Allan advised you in 
the course of the inquisition that at least two persons liad been assigned 
to recruit you into the party and one was Byron Edwards and the 
other Nelson Davis. Were you conscious of any efforts being made 
by either of those two persons to recruit you into tlie party? 

Mr; Tappes. I was more conscious of the efforts of Nelson Davis 
during the time that he was making the attempts. Nelson Davis 
served as vice president of the foundry workers of local 600 under me 
while I was president, so he had many opportunities to make an effort 
to recruit me into the party and took advantage of those opportunities 
on several occasions. 

He asked me in 1942 and on several occasions, and on many occa- 
sions later on. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Max Chait was shown by testimony here to have 
taken an active part in the conference of the Commmiist Party in 
1950 and to have announced during that meeting that the Communist 
Party — and it may have been a boast, or may have been a factual 
statement that he was intending to make — has succeeded in getting 
or obtaining control of the council of local 600. I want to ask you 
some questions nbout that but before doing so tell the committee just 
what the council of local 600 consists of. 



3134 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tappes. The oounoil of local 600 — the official title is the fjeneral 
council — is composed of deleo^ates elected from these various buildings. 
It represents a membership meetino; of the local union. Constitution- 
ally, local unions are required to hold at least one general membership 
meeting each month. The unwillingness of local 600, with peak mem- 
bership running into 80,000 or m(ne in former years and now more 
than 60,000 in normal times, presents a picture of almost impossibility 
of providing a spot where those people could meet in one body. 

As a result of that, the units are allowed — according to their size — 
to elect delegates. I don't know the exact figure now, whether it is 
1 for every 300 members or 1 for every 500. It could be 1 for each 
thousand. And these delegates are assembled once each month to con- 
duct the business of tlie local union. It is the highest governing body 
of the local union. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is the average number of delegates? 

Mr. Tappes. It averages around 200 at the present time. 

Mr, Tavenner. Now, that is the council to which Mr. Chait referred. 
Have you been a representative on tlie general council at any time? 

Mr. Tappes. Since its inception; I am presently a delegate to the- 
council. 

Mr. Tavenner. In the year 1950, the year about which Mr. Chait 
was speaking, was the Communist Party, in your judgment, in a posi- 
tion to control the vote or the action of the general council of local 600* 
on important matters involving the union ? 

Mr. Tappes. The year 1950 was the first year of the administration 
of Carl Stellato, who is now president of the local union. The Com- 
munist Party, as such, was very critical of his program and policies- 
and didn't hesitate on almost any measure that he proposed to try to. 
defeat it. I think Mr. Chait was certainly boasting if he tried to imply 
that a majority of our council delegates were Communists, because that 
certainly would be an extreme fabrication for him to say that. How- 
ever, the Communist Party has the particular habit of claiming the- 
influence and claiming credit for anv progress or achievements that 
are made by the left-wing group of the union, which in this case was 
true. The left-wing group were the opposition group to Mr, Stellato. 

Whatever that group did the Conununists claimed credit for it, and 
I might say that a goodly portion of that credit was not due them, or 
at least the Communists, as such, were not entitled to the full credit. 

Mr, Tavenner. Well, now, was the caucus plan carried out in the 
work of the general council as to measures which were to be supported 
or rejected and in substantially the same manner as in the elections 
which you have previously described? . 

Mr, Tappes. Well, I'd say, generally speaking, yes. Except this,, 
that on pure union matters there was ]iever any difficulty in getting the 
average union man to agree and supj:)ort a pure and honest and benefi- 
cial union matter. The only time that the district caucus lines were 
drawn would be when a measure dealing with foreign policy became- 
an issue, and it was at that time that the discipline and the unusual 
ability of the Communists came to the foi'efront, that is to bring their 
trainins: to the forefront and take advantage of the union members. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were caucuses held from fime to time on matters- 
of that character? 

Mr, Tappes, Yes, on both sides there were caucuses held;. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3135 

Mr. Tavenner. Well now, if you had a total membership on the 
general council of 200 as I believe you have mentioned as the average, 
.and there was a left-wing caucus within the council, about what per- 
centage of that entire vote would be represented by the caucus as an 
average would you say? 

Mr. Tappes. Well of coiu'se, I think you understand that each year 
council delegates had to be elected and the composition of the council 
itself would result in the success of one group or the other in the var- 
ious units, so when the delegates were presented to the council for 
installation, they would have there a body of people representing 16 
different units of the Kouge plant who were there by the success of a 
particular group. 

They associated themselves with their individual units so that each 
Tear the experience would be different, but over the years since the 
inception of the general council in 1941, 1 would say that the left-wing 
point of view did prevail to the extent of about 55 or 60 percent of the 
•council members. 

Mr. Tavenner. Then an average of 60 percent of the total would be 
120, so actually 120 persons in that caucus could control the decision 
of the general council ? 

Mr. Tappes. That is assuming all council members are present. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes, if all were present? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes. 

Mr; Tavenner. If there were 61 Communists represented in the 
caucus or 61 people who could be controlled by the Communists, they 
could control the entire action of the general council, isn't that true? 

Mr. Tappes. That is quite possible. I would like to digress a bit 
here. The way in which the Communist Party was able to operate 
with any success was really the fault of those union members who don't 
vote in local union elections. I'd like to make that pretty clear. By 
their absence on election day, they sanction the success of a group — a 
small but well-disciplined group — that control the destinies of the 
union. 

Mr. Tavenner. That exists in every phase of human endeavor in 
this country and it is a question of lethargy on the part of the people. 
If they once came out and asserted their opinions and their votes, the 
Communist Party could not possibly accomplish its objectives. 

Mr. Tappes. I might say that is also true of the so-called left wing 
and the union; the failure of the left-wingers to attend their left-wing 
meetings in many cases resulted in the Communists either having a 
majority of people present and the fact that so many people know so 
little about what goes on in the union, they permit these people who are 
well trained and well versed on international policies and national 
policies to sway those who are present and don't pay too much at- 
tention to those things. They are able to sway them into believing 
some of the things that they say and as a result there is a prevalent 
point of view that is not truly the thinking of the majority of the 
people. 

Mr. Jacksox. If I may interrupt for a moment, I think, Mr. Tappes, 
that perhaps your statement on the organizational tactics of the Com- 
munists is one of the most important points that has been made during 
this entire hearing. 

The averaire member of an organization is apt to come to the meet- 
iing late and he is apt not to say very much while he is there and go 



3136 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

home, to the, family as quickly as possible. I think that is borne out 
amply in the testimony taken by this connnittee here and in other 
cities. The Communists come early, they are vocal while there, and 
stay until the last dog is hung. Out of the total membership of over 
60() of the Screen "Writers* Guild in Hollywood, only a few have been 
identified as Communists and fellow travelers. 

However that minority in the Screen Writers' Guild succeeded in 
absolute domination of the Screen Writers' Guild over a period of some 
years and succeeded in electing a great many members of the board of 
directors of the Screen Writers' Guild and also the executive secretary 
in at least two instances. 

I think that the point you make on the responsibility of those who- 
are opposed to the Communists and to communism as to voting and 
making their presence felt in these meetings is one of the most im- 
portant points that could possibly be made in this hearing or in any 
other hearing. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is there anything that you can tell the committee 
regarding the devices used by the Communist Party to control its 
action, that is, to control the action of the union or the left-wing? 

Mr. Tappes. I could. 

Ml-. Tavenxer. Without taking too much time and going into toO' 
much detail. 

Mr. Tapper. I can give an example of how it is possible to control 
a group with a small minority with everybody giving consideration to 
the fact that a union meeting is usually composed of people right off 
a machine in a shop. If we have a meeting of 50 people and 5 peo])le 
there are Communists, we found that the average rank and filer doesn't 
have too much to say in that meeting no matter what comes up on the 
floor or- is presented to them for consideration. 

Tliev are willing to sit back and depend upon their officers to make a 
lot of decisions for them. 

Mr. Tavenner. That is the verv reason whv it is so important that 
a Communist who is an official — holds an official position — should be- 
come exposed as to his Connnnnist Party membership, so that the 
rank ancl file will know it, isn't that true? 

Mr. Tappes. Tliat is right, and I think you will find that is one of" 
the reasons the IT AW has a provision in its contract that no Commu- 
nist can hold office. The five Conmiunists will have discussed the im- 
portant matters before they get to the meeting and they are trained in 
parliamentary law and they are trained in labor history and they have 
current events classes on almost any matter that is important to the 
Nation and the union. 

Therefore they have the abilitv to take the floor and handle them- 
selves and they have the knowledge of these. issues and each of those 
five can have somethino: to sav on that matter while most of the other 
people are sitting there and listening. So thev are easily swayed and 
as a result of the lethargy as you so well put it before of the average 
member, he is influenced and controlled in too many cases by a small 
minorifv and an un-American group of people. 

T might say that despite many articles and so forth to the contrary, 
I think the strongest and most vocal organization in this country and 
the most active organization in this countrv aeainst the efforts of the- 
Communist Partv is the United Automobile Workers. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3137 

I also feel that our president, Walter P. Reutlier, has certainly 
shown himself to be an enemy of Communist ideolooy and fought 
very vii^orously and hard to eliminate those who have held offices or 
had certain influences within our own union. 

I think that if every other union in this country had done as much 
and worked as hard on the subject as the United Automobile Workers, 
tliat. thei'e certaiidy would be much less influence within the labor 
orjranizations at the present time. 

Mr. Tavexxek. And the international orofanization of the CIO has 
been successful in expellino- 12 international unions because of their 
adhering to the Communist Party line? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes. 

Mr. Tavexxek. So an effort is being made not only in labor but in 
many other forms of activity to clear their skirts of communism^ 

Mr. Tappes. That is right. 

Mr. Tavexnfj?. Now there has been a lot said during the course of 
this hearing about the efforts of the Communist Party to bring within 
the Communist Party the persons of the Negro race and to attempt to 
profit by some of the ])roblems that they have faced. What observa- 
tion do you have to make if any regarding the efforts of the Communist 
Party to accomplish that ? 

Mr. Tapi'es. Now IVl like to say this — I am glad that you put that 
question in that way, and I hope the chairman, if he feels that I am 
going too far, will correct me. I am glad to answer a question like 
that because I have always felt pretty strongly that there is a great 
problem in this Nation that needs a solution. 

I believe there are manv patriotic p-roups in this Nation who are 
working on that problem that include Negro and white people. Many 
of tliose oriranizations are known to evervone in this room — the 
NAACP, UAW-CIO. and American Federation of Labor. All of 
these organizations have some faults, w^e agree; however, the efforts 
and the honesty that is displayed in their efforts certainly indicates 
that in this Nation there will come a time when most of these problems 
will be solved to the satisfaction of everyone. 

Mr. Waeter. Let me call your attention to something on that point. 

The efforts of tliose of us who have been trying to the best of our 
abilitv to improve conditions of all of the people are very seriously 
impeded by the activities of those who shed crocodile tears for the 
people that we are now talking about, 

Mr. Tappes. I agree and T also feel that the major problems such as 
lynching, the poll tax, and fair employment practices are matters that 
the American .])eo]:)le should very vigorouslv attend to, but I don't 
agree that the Communist Party of the United States who has installed 
itself as the one airency designed to solve the problems of the Negro 
people — I do not believe and I know that tliev are not sincere in their 
efforts. They have only grabbed the Negro issue as a means through 
which they can attain the help and support of 15 million Negro people 
in this country in furthering their policies of the Soviet Union which 
thev are attached to. 

I know there have been occasions when the Communist Party could 
have proven their sincerity and other parts of their program have been 
predominant to the point that they were willing to forego the rights 
of the Negro people in order to solve their international interests,. 



3138 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

particularly on their attitude on Negro questions during the last war, 
I know of at least one instance and that is the instance of a doctor 
in the city of Detroit who had been drafted into the United States 
Navy and insisted that in answering the draft call, he should be 
drafted as a physician because he was then a practicing medical doctor 
in this city. I suppose he didn't know too much about the Communist 
Party as to its sincerity and he went to them for help and they turned 
him down saying that'winning the war was primary and all of those 
things would have to wait until the war was over. 

One other instance was mentioned yesterday. T remember this par- 
ticularly because I had a personal experience wIumi ♦^^i.e National Asso- 
ciation for the Advancement of Colored Peoiih^ advanced as its pro- 
gram, the double V program. That was known as victory sit home 
and victory abroad in which they gave, unstintingly, support to the 
war effort of the country but still contained themselves with the do- 
mestic programs feeling that both were consistent and the interest 
was the same— we must win both of those battles — and the Communist 
Party was outspokenly critical of the at-home portion of that double 
victory program. So I could conclude by saying that the Communist 
Party' does not repreesnt the chosen spokesmen for the Negro people 
and that the Negro people know that there are many patriotic persons 
and patriotic organizations w^ith whom they can associate themselves 
in whom they know they have a real honest and sincere interest in 
seeing that complete democracy is a prevalent thing in this Nation. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. We have secured during the course of this investi- 
gation a blank form of which this is a copy, of the information that 
was requested by the Communist Party from each registrant in 1950. 
I'd like to hand it to vou and ask you to examine it and state whether 
or not from that record of the Communist Party they actually carried 
out in practice the nondiscrimination which they would subtly preach 
to the public. Is there any distinction that is made in their own rec- 
ords between people of different races or color? 

Mr. Tappes. The top of this paper says "Communist Party mem- 
bership registration for 1950." 

Mr. Tavenner. Then will you read the classification of information 
down the line from the top? 

Mr. Tappes (reading) : 

Man, woman, Negro, age, time in party, employed, unemployed, occupation, 
industry, specific name of union, CIO, AFL, independent, and vet — 

which I assume means veterans or not. 

Mr. Tavenner. Therefore, according to their own records they do 
draw distinctions? 

Mr. Tappes. I am sure you are referring to that Negro designation 
where it says whether Negro or white. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to offer a copy in evidence and ask that it 
be marked "Tappes Exhibit No. 2." 

Mr. Wood. It will be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Tappes Exhibit No. 2" and 
received in evidence.) 

Mr. Jackson. Before you leave the matter of legislation there prob- 
ably is no more of a certain kiss of death for adequate and worth- 
while legislation to meet many of the problems with which many 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3139 

groups in this country are confronted, than the advocacy and endorse- 
ment of the Communist Party. The delegations of the Communist 
Party which are sent down to Washington on various occasions to put 
forward these programs actually succeed in alienating people who are 
in favor of the legislation. Their conduct on Capitol Hill is in a large 
part exactly their conduct before congressional committees. 

I might say it is not designed to make friends or influence people 
in Washington. So it is actually in effect the kiss of death to much 
legislation which might otherwise be considered and which should be 
considered. 

Mr. Potter. Also the legislation that you can expect will come under 
the leadership of Negro leaders such as Mr. Tappes and others rather 
than the leadership of the James Watts. 

Mr. Tappes. I'd like to comment ou this party record registration. 
Of course, I have never seen one before and I might say that I don't 
know the purpose of designating a person by his race but that is some- 
thing tliat our union doesn't apjirove of and we finally succeeded in 
many plants in eliminating race designation to the extent where there 
are many plants today and if you'd ask how many Negro employees 
you have or white employees, they'd be unable to tell you. I might 
say that vocally that has been something that the Communist Party 
has advocated but it looks here that in practice in their own organiza- 
tion, they have continued to violate what they have always considered 
a principle. 

Mr. Tavenner. In other words, they don't practice what they 
preach ? 

Mr. Tappes. That is true. 

Mr. Tavenner. I may say right at that point, that this investiga- 
tion, in the subpenaing of witnesses, has been conducted on exactly 
the same basis as that which you described in some plants, where it is 
not known before an appearance here on the witness stand in many 
instances as to what the race of an individual may be. Now have you 
at any time joined an organization known as the National Negro Con- 
gress ? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes; I did. I don't recall the year but it could have 
been sometime in 1043. 

Mr. Tavexxer. Did you at the time you joined it know that it was 
a Communist-dominated organization? 

Mr. Tappes. No; I didn't know that and I very vehemently denied 
that when other people attempted to tell me so. 

Mr. Tavexn^er. Did a time arrive when you changed youi- mind 
about the character of the organization? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes ; that time did occur. 

Mr. Tavex^ner. Will you tell the committee about it, please? 

Mr. Tapppis. In 1944 I was chosen as a member of the national board 
of the National Negro Congress. I had been sent to a convention or 
conference of the congress in New York City. I had been sent there 
with the sanction of the executive board of local 600 who paid my 
expenses to and from New York. 

I was there for a 3-day period. If I am not mistaken, the confer- 
ence began on a Saturday and ended on a Monday. I was accom- 
panied by the executive secretary of the Detroit council of the National 
Negro Congi'ess. 

Mf. Tavex'ner. Who was that? 



3140 COMMUNISM IX THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tai'pes. Vera Vaiiderberjr. I am tryino; to <>et the dates ri<^lit. 
It was either in 194*) or 1I>44. U])on my — well, after the conference 
had ended, Mrs. Vanderber<i- and 1, who were from Detroit — I think 
we were the oidy representatives from Detroit on that occasion — 
were asked if we would accompany some of the officials from the New 
York headquarters downtown in New Yoi'k to an important discussion 
on congress alfairs or con<j^ress matters. 

They stated that of course we wouldn't have any authority except 
that they thought that we could present a picture of the activity of 
the congress and progress in the city of Detroit. We agreed to attend 
tlie meeting. 

The meeting was held on Twenty-third Street in a building that 
housed the headquarters of the Council on African .Mfairs, and we 
were introduced to a person by the name of Fivderi k Field. 

Mr. Potter. Frederick Vanderbilt Fields 

Mr. Tappes. I don't know whether it is Frederick Vanderbilt. I 
do know it was Frederick V. Field. He seemed to be a slight indi- 
vidual of sandy hair, about my height : I supj)ose not quite as tall 
as I and we were shown into the front suite of offices on the first 
floor, I believe, and we sat in on that session which seemed to be con- 
cerned with the lack of progress or success by the congress in recruit- 
ing memberships. 

At that time I think there was an annual membership of $1, and 
the congress hadn't been very successful. 

During the course of the discussion — and I don't recall the exact 
persons that we accompanied to the, meeting so I would hesitate to 
mention names — a person from the New York headcpiarters gave a 
description of their activities in West Virginia and in that particular 
area of the United States, They mentioned some other States, I 
think eastern Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and other areas — r-elated 
areas — and then Mrs. Vanderberg was a^ked to give a i'ep<>rt on what 
was going on in Detroit although before she spoke the same person 
gave a fairly exaggerated, I might say, picture of success in Detroit. 

Mrs. Vanderberg, of course, followed the same line and gave a 
similar report which led me to believe there was some — well according 
to the attitude of Field, there seemed to be, to say the least, some 
impatience with the progress of the National Negro Congress. De- 
spite the reports that had been given, he was still reluctant to do 
whatever these people had been discussing before they arranged this 
personal visit. 

So then one of the people that I accompanied said : 

"We will have to put all our cards on the table." She said, "The 
National Negro Congress is a Comnumist-front organization and it 
was organized for the purpose of carrying the party program into 
the Negro neighborhoods and Negro districts of the TTnited States.'' 

They went on to say they had active councils in West Virginia, 
eastern Pennsylvania, South Carolina, and they mentioned some city 
in South Carolina, New Orleans, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Chicago, 
Detroit, and some other cities that I don't remember. 

My first i-eaction was that those people evidently or this person 
evidently had made a slip, or had assumed that both ]\Irs. Vanderberg 
and I were also members of the party, or were acquainted with the 
fact that the congress was a party front because this is the first time 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3141 

I had ever lieard a straightforward statement, by someone who had 
aiitliority to make the statement, that tlie Xational Negro Congress 
was a front organization of the Connnnnist Party. 

I didn't say jmything to Mrs. Vanderberg about it because I didn't 
know how to say anything to her about it and I wasn't too sure that 
that had registered as deeply with her as it did with me. So upon 
my return to Detroit and upon reaching my office, I dictated a letter 
of resignation to the national board of the congress and nniiled it in 
to New York. I never received a reply from that letter and from 
tlien <m I didn't receive invitations to the regular meetings of the 
board of the Detroit council although I was a member of that board. 

Mr. Tavi:nner. Was the purpose in visiting Frederick V. Field 
the obtaining of funds for the operation of the organization^ 

Mr. Tappes. That was the substance of the meeting; I gathered 
this much or I will say I didn't pay as nnich attention as 1 could have, 
but I anticipated the knowledge I obtainecl. However it seems that 
the congress had exceeded its budget and in relation to this budget 
there was supposed to have been forthcoming a certain amount of 
funds from the organizatiomil etiorts of the i)eople of the staif and 
that the people on the staff had failed to raise these funds and had 
exceeded the budget. Therefore the question of designating more 
funds to them fi'om some source was at issue. 

Mr. Tavenxer. Mr. Chairman, the connnittee knows from its other 
investigations that the address given in New York is the address of 
the office building owned by Frederick Vanderbilt Field. 

Mr. Wood. I oelieve this will be a good thne to take a recess for 
lunch. The connnittee will stand in recess until 2 o'clock. 

(Whereupon, at 12 : 25 p. m., the hearing was recessed until 2 p. m. 
the same day.) 

AFTER RECESS 

Mr. Woon. Let us have order. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Tappes, will you tell us, if you know, any 
part that the Connnnnist Party played here in Detroit in connection 
with the Connnunist-front organization known as the American Com- 
mittee for the Protection of Foreign Born and the Civil Rights 
Congress. 

Mr. Tappes. The American Connnittee for the Protection of For- 
eign Born 1 know very little about although as secretary of local 
600, I was' in receipt from time to time of mail and conference calls 
in which they invited the local union to send delegates or contribu- 
tions and was personally invited on occasion to attend meetings or 
affairs that they were sponsoring. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were any substantial contributions made to that 
organization from the funds of local ()()0? 

Mr. Tappes. None that I recall to the American Committee for the 
Protection of Foreign Born. I don't know whether the records would 
indicate or not l3ut I think it would be safe to say that if they were, 
they were rather minor and not a steady type of contribution. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now, what with regard to the Civil Rights Con- 
gress ? 

Mr. Tappes. The Civil Rights Congress, as I first knew it, was 
known as the Civil Rights Federation which for uiany years, my 



3142 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

impression, was a local orojanization. Later on I found out that 
they were affiliated with a national organization known as the Na- 
tional Federation for Social Liberties. I believe that on one occasion^ 
while in New York City I visited their headquarters, which if I re- 
member correctly, was somewhere down in the lower business sec- 
tion of Manhattan Island. Presently it is known as the Civil Rights^ 
Congress and that as a result of a convention held, I believe in Chi- 
cago, in which the Civil Rights Federation, National Federation for 
Social Libei-ties and the National Negro Congress resolved themselves- 
as previously constituted and reestablished in the one organization 
known presently as the Civil Rights Congress. 

Mr. Tavexnp:r. Did you ever have occasion to discuss any of the 
business of the Civil Rights Congress or any of those organizations 
which were finally consolidated to make up the Civil Rights Con 
gress on aspects that dealt with the Communist Party? 

Mr. Tappes. No; I ne r had any personal reason or occasion tO' 
be interested in it. The National Negro Congress was a part of the 
organization and I had already turned in my resignation as a board 
member of the National Neo;ro Congress. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did Art McPhaul come to you on any occasion after 
you resigned and take up the matter with you in connection with any 
one of those organizations? 

ISIr. Tappes. I recall Art McPhaul coming to me, I believe it was 
in the year 1946, but the matters he wanted to discuss with me weren't 
so much the two organizations, although he did mention the congress, 
both congresses, that is, the Civil Rights Congress and the National 
Negro Congress. His particular interest in talking w^ith me was to 
get from me my opinion on why the Communist Party was unable 
to secure what he termed the more able or qualified leadership type 
of Negro to become active in the party activities and why tliey weren't 
able to recruit them or to hold their interest in Connuunist Party 
affairs and the like. It seems that the party w^as concerned about 
the caliber of leadership among Negroes that they had in the party. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall what advice you gave to him at 
that time? 

Mr. Tappes. Not particularly. I don't know what kind of advice 
I would give him now. The kind of leadership that the ])arty would 
be able to get from Negro people — I could certainly tell him why 
he has been or would be unable to get that type of Negro to ado]^t 
the policies and program of the Communist Party. I certainly 
would not be in a position to give him any advice or I wouldn't be- 
inclined to give him any advice to help him in that dii-ection. 

Mr. Tavenner. The committee has, in the course of its investiga- 
tion, discovered a statement attributed to you in the press in wliicli 
it was said that you sup])orted or advocated the withdrawal of troops 
from Korea, or to that effect. The article seemed to be slanted along 
the line — that which was known to be the Communist Party line — with 
regard to the situation in Korea. Do you know what I refer to ? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes; I am ac(|uainted with that. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will yon tell the committee all about it, please ? 

Mr. Tappes. I was confronted with the same statement not too 
long ago when five people w^ere charged in local 600 with allegedly 
being either Comnnniist or subservient to the Communist Party.. 



COMJVIUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3143 

On the witness stand during those proceedings I was called upon to 
explain the statement. 

Mr. Tavenner. Exactly what was the statement attributed to you? 

Mr. Tappes. There wa's a statement published on the front page 
of one of the issues of the Daily Worker in the spring of 1950 in 
which it said that I subscribed to the idea that the troops should 
be withdrawn from Korea and implying that my attitude was that 
the United States Government was acting in an imperialist fashion 
in that section of the country. My explanation then and my expla- 
nation now is that a young fellow came into the building of local 600 
some time prior to the publication of this article. He had one of 
these clip boards with a number of papers on the clip board, and he 
was talking to several people. When he came to me he told me 
he was a student and he was making a survey, a public-opinion survey. 
He asked a number of questions with regard to the war in Korea, 
and among the questions he asked was, "Do you approve of war? 
Do you think this will lead into world wa* TTI? Would you like to 
see the war ended?" And questions along that line. The specific 
answers I gave to the questions in no way conformed to the article 
as it was eventually published, and at no time was I under any under- 
standing that this young man was even interested in the Daily 
Worker or any program that is associated generally with the Daily 
Worker. I made straightforward answers which were heard by not 
less than half a dozen people standing around in the lobby of local 
600. But the twisted version that did appear in the paper repre- 
sents to me only a fabrication and an untrue reporting of what had 
actually been said and certainly wasn't in line with the purposes as 
stated by the interviewer. 

Ml'. Tavenner. In other words, you did not make the statements 
attributed to you in the Daily Worker with regard to Korea? 

Mr. Tappes. No, I didn't. In fact, my opinions were absolutely 
contrary to what was said. 

Mr. Ta\tenner. Do you know whether that was a concerted plan 
to misrepresent the thoughts of people? Was there anything that 
happened to indicate to you that it was a concerted plan to misrepre- 
sent the views of peo])le in this area? 

Mr. Tappes. I don't know that I understand the question. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know whether the same thing happened to 
any other person, that hapi)ened to you? Do you know whether 
Frank Savage was similarly reported? 

Mr. Tappes. I received second-hand information through a third 
party, that is, that the same thing had happened to Frank Savage, 
who was the chairman of the trial committee, local 600 trial commit- 
tee, that was hearing the cases of the five charged people. Frank 
Savage — I think it was a very unfair thing to do to Frank Savage 
because he is a well known and very devout Catholic, so devout that 
he will go to almost any extent to prove his faith, and he has been 
linown to do penance for even little small things that he thought 
were injurious or hai-mful to another individual. He is known as a 
very devout and religious person. 

Mr. Taa^nner. I have no further questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Jackson ? 

Mr. Jackson. No, except to thank you for your testimony, Mr. 
Tappes. It has l^een veiy helpful. 



3144 COMIVIUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Worm. IVIr. Potter? 

Mr. I^oTTER. I wish to thank Mr. Tappes for liis testimony that 
has been ^iven here. It has been a credit to tlie work you have done 
and a credit to the leadei-slii]) that you now hohL 

Mr. Woon. Mr. Tappes, do you know the witness Lee Romano who 
testified before this committee yesterday? 

Mr. Tappes. Yes, I do. I liave known Lee Romano for several 
years. 

Mr. Wood. Approximately how man}'? 

Mr. Tappes. About 12. 

Mr. Wood. During that time have you been associated with him in 
labor movement work? 

Mr. Tappes. At times I have been associated with him very closely. 
At present, we work out of the same UAW office building. 

Mr. Wood. Ordinarily I give no credence to anonymous publica- 
tions and I am now only speaking for myself and not as a policy of 
this committee, but I hand you a bulletin, a leaflet which I am told 
was cireulated at the gate of the Ford plant this morning, which 
purports to attack Mr. Romano as being discriminating against the 
Negroes because of race in his work as union organizer and in con- 
nection with his activities in the trade-union movement, and it is 
signed — how is it signed, "Communist Party of Michigan"? 

Mr. Tappes. That is the signature on it. 

Mr. Wood. Xo name, just, "Communist Party of Michigan"? 

Mr. Tappes. That's all. 

Mr. Wood. Well, in all the time you have ever known Mr. Romano • 
have you ever heard anybody outside of the Communists ever assail 
him for discrimination or disloyalty to working people? 

Mr. Tappes. No; and I would like to say this for Mr. Romano: 
His record on that question, I think, speaks for itself. The people in 
local 600 know his record. But specifically, I can say this : Lee Ro- 
mano was a delegate to the first general council session of local 600 
and he was the first person to ever introduce a resolution in that gen- 
eral council in 1941 in behalf of the rights of the Negro people and 
his stand has been consistent with that resolution ever since, as far 
as I know, and furthermore, in the pressed steel unit that seems to 
be mentioned in this leaflet, Lee Romano, probably more than any 
single individual, was a person who encouraged the Negro workers 
to participate in their union affairs and he himself, during his ad- 
ministration, saw more Negroes achieve positions of importance in 
that unit than any other president of the pressed-steel unit has had 
during its history as an adjunct of local 600. 

Mr. AVooD. Then, from that statement would you say that the 
charges and allegations concerning racial discrimination on the part 
of Lee Romano contained in that leaflet are true or false? 

Mr. Tappes. I would say they are false and only points out the 
Communist Party's effort, whenever they are under attack, to try to 
reach out to the Negroes and get their assistance for their devious 
program when there is no real sincerity as far as they are concerned 
in behalf of the Negro people. 

Mr. Wood. I desire to join with my colleagues in expressing to you 
the appreciation of the committee for your presence here and for the 
very enlightening and illuminating testimony that you have given 
the committee. 



COMMUNISM IN TH?) DETR(1I.T AREA 3145 

If there are no further questions on behalf of counsel, I will excuse 
the witness from further attendance, with our sincere thanks. 

(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Tavenxer. Mr. John Gallo. 

Mr. Wood. Will you raise your right hand and be sw^orn, please? 

You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this subcommit- 
tee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so 
help you God? 

Mr. Gallo. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF JOHN GALLO, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS COUNSEL, 

ERNEST GOODMAN 

Mr. Goodman. My client has requested that the photographers 
withhold taking pictures while he is testifying. 

Mr. Wood. Is that your wish? 

Mr. Gallo. That is my wish. 

Mr. Wood. I will have to request the photographers to comply with 
the request of the witness. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your name? 

Mr. Gallo. John Gallo. 

Mr. Wood. Just a minute. Are you represented by counsel? 

Mr. Gallo. I am represented by counsel. 

Mr. Wood. There is no need for counsel to identify himself again. 
You are familiar with his address. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where w^ere you born ? 

Mr. Gaiao. I was born in Holden, W. Va., February 25, 191^. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you now live in Detroit^ 

Mr. Gallo. No, I live in Dearborn. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you lived in Dearborn? 

Mr. Gallo. Since I came from West Virginia, September 1935. 

Mr. Tavenner. How^ have you been employed since 1935 ? 

Mr. Gallo. Well, I first was hired in Ford's in October 1935. At 
the same time I happened to turn }n'ofessional boxer in West Vir- 
ginia, I had three bouts there, so I continued my professional boxing 
in Michigan. In 1936 I won tlie professional welterweight champion- 
ship of Michigan. That's just a point I want to bring out as far 
as employment is concerned because |)rofessional boxing was partly 
considered employment. I got fired for union activities at Ford's 
there. Of course, I joined the union in 1937; I helped to be one of 
many that organized Ford's because I couldn't see, especially old 
people, who had a lot of seniority w^ere fired at will by the Ford Motor 
Co., at that time, and I could not help but feel that I was wasting 
my time boxing professionally where there was so much evil to be 
corrected in the Ford empire at that time. I figured that my place was 
among the workers there thalt needed a union for security. 

I won my case as far as the unemployment compen«ition hearings, 
that I was denied unemployment compensation by the company be- 
cause the company fired me. Yet, on the com[)ensation office they 
stated I quit voluntarily, so you can imagine how I was black- 
listed all over because in every plant I went to, I couldn't find a job 
because the Ford Motor Co. was working {jretty close with these 
other companies and they made it tougli. Not only that, but at the 
same time the last resort I had was to go to the welfare department 



3146 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

in Dearborn to ask for welfare. The welfare department was con- 
trolled by the Ford Motor Co. At that time, they told me right out, 
"We'll not give you any welfare because you had no business organiz- 
ing — help to organize Ford's." Anyway, when the hearing came 
up before Referee Rubinotf, 1 had everybody subpenaed in the com- 
pany that had me hred and after 3 or 4 hours of hearing by Referee 
Rubinotf, the story went that I got fired for laughing, that I was 
discharged for that and that's the basis that the company had, the 
reason they fired me, I was laughing so much that I kept everybody 
else from working on the assembly line. 

So I got my back pay for being discharged by the Ford Motor Co. 

Mr. Tavenner. When was that? 

Mr. Gallo. I think — that was 1940, that's when I was 

Mr. Tavenner. Reinstated? 

Mr. Gallo. AVell, it was 1941 1 was reinstated; yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. You were one of 37 who were reinstated? 

Mr. Gallo. Well, I was one of quite a few. I don't know whether 
I was one of 37. I happened to join the union in '37. I'm not as 
fortunate as some people that joined sooner than that because I 
didn't have the opportunity at this time I did join in 1937 and I've 
been active in the union since theiL 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. What have been some of the principal positions 
you have held in the union ? 

Mr. Gallo. W^ell, I was the first chief steward in Ford's there from 
the motor building; I was sergeant at arms at the motor building; I 
was the first one to organize a ball team under the local 600 banner in 
1938, where we didn't have a union then organized ; and I helped to 
build up the recreational program with Bill Widman, that was in 
1941. When Bill Widman left, I had the endorsement of the athletic 
board and at that time I became his successor, so I was educational di- 
rector from 1945 until — from 1941 to 1945. 

In my activities as far as the recreation program was concerned, 
I fought to break down discrimination in every sport and my record 
will show that. I had the first interracial UAW-CIO ball team. I 
helped to break discrimination in all sports with the exception of bowl- 
ing, which is finally beginning to crack. 

I was elected guide of lociil GOO, the first guide in 1942, and I was 
the guide until 1945. 

Mr. Tavenner. After 1945 what positions did you occupy in the 
union? Just the major- ones. 

Mr. Gallo. I went back to work in the shop and the next term I 
ran for guide again and was elected by a big majority. I became 
recreational director again for that one year until I lost out. In 1947, 
rather, I didn't— anyway, in 1947 I didn't run because I wouldn't sijm 
the Taft-Hartley affidavit. 

Mr. Tavenner. I believe you resigned from your position because 
of your refusal to sign the Taft-Hartley affidavit, did you not? 

Mr. Gallo. That's conunon knowledge all over the country at that 
time as far as my position then. 

Mr. Tavenner. You have not answered my question. I said, did 
you resign because of your refusal to sign the Taft-Hartley affidavit, 
non -Communist affidavit? 
Mr. Gallo. Yes. As I stated before, counsel 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3147 

Mr. Tavenner. You did not answer my question before. Will you 
please be responsive ? 

Mr. Gallo. I stated to you that I didn't sign the Taft-Hartley affi- 
davit before you asked me. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was that 

Mr. Gallo. I refused to sign the Taft-Hartley affidavit, that's true. 

Mr. Tavenner. And resigned ? 

Mr. Gallo. And resigned when the membership voted by a majority 
decision that they wanted everybody to sign the Taft-Hartley affidavit. 

Mr. Tavenner. Why weren't you willing to sign the Taft-Hartley 
non-Communist affidavit ? 

Mr. Gallo. I haven't given you — well, the rest of my union offi- 
ces 

Mr. Tavenner. We will come to that. 

Mr. Gallo. O. K., that's good. I refuse to answer that under the 
privilege of the fifth amendment at this time. 

Mr. Tavenner. I show you a photostatic copy of a news item that 
appeared in the Detroit Times, February 20, 1947. In this article a 
John Gallo is identified as athletic director of Local 600, UAW, a 
member of the Dearborn Communist Club and in 1943 was appointed 
to the Provisional Youth Committee that was to function between the 
time the Young Communist League was dissolved and the American 
Youth for Democracy was formed. Will you look at the part of the 
article dealing with you which I lielieve is the first item at the top, 
and state whether or not any statement contained therein is untrue? 

Mr. Gallo. I refuse to answer that under the privilege of the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did James Watts testify in a trial conducted by 
local 600 in 1950, at which time you along with others were charged 
with being members of the Communist Party or adhering to the Com- 
munist Party line, and in so testifying, Mr. Watts stated that you were 
known to him to be a member of the Communist Party ? If Mr. Watts 
so testified, was he telling the truth ? 

Mr. Gallo. I will have to answer that by the oath I took in our 
membership, that any proceedings of our membership is only open to 
its membership. Even the press was excluded from the trial at that 
time, and under that I refuse to answer under the privilege of the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. What position do you now hold in local 600, if any ? 

Mr. Gallo. I am recording secretary of the motor building. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Gallo. I will answer that in this way : That in 1938 this so-called 
Un-American Committee came into Detroit to help keep us from 
organizing Ford's and that at that time they used stool pigeons 

Mr. Tavenner. Just a minute. That is not at all responsive to my 
question. You are taking the opportunity to make a speech on an 
entirely dift'erent subject. 

Mr. Gallo. No, I'm not. I'm trying to make a point here, coun- 
selor. 

Mr. Tavenner. I understand. 

Mr. Wood. Let me impose this observation at this point. You were 
asked a very simple question which I direct you to answer without 

97097— 52— pt. 2 13 



3148 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

making a speech about it. Are you now a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Gallo. I want to answer that one that I refuse to answ^er under 
the privilege of the fifth amendment. And now, if you please, I would 
like to explain what I started to explain before I was interrupted. 

Mr. Wood. Explain anything you desire to explain as far as the 
action of the presently constituted committee is concerned 

Mr. (tallo. If you don't have anythiu"; to hide' 

Mr. Wood. This committee has nothing to liide. 

Mr. Gallo. I believe it don't want to hear the other side. 

Mr. Wood. What is it that you want to say about this committee? 

Mr. Gallo. This Un-American Activities Committee deliberately 
came into Detroit in 1938 

Mr. Wood. That is not this committee. 

Mr. Gallo. It is part of that committee. 

Mr. AVooD. Not a single one of them. 

Mr. Gallo. It uses the same techniques as the Un-American Com- 
mittee that came here. 

Mr. Wood. Do you say now that this committee is using the tech- 
nique of trying to prevent the organization of unions? 

Mr. Gallo. The American Committee 

Mr, Wood. I am talkino; about this committee. 



fe 



Mr. Gallo. The Un-American Committee which- 



Mr. Wood. I have no objection to your criticizing this committee if 
you want to criticize this committee as presently constituted. 

Mr. Galix>. I could really criticize this committee an awful lot. I 
want to make my point: This committee is out to break organized 
labor. They couldn't do it then and they're not doing it now. 

Mr. Wood. As it is presently constituted ? 

Mr. Gallo. You're darned right. 

Mr. Wood. That is your opinion of the committee? 

Mr. Gallo. That is my opinion, that this committee is out to break 
organized labor. 

Mr. Wood. Do you have any further questions, Mr. Counsel ? 

Mr. Ta\enner. No, sir. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Walter? 

Mr. Walter. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Gallo. I answered that before. 

Mr. Walter. No, you didn't. You just refused to answer whether 
or not you are now a member of the Communist Party. 

jNIr. Galix). As I stated before, I refuse to answer under the privi- 
lege of the fifth amendment. Does that explain it? 

j\Ir. Walter. It explains nothing except that you are afraid to 
answer the question. Why don't you answer the question? 

Mr. Gallo. I wish that you people would answ^er the questions I 
would like to ask you as a whole and we'll see whose faces are red. 
And I could show where this committee here, especially through Pot- 
ter, who is trying to defeat Moody for the coming election, and also 
Jackson 

Mv. Walti':r. We have been insulted by better Communists than 



you are 

Mr. Jackson. Much more able. 

Mr. Walter. — and by much more able men. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3149 

Mr. Wood. I am not going to countenance levity in this room. We 
will ask the officers to eject from the room any person who starts a 
demonstration here, either by loud laughing or any other demonstra- 
tion. This committee had this matter up and its views are very definite 
about it. If you do not desire to stay in this room and maintain proper 
decorum, it will be very greatly appreciated by the committee, by 
whose courtesy you are here, if you will withdraw. 

Mr. Gali.o. Could I ask Chairman Wood one question, which ap- 
plies to the whole committee if you don't have anything to hide? 

Mr. Wood, You are here as a witness, not an interrogator. 

Mr. Gallo. You people are intei'rogators, not me. I am willing to 
discuss things. 

Mr. Wood. Any further questions? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir. 

Mr. Wood. The witness is ex;cused. 

(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Call Mr. Nelson Davis as the next witness. 

Mr. Wood. Will you raise your right hand and be sworn, please? 

You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this subcommittee 
will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help 
you God? 

Mr. Davis. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF NELSON DAVIS, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS COUNSEL, 

ERNEST GOODMAN 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your name, please ? 

