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Full text of "Communist activities among aliens and national groups. Hearings before the Subcommittee on Immigration and Naturalization of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Eighty-first Congress, first session, on S. 1832, a bill to amend the Immigration act of October 16, 1918, as amended"

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COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES AMONG 
ALIENS AND NATIONAL GROUPS 



HEARINGS 

BBFOSB THB 

SUBCOMMITTEE ON 
IMMIGRATION AND NATURALIZATION 

OF THE 

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

UNITED STATES SENATE 

EIGHTY-FIRST CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 
ON 

S. 1832 

A BILL TO AMEND THE IMMIGRATION ACT OF 
OCTOBER 16, 1918, AS AMENDED 



PART 2 

SEPTEMBER 7, 8, 9, 13, 14, 16, 28, AND 29, 1949 



Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 




COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES AMONG 
ALIENS AND NATIONAL GROUPS 



{ HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE 

SUBCOMMITTEE ON 
IMMIGRATION AND NATURALIZATION 

OF THE 

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 
UNITED STATES SENATE 

EIGHTY-FIEST CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 
ON 



U^i 



S. 1832 



A BILL TO AMEND THE IMMIGRATION ACT OF 
OCTOBER 16, 1918, AS AMENDED 



PART 2 

SEPTEMBER 7, 8, 9, 13, 14, 15, 28, AND 29, 1949 



Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 




UNITED STATES 

GOVERNMENT TRINTING OI'FICB 

WASHINGTON : 1950 



A 



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'^l.-*. ^P£Rim"ENOENT Of OOCUMfcNib 

I OQT231950 



COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

PAT McCARRAN, Nevada, Chairman 
HARLBY M. KILGORE, West Virginia ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota 

HERBERT R. O'CONOR, Maryland HOMER FERGUSON, Micliigan 

FRANK P. GRAHAM, North Carolina FORREST C. DONXELL, Missouri 

ESTES KEFAUVBR, Tennessee WILLIAM E. JENNER, Indiana 



J. G. SonRwiNE, Counsel 



Special Subcommittee To Investigate Immigration and Naturalization 

PAT McCARRAN, Nevada, Chairman 
JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota 

HERBERT R. O'CONOR, Maryland FORREST C. DONNELL, Missouri 

Richard Arens, Staff Director 

(Senator J. Melville Broughton, of North Carolina, was a member of the Committee 
on the Judiciary until his death on March 6, 1949 ; Senator J. Howard McGrath was a 
member of the Committee on the Judiciary until his resignation from the Senate on August 
23, 1949 ; Senator Bert H. Miller, of Idaho, was a member of the Committee on the 
Judiciary until his death on October 8, 1949.) 



CONTENTS 



statement or testimony of— Pa„^ 

Malkin, Maurice, Brooklyn, N. Y ^r-V 

Huber, joiiu J __:_ .i::::"::::"" — ^nn tti 

Draskovich, Dr. Slobodan M., former professor of economics, UnTver- 

sity of Belgrade ^^^ 

Ti^zecleski, Anthony, former purchasing agent, Gdyn'ia-Amerfca LfnT, 

Grzelak, Czeslaw, vice presid"ent, Gdynia -AmeiTca" Line" ine~~III"II 728 




Biro, Father Benedict, OFM, presidenf ol UNlTAS^^'r''''!"":":": — IS 

Fprip'.-iJf''; ^%''T ^- ^■' ^^*^^"fi^e secretary, Hungan"an"Reform"e"d" 
i^ederation of America n.^- no-, 

^FederaSon ^^''^^'''° ^' ^'^^^"'^''^ secreta^ryrrmerk^n'ilungan'an "" 

Nadanyi, Paul, editor, Amerikailla'gyarsa'gllll s?o 

Disabled American Veterans 11111" oqi 

^"veteran?!"'''' ^^■' ''''^'''''^^ legislative directo^," Di7abTed"Am;"r[ca"n 

idex I_III ^^'^ 

I 

III 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES AMONG ALIENS AND 
NATIONAL GKOUPS 



WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1949 

United States Senate, 
Special Subcommittee To Investigate 
Immigration and Naturalization of the 

Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington^ D. G. 
The subcommittee met, pursuant to recess, at 11 a. m., in room 424, 
Senate Office Building, Senator Herbert K. O'Conor presiding. 
Present: Senator O'Conor (presiding). 

Also present: Messrs. Richard Arens, staff director of the special 
subcommittee ; Otto J. Dekom and Frank W. Schroeder, professional 
staff members. 

Senator O'Conor. The hearing will come to order. 
Mr. Arens. Mr. Chairman, I would like to present our witness, Mr. 
Malkin. 

Senator O'Conor. Will you raise your right hand? 
In the presence of Almighty God, do you swear that the testimony 
you will give in this hearing will be the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth ? 
Mr. Malkin. Yes, sir.^ 

TESTIMONY OF MAURICE MALKIN, BROOKLYN, N. Y. 

Senator O'Conor. For the record, will you give your full name? 

Mr. Malkin. My name is Maurice Malkin. 

Senator O'Conor. What is your address ? 

Mr. Malkin. Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Mr. Arens. In order to keep the record straight, may I insert the 
statement in the record that this is a continuation of the hearing on 
S. 1832 which was introduced by Senator McCarran and is for the 
purpose of excluding and deporting subversive aliens. 

Senator O'Conor. At the request of the chairman of the committee 
I am presiding, and am very pleased to have you submit any state- 
ment you desire to submit. The members of the staff of the committee 
will then conduct the interrogation. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Malkin, 1 understand you have a prepared state- 
ment you would like to read at this time. 

Mr. Malkin. Yes, sir. At the beginning of my statement, I would 
like to give a short biographical sketch of myself, indicating where 
I was born, when I came to the United States, and my former 
experience. 

^ The witness appeared under subpena. 

471 



472 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Arens. Please proceed. 

Mr. Malkin. I was born in Minsk, Russia, on November 10, 1900. 
In 1914, 1 came to the United States with my parents. Thereafter, I 
became associated with the Socialist Party and the Industrial Work- 
ers of the World. In 1919, 1 helped organize and was a charter mem- 
ber of the Communist Party of the United States. Thereafter, I asso- 
ciated myself actively with the Communist Party's activities in this 
country until 1936 and the beginning of 1937, when I left the party. 

Mr. Arens. By the way, how did you happen to break with the 
party ? 

Mr. Malkjn. I broke with the party because I disagreed with 
Moscow dictating to us what to do in this country. That actually was 
the reason. 

Mr. Arens. When did you break with the party ? 

Mr. Malkin. x\t the end of 1936 and the beginning of 1937. 

I believe that the Communist Party presents a real and continuing 
threat to our form of government. Since I left the party, I have done 
what I can to expose the Communist Party in the United States for 
what it is — a revolutionary foreign party whose aim is to destroy our 
freedom and democratic institutions by force and violence. 

The Communist Party of the United States was organized and has 
been led by aliens since its inception in 1919. The alien organiza- 
tional efforts are directed through such channels as the foreign- 
language groups such as the Russian Federation in the Socialist Party 
and the Ukranian, Italian, Jewish, Bulgarian, and other language 
federations and groups. 

The backbone of the original Communist Party was the Russian 
Federation. They were the most active in immediately alining them- 
selves with the Lenin-Trotsky Bolshevists of 1917. 

The various language federations of the Socialist Party of the 
United States were invited to form the Communist Party by Ludwig 
A. C. K. Martens, then the unofficial Soviet Ambassador to the United 
States. He was deported from the United States in 1920 as persona 
lion grata. 

Since Martens' deportation, the Communist Party in the United 
States has been directed by the Comintern in Moscow. Every move- 
ment of the front organization that has been organized since then 
has been directed by the Comintern directly through its representa- 
tives to the United States or through the Communist Party leaders 
who take orders from the Moscow representatives. 

One such Communist-front organization is the American Slav Con- 
gress, which was conceived and organized by the Comintern. Its 
foundation was laid by B. K. Gebert as early as 1930 through the 
Polonia Society and other Communist-front organizations which later 
merged into the Slav Congress with the Ukranian-American Fraternal 
Society, headed by Mike Tkach, charter member of the Communist 
Party, one of the officials of the Ukranian Daily News, and a national 
committee member of the International Worl^ers Order, representing 
the Ukranian Fraternal Society in the IWO. 

Mr. Dekom. May I interrupt you with a question ? 

You named B. K. Gebert. 

Mr, Malkin. That is right. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you know where he is now ? 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 473 

Mr. Malkin. Yes; he is in Poland at the present time, sir. 

Mr. Dekom. Is he an oflicial of the Polish Government? 

Mr. Malkin. 3Ir. Gebert at the present time is in charge of all 
trade-unions in Poland under Comintern direction. 

Mr. Dekom. Was he not a delegate to the World Federation of 
Trade Unions in Paris ? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Would you identify the World Federation of Trade 
Unions ? 

Mr. Malkin. The World Federation of Trade Unions was con- 
ceived, organized, and the foundation laid by the Profintern. In Eng- 
lish that means the Red International of Labor Unions, whose head- 
quarters have always been at Moscow. They were organized in 
1920-21, with the cooperation of the American delegates, one of whom 
was William Z. Foster. 

Mr. Dekom. Is Mr. Gebert an American citizen ? 

Mr. Malkin. Gebert was never an American citizen. He has always 
considered himself a citizen of Poland. To my knowledge, he never 
even bothered declaring his intention of becoming a citizen. 

Mr. Dekom. How long was he in the United States before he 
returned to Poland ? 

Mr. Malkin. I knew Mr. Gebert from about 1919 to about 1939 or 
1940. 

Mr. Dekom. Did he go back to Poland on the ship Batory'i 

Mr. Malkin. Yes, he did. 

Mr. Gebert was a member of the central executive committee of 
the American Communist Party since its inception in the United 
States. 

Mr. Dekom. When was that ? 

Mr. Malkin. From 1919 up to the time I left the party, to my 
knowledge. I worked with Gebert. He was district organizer in 
Chicago when I was organizational secretary under Gebert. 

Senator O'Conor. Will you continue, please? 

Mr. Malkin. The Russian- American Fraternal Society was headed 
by Daniel Kasustchik. This Daniel Kasustchik, to my knowledge, 
has been a member of the partj' since 1919. He was one of the leaders 
of the original Bolshevik group in the United States. He is at present 
one of the leaders of the Slav Congress ; in fact, one of the executive 
committee members, together with Mike Tkach and other people whom 
I will name. He is also one of the leaders of the International Workers 
Order, representing the Russian Fraternal Society. 

In 1943, Gebert united a number of the pro-Communist Slav organ- 
izations into the organization which is called the American Slav Con* 
gress. Leo Krzycki, a leader in Communist front organizations among 
the Polish population, was also instrumental in establishing the 
American Slav Congress, as was George Pirinsky, who was recently 
ordered deported by the Immigration and Naturalization Service for 
being a Communist. Pirinsky is free on bail pending an appeal. 

The Communist Party is able to mold the opinions and sympathies 
of aliens in this country through its fronts, like the one mentioned 
above, and through its control of foreign-language papers such as the 
Russki Golos, the Russian daily, the Glos Ludowy, a Polish paper, 



474 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

and various other foreign language papers published throughout the 
country in all foreign languages. 

Mr. Arens. You say that the Communist Party is able to wield in- 
fluence over the minds of aliens. How extensive is the influence of 
communism among the aliens and foreign language groups? 

Mr. Malkin. It is quite extensive because the Communists control 
quite a few of these alien fraternal and sickness and death benefit 
societies, singing choruses, gymnastic societies, and also by publishing 
daily, weekly, and monthly organs in foreign languages. 

Mr. Arens. How many organizations among foreign language 
groups, in your judgment, are controlled by Communists'? 

Mr. Malkin. I would say quite a few. I cannot tell you exactly 
the number, but they have control in practically every nationality 
group : Hungarian, Bulgarian, Rumanian, Finnish, and Jewish; prac- 
tically in every foreign-language group. 

Mr. Arens. What you mean is that they do have groups within each 
of the nationality units, but you don't mean to testify here that they 
control all persons of each nationality group ? 

Mr. Malkin. In some groups they might control a big faction 
of those groups. There would be quite a few of the Communists within 
the group who would take control of it and who are the heads of it. 
In some of these groups the Communists are not in control, but they 
do have quite an influence. 

Mr. Arens. I wonder if you could be a little more specific, Mr. Mal- 
kin, in telling us the total number of the members of the groups that 
are controlled by Communists, so that we would have perhaps a little 
better understanding of the extent and scope of Communist control 
in foreign language organizations? 

Mr. Malkin. For instance, in the Jewish group, the Communists, to 
my estimation, control approximately — and by control I mean have 
influence over — between 150.000 to 200,000 as a minimum in the United 
States. That is done through its control of the International Workers 
Order and various Jewish-controlled unions, like the furriers union in 
New York and other sections of the needle trades industry throughout 
the country. 

Mr. Arens. To be just a little more specific still, I would like to pose 
a hypothetical situation and then ask you a question about it. Let us 
say that there is an organization of 10,000 persons predominantly of 
foreign birth. Is it your testimony that the persons in the group are 
led by the Communists, or that the organization itself is used by the 
Communists for direction and control ? In other words, the Commun- 
ists are the rudder of the group; is that what you mean? 

Mr. Malkin. That is correct; yes, sir. The Communists actually 
are what you would call the leadership of the group, and they wield in- 
fluence due to the fact that they form the leadership. I would not say 
that the majority of the members are Communists. 

Mr. Arens. Your testimony, then — and I am not trying to put words 
in your mouth, I am only trying to clarify the concept here — is that a 
number of these foreign-language groups are directed and controlled 
by the Communists, which does not necessarily mean that all of the 
membership of the group is Communist? 

Mr. Malkin. That is true, of course. 

Mr. Dekom. How do the Communists gain control so easily ? 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 475 

Mr. Malkin. The Communists gain control, whether it be a trade- 
union or a fraternal organization, by having what they call something 
like military discipline and voting in groups and blocks. 

For instance, let's take a local union. It might have a membership 
of 12,000, but only about 300 of 400 will come to regular meetings. 
Now, amongst those 400 there will be, we will say, 100 Communists, 
but they vote in a block like a disciplined group. By voting in that 
group they are able to wield influence over the others. Not only that, 
but the Communists have got into the habit of dragging out the meet- 
ings until 12 o'clock or 1 o'clock at night and until such a time that 
other members who are not so much interested in the organization, 
and who are just card-carrying members, go home, being tired of 
having the meeting dragged out. But the Communists remain there 
until the last moment and are able to take control by voting in blocks. 

]Mr. Arens, How do you distinguish between a foreign-language 
group composed largely of foreign-born persons and other groups, 
from the standpoint of susceptibility to Communist control and dom- 
ination? I noticed, if I may make an observation, that you have 
testified to the effect that Communists are particularly active and par- 
ticularly powerful among foreign-language groups. 

Mr. Malkin. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Arens. How do you account for that ? What is your analysis 
of that situation ? 

Mr. Malkin. My analysis of that is that an American group, not 
a foreign-language-speaking group, is able to read the American 
press, the American literature, the American history, and is able to 
mold its opinion more toward the American-history side. They are 
able to read both sides of the question. They will read the Soviet 
side of the question and they will read the American side of the ques- 
tion. They will be convinced more by the American part of the 
question than they will be by the foreign-language part of the question. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have information, Mr. Malkin, respecting the 
number of foreign-language publications in the United States which 
are or were in the past under Communist control and domination? 

Mr. Malkin. I have not, but I could get it. 

Mr. Arens. Will you be kind enough, Mr. Malkin, when you return 
to your office or your home, to assemble that information in memo- 
randum form and submit it to the subcommittee ? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes ; I will. 

Mr. Arens. Will you accompany that with a statement that these 
papers are, in your judgment, on the basis of your background and 
experience, Communist controlled and dominated ? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

(The material is as follows :) 

Foreign Language Press 

The following is a partial list of the Commvinist publications amongst the 
foreign language press in the United States : 

I'auvor : An Armenian weekly. 

Radnicki Glasnik : A Croatian language daily located at 1629 Blue Island 
Avenue, Chicago, 111. 

Saznanie (Knowledge) : Bulgarian language weekly. OflScial Communist Party 
publication. 

Schodeni Visti : Ukranian Daily News. Official Communist Party organ. New 
York City. 



476 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Russki Golos (Russian Voice) : Russian daily under Communist Party in- 
fluence. 

Narodni Glasnik : Croatian weekly. Published by Communist Party. 

Novy Mir : Official weekly of the Russian section of the American Communist 
Party. Official publication of the International Workers Order. Published in 
New York City. 

New York Tyd : Finnish language paper under Communist domination. 

Uus Urn (The New World) : Esthonian language weekly. 

Laisve : A Lithuanian daily. Published at 46 Ten Eyck Street, Brooklyn, N. Y. 
Official party publication in the Lithuanian language. 

Ludovny Dennik : Slovak daily published at 1510 West Eighteenth Street, 
Chicago, ill. 

Rovnost Ludu : Slovak daily published at 1510 West Eighteenth Street, Chi- 
cago, 111. 

Pravda Weekly. 

L'Unita Del Popolo : Italian. Published in New York City. 

Naileben : Published in New York City by the Communist Soviet front "The 
Icor." 

Vida Obrera (Workers Life) : Semimonthly. Communist initiated and con- 
trolled. 

Vanguarda : A Portuguese Communist Party paper. 

Vienybe : A Lithuanian triweekly. Communist initiated and controlled. 

Toveri (Comrade) : E'innish Communist Party section weekly. 

Tyolaisnainen (The Working Woman) : Finnish weekly. Communist initiated 
and controlled. 

Tyomis (The Worker) : Finnish Communist Party daily. 

Obrana : Communist controlled Czech weekly published at 3624 West Twenty- 
sixth Street, Chicago, 111. 

Desteptarea : Rumanian weekly. Published at 6527 Russell Street, Detroit, 
Mich. 

Greek American Tribune : Published in Ne\v York City. 

Eteenpain : Official organ of the Finnish Federation of the Communist Party 
of the United States of America. Published at 50 East Thirteenth Street, New 
York City. Communist headquarters. 

Fraternal Outlook : Published by the International Workers Order at 80 Fifth 
Avenue, New York City. 

Morning Freiheit: Jewish Communist daily. Published at 50 East Thirteenth 
Street, New York City. 

Deutsche Amerikaner (German American) : Published at 50 East Thirteenth 
Street, New York City. 

Glos Ludowy : Polish daily. Official Communist Party publication. 

The Communist Party has either under its full control or influence between 
200 and 250 foreign-language periodicals in daily, weekly, and monthly publi- 
cations throughout the United States. These also include trade-union publica- 
tions and fraternal foreign-language publications, etc. 

Senator O'Conor. Mr. Malkin, did your work, while you were an 
active member of the party, bring you in direct contact with this 
method of operation? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

Senator O'Conor. As a member of the party, did you have direct 
contact along the lines indicated by the last questions which have been 
propounded to you? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. As an organizer, and as a member of the party, 
I used to have direct contact with these papers, for this reason, I will 
give you an illustration : 

If I am an organizer of a certain territory and a Communist paper 
is within my territory, I would be in full charge of that paper. I 
would give orders to the others, tlie editor of that paper, as to what 
to publish and as to what they should not publish. 

Mr. Dekom. Could you name some of those papers ? 

Mr. Malkin. The Ukranian Daily News. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 477 

Mr. Dekom, The editor is Mike Tkach ? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

There used to be a paper called the Novy Mir, a Eussian paper. The 
Russki Golos was not controlled by the Communist Party at that 
time, but its sympathies have always been toward the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Dekom. Are you familiar with the Croatian newspaper, 
Narodni Glasnik, published in Pittsburgh ? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. It is edited by an old friend of mine by the 
name of Toni Minerich. 

Mr. Dekom. I wonder if you would enlarge on the matter of this 
editor of the newspaper Narodni Glasnik? 

Senator O'Conor. Will you just give us some detail, please? 

Mr. JMalkin. Toni Minerich has been a member of the party, to my 
knowledge from personal contact with him, since 1925, He was origi- 
nally a coal miner . 

Senator O'Conor. Is he an American citizen ? 

Mr. Malkin. I recall that he was naturalized in 1927 in the Penn- 
sylvania district. I have known Toni Minerich for years as a party 
member. I worked with him in the party and also with his coworker 
Borich. 

Mr. Dekom. Is that Frank Borich ? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Is he now under deportation order? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes, that is right. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you know whether or not Toni Minerich was an 
official of the Young Communist League? 

Mr. JVLilLkin. Yes, a member of the National Executive Committee. 

Mr. Dekom. And an organizer? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes, that is right. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you know whether or not he has ever been in prison ? 

Mr. Malkin. He was arrested, I think, in Pittsburgh or in Phila- 
delphia for disorderly conduct, having a meeting without a permit,, 
or something of that kind. 

iSIr. Dekom. Was he active in the organization of the American 
Slav Congress ? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Was he one of the original organizers ? 

Mr. Malkin. He was one of those ; yes. He was from the Croatian 
division. 

Mr. Dekom. There are a number of newspapers published in De- 
troit at 5856 Chene Street, including Glos Ludowy, which you have 
identified as a Communist paper. Can you state whether theNarodna 
Volya published there is a Communist paper, too? 

Mr. Malkin. The Narodna Volya is the original Russian name of 
the terrorist group that Lenin's brother ^ was hanged for his partici- 
pation in the assassination of Czar Alexander in 1880. Narodna Volya 
was also the name of their paper. That is Pirinslry's paper. 

Mr. Dekom. Is it a Bulgarian paper ? 

Mr. Malkin. It is a Bulgarian paper. 

Senator O'Conor. Will you continue with explaining the details 
of your credentials ? 

1 Alexander Lenin (Ulianov). 



478 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Malkin. During my activity in the party, I used to come in 
contact with a lot of these newspapers. There used to be a paper 
called the Uj Elore of which Peters was in charge of at one time. 

Senator O'Conor. We have heard a lot about him. 

Mr. Dekom. Could you identify him further ? 

Mr. Malkin. I testified in Peters' deportation hearing and identi- 
fied him in New York. 

Mr. Dekom. You identified him as what ? 

Mr. Malkin. J. Peters was born in Hungary. He was active in 
the Hungarian revolution in 1919. 

Mr. Dekom. That was the Communist revolution ? 

Mr. Malkin. That is right ; under Bela Kun. 

He came to the United States with another person called Emil 
Gardos. He started to work, and I met him for the first time in 
1923 or 1924. He was later in charge of all of the underground ap- 
paratus of the organization, the hush-hush organization of the party, 
and the espionage that the party did for the Soviet Union in this 
country. He collaborated with the Central Control Commission and 
the resident GPU agents in this country, some of whom I will name 
later in my statement. They were later known as NKVD. 

The foreign-language newspapers published on behalf of the Com- 
munist Party are governed by a policy laid down in the first section 
of conditions for admission to the Communist International, which 
were adopted by the Second World Congress of the Communist Inter- 
national in Moscow in 1920. That first section provides as follows: 

Section 1. The general propaganda and agitation should bear a real Com- 
munist character and should correspond to the program and decisions of the 
Third International. The entire party press should be edited by reliable Com- 
munists who have proved their loyalty to the cause of the proletarian revolution. 
The dictatorship of the proletariat should not be spoken of simply as a current 
hackneyed formula, it should be advocated in such a way that its necessity should 
be apparent to every rank-and-file working-man and workingwoman, to each 
soldier and peasant, and should emanate from everyday facts systematically 
recorded by our press day by day. 

All periodicals and other publications, as well as all party publications and 
editions, are subject to the control of the presidium of the party, independently 
of whether the party is legal or illegal. It should in no way be permitted that 
the publishers abuse their autonomy and carry on a policy not fully corresponding 
to the policy of the party. 

Wherever the followers of the Third International have access, and whatever 
means of propaganda are at their disposal, whether the columns of newspapers, 
labor meetings, or cooperatives, it is indispensable for them not only to denounce 
the bourgeoisie but also its assistants and agents, reformists of every color and 
shape. 

In order that the above rules and conditions be carried out, the Com- 
munist International has always maintained representatives in the 
United States, some of whom enter the country illegally and on false 
passports. 

The following agents have been here under the conditions and dur- 
ing the stated period for the purpose mentioned above and to keep 
the aliens in line with Moscow's political and diplomatic moves, 
whether on a Soviet national scale, or whether on its international 
diplomatic fronts : 

The first agent I want to mention here is Ludwig A. C. K. Martens. 
He was here from 1918 to 1920. He was the unofficial Soviet Am- 
bassador to the United States, and the original organizer of the Com- 



COAIMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 479 

munist Party in the United States. He performed the wedding of 
the American party with the Communist International. 

Another agent who was here was a person by the name of Valetzky. 
He was here in 1922. 

The third agent was John Pepper, alias Schwartz, alias Joseph 
Pogany. He was one of the leaders of the Hungarian revolution in 
1919, and was sent here in 1923 as a Comintern representative to the 
American party. 

Pepper came back in 1928 and 1929, until he was expelled and re- 
called by Moscow, because he had alined himself with the Bukharin 
faction in Russia against Stalin. 

Another one is P. Green. He called himself P. Green, but his real 
name is Gussev. He was here in 1925 and in 1926. 

Another one who was here was a man by the name of Ewart. He 
went under the name of Brown. He was a member of the Communist 
Party of Germany, and was sent here by the Comintern in 1926 and 
1927. 

Another agent who was here was one by the name of Jenks. He was 
here in 1931 as a representative of the Comintern. 

After him came a person by the name of F. Brown, that is, he 
called himself Brown, but his real name was Alpi. 

Morigni was here from 1931 to 1939. He left this country after 
my testimony before the Un-American Activities Committee naming 
him as one of the Soviet agents. 

Mr. Arens. Is your testimony with respect to chese agents you say 
have been sent into the country at various times based upon your 
experience, observation, knowledge, and experience? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Arens. That is as a former Communist Party official ? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes, sir. 

The next representative to the United States was a person by the 
name of Harry Pollitt, a member of the executive committee of the 
British Communist Party. He was here from 1933 to 1934, helping 
to direct the San Francisco general strike with Harry Bridges. 

To help him in this work was Mrs. Kuusinen. She is the wife of 
Kuusinen ^ who was named Premier of Finland during the Finnish- 
Eussian AVar of 1910-41, by the Comintern. She is one of the leaders 
of the Communist Party in Finland now. 

In 1938 and 1939 there was another representative here b}' the name 
of Dengal. 

The Young Communist International also sent its representative to 
the United States to direct the Young Communist League. That is 
the youth organization of the Communist Party. 

Amongst those here during diiferent periods was one by the name 
of Rust, and another one who called himself by the name of Bob. 

Most of the people whom I have named came here under fictitious 
or false passports. 

Mr. Arens. How did they get those fictitious or false passports ? 

Mr. Malkin. To my knowledge, although I was never there — 1 
found this out while being in the party through various channels in 
the party — the passports were made from original American pass- 

^ otto Kuusinen. 



480 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

ports, or from passports of Americans who came to the Lenin School, 
and from other sources which I will enumerate in my statement. 

Mr. Dekom. I notice that all of the Comintern representatives are 
aliens. Is it customary to send aliens to run the American Commu- 
nist Party ? 

Mr. Malkin. That is right. They will never send an American be- 
cause an American might work with the other fellows and not carry 
out the wishes of the Comintern, 

There was another representative wlio came here in 1938 to the 
World Youth Congress from France. I named him l)efore the Un- 
American Activities Committee and Mrs. Franklin Roosevelt prac- 
tically called me a liar. He is one whom the French Communist 
Paity was tickled to death to get rid of. He was a friend of Ercoli, 
alias Togliatti/ the leader of the Italian party. His name is Prof. 
Ambrosio Donini. In 1946 and 1947, during the Italian elections, the 
Di Gasperi government recalled Professor Donini from his position 
as Ambassador to one of the European countries because of his 
membership in the Communist Party. 

This same Donini was CI Rep and came as a delegate to the World 
Youth Congress which was then held at Schenectady. 

Since its inception in the United States, the United States party 
has been one of the main sources of espionage for the Soviet Govern- 
ment through the information that the membership gathers in in- 
dustrial units, armament factories, naval shipyards, et cetera. 

Besides having the regular party members gather that information, 
the Soviet Government established regular espionage apparatus 
through the Soviet Embassy, the Amtorg, trading agencies, purchasing 
missions, and the United Nations. 

The following are but a few of the agents who have been here anil 
who have done tlieir work loyally for the Soviet Government : 

Alexander Karen was one of the resident GPU agents in the United 
States who was here from 1928 up to 1983. 

Valentin ISIarkin was here from 1933 to 1938, and was a regular 
resident GPU agent in the United States. He was killed in New York 
mysteriously. No one ever found out how he was killed. They found 
him dead ; that is all. 

Colonel Bykov was here from 1938 to 1940. Through information 
that I have received, which I have checked, he was one of those who 
were instrumental, in my opinion, in killing General Krivitsky. 

Mr. Arens. What first-hand information do you have on that? 

Mr. Malkin. I don't know whether the information is first-hand or 
second-hand but I have checked and double-checked with quite a few 
of my former comrades and other people. 

Colonel Bykov was actually in charge of the GPU during that 
period and he was actually the type to do the job. He was a hatchet 
man. He was actually the type to do the job if no one else could do it. 

Another GPU chief in the United States was Boris Shpak. 

At the present time Moscow and the Communist Party in the United 
States are concentrating a great deal on the United Nations. 

Senator O'Conor. Now, upon what do you base that statement ? 

Mr. Malkin. I base that statement on the foreign policy of the 
Soviet Union, on the policy of the party, on the language of the Daily 

1 Palmiro TogllattL 



COMIVIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 481 

Worker, the language in the party press, and on the activities of the 
party. 

Senator O'Conor. Have you been keeping in touch with those ac- 
tivities ? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

That is clone, for example, by placing people on the United Na- 
tions staff such as General Victor Yakhontoff, who has supported the 
Communist front through the Friends of the Soviet Union. I think 
that organization is out of existence now. In the early thirties he used 
to speak at their meetings. 

He was always a member of dozens of Communist front organiza- 
tions. Every time the Soviet Union wanted to put up some kind of a 
front for the defense of the Soviet Union, or for the defense of their 
mock trials that they were carrying on in 1936 and 1937, one of those 
used to put up the front was General Yakhontoff. He claimed he was 
a former Russian general in the Czar's army. 

Mr. Arens. What is Yakhontoff's official status in the United 
Nations ? 

Mr. Malkin. He is employed by them. 

Mr. Arens. But you don't know in v,diat capacity ? 

Mr. Malkin. I don't. 

I used to see General Yakhontoff going in and out of the Communist 
Party headquarters. I cannot place him as a member of the party, but 
to go in and out of the Communist Party headquarters you have to be 
a party member in order to get into the inner sanctum. Otherwise, 
you can never enter. 

Mr. Dekom. I have here a copy of the new telephone directory of 
the United Nations dated February 1, 1949. On page 90, I show you 
a name. Is that the name of the man you have been referring to ? 

Mr. Malkin. That is the same one. Gen. Victor A. Yakhontoff. 

Mr. Dekom. This indicates that he is in the translating division. 

Mr. Arens. Can you tell me what he does from the standpoint of 
Communist work? 

Mr. Malkin. He used to be put up as a speaking front, or as a 
writing front, for all Communist apologetic organizations to the 
Soviet Union. 

Mr. Arens. You say he used to do that. Do you know what he 
has been doing during the course of recent months ? 

Mr. Malkin. I haven't seen his name on any Communist fronts 
lately, but during the war he was active in the American-Soviet Friend- 
ship Society and on every other Soviet front that there was. 

Mr. Dekom. Was he connected with the American Slav Congress? 

Mr. ISIalkin. That is right. 

Mr. Dekom. Was he one of the writers for New Masses, a con- 
tributor to New Masses? 

Mr. Malkin. He was a contributor to New Masses. He also con- 
tributed to Soviet Russia Today. 

Mr. Dekom. Would you identify New Masses ? 

Mr. Malkin. New Masses was a monthly magazine published by 
the Communists for the intelligentsia, for what they called the "Ameri- 
can intelligentsia." I would call them students, writers, artists, and 
so on. 

Mr. Dekom. Was it an official publication of the party ? 



482 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Malkin. It was organized, controlled, managed, and everything 
else by the party. 

Mr. Dekom. Was he ever a speaker before the International Workers 
Order? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes, General Yakhontoff spoke before that groun. 

Mr. Dekom. Is that an organization listed by the Attorney General 
as a subversive organization ? 

Mr. Malkin. It is not only listed as such, but it was organized by 
the Communist Party in 1929. 

Mr. Dekom, Do you know whether or not he was a lecturer or a 
speaker at the Jefferson School of Social Science. 

Mr. Malkin. Yes, that is right. 

Mr. Dekom. Can you identify that school ? 

Mr, Malkin. Jefferson School is a continuation of the Workers' 
School, whose lecturers, managers, textbooks, and everything else, are 
controlled by the party. 

Mr. Dekom. Was he connected in any way with the Mother Bloor 
Celebration Committee? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

Mr, Dekom. Would you identify Mother Bloor? 

Mr. Malkin. Motlier Bloor is what they call "the mother of the 
American revolution," That is what they consider her. She has been 
a charter member of the American Communist Party, and she has 
been active in trade-unions way before the Communist Party was 
active. She is a woman of about 87 years old, formerly the wife of 
Browder, and formerly the wife of a couple more I can't remember. 

Mr. ScHROEDER. Do you mean Earl Browder? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes, the unofficial wife, of course. 

Mr. Arens. Will you kindly continue, Mr. Malkin. 

Mr. Malkin. Another partner of General Yakhontoff in the United 
Nations is Millard Lampell who, to my knowledge, is at present em- 
ployed as a script writer, I think, for the United Nations. 

Mr. Dekom, Mr. Chairman, I would like to submit in evidence a 
clipping from the New York Times stating Millard Lampell's con- 
nection with the Radio Division of the United Nations. 

Senator O'Conor. The clipping will be received in evidence. 

(The clipping referred to is as follows:) 

[From the New York Times, August 10, 1949] 
RADIO, VIDEO 

A series of six documentary radio programs designed to show the need of world 
reliance upon the United Nations for peace, welfare, and security will be broad- 
cast in weekly Sunday installments by the National Broadcasting Co., starting 
September 11. The programs, presented in cooperation with United Nations 
Jiadio. will be supervised by Norman Corwin, head of special projects for the 
UN's Radio Division. 

In addition to supervising the series, Mr. Corwin will write, direct and produce 
tlie initial program entitled "Could Be," which will be aired on the tenth anni- 
versary of the Nazi attack on Poland. This full-hour broadcast will strive to 
show what could happen if all nations got together to solve the problem of 
maintaining peace. 

Tiie first two programs will be 1 hour long and the others a half hour. The time 
for each broadcast will be announced later. 

Others in the series will deal with the function of the United Nations in its 
ol'jective of keeping peace, a tour behind the scenes of UN activities, an illus- 
tration of the achievements of the Economic Commission for Europe, a treatment 
on genocide and the story of the International Refugee Organization, 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 483 

Radio writing and producing talent from tliis country, Great Britain, and 
Canada will be called upon for the scripts. The list includes Millard Lanipell, 
writer of October Morning; Allen Sloane, a writer recently returned trom Europe 
after working out of IRO headquarters in Geneva; W. Gibson-Parker, formerly 
of the British Broadcasting Corp., and now production chief for United Nations 
Radio; Jerome Lawrence, and Robert E. Lee. a radio writing-directing-producing 
team ; Gerald Kean, supervisor of the English Language Section of the UN's 
Radio Division; and Leu I'eterson and Andrew Allen of the Canadian Broadcast- 
ing Corp. 

Mr. Malkin. Mr. Lampell, to my knowledge, has been on a dozen 
Communist fronts. He has been connected quite a few times with 
the Hollywood group that has been indicted, I think, for contempt of 
Congress. He has been on many Communist fronts, to my knowledge. 

Even as late as September 1 of this year, liis name appeared in the 
Daily Worker as one of the speakers, together with Howard Fast, who 
admitted then being a member of the Communist Party, at the Jeffer- 
son School. Mr. Lampell is listed as active in a protest being spon- 
sored by the Council of Arts, Sciences, and Professions. 

Mr. Dekom. Is that a Communist-front organization ? 

Mr. Malkin. That is a Communist front — organized, led, and con- 
trolled by the Communist Party. 

Mr. Dekom. Has Millard Lampell ever been a contributor to the 
New Masses? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Has he been connected with the Progressive Citizens of 
America, to your knowledge? 

Mr. Malkin. I cannot name the Progressive Citizens of America 
as being all Communists. Some of them are just plain fools, that is, 
most of them, and the ones that control the organizations are Com- 
munists. 

Mr. Dekom. Has he been connected with the Civil Eights Congress? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Is that a Communist front? 

Mr. Malkin. That is a Communist front controlled by the party 
through people such as our friend Paul Robeson and others. 

Mr. Dekom. Has he been a contributor, to your knowledge, to the 
magazine Mainstream? 

Mr. Malkin. Mainstream is a continuation of the old Masses. 
Masses and Mainstream it is called. 

Mr. Dekom. Is he a contributor? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Has Millard Lampell, to your knowledge been con- 
nected with the New York Committee to "Win the Peace? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Can you identify that organization ? 

Mr. Malkin. That was a New York committee organized after the 
war to combat the Marshall plan and to fight every other suggestion 
or proposal that the President or the United States Congress would 
make against the iron curtain countries, any of the countries controlled 
by the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Dekom. Was he a speaker at the Win-the-Peace Conference in 
Washington, which w^as organized by the Communist Party? 

Mr. Malkin. That is right. 

98330— 50— pt. 2 2 



484 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Senator O'Conor. With further reference to the activities of Mil- 
lard Lampell, were they notorious and pretty generally known, or 
were they all secret and clandestine ? 

Mr. Malkin. Sometimes they were carried out in secret, but the 
information would leak out at conferences. 

Senator O'Conor. What I have reference to, and what I think may 
be of particular interest, is whether or not there was sufficient knowl- 
edge of the activities of Millard Lampell so that those in charge of 
appointments at the United Nations would be wary of him. 

Mr. Malkin. There is quite a group around New York that could 
give you more information on that, based on their personal knowledge 
of him. 

Senator O'Conor. Have you previously testified concerning him? 

Mr. Malkin. No. 

Senator O'Conor. Did you testify concerning him before the Un- 
American Activities Committee ? 

Mr. Malkin. I testified before the Un-American Activities Com- 
mittee in 1939. 

Mr. Dekom. May we submit for the record the public record of 
Millard Lampell's connection with some 30 Communist-front organi- 
zations reported in public sources ? 

Senator O'Conor. Yes; that will be introduced and marked. 

(The documents referred to are included in apjiendix V, p. A80.) 

Senator O'Conor. Will you proceed, Mr. Malkin ? 

Mr. Malkin. To continue, we have the agents of this international 
organization carrying out a policy of world revolution and chaos. 
Now, we come to the question of citizenship and its misuse. 

It has always been the Communist Party line in the United States 
to misuse American citizenship and its certificates. Since it has been 
so easy to become an American citizen, it has been the party line 
and policy to get the members to become American citizens in order 
to enable the Communists to run for political office and to participate 
in election campaigns, and to try to elect its representatives to political 
offices so as to utilize the election of its representatives and their posi- 
tions in advocating the overthrow of our Government by force and 
violence with the establishment of a dictatorship of the proletariat 
in the United States. 

The other use of American citizenship is to enable them to go from 
Moscow to other parts of the world on American passports to carry 
out the Kremlin's line without being molested by foreign governments. 

Mr. ScHROEDER. Mr. Malkin, you made a statement a moment ago 
with reference to the overthrow of our Government by force and 
violence. Have you ever heard that statement made at any party 
meetings that you have attended ? 

Mr. Malkin. That has not only been stated at meetings, but it is 
a statement contained in the literature from the time of the inception 
of the party throughout my existence in the party. In 1920, when 
the party had been organized, the party issued a paper called the 
Revolutionary Age. I remember that James Larkin, an Irishman 
who was deported from the United States back to Ireland in 1923, and 
Harry Winitsky, who edited the paper, were prosecuted on a charge 
of criminal anarchy for coming out with the statement : 

We Communists do not believe in ballots; we believe in bullets. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 485 

Those are exactly the words that were used. 

Throughout the party's existence and my existence in the party, 
there was never any doubt in the minds of the leadership and in our 
minds, and in the minds of the rank and file that was theoretically 
developed in the party, that the party never will accomplish its aims ; 
that is, the establishment of a dictatorship of the proletariat in the 
United States by peaceful means. 

We always taught in the schools of the party, and we were taught 
that the controlling interests of the United States, or of any demo- 
cratic country, what the Communists call the bourgeois countries, will 
never give up their power peacefully. Therefore, it is up to the Com- 
munists to take control at an opportune moment such as an economic 
or political crisis in the United States. That would be done through 
arming what they called their party members, their sympathizers, 
and what they call the proletariat in the United States, by capturing 
arsenals, and by agitation in the National Guard and the armed forces 
in an effort to get those soldiers or sailors within the armed forces to 
come to their side, and through those means to overthrow the demo- 
cratic form of government of the United States and establish the 
Soviet Government. 

Birth certificates and American citizenship certificates have been 
used to send American party members to the Lenin school and other 
sabotage schools to train for leadership in the methods of sabotage and 
propaganda in the United States. Citizenship papers have been used 
for the above-named purposes, as well as for the forging of passports 
for Moscow agents to enter the United States without detection. That 
has been going on since the party's inception in 1919. 

Mr. Aeens. Now, may I just ask you at this point, first of all, how 
extensive this practice has been, to your experience ? 

Mr. Malkix. It has been quite extensive. In fact, the party could 
have sent hundreds of agents to Moscow on American papers. For 
instance, in the case of people who are dead, they take that certificate 
and go and get a passport. Somebody else gets it. I mean a passport 
to leave the United States to go to Russia. 

Mr. Arens. How about the entrance to the United States? 

Mr. Malkin. In the case of an entrance to the United States, you 
could take an American passport that has already been used by" an 
American student who is there. They would use his passport, or 
make a copy of it in a building called the Omsk in Moscow, where they 
forge all kinds of foreign passports, counterfeit money, and everything 
else. 

Mr. Arens. Do they forge visas^ 

Mr. Malkin. They forge visas and passports. 

Mr. Arens. How extensive has been the entrance into this country 
of agents on fraudulent papers ? 

Mr. Malkix. It has been quite extensive. 

Mr. Arens. How extensive is it at this time, to your knowledge? 

Mr. Malkin. At the present time, to my knowledge, they are a little 
more careful, because the Soviet Government knows, and also the 
party knows that its existence in the United States is legally en- 
dangered, that they are on their hind legs. 

Mr. Arens. What do you mean by that? 



486 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Malkin. That the party is liable to be driven underground. 
This is what they fear most and what they are seeking to avoid. If 
Congress passes a bill outlawing the Communist Party, it will set up 
machinery to neutralize the influence of the party among the pseudo- 
liberals and wealthy stooges in this country from which the Communist 
Party derives much of its support. 
They are scared. 

Mr. Arens. Are they at this time still sending agents? 
Mr. Malkin. They do, but not to the extent that they used to. 
Mr. Akens. Are they still sending them here in the same manner 
you have described previously ? 
Mr. Malkin. That is right. 
Mr. Arens. By false and fraudulent documents ? 
Mr. Malkin. That is correct. The fact is — I do not know exactly 
the names of the people, I am trying to check on that — that there are 
three representatives here in the United States now from Moscow. 

Mr. Arens. What do you mean by three representatives from Mos- 
cow? 

Mr. Malkin. From the Comintern. They are not GPU agents, 
but agents of the Comintern. 
Mr. Arens. Who are those men ? 
Mr. Malkin. That is what I am trying to find out. 
Mr. Arens. How do you know that they are here ? 
Mr. Malkin. I was told that through information I received from 
the party. 

Mr. Arens. Did they indicate what status they have here from the 
standpoint of our immigration laws ? 

Mr. Malkin. They are called the CI Commission. 
Mr. Arens. What do you mean by CI Commission? _ 
Mr. Malkin. The Communist International Commission. 
Mr. ScHROEDER. Is it unusual to send a commission ? 
Mr. Malkin. Well, it has been done before. 
Mr. Dekom. Is that a trouble-shooting unit? 
Mr. Malkin. That is right. 

They are actually in charge of, if necessary, reorganizing the party, 
giving orders to the party, and everything else. Leaders, like Wil- 
liam Z. Foster, Earl Browder, and Eugene Dennis have never had 
much to say about the American party anyway. 

Mr. Arens. As to these three top men of whom you say you have 
information are here, what is their immigi'ation status? Are they 
affiliates of embassies, affiliates of some purchasing commission, or 
what are they here as ? 

Mr. Malkin. I would doubt very much whether they are affiliates 
of any purchasing commission or any diplomatic group. They are 
here just as agents who came here illegally, and they give the orders. 
Mr. Arens. How did they get here? 

Mr. Malkin. They usually come here on different passports, not 
their own, because the Soviet passport authorities know that the 
American Government will have a check on them and keep an eye 
on them, so they come in under other false passports. 

Mr. Arens. During your experience as a member of the party, did 
you have occasion to arrive at a conclusion as to the extent to which 
the officials of foreign governments and affiliates of international or- 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 487 

ganizations participate in the Communist apparatus in the United 
States? 

Mr. Malkin. They would not do so openly, because, to my knowl- 
edge, no Avorker in the Soviet Embassy, or any of the purchasing com- 
missions or trading organizations, or any so-called legal group that 
might come here from the Soviet Union, representing the Soviet Gov- 
ernment, are allowed to participate openly in the activities of the 
Communist Party. 

To my former knowledge, and to my knowledge at the present time, 
the way things work is that the Soviet Government might have its 
agent here, and he might act as a janitor at the Embassy, for example, 
but still give orders to the Ambassador. 

Mr. Arens. To what extent is the Communist apparatus in the 
United States directed through the consulates and the embassies? 

Mr. Malkin. Directly they never do. because that is what they have 
the control commission and party for. The central control commission 
of the Communist Party is actually the group in the party that is 
the top layer of the party. They are over the Politburo and every- 
thing else. That is the discipline and control group that controls 
finances and that disciplines the behavior of every party member. 
That group sees to it that the party carries out the Moscow line. 

Their function is to first gather information that is collected by the 
organization apart from the party. Let's say, for instance, that the 
Brooklyn Navy Yard will have a party unit which is called a nucleus. 
That party unit, when they get together, will furnish information on 
the caliber of guns and what they are doing in the navy yard. At 
this unit meeting there will be present a representative of the district 
organization. He gathers that information and sends it to the 
organization department. 

The organization department sends it to the control commission, 
and the control commission transmits it by cable to Moscow, or, if 
necessary, gives it to one of the couriers through the Communist Inter- 
national representative here. Sometimes they give it to the resident 
GPU agent, who transmits it to Moscow. 

Mr. Arens. Do you know any resident GPU agents who are pres- 
ently in the United States? 

Mr. Malkin. No; not at present. 

Mr. Arens. What is the source of your information about these 
three top men from Moscow who you say are here to direct and control 
the Communist apparatus? 

Mr. Malkin. My information is that just a few weeks ago there 
was a meeting of the top layer of the party. 

Mr. Arens. Where? 

Mr. Malkin. At Beacon. 

Mr. Arens. In what State is that? 

Mr. Malkin. That is at Beacon, N. Y. 

Mr. Arens. Where was that meeting held ? 

Mr. Malkin. That meeting was held at a farmhouse. One of the 
party members present gave me the information as to what was going 
on at the meeting. Present at that meeting was the whole group of 
the 11 persons being tried there now, as well as Elizabeth Gurley 
Flynn, Alexander Bittleman, and another group. 



488 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

The information that I received was that there were three strangers 
there. They didn't look like Americans. They kept quiet except for 
one who delivered the line of the discussion, actually to the orders. 
No names were mentioned, and up to the present time he doesn't know 
the names of those people. 

Mr. Arens. Is my understanding correct that the men who are 
presently on trial in New York City as Communists were in attend- 
ance at this session ? 

Mr. Malkin. That is right. That is not unusual. It always has 
been that way. That was what they call an enlarged plenum of the 
Politburo. 

Mr. Arens. When was this session ? 

Mr. Malkin. Just a few weeks ago up at Beacon. 

Mr. Arens. And your informant was a man who was in attendance 
at that session ? 