Mr. Davis. Nelson Davis. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born? i 

Mr. Davis. Brownsville, Tenn. I 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you now live in Detroit ? 

Mr. Davis. Yes, sir. 1 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you lived in Detroit? 

Mr. Davis. Ever since 1922. ", 

Mr. Tavenner. How have you been employed since 1940 ? 

Mr. Davis. Since 1940? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

Mr. Davis. Ford Motor Co. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you now employed by the Ford Motor Co.? 

Mr. Davis. I would like to make a statement. I have been employed 
ever since I came to the city of Detroit except I would say 3 or 4 weeks. 

Mr. Tavenner. I was drawing no inference by not asking you about 
your employment prior to 1940. There is no point in asking you about 
your employment earlier than that. I did not want to go into needless 
details but if there is anything you think important 

Mr. Davis. I would like for the committee to know I have been 
working at the Ford Motor Co. since about 4 weeks after I came to this 
city in January : I started about the 14th of February and I have been 
working at the Ford Motor Co. ever since. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you now employed by the Ford Motor Co. ? 

Mr. Davis. I am. 

Mr. Tavenner. In what capacity ? 

Mr. Davis. My classification is corefitter, vice president of the Dear- 
born Iron Foundry. 



3150 coMivruNisM in the Detroit area 

Mr. Tavenner. Did yon hear the testimony of James Watts when 
he testified against you and others in a trial conducted in local 600 
in the year 1950 — 1951, was it — the year 1951 ? 

Mr. Davis. You mean did I hear him when 

Mr. Tavenner. When he testified against you and others in the trial 
to which I refer. 

Mr. Davis. I would like to say here and now I think that's a busi- 
ness that concerns the union and I think is no business of yours. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. The union was preferring charges against 
you and certain other people for affiliations with the Communist Party 
or adhering to the Communist Party line. We are not investigating 
local 600, we are investigating communism in local 600 or anywhere 
else we find it. 

Did James Watts testify in the course of that trial that you were a 
member of the Communist Party, and if so, was it true or false? I 
will make the question a little more specific. Did James Watts in that 
trial testify that you recruited him into the Communist Party? If 
he did, was it true or false ? 

Mr. Davis. I refuse to answer that on the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. I hand you a printed pamphlet, entitled, "Ford 
"Unionist in Cuba," by Nelson Davis, and attached to it, rather inside 
of it is a sheet with the heading, "Wlio is Nelson Davis?" In the 
fourth paragraph you will find the words, "Nelson Davis is a Com- 
munist." Will you examine it, please, and state whether or not you 
see that in the fourth paragraph ? 

(Document was handed to witness.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you see that paragraph ? 

Mr. Davis. I looked at that. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is it true or false ? 

Mr. Davis. I would like to say this: I would like for this com- 
mittee 



Mr. Wood. Just answer the question that was asked you. 
Mr. Davis. I have a picture of a Negro being lynched- 



Mr. Wood. The question is : Is that statement true or false ? 

Mr. Davis. I would like to ask this committee to put their selves in 
my shoes, and as a Negro, what would you do in this question ? 

Mr. Wood. I would answer the question. 

Mr. Davis. You would? 

Mr. Wood. I will answer questions as to my affiliations with any 
organization, anywhere, any time. 

Mr. Davis. Will you give me your stand on stopping lynching of 
Megroes? See this picture 

Mr. Wood. You object to that sort of action, don't you ? 

Mr. Davis. Of what? 

Mr. Wood. Lynching of anybody. You object to it, don't you? 

Mr. Davis. Certainly I do, as a Negro. 

Mr. Wood. So do we. 

Mr. Jackson. So does every member of the committee. 

Mr. Da\^s. What have you did about it? I would like to say 



thi 



s- 



^[r. Wood. Let's not get into any argument. 

Mr. Davis. In the State of Virginia, where these seven people was 
lynched, I like to know what you do about it. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3151 

Mr. Tavenner. All rio:ht. There was a white man executed with 
those men for the same offense. 

Mr. Davis. I'm asking you what you do about it to stop it. 

Mr. Tavenner. The question asked you was whether or not that 
statement that you have identified is true or false. 

Mr. Davis. I will refuse to answer and stand on my constitutional 
rights under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Davis. I stand on my fifth amendment of the Constitution and 
refuse to answer. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party ? 

Mr. Davis. As before stated, I stand on my constitutional rights 
of the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner, No further questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Potter? 

Mr. Potter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Jackson? 

Mr. Jackson. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Walter? 

Mr. Walter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Is there any reason why the witness should not be ex- 
cused from further attendance? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir. 

Mr. Wood. The witness is excused. 

(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Tavtsnner. Eoy Narancich. 

Mr. Wood. Will you raise your right hand and be sworn, please? 

You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this sutjcommit- 
tee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so 
help you God ? 

Mr. Narancich. Yes. 

TESTIMONY OF ROY NARANCICH, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS COUNSEL, 

EARNEST GOODMAN 

Mr. Goodman. Mr. Chairman, my client says that he would prefer 
not having pictures taken during his testimony. 

Mr. Wood. Is that your wish, that you don't 

Mr. Narancich. Yes, Mr. Wood. 

Mr. Wood. I will ask the photographers to refrain from taking pic- 
tures while Mr. Narancich is testifying. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your name, please ? 

Mr. Narancich. Roy Narancich. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born ? 

Mr. Narancich. Yugoslavia. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you been in this country ? 

Mr. Narancich. Since 1914. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the date of your birth ? 

Mr. Narancich. October 31, 1896. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you been naturalized ? 

Mr. Narancich. I am. 

Mr. Tavenner. When ? 

Mr. Narancich. May 20, 1929. 



3152 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. TA^'ENNER. In the courts in Detroit ? 

Mr. Narancich. In Detroit. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you now live in Detroit ? 

Mr. Narancich. I live at Dearborn. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you lived in Dearborn ? 

Mr. Narancich. Approximately about 17 yeai-s. 

Mr. Tavenner. How are you now employed ? 

Mr. Narancich. I am employed by Ford Motor Co, 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you been employed by the Ford 
Motor Co. ? 

Mr. Narancich. Will be 32 years next May. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you held any positions in recent years with 
local 600? 

Mr. Narancich. I was committeeman in 1941 and I was a council 
member, 1944 and 1945, and I am still council member. 

Mr. Tavenner. You have been identified by Mr. Lee Romano as 
having been at one time a member of the Communist Party. Is that 
true or false ? 

Mr. Narancich. Are you still on local 600, Mr. Tavenner? I like 
to explain a little about my local which is a most democratic local 
in the country. Everybody got a right to run for position, regardless 
which caucus he belongs. 

Mr. Tavenner. That's right. When you ran for office, were you a 
member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Narancich. You particularly here to smash unity in local 600? 

Mr. Tavenner. No. We are here to smash communism. 

Mr. Narancich. You are — and you not succeed. Henry Ford try, 
very roughly spend $13 million to smash that union. 

Mr. Wood. You are directed to answer the question that was asked 
you, and to answer it without further speeches. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you a member of the Communist Party when 
you ran for office in local 600? 

Mr. Narancich. I understand, Mr. Tavenner, that the Constitution 
is glory of our Government, is that right? 

Mr. Wood. I direct you to answer the question that was asked you. 

Mr. Nar^^ncich. I will answer it. I heard a man testify here 5 
hours and yet he don't say anything. Can't I say a few words? 

Mr. Wood. He answered the questions. 

Mr. Narancich. I will answer. 

Mr. Wood. Let's hear you. 

Mr. Narancich. You here, Mr. Wood, to take everything from 
organized labor what they gained under Roosevelt administration, 
that's what you came here 

Mr. Wood. Are you going to answer the question? 

Mr. Narancich. I'll answer. 

Mr. Wood. Let's hear you answer. 

Mr. Narancich. Say again, Mr. Tavenner. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you a member of the Communist Party at the 
time you ran for office in local 600 ? 

Mr. Narancich. I understand that 

Mr. Wood. Just answer that question. 

Mr. Narancich — the Constitution is glory of our Government. 
Under the fifth amendment, I won't answer this question. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3153 

Mr. Tavenner. You say that you will not answer the question? 

Mr. Narancich. No. 

Mr. Tavenner. Why is it that you will not answer the question ? 

Mr. Narancich. Why ^ I couldn't — wouldn't be a witness against 
myself. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Walter? 

Mr. Walter. Have you talked with any of the displaced persons 
who have recently come to this area from Europe ? 

Mr. Narancich. I couldn't answer that question. 

Mr. Walter. You don't want to answer that question? 

Mr. Narancich. 1 couldn't answer. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Jackson ? 

Mr. Jackson. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Potter ? 

Mr. Pot'I'er. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Is there any reason why this witness should not be 
excused ? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir. 

Mr. Wood. Well, let the w'itness be excused. 

(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Harold Franklin. 

Mr. Goodman. Mr. Franklin was up to see me and I have not seen 
him here all day. I know that he has been up here before. 

Mr. Ta\t5nner. Will you make inquiry? We will call him again. 

Mr. Goodman. He intended to be here. I will check on it. 

Mr. Wood. Well, we will call him again. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Walter Dorosh. 

Mr. Wood. Are you Mr. Dorosh ? 

Mr. Dorosh. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Wood. Will you raise your right hand and be sworn, please? 

You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this subcommittee 
will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help 
you God? 

Mr. Dorosh. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF 'WALTER DOROSH, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS COUNSEL, 

ERNEST GOODMAN 

Mr. Tavenner. AVhat is your name, please ? 
Mr. Dorosh. Walter Dorosh. 

Mr. Tavenner. You are represented by the same counsel? 
Mr. Dorosh. I am. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born, Mr. Dorosh? 
Mr. Dorosh, Ansonia, Conn., September 19, 1919. 
Mr. Tavenner. Where do you now live ? 
Mr. Dorosh. 2861 Eoulo, Dearborn, Mich, 
Mr. Tavenner. How long have you lived in Dearborn? 
Mr. Dorosh. Approximately 25 years. 

Mr, Tavenner. Wliat has been your educational background? 
Mr. Dorosh. Graduated Henry Ford Trade School and 4 years of 
Ford apprenticeship, 

Mr. Tavenner. How are you now employed? 



3154 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. DoRosii. Diemaker, Ford Rouge plant, tool and die unit. 

Mr. Tavenister. Do you hold any position at this time in local 
600? 

Mr. DoROsii. I am at the present time on a special assignment, work- 
ing in local 600 to reverse the decision of the WSB relative to the 
2Sy2 cents an hour ^Yage increase to the tool and die workers, which 
we are fighting for at this time. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you have any other assigimients ? 

Mr. DoROSH. No, I don't. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you connected in any way with the official 
paper of local 600 known as Ford Facts ? 

Mr. DoRosii. I have already told you the assginment that I am on, 
sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you answer the question, please? 

Mr. DoRosH. I refuse to answer that question under the privileges 
granted me under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Taatenner. Do you mean to state to this committee that the 
occupying of any position or having any connection with the publi- 
cation of Ford Facts, if you were to answer that truthfull}^ might 
tend to incriminate you and subject you to criminal prosecution? 

Mr. DoROSH. Mr. Chairman, or rather counsel, I feel that because 
of the evidence that has been brought up here relative to the Ford 
Facts that I must invoke my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you mean to leave the inference that Ford Facts 
is a Communist publication ? Isn't that a very unfair thing to your 
local union? No one else has said that. There is no testimony here 
that Ford Facts is a Communist paper or publication. 

Mr. DoROSH. Mr. Chairman, I don't want to leave no such inference 
at all. 

Mr. Tavenner. Then answer the question, please. 

Mr. DoROSH. Because I am compelled to seek the protection of the 
fifth amendment — because of the so-called informers that will appear 
later, that I know of my own information will appear later that will 
testify and make erroneous statements 

Mr. Tavenner. To what statements are you referring? 

Mr. DoROSH. Any statements that a stool pigeon may make. 

Mr. Wood. You mean you are anticipating that somebody may say 
something that would leave an inference that Ford Facts is a periodical 
and being associated with it might cause you some criminal prosecu- 
tion or endanger you from being criminally prosecuted, is that what 
you mean to say ? 

Mr. DoROSH. Because of the testimony that has already been given 
relative to Ford Facts, I feel that I must seek the protection of the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Please specify the testimony to which you refer. 
Will you refresh my recollection in regard to it, please ? 

Mr. DoRosH. I refuse to answer that question o)i my privileges under 
the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. If you are asserting the privileges of the fifth 
amendment in good faith, then certainly you have to state to the 
committee facts that would indicate to them that you are claiming it 
on good faith or you might have to run the risk of action in regard 
to it. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3155 

Mr. DoROSH. I have already answered that question. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Dorosli, for benefit of the committee, particnharly 
myself, because I confess I know nothing about it, what is Ford Facts? 
Is it a paper or a magazine, or what is it? 

Mr. DoROSH. I believe counsel has one there before him. He can 
hand it over to you. 

JNIr. Wood. Have you one over there? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

Mr. Wood. I have never seen one of them. For the benefit of the 
record, this periodical handed to me shows on the masthead, "Ford 
Facts, Local 600, UAW-CIO, the official organ of the World's 
Largest Union. 50,000 copies weekly paid circulation." I feel that 
ought to be in the record. 

^Ir. Tavenner. To whose testimony were you referring which was 
such that would place you in fear of criminal prosecution if you would 
tell the truth in answer to my question? 

Mr. DoROSH. I refuse to answer that question. The record will show 
the testimony as made. 

Mr. Wood. In that connection, with respect to the latter part of 
your answer, the record will show the testimony of several witnesses. 
The committee would like to be informed as to which particular wit- 
nesses' testimony you have apprehension would cause you some 
jeopardy of prosecution if you should answer whether or not you had 
any connection with this newspaper or periodical. If there has been 
such testimony given by witnesses here before this committee, which 
one of them was it ? I would like to know myself for my own informa- 
tion. 

Mr. DoROSH. I refuse to answer that question. 

Mr. Tavenner. Does the newspaper have a managing editor? 

Mr. DoRosH. Yes ; it does. 

Mr. Tavenner. What are his duties ? 

Mr. DoRosH, I am not certain. 

Mr. Tavenner. Does it have a publicity committee ? Does the news- 
paper have a publicity committee ? 

Mr. DoROSH. Yes ; it does. 

Mr. Tavenner. What are the duties of the publicity committee ? 

Mr. DoRosiT. I believe that is the personal business of Ford local 
600 and on my oath of office I refuse to reveal any personal findings of 
the local union or its records to an un-American committee such as this. 

Mr. Tavenner. You refuse to state what the duties of the publicity 
committee are? Let me ask you this: Were you a member of the 
publicity committee or are you now a member of the publicity com- 
mittee ? 

Mr. DoROSH. Yes; I am a member of the publicity committee. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is Mr. James Simmons also a member of the com- 
mittee ? 

Mr. DoROSH. I believe the paper says so. 

Mr. Tavenner. This appears on the masthead of the paper. Aren't 
you and Mr. Simmons members of the publicity committee ? 

Mr. DoROSH. I believe so. 

Mr. Tavenner. I hand you the February 16, 1952, issue and ask 
you to look at page 3 and at an article entitled, "Who Is Un-American 
Asks Brother Boatin?" This appears over the name of Paul Boatin, 



3156 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

president. As a member of the publicity committee, did you prepare 
that statement or that article? 

Mv. DoROSH. I refuse to answer that question under the privileges 
granted me under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. I ask you to look at page 4 and see if you see an- 
other article, this time entitled, "A Eeview of Labor Frame-Ups" 
which appears over the name of Art Speed, president of the paint and 
construction unit, and I will ask you if you prepared that article. 

Mr. DoROSH. I refuse to answer that question for the same reason. 

Mr. Tavexner. I will ask you to look at page 5 and state whether 
or not you see there another article entitled, "Says Committee Is In- 
famous Organization" appearing over the name of John Horn, presi- 
dent of the tool and die building. Did you write that article? 

Mr. DoROSH. I refuse to answer for the same reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. Again on page 5 I will ask you to look and see if an 
article is not there, entitled, "Committee Is Utterly Rotten Claims 
Ed Lock." Did you prepare that article ? 

Mr. Dorosh. I refuse to answer that question for the same reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. Who directed the publication of those articles? 

Mr. DoRosH. I refuse to answer the question for the same reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Dorosh, during the course of the hearing Mrs. 
Bereniece "Toby" Baldwin testified as follows : 

Walter Dorosh has been very aotive In Cnmmnnist presswork and is employed 
at Ford Motor Co. and belongs to the Communist group within the .section. 

Did you in performing any of the functions of a publicity committee- 
man act in behalf of the Communist Party in connection with any of 
the articles which I have just mentioned? 

Mr. DoRosii. I refuse to answer that question under the privileges 
granted me under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was Mrs. Baldwin's testimony that you belonged 
to the Communist group within section 4 and within the Ford section, 
true or false ? 

Mr. Dorosh. I refuse to answer that question under the privileges 
granted me under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. Did you at any time serve as press director of the 
Ford section of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. DoROSH. I refuse to answer that question for the same reason 
given before. 

]\Ir. Tavenner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. DoROSH. I refuse to answer that question. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

IVIr. Dorosh. I refuse to answer that question for the same reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. No further questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Potter? 

Mr. Potter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Walter? 

Mr. AValter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Jackson ? 

Mr. Jackson. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Is there any reason why this witness should not be ex- 
cused ? 

Mr. T'avenner. No, sir. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3157 

Mr. Wood. The witness is excused. 
(The witness was excused. ) 
Mr. Wood. Call your next witness. 
Mr. Tavenner. My. Dave Averill. 

Mr. Wood. Will you raise your right hand and be sworn? 
Do you solemnly swear to tell this subcommittee the truth, the whole 
truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 
Mr. Aa-erill. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF DAVE AVERILL 

Mr. Tavenner. You are Mr. Dave Averill ? 

Mr. Averill. lam. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you represented by counsel ? 

Mr. A\t:rill. I am not. I do not need a lawyer to tell me how to 
tell the truth. 

Mr. Tavenner. You are fully aware of your rights and privileges 
under the Constitution ? 

Mr. Averill. I am. 

Mr. Tavenner, Will you please give your full name? 

Mr. Averill. My full name is David Averill. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born ? 

Mr. Averill. I was born in Flint, Mich., September 5, 1911. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you now live in Detroit? 

Mr. Averill. I live in Dearborn. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you lived in Dearborn ? 

Mr. Aat:rill. I lived in Dearborn since October, I believe, 1951, and 
previous to that I lived in Detroit. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long had you lived in Detroit? 

Mr. Averill. With the exception of an enlistment that I served in 
the United States Navy when I was a boy, I lived in Detroit since 1922. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your present employment? 

Mr. Averill. I am employed by Ford local 600 as editor of the offi- 
cial newspaper, Ford Facts. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you been so employed? 

Mr. Averill. Since July 1948. 

Mr. Tavenner. By whom are you employed in that capacity ? 

Mr. Averill. I am employed by the local union. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is that an appointive position or is it one of a con- 
tractual relationship by which the head of the organization does the 
employing ? 

Mr. Averill. It is appointive. 

Mr. Tavenner. Who appointed you ? 

Mr. Averill. I was appointed by Carl Stellate, the president of the 
local union. 

IVfr. Tavenner. We have had some difficulty here finding out what 
the Ford Facts is. Is it an official organ of local 600? 

Mr. Averill. It is. 

Mr. Wood. By that you mean it is financed by this organization? 

Mr. Averill. It is financed by a portion of dues from each member 
of the local union, I believe. 

Mr. Wood. It comes through the union ? 

Mr. Averill. That's right. I think it's 2 cents per member per 
month that is deducted from the dues of the member to finance the 
publication. 



3158 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. Prior to your appointment to that position how were 
you employed ? 

Mr. AvERiLL. I worked in the pressed-steel building of the Rouge 
plant. It is noAV known as the Dearborn stamping plant. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you an employee at that time of the Ford 
Motor Co., or were you an employee of the union ? 

Mr. AvERiLL. 1 was an employee of the Ford Motor Co., but from 
the time the union came in I was an officer in one function or another 
in the union. 

Mr. Tavenner. What are some of the principal offices that you held 
in the union ? 

Mr. AvERiLiv. Well, I have been a committeeman on all three shifts 
at one time or another. I also was a 3-year trustee of the unit, and 
that is about it. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Averill, the Michigan Worker, of July 9, 1950, 
at page 10, carries an article to the effect that you are a former member 
of the Communist Party. Is this publication of the Communist Party 
correct in its identity of you as a former member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Averill. That is correct, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, the circum- 
stances under which you joined the party? 

Mr. Averill. I was recruited into the party either late in 1941 or 
early in 1942, 1 have forgotten the exact time. If I have your permis- 
sion to do so, I would like to go into this in some detail. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

Mr. Averill. In the first place, I was discharged from the United 
States Navy at the age of 21 and came right into the middle of the 
depression. I lived through that period and I became quite bitter 
about the whole thing. I became convinced that this country needed 
great social changes. I believed the solution to the problem was 
socialism. I might as w^ell say here that had I been asked to join 
the Communist Party in those days I probably would have become a 
member of the Commrnist Party longer than I was. I didn't know any 
Communists then. In 1941 with the organization of the Rouge plant, 
suddenly there were Communists crawling all over the place and the 
first one that asked me to join the party gained a new recruit. I, of 
course, became disillusioned shortly afterward. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long did you stay in the party ? 

Mr. Averill. I stayed in the party until, I believe, about the latter 
part of 1943. 

Mr. Tavenner. 1943 ? 

Mr. Averill. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was your reason for leaving the party ? 

Mr. Averill. My reasons for leaving the Communist Party and — 1 
should like to observe that it is much harder to get out of the party than 
to get into it — my reasons for leaving it were based upon the fact that 
I discovered the democracy so-called Communists always preach, does 
not exist within their own movement. Your thinking is done for you. 
In order to be a successful Communist you have to be completely and 
utterly unprincipled. I found that out after I had been in the party 
only a brief time. Wliat I really discovered is that it was and is a 
totalitarian organization. It mouths the philosophy of a foreign gov- 
ernment. In my opinion it is out to overthrow the Government of the 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3159*. 

United States by force and violence. As I say, I became disillusioned 
when I found oiit that in the Communist Party there really is no dif- 
ference between Stalinism, Hitlerism, and fascism, they are merely 
three different names for the same evil. I left the party. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was your break with the party final and complete ? 

Mr. A\'ERiLL. Very definitely, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Let us go back to the time of your recruitment into 
the party for a few minutes. The committee in the course of its in- 
vestigation has learned of a person by the name of Roy Wilson, a 
former shoj) worker and later an employee of the department of public 
welfare of the city of Detroit. Did he have any part in recruiting you. 
into any organization ? 

Mr. AvERiLL. I was recruited into the Young Communist League by 
Mr. Wilson. I should like to point out at this particular time — that at 
that particular time you had two forces operating within the pressed- 
steel unit. You had the Young Communist League and you had the 
party itself. As I recall, most of us at that time in the pressed-steel 
unit were members of the Young Communist League but could hardly 
be considered youths, since most of us were 30 years of age at the 
time, but nevertheless we were in the Young Communist League. 
Later we were absorbed into the structure of the Communist Party 
itself and became full-fledged members of the party. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long were you a member of the Communist 
youth, the Young Communist League, before you were brought intr> 
the Conmiunist Party as such ^ 

Mr. A^-ERiLL. I should say possibly 4 or 5 months. 

Mr. Tavenner. AVhen you were brought into the Communist Party^ 
to what cell or unit of the Communist Party were you assigned ? 

Mr. AvERiLL. Pressed-steel cell. 

Mr. Tavenner. I believe you held the position of financial secretary. 

Mr. A\^RiLL. I was the dues secretary. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. At the pressed steel ? 

Mr. Averill. I was dues secretary of the pressed-steel branch. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you mean of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Averill. Of the Communist Party, in the pressed-steel branch 
of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Tavenner. It is very easy to confuse terms because the Com- 
munist Party cells bore the same name as the building in Ford, 
in many instances. 

Mr. xA.vERiLL. Yes. : 

Mr. Tavenner. If you have occasion to refer to a unit, specify 
whether its is the unit of employment or Avhether it is a unit of the 
Communist Party. 

JSIr. AvERiix. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. You held the position of financial secretary of the 
pressed-steel unit of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Averill. That I did. < 

Mr. Tavenner. How long did you hold that position? 

Mr. A^^RILL. I should say possibly 7 or 8 months. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you hold any other position within the Com- 
munist Party ? 

Mr. Averill. I don't recall ever holding any other position within 
the Communist Party. 



3160 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. As financial secretary, what were your opportu- 
nities for observing the operation of the Communist Party in the 
field of labor ? Possibly you should begin first by stating what your 
duties were as financial secretary. 

Mr. AvERiLL. My duties were to collect the dues of members within 
the pressed-steel branch of the Communist Party. Those were my 
specific duties. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat disposition did you make of the dues that you 
received ? 

Mr. Averill. They were turned into the party chieftain of the 
branch. 

Mr. Tavenner. "V^^lo was the party chieftain of the branch at that 
time? 

Mr. Averill. As I recall, it was Mrs. Ann Beiswen^er. But I 
should say here I don't recall ever turning dues in to Mrs. Beiswenger. 
I really don't remember who I turned them in to, but Mrs. Beis- 
wenger was in charge of that particular branch at that time. 

Mr. Tavenner. From the time that you became a member of the 
Communist Party in 1941 up until 1943, when you left the party, 
what were your opportunities for observing how the Communist Party 
operated in the field of labor ? 

Mr. Averill. In the first place, the role of the Communist Party 
from a union standpoint has been greatly exaggerated. The Com- 
munist Party has posed as the most militant defender of the working 
class. Some of them were quite active in the organizational period 
of the Ford Motor Co., the union organizational period, but they 
were not any more active than the honest workers who wished to be 
organized into a legitimate trad^-union and who are at least 95 per- 
cent of the membership of local 600. So, insofar as their participation 
in the struggle of the Ford workers to win a union, insofar as their 
own remarks about themselves and their importance is concerned, 
their contribution was relatively small. On the other hand, the way 
they operated within the cells of the various units was to try to re- 
cruit everybody they could into the party, providing they thought 
the person was a reliable person. This way they could gain control 
chiefly through the secondary leadership of the union. When I say 
"secondary leadership," I mean committeemen, for example. They 
never really tried to, as far as I know, elect a president of local 600, 
that is, one of their own persons. They never tried to elect one of 
their own individuals president of local 600, but they certainly have 
supported individuals for the presidency of local 600 who were will- 
ing to accept the support of the Communist Party in order to get 
elected. I would say their chief role was to capture the secondary 
leadership of the local union, which would thereby enable them to 
maintain a great degree of control over the local union itself. 

Mr. Tavenner. If they were successful in capturing the secondary 
leadership as you mentioned, a person to be successful would almost 
have to account to that group. 

Mr. A^^:RILL. That is correct. 

Mr. Tavenner. Would he not? 

Mr. Averill. That is correct. 

Mr. Tavenner. To get advancement in the union. 

Mr. Averill. That is correct. I should also like to point out in 
relation to Ford Facts another thing, that the Communists are always 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3161 

eager to obtain control of the publication and for a number of years 
they were quite successful in that regard. The first thing they tried 
to get hold of in the local union is the paper, because that gives them 
a propaganda medium. 

Mr. Tavenner. We would like to know what efforts were made to 
take over the official organ of the union, Ford Facts, as a propaganda 
medium. 

Mr. AvERiLL. Well, the first editor of Ford Facts was a man by 
the name of Frank Wynn ; that is, I believe he was first official editor. 
If I remember rightly, there was a publication of some kind before 
Wynn's time. Anyhow, he was the first official editor. Frank Wynn 
is publicity director of the international union, UxiW-CIO. Mr. 
Wynn, to my knowledge, was never a member of the Communist 
Party nor does he subscribe to any of its ideas. However, after that, 
things began to roll along pretty well as far as the Communists were 
concerned for a period of years. I don't think I would be exaggerat- 
ing by saying that Ford Facts was nothing more or less than a minor 
edition of the Daily Worker. For example, in the publication weekly, 
they would follow the current line of the Communist Party. When 
the line would flop, the publication would flop with it. Every cause 
that the Communists were engaged in at that time would find them- 
selves reflected in our local union publication. 

Mr. Tavenner. With reference to what period of time are you 
speaking ? 

Mr. AvERiLL. I am speaking from about 1942 until 1948, with one 
exception. During the period, there were two editors who, to my 
knowledge, were not members of the Communist Party and who did 
not in any way use the paper for the purpose of following the Com- 
munist Party line. However, those two editors were not editors for 
a very lengthy period. One of them, I believe, was editor for 1 year 
and the other was editor of the paper for a matter of 6 or 8 months. 

Mr. Wood. At this time, Mr. Counsel, we will take a short recess. 

(A short recess was taken.) 

Mr. Wood. Let us have order, please. Proceed, Counsel. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Averill, you spoke of two editors who remained 
only a short time. What were their names ? 

Mr. Averill. One of them is named John Fitzpatrick and the other 
Al Leggat. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was Robert Lieberman at any time an editor of 
Ford Facts? 

Mr. Averill. Yes. Eobert Lieberman was editor of Ford Facts, as 
I recall, for two different periods of approximately 1 year each. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, he is the same witness who appeared 
in executive session and did not answer material questions. 

Mr. Wood. By that you mean he refused to answer questions per- 
taining, to his connection with the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

Mr. Wood. Proceed. 

Mr. Tavenner. You were describing the history of Ford Facts. It 
has come to the attention of the committee that there was an occasion 
for the holding of a picnic which we understand was held or spon- 
sored by the Ford foundry at which the guests were Vito Marcan- 
tonio and Paul Robeson. Do you recall anything al3out that? 

Mr. Averujl.. Yes. 



31(32 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. In the speech made by Paul Robeson he was very 
critical of the United States. It was fully covered by the Daily Work- 
er. Do you know whether there was a similar article in a similar vein 
in the Ford Facts? 

Mr. AvERiLL. Mr. Robeson's speech was not printed in full in Ford 
Facts but as I recall a portion of it or excerpts from it were printed 
in one of the unit columns. I think it was the gear and axle unit of 
the Rouge plant. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were the contents of the article approved by the 
editor of the paper at that time ? 

Mr. AvERiLL. I was the editor of the paper at that time and I very 
definitely did not approve of it. 

Mr. Tavenner. As editor, were you not in the position where you 
could have excluded it or at least have it comply with the facts as you 
understood them to be if you so desired ? 

Mr. AvERiLL. At the time the article was printed I had just come 
off vacation. Mr. Stellato, the president of local 600, went on vacation 
about 2 days after I came oil' mine. 

This controversy which was raging about whether Mr. Robeson's 
speech should or should not be printed in Ford Facts was going on 
at the time I returned. Mr. Stellato went on his vacation. I was 
asked by the vice president of the local union, Mr. Rice, to publish 
Mr. Robeson's speech. I told him I would not publish it. Mr. Rice 
became highly perturbed about the whole thing. He called me into 
his office. We had a meeting and he informed me that he was presi- 
dent of the local during Mr. Stellato's absence and that I was going 
to abide by his orders or else. The upshot of the whole thing was 
that he told me the material had been submitted by Mr. Moore. 

Mr. Tavenner. What Mr. Moore? 

Mr. Averill. Mr. Dave Moore of the gear and axle unit, which con- 
tained excerpts, I believe and as I recall, from the speech of ]Mr. 
Robeson. He told me to print that and I printed it. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was this the same Mr. Dave Moore who has ap- 
peared as a witness on the witness stand — I am sorry, I am mistaken — 
I am informed he has not appeared. Were you acquainted with Mr. 
Dave Moore ? 

Mr. Averill. I know Mr. Moore ; yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you at that time know whether he had at any 
time been a member of the Comnuuiist Party i 

Mr. Averill. I couldn't truthfully answer that question, one way 
or the other. 

Mr. W^oOD. Is that still true? 

Mr. Averill. Pardon me, is what still true ? 

Mr. Wood. That you cannot truthfully now state whether he has 
ever been a Communist or not. 

Mr. Averill. During my ex]ierience in the Communist Party I 
never saw Mr. Moore. I couldn't say whether Mr. Moore was a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party or not. 

Mr. Tavenner. You have been separated from the Communist 
Party since 1943 ? 

Mr. Averill. Yes ; since 1943. 

Mr. Tavenner. This occurrence took place when ? 

Mr. Averill. This took place, I believe, in August 1951, last year. 

Mr. Tavenner. An examination of Ford Facts indicates a notice 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA ' 3163 

seeking voluntary contributions of funds from Ford workers to be 
used by Harold Christoffel in defrayino; the costs of appealing a 
perjury conviction to the Supreme Court and which was carried in 
the paper. I am not intending to draw any inference whatsoever 
from an application for funds to prosecute an appeal. However, I 
would like to know whether or not Ford Facts furnished its patrons 
with the infonnation relating to Mr. Christoffel at the time they made 
the paper available for the solicitation of contributions. 

Mr. AvERiLL. You mean prior to the solicitation of funds ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes; or at the time of solicitation of funds. 

Mr. AvERiLL. I don't recall that anything appeared in Ford Facts 
concerning Mr. Christoffel. I can be wrong about that but I don't 
recall anything ai)pearing in there except the notice that you have 
mentioned, which came after the appeal for funds. 

Mr. Tavexxek. There was nothing in the paper, as far as you recall, 
which would show the reason why Mr. Christoffel had been convicted 
nor what he had been convicted of? 

Mr. AvERiLE. I don't recall, sir. It is entirely possible tliat there 
might have been something in one of the unit columns but 1 don't 
recall it. 

Mr. Tavexxer. I hand you the February 16, 1950, issue of Ford 
Facts. A number of questions have been propounded to various wit- 
nesses regarding certain articles appearing therein. I want to call 
your attention to page 2, where there appears an article under the 
byline of Alix Semion, president of the gear and axle plant. The 
title is, "The Connnittee Plans on Sweating Trade-Unionists.'' Did 
Mr. Semion deliver that article to you for publication? 

Mr. Ax-ERiLL. No, sir. 

Mr. Tavex'xer. Did you prepare it? 

Mr. AvERiEL. I did not. 

Mr. Tavexx-^er. On page 3 there appears another article under the 
byline of Paul Boatin, president of the motor and engine plant, en- 
titled, ''Who is Un-American? Asks Brother Boatin." Did Brother 
Boatin hand you that article for publication? 

Mr. AvERiLL. He did not. 

Mr. Walter. Who was the ghost writer of these articles ? 

Mr. A\'ERiLL. Mr. Walter Dorosh. 

Mr. Walter. That was the man who just preceded you on the 
witness standi 

Mr. AvERiLL. Yes. 

Mr. Tam^x-^x-^er. Was the same thing true as to the remaining series 
of articles, the one on page 4 entitled, "A Review of Labor Frame- 
ups'' under the byline of Art Speed, president of the paint and con- 
struction unit? 

Mr. A^'ERILL. That is also a production of Mr. Dorosh. 

Mr. Tavex^xer. There is one appearing under the name of Joe 
Morgan, president of the frame and cold heating unit, entitled, "Joe 
Morgan Says the House Committee Is a Phony." 

Mr. AvERiLL. That was prepared also by Mr, Dorosh. 

Mr. Tavexxer. Then look at page 5 of the issue and see if there 
appears there under the byline of Ed Lock, president of the i)lastic 
building, an article entitled, "Committee Is Utterlv Rotten, Claims 
Ed Lock." 

97097— 52— pt. 2 14 



3164 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Aatsrill. That was also prepared by Mr. Dorosh. 

Mr. Tavenner. Then again on page 5 an article under the byline 
of John Orr, president of the tool and die, entitled, "Says Committee 
Is Infamous Organization." 

Mr. AvERiLL. That too was prepared by Mr. Dorosh, 

Mr. Tavenner. Also on page 5 an article under the byline of Mike 
Donnelly, president of Dearborn assembly plant, entitled, "Donnelly 
Blasts Congress Group." 

Mr. AvERiLi.. That was also prepared by Mr. Dorosh. 

Mr. TA\TiNNER. Now the publicity committee as shown on the mast- 
head of the paper is composed of Mr. Dorosh and there are several 
other names. Among them is a person by the name of James Simmons. 
Do you know whether James Simmons had any connection with the 
preparation of those articles ? 

Mr. AvERiLii. I don't know whether he did or did not but I don't 
think he did. 

Mr. Tavenner. Those articles were handed to you by Mr. Dorosli? 

Mr. AvERiLL. They were presented to my secretary by Mr. Dorosh. 

Mr. Tavenne?. They all indicate that they were in the handwrit- 
ing of the same person, is that not correct ? 

Mr. AvERiLL. That is correct, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you accustomed to receiving articles from Mr. 
Dorosh which were being carried under the byline of other persons ? 

Mr. Averill. To the best of my recollection those are the first 
articles that ever appeared in the paper under the bj'line of other in- 
dividuals, prepared by Mr. Dorosh. 

Mr. Tavenner. Can you explain to the committee just how this 
occurred on this particular occasion ? 

Mr. Averill. We have at the present time in local 600 what is known 
as a workers defense committee. I was informed there was a decision 
of the workers defense committee that these articles should appear in 
the Ford Facts. The workers defense committee formulated the policy 
and I was instructed to carry them out. 

Mr. Tavenner. When was this defense committee formed? 

Mr. AiTjRiLL. Several months ago. I don't remember the exact date. 

Mr. Walter. Mr. Tavenner, before you go on to another subject, I 
would like to point out something. May I have the paper, please? I 
would like to point out just how palpably erroneous this matter is in 
this smear campaign. On page 5 is given jny voting record under the 
Mike Donnelly byline. 

Mr. Jackson. Is that one of the articles handed to Mr. Dorosh ? 

]\rr. Tavenner. Yes. 

Mr. Walter, On the back of that page, page 6, appears my voting 
record which is exactly opposite from what page 5 says that it is. 

Mr. Potter. Well, I suppose they are to skip the last page. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Averill, did Mr. Dorosh's ability extend to car- 
toons credited to someone else ? Did he do the cartoons ? 

Mr. Averill. Mr. Jackson, to my knowledge, Mr. Dorosh is not a 
cartoonist. 

Mr. Walter. Wlio is depicted in those cartoons ? 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Dies, Mr. Thomas, Mr. Rankin, and Mr. Wood. 

Mr. Walter. Only one of whom has been a member of this com- 
mittee for a good many years. 

Mr. Jackson. What is the Warbo Studio? 



COMIVIUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3165 

Mr. AvERiLL. I do not know. These cartoons were prepared by- 
some individual and Mr. Dorosh is the one who arranged for the 
cartoons to be prepared and he brought the finished product to my 
office. 

Mr. Jackson. Then he brought the cartoons as well as the numerous 
articles ? 

Mr. A\^itiLL. That is right. 

Mr. Wood. Were the cartoons published under the same direction 
as the articles were ? 

Mv. AvERiLL. Yes. 

Mr. Wood. Proceed, Counsel. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall whether or not there is an announce- 
ment in the October 1951 issue of Ford Facts, setting forth the names 
of the defense committee and the establishment of the defense com- 
mittee ? 

Mr. AvERiLL. I believe there was such an announcement but I do not 
recall the exact day. 

Mr. TA^^xNER. Do you know the purpose for the establishment of 
the defense conmiittee? 

Mr. AvERiLL. Theoretically the purpose for establishing this com- 
mittee is to obtain legal aid for those of our members whom the 
committee believes are having their civil rights infringed upon by 
anyone or any group, including the United States Government, and 
to furnish them legal counsel if they need it, and so forth and so forth. 

Mr. Tavenner. You were required to take your direction from that 
group with regard to what you included in the paper ? 

Mr. AvERiLL. Well, this committee makes its decisions and I am 
instructed to do whatever the committee decided should go in the 
paper. 

Mr. Tavenner. Through what source did you obtain your instruc- 
tions to do anything that this committee decided upon ? 

Mr. AvERiLL. Through Mr. Stellato. 

Mr. Tavenner. As a result of the directions which you received 
you printed this series of articles, several of which attack this com- 
mittee and its purposes? 

Mr. Averill. That is correct. 

Mr. Tavenner. And this investigation? 

Mr. Averill. That is right. 

Mr. Walter. I thought the new policy of the paper was to depart 
from the Daily Worker line. It seems to me that you have outdone 
the Daily Worker in this one issue at least. 

Mr. A^^ERILL. I might be inclined to agree with you, sir. 

Mr. Walter. That makes it unanimous. 

Mr. Tavenner. Your part in it was that of carrying out orders 
which were given to you. 

Mr. Averill. As a matter of fact, my participation in this particular 
issue of Ford Facts extended only to carry the copy to the printer 
and to tell him that it had to be printed. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. It is noted that at the end of each of these articles is 
a short paragraph referring the reader to the articles in other columns 
in the paper, tying the whole thing together as one complete bundle. 
Do you know how that was arranged or who suggested it? 

Mr. Averill. I believe that was one of Mr. Dorosh's ideas. 



3166 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Averill, I realize tliat you Avithdrew from the 
party in 1943 but I am goin<i: to subjiiit certain names to you wliich 
have come to the attention of the coimnittee, and 1 am going- to ask you 
whether or not, during the period of your membership in the Commu- 
nist Party, these persons or any of them Avere known by you to liave 
been members of the Communist Party. If you identify any of these 
as members of the Connnunist Party, I wish you woukl state how you 
know it to be true and if there are any instances in which any of these 
persons have witlidrawn from the Communist Party as you did. that 
information slioukl be given also. 

The first name I desire to ask you about is J. B. Jones. 

Mr. AvEKiLL. Mr. Jones was a member of the Communist Party to 
my knowledge and he left the Communist Party by, I should sav, 
1944. 

Mr. Tavenner. Daniel Zahari? 

Mr. Averill. Mr. Zahari was a member of the Connnunist Party. 

Mr. Tavenner. How do you know that ? 

Mr. Averill. I know that because 1 kept the dues book in the pressed 
steel branch of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Tavenner. Archie Acciacca? 

Mr. Averill. For the same reason, I collected his dues. 

Mr. Tavenner. John Little '( 

Mr. Averill. John Little was a Communist Party functionar\'. I 
saAV him at many Connnunist Party meetings. In fact, I participated 
in many Communist Party meetings at wliich he was the organizer of 
the meeting and the speaker. 

Mr. Tavenner. Roy Wilson ? 

Mr. Averill. Roy Wilson was the man who recruited me into the 
Young Communist League and he was a party member to my knowl- 
edge — to my knowledge I believe he is no longer a member. 

Mr. Tavenner. Simon Moskalik? 

Mr. Averill. Simon Moskalik was also a member of the pressed 
steel branch of the Connnunist Party. I collected his dues. 

Mr. Tavenner. Roy Narancich ? 

Mr. Averill. The same applies to Mr. Narancich. 

Mr. Tavenner. Frank Stepanchenko ? 

Mr. Averill. The same applies to him. 

Mr. Tavenner. Dewey McGee? 

Mr. Averill. I have seen Mr. McGee at meetings of the Connnunist 
Party. I don't recall collecting his dues, but I may have. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mack Cinzori? 

Mr. Averill. I have seen ]\Ir. Cinzori at Communist Party meet- 
ings but Mr. Cinzori was not a member of the pressed-steel branch of 
the Communist Party. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mike Hrabar ? 

Mr. Averill. I have also seen Mr. Hrabar at Communist Party 
meetings but I never collected his dues. He worked in the tool and 
die unit. 

Mr. Tavenner. John Gallo? 

Mr. Averill. I have also seen Mr. Gallo at Communist Party meet- 
ings. 

Mr. Tavenner. Ed Lock? 

Mr. Averill. I have seen Mr. Lock also at Comnumist Party 
meetings. 



COMMUNISM IN" THE DETROIT AREA 3167 

Mr. Tavenner. Paul Boatin? 

Mr. AvERiLL. I liave also seen Mr. Boatin at meetings of the Com- 
munist Party. 

Mr. Tavenner. John "Whitey" Saari ? 

Mr. AvERiLL. Mr. Saari was a member of the pressed-steel branch 
of the Communist Party and for a brief period I collected his dues. 

Mr. Tavenner. I do not recall whether I asked you about Robert 
Lieberman. 

Mr. Averill. Robert Lieberman, at the time I was a member of the 
Communist Party, was a Communist Party functionary in the Rouge 
plant. He was on the payroll of the local union at the time. 

Mr. Tavenner. Walter O. Brown? 

Mr. Averill. Walter O. Brown was a member of the pressed-steel 
branch of the Communist Party. I recruited him into the organiza- 
tion. 

Mr. Tavenner. Emmett Forsythe? 

Mr. Averill. Emmett Forsythe I have seen at party meetings. I 
don't recall ever collecting his dues although I may have. 

Mr. Tavenner. Art McPhaul? 

Mr. Averill. Mr. McPhaul was very definitely a member of the 
pressed-steel branch of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Tavenner. Can you advise the committee in any further way 
than you have already advised them as to how the Communist Party 
sought to handle its propaganda through the press or other methods ? 

Mr, Averill. Well, there is not much I can add to what I have 
already said in regard to that. The main objective of the Communist 
Party is to gain control of publications and in this particular instance 
the aim was always to gain control of Ford Facts. For many years in 
our local union they had control of it. There are no other methods 
that I know of except propagandizing the workers in the shop, the 
solicitation of subscriptions to their publication, and things of that 
nature. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I have no further questions. 

Mr. Walter. I personally want to thank you, Mr. Averill, for the 
position you have taken with respect to this matter. It is too bad there 
are not more truly enlightened liberals such as yourself in this coun- 
try. I feel that as a result of your experience you probably would 
be*^ the kind of person to resist the pressures of this foreign ideology 
more than anybody who had not had your experience. I hope that 
you will give to organized labor the benefit of your great talents in the 
future because if you do, their lot is going to be greatly improved. 

Mr. Averill. Thank you for your opinion, sir. If I may be per- 
mitted to do it, I would like to make a statement for the record. 

I would like to say that if my appearance here has done anything 
to lessen the grip of the Communist Party upon any local union any- 
where, that I am happy to have been here. I made a serious mistake 
in 1942 and I have always regretted it. I am happy to a certain ex- 
tent to be here today. These people talk about stool pigeons. I 
should like to point out for the information of this committee and 
anyone else who is interested that once I left the Communist Party I 
was not particularly eager to have a lot of my friends know that I 
was once a Communist. But the organization that accuses everyone 
of acting as stool pigeons did exactly that, they acted as stool pigeons 
and informed upon me. That organization was none other than the 



3168 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Communist Party itself through the medium of their publication, the 
Michigan Worker. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is that a form of intimidation? 

Mr. AvERiLL. That is the intent, I believe. One thing they suc- 
ceeded in doing is in telling everybody I was once a member of the 
Communist Party. Strangely enough, if you call a Communist a 
Communist, you are a "Eed baiter." But it is all right for a Communist 
to call you anything. They are capable of rationalizing anything. 
1 might add that this personal attack upon me has been constant in 
their publication for almost a period of 10 years. I repeat, if I have 
been of any service to my country and to my union in helping to ex- 
pose Communists, that I feel that that is the best contribution I can 
make to the union to which I have the honor of belonging, and which 
I wish to see rid of the Communist element because on the basis of my 
own experience I know that the Communists are not only bad for 
America, bad for the world, but they are bad for the American labor 
movement. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Jackson, do you have any questions? 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Chairman, I also would like to congratulate Mr. 
Averill upon his decision of some years ago, and also upon his frank- 
ness and willingness to come before the committee today. I am also 
a newspaperman and I know how repugnant it is to newspapermen to 
have complete and absolute dictation exercised over their copy. I 
should like to ask, how many of the workers in local 600 are aware 
of the statements which you have made, that Ford Facts is controlled 
and dominated by those who either are Communists or those who fol- 
low the Communist line? Are the workers generallv aware of that 
fact? 

Mr. Averill. No ; they are not, Mr. Jackson. 

Mr. Jackson. How many of the workers in local 600 know that a 
number of articles attributed to various individuals were in fact 
written by one individual ? 

Mr. Averill. The workers do not know that. 

Mr. Jackson. I hope they will know it after today. 

Mr. Averili.. I hope so too. 

Mr. Jackson. I hope they know that they were not reading the 
honest, objective statements of several individuals but rather the per- 
verted vitrolic statements of one man. 

Mr. Averill. I hope so. 

Mr. Jackson. A fraud was perpetrated upon the workers who read 
Ford Facts in that very issue, is that not the case ? 

Mr. Averill. That is what it amounts to. 

Mr. Jackson. What is your connection, if any, with Mr. William 
Allan? 

Mr. Averill. T know Mr. William Allan and that's all. 

Mr. Jackson. Did you know him to be a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Averill. No. I entered the Communist Party at the time 
when Mr. Allan had entered the United States Army and I left the- 
Communist Party before he came back from the Army. I only know 
him as a fellow who kicks around local 600 all too often. 

Mr. Jackson. What particular form does his kicking around local 
600 take? 



COMJMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3169 

Mr. AvERiLL. Mr. Allan oftentimes has had conferences with people 
who I say were inclined to subscribe to his political beliefs. I do 
not know the nature of those conferences but I have seen Mr. Allan 
around occasionally. 

Mr. Jackson. You mentioned the workers defense group, which 
was established several montlis ago for the purpose of creating a 
defense fund. Who are the moving factors in the workers defense 
group ? 

Mr. AvERiLL. Well, actually, I believe the committee roughly runs 
from 12 to 15 members and out of the 12 or 15, the four top officers 
of local 600 are also included. The thing is supposed to be set up 
and as a matter of fact is on the basis of representing the political 
thoughts of the various groups within local 600, that is, the political 
groups. 

Mr. Jackson. Does it so represent various political opinions? 

Mr. AvERiLL. That is a tough question, sir, but the answer is that 
it does not. 

Mr. Jackson. I would say having read the issue of Ford Facts 
presented here that only one political thought is enunciated and that 
is Communist. 

Mr. AvERiLL. Yes. 

Mr. Jackson. And it is five times as vitriolic as any copy of the 
Daily Worker that I have ever seen. Those responsible really outdid 
themselves. That is all, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Potter. Mr. Chairman, I wish to join my colleagues in thank- 
ing Mr. Averill for being a witness here today. I knoAv it takes a 
great deal more personal strength and character to take the stand 
that you have taken, knowing the position that you have held and 
that you now hold, and the position which I assume you will be going 
back to, further, knowing the abuse that will be heaped upon you wlien 
you do get back. It takes a man with a lot more courage than the 
men who sat in tliat chair and have cloaked themselves with the fifth 
amendment in order not to testify before the committee. 

So to you : I wish you every success in whatever endeavor you might 
care to engage in, and I know that not only the committee but the 
workers at Ford's and the American people are indebted to you for 
the testimony that you have given. 

Mr. Averill. Thank you, Mr. Potter, 

Mr. Wood. Are there any further questions? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Averill, I desire to join with my colleagues in an 
expression of my sincere appreciation foi- the contribution you have 
made at these hearings and to the American people. It has been said, 
and I think truthfully so, that the highest degree of moral courage 
is exemplified in admitting the wrong and seeking to redress it. For 
that stand on your part you are entitled to the commendation of all 
loyal American citizens from everywhere. 

Mr. Averill. Thank you, sir. 

Mr, Wood. My personal expression is extended to you with the 
thanks of the committee. You may be excused. 
(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Wood. Call your next witness. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. John Saari. 

Mr. Wood. Will you raise your right hand and be sworn ? 



3170 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this subcom- 
mittee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, 
so lielp 5^ou God? 

Mr. fcjAAiii. Yes. 

TESTIMONY OF JOHN SAARI, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS COUNSEL, 

ERNEST GOODMAN 

Mr. Wood. Are you represented by counsel? 

Mr. Saari. I am. 

Mr. Wood. Will counsel give his name for the record? 

Mr. Goodman. My name is Ernest Goodman, with offices in the 
Cadillac Tower. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you state your name, please? 

Mr. Saari. John Saari. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born? 

Mr. Saari. I was born in Centralia Heights, Calumet, Mich., on 
January 20, 1915. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you now live in Detroit? 

Mr. Saari. I live in the city of Dearborn. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you lived there? 

Mr. Saari. Since I came to the city, and that is about 15 years. 

Mr. Tavenner, How are you now employed? 

Mr. Saari. I am now employed at the Ford Motor Car Co. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you at any time held an official position in 
the union? 

Mr. Saari. I have been on several occasions elected to the district 
committee as a committeeman, and presently I am a 3-year trustee 
of the motor plant as well as the district committeeman of the Dear- 
born engine plant. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you been a member of the Communist Party 
at any time while you held such a position ? 

Mr. Saari. I refuse to answer that u^'ider the privileges of the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. You have just heard the preceding witness testify, 
have you not? 

Mr. Saari. I did, sir. ' 

Mr. Tavenner. He identified you a person known to him to have 
been a member of the Communist ir'arty. Do you wish to deny or 
affirm it? 

Mr. Saari. I refuse to answer that under the privileges of the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I have no further questions. 

Mr. Wood. Any questions, Mr. W ^"".er? 

Mr. Walter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Jackson? 

Mr. Jackson. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. ]Mr. Potter? 

Mr. Potter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. The witness is excused. 

(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Wood. Call your next witness. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Tersil Obriot. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3171 

Mr. Wood, Will you raise your right hand aud be sworn ? 

You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this subcommittee 
will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help 
you God? 

Mr. Obriot. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF TERSIL T. OBRIOT, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS COUNSEL, 

ERNEST GOODMAN 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you represented by counsel ? 

Mr. Obriot. I am. 

Mr. Goodman. I am representing Mr. Obriot. My name is Ernie 
Goodman and I have offices in the Cadillac Tower Building. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you state your name? 

Mr. Obriot. Tersil Obriot. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born ? 

Mr. Obriot. I was born October 3, 1902, in Pennsylvania. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you now live in Detroit ? 

Mr. Obriot. I do. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you lived there? 

Mr. Obriot. I have been here ever since 1923. 

Mr. Tavenner. You were identified as having been a member of the 
Communist Party by Mrs. Toby Baldwin. I desire to give you an op- 
portunity to either deny or affirm that. 

Mr. Obriot. I would like to speak in the interests of the Ford 
workers which I helped to organize. I believe sincerely that this com- 
mittee should know that I have been brought here — this Un-American 
Committee which is here today has stated that I was brought here for 
the purpose of being un-American. I believe sincerely that I have the 
right to tell the things that is necessary and that I am able to do, the 
things that I have done, which I think is American. 

Mr. Wood. Will you answe.ijjthe question, sir, and then if the answer 
is a forthright answer and you want to explain, very good. 

The question asked was : Was Mrs. Baldwin's testimony here true or 
false? 

Mr. Obriot. I heard spee here for 5 hours at a time where peo- 
ple have spoke. The comn.a,^/;e has stated we have the right for 
democracy, ^ 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Obriot, you are not only requested but directed to 
answer the questions that are asked you. 

Mr. Obriot. Well, under the provisions of the fifth amendment, I 
refuse to answer. 

Mr. Tavenner. No further .■^vijstions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Walter? 

Mr. Walter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Jackson? 

Mr. Jackson. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Potter? 

Mr. Potter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood . The witness is excused. 

(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Saul Grossman, 



3172 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

STATEMENT OF ERNEST GOODMAN, COUNSEL FOR SAUL GROSSMAN 

Mr. Goodman. His wife called me last night at my house and said 
that he had got tlie flu and that they had the doctor over. I told her 
to bring down a letter or something to show the committee that that 
was true. I did not have it this morning. 

Mr. Wood. You did not have it tliis morning ? 

Mr. Goodman. No, sir; it was brought in during the recess. I have 
not opened it. 

Mr. Tavenner. It is supposed to be a medical certificate? 

Mr. Goodman. It is in the envelope of a doctor. 

Mr. Tavenner. 1 suggest that we examine it, Mr. Chairman, and 
call another witness while it is being examined. 

Mr. Walti':r. You said these people connnunicated with you last 
night? 

Mr. Goodman. Last night at 8 p. m. 

Mr. AValter. Why did you not tell us these things this morning 
so that we could make a check ? 

Mr. Tavenner. He did, Mr. Walter. He told me about it during 
the course of the morning, early this morning. 

Mr. Goodman. You suggested tliat I make sure that they get a 
statement in. I called back and told tliem to make sure and get a 
statement. That is all I know about the matter. 

Mr. Wood. Very well, the committee will examine it. 

Mr. Goodman. I do not know the doctor at all. 

Mr. Walter. This is a reputable physician ? 

Mr. Goodman. I believe so. However, I do not know the doctor 
at all. I never heard of him. 

Mr. Wood. Unless something is shown to the contrary, I will be 
forced to hold this showing is good. The doctor says the man is in 
bed with the flu and will be confined to bed for the balance of this 
week. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, under the circumstances, when we 
are trying to finish here today, we have not had an opportunity to make 
any inquiry of the doctor. 

Mr. Wood. For the benefit of counsel I will make the statement that 
it is contemplated that it will be necessary either here or in Washing- 
ton to have some additional witnesses that we have not been able to 
examine here, at a later date. I suggest that you make arrangements 
to try to have him subpenaed at that time, or we can let the subpena 
stand subject to notification. 

Mr. Tavi^nner. I suggest, Mr. Chairman, that you extend the sub- 
pena now until the 26th of March in Washington at 10 a. m. 

Mr. W(X)D. All right, at which time he will appear unless notified 
to the contrary. 

Mr. Goodman. Do you want me to notify him? 

Mr. Tavenner. You are his counsel. You can tell him that it is 
being extended now until the 26th of March. 

Mr. Goodman. The 26th of March in Washington, unless he is 
notified to the contrary ? ^ 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

Mr. Jackson. At 10 a. m. 

Mr. Wood. Proceed, counsel. 



' See p. 3203 for testimony of Saul Grossman. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3173 

Mr. Ta\'enner. I will call Mr. Ruben Mardiros. 

Mr. Wood. Will you raise your right hand and be sworn, please? 

Mr. Mardiros. Yes. 

Mr. Wood. You do solemnlj swear that the evidence you give this 
subcommittee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Mardiros. Yes. 

TESTIMONY OF RUBEN MARDIROS, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS COUNSEL, 

ERNEST GOODMAN 

Mr. Wood. Are you represented by counsel ? 

Mr. Goodman. ]\Iy name is Ernest Goodman, attorney at law, with 
offices in the Cadillac Tower Building. 

Mr, Tavenner. What is your name? 

Mr. Mardiros. Ruben Mardiros. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born? 

Mr. Mardiros. I was born in 1906, September 3, in Turkey. 

Mr. Tavenner. W^hen did you come to the United States? 

Mr. Mardiros. Came to the United States 1921 in December. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you a naturalized citizen ? 

Mr. Mardiros. I am a naturalized citizen. 

Mr. Tavenner. Where were you naturalized and when? 

Mr. Mardiros. In Detroit, 1930, September 23. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the name under which you were natu- 
ralized? 

Mr. Mardiros. Ruben Mardiros. Prior to that time, my name prior 
to naturalization was Ruben Gerjekin. It was changed by law. 

Mr. Tavenner. How have you been employed, Mr. Mardiros ? 

Mr. Mardiros. I am employed by Ford Motor Co. 

Mr. Tavenner. For how long a period of time? 

Mr. Mardiros, Since 1927. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you work there now? 

Mr. Mardiros. I do ; as a toolmaker. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you held any official positions in the union? 

Mr. Mardiros. No. I have not. Of course, during the organization 
drive I was one of the organizers but since then I haven't held any 
office in the union. 

Mr. Tavenner. I hand you a photostatic copy of a letter dated April 
13, 1939, and ask you to examine it and state whether or not it was 
signed by you. 

Mr. Mardiros. Under the provisions of the fifth amendment I refuse 
to answer that question. 

Mr, Tavenner. What is your middle initial ? 

Mr. Mardiros. I haven't any. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever used a middle initial ? 

Mr. Mardiros. Not to my knowledge. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever signed your name "Ruben S"? 

Mr. Mardiros. Not to my knowledge. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat is your answer? 

Mr. Mardiros. Not to my knowledge. 

Mr. Tavenner. You have been identified by Mr. Romano as a mem- 
ber or as having been a member of the Communist Party. I desire to 
give you this opportunity to deny or affirm that. 



3174 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Mardiros. Under the provisions of the fifth amendment I refuse 
to answer that question. 

Mr. Tamsnner. I have no further questions. 

Mr. Wood. Are there any questions by members of the committee ? 

Mr. Jackson. No. 

Mr. Walter. No. 

Mr. Potter. No. 

Mr. Wood. The witness is excused. 

(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Tavenner. I will call Mr. Harold Franklin. 

STATEMENT OF EKNEST GOODMAN AS COUNSEL FOR 
HAEOLD FRANKLIN 

Mr. Goodman. Let me check. I had somebody call his home. 

Mr. Tavenner. This is the man who did not answer 

Mr. Goodman. A friend of his has called the plant and found out 
that he was working there today and has left for home at the end of 
the shift. He was supposed to be on his way home. He was called 
about 15 minutes ago and was not there yet. He will call again right 
now. I do not know w hy he did not come down here. He worked all 
day in the plant. 

Mr. Walter. Does he live far ? 

Mr. Goodman. I would say he lives out near Olympia Stadium and 
could get here very shortly. 

Mr. Wali-er. Is he going to testify when he comes ? 

Mr. Goodman. He has been subpenaed to testify. 

Mr. Walter. Is he going to answer any questions ? 

Mr. Goodman. Of course I do not think I am in a position to state 
that. 

Mr. Walter. There is a strong presumption that with you repre- 
senting him, he will not. 

Mr. Goodman. I must say, gentlemen, that I have explained the 
provisions of the fifth amendment to all my clients and its implications 
and I have left the choice to determine to them whether they want to 
refuse to answer questions under that amendment. I have never 
directed the choice of that answer to any witness here. 

I want to say further 

Mr. Walter. We understand. 

Mr. Wood. Is it your thought that the witness might be able to 
arrive before we adjourn ? 

Mr. Goodman. I just had someone else go out to make a phone call. 

Mr. Wood. We will make inquiry again before we adjourn, to see if 
he is here.^ 

Call your next witness. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Jules Yanover. 

Mr. Wood. Will you raise your right hand and be sworn, please ? 

You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this subcommittee 
will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help 
you God ? 

Mr. Yanover. I do. 



* See p. 3212 for testimony of Harold Praahlln. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3175 

TESTIMONY OF JULES YANOVER, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS COUNSEL, 

BERNARD PROBE 

Mr. Wood. Are you represented by counsel ? 

Mr. Yanover. I am. 

Mr. Wood. Will counsel please state liis name for the record ? 

Mr. Probe. I am Bernard Probe, attorney at law, with offices in 
the National Bank Building. 

Mr. Tavenner. You are Jules Yanover ? 

Mr. Yanover. That's right. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born ? 

Mr. Yanover. I was born in Brooklyn, N. Y., October 20, 1912. 

Mr. Tavenner. Where do you now reside ? 

Mr. Yanover. In Detroit. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you lived in Detroit ? 

Mr. Yanover. For the past 7 years. 

Mr. Tavenner. What did you state was the place of your birth ? 

Mr. Yanover. Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Mr. Tavenner, You have lived in Detroit for 7 years ? 

Mr. Yanover. That's right. 

Mr. Tavenner. Prior to that, where did you live ? 

Mr. Yanover. I have lived in Milwaukee. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you ever live in Baltimore ? 

Mr. Yanover. Yes ; I did. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long did you live in Baltimore, and when? 

Mr. Yanover. I think 1944, I'm not absolutely sure. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long did you live there when you were in 
Baltimore ? 

Mr. Yanover. Approximately somewhere around a half a year more 
or less. I don't remember. 

Mr. Tavenner. What business were you engaged in in Baltimore? 

Mr. Yanover. During the period I lived in Baltimore I worked in 
the Bethlehem Shipyards and I was there only a short time and then 
I changed my job to — it was in a factory that made parts for air- 
planes. I can't just recall the name of the plant. It used to be a 
Chevrolet plant before it was converted. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wlien you worked at the shipyards were you ac- 
quainted with Walter McManamon? 

Mr. Yanover. Could you identify this person ? 

Mr. Tavenner. He was an organizer for the Marine Shipbuilders 
Union. 

Mr. Yanover. I rely on my privileges under the fifth amendment 
and decline to answer. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you a member of a cell of the Communist 
Party among employees of the Bethlehem Shipbuilding Corp. ? 

Mr. Yanover. I refuse to answer for the same reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you employed at the Fairfield Yard? What 
was your place of employment? 

Mr. YANo^^:R. I think it was the Fairfield Yard, I don't remember 
very accurately. 

Mr. Tavenner. Prior to 1944 where did you live ? 

Mr. Yanover. Well, I was in the Army for about three-quarters of 
the year. Prior to that, I lived in Washington. 

Mr. Tavenner. Where did you live in Washington ? 



3176 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Yanover. I lived on — I think it was Twentieth Street ; I can't 
recall the exact address now. 

Mr, Tavenner. What section of the city? 

Mr. Yanover. I can't remember. It was in the section of the city 
tliat was not too far away from the Potomac River. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long were you in Washington and how long 
did you live there ^ 

Mr. Yanover. I can't recall 

Mr. Tavenner. How long did you live in Washington? 

Mr. Yanover. I can't recall exactly ; it may have been about 2 years. 

Mr. Tavenner. How were you employed while there? 

Mr. Yanover. I refuse to answer under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you live at any other address besides the one 
on Twentieth Street while you lived in Washington ? 

Mr. Yanovt>r. I don't remember where I lived exactly. I did live 
in some other places, in furnished room places. 

Mr. Tavenner. A furnished room ? 

Mr. Yanover. Yes. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. At what address? 

Mr. Yanover. It was — frankly, I just don't remember. 

Mr. Tavenner. Having lived for two years in the city of Wash- 
ington no later than 1944, you should have no difficulty in remembering 
the approximate address. 

Mr, Yanover. My memory isn't a very sharp one, unfortunately. 

Mr. Ta\'enner. Were you ever employed by the United States 
Government ? 

Mr, Yanover, To my knowledge I never have been. 

Mr. Tavenner, Why is there any uncertainty as to whether or not 
you were employed by the United States Government? It just oc- 
curred to me that that is a question you are bound to know, there is no 
in-between. 

Mr. Yanover. I feel that under these circumstances where every 
word is being weighed, there is an attempt to try to trick the witness 
up. I just can't make a definite statement about that. 

Mr, Wood, By that do you mean that you do not know or that you 
will not make the statement. Which do you mean ? 

Mr, Yanover, I mean that I just can't recall being employed by the 
United States Government, 

Mr, Wood, You can't recall? 

Mr, Yanover, No, 

Mr. Tavenner, Did you have more than one employer while you 
were in Washington ? 

Mr, Yanover, I worked with a dance band in Washington for a 
period — I don't remember just how long. 

Mr. Tavenner, Did you have any other employment while there ? 

Mr, Yanover. I may have had other casual employment. 

Mr. Walter. AYliat was the name of the dance band you worked 
for? 

Mr, Yano\t>r. The name of the leader was Ray Hetherton. 

Mr, Wal'i-er. If you remember Ray Hetherton's name why can't 
you remember Avhether or not you worked for the United States 
Government. 

Mr. Yanoat.r, I think I have already ansAvered that, sir. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3177 

Mr. Walteb. Let's try aiiotlier answer. I didn't remember the 
last one. 

Mr. Probe. Are you asking a question ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes ; I asked a Question. 

Mr. Probe. You said, "Let's try another question." 

Mr. Walter. I said, "answer." 

Mr. Probe. What is the question ? 

Mr. Walter. The question is whether or not you worked for the 
United States Government. 

Mr. Probe. Are you asking a question ? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. Did you work for the United States (lovern- 
ment ^ 

Mr. Yanover. Not to my knowledge I didn't. 

Mr. Tavenner. Prior to your going to Wasliington 

Mr. Wood. Just a minute. Let me get it straight, if I can. Whether 
you worked or not, were you ever on the payroll of the United States 
Government in any capacity in any of its departments ? 

Mr. Yanover. To my knowledge, I have never been on the payroll 
of the United States Government. 

Mr. Tavenner. Prior to 19^2 — or, in other words, prior to the 
time you "vyent to Washington, where did you reside ? 

JNIr. Yanover. New York City. 

Mr. Tavenner. How^ were you employed there ? 

Mr. Yanover. As a musician in various jobs. It would be abso- 
lutely impossible to remember. 

Mr. Tavenner. Then you came to Detroit 7 years ago, and how have 
you been employed since you have come to Detroit^ 

Mr. Yanover. As a musician. 

Mr. Tavenner. The entire period of time ? 

Mr. Yanover. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you had any other employment ? 

Mr. Yano^ter. No, sir ; not that I can recall. 

Mr. Tavenner. You have been identified by Mr. O'Hair, a witness 
before this conunittee during the Detroit hearings, as a member of the 
Connnunist Party, as a person known to have been a member of the 
Communist Party, and I want to give you this opportunity to either 
deny or affirm that testimony. 

Mr. Yanover. I have always understood, Mr. Tavenner, that a per- 
son's social, political or any other beliefs were his own private concern, 
and I feel that under the first amendment, we are guaranteed that 
right, regardless whetlier a person is a Democrat, a Republican, a 
Communist, or Socialist, and I stand upon my constitutional rights 
undei- the first amendment and refuse to answer that question, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Let me suggest to you that that has been decided by 
the Supreme Court of the United States in tlie case of tlie Hollywood 
Ten, who relied on the first amendment, and it was decided adversely 
to them. 

Mr. Yanover. I said that I rely on my privilege under the fifth 
amendment, to refuse to answer. 

Mr. Tavenner. I understood you to say the first amendment. Per- 
haps I misunderstood. 

Mr. Probe. He added the fifth, for good measui'e. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. Probably that is the only measure. 



3178 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Have you ever lived in Milwaukee ? 

Mr. Yanover. I did, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. You did ? 

Mr. Yanover. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. When ? 

Mr. Yanover. During — somewheres between 1944 and 1945. 

Mr. Tavenner. Then you came from Baltimore to Milwaukee in- 
stead of from Baltimore to Detroit ? 

Mr. Yanover. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long were you in Milwaukee? 

Mr. Yanover. Somewheres between a half year and three-quarters 
of a year. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. O'Hair made this statement with regard to 
you: 

Ruth Yanover and her husband, Jules Yanover, came to our club from Mil- 
waukee, Wis. 

Have you ever been a member of the Communist Party in Mil- 
waukee ? 

Mr. Yanover. I refuse to answer that under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Yanover. I refuse to answer that under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Haven't you very recently, under oath, denied be- 
fore a committee or officials of your union that you have never been 
a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Yanover. I refuse to answer that question for the same reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions. 

Mr. Wood. Any questions, Mr. Walter? 

Mr. Walter. No. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Jackson ? 

Mr. Jackson. Is it true, Mr. Yanover, that the officials of your 
union urged you to come before this committee and make a statement? 

Mr. Yanover. I think that is a matter that concerns my union 
and myself, and I refuse to answer under the provisions of the fifth 
amendment, 

Mr. Jackson. Isn't it true that they went so far as to offer you legal 
counsel to come before the committee and make such a statement as 
might clear you in this case ? 

Mr. Yanover. The same reason applies there, sir. I refuse to an- 
swer under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Jackson. I have no further questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Potter? 

Mr. Potter. I have no questions. 

Mr. Wood. The witness will be excused. 

(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Elliot Maraniss. 

Mr. Wood. Will you raise your right hand and be sworn, please? 

You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this subcom- 
mittee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, 
so help you God ? 

Mr. Maraniss. I do. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3179 

TESTIMONY OF ELLIOT MARANISS, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS COUNSEL, 

GEORGE W. CROCKETT 

]Mr, Tavenner. "Wliat is your name, please, sir ? 

]\Ir. Maraniss. My name is Elliott Maraniss. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you represented by counsel ? 

]\Ir. INIaraniss. Yes, sir. Mr. Crockett is my counsel. 

]Mr. Ta\'enner. And ]\Ir. Crockett is accompanying you ? 

Mr. Maraniss. (No response.) 

]\lr. Tavenner. He is sitting beside you ? I want the record merely 
to show that he is here. 

Mr. Crockett. My name is George W. Crockett, offices located in 
the Cadillac Tower, Detroit, Mich. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born, please, sir? 

Mr. Maraniss. I was born in Boston, Mass., in February of 1918. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you now live in Detroit ? 

Mr. Maraniss. Yes ; I do. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you lived in Detroit ? 

Mr. Maraniss. I have been a resident of Michigan since 1936 when 
I entered the University of Michigan. I have been a resident of De- 
troit since 1941. 

Mr. Tavenner. How have you been employed since 1941 ? 

Mr. Marvniss. In June of 1941 I was employed at the Detroit 
Times. I am a newspaperman. I was employed at the Detroit 
Times from June until about the 14th or 15th of December 1941, when 
I enlisted in the Army of the United States and served in the Army 
of the United States until January of 1946, when I was discharged, 
honorably discharged, as a captain in the Army of the United States. 

Upon my discharge I returned to my employment as a newspaper- 
man on the Detroit Times, and was continuously employed at the 
Detroit Times until February 29, 1952, on which date I received a 
subpena from your committee, and was summarily fired from my job. 

]Mr. Tavenner. What was the nature of your employment with 
the newspaper ? 

Mr. Maraniss. I am classified as a copy reader on the Detroit 
Times. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Maraniss, the committee, in the course of its 
investigation, obtained information that on January 24 and 25, 1948, 
the Communist Party held a State conference at 2934 Yemans Hall, 
arid that you were present as a delegate to the conference. Is that 
correct ? 

]Mr. ]\Iaraniss. Upon advice of my counsel, I invoke my privileges 
under the fifth amendment of the Constitution which was written 
into the Constitution to prevent forced confessions. 

Mr. Tavenner. You stated that your employment had been prac- 
tically continuous with the Detroit Times since you came here in 1941 
with the exception of the period of your service, which was military 
service, which Avas rather extensive. 

Mr. Maraniss. That is correct. 

]\Ir. Tavenner. During the period of time when you were employed 
here in Detroit, were you employed by any other newspaper or pub- 
lication ? 

Mr. Crockett. On the basis of my recollection of the testimony 

97097— 52— pt. 2 15 



3 ISO COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Crockett, will yon please conform to the rule and 
confer with your client in an undertone ? 

Mr. Maraniss. My counsel advises me to invoke my privilege under 
the fifth amendment and refuse to answer that question. 

Mr. Wood. Do you do that under the advice of your counsel? 

Mr. Maraniss. I do. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you written articles for the Michigan Worker 
under the name of Oscar Williams ? 

Mr. Crockett. May I ask, ]\Ir. Counsel, if the Michigan Worker 
has been listed as a subversive publication by your committee? 

Mr. Tavenner. No. 

Mr. Crockett. It has not been ? 

Mr. Wood. And neither has the witness. 

Mr. Crockett. I didn't inquire about the witness, Mr. Chairman. 
I only inquired about the publication. 

Mr. Wood. The question was asked as to what he did, not what the 
publication did. 

Mr. Crocke'i^. I only asked the question as a basis for my advice 
to my client. 

Mr. Maraniss. I invoke my privilege under the fifth amendment 
and refuse to answer that question. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. In spite of the answer as to the citation of the pub- 
lication ? 

Mr. Crockett. I think, INIr. Counsel, that the record here at this 
hearing indicates that the ]\Iichigan Worker has been labeled as the 
Michigan edition of the Daily Worker. Am I right ? 

Mr. Taat.nner. I wouldn't attempt to recite the evidence on that. 

Mr. Crockett. Very well. 

Mr .Ta\tenner. Your answer is still that you refuse to answer the 
question ? 

Mr. Maraniss. I have given my answer. 

Mr. Tavenner. Plave you used the name of Oscar Williams in writ- 
ing, or have you used that name in any other wav 2 

Mr. Maraniss. I invoke my privilege under the fifth amendment. 

INIr. Wood. Well, do you answer then, or not? 

]Mr. Maraniss. And I refuse to answer the question. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you at any time been a member of the j^rofes- 
sional section of the Communist Party of Detroit ? 

Mr. Maraniss. I invoke my privilege under the fifth amendment 
and refuse to answer that question. 

I wish to make a statement, however, about my views on un-Ameri- 
can activities, if the counsel and Mr. Wood would permit. 

Mr. Wood. After you answer the questions. If you answer them, 
we will be glad to have your explanation of anything you want to 
make, after you answer the questions. 

Mr. Maraniss. Isn't the purpose of this inquiry to discover the 
thinking of people on what constitutes un-American activities, and 
what activities 

Mr. Wood. The purpose of this investigation at the moment is to 
determine first of all what your position is with reference to member- 
ship in the Communist Party, which you have refused to enlighten us 
about. I call your attention to the fact that you sought, at the outset 
of your testimony, to leave an inference that you had been deprived 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3181 

* 

of your position with the paper here because of the fact that you had 
been subpenaed by this committee. 

Mr. Maraniss. That is no inference. That is a fact. 

Mr. Wood. If that is true, we are oifering you the best opportunity 
I know of for you to convince your employers — your previous employ- 
ers or anybody else, for that matter, that if the committee had sub- 
penaed you for the purpose of identifying you as a member of the 
Communist Party and you are not, in fact, so a member, to so state. 

JSIr. Maraniss. Mr. Wood, you are not offering me any opportunity, 
as I see it. You have subpenaed me and compelled me to come here 
and answer questions about my ]iolitical beliefs. 

Mr. Wood. Well, you were subpenaed. That is true. But now you 
have been asked the question which you have declined to answer. 

Mr. Crockett. Mr. Chairman, do I understand that you are penaliz- 
ing this man because he relies upon the fifth amendment, and, because 
of that, you refuse to let him make a statement ? 

Mr. Wood. If he isn't a member of the Communist Party, I am seek- 
ing to help him. If he is, I think the public is entitled to know it. 

Mr. Crockett. The public isn't entitled to know anything that yoix 
may properly claim the privilege from disclosing under the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Wood. I grant you the right to claim immunity under the fifth 
amendment. 

]Mr. Maraniss. Mr. Chairman, may I read you the constitution about 
eligibility in the union to which I belong, the union of newspapermen. 

Under section 1 : 

Guild memberships shall be open to every eligible person without discrimina- 
tion or penalty, nor shall any member be barred from membership or penalized 
by reason of age, sex, race, national origin, religious or political submission, or 
anything he writes for publication. 

I believe that is an unassailable guaranty of freedom of speech and 
freedom of expression for a newspaperman, and the right to indulge 
in any political activity without fear of penalization. 

Mr. Jackson. What is that from ? 

]Mr. Maraniss. That is from my constitution of the American News- 
paper Guild, CIO, of which I am a member. 

Mr. Jackson. Did you point that out to the board of the CIO 
Newspaper Guild? 

Mr. Maraniss. I certainly did. I pointed it out to my boss, too. 

Mr. Jackson. Then that is the forum before which you should 
bring the bylaws and your constitution, not this committee. 

Mr. Maraniss. This a question of the rights of newspapermen to 
engage in political activity, freely, to hold opinions and beliefs with- 
out being subject to penalization, or being forced to enter into forced 
confessions before a group like this. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you take the position that the Communist Party 
is not a conspiracy? 

ISIr. Maraniss. I rely upon the fifth amendment's guaranty and 
refuse to answer that question. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you consider the Communist Party is nothing 
more than a political party? 

Mr. jSIaraniss. I again rely on my constitutional privileges and 
refuse to answer that question. 



3182 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Ta\tenner. If it is nothing more than a political party, we are 
wasting a lot of time. 

Mr. \>'()0D. Any further questions? 

Mr. TA^^sNKER. On the very day that you say that you received a 
subpena, did you learn that Mrs. Toby Baldwin testified before this 
committee and identified you as having been a member of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mv. ISIaraniss. I rely upon my constitutional privileges under the 
fifth amendment and refuse to answer that question. 

Mr. TAVENNf^R. Didn't you learn that on the day you were sub- 
penaed, Mrs. Baldwin testified before this C( aimittee? 

Mr. Maraniss. Yes, I learned that. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. Do you still state, in the light of that information 
that you w^ere discharged from your position because of being sub- 
penaed, or was it because of the testimony that was given here before 
this committee? 

Mr. Maraniss. If I had never been subpenaed, I would never have 
been forced to answer that question — I mean that fact would never 
have made any difference, and I wouldn't have ever been discharged. 

However, Mr. Tavenner, it is my belief that back in— -I believe 
that the management of the Detroit Times has been looking for a 
chance to fire me since 1947 — because at that time, there was a dis-  
charge of about 12 employees of the Detroit Times for the reason of 
economy, and I was one of the members of the Newspaj^er Guild who 
was trying to get the union and the men there to get the reinstatement 
of those men, and many of them were reinstated, and I think they have 
had it in for. me ever since. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you discharged after the testimony of Mrs. 
Baldwin, or before her testimony ? 

Mr. Maraniss. I was discharged after her testimony. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was her testimony with regard to you true or 
false? 

Mr. Maraniss. I invoke my privileges under the fifth amendment 
and refuse to answer that question. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions. 

Mr. Maraniss. May I read my statement now, Mr. Wood? 

Mr. Wood. Any questions, Mr. Walter? 

Mr. Walter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Jackson? 

Mr. Jaokson. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Potter? 

Mr. Potter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. We don't permit statements. If you have one written 
there, we shall be glad to have it filed with the clerk. 

(T\niereupon, the statement of Mr. Maraniss was filed.) 

Mr. Jackson. I have a question, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. JSIaraniss, you were discharged a captain from the armed serv- 
ices; is that correct? 

Mr. Maraniss. That is right. 

Mr. Jackson. Do 3'ou hold a commission in the Reserve at the 
present time ? 

Mr. Maraniss. No, I do not. 

Mr. Jackson. That is all. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3183 

Mr. Wood. The witness is excused. 

(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Wood. We will take a 5-minute recess. 

(A short recess was taken.) 

Mr. Wood. Come to order. 

Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. TAVEN>rER. Mr. Dave Moore. 

Mr. Wood. You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this 
subcommittee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing, but the 
truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Moore. *I do. 

Mr. Wood. Proceed. 

TESTIMONY OF DAVID WILLIAM MOORE. ACCOMPANIED BY HIS 

COUNSEL, ERNEST GOODMAN 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your name, please ? 

Mr. Moore. David William Moore. 

Mr. TA^^NNER. Are you represented by counsel ? 

Mr. Moore. I am represented by Ernest Goodman of the firm of 
Goodman, Crockett, Eden & Probe, the defenders of the workei's. 

Mr. Tavenner. Where do you live, Mr. Moore ? 

Mr. Moore. 3900 Brush, Apartment 1, Detroit, Mich. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you lived in Detroit ? 

Mr. Moore. Since 1928. 

Before you ask me another question, Mr. Tavenner, I would like 
to say this 

Mr. Wood. Just wait until you are asked questions, sir, and then, 
after you answer them, if you will, you are at liberty to make any 
explanations about them that you want. 

Mr. Moore. Well, look, I got some reservations about the remarks 
you are making, you know. 

Mr. Wood. No remarks. 

Mr. Moore. O. K. Mr. Tavenner, I want to ask you a question 
once you ask me this one. 

Mr. Tavenner. I hand you a photostatic copy of a passport and 
ask you to examine it and identify the signature thereon as your signa- 
ture, if it is your signature. 

Mr. MooRE. You are asking me a question about a passport; is that 
right? Did I understand you correctly to say a passport? 

Mr. Tavenner. That is certainly correct. 