Mr. Malkin. He is a party member; yes. 

Mr. Akens. Does he know that you have broken with the party ? 

Mr. Malkin. He knows. I meet with him once in a while so that 
no one sees us. 

Mr. Arens. What is your vocation and occupation ? 

Mr. Malkin. I am a machinist, but for the past year I have been, 
on and off, employed by the Immigration and Naturalization Service 
as an expert witness in deportation hearings. 

Mr. Arens. Have you other contacts with present agents of the 
Communist Party who are in the United States other than the man 
you have talked to ? 

Mr. Malkin. I have with one or two other party members who 
are in the party, but who are not in the top layer. 

Mr. Arens. But the man that you talked to who attended this 
meeting was in the top layer ? 

Mr. Malkin. He is one of the top layer of the party. 

Mr. Arens. Wlio attended that meeting ? Can you clear the record ? 

Mr. Malkin. According to my information, there were present 
Jack Stachel, John Williamson, Alexander Bittelman, Eugene Dennis, 
Gil Green, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Margaret Krumbein, and quite 
a few others. 

jMr. Arens. What transpired at that meeting, to your knowledge ? 

Mr. Malkin. They were mainly discussing the line of the party 
at the present time and how to pursue the Foley Square trial. 

Mr. Arens. You mean how to proceed at the trial ? 

Mr. ]Malkin. The policy at the trial. It was decided up there that, 
instead of using as witnesses for the defense aliens or those who have 
been naturalized, that they would use strictly American-born persons 
as witnesses for the defense, so that they should not be deportable and 
should not have to go through denaturalization procedures. 

Mr. Arens. What else was decided there or discussed there ? 

Mr. Malkin. That is exactly what he told me. 

Mr. Arens. What else was decided there, or discussed there? 

Mr. Malkin. Mainly th:it question was discusbed and the question 
of the drive for the defense; that is, how to proceed with the drive 
for $450,000. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you have any reason to believe that the commission 
was appointed because of the trial of the Politburo of the Communist 
Party here ? 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROLTPS 489 

Mr. Malkin. In my opinion, this commission was sent here because 
the party in the United States finds itself in danger of being liqui- 
dated ; that is, of going underground. 

That question of going underground is quite an important question 
to the Communist International. Quite a lot of people in govern- 
ment may disagree with me on my idea of underground. They feel 
that going underground will just drive the agents underground so 
their identity will not be known. Our experience has been different 
in 1919 and in 1920. The policy of underground is very, very im- 
portant to the Communist International. 

Mr. Arens. Is it more difficult for the party to function under- 
ground than it is in the open ? 

Mr. Malkin. Of course. It stifles the party ; it kills the party. In 
1919 when we split from the Socialist Party, there were 87,000 of us 
split from the Socialist Party. After being underground for l^^ 
years, the party dwindled to 3,500, because they were not able to carry 
on open press agitation, open propaganda, open schooling, and every- 
thing else. That killed the party. 

It was necessary for Lenin to send a letter to the American party 
telling them that if they did not get out of the underground the party 
would be stifled to death. 

Mr. Areists. Now, tell me about this defense fund you mentioned u 
few moments ago, for the alleged Communists on trial in New York 
City. I understood you to say there was a fund being raised. 

Mr. Malkin. That is right. There was discussion of the procedure 
of raising the $450,000 defense fund, because it takes quite a lot of 
money to defend these 11 persons with all of the lawyers, staff, and 
everything else. The amount was laid down by the CI rep who spoke. 

Mr, Arens. What do you mean by the CI rep ? 

Mr. Malkin. Communist International representative. 

Mr. Dekom. Is he the real boss of the American Communist Party ? 

Mr. jMalkin. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. And has he always, to' your knowledge, been an alien 
sent here by Moscow to direct the party ? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Did your informant meet the man who was the boss ? 

Mr. Malkin. He was present at the meeting, but everyone had to 
remain seated until after tliey left. No one was allowed to write any- 
thing down or to make any notes, or anything else. That is the usual 
procedure in an underground party. 

Mr. Arens. Did your informant describe the appearance of his 
bosses ? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes ; he told me. 

Mr. Arens. What did he say they looked like ? 

Mr. Malkin. He said one looked like a German, and the other two 
looked like Finns. 

Mr. Arens. Did he describe the accent they used ? 

Mr. Malktn. He mentioned a German, Kussian, and English accent, 
you know, comrades, and all that stuff, in German guttural sound. 

Mr. Arens. Did he describe the physical appearance of these men? 

Mr. Malkin. One was quite heavy. One of the fellows who was 
sitting must have weighed some two-hundred-and-some-odd pounds. 



490 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

He was short and chubby, blond, with blue eyes. He had a scar on his 
forehead, on the left side of his forehead. 

Mr. Arens. Over his left eye ? 

Mr. Malkin. I don't know whether it was over his left eye. I know 
he had a scar on his forehead. 

Mr. Arens. Did he describe either of the other two to you ? 

Mr. Malkin. No. He said that he didn't remember their descrip- 
tion because they were there just for about a half hour and they had to 
leave, and no one was allowed to leave until they had left. 

Mr. Arens. How many persons were in attendance at the meeting in 
total? 

Mr. Malkin. About 15 to 18 people, 

Mr. Arens. And it was conducted in a farmhouse ? 

Mr. Malkin. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. Did he indicate the location of the farmhouse? 

Mr. Malkin. He said they were taken there by car and that right 
near, he knows, is Beacon. It was in Beacon, so it must have been 
right near the Communist camp. The party has had a camp there 
for years. 

Mr, Arens, Where is this Communist camp? 

Mr. Malkin. It is right in the township of Beacon, N, Y, 

Mr, Arens, Have you ever been to that camp ? 

Mr, Malkin. There is Camp Unity and Camp Nitkedaiget. 

Mr, Arens. Have you ever been to those camps ? 

Mr. Malkin, I have been to both camps, 

Mr. Arens. Is there a meeting place in either camp ? 

Mr. Malkin. There are quite a few houses built there, 

Mr, Arens. These camps are owned by the Communist Party? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes; and its front organizations, 

Mr. Arens. What are these camps used for ? 

Mr. Malkin. They are summer camps for Communists, or sympa- 
thizers. They go out there as .people go out to any other camp or 
country place. 

Mr, Arens, Would you kindly proceed with your statement, Mr. 
Malkin? 

Mr, Malkin, Yes, 

The use of citizenship papers to enter the United States without 
detection has been going on since the party's inception in 1919, That 
was especially done during the Spanish Civil War, the war in 1936 
and 1937, when passports were forged by the hundreds and were col- 
lected by the GFTI and the Communist Party representatives in Spain 
from the recruits that reached there from the United States and who 
were joining the loyalist army, 

Mr, Arens, Are you saying, in eifect, that passports which were 
issued by this Government to American citizens for the purpose of 
going to Spain were then taken by the Communist representatives in 
Spain from the persons to whom the passports were issued? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. For the purpose of establishing, or attempting to estab- 
lish, American citizenship by persons who were not Americans? 

Mr, Malkin. Yes. In fact, the passport of every recruit that went 
to the loyalist army from the United States was immediately taken 
away by the commissar of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade who at 
that time was in charge, a fellow by the name of George Mink. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 491 

Mr. Dekom. How did these commissars have authority to do that? 
Was the unit controlled by the Communist Party? 

Mr. Malkin. The whole thiui? was controlled by the Communist 
Party. It was nothing but a Communist organization throughout. 
Tlie "brigade was recruited by the Communist Party through Com- 
munist agents, through Communist headquarters by Communist fronts, 
and through funds collected by the Communist Party through front 
organizations such as the American Committee for Aid to Spanish 
Democracy, and similar fronts. 

Every one of those passports was taken away by these agents. When 
the end of the Spanish Civil War came, or when a soldier finished his 
term and wanted to go back to the United States, most of them never 
received their passports back again. Those passports were taken to 
Moscow, and they were used to forge other passports for use by 
Communist agents who traveled around the world. 

Later the same procedure of the forgery of passports was used by 
a person known by the name of Gerhart Eisler. He used the citizen- 
ship of a person whom I know well, Sam Liptzen, who claimed he 
had lost his certificate. This same Sam Liptzen, in my opinion, gave 
him that paper willingly, because Sam Liptzen has been a charter 
member of the party. He never deviated from the party line. He 
carries out the party discipline according to the 21 commandments 
of Comrade Stalin. He writes once in a while for the Jewish Daily 
Freiheit, which is the daily Jewish Communist organ in the United 
States. He is a member of the left-wing and control group of the 
furriers' union in New York. 

In my opinion, his statement that he lost that citizenship certificate 
•was an absolute lie. 

Mr. Dekom. Mr. Malkin, you have mentioned the furriers union on 
one or two occasions. Is that a Communist controlled union? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Who is president of that union ? 

Mr. Malkin. Ben Gold. 

^Ir. Dekom. Is he a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Malkin. He is a member of the party since 1921 and I was 
at meetings with him throughout my period up until 1937. 

Mr. Dekom. Isn't he one of the few Communist officials who pub- 
licly admits being a member of the party ? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

That American citizenship papers have been a blessing to the Com- 
munist International is exemplified in the sending of American 
naturalized citizens to Moscow to learn and to teach at the Lenin 
School. Following are the names of just a fraction of the numbers 
that were there. 

Mr. Dekom. Will you identify the Lenin School? 

Mr. Malkin. The Lenin School is the school where the Communist 
Party sends its potential leaders to make professional revolutionary 
leaders out of them. When they get hold of a bright young man who 
is willing to be a yes-man for the party and to carry out orders without 
question, he is sent to the Lenin School for training in party leadership. 

Mr. Dekom. What type of things do they learn ? 

Mr. Malkin. They learn everything from political economy from 
the Marxian point of view, to the ultimate aim of the overthrow of the 



492 coMMuisnsT activities in alien and national groups 

United States Government, sabotage, how to make demolitions, how to 
create riots, how to participate in riots, how to lead crowds in rioting, 
how to create action committees, such as they did in Czechoslovakia 
when they took over the Government ; as was done in San Francisco, 
in 1933 and 1934, during the general strike in San Francisco. That 
was a small rehearsal of the later action in Czechoslovakia. 

Mr. Arens. How many naturalized citizens have been sent from the 
United States to this Lenin School? 

Mr. Malkin. Hundreds. 

Mr. Arens. Over what period of time ? 

Mr. Malkin. Since the party's inception. 

Mr. Arens. Are they still sending them ? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes, they always send them because they have to carry 
on continuously what they call the education of leadership. 

Mr. Arens. How do these people get to be naturalized citizens if they 
are Communists? 

Mr. Malkin, They deny that they are Communists. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Malkin, you testified a little while ago with respect 
to the foreign-language groups that are under Communist control and 
domination. Is there any particular element or group in our popula- 
tion which is especially under Communist control and domination? 

Mr. Malkin. As a unit, or as a group ? 

Mr. Arens. Yes. We are composed, as we all know, of a nation of 
various nationalities of various backgrounds. Is there any particular 
group or element which is especially under the control and domination 
of communism ? 

Mr. Malkin. I wouldn't say the whole group. I would say that 
parts of those foreisfn groups are. Take, for instance, the Polish 
population. As a whole, it is loyal to the United States. But a small 
fraction of their group is under the domination of the Communists, 
especially ever since Russia took over Poland, and ever since the end 
of the war. 

In the case of the Hungarians it is also the same way. I wouldn't 
say that the whole Hungarian population in the United States is 
disloyal. I would say that a very small minority is disloyal. The 
large majority of the Hungarian population in the United States are 
absolutely loyal American citizens. 

Mr. Arens. Wliat I was driving at is this : To be a little bit more 
specific, are the Communists making disproportionate inroads among 
the foreign-language groups which originated in those countries 
which are now behind the iron curtain as distinguished from people 
who have come from other nations, or other lands ? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes, they are making inroads. 

Mr. Arens. On a proportionate basis, are they making more in- 
roads ? 

Mr. Malkin. They are making more inroads now because, in my 
opinion, of two reasons : 

Let us say, for instance, that John has relatives in Hungary. If he 
doesn't abide by the decisions of the Communists, of the organization 
that the Communists are working in, he is afraid that his relatives 
will be harmed in Hungary through terror and through intimidation. 
Therefore, the Communists are making more inroads amongst the 
people from those countries where they control at the present time 
than they did before. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 493 

Mr. Arens. What is the total membership of the Communist Party 
ill the United States at this time? 

Mr. Malkin. The card-carrying members would be about 75,000 
to 100,000. 

Mr. Arens. How many persons in the United States are under the 
Communist discipline, control, or direction ? 

Mr. Malkin. Under the Communist discipline, I would actually 
figure, throughout the United States, about 4,000,000. 

Mr. ScHROEDER. Four million? 

Mr. Malkin. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. What do you mean by under Communist discipline? 
I know that I used the term, but I would like to have you describe it. 

Mr. Malkin. For example, the International Workers Order has 
135,000 members. That is controlled by the Communist Party. That 
is, the organization is controlled by the Communist Party. The fur- 
riers' union is controlled by the Communist Party. That is 16,000. 
The United Electrical and iiadio Workers has locals controlled by the 
Communist Party with a minimum membership of about 75,000. The 
hotel and restaurant workers, I would estimate, have about 75,000 
members. If you figure them all up, you can see how I arrive at my 
figure. 

Mr. Dekom. You don't say that the individuals themselves are under 
party discipline, but rather that they are members of organizations 
whose leaders are under the party's discipline ? 

Mr. Malkin. They have to carry out the decisions formulated by 
the leaders. For example, in the Eobeson affair, I would not say 
that all of them were Communists. Most of them are dumb, but are 
carrying out the discipline of the organization that ordered them to 
go there. 

Mr. Schroeder. How many of them are conscience members in the 
International Workers Order? 

Mr. Malkin. I would say that that all depends on what you consider 
the conscience member, because, if you talk to one of the members there, 
even though he is not a member of the party, he will be afraid to talk 
against the Communist Party because he is liable to lose out in the 
organization, so he will never tell you whether he is against them 
or for them. Most will speak for them. 

Mr. Dekom. How many know that the IWO is an affiliate of the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Malkin. I would say that 95 percent of them know, because 
that organization was organized by the Communist Party and has 
been publicized in every paper in the country like the Jewish Daily 
Forward and other foreign-language papers. It is a known fact that 
Communists were leading, that they were under the leadership of 
Max Bedacht, William Weiner, and all the others, who are known 
as Communist members, members of the central party. 

William Weiner used the alias of Warszover and was held on false 
passport charges during the war, and I think was pardoned by Presi- 
dent Roosevelt. 

Mr. Dekom. Please go on. 

Mr. Malkin. One of those that went to Moscow and spent quite a 
few years there is a dentist known as J. Mindel. I think he is a 
naturalized citizen of the United States. He is known as "Pop" 



494 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mindel. He is one of the directors of the Workers' School. He 
taught at the Lenin School for quite a few years, and was known as 
a Red professor from 1929 to 1934, at the Lenin School. He is at 
present one of the directors of the Workers' School in New York. 

Another one is A. Pomerantz, a Polish-born naturalized citizen, who 
M'orks on the Jewish Morning Freiheit and who is also known in Mos- 
cow as a Red professor. 

William Weinstone, one of the members of the central committee of 
the Communist Party, is a former graduate of City College of New 
York. To my knowledge, he derived citizenship from his father. He 
was a district organizer of the New York Communist Party from 1926 
to 1929. He was district organizer in Detroit, and a former director 
of the New York Workers' School. That is the official Communist 
Party school. He was the American representative to the Communist 
International from 1929 up to about 1933 or 1934, and was known in 
Moscow as Randolph. Randolph was the name of all American repre- 
sentatives in Moscow. 

Mr. Dekom. Regardless of what their real names were? 

Mr. Malkin. That is right. 

Mr. Dekom. If their name was Randolph there, they knew that he 
was the American representative from the American Party to the 
Comintern ? 

Mr. Malkin. That is right. 

Another one is Beatrice Siskind, alias Beatrice Johnson. She has 
never even declared her intention of becoming an American citizen. 
She was in Moscow on a false American passport and spent a few 
years there with the Lenin School. On her return to the United 
States in 1929, sJie resumed her Communist activities as director of the 
Chicago Red School and other subversive activities. This Beatrice 
Siskind, alias Johnson, is under deportation proceedings at the pres- 
ent time, and I think she is now on $10,000 bond. I think 2 weeks ago 
she was let out of Ellis Island. 

Beatrice Siskind has a brother and sister who are also members of 
the Communist Party. Her brother is George Siskind, who has been 
a member of my branch of the party for years while I was a member 
of the party. He was formerly district organizer for the Communist 
Party in New Haven around 1927 and 1928. In 1932, he became agita- 
tion and propaganda director in New York City. I think he is also 
an alien. I don't think he is a citizen ; not to my knowledge, anyway. 
He is still active in the Communist Party. 

His younger sister is also a member of the party and is married to a 
Communist who is one of the engineers working for the Board of 
Transportation in New York. At least he was working there. 

Mr. Arens. To your knowledge, is there a fund contributed to, or 
created by, the Communist Party in this country which is used for 
the purpose of furnishing bail for alien Communists in deportation 
proceedings ? 

Mr. Malkin. To my knowledge, there has never been such a fund 
established. It has been the procedure with the party to get some 
close sympathizer — ''sugar daddy" — for the party to post a bond. If 
the respondent or the defendant jumps bail, the Communist Party 
usually makes good for that through the Communist International 
fund, or through the Amtorg, or through some other channel. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 495 

Another person who is traveling at the present time for the GPU 
and for the Communist International — and I am not sure whether he 
is naturalized or not — is a fellow by the name of Philip Ahrenberg, 
who I have known as a Communist since 1919. He was formerly a 
mens' clothing worker from New York. He has been traveling for 
the Comintern and the GPU since 1938. 

Mr. Dekom. The GPU is now called the MVD, the Ministry of 
Internal Affairs ? 

JNIr. Malkin. Yes, they are known as MVD. 

Another person who entered the United States is the wife of Earl 
Browder, Arisa Beckman. She is the wife of Earl Browder, formerly 
director of the Lenin School in Moscow, working in the discipline 
section of the GPU for foreign students in the Lenin School. She was 
in charge of putting foreign students who rebelled against the Com- 
munist International policy at the Lenin School in line. 

Mr. Dekom. Did she do any work with the foreign language groups 
in the United States ? 

Mr. Malkin. She did some, but officially, I don't know. To my in- 
formation, this wife of Earl Browder, through the intervention of 
Mrs. Roosevelt, came into the United States legally after leaving the 
country and going to Montreal, Canada. 

Another person traveling in Europe is a former wife of Earl 
Browder, that is, the wife before the one I have just mentioned, whose 
name is Kitty Harris. Kitty Harris has traveled under the name of 
Catherine Harrison. She has been working for the CI and for the 
GPU for years. 

Mr. Arens. What did she do ? 

Mr. Malkin. She worked as an agent, or as a courier for the Com- 
munist International, gathering information that is relayed from one 
country or another to her superiors. 

Another one is a sister of Earl Browder, Margaret Browder, known 
as Jeanne Montgomery. She has been doing the same work as Kitty 
Harris. 

The third one who has traveled for the CI was Otto Hoiswood, alias 
Billings. He is colored. I think he is back in the United States, but 
he traveled for quite a few years for the GPU. 

Mr. Arens. Did you have some further names you wish to give, 
Mr. Malkin? 

Mr. IVIalkin. Rudolph Baker, former district organizer of the 
Communist Party, former member of the IWW, charter member of 
the Communist Party, was district organizer of the Communist 
Party in Detroit in 1925 and 1926, went to the Lenin School, Moscow, 
1927, and has been traveling for the GPU and for the Communist 
International since then. His citizenship is doubtful in my mind. I 
am not sure that he is an American citizen, but that can be checked 
with the Immigration Department. 

B. Finkelbeig, charter member of the Communist Party and the Rus- 
sian Federation in the United States, former director of World Tour- 
ists, Inc., and coworker of J. Golos,^ former boy friend of Eliza- 
beth Bentley, member of the central control commission of the Com- 
munist Party for years, and has been traveling as a representative of 

^ For the story of Jacob Golos, see testimony of Elizabeth Bentley, p. 106. 



496 COMMTJN"IST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

the Communist International and the GPU. He has been working 
with Charles Dirba, chairman of the all-powerful central control com- 
mission of the Communist Party of the United States, gathering in- 
formation of industrial plants, shipyards, et cetera, to be transmitted 
to the Soviet Government in Moscow. 

Alexander Trachtenberg, director of International Publishers, a 
Communist publishing house, member, joined the Communist Party 
in 1920-21, former member of the Socialist Party, and came to the 
United States in 1906. He was naturalized in 1912. He is a member 
of the central control commission, and to my knowledge chief of the 
party's GPU section. Trachtenberg has made numerous trips to the 
Soviet Union. 

Ben Gold of the United Fur ^nd Leather Workers Union has been 
a member of the Communist Party since 1920. He is a naturalized 
American citizen. He went to Russia in 1929-30 and he carries out 
the party line strictly according to orders of the party. 

Max Bedacht, recently so-called officially expelled from the Com- 
munist Party, one of the top heads of the International Workers 
Order, a member of the national executive committee of the Com- 
munist Party since 1919, since its inception in the United States, has 
made between five and six trips, to my knowledge, to Russia. 

Mr. Dekom. Was he a delegate to the Comintern ? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes, sir; he went to numerous conventions or con- 
gresses of the Comintern. 

Mr. ScHROEDER. Is lie now residing in New Jersey ? 

Mr. Malkin. That is right. 

AVilliam Weinstone has been named before as having been to Mos- 
cow on numerous occasions, and he has been a representative to the 
Communist International for a few years at Moscow. He is a citizen 
and a graduate of City College of New York. 

Max Weiss is one of the members of the national committee of the 
party who has made numerous trips to the Soviet Union and perjured 
himself on statements in getting passports to go there. 

Mr. Arens. How do you know that? 

Mr. Malkin. He admitted it at Foley Square where he appeared 
as a witness and the question was asked of him : Why did he make 
different statements on his application for passports, and he admitted 
that. 

Alexander Bittelman, member of the Communist Party, alien, 
theoretician of the American Communist Party who, to my knowl- 
edge, went to the Soviet Union five or six times under names that I 
knew him as, such as Spielberg, Goldstein, et cetera. He is now under 
deportation proceedings. 

Jack Stachel, agitation and propaganda director in the Communist 
Party in America, joined the party in 1922, in the Young Workers 
League, at 208 East Twelfth Street, New York City. 

Mr. Dekom. What are the functions of the agitation and propa- 
ganda department ? 

Mr, Malkin. They are to distribute, publish, and to see that every 
member of the party is acquainted with the party line and the party 
literature, that every member of the party understands the structure, 
aims, and principles of the party, and the aims and principles of the 
party the way they were taught. The ultimate aim is to overthrow 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 497 

the American Government by force and violence and to establish a 
dictatorship of tlie proletariat in the United States. That is the ulti- 
mate aim. 

Mr. ScHROEDER. In these large-scale operations which you cited 
in the party, what is the source of money for these members to travel 
around ? 

Mr. ]\1alkin. From 1919 up to 1926 and 1927, the Comintern and the 
Soviet Government used to finance the American party, either through 
a shipment of jewels for conversion to cash in the United States in 
1920 and 1921 — that is, the crown jewels — or through Amtorg, or 
through some "sugar daddies" who would give the American party 
money and would be repaid by the Soviet Government. 

Mr. Dekom. Was this during a period when millions of Russians 
were starving because there was not enough food ? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes; that was during the period when the Hoover 
Relief Administration was out in Russia giving the Russians relief. 
It was called the American Relief Administration. 

IMr. Dekom. At the same time the Soviet Government was spending 
money abroad for propaganda and agitation; is that right? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. In fact, there used to be special funds for the 
Daily Worker, because the Daily Worker is always losing money. It 
was mainly established through funds that were given by the Soviet 
Government and the Comintern through different channels, either 
through couriers or through Amtorg representatives, or people who 
would come here with jewels and English pounds for conversion to 
American dollars. 

Mr. Dekom. Would you identify the Daily Worker? 

Mr. Malkin. The Daily Worker was established in 1922 as the 
Weekly Worker. In 1923-24, it was established as the daily paper in 
the English language. That is the official organ of the Communist 
Party in the United States and up to 1939-40, it used to have on its 
masthead: "Section of the Communist InteriiMtioiuil. 

Mr. Dekom. Is it still the official organ of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Even though they have removed that from their mast- 
head? 

JNIr. Malkin. That is right. 

John Williamson, alien, joined the Young Workers League in 
1921-22, formerly resided at Seattle, a former member of the national 
executive committee of the Young Workers Communist League, now a 
member of the Politburo of the Communist Party, United States of 
America, is at present one of the 11 people, together with Stachel on 
trial at Foley Square, New York City, on the charge of advocating the 
overthrow of the Government by force and violence. 

John Williamson has made numerous trips to Russia to different 
congresses of the Communist International under different aliases and 
passports. He has never even bothered to formally file a declaration 
of intention. Together with the Immigration and Naturalization 
Service, we established that he was alien-born. I think he was born 
in England. 

Irving Potash, manager of the New York joint council of the Fur 
and Leather Workers Union, also one of the 11 on trial at Foley 
Square. He spent some time in the Soviet Union during the early 



498 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

1930's. He went there on a forged passport because he was an alien. 
He is now under deportation proceedings. 

Mr. ScHROEDER. Is WilliaiTison under deportation proceedings? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

Herbert Benjamin, who, to my knowledge, is Ben Herbertson, joined 
the Communist Party in 1919. He is an alien who did not register for 
the draft in the First World War. He has made numerous trips to the 
Soviet Union. In the early 1930's he was the leader of the Unemployed 
Council and the National Hunger Marchers to Washington. He be- 
came very friendly with the deceased Harry Hopkins and Aubrey 
Williams. 

Mr. Dekom. Would you identify Aubrey Williams ? 

Mr. Malkin. He was the national administrator of the National 
Youth Administration under President Roosevelt and Harry Hopkins 
was the close adviser to President Roosevelt, and also, I think, he was 
the Administrator of the WPA. 

Herbert Benjamin was district organizer for the Workers (Com- 
munist) Party, w^hich is the Communist Party, at Cleveland in 1925-26. 
In 1927, he was district organizer at Philadelphia, Pa. He is now one 
of the national directors of the International Workers Order, which is 
the Communist fraternal front. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you know of any principal officer of the Interna- 
tional Workers Order who was not a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Malkin. No ; not to my knowledge, because most of the national 
officers of the Communist Party — and I say this through my personal 
knowledge of having been with them in the party — have been members 
of the Communist Party and are still members of the party. 

Mr. Dekom. Is the international Workers Order ever used as a 
means of finding financial support for the Communist Party personnel ? 
In other words, to give them jobs in the IWO ? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes ; people who are in danger of being deported, or 
whose names have been in the public eye too much, are sometimes 
removed from positions of the party and placed in positions in the 
International Workers Order, such as a person by the name of Shim- 
shom Milgrim, alias Sam Mills, who was formerly held for deportation 
around 1935-36 as an alien, and whom I have known in the party since 
he came from Poland in 1922 with a transfer from the Polish Com- 
munist youth organization to the United States. 

Mr. Dekom. Have IWO positions ever been used to give financial 
support to Communist Party sympathizers? 

Mr. Malkin. Well, it has been used to give financial support to the 
Communist Party as such in an indirect way by placing page adver- 
tisements in the Daily Worker, and the amount would ordinarily be 
around $5,000 or more. The IWO, in order to show that they spend 
money for publicity, would pay the Daily Worker $10,000 for a $500 
page to show that they paid for publicity. 

Mr. Dekom. Do they do that for foreign-language Communist 
papers ? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes ; they do do that. 

Mr. Dekom. Is that an extensive practice ? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. To support the Communist press? 

Mr. Malkin. The Communist press and the Communist-front press. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 499 

Mr. Dekom. That is, those papers and organizations which are 
sympathetic to the Communists ? 

Mr. Malkin. That is right. 

Mike Obermeier, a leader in the Hotel and Eestaurant Workers 
Union in New York, representative of the labor union known as the 
Profintern, who spent sometime in Moscow during 1930, 1931, and 
1932, and came back to the United States as the Profintern representa- 
tive. He lias ,ti;aveled Europe extensively and is now under deporta- 
tion proceedi;ijs. 

B. K. GebertJ whom I mentioned previously as one of the originators 
of the American Slav Congress and one of the members of the national 
executive committee of the Communist Party, took numerous trips to 
liussia on different false passports. He is now in Poland as chief of 
the labor department of the Polish Government. 

William Weiner, alias Bill Blake, also known as Welwel Warzover, 
who was convicted by the United States Government on a false-pass- 
port charge during 1939, and who is an alien. He has never even 
declared his intention of becoming a citizen and he traveled on false 
passport from the United States to Russia on numerous occasions. 
He was later released by orders or by interference, or whatever you 
might call it, from President Roosevelt. 

Bill Simmons joined the Communist Party in 1919; he is a clothing 
worker. He was a former district organizer in New Haven, 1925-26, 
and spent some time in Mexico as the American Communist repre- 
sentative in Mexico during the early twenties, and became somewhat 
of an expert for the Communist Party on Latin- American affairs. 
He was an organizer of the Anti-Imperialist League in 1924-25, and 
has been traveling in Europe and this country since 1928. He is still 
out on the road. 

Of these I have mentioned just a few examples of how the Com- 
munists misuse their citizenship and passports by violating our laws. 
Our Government could do very little to stop it due to our lack of 
proper immigration and naturalization laws. 

AVlien a Communist comes up for a citizenship, and especially one 
that is known as such, he is able to bring character witnesses for him- 
self that the Government might temporarily think are unimpeachable, 
like fehe recent case of Susi,^ United States District Court {United 
States V. Susl) . On the basis of character witnesses, citizenship was 
granted because of certain restrictions in the law.- 

Mr. Dekom. Was deportation pending against Susi at that time? 

Mr. Malkin. No, there was a question of citizenship. The Govern- 
ment claimed that he was a member of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Arens. As of the time he was up for his naturalization, were 
there also any other proceedings pending in regard to deportation ? 

Mr. Malkin. I don't think so, but maybe there were. 

1 have testified for the Immigration and Naturalization Service on 
numerous deportation hearings as an expert witness, and I became 
somewhat acquainted with some of the procedures. These are the 
reasons why I claim that some of the laws that are in effect at the 
present time are inadequate. 

' Archiilio Snsi. 

2 The Government failed to produce the chief witnesses against Susi. 

98330— 50— pt. 2 8 



500 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

I also refer to the dragged-out hearings on procedures and appeals 
during which time the alien is able to carry on subversive activities 
and help subversive elements to advocate the overthrow of the Gov- 
ernment by force and violence. 

There is the case of Gerhart Eisler, who was out under bond pend- 
ing an appeal on deportation proceedings and was able while on bond 
to carry on lectures and propaganda against our Government during 
that hearing. 

Irving Potash, Jack Stachel, Mike Obermeier, John Williamson, 
Claudia Jones, Beatrice Siskind, George Pirinsky, are some of the 
cases that have been held under deportation proceedings in the Gov- 
ernment and who were able to carry on propaganda while out on 
bond. 

The only way to enable us to get rid of a great many of these alien 
agitators and to tighten our naturalization and deportation laws is to 
overhaul our administrative department laws to enable the Immigra- 
tion and Naturalization Service to put the laws into effect and prop- 
erly execute them and expedite the deportation of these dangerous 
aliens. 

Senator O'Conor, We are certainly obliged to you for your very 
clear-cut and intelligent presentation of the situation. I would like 
to say that for the record because it has been very intelligent. 

May I ask you if you could be more specific in regard to the last 
statement as to the necessity for the amendatory legislation and also 
with regard to the administrative practices ? Could you give us some 
details as to just what you think might be done to correct this very 
alarming situation ? 

Mr. Mai.kin. The present laws do not allow the Department of Jus- 
tice and the Immigration and Naturalization Service to give a hearing 
to an alien who has been in this country and who has beeii a member 
of a subversive organization, to give him a hearing as to the evidence, 
and deport him immediately. Under the present laws he is allowed 
to appeal and appeal and appeal, and that proceeding is dragged 
out for years. 

Meanwhile, the appeals are going on, and he is able to carry on this 
subversive work. The proper thing to do would be to give the Im- 
migration and Naturalization Service actual authority to have a hear- 
ing on a case with proper evidence against the respondent and give 
him one hearing. If it is proved he is a member of a certain organ- 
ization, he should be deported without further hearings of any sort. 

Because of my knowledge of the Immigration and Naturalization 
Service, they are actually in charge when the person comes into this 
country. I do not see why they should not be fully in charge to get 
rid of him if he is subversive, instead of dragging out a hearing and 
giving the alien all that liberty and democratic procedure Avhich is 
accorded United States citizens, when he is trying to destroy our 
freedom. 

I know we are not like other countries. We are a democracy. We 
must not practice any Fascist or dictatorial laws, or totalitarian laws 
tliat are practiced in the other countries, but still on this question 
these people come into our country and they do not bother to even 
declare their intention of becoming citizens for many years. They 
get their education here, make their livelihood here. They are given 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 501 

all the freedom in the world, freedom they would never get in their 
former homes, and still they do not see fit to declare their intention 
of becoming citizens ; some of them for 25 and 30 years. 

Mr. Arens. If Congress should pass a law in effect outlawing the 
Communist Party, what, in your judgment, would be the effect of that 
statute on the Communist apparatus and Communist activities in the 
United States? 

Mr. Malkin. In my opinion, if the Communist Party is outlawed 
that would insure the ultimate destruction of the party in this country 
and provide the necessary statutes to apprehend and punish foreign 
espionage agents who are now operating in this country. 

Senator O'Conor. The question was asked you along a different line, 
and very much in point. The subject matter is of intense interest to all 
the members of the Senate as to what, in your opinion, would be the 
result of the passage of a statute outlawing the Communist Party? 

Mr. Malkin. That would smash the Communist Party, in my 
opinion. 

Senator O'Conor. Do you have any fears at all that it would drive 
them underground as a result, which would be bad? 

Mr. Malkin. No, due to my former experience in 1920 and 1921, 
when the American Communist Party was underground, when we 
split away from the Socialist Party and formed the Communist Party. 
Then we were about 87,000 members. 

Three years of underground illegality deprived the party of open 
.propaganda through the press, leaflets, open demonstrations, attrac- 
tion of youth, attraction of other elements of the party, which cut off 
all of that source and practically stifled the party. Within a 2-year 
period, the party, was only 3,500 members strong, because even those 
people who supported the Communist Party financially who were not 
members of the party ran away. 

Senator O'Conor. After it then regained a legal status, so-called, 
to what total figure did the party grow prior to your severance? 

Mr. Malkin. It took quite a few years after the letter from Lenin 
to the American party. Lenin stated the following, and I am quoting 
verbatim : 

The American Communist Party must strive to get out from underground as 
fast as possible. If not, it will be stifled to death. 

It was after quite a few years of building up the Daily Worker, open 
education of trade unions, open education of mass organizations, and 
everything else, that the prestige of the party was regained. But 
actually, underground, the illegality kills a Communist movement, just 
like it did in Germany as soon as Hitler drove it underground; just 
like it did for a certain period in Canada in 1939 and 1940. I had a 
little experience, having helped out the Canadian Government during 
that period for a short while, in driving some of it underground. 

Mr. Dekom. Is it not a fact also that the espionage and much of 
their subversive activity is already underground ? 

Mr. Malkin. Actually, the way they work underground now is 
that they took away all forms of identification material from the 
party members, party membership books, and so forth. They hid the 
records of the party, and leadership is kept in the background, but 
still they are able to carry on an open propaganda campaign; carry 
on open meetings, mass meetings; open speech making, and everything 



502 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

else, demonstrations in Washington, demonstrations in Poughkeepsie, 
and others. 

Underground they would not be able to do that. It would kill them. 
Once the party is driven underground, once that happens, there is a 
lack of effort and they are out of breath. That is the time they are 
dead. 

Mr. Arens. May I ask this question? It is undoubtedly naive to 
the Senator here, because he has been conducting hearings on the 
other subversive bills, but I would like to ask what, if a statute 
were passed saying that the Communist Party as such were outlawed, 
would you do then to subdue the other organizations which the Com- 
munists would undoubtedly form? How w^ould 3'OU designate the 
organizations wdiich would be outlawed in addition to just the name 
"Communist Party?" 

Mr. Malkin. The name of Communist Party does not mean a thing 
because the Communist Party has had numerous names. 

Mr. Arens. How are you going to outlaw it ? 

Mr. Malkin. Any party that is organized, whether under a differ- 
ent name, as Communist Party, or Workers" Party, or any other name, 
as long as its ultimate aim is the overthrow of the Government by 
force and violence. 

Senator O'Conor. Also, of course, the pending bill before this com- 
mittee provides that any such movement which is directed from 
abroad, which has any foreign sponsorship or control, is deemed to be 
inimical to the interests of the United States. 

Mr. Malkin. Yes, but there is also a clanger to that, too. The 
Communist Party of the United States could pull a trick like they 
pulled during the Roosevelt administration: "Wq]1, w^e disaffiliate 
from the Communist International. We are no longer with them."' 
How will you prove that ? The only way would be to realize that as 
long as the Communist Party has never in its history openly repudi- 
ated its conditions of admission to the Communist International, the 
21 conditions, it is still affiliated in spite of all statements that they 
might make. 

Any organization that is left in any way, shape, or form by the 
party, or through its membership, or any Communists of the organiza- 
tion, should also be outlawed. That is, such as a trade union. You 
cannot outlaw all trade unions, but you could disband the trade unions 
and get a person like Ben Gold out and democratically supervise the 
election of a real democratic leadership for that union. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have difficulty in proving a man is a Communist 
now ? How do you prove a man is a Communist now ? Let us assume 
that Mr. X has been indicted, or is up under deportation proceedings 
as a Communist, and he does not admit that he is a Communist. How 
do you prove that he is a Communist ? 

Mr. Malkin. By former comrades of his in the party, and by dif- 
ferent petitions and statements that he signs, so-called nominating 
petitions. Most Communists in New York or other parts of the coun- 
try have been arrested on demonstrations on and off, and w^e could 
use that method. 

Mr. Arens. Can a court conclude from the fact that somebody signs 
a petition nominating a known Communist for a public office, that 
he participated in a demonstration which was sponsored by the Com- 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 503 

munist organization, and that he belonged to an organization which 
has been designated by the Attorney General as communistic; can 
the court conclude from all that that he must be a Communist? 

Mr. Malkin. That is right, because any person with any common 
sense would know that after he has attended five or six demonstra- 
tions by Communists and he is impressed with them, that he is a Com- 
munist, but that member does not have to carry a membership book. 
He is an official member regardless. He is a practicing Communist. 
Those Communists are more dangerous than the party members, 
actually. 

Mr. Dekom. Can you name some people who have been prominent 
in the Communist-front movement ? 

Mr. Malkin. I could name quite a few — Archibald MacLeish, Theo- 
dore Dreiser, Waldo Frank, Robert Sherwood, Olin Downes, of the 
New York Times, and many Hollywood writers. A lot of them are not 
definitely members of the party. 

Harry Hopkins was never a member of the Communist Party, but 
still he catered to Herbert Benjamin to a certain degree. So did Au- 
brey Williams. He was a member of the League Against War and 
Fascism, which was a Communist front. So did Mr. Ickes. 

Mr. Dekom. How about Sidney Hillman? 

Mr. Malkin. Sidney Hillman, to my knowledge, although I was 
never at a party meeting with him, has been a member of the Com- 
munist Party since 1921. 

Mr. Arens. Does the Communist Party embrace a code of ethics 
or morality which would induce them to commit what we would nor- 
mally call deceit, misi-epresentation, or fraud? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. The Communist Party, according to the writj 
ings of the party, and according to Lenin's teachings, and a pamphlet 
that we introduced as evidence, called Left-wing Communism an 
Infantile Disorder and State and Revolution. In that pamphlet^ 
Lenin says that the Communist Party must practice in order to pene- 
trate mass organizations, trade-unions, and other organizations, where 
Communists would not be allowed to enter, must practice deceit, 
fraud, perjury, and everything else in order to get in. He must use 
all means to gain their ends. 

Mr. ScHROEDER. Do you know anything about the activities in 
Central and South America of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Malkin. I have known for quite a while of the way the Com- 
munist Party directs its apparatus. 

In Central America and South America, the Communist Party has 
been concentrating, since the early 1920's, and during the Sandino 
uprising in Nicaragua, 1927, of the South American section of Latin 
America. Why? Because of their low living standards and because 
they are more gullible for everyday revolution and they are easily 
attracted toward revolutionary uprisings through the manipulations 
of the Communist Party, and through propaganda on the part of 
the Communists on their low standard of living. 

For instance, we will say Cuban sugar workers and tobacco workers, 
and so forth. Lately the Communist Party has been concentrating 
on the Marshall plan, and the United States has given the Soviet 



504 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Union a great set-back with the Marshall plan. So, they are trying 
to concentrate around, here, and also through China. 

Mr. Arens. May I ask this : I understood you to say earlier today 
that you had broken with the party because you realized that the 
party was controlled from Moscow. Has that always been the case? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. How come you did not break with it sooner ? Did you 
just arrive at that conclusion after you were further enlightened, 
or what was the series of facts w^hich made your mind evolve to the 
conclusion that it was controlled and directed by Moscow ? 

Mr. Malkin. I have known that it was controlled by Moscow 
throughout my membership in the party, but it took a couple of years 
behind prison walls to give me a little further education. 

Mr. Arens. Do you care to elaborate on that? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. I was convicted in 1926 in New York for my 
activities in the furriers' strike. I was sentenced to 2^ years at 
Sing Sing State prison, charged with felonious assault. While in 
prison, I was able to restudy some of the party literature. I also 
borrowed quite a few books on American history in the prison library, 
and between the two of them, I became more enlightened toward 
Americanism and away from communism. 

Then, when I came out of prison, and I went back into the party, 
I began my revolt against the party. I attempted to organize within 
the party so that there would be a split, to break away from the 
party. I was not successful, of course, because some of the people 
notified the party of my heresy, so that is how I came to be out. 
It took quite a few years for me to decide, because it takes a member 
who joins the party and throws himself energetically into all of the 
party's affairs and work, quite a bit of time. He has to be convinced 
of a certain principle, what he thinks is a principle, and it takes quite 
a long time to break away from it. 

Mr. Arens. Did the rank and file of your Communist members in 
the United States, or persons under Communist discipline, realize 
that the party is controlled and directed from Moscow ? 

Mr. Malkin. Most party members who have been in the party less 
than a period of 6 months realize that. 

Senator O'Conor. Were there any efforts of reprisal made against 
you when you left? 

Mr. Malkin. There were plenty of them. In fact, every time I 
appear at a deportation hearing I usually get threats and telephone 
calls, 12 to 15 times a night, telling me to increase my insurance on 
my family, et cetera. We all go through that. We all go through 
that who have cooperated withl:he Government and broken from the 
party. We almost all must go through that stage. Some weaken, 
and some do not. 

Mr. ScHROEDER. Are there any activities in Puerto Rico to organize 
those people into the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes ; the Communist Party has been active in Puerto 
Rico and throughout that section. 

Senator O'Conor. How about the Canal Zone? 

Mr. Malkin. That, too. In fact, I remember a party man by the 
name of William Penning who was sent there as an engineer on the 
Canal in 1925, and he was carrying on party work there. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 505 

agents who are organizing the party there were in an organization 
called the Federation of Architects, Engineers, Chemists, and Tech- 
nicians, under the leadership of a fellow by the name of Marcel Sherer, 
who is a charter member of the party. 

Mr. Dekom. Did the United Public Workers' Union go down there, 
too 'i 

Mr. Malkin. That is right, after the ground work was laid by the 
Federation of Architects, Engineers, Chemists, and Technicians. 

Mr. Dekom. Is that a Communist-controlled union ? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you know who is its president ? 

Mr. Malkin. Abram Flaxer. I have known him. It was orig- 
inally organized in the home-relief set-up known as the Home Relief 
Employees' Association. 

Mr. Dekom. Thank you. 

Mr. Arexs. We have information to the effect that persons are 
arriving in the United States from Puerto Rico at the rate of a little 
in excess of 1,000 a week, persons who are technically American cit- 
izens. Do you have any information respecting those persons who 
are arriving and who may be subversive ? 

Mr. Malkin. Lately it has been the party policy of getting South 
American agents. Communist agents, or Communists, Chilean or 
Argentinians. They will go to Puerto Rico and reside there for a 
few months. They make out papers that they were born in Puerto 
Rico, and since they are natives of Puerto Rico they are American 
citizens. That is how they entered the United States. Actually they 
are Argentinians or Chilean Communists. 

Mr. Arens. \Vliat is your source of information on that ? 

Mr. Malkin. My sources of information are from a couple of officers 
of merchant ships and people from unions. 

Mr. Arens. How extensive is that practice ? 

Mr. Malkin. It is quite extensive. 

Mr. Arens. Does your information indicate that that process or 
practice is used currently? 

Mr. Malkin. That is right. 

Mr. ScHROEDER. Ill other words, somebody in the Puerto Rican Gov- 
ernment issues birth certificates that these people are natives of Puerto 
Rico? 

Mr. Malkin. There must be some clerical workers, or somebody 
higher up in the government, who issues these certificates. Other- 
wise, if they cannot get certificates, they get what they call secondary 
evidence of their birth, because there is such a thing as secondary evi- 
dence of proving birth without a birth certificate. 

Mr. Arens. What connections, if any, do the Communists in Canada 
have with the Communists in the United States ? 

Mr. Malkin. The Communist Party of Canada and the Communist 
Party in the United States are brother parties. They are under the 
same discipline, and they are supposed to exchange information and 
advice, financial and every other way. 

Mr. Arens. To what extent is there transportation of Commu- 
nists between the two countries ? 

Mr. Arens. Communists just walk across the border by proving 
American citizenship with a certificate, and even a chauffeur's license. 



506 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

You could walk into Canada and you could come back with all kinds 
of reports. 

Mr. Arens. Where all did you operate in the course of your services ? 

Mr. Malkin. I operated all over the United States. 

Mr. Arens. Were you in the full time pay of the Communists? 

Mr. Malkin. At times. I worked in a shop, and at times I was a 
full time functionary of the party. 

Mr. Arens. What was the nature of the remuneration that you 
received ? 

Mr. Malkin. Actually, it was a ruling in the party at that time that 
a single man was supposed to get from $25, $35, to $50 a week. That is, 
plus traveling expenses, of course. 

The party then paid $15 weekly for every child and $20 extra for 
a wife if she was unemployed. 

Mr. Arens. What did you do, specifically ? 

Mr. Malkin. I was actually in the organization in every way, in 
the trade-unions and mass organizations. 

Mr. Arens. Can you tell us more specifically what you did within 
the unions, or within the groups that you contacted ? 

Mr. Malkin. I went to organize m the field where there were no 
unions during the early period from 1930 up to, say, 1935. I went 
to organize in the places where there were no trade-unions. I would 
send in Communists within that industry and build up the local union. 

Mr. Dekom. They were not identified as Communists, were they? 

Mr. Malkin. No, they were not. 

Mr. Arens. After the union was organized, what did you do ? 

Mr. Malkin. We placed Communists in control of that union, of the 
finances, of the organization, and anything else. Any member who 
did not toe the line was told about it, and it was just too bad. 

Mr. Schroeder. What is the nature of the Progressive Labor Party 
of Canada? 

Mr. Malkin. That is a Communist Party. That is the official Ca- 
nadian Communist Party. That is a section of the Communist Inter- 
national, the same as the American Communist Party is a section of 
the Communist International. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have any information respecting the atom 
spy ring operating in Canada, and presumably, in the United States? 

Mr. Malkin. I am a little bit acquainted with it. One person I 
knew was a fellow by the name of Sam Novick, of the Wholesale 
Radio Corp. He used to run the LaFayette Radio Corp., and Whole- 
sale Radio. He later became president of the Electronic Corp. of 
America, the outfit that provided a "cover" for Russian espionage 
agents in this country during the last war. How I got acquainted 
with him was that I was supposed to leave for the Soviet Union and 
a banquet was given in my honor at the Hotel Albert in 1932. That is 
how I got acquainted with Sam Novick. 

Mr. Dekom. Was he at the banquet ? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Was that a Communist banquet ? 