Mr. Moore. Well, I say this on the passport deal : I think the State 
Department has procedures to go by as far as passports are concerned, 
and it is obvious what you are trying to do here, just the same as you 
have did to Pat Rice, is trying to tie me in with a forgery or some- 
thing 

Mr. Wood. The question you were asked : Is that your signature on 
that passport ? What is your answer to that ? 

"^^r. ]*^ooRE. I think Mr. Tavenner asked the question. 

Mr. Wood. I am asking you. 

Mr. Moore. Am I going to be given the right to answer these ques- 
tions fully, or are you going to try to put words in my mouth ? 

Mr. Wood. I am asking the .question now. Is that your signature? 

Mr. Moore. Are you going to allow me to answer fully ? 



3184 COMMUNISM IX THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Jackson. Is this the witness that this committee has waited for 
all day long and has on several occasions postponed his appearance? 

Mr. MooKE. I didn't know I was that important, I'll tell you that. 
The workers at Ford's hav'e been waiting for me, too. 

Mr, Jackson. You can disabuse your mind of anything having to 
do with your tremendous importance. But this committee 

INIr. Wood, You are directed to answer the question that has been 
asked you. 

IVIr. INIooRE. As far as this passport, the question that Mr. Tavenner 
asked me, for your benefit also, JNIr. Wood, it seems as though it is 
obvious that you are trying to tie me in wnth some passport fraud like 
you did Pat Rice, and I refuse to answer this question on this passport 
deal under my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr, Tavenner, I offer the photostatic copy in evidence and ask it be 
marked IVIoore exhibit No. 1. 

JNIr. Wood. It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Moore Exhibit No. 1" and 
received in evidence. ) 

Mr. MooRE. There is one question I would like to ask Mr. Tavenner. 

Mr. Wood. You are under interrogation at the moment. 

Mr. Moore. Mr. Wood, will you permit me to ask ]Mr. Tavenner this 
question ? 

JSIr. AVooD. You are under interrogation now. 

Mr. Moore. I am not under interrogation. I am imder inquisition 
here. 

Mr. Tavenner. You have been identified, INIr. ]\Ioore, by testimony 
before the committee, as having been a member of the Communist 
Party. Is it true or false? 

Mr. Moore. If I w^ere to answer you whether I am a Communist 

]\Ir. Wood. That is what you are asked to do, is to answer. 

IVfr. Moore. Look, Avhy don't you let me answer the question, will 
you ? 

Mr. Wood. I am trying to get you to answer it. 

Mr. MooRE. I will answer the question if you will just let me alone. 
You ain't going to put words in my mouth, I can assure you tliat. 
You know, you are acting like a bunch of labor relations guys out at 
the Ford ]\Iotor Co., you know. 

]\Tr. Wood. You are directed to answer the question. 

Mr, Moore, If I were to answer your question whether I Avas a 
Communist or not, Mr, Tavenner, at some future date — you claim 
that this committee has no power to prosecute now, but under some 
laws that will be enacted, the McCarran Act, the Smith Act, and 
some things like that, some future days I would be stood up before 
some court and be accused of ]:)erjury and be framed and be sent to jail 
for saying whether I was a Communist or not. If I say I am not a 
Communist — if I say I am not a Conununist, you will have some guy 
with a forged card, like you did Bill Hood, come in here and say 
that this is Dave Moore's signature on the card. 

So on one hand I am damned if I do, and on the other hand I am 
damned if I don't. 

Mr, Tavenner, Then what is your answer ? 

Mr. Moore. So I refuse to answer your question under the fifth 
amendment. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3185 

Mr. Tav-enner. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Wood. Any questions, Mr. Walter ? 

Mr. Walter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Jackson? 

Mr. Jackson. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Potter ^ 

Mr. Potter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Let the witness be excused. 

(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. William M. Glenn. 

Mr. Wood. Will you raise your right hand and be sworn, please? 

You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this subcommit- 
tee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so 
help you God ? 

Mr. Glenn. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM M. GLENN, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS 
COUNSEL, EENEST GOODMAN 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. Will you state your name, please, Mr. Glenn, 

Mr. Glenn. My name is William Glenn. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born? 

Mr. Glenn. Grand Rapids, Mich., June 22, 1903. 

Mr. Ta\'enner. What has been your educational background? 

Mr. Glenn. Well, I worked niy way through the latter part of 
grannner school and through high school and 1 year of college. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your present occupation? 

Mr. Glenn. At present, I have no occupation. I am doing odd 
jobs. 

Mr. Ta\tenner. Where is it that you now live ? Wliere do you now 
live ? 

Mr. Glenn. In Grand Rapids, Mich. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you lived in Grand Rapids ? 

Mr. Glenn. Since my birth. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Glenn, I hand you a photostatic copy of an 
application for a passport bearing date of April 9, 1951, and ask 
you whether the photograph appearing thereon is a photograph of 
you, and whether the signature to it is yours. Is it your signature ? 

Mr. Glenn. You see, Mr. Chairman, I am skeptical of this com- 
mittee, the same as the previous witness. 

Mr. Wood. The committee is not concerned about your opinion of 
it. You were asked a direct question. What is your answer to it ? 

Mr. Glenn. I am concerned about the committee, because I am 
skeptical of this committee. You haven't been investigating lynch- 
ing, the murder of the Negro people, and the rape of the Negro people. 
I am skeptical about answering this. 

So under the fifth amendment of the Constitution, I shall not 
answer the question. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now, what is the basis for your refusal to answer 
under the fifth amendment^ What part of the fifth amendment is it 
which you claim is the basis for your refusal to answer ? 

Mr. "Glenn. Well, of course the basis of the fifth amendment is to 
protect the American citizens against inquisitions, which I consider 
this is. 



3 186 coMMxnsriSM in the Detroit area 

Mr. Tamjnner. That is your reason for refusing to answer the 
question ? 

Mr. Glenn. My attorney tells me that the fifth amendment pro- 
vides that a person need not be a witness against himself. For that 
reason, I am refusing to answer the question. 

Mr. Tavennek. I desire to offer the passport in evidence and ask 
that it be marked "Glenn Exhibit No. 1." 

]\Ir. Wood. It may be received. 

(The document referred to was marked "Glenn Exhibit No. 1" and 
received in evidence.) 

Mr. Glenn. Of course, I think this is your exhibit, not mine, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. "VYliere did you desire to travel under that passport 
which you applied for? 

Mr. Glenn. Well, since I refused to answer the first question 
which you have asked me under my privilege of the fifth amendment, 
I should refuse to answer all other questions pertaining to this pass- 
port under the same amendment. 

Mr. Wood. Then, do you refuse to answer the one that has just 
been asked you ? 

Mr. Glenn. I so stated. 

Mr. Wood. No. You said you refused to answer all of them. But 
I want to know if you refused this specifically. 

Mr. Glenn. Now I will say this specific question and all other 
questions. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you travel to Moscow in 1951? 

Mr. Glenn. I have just stated, Mr. Chairman, that since I refused 
to answer the first question, I refuse to answer all other questions 
pertaining to this. 

Mr. Wood. You can't refuse to answer them because you don't know 
what is going to be asked. 

Now, what is your answer to that one ? Did you travel to Moscow 
in 1951? 

Mr. Glenn. I refuse to answer that question under my privileges of 
the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. I hand you an original passport made out in the 
name of William M. Glenn, and I will ask you if you have ever used 
that passport in travel in foreign countries. 

Mr. Glenn. I shall refuse to answer that question, Mr. Chairman, 
under my privileges under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you examine the passport, please, and tell us 
whether or not it shows or has any reference to it having been used 
in Russia ? 

Mr. Glenn. I should refuse to answer that question under my privi- 
leges of the fifth amendment, sir. 

Mr. Taatenner. Do you refuse to look also ? 

Mr. Glenn. No ; I don't mind looking. I have looked. 

Mr. Tavenner. You don't find anything with regard to your hav- 
ing traveled in Russia, do you ? 

Mr. Glenn. I have been advised that I have already answered that 
question, sir. 

Mr. Ta%^nner. Now, what plan was used to enable one traveling 
under a passport to travel in Russia and other iron-curtain countries 
without a visa being recorded in your passport? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3187 

Mr. Glenn. I also refuse to answer that question under my privi- 
leges of the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Instead of a visa being stamped in your passport 
book, you were given a separate paper, weren't you, which was col- 
lected from you and taken up by the Russian Government ? 

Mr. Glenn. I refuse 

Mr. Tavenner. Eather than having a record of your having ap- 
peared in Russia ; isn't that true ? 

Mr. Glenn. I refuse also to answer that under my privilege of the 
fifth amendment, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. In other words, in examining the passport there, you 
can see no evidence of having traveled in iron-curtain countries ; isn't 
that so? 

Mr. Glenn. I am refusing to answer that question under by privi- 
lege of the fifth amendment. 

Mr. TA^^NNE:R. That was done for the purpose of deceiving the 
State Department as to the use you were making of the passport? 

Mr. Glenn. I think you are deceiving the American people by not 
investigating the lynching that has taken place and is taking place 
today. 

Mr. Tavenner, Now will you answer the question? 

Mr. Glenn. I just wanted to get in a point there. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes ; you did. 

Mr. Glenn. Thank you. 

Mr. Walter. Where and when have these lynchings taken place? 

Mr. Glenn. Well, in Mr. Wood's State. 

Mr. Walter. When was the last one? 

Mr. Glenn. Well, right recently in Florida, I think. 

Mr. Walter. We are talking about Mr. Wood's State. "Wlien was 
the last one? 

Mr. Glenn. Mr. Millard, I believe, was lynched in Georgia for 
going to the polls and exercising a democratic right to vote. 

Mr. Walter. When was that? 

Mr. Glenn. I believe it was in 1948, if I recall. 

Mr. Wood. Well, you ought to get better information about it. 

Mr. Glenn. It is very easy to get that information, I am sure, Mr. 
Wood. 

Mr. Wood. Yes ; and what you have is erroneous. 

Mr. Glenn. Are you saying that 

Mr. Wood. It is erroneous both as to the facts and as to the date. 

Mr. Glenn. Are you saying there are no lynchings in the United 
States, Mr. Wood? 

Mr. Wood. There hasn't been a lynching occurred in my State since 
it occurred in Michigan. 

Mr. Glenn. Are you going to say that there are no lynchings oc- 
curring in the United States today ? 

Mr. Wood. I will say they are occurring right here in Michigan 
and in Illinois. 

Mr. Glenn. What are you doing about it ? 

Mr. Walter. Let me ask one question : Some time ago, the Ameri- 
can Federation of Labor prepared a complete list of the locations 
of slave labor camps all over Russia. During your visit to Russia, 
did you visit these camps ? 



3188 COMIMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Glenn. My roots are in the United States, and this is tlie 
country I am interested in. 

Mr. Walter. I am asking whether or not you visited these camps. 

JNIr. Glexn. I am telling you what I am interested in is this country 
becoming a democratic country. 

Mr. Walter. You haven't answered my question. Did you visit 
the slave labor camps ? 

Mr. Glenn. I answered this gentleman's questions over here. 

Mr. Walter. I am asking you a question now. 

Mr. Glenn. I refuse to answer all questions and I am refusing to 
answer your question under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Walter. All right. I was sure you would, because that is a 
very sensitive question with the Commies in the United States. 

Mr. Glenn. The American Negro has a very sensitive question with 
the American white man in the United States. I believe we are very 
sensitive to that question. 

Mr. Jackson. They took two white men out of a jail in San Jose, 
Calif., and hanged them. Did you protest that lynching? 

Mr. Glenn. I would protest any lynching. 

Mr. Jackson. Did you protest the specific one with all the vociferous 
qualities of which you are capable ? 

Mr. Glenn. I certainly would. I didn't happen to know about 
it. 

Mr. Jackson. You didn't know about it ? 

Mr. Glenn. No. 

Mr. Jackson. I am glad to inform you that lynching is not re- 
stricted in any way to the Negro people. 

Mr. Potter. And lynching is not condoned. 

Mr. Glenn. But you certainly know that far more Negro people 
are being lynched than any white people. 

Mr. Jackson. I believe that the record will show that fewer Negroes 
have been lynched in the last 10 years than whites who have met violent 
death at the hands of mobs. Statistics will bear that out. 

However, there is no great protest of that fact. 

Mr. Wood. That is beyond the pale of this investigation. 

Any further questions, Mr. Counsel ? 

Mr. Ta\t,nxer. I hand you a newspaper clipping from the Grand 
Rapids Herald of October 19, 1951, in which you are quoted to have 
said : 

In 1946, I became a member of the Comnmnist Party because of the failure 
of two major political parties to pass legislation protecting the constitutional 
rights of the Negro people — 

and that you later withdrew from the party. Also that you stated 
this : 

Realizing that the Negro rights in America cannot be achieved by this tactic 
has caused me to disassociate myself from the Communist Party. 

Were you correctly reported ? 

Mr. Glenn. Well, you know, since we haven't a free press in Amer- 
ica, about the only thing I believe in it is the date. 

Mr. Wood. Were you correctly reported in that statement? 

Mr. Glenn. I refuse to answer that question under my privilege of 
the fifth amendment. 



COMAIUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3189 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Glenn. I refuse to answer that question under the privilege of 
the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Glenn. I refuse to answer that question under the privilege of 
the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions. 

Mr. Wood. Any questions, Mr. Walter ? 

Mr. Walter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Jackson ? 

Mr. Jackson. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Potter? 

Mr. Potter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. The witness will be excused. 

(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Tavenner. INIildred Pearlstein. 

Mr. Wood. Will you raise your right hand and be sworn, please? 

You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this committee 
will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help 
you God ? 

Miss Pearlstein. Yes. 

TESTIMONY OF MILDRED PEAELSTEIN, ACCOMPANIED BY HER 

COUNSEL, BERNARD PROBE 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you state your name, please. 

Miss Pearlstein. Mildred Pearlstein. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you represented by counsel? 

Miss Pearlstein. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will counsel please identify himself for the record. 

Mr. Probe. My name is Bernard Probe, with offices in the National 
Bank Building in the city of Detroit. 

Mr. Tavenner. INIiss Pearlstein, have you been known also by the 
name of Mildred Pearce ? 

Miss Pearlstein. I refuse to answer that under the provisions of the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Taat^nner. That it might incriminate you to state whether or 
not you have ever been known by the name of Mildred Pierce? 

Miss Pearlstein. That is right. 

Mr. Tavenner. In what business are you engaged ? 

Miss Pearlstein. I am not working at present. • 

Mr. Tavenner. What was your last employment? 

Miss Pearlstein. I worked at Jennings Memorial Hospital. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mrs. Pearlstein 

Miss Pearlstein. I am not married. 

Mr. Tavenner. Excuse me. Miss Pearlstein, there has been testi- 
mony here by Mrs. Toby Baldwin that she succeeded you as the 
membersliip secretary of the Communist Party for the State of 
Michigan. Is that true or false ? 

Miss Pearlstein. I refuse to answer that under the privilege of 
the fifth Constitution > 



Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever been a member — 
Miss Pearlstein. Fifth amendment, I am sorry. 



3190 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Miss Pearlstein. I am sorry, I didn't hear you. 

Mr. Tavenner. Excuse me ? 

Miss Pearlstein. I did not hear you. 

Mr. Ta\tenner. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Miss Pearlstein. I refuse to answer that under the privilege of the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Taa^nner. I have no further questions. 

Mr. Wood. Any questions, Mr. Walter ? 

Mr. Walter. No. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Jackson ? 

Mr. Jackson. No. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Potter? 

Mr. Potter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. The witness will be excused. 

(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Archie Acciacca. 

Mr. Wood. Will you raise your right hand and be sworn, please? 

You do solemnly swear that the evidence you give this subcommittee 
will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing out the truth, so help 
you God ? 

Mr. Acciacca. Yes. 

TESTIMONY OF ARCHIE ACCIACCA 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your name, please, sir? 

Mr. Acciacca. Archie Acciacca. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you represented by counsel? 

Mr. Acciacca. Gentlemen, you can see that I am not represented 
by counsel. I did not come down here to match wits with you people, 
and I did not come down here to stand on the fifth amendment. I 
came down here to tell you the truth, the whole truth, and nothing 
but the truth to the best of my ability, and I hope that after you get 
through questioning, you will give me the opportunity to make a 
statement ? IMay I have that opportunity gentlemen ? 

Mr. Wood. Any explanation of your testimony that you desire, 
if it is a written statement, we will ask you to file it with us, or any 
explanation of any answer you give here you have a right to explain? 

Mr Tavenner. Now, when and where were you born, Mr. Acciacca? 

Mr. Acciacca. I was born on November 1, 1913, in Detroit, Mich. 

Mr. Tavenner. I am not going to ask you the usual questions about 
your position in the union and the Ford plant because I think it has 
been described. But you have been a worker in the Ford plant for 
some time, haven't you ? 

Mr. Acciacca. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. You have held various positions in your union ? 

Mr. Acciacca. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. A number of witnesses have mentioned your name 
during the course of their testimony, and have referred to you and 
have identified you as having been a, member of the Communist Party^ 
Are you now a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Acciacca. I am not. sir. 



COMlVrUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3191 



Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. AcciAccA. Do you want a "yes" or "no" answer, or do you want 
me to elaborate or <2;ive you the details on it ? 

Mr. Tavenner! I think you should answer the question "yes" or 
"no." 

Mr. AcciAccA. I have been. 

]Mr. Tavenner. When did you cease to be a member of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr. AcciACCA. I believe it was in the latter part of '47, possibly 
early '47. 

Mr. Tavenner. Plow long were you a member? 
. Mr. AcciACCA. I believe that was from either the latter part of '4S 
or early '44, approximately 2 or 3 years. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the reason for your breaking with the 
party and leaving the party? 

Mr. AcciACCA. May I answer first how I got into it? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir. 

Mr. AcciACCA. The union, to me, was a new experience. I never 
belonged to a union before. I lived out in the country, and the only 
factory I exev worked at was in the Ford Motor Co. in Rouge. 

In 1941 when the union came in, I became active within the union. 
I watched different leaders within the union, and found that some were 
more militant, more aggressive, than others. These people that looked 
to me like they were more militant and had a better program for the 
working people whom I was very much interested in, finally got to 
me and pressured me considerably. 

Mr. Tavenner. Who was it? 

Mr. AcciACCA. Well, one of them was — the main one, shall I say, 
was one of the men you heard here yesterday, Mr. Lee Romano. 

People that were holding office in our building, which at that time 
was known as the pressed-steel building — today it is known as the 
Dearborn stamping unit — they got to me and led me to believe that I 
was a good guy, that I am a fighter for the workers, that : "You are 
new in the union, and look, this Communist movement is something 
that is over and above the union." 

Well, that went on for — I wouldn't buy that right away. That went 
on for a while, and then they kept coming to me and said, "Look now, 
we are allies. We are not enemies of Russia. We are allies. We are 
buddy-buddy, and by God, there is nothing wrong," I was told, "in 
joining the Communist Party." 

Well, I made the mistake and I did join the party, and I believe 
in the latter part of '43 or, as I said, the early part of '44, shortly 
after getting in, I found out that I had made a big mistake. I found 
out that they just wanted to use me as a tool; that they wanted to 
dominate me ; they wanted to dominate my union. 

I never was with anybody that ever discussed with me the overthrow 
of our Government. I never heard that. It seemed to me that most 
of the carryings on was political. They tried to get more people 
into the organization, and tried to get as many people as possible 
to subscribe to their literature. I believe at that time it was known 
as the Daily Worker. 

When I found out that the Communist Party wanted to run our 
union, I thought that I had better get out, and I did as I said, in 



3192 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

the latter part of '4G or '47, and I had nothing to do with them any 
more. As a matter of fact, gentlemen, it is a matter of record in 
my local union — and I think the world of it — in local GOO, that I 
am bitterly opposed to the Communist Party. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, you are one of the members of the defense 
committee, aren't you, at the present time ? 

Mr. AcciAccA. I was, sir. I am not now. 

Mr. Tavenner. When did you get out of that? 

Mr. AcciACCA. About-^oh, 6 weeks ago or maybe 2 months. Orig- 
inally I was 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you have any knowledge of these articles that 
were printed in February? I mean it took the action of your com- 
mittee in February 

Mr. AcciACCA. I was not in committee when that was done. 

Mr. Tavenner. To print the articles which have been the subject 
of discussion here in Ford Facts. 

Mr. AcciACCA. I w^as not in committee when that came up. sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. You had no part in playing that line ? 

Mr. AcciACCA. No, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Why was the defense committee formed ? 

Mr. AcciAcCxV. Well, to the best of my knowledge, it was formed 
to give aid, legal aid and otherwise, or guidance, shall we say, to the 
poor unfortunate people that didn't know where to move or what to 
do if something should happen to them. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, it was organized about last October, wasn't 
it, October 1951 ? 

Mr. AcciACCA. Well, approximately or maybe a little after that. 
I didn't think it was quite that soon. I will say approximately Octo- 
ber or November. I am not too sure of the time. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wasn't that about the time that it became known 
that the Committee on Un-American Activities was making its inves- 
tigation here? 

Mr. AcciACCA. About that time. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wasn't the committee designed, in the main, to 
counteract the work of this committee'? 

Mr. AcciACCA. You say in the main ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

Mr. AcciACCA. I wouldn't know that. I wouldn't think so. I don't 
know\ 

Mr. Tavenner. We note in reading Ford Facts that on February 
23, 1952, there appeared a column entitled "Claims Conuiiittee Is 
Un-American," Archie Acciacca, reporter. 

Did you write the article yourself? 

Mr. AcciACCA. Which one is that, sir ? 

Mr. Tavenner. February 23, 1952. 

Mr. AcciACCA. I have got a couple of copies, but I don't tnow if I 
have a copy of that with me. Pardon me, I do have one. 

Mr. Tavenner. It is prepared and appears there in such a way as 
to indicate that you were the author of it, and it bears the typewritten 
statement at the bottom of the article "Archie Acciacca, president." 
You were the president of the Dearborn stamping plant at that time, 
weren't you ? 

Mr. AcciACCA. I still am, sir. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3193 

Mr. Tavenner. Yon still are ? 

Mr. Agciacca. That's ri^jlit. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now, did you write that article or did someone else 
write it ? 

Mr. AcciACCA. On all these articles, sir, I could answer that to cover 
all the articles I write. I am the editor of my own column and 

Mr. Tavenner. I don't mean to inquire into any of your official 
business with your union that has nothing to do with communism. 
But this is an attack on the committee, and I wanted to know the 
origin of it. Other matters we have no desire to go into. I am just 
merely asking you whether you wrote that; whether that is your 
composition or that of another person. 

Mr. AcciACCA. Well, part of it is mine, sir. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. What part of it is yours ? 

Mr. AcciACCA. Do you want me to read it, you mean ? 

Mr. Tavenner. No. Just indicate to me. We haven't time to 
read it. 

Mr. AcciACCA. Well, that is what I am looking at, and I am hoping 
that 1 am not going to be pushed off the stand, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Just answer it this way, if you will: ^Vlio else had 
a part in the preparation of that article besides yourself? 

Mr. AcciACCxV. Who else had a part? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

Mr. AcciACCA. Walter Dorosh gave me a hand in writing it. 

Mr. Tavenner. He is on the publicity 

Mr. AcciACCA. He is on the publicity committee. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is he also on the defense council ? 

Mr. AcciACCA. I am not sure. They may be listed here. I am not 
sure. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you consider that those attacks that were being 
made on the committee under the names of the presidents of the various 
buildings was Communist-inspired ? 

jNIr. AcciACCA. No, I couldn't say that. I don't know the individ- 
uals of this committee too well. I was led to believe, if not all, the 
majority of this committee voted against the 75-cents-an-hour-mini- 
mum-wage law, and to me 

Mr. Tavenner. Well 

Mr. AcciACCA. I am trying to bring my point. 

Mr. Tavenner. I mean that has no connection whatever with the 
question I am asking you. 

Mr. AcciACCA. Will you repeat it again, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. My question is whether or not the action in pre- 
paring these articles, these various articles that you heard spoken of 
here today by Mr. Dorosh, were Communist-inspired articles. 

Mr. AcciACCA. I would have no knowledge of that. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you know whether Walter Dorosh was a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. AcciACCA. I did not, sir. I do not know now. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know by whose directions those articles 
were put in the paper? 

Mr. AcciACCA. I do not. 

]Mr. Tavenner. Wlio gave you directions about the article that you 
participated in with Dorosh ? 



3194 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. AociACCA. No one other than Walter [Dorosh]. He talked to 
me. 

Mr. Tavenner. You don't know where he got his orders ? 
Mr. AcciAccA. No, sir, if he got any. 

Mr. Tavenner. I understand you withdrew from the Communist 
Party because of the efforts that it made to control the affairs of your 
union. Is that essentially what you said ? 
Mr. AcciACCA. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. You think that the efforts of the Communist Party 
were harmful to the aims and purposes of the union 'i 
Mr. AcciACCA. I would think so ; yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. And that is as true today as it was the day that you 
withdrew from the party, as far as you know ? 

Mr. AcciACCA. As far as I am concerned ; yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Wood. Any questions, Mr. Walter? 

Mr. Walter. No questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Jackson ? 

Mr. Jackson. I have no questions. 

Mr. Wood. Mr. Potter? 

Mr. PoiTER. No questions. 

Mr. Ta\tenner. He has a statement. I do not know whether he 
wants to file it. 

Mr. Wood. I am going to ask Mr. Acciacca, if he doesn't mind, be- 
cause I announced I was going to adjourn here at 6 o'clock. It lacks 
2 minutes of being at that time. The members of this committee 
have to get to a plane. 

We can either have him down to Washington, or he can prepare 
his statement and file it for the record. I will be happy to have it 
that way, for insertion in the record if you have it prepared. 

Mr. Walter. Let him have a couple of minutes. 

Mr. AcciACCA. Mr. Chairman, I am sorry that you put me on the 
stand at this time. 

Mr. Wood. All right, go ahead, but we will have to quit by 6 o'clock. 

Mr. AcciACCA. I can't do it by 6 o'clock, sir. 

Mr. Wood. How long would you want ? 

Mr. AcciACCA. I would like to have 10 or 12 minutes, sir. I heard 
one of you gentlemen say : "We will stay here until 12 o'clock if 
people will answer questions." 

Mr. Wood. But yesterday we didn't have plane reservations. 

Mr. AcciACCA. Look, I am in bad light as an individual, and I think 
I am just as good a loyal American as the 150,000,000 Americans in 
this country, and I am sorry if you have to miss your plane, sir. I 
want to prove that point. 

Mr. Wood. There isn't any question about that, sir. 

Mr. AcciACCA. It's been in the paper that way, sir. I don't want 
to argue with you people. I don't want to be placed in the position 
of being hostile or anything else. I want to have my opportunity to 
put my points across. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr, Chairman, I might suggest if the chairman is 
willing to appoint a subcommittee, I would be very happy to stay 
and listen to the testimony. I have no plane to catch. I will stay 
and in that way his statement may be made. 

Mr. Wood. You can put it in the record now, just as soon as I make 
a little announcement. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3195 

Mr. Walter. I think you are in error when you feel that you are 
in a bad light. The fact of the matter is, having seen what the Com- 
munist Party means to the American workers and having left it, my 
mind, at least, stamps you as being a very fine citizen. 

Mr. AcciAccA. That is in your mind, sir, but I want to clear up 
150,000,000 minds in this country. 

Mr. Walter. Well, I think the vast majority of the people feel the 
same way. 

Mr. AcciACCA. If you please, Mr. Chairman, I want to clear that 
point up. Just yesterday evening when I went home, and for my 
money, I've got a very good wife and a very good family. When 
I went home last night my wife told me that she couldn't get into a 
club because of me. I want to get that cleared up. 

Mr. Wood. You have a right to clear it up, and I hope, sir, you 
can, and I will be glad if you can do it. 

I have a telegram here from Mr. William R. Hood, recording secre- 
tary of the Ford Local No. 600, that he be permitted to appear before 
this committee to answer some testimony that had been given with 
reference to his connection, his prior connection with the Communist 
Party, and in keeping with the uniform policy of this committee, he 
will be given that opportunity in the very near future. 

In the meantime, all witnesses who had been subpenaed to appear 
here before this committee during this week, are directed that the sub- 
penaes are hereby continued effective until March 26, at which time 
you will be given official notification as to whether the committee will 
be back here, or wdiether you will be required to come to Washington. 
That includes all witnesses who are now subpenaed here before this 
committee. 

While the committee recognizes that as no doubt appears obvious 
to all who have heard the hearings here, that this inquiry is not as 
complete as it should be, we do feel that the people of the Detroit 
area and of the Nation at large have now a fair picture of the over- 
all aims and purposes of the Communist movement in this locality. 
Considerations of time and the legislative progi'am of the Congress, 
make it imperative that the subcommittee return to Washington. It 
is contemplated that certain phases of the inquiry in which the com- 
mittee has been engaged may be further pursued, either here or in 
Washington in the very near future. 

With that, for the purpose of further listening to Mr. Acciacca, 
we will excuse the members of the staff and you gentlemen will stay 
and listen to it. 

Mr. Potter. I will be very happy to stay. 

Mr. Jackson. Very well. 

Mr. Wood. And the reporter will take down what you have to say, 
Mr. Acciacca. 

(AVhereupon, Messrs. Wood and Walter left the hearing room, 
leaving Messrs. Jackson and Potter to hear the remaining testimony.) 

Mr. Acciacca. First, may I thank Mr. Jackson of California for 
making it possible for me to continue on here and get this cleared 
up. 

Mr. Jackson. You are welcome. 

Mr. Acciacca. Yesterday, gentlemen, as your names were attacked, 
I saw you were rather disturbed, as far as I am concerned, rightfully 
so. 

97097 — 52— pt. 2 16 



3196 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

]\ry name has been smeared, frpntlemen, and again I appreciate the 
opportunity of o-etting it cleared up, because as far as I am concerned, 
I have a very good family, some very good i-elatives, and the very best 
of friends. 1 own my own home in Royal Oak and have lived there 
for appi-oximately 35 years with the best of relatives, with the best 
of neighbors. 

I consider myself as good a loyal American, outside of the mistake 
I have made in "43 and '44, as anybody in this country. During the 
last war — and preparations are being made right now — I had con- 
tributed and solicited blood for our boys in the Armed Forces, and I 
am talking about good American boys in the Armed Forces. Every 
dollar that we have to spare goes into bonds. United States bonds. 

To prove my point that I have been against the Communist Party, 
I have here a couple of copies of the Sunday Worker, known as the 
INIichigan Edition of the Worker that you gentlemen can have. You 
will see on the back here where they have been attacking me. 

(Documents w^ere handed to the (Congressmen.) 

I noticed in tlie Detroit News wliere my name was mentioned as a 
member of the Frederick Douglas Club and the Fourteenth Congres- 
sional Club. I would like to have that cleared up, gentlemen, that I 
know nothing at all of either one of these clubs, nor have I ever been 
there or participated with them. You gentlemen can have this if you 
wish. 

Mr. PoTiER. ^^Hiat is that? 

Mr. AcciAccA. That was where Mrs. Baldwin mentioned my name 
as being tied in with the Frederick Douglas Club. I know nothing 
of it. 

Mr, Appell. Mr. Acciacca, may I ask you to what club of the Com- 
munist Party you were first assigned when you joined in 1943 or 
early 1944? 

_ Mr. Acciacca. That was the pressed steel division, which at that 
time was known as pressed steel. 

Mr. Appell. And as I understood your testimony, you stayed in 
the pressed steel unit ? 

Mr. Acciacca. That is all I have ever been. 

Mr. Appell. What happened during the days of the Communist 
Political Association? 

Mr. Acciacca. I think it was pointed out here earlier today that the 
Communist Political Association, if I remember correctly, they had 
something like that in '42 and it w^as only for a short while. 

Mr. Appell. But the Communist Political Association was created 
in '44 and discontinued in '45. Now, the investigation shows that 
during that period of time, the factory units were dissolved and the 
members of the Communist Party were placed into neighborhood 
groups. Did that happen to you ? 

]Mr. Acciacca. Gosh, I don't remember, sir. 

Mr. Appeix. Well, sir, did you always meet with the same group of 
individuals? 

Mr. Acciacca. The same group of individuals from our 

INIr. Appell. At no time were there new individuals brought in ? 

Mr. Acciacca. Outside of our own unit? 

Mr. Appell. Yes. 

Mr. AccLiccA. Not that I can remember, sir. 



CO]\i]VIUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3197 

Mr. Appell. Can you state that during the Communist Political 
Association days you were not transferred from the pressed-steel unit 
to another unit of the Communist Party '^ 

Mr. AcciAccA. Not that I remember. It might have happened. I 
am not saying it didn't. 

Mr. Appell. I mean you just made a statement that the testimony 
of Mrs. Bakhvin was not true. 

Mr. AcciAccA. As far as those clubs are concerned, I know nothing 
of them. 

Mr. Appell. Our records show — not Mrs. Baldwin's testimony — you 
were transferred during the Communist Political Association days to 
the Fred Douglass Chib. 

Mr. AcciACCA. If they took a card and moved it over there, I don't 
know anything about it. 

Mr. Appell. Mrs. Baldwin was testifying according to the records 
of the organization of which she was organization secretary, and I 
think she made that distinction, sir. 

Mr. AcciACCA. Pardon me just a minute. May I have that clipping 
back, please ? 

Mr. Jackson. I would suggest that in view of the time if you will 
continue on, Mr. Acciacca, we will finish this up. 

Mr. AcciACCA. Yesterday, gentlemen, I noMced that you people 
placed considerable faith in an individual whom, I am sure in your 
honest opinion, was doing the right thing. I don't think any of you 
knew this individual any too long, because if you knew him as long as 
I do, I am sure that things would look a lot different to you. You 
placed considerable faith 

Mr. Potter. Are you speaking about Mr. Romano ? 

Mr. AcciACCA. About Mr. Eomano. I would like to explain first the 
function of this individual, and I am prepared after I do that, to give 
you documentary proof that he had not cleansed all his sins, as he 
said, since 1946. 

Mr. Appell. Now, Mr. Acciacca, may I interrupt there please, sir. 

As I recall, Mr. Romano, in talking about your membership in the 
Communist Party, stated that to his knowledge you had broken with 
the Communist Party in late 1946 or early 1947, and the only state- 
ment that he made with respect to you was that you were, in recent 
times, closely associated with elements considered to be the left wing. 
The committee had information that you had broken, and you were 
subpenaed primarily because of this article which appeared in the 
February 23 issue of Ford Facts, which we knew you did not write. 

Mr. AcciACCA. You knew it? Well, then, why did you subpena 
me? 

Mr. Appell. In order for you to help your country to expose the 
members of the Communist Party that you knew. 

Mr. Poi-TER. It might be well to make this statement: We realize 
that there are many factions within labor organizations. We know 
that there are great political factions, and that possibly witnesses, in 
testifying, have done everything possible to play up the best interests 
of the faction in which they are most interested. 

But it is not the interest of the committee to do anything to inter- 
fere with interlabor politics, and we want that perfectly well under- 
stood. Our only interest is to endeavor to find out the extent and 



3198 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

the activity of the Communist influence within the Detroit area, and 
that is our sole purpose. We are not interested in getting into a fight 
between various factions of labor organizations. 

Mr. AcciACCA. Well, Mr. Potter, I can understand that, I am sure 
that you are not interested, nor do I want to take your time to explain 
to you the differences within our organization. I don't intend to do 
that. 

I said that I have documentary proof that since 1946, Mr. Romano 
is not the saint that he professed to be here, and I am sure if you will 
bear with me 

Mr. Potter. Would you make that document available to our staff? 

Mr. AcciACCA, I would like to read it into the record, if you please, 
sir. But before I get to that, I think it is necessary, if you will per- 
mit me, to explain, and I am leading up to this documentary proof, 
how this gentleman switches from time to time 

Mr. Appell. Is this with respect to your time of membership in 
the Communist Party? 

Mr. AcciACCA. Part of it, sir. 

Mr. Jackson. I should like to have you relate any testimony regard- 
ing — or any of your statements regarding the testimony to things 
which personally concern you. Then, if you wish, you may file the 
statement because we have consented to remain here overtime in order 
that you might have a few minutes to make a statement. Evidently 
it is a long one. I don't want to unduly hurry you, but in 5 or 6 
minutes I am going to have to adjourn this meeting, and I wish that 
you would relate any testimony you have with respect to Mr. Romano 
to your own association and your own personal knowledge. 

Mr. Potter. If you have any other material, the committee would 
be very happy to receive it. 

Mr. AcciACCA. Well, all that I have to say, in my opinion, con- 
cerns me and the party, too. 

If I can continue, gentlemen : Mr. Lee Romano, to the best of my 
knowledge, hired in the Ford Motor Co. in 1936. Mind you, I am 
telling you this because I think it has some bearing on communism. I 
want to give you this documentary proof that he isn't the ideal 
American, as far as I am concerned, today. I want to prove that 
point to you gentlemen. 

Mr. Romano hired in the Ford IMotor Co., to the best of my knowl- 
edge, in 1936 just prior to our union. In early 1941 he was a foreman 
in the pressed steel building. 

Mr. Appell. Mr. Chairman, I don't see where this has any rela- 
tion to Mr. Romano's membership in the Communist Party or his ac- 
tions as a member of the Communist Party. Mr. Romano in his tes- 
timony, limited himself to associations and to members of the Com- 
munist Party during the time he was in the party, 

Mr, AcciACCA. I believe your name is Mr. Appell ; is that right, sir? 

Mr. Appell, That is right. 

Mr. AcciACCA. Mr. Appell, you know that I am limited with time, 
and I don't like to take issue witli 3'ou, sir^ 

Mr. Jackson. I have asked the witness to relate his testimony to 
his personal association with Mr. Romano, during the period of timj 
which has to do with his membersliip in the Connnunist Party. If 
there is anything that Mr. Romano has said which is untrue with 
respect to your relationship with the Communist Party, that is the 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3199 

purpose of this statement. It is to enable you to correct any discrep- 
ancies, any errors in Mr. Romano's testimony. 

Now, obviously, we cannot take the time of the committee at this 
late hour to go back to relate the things which were not the subject 
of his testimony as it affects you, Mr. Acciacca. 

Mr. Acciacca. O. K., gentlemen. Yon want me to stick to the sub- 
ject that has to do strictly with communism? 

Mr. Jackson. During the period of time that you were a member. 

Mr. Acciacca. I think this committee is aware of the fact that 
sometime in 1950, our local president, Avho at that time and still is Carl 
Stellato, preferred charges against five individuals whom you all 
know about for subservience to the Communist Party. I believe that 
was the specific charge. This was in 1950. Mind you, Romano stated 
here yesterday that he had cleared himself of the Communist Party 
and was out to do a job on them to the best of his knowledge, since 
1946. In 1950, when Carl Stellato preferred those charges, I know 
for a fact that he called on many people to give him some aid and one 
to be called on was Lee Romano. He called him into his office and 
asked Lee Romano 

Mr. Appell. Were you present, sir ? 

Mr. Acciacca. Pardon, sir? 

Mr, Appell. Were you present ? 

Mr. Acciacca. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Appell. At this conference? 

Mr. Acciacca. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Appell. All right. 

Mr. Acciacca. He asked Lee Romano if he would not take the stand 
and testify in his behalf or on the grounds that these people were sub- 
servient to the Communist Party. You have heard Romano make 
statements here — this is now 1952 — that he knew those five people at 
that time. But in 1950, he would not make those charges against these 
five people. 

Mr. Appell. In the light of the present day, he has come forward 
to help his Government who has asked him to do so, while the witness 
that was used in that trial has refused to answer on the grounds of 
self-incrimination, when his Government has asked him to do it. 

Mr. Acciacca. That may be true, sir, but did he not state that he 
has cleared himself of the party since 1946? All right, let's forgive 
him prior to 1946. Let's forgive him. I am not a hard guy. 

Mr, Appell. Did you testify in that trial, sir? 

Mr. Acciacca. I wasn't called upon and I wouldn't have the 
knowledge, sir. 

I want to submit as evidence to you gentlemen, inasmuch as you 
don't think I have time to read it, a resolution that condemns the 
House Un-American Activities Committee. This resolution carries 
the date of July 5, 1949, and this is since 1946, INIr. Appell. 

Mr. Appell. Your article, sir, is dated February 23, 1952. 

Mr. Acciacca. Is he going to keep interrupting me? I can't get 
through. 

Mr. Jackson. The document will be received by the committee for 
consideration and possible inclusion in the report. 

Mr. Acciacca. i?his resolution carries the name, Mr. Chairman, of 
Mr. Lee Romano. 



3200 COMIVTUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

I have two letters here, gentlemen, that I wish I had the opportunity 
of reading into the record because, believe me, not only you would be 
interested in these letters, but I am very sure that the 150 million 
Americans in this country would be interested in them. Possibly if you 
take copies of these two letters and you go through them, I will be 
only too glad if you want me to go through them with you and maybe 
we can have some release through the press or other means of getting 
it to the public. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Acciacca, a couple of minutes more. 

Mr. Acciacca. Yes, sir. I want to submit to you an issue of Ford 
Facts dated December 31, 1949. I don't think you have a copy of that. 
This show^s where the executive board endorsed the support of 
Crockett. I don't thinlv have to introduce Mr. Crockett to you. I am 
pretty sure you know him. Mr. Romano was a member of the executive 
board in 1949. 

Mr. Jackson. It will be received b}^ the committee. 

Mr. Acciacca. A copy of the resolution that I just handed you is 
also on page 9 of Ford Facts, gentlemen. 