Mr. Malkin. It was not official, but it was called the Comrades of 
Malkin and he came there. I also met him at his office a few times, at 
100 Sixth Avenue, New York, N. Y. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you know whether he was a party member? 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 507 

Mr. Malkin. No ; I don't think he was. 

Mr. Dekom. How did he get involved in this dinner ? 

Mr. Malkin. I was acquainted with him through a fellow by the 
name of Irving Koenig, who used to buy some material from him for 
the Stewart-Warner Corp., and who made numerous trips to Russia. 

Mr. Dekom. Is he a Communist? 

Mr. Malkin. No. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have information respecting any persons in 
the Government of the United States who are at the present time, 
to your knowledge, either Communists, or directly under Communist 
discipline ? 

Mr, Malkin. No ; not now. 

Mr. ScHROEDER. Do you know any in your own State ? 

Mr. Malkin. In a State ; yes. 

Mr. SciiROEDER. In a State government? 

Mr. Malkin. The teachers, and I have given affidavits. In fact, 
these are now in possession of the board of regents. 

Mr. Dekom. Is that in New York State ? 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. I would like again to remind you that we have asked 
you and you have agreed to transmit to the subcommittee a list of 
these papers which you feel are Communist papers. 

Mr. Malkin. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. I have no further questions. 

Senator O'Conor. Thank you very much, Mr. Malkin. 

Mr. Malkin. Thank you, sir. 

Senator O'Conor. We will recess at this time. 

(Whereupon, at 3 p. m., the subcommittee recessed, to reconvene 
at 10 : 30 a. m., September 8, 1949.) 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES AMONG ALIENS 
AND NATIONAL GEOUPS 



THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1949 

United States Senate, 
Special Subcommittee To In\t:stigate 
Immigration and Naturalization of the 

Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, D. G. 
The subcommittee met, pursuant to recess, at 10 : 30 a. m., in room 
424, Senate Office Building, Senator Forrest C. Donnell presiding. 
Present: Senator Donnell (presiding). 

Also present: Messrs. Richard Arens, staff director of the special 
subcommittee ; Frank W. Schroeder and Otto J. Dekom, professional 
staff. 

Senator Donnell. The hearing will now come to order. 
Mr. Arens, will you proceed ? 

Mr. Arens. This is a continuation of the hearings on S. 1832 to pro- 
vide for the exclusion and deportation of subversives. 
Our next witness, Mr. Chairman, is Mr. John J. Huber. 
Senator Donnell. Mr. Huber, do you solemnly svrear that the testi- 
mony you are about to give will be the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth, so help you God? 
Mr. Huber. I do.^ 

TESTIMONY OP JOHN J. HUBER 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Huber, is it agreeable with you for all or any part 
of your testimony today and your identity to be released publicly? 

Mr. Huber. Yes, sir. 

Senator Donnell. Pardon me, Mr. Huber, it is now about 7 min- 
utes before the time the Senate convenes, and I am wondering whether 
you would be willing to go right ahead with your statement, and then 
respond to questions of Mr. Arens, or his assistants. I will ask that 
I be excused from attendance. Are^you willing to go right ahead, 
Mr. Huber? 

Mr. Huber. Yes, sir. 

Senator Donnell. Very well. I am glad to have met you. 

Mr. Arens. Will you please state your name and give us an outline 
of your background and experience ^ 

Mr. Huber. My name is John J. Huber. I was born in New York 
City and have lived in that city and its environs all of my life. In 
1937, I was employed in a supervisory capacity in the WPA in New 

* The witness appeared under subpena. 

509 



510 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

York City, where I came in contact with fellow workers who were 
members of the Communist Party. 

My superiors in WPA knew that I did not share the Communist 
ideology and suggested to me that I could be of service to our Nation 
and our democratic way of life if I would cooperate with Government 
officials in identifying the leaders in the Communist Party in this 
country. I offered my services in any manner that the Government 
saw fit to use them. Accordingly, I was requested to go to the local 
office of the Federal Bureau of Investigation in New York City for in- 
structions. I did this and was asked whether or not I would be willing 
to join the Communist Party in order that I might be ke])t informed on 
party matters and report them to the FBI. I told the FBI officials that 
I would endeavor to join the Communist Party on behalf of the United 
States Government and would report to the FBI office or its agents 
the information I gained from such membership. 

Thereafter, I continued on friendly relations with my coworkers in 
the WPA office and within a few weeks was invited to join the Com- 
munist Party of the United States. After the invitation was repeated 
two or three times within a short period of time, I agreed to and did 
join the Communist Party. It was under these circumstances that I 
became a member of the Communist Party of the United States in the 
latter part of 1938 and held membership until the middle part of 1947, 
at which time I ceased my work with the FBI of my own volition. 

Mr. Dekom. To what extent did you devote yourself to party work? 

Mr. HuBER. During my period of membership in the Communist 
Party, I gave my full time to party activities. I did not miss a meet- 
ing of my unit of the party in 8 years. I was a member of the Teamster 
Branch of the Water Front Section of the Communist Party, which 
was the most powerful and militant section of the party in the United 
States. I progressed through various stages in my work, from distrib- 
uting leaflets and the Daily Worker to active participation in such 
Communist front organizations as the American Slav Congress, the 
■Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy, the Joint Anti- 
Fascist Refugee Committee, the Council on African Affairs, the Span- 
ish Action Committee, and the Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln 
Brigade. 

I was in close contact with the leaders of Communist Party as well 
as these various front organizations and was admitted to the closed 
executive meetings. I have an intimate acquaintance with many of 
the leaders of the Communist Party, particularly in the New York 
City area, and stand ready to make such information available to the 
Senate Judiciaiy Committee. 

Mr. Dekom. During your work as an under-cover agent in the Com- 
munist Party, did you maintain any continuing record of your own 
activities and of party activities with which you had connection? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, I did. I not only made periodic reports to the 
FBI, but I also kept a continuous diary over a period of about 8 years. 
1 have this material here with me and, as you can see, it is contained in 
two large notebooks, running into nearly 1,000 typewritten pages. I 
will be happy to turn this information over to you. 

Mr. Dekom. With the permission of the chairman, we will receive 
that in evidence and mark it "Huber Exhibit 1." 

(Tlie documents referred to were marked "Huber Exhibit 1," and 
filed for the information of the subcommittee.) 



COlVnVIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 511 

Mr. Dekom. As a member of the Communist Party, were you issued 
i:)eriodic membership books or cards? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, I was. I have them here with me and will be glad 
to submit them to you. 

Mr. Dekom. With the permission of the chairman, these member- 
ship books and cards will be received in evidence and marked "Huber 
Exhibit 2." 

(The documents referred to were marked "Huber Exhibit 2," and 
appear following p. 512.) 

Mr. Dekom. I notice that your Communist Party membership cards 
are made out to three different units : "Connolly Branch," "Eleventh 
Assembly District," and "Unity Center." Would you please explain 
the difference in names? 

Mr. Huber. There is no difference; they are all one. The names 
were changed from time to time, but these are all the same unit. The 
unit is located at 2744 Broadway, New York. In July 1943, for ex- 
ample, every branch of the Communist Party changed the name it had 
been using and became known as the assembly district club in which it 
was located. For example, the James Connolly Branch and the Earl 
Browder Branch became known as the Eleventh Assembly District 
Club. The Seamen's Branch, located at 230 Seventh Avenue, became 
known as the Seamen's Club. That change occurred throughout all the 
Communist Party branches in the New York area. The reasons given 
for that change were that the name Assembly District Club would add 
prestige and would aid in drawing new members, and that, in time, 
these clubs would take their places beside the Republican, Democrat, 
and American Labor Party clubs in their respective neighborhoods. 
It was pointed out that the Communist Party commanded more respect 
in neighborhoods where those clubs were situated since the substitu- 
tion of the term "club" for that of "branch." The fact that a recent 
recruiting drive had added 5,500 new members to the party ranks was 
given in justification of that change in terms. The only branches of 
the Communist Party which had not changed to the use of the term 
"assembly district club" are those attached to the industrial section. 
That designation would not fit those clubs since their branches were 
among needleworkers, some of which were located in shops where com- 
rades worked. 

Mr. Dekom. Go ahead, please. 

Mr. Huber. I would also like to submit to the committee a num- 
ber of letters, papers, and testimonials which give a picture of my 
services in the party and of my connection with party members and 
activities. 

Mr. Dekom. We will receive these' and mark them "Huber Ex- 
hibit 3." 

(These documents were marked "Huber Exhibit 3" and appear fol- 
lowing p. 512.) 

Mr. Dekom. In the course of your party activity, Mr. Huber, did 
you attend any schools or courses of instruction ? 

Mr. Huber. Yes. When new members were taken into the Com- 
munist Party, they were given about 10 lessons in training sessions 
designed to teach the new members the principles of communism. 
Thereafter, the new members were assigned to sections where they 
were taught the principles of Marxism-Leninism. 



512 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Dekom. What was the nature of the teaching you received ? 

Mr. HuBER. Let me give you an example. On March 6, 1940, I 
attended a new-members class at 131 East Seventeenth Street, New 
York City, led by Charles Cook. His topic of discussion was Struggle 
for Peace. Cook said in this class that, "if this country becomes in- 
volved in an imperialist war, a civil war will ensue to stop such a war, 
because the capitalists will arm the masses who will then turn their 
guns on them." Cook, in his talk to the new class, stated that the 
policy of the Communist Party was the overthrow of the United States 
Government by force and violence. 

Mr. Dekom. On the basis of your years of work in the Communist 
Party, your observation of party activity, and your contact with party 
leaders, what is your evaluation, your judgment of the Communist 
Party in the United States ? 

Mr. Huber. In my opinion, the Communist Party of the United 
States is the most dangerous and vicious organization that has ever 
existed within the borders of this country. 

Despite the alleged dissolution of the Communist International in 
1943, the Communist Party in this and every other country in the world 
still takes orders from Moscow. That was proven beyond a doubt by 
the complete repudiation of Earl Browder and his policies, upon 
direction of Jacques Duclos, French member of the Comintern. 

The Communist Party will stop at no lengths to achieve its avowed 
purpose of overthrowing our existing Government by force or other- 
wise, in order to establish a communistic regime in its stead. It is 
true that the constitution of the Communist Party no longer contains 
the phrase pertaining to the revolutionary overthrow of the Govern- 
ment, but that phrase is engraven in the hearts of all Communists and 
is merely omitted from their printed matter in order to prevent the 
party from being declared illegal. The party will use the weapon of 
revolution, through ordering general strikes, through creating social 
unrest, through propagandizing against capitalism as the root of the 
evils suffered by the masses, and through golden promises of an Utopia, 
where everyone will share alike and be equal. 

Further, the party will use its best weapon, that of boring from 
within, joining democratic coalitions, until the Communist members 
gain control of the leadership, and by getting large numbers of Com- 
munists elected or appointed to Government agencies. 

The membership of the Communist Party consider it their sacred 
duty to work diligently every waking hour, to accomplish something 
for the improvement and advancement of the party and its aims. 
Comrades hold key positions in all city. State, and Federal agencies. 
They never cease their efforts to achieve the accomplishment of the 
party line as outlined for them by the national committee. They 
thrive on the discontent of the masses, and unflaggingly operate to 
sow seeds of dissatisfaction, resulting in the successful recruiting of 
thousands of malcontents. 

In conducting their Communist activities, members of the Commu- 
nist Party are apparently given free rein in this country. They are 
permitted to hold public meetings, mass demonstrations, distribute 
literature criticizing and denouncing our Government and its foreign 
and domestic policies — all openly conducted under the auspices of the 
Communist Party and its front organizations. 




„ Party of 

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HuBER Exhibit 2 
Communist Party meinbersliip l)(x>k, 1943 

NECESSARY READING 



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slater, nelcbbor or friend— every Communist abould 
get the habit of readlaa rrsBUrly, each day — THE 
DAIbT WORKER. 



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No. 10235 

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512b communist activities in alien and national groups 



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COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 512C 



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512d communist activities in alien and national groups 



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COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 512e 



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512f communist activities in alien and national groups 



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51 2h communist activities in alien and national groups 



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COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 512l 



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51 2j COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 



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.512l communist activities in alien and national groups 



HUBER Exhibit 3 



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Letter from Regina Wilson, Jefferson School of Social Science. 



COA'IMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 513 

The party is given the status of a legal political party, similar to 
the Democratic and Republican Parties, is permitted to nominate 
candidates and place them on election ballots. In New York City, the 
council contains two elected Communists, while a number of other 
jDast or present councilmen are known to be closely tied up with the 
party. 

The mistake this country is making by allowing them such free- 
dom is that we do not face the fact that the foremost allegiance of all 
Conniiunists is to the Soviet Union. They prove this constantly by 
continually denouncing and criticizing the United States and all its 
policies, while at the same time revering the virtues and correctness of 
all Soviet actions and policies. 

There is no doubt in my mind but that, in a war involving the United 
States and any foreign coinmunistically controlled country, the Com- 
munist members in the armed forces in this country would actively 
become foreign agents, utilizing every unprincipled and unscrupulous 
means available to sabotage the defense of the United States. 

Mr. Dekom. Are you familiar with the statement recently made 
by the heads of Communist Parties in various western countries, in- 
cluding the United States, concerning what they would do in the event 
of a war between the United States or their own countries and the 
Soviet Union ? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes; that they owed their allegiance to Russia, and 
that they would not fight for this country, because this country con- 
sists of just a bunch of capitalists. At all of our meetings, it was, 
"Stalin says this" and "Stalin says that; it must be right." It was 
always Stalin and the Soviet Union. 

Loyal Americans do not take the Communist Party seriously enough, 
for they feel that it is but a minority party consisting of a small 
membership and "it can't happen here." 

While it is true that there is a yearly turn-over of thousands of 
members, it must be emphasized that this does not mean these thou- 
sands have renounced communism. They may no longer be dues-pay- 
ing and registered party members, but they retain their homage and 
allegiance to the principles of communism. This boosts the number 
of Communist believers in this country up past the million mark, a 
fact which the party is well aware of, but cleverly disguises in its 
unceasing recruiting. 

It is a misconception, which the party will not try to correct, but 
-will rather try to increase, to have us believe that the Communist 
Party is not as strong today as it was 10 years ago. The party is noc 
only stronger, but it is growing steadily, by reason of the steady influx • 
of members from communistically controlled labor unions, from for- 
eign-language-speaking groups, from the theatrical and entertainment 
fields, from veterans' groups, from the youth of America, from among 
the Negro people, and from consumer and community groups. The 
day-to-day recruiting of comrades has yielded the Communist Party 
handsome dividends in increasing their numbers. 

Cornrnunists have infiltrated into mass organizations and into civic 
and citizens' groups. They were even instructed to move into the 
American Legion and the Veterans of Foreign Wars. They hope, 
work for, and expect some day to get their policies accepted and put 
into action by these organizations. 



514 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

In New York City they have organized tenants' leagues in every 
community, and, on the basic and vital issues of housing, rents, and 
landlords, have duped innocent people into joining and working for 
the party. 

In my close association with front organizations (excluding Com- 
munist-controlled unions), which are used as transmission belts to 
disseminate the party line, I have seen just how many people are beings 
taken in and fooled by the innocence of front organizations. Fron^ 
organizations are formed by the party to publicize and campaign on 
specific issues, and these issues can be traced back to the Communist 
Party for their origin. They are one of the richest sources of re- 
cruiting members into the party and collecting funds with which 
the party can carry on campaigns. 

The Communist fronts are increasing in number today, and can 
boast of such well-known figures as Dashiell Hammett, Lillian Hell- 
man, Dorothy Parker, Herman Shumlin, Norman Corwin, Harlow 
Shapley, Ella Logan, Charlie Chaplin, Edward G. Kobinson, and Jolin 
Garfield as just a few of the drawing cards which attract the general 
public to their meetings and into eventually becoming members there. 
Such meetings invariably revolve around Communist campaigns and 
disseminate Communist-inspired propaganda. 

In my opinion, these front organizations should be publicly exposed 
and their danger, true nature, make-up, and origin shown for what 
they really are. 

In the field of education, there are a few hundred members of the 
Connnunist Party who are teaching the children of New York City 
in our public schools. The party realizes, more than do most Amer- 
icans, that it is in the schools and by teaching youngsters the Com- 
munist distortions of history and the principles of revolution, that 
they have their ripest fields for propaganda and future members. 
That they are correct in this ISIarxist realization is more than proven 
by the numbers of students who join students' leagues and youth or- 
ganizations controlled by Communists. 

Mr. ScHROEDER. Did you yourself become well known in Communist 
Party circles ? 

Mr. HuBER. I did. I was present at so many meetings, and served 
drinks at so many others, that I got to be known by hundreds of party 
members. As a matter of fact, Mr. Schroeder, I made it a special point 
to be conspicuous, because I wanted to be well known in party circles 
so that I could get as much information and get to know as many 
members as possible. I made it my job. It was the best way I knew 
of carrying out my assiirnment for ithe Government. 

Mr. "Dekom. Did you get to know top officials of the party? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes ; in the same way. I even got to know the drinking 
habits of the party leaders. Paul Kobeson, for example, used to like 
the way I mixed rum and coke for him and he would often come over 
to me, after a Communist Party meeting, and thank me for the drinks 
I had made for him. 

Mr. Dekom. How higli did you get in attending party meetings, to 
which levels of party authority ? 

Mr. HuBER, To ail levels, cit,y, State, and national. As a matter of 
fact, I was one of the few people to ever sit in on a meeting of the 
National Committee of the Communist Party. 



COIVCVIUISriST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 515 

Mr. Dekom. Isn't that one of the most secret meetings of the party 
high command? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes; it certainlj^ is. 

Mr. Dekom. How did you happen to get in on that meeting? 

Mr. HuBER. I knew the guard at the door, and he was a good friend 
of mine in the party, and he did not question me when I walked into 
the meeting. That was one of the chief advantages that I gained from 
becoming so well known in party circles, I was often able to attend 
closed meetings to which I was not supposed to come, but I got in 
anyway and nobody questioned me. 

Mr. Dekom. Because of the secrecy and importance attached to the 
meeting of the national committee, I want you to give us as detailed a 
report on the meeting as you can reconstruct from your memory and 
your notes. 

Mr. HuBER. This was the meeting of the national committee of the 
Communist Party at the Albert Hotel, on November 15, 1945. 

The entire national committee was present, having come from all 
over the United States. This particular meeting was one of the most 
important meetings of the party and was attended by the top leader- 
ship. 

The meeting was opened by Saul Wellman, who made the following 
speech : 

Leadership is an important thing. In the main, our party has a strong and 
healthy leadership, but some bad and negative features have been noted. We 
have carried over many people about whom we know too little, exactly who 
they are, how they make their living, their union connections, activities, and 
so forth. We must complete the review of them rapidly. Residence committee 
members have started to go out into the districts to acquaint themselves with 
the details there. We are bringing many new problems closer to the com- 
mittee — how our enemies are working in the party. 

The committee interested itself in the case of Comrade Donchin in Phil- 
adelphia. He had presented charges against Comrade [Eugene] Dennis for 
slander and character violation. Our review committee heard Donchin and 
rendered the opinion that it was his intent to weaken the party. The com- 
mittee characterized Comrade Donchin's behavior as arrogant, and decided to 
dismiss these charges against Comrade Dennis by Comrade Donchin on the 
ground that his charges were not solely against Dennis, but were against every 
member of the board. This is just one example of the upsurge of weak leader- 
ship during the period of revisionism, but the leadership has been taken away 
from the groups trying to cause trouble. In addition, we have noted a number 
of serious problems in Chicago and Detroit. We have had to correct corruption 
among some of our trade-union comrades. We know there are operating in our 
midst enemy forces, such as the FBI, Government intelligence agents, foreign 
government agents, who are attempting to turn the people against our interests. 

Regarding the case of Sam Darcy, this was turned over to the review commit 
sion. They called upon Comrade Darcy to appear before them for a hearing 
sending him two letters. To the first letter we got no response; to the second 
letter, we received a polite response saying that at this time he was not interested 
in returning to the party. I believe we should tnhle this matter at present. 

One of the things which must be corrected is the keeping in many offices ol 
party lists, names, and address records. This is not a good procedure, becaust 
we do not know too much about some of the comrades who are being broughl 
into our movement. Many have been accepted as party members and elected 
to office solely on the basis of having been a veteran of the Spanish Civil Wai 
and of this war, and no further background investigation has been made. 

Another thing, there is too mucli gossiping and rumoring going on, with com- 
rades talking too freely. There must be a general tightening "up all around 
The struggle to preserve the unity of the party cannot be stressed too strongly 



516 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

In the main, the old leadership was connected with the Browder line, but it 
no longer holds today. New leadership must be scrutinized and weighed. There- 
must be greater sensitivity of members of the party on the question of leadership. 
We still find too much dissatisfaction in the ranlis of the party. We must estab- 
lish and maintain prestige with the working class. Budenz and people of his 
type must be removed. 

There must be refreshing of the leadership and the execution of a policy of 
very careful fusing of the old and new. This question of comrades being without 
assignments of party work must be taken care of immediately. It has been over 
3 montlis since the convention — too long for it to have dragged on, especially 
when there is urgent need for every shoulder being put to the wheel, when every 
comrade should be at work. 

A considerable number of the membership was not reached with the decisions 
of the convention. Some are still not aware of the question of [Earl] Browder 
and why we rejected revisionism ; also, what is disturbing, in a number of dis- 
tricts we do not know who the people are who voted against our resolution. 
There is not a full appreciation of the fact that enemies are working within our 
ranks. There are serious leaks in our organization. Stories have appeared in 
the capitalistic press which show there are leaks. The work of tlie Trotskyites 
lias been most energetic in the last few years, but we feel that whatever inroads 
they have made we will be able to smash. However, in the last 2 years there 
have been no exposures of known Trotskyites, although there are definite indi- 
cations tliat there are some working within our party. They are trying to asso- 
ciate themselves with mass questions on which they were delinquent in the past. 
They have made great progress among the Negroes in Detroit and Chicago. It 
appears that Detroit is becoming the national point of Trotskyites. There is 
a greater flood of their printed material than at any other period. Their first 
concentration is New York ; second, Los Angeles ; third, Detroit ; fourth, Chicago ; 
and fifth, Philadelphia. They have organizations in most of the important indus- 
ti'ial cities in the United States and their activities are increasing in the concen- 
tration points. At no time in the past has there ever existed such a liberal 
attitude toward Trotskyites as at this time. Some of our comrades cannot recog- 
nize the antiworking, anti-Soviet sentiments of the Trotskyites and great danger 
lies here — we must expose this danger before more damage is inflicted to our 
party. 

Our next problem is the police, the FBI, and the intelligence agents active in 
the party. Here, too, are sufiiciently concrete indications in New York, Chicago, 
and Detroit that should make us vigilant of this problem and increase our 
efforts to drive them out. The most effective method for making it extremely 
diflicult and impossible to work within the ranks of the party is to create basic 
vigilance in the party, to fight to know as much as possible about all the com- 
rades, down to the newest rank and file members. 

Gossip and rumor must be stopped. Such matters as require discipline and 
action should be brought before responsible party committees. Police agents 
and the FBI have representatives all over — maybe these walls have ears, even 
here, too. The luncheonette at Twelfth Street and University Place is a spot 
where anyone can pick up information which should be kept to ourselves. Im- 
mediately after the business of Budenz,' there was a hell of a lot of talk going 
on there — this must be stopped. 

What is necessary is that our leadership and the membership must become 
sensitive to these problems. Our party has always been an example for or- 
ganization and work. We must fight now to really make it such — to meet the 
struggle ahead. 

Wlien Wellman concluded I left the room in order not to draw any 
suspicion on me. The meeting went on for 2 days altogether. 

Mr. Dekom. I notice in Wellman's speech that he expresses concern 
over the presence of FBI and intelligence agents in the party. Weren't 
you at that time an undercover agent of the FBI ? 

Mr. HuBER. I certainly was. Wellman would have been very un- 
happy to know that. I hope he reads this. 

Mr. Dekom. Approximately, how many members were in the 
Connolly branch of the Communist Party? 

> For the testimony of Louis Budenz, see p. 217. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 517 

Mr. HuBER. There were 330 members in the James Connolly Branch. 

Mr. Dekom. Can you give us the names of any of these persons who 
were in your branch of the Communist Party, the Connolly Branch? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, I have a partial list of the names and addresses 
of members of the Connolly Branch which I would like to read. I 
will be glad to submit additional names for the record. 

Mr. Dekom. Go ahead please. 

Mr. Huber. Following is the list of names and addresses of mem- 
bers of the Eleventh assembly district, Communist Party, known as 
the James Connolly Branch, located at 2744 Broadway, New York 
City: 

Gladys Alstadt, 150 West Ninety-fifth Street 

Edbert Anderson, 417 West One Hundred and Eighteenth Street 

Aza Bard, 150 West One Hundred and Sixth Street 

Phil Bard, 150 West One Hundred and Sixth Street 

Eva Belloch, 514 West One Hundred and Tenth Street 

Augusta Berler, 411 West One Hundred and Fourteenth Street 

Oscar Berler, 411 West One Hundred and Fourteenth Street 

Harriet Black, 210 West One Hundred and Seventh Street 

Anna Bloom, 4500 Broadway 

Harry Bloom, 4500 Broadway 

Sarah Bloom, 107 West One Hundred and Sixth Street 

Betty Betowin, 65 West One Hundred and Sixth Street 

Hertz Bourgln-Gordon. 248 West One Hundred and Fifth Street 

Lillian Bi'andon, 420 Riverside Drive 

Christine Brown, 61 West One Hundred and Fifth Street 

James Brown, 61 West One Hundred and Fifth Street 

Amy Castle, 301 West One Hundred and Eighth Street 

Aurora Carter, 485 Central Park West 

Gus Collins, 536 West One Hundred and Eleventh Street 

Fanny Cooper, 201 West One Hundred and Eighth Street 

Minnie Cooper, 562 West One Hundred and Thirteenth Street 

Robert De Saulmier, 318 West One Hundred and Fifth Street 

Rebecca Discant, 533 West One Hundred and Twelfth Street 

Frances Drake, in care of Dora Kurtz, 62 West Ninety-third Street 

Ethel Ellis, 13 West One Hundred and Sixth Street 

Fred Ellis. 13 West One Hundred and Sixth Street 

Miriam E^dns. 310 West Ninety-third Street 

Allan Folk. 629 West One Hundred and Fifteenth Street 

Helen Fox. 600 West One Hundred and Eleventh Street 

Harry P. Friedman, 508 West One Hundred and Fourteenth Street 

Manny Gale. 77 West One Hundred and Fourth Street 

Mary Gale, 77 West One Hundred and Fourth Street 

Pearl Glauberman. 433 Central Park West 

Anna Glembot, 14 West One Hundred and Seventh Street 

Stella Glembot. 14 West One Hundred and Seventh Street 

Esther Goldman, in care of F. Kopf, 1800 Seventh Avenue 

Bella Goldway, 467 Central Park West 

Julius Goldway. 467 Central Park West 

Tillie Goldway. 467 Central Park West 

Eda Goodwin. 120 West One Hundred and Fifth Street 

Sonia Gordon. 532 West One Hundred and Thirteenth Street 

Luba Green, in care of Bertha M'Uer. 467 Central Park West 

Renee Gross, 448 Central Park West 

Joel Gutman. 110 West Ninety-fourth Street 

Graf'e Hanover, 415 Central Park West 

Rutb Hickerson. .506 West One Hundred and Thirteenth Street 

Joe Hiffbkin. 58 West One Hundred and Fifth Street 

Louise Hovt. in en re of Devine. 161 Manhattan Avenue 

Sonnv Jobe. 138 West O'^^ Hundred and Fourth Street 

Cora .Jordan, in care of Zara Shakow, 910 West End Avenue 

^thr-l .Tui'i°t. 375 "Rlvprside Drivf^ 

Dorothy rs:a.'2;an. 53 West Fifty-sixth Street 



518 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Sanders Kastenbaum, 350 West One Hundred and Tenth Street 

Sylvia Katz, 420 Central Park West 

Sara Kaye, care of Reynolds, 418 West One Hundred and and Sixteenth Street 

Jean Kling, 2115 Davidson Avenue 

Paul Klot, care of Wolf, 532 West One Hundred and Eleventh Street 

Fanny Kopf, 1800 Seventh Avenue 

Irene Kraft, 102 West One Hundred and Third Street , 

Lillian Kramer, 51 Manhattan Avenue 

Kay Lascelle, 50 West One Hundred and Sixth Street 

Basha Lessin, 65 West One Hundred and Sixth Street 

Harry Lessin, 65 West One Hundred and Sixth Street 

Sophie Levine, 885 West End Avenue 

Bertha Levowe, 66 West One Hundred and Seventh Street 

Margaret Lipkin, 587 Riverside Drive 

Elsie Machauer, 840 West End Avenue 

Blanche Margolies, 51 Manhattan Avenue 

Hortense Marks, 315 West One Hundred and Sixth Street 

Alice Martin, 300 Riverside Drive 

Allan Max, 14 West One Hundred and Seventh Street 

Ellen Max, 14 West One Hundred and Seventh Street 

Marge Clark Messner, 629 West One Hundred and Fifteenth Street 

Anna Miller, 865 West End Avenue 

Charlotte Muller, 150 West One Hundred and Sixth Street 

Anita Newman, 312 West One Hundred and Ninth Street 

Marion Oberstein, 485 Central Park West 

Bessie Oches, 45 Tieman Place 

Maria Olinsky, 210 West Twenty-first Street 

Ruth Orme, 404 West One Hundred and Sixteenth Street 

Janice Paneth, 501 West One Hundred and Thirteenth Street 

Danny Persell, 51 Manhattan Avenue 

Pauline Persell, 51 Manhattan Avenue 

Mary Peterson, 545 West One Hundred and Eleventh Street 

Victoria Peterson, 545 West One Hundred and Eleventh Street 

Sarah Panis, 120 West One Hundred and Fifth Street 

Natalie Pressman, 403 West 57th Street 

Beatrice Ratowsky, 33 Manhattan Avenue 

Harry Rnymond, care of Perlman, 488 Central Pai-k West 

Elizabeth Rigrod, 314 West One Hundredth Street 

Paula Robinson, 299 Riverside Drive 

Ray Rosen, 255 West 95th Street 

Sydney Rowen, 299 Riverside Drive 

Agnes Sailor, 50 West One Hundi-ed and Sixth Street 

Mary Schaier, 385 Central Park West 

Helen Schneider, 381 Central Park West 

Sonia Schneider, 321 West One Hundred and Third Street 

Sylvia Schwartz, 467 Central Park West 

Frances Sheiner, 526 West One Hundred and Thirteenth Street 

Max Sheiner, 526 West One Hundred and Thirteenth Street 

Gertrude Smith, 449 East Eightieth Street 

Norma Smith, 600 West One Hundred and Eleventh Street 

Ruth Smith, 316 West One Hundred and Twelfth Street 

Virginia Stern, 50 Manhattan Avenue 

Dan Sullivan. 146 West One Hundred Street 

Mary Brown Urgenia, 125 West One Hundred and Sixth Street 

Emanuel Vomcas, 519 AVest One Hundred and Thirty-eighth Street 

Sara Walsky, 515 West One Hundred and Eleventh Street 

Ann Weisman, 548 West One Hundred and Sixty-fourth Street 

Herman Weinblat, 78 Manhattan Avenue 

Dorothy West, 533 West One Hundred and Twelfth Street 

Ann Wharton, 536 West One Hundred and Thirteenth Street 

Regina Wilson, 320 West Eighty-Third Street 

Frances Witlin, 6 West One Hundred and Seventh Street 

Raymond Witlin. 6 West One Hundred and Seventh Street 

Adolf Wolf. 532 West One Hundred and Eleventh Street 

Grace Woodruff, 307 West One Hundred and Fifth Street 

Terry Woodruff, 307 West One Hundred and Fifth Street 

Irving Zimmerman, 2115 Davidson Avenue 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 519 

Mr. Dekom. Did you become well acquainted with the members of 
your branch? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, I did. It was part of my job to study the people, 
their way of thinking, their characteristics, and their attitudes. I 
made the most detailed reports possible on every member of my party 
unit, includiuj^ their appearances and their character. 

Mr. Dekom. Who were some of the persons who served on the 
executive committee of the Connolly Branch of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. HuBER. These are the names, as of 1944 : 

Bernard Weller, chairman, 2.50 West One Hundred and Third Street 

Beatrice Weiss, executive secretary, 110 West One Hundredth Street 

Valerie Robinson, education director, 323 West One Hundred and Twelfth Street 

Amy Castle, financial secretary, 201 West One Hundred and Third Street 

Florence Sharp, legislative director, 254 West One Hundred and Third Street 

Sara Ornstein, membership director, 230 West One Hundred and Fifth Street 

Stephanie Iliedel, recording secretary, 429 East Seventy-ninth Street 

Agnes Sailor, vpar activities director, 50 West One Hundred and Sixth Street 

Aaron Harris, press director, 65 West One Hundred and Sixth Street 

Sarah Stein, literature director, 1240 Parli Avenue 

Archie Maskin, labor director, 925 West End Avenue 

On Friday, February 15, 194(), the following were nominated and 
elected for the execittive committee of the James Connolly Branch : 

Harold Hieherson, president 

Betty Aiken, membership director 

Manny Gale, educational and literature director 

Mary Sharp, executive secretary 

Lena Cohen, treasurer 

Sarah Stein, press director 

Mr. Dekom. Were any of the members of your branch of the Com- 
munist Party Government employees? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes; a Mrs. Penny M. Patt, who was a member of the 
executive committee at Unity Center Branch, 2744 Broadway. My 
notes of March 30, 1945, reflect that she was recruited into the party 
by Goldie Young and that she immediately devoted all of her spare 
time to party work. As a reward for her work, she was elected to the 
position of literature director. She was employed at that time in the 
finance department of the Army regional accounting office, located at 
63 Vesey Street, New York City. She was about 24 years of age at 
tliat time. 

Mr. Dekom. Can you give us examples of the activities and work of 
some of the officers or members of vour branch of the Conmiunist 
Party? 

Mr. HuBER. Manny Gale and his wife, Mary Gale, are both mem- 
bers of the Unity Center Branch of the^Communist Party. He resides 
at 84 Manhattan Avenue. Gale is called upon by the comity com- 
mittee. Communist Party, to go to clubs where a member is being 
ousted, in order to take photographs of the comrade being expelled. 

Elizabeth (Betty) Aiken was the membership director of the Unity 
Center Branch, and resided at 30 West One Hundred and Fifth Street, 
New York City. She formerly worked in the office of her brother-in- 
law, John J. Anthony, the radio counsellor, 347 Madison Avenue. 
She left this employment on January 15, 1945, and worked for the 
Jefferson School of Social Science for 2 months. After that, she was 
employed by Consolidated Management Consultants, 521 Fifth Ave- 
nue, on March 20, as a stenographer and typist. She obtained this 

98330— 50— pt. 2 5 



520 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

position through the United Office and Professional Workers Unions 
of which she is a member. Speaking to me about her job, she said 
the majority of employees of Consolidated Management Consultants 
are Communist Party members. ^ 

Mr. Dekom. Before you go on, would you identify the Jefferson 
School of Social Science? 

Mr. HuBER. It is the leading Communist school, teachnig Commu- 
nist doctrine. 

Mr. Dekom. To what extent do aliens and foreign-bom persons con- 
trol the Communist Party? 

Mr. HuBER. In my contact with members of the Communist Party, 
I have learned that a majority of the executives, on a national. State, 
city, and community level, are aliens or foreign-born people who have 
become cittizens of the United States. They have not become citizens 
in order to work for the general welfare of all our people or to provide 
for our common defense ; they have not contributed to the growth or 
preservation of our democratic form of government ; instead, they have 
used every weapon, fair and unfair means, to undermine our Govern- 
ment and our way of life, particularly exercising their constitutional 
rights as American citizens. I believe these people should be deprived 
of their citizenship and deported from this country. 

The Communist Party concentrates on organizing persons of foreign 
origin, and they constitute a large number in the party, particularly 
in large cities. One point of concentration is among the people of 
the Slavic nationalities engaged in heavy and basic industries. At one 
time, all other organizational activity virtually ceased to concentrate 
on heavy and basic industries. We received special orders from party 
headquarters to do so, late in 1944 and early in 1945. 

Mr. Dekom. Mr. Huber, are there a large number of aliens in the 
Communist Party of the United States ? 

Mr. Huber. Yes, sir, a very large proportion are aliens. In my 
party branch, there were at least 70 percent aliens or foreign-born 
persons. 

Mr. Schroeder. That is the American Communist Party ? 

Mr. Huber. That is right. 

Mr. Dekom. Has any effort been made by the party to cover that 
fact up ? 

Mr. Huber. Yes. The alien Communist Party members were di- 
rected not to come to meetings, but to keep paying their dues and to 
take instructions in order to obtain their citizenship. The instructions 
were given by Communist public school teachers in New York. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you mean instructions to alien Communists on how 
to obtain citizenship in the United States ? 

Mr. Huber. That is right. Most of them did receive their citizen- 
ship. 

Mr. Dekom. Does the Communist Party maintain any educational 
facilities for the indoctrination of new immigrants ? 

Mr. Huber. Yes, this is a very important part of their work, recruit- 
ing of party members from among immigrants. I know, for example, 
that the Jefferson School of Social Science gave special classes for 
immigrants. A good deal of work in this field was done by the Amer- 
ican Committee for the Protection of Foreign Born, a very well-known 
Communist-front organization. This committee even provided teach- 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 521 

ers for groups of willing immigrants who could be gotten together at 
any Communist Party branch. They would send teachers to do the 
indoctrination without any cost to the party. 

Mr. Dekom. What Communist Party activities have come to your 
knowledge in relation to getting aliens and others who are unqualified 
to vote ? 

Mr. HuBER. The Communist teachers within the teachers' union 
volunteered at election time to appear at all schools in New York City 
to give literacy tests to the alien element. Whether those people 
actually passed the tests or not, they were passed on through. 

Mr. ScHROEDER. Do you mean that these teachers appeared as ex- 
aminers for the election authorities, and then passed people through 
regardless of whether or not they were literate ? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes; regardless of whether or not they were literate. 
Those teachers were members of the Communist Party. They volun- 
teered for that activity. Teachers are used by the election authorities 
and these Communists volunteered for the work. 

Mr. Dekom. Were they successful in qualifying many aliens as 
voters ? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes; everj^one who appeared before them was passed. 

Mr. Dekom. Of whom did these groups consist ? 

Mr. HuBER. Largely Puerto Ricans and Spanish people. The 
majority of them were Puerto Ricans. 

Mr. Dekom. They could not read or write English, and the way 
they circumvented the election law was by fraudulently passing liter- 
acy tests with the collusion of Communist teachers from New York 
schools. 

Mr. HuBER. That is right. 

Mr. Dekom. Can you name any teacher who participated in this 
fraudulent activity ? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes ; Rhetta Friedman of Hunter College. 

Mr. Dekom. To your knowledge, is she a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Htjber. Positively. 

Mr. Dekom. Will you discuss the tactics that the Communist Party 
used in propagandizing minority groups and nationality groups ? 

Mr. HuBER. Well, the Communist Party technique is the same one 
that they always use in working among any groups of people, includ- 
ing minorities and nationalities. They seize any pretext to propa- 
gandize minority groups and to undermine or discredit the Govern- 
ment or existing institutions. Their most common tactic is to pose 
as the friend and champion of the aliens or foreign-born, just as they 
try to pose as champions of any group in order to make their propa- 
ganda reach an audience. 

By way of illustration, let me cite to you the weekly meeting of the 
teamster branch, waterfront section of the Communist Party, Tues- 
day, March 18, 1941, at 48 East Twenty-ninth Street, New York. 
After the meeting was called to order, all comrades wrote letters to 
their Senators and Congressmen, demanding that they defeat the 
Hobbs "concentration camp bill." Sam (Kappy) Kaplan, organizer 
of the waterfront section of the Communist Party, said we should 
stress in the letters that such a law would be a deliberate attack on 
the civil rights of all foreign-born Americans. We were also in- 



522 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

structed to ask our representatives in Congress to ignore the proposal 
of Attorney General Robert Jackson that there should be a law 
providing for a concentration camp. 

I can give you a number of these illustrations from the record of 
the party. 

Mr. Dekom, I wish you would, Mr. Huber. This phase of the 
investigation is one of the most important questions before the sub- 
committee. Please discuss the question in full. 

Mr. Huber. Another illustration I can give you is a Communist 
Party mass meeting held for the Irish people of the third and fifth 
assembly districts of the waterfront section on Thursday, February 29, 
1940. According to Charles Keith, who was chairman, the meeting 
was called to denounce the murders of Barnes and Eichards, tw^o IRA. 
men executed in Birmingham, England. As you will see from the 
tone of the meeting, this was just another one of the pretexts that the 
Communists used to get an audience for their party line. Keith was 
followed by Pauline Rogers, organizer of the Communist Party in the 
third and fifth assembl}^ districts. (I might say that she had a very 
good record as an organizer after conducting a house-to-house canvass 
over a 2-month period, to recruit new members.) She spoke about 
National Women's Day which was to be celebrated on March 8. 

Mrs. Mary Noonan, accompanied by her daughter Mary at the 
piano, sang Irish songs in which the audience joined. 

Henry Winston (colored), national leader of the Young Communist 
League, compared the difficulties of the Irish people with those of the 
African Negroes, saying that both were being suppressed and mis- 
treated by the British Empire, He spoke so logically that the au- 
dience appeared willing to accept his opinions. He denounced Presi- 
dent Rooseveh for condoning most anything Chamberlain ^ did against 
the Irish people. He discussed the Soviet Union, saying that when 
the Germans invaded Poland and committed their atrocities, it had 
been the Soviet Union who stopped them by taking over part of 
Poland ; that the Polish people had welcomed the Soviet troops, which 
was not the case when Germany had invaded Poland. In conclusion, 
Winston said that the only people who sympathized with and fought 
for the Irish were Communists, who would continue their fight as 
never before. Elizabeth Gurley Flynn of the national committee spoke, 
referring to her Irish ancestry, saying that she was a direct descendant 
of two martyred Irish revolutionists who died in an uprising in the 
eighteenth century. She said that Britain had always hanged Irish- 
men when entering a war, because the Irish always refused to partici- 
pate in imperialist wars. She urged that Irish Americans fight against 
British imperialism and for the freedom of Ireland by keeping the 
United States out of the war. She also said that Wall Street propa- 
ganda was trying to draw America into the war on the side of Cham- 
berlain and the Finnish butcher, Baron Mannerheim.- She said that 
people were being misled by the capitalist press, which lied about the 
facts concerning religion in Russia. She spoke about a Catholic priest 
who had gone to Russia and who then had a big congregation, as proof 
that there was religion in Russia today. 

1 Neville Chamberlain, Prime Minister of Great Britain. 

'Baron Knrl G. Mannerheim, commander of the Finnish armies fightine the Soviet 
Invasion of 1940. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 523 

Another instance in which the Communist Party used a minority 
group for its propaganda was a meeting on March 15, 1940, held at 
Public School 43, One Hundred and Thirty-Sixth Street and Brown 
Place in the Bronx. 

Mr. Dekom. Is that a public school of the city of New York? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes; it is. 

The meeting was held by the Elizabeth Gurley Flynn branch of the 
Communist Party and the chairman was Kate Fredericks. Pat 
Touhey, a member of national committee, spoke of Britain's bitter op- 
pression of Ireland during the last eight centuries. He assailed the 
de Valera ^ govermnent as a stooge of British imperialism. He related 
a story of an old Irisliman, living in his home town in Pennsylvania, 
who stopped him one day and said that he was confused about the 
situation between the Reds and Finland at first, but "when I read in 
the papers about Hoover wanting to help Mannerheim, I figured I 
better get on the side that Hoover was against." Touhey concluded 
by saying that the best way to help Ireland was to keep the United 
States out of war, which could best be done by writing the President 
and their Congressmen, asking them to keep this country out of war. 

Mrs. Mary Noonan and her daughter again sang Irish songs, in 
which the audience was asked to join. This was the same Mrs. Noonan, 
introduced at this meeting as a "neighbor," who was introduced as a 
"neighbor" in the Chelsea district at another Communist rally in that 



Fredericks announced that members of the committee would circu- 
late in the audience with slips of paper and anyone interested in know- 
ing about the Communist Party should sign the slips, which the com- 
mittee immediately collected and returned to the chairman. She said 
that the people who did not sign these slips were invited to attend 
regular Communist Party meetings at 631 East One Hundred and 
Forty-first Street, every Monday night. 

The principal speaker was Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, who opened with 
the announcement that she was not a stranger in that section but was 
well acquainted ; that she had come here from Massachusetts and was 
raised at One Hundred and Thirty-fourth Street and St. Anne Avenue. 
Flynn had said the same thing at a Chelsea meeting, where she told 
of being raised at Twenty-third Street and Ninth Avenue. She spoke 
of her association with Connolly and of their joint work in organizing 
the Irish in this section. She told of the danger to civil rights and 
the attacks on the Communist Party, comparing them with her own 
experiences during World War I when the Government had arrested 
her. She assailed the drive of American warmongers and their at- 
tempt to silence the voice of Earl Browder, because it was the loudest 
raised against United States participation in the war. She said that 
if there were any party to which the Irish people should belong it 
was the Communist Party. When speaking about religion in Russia, 
Elizabeth Gurley Flynn said it was a false rumor that the Catholic 
Church was not allowed in Russia. She said that in Moscow there 
was a Catholic Church with a very large congregation, and various 
Catholic churches were to be found throughout the rest of that coun- 
try. She denounced the de Valera government, which contrasted 

1 Eamon de Valera, Prime Minister of Ireland. 



524 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

sharply with her former speech in the Chelsea district where she had 
praised the de Valera government. Concluding, Flynn asked if 
there were any questions from the audience. One man asked why she 
had not mentioned Eamon de Valera, who he believed had done much 
for Ireland. She apologized, saying she was sorry but that she had 
skipped over it because she was working against time. She said she 
knew personally how much he had done for Ireland in the way of 
education, housing, etc. A woman asked for the floor, saying she was 
of Irish extraction, born in Scotland, and that "the Irish people don't 
want the Communist Party, have no need for the hammer and sickle, 
and what they really want is the cross." Flynn answered, "It is 
not for the purpose of trying to form a Communist Party in Ireland, 
for they already have one there, but to show we are giving them our 
moral support." During Flynn's and Touhey's speeches, they were 
loudly booed, but the police evicted the hecklers and the meeting 
continued. 

These meetings were part of the drive at that time to bring Irish 
people into the Communist Party. They needed Irish people for show 
purposes. In August 1941, all sections of the Communist Party were 
instructed by the State commission to get their membership to contact 
as many Irish Catholics as possible, in an effort to recruit them into 
the party. The reason for this was because a vast number of promi- 
nent members of the Catholic Church were expressing their approval 
of all-out aid to the Soviet Union. The Communist Party felt that 
such utterances by well-known Catholic laymen would cause people to 
listen more readily to the comrades. 

Irish Catholics are the only people the party had had difficulty in 
recruiting in numbers into the ranks. This was the opportunity the 
Communist Party had been waiting for, to make inroads into the Irish 
masses, as every other plan to recruit Irish Catholics had failed due to 
the incessant attacks made by the Catholic Church on the Communist 
Party. As soon as anyone joined the party, it was the duty of the 
recruiting comrade to break the hold of the church on him. This 
was done with caution and often required a long period of time in 
order not to arouse any suspicion. 

My association and teachings received from the Communist Party 
lead me to believe it is the desire of every Communist Party member 
to see the Catholic Church destroyed. They made good use of the 
strained relations between England, which was at war with Germany 
at the time, and Ireland, which insisted on remaining neutral, so that 
Irish sympathy in this country was used and Irish antagonism to the 
British was stirred up. 

The concentration on the Irish element was also evident from a 
party at the home of Margaret McLean, Saturday, July 19, 1941, at 
418 West Twentieth Street. About 60 people were present. The 
purpose of the party was to interest guests in becoming active in a 
campaign to increase subscriptions to a newspaper called Shamrock. 
Most of the guests were not members of the party, but had been 
brought together by Irish members of the water-front section through 
a house-to-house canvass with this paper. 

McLean told me that it was hoped by the party that a large circu- 
lation for the Shamrock could be obtained to help break the grip 
of the Catholic Church on their Irish-American members. I believe 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 525 

the majority of these people were unaware of the true plans behind 
this campaign. Each person was to be handled individually until 
he or she became familiar with and accepted the principles of com- 
munism. Mrs. McLean was a recent arrival from the west coast, 
where she had taught philosophy at a girls' college. Since coming 
to New York, she had become very active at the water-front section. 

An appeal to the German minority in New York occurred on 
Wednesday, April 16, 1941. It was a "JFree Ernst Thaelmann Rally," 
held at the Mecca Temple, Fifty-fifth Street between Sixth and Sev- 
enth Avenues, with Al Lannon as chairman. George Lohr, organizer 
of the German section, Communist Party in Yorkville,^ speaking with 
a thick German accent, stated that the Social Democrats of this coun- 
try had formed an organization whose purpose was to bring into its 
ranks all workers of German descent. The initiation fee to join this 
Social Democratic organization was $1, for which members received 
a large white button which, it was said, eliminated the holder from 
persecution by agents of the FBI. This caused much hilarity in the 
audience. Lohr concluded by noting that the German working class 
was joining the Communist Party in large numbers. 

William Z. Foster, chairman of the Communist Party and principal 
speaker, discussed the German Communist Party, and how the capital- 
ists were working to suppress the workers as though they had previ- 
ously rehearsed their plans : 

But war or the jailing of Communist leaders will not save their decaying 
capitalistic system. Hitler thought he could destroy the Communist Party by 
jailing Thaelmann, and now Roosevelt thinks he can do the same by jailing Earl 
Browder. Both have yet to learn, and what a sad lesson it will be to discover 
how mistaken they are. 

On Tuesday, September 7, 1943, an executive meeting was called by 
the upper West Side section of the Communist Party. All executive 
committee of the seventh, ninth, and eleventh assembly district clubs 
were present; Goldie Young presided; Abe Chapman was the princi- 
pal speaker. The meeting was called to make plans for a campaign to 
get the Jewish membership of the Communist Party to join mass Jew- 
ish organizations for the purpose of changing and formulating the 
policies of the American Jewish Congress. Chapman said that the 
Communist Party presently had no voice in that organization, but 
that if our comrades joined mass Jewish organizations, it should not 
be long before the policy of the Communist Party could make itself 
felt. 

Mr. Dekom. We will now suspend, Mr. Huber, until tomorrow. 

FEIDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 1949 

Mr. Dekom. You made the statement, Mr. Huber, that in your 
many years of work with the Communist Party you took an active part 
in the* Communist Party's network of front organizations. 

Mr. Huber. Yes, sir ; that is true. I have attended dozens of front 
meetings. I knew from the inside that they were Communist Party 
fronts. It was discussed in party meetings and we were given assign- 
ments to work with the fronts through the party. In other cases, I 
was able to know about the nature of fronts from the people who took 



1 Torkville is the German section of New York City. 



526 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

the leadership. I kiiew them as party members. I had worked with 
them and had seen them at party meetings. 

Mr. Dekom. On the basis of your knowledge, would you identify* 
the Communist Party's fronts which are most actively and most exten- 
sively working among aliens, nationality, and foreign-language groups 
in the United States ? 

Mr. HuBER. There are two that have been most active : The Inter- 
national Workers Order and the American Slav Congress. There were 
a few others, like the United Committee of South Slavic Americans, 
the American Committee for Yugoslav Relief, the Hungarian-Ameri- 
can Council for Democracy, and others. These are not as important 
on an over-all basis, but, of course, if you put them all together, they 
make up a sizable network. 

There are two others that I would like to mention: the American 
Committe for the Protection of Foreign Born and the Joint Anti- 
Fascist Refugee Committee. These two Communist Party fronts are 
not directly in the business of organizing, but are working to support 
and defend alien and foreign-born Communists. 

Mr. Dekom. How would you class the Veterans of the Abraham 
Lincoln Brigade in this connection? 

Mr. HuBER. Well, I think that they might be classed as being part of, 
or at least, having a close connection with, the alien and foreign-born 
Communist movement. This front had many aliens and foreign- 
born in it and it also worked among Spanish Communists. It is not 
exclusively a nationality front like the American Slav Congress, but 
it worked closely in connection with alien Communists, particularly 
those who were involved in the Spanish revolution. 

Mr. Dekom. We would like to get more details on this subject. 
First of all, would you, please, discuss the American Slav Congress? 

Mr. HuBER. All right. As I have already explained, the Communist 
Party's high command ordered us to concentrate on foreign-language 
groups late in 1944 and early in 1945. We were ordered to concentrate 
in this field. As a matter of fact, we almost came to a standstill in 
other fields. As we were told, the purpose of this concentration was 
to get Communist Party units and Communist Party fronts set up in 
the industrial sections of the country. This was to be, and is con- 
sidered to be, one of the stfongholds of the Communist movement. 

Mr. ScHROEDER. Why was this concentration in industrial areas? 

Mr. HuBER. The purpose was, of course, to have a powerful party 
hold where they could do the most damage to the United States. In 
industrial areas, they could organize and lead very damaging strikes, 
strikes that could ruin us. Then, in case of war with Russia, they 
could break down our war production, our ability to make armaments, 
both by strikes or slow-downs and by sabotage. It is a very dangerous 
situation, which has to be controlled or there will be serious trouble 
for us. 

That, you see, is why the Communist Party ordered us to work 
among foreign-born people, particularly the Slavs. They make up a 
large percentage of the workers in industrial areas. The job of organ- 
izing them was made easier by the fact that so many could not speak 
or read English properly and the Communists sent in organizers who 
spoke their language and knew their ways. The organizers were 
experts in rousing the foreign-language people against this country 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 527 

and against our Government. Then, tliey had very active foreign- 
language papers which were controlled by the Communist Party. In 
Pittsburgh, Detroit, Chicago, New York, and many other industrial 
cities, the party controlled foreign-language newspapers, which were 
very effective in indoctrinating foreign-born elements. 

The American Slav Congress was the central organization of the 
Communist Party among Slavs, especially those in industrial sections. 
Although it didn't originally start out as a party organization, it was 
infiltrated from the very beginning. Some of the top party organ- 
izers took part in the setting up of the American Slav Congress and, 
in short order, following their well-developed tactics, they took over 
completely. They just infiltrated until the whole organization was 
theirs, a Communist Party front, completely controlled and dominated 
by the party. 

Mr. Dekom. In September 1046 the American Slav Congress held 
its third national convention in New York. Did you attend any of 
its sessions? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, I did. I attended the so-called Kally to Win the 
Peace on September 22, 1946. 

Mr. Dekom. Can you describe the meeting to us? Can you give a 
report on what transpired ? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, I can ; not only from memory, but from my notes 
that I took at the meeting. 

Mr. Dekom. Let us establish one fact here. You yourself took notes 
on the meeting which you are using to refresh your memory here ? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Dekom. That is fine. Please go ahead now. 

Mr. HuBER. A rally to win the peace, sponsored by the Third Amer- 
ican Slav Congress, was held at Madison Square Garden, with about 
12.000 people attending. The cochairmen were Louis Adamic, author 
of Dinner at the White House, and Leo Krzycki, president of the 
American Slav Congress. Speakers included Father Frantisek Fiala, 
of Czechoslovakia; Tsola Dragoicheva, secretary of the Bulgarian 
Fatherland Front ; Prof. Timofei Gorbunov, Soviet deputv and execu- 
tive minister of the Moscow All-Slav Committee; Gen. Karol Swier- 
czewski, Polish Vice Minister of National Defense; Yugoslav Am- 
bassador Sava Kosanovic; Polish Ambassador Oscar Lange; Soviet 
Consul General Jacob Lomakin ; Paul Robeson, chairman of the Win 
the Peace Committee ; William Gailmor, radio commentator ; Lawrence 
Winters ; and Betty Garrett, of the Broadway hit. Call Me Mister. 

The majority of the speakers spoke in their native tongues, which 
were not translated into English for the audience. During the rally 
the chairman read a message to the rally received from Joseph Stalin, 
following which everyone present arose and demonstrated for about 
5 minutes with the clenched-fist salute. This was one of the noisiest 
demonstrntions I ever witnessed at the Garden. 

Mr. Dekom. The clenched-fist salute is, of course, the salute of the 
Communist Party. 

Mr. Huber. Yes, sir. 

The chairman of the Win-the-Peace Rally referred to Henry Wal- 
lace as a true follower of the principles laid down by President 
Roosevelt, which set off another demonstration. Adamic mentioned 
the anti-Slav policy of Secretary of State Byrnes, who, he said, "ap- 



528 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

pears to be hell-bent on making Joseph Goebbels' dream come true."' 
Byrnes' name resulted in loud booing from the audience. Paul Robe- 
son sang Song of the Fatherland and Hymn of the United Nations. 

Mr. Dekom. Is the Song of the Fatherland a Soviet hymn ? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, sir. 

Robeson stated that America must get along with the Slavic people, 
who are led by Communists in many parts of the world, and invited all 
who could to participate in the American crusade against lynching. 

William Gailmor made the collection speech, stating that every time 
the Russians lose a diplomatic skirmish at Lake Success or Paris, they 
win victories among the peoples of the world. This statement was 
well received. During the collection, Betty Garrett turned in $300 
collected from the cast of Call Me Mister; a pledge of $10,000 was 
received from the International Ladies' Garment Workers Union, with 
$1,000 paid immediately and the remainder promised shortly. Ap- 
proximately $20,000 was collected. The Jefferson School of Soda! 
Science chorus sang songs, and folk dances were presented by the 
Radishev and Volga dancers. 

There were telegrams received from Senator Joseph B. GufFey, of 
Pennsylvania, who begged off from attending because of illness. Con- 
gratulatory messages were also received from Marshal Tito and George 
iJimitrov of Bulgaria. There were several Russian generals among 
the Soviet delegation. After Paul Robeson sang, he was warmly em- 
braced and kissed on both cheeks by one of the Russian generals. In 
conclusion, there were songs by Ivan Patorzhinsky and Zoya Haidai, 
both of whom sing in the opera in the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Dekom. Will you now proceed to discuss the International 
Workers Order ? 

Mr. HuBER. The International Workers Order is a Communist-con- 
trolled organization which masquerades as an insurance society. It 
offers cheap insurance to get people into the organization, I was a 
member in the IWO, the so-called Irish Lodge. I know that the or- 
ganization follows the Communist Party line 100 percent and that its 
leadership is exclusively recruited from the Communist Party. 

The IWO is the greatest transmission belt that the Communist 
Party has. Its work is concentrated among persons of foreign birth, 
being divided into 14 nationality groups, including Russian, Jewish, 
Polish, Hungarian, Rumanian, Yugoslav, and so forth. Although 
many of the people who joined the IWO were not Communists, they 
have been worked on by the leaders and have been sold the Communist 
Party line. It is a process of slow indoctrination; they present a 
one-sided picture, they swamp their members with propaganda, and, 
in many cases, they are successful. 

Mr. Dekom. To what extent does the Communist Party control the 

r^^o. 

Mr. HuBER. Completely. You cannot be an officer of the IWO with- 
out being a Communist. Every officer of the IWO is a member of the 
Communist Party. I have been in the IWO headquarters hundreds 
of times, and every official that I met was a party member, 

Mr. Dekom. Did you know them to be party members from your 
own experience? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes. Take Dave Green, the executive secretarv of New 
York State. He is one of the most powerful men in the IWO. He 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 529 

once brought up one of the lodge members on charges and I was to 
be his witness. He said to me, "Are you a member of the party ?" 

I said, "Yes." 

I then asked him, "Are you a member of the party?" 

He said, "Sure." 

Mr. Dekom. How about some of the other IWO officials that you 
know to be Communist Party members ? 

Mr. HuBER. There are Herbert Benjamin, Max Bedacht, William 
Weiner, and others. 

INIr. Dekom. Wliat is the American Committee for the Protection 
of Foreign Born? 

Mr, HuBER. The American Committee for the Protection of Foreign 
Born is a Communist-front organization, used to contact foreign-born 
people, and invariably leads these people into the ranks of the Commu- 
nist Party. This organization gives help in obtaining citizenship, and 
assists in obtaining visas for relatives of its membership who are still 
in foreign countries. It also gives legal assistance in any matter which 
may arise, through the Civil Eights Congress, a Communist front 
established to give legal aid to Communists who get in trouble with 
the law. Formerly this legal service was given by the International 
Labor Defense, and the Civil Eights Congress is the successor. 

The American Committee for the Protection of Foreign Born 
is one of the most important Communist fronts, particularly to- 
day, when the United States Government is trying to deport alien 
Communists from the country. The American Committee for 
the Protection of Foreign Born was organized to defend alien Com- 
munists who might be deported or who might otherwise violate the 
law. 

Second, the American Committee for the Protection of Foreign 
Born is used by the Communist Party to indoctrinate immigrants 
in this country. As I have told you, the committee provided teachers 
for immigrants at Communist Party units. 

Mr. Dekom. We have received from Mr. Huber two press releases 
issued by the American Committee for the Protection of Foreign 
Born. The first announces special citizenship classes for aliens. The 
second announces the granting of an award to Louis Adamic. These 
will be marked "Huber Exhibits 4A, and 4B," respectively. 

(The documents were received in evidence and are as follows :) 

INITIATE SPECIAL CLASSES FOB NON-CITIZENS 

A series of special classes for non-citizens on English and citizenship will be 
started next month by the American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born, 
it was announced today. The classes are t)eing conducted in order to prepare 
applicants for American citizenship to meet the educational and literacy 
requirements of the naturalization laws. 

The committee stated that each class will be limited to 10 members, in order 
to enable the instructor to give proper personal guidance and assistance to each 
member of the class. Additional information concerning the classes on citizen- 
ship can be obtained by writing to the American Committee for Protection of 
Foreign F.orn, 23 West Twenty-sixth Street, New York 10, N. Y., or calling 
Murray Hill 4-3457. 

The citizenship classes, which will begin on October 3, will be held at the 
Institute for International Democracy, 23 "West Twenty-sixth Street, New York 
City, on Tuesdays, Wednesdays, and Thursdays. There will be three different 
classes : Morning class (10 a. m. to 12 noon) ; afternoon class (2 p. m. to 4 p. m.) ; 
evening class (8 p. m. to 10 p. m.). The term for each class will be 8 weeks. 



530 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

The first classes are scheduled to begin on Tuesday, October 2. The registration 
fee for the 8-week course is $10. 

Those desiring to attend the special class for non-citizens on English and 
citizenship can register now by mail, or in person any day on or before October 
2, between 10 a. m. and 6 p. m., at the oflSces of the American Committee for 
Protection of Foreign Born, 23 West Twenty-sixth Street, New York City (be- 
tween Broadway and Sixth Avenue). 



Louis Adamic Selected for Annual Award 

Louis Adamic, well-known writer, has been selected by the national board of 
directors of the American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born to receive 
the committee's annual award, it was announced today. 

The citation for the award this year is : "To that American who has contributed 
most during the last year to the mobilization of foreign-born Americans for the 
victory program." Recipients of the award in previous years have been former 
Commissioner of Immigration and Naturalization Earl G. Harrison (1943) ; 
former Congressman Thomas H. Eliot (1912) ; and Congressman Vito Marcan- 
tonio (1941). 

In making public the result of the board of directors' selection, Hon. Stanley 
Nowak, national chairman of the American Committee for Protection of Foreign 
Born, stated for the committee : 

"Louis Adamic has been selected to receive the annual award in recognition 
of the unselfish and patriotic contribution he has made to our victory in this 
war by taking leadership in the campaign between 1942 and 1944 to unite 
Americans of South-Slavic extraction in support of the war effort, thus setting 
an example to other immigrant groups. 

"Mr. Adamic's was the first voice raised in this country to expose the Mikhail- 
ovitch hoax. His untiring efforts to acquaint the American people with the 
facts served to defeat one of the Fascist conspiracies against our national unity 
and total victory over the Axis. 

"In his work, from August 1943 to April 1944, as president of the United 
Committee of South-Slav Americans, Mr. Adamic gave democratic leadership and 
inspiration to all Americans. We feel that Mr. Adamic earned the gratitude and 
appreciation of the entire American people as a result of his outstanding con- 
tributions to our victory program in the mobilization of Americans of foreign 
birth." 

Louis Adamic was born in Yugoslavia in 1899 and came to the United States 
in 1913. He served in the United States Army during the First World War and 
became an American citizen in 1918. In 1940 and 1941, he served as a consultant 
on immigrant problems in the President's Defense Commission. He is the author 
of The Native's Return, My America, My Native Land, and many other well- 
known books. He is general editor of The Peoples of America Series, twenty-odd 
volumes on the various elements of the American population, which will begin 
to appear in 1945 

Mr. Dekom. Now, I will ask you to take up the Joint Anti-Fascist 
Kef ugee Committee. 

Mr. HuBER. The Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee was one of 
the most important and influential of the Communist-front network 
during the early 1940's. The cry of "antif ascism" was one of the most 
useful masks for Communist Party activity and movements. It pro- 
vided the party with one of its most useful disguises for operation. 

The Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee was formed in 1942 
as a result of the coalition of other Communist-front organizations 
active, to a large extent, on behalf of the Spanish Communists. 
The three organizations which came together as the Joint Anti-Fascist 
Refugee Committee were the United American Spanish Aid Com- 
mittee (which was previously infiltrated by the Commimists and 
taken over by them), the Exiled Writers Committee of the League of 
American Writers, and the American Committee to Save Refugees, 
the latter two also being Communist fronts. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 531 

To show you the close ties of this front with the Communist Party, 
I will tell you about the organizational drive in 1946. In February 
1946, the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee (offices at 192 Lex- 
ington Avenue) inaugurated an intensive cami^aign among Com- 
munist Party branches to get active support. Speakers from the 
committee were to attend branch meetings of all Communist Party 
clubs in the Greater New York area, to appeal for membership sup- 
port, and to set up action committees. These action committees would 
regularly receive bulletins from the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Com- 
mittee, and, in turn, would transmit the information contained therein 
to their clubs. This procedure was begun and most branches were 
covered during that month. 

Mr. Dekom. Are there many of the officials, sponsors, and sup- 
porters of the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee who are mem- 
bers of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Will you name some of them who are members of tha 
Communist Party to }- our knowledge ? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, I will. 

Felix Kusman, Moe Fishman, Freddie "Blackie" Meyers, Beth Mc- 
Henry (wife of Blackie Meyers), Sara Gropper (wife of William 
Gropper, cartoonist of the Daily Worker) , Mr. and Mrs. Robert Engel, 
of 1240 Park Avenue, Linda Ross, Paul Robeson, Charlotte Honig, 
and Regina Wilson. I have been told by other Communists that 
Edward K. Barsky, national chairman, was also a member of the 
Communist Party. '' 

Mr. Dekom. Have you attended meetings of this organization ? 

Mr. Huber. Yes, I will give you several instances. I might repeat 
here, if I may, Mr. Chairman, that I kept careful notes of all party 
activities in which I took part, including meetings of fronts such 
as the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee. For example, on May 
19, 1942, Margaret Osborn, 237 East Sixty-first Street, New York City, 
gave a benefit party for this Communist-front organization. About 
300 people were present, with an admission of $1 per person. Games 
of chance, such as roulette wheel, bird cage, craps, poker, and so forth, 
were all covered by members of the committee, to see that a percentage 
was donated toward the "cause." During the evening, I counted 11 
United States Army officers present, 1 captain and 10 lieutenants. 
Many other service personnel were present in their United States 
Army uniforms. Entertainment was furnished by Leon Josephson's 
Cafe Society Uptown. Among the prominent guests were : Muriel 
Draper, Annette Rubinstein, Bella Dodd, Mrs. Regina Wilson, Moe 
Fishman, Mrs. Burkee, Charlotte Hoiiig, Rev. Ver Lynn Sprague, Mrs. 
Vincent Sheean, Mrs. Robert Emmett, Martha Dodcl, Mrs. Robert 
Flaum, Dave Green, Dr. and Mrs. I. Engel Kaufman, Dr. Edward 
Kallman, Doris Green, and Alex Guttman. 

On February 14, 1943, Regina Wilson gave another party for the 
Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee. About 100 guests were 
present. The party was to raise funds for the release of 30,000 mem- 
bers of the International Brigade held in concentration camps in 
Africa. William S. Gailmor, radio commentator on Station T^TIN, 
appealed for funds. He said that if the committee could raise enough 
funds, it had the promise of a person high up in the State Department 



532 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

that thousands of these people, then in concentration camps in Africa, 
would be able to enter the United States, and that the Mexican Gov- 
ernment would accept as many as we could bring over. Gailmor pre- 
sented some watches to the vice consul of the Soviet Union, who was 
present at that party. Those watches were donated to the boys in the 
Bed Army by mothers of boys who died fighting with the Abraham 
Lincoln Brigade in Spain. 

On March 22, 1945, the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee 
sponsored a dinner opening its drive for $750,000. The opening re- 
marks were made by Dorothy Parker, who turned the meeting over 
to Herman Shumlin, the producer, who acted as chairman for the 
evening. 

The principal speaker was Lillian Hellman, who had recently re- 
turned from the Soviet Union where she had been the guest of Voks, 
Soviet Cultural Department. She stated that she knew everyone 
present was anxious to hear about her 4 months' travel through the 
Soviet Union. She denounced William L. White's book on the Soviet 
Union, warning guests that this was the first of many books which 
would follow, written by other reactionary people like him. She 
stated that she had traveled along the same route as that traveled by 
William L. White and had seen an entirely different picture. She 
boasted that she was the first American ever to be permitted in the 
front line and combat area with the Red Army. 

A collection speech was made by Dr. Edward K. Barsky, chairman 
of the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee. In less than half an 
hour, guests numbering approximately 800, contributed $63,000. 
Large contributors included Joseph Weinstein, $5,000 ; Charles Gold- 
man, $5,000; International Fur and Leather Workers Union, $8,500; 
Leverett Gleason, $3,000; Sam Novick, $2,000; Charles Krumbein, 
$500; Mrs. Englander, $500; Hotel and Restaurant Workers Union, 
$2,400; Herman Shumlin, $1,000; Lilliam Hellman, $1,000; and eight 
anonymous contributions of $1,000 each. 

Seated on the speakers' platform were Richard Watts, Carl Van 
Doren, Dr. Charles R. Joy, Soviet Consul General Eugene Kisselev, 
Dorothy Parker, Helen Bryan, Felix Kusman, Mr. and Mrs. Ostrow, 
and Mr. and Mrs. Leverett Gleason. 

Mr. Dekom. In your testimony and in other material obtained by 
this subconuTiittee, the name of William S. Gailmor has been re- 
peatedly associated with Communist organizations, including a large 
number of those which operate in the foreign-language fields. Do you 
know whether or not he is a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. HuBER. I know that he is, because I have personally seen him at 
many closed party meetings, meetings to which only party people 
would be allowed to come. Some of these meetings were for top party 
people and Gailmor was among them. As a matter of fact, I remem- 
ber Gailmor very well, because I used to have charge of the liquor and 
Gailmor was quite a drinker; he loved his alcohol. Many times he 
used to ask me for "another drink," particularly when the meetings 
were held at the home of Yetta Engel, 1240 Park Avenue. She was 
pretty "tight" with liquor and told me I had to get so many drinks 
out of each bottle. So, the drinks were sometimes pretty weak and 
Gailmor would come around asking for more. 

Mr. Dekom. Is Gailmor his real name or is it an acquired name? 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 533 

Mr. HuBER. It is acquired. His real name is Margolis, I believe. 
He also was involved in car theft and was convicted for it. 

Mr. Dekom. Did he not participate in the Wallace campaign last 
year ? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, he was one of the money-raisers. He is quite a 
rabble rouser ; he can make a good talk and can whip up people into 
giving money. 

Mr. Dekom. Are there other important meetings of the Joint Anti- 
Fascist Refugee Committee at which you were present and which 
you can report ? 

Mr. HuBER. I think that I can give you a fairly good picture of the 
organization by reporting to you the meeting of September 24, 1945. 
This meeting was called the Spanish Refugee Appeal, and was put 
on to raise funds for Spanish Communists Another point of interest 
is the fact that Norman Corwin, about whom the chairman of this 
committee spoke in the Senate a short time ago, was one of the lead- 
ing speakers. I understand that Corwin is now working for the UN, 
writing radio scripts for x\merican radio stations. That is very sur- 
prising to me, because Corwin was known in the Communist Party 
circles as a person who would always follow the party line. He ap- 
peared and spoke at many meetings and he never deviated from the 
party line. His name was connet-ted with the party's biggest, most 
useful fronts. That is why I am surprised that the UN should pick 
him to write its radio scripts. 

Mr. Dekom. You were about to report on the meeting of the Joint 
Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee; will you proceed? 

Mr. Huber. On Monday, September 24, 1945, at 7:45 p. m. the 
Spanish Refugee Appeal of the Joint Anti-F.icist Refugee Committee 
(oflices at 192 Lexington Avenue) held a Rally for Spanish Democ- 
racy and for the breaking of relations with the Franco government, 
at Madison Square Garden. This rally was a:tended by an estimated 
15,000 persons. Admission was by tickets piiced from 60 cents to 
$3.60. The rally was opened by the playing of the National Anthem 
by the Goldman Band, directed by Edwin Franko Goldman. The 
narrator, Jose Ferrer, stated that this rally was to remember the 
heroic struggle of the Spanish people for freedom and democracy. 
He stated that actors, singers, and dancers of Broadway would salute 
the fighters for freedom. 

Sono Osato, from the show On the Town, was the first speaker of 
the Broachvay contingent. She said : 

Dorothy Parker asked me some time back if I would speak for this wonderful 
occasion and I said "yes" immediately, for 1 felt very strongly about it. Then 
I said "no" and then "yes" again. I was sent a little sp 'ech and now I have for- 
gotten it, so the only thing I would like to say is that 1 i years have gone by, with 
the Spanish Republicans starving, murdered, being s'ck and hungry, and we are 
10 years behind our promise to help them. But it is not too late, and tonight 
is a wonderful occasion to prove that by giving mi:ney, all the money that you 
can spare, to the Spanish Refugee Committee so that they may send medicine, 
clothing, food, and all the essentials to these people who have been so weakened 
in this tremendous struggle for so many years that it is unbelievable to think 
that they can still hold out. Let us remember t'^at we are united for a purpose. 
Tears do not help; you have to do something about it. I hope that we will all do 
as much as we can for these people. 

Betty Comden was next. She stated : 

Miss Osato has expressed everything very well. I just want to say that we 
must all remember that for six long years the Spanish refugees have been living 



534 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

in concentration camps in France. All of them are fighters ; all of them are 
unbroken. They have been starved, tortured, and shot. We cannot, we must 
not, and we will never forget them. 

Jean Darling, from the show Carousel, was next. She stated : 

I am proud and happy to have been selected to tell you that we in Carousel 
deem it an honor and a privilege to add our voices to the admiration of the 
number of Spanish Republicans who, for 6 years, have carried forward, with 
such great sacrifice, their unending fight against facism and for a free world. 
We of the theater are accustomed to dreams and make-believe, but we know the 
real thing when we see it, and so we say to remember the Spanish anti-Facist 
fighters. We will never forget you. Salute. 

David Brooks, from the show Bloomer Girl, appeared next. He 
said: 

I came down here tonight for two reasons. One of them was to salute the 
Anti-Facist Refugee Committee and the other is to prove that actors are people 
although a lot of them don't realize it. It's a damned shame. I'd just like to 
leave you with one thought — the actors who are here know it, those who are not 
here don't know it. Actors and music do not thrive under Fascism, so on behalf 
of the Bloomer Girl company and on behalf of the artists, I, too, say salute. 

She said: 

Despite the prison camps, the forced labor camps and all the hunger and 
disease, the morale of the Spanish refugees is high. They have been denied the 
right to live peacefully for six long years, yet they still maintain their faith 
in the Spain that fought for democracy. What else can we say to these beautiful 
people? What else, than to say how can we free you? As a Russian and Ameri- 
can actress, I would like to pay tribute to a great Spanish actress who is here 
with us tonight — Miss Rosita Dios Negrin. (Spotlight on latter, and applause 
from the audience.) Salute. 

Margo, from the show A Bell for Adano was next. She stated : 

It is with the deepest emotion that I bring to you the greetings of every single 
person in the cast of A Bell for Adano. I simply have not the words to say in 
English, or in Spanish, the depth of emotion that I feel tonight, so I won't try. 
I would like to say that the Spaniards who fought so gloriously in exile must 
have felt themselves deserted by the people ; they must have felt their cause 
forgotten. I wish they could be here today to see this garden filled with people 
gathered here to honor their cause. I would like to read these words to you, 
and I wish that the people of Spain could hear them, so that they would know 
that we know that they fought for us : 

"After the battle, when the chains are smashed, when all men are brothers, 
when all men are free and killing will end and war will cease, then freemen will 
have a freeman's peace." 

This is what I would like the people of Spain to know ; that for all of us here, 
there will be no peace until they return to their own land. Salute. 

The Goldman Band followed this with a medley of Spanish Repub- 
lican songs. The narrator then declared : 

Opening this meeting tonight is a man who has come to symbolize the fight 
of tlie people. More than any other individual, he has been responsible for the 
organization and activities of the Spanish Refugee Committee, Dr. Edward K. 
Barsky. 

Barsky stated : 

May I welcome you here tonight on behalf of the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee 
Committee. It is great to see this garden filled up. A Madison Square Garden 
for Spain is always in order. There is no doubt in my mind that if we work 
together, we shall soon have another garden meeting to celebrate the rebirth of 
democracy in Spain. We have had our VE-day, our VJ-day, but the war against 
fascism will never be over until we have a VS-day^ — Victory over Fascist Spain. 
For a world of security, justice, and peace, Franco must go. The Joint Anti- 
Fascist Refugee Committee is a major committee in the United States that has 
consistently done everything possible to help the Spanish in exile. 



COAIMTXNTIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 535 

Who are the Spanish Republicans? Spain fought the first battle of World 
War II. The Spanish people waged a courageous struggle against German and 
Italian invading forces. It is to the everlasting shame of Great Britain, France, 
and the United States that they permitted their sister republic to go down in 
defeat. 

For that reason we have paid with the blood of our soldiers. 

The Spaniards fought a battle that will be long remembered. The insidious 
dangers of the fifth column, cruel tactics and the mobilization of the entire people 
was learned at Spain. Every single resistance movement in Euroi^e had in its- 
top leadership men who fought in Spain. Guerrillas wrecked railroads, de- 
stroyed bridges, sabotaged mines, and when the moment of liberation came, 
they fought with the French Maquis. They are the valiant, undefeated, forgotten, 
and neglected Spaniards, but they have never accepted their fate. 

Through the long years of their exile, separated from their homeland, from 
their loved ones, they have gone on hoping and planning for the future. There 
still burns fiercely the hatred of fascism and the determination to do everything 
possible in the fight for democracy. Today in France, there are 200,000 exiles,, 
suffering from hunger, malnutrition, sickness, and disease; thousands of Span- 
iards are now returning from German labor camps where they slaved, but their 
morale is remarkable. Their only wish is to keep strong enough to go back to 
Spain and help rebuild a land of freedom. Their children, born in concentration 
camps, are the future leaders of a great nation that will help cement the forces of 
democracy for peace and security. 

These are the Spanish Republicans in exile. The Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee 
Committee is determined to do everything possible to help these people. Tonight's 
meeting marks the opening of the fall drive for $750,000. Relief is being admin- 
istered by the Unitarian Service Committee. In Mexico, supplementing full 
assistance to the Spanish refugees, we support a school and a hospital. Our 
funds go to Portugal, Cuba, and Switzerland. We have been through a great 
war and we have all played our part. We are now confronted with the many 
problems and complexities of peace, but despite all this, we Americans must, 
and I am sure will, fulfill our obligations to these mose heroic Spanish people 
who at all times preferred to fight and die on their feet than live on their knees. 

In thinking about a chairman for this evening, we said he must combine pleas- 
antness with authority, levity with seriousness, and have a genuine love of 
democracy on an international scale. We have such a man here tonight. He 
headed the Republicans for Roosevelt during the last election ; he is vice president 
of the National Lawyers Guild ; he gave his services in the defense of Harry 
Bridges. Ladies and gentleman, I am very happy to present to you Mr. Bartley 
Crum. 

Bartley Crum opened his talk with the statement : 

I am glad to hear somebody say a good word about an American Republican. 

The chairman then introduced the following speaker as New York 
City's soon-to-be-elected city councilman, Michael J. Quill. Quill 
stated : 

I am wondering if we tonight are not making a public apology to those who 
have given their lives in an attempt to crush fascism? When I say that, I 
mean the people and orirnjUzed workers of the United States, heoanse we are 
responsible for what our Government will do and has been doing. It was we 
who elected the present Government, and it is about time that the citizens of this 
country, one of the United Nations, should stop making streamlined speeches, 
should cease to be soft on this question. It is about time that we demand of our 
State Department to break relations with Franco. We made mistakes in 1936, 
1937, and 1938. When the lights were going out in Europe, the people of Spain 
kept that last torch of freedom going with their blood and with their very lives. 

That was the time when Hitler and Mussolini were using Spain and the 
Spanish people as a proving ground for their Nazi streamroller that rolled over 
more than 30,000,000 people in Europe. Had we spoken out then, had we been 
united then, we could have stopped this last terrible war. 

And now we come down to the piers with hands welcoming home the soldiers, 
we pin medals on the Gold-Star Mothers, and we say there is nothing too good 
for the boys; but while we are saying all this, we are not telling them that 
fascism is not yet defeated — as long as Franco and his puppet government re- 
mains so long will that cancer of fascism remain in the world. 
98.330— 50— pt. 2 6 



536 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

I speak for the Congress of Industrial Organizations. I speak in the name 
of the New York City CIO. I know that when I speak in the name of labor 
and call for the breaking of relations with Franco, that I speak for the auto 
worker, the steel worker, the office worker, and the transport worker — they want 
no part of Franco fascism. 

Tliere is a conference, an important world conference, being held in London 
tonight. The voice of this meeting should be heard at that world conference. 
Our Secretary of State should speak up now and declare that his Government 
and the American people want an end to the Franco government and liberation 
for the Spanish people. On top of all the sacrifice, there is more than a hope, 
because tonight, in the city of Paris, ior the first time in the history of organized 
labor, we have delegations and delegates from the free labor movements of the 
world about to form a world federation of free labor.^ 

I am glad to be able to state that high on tlie agenda of their program will be 
a demand by the American CIO that now is the time for action ; that we are at 
the end of our road of pleading ; that now is the time for the world federation 
of free labor in Paris to say once and for all, "Hang Franco with the same rope 
as will hang Goering." 

The next speaker was introduced as a member of the "glorious" 
Abraham Lincoln Battalion, Edward Robinson. Robinson declared : 

I am here tonight, talking in the place of one who has certainly given much to 
the cause of Spain and whose death has brought to a close his continued efforts 
in the cause of Spain, David McKelvey White. He has been, and facts are 
well known, that in 193G and 1938, men irom all over the world went to fight on 
the side of the Spanish Republic. 

We knew the aims of the Axis long before most other people. We went to 
Spain because we knew that in Spain act 1 of the world tragedy was taking 
place, and we hoped that the people of the democracies would realize it in time. 
More than half ot our members laid down their lives in Spain. 

Of the 1,200 who returned, almost all who were capable were engaged in the 
world-wide struggle against fascism. Many of those who lived, lost their lives 
at Guadalcanal, Okinawa, and on the beaches of Normandy. Capt. Irving Goff, 
Sgr. Milton Joe Felson, Sgt. Bob Thomp.son, Capt. Herman Boettcher, Sgt. Sid 
Pertz, Joe Gordon, these and many like them were the stuff of the International 
Brigade. 

\\ e will never be convinced that Franco was neutral. We knew that 50,000 
trained troops from Spain were sent to fight against our allies from the Soviet. 
We knew about the network of espionage that was set up in Latin America ; we 
always knew that Franco was not neutral. 

We of the International Brigade know that Frapco was, and still remains, a 
most dangerous enemy of world peace. This being true, there is just one thing 
we must do. The American people must break all diplomatic and business rela- 
tions with Franco Spain. We must show the world that we know Franco for 
what he is, another Hitler whose ambition is to split the world and then enslave 
it. Let's set ourselves the task of breaking relations with the last dictator still 
in control of his country. A world which tolerates a Fascist Franco government 
is a world that can never be completely democratic or at peace. Let freedom 
reign again in Spain. 

Kenneth Spencer, singer, with Jonathan Price at the piano, enter- 
tained with songs. 

The next speaker was introduced with the following statement: 

The International Brigade remains today a powerful symbol of the true inter- 
national democratic spirit. One in whom this spirit burns brightly and fiercely 
<;ame to this country as a political exile. He has since become an American 
citizen. His voice is heard constantly in the fight against fascism and for 
freedom, Johannes Steel. 

Steel opened his speech with — 

Fellow anti-Fascists : * * * Mr. Truman, Mr. Bevin, we want action now. 



' This is a reference to the World Trade Union Congress to establish the World Federa- 
tion of Trade Unions. Labor unions from democratic countries withdrew from the WFTU 
•on the ground that the organization was under complete Soviet domination. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 537 

The chair was then yielded to Jose Ferrer. He stated : 

I would like to say a few words before going on with the introductions, by 
saying that I cannot tell you how proud I am to see you all here tonight, to see 
Madison Square Garden full, and being here with and among you. It is quite 
easy, as you probably know, for one in my position as maker of introductions, 
to go off the deep end, but I have no such fears in introducin,": the next speaker. 
He is an author of radio programs and author of the best seller On a Note of 
Triumph, Norman Corwin. 

Norman Corwin declared: 

This is where we came in. There was fascism in Spain before the big war 
began and there is fascism in Spain now that tliat war is over. The difference 
is that in the meantime 40,000,000 have been killed or maimed in the interest 
of ridding the world of fascism. We rejoice that the democratic flags are flying 
over Rome, Berlin, and Tokyo, but the flag of the Falange still goes up every 
morning in Madrid. 

It is easy to forget, but nothing that has happened in our lifetime seems, to 
me at least, to have the particular bitter poignance of the original auti-Fascist 
war of the Spanish Republic. 

I say now, some 5 weeks after VJ-day, that all things considered, there rises 
out of the tribulations and the agony and exultation, one weak distinction that 
the so-called premature anti-Fascist was and is the first citizen of our time. 
The original premature anti-Fascists were the people of the Spanish Republic; 
they were the International Brigade; they were the people of this and other 
countries who entered the fight of their own volition, people like Jim Lardner 
and Hank Boettcher, and in violation of the shameful rules of nonintervention, 
fought the enemy, gun sight to gun sight. They were the people whose con- 
science were ahead of their time, and were accordingly subject to investigations 
by congressional committees. They knew that as long as there is any fascism 
in the world, including the tower of the Chicago Tribune, that there is still 
a war. 

In a war whose newspaper correspondents have numbered Ernie Pyle, Robinson, 
and Kuhn it is easy to forget one who gave information to the enemy, but there 
are people who have not forgotten. Those people sit tonight in dingy basement 
restaurants in Toulouse, Marseilles, and they talk of their republic. They 
know, and we know, there will be a republic again across the mountains. 
Whether or not this number of people will live to return to their new republic 
depends in very large measure upon this assembly here tonight. They need 
everything except patience and courage, food, clothes, shoes, medical supplies, 
arms, and legs, they need to eat ; they need morale and physical support to 
achieve their battle cry of the Loyalists : "Make Madrid the doom of fascism." 

The next speaker was introduced as representing? the country which 
has never recognized the Franco government, Nikolai Novikov, So- 
viet Charge cl'Affaires at Washington and acting head of the Embassy 
in the absence of Andrei Gromyko. 

Bartley Crum then read a message sent to the rally by Dr. Jnan 
Negrin, Prime Minister of the last pre-Franco government in Spain. 

A special broadcast from England was then switched into the 
garden, transmitted from London over WJZ and the Blue Network. 
The speaker was introduced as one' of the stanchest friends of the 
Spanish people and chairman of the national executive council of 
the British Labor Party, Prof. Harold J, Laski. 

The CIO Radio Chorus, directed by Simon Rady, with Isabelle 
Josephs at the piano, then entertained with songs. Narrators were 
Uta Hagen and Jose Ferrer. 

A message was read from Richard Frankensteen, vice president of 
the United Auto Workers of America, by Bartley Criim, in which 
Frankensteen said he regretted being unable to attend the rally be- 
cause of the strike conditions in Detroit. 

The chairman then paid tribute to Dorothy Parker, who worked as 
chairman of the arrangements committee for this rally. 



538 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Lisa Sergio was the next speaker. She said : 

Almost everything has been said about Franco tonight that one could say about 
him, it seems. But one of the many things that he has done has been forgotten, 
tonight. It was under Franco that one of the most revolting, dirty vpeapons used 
in this war was invented. The fifth column was his invention, let us not forget 
that. 

We talk a lot about getting rid of Franco, he is still there and so is the fifth 
column. Rememl^er that no organization of people which carries out espionage 
and sabotage dii- organizations can function without some leadership, and that 
leadership of the surviving fifth column today includes all of the people who don't 
want the victory of democracy as in Spain. That is one more reason for which 
Franco must go out. Who is going to throw Franco out, I ask you? Is it the 
businessmen who are doing business with him in all of the United Nations? 

During the war, when there was need of oranges, Spanish oranges were bought 
because Franco was given the money. Are these same people today going to 
throw Franco out? No, let's not kid ourselves. We can back the people who are 
going in there to throw him out, but they have to be Spaniards who throw him 
out. And where are the Spaniards? Well, they are tireless fighters and so they 
fought in the underground, in the French Maquis, with Tito's guerrillas, every- 
where it was possible to fight, and many finally ended in Hitler's concentration 
camps. Those who did not fled to some of the French towns, and when they 
handed them over to the victorious Allies, we disarmed these Spaniards, and now 
they have gone back to the camps that Vichy had set up for them. 

Those whom we liberated from the death camps in Germany had no place to go. 
Do you know any American boy who came out of a prison camp in Germany? 
Has he told you what it meant to see the Allies arrive, to see the camp thrown 
open, to know there was a place for him to go to, that there was home? 

These Spaniards have no place to go to ; there is no home for at least 200,000 
Spanish republicans because we. the victorious democracies, do not want to recog- 
nize that Spain is their home and not the home of Franco. 

I know we have appealed to President Truman. In England they have appealed 
to Mr. Bevin and Mr. Attlee, and at San Francisco we made a nice sounding declar- 
ation which was repeated at Potsdam, but Franco is still there. If they really 
meant to throw Franco and his men out, these people who think they have won 
the war for democracy, would not let 200,000 fighters die and starve of disease. I 
say it's fine to talk and the eyes of the world are on this rally tonight. There are 
about 20,000 people here. I hope that you recognize one another in this gardea 
because the world is looking at us and if we go away from here, moved by the 
speeches we have heard and will hear, and stirred by the songs, it won't be 
enoug^h. 

Tomorrow morning the women of these Spanish fighters will turn around full 
of aches and pains from the cold floor where they sleep somewhere in France, but 
you and I who have talked a lot tonight will have had a place to sleep and 
enough to eat. This is what pleases Franco ; that we talk a lot, but that we must 
prove what we say by injecting into the heart and muscles of these people some- 
thing that will set them to fight again. 

It is very well to win a war on the battle front but when you begin to count 
up the physically and mentally destroyed women and children, then it is that you 
add up the score of victory and defeat. Do you realize that today as our men 
come sailing home, and we greet them with signs of welcome, still grumbling 
even though the war is over, do you realize that in Europe there is still the 
greatest number of Germans left? They have killed the children of the coun- 
tries they invaded. In 15 years they will rise again. Do you realize that every 
one of the Spanish republican children that we snatch from the hands of death 
will be the equivalent to 10 resurgent Fascists and Germans that we will have 
to put down in 15 years? 

Wars may be won with weapons and blood and money, but who gives the 
money, blood, and spirit? It is the people. Why did the United Nations win 
the war? Because there were more people on our side who never lost faith even 
in the darkest years. It is a question of people, and it has been part of the 
Fascist plan in the camps to kill women who could have borne children to fight 
for peace. 

While a great generation was being brought up under Hitler's regime, millions 
born every year and trained to believe that Fascism would again rise, they have 
tried to kill the children of Spain. There are 200,000 men, women, and children. 
There used to be 500,000 who left Spain when Franco won because our stupidity 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 539 

enabled him to win. Today we cannot locate that half million and we know 
that there are about 200,000 left today in E'rance that we can still save. Let's 
get President Truman to break relations with Franco. Let's take these 200,000 
people and let's make them the living evidence that our words are not just 
words. Let's do something about them, for mercy's sake, and not just talk 
about it. 

There is only one place in the world, and only one group of people in the 
world, who have the right to demand that the surrender document be drawn 
up and signed in their presence — I mean the total capitulation of the fifth 
column that is still in Europe — that group of people that must receive the sur- 
render instrument of fascism are the Spanish republicans, and the place can 
only be Madrid. I would say that it is time that we be practical. How 
about proving to these 200,000 that we want them to live? Is there anybody 
here with $1,000? 

The collection followed. Amon*^ some of the large contributors 
were : 

National Maritime Union, CIO, $1,500. 

Secretary of the Spanish Tobacco Workers Union of Tampa, Fla., $2,000. 

Social workers, $1,000. 

Editor of Readers Scope, Leverett Gleason, $1,000. 

International Workers Order, $1,000. 

Russian War Relief, Chapter of Local 19 of United Office Workers Association, 
$535. 

Irwin Burke, $600. 

Arthur Bernhart, $600. 

Morris Latson, $600. 

Sam Novick of Electronic Corp. of America, $500. 

Charles Korwin, $100. 

Chefs, Cooks, Pastry Cooks, and Assistants Union, New York Local 89, AFL, 
$230. 

Edward K. Barsky, $250. 

Albert Mitchell, $300. 

•Sam Jafee, $300. 

I. Greengold, $200. 

Herman Cherry, $350. 

Joseph Hirschorn, $100. 

Moe Asch, $100. 

Louis Goldberg, $100. 

Neighborhood Committee for Allied War Relief, $200. 

Herbert Ahren Corp., $250. 

F. G. Miles (from London), $100. 

Francis L. Scheff, $500. 

Emily Pearson, $100. 

Phil Shapiro, $100. 

Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, $50. 

Staff of the Spanish Refugee Appeal, $60. 

New York State Committee of the Communist Party, pledged $500. 

American Youth Club, $26. 

Sportswear Specialty, Inc., $25. 

Workers of Cafe Society Downtown, $50. 

Women for Allied Aid of Manhattan Beach and Brighton, $50. 

Students from Brooklyn College, $75. 

The Goldman Band again entertained with musical compositions, 
followed by Paula Lawrence and Josh White singing the Free and 
Equal Blues. Vincent Sheean, author and war correspondent, was 
the next speaker. 

A spotlight was thrown on a Mr. Tung,^ member of the Communist 
Party in China. The next and final speaker for the evening was 
Mme. Isabel de Palencia, former Minister to Sweden and Finland 
of the Spanish Republic Government. The meeting closed at 11 : 30 
p. m. 



Tung Pi-wu. 



540 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Dekom. Next, Mr, Huber, I ask you to take up the Veterans 
of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. 

Mr. Huber. The Veterans of the Abraham Lincohi Brigade is an 
organization that is made up of men who joined in the Spanish Revo- 
lution. The American unit on the side of the so-called Loyalist forces 
was called the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. 

Mr. Dekom. Was the Abraham Lincoln Brigade under Communist 
control ? 

Mr. Huber. Oh, certainly. The whole outfit was recruited through 
the Communist Party here in the United States. The party arranged 
for passports and transportation. Forged, false papers were made up 
or obtained by the party for travel to Spain. In Spain the Commu- 
nists took away American passports and papers and, I found out, 
these papers were sent to Moscow to be used later by Soviet agents to 
get into the United States. Ail the ranking officers of the Lincoln 
Brigade were Communist Party members and the brigade was run 
strictly on the Soviet system, with a commissar who had absolute 
power over everything. They say they were fighting for liberty^ 
but their system was as dictatorial as in the Soviet Union. 

The Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade is engaged in 
making Communist propaganda, raising funds, and in supporting 
Spanish Communists. In that sense, as I explained, it is connected 
with aliens and foreign-born Communists. Also, foreign officials in 
this country have attended meetings of the Veterans of the Lincoln 
Brigade. 