Mr. Appell, Mr. Chairman, I would like to ask a question 

Mr. Acciacca. I wall conclude with this last statement, gentlemen : 

To me, this fight against communism is very serious. This Com- 
munist aggression, the way I see it, must be stopped. We have right 
at this very moment, many of our dear ones that are out there in the 
fronts of Korea making the supreme sacrifice. I noticed in today's 
paper — I didn't know this before — that even the chairman of your 
committee is the grandfather of a fatherless child, because of com- 
munism in Korea. He lost his life over there. To me it is very 
serious, fellows, and I do believe that we, the American people, should 
take some definite action and not listen to too much gossip, because 
as far as I am concerned, actions speak louder than words. 

I want to close Avith this question, gentlemen, not only to satisfy 
myself; not only t-) satisfy the citizens of Detroit; not only to satisfy 
the entire membership in our UAW; but I am sure that the over- 
whelming majority of 150 million Americans want to know why w \ 
at this stage of the game, especially our lawmakers, you gentlemen, 
don't start to put some mechanics into effect in outlawing the Com- 
munist Party. 

Mr. Potter. I agree with you 100 percent. 

Mr. Acciacca. Wliat is being done in Washington ? What can we 
do to help inasmuch as it is a matter of life and death to the American 
people ? 

Mr. Jackson. Thank you very much, Mr. Acciacca. 

Mr. Acciacca. Could I have my question answered, sir? Wliat is 
being done about outlawing the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Jackson. I think there are a number of resolutions presently 
in both of the Houses of Congress, none of which have been acted upon 
by any of the committees. I can only join with my colleague, as far 
as the two of us are concerned, in saying that we are in agreement. 

Mv. Appell. Mr. Chairman 

Mr. Potter. I would like to say this before you go, Mr. Acciacca : 
That I do a»ppreciate, and I am sure of the fact that it has taken a 
good deal of intestinal fortitude for you to make this statement. We 
are not, as I said before, interested in interlabor politics, and as far as 



COMIvrUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3201 

these statements concerning Mr. Romano are concerned, we are very 
happy to receive them and, of course, if Mr. Romano seeks to reply, 
he will have that opportunity to answer them. 

Mr. AcciACCA, I want him to have. 

Mr. Potter. But I do hope that from your testimony here today, 
there will be no reprisals made ag-ainst either you or your family. 
You have done yourself proud and the country a service by appearing 
here and cooperating with the committee. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Appell, do you have one final question? 

Mr. Appell. Yes. 

Mr. Acciacca, these documents that you submitted to the committee, 
how did they come into your possession, sir ? 

Mr. Acciacca. I got them from my local union, sir. 

Mr, Appell. Are they a matter of official record within your local 
union, for accuracy of the articles? 

Mr. Acciacca, That is right, sir. Those are official documents from 
my local imion. 

Mr. Appell. Your union will certify as to the truthfulness of these 
documents ? 

Mr, Acciacca, That is right, sir, I will stand behind them. 

Mr. Appell. Thank you. 

Mr. Jackson. Thank you very much, Mr. Acciacca. 

Mr. Acciacca. Thank you, gentlemen. 

Mr. Jackson. I think, in conclusion, that I want to emphasize very 
strongly what the gentleman from Michigan, Mr. Potter, has said: 
That this committee and no member of it is interested in any manage- 
ment-labor disputes or in any internal political disputes within any 
union. It has the function of investigating Communist infiltration. 
That is what it will continue to do. 

The meeting is adjourned. 

(Whereupon, at 6 : 30 p. m., the committee was adjourned.) 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA— PART 2 



TUESDAY, APRIL 29, 1952 

United States House of Representatives, 
Subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Was/iinffton, D. G. 

PUBLIC HEARING 

A subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, 

gursuant to call, at 10 : 40 a. m., in room 226, Old House Office Building, 
ton. Francis E. Walter, presiding. 

Committee members j^resent : Representatives Francis E. Walter, 
Bernard W. Kearney, and Donald L. Jackson. 

Staff members present: Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., counsel; Thomas 
W. Beale, Sr., assistant counsel; Donald T. Appell, investigator; 
John W. Carrington, clerk ; and A. S. Poore, editor. 

Mr. Walter. The committee will come to order. 

The chairman of the committee has appointed a subcommittee con- 
sisting of Messrs. Frazier, Kearney, Jackson, and Walter, to conduct 
this hearing. A majority of that subcommittee is present. 

Proceed, Mr. Tavenner. 

Mr. Tavenner. I would like to call Mr. Grossman, please; Mr. Saul 
Grossman. 

Mr. Walter. INIr. Grossman, will you raise your right hand? 

Do you swear the testimony you are about to give will be the truth, 
the whole truth, and nothin'g but the truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Grossman. I do. 

Mr. Walter. Mr. Grossman, are you represented by counsel? 

TESTIMONY OF SAUL GROSSMAN, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS COUNSEL, 

DAVID EEIN 

\Ir. Grossman. Yes, I am. 

Mr. Walter. Will the counsel please state his name and address 
for the record? 

Mr. Rein. David Rein, R-e-i-n, Til Fourteenth Street NW., Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you state your full name, please, sir ? 

Mr. Grossman. My name is Saul Grossman. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Grossman, you have been subpenaed here in 
your official capacity as executive secretary of the JSIichigan Chapter 
of the American Committee for the Protection of Foreign Born, to 
produce certain records called for in the subpena duces tecum. 

I would like at this point to offer in evidence the subpena, bearing 
date of March 5, 1952, subpenaing Saul Grossman, executive secretary 

3203 



3204 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

of the Micliiffan Chii])tor of the American Committee for Proteetion 
of Foreign Born, which was served on March 5, 1952, by Mr. W. L. 
Jones, investigator of tlie Committee on Un-American Activities, and 

1 ask that it be marked "Exhibit No. 1" 

Mr. Walter. Without objection, it will be so marked and received. 

(The siibpena referred to was marked "Grossman Exhibit No. 1" 
and made a part of the record.) 

Mr. Tavenner. That is Grossman exhibit No. 1. 

That subpena was for production of the records at the hearing 
then being conducted in Detroit. 

I desire also to introduce in evidence copy of a telegram from the 
chairman to Mr. Ernest Goodman. But before that I desire to refer 
to a direction given by the chairman of the Committee on Un-Ameri- 
can Activities during the last day of the hearings in Detroit, March 
12, 1952, in the following language : 

In the meantime all witnesses that had been subpenaed to appear here before 
this committee during this week are directed tliat the subpenas are hereby con- 
tinued effective until March 26, at which time you will be given official notifi- 
cation as to whether the committee will be back here or whether you will be 
required to come to Washington. That includes all witnesses that are now 
subpenaed here before this committee. 

And now I would like to introduce in evidence and have marked as 
Grossman exhibit No. 2, a telegram from the chairman of this com- 
mittee, bearing date March 21, as follows : 

Mr. Ernest Goodman, 

Attorney at laic, Cadillac Tower Building, Detroit, Mich.: 

Appearance before Committee on Un-American Activities of your clients Harold 
Franklin and Saul Grossman is hereby postponed from March 26, 1952, to Tues- 
day April 29, 1952, 226 House Office Building, AVashington, D. C, 10 : 30 a. m. 
Please confirm by collect return wire. 

Then this morning on your arrival here, ]Mr. Grossman, you were 
served with a subpena requiring the production of the same records 
and documents before the committee here in Washington. It that 
correct ? 

Mr. Grossman. I was served with a subpena this morning as I was 
in the anteroom of this committee. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to offer in evidence the subpena referred to, 
which was served by Mr. Donald T. Appell, investigator of this com- 
mittee, and ask that it be marked "Grossman Exhibit No. 3." 

Mr. Walter. The documents referred to may be so marked and 
made of record. 

(The documents referred to were marked "Grossman Exhibits Nos. 

2 and 3," and made a part of the record.) 

Mr. Ta\^nner. Now, Mr. Grossman, have you with you the records 
and documents described in the subpena duces tecum ? 

]Mr. Grossman. No ; I do not. 

Mr. Tavknxetj. Why haven't you produced tliem in accordance 
with the denuuuls of the subpena i 

Mr. Grossman. I decline to answer that question, invoking my 
privileges micler the fifth amendment against self-incrimination. 

Mr. Tavenner. You are the executive secretary of the Michigan 
chapter of the American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born, 
are you not ? 



COMMUXISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3205 

Mr. Gros8man. I know of no such organization. 

Mr. Tavenner. Then if you know of no such organization, how 
could production of the records of such an organization or your 
testifying regarding it in any way incriminate you? 

(Mr. Grossman confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Grossman. I will stick to my previous answer to that question. 

Mr. Walter. I did not hear that last statement. 

Mr. Tavenner. You say you are not acquainted with any organiza- 
tion known as the Michigan Chapter of the American Committee for 
Protection of Foreign Born? 

]\fr. Grossman. That is correct. 

Mr. Walter. Do you know whether or not there is such an 
organization? 

Mr. Grossman. To my knowledge there is not. 

Mr. Walter. There is not ? 

Mr. Grossman. That is correct. 

Mr. Walter. Then as I understand tlie position you take, it is that 
you are afraid that you might incriminate yourself by answ^ering the 
question whether or not you brought records of a nonexistent 
organization ? 

Mr. Grossman. I stick to my previous answer, Mr. Chairman. 

Mv. Tavenner. Are you the executive secretary of the Michigan 
Committee for Protection of Foreign Born ? 

Mr. Grossman. I decline to answer that question on the same 
grounds previously stated. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you acquainted with an organization known 
as the IVlichigan Committee for Protection of Foreign Born ? 

Mr. Grossman. I decline to answer that question on the same 
grounds. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know whether the Michigan Committee for 
Protection of Foreign Born is a part of the American Committee for 
Protection of Foreign Born ? ^ 

Mr. Grossman. I decline to answer that question on the same 
grounds. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I request that the witness be re- 
quested to stand aside for the present, so that we may go ahead with 
another witness. We wall recall him. 

INIr. Walter. Very well. 

Mr. Tavennp:r. Mr. Harold Franklin. 

Mr. Walter. Will you stand up, please, and raise your right hand? 

Do you swear that the testimony you are about to give will be the 
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Franklin. I do. 



1 See pp. 3206-3211 photographic reproduction of leaflet, Call to Mass Meeting and Con- 
ference, Michigan Committee for Protection of Foreign Born in cooperation with the 
American Committee for the Protection of the Foreign Born, October 27, 1951. This docu- 
ment has been inserted in tlie record by order of the chairman for the purpose of sliowing 
the relationship of the Michigan Committee for the Protection of the Foreign Born to the 
American Committee for the Protection of the Foreign Born. 



3206 



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3212 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

TESTIMONY OF HAROLD FRANKLIN, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS 

COUNSEL, JOSEPH FORER 

Mr. Walter. You are represented by counsel? 

Mr. Franklin. I am. 

Mr. Tavenner. AVill counsel please identify himself? 

Mr. FoRER. Joseph Forer, 711 Fourteenth Street NW., Washington, 
D. C. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat is your name, please? 

Mr. Franklin. Harold Franklin. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born, Mr. Franklin ? 

Mr. Franklin. I was born in Edwards, S. Dak., October 11, 1903. 

Mr. Tavenner. Where do you now reside? 

Mr. Franklin. In the city of Detroit. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you lived in Detroit? 

Mr. Franklin. Since about the middle of 1945. 

Mr. Tavenner. And prior to 1945, where did you reside ? 

Mr. Franklin. How much prior to 1945 ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, say, for a period of 10 years. 

Mr. Franklin. In the city of Ann Arbor. 

Mr. Tavenner. For the entire period of 10 years? 

Mr. Franklin. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long had you lived in Ann Arbor? 

Mr. Franklin. Well, I can tell you I came to Ann Arbor in Feb- 
ruary of 1922, on the 22d, I believe. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you please outline briefly your educational 
background ? 

Mr. Franklin. As near as I can remember, I first went to grade 
school in Davis, S. Dak. From there the family moved to Chicago, 
where I attended grade school and high school. And during the time 
when I was going to high school, I was taught that if I worked hard 
and studied I could possibly be the President of the United States, but 
I found that when it came time to get a job in high school vacation 
I had to go to work in the stockyards handling guts while the white 
boys I went to school with got jobs I was going to high school for. 

Mr. Tavenner. All right. Did you have any further educational 
training? 

Mr. Franklin. I studied in night school, studied in correspondence 
school. 

Mr. Tavenner. How have you been employed since j^ou have been 
in Detroit? 

Mr. Franklin. I worked in a foundry. 

Mr. Tavenner. What particular foundry was it in which you 
Avorked ? 

]\Ir. Franklin. I worked in Ford's foundry in the Rouge plant, 
the production foundry. 

Mr. Tavenner. When did you begin working there ? 

Mr. Franklin. In 1936. 

Mr. Tavenner. xVnd you have worked there continuously to the 
present time? 

Mr. Franklin. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. During the period of time when you were employed 
in the Ford foundry in 1936, to the present time, have you been a 
candidate for office in local union 600 of the UAW? 

Mr. Franklin. I ran for more than one position. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3213 

Mr. Tavenner. What were the positions that you ran for, and in 
which were yoii successful ? 

Mr. Fran'kt.ix. I ran for president. I ran for vice president. I 
ran for bargaining committee. I ran for district committeeman. I 
ran for recording secretary. I was successful in the vice presidential 
election and the recording secretary. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you give the dates, please, when you were 
elected to these respective offices? 

Mr. Frakkijx. I can give you the approximate date. 

Mr. Tavenner. Tliat will he satisfactory. 

Mr. Franklin. I believe I was elected recording secretary of the 
unit in 1942, 1 believe, and I served in that capacity. 

Mr. Tavenner. By the unit, what do you mean ? 

Mr. Franklin. The Rouge plant at that time was divided into 18 
groups, and each group had a name, and each group had a degree of 
autonomy. That is to say, you would elect your own officers, and up 
to a certain extent or within certain bounds those officers conducted 
the business of that particular unit. 

Mr. Tavenner. And what was the name of the particular unit to 
which you were elected recording secretary? 

Mr. Franklin. One of them was the jobbing foundry — 

Mr. Tavenner. Jobbing? 

Mr. Franklin. Jobbing. J-o-b-b-i-n-g. And also in the jobbing 
foundry, I was elected unit vice president. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, over what period of time were you the re- 
cording secretary in that unit, beginning with 1942 ? 

Mr. Fr.\nklin. From 1942, 1 believe, up until 1947. 

Mr. Ta^t.nner. And then during what period of time were you 
elected the vice president of that union? 

Mr. Franklin. I was vice president 1 year, I believe from 1948 to 
1949, if my memory serves me correctly. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now, have you held any other positions in that 
local? 

Mr. Franklin. I am at present the unit recording secretary of the 
Dearborn Iron Foundry. 

Mr. Tavenner. And how long have you held that position? 

Mr. Franklin. Since around the middle of last year, when we had 
installation of officers. 

Mr. Tavenner. During the course of the hearings in Detroit, con- 
siderable evidence was heard by the committee regarding the so-called 
progressive slate within your union. 

Was your election the result of the promotion of your interest by 
the progressive slated 

Mr. Franklin. Will you repeat that question again, please ? I am 
not sure I understood. 

(The pending question was read by the reporter.) 

Mr. Franklin. As I understand that question, it wasn't my inter- 
est. Because we were elected as servants of the rank and file. So that 
my interests weren't primarily concerned. It Avas the wish of the 
majority of the people that elected me. But certainly not my interest, 
because there was no pay attached to any of the jobs that I held. 

Mr. Tavenner. That is not quite a reply to my question. 

The question was whether or not your interests were promoted. Or 
your candidacy ; let's put it that way. 



3214 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Was that promoted by the progressive slate organization within 
your unit? 

Mr. Franklin. I gather that you are asking me whether or not I 
ran on a progressive ticket? 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, that is one way of explaining it. 

Mr. Franklin. Yes. 

Mr. Tavtsnner. Was your candidacy approved by the Communist 
Party ? 

Mr. Franklin. That question I will have to refuse to answer 
under tlie rights guaranteed me by the Constitution, because I do not 
want to testify against myself. Under the fifth amendment, I refuse 
to answer that question. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know of any instance of a candidate being 
supported by the progressive slate who was opposed to the Com- 
munist Party actively and openly? 

Mr. Franklin. That question I will have to refuse to answer, on 
the grounds that I gave before. 

Mr. Walter. You do not have to refuse to answer it. Do you re- 
fuse to answer it for those reasons ? 

Mr. Franklin. I do, yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. According to an article in the Detroit Times of 
March 5, 1952, you were quoted as having made a statement that you 
had never seen Mrs. Baldwin, who is Mrs. Berenice Baldwin, before 
in your life. Do you recall having made that istatement ? I hand you 
the article, to refresh your recollection. 

]VTr. Franklin. I don't recall this. 

Mr. Tavenner. You do not recall having made the statement re- 
ferred to in the press? Well, had you known Berenice Baldwin be- 
fore March 5, 1952? 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer that question on the same gi'ound 
that I used before. 

Mr, Tavenner. On February 29, 1952, Mrs. Baldwin appeared be- 
fore this committee in Detroit. She testified as follows : 

Harold Franklin is a worker at Ford's and attended the party school or 
classes, I should say, taught by Hy Gordon, a person sent here from the national 
office for educational purposes. 

Did you attend classes conducted by Hy Gordon ? 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer the question on the grounds that 
I gave before. 

Mr. Tavenner. In the course of the testimony of Mrs. Baldwin, she 
identified other persons who attended the school, as follows : 

Carnella, C-a-r-n-e-1-l-a Foreman, Peggy Wellman, Saul Wellman, 
Frank Martin, Aldo, A-l-d-o, Sandretto, S-a-n-d-r-e-t-t-o, Mildred 
Pollack, Hope Smith, Fred Jones, Esther Siegel, S-i-e-g-e-I, Leonard 
Lauderdale. 

Are you acquainted with any of those persons ? 

Mr. Franklin. Mr. Chairman, I refuse to answer that question for 
the same reason given before. 

Mr. Tavenner. It has come to the attention of the committee that 
several articles were published by the Michigan Worker, over your 
name, as the writer. 

Will you tell the committee the circumstances under which you fur- 
nished material or writings for the Michigan Worker ? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3215 

Mr, Franklin, INIr, Chairman, I refuse to answer the question for 
the same reason given. 

Mr, Tavenner, I hand you a photostatic copy of a page from the 
Michigan Worker, under date of July 24, 1949, and ask you whether 
or not you made that article as a contribution to that paper. 

Mr, Franklin. Mr. Chairman, I refuse to answer the question for 
the same reason given, 

Mr. Tavenner. The Michigan Worker of May 1, 1949, carries a 
statement attacking the North Atlantic Pact. Your name appears as 
one of the signers. Will you tell the committee the circumstances 
imder which your name was obtained in connection with that state- 
ment ? 

Mr. Franklin. May I see the statement, please ? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, I do not have it available. 

Mr. Frankiin. I don't recall the statement that you have refer- 
ence to. 

Mr. Tavenner. You do not recall having made such a statement ? 

Mr. Franklin. I don't remember. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you attend a meeting of the Communist Party 
held on July 23, 1949, at 5642 Michigan Avenue, where John Gates 
spoke or made a report? 

Mr. Franklin. Mr. Chairman, I refuse to answer the question for 
the reason given before. 

Mr. Beale. Raise your voice. We can't hear you. 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer the question for the same reason 
given before. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you acquainted with John Gates? 
- Mr. Franklin. I will have to refuse to answer that question on 
the same grounds. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you attend a testimonial dinner honoring the 
12 Communist Party leaders who were prosecuted, the meeting having 
been held on August 27, 1949, at 2705 Joy Road, Detroit ? 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer that question for the same reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you attend a meeting of the Dearborn section 
of the Communist Party of Michigan held at 2705 Joy Road on June 
7, 1950 ? 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer that question, for the same reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you act as chairman of the meeting of the 
Communist Political Association held on June 15, 1950, in Unity Hall, 
State and Huron streets, Detroit? 

Mr. Feanklin. I refuse to answer that question, for the same reason 



given. 



Mv. Tavenner. Were you a meml^er of the Ford section of the Com- 
munist Party of Michigan in 1948 ? 

]Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer that question for the same rea- 



son given. 



Mr. Kearney. If you were not a member of that section, would you 
so state ? 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer the question for the same reasons 
given. I don't have to give testimony against myself. 

Mr. Kearney. I cannot hear you. Can you raise your voice, please? 

Mr. Franklin. I will, yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Franklin, according to the records of the com- 
mittee, in 1945 you were educational and literature director of the 
foundry unit of the Communist Party. Is this information correct? 



3216 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer tlie question, ^Mr. Chairman, for 
the same reason given. 

Mr. Tavexxek. Can you state whetlier or not Xelson Davis was 
publicity director of the foundry unit of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer that question, Mr. Chairman, 
for the same reason. 

Mr. Ta-vtenner. Is it true tliat Steve Dimitro was secretary of the 
foundry unit of the Communist Party at any time that you were 
an officer in your union ? 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer the question for the same reasons 
given. 

Mr. Tavenner. The committee is in possession of information in- 
dicating that William H., usually referred to as "Bill" Johnson, was 
chairman of the foundry unit of the Communist Party at the time 
that you were educational and literature director. Was William H. 
Johnson iat any time chairman of the foundry unit of the Communist 
Party, to your knowledge? 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer the question, for the same reason 
given. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was Walter Dorosh, D-o-r-o-s-h, press director of 
the entire Ford section of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Franklin. Mr. Chairman, I will have to — I refuse that ques- 
tion for the same reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was James Simmons at this time chairman of the 
Ford section of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Franklin. Mr. Chairman, I refuse to answer that question for 
the same reasons. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you acquainted with Floyd W. Berry? 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer that question, Mr. Chairman, 
for the same reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know wdiether Lorenzo Bozeman was re- 
cruited into the Communist Party in 1948 ? 

Mr. Franklin. Mr. Chairman, I refuse to answer that question for 
the same reasons. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was Leo Krugh, K-r-u-g-h, chairman of the Dear- 
born section of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Franklin. Mr. Chairman, I refuse to answer that question 
for the same reasons. 

Mr. Tavenner. I should specify the dates. I am referring to 1945 
and 1940. Does that change your statement? 

Mr. Franklin, No. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know whether or not Edmond Martin was 
press director of the motor section of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer that question for the same reasons 
given. 

Mr, Tavenner. Do you know whether Don Radokavie was chair- 
man of the press unit of the Ford section of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer that question for the same reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did Tessie Suttles at any time act as press director 
of the foundry unit of the Communist Party? 

Mr. FiUNKLiN. I refuse to answer that question for the same 
reasons, 

Mr, Tavenner. Did Vernia L. Wilson, at any time, act as assistant 
press director of the motor unit of the Communist Party? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3217 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer that question for tlie same 

reasons. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer that question for the same 
reasons. 

Mr. Tavenner. When you were a candidate for the various offices 
in your local union, were you required to state at any time whether 
or not you were a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Franklin. I did sign a card. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the nature of the card you signed ? 

Mr. Franklin. As near as I can recall, I stated on the card where I 
signed my name that I was not a member of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Tavenner. When did you sign it ? 

Mr. Franklin. That was in 1949 or 1950. 

Mr. Tavenner. What were the circumstances under which you 
signed it? 

Mr. Franklin. No one could be an officer, so the president said, of 
the union, if he were a Communist. 

Mr. Taa-enner. Are you speaking now of the Taft-Hartley affidavit? 

Mr. Franklin. No. 

Mr. Tavenner. The constitution of your union provides that no 
member of the Communist Party may be an officer. 

Did your signature on the card arise out of that provision of the 
constitution? 

Mr. Franklin. What I signed — where it stemmed from, I can only 
guess, but it seemed to me it was inter-union politics. There is always 
a fight going on in the union between the ins and the outs, and they 
came around to me, and I signed it. 

Mr. Tavenner. Who came around to you ? 

Mr. Franklin. I believe that it was the chairman of the unit at 
that time. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was his name ? 

Mr. Franklin. Bill Johnson, if my memory serves me correctly. 

Mr. Kearney. This was in 1949 ? 

Mr. Franklin. I am not certain of the date. It was 1949, or 1950. 
No, I am not sure — 1949 or 1950. It was when I was elected sec- 
retary. 

Mr. Kearney. Were you a member of the Communist Party in 
1949 or 1950? 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer that question. 

Mr. Kearney. Even though you did state on your card you were 
not a member of the Communist Party ; is that true? 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer that question. 

Mr. Kearney. You stated a minute ago that you signed a card 
stating that you were not a member of the Communist Party in 1949 
or 1950. 

Mr. Franklin. Yes; I made that statement. 

Mr. Kearney. I asked you if you were a member of the Communist 
Party in 1949 and 1950, and you refused to answer. 

Mr. Franklin. I gave one answer. 

Mr. Kearney. You gave several answers. Which is the true answer ? 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer that question, for the i^revious 
reasons given. 



3218 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Keakney. When you signed your card for the union in 1949 or 
1950, stating that you were not a member of the Communist Party, 
did you tell the truth when you signed that card at that time? 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer that question, Mr. Chairman, for 
the same reasons. 

Mr. Walter. Your answer was not sworn to on the card, was it? 

Mr. Franklin. No, there was no oath taken, as I recall. The general 
assumption was that everyone was telling the truth. 

Mr. Kearney. Well, in other words, your answer was due to ex- 
pediency at that particular time? 

Mr. Franklin. Is that a question directed to me? 

Mr. Kearney. I think it is. 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer that one for the same reasons 
given. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was William H. Johnson, who at that time gave you 
the card to sign, known to you at that time to be a member of the 
Communist Party ? 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer that question, for the same reasons 
given, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Tavenner. And was the signing of this application made at 
the time you were running for office in your union ? 

Mr. Franklin. As I recall, I was already functioning in the ca- 
pacity that I was elected for. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, now, this was in 1949 ? 

Mr. Franklin. I said I wasn't sure of the date. It may have been 
1950. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat time in 1950 ? 

Mr. Franklin. I don't know. I would say in the summer time. 
That is as close as I can get to it. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, was that card signed by you before you were 
elected to your present office as recording secretary, which I under- 
stood you to say you were elected to in 1951 ? 

Mr. Franklin. No, I was elected secretary in 1951, the last time. 

Mr. Tavenner. So you signed this card prior to 

Mr. Walter. He said the last time. "VVlien was the first time you 
were elected secretary ? 

Mr. Franklin. I believe I said 1942 was the first time I was elected 
secretary. 

ISfr. Walter. And you held that position continuously from 1942 ? 

Mr. Franklin. No. 

ISIr. Walter. During what year was there a break in your holding 
office? 

Mr. Franklin. As I remember, there was a break one year when 
I was ill and I didn't run. I think it was 1947. I held no position 
in 1947 from the date of the elections until the 12-month period was 
up, and there was another period when I held no office. I am not 
just certain of the dates, but I believe it was some time in May 'of 
1949 up until 1950. 

^Mr. Walter. So that with the exception of 1947 and 1949 you 
held office continuously from 1942 up to the present ? 

Mr. Franklin. Yes ; assuming that I was correct when I said 1942. 
It may have been early 1943 or late 1942, but somewhere around that 
time. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3219 

Mr. Walter. So that at the time you sio;ned this card in which you 
stated you were not a member of the Communist Party, you were 
holding; an office in the union ? 

Mr. Franklin. Yes. Now, whether or not I was secretary — Be- 
cause I am not certain exactly whether or not I was secretary or func- 
tioning as a bargaining committee man. My memory just doesn't 
serve me. 

Mr. Walter. Mr. William H. Johnson was a man who obtained the 
signatures of all of the officers ; was he not ? 

Mr, Franklin. I don't know whether he got them all or not. 

]\Ir. Walter. He was the man who undertook to have officers sign 
this card stating that they were not Communists. Was that the John- 
son that you declined to answer about as to whether or not he was a 
member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Franklin. William H. Johnson? 

Mr. Walter. Yes. 

Mr. Franklin. That is the same Bill Johnson, 

Mr. Walter. So that if he was a Communist, we find the situation 
where a Communist was obtaining signatures to cards of officials; 
is that correct ? 

Mr. Franklin. Now, to me that is a supposition, and I will have 
to refuse to answer that one, Mr. Chairman, for the same reason given, 

Mr, Tavenner. What position does William H, Johnson hold in the 
local union at this time ? 

Mr. Franklin. I don't know. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the last position that he held, to your 
knowledge ? 

Mr. Franklin. He was adviser to the local union president. Just 
what his official title was, I am not sure. That is the last position 
that I know that he held. 

Mr, Tavenner, Do you know whether or not he holds that position 
now? 

Mr. Franklin. I don't know. 

Mr. Tavenner. He did hold that position on March 12, the last 
day of the hearings conducted by this committee in Detroit, did he 
not? 

Mr. Franklin. I am not certain of the dates, because it didn't mean 
too much to me. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, you were subpenaed to appear on that day, 
March 12, before this committee, were you not ? 

Mr. Franklin. I have no recollection of that, I think the subpena 
that was handed to me had a February date on it, 

Mr, Tav'enner, And you were not notified to appear at a later date ? 

Mr, Franklin, I got no further notice. That is why I wasn't 
there, 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, at the time you received your subpena, was 
Bill Johnson, William H. Johnson, the executive assistant or adviser 
to the president of local 600 ? 

Mr. Franklin. I think he was then. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, you know that, don't you ? 

Mr. Franklin. He was removed, according to the paper. And 
what date he was removed, I don't know. My work was in the shop, 
working with my hands, not over at the local union. And when I 



3220 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

finished the day's work, I was ready to go home and rest. I spent 
little time around the local union. 

Mr, Taaenner, You mean since the hearings in Detroit? You 
were pretty active in the local affairs of your union prior to that time, 
weren't you ? 

Mr. Franklin. Not very active. I work in the foundry. I don't 
walk around dressed up. I earn my money with my hands, and when 
the day is up I am tired. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, you were representing to the rank-and-file 
members of your union that you were not a member of the Communist 
Party in order to try to get elected to office, were you not ? You were 
taking that much interest. Isn't that true ? 

Mr, Franklin. I refuse to answer that question, 

Mr. Tavenner. And you know now and you knew then that your 
representation was absolutely false? 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer that question for the same rea- 



sons given 



Mr. Taa-enner. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer that question for the same rea- 
sons given. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Walter. Any questions, Mr. Jackson ? 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Franklin, would you sign a statement under oath 
today, if required as a condition of employment, that you were not a 
member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Franklin. I refuse to answer the question for the same rea- 
sons given. 

Mr. Jackson. Have you ever traveled outside the United States? 

Mr. Frankxin. I have been in Windsor, Ontario. 

Mr. Jackson. You have not been abroad except to Canada ? 

Mr. Franklin. No. 

Mr. Jackson. Have you ever made an application for a passport? 

Mr. Franklin. No. 

Mr. Walter. General Kearney, any questions? 

Mr. Kearney. No questions. 

Mr. Walter. Anything further, Mr. Tavenner? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir. 

Mr. Walter. The witness is excused. 

Mr. Franklin. Mr, Chairman, I have a prepared statement that I 
would like to read if you would like to listen to it. 

Mr. Walter. No ; we do not have time. Leave it, and we will put 
it in the record. 

Mr. Walter. Who is your next witness, Mr. Tavenner ? 

Mr. Tavenner. I would like to recall Mr. Grossman, Mr. Saul 
Grossman. 

Mr. Walter. The witness has been sworn. 

The witness is represented by the same counsel. 

Mr. Tavenner. You are Mr. Saul Grossman ? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3221 

TESTIMONY OF SAUL GROSSMAN, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS COUNSEL, 

DAVID REIN— Eesumed 

Mr. Grossman. Yes; I am. 

Mr. Tavenner. You are the same person who appeared a few 
moments ago as a witness before the committee and was excused 
temporarily ? 

]\Ir. Grossman, More than a few moments, but I am the same person. 

Mr. Ta\'enner. Since you were excused temporarily from your 
position as a witness before the committee, there has been served on 
you a forthwith subpena duces tecum, on you in your official capacity 
as executive secretary of the Michigan Committee for Protection of 
Foreign Born, to produce certain records before this committee. 

I desire to offer in evidence the subpena, which was served by Don- 
ald T. Appell, an investigator of this committee, and have it marked 
"Grossman exhibit No. 4." 

Mr. Walter. It will be so marked, and without objection it is 
received. 

(The subpena referred to was marked "Grossman exhibit No. 4," 
and made a part of the record.) 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to ask whether you have with you the rec- 
ords called for in the subpena. 

Mr. Grossman. I do not. 

Mr. Tavenner. Why do you not have them ? 

Mr. Grossman. I decline to answer that question, on the grounds 
that my answer may incriminate me. 

Mr. Tavenner. You have been subpenaed in your official capacity 
to produce those records. You are the executive secretary of the 
Michigan Committee for Protection of Foreign Born, are you not? 

Mr. Grossman. I decline to answer that question, on the same 
grounds. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do I understand that you are refusing to produce 
any records of that office? 

Mr. Grossman. You do not. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is that? 

Mr. Grossman. You do not. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your position ? 

Mr. Grossman. You ask a question, and I will answer it. 

Mr. Tavenner, I asked you whether or not you refuse to produce 
the records called for in the subpena. Because I am demanding the 
production of them. 

Mr. Grossman. I decline to answer that question, on the grounds 
previously stated. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I request that he be directed to pro- 
duce the records. 

Mr. Walter. Yes; the acting chairman directs that the witness 
produce the records of the Michigan Committee for Protection of 
Foreign Born described in the subpena duces tecum. 

Ml-. Grossman. I decline to answer that question, on the grounds 
previously stated. 

Mr. Walter. Do you decline to produce the records ? 

Mr. Grossman. I do not have any records with me. 

Mr. Walter. Where are the records of this cormnittee? 



3222 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Grossman. I decline to answer that question, on the grounds 
previously stated. 

Mr. Walter. Am I right in assuming that there are records ? 

Mr. Grossman. I decline to answer that question, sir. 

Mr. Kearney. Well, how about the question asked you by counsel? 
Do you decline to produce the records ? 

Mr. Grossman. I do not have any records with me, 

Mr. Kearney. That is not what I asked you, and the question calls 
for a simple answer, "Yes" or "No." 

Mr. Grossman. I decline to answer that question, on the grounds 
previously stated. 

Mr. Kearney. I did not hear that. 

Mr. Grossman. I decline to answer the question, on the grounds 
previously stated. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Walter. Any questions, Mr. Kearney or Mr. Jackson? 

The witness may be excused. 

The committee will recess, subject to call, 

(Whereupon, at 11 : 55 a, m., Tuesday, April 29, 1952, the hearing 
was recessed, subject to the call of the Chair.) 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA— PART 2 



WEDNESDAY, APRIL 30, 1952 

United States House of Eepresentatives, 
Subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington^ D. C. 

public hearing 

A subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, 
pursuant to recess, at 10 : 40 a. m., in room 226, Old House Office Build- 
ing, Hon. Francis E. Walter presiding. 

Committee members present: Representatives Francis E. Walter, 
Bernard W. Kearney, Donald L. Jackson, and Charles E. Potter. 

Staff members present : Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., counsel ; Thomas W. 
Beale, Sr., assistant counsel; Donald T. Appell, investigator; John 
W. Carrington, clerk; and A. S. Poore, editor. 

Mr. AValter. The committee will come to order. 

Mr. Tavenner, who is the first witness? 

Mr. Taa'enner. Mr. Thomas X. Dombrowski, will you come for- 
ward, please? 

Mr. Walter. Mr. Dombrowski, will you raise your right hand, 
please ? 

Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you give before this com- 
mittee shall be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, 
so help you God ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I do. 

Mr. Walter. Are you represented by counsel ? 

TESTIMONY OF THOMAS X. DOMBROWSKI, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS 

COUNSEL, DAVID REIN 

Mr. Dombrowski. Yes ; I am. 

Mr. Walter. Counsel will identify himself for the record. 

Mr. Eein. David Rein, R-e-i-n, 711 Fourteenth Street NW. 

Mr. Walter. The subcommittee designated by the chairman to 
conduct this hearing, consisting of Messrs, Frazier, Kearney, Potter, 
Jackson, and Walter, are present with the exception of Mr. Frazier. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Dombrowski, will you state your full name, 
please ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Thomas X. Dombrowski. 

Mr. Taa^nner. Have you used any name other than the name of 
Thomas X. Dombrowski ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I have. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is it ? 

3223 



3224 COMMUNISM IN" THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. DoMRROwsKi. Thomas X. Dombey. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell the last name, please? 

Mr. DoMiiRowsKi. D-o-m-b-e-y. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you state the circumstances under which you 
have used the two names ? 

Mr, DoMiJRowsKi. Yes. I was doing graduate work in Ohio State 
University, in Columbus. I had been separated from any activities 
in the Polish community for so many years that I found difficulties 
with my name, and I legally changed 'it to Dombey and later changed 
it back to Dombrowski. 

Mr. Tamsnner. Over what period of time did you use the name 
Thomas X. Dombey ? 

Mr-. Dombrowski. A matter of about 4 or 5 years I would say 
roughly. 

Mr. Tavenner. From when, until when? 

Mr. Dombrowski. From about 1936 or 1937 to about 1939 or 1940. 

Mr. Counsel, just one moment. I don't know the procedures. I 
have a statement here I would like to present to the body. 

Mr. Walter. A statement? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Yes. 

Mr. Walter. You may file it, and we will make it a part of the 
record if we see fit to do so. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born, Mr. Drombrowski ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I was born on February 7, 1914, in Pittsburg, Pa. 

Mr. Tavenner. Where do you now reside ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I reside in Detroit, 5546 MacDougall. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you lived in Detroit ? 

ISfr. Dombrowski. Well, with an interruption of about 2 years, I 
have lived there since 1939. 

Mr. Tavenner. What 2 years were you not a resident of that 
community? 

Mr. Dombrowski. From the latter part of 1946 to the latter part of 
1948. 

Mr. TA^^NNER. Where did you reside during that 2-year period? 

Mr, Dombrowski. In Columbus, Ohio. 

Mr, Tavenner. Prior to 1939, where did you reside? 

Mr. Dombrowski. In New York. 

Mr. Tavenner. And for how long a period did you live in New 

York? 

Mr. Dombrowski. About a vear. 

Mr. Tavenner. That would be for the year 1939, or 1938? 

Mr. Dombrowski. It would be the end of 1938 to the middle of 1939, 
approximately. 

Mr, Tavenner. Prior to 1938, where did you reside? 

Mr. Dombrowski. At that time, I lived in Cleveland for about 2 
years, 

Mr. Ta-\t^nner, Will you outline for the committee, please, your 
educational training? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Well, I finished grammar and high school in 
Cleveland, Ohio, attended a business college for the period of a foot- 
ball season, transferred then to Ohio University in Athens, Ohio, and 
during that period I transferred to Cleveland, to Western Reserve 
University, and then back to Ohio University, where I got my under- 
graduate degree. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3225 

Then I received a travelino; fellowship Avhich took me to Poland to 
the University of Cracow and the University of Warsaw. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you give the spelling of the first university that 
you attended in Poland? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. C-r-a-c-o-w. 

Mr. Tavenner. When did you go to Poland for that purpose? 

Mr. DoMBROAvsKi. In the spring of 1935. 

Mr. Tavenner. You stated you w^ent there under a fellowship? 

Mr. Dombrowski. That is right. 

Mr. Tavjenner. Wliat was the fellowship ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. The Kosciuszko Foundation. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell that? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I will try. K-o-s-c-i-u-s-z-k-o Foundation. 

Mr. Tavenner. All right. Will you proceed? You were stating 
what your educational training had been. 

Mr. Dombrowski. That is right. Then I returned to the States and 
did graduate work at the Ohio State University. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was that year ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. That was one term in one year and another term 
in the following year. It would probably be 1936 and 1937. 

Mr. Tavenner. All right. 

Mr. Dombrowski. That completed my education. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your occupation ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Editor. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you been an editor ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Well, I started off as a reporter for about 5 years. 

Mr. TA^^5NNER. Let us put the question this way, please : Will you 
state what your record of employment or your professional career has 
been since you completed your education ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Well, I worked on promotional work for the 
Great Lakes Exposition in '36 and '37. I w^orked as a social worker 
in the city of Cleveland for about a year, '37-'38. Then I worked for 
the World's Fair Exposition in New York until I left New York. 
When I left New York I got employment at the paper w^here I am 
now editor. 

Mr. Tavenner. And what was that date ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I got employment there in the latter part of 
'39, the fall of '39. 

Mr. Tavenner. And what paper is it that you are the editor of? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Glos Ludowy, People's Voice, G-l-o-s 
li-u-d-o-w-y. 

Mr. Ta\'enner. The committee has information, Mr. Dombrowski, 
that there is located in Hamtramck a rather large union in the auto- 
mobile industry, specifically the Dodge plant. You are acquainted 
with that fact, are you not ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I am. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is your work principally located in Hamtramck? 

Mr. Dombrowski. No; it is not. 

Mr. Tavenner. Has your work been centered in the past principally 
in Hamtramck ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. No; it has not. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat has been your association or your work in 
Hamtramck ? 



3226 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. Well, as i)ait of the activities on the paper 1 
cover all scenes and events of any inipoitance everywhere of interest 
to Polish Americans in this country. That is the major occupation 
as far as my work was concerned. In my extracurricular activities, I 
have run for olHce in the city of Hamtramck. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, is your place of residence in Hamtramck ? 

Mr. DoMBKOwsKi. It is not. 

Mr. Tavenxer. But you have inn for office in Hamtramck? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. AVlien I was a resident of Hamtramck, 

Mr. Ta\^nner. Over what period of years were you a resident of 
Hamtramck? 

Mr. DoMnROAVSKi. From 104G back about 5 years; from 1941, or 
early 1942, probably 1941, until 194(), I was a resident of Hamtramck. 

Mr. Taatenner. Is the publication with which you are connected 
located in Hamtramck? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. It is not. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have yon ever been connected with a publication 
which was located in Hamtramck ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. Never to my knowledge. 