Mr. Dekom. Will you, please, give us specific cases of this, of the 
connection of the Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade with 
officials of foreign governments accredited to the United States ? 

Mr. Huber. Yes, sir. I have one particularly good example of 
this, the national convention in New York, September 21, 1946. 

Mr. Dekom. Did you attend that meeting ? 

Mr. Huber. Yes, I did, and I can give you a complete report of it, 
not just the presence of foreign officials. 

Mr. Dekom. Please do so. 

Mr. Huber. The first national convention since World War II of 
the Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade was held at Fraternal 
Clubhouse, 110 West Forty-eighth Street, New York City. The vet- 
erans had originally planned on holding memorial services at Madison 
Square Park, Twenty-third Street, but a heavy rainfall prevented 
same. The invocation was delivered by Rev. David Nathaniel Lico- 
rice; this was followed by taps. The convention opened with the 
band playing songs, featuring the Red army song. The chairman 
was Bert Jackson, who stated : 

Comrades, the weather seems to be very much against us today. The only 
thing that seems to be lacking are the blankets around our shoulders and the 
constant scratching we used to do in Spain, to make it seem Like the old days. 
However, without further ado, I think we should get on. We have some very 
distinguished guests who likewise have continued the fight against fascism and 
who likewise are mobilizing as many people as possible to bring a quick end to 
the Fascist regime in Spain. We l^ave with us Mr. Joseph Fauling, and, of 
course, always with us is Dr. Ed Bursky ; we have with us the Yugoslav consul, 
Consul Hinko J. Samec ; and I see another consul, the Polish consul, Jan Galewicz ; 
we have the Czechoslovak consul, Josef Forman ; New York City councilman, Ben 
Davis. And no meeting would ever be complete without our own Paul Robeson. 
We also have a delegate from the Win-the-Peace organization, and a large group' 
of people who, although they cannot be with us, send us greetings. 



COMMUN-IST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 541 

Jackson read telegrams from Congressman Hugh DeLacy, Upton 
Sinclair, Herbert Lehman, Edward G. Robinson, Carey McWilliams, 
and Bartley C. Crnm, praising the members of the Abraham Lincoln 
Brigade in their fight against fascism. He continued stating, "We 
have another legal representative to our convention, Vice Consul 
Anatole Yakovlev, of the Soviet Union." 

Milton Wolff, national commander of the brigade, delivered the key- 
note address as follows : 

Guests, friends, and delegates, the Abraham Lincoln Brigade was born first 
fighting against fascism. The members have been characterized as fighting anti- 
Fascists and we have been called other less complimentary names. Certain very- 
blunt commentators have dubbed us pi'emature anti-Fascists. I cannot I'emem- 
ber a convention where we have not worked out plans to intensify our fight 
against fascism. We have always been guided by the motive which sent us to 
Spain, by the remembrance of the people who gave their lives — the people of 
Spain. Down the years we have dedicated ourselves to the struggles of peace, 
and of the conception of a government of the people, by the people, and for the 
people. Men of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade have fought and distinguished 
themselves in every battlefront. 

When we went to Spain in 1936, proclaiming to the world that we would fight 
fascism, we rejected with our lives all the evils of appeasement and compromise. 
We have stuck to our guns in the face of the enemy. We feel that it is important 
for the American people today to review the message of the last 10 years in the 
light of our own experience. Ten years ago the Spanish people were holding 
the curtains of democracy against fascism. The Soviet Union was the only 
country which defended these principles, and did so with materiel and supplied 
armies. We, the American volunteers of the International Brigade, rejected a 
policy of appeasement with guns in our hands and with our lives on the battle- 
fronts of Argonne. We maintain that the hope of the world rests with us, the 
American people. We must reestablish on a firmer basis than ever before, the 
friendship between the Soviet Union, the United States, and Great Britain, which 
defeated the Axis and which can maintain the peace and build a better world 
for us. We must stay in the forefront in the fight for the destruction of facism, 
and particularly in Spain. Spain is one of the most important keys to all inter- 
national development. Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade cannot and 
will not stop short of a world of peace — a democratic world. 

The chairman read greetings from Frank Kingdon, Serge Kous- 
sevitsky, and Pablo Picasso. Betty Simms sang several Spanish 
songs, followed by Paul Bates, who also sang Spanish songs. The 
chairman then stated : 

At this time we bring before the convention a person who needs no introduc- 
tion to members of the Fifteenth Brigade — our own commander of the Thirty- 
fifth Division whom we know so well as General Walter (General Walter is the 
name under which Gen. Karol Swierczewski, Polish Vice Minister of Defense, led 
the Dombrowski brigade in Spain). 

His address was delivered in Polish and translated at intervals, but 
indistinguishable. The essence of it was high praise for the Abraham 
Lincoln Brigade and to the effect that Polish fighters had fought in 
Spain in 1936 to prevent the dropping of bombs on Poland in 1939. 
Jackson continued : 

General Walter, who was in Paris only hours ago, has brought with him some 
awards to be made to some members of our brigade, who have consistently car- 
ried on the fight against fascism and have kept alive the fight against Franco. 
The first name that comes to mind is the name of our own Herman Boettcher ; ob- 
viously the award will have to be received by someone else — and who better than 
Comrade Irving Goff. 

Irving Goff was a captain in the United States Army, serving with 
OSS. ^' ^ 



542 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Following Goff's acceptance of the award, the chairman stated: 

I will call up all the remaining : Alvah Bessie, wlio is on the west coast carry- 
ing on the fight against fascism ; Jack Bjoze, executive secretary ; our National 
Commander Milton "Wolff; Dr. Edward Barsky; and that fighter against fascism, 
Paul Robeson. 

Awards were distributed. The chairman again continued : 

Comrades, the keynote of our convention is the continuation of the fight against 
Franco and against fascism, and probably the epitome of fascism today is repre- 
sented by none other than Byrnes,^ of South Carolina. It is logical, if we are to 
fight against fascism, we might fight fascism here at home and in the South. 
It is fitting that the chairman who is leading the crusade against lynching, which 
is going to Washington on September 23, should speak to us — it is our own 
representative who will now speak to you — Paul Robeson. 

After a tremendous ovation, Paul Robeson said that he was "going 
to say a few things, but first I want to sing a couple of songs." 
After singing, he said : 

One of the things I want to talk about is what lynching can mean in America. 
I am going down to Washington on Monday and bring to the conscience of 
America what this means. You who have been in Spain know what it means; 
you know it means to break the spirit of the Negro people. This is a very im- 
portant anti-Fascist truth today. The reactionf.ries are going to break the 
Negro spirit, and I know you of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade will do all you 
can to see that this reaction is wiped out. We know the unity of the struggle 
for the Negro people; they look to the progressives and to those like you who 
fought in Spain to help them. You were in Spain, you xnow what the Spanish 
people were fighting for. We have here representati\es from Czechoslovakia, 
Yugoslavia, Poland, and the Soviet Union ; they know what the struggle was all 
about — a war against the forces of fascism. And so in Poland today, in Czecho- 
slovakia, Yugoslavia, and China they are fighting for a world where people can 
live in peace. We cannot be confused; we know what is going on, and we must 
take it to the American people, with no apologies for anything; we must never 
apologize. It is important not to be afraid of saying we are Communists; we 
cannot live in the world without them, and we must stop worrying about them. 
We have always been put on the spot. We have a Communist in the city coun- 
cil today — Ben Davis. We have a very special struggle in the fight for the 
Negroes, in the fight for the people. We are in the vanguard, and we must stay 
there, working every day and night. We must keep moving, to force the reac- 
tionaries back. It takes tremendous courage, but we will continue to fight for 
a decent world. We know that in the historic period today, we in America are 
bearers of the standards. America has a great responsibility — the veterans 
of the brigade must live np to their responsibility. 

Chairman Jackson again took over, stating : 

Comrades, the old fighting songs have been sung and the fighting words have 
been spoken. Many of us no longer give the youthful appearance we had a few 
years ago, but we have more experience and can go on and carry on the fight 
more successfully than in the past. Before we conclude this session of the con-' 
vention, I think it would be correct to receive greetings from a representative 
body of our government which is an indication that times have changed — 
Eugene Connolly. 

Eugene Connolly addressed the audience, stating : 

Yes ; I would like to bring you greetings. I am very privileged as an individual, 
and as a member of my party, to come here and be permitted to say a few words 
to the men who know what the struggle against fascism is. I would like to say 
something which I think Paul Robeson touched upon. It seems to me that we 
are at a new point in American history — we have had great struggles in our his- 
tory — we have had the struggles of .Tefferson and Jackson — we have had the 
debates of Lincoln and Douglas. Today it seems to me that the American people 
are about to engage in a struggle which transcends these, and I think it is a fight 



1 James F. Byrnes, Secretary of State. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 543 

we are going to win. Franklin D. Roosevelt is not dead, and the people of Amer- 
ica believe in the things he fought and died for ; carrying forward his policies 
today is another great leader, Henry Wallace. Mr. Truman has silenced a Cabi- 
net member, but this has aroused the voices of the American people. Henry Wal- 
lace, I am utterly convinced, has spoken in the voice of the American people, and 
I think we are going to win the light against the reactionaries and against the 
poll-taxers. We are going to win the fight for the South. The American people 
understand that there is only one course for our Nation to follow, and that is the 
fight for the peace. Peace means cooperating with the Soviet Union, the out- 
lawing of Franco. For the American Labor Party I am happy to say that it is 
our firm conviction that we are going to win this fight. A vote for the American 
Labor Party is a vote for peace. We are not going to compromise on the issue 
we are fighting for — and that is the fight for the American people. We are going 
into the fight together, and will work together. 

Mr. Dekom. Have you any information on the American Committee 
for Yugoslav Relief ? 

]\Ir. HuBER. That was, of course, p well-known Communist front, 
with much of its activity run by the party organizations. 

Mr. Dekom. Upon what do you base your statement? 

Mr. Huber. Communist Party units were active in promoting the 
organization, and I knew that some of the top officials were Communist 
Party members or connected with Communist Party fronts. I can 
give you a couple of examples. 

In June 1945 the American Committee for Yugoslav Relief, with 
offices at 58 Park Avenue, conducted a vigorous campaign to raise 
$1,000,000, which was to be used to purchase medical supplies for ship- 
ment to Yugoslavia. One of their promotion schemes was to solicit 
funds through the signing of scrolls, which were distributed through 
the clubs of the Communist Party of America. 

On Thursday, October 24, 1946, 1 was at a dinner sponsored by the 
American Committee for Yugoslav Relief, at the Hotel Pennsylvania. 
Admission was $6.50 per person. About 500 people attended. The 
chairman was Stanley Isaacs, New York City councilman, who stated 
that the people of Yugoslavia were grateful for help the United States 
was giving them through the UNRRA; that they did not believe such 
help would be terminated by the American people. The names of 
other speakers, excepting that of Ambassador Sava N. Kosanovic, 
were unintelligible when introduced. They spoke in broken English 
and were difficult to understand. Entertainment was furnished by 
Yugoslav singers and dancers. Pete Seegar made a hit with the audi- 
ence when he had them join in the chorus of a song entitled, "I'm. 
Gonna Stick by the Union." Most of the audience was familiar with 
verses of that song, which was connnonly sung at Communist Party 
affairs. A collection speech, started by a priest of the Serbian Ortho- 
dox Church,^ who presented the committee with a $15,000 donation 
from his congregation, was later taken over by William S. Gailmor, 
because of the poor English spoken by the priest. They collected 
about $25,000. Ferdinand Smith gave $500 in the name of NMU; 
$1,000 was donated by a man named Caspar,^ owner of the Stockholm 
Restaurant in midtown Manhattan. The concluding speaker. Am- 
bassador Sava N. Kosanovic, denied that religion was not allowed to 
be practiced in Yugoslavia and said that religion was free to exist as 



1 Probably Strahinja Maletich, executive secretary of the United Committee of South 
Slavic Americans and later an employee of the Yugoslav Consulate in New York. He has 
been forced to leave the United States. 

2 For the testimony of Frank J. Caspar, see p. 77. 



.544 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

always in that country. He stated that it was true that the church 
was separated from the state in his country, but that it was no different 
than here in America, where one of the basic principles is the separa- 
tion of the church from the state. He stated that the attacks on Yugo- 
slavia over the prison sentence meted out to Archbishop Stepinac were 
unjustilied, because, if the true facts were known, Yugoslavia would 
be found blameless in that affair and that Archbishop Stepinac was 
given his sentence for misusing his church to aid the Nazi occupation. 
He denounced the American press for working up a war fever against 
Yugoslavia, while at the same time adopting a soft and forgiving note 
toward those who followed Hitler, Mussolini, and Hirohito. He said 
that his country was grateful for the assistance of the people of the 
United States, and stated that threats to halt such aid were not taken 
seriously by the people of Yugoslavia. Guests included Saul Mills, 
Regina Wilson, Ferdinand Smith, and Sam Kanin. 

Mr. Dekom. I notice in a number of instances which you have cited, 
as well as others which have come to the attention of this subcommit- 
tee, that Communist officials and representatives from abroad have 
participated in meetings over here. Is this a common Soviet propa- 
ganda technique. 

Mr. HuBER. Yes ; it is. 

Mr. Dekom. Can you cite any recent instances of that ? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, sir. The Cultural and Scientific Conference for 
World Peace, held in New York last March. I was present at that 
meeting and, if you like, I can give you a full report on it. 

Mr. Dekom. Please go ahead and do so. 

Mr. HuBER. The National Council of Arts, Sciences and Profes- 
sions, with headquarters at Suit 76, 49 West 44 Street, New York City, 
sponsored a Cultural and Scientific Conference for World Peace on 
March 25, 26 and 27, 1949, to which international guests were invited. 
A welcome dinner was held in the grand ballroom, Waldorf-Astoria 
Hotel, Forty-ninth Street and Park Avenue, on Friday, March 25, 
1949, with 1,900 guests attending, reservations $10 per plate. The 
dinner began at 7 : 30 and terminated at 11 : 40. Harlow Shapley, of 
Harvard, acted as chairman. Seated on the dais were the following 
guests : 



Myrta Aguirre, Cuba 

Dr. R. E. C. Armattoe, North Ireland 

Krisimir Baronovich, Yugoslavia 

Ernst Boas 

Peter Bogdonov, Yugoslavia 

Jan Boor, Czechoslovakia 

Dr. Allen Butler 

F. Manrlque Cabrera 

Serge Chermayoff 

M. E. Chiaurely, U. S. S. R. 

Erling Cliristophersen, Norway 

Aaron Copland, composer 

Norman Cousins 

Olin Downes, New York Times 

W. E. B. DuBois 

A. A. Fadeev, U. S. S. R. 

Prof. Joseph Frank, Sweden 

S. A. Gerasimov, U. S. S. R. 

John Goss, Canada 

Nicholas Guillen, Cuba 

Lillian Hellman, playwright 

Ferdinand Hercik, Czechoslovakia 



Pa well Hoffman, Poland 

Jiri Hronek, Czechoslovakia 

Hayward Keniston 

Leon Kruczkowski 

Brenda Lewis 

Dr. Juan Marinello, Cuba 

F. O. Matthiessen 

Bishop Arthur W. Moulton 

Michael Nisselson, Amalgamated Bank 

A. I. Oparin, U. S. S. R. 

Stanislaw Ossowski, Poland 

P. A. Pavlenko, U. S. S. R. 

Jovan Popovich, Yugoslavia 

Carlos Ramos, Philippines 

0. John Rogge 

1. D. Rujansky, U. S. S. R. 
Dr. Harlow Shapley 
Mrs. Harlow Shapley 
Rev. Guy Emery Shipler 

D. D. Shostakovich, U. S. S. R. 
AVilliam Olaf Stapledon, England 
Ladislav Stoll, Czechoslovakia 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 545 



Dr. Domingo F. Villamil, Cuba 
Alexander Vucho, Yugoslavia 
Edward L. Young 
Colston Warne 



■Charles Stuart 

T. O. Tbackery 

Louis Untermeyer, poet 

Olive Van Horn 

Joseph Vidmar, Yugoslavia 

The dinner opened with Brenda Lewis, City Center Opera, singing 
the National Anthem, followed by the invocation by liev. Arthur 
W. Moulton. Dr. Shapley introduced the guests on the dais. The first 
speaker was Stanislaw Ossowski, from Poland. 

Myrta Aguirre from Cuba, speaking in Spanish which was trans- 
lated into English, stated : 

I take great pleasure in expressing Cuban adherence to this great assembly 
which will work to prevent the outburst of a preventable and avoidable new 
world war. The future of the world can be resolved by specific and rational 
means. As we greet this congress, we lament that the representation of Latin 
America is reduced to one single group and one Puerto Rican. Only insur- 
mountable obstacles, well known to all of us, deprive them from coming. In view 
of these realities, I dare to salute one and all in the name of all Latin Americans 
who are not able to be present ; I also dare to salute this congress in the name 
of the illustrious women who should have been here today but were unable 
to come into the country. 

Jovan Popovich, from Yugoslavia, speaking in his native tongue, 
which was translated into English, stated : 

I am indeed glad to greet this conference. The smoke of the last war has 
not yet disappeared, yet we are today witnessing new attempts to create a war 
psychosis. However, this time war is not being heard everywhere. We in Yugo- 
slavia believe that the peoples of all countries want peace and friendship with 
each other. Peaceful cooperation is possible among countries with dillerent 
ways of life. This is possible if the rights of all peoples are considered. No 
one of us in Yugoslavia wants or is anticipating war. From day to day millions 
of Yugoslavians are building up their country; the bright future is around the 
bend. The artists, scientists, and other professionals of my country have a great 
interest and the people of my country are responding. Among the peoples of evex'y 
country, every piece of art, every scientitic achievement which serves to strengthen 
the faith of man, finds immediate and deep response. On the other hand, 
works of art which sow discrimination and hatred work against the common 
good of peoples of all countries. Such so-called culture negates the aim of 
culture. 

F. Manrique Cabrera, speaking in Spanish, which was translated by 
Louis Untermeyer, stated: 

As a Puerto Rican writer, I feel deeply honored to greet the people here 
assembled for the noble purpose of lending themselves to the supreme effort of 
attaining peace. On arriving in this city, many of us were faced with nervous- 
ness and alarm with respect to this conference. This situation for a time 
deprived us of the necessary calmness to understand the lending of our presence 
in this place. Let us oppose this irrational aspect with our full power. Unly in 
an atmosphere of peace is it possible that the creative forces of all men and 
peoples may serve the best interests of humanity and prosperity. It is just 
as important to say who we are and from whence we come as it is to say what 
we desire : Peace, peace be to all men. 

Chairman Shapley read messages received from the following: 
Thomas Mann, George Bernard Shaw, J. B. Priestley, Frederick Ash- 
ton, Frederick Joliot-Curie, of the Institute of Radiology in Paris, 
Federation of Spanish Workers and Educators; teachers in Finland, 
Puerto Rico, Israel, Yugoslavia; director of the Hebrew Academy, 
the bishop of Birmingham, the bishop of New South Wales, Johannes 
Becker, of the Cultural League for the Rennaissance of Germany; 
Michael Redgrave, Martin Ajaderson, of Denmark; Diego Rivera, oi 
Mexico City; Professor Blackett, scientist and author; and Sean 
O'Casey. 



546 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 



William Olaf Stapledon, English philosopher and psychologist, was 
the next speaker. 

Further greetings were read from Prof. J. D. Bernal, Paul Eluard, 
of France, and Abbe Boulier. 

Charles Stuart, educator and publicist who is associated with the 
Churchman, followed. He recited the aims of the common man for 
peace, quoting that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself. He 
said: 

This is a real fight for peace. Let's review the things which have happened 
here in America to silence those who speak for peace in the realm of academic 
freedom: Dr. Hyman Bradnick, New York University; Dr. Clyde R. Miller, Prof. 
Roger Morgan, Professor and Mrs. Ackley ; Dr. George Parker, Dr. Luther A. 
McNair; Prof. Clarence Ahearn; and other outstanding professors from the 
University of Washington— all dismissed. These attacks have been made upon 
the Methodist Federation and upon that fearless edtior, Guy Emery Shipler, of 
the Churchman, and upon my own rector and his son, Melish. This meeting 
is not a climax, this is a beginning. This is where we come in, we go on from 
here. I am going to ask you now in the presence of those foreign guests, to 
whom America is a new country, to show them a different American procedure, to 
take up a collection. Let's make it another win, and for the sake of this com- 
mittee which has done such a magnificent job tonight and will do in the future, 
let's show them what we Americans can do. 

The following contributions were made: 

Harry Ratigan 

Bobby and Joe Weinstein 

Art Division of the Arts, 

Sciences, and Professions.^ 

Mr. and Mrs. Daniel Gilmore 

Michael Nisselson 

Eli Harvard 

Barney Josephson 

Harry Prager 

Marcus Goldman 

Allen H. Ford 

Henry Wilcox 

A. H. Goldsten 

Theodore Shapiro 

Dinah Feldman 

Benjamin Gilmore 

Ira Hirshman 

Sara Rosenman 

Charles Peck 

Max and Loitis Shapiro 

Dr. Benjamin Siegel 

Nathan Fisher 

Abe Pomerantz 

David Bellow 

Helen Tamiris 

Lawrence Herman 

Ralph Brandon 

William Morris 

Philip Jaffe 

Corliss and Margaret Lamont 

Samuel Jaffe 

Charles Goldman 

B. L. Spitzer 

Daniel Rock 

Dr. Raphael Soyer 

The Methodist Federation for 

Social Service 

Mr. and Mrs. Fagan (?) 

Dr. Auriellio (?) 

Elinor Gimbel 



$1,000 


John Stanton 


$100 


1,000 


Mollie Novick 

Building Industry, of Arts, 


lOO 


1,000 


Sciences and Professions 


100 


500 


Louis Berraan 


100' 


500 


Naomi Ames 


100 


250 


Samuel Goodman- 


50' 


250 


Abe Oilman _ 


50 


250 


Mary Galvis _ _ 


50 


200 


Sam Neuberger 


50 


200 


S. J. Rodman _ _ 


50 


200 


Morris Epstein 


50 


250 


Horace Titus 


50 


155 


Jerome Chodorov 


50 


100 


Jules Epstein-. 


50 


100 


Herman Rabin 


50 


100 


Micky Lesser 


40 


100 


Beatrice Turner 


25 


100 


Sol Golfein _ 


25 


100 


Jesse Shapiro _ 


25 


ion 


M. Steinfeld 


25 


100 


Rose Gaulden 


25 


100 


George Ives 


25 


100 


Harry Mandel 


25 


ion 


Jacob Allenoff __ 


25 


100 


Beatrice Buchman 


25 


ino 


Jimmy Wise 


25 


100 


William H. Melish 


25 


100 


Sam Basso 


25 


100 


Ruth Rubin- _ 


25 


100 


Reva Esser — _ 


25 


100 


Hester Gale Sondergaard 


25 


100 


Mrs. Ruth Smith 


50 


inn 


Samuel litman 


25 


100 


Soiiia Ruth Goss - 


25 




Allen Harvey 


25 


(?) 


Dr. Emily Pearson 


25 


100 


Dr. Lipshitz 


25 


100 


Dr. Neubauer 


25 


100 


Dr. Leo Mayo 


25 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 547 

The estimated total contributions were over $15,000. 
Aaron Copland introduced Dimitri Shostakovich, who spoke in 
Hussian, which was translated as follows : 

On behalf of the members of the Soviet delegation, allow me to give my greet- 
ings to the progressive representatives of America. We are united with them 
in accomplishing the noble task of working for peace. I am sure that this 
meeting will be useful and beneficial to our mutual cause. As a musician and 
representative of the arts which need not be translated from one language to 
another, I realize how much can be done for the cause of peace — let our efforts 
prove not fruitless. 

Norman Cousins, chairman of the State Education Commission of 
Connecticut and editor of the Saturday Review of Literature, gave a 
speech, which was so unexpectedly pro-American that the audience 
first gasped and then booed at intervals. He said : 

I am grateful for this opportunity to speak, especially since I am about to 
present a minority report. I regret that everyone is not present tonight. The 
announced purpose of this conference is peace, but before i talk about peace, I 
would like to talk about your visit to the United States. I am certain that there 
are many things which have happened since your arrival that are disturbing. 
From the moment you landed on our shores you have been in an atmosphere 
of tension, hostility, and strong violence. It is not because Americans are 
unfriendly. I regret that this hostility is the reaction of the auspices under 
which this conference is held. American people in demonstrating against this 
conference are not speaking out against peace but against a small political group 
in this country which has failed to live up to its words of democracy. * * * 
Radicalism is not the issue. * * * Under those circumstances, your visit 
here proves that men of all creeds and nations can find and welcome a con- 
genial association. No man can claim the right to speak for his countrymen. 
I am sure that distinguished representatives will want to report back to your 
governments and people. Americans want peace, but they do not want peace at 
any price. If the price of peace is injustice, they don't want peace. If it is the 
price of spiritual denial, they don't want peace. If the price is detachment from 
the rights of man, they will reject peace. Americans know what the next war 
means ; they know that there can be no victory in the next war except over life 
itself. There will be no fabric left at all if peace is not won. This has bolstered 
Americans' desire for peace — support the United Nations — the time has come 
for all peoples everywhere to give the United Nations power to enact force. We 
must recognize a higher law. This means that those methods affecting the 
security of all peoples must be supported — the United Nations must be backed 
by force. The veto must be abolished, backed by the machinery of justice and 
due process of law. Mankind's conscience must be built into the structure of the 
United Nations. Tell them of the growing support in the United States for 
peace; tell them about the citizens of Connecticut who voted in favor of giving 
the UN power for security, for peace. Tell them the American people want 
to build the United Nations; tell them it is not true that the American Govern- 
ment wants war, but until a strong UN is established it will stand firm against 
aggression ; tell them that Americans are anti-Communist but not antihumani- 
tarian ; that, while Americans respect the rights of other people for their own 
forms of government they are apprehensive of government by coercion, especially 
when coercion comes from without. Say that democracy is an enduring princi- 
ple; say that it means there is enough room in America to believe in Herbert 
Hoover and Harry Truman and Franklin D. Roosevelt ; say that democracy to 
Americans means making mistakes and correcting them. Democracy in America 
comes under the heading of unfinished business and it does exist strongly. Say 
that Americans believe in intellectual freedom ; say finally that Americans 
recognize that there are ideological differences separating the peoples of the 
world today but they are not free; that peoples are more important than nations 
and what is at stake is the coming destiny of man. Say that America would 
like to hold out its hand to the peoples of the world and it is doing this because 
of the differences which must be kept from catching on fire. 

Lillian Hellman followed, severely criticizing Cousins' speech, 
stating it should have been made in panel [loudly applauded]. "It 
has been a strange week, with people calling the sponsors and asking 



548 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

them to withdraw." She stated she had joined the anti-Communist 
picket line in order to get the reaction of the pickets. She added : 

I dislike the vulgarism of the word "philosophy." There is a new kind of 
philosophy this week being practiced by hook or crookism which allows many 
versions — if you want to call names of honest men, you do it. I think it is^ 
possible that, if we told you of the many phone calls made by Professor Hook,^ 
it would not sound possible. Governor Dewey embraced Professor Hook early 
this week. We intellectuals were meant to act like statesmen. Many of us 
disagree on many i-s;ues with many others of us here. Four years ago, I was 
living on the Polish front with the Russian Army. Now it is fashionable to 
feel that only Russia is at fault. I think we have come together to say we are 
tired of speaking about whose fault it is. I think it isn't right for men to have 
scales ; it no longer matters whose fault it is but just that this must be stopped. 
Wars will not kill capitalism nor communism. History will take care of what 
will come. You can't kill ideologies. It is sad that we have not learned this 
lesson. This dinner was not planned for solutions ; in all humility we can do no 
worse than statesmen. We want only to declare here that there are still men 
and women in the world who don't think it dangerous for peace. Long live life ; 
that's why we are here. 

On Saturday, March 26, 1949, the keynote session of the Cultural 
and Scientific' Conference for World Peace was held at Carnegie 
Hall, Fifty-seventh Street and Seventh Avenue, from 10:40 a. m. to 
1 : 15 p. m. Hilda Morse sang the national anthem, Dr. Harlow Shap- 
ley acted as chairman. He announced that, due to the large demand 
for admission to the panels, each delegate would be permitted to 
attend only one panel. He denounced the one-sidedness of the repre- 
sentation of this conference as Communist as being the fault of the 
Department of State. The international guests who had appeared at 
the dinner were again introduced to the people present at this session. 
Shapley announced that the national members of the NCASP would 
hold a dinner meeting in suite 744 Saturday night ; that members of 
the resolutions committee would meet in suite 2545 on Sunday at 
9 : 30 a. m., as follows : 

Dr. Allan M. Butler Mary Van Cleve Clifford Durr 

Bishop MoiTlton Michael Nisselson Colston Warne 

Olin Downes Ira Wolfert James Waterman Wise 

W. E. DuBois O. John Rogge Arthur Gaeth 

Lillian Hellman Philip Morrison John Howard Lawson 

Arthur Miller Guy Emery Shipler Martin Popper 

Professor Fairchild Louis Untermeyer Shirley Graham 

Herman Herrey Olive Van Horn Dr. Edward Young 

Shapley then discussed the world in the atomic age. 

Arthur W. Moult on discussed the foundations for peace, stating : 

The foundations of peace lie in the collective good will of the peoples ; that 
this collective good will becomes highest through the arts, cultures, sciences, and 
professions. The preamble of the United Nations Charter begins that the peo- 
ples of the United Nations determine to save succeeding generations from the 
scourge of war. The word is that word "peoples" and the other word is that 
word "determined" ; it is "peoples" and not "people." Peoples of the nations are 
determined to see to it that war is out of fashion. It is outdated and outmoded ; 
it is obsolescent and we are determined to make it obsolete. What about this 
determination — how are you going to put body, soul, spirit, mind, and will into 
it to make it stand out under the assaults of fearmongers? That is the task 
of this conference. The forces which build the world into a pleasant place to 



iProf. Sidney Hook, chairman of the philosophy department at New York University, 
orj^anized a counter rally and denounced the Cultural and Scientific Conference for World 
Peace. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 549 

live in and make that life worth while are emerging from the foxholes of timidity 
and demand your attention as they take over the world. This is a resurrection 
and resurgence of the forces.. I want you to see something of the glory of the 
High Command. I would like to tell the peoples of the world that war shall 
be no more ; that we possess magic to prevent destruction ; draw the minds of the 
people from the ugly to the bad. I want the peoples to he seized by a moral 
infatuation for world peace ; it is a collective matter. Nobody wants war ; get 
the world's mind off war. Collective contributions of the people of the world 
in their arts, cultures, professions, religions, form an Olympian structure which 
will bring world peace. I urg-e that everyone join religion to be geared into 
the daily life of the individual to enrich personality and sire enthusiasm for the 
job of saving the world. Religion and progress are twins. Quit living like 
atheists and move into the army where God dwells. 

Moulton's address was not to the liking of the audience in his con- 
stant reiteration that religion and God were the basic factors for 
achieving permanent peace. 

Nicholas Guillen of Cuba spoke in Spanish, which was translated 
by Millard Lampell, as follows : 

This conference meets during dark moments for the world. However, limited 
and restricted, it still plays a giant part in this hour of anguish ; frightened people 
are thinking of the armed drive. This war could not start by itself alone. 
It is not an invited war, and there is on this earth no just meaning for its 
being unleashed. The trust to sell war and obtain the fabulous dividends of 
war is comprised of those who will not go to it ; to ambitious government men 
who will follow the course from their green tables, the marching men they 
have sent to death, merchants of death, powerful rich, smooth smug politicians, 
those who never saw action during the war but read it in the headlines. Be- 
cause this war would be fomented by stupidity, hatred, ignorance, lies against 
them, intelligence must prevail, must remain awake. The artist who considers 
himself outside the struggle of our time must realize that his destiny is to stand 
among people with the aim of peace. 

T. O. Thackrey, editor and publisher of the New York Post, dis- 
cussed United States foreign policy and its effect on world peace. O. 
John Rogge discussed the relation of domestic to foreign policy. 

On Saturday, March 26, 1949, from 2 p. m. to 5 p. m., the following 
panel sessions were held in the name rooms of the Waldorf-Astoria r 

Economic and social sciences — Jade Room : 

The IMarshall Plan in Relation to Peace and War, by Paul M. Sweezy, 

economist. 
The Economic Consequences of the Cold War in the United States, by Prof. 

Colston E. Warne. 
The Effect of a Disrupted World on Food Problems and Prospects, by David 

M. Lubbock. 
Racism, Colonialism, and World Peace, by Gene Weltfish. 
The Social Consequences of the Cold War in the United States, by Grace 

F. Marcus. 
Mass Communications — Wedgewood Room : 
Remarks of Alexander Vucho. 
Discussion on behalf of the workers of Soviet art and Soviet cinema, by 

Sergei A. Gerasimov. 
Mass Communications in Latin America, by Myrta Aguirre. 
The Front Desk and the Foreign Correspondent, by Victor Bernstein. 
The War Crises in the Headlines, by I. F. Stone. 
The Role of American Radio in World Peace, by Arthur Gaeth. 
The Cold War and the American Film, by John Howard Lawson. 
Education — Astor Gallery : 

Education in Czechoslovakia, by Jan Boor. 

Education in Poland, by Stanislaw Ossowski. 

Taboos on Knowledge, a Menace to World Peace, by John J. de Boer. 

Implementing Academic Freedom, by Dr. Hayward Keniston. 



550 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Religion and Ethics — Basildon Room : 

The Responsibility of the Church and Synagogue Today, by Rev. Shelton 
Hale, Bishop. 

Same subject discussed by Rev. S. Harrington Littell. 

Same sub.1ect discussed by Rt. Rev. Arthur W. Moulton. 

Same subject discussed by Rabbi Louis I. Newman. 

The Cold War or a Living Peace, by Rev. Guy Emery Shipler. 

The Ideological Conflict, by William Olaf Stapledon. 
Writing and publishing — Starlight Roof : 

The Writer and Today's Challenge for Peace, by Richard O. Boyer, 

The Independence Movement in Asia, by Agnes Smedley. 

The Written Word in the Struggle for Peace, by P. A. Pavelenko. 

W. E. B. DuBois discussed freedom of tliought. 
Planning and building — Palm Room : 

Development of United States Resources for Peace, by Henry T. ShotweU 

Opening remarlis by Serge Chermayeff. 
Scientific — Astor Gallery, 8 to 11 p. m. : 

W. A. Higinbotham discussed atomic energy. 

Viewpoint of the Progressive Czech Scientist on War and Peace, by Prof. 
Ferdinand Hercik. 

Science and the Struggle for Peace, by A. I. Oparin. 

Science as a Bridge to Peace, by Walter Orr Roberts. 

The Science of Life and Death, by Prof. Theodore Rosebury. 

Prerequisites for Maximum American Scientific Contribution to World 
Abundance, by Henry A. Wallace. 
Fine arts — Starlight Roof, 8 to 11 p. m. : The Artist as Interpreter of His Age, by 

Philip Evergood. 
Physical and mental health — Palm Room, Sunday, March 27, 10 a. m. to 12 : 30 
p. m. : 

The Importance of Peace to the Health of the People and to Medicine, by 
Dr. Ernst Boas. 

International Relationships for Mutual Benefits, by Dr. R. B. G. Armattoe. 

Wealth and Health in the U. S. A., by Dr. Allan M. Butler. 

Social Environment and Mental Health, by Dr. Julius Schreiber. 

On Sunday, March 27, 1949, the plenary session of the Cultural and 
Scientific Conference for World Peace was held in the grand ball- 
room of the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel from 2: 15 p. m. to 5:25 p. m. 
Prof. Harlow Shapley acted as chairman. Prof. Frederick L. Schu- 
man spoke on American-Soviet relations. A. A. Fadeev, secretary- 
general of the Secretariat of the Union of Soviet Writers, spoke in 
Kussian, translated by Martin Blaine, in part, as follows : 

Professor Schuman is mistaken. There are no elements in our country which 
desire war in the United States or in any other country. 

He praised the book, The Great Conspiracy Against Russia, writ- 
ten by Albert Kahn and Michael Sayre : 

I think the important thing is to understand that those elements in the United 
States who would like to see another war are not only the enemies of the Soviet 
but also the enemies of the American people, who, like ourselves, do not want 
war. All these facts indicate that the threat of a new war does not come from 
the Soviet. Peoples of the world will severely punish the instigators of a 
new war. 

Dr. Juan Marinello, delegate from Cuba, spoke in Spanish, which 
was translated by Roger deKoven, actor. Agnes Smedley spoke on 
the independence movement in Asia (same speech delivered at the 
Writing and Publishing Panel) . Dr. R. E. G. Armattoe discussed the 
independence movements in Africa. 

Dr. Frederick L. Schuman again spoke, in answer to the points 
raised by A. A. Fadeev, as follows : 

It is important to me that I owe it to you to explain. I did not make myself 
clear due to difficulties of language. I was told in Mr. Fadeev's very informative 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 551 

and moving address that he said that there are no elements in the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics desiring war with the United States. 1 agree completely 
with that statement. I also agree with the implication of the statement that 
there are some elements in the United States desiring war with the Union of 
Soviet Socialist Republics. Those elements are not yet in Washington but else- 
where — not yet very influential or very important. Some of you disagree, but I 
want you to know my view of this. It seems to me that this is not the central 
problem that we are faced with as we try to think and act in terms of avoiding 
catastrophe in the future. Our drift toward war is not primarily the product 
of the words or the acts of anyone anywhere who wants war in either country ; 
it is a product of international anarchy — of the lack jf any effective world govern- 
ment. There can be no progress toward the goal of some structure of world 
government except on the basis of an American-Soviet settlement and coopera- 
tion. Our drift toward war is also the product of irrational fears and hopes on 
both sides. Almost no one in the United States really wants war with the Union 
of Soviet Socialist Republics, but they fear Soviet socialism and hope it will 
collapse or be destroyed. American capitalism has nothing whatever to fear 
from Soviet socialism, which will not collapse or be destroyed, or vice versa. The 
problem of peace is the problem of whether our two different societies can coexist 
and compete with one another creatively in peace. The ultimate alternative 
toward that is the destruction of each city in its efforts to destroy the other. 
Our answer is that they can coexist in peace and must do so if our civilization, 
east and west, is to survive. Since the death of Franklin D. Roosevelt, America 
has not been making its contribution toward peace. We ask if Russia will make 
her contribution for peace. I believe it will, but it remains to be seen. 

A man introduced as Joe of the organization made a statistical 
report as follows : 

Number of people registered, 2,82.3, including representatives of all the arts, 
sciences, and professions ; 491 from' art, music, theater, and dance ; 244 from 
education; 246 from economic and social sciences; 202 from mass communica- 
tions; 84 universities, colleges, and technical institutes represented; 575 dele- 
gates from outside of the State of New York, representing 21 States, including 
California, Utah, and the State of Washington ; number attending panels, 8,525. 

An announcement was made that the action committee would meet 
at 10 a. m. on Monday, March 28, composed of representatives from 
each of the groups in the organization. A group of messages on 
record, recorded by Levy's Sound Studios, Inc., 73 New Bond Street, 
London, England, were run off, as follows : Mis& Patricia Burke, Louis 
Golding, J. G. Crowther, and J. D. Bernal. 

The text of resolutions as drawn up by the resolutions committee 
was read, followed by discussion from the floor. Lillian Hellman, 
Mary Van Cleve, and Martin Popper presented the resolutions. 
Joseph Winan, chariman of the National Jewish Writers and Artists; 
Albert Kahn, approving the resolutions, called for "peace at this 
time." Herman Herrey and Howard Fast spoke from the floor. 
Eesolutions were unanimously approved. On the resolution on cul- 
tural freedom, Louis Harkis stated the LTnited Public Workers of 
America (CIO) demand revocation of the President's loyalty order. 
Mrs. Rose Russell of the Teachers Union and Philip Morrison also 
spoke. In conclusion, Roger deKoven read a message received from 
Thomas Mann. 

A mass meeting was held on Sunday night, March 27, at Madison 
Square Garden, from 8 p. m. to midnight; admission was from 60 
cents to $3.60. Harlow Shapley acted as chairman ; Arline Carmen 
opened with the singing of the Star-Spangled Banner, followed by 
the invocation by the Rt. Reverend Arthur W. Moulton. A dramatic 
skit was narrated by Sam Wanamaker, based on messages from people 
throughout the world calling for peace. 

98330— 50— pt. 2 7 



552 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 



The international guests seated on the platform were introduced, 
which was followed by a speech by Dr. W. E. B. DuBois. Dr. Shap- 
ley repeated the address given at the keynote session. Dr. R. E. G. 
Armattoe repeated the speech made at the plenary session. Leon 
Kruczkowski, speaking in Polish, translated by Sam Wanamaker, 
defended the Soviet Union's efforts for peace. Domingo F. Villamil 
spoke in English. Messages were read from people to whom visas 
had been denied. Millard Lampell read a message sent by Paul Eluard. 
William Olaf Stapledon repeated the speech he made at the welcom- 
ing dinner. John Howard Lawson, followed. Jiri Hronek delivered 
a message from the people of Czechoslovakia. Charles Stuart 
announced messages from various people, including one received from 
Charles Chaplin. He appealed for a general contribution toward 
maintaining peace throughout the world ; total collection approxi- 
mated $15,000. Among the contributors were : 



Writers, Actors, and Artists 

of Chicago $1,000 

Hollywood Artists 1,200 



Joseph Kaminoff— 

Harry Kriegel 

A. H. Bilstein 

Lottie Davidoff 

Sophie Zuckerbrod. 

Chester Dichter 

Paul Kronby 

Elizabeth Halprin. 
Margaret Parry 



100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 
100 



Isabel Ruary $100 



William Vulcan- 
Leo Golden 

Lillian Miller 

Joseph Miller 

Marjorie Sloan 

Gussie McMahon. 
Mrs. Wishinsky_. 
Mr. Wishinsky— 
Gertrude Butnik. 

Ha^el Welch 

William Gailmor. 



Richard Lauterbach spoke on the shame and embarrassment he 
felt at the exclusion of foreign representatives to the conference. A. 
A. Fadeev spoke in Russian, translated by Martin Blaine. Dimitri 
Shostakovich was introduced and played a selection, for which he 
received an outstanding ovation, but he refused to play an encore and 
did not speak. The two major resolutions approved at the plenary 
session of the conference were unanimously approved by the audience. 

Mr. Dekom. With the conclusion of your testimony concerning 
the Cultural and Scientific Conference for World Peace, we shall 
recess subject to call of the chairman. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES AMONG ALIENS AND NATIONAL 

GEOUPS 



FRIDAY, OCTOBER 28, 1949 

United States Senate, 
Special Subcommittee to Investigate 
THE Immigration Laws, of the 

Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington^ D. G. 
The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 10 : 30 a. m., in Room 
424-C, Senate Office Building, Senator Forrest C. Donnell, presiding. 
Present : Senator Donnell. 

Also present : Otto J. Dekom, professional staff member. 
Senator Donnell. Let the record show that this is further hearing 
on S. 1832. Our witness this morning is Mr. John J. Huber, who, I 
understand, is to continue with his testimony. 
Mr. Dekom. Yes, sir. 

PUETHER TESTIMONY OF JOHN J. HUBER 

Senator Donnell. Mr. Huber, for purposes of identification, will 
you again state your full name and address in the record at this point? 

Mr. Huber. John J. Huber, Cortlandt Street, Mount Vernon, N. Y. 

Senator Donnell. You previously gave testimony at a hearing 
during part of which I was in attendance, did you not? 

Mr. Huber. Yes, sir. 

Senator Donnell. Are you prepared at this time to proceed with 
your testimony ? 

Mr. Huber. Yes, sir ; I am. 

Senator Donnell, Mr. Huber, I shall not remain for the taking 
of the testimony, but Mr. Dekom will doubtless interrogate you, and 
you will, therefore, feel at liberty to proceed to answer such questions 
as he may propound to you and that you may deem proper to answer. 
Also, he will refer to various exhibits, I believe, to be introduced 
into the record in the course of the hearing. 

Mr. Dekom. Yes, sir. 

Senator Donnell. I shall not remain further, but the hearing will 
now proceed along those lines. 

Mr. Dekom. I would like to state for the record that Mr. Huber 
previously appeared before this subcommittee on September 8 and 9. 
At that time he was instructed to prepare certain additional material 
and to present additional exhibits. Mr. Huber is now prepared to 
go on with the testimony as per his instructions from the committee 
at the previous hearings. 

I will now proceed with the questions, Mr. Huber. 

553 



554 COJMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Are you familiar with the work of the Communist Party among 
chikh-en and young people; their efforts to indoctrinate them with 
the Communist ideology? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, I am. The Communist Party maintains a special 
summer camp for children in the Schooleys Mountains, at Pleasant 
Grove, N. J. The camp is called Camp Wo-Chi-Ca, which is a con- 
traction of Workers' Children's Camp. It consists of 320 acres and is 
used exclusively for the children of party members. 

The camp office was at 112 East Nineteenth Street, New York, and 2 
years ago it moved to the IWO headquarters building at 80 Fifth 
Avenue. The manager of the office and camp is a Communist Party 
member by the name of Matt Hall. The counselors are all membei's 
of the Communist Party and the Young Communist League. That 
is now known as the American Youth for Democracy. 

Mr. Dekom. Is American Youth for Democracy the successor of 
the Young Communist League? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you kiiow that of your own knowledge? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, sir. 

They take the children from the age of 8 and provide them with a 
thorough Communist education, until they are ready to be accepted 
by the American Youth for Democracy. Children at the camp range 
from 8 to 15 years of age. Matt Hall told me that these children get 
what the party calls a good "progressive" education in addition to rec- 
]-eation at the camp. 

Starting August 1, 1941, the Communist Party conducted a drive 
to raise funds to enlarge the camp to accommodate 1,000 children. 
Prominent people aiding in this drive were William Dodcl, Jr., son of 
the former Ambassador to Germany ; Mrs. Louis Gimbel, wife of the 
department store owner. 

On Sunday, September 21, 1941, I attended a party for Camp Wo- 
Chi-Ca at the home of Canada Lee, 102 West One Hundred and Thirty- 
sixth Street, an actor in Native Son (written by Eichard Wright and 
staged by Orson Welles) . About 150 people were present, half Negroes 
and half whites. Prominent people present were Dr. Max Weissman ; 
Arthur Brunlich (recently dismissed from City College for Communist 
activities) ; Herbert Newton, vice president of the WPA and Teachers 
Unions (he was under indictment for attacking a police officer), and 
Rev. Owen Knox. Canada Lee flew in from Boston for the occasion. 
This benefit was the first of many staged for Camp Wo-Chi-Ca, the 
proceeds of which were to be used to erect new buildings. The admis- 
sion fee of $1 per person entitled each to one drink. There was enter- 
tainment and dancing. Matt Hall, director of the camp, thanked the 
guests and told them that the proceeds of this party would be put to 
good use. 

On Friday, September 26, 1941, I attended a party at the home of 
William Dodd, Jr., 231 East Seventy-sixth Street, to raise funds for 
Camp Wo-Chi-Ca. About 150 people attended. It was a swanky, 
affair, with most women wearing formal attire, and admittance by in- 
vitation only. Entertaining was by professional artists who volun- 
teered their services. During the evening, the coming Madison Square 
Garden rally was freely discussed by the guests, as were conditions in 
the Soviet Union. Bill Dodd appealed for funds on behalf of Camp 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 555 

Wo-Chi-Ca and a large sum was contributed by the guests. Guests in- 
cluded Dr. and Mrs. E. Kallman, Dr. and Mrs. I. Engel Kaufman, 
Annette Kubenstein, Matt Hall, Mrs. Vincent Sheean, Dave Green, 
and Dr. Max Yergan. 

On Monday, October 6, 1941, there was a meeting of the committee of 
Camp Wo-Chi-Ca, at its offices at 112 East Nineteenth Street. It was 
decided that a committee should be appointed to contact Dorothy 
Thompson, regarding a personal appearance. The strategy used was 
for Charlotte Honig to contact Dorothy Thomi)son through Mrs. 
Vincent Sheean, a personal acquaintance of Charlotte's. By so doing, 
they figured on not only being able to get Miss Thompson to speak for 
less money, but concluded that she would not investigate the true 
character of the organization for which she was to appear. She was 
to be told that it was an organization to raise money for a children's 
summer camp. I also learned that Paul Robeson was donating to 
Camp Wo-Chi-Ca the entire proceeds from the preview showing of a 
play in which he was to star. 

On October 16, 1941, while lunching at the Twelfth Street and Uni- 
versity Place restaurant, frequented by Daily Worker employees and 
employees of the national office of the Communist Party, in company 
of Al Lannon, Hyman Wolf, Matt Hall, Charlotte Honig, and Alex 
Guttman, we talked about Camp Wo-Chi-Ca. Lannon told Hall he 
would see that the National Maritime Union would give full support 
to any undertaking of the camp. 

Mr. Dekom. You mentioned the name of William E. Dodd, Jr., in 
connection with Camp Wo-Chi-Ca. Have you any additional infor- 
mation on this man? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes. 

On October 23, 1941, 1 was at the offices of Camp Wo-Chi-Ca when 
the Reverend Sprague, of the United American-Spanish Aid Commit- 
tee, phoned to ask for the telephone number of William E. Dodd, 
Jr. As the girl in the office did not know whether to give it or not, 
she told him she did not have the number, but expected Charlotte 
Honig shortly and would have her call him back. Wlien Honig was 
advised of the call, she phoned Sprague inquiring if he was going to 
speak to Bill Dodd about party matters. When informed it was other 
business, she gave the number, telling Sprague that Dodd had given 
instructions that no matters pertaining to the Communist Party were 
to be discussed over the telephone. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you have to report anything further on Camp 
Wo-Chi-Ca? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes; I do. On Saturday, December 6, 1941, there was 
a party at the home of Dr. and Mrs. I. Engel Kaufman, at 170 West 
Seventy-third Street, to raise funds for Camp Wo-Chi-Ca. Invita- 
tions were issued only to people of means who were in a financial posi- 
tion to contribute liberally and who could also use their influence in 
interesting others in their particular circles. No admission was 
charged and a buffet dinner was served. Only 20 people attended. 
Reverend Sprague. of the United American-Spanish Aid Committee, 
spoke of the splendid work the camp was doing for underprivileged 
children and of the urgent need for improvement. Donations 
amounted to $860, with several hundred dollars more pledged. Guests 
included Mr. and Mrs. Kahn, Dr. E. Kallman, Doris Green, Bella 



556 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Dodd, Dr. Annette Rubenstein, Max Yergan, Mrs. Burton Emmett, 
Morris "Watson, and Lillian Turner. 

On Sunday, July 26, 1942, I visited Camp Wo-Chi-Ca with Char- 
lotte Honig, Dr. and Mrs. Kaufman, and Mr. and Mrs. Robert Engel. 
There were 260 children of Communist Party members vacationing 
at the camp ; many people were visiting their children that day. The 
Daily Worker was displayed and openly read by visitors and the per- 
sonnel of the camp. One visitor was Del, cartoonist for the Daily 
Worker, who was visiting his son at the camp. The bulletin board 
on the campus displayed an honor roll of boosters of Camp Wo-Chi-Ca, 
which included Max Yergan, Canada Lee, Annette Rubenstein, Paul 
Robeson, Vito Marcantonio, Dr. Rappaport, and Dave Green. There 
were 60 Negro children among the 260 children at the camp. The 
camp consisted of 10 buildings and 15 tents, the latter being large 
enough to accommodate 8 children comfortably. Matt Hall, director, 
made sure that Negro children were mixed in each tent and building 
with the white children. A theater on the grounds was for campers' 
shows and plays. A show was given for the visitors, which plainly 
showed to everyone's satisfaction that the education those children 
were receiving would undoubtedly lead them into the ranks of the 
party. Matt Hall told me later that the editorial staff of the news- 
paper PM would be his guests the following week. 

The camp then comprised 125 acres of land, and was able to accom- 
modate more children. That year a new swimming pool was being 
built and room had been added to accommodate 100 more children 
than had been possible the previous year. 

On August 25, 1942, Camp Wo-Chi-Ca gave a party honoring Paul 
Robeson. Prominently displayed around the camps' buildings were 
signs which read, "Welcome, Paul Robeson," and "Paul Robeson, 
Freedom's Fighter." On Robeson's arrival, the campers gathered 
around him, singing a song of welcome specially written for this occa- 
siori. He was escorted to the administration building where more 
cheers greeted him, and a scroll from the children of the camp was 
presented by a young girl. Guests included Mr. and Mrs. Dave Green ; 
Max Bedacht, national secretary of IWO ; Mrs. Ann Willard, director 
of School for Democracy; Sol Vail, youth director of IWO; Helen 
Vrabel, national secretary of Youth Division of IWO ; Dr. and Mrs. 
I. Engel Kaufman ; Mr. and Mrs. Robert Engel ; Harold Wilson, of 
the Harlem branch of the YMCA; Mr. and Mrs. Matt Hall; and 
Charlotte Honig. 

On Monday, September 7, 1942, there was a party at Camp 
Wo-Chi-Ca, sponsored by the children of the camp to honor the guests 
from the labor unions which were contributing to the support of the 
camp. Delegations from the following were present : Local 65, Wliole- 
sale and Retail Warehouse Workers ; the National Maritime Union ; 
Furriers Union ; International Workers Order ; United Office and Pro- 
fessional Workers Union ; and the Transport Workers Union. The 
children presented playlets depicting the strength of labor and the 
gains it had made during the past 10 years. One playlet which was 
presented portrayed Attorney General Francis Biddle and Harry 
Bridges. It showed Biddle demanding the deportation of Bridges, 
while other children, playing the part of organized labor, refused to 
permit it. Moe Fishman and Joe Crowley represented the NMU; 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 557 

Harry Gordon represented local 65 ; Sam Bnrt, the Furriers Union ; 
Dave Green, the IWO ; Helen Shapiro, the UOPWA ; and John Stan- 
ley, the TWU. All delegates promised the children in their speeches 
that they would report back to their respective unions on the ideal 
conditions which existed at the camp. The delegates were entertained 
with songs and playlets from 3 to 10 : 30 p. m., with an intermission of 
an hour for supper. These children's vacations are spent singing 
songs and producing playlets which portray the party line to the letter. 
Moe Fishman told the campers that his ship had been torpedoed off 
Murmansk and that 24 of his shipmates had been killed. (Fishman 
fought in the Spanish civil war and is a veteran of the Abraham 
Lincoln Brigade.) 

On Sunday, February 6, 1944, there was a dinner at the home of 
Dr. I. Engel Kaufman, 170 West Seventy-third Street, given by the 
Women's Committee of Camp Wo-Chi-Ca, to raise funds to enable 
the camp to complete a new swimming pool on the grounds. About 
60 people were present. Entertainment was furnished by artists from 
Toscanini's orchestra through Harry Green, who plays 'cello with that 
organization and who is also an active Communist Party member. 
Conversation during the dinner centered around the Soviet Union. 
No one present doubted that the Soviet Union would emerge from the 
war as the most powerful nation in the world, and when the United 
Nations would sit at the peace table, the Soviet Union would dictate the 
terms. Some guests delighted in saying that the Soviet Government 
was the only nation with enough courage to denounce the Catholic 
church and its leaders as being Fascists. Guests included Mr. and 
Mrs. Harry Green, Dr. Kallman, Mr. and Mrs. Sam Krause, Charlotte 
Honig, Martha and Bill Dobkin, Nettie Turner, Muriel Draper, Muriel 
Samuels, Munya Gutride, Regina Wilson, and Mr. and Mrs. Robert 
Flaum. 

Mr. Dekom. Can you tell us anything about this man Sam Krause? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes ; I spoke to him and he told me he had served in the 
Red ilrmy, being discharged in 1923 to come to the United States. He 
did not say whether he had been sent by anyone or on any par- 
ticular mission, but his tone implied that he had been sent to this 
country for a purpose. He severely denounced the State Department 
and several Members of both Houses of Congress, accusing them 
of being the most vicious Fascists in America. When he left, a guest, 
who had overheard some of his conversation, asked Charlotte Honig 
who this man was who had left such a beautiful country as the Soviet 
Union to come here. She was promptly told by Charlotte not to ask 
such foolish questions. On making further inquiry regarding Krause, 
I learned that he had recently married a public school teacher; that 
she was still teaching and was a very active Communist. 

Mr. Dekom. What did he look like ? 

Mr. HuBER. Krause was 6 feet 2 inches in height, about 225 pounds 
in weight, 35 years of age. He had light brown hair, blue eyes, large 
features, ruddy complexion, hair parted on the left side ; he was clean 
shaven and spoke with a Russian accent. 

Mr. Dekom. ^Yho are some of the graduates of Wo-Chi-Ca? 

Mr. HuBER. People like Pearl Primus were there. She became a 
world famous dancer through Camp Wo-Chi-Ca, after which the 
Communist Party used her dancing talent at their large mass enter- 
tainments. 



558 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Dekom. Was she a member of the party? 

INIr. HuBER. Yes. She used to perform for lis quite regularly at 
my branch, the James Connolly Branch, 

Mr. Dekom. What is the view of the Communist Party on the 
teachino; of youngsters? 

JMr. Hubek. The party frequently emphasizes that it is to the youth 
that the party looks in the future, for leadership, action, and success. 

Mr. Dekom. Is the New York Teachers Union (CIO) under Com- 
munist control ? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Dekom. Have you any estimate of the approximate number of 
members of the New York Teachers Union? 

Mr. HuBER. Six thousand. 

Mr. Dekom. To your own personal knowledge, have you had any 
acquaintance with persons who have been engaged in teaching in 
New York City who are members of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Huber. Yes, sir ; Agnes Sailor and Munya Gutride. 

Mr. Dekom, Is Munya Gutride still living? 

Mr. Huber. No ; she committed suicide. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you know the circumstances surrounding her 
suicide ? 

Mr. Huber. Yes. It grew out of charges by the board of educa- 
tion. When she was called before the board, they asked her of her 
Communist activities. She refused to answer on the grounds of con- 
stitutional rights against self-incrimination. Following that^ she 
went home, turned on the gas, and committed suicide. 

There is also David Friedman, Public School 62, New York City, 
His wife, Rhetta, is at Hunter College. She is a Ph. D., and teaches 
classical languages. 

Mr, Dekom. Now, is it your testimony that these people are mem- 
bers of the Communist Party, to your own knowledge ? 

Mr. Huber. That is right, sir, I have met all of them at Communist 
Party meetings. 

Mr. Dekom. Were those closed meetings to which only party mem- 
bers were admitted ? 

Mr, Huber. That is right. 

Mr, Dekom, Are you familiar with the efforts of the Communist 
Party to indoctrinate members of the armed forces of the United 
States during the recent war? 

Mr, Huber, Yes, I am. One of the most ambitious plans of the 
Communist Party to carry on its subversive work among members of 
the armed services was the establishment of an organization called 
SOS, Sweethearts of Servicemen. This group consisted of young 
women who were instructed to pick up servicemen off the streets and 
bring them to the SOS club rooms, where they were given liquor, en- 
tertainment, and dancing. 

These women would go to any extremes to "entertain" servicemen 
and thereby make them more disposed to join in the Communist 
movement. They had no morals or moral standards whatsoever, 

INIr, Dekom, What evidence have you to indicate the participation 
of persons in the armed services in Communist Party affairs and 
activities ? 

Mr, Huber, I can give you several illustrations, if you want me to, 

Mr, Dekom. Go right ahead. 



C01VI3VIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 559 

Mr. HuBER. Ill the summer of 1941, comrades of tlie Communist 
Party who were drafted into the armed forces were beginning to re- 
turn to New York on leave. They invariably visited their sections, 
giving complete reports on their respective divisions. Some reports 
which I have heard were from veterans of the Abraham Lincoln 
Brigade. These men claimed the morale of the soldier was very 
poor and camp conditions did nothing to alleviate or raise their 
morale. The food was bad, sleeping quarters w^ere overrun w^ith 
vermin, and, in one instance, a sentry was bitten by a rat and amputa- 
tion of the leg was necessary when blood poisoning set in. They also 
reported that the floors of the barracks were so thick with grease 
and dirt that a piece of the floor had been cut by the men and sent to 
Washington with a protest. These and many other stories were told 
and repeated until they were finally used as material for discussions 
at open meetings to which the public was invited in an effort to create 
a false impression on the general public about the armed forces. 

On Sunday, December 26, 1943, I attended a theater x^arty spon- 
sored by the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee at tlie Imperial 
Theater, West Forty-fifth Street, between Broadway and Eighth Ave- 
nue; about 3,000 people were present. The manager sold standing 
room only, the demand for admittance became so great, but this was 
soon discontinued. The audience was very colorful, every branch of 
the United States armed forces being represented : SPARS, WAC's, 
WAVES, and quite a number of the USMCWR. Male members of 
the armed forces ranged from major to private in the Army, and 
lieutenant commander to seaman in the Navy. At least 24 members 
of the Canadian Air Force were among the audience. Leading Com- 
munists present included James W. Ford, Charles Keith, Sadie Van 
Venn, Goldie Young, and Regina Wilson. 

On Sunday, July 4, 1943, a fiesta was held at the home of William 
(Daily Worker cartoonist) and Sophie Cropper, Mount Arey Road, 
Croton-on-the-Hudson. Admission was $1 and about 300 people at- 
tended. This affair was sponsored by the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee 
Committee. The master of ceremonies was Stanley M. Isaacs, former 
borough president of Manhattan. Guests included members of the 
armed forces, majors, captains, three first lieutenants. Moe Fishman 
told me that a committee led by Helen Bryan was down in Mexico, 
making last-minute preparations for the welcome of a group of ref- 
ugees who were being transported from Spain by the Joint Anti- 
Fascist Refugee Committee. Cropper's home is situated on a hill sur- 
rounded by about 4 acres of landscaped grounds ; tables were set on the 
lawns where guests ate and watched games and entertainment. Several 
French and Soviet sailors were present. Isaacs made the appeal for 
funds and stressed the importance of that committee; 2,000 Spanish 
Republicans having been freed from concentration camps in North 
Africa and were en route to a United States port to be transported to 
Mexico. He said that it would cost $200 to transport one person to 
Mexico after his arrival in the United States. He asked his guests to 
be liberal in their contributions so as to permit the committee to carry 
on its work. Several donations of $200 were made, followed by contri- 
butions from $100 to $25. Guests were urged to attend a bazaar where 
pottery and other trinkets, made by Spanish refugees who are in 
Mexico, would be sold. 



560 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Dekom. Did members of the armed services participate in pub- 
lic Communist rallies? 

Mr. HuBER. One of the most flagrant examples of this was when 
Communist members of the armed forces used Army trucks and ieeps 
in a demonstration on April 21, 1945. It was an open-air rally, at 
2 p. m., at Columbus Circle, sponsored by the Upper West Side Legis- 
lative Assembly — a Communist front organization. 

On my arrival at Columbus Circle, Nat Shulman, a member of the 
county committee, CPA— Communist Political Association— in 
charge of arrangements for the rally, was setting up the speakers' plat- 
form. He later set up a banner in back of the speakers' stand reading, 
Close Eanks Behind President Truman, to Carry Out the Roosevelt 
Program." 

About 15 minutes after I arrived, a jeep and two Army trucks from 
the United States Signal Corps came on the scene, immediately setting 
up two motion picture cameras and a microphone on the speakers' 
platform. In each Army truck were two first lieutenants and about 
15 enlisted men. Eight mounted policemen were about, with a score of 
uniformed patrolmen to take care of expected crowds. 

While waiting the start of the rally, I observed a score of comrades 
I knew from every club on the upper West Side. It began to rain 
before the rally started, causing it to be called off by Nat Shulman, 
who announced it would be held the following Saturday, April 28, 
at 2 p. m., "when stars of the stage, screen, and radio would appear." 

The executive committee of the Upper West Side Legislative Assem- 
bly—the organization which sponsored the rally— was under complete 
control of the Communist Party. In fact, the membership was made 
up almost entirely of members of the unity branch of the party— my 
own branch— and its executive officers include : Burne Hogarth, chair- 
man, Charles A. Collins, Murray Meyerson, Harry Abrams, Aaron 
Harris, Sydney Rowen, Goldie Young, and Bernard Weller. 

Mr. Dekom. Is Burne Hogarth the man who draws the comic strip ? 

Mr. HtTBER. Yes. 

On the subject of the armed services, I have here an invitation which 
might be of interest to you. It was to a surprise partv giVen by Bill 
Dobkin, a member of the waterfront section of the Communist Party, 
at the home of Mrs. Barton Emmett in honor of Joe Sutton, another 
member of the waterfront section of the Communist Party. The im- 
portant thing about this surprise party was that it was to celebrate his 
appointment as captain in the United States Army. The money which 
was collected from the bar, the admissions, and the buffet dinner at 
this party was turned over to the waterfront section of the Communist 
Party. There was a Communist Party fund drive on at this time and 
this affair was held to make up part of the quota of the waterfront 
section. The overwhelming majority of the people present were also 
members of the Communist Party, most of whom I knew personally. 
They were all my "friends." 

I have the invitation which was sent to me here, with a handwritten 
notation on the back by Bill Dobkin, which I will be glad to submit 
to you. 

Mr. Dekom, We will receive that in evidence of exhibit 5A. 

Mr. HuBER. On the subject of Joe Sutton, I have here another party 
invitation. This one was to celebrate his marriage on June 15, 1946. 



COMMUNIST ACTR'ITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 560A 






1 

% r 1 ^ 






560b communist activities in alien and national groups 






v^ 







"^ 



I 

ih 

\1 ^i ^ 






i. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 561 

This affair, too, was held to raise money for the Communist Party, 
and I have with me the actual invitation. 

Mr. Dekom. We will receive that in evidence as exhibit 5B. On this 
invitation which you have submitted there is a hand-written notation, 
"Ask for Sylvia." What is the significance of that? 

Mr. HuBER. The affair was held at the home of Sylvia Stone, 190 
Riverside Drive, apartment 6-C. There were about 75 people present, 
includino- Dr. and Mrs. I. Engel Kaufman, Bill Dobkin, Max Parker, 
Mary Mallory, Ray Christianson, organizer of the water-front section 
of the Conununist Party; Sam (Kappy) Kaplan, and Goldie Youngs 
organizer of the James Connolly branch of the Communist Party. 

(The documents referred to were marked "Huber Exhibits 5A. and 
5B" and appear opposite this page.) 

Mr. Huber. On Friday, January 11, 1946, I attended a cocktail 
party given by the Jefferson School of Social Science at the school's 
administrative offices on the seventh floor at 575 Sixth Avenue. This 
party was given for two reasons : The first to stimulate activity for 
the second anniversary dinner which was to be held at the Hotel Penn- 
sylvania on ISIonday evening, February 4. From among the 100 guests 
who Avere present, 50 tables seating 500 people were pledged. The 
second reason was to raise funds for the extension scliool which is 
planned for Brooklyn. The speakers for the evening included Staff 
Sgt. Howard Bern, who was on the staff of Stars and Stripes, the 
Army publication. He related an experience which occurred while 
he was in England. He said that he had received several progressive 
books published by the International Publishers, which were sent to 
him by Howard Selsam, director of Jefferson School. Bern said he 
circulated these books amongst the GI"s and their interest and demand 
for more of the same type of reading material was so great that he had 
to request Selsam to send additional books in order to satisfy the 
demand. He added that these books were so well read and circulated 
amongst the men that they became worn out and had to be discarded. 
He then introduced a Major Quigley, whose acquaintance he had made 
because of these books. Quigley told the people at the party that after 
he had read most of these books he became so interested in their origin 
that he inquired of Bern where they came from. On being told that 
they had been sent by Howard Selsam, the director of Jefferson School 
of Social Science, Quigley said he believed such a school was a neces- 
sity, and that when he returned to the States he would not only visit 
the school but would support its existence and the principles which 
it advocates as much as he possibly could. The Jefferson Chorus, led 
by Director Grennell, entertained with several songs. Among the 
guests present were: INIr. and INIrs. Robert Engel, David Golclway, 
Howard Selsam, Louis Lerner, John INIcManus, Josephine Truslow 
Adams, Frances Franklin, Charlotte Honig, Regina Wilson, Alex- 
ander Trachtenberg, Sam Prago. Harold Collins, and Harry Martel. 

Mr. Dekom. Were similar efforts made to work among merchant 
seamen ? 

Mr. Huber. The Communist Party tried to establish cells on all 
merchant vessels with a particular view to indoctrinating new mer- 
chant seamen who were being graduated from the merchant seamen 
school at Sheepshead Bay. 

One of the ways they worked on the new men was to hold parties 
for the graduates on shore. There would always be young women 



562 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

party members to take the new seamen in tow, ply them with liquor, 
and keep them under their wings until they became completely in- 
toxicated. These parties were repeated until the seamen became 
used to dropping in and until they "paired off" with one particular 
girl. This girl was to a large extent responsible for the indoctrina- 
tion job. As in the case of servicemen, the girls went to any ex- 
tremes to land their victims. 

This tactic — of using women — was worked out around 1941, because 
the party was having difficulty in recruiting longshoremen, teamsters, 
and seamen. They were using men organizers. In 1941, it was decided 
at a closed meeting of my branch, which I attended, to send women 
into the waterfront area for this work. This was a very successful 
move and recruiting picked up considerably. 

Even in the distribution of leaflets, we f oui 
Men distributors were often driven away from shops or threatened 
or even beaten up by plant guards and foremen. But, we found that 
women would not be subject to this kind of treatment and could stand 
at gates and hand out Communist Party literature without being 
molested. 

Of course, this was only a part of their work. They were prepared 
to do — and they did — anything that the party assigned or demanded. 
As I have already pointed out, there was no such thing as morals in 
carrying out party work or in organization activities. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you know of any attempts by the Communist 
Party to infiltrate defense industry ? 

Mr. HuBER. I know that in 1941 — even after we were supposed to 
be allies with Soviet Kussia — a large number of Communists were 
obtaining employment in defense industries, assisted by the United 
Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers Union (CIO) through the 
following method. A comrade who was employed in nondefense 
work would quit his job and apply for social security. He would 
then receive an application for admittance to a school from the union ; 
at the expiration of his schooling, he w^ould be given a job in a de- 
fense industry. The school these people attended was the Brooklyn 
Technical High School. Graduates of this school were employed at 
Sperry Gyroscope. 

Mr. Dekom. Does the Communist Party maintain any special edu- 
cational facilities to indoctrinate labor union leaders ? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes. The Jefferson School of Social Science, 5Y5 Sixth 
Avenue, New York, is set up as the Communist Party's chief indoctrin- 
ation school, with particular emphasis on labor unionism. I can 
illustrate this best, I think, by describing to you a meeting which took 
place at the Jefferson School on December 15, 1945. 

It was in the nature of a cocktail party, and about 100 people were 
present. The guests who were present were the most active trade 
unionists throughout the CIO and the AFL and were invited for the 
express purpose of receiving instruction to recruit new pupils for 
the school out of their various trade unions. 

Howard Selsam, director of the school, had leaflets and cards dis- 
tributed to everyone present and urged the guests to post the leaflets 
on their shop bulletin boards. The leaflet read: "News from tlie 
Jefferson School of Social Science. Courses designed for labor. Trade 
union principles and practice. History of the American labor move- 



COMIVIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 563 

meiit. Trade union organization problems. Registration for these 
courses begins Wednesday, January 2, 1946." 

Selsam further asked that the cards handed out be distributed to 
all trade union members in the various unions. The cards read, "At- 
tention, please. Winter term registration begins Wednesday, January 
2, 1946; 130 courses in trade unionism, economics, history, science, 
philosophy, literature, music and languages." 

Selsam requested that each guest ask his office chairman for time 
at the next union meeting to make an announcement concerning these 
labor courses of the Jefferson school. He said that what he was really 
asking them to do was to spend time thinking about how they could 
tell people whom they contact every day about the Jefferson school 
and the need for more and more labor study of the type offered by the 
Jefferson school. 

Saul Mills commented that, with labor threatened by the reaction- 
ary elements in our Government, it was fortunate for the people of 
the country that such a school as the Jefferson school exists to train 
and inform the masses of the threat to the labor movement. He at- 
tackex^ President Truman, saying that Truman was on the side of big 
business and stood for the destruction of trade unions. He, too, urged 
the guests to spread the word about the trade-union courses among 
their trade-union comrades, encouraging them to enroll for these 
courses and learn what is happening to the labor movement. 

Guests present included Alexander Trachtenberg, Abe Heller, Louis 
Lerman, Josephine Truslow Adams, Regina Wilson, Dave Goldway, 
Harry Sacher, Mr. and Mrs. Doxey Wilkerson, Frederick V. Field, 
Max Yergen, and Lewis Merrill. 

Mr. Dekom. In your statement, you have made a number of refer- 
ences to the work of the Communist Party among industrial workers. 
Specifically, what are some of the goals and programs of the Com- 
munist Party in this field, in the field of labor ? 

Mr. HuBER. On the labor front, I wish to point out that 8 years 
ago I sat in on a Communist meeting where plans were laid to cap- 
ture transportation, communications, teamsters, warehousemen, radio, 
and motion pictures. That the party has succeeded in realizing such 
ambitious plans would be an understatement, for I can now see that 
unions in these industries have been taken over or infiltrated by the 
Communist party. 

Thus the party has within its power the means to call and hold ex- 
tensive strikes should the occasion demand it; strikes which could 
well be the training ground of a revolution for the overthrow of our 
Government and the establishment of communism. 

Communists who were considered by the party to be their top or- 
ganizers were being sent to take positions in the railroad brother- 
hoods. Here they would use the time-worn, but successful, Communist 
method of spreading their propaganda advocating better working 
conditions, shorter hours, increases in salary, less profits for em- 
ployers, etc., in order to secure the election of Communist officials in 
that union, 

Mr. Dekom. The Communists will use legitimate labor demands as 
a screen behind which to operate ? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Dekom. You don't mean to imply that improving working 
conditions is necessarily a Communist enterprise ? 



564 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. HuBER. No, sir. 

Once the Communist leaders gain control of the union, they will 
swiftly oust the present clean management of the union, being left 
free to carry on their Communist political propaganda. Thus another 
link in the chain will be added for the day when all the links will join 
in the revolution and socialism. 

Mr. Dekom. Is it your belief and your knowledge that the Commu- 
nist Party is working for the overthrow of the Government by revolu- 
tionary means? 

Mr. Hup.ER. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Dekom. How do you arrive at that conclusion ? 

Mv. HuBER. We have been told that. 

Mr. Dekom, You have been told tliat in the party ? 

]\Ir. Hui?ER. Yes, through th.e years. 

Mr, Dekom. By the party leadership? 

Mr. Huber. That is right. 

Mr. Dekom, Is that the general understanding of all party 
members ? 

Mr, Huber. Yes, of all part}^ members. 

Mr. Dekom. Is any attempt made to hide that from party members ? 

Mr, Huber, No, sir, 

Mr. Dekom. So that if a person is in the Communist Party, he would 
know that that is the goal of the organization ; and he is expected to 
participate in force and violence when the day comes ? 

Mr. Huber. That is right. 

]Mr. Dekom. As you realize, Mr. Huber, the question of force and 
violence is of particular importance in the consideration of legislation 
for the control of Communist and other subversive activity. I am 
going to ask you, therefore, to go into this phase of the problem 
more thoroughly, I ask you to cite specifically, instances in which 
force and violence were taught, advocated, or discussed in party meet- 
ings or party circles. 

Mr. Huber. Yes, sir ; I can do that. 

Force and violence are considered as the means by which the Com- 
munist Party will come into power. It is known and taught in the 
party. Every party member understands that. 

First of all, I might repeat the statement I made about the Com- 
munist Party's new members' school. On March 6, 1940, I attended 
class under Charles Cook. He was discussing the "struggle for peace." 
He made this statement, which bears on the topic of force and violence : 

If this country becomes involved in an imperialist war, a civil war will ensue 
to stop such a war, because the capitalists will arm the masses, who will then 
turn their guns on them. 

Mr. Schroder. What do the Communists mean by "imperialist war"? 

Mr, Huber, That, sir, is the Communist double-talk for any war in 
which any coimtry except the Soviet Union is involved. It particularly 
refers to any war of defense by this country of ours against Soviet 
aggression. 

You remember, when the European countries were fighting against 
Hitler, it was an imperialist war in Communist language — until the 
Nazis and the Soviets fell out witli each other. Then it was no longer 
an imperialist war, but a war to save democracy — democracy, Soviet 
style. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 565 

So when they say "imperialist war," they mean any war — even a war 
of defense — in which the United States might get involved. And the 
point is that they hope to turn such a war into a revolution for the 
overthrow of the Government — while our men are fighting on the 
battlefront — by force and violence. That is their aim; that is what 
they teach party members. 

Mr. Dekom. Will you continue, please, giving us any other examples 
which show the advocacy of force and violence by the Communist 
Party. 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, I will ; there are many cases. 

I might relate a statement made by one of the top-ranking Com- 
munist Party officials during the period when Earl Browder, national 
secretary, was in jail for passport fraud. As you will remember, the 
party organized a vast network of rallies and fronts in order to bring 
pressureon the White House to release Earl Browder, who was later 
given a pardon by President Eoosevelt. 

On February 24, 1941, there was a free Earl Browder rally at the 
Mecca Temple on Forty-fifth Street. Al Lannon, organizer of th& 
water-front section of the Communist Party, was chairman, and Eliza- 
beth Gurley Flynn, member of the national committee of the party,, 
was the principal speaker. She told the assembled comrades : 

We will free Earl Browder, for we will make so much trouble in the shops, in 
the factories, and any place there is one or more of us, that this administration 
will not only free him, but will be glad to do so. 

There is only one thing I'm sure of, and that is that Earl Browder will not 
serve his term. In other words, I am not as sure of President Roosevelt serving, 
his term as I am of Earl Browder not serving his. 

She denounced judges of the United States Supreme Court, calling 
them stooges of AVall Street and the Eoosevelt administration, puppets, 
who jump when a string is pulled. 

Continuing, she said: 

If this administration thinlvs that by putting our leaders in prison it will silence 
the Communist Party, they have another guess coming. The Communist Party 
has planted the seed among the American people and the roots have taken hold 
throughout the working-class movement. It is too late now for the Wall Street 
bankers to do anything about it. They have had their day ; our day is the 
future, and not the distant future eitlier. 

. In connection with Camp Wo-Chi-Ca, I told you about a meeting 
I had with Al Lannon at a restaurant at Twelfth Street and Univer- 
sity Place. In the discussion, something came up which is another 
example along this line, showing the intention of the Communist Party 
to use force and violence against this Nation. Lannon spoke of the 
fighting qualities of the Red Army of Soviet Russia and said it was too 
bad so many of its men had to be sacrificed for such a purpose as the 
war then going on. He said it was too bad that the Red Army was 
not held in reserve, to be used against the United States. Lannon 
always spoke of the revolution which will happen in the United States 
and is waiting for the day when the people of the United States will 
revolt and overthrow this form of government. He seemed sure that 
this would happen as soon as Stalin was victorious. 

Lannon spoke of a recent meeting of the America First Committer 
in Queens, where 27 Catholic priests allegedly appeared on the speak- 
ers' platform. He said the Catholic hierarchy is a vicious element 
which will do the same to the United States as it did to Spain — that 

-50— pt. 2 8 



566 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

is, sell out to the Fascists. He added that when the proper time comes 
we would "take care of them and their kind." 

Of even more significance is another statement made to me by Al 
Lannon — who is now a member of the national committee of the Com- 
munist Party. One evening after a section meeting which was held 
at Sixteenth Street and Irving Place— the Irving Plaza meeting 
rooms — we were discussing party activities, and he said that he hopes 
that he lives until the time of the revolution so that he will be able 
to go to the Foley Square Office of the Federal Bureau of Investiga- 
tion and mow down as many FBI agents as possible with a machine 
gun. 

Mr, DEKOisr. Where is Al Lannon now? 

Mr. HuBER. To the best of my knowledge he went to Baltimore, Md. 
He was transferred from New York to Baltimore by the party around 
1945. 

I wish also at this time to state that, in my opinion, the Communist 
Party and its fellow travelers and sympathizers are today so strong 
that public-safety agencies in most of our large cities do not have 
forces sufficiently adequate to cope with disorders wliich might arise 
through the instigation of the party. 

Mr. Dekom. Can you cite such an example ? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, sir. 

In 1939, 1 saw the utter disregard which the Communist Party had 
for police orders and the New York City police forces during a Com- 
munist demonstration in a march on city hall. Police tried to halt 
the demonstrators and a hand-to-hand fight resulted. When mounted 
policemen appeared on the scene, the Communists disregarded their 
personal safety, dragging the policemen off the horses and jabbing 
the animals with hatpins. It was an uncontrolled demonstration 
with the Communists apparently holding the upper hand for more 
than 2 hours, until additional police reinforcements arrived and 
stopped the disorders. 

Today, with their numbers stronger than ever before, with veterans 
swelling its ranks, and as a result of the constant vilification of law- 
enforcement agencies carried on by the Communist press, I believe 
that maintaining law and order would be a most difficult task. 

Mr. Dekom. Can you cite any recent example of such incidents? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, the Peekskill incident, the Paul Robeson concert 
that was sponsored by the Civil Rights Congress, a Communist front. 

Mr. Dekom. And you believe that that is a clemonstration of the 
difficulty of enforcing law under conditions of Communist agitation? 

Mr. HuBER. That is right. 

Stricter attention should be paid to the danger which lies slumber- 
ing in Negro communities. Throughout the United States, such 
Negro sections are being used by the Communist Party rabble rousers 
and propagandists as a potent weapon of dissatisfaction. Negroes 
are promised social equality by Communists, and are being brought 
into the party fold where they are being educated to sympathize with 
the principles of communism and "equality." 

In Harlem, Negroes are so aroused at the present time by Commu- 
nist agitators, such as Ben Davis, Henry Winston, and others, that a 
spark might be sufficient to set off race riots in New York City. 

Mr. Dekom. What is the expectancy of success of the Communists 
themselves? 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 567 

Mr. HuBER. They were definitely convinced — and this was always 
brought out in party circles — that the Communist Party would even- 
tually and inevitably rule this country. 

Let me give you a small illustration of this. On January 22, 1941, 
there was a mass rally of the IWO on behalf of Allen Shaw and 12 
others arrested in Oklahoma for criminal syndicalism. Speakers 
were Muriel Draper; Rev. William Spofforcl, chairman of the Church 
League for Industrial Democracy; Frederick V. Field, executive sec- 
retary of American Peace Mobilization; Eugene P. Connolly, chair- 
man of the ALP; John P. Davis, executive secretary of National 
Negro Congress; and Congressman Vito Marcantonio. Reverend 
Spofford, though a clergyman, told off -color stories, which put the au- 
dience in good spirits. He told how w^hen he is accused of being a Red 
or Communist he admits being one, saying they should be one, too, as 
eventually we will all be Communists. 

This is fairly representative of the attitude of the Communists. In 
party circles the talk is always "when the Communists take over the 
United States," not "if they take over." In all their talks, you can 
see that they expect to rule this country as well as the whole world. 

Mr. Dekom. The next question of interest which I would like to 
have you discuss, Mr. Huber, is the conspiratorial nature of the Com- 
munist Party. You are undoubtedly familiar with the charge that 
the Communist Party is a conspiracy rather than a formal political 
party. 

Mr. Huber. That is absolutely true. The Communist Party is a 
conspiracy organized for the destruction of any free government in 
the world. To my mind, nothing illustrates better the conspiratorial 
nature of the Communist Party than the manner in which meetings 
were held, particularly during the 1940-41 period, when the party 
was in great disfavor because of the tie-up of Russia with the Nazis. 

The party was very much afraid that it would have to go under- 
grotind, and plans were made to take care of that situation. Our 
meetings were held secretly in cellars, abandoned buildings, lofts, and 
private homes in order that the party members would not be discovered. 
We met in groups of five, constantly changing our meeting place. 

Mr. Dekom. Can you designate specifically some of the places where 
you met? 

Mr. Huber. Yes ; I can. One of these was a dilapidated loft build- 
ing that was unoccupied but for one tenant, a Gertrude Kaplan, 
at 679 Broadway. In order to bring out the description of this meet- 
ing place, it is necessary to state that at one meeting held there it was 
necessary to adjourn because of the noise made by the rats. There 
were so many rats in the building that we couldn't hold the meeting 
and had to adjourn. 

Another meeting place was a cellar at 347 East Seventeenth Street, 
where we met on March 12, 1940. In order to get to this cellar, it was 
necessary to walk through one building, across a yard more than 50 
feet long — it was pitch dark at the time — into a second building, and 
then down into a cellar. This was a very special meeting, a celebra- 
tion on behalf of the Soviet Union, and 38 people were present. The 
meeting was opened by Sam (Kappy) Kaplan, organizer of the team- 
ster concentration branch of the Communist Party to which I belonged. 

Instead of being opened in the usual way by reports, Kaplan opened 



568 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

the meeting by announcing that he was very happy to report that the 
news of the Soviet Union's victoi-y in Finland was authentic. Because 
of the occasion he called for refreshments, and wine and soda were 
served. He offered a toast, "Long live the Communist international 
organization of the working class. Long live the Communist Party. 
Long live the world revolution." He then ordered an intermission to 
enable the comrades to discuss the victory and also to enable Comrade 
Ann Reese to phone her husband, Henry Boldt, vice president of the 
Daily Worker, for the latest news on the war in Finland. 

Kaplan complimented our branch for the good work it was doing 
supplying teamsters with the Daily Worker and pamphlets. He cited 
an instance where a teamster union, AFL affiliate, held a meeting on 
Sunday, March 10, 1940, at the Hotel Diplomat to arrange for a rally 
on April 16 against moves to involve the United States in war. He 
said that the teamsters' union was important for its strength which 
could enable it to tie up food and other fields, as shown not long ago. 
By way of illustration, he said that if the teamsters strike, boats do 
not load or unload, warehouses are at a standstill, and shortages of 
supplies and other commodities become acute. 

To further illustrate this business of conspiracy, I would like to 
discuss the plans which the Communist Party made in 1940 and after 
World War II for the setting up of an underground apparatus to take 
the place of the legal apparatus in the event the party would be out- 
lawed or threatened with Government action. 

In 1940, when the Communist Party was threatened, this under- 
ground apparatus was perfected. Each particular group bought 
mimeograph machines and purchased full sets of Communist Party 
literature to have available the theoretical works of the Communist 
movement for ready reference. 

On March 18, 1941, following the weekly meeting of the teamster 
branch, Kaplan told me that many members of the Communist Party 
who found they were unable to continue attendance at meetings be- 
cause of their civil-service positions still continued payment of their 
dues and contributions and would continue that course of action until 
the current attack on the Communist Party ceased. 

On Saturday, March 22, 1941, the water front section of the Com- 
munist Party received a communication from the State committee of 
the Communist Party with orders for all comrades to be instructed 
at the next meeting to dispose of all Communist literature they then 
possessed at home. Comrades who were present when this order was 
received decided that the best plan would be to store their libraries 
in warehouses. During that month the number of comrades moving 
from one locality to another was most noticeable. 

I sat in on a party discussion of the deportation proceedings which 
were pending against Harry Bridges. Several leading Communists 
of the water-front section were present. It was revealed that the Com- 
munist Party had set plans in motion for a general strike among labor 
unions in the State of California as a protest in the event that Harry 
Bridges was ordered deported. This plan was decided upon only after 
much deliberation by the national committee of the Communist Party, 
which conceded that any other kind of protest would fail to save 
Bridges from being deported. 

On Tuesday, March 25, 1941, at the weekly meeting of the water- 
front section. Communist Party, held at 221 West Twenty-first Street,. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 569 

Kaplan informed comrades that, with the increasing attacks being 
made on the party, branch meetings would be held more infrequently, 
and that as an alternative the branch would meet in small groups. 
He said that the water-front section was in receipt of a communication 
from Ferdinand Smith, of the NMU, that Government agents had 
been active along the water front, and for that reason seamen would 
have to discontinue Daily Worker and other Communist literature 
distributions to teamsters and longshoremen along the water front. 
Such distribution was then assigned to the teamster branch com- 
rades, in addition to house-to-house distribution, which, to the date, 
had been highly successful in recruiting new members. 

Right after the war, my club, which had a membership of 330, was 
broken down into 3 separate clubs of about 100 members each. These 
three clubs, in turn, were broken down into groups of from five to 
eight members, with one member designated as a captain. These 
small groups, in the beginning, met once a month at the homes of 
various members to become acquainted with this new set-up. On the 
other 3 times a month we met in our groups of 100. Then, as time 
went on, the procedure changed so that we met 3 times a month in 
groups of from 5 to 8, and only once a month as a group of 100. 

Mr. Dekom. We will now suspend, Mr. Huber, and will resume 
tomorrow morning at 10 : 30 a. m. 

SATURDAY, OCTOBER 29, 1949 

Mr. Dekom. We will now continue your testimony. 

Does the Communist Party maintain any intelligence or investigat- 
ing units, either for the purpose of what might be called counter-intel- 
ligence or for the purpose of obtaining incriminating information on 
persons ? 

Mr. Huber. The Communist Party certainly does. First of all, 
they keep a complete record of the life of every member. I think 
you already have had some testimony on that subject.^ Secondly, 
the party maintains a "research department" for counter-intelligence 
work. If I may, I will give you two specific examples from my party 
experience to show you exactly what this work is. 

Mr. Dekom. Yes ; we want you to do that. We want in every in- 
stance, wherever possible, for you to give concrete cases, so that the 
information before this subcommittee will be as direct and exact as 
possible. 

Mr. Huber. Yes, sir. Here are the two examples. 

On Thursday, January 15, 1942, while speaking to Charlotte Honig 
at Twelfth Street and University Place, she called my attention to a 
passer-by who was entering the national headquarters of the Com- 
munist Party at 35 East Twelfth Street. She said that this man was 
an investigator for the party who watched the activities of the FBI. 
She intimated that the Federal Building at Foley Square was being 
kept under surveillance. She said that the party knew that it was be- 
ing continually investigated and had, therefore, begun a counter- 
investigation of its own. On questioning her further as to the extent of 
their activities and the length of time this had been going on, she said 
that she did not know. However, she added that the Communist Party 



See the testimony of Louis F. Budenz, p. 217. 



570 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

investigating staff was on its toes all the time and was doing a good 
job. 

On Sunday, January 18, 1942, I learned from Charlotte Honig that 
Jimmy Keller was in charge of the investigation staff of the Com- 
munist Party and was responsible only to Roy Hudson. Keller was 
formerly a section organizer of the industrial section. Very little 
was known about the activities of that group other than that personnel 
changes were frequent. Questioned as to the source of her informa- 
tion regarding the FBI, Honig said that the matter had been revealed 
at a gathering of comrades at the home of her son-in-law, Bill Dobkin, 
where she resided. 

A large part of this investigative work, too, is the unearthing of 
information with which they can smear persons who are known to be 
against the Communist Party. 

Mr. Dekom. You are familiar with the picketing of the Federal 
Courthouse at Foley Square during the recent trial of the 11 top Com- 
munists, and other disorders connected therewith. From your own 
knowledge, can you give the subcommittee any information on Com- 
munist disruptions or attempts to disrupt the administration of justice 
in this country ? 

Mr. HuBER. I can give you a specific case from my own experience. 
When several members of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade were arrested 
for disorderly conduct, resulting from a demonstration in front of the 
Spanish consulate, we were given orders by the Communist Party 
officials to attend the trial and disrupt the proceedings. 

Mr. Dekom. What was the nature of your instructions? 

Mr. HuBER. To cause disturbances by coughing, moving, or talking 
so as to distract the court during statements made by the prosecution. 
On the other hand, we were told to keep very quiet while the defense 
was carrying on. The situation got so bad, we made so much noise, 
that Magistrate John McGee stated that he would have fo clear the 
court unless the disturbance stopped. This forced the party people to 
quiet down some, but they still made as much noise as they could get 
away with. 

Mr. Dekom. The Communist Party has, in recent years, tried to 
create the impression that the Daily Worker is not a tool of, or an 
organ of the party itself. Would you please comment on that? 

Mr. HuBER. That impression is completely false. The Daily Worker 
has always been, and is today, the official organ of the Communist 
Party. Rather than give you my opinion on this, I would like to 
submit in evidence a bulletin put out by the party in 1946 which 
makes the position of the Daily Worker perfectly clear. 

Mr. Dekom. Was this handed to you by a party functionary as a 
member of the party? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Dekom. With the permission of the chairman we will make 
that a part of the record at this point as exhibit 6. 

(The document was marked "Huber Exhibit 6" and is as follows:) 

The Worker and Daily Worker Plan 

At the national committee meeting of our party the main discussion centered 
around the problems of the home front and how to mobilize the people to defeat 
the disrupters within our Nati(ni. In this task the Daily Worker plays a tre- 
mendous role. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 571 



Tlio Daily Worker's clear-cut policy in its fight against Lewis, in exposing the 
fifth column activities in Detroit, shows tlie way for strengthening the home 
front. The Daily Worker is more and more becoming an indispensable weapon 
not only in the hands of Communists, but in the hands of every anti-Fascist. 
It is in this light that our convention places the role of the press in the fore- 
ground of its deliberations and makes some organizational proposals for in- 
creasing the circulation of the Daily Worker. 

1. Every Party Member a Reader of the Daily Worker : 

(a) Every party member is to fill out a pledge card stating that he will 
read the Daily Worker every day. On this pledge card he is to indicate 
the newsstand at which he will buy the paper. 

( h ) Every new member will receive a free mail subscription for the Daily 
AVorker for 1 month. However, the new member is to fill out a special form 
expressing his or her desire to receive the paper. 

(c) The club executive to be responsible for checking on the above steps. 

2. Build Street Sales of the Daily Worker to Strengthen Home Front : 

(a) Every section, club, and branch should pick a specific corner or block 
in tlie neighborhood of its activities at which it will organize a daily sale of 
the paper. 

(6) Sale should be so organized as to suit the comrades, either day or 
evening. 

(c) In organizing these street sales we should involve as close to 100 per- 
cent of the membership as possible. This can be done if every member will 
give one evening, or even 1 hour, a month to this work. 

3. Make Your Newsstand Dealer a Booster for the Daily Worker : 

(a) Pick the busiest corner in the territory and organize to build the cir- 
culation at the newsstand on that corner. 

(b) When street sales are organized close to such newsstands, it is ad- 
visable that the proceeds of sales should go to the dealer. 

4. The Daily Worker Is the Club's Guide to Action for Victory : 

(a) Once a month the club should review its work on the press for the 
past month and take organizational steps that will guarantee the steady 
growth of the paper. 

(6) In these monthly reports it is necessary that the reporter include 
highlights of articles and stories that appeared during the month so as to 
show concretely how tne Daily Worker helped to guide us in our everyday 
activity and thus integrate the political content of the paper with the circu- 
lation drive. 

5. Funds for Our Press Are Funds for Victory : 

(«) In order to make sure that the subscription drive is part of the fund 
drive arrangements have been made to credit every Worker sub to the fund 
drive quota of every branch and club. 

(&) Manhattan County has a subscription quota of 3,500, which can be 
easily reached providing every section, branch, and club accepts its quota 
and organizes its campaign. 
Following is proposed quota for Worker subs by sections : 



1-2 

3-5___. 

7-9-11. 
4-6___- 

8 

12 

14 



450 
450 
450 
150 
200 
350 
100 



16 

22 

23 

Lower Harlem- 
East Harlem- 
Upper Harlem- 



100 
150 
300 
150 
100 
500 



Mr. Dekom. Have you followed, and are you familiar with, the 
twists and turns of the Communist Party line during the past decade ? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, of course. One of the basic requirements of a 
Communist Party member is to slavishly follow all the dictates of the 
party, regardless of how ridiculous, inconsistent, or unwise they might 
seem. 

I remember the feverish activity of the party during the period 
of the Hitler-Stalin pact, when the old anti-Fascist activity was 
dropped in favor of a peace program which had the effect of aiding 
the Nazis and Soviets alike. The American Peace Mobilization kept 



572 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

a steady stream of delegations in Washington under different com- 
mittee names, calling on Senators and Congressman, protesting against 
this country's participation in the war and the giving of aid to Great 
Britain. It tried to have peace committees established in all unions. 
When this was accomplished, they intended holding a peoples' conven- 
tion, similar to the one held in England on January 12, 1941. They 
recruited peace organizations from civic, church, and other groups 
which were unaware of the true aims of American Peace ]\Iobilization. 