Mr. Taat:nner. Mr. Dombrowski, in the course of the committee's 
investigation, information has been received indicating that you took 
part in a number of meetings held in Detroit, and I want to ask j^ou 
about your participation in some of them and the character of the 
business transacted in those meetings. There was, according to the 
committee's information, a meeting held at Yeman's Hall on June 
14, 1940, in the city of Detroit. 

According to information in the files of this committee, you spoke 
at this meeting and referred to President Koosevelt and others as 
"the real fifth columnists." You were reported, in effect, as stating 
that Roosevelt and the warmongers were howling that this country 
had no defenses, and it is reported that you concluded your speech on 
that occasion by asking the people to support the only democracy, 
communism. 

Did you appear at that meeting and make the remarks attributed 
to you ? 

]\Ir. Dombroavski. As a matter of fact, going back to 1940, I spoke 
so frequently, so often, and so many places, that I couldn't say one way 
or the other whether I did or not. I may have. As to the remarks, 
I don't know who the reporter was. It doesn't sound as if some of the 
remarks could have been credited to me. 

Mr. Tavenner. Which of the remarks could not have been credited 
to you correctly ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Well, as a matter of fact, practically the totality 
of it. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, "practically" ? Be a little more specific, if you 
will. 

Mv. Dombrowski. If you will read them over again, maybe I can 
recall. 

Mr. Tavenner. The subject under discussion was exposing the fifth 
columnists in this country. This was June the 14th, 1940. You were 
alleged to have referred to President Roosevelt in that connection, and 
others in Washington, as the "real fifth columnists." 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3227 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. Offhand I would say, to the best of my recollec- 
tion, 1 probably would not have said such a thing. 

Mr, Tavenner. What did you say ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. As I said, I made enough speeches tlieu that if 
you asked me specifically about a speech made in the last part of the 
year and asked me what I said, I would have difficulty to 

Mr. Tavenner. Did that express your view and opinion at that 

time ? 

JNIr. DoMBROwsKi. As to the question of Roosevelt and the fifth 

column, it did not. 

Mr. Tavenner, What was your position in the days of the Hitler- 
Stalin pact with reference to aid by the United States to England, 
lend-lease aid? 

]\Ir. DoMBROw^SKi. I don't know what bearing it has on the hearing 
here to go into details of what I might have said in 1940, 12 years ago. 
I don't see the need for it. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, will you answer the question? 
Mr. Dombrowski. What is the question again? 

Mr. Tavenner. The question is whether or not you opposed, during 
the Hitler-Stalin pact, the granting of lend-lease aid to Britain. 

Mr. Dombrowski. I mav have. 
• Mr. Tavenner. Well, didn't you? 

Mr. Dombrowski. In 1940, June 14th? I can't say positively. 
Mr. Tavenner. Regardless of the specific date, didn't you publicly 
criticize the foreign policy of the United States in the granting of 
lend-lease aid to Britain ? 

Mr. Dombrowski, Yes, I remember I publicly fought for years 
for the principle of collective security, and I believed it lay in the 
best interests of this country that this principle of collective security 
be brought to life in actuality. And as the events unfolded in that 
particular period, during the period of the phony war, during the 
period when every effort was being made to change tlie war from a 
war against Hitlerism to a war against the Soviet Union and other 
democracies, I felt at that time that it was incorrect to support any 
program which would eventually enable us to fight on the side of the 
Nazis. 

Mr. Walter, Did I understand you correctly to describe the Soviet 
Union as a democracy ? 
Mr. Dombrowski. Yes. 

Mr, Walter. You think that the Soviet Union is a democracy? 
Mr. Dombrowski. Yes. You may have an opinion. You laugh 
about it. Your opinion may differ from mine. But my opinion is 
that, 

Mr. Walter, I am only thinking of concentration camps and slave 
labor, 

Mr. Dombrowski. There are concentration camps being built in 
the United States, Mr. W^alter, I believe your name is, 
Mr. Walter. Where ? AVhere are they ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Oh, in Tule, or the former Japanese camp, and 
other places. Don't you read the newspapers? 
Mr. Walter. I know what you say is not true. 

97097—52 — pt. 2 — —18 



3228 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. DoMBROWSKi. If yovi wisli, I can quote some newspapers for 
you. I have some in my files. The Attorney General, of course, has 
indicated they were being built. 

Mr. Tavenxek. And 1 understand you did publicly oppose and en- 
ergetically oppose lend-lease aid to Britain during the Stalin-Hitler 
Pact, from your statement. 

Mr. DoMKRowsKi. Well, I would make one modification. The 
Stalin-Hitler Nonaggression Pact, if you don't mind, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Of course, there have been many interpretations as 
to what that was. 

Mr. DoMBRuwsKi. Surely, and everybody is justified in believing in 
his own, I imagine. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, on July 12, 1941, according to the informa- 
tion of the committee, there was a meeting of the Communist Party of 
North Detroit held in the rear of the Davidson & MacDougall Market. 
You were re^wrted as having made a speech in the Polish language, at 
which you related at this meeting the successes of the Red Army. And 
you were reported as saying : 

We must work. We must unite. We must produce. And we must petition the 
great President of tlie United States to send immediate aid to the Soviet Union 
and to England. 

Mr. Dombrowskt. I don't recall that particular meeting, as I said 
before, but I can recall the position I adopted at that time, which I felt 
was correct. And eventually, as you know, the majority of the Ameri- 
can people felt the same way. It was necessary to produce. The 
character of the war had changed. It was no longer a question of the 
possibility of transforming this war into a war that would be harmful 
to the interests in the future of the United States. At that time I did 
take a position calling for the utmost expenditure of energy to produce 
for victory. 

Mr. Tavenner. When did the character of the war change? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. The character of any war changes when some- 
thing decisive happens. 

Mr. Tavenner. And that was on the 22d day of June of that year ; 
was it not? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. When Germany attacked Russia? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. That is right. And I think you will agree it was 
a decisive change. 

Mr. Tavenner. You violently opposed the President of the United 
States and referred to him as one of a warmonger group until that 
occurred, and then afterwards, immediately afterwards, you desired to 
petition "the great President of the United States" to intervene. 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. Well, when I am driving down the street in the 
daytime, and night comes, I turn on the lights. I adjust myself to the 
new circumstances in which I find myself. 

At that time a major change had taken place in the character of the 
war, and that change, I think, came out to the benefit of the United 
States and the American people, and as such I was doing the kind of 
job that I felt, as I always had done, would serve the American people 
best. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the difference in the Fascist war with 
Germany was conducting on the 21st of June and that which it con- 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3229 

ducted on the 22d of June, other than to have a new enemy, the Soviet 
Union ? 

Mr, DoMBRowsKi. The difference lay in the following fact: That 
when Hitler decided to attack the Soviet Union, the basic character 
of the entire struggle had changed, to this extent, that wherein the 
Soviet Union had signed a nonagression pact with Hitler at that period 
of time, due entirely to the machinations and efforts by many of the 
same elements who in this country had tried to provoke another war, 
the Soviet Union — excuse me. I get interrupted a little when these 
gentlemen flash their bulbs. 

When you get through, I will talk. 

(Addressing news photographers.) 

When he invaded the Soviet Union at that time, he created condi- 
tions which irrevocably made it impossible for him to win the war pro- 
vided the Allies could remain united. And I think the best proof of 
that situation lies in the fact tliat almost immediately on that eve, 
even those like Winston Churchill who had been conniving to see what 
could be done about changing the direction of the war, began to realize 
that here was the first opportunity, after a couple of years of very 
serious bombardment of London and other English communities, 
British communities, and they too decided that they would accept, 
in fact, the proposal that the Soviets had been making for so many 
years, a proposal that I had for many years advocated myself, that of 
collective security. And the fact remains that liere, too, in the United 
States, we recognized the changed character of the war and we also 
adopted a position similar to the one that I took. 

Mr. Tavenner. And the Communist Party line at that time changed 
just at the same time that you changed in your views. That is correct ; 
is it not? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. This is one of those questions where it is difficult 
to answer without indicating some affiliation or association with the 
Oommunist Party. Suppose I put it this way. Those were my beliefs, 
sincerely and honestly arrived at, which I w^orked out on the basis of 
my experience and background. 

Mr. Tavenner. And did you appear at the Communist Party meet- 
ing referred to on July 12, 1941, and express there your conviction and 
your views ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. I haven't the slightest idea. As I said before, 
when you start selecting dates many years ago, you confuse me by 
asking me about the dates of my last tour in this country. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, let us put the question this way : Did you 
attend Communist -Party meetings soon after June 22, 1941, and 
express the views that you have just spoken of? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. I attended many kinds of meetings. I didn't 
question the character of the sponsors in particular, if tJiey were for 
the welfare and benefit of this country. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you answer the question, please? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I do not remember whether I did or did not at 
that time attend the Communist meeting. 

Mr. Walter. Were you a Communist m 1941, Mr. Dombrowski ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I refuse to answer that question on the basis of 
my rights guaranteed under the fifth amendment of the Constitution 
and the Bill of Rights. 



3230 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenneij. Mr. Dombrowski, during tlie course of the hearing 
conducted by this committee in Detroit, tliere appeared as a witness a 
person by the name of Wayne Salisbury. Mr. Salisbury testified 
that he had attended a meeting at the Communist Political Association 
on July 22, 194;"), and he mentioned your name in connection with that 
meeting. Mr. Salisbury was asked this question : 

Mr. Salisbury, on July 22, 1945, did you attend a State convention of the 
Conininnist Political Association held in Detroit, Mich., at 114 Erskine Street? 

Mr. Salisbury. Yes. I accompanied P^ay McDonald, another delegate to this 
meeting. The meeting was opened at 9 :55 a. nj., by Bill McKie. 

The first order of business was the nomination for the chairman of the morning 
session. Those nominated were : Jerry Boyd, Nat Ganley, William McKie, Mau- 
rice Cook, Hoke Higdon, and Paul Boatin. 

All declined to McKie. The motion was made to accept McKie, and he was 
nominated. Nominated as secretary for the convention were : Tom Dombrowski ; 
Jerry Boyd ; Nelson Davis ; Laurie Kelly ; Mattie Woodson ; and a man named 
Showerman. 

Jerry Boyd accepted the nomination. All others declined and Mr. Boyd was 
nominated. 

Nominations were accepted for membership for the rules committed". Com- 
mittee delegates were nominated, and 14 accepted. The following accepted nom- 
inations to the rules committee : Laurie Kelly, Midtown Club ; Shapiro, South- 
field ; Bob Washington, First Congressional District ; Helen Allison, Midtown 
Club; Paul Endicott, Midtown Club; Paul Henley, Midtown Club; Hoke Higdon, 
Muskegon ; Tom Dombrowski, Hamtramck ; a man named Campbell from Ben 
Davis Club ; James Widmark, Flint ; Fred Field, Grand Rapids. 

Were you elected to the rules committee of that convention ? 

]\Ir. Dombrowski. I refuse to answer under my rights under the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Ta-vtcnner. Did you attend that convention as a delegate? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you at that time, July 22, 1945, a member of 
the Communist Political Association? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I refuse to answer, on the same grounds. 

Mr. Kearney. If you were not a member of the Communist Political 
Association at that time, would you so answer? 

Mr. Dombrowski. No, I would not. 

Mr. Tavenner. I show you a copy of the Daily Worker, September 
19, 1940. On page 5 appears an article datelined Detroit, September 
18. Will you read the last paragraph of that article, please, sir? The 
last paragraph which is underscored ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. The paragraph you have asked me to read says 
the following : 

Tomorrow night an election rally will be held for Thomas Dombrowski, Com- 
munist candidate for Congress, at Croatian Hall, 1131 East Kirby Street. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you a candidate for Congress in the election 
referred to ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I claim my privilege under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to file a photostatic copy of the issue of the 
Daily Worker of September 19, 1940, and ask 'that it be marked 
"Dombrowski Exhibit No. 1."' It is actually a photostatic copy of 
page 5. 

Mr. Walter. Would not the best evidence of that fact be the papers 
filed in order to obtain the nomination ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes, the best proof of it would be the official petitions 
for his candidacy. 



COMMUXISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3231 

Mr. Walter. Did you file such a petition ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. I will refuse to answer on the same grounds, sir. 
(Representative Charles E. Potter left the hearing room at this 
l^oint. ) 

(The photostat referred to was marked "Dombrowski Exhibit 
No.l.") 

Mr. Tavjennek. I show you a handbill advertising a rally for defense 
held at Yemans Hall, 3014 Yemans Avenue, Friday, December 12, 
1941, on which handbill a ])erson by the name of Thomas X. Dom- 
browski is identified as the Hamtramck organizer of the Communist 
Party. 

Have you seen that bandbill before, or a similar handbill ? 

Mr. DoMBROw^SKi. I don't recall. 

Mr. Kearney. Were you running for Congress at that time ? 

Mr. DoMBROAVSKi. I claim my privilege under the fifth amendment 
and the Bill of Rights. 

Mr. Walter. Have you been a candidate for Congress at any time 
on any ])arty ticket, without specifying which one? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I claim my privilege under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Kearney. Were you ever elected as a Member to Congress ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I think you have the records, gentlemen. 

Mr. Kearney. I did not ask you that. 

Mr. Dombrowski. Obviously not. 

Mr. Walter. Well, now, the question I asked you was whether or 
not you had ever been a candidate for Congress, without mentioning 
the party in which you were a candidate. Why do you feel that you 
might be incriminated to admit that you had been a candidate for 
Congress ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Well, sir, engao-ing in a discussion on that point 
now may do exactly the thing that I claim immunity from. 

Mr. AYalter. I just did not know that anybody might expose them- 
selves to criminal prosecution because they had been a candidate for 
Congress. 

Mr. Dombrowski. Everything is possible today. 

Mr. Walter. I think we will recess at this time, Mr. Tavenner, for 
about 20 minutes. 

(Whereupon, at 11 : 80 a. m., a recess was taken until 12: 02 p. m.,; 
Representatives Francis E. Walter, Bernard W. Kearney, and Donald 
L. Jackson were present.) 

]Mr. Walter. Proceed. Mr. Tavenner. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Dombrowski, I desire to offer in evidence the 
flyer which I handed to you, and ask that it be marked "Dombrowski 
Exhibit No. 2." 

Mr. Walter. It will be marked and received. 

(The flyer referred to was marked "Dombrowski Exhibit No. 2," 
and made a part of the record.) 

Mr. Tavenner. I notice from this flyer that the proposed meeting 
is called a rally for defense. The speakers are advertised as Pat 
Toohey, state secretary of the Communist Party, who was speaking 
English and Russian, and Thomas X. Dombrowski, Hamtramck or- 
fifanizer of the Communist Party, "who will speak in Polish." 

Did Mr. Pat Toohey speak at that meeting, to your knowledge? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I think previously I indicated that I would claim 



3232 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

my riirlits iindor the fifth amendment in relation to that particular 
exhibit. I still do. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you acquainted with Pat Toohey? 

Mr. DoMHRowsKi. I also exercise my right under the fifth amend- 
ment on that. 

JMr. Tavenner. This flyer refers to you as the Hamtramck organ- 
izer of the Communist Party. Were you the Hamtramck organ- 
izer of the Communist Party in in 1941 ? 

Mr. Df)MBR()WsKi. The s;ime answer as previously. I refuse to an- 
swer on the grounds of the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. I show you a copy of the Hamtramck Newspaper 
called the Plain Dealer. The issue I hand you is that of June 25, 1943. 
Page 4 is devoted to an advertisement of the Hamtramck Communist 
Party, and the name of Thomas X. Dombrowski appears thereon as 
the organizer. Will you examine it, please, and state whether or not 
you see there the statement that Thomas X. Dombrowski is the or- 
ganizer of the Hamtramck Communist Party ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I see that statement. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you the Thomas X. Dombrowski referred to 
in that publication ? 

Mr. DoMBRfnvsKi. I refuse to answer under the rights guaranteed 
me under the fifth amendment. 

It is a good statement. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now, if it is a good statement, did you make it, as 
organizer of the Communist Party? 

Mr. DoMBROW\sKi. Pardon ? 

Mr. Tavenner. You stated: "It is a good statement." 

INfr. Dombrowski. From a newspaperman's point of view. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is it a statement that you made as organizer of the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I refuse to answer that question on the same 
grounds as previously. 

Mr. Tavenner. I show you a copy of the publication entitled "Good 
Neighbor." Looking at the editorial page, which is page 2, it appears 
that the editor is Thomas X. Dombrowski. Will you examine it, 
please, and state whether or not j'ou were the editor of that paper? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Tavenner. Does your name appear as the editor of that paper^ 
on the editorial page ? 

Mr. DoiMBRowsKi. There is a name which says "Thomas X. 
Dombrowski." 

Mr. Tavenner. As editor? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Let me take a look at it again. 

It does so state here, "Editor. Thomas X. Dombrowski." 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you the editor of that paper, as stated? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I refuse to answer, on the basis of the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you examine the paper again and state where 
it was published? 

Mr. D")Mbrowski. Well, the paper here says it was published in 
Hamtramck, Mich. 

Mr. Tavenner. And what is the address? 

Mr. Dombrowski. The address here says 3014 Yemans Avenue. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now, Mr. Dombrowski, in your earlier testimony 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3233 

you denied having been connected with a newspaper published in 
Hamtramck. 

Mr. DoMBRowSKi. That is correct. 

Mr. Tavexner. Well, do you deny having any connection with Good 
Neighbor, published at Hamtramck, Mich. ? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. I have already refused to answer that question, 
sir. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. No ; you have not refused to answer it, if you have 
already denied it. Do you have any explanation to make for your 
denial that you published the paper, or were connected with the 
l^aper in Hamtramck, Mich. ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. The only publication with which I am employed 
and have been employed for years is the present paper, the Glos 
Ludowy, the People's Voice, of Detroit. 

Mr. Tavenner. That is the only newspaper with which you have 
been connected ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. By which I have been employed and have earned 
my living, sir. 

Mr. Ta"st:nner. Oh, I am not asking you whether you were paid for 
your work or not. My question in the earlier part of the testimony 
was whether you were connected with the publication of any news- 
paper in Hamtramck, to which you replied "No." 

Mr. Dombrowski. You raised the question of a publication that 
appears at regular intervals, and it was on that understanding that 
the question was originally answered. 

Mr. Ta%'enner. My question related to your connection with any 
publication. 

Mr. Walter. In any capacity whatsoever. 

Mr. Tavenner. In Hamtramck; which you denied. Now I am 
handing you this copy of the Good Neighbor, which shows that you 
were the editor of that paper, published in Hamtramck. 

Mr. Dombrowski. Yes, 

Mr. Tavenner. And I ask you to state whether or not since seeing 
the paper you know that you were connected with the publication. 

Mr. Dombrowski. I indicated that I would claim under my rights 
under the fifth amendment in regard to that publication, and I still 
claim my rights under the fifth amendment as regards that publi- 
cation. 

And I would further add that insofar as the question of any other 
publications concerned in Hamtramck, I will also claim, and claim, 
my immunity, under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. You claim immunity now, but in your earlier testi- 
mony you denied ever having been affiliated with a publication in 
Hamtramck. 

Now. do you desire to change that statement? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Well, I think that I made it very clear as to what I 
consider being connected with a publication. 

At that time you were asking me my employment record, and I 
answered my employment record truthfully. I have never been 
employed by any other publication, have never been employed by any 
Hamtramck publication, and at that time, if I remember correctly, 
you were discussing my employment record, and as such I answered 
truthfully. 



3234 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenxer. Your answer would not have been truthful if you 
had been the editor of this publication, Good Neighbor, published in 
Hamtramck; would it? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. In the framework in which that question was 
posed previously, we were discussing my employment record, sir, if 
you will remember, and on the basis of my employment record, where 
1 had worked, and the continuation of those questions in that same 
sj^irit, and that is why I answered as I did. 

Mr. Tavenxer. Will you examine the masthead of the paper again 
and state by whom the paper is published, or was published? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. It states here the paper was published by the city 
committee, Communist Party. 

Mr. Tavexxer. And what is the date ? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. The date is April 1943. 

Mr. Tavexx^er. Does the masthead also reflect the address of the 
Hamtramck Communist Party as 3014 Yemans Avenue? 

Mr. DoMBROWSKi, All I see here is the address, 3014 Yemans Ave- 
nue. What it reflects depends on who is looking at it, I imagine. 

Mr. Tavexxer. WHiat does it mean to you ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. That apparently the address on this publication 
was 3014 Yemans Avenue, city of Hamtramck. 

Mr. Tavexxer. Was that the address of the Communist Party of 
Hamtramck ? 

Mr. DoMBROWSKi. It may have been, 

Mr. Tavexxer. Well, you know whether it was or not, don't you? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. I claim my privilege under the fifth amendment. 

(Representative Donald L. Jackson left the hearing room at this 
point. ) 

Mr. Tavexxer. I desire to offer the publication in evidence and ask 
that it be marked "Dombrowski Exhibit No. 3." 

Mr. Walter. Mark it and it will be received. 

(The publication was marked "Dombrowski Exhibit No. 3" and 
made a part of the record.) 

Mr. Tavexxer. At the bottom of the front page of Dombrowski 
exhibit No. 3 is an advertisement for a meeting at Yemans Hall, 3014 
Yemans Avenue, held under the auspices of the Hamtramck Commu- 
nist Party. It is entitled "Unity for Victory Kally" and there appears 
this language: 

Hear Thomas X. Dombrowski, Pat Toohey, Michisran secretary, Communist 
Party, Russian and Ukrainian speakers, expose the fifth-column attempt to split 
this unit. 

Did you engage as a speaker at that meeting? 

Mr. DoiMBRow^SKi, I refuse to answer on the basis of the fifth amend- 
ment. 

Mr. Tavexxer. Are you the person referred to as Thomas X. Dom- 
browski in that statement ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I refuse likewise under the same grounds. 

Mr. Tavexxer. In the report on the American Slav Congress and 
associated organizations released by this committee on June 26, 1949, 
this statement appears at page 71 : 

Two men who have been responsible for directing the policy of Glos Ludowy are 
avowed niembors of the Communist Party, TTnited States of America, high in the 
party hierarchy. One of tliese men is Thomas X. Dombrowski, editor of Glos 
liUdowy. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3235 

(Representative Donald L. Jackson returned to the hearing room 
at this point.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Yon have stated the period of time during wliich 
you Avere editor. I believe you stated it was from about 1936, did you 
not? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. No. I said I started employment in the latter 
part of 1939 and became editor sometime in the forties — the early 
forties. • 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know when Glos Ludowy was first pub- 
lished? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. Well, it has a record of 29 years of existence in 
one form or another. 

Mr. Tavenner. How is it financed at the present time ? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. It is financed by advertising, subscriptions, dona- 
tions, miscellaneous income. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat is the character of the donations that you 
received ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. Readers very frequently donate funds to the 
newspaper, annually. 

Mr. Tavenner. Has the publication received any contributions or 
donations from the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Well, we have received in the span of years that 
I have been working there contributions from various organizations, 
from various rallies, so that I would not offhand be able to state defi- 
nitely and concretely whether at one time or another specifically a 
Communist Party rally or something had not donated funds to this 
paper. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you mean to state to the committee that you do 
not know whether the Communist Party 

Mr. Dombrowski. I said it was very possible at one time or another 
they may have. And when you say "Communist Party," that incorpo- 
rates a very wide field in terms of Communist Party organization. I 
assume you are aware of it. 

I said there may have been a rally sponsored from which part of 
the proceeds — I don't recall offhand any such rally. Certain of the 
readers of the paper, who may or may not have been Communists, 
have donated funds to the paper, I mean to say, just to make myself 
clear. 

Mr. Tav^enner. Have vou received contributions from the IWO, 
the International Workers' Order ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Well, the same answer applies here. There are 
various lodges of the IWO who may have at one time or another sent 
us a donation because of the fact that we publicized their meetings 
and other material. 

Mr. Tavenner. But in the case of the Communist Party, you don't 
know? 

Mr. Dombrowski. There may have been. I thought I made it very 
clear that I could not state definitely that it had not been. It is very 
possible. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. And do you state that you do not have any actual 
knowledge of contributions by the Communist Party? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Offhand, to be very specific about any actual con- 
tribution from any Communist Party, I don't. At the moment, I 
can't. 



3236 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

i\Ir. Tavenner. Do you know of any contribution made by any 
organization ? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. Tliey come in every year. We probably get two 
or three thousand contributions from readers and organizations in 
groups of people and affairs and parties. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your exact position with the paper ? 

Mr, DoMBROwsKi. Editor of the paper. 

Mr. Tavenner. Your salary is paid in part from the contributions 
that are made to the paper ? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. I am paid wholly by the newspaper for which I 
work. 

Mr. Tavenner. You have not examined the list of contributors to the 
point where you are able to designate any contributor to your paper? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. As a matter of fact, there is a business office which 
handles that, and we have problems enough without getting into the 
books of the institution to find out which specific group or other 
had given the donation. 

Mr. Walter. Is a record kept of those donations ? 

Mr. DoMBROWSKi. Yes, of course, under tlie laws of the State of 
Michigan, under which we function, and the Federal laws, records are 
kept. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. Are you intending to state that you have never 
examined that list of contributors ? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. Well, we publish in the paper about every month 
a listing of the donations that are offered that paper. It is public in- 
formation. If you were to ask me specifically to name one organiza- 
tion or one institution which as of any certain date has given any 
funds, I could not answer that, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you publish a list of all the contributors? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. All the contributors. That is right. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have there been contributions from the Polonia 
Society of the International Workers' Order ? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. I imagine various lodges may have sent in funds. 
And it would have been indicated in the reports, which are made pub- 
lic, over the span of approximately a month, I believe. 

Mr. Tavenner. Who is the head of the administrative work of your 
paper ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi, A chap by the name of Ben Kocel, K-o-c-e-1. He 
is the office manager. 

Mr. Tavenner. How do you spell the last name ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. K-o-c-e-1. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is your paper, the Glos Ludowy, printed by its own 
presses ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. No. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is the arrangement for printing? 

Mr. Dombrowski. We have a print shop, where we take the paper to. 
They set it and print it for us, for which we pay them. It is a sep- 
arate institution. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is the name of that? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Chene, C-h-e-n-e, Printing. 

Mr. Tavenner. Where it is located ? 

Mr. Dombrow§;ki. In the city of Detroit ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you give us the address, please? 

Mr. Dombrowski. 5856 Chene Street. 



COMMUXISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3237 

Mr. Tavexxer. Will you spell the name? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. C-h-e-n-e. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall whether the contributions that are 
made to your i:)aper are tax-exempt ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. I assume that they aren't. I don't think the 
question was ever raised by any of the donors, to my knowledge. I 
am not clear on that. 

Mr. Walter. Do you have fourth class mailing privileges? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. That is right. 

Mr. Taven^ter. Do you know who printed the paper, Good Neigh- 
bor, a copy of which was exhibited to you a few moments ago ?. 

Mr. DoiMBROWSKi. In view of the fact that I have refused to answer 
any questions regarding the Good Neighbor, I will stick to that. 

Mr. Tavenx'er. Are you affiliated with an organization known as 
the Unity Press ? 

Mr. Doimbrowski. I am not. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever held a position or been employed 
by the Unity Press ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. I have not. 

Mr. Tavenner, Where is the Unity Press located? 

Mr. DoMBRowvsKi. The Unity Press was the organization that pre- 
ceded the present Chene Printing. 

Mr. Tavenn^er. When was it succeeded by the present Chene Print- 
ing? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. Within the last year or so, I would say. 

Mr. Tavenner. Can't you be more specific than that? 

Mr. DoMBROWsKi. No, because my associations with it were simply 
from the point of view of a customer to an institution where we printed 
our publication. I would say approximately a year ago; maybe a 
couple of months less, or a couple of months more. I offhand can't 
remember. 

jNIr. Tavenner. Who is the head of Chene Printing ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. It is an incorporated institution which has its 
board of directors and officers. 

Mr. Tavenner. Who is the president? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. I don't know. 

]\Ir. Tavenner. Who was the head of Unity Press? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. What do you mean by the head of the Unity 
Press ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Was it a corporation? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. Yes, it was a corporation, a nonprofit corpora- 
tion. 

Mr. Tavenner. Wlio was its president ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. I don't recall who was its president. I thought 
I indicated very clearly that our relationships with Unity Press were 
business relationships ; so that I can't go into the details of the internal 
f unctionings of the Unity Press, or the Chene Printing at the moment. 
It is a business institution with which we deal. 

Mr. Tavenner. But you don't know the name of the president of 
the corporation with which you have been dealing in the printing of 
your paper? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKT. There is an office manager to whom we present 
the jobs, from whom we receive the bills, to wdiom we pay by check, 
all duly recorded. 



3238 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. Who is the office manager? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. A woman, Mrs. Alice Kocel. 

Mr. Tavenner. .Is she the wife of Ben Kocel ? 

Mr. DoiBROwsKi. I guess so. 

Ml'. Tavenxer. AVell, yon know, don't yon? 

JNIr. DoMBRowsKi. Yes, I guess she is. 

Mr. Walter. Is she the office manager for Unity Press also ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. No. 

Mr. Tavenner. So, actually, you have the wife of the office man - 
ager of your company, who was the manager of Unitj^ Press? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. She is, yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. And she is the office manager of Chene Printing?' 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. Chene Printing, yes. There is nothing unusual 
about a wife being employed also, is there? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, but it is a very close association. 

Mr. DoMBROWSKi. Yes. Wife-husband is. 

Mr. Tavenner. Which it seems you ought to have known considera- 
ble about. 

Mr. DoMBROWSKi. Personally, I don't enter into the lives of indi • 
viduals for the sake of being able to appear later and indicate any 
facts about them. I have my own concerns. I have the publication to 
worry about, 

Mr. Jackson, In whom is vested ownership of the publication with 
which you are associated ? 

Mr. DoMBRowsivi. It is a partnership consisting of three people. 

Mr. Jackson. Who are they ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. I am one of them. Mr, V, W. Kucharski, K-u- 
c-h-a-r-s-k-i, is another one. And Amelia Doczkal D-o-c-z-k-a-1. 

Mr. Tavenner. Who determines the editorial policy of your paper? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. The editorial board. 

Mr, Tavenner, And of whom is the board composed? 

ISIr. DoMBROwsKi. It is composed of the gentleman I referred to^ 
Mr. Kucharski, myself, and the employees. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know^ whether or not the magazine, Good 
Neighbor, w^as printed by Unity Press ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. Well, I will revert to the same answer as I men- 
tioned before relating to the Good Neighbor. I will rest under my 
rights under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. I refer now to the April 1943 issue of the Good 
Neighbor publication, whicli has been introduced in evidence as Dom- 
browski Exhibit No. 3. 

On page 2 there appears this statement : 

Anyone who states that the Soviet Union threatens Poland's independence 
and integrity, helps the Polish-American Fascists, the American defeatists, and 
Goebbels. 

Did you write that? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKT. I refuse to answer, on the basis of the fifth amend- 
ment. 

Mr. Ta"\t2Nner. What I have read is taken from an article entitled 
"For Unity of United Nations for Polish-Soviet Cooperation. Defeat 
Conspiracy Against Slav Unity," wdiich is referred to as a statement 
of the Communist Party of Michigan. 

Do I understand that you refuse on the ground that it might tend 
to incriminate you, to admit that you wrote that article? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3239 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. Yes; I invoke the fifth amendment in this case 
also, 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you acquainted with State Senator Stanley 
Nowak, former State Senator Stanley Nowak? 

Mr. DoMBROWSKi, Yes; I am acquainted with the former State 
senator. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was he a person known to you to be a member of 
the Communist Party ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. No, 

Mr. Tavenner, He was not ? Did I understand you to say you did 
not know ? 

Mr, DoMBROWsKi. That is right. 

Mr, Tavenner. At the meeting at Yemans Hall, December 21, 1940, 
the Communist Party meeting, which meeting I referred to in the 
earlier part of your testimony, you were reported as being a speaker. 
And you were reported as having explained the absence of Stanley 
Nowak, who was scheduled as a speaker at that meeting. Do you 
recall that ? 

Mr, DoMBROwsKi. I don't. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall having explained at any Communist 
Party meeting the absence of Stanley Nowak? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi, No ; I don't recall, 

Mr, Tavenner. Are you acquainted with George Kristolski ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. I claim privilege under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was Henry Podolski affiliated with your publica- 
tion, Glos Ludowy ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi, I claim the constitutional right. 

Mr. Tavenner. He was the editor, formerly the editor, of your 
publication, was he not? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. I claim privilege under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Ta\t.nner, Are you acquainted with John Zydok, Z-y-d-o-k, 
an assistant manager of the Workers' Cooperative Restaurant in Ham- 
tramck ? 

Mr. DoMBROWSKi. I claim my privilege. 

Mr. Tavenner. I hand you a copy of the Michigan School of Social 
Science catalog for the spring term of April 28 through June 23, 1950, 
and I will ask you to look at the bottom of page 5 and state what it 
shows with reference to a course being conducted by a person by the 
name of Thomas X, Dombrowski. 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. The entire paragraph, sir? 

Mr. TA^'ENNER. Just describe the course generally, 

Mr, DoMBROwsKi (reading) : 

The World Today : A survey of current problems. The struggle for peace 
as the uigeiit international issue. Is world war III inevitable? Can wox-ld peace 
"be preserved by the U. N.? — world government? — United States foreign policy? 
What is the role of the Soviet Union, new European democracies, China, in world 
peace camp? The meaning of "total diplomacy" of the Truman administration 
New developments in Viet Namh, Africa, and Indonesia. 

Mr, Tavenner. And who is listed as the person who conducted that 
course? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Listed here as instructor is Thomas X. Dom- 
browski, 

Mr. Tavenner, Are you the person referred to ? 

Mr, Dombrowski. I refuse to answer that on the grounds of the 
;fifth amendment. 



3240 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavennfk. Now, vc\]\ you exaniin(> the catalog again and read 
the names of tlie board of directors and the otlier instructors? 
Mr. DoMBROwsKi. It says here : 

Board of directors: Christopher C. Alston, Nat Ganley, James E. Jackson, Jr., 
William McKie, Fred Williams. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now, just a moment. Do 3'ou know any of those 
persons to be members of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. I refuse to answer under my privilege under the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr, Tavenner. All right, then. AVill you name the members of the 
faculty ? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. I also refuse to answer that on the basis of the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Taa^xxer. Will you read those whose names appear as the 
members of the faculty ? 

Mr, DoMBRowsKi, They are not listed here separately, 

Mr, Tavenner, The executive director is named Ann Beiswenger. 
Were you acquainted with Ann Beiswenger? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. I refuse to answer, under the privilege of the 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Other instructors named are: Mrtj Bray, Robert 
Cummins, Lee Marsh, Ray Haskell, Christopher C. Alston, Tommy 
Dennis, Ann Beiswenger, William Allan, Nat Ganley, and Hugo 
Beiswenger. 

Were any of those persons known to you to be members of the Com- 
munist Party ? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. I refuse to answer under the privileges of the 
fifth amendment, 

Mr. Tavenner, I hand you a flyer which is entitled "Exposed — 
Issued as a Public Service by the Michigan Committee for the Pro- 
tection of Foreign Born." I will ask you to examine it and state 
whether or not you are acquainted with the circumstances under 
which that flyer was issued, 

Mr, Dombrowski. I have seen this flyer. 

Mr. Tavenner, Are you acquainted with the circumstances under 
which it was issued ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I refuse to answer on the basis of the fifth amend- 
ment. 

Mr, Tavenner. Will you examine it again and state whether or 
not it was printed by the Unity Press? 

Mr. Dombrowski, It does not so indicate here. It has "Label 37." 

Mr, Tavenner. What is Label 37 ? What does it designate? Wliat 
printing establishment? 

Mr. Dombrowski. The print shop, 

Mr. Tavenner, '\Aniat print shop ? 

Mr, Dombrowski, Where it was printed. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes, Well, what print shop does that refer to ? 

Mr, Dombrowski. No. 37, I think, at one time was the number of 
the Unity Press, 

Mr. Tavenner. Then it indicates that the flyer was printed by the 
Unity Press, does it not? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Probably. 

Mr. Tavenner, Is it the same number that the Chene Printing 
has now ? 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3241 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. It is not. 

Mr. Tavenker. What number does the Chene Printing Co. have ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. I don't know. It is a union shop. 

Mr. Walter. Did you have anything to do with the composing 
of this flyer? 

Mr. DoMBROWSKi. No, I had nothing to do with the issuance of 
that flyer. 

Mr. Walter. I notice at the bottom it is stated : 

In Detroit alone the immigration authorities have stai-ted deportation pro- 
ceedings against over 30 men and women. 

Was this Michigan Committee for the Protection of Foreign Born 
protesting against deportation proceedings? 

]\Ir. DoMBRowsKi. That is a question you can direct to the Michigan 
Committee for the Protection of Foreign Born. 

Mr. Walter. I am asking you the question. 

Mr. DoMBROWSKi. I assume that is one of its functions, 

Mr. Walter. To prevent or to attempt to prevent deportation? 

]Mr. DoMBROAVSKi. If it so says and is signed by them, I assume that 
is their position. 

Mr. Walter. That is a startling thing to me, because after all, aliens 
are deported after they have committed two felonies, two crimes in- 
A'olving moral turpitude, and I have assumed that no committee would 
attempt to prevent the deportation of that type of alien. 

Mr, DoMBRowsKi. Well, you are selecting a certain type of alien 
subject to deportation. 

Mr. Walter. No, they are selecting only criminals, only those who 
have on two occasions been convicted of crimes involving moral turpi- 
tude. 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. The classification "deportation" includes others, 
too ; not only those guilty of moral turpitude. 

Mr. Walter. Well, what others? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. Well, I have been aware in my newspaper cov- 



erage- 



Mr. Walter. Ship jumpers and stowaways, people who are illegally 
in the United States ? 

Mr. Domrrowski. That is right. 

Mr. Walter. That is all. 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. Oh, no; I have covered hearings wherein there 
is no question of moral turpitude involved and no question of jump- 
ing ship involved. 

Mr. Walter. What have been the groimds in the hearings that you 
have attended, for deportation? 

Mr, DoMBRowsKi, Some of them, membership in the Communist 
Party. 

Mr. Waltt.r. Oh, and you do not think that aliens who are members 
of an organization whose purpose it is to overthrow this Government 
should be removed from this country. Is that what your position is ? 

Mr, DoMBROwsKi, No ; I didn't say anything of that sort, sir. 

Mr. Walter. I am asking you if that is your position. 

Mr. D(^MBRowsKi. It is not my position. 

Mr. AValter. You think those people should be deported? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. AVell, you enter in that question, a whole wide 
field of activity as to Avho is going to determine the situation. And I, 



3242 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

frankly speaking, do not want to <^et involved in an extensive discus- 
sion here. 

Mr. Walter. Well, you have indicated to me that you rather think 
that they are a preferred class of citizenry and ought to remain here. 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. I don't know how. You didn't get it from what 
I said. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you a member or in any way affiliated with the 
Michigan Committee for Protection of Foreign Born at this time, or 
have you been affiliated with it in the past? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. I invoke my rights under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever been affiliated with the American 
Committee for the Protection of Foreign Born? 

Mr. DoMBROWSKi. The same, answer, for the same reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now, this flyer which I handed you bears the 
photograph of a person who testified at a deportation hearing, and 
the flyer is in the nature of a warning, and states : 

All decent people are warned not to have any dealings with this stool pigeon. 

Did you play any part in counseling or advising or composing that 
flyer? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I refuse to answer, on the basis of the rights 
under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Walter. Do you know the man whose picture appears on the 
flyer? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I refuse to answer, on the same grounds. 

Mr. Walter. Did the man testify in deportation proceedings? 

Mr. Dombrowski. As I recall, I wrote in the paper that he had. 

Mr. Walter. And because he testified against an alien, he is charged 
with being a stool pigeon ; is that correct ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Tliat is M'hat it says there. 

Mr. Walter. Well, let me tell you something. The aliens that I 
have come in contact with, and they are many because I happen to be 
chairman of the Subcommittee on Immigration, resent very much the 
attempts made by certain aliens to prevent simple justice from being 
done. They feel that it is a reflection on all of them. And by at- 
tempting to prevent justice from being done, in fact the organizations 
engaged in that are making it very, very difficult for the decent law- 
abiding people that we have extended a welcome to. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to offer the flyer in evidence and ask that 
it be marked "Dombrowski Exhibit No. 4." 

Mi\ Walter. It may be marked and received. 

(The flyer refer^^ed to was marked "Dombrowski Exhibit No. 4," 
and made a part of the record.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you attend a convention of the Polish National 
Alliance held in Buffalo. N. Y., in September of 1951 ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I did. 

Mr. Tavenner. AVere you evicted twice from that convention under 
a motion to bar Reds and their sympathizers from the sessions? 

Mr. Dombrow^ski. Once, actually. The first time they attempted 
the eviction, I wasn't there. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, were you at that time a member of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I refuse to answer, as I have on previous occa- 
sions, on the basis of my rights under the fifth amendment. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3243 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. DoMBROWSKi. The same answer, for the same reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. You have told us about your trip to Poland in 
1935, and you stated that while there you attended the Crackow Uni- 
versity. I probably am not pronouncing that correctly. 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. The correct pronunciation is "Crahkoof." 

Mr. Tavenner. How long were you in Poland on that occasion. 

Mr. Dombrowski. About 5 or 6 months, if I recall correctly. 

Mr. Tav?:nner. How long a period of time were you in attendance 
at school there? 

Mr. DosiBROAvsKT. Well, practically for the whole period that I 
was there. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you make an application for a passport to 
Poland in 1945? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Yes; I did. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you visit Poland at that time? 

Mr. Dombrowski. No ; I didn't. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you later have your passport renewed? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I did. 

Mr. Tavenner. When was that? 

Mr. DoAiBRowsKi. In the beginning of 1948. 

Mr. Taat:nner. What was the purpose in asking for the renewal 
of your passport? 

Mr. DoiMBROwsKi. Well, I went there for two reasons. I was help- 
ing to write a book; and to visit my relatives, and to use my position 
as a journalist and gather materials. 

Mr. TA\TiNNER. Our information is that you sailed from Poland 
on the Batory on June 18, 1948. How long did you remain in Poland 
at that time? 

Mr. DoMBROwsK:i. About 3 or 4 months, I think, just about 3 or 4 
months. 

Mr. Tavenner. "Wliile there, did you confer with Boleslaw Gebert ? 

]\[r. Dombrowski. I met him. 

Mr. Ta\"e;nner. What was your purpose in meeting him ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I had known him for some time. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long had you known Boleslaw Gebert? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Approximately — I had run into him off and on 
for the past 9 or 10 'years, I imagine. 

Mr. Tavenner. Then you must have known him when he was in 
the United States. 

Mr. Dombrowski. I did. 

Mr. Tavenner. During what period of time did you know him in 
the United States? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Up to the time he left. 

]\Ir. Tavenner. Did you know him as a functionary of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I will claim my privilege on that question, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. While in Poland on this trip, did you meet Henry 
Podolski? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I did not. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know whether Henry Podolski was still in 
the United States at that time? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I know he was not in Poland at that time. 

97097— 52— pt. 2 19 



3244 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, had you discussed your trip to Poland with 
Henry Podolski before you left the United States? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. I discussed the trip with several people. 

Mr. Walter. Was he included among them ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. He may have been. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, was he ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I think he was. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, by that do you mean that you are satisfied 
that he was one of those that you conferred with about your trip to 
Poland? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. If you mean conferred with, talked to about, 
yes. 

Mr. Walter. Is your passport still in existence? 

Mr. Dombrowski. It is. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was Podolski known to you at that time as a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. I refuse to answer that question, on the grounds 
of invoking the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Has Henry Podolski been deported ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. Yes. He left voluntarily, it was announced. 
He was under order of deportation. 

Mr. Tavenner. Who were the others that you conferred with with 
re^rard to your trip to Poland ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. The manager of the paper and the owner at that 
time. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you also confer with anyone in the Polish 
consulate office in Detroit ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Outside of getting my visa? I was within the 
region in which it functioned, so I applied for a visa and received it. 

Mr. Walter. What were the grounds for which this man was de- 
ported ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Oh, we had a hearing for a long time. I don't 
recall the exact details. 

Mr. Walter. What grounds were stated as the reason for the 
deportation ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Well, it was a case that was heard and reheard. 
And as a newspaperman, I followed it. And the actual grounds were, 
if I remember correctly, the allegation that he had been a member 
of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Walter. From the finding of the trial examiner, he took an 
appeal ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I think he did. 

Mr. Walter. And the finding was sustained ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I think it was. 

Mr. Walter. And it went into the courts ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I don't think it did. 

Mr. Walter. But you say there were hearings that took place for a 
long while. 

Mr. Dombrowski. Oh, in the Immigration Department in the city 
of Detroit. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. Did you take any type of an educational course 
or training in Poland when you went there in 1948 ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Yes. It was known as Slovanics. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, tell us more about it, please. 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3245 

Mr. DoMBKOwsKi. It dealt with Polish history, background, geog- 
raphy, language, similar things. 

Mr. TA^•ENNER. Where was this course given? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. It was given in two sections. One section at the 
University of Cracow and one section at the University of Warsaw. 

Mr. Ta\t:nner. Who sponsored the course ? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. The universities named. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was that the purpose for your going to Poland? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Yes, I received this award, scholarship, fellow- 
ship, upon my graduation, and left immediately thereafter. 

Mr. Ta\-enner, I am speaking now of 1948. 

Mr. Dombrowski, Oh, no. I had nothing on that score. I am 
thinking of the scholarship, that period of 1935. No, I took no courses 
whatsoever. 

Mr. Ta\'i:nner. Was your trip in 1948 financed in any way by any 
organization or other persons? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Yes, partly by the newspaper and partly from 
my own funds. 

Mr. Ta\-enner. Did you receive any financial support from other 
sources? 

Mr. Dombrowski. The only thing that might be termed financial 
support were the courtesies extended all newspaper men in Warsaw. 
For example, if a special meeting was being held some place, they 
would provide transportation and provide housing, and that was a 
common practice for all newspapermen. 

Mr. Walter. In 1948, were all newspapermen admitted to Poland ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Oh, yes. There were newspapermen from the 
New York Times. There was a body of 26 or 28 at that time in War- 
saw, foreign correspondents. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever been employed at any time by the 
Polish Embassy in Washington? 

Mr. Dombrowski. I will claim my immunity under the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Walter. Why do you feel that it might incriminate you to 
answer the question of whether or not you were employed by the 
Polish Embassy in Washington? 

Mr. Dombrowski. Well, if I answered your question, sir, I would 
be negating the question that I just refused to answer, in discussing 
the same question I refused to answer, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. What has been the working arrangement between 
you and officials of the present Polish Government for the publica- 
tion in your newspaper of propaganda emanating from Poland? 

Mr. Dombrowski. The same arrangement we have with any other 
institutions in this country. We receive releases from various sources 
and if we deem it suitable to publish, we select the materials that we 
want to publish. 

Mr. Tavenner. Specifically, what is your arrangement with the 
consulate in Detroit? 

Mr. Dombrowski, Specifically the same arrangement that exists 
with other institutions that issue publicity and informational 
materials. 

Mr. Walter. Do you receive releases from the French 
Government ? 



3246 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. DoMBROAvsKi. At one time or another we received releases from 
various governments; not using them, because of the limitations of 
the newspaper, we canceled it and suggested they do not send it. We 
got stacks from all over. 

Mr. Walter. Actually, the only country not canceled was Poland ; 
was that not right ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. We happen to be a Polish- American publica- 
tion, which has to gain whatever materials it can from whatever 
sources it can. 

Mr. Jackson. Do you receive the U. S. S. R. bulletin regularly? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. Yes, we receive that, too. 

Mr. Jackson. Do you print excerpts from the bulletin ? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. Very rarely, sir, depending on the occasion and 
what the material is. 

Mr. Walter. Why did you not cancel the information coming from 
Kussia, if you were a Polish newspaper? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. For a very simple reason. Because of the rela- 
tionships that exist. In fact, we receive bulletins from various other 
governments because of the relationships that exist that are of 
interest. 

Mr. Walter. Iron curtain countries ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. Yes ; other countries. 

Mr. Walter. Would it be much easier to just use the Soviet 
releases ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. We are not looking out for an easy way. We 
have a paper to publish. 

Mr. Walter. You would not have to read all these others. You 
would have all the information, then. 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. We try to edit a good paper, which contains all 
points of view. 

Mr. Kearney. How many foreign correspondents did you say were 
in Poland at that time ? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. It was either 26 or 28. It was one trainload. 
I remember, because we were traveling one time, and ^ot invitations 
to visit a city in Poland, and it was full house in one oi these two en- 
gine jobs, and since I associated with them in various social ways in 
addition, there were 26 or 28, either one number or the other, I am 
certain, including my person. 

Mr. Ke^\rnet. Do you know how many there are now ? 

Mr. DOMBROWSKI. I haven't the slightest idea. 

Mr. Kearney. Are there 28 ? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. I haven't the slightest idea. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell us, please, if you know, whether the 
Michigan Committee for Protection of Foreign Born is an affiliate 
of the American Committee for the Protection of Foreign Born ? ^ 

Mr. DoMBROWSKi. In view of the fact that I refused to answer any 
questions relating to the Michigan Committee for the Protection of 
Foreign Born, I exercise this same right now. 

Mr. Tavenner. I failed to ask you whether or not Mr. Ben Kocel, 
who is the business manager of your paper, has any official connection 
with Unity Press, or did have any official connection with it? 

* See pp. 3206-3211 for photographic reproduction of leaflet, Call to Mass Meeting and 
Conference, Michigan Committee for Protection of Foreign Born in cooperiition with the 
American Committee for the Protection of the Foreign Born, October 27, 1951. 



CO]M]MUNIS]\I IN THE DETROIT AREA 3247 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. I don't know. I doubt it. 

JNIr. Taa-enner. Did he have any connection, or does he have any 
connection, with Chene Printing ? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. I doubt it. 

Mr. Tavenner, Well, do you know ? 

Mr. DoMBRQ-wsKi. I don't know. 

Mr. Tavenner. Does Mrs. Kocel have any official connection with 
your paper ? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. None whatsoever. 

Mr. Ta\:enner. Mr. Chairman, I think that is all. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

Mr, Walter. Any questions? Mr. Potter? 

Mr. Potter. I note that in your publication you published an open 
letter to your Congressman, an able Member of Congress, which 
chastised him for not replying to a speech that was made on the floor 
by another Member of Congress, and by the wording of your open 
letter, you intended to create an impression that Congressman 
Machrowicz was being anti-Semitic for not replying to the words of 
another Member of Congress. I am interested in knowing whether 
the open letter that you wrote was an effort to discredit Congressman 
Machrowicz as an individual, because of his anti-Communist position, 
or whether it was to discredit him because of his work on a committee 
to investigate the massacre in the Katyn Forest. Would you care 
to answer that question? 

Mr. Do]MBRowsKi. Yes. Your interpretation as to intent is natu- 
rally your own. 

The position of our paper was, has been, that it opposes any ex- 
pressions of racism, anti-Semitism — or similar un-American doctrines 
wherever they are to be found. I, as a citizen, a voter in the first 
congressional district^ — and for your information, I have known Mr. 
Machrowicz for a long time, and we have spoken often from the same 
platform. For your information, I wrote that letter in the form of a 
petition to the Congressman, to get him to express his position on 
anti-Semitism. As you know, he answered me. I gave another letter 
fully explaining the intents and purposes. And it is the fact that the 
gentlemaji is also one of the prime movers behind the Katyn massacre, 
which is one of the great provocations that are being employed today 
to create a situation in which we whitewash the Nazis, in view of the 
policy of rearming West Germany. I think I refer there in that 
same open letter to his position on the Nuremberg trial, whether or not 
this Katyn business wasn't just an introduction to whitewashing all 
of those giiilty of the barbaric crimes that were tried at Nuremberg. 

Mr. Potter. In other words, you were fearful of the facts that this 
committee might bring out as to who was to blame for the Katyn 
massacre ? 

Mr, DoMBROwsKi. I am not afraid of facts, sir. That isn't what 
I am fearing. This is an obvious provocation, which the Governments 
of France and Italy understood, and refused to peiTnit that committee 
to conduct hearings, and even England told them they would have 
to hold those hearings behind closed doors. They didn't want any 
part of a three-ringed circus like that. Those people knew too clearly 
what the Nazis were capable of doing to be bamboozled. 

Mr. Potter. There are many distinguished Polish leaders in the 
United States who will disagree with you. 



3248 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. Throughout my adult life I have been opposed 
to anti-Semitism and I have been opposed to nazism. And I have 
met Poles who were in favor of nazism. 

Mr. Potter. But do you not believe there is a great deal of differ- 
ence between being anti-Fascist and being pro- Communist ? To me, 
as my colleague just mentioned, there is a middle ground that I think 
is shared by most Polish people who want to live in a democracy. 

Are you as vehement in your opposition to communism, which is 
also a form of totalitarianism, as you are to fascism ? 

Mr. DoMBEOwsKi. Fascism has threatened the existence of the 
United States. 

Mr. Potter. You do not have to tell me a thing about fascism. 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. All right. Wliereas communism has never 
threatened the existence of the United States. 

Mr. Kearney. What was that ? 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. You heard it right, sir. 

Mr. Kearney. Would you mind repeating that ? 

Mr. DoMBROWSKi. Communism has never threatened — you asked 
my position on political gTounds, the grounds of antifascism. You 
will find that those people who are pro-Fascist are among the most 
ardent anti-Communists, and vice versa. And that has nothing to do 
in common with the struggle for democracy. 

Mr. Potter. That is a gimmick. 

Mr. Dombruwski. Explain that "gimmick" to me, please. 

Mr. Potter. Because a person is anti-Communist it has been a trick 
that all Communist organizations have used to classify those people 
as Fascists or pro-Fascists. 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. No; not necessarily, sir. It is very clear that 
there are many people who, for their own beliefs, oppose communism, 
that are not pro-Fascist. 

Mr. Potter. There are many men in this country today who have 
done much more to defeat fascism than probably you 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. That is your opinion, of course. 

Mr. Potter. Well, their personal sacrifice has been much more — and 
who are equally vehement anti-Communists. They believe that people 
can live in a democracy 

Mr. DoMBROwsKT. Which is their right, sir, under the Constitution 
of the United States. 

Mr. Potter. Without going from one totalitarian extreme to 
another. 

Now, to carry on further, I believe that Congressman Machrowicz 
sent you a copy^ of a speech that was placed in the Congressional 
Record which explained his views completely. 

Did you show him the courtesy of publishing that speech in your 
publication ? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKT. I published his letter in full, just as he sent it to 
me, and I published my letter in answer to that particular letter, and 
indicated that what I was interested in was seeing his words changed 
into action, to see that the situation that occasionally takes place on the 
Senate floor is not repeated, that speeches on the Senate floor, which 
can only bring shame to the United States are not left unchallenged. 

Mr. Walter. And the very thing you objected to was deleted from 
the record. 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. And may I add 



COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 3249 

Mr. Walter. Then what action may be taken, other than words, as 
you put it? 

Mr. DoMBRowsKi. I may add that Eepresentative Eankin's state- 
ment in the appendix was not eliminated, sir, 

Mr. Walter. That was not the statement made in the course of 
debate. But what he said in debate was expunged from the record. 

Mr. DoMBRowsKT. Yes, as a result of the pressure that was placed 
against these people, against Congressman Madden and against Con- 
gressman Machrowicz. 

Mr. Potter. And did you give them credit in your paper ? 

Mr. DoMRBOAVSKi. In my publication — you have it before you — in 
my answer I am very specific. I ask Mr. Machrowicz when will he 
go from words to action, and I point out concretely what I meant. 

Mr. Walter. What do you mean by "action"? Throwing a man 
physically off the floor of the House ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. No, I don't believe in force and violence, sir. 

Mr. Walter. But was it action ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. For instance, when Mr. Rankin arises again on 
the floor, I might pose the same question to all the gentlemen here. 
Have you ever taken exception to his anti-Semitism and Negro bait- 
ing? 

Mr. Jackson. I have taken violent action against it in my own dis- 
trict. Before you speak of things about which you have absolutely no 
knowledge whatsoever, I suggest you go to the record and make some 
inquiries. . I dare say every member oi this committee has on occasion 
in his own district taken violent exception to things that have been 
said. 

Mr. Dombrowski. In his own district, he may have, but not in the 
Congi-ess. 

Mr. Jackson. Our districts are districts for which we are res]wn- 
sible, the districts that send us to Congress and expect direct represen- 
tation. In my case, I have spoken several times on the floor of the 
House on this, as I intend to in future. 

Mr. Dombrowski. I would appreciate  

Mr. Jackson. And so far as this Michigan paper of yours is con- 
cerned, it parrots exactly the line of the U. S. S. R. Bulletin and the 
Communist Daily Worker. I see no difference. 

You say that communism does not pose a threat to this country. I 
think every Communist today is guilty of treason. 

He is blood brother of the Russian and Chinese Communists. I see 
no difference whatever. 

You have expressed your opinion, and I want to put mine in the 
record. 

Mr. Kearney. I understood you to say that the Communist Party 
offered no threat to the security of this country. 

INIr. Dombrowski. You asked the question about communism threat- 
ening this country. It is my opinion, sir, that communism does not 
threaten this country. 

Mr. Kearney. May I ask you, then, why the 11 Communists were 
tried and convicted in New York City 2 weeks ago and the conviction 
sustained by the Supreme Court of the United States ? 

Mr. Dombrowski. They were convicted for a conspiracy to "advo- 
cate" if you read the case. 



3250 COMMUNISM IN THE DETROIT AREA 

Mr. Kearney. They were the leaders of the Communist Party 
in this country. 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. There is no doubt about it. 

But the courts have made mistakes. And the American people 
have forced the courts and their decisions and the actions taken oy 
your honorable body to change, and that is clear, too. 

Mr. Walter. I would like to ask a question about your visit to 
Poland in 1948. 

Did you learn anything about the expulsions of people from Poland 
to Siberia? 

]Mr. DoMBROWSKi. As a matter of fact, I covered Poland from one 
end to the other. I was in motion all the time. I knew Poland be- 
fore the war, and I got acquainted with it in 1948. I have yet to 
meet one single family that could have claimed that Joe Kobolski or 
John Somebodyelse could have been deported, sir. And these fan- 
tastic tales that we take as God's truth very frequently are created 
in somebody's very fantastic mind. 

Mr. Walter. Of course, my information, the information that has 
come to the Subcommittee on Immigration in the course of our studies 
of displaced persons, is entirely different, at great variance. 

Mr. DoMBROwsKi. Well, these displaced persons were not in Poland 
after the change in the government there, and there are no authorities 
on what took place there. They refused to return to Poland even 
when they were asked to return to Poland. 

Mr. Walter. For very obvious reasons. 

Is there anything further, Mr. Tavenner ? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir. 

Mr. Walter. The committee will stand in recess until 2 o'clock. 

The witness may be excused. 

(Wliereupon, at 1 : 15 p. m., a recess was taken until 2 p. m. this 
same day.) 



INDEX 



A. A. Town Club. («Sfee Communist Party— A. A. Town Club.) Page 

Abraham Lincoln Brigade 2902 

Abraham Lincoln School— Chicago 2875, 2986 

Acciacca, Archie 2954, 3066, 3166, 3190-3201 

Acme Die Casting Co 2804 

Adamski, Stanley 2939, 2941, 2944, 2952 

Adiken, G 2842 

Ahrens, George 2838, 2844, 2849, 2851 

Albertson 3090 

Aldo 3214 

Allan, Stephanie (Mrs. William Allan) 2938 

Allan, William (Bill, Billy) ^ 2737, 

2738, 2782, 2808, 2845, 2846, 2848, 2919, 2952, 2998, 3041, 3045, 3059, 

3060, 3074, 3075, 3080, 3125-3129, 8132, 3133, 3168, 3169, 3240. 

Allen, Bill 2938 

Allen Industries. (See Communist Party — Allen Industries; local 205.) 

Allen, James S 2721 

Alleyne, Cameron C 3207 

Allis-Chalmers 3051 

Allison, Helen (Mrs. Carl Winter) 2738. 

2742, 2787, 2842-2846, 2848, 2928, 2936, 2987, 3230 

Allmendinger, W. H 3210 

Allured, Paul J 3210 

Almanac Sinsers 2716 

Alston, Christopher C. (Chris) 2732, 2733, 2738, 2739, 2802, 2854, 2942, 3240 

Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America 3036 

"America at the Crossroads" 2721 

American Committee for the Protection of Foreign Born 2894, 

2895, 2968, 2969-2973, 2975, 2977, 2981, 2985, 2987, 3003, 3081, 

3141, 3205, 3207, 3242, 3246. 
American Committee for the Protection of Foreign-Born — Michigan Chap- 
ter 3203-3207, 3211, 3221, 3240-3242, 3246 

American Council on Soviet Relations 2996, 2997 

American Federation of Labor 2716-2718, 

2740, 2766, 2817, 2844, 3009, 3137, 3138, 3187, 3209 

American Fraternal Society of the IWO 3065 

American League for Peace and Democracy 2760 

American Metal Products 2774 

American Newspaper Guild, CIO 3181,3182 

American Peace Mobilization 2827,2991,3086 

American People's Meeting 2991 

American Red Cross — Board of Detroit ' 2899 

American Slav Congress 2980-2983, 2991, 2994, 3234 

"American Trade-Unionism" 2721 

American Youth for Democracy 2742, 2771-2773, 2775, 2841, 2845, 2904, 3147 

Amkino 3009 

Anderson, Gus 2716, 2737 

Anderson, James 2733, 2736, 2737, 2740, 2747, 2749, 2750, 2790, 2908, 2909 

Anderson, John 2738, 2755, 2843 

Anderson, Thomas (Tom) 2716,2737,2749,2790 

Ann Arbor Town Club. (See Communist Party — Ann Arbor Town Club.) 

Appell, Donald T 3204,3221 

Ashe 2936 

Asslin, Mildred (Midge) 2733, 2737, 2790 

"Auto Town Alley" 3059, 3060 

3251 



3252 • INDEX 

Page 

Auto Workers of America 2854 

Aveling, Eleanor Marx 2721 

Averill, Dave 3040, 3059, 3157-3169 

Axle Club. (See Communist Party — Axle Club.) 

B Building Club. {See Communist Party — B Building Club.) 

Baber, George W 2899 

Bailey, Gay 2735, 2736, 2739 

Baker, Foss 2843, 2847, 2848 

Baldwin, Bereniece "Toby" 2760, 2801, 2854, 2857, 2860, 2926-2958, 3061, 

3068, 3094, 3101, 3106, 3109, 3110, 3156, 3171, 3182, 3189, 3196, 

3197, 3214. 

Baldwin, Harvey 2927, 2938 

Bales, Harry 2850 

Baltic, Nick 2944 

Banks, Rose 2842 

Barclay, Sidney (Scotty) 2942 

Baraga Club. (See Communist Party — Baraga Club.) 

Barnes, Oscar 2781 

Baron, Donnie 2941 

Bass-^Luckhoff 2715 

Batory 2774, 2911, 3243 

Beiswenger, Ann 2717, 2739, 2791, 2802, 2805, 2836, 2838, 2839, 

2843, 2844, 2848, 2.S54, 2919, 2922, 2923, 2952, 3041, 3056, 3160, 3240 

Beiswenger Hugo 2739, 2791, 

2803-2811, 2843, 28-15, 284S, 2849, 2851, 2905, 2958, 3240 
Bellaire Club. (See Communist Party — Bellaire Club. ) 
Ben Davis Club. (See Communist Party — Ben Davis Club.) 

Bennett, Harry 3038 

Benson, Elmer 3207 

Berlin Youth Festival 2911, 2913 

Berenson, Isadore {see also Izzy Berenson ; Izzy Burnstein) 2790 

Berenson, Izzy {see also Isadore Berenson; Izzy Burnstein) 2739 

Bernstein, Joseph (Joe) {see also Joe Burnstein) 27'*^. ?'7~7-2~*'-i, 

2793 2794 2857 

Berry, Abner W 2739, 2823, 2824, 2844,' 2895*, 2905 

Berry, Floyd W 3216 

Berry Industries 2801 

Bethlehem Steel Corp 2752, 3108, 3175 

Bethune, Mrs 2899 

Bigford, Al 2851 

Bigford, Esther 2851 

Black 2836,3002 

Black, Algeron D 3207 

Bloor, Ella Reeve 2721, 2824, 2825 

Blossom, Ray 2843, 2939 

Blyth, Larry 2839 

Boatin, Ann 2956, 3073 

Boatin, Paul j. 2782, 27S3, 2842, 2954, 2956, 3067, 3069, 

3070, 3072, 3078, 3104, 3107-3115, 3126, 3155, 3163, 3167, 3210, 3230 

Bohn Aluminum Brass Corp 2852, 2S54 

Bohn Aluminum Club. {See Communist Party — Bohn Aluminum Club.) 

Bollin, Cliff 2942 

Bollin. Shirley 2942 

Bond, Jerry 2848 

Borad, Murray 2951 

Boskey. Harry 2844-2846, 2940, 2941 

Boyd, Gerald (Jerry) 2732, 2733, 2739, 2831, 2841, 2842, 2845, 2939, 2943, 3230 

Bozenian, Lorenzo 3216 

Branch 1, section 5 Club. {See Communist Party — Branch 1, section 5 
Club.) 

Brandt, Joe 2845, 2846, 2945 

Brantley, Imogene 2945 

Braun, Anne 2806 

Braun, Henry James 2805-2807 

Braunlich, Art 2838-2840 

Bray, Mary 2790, 2875, 2951, 2956, 3240 



INDEX 3253 

Pan 

Brewster, Dorothy H207 

Brigdes, Harry 2826, 2996, 3206 

Briggs Body Club. {See Comniuuist Party — Briggs Body Club.) 

Brigas Manufacturing Co 2765, 2768 

Brinich, Dorothy 2939 

"Britain in the World Front" 2721 

Brooks, Paul 2732, 2733, 2739, 2940, 2942, 2949 

Browder, Earl 2714, 2721, 2729, 2730, 2785, 2797, 

2798, 2836, 2840, 2927, 2996, 3052, 3053, 3055-3057, 3080, 3089 

Brown, Robert 2942, 2944 

Brown, Walter O 3074,3167 

BrucH's Crossing Club. {See Communist Party — Bruce's Crossing Club.) 

Buck, Tim 2752 

Bunche 2899 

Burns, Emile 2721 

Burustein, Izzy {see also Isadore Berenson ; Izzy Berenson) 2790,2791 

Burnstein, Joe {see also Joseph Bernstein) 2928 

Burt, Herman 2949 

Cadillac Motor Car Club. {See Communist Party — Cadillac Motor Car 
Club.) 

Cadillac Motor Car Co 2836,2951,2966 

California Club. (See Communist Party — California Club.) 
Calumet Club. {See Communist Party — Calumet Club.) 

Campbell 2842, 2843, 3230 

"Capital" - i 2721 

"Capitalism or Communism" 2721 

Carr, William 2917 

Catafio , 3051,3052 

"Catholic Crisis" 2721 

Catholic Interracial Council 2814 

Cauldwell Club. {See Communist Party — Cauldwell Club.) 
Century Club. {See Communist Party — Century Club.) 

Chait, Max j. 2949, 2950, 3050, 3126, 3133, 3134 

Chamblis, Hilliard 2941 

Chandler, William 2943 

Charles H. Kerr Co 2964 

ChPne Printing 2948, 3236-3238. 3240, 3241, 3247 

Cherveny, John 2770-2777, 2864 2887, 2951 

Chevrolet Gear & Axle 2893 

Chiang Kai-shek 1 3053 

Chicago Pneumatic Tool Co 2799, 2800 

Chicago Sun Times 2828 

Christie, Walter 2943 

Christoffel, Harold 3163 

Chrysler Corp 2861, 3094 

Churchill 3053 

Churchill. Winston 3229 

Cinzori, Mack 3068. 3095, 3096. 3166 

CIO 2740, 2745. 2749, 2814, 283.5, 

2879, 2966, 2967, 3037, 30S5-3088, 3109, 3118, 3137, 3138, 3209 

Citizens Committee to Free Earl Browder 2827, 2828, 2998 

Citizen Patriot 2S.33 

Civic Centre 2735, 2739 

Civil Rights Congress 2768, 2773, 

2828, 2829, 2845, 2850, 2870, 2872, 2874, 2875, 2886, 2898, 2922, 2933, 
2934, 2948, 2951, 2952, 2956, 2985-2987, 2995, 3080, 3084, 3141, 3142 

Civil Rights Conference 2837 

Civil Rights Federation 2828, 2845, 3141, 3142 

Clark, Elizabeth ?7-i0 

Clark, Terry 2733 

Clough, Veal 3126 

Cobo, Mayor 2899 

Cohen, Henry 3207 

Cohen. Leonard 2911, 2920, 2952, 2955 

Cole, Adeline 2837 



3254 EfDEx 

Page 

Committee To Repeal the Callahan Act ,^ 2998 

"Communism and American Youth" 2721 

"Communist Action vs. Catholic Action" 2722 

Communist International 2785, 2892, 3014, 3022 

Communist Manifesto 2722, 3017 

"Communist Party and You" 2721 

Communist Party — 

A. A. Town Club 2932 

Allen Industries (Local 205) 2931.2043,2945 

Ann Arbor Town Club (Michigan) 2763, 2932 

Axle Club 2763 

B Building 2763 

Baraga Club 2932 

Bellaire (Michigan) 2763 

Ben Davis Club 2763,2842,2843,2930,3230 

Bohn Aluminum Club 2731, 2736, 2763, 2841, 2931, 2940, 2941 

Branch 1, section 5 2715, 2719, 2723, 2727, 2746 

Briggs Body Club 2731, 2763, 2031, 2933, 2941, 2944 

Bruce's Crossing 2932 

Cadillac Motor Car Co. Club 2731, 2780, 2781 

California Club 2936 

Calumet Club 2932 

Cauldwell Club 2930 

Century Club 2726, 2944-2946 

Chrysler Motors Club 2731, 2763, 2931, 2942 

Cultural Theater Club 2763 

David McKelvy (McKelvey) White Club 2763, 2930 

Dearborn Club 2763, 2956, 3061, 3147 

Delray Club 2763, 2930, 3054, 3070. 3073 

DeSoto Club 2731 

Detroit Special 2 2763 

Detrola Club 2763, 2930 

Diesel Club 2763. 2930 

Dodge Car Club 2731, 2763. 2931, 2941 

Downtown Club 2728, 2731, 2763, 2797, 2930 

Dreiser Club 2930 

East Side Council 2720, 2730-2733, 2735, 2736, 2738, 2742, 2836, 2861 

Eben Junction Club 2932 

Eddie Elberts Club 2763, 2931, 2941 

Escanaba Club„ ^ 2932 

Fenkell Club 2763, 3099, 3100, 3101 

First Congressional Club 2731,2763.2842,2843, 

2928, 2930, 2939, 2944, 2^8, 2951, 2952. 2955, .3230 

Flint Club 27a3, 2842, 2843, 2932, 3230 

Ford Dearborn Club 2931 

Ford Highland Park Club 2931 

Ford Motor Co. Cell 2731, 2736, 2836, 2949, 2950. 2954. 2956 

Ford Rouge Club 3074, 3079 

Foster Club 2763, 2930 

Foundry Club 2763 

Fourteenth Congressional District Club 2731, 2928, 2930, 2939, 

2944, 2951, 2952, 2955, 3196 

Frederick Douglas Club 2927, 2928, 2939, 2943, 

2944, 2954, 2956, 3054, 3196, 3197 

Garibaldi Club 3062, 3064, 3065 

Gla.lwin Club 29.32 

GM Club 2763 

.- Grand Rapids Club 2763, 2842, 2843, 2932. 3230 

Ilaldane Club 2763, 2932 

Ilamtramck Club 2763, 2842, 2843, 2930, 2948, 3230-3232, 3234 

Hamtramck Youth 2763, 2930 

Hancock Club 2932 

Haywood Club 2931 

Herman Boettcher Club 2763, 2^30 

Highland Park Club 2763 

Hudson Club 2931, 2942 



INDEX 3255 

Communist Party — Continued ^'^"^ 

Hungarian IWO Club 3062 

Iron Mountain Club '-^932 

Iron River Club 2!t32 

Iron Wood Community Club 2932, 2033 

Iron Wood Industrial Club 2932 

Italian-American Club 27^3, 2930 

Jackson Club 2763, 2813, 2932, 2058 

Joe Hill Club 2931, 2942, 30'J4 

Joe York Club 2763, 2030 

John's Club 2763, 2930 

Kaiser-Frazer Club ■-■ 2932 

Kalamazoo Club 2763, 2932 

Kelsey-Hayes Club 2731, 2780. 2966 

LaBelle Club 2763, 3100 

Lansing Club 2763, 2932 

Lincoln Section Club 2930 

Local 205 {see also Allen Industries) 2731,2763,2931 

Local 835 2931 

Los Angeles Club 2936 

Marquette Club 2932 

McGraw Club 2763 

Medical Club 2763, 2930 

Michigan Avenue Club 2843 

Midland Club 2931 

Midtown Clul> 2719, 2725, 2727, 2728, 2731, 2733, 2734, 

2737, 2739, 2740-2744, 2746, 2747, 2749, 2750, 2753, 2763, 2783, 2784, 
2797, 2842, 2843, 2857, 2874, 2908, 2930, 2955, 3054, 3093, 3124, 3230 

Miscellaneous Club 2763 

Monroe Club 2763, 2932 

Motor Club 2763 

Murray Club 2931, 2942 

Muskegon Club 2763, 2843, 2932, 3230 

Nat Turner Club 2731, 2763, 2930, 2955 

New Haven Club 2763, 2952 

North Detroit Club 3228 

Northwest Club 3054, 3125 

Number 922 Club 2931 

Oakland Club 2731, 2763, 2930 

One Fifty-five Club 2763, 2931, 2955 

One Fifty-seven Club 2763 

Ontonogan Club 2932 

Open Hearth Club . 2763 

Packard Motors Club 2731, 2763, 2931, 2942 

Packinghouse Club 2763, 2930 

Ped Club 2763 

Pen and Pencil Club 2763,2930 

Plastic Club 2763 

Plymouth Motors Club 2731,2763,2931,2944 

Polish American Club 2763, 2930. 2948 

Pontiac Club 2763, 2932 

Pressed Steel Club 2763,3159 

Ralph Neafus Club 2763 

Ralph Neafus Youth Club 2932 

Rock Club 2932 

Rubber Club 2763 

Saginaw Club 2763 

Saint Joseph-Benton Harbor Club 2932 

Sholem Aleichem Club 2763. 2930 

South Haven Club 2763. 2932 

Southfield Club 2763. 2842, 3230 

Spring and Upset Club 2763. 3063. 3092 

State of Michigan CUib 2722, 2731, 2741, 2759, 

2762, 2763, 2767, 2824, 2857, 2888, 2928-2930. 2950, 3071, 3090 

State of Michigan, District 7 Club 2722, 2733, 2736-2739, 2741 

Teamsters Club 2763 

Ternstedt Club 2780 



3256 INDEX 

Communist Party — Continued Paw 

Timken Club ^^ 2780, 2931, 2943, 2944 

Tool and Die Club 2763 

Tom Paine Club 2763, 2930 

Traverse City Club 2932 

Trotskyite Club 3080 

Twelfth Street Club : 2763 

Twin City Club 2763 

UE Viekers Club 2930 

U. S. A 2729,2736,2738 

United States Rubber Club 2731 

Upper Peninsula Club 2763, 2932, 2933 

Uptown Club 2728, 2731 

Vesey Club 2763, 2930 

Washtenaw County Club 2950 

Wayne Club 2763, 2930 

Wayne University Club 2930 

West Side Council Club 2730, 2731, 2930 

West Side Industrial Club 2943 

West Side Industrial Viekers Club 2763 

Whitman Club 2763, 2930 

Willow Run Club 2763 

Women's Auxiliary 2763 

Ypsilanti Club 2932 

Communist Party Book Store 2722 

Communist Party Manual on Organization 2754 

Communist Party Youth Commission 2763, 2772 

Communist Political Association 2719, 

2727, 2729, 2730, 2783, 2784, 2789, 2790, 2792-2798, 2839-2844, 2S50, 
2851, 3053, 3054, 3055-3057, 3073, 3124, 3125, 3196, 3197, 3215, 3230 

"Communist Strategy and Tactics" 2722 

Cones, Leola 2851 

Cones, Roy 2851 

Connors, Walter 2917 

Connors, William 2740 

"Constitution of the U. S. S. R." 2722 

Cook, Elinor Laffery (see also Elinor Maki) 2725, 

2733, 2734, 2740, 2753, 2774, 2792, 2856 

Cook, George 2944 

Cook, Maurice 2733, 2740, 2774, 2792, 2842, 2951, 2955, 3230 

Cook, Melva 2944 

Cooper, J. Will 2740 

Coppock, Russell 2841 

Cottrell, Leo 2956 

Council for Student Travel 2911 

Council of Churches 2814 

Council on African Affairs 2830, 2887, 3140 

"Crisis in Palestine" 2721 

Crockett, George W., Jr 2819-2832, 

2870-2893, 2910-2914, 2925, 2926, 2959-3032, 3102, 3179, 3183 

Cronbach, Abraham 3207 

Cultural and Scientific Conference for World Peace 2829 

Cultural Theater Club. (See Communist Party — Cultural Theater Club.) 

Cummins, Robert 2900-2907, 2942, 3240 

Cunningham, Sis 2716, 2740 

Curran 3086 

Dade, I. C 2899 

Dade, Malcolm Gray 2899. 29(X» 

Daily Worker 2719, 

2720, 2724, 2734, 2737-2739, 2752, 2824, 2827-2829, 2840, 2847, 2887, 
2894, 2898, 2907, 2908, 2928, 2938, 2954, 2975, 2981, 2991, 2995, 2998, 
3000, 30a3, 3004, 3042, 3048, 3052, 3059, 3060, 3074, 3125, 3133, 3143, 
3161, 3162, 3165, 3169, 3180, 3191, 3230, 3249. 

Daley, Bill 2850, 2851 

Dalton, Clem 2943 

Daniels, Nick 2945 



INDEX 3257 

Page 

Darcy, Sam 2995 

Darr, John W., Jr 3207 

Darrow, Clarence 3077 

Davey, Fred 2839 

David McKelvey (McKelvy) White Club. (See Communist Party — David 

McKelvey (McKelvy) White Club.) 

Davis, Benlamin J 2825, 2826, 2839, 2888, 2SS9 

Davis, Kurt 2941 

Davis, Larry 2949 

Davis, Mary Page Reed (see also Mary Page Reed) 2956,3073 

Davis, Nelson 2792, 2842, 

2951. 2954, 2957, 3067, 3068, 3069, 3104, 3126, 3127, 3133, 3149-3151, 
3216, 3230. 

Davis, Sally 2941 

"Dean of Canterbury" 2721 

Dearborn Club. (See Communist Party — Dearborn Club.) 

Dearborn Iron Foundry 3068, 3149, 3213 

Dearnley, Erie 2944 

DeBlois. Don 2941, 2944 

•'Defects in Party Work and Measures for Liquidating Trotskyite and 

Other Double Dealers" 2722 

Delancy, Ann 2741 

Delrav Club. (See Communist Party — Delray Club.) 

Dennis, Eugene 2721, 2828, 2896 

Dennis, Thomas (Tommy) 2848, 2905, 3240 

Department of Internal Revenue 2862 

Detroit Art Institute ^--^-^-^ 2714 

Detroit Free Press 2753, 2799, 2956 

Detroit Gask^^t Co 2964 

Detroit News 2758, 2984, 3100, 3196 

Detroit Radio and Television School 2805 

Detroit Special 2. {See Communist Party — Detroit Special 2 Club.) 

Detroit Times 2716, 2742, 2947, 3147, 3179, 3182, 3214 

Detroit Welfare Department 2747 

Detroit Workers' Cooperative Restaurant 2761, 2801 

Detrola Club. (See Communist Party — Detrola Club.) 

Detrola Radio Corp 2805 

Dewar, Andy 2917 

Dewey 2826 

Dewey, Thomas E 2997 

Dial Machine Co 2801, 2802 

Dies 3164 

Diesel Club. (See Communist Party — Diesel Club.) 

Diggs, Charles C 2747, 2748 

Dillard 2740 

Dillard, Mrs 2740 

Dimitro, Steve 3216 

Dimitroff, Georgi 2721 

Dimitrov, George 2997 

"Dixie Comes to New York" 2722 

Doczkal, Amelia 3238 

Dodge Car Club. (See Communist Party — Dodge Car Club.) 

Dolman, Leslie 2841 

Dombey, Thomas X. (see also Thomas X. Dombrowski) 3224 

Dombrowski, Ruth 2S43 

Dombrowski, Thomas X. (see also Thomas X. Dombey) 2741, 

2794, 2802, 2842, 2843, 3223-3250 

Donnelly, Mike 3164 

Dorosh, Walter 2956, 3071, 3125, 3153-3157, 3163, 3164, 3165, 3193, 3216 

Downtown Club. (See Communist Party — Downtown Club, Detroit.) 
Dreiser Club. (See Communist Partj' — Dreiser Club.) 

Drown, Vida 2851 

DuBois, W. E. B 2898 

Duclos 2729, 2730. 2785, 2796, 2797, 3056 

Duncan, Johnny (John) 3073,3126 

Dunn, Walter 2741, 3092, 3106, 3109, 3110, 3114 



3258 INDEX 

Pag» 

Dunn, Walter Scott 2747, 2749, 2750, 2778-2798, 2857, 2874 

Dutt, R. Palme 2721 

East Side Council. {See Communist Party — East t3ide Council.) 
Eben Junction Club. {See Communist Party — Eben Junction Club.) 
Eddie Elberts Club. (-See Communist Party — Eddie Elberts Club.) 

Eden 3183 

Edwards, Byron 2840, 2956, 8101. 3125, 3127, 3133 

Edwards, Celia (Mrs. Byron Edwards) 2956, 3072, 3098-3102 

Eisler, Gerhart 2773, 2774, 2986, 2987 

Eisler, Nordon 2721 

Eisler, Schreiner 2721 

Elbert, Eddie 2779, 2780 

Emergency Conference for Constitutional Rights 3004 

Endicott, Paul 2842, 2843, 2941, 3230 

"Enemies of the Peace" 2721 

Engels, Frederick 3017 

England, Leon 2942, 3094, 3095 

Episcopal Church World Conference 2899 

Erie Equipment Co 2806,2807 

Escanaba Club. {See Communist Party — Escanaba Club.) 

"Ethics of Evolution" 2721 

Fainaru, Harry 2843, 2845, 2846, 2848 

Falk, Sven 2942 

Farren, Harry Desmond 2721 

Fast, Howard 2721 

Faxon, Lorraine 2910 

Fay, E 2808 

FERA 2804 

Federal Mogul Corp 2714 

Fenkell Club. {See Communist Party — Fenkell Club.) 

Fernsworth, Lawrence 2721 

Ferris 2842 

Ferris, Alice 2741 

Field, Fred 2842, 2843, 3230 

Field, Frederick Vanderbilt 3140, 3141 

Fireman, Hy 2942 

First Congressional Club. ( See Communist Party — First Congressional Club. ) 

Fish, Clyde 2851 

Fishe, Fred 2942 

Fitzgerald 2748 

Fitzpatrick, John 3161 

Flint Club. (See Communist Party— Flint Club.) 