Typical of the tone of the Communist Party's propaganda was a 
speech made by Sam (Kappy) Kaplan, organizer of the teamster 
concentration branch of the Communist Party, at a party meeting 
in the home of Jean Sayre, 31:7 East Seventeenth Street, New York, 
on Tuesday, March 5, 1940. Kaplan said that President Roosevelt 
had sent Sumner AVelles, Under Secretary of State, to Europe in 
order to break the agreement between Germany and Soviet Russia by 
getting in contact with the German ruling class. He also said that 
Britain and France declared war on Germany in order to break the 
Soviet-German pact. He said Roosevelt was trying to start trouble 
against the Soviet Union by different methods which would make 
Wall Street the most ]30werful factor in world politics and would re- 
sult in enormous profits for munitions makers. He concluded with 
the statement that Roosevelt and Welles were a threat to world 
peace. 

On Wednesday, June 19, 1940, the water front section of the Com- 
munist Party met at 230 Seventh Avenue, and there was a discus- 
sion about $18,000 which was sent to the Communist Party in Ger- 
many by the Communist Party in the United States. Charles Keith, 
section organizer, told of a communication he had received from the 
State committee of the Communist Party congratulating the seamen's 
branch on its handling of antiwar work and hoping that it would 
continue to be No. 1 on the list in the recruiting drive just begun. 
Plans were laid for a letter-writing campaign to Jergens Lotion to 
threaten them with a boycott if Walter Winchell did not stop his un- 
neutral attitude toward the war in his radio talks. 

You will be interested, perhaps, in knowing of another incident. 
On IMonday, July 1, 1940, Muriel Draper, a member of the Commu- 
nist Party and mother of dancer Paul Draper, told of attending a 
meeting to raise funds for the Communist-controlled American Youth 
Congress in Wisconsin. She said that the women at this meeting 
sympathized with Mrs. Roosevelt for having a husband such as 
Franklin D. Roosevelt, but that since Mrs. Roosevelt was so liberal 
in her ways and views, they could not help but take her into their 
hearts. Of course, the implication there was that the President was 
being an anti-Soviet warmonger during the Commu-Nazi period. 

Because of this policy of the party, they began to lose popularity 
and to stir up a good deal of opposition. I remember a meeting of the 
teamsters' branch, water front section of the Communist Party, at the 
home of Ann Boldt, 10 Monroe Street, on Tuesday, July 9, 1940. One 
comrade reported that the previous week's assignments to distribute 
the Daily Worker to teamsters along the water front had not been very 
encouraging. Teamsters were refusing the papers, cursing the dis- 
tributors, and telling them to go back to Russia. In one instance, 
a teamster took the paper, spat on it and set fire to it with a match. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 573 

Kaplan made light of this report, asserting that the i^apers must have 
been distributed in the wrong locality and not where the party gen- 
erally concentrated. When the comrades insisted that this was not 
so, Kaplan cut them short. 

The American Peace Mobilization's march on Washington, of 
January 31, and February 1, 1941, was the largest denionstration 
this organization ever held in Washington. As in previous demon- 
strations, there was widespread picketing and scores of delegations 
called on Senators and Congressmen to let them know they disap- 
proved of a possible United States entry into war and aid to Great 
Britain. 

People employed at the New York City office of American Peace 
Mobilization informed me that the executive committee had been 
greatly satisfied with the results of previous demonstrations in Wash- 
ington, which led to the organization of the 1941 demonstration. 
This demonstration had been originally planned for the week end of 
January 15, but as this would have conflicted with the Lenin memorial 
meeting at Madison Square Garden on January 13, it was decided to 
advance the date. 

One of the largest delegations in this march on Washington was 
from IWO ; the NMU also sent a large delegation, theirs usually being 
the most colorful and noisiest. 

Mr. Dekom. What happened after June 22, 1941, when the Nazis 
and Soviets went to war with each other? 

Mr. HuBER. The whole picture changed, of course. 

On June 24, 1941, the weekly meeting, teamsters branch, waterfront 
section of the Communist Party was held at 221 West Twenty-first 
Street, with Miriam Sayre presiding. This was the first meeting of 
the branch after hostilities broke out between Germany and the Soviet 
Union, and the entire meeting was devoted to a discussion of this 
subject. 

Sayre plainly stated that all activities tending to antagonize help 
to the Soviet Union must stop. All comrades were urged to get their 
labor unions to appeal to the President for immediate aid to the Soviet 
Union. 

The Communist Party was to seek the support of all organized labor, 
regardless of affiliations with the party, to rally support for the Soviet 
Union. The general feeling among the comrades was to call off all at- 
tacks on the administration, at the same time using this opportunity to 
recruit new members and build a stronger party throughout the United 
States. Plans were made for mass rallies to gain support of the general 
public for aid to the Soviet Union. .There was no doubt among the 
comrades but that the Soviet Union would emerge victorious and the 
Communist Party would emerge from the war stronger than ever. 

The July 1, 1941, meeting of^he water front section accented the com- 
plete about face of the Communist Party line following the attack on 
Russia by Germany. All-out aid to Great Britain was then advocated. 
Winston Churchill was discussed in glowing terms as a defender of 
democracy. 

Regardmgthe then present administration in Washington, the party 
said that our leaders in Washington were of the finest, and when 
Roosevelt was mentioned, it was in terms of praise and as a great leader. 

The party then favored conscription, even to the point of extending 
the period of training for the duration of the emergency. The party 



574 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

began working for full participation in the war by the United States 
armed forces to insure full aid to the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Dekom. Was the possibility of a Soviet defeat discussed in 
party circles ? 

Mr. HuBER. On November 5, 1941, I had lunch with Al Lannon, 
Communist Party organizer of the water front section, and presently 
a member of the national committee of the Communist Party. At 
the time Lannon advised me that the Communist Party had issued in- 
structions to its leaders, and particularly to industrial leaders, regard- 
ing Communist Party policy in the event of either the Soviet Union's 
defeat, if forced to make peace or if the United States failed to get 
into the war and open a western front. 

These orders were to immediately conduct strikes and commit sabo- 
tage wherever possible. Lannon said the only reason the party was 
cooperating with the then present administration was because of the 
help we could give to the Soviet Union, 

Mr. Dekom. Was there any pretense made in party circles that 
the wartime policy of cooperation was genuine and lasting? 

Mr. HuBER. No; there was not. On January 18, 1944, I attended 
a membership meeting of the Eleventh Assembly District Club, Com- 
munist Party, at 2744 Broadway. Bernard Weller presided. The 
membership turned out fully for this meeting because of the announce- 
ment that Sam Barron would clarify for them the new policies of the 
party. The clubroom was filled to capacity. On calling the meeting 
to oi'der, Weller announced that slips of paper would be distributed on 
which comrades were to write questions they wished answered. Bar- 
ron was in charge of the workers school, which later became the 
Jefferson School of Social Science. 

After studying the questions submitted, Barron started to analyze 
present conditions by quoting from Lenin, who, he said, offered to 
compromise with the Kerensky government 45 days before the revolu- 
tion in the Soviet Union. However, the revolution broke out before 
Lenin could send this message. This, he said, is what the Communist 
Party is doing in America, compromising with capitalists, which will 
tend to confuse them and throw them off guard. He said that the 
capitalists of the United States must not be warned, but must be 
made to pay for their crimes against the masses. 

The postwar change in the Communist Party line was first made 
known on a large scale at a special meeting of the New York County 
Committee of the Communist Party at Manhattan Center on Monday, 
June 4, 1945. About 3,000 people were present. The chairman was 
Sam Wiseman, who said that the Communist Party membership had 
cooperated with the capitalist class and had found out that it did 
not pay. He commented that the capitalists were swollen with profits 
and stood ready to take millions of dollars out of the hides of the 
people. He informed the audience that the change in policy of the 
national board's resolution would not be open to discussion at that 
meeting since it would be taken up at branch meetings to be called in 
the near future, and which would be open to members only. He at- 
tacked the "avaricious" groups of our own capitalist class, terming 
them "now our own home front." He then introduced Earl Browder. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 575 

Browder began by apologizing for not having a written speech, and, 
speaking extemporaneously, stated, 

Let us tell the representatives of the press together, right here and now, 
that we promise them that out of this discussion is going to come a stronger 
unity and greater organization than ever before. 

Applause in approval lasted for 10 minutes. 

Browder stated that the crisis at the San Francisco UNO Con- 
ference must be interpreted as a rapidly crystallizing threat to or- 
ganized world relations, not upon the principles of Dumbarton Oaks 
or Yalta, but upon the principles of antagonism and hostility between 
America and the Soviet Union. He accused Senator Arthur Vanden- 
berg of trying to write into the statutes of the United Nations such 
provisions as would enable him to rally opposition to those statutes 
when they came before the United States Senate for ratification. He 
said : 

If the principle of the Big Five veto power is defeated at San Francisco, that 
defeat will be used to prevent Senate ratification of the United Nations Organ- 
ization. If this happens, there are only two alternatives to the policy of Soviet- 
American friendship laid down by Roosevelt which President Truman is pledged 
to continue. One is to transform the present war into a British-American War 
against the Soviet Union. The other is the development of an armed peace of 
the garrote-and-club variety in which hostilities will be postponed for a short 
while. 

He stated further that the Roosevelt policy would be carried 
through only if the American people took a hand in international 
diplomacy and demanded a sharp correction of the policies being 
pursued by their delegates at San Francisco. 

Robert Minor urged the audience to buy volume 23 of Lenin's Col- 
lected Works, which had just been translateci into English. The 
entire 500 copies on hand were sold. 

A question and answer period followed the meeting wherein Brow- 
der answered questions from the audience. When asked if Stettinius 
(Edward R. Stettinius, then Secretary of State) were acting in the 
best interests of the American people, Browder answered by attack- 
ing Stettinius. 

He was asked whether the war in Japan would become an imperial- 
ist war if the United States delegation continued to oppose the Soviet 
Union. He said that this was the kind of question which Social 
Democrats or Trotsky ists would ask, but replied, "The question is 
premature." He then said, "The Soviet delegation is even acting 
in the interests of the American bourgeoisie, unless they have gone 
quite as insane as Hitler." He shouted, "The Japanese war is not 
over yet," which could be interpreted to mean that the Soviet Union 
would come in as an ally of the United States and Great Britain 
against Japan. 

Sam Wiseman then announced that the balance of questions sub- 
mitted would be answered in the columns of the Daily Worker. 

Mr. Dekom. Wasn't this the time that Earl Browder was thrown 
out of the party for allegedly cooperating with the capitalists ? 

Mr. Htjber. Yes, sir. The attack on Browder was built up through 
the party in advance. A very special meeting was called at Unity 
Center on June 12, 1945, at 2744 Broadway, in order to begin the cam- 
paign against Browder and check the reaction of the membership. 
All members were required to show their membership cards upon 



576 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

e^itering. The chairman was Goldie Young. She announced that 
the topic of discussion would be the very serious resolution of the 
National Board of the Communist Party concerning Browder's 
deviationism. 

In opening the discussion, Goldie was very bitter toward Browder 
for contniuing his opposition to the resolution, and attacked him for 
his. refusal to admit his errors. She then called for lively discussion 
on the resolution. 

Betty Haufrecht said that Browder was a traitor to the working 
class, and claimed that the revisionist ideas developed by Browder 
were based upon the groundless assumption that capitalism was now 
progressive. On this theory, it was said that Browder had proceeded 
to develop in his book, Tehran— Our Path in War and Peace, a cap- 
italist Utopia which would far outdo anything produced anywhere 
by social democratic revisionists. She stated that he had developed 
theories about the progressiveness and intelligence of financial capital, 
and consequently the policies he formulated on the basis of these 
wrong conclusions tended to subordinate the working class to the 
influence of reactionary capitalists. She declared that the member- 
ship of the Communist Party of America deified Browder, revering 
him at rallies, and even composing songs in his honor, such as "Brow- 
der IS our Leader." Further, she stated that the remarkable thing 
about Browder's policies is that they cannot be properly called social 
democratic, but rather liberal bourgeoisie. Concluding*, she said that 
Browder had betrayed the membership of the Communist Party of 
America. (Betty Haufrecht is a member of the county committee 
and the County Educational School, and has appeared as guest speaker 
at various clubs.) 

Jeanette (Faith) Eaichell attacked Browder's policies, saying that 
we should haw been informed by the national committee of Foster's 
letter so that the membership could discuss the change of the party 
name, with the understanding that the national committee did not 
entirely agree with Browder. She recalled that for the last 2 years 
Browder had never tired telling the comrades how modest a portion 
of the American public the Communists were, and how little the 
Communists affected the course of events. Therefore, "how foolish," 
he was to have told the capitalists, "to believe that we really can bring 
a change about in this country without revolution." 

She claimed that Browder was the cause for the membership having 
become the laughing stock of the country, and compared Browder and 
the membership of the Communist Party of America with Father 
Divine and his followers in that the members blindly followed and 
executed without question any policies formulated by" Browder. 

Beatrice Weiss blamed the leaders of the party for permitting 
Browder to make its policies. She asked, "Where and what were the 
members of the national committee, the State committee, and the 
county committee doing when this change took place?" She stated 
that the resolution adopted by the national board, which states that, 
"While a change in form or name of our Marxist organization is not 
m Itself a question of principle," was not entirely correct; but that, 
"It sure is a question of principle whether we have a political associa- 
tion or a party. If we are Marxists, we know that a party is part of 
a class and a political association is merely the joining together of 



COMMUN-IST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 577 

Tarioiis o-roups for political maters." She urged that as soon as the 
name Communist Political Association of America is dispensed with, 
and the name Communist Party re-adopted, then the party would grow 
more powerful. She attacked the Daily Worker and declared that not 
half of the membership are readers, the reason being that it was 
clearly a propaganda paper. She accused Goldie Young, president 
of Unity Center, of being a bureaucrat and demanded that a stop be 
had to this type of leadership. Other members voiced their sentiments, 
joining Beatrice in her condemnation. This caused a commotion 
which lasted several minutes. 

Other members who similarly denounced Browder and his revision- 
ist policies were A. B. Magil, editor of New Masses ; Harry Raymond, 
writer for the Daily Worker; and Ray Bilgore, active trade unionist. 

Goldie Young stated that, due to the lateness of the hour, it was 
necessary to take the names of those comrades who wished to partici- 
pate in the discussion, and that these individuals would be given a 
chance to speak at the next membership meeting. She announced 
that meetings would be held every week until the national convention 
of the Communist Party of America, which was to be held sometime in 
July, and urged all comrades to buy and study the Communist Mani- 
festo, on sale at the club. 

Mr. Dekom. Wasn't it a fact, Mr. Huber, that all the policies which 
Earl Browder was following were those dictated to him by Moscow ? 

Mr. Huber. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. So that all these accusations against him were just 
window dressing to effect a shift in the party line also dictated from 
Moscow ? 

Mr. Huber. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Dekom. Would you say that this is a typical case of Soviet 
gratitude ? 

Mr. Huber. Yes. We all know of the slaughter of the old-time 
Communists by Stalin and his gang. 

Mr. Dekom. What did Earl Browder do ? 

Mr. Huber. For a while he Avas completely out of party activities 
and then he obtained a book concession from the Soviet Government. 
He has since lost that. I have seen him recently and he appears to 
be a completely broken man. He has aged considerably since I last 
saw him in the party. 

Mr. Dekom. Did he make any attempt to reinstate himself in the 
good graces of the party ? 

Mr. Huber. More than once. 

Mr. Dekom. Did he ever try to form or organize a separate Com- 
munist unit ? 

Mr. Huber. Yes, he did. He sent out a leaflet, of which I have a 
copy. In this leaflet he did not ask for sympathy but said that he was 
putting his case forth as a test case which would decide the character 
of the Communist Party for the future. I was told that he also be- 
lieved that the membership of the Communist Party could find ways 
and means of reinstating him as a member of the Yonkers branch ; that 
the reasons given for his expulsion were that he had not accepted 
assignments or attended meetings. He countered this accusation by 
saying that if such a basis for expulsion of members were used, the 
Communist Party would be compelled to expel thousands of its 
members. 



578 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

I believe that the names and addresses of the party members to 
whom these leaflets were mailed were supplied by William Browder, 
formerly circulation director of the Daily Worker, since members who 
were not subscribers to the press were not sent Browder's appeal. Up 
to that time this particular matter had not been discussed at member- 
ship meetings, in the apparent hope that ignoring it would prevent 
factions from forming. 

Browder, in his appeal, stated that the decisions of the national 
committee confirming his expulsion from the party left him no alter- 
native to an appeal to the members and that this appeal was not a 
personal matter. He stated: 

If a leadership elected in a moment of hysteria and confusion, in an at- 
mosphere which Foster himself described as the "atomic bomb effect," can then 
proceed by expulsion on ground so shadowy and without substance as in my case, 
to silence all criticism of their course even when it includes basic revision of the- 
decisions of the convention which elected it, then the conclusion is inescapable — 
all effective inner-party democracy has been destroyed. It is my opinion that the 
membership can find the ways and means to halt this disintegrating process. Let 
me make it clear that I am not appealing for support to any special political 
platform, nor am I putting myself forth as candidate for any leading post in the 
party. I ask only for the right to remain a rank-and-file member, to which I 
have given my life's work, and for the right of every rank-and-file member to 
raise his voice in criticism when convention decisions are reversed by the leader- 
ship without consulting tlie party. 

Browder answered each charge of the national committee as follows r 

The indecent haste of the proceedings renders the entire proposal suspect, 
and, therefore, not in the best interests of the party. I was called before the 
national board on February 5, and there handed a copy of the decision it proposed 
to adopt. When I demanded that charges in writing be given me, with an 
opportunity to prepare my answer, I was told the draft decision constituted the 
written charges and a copy is now in my possession — therefore, the board would 
proceed to hold a trial. 

Questions submitted for me to answer were: Give us the names of all party 
members with whom you have spoken since the convention and the nature of your 
conversations," and others of a similar nature. My request for a few days to 
prepare a political answer to tlie proposed decision was refused by formal vote 
on motion of Foster. I thereupon refused to answer the questions asked and 
declared I considered the issue of proper procedure of great importance. It was 
unreasonable and harmful to the party when the board rushed to a decision within 
the hour after the first written charges were submitted and those charges were 
already in the form of a final decision. 

Browder stated that on February 1 he was called to the Yonkers 
club, of which he was a member, to discuss his relationship with tlie 
party, and that he did not receive from that club any written charges. 
He had heard that on January 29, a motion calling for his expulsion 
had been submitted to a Westchester County membership meeting, but 
was defeated by a vote of 64 to 52, and this motion was later referred 
to the Yonlcers club. He submitted to unlimited questioning, but had 
never been informed as to the action of the club on these proceedings. 
The board decision mentioned his statements before the Yonkers club 
executive, but to his knowledge, its contents had never been made 
known. 

The board decision stated that Browder had continuously resisted 
the program and decisions of the convention. Browder branded this 
as completely false and without the slightest evidence of support, 
stating : 

I publicly accepted the party convention decisions and subordinated myself 
to them, because I believed they were sound. The only charge that might lie 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 579- 

against me was that I failed to speak up, to criticize and oppose the steps taken 
by Foster and his associates, to withdraw from the Roosevelt-labor-democratic 
coalition and to break up the Truman administration at a moment when it 
was improving its implementation of Roosevelt's foreign policy and alining, 
itself with labor. 

He charged the national board with departing from the convention 
decisions, without a pretense of consultation with the party, on the 
theory that the board could change those decisions and suppress even 
to the point of expulsion all criticism of such actions. 

The board decision stated that Browder had violated his pledge to 
the national convention to place himself at the disposal of the party, 
and by refusing to accept any assignment from the party, he had 
violated party discipline and deserted Communist duties and respon- 
sibilities. Browder declared this to be completely false inasmuch 



no assignment of any kind was ever offered to me and no decision as to my 
party work Was ever transmitted to me. On the other hand, I was specifically 
told there was no work available for me in the party. As to my non-attendance 
in the Yonkers club, this was in specific agreement with the local and national 
leadership, on the ground that, since my attendance in the club might become 
a disturbing factor, I be excused from attendance until a decision was arrived 
at. If the party followed the practice of expelling those who absented them- 
selves from club meetings for 2 months, there would be an exceptional crisis in 
party memberships. 

The board decision stated that Browder had carried on factional, 
activity and a campaign of unprincipled attacks against the leader- 
ship of the party. Browder called this silly, 

since there was no faction and no campaign, and for more than 7 months I have 
been so completely cut off from contact with the membership, that, except for 
the continued public reiteration of my name as a synonym for all deviation 
from Marxism, I might have passed completely into oblivion. 

The board also charged Browder with adopting an equivocal atti- 
tude at tlie Un-American Activities Committee hearing. Browder 
denoimced this as — 

a flagrant case of bad faith and a crude frame-up after the event ; I have met 
twice with the secretariat and outlined how I proposed to conduct myself at 
the hearings, including the "private citizen" phrase. A member of the national 
board and the board's attorney were present, and at the conclusion of the Un- 
American hearings, they congratulated me on my successful handling of the- 
committee. Later Foster overruled the opinions of those who were present, 
so they changed their minds without even notifying me. 

The board decision ascribed to Browder views which he stated he 
does not hold, and actions which he claims he had not performed. 
The decision proclaimed him to be outside the working class move- 
ment, and that his views were enemy-class ideologj^ and not a trend 
in the labor movement. Browder supported his views as being those- 
of the great mass of trade unionists, plus that of all progressive Demo- 
crats who are not yet Communists, and stated that Foster himself 
had signed the article in Political Affairs, which was given as an 
example of Browder's deviation. He said : 

Foster is so fantastically factionally against me that he has not hesitated to- 
declare the views of the great mass of trade unionists as enemy-class ideology 
in order to blacken my name before the membership and the world. 

The accusation that Browder had become an adviser to big business 
by editing a mimeographed bulletin in 200 copies, called Distributors 



580 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Guide, and which was circulated exckisively in circles long allies of the 
Communists, Browder termed — 

a typical example of hysteria. I would be happy to have these writings ex- 
amiued by any intelligent group, not under factional hysterial control, to conform 
my characterization of them. The assumption is made in the decision that I 
am under obligation, as a disciplined rank-and-file party member, to submit every 
work I put on paper to the censorship of Foster or his appointee for that purpose. 
This is a newly manufactured policy for the purpose of the case against me; to 
make my writings the basis of expulsion is, in effect, to copy the caricatures of the 
Conmiunists as drawn by our enemies ; and when the party follows the actions 
of the enemy, then, indeed, we are in grave danger. 

Browder stated that the charge that he had ceased his inactivity and 
had launched attempts to involve certain comrades, and to broaden his 
contacts with individual members and sympathizers, doubtless re- 
ferred to his appearance before the Yonkers club executive and — 

the statement I made there in criticism of the departure of the party leadership 
from the convention decisions. I appeared at the Yonkers club by its written 
instructions and there the demand was made that I express myself fully and 
frankly. In my statement to the Yonkers club I was exercising nothing more than 
the rights of any rank-and-file member ; I was responding to the demands of party 
responsibility. Nothing I expressed there could be made grounds for expulsion 
without abolishing all inner democracy within the party. 

Browder concluded his appeal by calling upon the national commit- 
tee to reject the proposal for his expulsion. A coupon attached to the 
appeal stated : 

The mailing of these documents to the party membership was made necessary 
by the closing of all normal channels to me. In order to do this, I have had to 
borrow and expend money. I ask those who agree that this was necessary and 
in the interest of the party and the working class, to write to me expressing their 
views and to make a contribution in money to defray the expenses, using the 
attached coupon if desired. Make all remittances payable to Earl Browder, 
Box 145, South Station, Yonkers, N. Y. 

Mr. Dekom. Mr. Huber, I have here a copy of the United Nations 
Telephone Directory dated "1 February 1949." On page 91 there 
appears the name of Victor A. Yakhontoff. Did you, in the course 
of your Communist Party activity, have any contact with him ? 

Mr. Huber. Yes. He was an instructor at the Jefferson School of 
Social Science, which is the official Communist training school in New 
York City. 

On December 3, 1944, I attended a party of leading Communist 
functionaries in this country given at the home of Seymour Copstein, 
a Communist professor, honoring Alexander Trachtenberg. Trach- 
tenberg is the president of International Publishers, the Communist 
publishing house in New York City ; a member of the national com- 
mittee of the Communist Party, and on the board of directors of the 
Jefferson School of Social Science. 

There were about 30 people present, and admission was by invita- 
tion only. Only old and trusted friends of Trachtenberg were invited. 
Entertainment was furnished by Richard Dyer-Bennett, who sang and 
played folk songs of Eussia. Guests included Gen. Victor Yakhontoff, 
Harry Sacher, Abe Heller, Lewis Merrill, David Goldway, Louis Wein- 
stock, Frederick V. Field, Corliss Lamont, Howard Selsam, Mr. and 
Mrs. Doxey Wilkerson, Mike Gold, Dr. Joseph Barsky, Sophie and Bill 
Cropper, Muriel Draper, Helen Bryan, Muriel Hart, and Regina 
Wilson. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 581 

The master of ceremonies was Harry Sacher, attorney, who intro- 
duced Gen. Victor Yakhontoff with the statement that Yakliontoff 
served in the Russo-Japanese War along with Alexander Trachten- 
berg. Yakhontoff gave a talk in which he stated that his friend- 
ship with Trachtenberg had been a long one, and that, even though 
he had been a general and Trachtenberg a corporal in the Czariet 
armed forces, they had found a lot in common. 

Jack Stachel made a short speech in which he addressed the groups 
as ''comrades and fellow Communists." 

Trachtenberg was presented with a briefcase, and in his acceptance 
speech he also addressed the group as "comrades and fellow 
Communists." 

Following the party, I accompanied Eegina Wilson home, and she 
advised me that the guests at this party were the cream of the intel- 
lectual group of the Communist Party in the United States. 

Mr. Dekom. You mentioned the Jefferson School of Social Science. 
Have you any additional information on this organization? 

Mr. HuBER, Yes; it is one of the most important educational cen- 
ters of the Communist Party. In addition to the information I have 
just given you on the meeting at the school, I might give you other 
activities of the Jefferson School with which I am familiar : 

When the Jefferson School of Social Science was conducting a cam- 
paign to raise $35,000 in 1944 to enlarge the school, booklets were dis- 
tributed through the Communist Party branches for the comrades to 
sell. Each page in the booklet was a facsimile of a red brick, sup- 
posedly representing the purchaser's contribution toward the school's 
expansion. The campaign was supervised by Regina Wilson, a mem- 
ber of the Eleventh Assembly District Club of the Communist Party. 

On January 5, 1945, Regina Wilson prepared, on the letterhead of 
the Jefferson School of Social Science, thank-you notes to a list of 
people for their work in compiling a list for the first anniversary 
dinner of the school. Thank-you notes were addressed to — 

Vera Lhlakman, 195 Hicks Street, Brooklyn ; 

Mrs. Ruth Poskoff, 811 Walton Avenue, Bronx ; 

Mrs. Dorothy Berber, 139-68 Pershing Crescent, Jamaica ; 

Mrs. David L. (Rhetta) Friedman, 340 East Sixty-sixth Street, New York 
City; 

Dr. A. Novkoff, 418 West Twentieth Street, New York City ; 

Dr. Sarah R. Riedman, 1066 Park Place, Brooklyn ; 

Dr. Francine Bradly, 10 Downing Street, New York City ; and 

Dr. Bernard F. Riess, Institute for Research in Child Psychology, 695 Park 
Avenue, New York City. 

The anniversary dinner for the school was held at Hotel Roosevelt, 
New York City. About 750 people were present. Tickets were $5 
each. Howard Selsam, a Communist and director of the Jefferson 
School, ^ave a talk in which he stated that there were nine "people's 
universities" in the United States at that time. He stated that all of 
these schools should be oriented toward the labor movement and more 
or less integrally connected with it. Labor unions were represented 
on the governing boards of all nine schools. The California Labor 
School, operating centers in San Francisco and Oakland, was spon- 
sored by some 150 AFL and CIO unions, most of whom contribute to 
its support. Selsam reported that this school was also supported by 
business leaders representing important banks and industries of that 
area. 

98330—50 — pt. 2 9 



r>S2 ooMMi'Msr A('ri\ 1 riKs in ai.ikn and nationai, (auu'rs 

Sclsiim iloi'lartHl (hnl {\\c Ji'iVorson Sc1uh)1 of Stn-iiil Srioiu-o in Now 
^ Ork h;ul I.IOD shulonts, (iikiuii- [()(> (.nmrsos; Oalil'oi-nia Lubor Srln)i)l, 
1,000 sliulonls in ils '2 oomUm-s niul ovor 700 nioiv in oxionsion i-lnssos; 
Saniuol Atlnnis Si'hi>oI in In>s( on, 100 shulonis in its opiMiino- 
tiMiu; Abi';ih:nn liiui'tUn S^hoiW in CliioMii't*. ^^--^ n\iiis( runls, with ;>."iO 
nioi'o in oxtonsion ooursos; IMiihulolpiiiii School oC Sooinl Soionoo ;ind 
Art, ,')8(MMirolIiHl, and was planning- I'xtonsion oinirsos in (ho indus(rial 
ronlors of Canidon ami C'hoslor; Ohio School of Social Scicnoo in 
CK'vohnui, i.*.'»(^ shulon(s in ll> courses; (Jooriio Washiniilon Carver 
School in New York's Uarlenu ;>00 shulents in (he openinij; term of i(s 
second year; People's E(luc:.( ional Associa(ion o{ \jos Aniivles, 5>;>0 
s(uiien(s in i(sclown(own and Hollywood divisiinis. 

lie said: 

11 Is lu^t unlilvtMy th;it (hem>\i "J years will sco tlnM>st;ililishuuMil of ccinrMi able 
schools In a scor(> of new rilios siirli as l>t'tr«>il, Ualliuiori', \\asliir,,u(;>n. I'llls- 
I'ur.uh. Allauta. St. I.ouis, Milwaukoe. Sealdo. ami other lar.:e eilios whieh eouhl 
wtil sot up (his type of sehool with the support o\ luiions auil ]>rouiessivo 
I'iti/ens of the middle class. 

He slated lha( a n»o\ on)en( was ihuKm- way ii\ New York and cUher 
lilies, and Ihal it needed antl deserved support and encourai2;enien(. 

Mr. Dkkom. "Was Keirina Wilson a nieniber of your branch of the 
par(y. 

Mr. Hi lU'iw Yes; sl\c was. She was oi\e of the n>o-;( active loadtM's 
in the ,letVerst>n School. She suporxisod, as mentioned previously, for 
(he .lelferson School of Si>cial Science, a I'antiviiiiu io raise $;>r>,OtH> to 
cnlariio the school by ilistribut inii booklets (hnnioh C\Humunity Party 
branches i'ov the ct>mrades (t) sell. 

Mr. I>kko:m. l^id the Coimnmiists wi>rk (hrouuh anv other {loliiical 
party? 

Mr. HiniK. They wiuked (hr»niah (he .Vmerican liabor rar(y, 
which is now wholly com rolled bv (he C\Mnnnmis( PaHy. Every 
member of the I'niiy (\M\ter, which numbers some r>;>0, was also 
retiuireti to becmne a member o'l the .Vmerican Lalmr Party Klevemh 
.\ssemblv nis(rict CMub at lH>SS Hroadway, New York. 

The cliairmnn and cliairlady (Linda lu^ss) ft>r the dislrict were 
bo(h members tif (he Connolly branch of the party. .Vrcliio Maskin, 
labor tiirectiM- of the Kleventh Assembly District Club, Communist 
Party, -7I4 Hroadway, was permitted the use of American Lab(M* 
Party headquarters at i.H>S8 Broadway, io meet with the CIO Com- 
munily Council. They planned to iie( all union members of Klevenlh 
.Vssombly District CMub aclive and politically conscious, in order to 
help recruit new members fi\>m amoiiii' their labor unions. 

Our club, as well as (he other Commuiiis( clubs in the district, 
wiu'ked tirelessly for the reelection o( \\{o MarcaiUonio to Compress. 

Tuesday, March 'J8. n)14, while at ALP headquarters at 'JOSS Bnvid- 
way, waitinii" for results of the primary elections, T observed, from my 
phu'o a( the desk where ivsults of the returns were handed in, that all 
oleciiou dis(rict cap(ains — more than 1(>0 — were members of the 
l''le\iMi(h .Assembly Dislrict Club. C\mimiinist Party. The work was 
(abulated by Liiula Koss and (loldie Youiiii-. Kesuhs showed (he left 
wino- in the lead at that time and (loldie expressed jubilation with 
(he wcM'k comrades had accomplished. 

I spent 'J hiuirs at .MarcaiUonio's headt|uar(ors a( MSI Firs( .Vvenue. 
New York C''itv. on June ii;>, 15MI. During' this (ime about -00 cou\- 



COMMUNIST ACT1V1TJI<:S IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 583 

radi'-s from Coinmunist Ptirty clubs throiij>hout New York City rc- 
poi-tod for assignments to districts to canvass for Marcantonio's 
reelection. Elizabeth liarkcr, member of the State committee, Com- 
munist Party, was in charge of IMarcantonio's headquarters at the 
above address. 

On April 23, 1945, the American Lahor Party, at 2088 Broadway, 
inaugurated an intensive membership drive to start May 1. They 
enlisk'd the aid of the conu'ades of Conununist clubs on the upper West 
Side in their attempts to get new members. 

At the membership meetings of all Comminiist clul)s on the upper 
West Side comrades were ujged to participate in this campaign 
through a door-to-door canvass. Those who could not publicly iden- 
tify themselves as Communists were asked to report to American Labor 
Party to give clerical assistance. This drive was in preparation for 
the 11)1:5 elections, to enable the American Labor Party to have a large 
working force at its disposal, to insure election of American Labor 
Party candidates, especially Ben Davis, Jr. This membership drive 
was under the leadeiship of Harry Abrams, chairman, and Linda 
Ross, (;()chairman, in the eleventh assembly district, American Labor 
Party, who were both members of the Unity Center branch of the 
Coinmunist Party. 

Mr. Dekoini. Were any written instructions issued to members of 
your party unit concerning the American Labor Party? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, sir; there were. I have here with me one of these 
instructions. It was issued in the 11)47 election, and shows how the 
Connrninist Party was behind the American Labor Party in the 
campaign. 

Mr. l)EKt)M. With the permission of the chairman, this document 
will be placed in the record at this point as exiiibit 7. 

(The document was marked "Iluber Exhibit 7" and is as follows:) 

Jamics Connolly Ci.uii 

Communist Party^ 

2744 Broadway 



August 6, 1946. 



EMERGENCY NOTICES 



1. Our answer to the Georgia lynchings is to elect a progressive Negro State 
senator in this district. The Charles Collins campaign needs canvassers and 
ciei-ks every day and evening from now to primary day, August 20. 

Repoi-t to American Lahoi- Parly, 2744 IJroadway. Oflice liours 7 to 11 p. m. 
In order lo help during the day, if you are free then, you must report for 
advance instructions, once only, some evening. 

2. In order to spur the election campaign^ special short Tuesday evening club 
meetings will be held 1 hour later than the usual time; that is, at 0: 15 p. m. 
These short meetings will concentrate on the election cami)aign. Drop in after 
canvassing. Time is short. Your absence from canvassing and meetings may 
cause the defeat of Charles Collins. Other mobilizations will be announced at 
tlie club ni(;etings. 

.'?. Our regular 7 : .'W Saturday evening street-corner meetings at One Hun- 
di-''d and Tliiid Street and Columbus Avenue are a great help to the campaign. 
Come to the club this Saturday and any Saturday thereafter, at 7 p. m. sliarp, 
for last-miiuit(> instructions. In case you can't make it at 7, come directly to the 
corner at 7 : 30. We need supporters at the meetings. 

BJvery little bit helps. Build the democratic coalition. 

EXECUTl VIO ( 'OM M n "IKE. 



584 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Dekom. You have made references to Norman Corwin, who is 
now employed by the UN. In your testimony, you reported his speech 
at a Communist-front meeting. You also stated that he had appeared 
at other meetings and had been associated with other Connnunist 
fronts. Will you give us specific instances of that ? 

Mr. HuBER. Norman Corwin made a collection speech at a party and 
dinner that was held in honor of William Gropper, cartoonist for the 
Daily Worker. 

Mr. Dekom. Is the Dailj^ Worker the official organ of the Commu- 
nist Party ? 

Mr. Huber. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Dekom. Were you there; is this first-hand information which 
you have? 

Mr. Huber. That is right, sir, and I will give you a complete repoH 
on it, if you like. 

Mr. Dekom. Please do so. 

Mr. Huber. The birthday party and dinner in honor of William 
Gropper, cartoonist for Daily Worker, was held on Monday, December 
4, 1944, in the ^rand ballroom of the Commodore Hotel. About 500 
or more people were present, admission was $4 per person. Festivities 
started with singing of the national anthem. 

Dr. Edward K. Barsky, chairman of Joint Anti-Fascist Eefugee 
Committee, tiianked those present for their kind cooperation with the 
committee during the past year, saying that without their help hun- 
dreds of people in many foreign countries would now be dead. He 
said that that dinner would be the last affair for that year, but he hoped 
those present would show the same cooperation during the coming 
year. The chairman for the evening was Edward Chodorov, play- 
wright, whose play that year was Decision. Chodorov praised the 
work of Bill Gropper, reviewing his activities during the 25 years he 
had known him and related an incident which occurred 25 years ago, 
when Gropper worked for the Herald Tribune : Gropper's boss had 
sent him down to get material for pictures at an IWW^ meeting. 
Gropper expected to meet people who had bombs sticking out of their 
pockets and he was afraid ; instead, he met the chairman of the meet- 
ing and was so impressed with their conversation he asked for more 
information about their organization. He then requested a member- 
ship card which he immediately filled out, called up the Tribune and 
resigned. He had been with the progressive movement ever since. 

Chodorov introduced people seated at speakers' tables, as follows: 
Stanley Isaacs, Sophie Gropper, Helen Bryan, Muriel Draper, Morris 
Muste, Herman Shumlin, Saul Mills, and Geraldine Fitzgerald. He 
called on the following people, who lauded the efforts of Bill Gropper, 
made in behalf of his fellowmen: Dorothy Parker, Mrs. Lombardo 
Tolandro, Dean Dickson, Carl Sandburg, Norman Corwin, and Fred- 
erick (Blackie) Myers. 

Myers said he had just received word of the appointment to the State 
Department of Archibald MacLeish, Nelson Rockefeller, and William 
Clayton ; and that if that were true, these men would replace Howland 
Shaw, Adolf Berle, Jr., and Breckinridge Long, which would be the 
best news in many a day for him and for the forces fighting fascism. 



* Industrial Workers of the World, an organization designated as subversive by the 
Attorney General. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 585 

He denounced the attitude of State Department toward Franco, and 
said that in the union he represents the membership think this attitude 
"stinks to high heaven." 

Norman Corwin appealed for funds, relating that the monthly ex- 
penses of the committee are $2,000 for Lisbon, $3,000 for north Africa, 
$7,000 or $8,000 for Mexico, and $3,000 for Santo Domingo and other 
Central and South American countries, in addition to $1,000 monthly 
for Svritzerland. Contributions resulted in $12,506 collected, which 
Moe Fishman and I counted in order that the total sum could be an- 
nounced from the platform. The largest contribution was $2,000 from 
the Hotel and Restaurant Workers Union. 

Seated at a table near mine were Harry Bridges, Saul Mills, Blackie 
Myers, and their wives. Other guests included Earl Browder, Israel 
Amter, Mike Gold, Joseph North, A. B. Magil, Dave Goldway, Regina 
Wilson, Abe Heller, Alexander Trachtenberg, Frederick V. Field, and 
Charlotte* Honig. Entertainment was furnished by Richard Dyer- 
Bennett. 

Mr. Dekom. Mr. Huber, I have here a program of a testimonial 
dinner in honor of Ferdinand C. Smith which lists among its com- 
mittee of sponsors Norman Corwin. 

Can you identify Ferdinand C. Smith in whose honor the dinner 
was given ? 

Mr. Huber. Yes, sir ; he was a member of the Communist Party and 
conducted classes for seamen in communism at the National Maritime 
Union Hall on West Seventeenth Street. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you know whether or not he is an alien ? 

Mr. Huber. Yes, sir; he is now under deportation proceedings. 

In the December 1939 issue of the magazine Tac, Norman Corwin 
wrote an article entitled "Miss Hogan, Take a Poem." 

He was a member of the sponsoring committee for mass demonstra- 
tions for republican Spain at Madison Square Garden on January 2, 
1945. 

He was a speaker at a Spanish Refugee Appeal rally of the Joint 
Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee at Madison Square Garden on Sep- 
tember 24, 1945. 

He appeared as an actor in a sketch, taking the part of Hank, at 
Madison Square Garden on May 29, 1946, at a rally sponsored by the 
National Council of American-Soviet Friendship. 

On June 19, 1946, he made a trip to the Soviet Union as a writer 
and director. The article telling about this appears in the Daily 
Worker under the same date line. 

He was a speaker at a dinner of the Committee for a Democratic 
Far Eastern Policy. 

Mr. Dekom. Is that a Communist-front organization? 

ISIr. Huber. Yes. I was there when that front was organized. It 
was organized by Freddy Field. 

Mr. Dekom. Is that Frederick Field? 

Mr. Huber. That is Frederick Vanderbilt Field. 

Norman Corwin was a speaker at a dinner, a get-together-with- 
Russia rally at Madison Square Garden which was sponsored by the 
National Council of American-Soviet Friendship. That dinner was 
held on December 3, 1946. 

He is vice chairman of the Progressive Citizens of America, which 
resulted from a merger with the Arts, Sciences, and Professions with 



586 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIwN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

the National Citizens Political Action Committee on February 24, 
1947. 

Norman Corwin also was a speaker at a crisis meeting on Greece and 
Turkey that was sponsored by the Progressive Citizens of America 
at Madison Square Garden on March 31, 1947. 

He wrote a skit for a rally sponsored by the Voice of Freedom at 
Town Hall on May 8, 1947, calling for action in reinstating left-wing 
news commentators who were following the Communist Party line on 
various radio networks. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you know to which commentators they were re- 
ferring? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, sir. Robert St. John, Frank Kingdon, William 
Gailmor, and Johannes Steel. 

Corwin signed a resolution drawn up by the committee for the 
first amendment, protesting against the House Un-American Activi- 
ties Committee's investigating the film industry. 

Mr. Dekom. Was that organization formed to support the so-called 
Hollywood 10 — the 10 writers, directors, and actors — who were 
identified as Communists or Communist sympathizers before the 
Committee on Un-American Activities ? 

Mr. HuBER. That is right. 

Mr. Dekom. And who are now under conviction for contempt of 
Congress ? 

Mr. Huber. That is right. 

Corwin was a sponsor of the Action Committee to Free Sjiain, which 
was under the auspices of the Veterans of Abraham Lincoln Brigade, 
and the American Committee for Spanish Freedom, March 15, 1940. 
Once, this Action Committee to Free Spain did not have enough 
workers to go around with collection cans and to pass out leaflets, so 
they called on members of the Communist Party branches. 

Mr. Dekom. Have you any personal knowledge of the activities 
of the Action Committee to Free Spain? 

Mr. Huber. Yes. The Action Committee to Free Spain sent rep- 
resentatives throuirhout the Communist Party branches in the five 
boroughs of New York to call on the Communist Party members for 
their support in soliciting funds on the street, in passing out leaflets, 
in demonstrations, rallies, and other activities in working toward 
making that organization a success. 

Norman Corwin was a sponsor of the American Committee for 
Spanish Freedom along with Johannes Steel and Mrs. William L. 
Shirer. 

He was an entertainer for the American Friends of the Chinese 
people, with such well knowii pro-Communists as Ray Lev, Earl 
Robinson, Lionel Stander, and Joshua White. 

Norman Corwin was a sponsor for a dinner given at the grand 
ballroom of the Hotel Pennsylvania by the American-Russian In- 
stitute. Among the sponsors were Vilhjalmur Stefansson and Corliss 
Lamont; also John Howard Lawson, who has been cited for contempt 
by the Un-American Activities Committee. 

Mr. Dekom. Wasn't Victor Yakhontoff a sponsor of that front? 

Mr. Huber. Yes, sir ; he was. 

Norman Corwin wrote an article for a magazine called Slavic- 
American. 



COMMUlSriST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 587 

Mr. Dekom. Is that the official organ of the American Slav 
Congress ? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, sir. That organization is a Communist front. 

Norman Corwin is a sponsor of the Committee for a Democratic Far 
Eastern Policy. 

Norman Corwin was also a member of the initiating committee for 
the Coiigress on Civil Eights. 

Mr. Dekom. What is the principal function of that organization? 

Mr. HuiiER. To defend Communists. 

Mr, Dekom. Is that the successor of the International Labor 
Defense ? 

Mr. HuBER. That is right. 

Mr. Dekom. What was the International Labor Defense? 

Mr. IItjt.er. It was set up to defend Communists who have broken 
or violated our laws. 

Norman Corwin appeared at a rally to spotlight demands for a 
"free Africa," sponsored by the Council on African Affairs. 

Mr. Dekom. Who were some of the other speakers there, or persons 
who appeared ? 

Mr. HuBER. Paul Robeson, Betty Garrett, Pearl Primus, Howard 
De Silva, and Canada Lee. 

Mr. Dekom. Was Benjamin J. Davis, Jr., present at that meeting? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, sir; he spoke at that meeting. He is on the Na- 
tional Committee of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Dekom. Mr. Huber, I notice that your list of Communist-front 
connections of Norman Corwin is rather extensive. We will ask 
you, if it is all right with the chairman, to submit that list for the 
information of the subcommittee in written form.^ 

Mr. Huber, Yes, sir. 

Mr. Dekom. According to evidence which has been presented to this 
subcommittee and information which has appeared in the press, 
Millard Lampell has also been employed by UN alon^ with Norman 
Corwin to write scripts for the current broadcast series. Have you 
any information on this person ? 

Mr. Huber, Yes, I have. He has been very active in the Com- 
munist movement. There is one particular instance concerning him 
which I might mention: On March 3, 1949, the Voice of Freedom 
Committee, which is a Communist-front organization, gave a testi- 
monial dinner as "a tribute to William S. Gailmor," at the Park 
Sheraton Hotel. 

Mr, Dekom. Was not Gailmor, whom you identified earlier in your 
testimony as a member of the Communist Party, a campaigner for 
Hein^y Wallace ? 

Mr. Huber. That is right. As a matter of fact, Henry Wallace 
was one of the speakers at this meeting. The chairman was Millard 
Lampell, I have here a mimeographed song which was distributed 
at the dinner and which all the guests sang to Gailmor. This song 
was written by Millard Lampell and two others. 

Mr. Dekom. With the permission of the chairman we will receive 
the program and the copy of the song in evidence for presentation 
in the record as exhibit 8. 



^ The list of Communist-front connections of Norman Corwin appears In appendix V, 
p. A77. 



588 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

(The documents referred to were marked "Huber Exhibit 8" and 
are as follows:) 

We Got Gailmob 

( This is a gang song ) 

(By Millard Lampell, E. Y. Harburg, Judy Rosen) 

We got Gailmor 

Winning Willy Gailmor 

We got Gailmor 

And he means our life 

When he does his song and dance 

Brother hold your shirt and pants 

He can make you wanna hock your kids and wife. 

The Republicans they hate him 

The Du Fonts and McCormacks they Red BAIT him 

But the people who are people celebrate him 

So let's keep Gailmor on the air ! 

So while they roast Bill Gailmor 

We will toast Bill Gailmor 

We will sing about his courage everythere * 

Happy is the day 

When the people have their say 

So let's keep Gailmor on the air. 

We got Gailmor 

Fighting Willy Gailmor 

We got Gailmor 

The man the people like 

He can scare the Standard Oil 

Make the J. P. Morgans boil 

And he does it all with just a little mike ! 

Oh the Peglers they abuse him 
The bankers and the networks all refuse him 
But the people who are people dare not lose him 
So let's keep Gailmor on the air. 

Let him shout for freedom, 

Let him spout for freedom 

There's a magic in his voice that reaches way out there. 

Happy is the day 

When the people have their say 

So let's keep Gailmor on the air. 

Written especially for Gailmor testimonial dinner given by the Voice of 
Freedom Committee at the Hotel Park Sheraton, March 3, 1949. 