Food, Tobacco and Agricultural Workers Union 2740 

"For a Lasting Peace for a Peoples' Democracy" 2912 

Ford Dearborn Club. {See Communist Party — Ford Dearborn.) 

Ford Facts 3048, 3059, 3082, 

3106, 3109, 3154, 3155, 3157, 3160-3165, 3167-3169, 3192, 3197, 3200 

Ford, Henry 3152 

Ford, Henry H 3057 

Ford Highland Park. ( See Communist Party — Ford Highland Park. ) 

Ford, James 2837, 2843 

Ford Motor Car Co 2717, 2765, 2766, 2768, 2836, 

2878, 2893, 2915, 2949, 2956, 2966, 3036. 3050, 3051, 3057, 3060, 3061, 
3005, 3073, 3074, 3078, 3092, 3096, 3097, 3102, 3105, 3107. 3117-3119, 
3145, 3146, 3149, 3152, 3156, 3158, 3160, 3170, 3173, 3184, 3191, 3198 
Ford Motor Co. Club. (See Communist Party — Ford Motor Co. Club.) 

Ford Motor Co. Dearborn plant 3069, 3072, 3074, 3158 

Ford Motor Co. Rouge plant 3061, 3125, 3158 

Ford Rouge Club. (See Communist Party — Ford Rouge Club.) 

Ford Trade School 3105 

Fordham, Cnrmelia (see also Carneller Foreman) 27.32, 2733, 2742 

Foreman, Cnrneller (see also Carmelia Fordham) 2732, 2733, 2955, 3214 

Forer, Joseph 3212 

Forsythe, Emmett 3074, 3167 

Foster 3033 

Foster Club. (See Communist Party — Foster Club.) 



INDEX 3259 

Page 

Foster, William Z 2721, 2729, 2785 

Foundry Club. (-See Communist Party — Foundry Club.) 
Fourteenth Congressional Di.strict Club. (See Communist Party — Four- 
teenth Congressional District Club.) 

Fraceassi. James 2717 

France, demons J 3207 

Frankensteen 2748, 3051 

Franklin, Harold 2954, 2955, 3068, 3153, 3174, 3204, 3212-3220 

Frazier, Jim 2839, 2840 

Frederick Douglas Club. {See Communist Party — Frederick Douglas 
Club.) 

Free Press 2780, 2907, 3110 

Freeman, Milton 2742 

Friesen, Gordon 2716 

Frigid Foods Corp 2736, 2740 

Fur and Leather Workers Union 2948, 2967 

Furay, Corinne (Mrs. Mort Furay) 2948 

Gale, Willie 2743 

Gallo, John 2792, 2954, 3038, 3047, 3049, 3067, 3069, 3145-3149, 3166 

Ganley, Ann (Mrs. Nat Ganley) 2726 

Ganley, Nat 2726,2755, 

2792, 2802, 2840-2844, 2848, 2854, 2934, 2940, 3051, 3059, 3230, 3240 

Gannett, Betty 2721, 2742, 3039, 3089 

Garibaldi Club. (See Communist Party — Garibaldi Club.) 

Garlin, Sender 2721 

Garrett, Dewey 2717,2742 

Gates, Henderson 2742 

Gates, John 3215 

Gear Grind 2800 

Gebelle, Fred 2944 

Gebert, B. E 2808 

Gebert, Boleslaw 3031, 3034, 3243 

General Motors Corp 2765, 2767, 2786, 2805, 2806, 2908, 2941, 2966 

"Genocide" 2875 

Gerjekin, Ruben (Ruben Mardiros) 3173 

German-American Bund 2768 

Gladstone, Marvin 2950 

Gladwin Club. (See Communist Party — Gladwin Club.) 

Glassgold, Edna 2717, 2743 

Glassgold, Harry 2714-2717, 2727, 2729, 2730, 2742, 2752, 2753 

Glenn, William M 2840, 3185-3189 

Glos Ludowy (People's Voice) 2741, 2948, 2990, 3225, 3233-3235, 3239 

Glos Robotniczy (Workers' Voice) 2963 

GM Club. (See Communist Party— GM Club.) 

"God That Failed All Over the World" 3043 

Goldman, Seymour 2900-2907 

Gonzales, Jesus 2951 

"Good Neighbor" 3232-3234, 3237, 3238 

Goodman, Calvin 2743 

Goodman, Crockett, Eden and Probe 3183 

Goodman, Ernest J 2764-2770, 2893-2900, 2914-2922, 3091-3097, 

3099, 3105-3107, 3145, 3149, 3151, 3153, 3170-3174, 3183, 3185, 3204 

Goodman, Flo 2743 

Gordon 2759 

Gordon, Hy 2954, 2955, 2957, 3214 

Gore, Jack 2845, 2846, 2848, 2945 

Gottleib 2942 

Grand Rapids Club. (See Communist Party — Grand Rapids Club.) 

Grand Rapids Herald 3188 

Grand Trunk Western Railroad 2714 

Grant, William G - 2917, 3003 

"Great Conspiracy Against Russia, The" 2722 

Green, Abner 3207 

97097— 52— pt. 2 20 



3260 INDEX 

Pagfl 

Green, Pressley 2840, 2841 

Greenherg, Ike 2841 

GriH'el, Dorothy 2802 

Grigjf, Agnes (Mrs. Nick Daniels) 2945 

Grossman, Fay Gingold 2!>r>l 

Grossman, Saul 2D51, 3171, 3172, 3203-3205, 3220-3222 

"Growth of the Red Army, The" 2721 

Gustafson, John 2043 

HaUlane Club. (See Communist Part}- — Haldane Club.) 

Hamilton, Alice 3207 

Haniiuett, Dashiell 3207 

Hamtramck Club. (See Communist Partj' — Hamtramck Club.) 

Hauilramck WPA Workers 3032 

Hamtramck Youth Club. (See Communist Party — Hamtramck Youth Club.) 

Hamilton, James 2944 

Hancock Club. (See Communist Part.v — Hancock Club.) 

Handbook of Marxism 2721 

Haskell, Rafael W. (Ray) 2798-2803, 2951, 2952, 3240 

Hatcher, Alex 27S1 

Hawkins 2746 

Haywood Club. (See Communist Party — Haywood Club.) 

Hedstone, Reva 2790 

Hell, John 2843 

Henley, Paul A 2733, 2842, 2843, 2860-2865, 2941, 3230 

Henry (Swede Jensen) 2944 

Henry Ford Trade School 3153 

Henson, George S 2721 

Herman Boettcher Club. (See Communist Party — Herman Boettcher 
Club. ) 

Hetherton, Ray 3176 

Higdoii, Hoke 2838, 2839, 2841-2843, 2846, 2848, 3230 

Highland Park Club. (See Communist Party — Highland Park.) 

Hill, Charles A 2819-2833, 2841, 2844, 2975, 2990, 3210 

Hillman 3086 

"A History of Labour" 2721 

Hitler, Adolf 3083 

Hoke, Henry 2721 

Hollywood Writer.s' Guild 3042 

Hommer, Phil 2943, 2945 

Hood 3060,3081 

Hood, William R. (Bill) 2883, 2893-2900, 2917, 3059, 3061, 3124, 3184, 3195 

Hoover, J. Edgar 2845 

Horn, John 3156 

Hotel Hayes 2804 

"How to Fight High Prices" 2721 

Hrabar, Mike 3071, 3126, 3127, 3166 

Hudson Club. (See Communist Party — Hudson Club.) 

Hudson, Roy 2836 

Hungarian TWO Club. (See Communist Party — Hungarian IWO Club.) 

Hunt, George B . 2844 

Igleaisa, Frank (see also Frank Iglesias) 2717 

Iglesias, Frank (see also Frank Igleaisa) 2717, 2718, 2743 

Immigration and Naturalization Service 2990 

Indiana Communist Party 2956 

"Inside Job" 2722 

International Steel Co 2903, 2904 

International Labor Defense -— 2875, 2985, 2986, 2995 

International Union of United Public Workers * 2878 

International Women's Day 2761, 2890 

International Workers of the World 2741 

International Workers' Order 2761, 2987-2990, 3028, 3040, 3062-3064, 3235 

Interrncial Coordinating Council of New York 2995 

Ireland, Betty 2743, 2791 

Ireland, Max _• 2743, 2780, 2781 



INDEX 3261 

Page 

Iron Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers Union 2745 

Iron Mountain Club. (See Communist Party — Iron Mountain Club.) 
Iron River Club. (See Communist Party — Iron River Club.) 
Iron Wood Community Club. {See Communist Party — Iron Wood Com- 
munity Club.) 
Iron Wood Industrial Club. (See Communist Party — Iron Wood Indus- 
trial Club). 

*'Is Communism Un-American?" 2721 

Issacs, John (Issaccs) 2717,2718,2743,2844 

Italian American Club. {See Communist Party — Italian American Club.) 

"It's a Secret" 2721 

Jackson 3060,3075 

Jackson (Justice) 3002 

Jackson Citizen Patriot 2849 

Jackson Club. {See Communist Party — Jackson Club.) 

Jackson, James 3061, 3062 

Jackson, James E 2933,2934,2952 

Jackson, James E., Jr 2802,2823,2824,2846,2848,2849,2854,3240 

Jacobowitz, Jake 2942 

Jausen, Henry 2943 

Jeffries, Mayor 2899 

JeUey, Thomas (Tom) 3068,3096-3098 

Jennings Memorial Hospital 3189 

Jensen, Swede (also known as Henry) 2944 

Jewish Community Council 2814 

Joe Hill Club. {See Communist Party- — Joe Hill Club.) 
Joe York Club. {See Communist Party — Joe York Club.) 
John's Club. {See Communist Party — John's Club.) 

Johnson, Edward 2920 

Johnson, Elmer 2760, 2S0S 

Johnson, Hattie 2743 

Johnson, Hewlett 2721 

Johnson, Jean 2743 

Johnson, William H 3067, 3132, 3133, 3216-3219 

Jones, Dick 2843 

Jones, Fleming, Sr 3207 

Jones, Fred 2955, 3214 

Jones, J. B 3106 

Jones, Jackson 3029, 3062 

Jones, James 3122, 3123 

Jones, W. L 3204 

Jurist, Gus 2943 

Kahn, Albert E 2722 

Kaiser-Frazer Club. (See Communist Party — Kaiser-Frazer Club.) 
Kalamazoo Club. {See Communist Party — Kalamazoo Club.) 

Kantor, Thaddeus 3005 

Karezymarzyk, Anthony 3005 

Kasper, Pete 3074 

Keller, James 2743, 2841 

Kelly, Ann 2733, 2735, 2740, 2743 

Kelly, Anna 2790 

Kelly, Laura (Laurie) 2842, 2843, 3230 

Kelsey-Hayes Club. {See Communist Party — Kelsey-Hayes Club.) 

Kennedy, Casper 2839, 2840 

Kennedy, Royce 2945 

Kenny, Robert W 3207 

"The Keys to Prosperity 2721 

Kidwell, Omar 2844 

King, Carol (Carol Weiss) 2976,3210 

King, Willisford I 2721 

Kitto, Russell 2951 

Klein 2925 

Klein, Vincent 3005 

Kneip, Florence 2846. 2848 

Knight, Dorothy 3210 

Knights of Columbus 3033 



3262 INDEX 

Page 

Kobolski, Joe 3250 

Kocel, Alice (Mrs. Ben Kocel) 2949,3238,8247 

Kocel, Ben 2948, 2949, 323G, 3238, 3246 

Koestler, Arthur 3U43 

Kosciuszko Foundation 3225 

Kowal, Pete 2927, 2938 

Kowalski, J 2808 

Krawford, Leroy 2743, 3072, 3125 

Kristalsky, George {see also George Kristolski) 2808,2835,3033 

Kristolski, George (see also George Kristalsky) 3239 

Krugh, Leo 3216 

Ku Klux Klan 2768, 2776, 2872 

Kucharski, V. W 32:38 

Kudlik, Jeannie 2939 

LaBelle Club. (See Communist Party — LaBelle Club) 

La Follette Committee 3120, 3208 

LaMarque, George 2917 

Laneey, Andy , 2790 

Lansing Club. (See Communist Party — Lansing Club) 

Lauderdale, Leonard 2955, 3126, 3214 

La Verne, Piazza (Verne Piazza) 2947 

Lavietes, Paul H 3207 

Lawson, John 30B9 

Lederle, Arthur F 2958 

Lee, Ginny 2850, 2851 

Lee, Katie 2743 

Lee, Rifka 2808 

Leggat, Al 3161 

Le'Garde, Imogene Brantley (Imogene Williams Brantley Le'Garde). 2940,2943 

Lenin 3080 

Lenin Memorial Meeting 2888 

Lenin. V. I 2721, 27^^ 

"Lenin on the Woman Question" 2722 

Lenin University .- 2717 

Leonard ;_ 2838 

"The Lesson of Germany" 2721 

"Let the People Know" 2721 

Lewis, John L 3086 

Lieberman, Robert 3161, 3167 

Lifsee, Bill 2743 

Lincoln Club. (See Communist Party — Lincoln Club.) 

Lindouf, Charles 2943 

Little, John 2835-2838, 3166 

Llewelyn, Percy 3045 

Local 205. (See Communist Party — Allen Industries.) 

Local 835. (See Communist Party — Local 835.) 

Lock, Edsar ( Ed ) ___ 2782, 2783, 2954, 3065, 3079, 3104-3107, 3126, 3156, 3163, 3166 

London Worker 2811 

Los Angeles Club. (See Communist Party — Los Angeles Club.) 

Lovett, Robert Morss 3207 

Lovett, Sidney 3207 

Lozovsky, A 2721 

Lymber, John 2743 

Lynch, Katherine 2743, 2753, 2780, 2781, 2956 

Maben 3121, 3122 

Machrowicz ..i. 3247-3249 

IMadden 3249 

Maise, Felix 2942 

"Make* Jline Freedom" 2721 

Jlaki, D. William 2855 

Maki, Mrs. Elinor (see also Elinor Lafifery Cook) 2725, 2774, 2855-2860 

Manifesto and Program of the Proletarian Party of America 3020 

Maniken, Roy 2942 

Mann, Thomas 3207 

Maraniss. Eliot (Elliot) 2946, 2947, 3178-3182 

Maraniss, Mary Morrison (Mary Morrison) 2947,2951 



INDEX 3263 

Page 

Marcantonio 2750 

Marcantonio, Vito 3161 

Jflardiros, Ruben (Ruben Gerjekin) 3073, 3173, 3174 

Itiarine Shipbuilders Union 3175 

Marksian, L 2942, 2945 

afarquette Club. (See Communist Party — Marquette Club.) 

Marsh, Lee 3240 

Martin, Edmond 3216 

Martin, Franls 2955, 3214 

Martin, Frank J 3072 

Martin, Homer 2964, 2965, 3028 

Marx and tlie Trade-Unions 2721 

Marx, Karl 2721, 3017 

Marxist Study Series No. 1 2722 

Marzani, Carl 2773, 2774 

Mascusky, Joe 3067 

Masee, J 2743 

Mason, Hodges 2956 

♦'Mastering Bolshevism" 2722 

Mates, Dave 2956 

Mates, Lydia i 2956 

Mather, Kirtley P 3207 

Matkowski, John 3033 

Max's Drug Store 2715 

Maxwell, Matilda 2725, 2733, 2743 

"May Day, 1947" 2721 

Mayor's Interracial Committee for the City of Detroit 2812 

McAllister 2842 

McAllister, Verna 2949 

McCarran Act  ^__ 3184 

McCloskey, Joe 3036 

McConkey, Darel 2721 

McDevitt, Harry S 2721 

McDonnell, Faye 2834, 2835, 2837-2839, 2842, 2851, 3230 

McDonnell, Floyd 2834, 2835, 2838, 2840. 2851 

McGee, Dewey 3166 

McGhee. Sam 2743 

McGrath. J. Howard 2898 

McGraw Club. (See Communist Party — McGraw Club.) 

McKie, William (Walter; Bill) 2755, 2802, 

2842, 2845, 2854, 2951, 3045. 3047, 3049, 3059, 3123, 3126, 3210, 3230, 

3240. 

Mcintosh. Matilda 2840, 2850, 2851 

Mcintosh, Ronald 2840, 2850, 2851 

Mclntyre, Mary 2955 

McMahon, Richard 2808, 3032 

McIManamon, Walter 3175 

McPhaul, Arthur 2743, 

2790, 2840, 2842, 2870-2876, 2922, 2956, 3084, 3126, 3142, 3167, 3210 

Meade. Kermit 3078 

"The Meaning of the Nine-Party Communist Conference" 2721 

Me<llcal Club. (See Communist Party— . ledical Club.) 

Medina . 3080 

Meisner, Lorraine 2910-2914 

Meisner. Maurice . 2911, 2913 

Metropolitan Interfaith 2995 

Michigan Avenue Club. (See Communist Party — x. Michigan Avenue Club.) 

Michigan Central Depot 2926 

Michigan Civil Rights Congress 3084 

Michigan Congress for Protection of Foreign Born 3084 

Michigan Club. (See Communist Party— State of Michigan.) 

Michigan Committee on Civil Rights 2814 

Michigan Council for Appeasement 2913 

Michigan Daily Worker 2752, 2759, 2791, 2896, 2919, 2947, 2954 



3264 INDEX 

Page 

Michijran Herald 2744, 2752, 2847, 2848, 2&44, 2947, 2954, 3042. 3074 

Michiiran School of Social Science___ 2801, 2807, 2830, 2853, 2953, 3080, 3101, 323!* 

Michigan State Central Committee of the Communist Party 2808 

Michigan State College 2032 

Michigan Worker 8042, 3048, 3049, 3052, 3059, 

3060, 3062, 3067, 3074, 3082, 3133, 3158, 3168, 3180, 3196, 3214, 3215 

Michigan Youth Congress 2767 

Mid-Century Conference for Peace 2896 

Midland Club. {See Communist Party — Midland Club.) 
Midtown Club. (See Communist Party — Midtown Club.> 

Mildred 2735' 

Miscellaneous Club. (See Communist Party — Miscellaneous Club.) 

Military Intelligence Department 2714 

Miller, Dave (David) 2743,2764-2770 

Miller, Felix 2743, 2791 

Miller, Moses 2721 

M'ndel. J 2721 

Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers 3085-3088 

Mitchell, Louise 2721 

Mitchell, Mabel 2743 

Mitchell. Walter 3207 

Mogill, Billie 2945, 2951 

Mogill, George 2945, 2951 

Monicelovich, A 2944 

^Tonroe Club (Sre Communist Party — ^Monroe Club.) 

Montgomery, Robert 2806 

Montfromery Ward & Co 2901 

Moody 3148 

Moore, Dave (Dave W.) 2830,28.31.2951.29.54,3066,3069,3104,3162,3184 

Moore. David William 3183, 3184 

Moral Rearmament Program 2917-2920 

Morgan, Charles E 3069 

Morgan, Joe 3163 

Morris, George 2721 

IMorrison, Mary (Mary Morrison Maraniss) 2947,2951 

Moskalik, Simon 3166 

Motor Club. (Sre ronimunist Partv — Motor Club.) 

Moulton, Arthur W 3207 

Murphy 3109 

Murphv, Frank 3206 

Murphy. George B., Jr 3207 

Murray 3086,3087 

Murray Club. (See Communist Party — Murray Club.) 
Muskegon Club. (See Communist Party — Muskegon Club.) 

Mystery Voice (or Mvstery Man) 3120-3122 

Narancich, Roy 3070, 3151-3153, 3166 

Nat Turner Club. (See Communist Party — Nat Turner Club.) 

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People 2812, 

2814, 2816, 2880, 2948, 3137, 3138 

National Committee of the American Slav Congress 2981 

National Committee To Defeat the Mundt Bill 3002 

National Conference on the Foreign Born in Postwar America 2972 

National Federation for Constitutional Liberties 2829, 2985, 2995. 2096 

National Federation for Social Liberties 3142 

National Free Browder Congress 2827 

National Labor Relations Board 3120, .3121 

National Lawvers' Guild 2866. 2868 

National Negro Congress 2879-2886, 2990, 3075, 3077, 3139-3142 

National Negro Labor Council 2878, 2881-2885, 2891, 2894 

National Nonpartisan Committee 2830 

National Peace Congress 2981 

National Women's Appeal for the Rights of Foreign Born Americans — 

Detroit Chapter 3206 

National Youth Administration 2804 

Nazi-Soviet Nonaggression Pact 2993. 30.W 

Negro Foreign Born Unity 3000 



INDEX 3265 

Page 

Nerich 2942 

New HaA-en. (See Communist Party — New Haven Club.) 

Newman, Willie 2744 

Newsome, George 2744 

"The New York Herald Tribune's 23 Questions About the Communist Party 

Answered by William Z. Foster" 2721 

New York Times 2997, 3245 

Nicholson, Watson 3210 

Norris, Harold 2770-2777, 2803-2811, 2922, 2923 

North Detroit Club. (See Communist Party— North Detroit.) 
Northwest Club. {See Communist Party— Northwest Club.) 

Novak, Frank 2840 

Nowak, Mrs 2877, 2925 

Nowak, John 2943 

Nowak, Stanlev (Stanley K.) 2877, 2900, 2925, 2926, 2959-3032, 3081, 323:^ 

Nowell, William O'Dell 2767,3028,3096 

Nu-Enamel Co 2964 

Number 922 Club. (See Communist Party — Number 922.) 

Oak, Liston M 2722 

Oakland Club. (See Communist Party — Oakland Club.) 

O'Brien, Arthur 2717 

O'Brien. George D 2783 

O'Brien, Patrick H 2840 

Obriot, Tersil T 2956, 3072, 3126, 3171 

O'Connell, Sam 2872 

Office of War Information 2716 

O'Hair, Richard Franklin 2713-2755, 

2759, 2766, 2798, 2&56, 2857, 2860, 2861, 2868, 2869, 2874, 2907, 3093, 
3177. 

"Old Timers" 3059 

Olmsted, Geneva J 2905 

One Fifty-five Club. {See Communist Party — One Fifty-five Club.) 
One Fifty-seven Club. (See Communist Party — One Fifty-seven Club.) 
Ontonogan Club. (See Communist Party — Ontonogan Club.) 
Open Hearth Club. (See Communist Party— Open Hearth Club.) 

"Organized Labor and the Fascist Danger" 2721 

Orr, John 3164, 3210 

Orsage, Leo T. (Leo) 2953,3063,3064,3126,3127,3133 

"Our Country Needs a Strong Communist Party" 2721 

"Out of Your Pocket" 2721 

"Outline for the Study of the Nature of the War and Problems of the War 

Economy"-^ 2721 

PAC 2749, 2840, 2844 

Packard Motor Co 2835, 2836, 2861 

Packard Motors Club. (See Communist Party — Packard Motors Club.) 
Packinghouse Club. (See Communist Party — Packinghouse Club.) 

Page, Fred 2718 

Page, Mary Reed {see also Mary Page Reed Davis) 2718, 2744 

Palmer, Opal 3073 

Palmquist, Carl 2939, 2944, 2945 

Palmquist, Helen 2944, 2945 

Palmquist, Jack (see also Jack Pompquist, Jr.) 2945 

Panunzio, Constantine 3207 

Park, Julian 3207 

Parrish, Jesse 2725, 2733, 2744, 2842 

Parsons, Edward L 3207 

Patrick, Marion Elder 2939 

"Pattern for American Fascism" 2722 

Patterson, William l 2874, 2875 

Patterson, William L 2986 

Pearlstein, Mildred (see also Mildred Pierce; Millie Perlstein) 3189, 3190 

Peck, William H . 2899 

Ped Club. (See Communist Part.v— Ped Club.) 

Pen and Pencil Club. (See Communist Party — Pen and Pencil Club.) 

"The People Against the Trusts" 2721 

People's Voice (Glos Ludowy) 2827,2990, 3225, 3233 



3266 INDEX 

Page 

Pere Marquette Railroad 2714 

Perlstein, Millie {see also Mildred Pierce; Mildred Pearlstein)'__ 2928, 2929,2932 

Perry, Louis 2744 

Pete 2942 

Philbrick, Herbert A 2712 

Piazza, Vera 2715, 2716 

Piazza, Verne {see also La Verne Piazza) 2947 

Pierce, Mildred {see also Mildred Pearlstein; Millie Perlstein) __ 2928, 2929, 3189 

Pietrowski, Eddie 2940 

Pietrowski, Sally - 2941 

Pitcher, Eva 2840, 2844, 2851 

"Plain Dealer" 3232 

Plastic Club. {See Communist Party — Plastic Club.) 

Ploetchl, Leo - 2850, 2851 

Plymouth Co 2862 

Plymouth Motors Club. {See Communist Party — Plymouth Motors Club.) 

Podolski, Henry 2990, 3005, 3239, 3243, 3244 

Pohrt, Irmengard - 2772 

Polish American Club. {See Communist Party — Polish American Club.) 

Polish National Alliance 3242 

Political Action Committee 2736, 2794 

Political Affairs - 2724 

Political Club 3033 

Pollack, Mildred (Mildred Pollock) -__ 2955,3214 

Polonia Society of the International Workers Order 2990, 3011, 3028, 3236 

Poison, Bridget 2917 

Poison, Ruth 2941, 2944 

Pompquist, Jack, Jr. {see also Jack Palmquist) 2942 

Pontiac Club. {See Communist Party — Pontiac Club.) 

"Postwar Problems and Communist Policy" 2721 

Potter (alias for Timothy Shay) 2741 

Potts, Clifford 2851 

Potts, Doris 2851 

Powell, Clayton 3076, 3077 

PRCU 3033 

Pressed Steel Club. (See Communist Party — Pressed Steel Club) 

Price, Frances 2947 

Prince Hall Masons of Michigan 2899 

Probe 3183 

Probe, Bernard 2757-2764, 2860-2865, 3175, 3189 

"Problems of Leninism" 2722 

"Profits of the 'Hate Russia' Gang" 2721 

Progressive Party of Michigan. 2878, 2952, 2953 

"Proletarian" 3024-3026 

Proletarian News 3025-3027 

Proletarian Party of America__ 3011-3014, 3016-3018, 3020, 3022-3025, .3027, 3033 

Provisional Youth Committee 3147 

Purdy. Robert 2941 

Putnam, Bill 2714 

"Quarantine the Warmongers" 2721 

Guill 3086 

Quillico, Walter 3063, 3064 

Racey •- 3060 

Radokavie, Don 3216 

Rally for Victory 2SS8 

Ralph Neat'us Club. {See Communist Party — Ralph Neafus Club.) 
Ralph Neafus Youth Club. (See Communist Party — Ralph Neafus Youth 
Club.) 

Rankin 2880, 3164, 3249 

Raskin, Jack 2841, 2848, 2875, 2951, 2987 

Rata.1, Casimir 3029, 3031-3034 

Raymond, Harry 2722 

Raymond. Philip 2846, 2905, 2946 

Record, William Andrew 2744, 2907-2910 

"The Red-Baiting Racket and How It Works" 2721 



1 Mildred Pearlstein, correct spelling. 



INDEX 3267 

Page 

Redstone, Reva 2719, 2744 

Reed, Bob 2733, 2744, 2848 

Reed, Mary {see also Mary Page Davis; Mary Reed Page) 2744 

Reichstag Fire Trial Anniversary Committee 2997 

Reid, Robert 2808 

Rein, David 3203, 3221, 3223 

"Religion, Science and Social Progress" 3026 

Reuther 2730,2838 

Reuther, Walter P 2847, 2965, 3028, 3046, 3086, 3137 

"Review of Forces of Young Fighters for Peace" 2912 

Revis, Otis 2944 

Rhodes, Oscar 2933, 2934, 2940, 2941, 2949, 2956, 3101 

Rice 3081, 3162 

Rice, Patrick Francis Joseph Shannon (Pat) 2914-2922, 

3045, 3058, 3088, 3183, 3184 

Ripken, Hank 2942 

Riskin, Irving 2744, 2792 

Riskin, "Sldppy" 2744 

Rivers, Joe 2917 

Rizzo, Sam 3126 

Roach, Kenneth 2956, 3072, 3126 

Robertson, Harold 2956, 8210 

Robeson, Paul 2712, 2830, 3161, 3162 

Robinson. Jackie 2712 

Rock Club. (.S'ee Communist Party — Rock Club.) 

Rodgers, William A 2744 

Rogers, Carl 2785, 2786 

Romano, Elesio ("Lee") 3035-3093, 3095-3097, 3106, 3109, 

3110, 3112, 3123, 3144, 3152, 3173, 3191, 3197-3201. 

Roosevelt 3053, 3086, 3087, 3152, 3226, 3227 

Roosevelt, Mrs 3109 

Roosevelt, Franklin D 3109 

Ross, Norman 2837 

Ross, Shirley 2842 

Rubber Club. (See Communist Party — Rubber Club.) 

Rubinoff, Referee 3146 

Russian War Relief 2827 

"Russia's Challenge to Capitalism" 3026 

Ryan, Dan 2747-2749, 2783, 2789 

Rypkin, (Ripken) Katherine 2791 

Saari, John "Whitey" 3072, 3167, 3169-3171 

Saginaw Club. (See Communist Party — Saginaw Club.) 
St. Joseph-Benton Harbor Club. (See Communist Party — St. Joseph- 
Benton Harbor Club.) 

Salisbury, Wayne B 2833-2853, 2860, 2876, 2906, 2929, 3061, 3230 

Sampy, Mills 2744 

Sanberg, Helen 2744 

Sanberg, Jack 2744 

Sanders, Clarence 2942 

Sandretto 3214 

Sandretto, Aldo 2955 

Sanford, Abe 3078 

Savage, Frank 3143 

Savola, Matt 2745, 2842, 2845, 2933 

Sayers, Michael 2722 

Scammon, Richard M 2903 

Schappes Defense Committee 2997 

Schappes, Morris (Morris U.) 2826,2997 

Schatz 3075 

Schatz, Phil 2846-2848, 2928, 2929, 2951, 3061 

Schendel, Herman 2722 

Schleicher, Milton 2940, 2941, 2944 

Schlicht, Joseph 2945 

Schkurman, Martha 2939, 2940 

Sciverras, Louis 2744 



3268 INDEX 

Page 

Scott, John 2721 

Screen Writers' Guild 3136 

Searles 2841 

Second World Congress for Peace 2981 

Seldes, George 2721 

Selsam, Howai'd 2721 

Seraion, Alix 3163 

Shapiro 2842, 2843, 3230 

Shapiro, Esther 2948 

Shapiro, Harold 2948 

Shay, Timothy (alias Potter) 2741, 2791 

Shields, Beatrice 2808 

Shipley, H. B 2917 

Shipley, R. B 2917, 2918 

Sholem Aleichem Club. (See Communist Party — Sholem Aleichem Club.) 

Shore, Ann 2773 

Showerman 3230 

Showerman, Glen 2842 

Showerman, Sue 29.38, 2942 

Siegel, Esther 2733, 2734, 2744, 2955, 3214 

Silverberg, Dave 2744 

Simmons, Charles LeBron 2798-2803, 2S65-2S70 

Simmons, James 2744, 3126, 3155, 3164, .3216 

Simmons, James M 3065, 3092-3094 

Simmons, Steve 2951 

"Slave Labor in the Soviet World" 2.S17 

Slavic American 2982, 2983 

Smith Act 3080, 3184 

Smith, Chester 2865-2870 

Smith, Ferdinand C 2828, 2998, 2999 

Smith, Gerald L. K 2994 

Smith, Harold 2944 

Smith, Hope 2939, 2944, 2955, 3214 

Sobczak, John 2939 

Sobonya, Julius (see also Julius Sorbonya) 2942 

Socialist Workers' Party 3080 

Sorbonya, Julius (see also Julius Sobonya) 2038 

Sorenson, Ernie 2942 

South Haven Club. (See Communist Party — South Haven Club.) 

Southern Negro Youth Congress 2824 

Southfield Club. (See Communist Party— Southfield Club.) 

"The Soviet Power" 2721 

Speed, Art .. 3156, 3163 

S'perling, Otto 2917 

Spivak, John L 2722 

Spring & Upset Club. (See Communist Party — Spring and Upset Club.) 

Springer, Barbara 2744, 2745 

Stalin 3080 

Stalin, Joseph 2722 

"State and Revolution" 2722 

State of Michigan, District 7 Club. (See Communist Party — State of 
Michigan, District 7 Club.) 

Stearns, Carolina 2844 

Stefansson. Vilh.ialmur 3207 

Stellato, Carl 2917, 3058, 3069, 3071, 3074, 30S1, 3134, 3157, 3162, 3105, 3199 

Stepanchenko, Frank 3074, 3166 

Stern 2753 

Stern, Arthur (alias Yeager) 2745 

Stern, Barbara (alias Yeager) 2745 

Stone, Gilbert 2721 

Stover, Fred W 3207 

"The Strike Situation and Organized Labor's Wage and Job Strategy" 2721 

Sugar, Maurice 3210 

Sunday Worker 2840, 2847, 2998, 3002, 3042, 3063, 3078, 3196 

Snttles, Tessie 3216 

Swetnick, Nick 2941, 2944 



INDEX 3269 

Page 

Sykes, Frank 2836, 2844, 2849, 294^ 

Tank, Herb 2722 

Tappes, Shelton 3117-3144 

"A Task for Liberal Catholics" 2721 

TASS 2956 

Teamsters Club. (See Communist Party — Teamsters Club.) 

"Tehran and After" 3055 

Ternstedt 2966,3028 

Ternstedt Club. (See Communist Party — Ternstedt Club.) 

Ternstedt Flash 3028 

Theater Guild 2717 

Theory and Practice of the Communist Party 2722 

Third International 2785, 3027 

Thirteenth Congressional Democratic Club 2747, 2750, 2751, 2783 

Thirteenth Congressional Democratic or Political Club 2736, 2748-2750 

Thomas 2730, 3164 

Thomas, R. J 3122 

Thompson 3046, 3059 

Thompson, Tommy 3060 

Thorez, Maurice 3056 

Timkea Club. (See Communist Party — Timken Club.) 

Timken Gear & Axle 2731, 2752, 2780 

Tooliey, Pat 2755, 2791, 2S3&-2839, 2841, 2888, 2890, 3056, 3231, 3232, 3234 

Tom Paine Club. ( See Communist Party — Tom Paine Club. ) 

Tony 2942 

Tool and Die Club. ( See Communist Party — Tool and Die Club. ) 

Toole, H. M 2722 

The Trade Unions and the War 2721 

Trade Unions International of Metal and Engineering Industries 2918 

Transportation Workers Union 3086 

Traverse City Club. (See Communist Party — Traverse City Club.) 

Trees, Daniel 2944-2946 

Trotsky 3080 

Trotskyite Club. ( -See Communist Party — Trotskyite Club. ) 

"The Trotskyite Fifth Column in the Labor Movement" 2721 

Truman 3004, 3103, 3110 

Turner, Carl J 2791,3063,3091,3092 

Turner. Edward N 27 1'o, 2811-2817, 2820,2866 

Tv^elfth Street Club. (See Communist Party— Twelfth Street Club.) 

Twelve Horsemen's Club 2727 

Twentieth Anniversary, National Conference of the American Committee 

for the Protection of Foreign Born 2894 

Twin City Club. (See Communist Party — Twin City Club.) 
UE Vickers Club. (See Communist Party— UE Vickers Club.) 

Union Automobile Workers 3128 

United Ar.tomobile Workers 2730, 

2731, 2736, 2767, 2779, 2837, 2847, 2853-2855, 2861, 2863, 2893, 2896, 
2897, 2917, 2964, 2965, 2967, 3028, 3033, 3036, 3042, 3044, 3046, 3051, 
3052, 3064, 3078, 3083, 3086, 3088, 3092 3097, 3105, 3106, 3117-3121, 
3129, 3136, 3137, 3144, 3146, 3147, 3155, 3161, 3200, 3212. 

United Automobile Workers International Union 3118 

United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America 3085-3088 

"The UnitPd Front" 2721 

United Mine Workers 2966 

United Negro and Allied Veterans of America 2882 

United Office and Professional Office Workers' Union 2744 

United Workers' Organization 2761 

Unity Cooperative Co 2745 

"Unity for Victory Rally" 3234 

Unity Press 2948, 3237, 3238, 3240, 3246 

University of Cracow 3225,3245 

University of Warsaw 3225,3245 

Upper Peninsula Club. (See Communist Party — Upper Peninsula Club.) 
Uptown Club. (See Communist Party — Uptown Club.) 

Urban League 2814, 2815 

U. S. S. R. Bulletin 3249 



3270 INDEX 

Fagw 

"Value, Price, and Profit" 2721 

Van Antwerp, Mayor 2899 

Van Brook 2942 

Van Horn, Edith 2i>41 

Vandenberg . 2740^2751 

Vanderberg, Vera 3140, 3141 

Vartainian, Ann 3070 

Vartainian, Bagrad 3070 

"Vatican and the War" 2721 

Vesey Club. {See Communist Party — ^Vesey Club.) 

Veterans' Affairs Committee of the Communist Party 2882 

Veterans' Administration 2878 

Veterans' Council 28S2 

"Victory and After" 2721, 2836 

Vinson SOO^l 

Walker, Francis 2808 

Walker, Gurley 2943 

Walker, James (Jimmy) 2943,2944 

Walker Michigan Co 2804 

Wallace 3087 

Wallace, Henry 2847 

Walters, Charles 2940 

Warbo Studio 3164 

Washington, Bob 2842, 2843,3230 

Washtenaw County Club. {See Communist Party — Washtenaw County 

Club.) 

Wasserman, Jack 2H<a 

Waterman, Buddy 3078 

Watts, James 2926, 3068, 3069, 3102-3104, 3139, 3147, 3150 

Wayne Club. {See Communist Party — Wayne Club.) 

Wayne County CIO Council 2878. 2S79 

Wayne University 2715, 2742-2772, 2845, 2913, 2920 

Wayne University Club. ( See Communist Party — Wayne University Club. ) 

"We Are Many" 2721 

Webb, Ruth 2746 

Weinstock, Louis 2894 

Weinstone, William 3028, 3029, 3031, 3a34 

Weld Der Arbeit 2917 

Wellman, Peggy (Mrs. Saul Wellman) 2955,3214 

Wellman Saul 2933, 2941, 2953, 2955, 3214 

Wells, Harold 2942 

West Side Council Club. {See Communist Party — West Side Council 

Club.) 
West Side Industrial Club. {See Communist Party — West Side Industrial 

Club.) 
West Side Industrial Vickers Club. {See Communist Party — West Side 

Industrial Vickers Club.) 

Wostside Human Relations Committee 2899 

West Side Local 174 2965, 2966, 3028 

"What Is Philosophy" 2721 

Whipple, Ida 2840, 2844. 2851 

Whipple. Jess 283.5, 2840, 2844, 2851 

White, David McKelvey (McKelvy) 2746, 2836, 2838, 2840, 2927, 2930. 3055 

White, Jack 2735, 2782, 2835, 2838, 2848, 2876, 2938, 2939 

White. D. Fodotoff 2721 

Whitman Club. (See Communist Party — Whitman Club.) 

"Who Owns America" 2721 

"Why Work for Nothing" 2722 

Widman.Bill 3146 

Widmark. James 2836, 2838, 2840, 2842, 2843. .3230 

Wilks, Jack 2853 

Williams, Emma 2945 

Williams, Fred 2794, 2802, 2841, 2845, 2847-2849, 2851-2855, 2941, 2945, 3240 

Williams. Oscar 3180 

Williamson 3089 

Williamson, John 2842 



INDEX 3271 

Page 

Williamson, Roy 3123 

Willow Run. (See Communist Party — Willow Run Club.) 

Wilson, Barbara 2790 

Wilson, Jack 2853, 2945 

Wilson, Roy 3038, 3123, 3124, 3159, 3166 

Wilson, Yernia L 3216 

Winston, Henry 2848 

Winter, Carl 2723, 

2733, 2738, 2746, 2755, 2761, 2787, 2825, 2831, 2843, 2845, 2847, 2848, 

2983, 2936, 2941, 2953, 2976, 3004, 3039, 3060. 

Winter, Helen Allison (Mrs. Carl Winter; see also Helen Allison) 2733, 2738 

Wolverine Bar Association 2865 

Women's Auxiliary Club 

(See Communist Party — Women's Auxiliary Club.) 

Wood. Robert 2995 

Woodson, Mattie (Mattie Lee) 2746,2842,2843,3230 

AVork, Merle 2843-2846, 2848 

Work, Merrill 2808 

Worker 2724 

Workers' Cooperative Restaurant 3239 

Workers, Defend Your Unions 2721 

Workers' School 2747 

Workers' Voice (Glos Robotniczy) 2963 

Works Progress Administration 2862 

World Federation for Democratic Youth 2831 

World Federation of Trade Unions 3087 

■"World Monopoly and Peace" 2721 

World Youth Festival 2912, 2913, 2917, 2920 

WPA Union, Wayne County ,30.32 

Wright, Malcolm 2940 

Wynn, Frank 3161 

Yanover, Jules 2746, 3175, 3178 

Yanover, Ruth 2746, 3178 

Yeager (alias for Barbara Stern) 2745 

Yeager, Arthur (alias for Arthur Stern) ^ 2745,2752 

Yerex, Jack 2717 

Young Communist League 2772, 2799, 

2801, 2835-2837, 2869, 2903, 2904, 2947, 3040, 3124, 3147, 3159, 3166 
Ypsilanti Club. (See Communist Party — Ypsilanti Club.) 

Young, Coleman A 2878-2893,2952 

"The Young Generation" 2721 

Young, Marion 2952 

Youth Commission Club. (See Communist Party — Youth Commission 
Club.) 

Yugoslav Congress 2944, 2945 

Zahari, Daniel 3166 

Zarichney, Jack  2951 

Zenchuck, Olga 2956, 3049 

Zetkin, Clara 2722 

Zuck, Mary . 3033 

Zydok, John 3239 

o 



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