Mr. Dekom. I will ask you again for purposes of the record: Is 
William S. Gailmor — the man to whom Millard Lampell paid these 
tributes — to your knowledge, a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Huber. Yes ; he is. 

Mr. Dekom. Is Millard Lampell a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Huber. I do not know. I only know that he has been con- 
nected with numerous Communist fronts. 

Mr. Dekom. I note that there are two other authors to the song. 
Can you give us any information concerning these people? 

Mr. Huber. I can about E. Y. Harburg, the composer of many 
musical shows. I know him to have been a member of the Communist 
Party front organizations for many years. I do not know anything 
about Judy Rosen. 

1 Ever there (?) 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 589 

Mr. Dekom. Have you further information on Lampell ? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes ; I have. On Thursday, January 24, 1946, he was 
chairman of a so-called anti-discrimination rally, sponsored by the 
Committee of Veterans Against Discrimination, which was a Com- 
munist-front organization. Approximately 1,500 people were present, 
a few hundred being turned away because of the lack of accommoda- 
tions. This meeting, which was trumpeted as an "anti-discrimination" 
meeting actually turned out to be directed, to a large extent, against 
Catholics. 

The rally was originally scheduled to be in the form of a mock 
trial, to try John O'Donnell and James Patterson of the Daily News 
as war criminals. Because of circumstances not made public by the 
veterans committee, this trial developed into just another rally de- 
nouncing the Daily News, its publisher, James Patterson, and its lead- 
ing columnist, John O'Donnell. The trial was to have been presided 
over by Judge Rivers, with Fiorello H. LaGuardia as prosecutor, 
and 12 Purple Heart veterans as the jury; none of these individuals 
appeared at the rally. 

The following speakers addressed the rally, confining their re- 
marks to similar denunciations of the Daily News, Patterson, and 
O'Donnell : Jose Ferrer, actor ; Thelma Dale, executive member of the 
National Negro Congress; Representative John M. Coffee; Rev. Ben 
Richardson, associate editor of The Protestant; Sgt. Ben Kurocki; 
Rabbi Louis D. Gross, editor of the Jewish Examiner; Rev. L. M. 
Birkhead, national director of Friends of Democracy ; Assemblyman 
Leo Isaacson ; and Henry Morgan of the radio program "Here's Mor- 

Representative Coffee also said that it was time that the people of 
America should make sure that they cleanse the halls of Congress of 
such Congressmen who have reactionary tendencies. Thelma Dale 
stated that if the United States would stop supporting the Peron 
government in Argentina the people would overthrow that govern- 
ment and elect a government which would be truly democratic. 

Reverend Richardson brought the audience to its feet by declaring 
that it is easily foreseen by the present strike situation that monopo- 
list capital is in its death struggle and socialism for the people of the 
United States is following close behind. 

Henry Morgan made a collection speech, and, after calling for 
larger contributions, said that he would also "accept Catholic money." 
The contributions amounted to about $2,300. 

Henry Morgan's reference to "Catholic money" was made with very 
derogatory connotations, and I think this shows clearly his attitude 
and the attitude of the people at this meeting. 

Entertainment was furnished by the CIO Chorus and Josh Wliite. 

Mr. Dekom. Is this type of attack on religious groups or religion 
customary in Communist circles ? 

Mr. HuBER. It most certainly is. The Communist party is pledged 
to destroy all religion, just as it has destroyed it in the Soviet Union. 
To destroy religion is just part of their program — what Lenin has 
called the opiate of the people. They are particularly vicious against 
the Catholics and the Catholic Church because the Catholic Church 
is one of the most important barriers to the Communists and their 
best organized enemy. This is something you see at very many meet- 
ings, and, if you like, I can give you one more example. 



590 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Dekom, Go ahead. 

]SIr. HuBER. On Sunday, July 23, 1944, the Fifth Annual Fiesta 
Republicana was held under the auspices of the Joint Anti-Fascist 
Refugee Committee, at Harmony Park, Staten Island. About 1,500 
people attended. Customary games of chance were well patronized 
by the guests. During the entertainment, when performers had fin- 
ished their dancing numbers and the spectators were applauding, 
shouts from groups (which I believe were prearranged) of "Down 
with the Pope!" "The Pope and Hitler are one man!" "When is the 
Pope going to work?" "I would like to see the Pope signing an appli- 
cation for home relief !" were heard. Looking around to get the reac- 
tion of the people to these shouts, I found that most of the people, by 
their expressions of laughter, were in sympathy with the shouters, 
who seemed to be well-organized groups scattered in separate parts 
of the park. 

Mr. Dekom. Mr. Huber, are the Communist fronts used as a medium 
of identifying potential party members, as a means of preparatory 
indoctrination ? 

Mr. Huber. Yes, of course ; that is one of the more important jobs 
for the front organizations, to work on prospects for the party. 

Mr. Dekom. You have also mentioned the name of Corliss Lamont 
in your testimony. What do you know of his connection with the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Huber. On June IG, 1944, while I was in conversation with Paul 
Crosbie and Charlotte Honig, the name of Corliss Lamont was men- 
tioned. Crosbie stated that Lamont has been a member of the Com- 
munist Party for several years. Charlotte Honig related that the rea- 
son for his being disinherited by his father Thomas was because Corliss 
became a member of the Communist Party ; that he willingly gave up 
everything and was living on proceeds of a small trust fund left to him 
by his grandmother. I have attended several parties given in honor 
of Corliss Lamont where all the guests were Communist Party mem- 
bers. His closest associates in the organization he heads are members 
of the Communist Party. When the Upper West Side Council on 
American-Soviet Friendship was established, he named Regina Wilson 
as its chairman, an enrolled member of Unity Center, Communist 
Party, 2744 Broadway. 

Mr. Dekom. On the basis of your experience, what occupation or 
profession would you say has been most successfully infiltrated by the 
Communists ? 

Mr. Huber. I would say the entertainment industry — show business. 
I believe that the Communist Party made a special effort in this field 
because of the tremendous propaganda value that they can get from 
this source. First of all, because they can introduce their propaganda 
where it will be received by the masses in the easiest-to-take form and 
without any suspicion. I have seen that done in many instances. 

Secondly, show business is important because the people in it are 
well known and liked and listened to by the people, so that if their 
names are used by the Communists and Communist fronts they make 
a great impression on the masses. For example, if the average person 
would see the name of John Garfield, Betty Garrett, Larry Parks, 
Hester Sondergaard, Frederic March, Edward G. Robinson, Charlie 
Chaplin, and others, he would be very much impressed and would 
likely be persuaded by the organizations which they represent. 



COMMUN"IST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 591 

Mr. Dekom. Can you name specifically people in show business who 
you know to be members of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. HuBER, I will give you several. 

Zero Mostel, who got his start as an entertainer at social functions 
of the Communist Party. I remember when his remuneration was as 
low as $2 a night and never more than $10 a night. He was paid ac- 
cording to the success of the affair and his pay would increase with a 
good take in admissions. 

While I have never seen Paul Draper at a Communist Party 
meeting, I do know that he has been connected with the Communist 
fronts for many years. At a social function held on November 10, 
1944, at the home of Mrs. Lionel S. Perera, Jr., which was given by the 
water front section of the Communist Party and to which I was 
invited, he appeared as one of the guest j)erformers. Everybody 
who was invited to this function was a Communist. He has been a 
featured attraction at Communist front meetings throughout much 
of my connection with the Communist Party. 

Tamara — I remember a very significant event in comiection with her. 
On February 19, 1943, there was a party held in honor of the cast of 
the play Counter Attack attended by such leading Communists as 
Earl Browder, Max Yergan, Matt Hall, Helen Bryan, Paul Crosbie, 
Muriel Draper (mother of Paul), and others. The master of cere- 
monies was Tamara. After introducing all the members of the cast 
and the entertainers at the party, she was asked to dance, but she de- 
clined because there was no music to which she could dance. She added, 
however, that when the i-evolution comes she would have music writers 
compose special music to be used on such occasions. She left the plat- 
form with the clenched fist salute, shouting, "Long live the revolu- 
tion !" 

Pearl Prim^us, the Negro dancer, who does interpretative dancing. 
As I already told you before, she was brought up by Camp Wo-Chi-Ca, 
the Communist camp for children. 

Harry Green, who was a violinist in the orchestra of Arturo Toscan- 
ini. I met him in the home of Dr. I. Engel Kaufman at a closed party 
meeting. 

Mr. Dekom. What is the principal role of show people in party 
work? 

Mr. HuBER. The most active part played by people in show business 
was in promoting the Communist-front movement, which as I ex- 
plained, is their most useful contribution to the Communist Party. 
The list of names of show people who have been connected with fronts 
or who have contributed their services to the Communist front is very 
impressive. I can name Paul Draper, Larry Adler, Myrna Loy, 
Hester Sondergaard, Sono Osato, Canada Lee, Kenneth Spencer, 
Richard Dyer-Bennett, Burl Ives (he is another who used to entertain 
for two or three dollars an evening at party social affairs) , Josh A^^iite, 
Lena Home, Hazel Scott, Jose Ferrer, Uta Hagen, Pete Seeger, 
Orson Welles, Lillian Hellman, Bela Lugosi, Herman Shumlin, 
Margo, and others. 

There have been very, very many occasions in which show people — 
sometimes even an entire cast of a shoAv — have entertained free at Com- 
munist affairs. I have already given you the case of the cast of Counter 
Attack and, if you like, I will give you some other illustrations. 



592 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Dekom. Yes ; do, please. 

Mr. HuBER. On Sunday, December 26, 1943, there was a theater 
party sponsored by the Joint Anti-Fascist Eefugee Committee at the 
Imperial Theater. The master of ceremonies was Melville Cooper. 
Performers volunteering their services were Hazel Scott, Celeste 
Holm, Georgia Sothern, Zero Mostel, Mary Small, Howard Da Silva, 
John Sebastian, and Pearl Primus. The music was furnished by 
Teddy Wilson's orchestra. Most of the performers came from Cafe 
Society Uptown. Telegrams came to the theater from Milton Berle 
and Jimmy Savo, regretting their inability to appear because of colds. 

On May 14, 1944, there was a concert, sponsored at Carnegie Hall by 
the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee, with entertainment fur- 
nished by Jinnny Savo, Paul Draper, Rosario and xintonio, arid Duke 
Ellington. They volunteered their services. The speaker who ap- 
pealed for funds was William S. Gailmor, a Communist Party member. 

On June 26, 1944, at a meeting in Madison Square Garden spon- 
sored by the Negro Labor Victory Committee, a Communist front, 
there was a "Broadway Salute" performance, including members 
of the following casts of shows then playing on Broadway : Paul 
Robeson, Uta Hagen, Jose Ferrer, from Othello; Philip Loeb, from 
Over 21; David Leonard, from Mexican Hayride; P. Jay Sidney and 
Muriel Smith, from Carmen Jones; Paula Lawrence, from One Touch 
of Venus; Irina Baronova, from Follow the Girls; J. Edward Brom- 
berg, from Jacobowsky and the Colonel ; Mercedes Gilbert, from The 
Searching Wind ; and members from Pick-Up Girl and Wall-Flower. 
All paid tribute to the colored race, pledging their support in the 
fight for equality of all races. 

On July 1, 1944, at a fiesta held at the home of William Gropper, 
cartoonist for the Daily Worker, at Croton-on-the-Hudson, enter- 
tainment was furnished by musicians from the bands of Benny Good- 
man and Count Basie, and Pearl Primus. 

On September 21, 1944, there was a meeting by the Independent 
Voters Committee of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions for Roose- 
velt, which was a subsidiary of the Independent Citizens Committee 
of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions, a well-known Communist 
front. Chairman of the rally was Fredric March, who represented 
himself as the representative of the actors of Hollywood. This meet- 
ing was attended by such well-known Communist fronters as Jo 
Davidson, Channing H. Tobias, Dr. Harlow Shapley, of Harvard, 
Orson Welles, and others. 

On September 28, 1944, at Madison Square Garden, Laura Duncan 
sang at a meeting sponsored by the Communist Party to celebrate 
the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Communist Party in the United 
States, with Earl Browder as the principal speaker. 

On December 3, 1944, a birthday party was given in honor of Alex- 
ander Trachtenberg, of the National Committee of the Communist 
Party, at the home of Seymour Copstein, 285 Central Park West, New 
York City. Entertainment was furnished by Richard Dyer-Bennett. 
As I have already mentioned. Gen. Victor A. Yakontoff, who now 
works for the United Nations, was introduced at that party by Harry 
Sacher, one of the attorneys for the 11 convicted Communists. Sey- 
mour Copstein was, at that time, a teacher of biology at the City Col- 
lege of New York and is now at the Jefferson School, of which his 
uncle, A. A. Heller, is treasurer. 



COMMUlSriST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 593 

On Tuesday, May 1, 1945, all clubs and branches in New York City 
received a directive from the State committee of the party announcing 
that a celebration would be held in honor of Ben Davis, Communist 
Party councilman in the New York City Council and one of the 11 
defendants in the recent trial. The celebration was to be held on 
Sundav, May 6, at the Golden Gate Ballroom. The directive stated 
that—"' 

We are paying triimte to a leader that we, as Communists, can well be proud 
of for his fine qualities of Communist leadership. * * * We expect our 
New York membership to turn out en masse, not only because of Its major 
political implication, but also because of the following impressive array of 
talent: Lena Home, Josh White, Kenneth Spencer, Mary Lou Williams, Art 
Tatum, Ray Lev, Max Poliakoff, Will Geer, and dozens of other outstanding 
artists who are contributing their talent. It will be one of the cultural events 
of the year. 

In the spring of 1946 the James Connolly branch of the Communist 
Party ran a theater party featuring Canada Lee. 

Another instance which I might mention is a meeting of the Amer- 
ican Slav Congress in September 1946 at Manhattan Center at which 
the entire cast of Call Me Mister entertained. 

The Communist Party also controlled two entertainment places 
wdiich were owned by Leon and Barney Josephson, both leading Com- 
munist Party members. They w^ere Cafe Society Uptown and Cafe 
Society Dow^ntown. I understand that Cafe Society Uptown has 
been recently sold. 

Also, the Communist Party controls the Stanley Theater in New 
York, which makes available special rates to party members and party 
groups for movies produced principally by the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Dekom. Have you ever heard or had any contact with Gerhart 
Eisler? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes ; I have. 

Mr. Dekom. Will you tell us about it? 

Mr. Huber. I attended a meeting, which was in the German lan- 
guage, sponsored by German- American, Inc., (with headquarters at 
305 Broadway, room 207, in New York City) publishers of the Ger- 
man-American, a Communist paper. The meeting was held at the 
Fraternal Clubhouse, 110 West Forty-sixth Street, with Gerhart Eis- 
ler as the principal speaker. About 1,000 people were present. The 
hall was filled to capacity with standees in the rear. The admission 
charge was 72 cents with tax included. The meeting was held on 
December 12, 1946. If you like I can give you a complete report on 
that meeting. 

Mr. Dekom. Please do so. 

Mr. HiTBER. The meeting was opened by Gus Faber, who stated that 
that meeting had been called by the German-American, which had 
been in existence for about 5 years. He said : 

The German-American has done everything possible during the war ana 
after the war, to bring unity between the German-Americans in this country. 
It has done an outstanding job to reeducate the German soldiers — that were taken 
prisoners in this country. It has done everything possible to be a real anti-Nazi, 
anti-Fascist newspaper. After the war, it has done everything to tell the people 
in the United States, especially the German population, and rally them behind 
the peace efforts. We have been very successful and we are going to continue 
doing that. This newspaper is the sponsor of this meeting and we hope that 
Mr. Eisler will have the chance, that he did not get in Washington, to speak and 
tell the other side of his story, because in America we believe there are always 



594 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

two sides to a story. I have the pleasure of introducing the chairman of this 
meeting, Abe Isserman, counsel of the Civil Rights Congress, vpho has been in the 
forefront of the fight for civil rights for 20 years. He will do everything 
possible to help carry this fight to a successful conclusion. 

Abe Isserman stated : 

Only a short time ago I met Mr. Eisler and got from him the true story 
of the tangle which he had with the Wood-Rankin committee. If it were not 
for that committee, Mr. Eisler would now be landing in Germany. Mr. Eisler 
was a refugee who came to this country on his way to Mexico, fleeing from the 
Nazi oppressors ; because of the war situation, he was obliged to remain in this 
country. At the first opportunity he had, he sought to leave to go back to 
Germany and the State Department, after considering the matter carefully with 
the FBI — and they conducted all the investigations they wanted — gave him an 
exit permit to leave the country. But the Wood-Rankin committee stopped that. 
A few things are very certain in this matter ; that Mr. Eisler has, at all times 
and at the risk of his life, been anti-Fascist. He is a Communist and has never 
denied it. 

He was one of the anti-Fascists who are Communists who made easy our victory 
in Europe. Sometime in October, when Mr. Eisler was to leave for Germany, 
the Wood-Rankin committee said. No, they didn't want him to go ; they wanted 
him to testify and tell them about himself; they gave as the reason, that Mr. 
Budenz had called Mr. Iilisler a boss of the Communists — a foreign agent in 
this country — and that he was a character who should be investigated. This 
committee felt that a person they charged with being un-American, although 
he is not American at all, should remain in this country. Why? Before the 
evening is over, we v.'ill know why. The functions, purpose, and activities of 
the Wood-Rankin committee, by high lights, is, to use the words of the great 
scientists, as stated by Professor Shapley : ' "I stand on my rights as an Ameri- 
can citizen and will not submit to the Gestapo and chamber-of-torture methods 
jsed by the Wood-Rankin committee. This is a Nazi method, and it should be 
eliminated so that private citizens can be free under our Constitution." One of 
the most fundamental rights of an alien is the right to go back to his country 
and fight for his principles there. The roots of Nazi fascism penetrated into 
the old Dies committee and still permeate the Wood-Rankin committee. We 
have now a pro-Fascist committee and an anti-Fascist fighter. 

Isserman quoted from the ofRcial record of the Un-American Ac- 
tivities Committee regarding the investigation of Gerald L. K. Smith, 
commenting : 

If that is the way they treat men like him, why didn't they treat Mr. Eisler, 
Professor Shapley and the many others who appeared before them in that same 
courteous way? It only proves that the committee is pro-Fascist. I charge that 
the only reason Mr. Eisler was detained was because somebody in the Wood- 
Rankin committee believes that, as an anti-Fascist, he was less dangerous to 
the interests of America than he would be in Germany, where some Americans 
are trying to establish a stronghold. Russell Nixon ^ says the British and 
Americans are refusing to use the anti-Fascist, anti-Nazi refugees in the de- 
Nazification of Germany. Part of the technique used by the Committee was 
their subpena of him, but they didn't want him to testify or hear his story; 
it is only part of the smear campaign directed against anti-Fascists. 

Isserman read excerpts from Hearst newspapers regarding Red spy 
scares involving the atom bomb, et cetera, and pointed out how such 
stories were never substantiated by facts. He said then : 

The Civil Rights Congress will give support to Eisler on the basis that he is 
a human being, entitled to leave this country and go back to his own country, 
if there is no valid reason for his staying here. His lawyer is the foremost 
expert on immigration, Carol King, representative of Communists, trade-un- 
ionists, and progressives. 



1 Harlow Shapley, of Harvard. . , , . . 

2 Russ Ni.\on, of the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America (which 
was expelled from the CIO in 1949) and a former employee of the United States Military 
government in Germany. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 595 

Carol King stated: 

This is the first time in my practice that I have ever tried to get anyone 
out of the country. I'm usually trying to keep them in this country. I can't 
understand why they won't let a man go back where he came from. Many 
times, when I've handled cases for Communists and other progressives, I've 
been told to go back where I came from. But I happen to have been born in 
Manhattan. They seem to do all right when it comes to deporting citizens of 
the United States. The only solution I can see for Gerhart Eisler is to have 
him made a citizen of the United States and then the Immigration Service would 
arrange to have him deported at Government expense. 

She then gave a sarcastic description of the FBI trailing Eisler 
to her office, where they carefully copied the names of the two CPA's 
and an Assistant Attorney General which were on her door. She 
added that Eisler was also followed and escorted by FBI men when 
she invited him to her home for dinner. The FBI men, not having 
been themselves invited for dinner, waited outside and later escorted 
Eisler home. King wrote a letter to the FBI requesting that, as a 
private citizen, she be accorded her constitutional rights of privacy, 
but, despite a follow-up letter to them, she never received a reply or 
acknowledgment. A few days later, Eisler informed King that the 
FBI had outwardly stopped trailing him and she sarcastically boasted 
that she guessed she was the first one who had made the FBI go under- 
ground. She concluded by promising to do her utmost to secure 
Eisler's return to Germany, where he could contribute his share in 
shaping a democratic Germany. 

Jack Bjoze, executive secretary of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade 
and veteran of World War II, recounted the fight of the International 
Brigade and told him the members of the brigade had been subjected 
to the same indignities as had Eisler — by being subpenaed by the Dies 
and Wood-Rankin committees. He stated that the FBI had finally 
given up persecuting the brigade members after many futile raids and 
hours of questioning. He pledged the support of the Abraham Lin- 
coln Brigade to the honorable repatriation of Eisler, and announced 
that a Spanish Republican rally would be held at Madison Square 
Garden on December 16 and appealed for an overflow crowd. 

Gus Faber, editor of the German-Amierican, and secretary-treasurer 
of the Transport Workers Unions (CIO), stated: 

Eisler constantly and actively contributed to the German-American. He was 
never paid for this work. I have only high praise for Eisler as an anti-Fascist ; 
there is need for him in Germany. 

Faber denounced the State Department for preventing Eisler's re- 
turn to Germany, and stated that his organization, the German-Amer- 
ican, would begin a drive to flood the State Department with letters, 
telegrams, and cards demanding that Eisler be permitted to leave the 
country. 

Tonight we are forming a committee to do everything necessary to obtain per- 
mission for Eisler to leave. The German-American pledges full support to this 
end. We must unite and show the new Congress that we are fighting for the 
privileges of everybody in this country to speak his mind. The time will come 
that fascism will prevail and the fight against the liberal forces will begin, so we 
must do everything we can to delay its arrival. 

The chairman then read messages from Charles A. Collins, Russell 
Nixon, Howard Fast, Councilman Peter Cacchione, and Rockwell 
Kent, who declared their intentions of becoming members of the Eisler 
defense committee. 



596 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Dorothy Langston, secretary of Justice for Freeport Committee, 
declared that the fight for Eisler was based on the same phxtf orm as 
the fight for Negroes, Germans, and all Americans who are entitled 
to the right to speak their own minds. She denounced the Wood- 
Kankin committee and made the collection speech, appealing for funds 
to continue Eisler's fight and to cover traveling expenses for a speaking 
tour. Contributions included $200 from Mrs. Ida Guggenheimer, $50 
from Max Bedacht (IWO), $35 from Charlotte Honig, and $50 from 
the Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. Approximately $1,000 
was collected. 

The principal sjDeaker, Gerhart Eisler, stated : 

I have nothing but contempt for certain happenings in the last few weeks. 
During my wanderings as a German anti-Fascist refugee, I found out that the 
attitude toward anti-Fascist refugees is a barometer for the political climate of 
the country. Whenever reactionary and Fascist-minded groups are lighting for 
power and for the political atomization of the working class, the anti-Fascist 
exiles go through a lot of trouble. I want to inform the Rankin committee that I 
never denied being a Communist. Do they know that two great Germans were 
also Communists? But Marx and Engels are dead; no use investigating them. 
At this time, I should be home in Germany and applying for membership in the 
German Socialist Party. ^ No American would have been harmed by my departure, 
but every German would have been helped toward a peaceful anti-Fascist demo- 
cratic Germany. 

Every anti-Fascist is needed in Germany against those who spread hate against 
Jews, Communists, English, French, Americans, Yugoslavs, and, lastly but not 
least, against the people of the Soviet Union. Budenz,^ who has apparently found 
only one hero in the Bible, namely, .Judas Iscariot, would then have to find other 
victims for his lies. In all modesty, I say you could do without me here. There 
are plenty of other people in the United States who could stand investigation. I 
don't like to play the role of the hare to the reactionary hounds. I never become 
intimidated by reaction ; I always hit back and as united as possible ; that goes 
for nations, classes, and for every individual, for trade unions, progressive organ- 
izations and progi'essive parties, for racial and religious minorities. I remind 
you here tliat the Nazi dictatorship Vv^as the most developed group against uu- 
German democratic people. In America, the attitude is : ''For every person an 
investigator in the garage and a subpena in the pot." Let the Catholics watch the 
persecution of other political minorities — they might be called the agents of the 
Vatican state themselves some day. I offer to the sponsors of Budenz, "don't get 
laughing too soon on the joke you played on the German Communists." It was 
people like Budenz who used to call the German Catholics Fascists. As long as 
my forced stay in this country lasts, as long as I can use my pen, and as long as 
I am not kept from speaking, I shall hit back, using every opportunity to do so and 
shall be grateful for every opportunity given me. I think the liberal and pro- 
gressive forces who give me more opportunity for the fight against reaction are 
indivisible. 

If I shall land in a prison of postwar democracy, I shall forget nothing and 
shall continue somewhat later. You know the policy of frame-ups had a long 
history in your country and has developed to an art. It belongs to the American 
way of life, as sometimes sickness belongs to your way of life. I remind you of 
Sacco-Vanzetti and Scottsboro. I figiit for the freedom of a political exile to 
return home. After all, the United States is not a displaced-persons camp. I 
fight against the slanders that I have used the trust given me by this country 
to act as a foreign agent. I want here to mention that I fight for my brother, 
Hanns Eisler, against whom a vicious campaign has been started. I shall not 
allow, without protest, that the memory of the late Dr. Kurt Rosenfeld,^ who 
became a citizen of your country, be smeared by reptiles in the Hearst press. 
I never have been an agent in my life, and as long as I live I have other worries 



^The Socialist Unity Party of Germany (Sozialistische-Einheitspartei Deutschlands) is 
the Communist-flominated coalition party of the Soviet-occupied zone of Germany. 

2 Louis Budenz identified Gerhart Eisler as the Soviet representative in the United 
States controlling the Communist Party, before the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities. 

» Dr. Kurt Rosenfeld, former Minister of Justice of Bavaria, who was very active in 
Communist-front organizations while in this country. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 597 

than to trouble about overthrowing the American Government. I was never in 
the service of any government except my 3 years in the German Army. I never 
received a penny from any government — oh, yes, I did get $27 from the Wood- 
Rankin committee to pay my expenses to Washington. I never was an agent of 
the former and now dissolved Comnumist International. This agent stuff of the 
dissolved Communist International lias been taken over by ignoramuses. In my 
lifetime, I have been in a great many countries, but wherever I went all my 
activities were of an alien connected with the fight against German reaction and 
fascism on the international network and with the idea of helping the German 
people. I went only to ask for help and advice in our war asainst the Nazis, 
which started long before 1939. So I did not come to this country to boss any- 
one : I came here on my way to Mexico and was forced to stay here oy tiie 
American authorities against my will, intentions, and plans. In this country, 
I considered it my duty to do everything I could in the fight against German 
fascism and Japanese imperialism. If I mention such activities, it is not 
because I want to boast, but I am forced to account for my activities. I am 
thinking about the future of peace and not about new wars against anyone or 
anybody. 

I gave material to Joseph Starobin of the Daily Worker for his paper, and he 
wrote articles using the pen name of Hans Berger. He was honest enough not to 
write under his own name, not wanting credit that he felt did not belong to him. 
There are a few journalists who could take advantage of such honesty. I also 
wrote, with two other friends. The Lesson of Germany, which deals with 
German reaction and nazism. I hope a similar book. The Lesson of the United 
States, need never be written. During my stay in this country I learned to like 
the American people very much. I have only high praise for the late Franklin 
D. Roosevelt. But it isn't easy to please everybody — everything a German does 
is "un." I wrote about the philosophy which motivates Mr. Rankin, for which 
I have nothing but contempt. If my writings would have been pro-Nazi, I should 
have been treated like a decent man by reactionaries and Rankin, and nobody 
would have accused me of un-American activities. If I liked Franco, Mon- 
signor Sheen ^ would have liked me as much as Budenz. If I should be an agent 
for a war against the Soviets, I guess I would be back in Germany and would 
not have any troubles. Well, I want to tell Mr. Walter Winchell, I just want to 
say that all the oceans in the world cannot wash away the sins of my being a 
Communist. 

Eisler interjected with a story that an American Communist sup- 
posedly came to him for advice, and he told this person that he didn't 
know what to say but that he would ask Moscow. This story was 
supposed to show the ridiculousness of the charge that he gets orders 
from Moscow : 

The FBI made a big mistake during the war ; they should have watched the 
House in Queens," and not the House on Ninety-second Street. So much has been 
invented about my relations with American Communists that I must clarify this. 
I respect the American Communists because of their fight against reaction and 
for peace. I am grateful to the American Communists because whenever the 
German Communists ask them for material and moral help, they have helped us. 
I only wish the governments of the western powers would have been far-sighted 
enough to follow the American Communists' example of helping the forces that 
fought Hitler. Then we might have averted this war. I saw American Com- 
munists fight side by side with Germans in"~the ranks of the International Brigade 
against Mussolini and Franco. They are courageous in their fight for a good 
cause. There were no men like Rankin. 

Eisler compared the grouping together of Catholics throughout the 
world with similar gathering together of Communists throughout the 
world, stating : 

Naturally 1 sought out Communists here, for they are my kind of people. 
The merger of British and American reaction in Germany brings only more 
reactions. What happens today in Germany is the encouragement by the western 



^ Rt. Rpv. Msgr. Fulton J. Sheen, profe.ssor of philosophy, Catholic University of 
America, Washington. 

' Gerhart Eisler lived in Queens during his United States residence. 

98330— 50— pt. 2 10 



598 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

powers of all those forces, prejudices, and ideas that played Germany into the 
hands of nazism after 1918. History is being repeated in Germany ; new power 
is being given German imperialist warmongers. I have never been a member of 
the Communist Party of the United States, but I have been for 28 years a German 
Communist. I can tell you that there never was a Communist Party in the 
world which would allow anyone to run its business. I do not boss the American 
Communists ; they would have thought me crazy if I would have tried. Budenz 
is nothing but an agent provocateur. Budenz may have been a spy or an agent, 
but not because of me. I never talked with him or gave him orders. He may 
know that I gave information to Starobin for articles and wrote some literature, 
but that's all. To change one's opinion, as Budenz did, is one thing; but to 
spread lies in order to open the doors of persecution is another story. That is why 
Budenz has nothing to do with true politics, religion, or ideals. That belongs in 
textbooks of different methods of persecution. 

Eisler illustrated by reciting the Pied Piper of Hammelin attracting 
the rats of Hammelin, stating that Budenz was the American pied 
piper leading the American people to drown in the river of reaction. 

I have only one wish — to return home to share the misery of my people and to 
work in the ranks of those Germans who are working for a decent way of life. 
Don't you think my wishes should be granted despite my being a German 
Communist? 

The meeting was then adjourned by the chairman. 

Mr. Dekom. Are you familiar with the Committee for a Democratic 
Far Eastern Policy? 

Mr. HuBER. Yes, I am. That is a Communist front set up to promote 
the Communists in China and tiie Far East generally ; that is, to propa- 
gandize the American people on behalf of communism in Asia. This 
organization was formed at the home of Frederick Vanderbilt Field, 
who is an ardent supporter of the Communist Party as well as a writer 
for its publications. In connection with this organization, I was able 
to attend a closed meeting of the Committee for a Democratic Far 
Eastern Policy held in the library of the building at 23 West Twenty- 
sixth Street, New York, which houses the offices of a number of Com- 
munist-front organizations. Paul Eobeson has his offices there. The 
building is owned by Frederick Field. Only known persons were ad- 
mitted to this meeting and about 60 were present. Ira Golubilin was 
the chairman. 

The first speaker, Hernando Abaya, a Filipino, and author of the 
new book, Betrayal in the Philippines, stated that not only during the 
war, but throughout the liberation period and up to that date, vitally 
important facts concerning the inner social and political conflicts in 
the Philippines had been kept from the American public and that he 
had access to a great deal of inside information. He said that before 
the war, he had been a journalist in Manila and one of the confidential 
secretaries of the late President Manuel Quezon. During the war, 
he was planted as an intelligence operative in the puppet government 
by the free Philippine guerrilla unit. After the liberation of Manila, 
he served as a political analyst, first for United States Armv Counter- 
intelligence, and later for Paul V. McNutt, United States High Com- 
missioner. He declared that it was necessary for the American people 
to understand the antidemocratic character of United States policy 
toward the "free" Philippines. 

He denounced the McNutt administration in the Philippines, ex- 
plaining that since he had been "released" by McNutt, he no longer 
felt it necessary to keep confidential such information as he had been 
able to obtain. He emphasized that while President Truman and 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 599 

other high officials continued to support Manuel Roxas' Philippine 
Government, there remained in the files of the White House and Attor- 
ney General Tom Clark two copies of a report which, if made public, 
would be explosive. He stated that the Philippine people were easily 
swayed by newspapers and personalities ; that 75 percent of them were 
illiterate; and, consequently, the collaborationists in the Philippines 
were high in official positions and that this was with American support 
and approval. He denounced President Roxas, stating that American 
intervention had saved Roxas from prosecution for high treason — an 
event which led to the exoneration of many other Filipino collaborators 
and eventually put the entire state, as it was then, in the hands of 
men who had worked closely with the Japanese and the entire economy 
under the control of men who had done business with Hirohito. He 
called for repeal of the Bell Act (the Philippine Trade Act), stating 
that the present policy of independence in the Philippines was merely 
a continuation of American imperialism, with only American capital 
interests and the Spanish people in the Philippines benefiting from the 
so-called Philippine Trade Act. 

Senator Ramon Diokno, who was elected to the Philippine Senate 
in 1946 as one of the opposition senators but who had been prevented 
from taking his seat by the Roxas administration, spoke next. He 
stated that the Americans in the Philippines were receiving more 
rights and privileges than the native Filipinos; that the Filipinos 
had merely exchanged one slavery — Japanese — for another — Ameri- 
can ; and that, in fact, they had been better off economically under the 
Japanese than they were at the time. He stated that the Philippines 
were not genuinely independent but only a "banana republic," com- 
plete with American military bases; that the orderly and free demo- 
cratic processes of government did not exist there. He condemned the 
Bell Act, pointing out that it had established an American monopoly 
over the principal interests. He further charged that this act had 
obstructed new Filipino enterprises. He denounced Paul V. McNutt, 
stating that American policy was based solely on holding the Philip- 
pines economically, even though lost politically, through the so-called 
granting of independence. He stated that the American Rehabilita- 
tion Act, which had granted a maximum of $500 for war claims, was 
insufficient ; that the Philippine people would rather not receive such 
assistance if the price therefor was to be economic slavery. He 
charged that the United States was supporting with arms and money 
the former collaborators who then ruled the Philippine Government, 
and he called for major amendments to the Bell Act. He called upon 
the American Government to give his country a square deal, and de- 
manded the type of government for the Philippines which would 
deserve the financial and military support of the United States. 

A Mr. Babcock, who participated in the discussions following the 
principal speakers, stated that he had spent most of his life as a mer- 
chant in the PhilipDines and that he thoroughly agreed with them 
except on one point. He felt that the Filipinos should accept the Bell 
Act as the lesser of two evils; then, in the near future, they should work 
toward amendment of the unfavorable portions of the Bell Act. He 
agreed that the United States was not treating the Philippines fairly 
as an independent nation, but said that, at the same time, the Fili- 
pinos should try to make the best of things until economic conditions 



600 COMMXTNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

in the islands improved. He stated that when economic conditions 
improved, the Filipinos could demand that the United States loosen 
the restrictions then contained in the Bell Act. 

Maude Kussell announced that the committee would conduct a 
speakers' class on China on January 18 and 19 at the library, 23 West 
Twenty-sixth Street, which would train speakers to thoroughly dis- 
cuss the problems of China. 

Chairman Ira Golubin then reminded the audience that this was an 
"off-the-record"' meeting, and asked that the members govern them- 
selves accordingly in discussions outside. He announced that the 
nest committee meeting would be on the question of Japan, and that 
the people on the committee's mailing list would be notified of the 
time and place of the meeting. 

A proposed statement to Congress and the President for the repeal 
of the Bell Act was distributed to each one present. Then Frederick 
V. Field made a motion that the statement be submitted immediately 
for action when the new Congress convenes and this motion was passed 
unanimously. 

The chairman announced that members of the Veterans of the 
Philippine Campaign who were present at the meeting would meet 
immediately after that meeting had adjourned. 

Mr. Dekom. Mr. Huber, do you know of the violation of our borders 
by Communists? 

Mr. Huber. Yes; I know of thousands of Spanish Communists 
who have crossed the Mexican b rder :nto t!ie Ui:ited States. It was 
told to me by various party members in the course of my connection 
with them through the years. 

These Spanish Communists have meetings in the building at 2S 
West Twenty-sixth Street, New York, which is owned by Frederick 
Vanderbilt Field, a member of the Communist Party. These per- 
sons are a serious potential danger to the country ; they are potential 
spies and saboteurs, particularly in the event of war with Russia. 
Being aliens, they have no feelings of loyalty for this country which 
might sway an American-born Communist in the event of war with 
a foreign power. 

Mr. Dekom. Mr. Huber, I will read to you a summary of S. 1832, as 
presented by Senator McCarran, and I will ask you to comment on 
that : 

I have today introduced a bill to revise our immigration laws in such a way 
as to place in the hands of the Government adequate powers to cope with the 
fifth-column tactics of international communism. Tlie purpose of this bill is to 
plug the loopholes of the present law so that any alien — and I emphasize the 
word "any"^ — who engages in espionage or other subversive activity must be 
excluded or deported. 

Let me emphasize in the beginning that this legislation will not in any way 
curb the legitimate activities of anyone, whether he be an immigrant, a visitor, 
a diplomat, or a delegate to an international organization. 

This bill has only one purpose — to protect the people of the United States 
from any alien who abuses the traditional American hospitality by working for 
the overthrow of our Government. And, Mr. President, I mean any alien. 

My bill is designed to sever the international life line which is feeding the 
Communist conspiracy in this country. 

Mr. Huber, on the basis of your experience in the Communist move- 
ment, as well as your knowledge of Communist Party policies and 
tactics, will you comment on this proposed legislation ? 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 601 

Mr. HuBER. I feel that there is a vital need for additional security 
laws as well as a need for more strict enforcement of the laws that we 
have. It is my opinion that the agencies interested in promoting the 
welfare of the United States should concentrate more of their forces 
on the menace of communism as being directed against our form of 
Government. 

Those Americans who ignorantly and foolishly follow the so-called 
liberal line of the Communists should be awakened to the dangers 
facing them in the achievement of the party's true purpose. 

Communists in civil and public service should be thoroughly purged 
by declaring the Communist Party illegal and unconstitutional and 
refusing it a place on the American election ballot ; by revoking the 
citizonsliip of any foreign-born member of the party, followed by 
deportation; by prison sentences for the native-born members; and, 
finally, by the complete liquidation and eradication of communism 
and its adherents from the American scene. 

JNIr. Dekom. That is all, Mr. Huber. Thank you very much. 

(Thereupon the subcommittee adjourned at 12:30 p. m., subject 
to call.) 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES AMONG ALIENS AND 
NATIONAL GROUPS 



FRIDAY, SEPTEMBEB 9, 1949 

United States Senate, 
Special Subcommittee to Investigate 
Immigration and Naturalization of the 

Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, D. C. 
The subcommittee met in executive session at 3 p. m., in room 424, 
Senate Office Building, Senator Herbert R. O'Conor presiding. 
Present : Senator O'Conor. 

Also present: Messers. Frank W. Schroeder and Otto J. Dekom, 
professional staff members. 

Senator O'Conor. Let us proceed, gentlemen. 
Will you raise your right hand, please ? 

In the presence of Almighty God, do you swear that the testimony 
you shall give in this hearing shall be the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth ? 
Dr. Draskovich. I do.^ 

TESTIMONY OF DR. SLOBODAN M. DEASKOVICH, FOEMER 
PROFESSOR OF ECONOMICS, UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE 

Senator O'Conor. Will you please state your full name? 

Dr. Draskovich. My full name is Slobodan M. Draskovich. 

Senator O'Conor. In what city are you now residing? 

Dr. Draskovich. In New York. 

Senator O'Conor. How long have you been in this country ? 

Dr. Draskovich. A little over 2 years. 

Senator O'Conor. And from what country did you come? 

Dr. Draskovich. I came directly from Paris, France. 

Senator O'Conor. What is your native land? 

Dr. Draskovich. My native land is Yugoslavia. 

Senator O'Conor. What profession did you follow in Yugoslavia? 

Dr. Draskovich. I was professor of economics at the University of 
Belgrade. 

Senator O'Conor. You are familiar with the subject matter under 
inquiry by this subcommittee ? 

Dr. Draskovich. I think so. 

Senator O'Conor. Mr. Dekom, will you take up the matter from 
there, then ? 



The witness appeared under subpena. 

603 



604 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Dekom. Dr. Draskovich, have you ever been a member of the 
Yugoslav armed forces which fought against the Fascist and Nazi 
armies ? 

Dr. Draskovich. Yes ; I was, in 1941, wlien the war broke out, when 
Yugoslavia was invaded by Nazi Germany. I was an infantry lieu- 
tenant of the reserve in the Yugoslav Army. I was called up and I 
was in the army during the 10 days of the war. 

Mr. Dekom. Then what happened to you ? 

Dr. Draskovich. I was made a prisoner by the Italians and Ger- 
mans and taken to a prison camp in Italy ; first to Aversa, a prison 
camp for Yugoslav officers in Italy, and then to Gavi, in Italy. I 
spent 2l^ years there, that is, until the downfall of Italy, and then I 
was taken to Germany to the Osnabriick prison camp, where I stayed 
until the end of the war. 

Mr. Dekom. Then what did you do ? 

Dr. Draskovich. Then I stayed in Germany for almost a year and 
a half. I was in DP camps. I was fighting Communist propaganda, 
especially of the Tito regime. After that, I went to Paris, in August 
of 1946, "where I stayed until June of 1947, when I came to the United 
States on the invitation of the American Serb organizations in this 
country. 

Mr. Dekom. Did you hold any position in any organizations in 
your native country prior to the war ? 

Dr. Draskovich. I was professor of economics at the University of 
Belgrade and I was a regular member of the institute of national 
defense of the Ministry of War. 

Mr. Dekom. Did you have any connection with the Serbian Cultural 
Club? 

Dr. Draskovich. I was general secretary of the Serbian Cultural 
Club. 

Mr. Dekom, As a professor of economics did you have occasion to 
study Communist doctrine or Communist economics? 

Dr. Draskovich. As a professor I had not only the occasion and 
the duty to study communism theoretically, but, unfortunately, I had 
also the opportunity of studying at the University of Belgrade — which 
was one of the mam centers of Communist activity in Yugoslavia — 
the Communist practices. 

In 1920, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia was outlawed in a 
most democratic manner by the overwhelming majority of the Yugo- 
slav Parliament, which was freely elected. The Communist Party 
did not officially exist after that, but it was active underground, and 
especially after 1929, one of tlie main centers of their activity was 
the University of Belgrade. So a great part of the leaflets, demon- 
strations, strikes, and the intellectual direction of the Communist 
activities in Yugoslavia were centered at the University of Belgrade. 

Mr. Dekom. In other words, your knowledge of communism is not 
only theoretic and academic but comes from personal observation and 
experience ? 

Dr. Draskovich. Definitely so. 

Mr. Dekom. Dr. Draskovich, did you prepare a statement on the 
Yugoslav Communist press in the United States at the request of the 
subcommittee? 

Dr. Draskovich. Yes ; I have. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 605 

Mr. Dekom. Do you have that statement with you now ? 

Dr. Draskovich. Yes ; I have it here. 

Mr. Dekom. We have studied your statement, Dr. Draskovich, and 
we believe you have done an exceedingly careful and scholarly re- 
search job in your analysis. In view of the length of the material 
which you have here — over 100 single-spaced pages, in addition to a 
number of exhibits which you have in your possession — may I sug- 
gest that you at this time summarize your report. The report itself 
will then be made a part of our record. 

Dr. Draskovich. If there is no objection to it, I might read the 
conclusion, which consists of four pages. 

Mr. Dekom. Would you then also, in addition to reading your con- 
clusion, provide the suticommittee with illustrative examples and ex- 
planations as you go along, taken from the text of your material ? 

Dr. Draskovich. Yes, of course. My conclusion is the following : 

All the evidence presented in this report points to a few elementary 
facts concerning the "progressive" American Serbs and Croats, and 
more particularly, the Narodni Glasnik and the Slobodna Eec. 

Mr. Dekom. Dr. Draskovich, you have named two newspapers. 
Would you tell us where these newspajDers are published ? 

Dr. Draskovich. Both newspapers are published in Pittsburgh, Pa. 

Mr. Dekom. Before you go on, Dr. Draskovich, would you care to 
comment on the word "progressive" that you have used in your pre- 
pared statement 

Dr. Draskovich. I use all through this work the term "progressive" 
because I thought I had to prove that they were Communists. They 
are definitely Communist, but officially it is not known that they are 
affiliates of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Dekom. In other words, you used the term "progressive" to 
indicate that they call themselves "progressive"'? 

Dr. Draskovich. That is right ; and I have also put it in quotations. 

Mr. Dekom. In other words, you mean so-called progressives, self- 
styled progressives ? 

Dr. Draskovich. That is right. 

Mr. Dekom. So that you mean actually, when you use the term 
"progressive," that it indicates the Communist or pro-Communist or- 
ganizations calling themselves progressive organization ? 

Dr. Draskovich. Definitely. I think it is just a cover for their 
Communist activities, because many people who dislike communism 
will fall for progressiveness. 

Mr. Dekom. You do not, however, imply that every progressive is 
a Communist ? 

Dr. Draskovich. No; definitely not. But the term "progressive" 
has long ago ceased to be used only to indicate people who believe in 
human progress and work for it and has become a weapon in the hands 
of tiie Communists. So I think that this weapon should be forced 
from their hands by disclosing the links between so-called progressiv- 
ism and communism. At the moment this term is being used to the 
greatest profit by the Communists. 

Mr. Dekom. These particular self-styled progressive organizations 
are actually all Communist organizations ? 

Dr. Draskovich. That is right. 

For example, I mean the Narodni Glasnik and Slobodna Kec. I 
think all of the organizations that are connected with these two news- 



606 COIVCVIU^IST ACTI\'ITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

papers are listed as subversive organizations by former Attorney 
General Clark. For instance, the Slobodna Eec, the Serbian Progres- 
sive Movement, the Vidovdan Council, are all in fact on and the 
same thing. Of course, I was not repeating all that, but when I say 
"progressive" I mean these two newspapers and the American Serbs 
and American Croats who are rallying around them. 

Mr. Dekom. Dr. Draskovich, I merely wanted to make the record 
clear on that score so that tliere will be no mistaking your intention 
and your meaning, that you are referring to these Communists and 
pro-Communist organizations and not to progressives in general. 

Dr. Draskovich. Definitely, that is the correct meaning of the 
term "progressives" that I am using here. 

Mr. Dekom. Please proceed. 

Dr. Draskovich. All the evidence presented in this report points 
to a few elementary facts concerning the progressive American Serbs 
and Croats, and more particularly, the Narodni Glasnik and the 
Slobodna Rec, namely : 

(1) That these two newspapers have never, on any single occasion, on any 
single issue, supported the stand of the United States Government. 

If I may add one more comment, there have been a few occasions 
where these newspapers agreed with the United States Govermiient, 
but only on issues of second-rate importance and only if the stand of 
the United States was identical with the stand of the Soviet Union. 

For instance, as in the case of the Charter of Human Rights or any 
matter concerning the United Nations, or such things. But in any 
case where the stand of the United States Government was different 
from the stand of the Soviet Union, they sided with the Soviet Union. 
That is the second point. 

(2) That they always, without a single exception, have given full, uncondi- 
tional, and unrestricted support to the official stand of the Government of the 
Soviet Union. 

(3) That their attitude toward Yugoslavia, the country of their origin, 
depended solely and entirely on the existing relations between Yugoslavia and 
the Soviet Union ; that is, on the policy of the Yugoslav Government in power 
toward the Soviet Union, or, to put it more precisely, on the policy of the Soviet 
Government toward the regime in Yugoslavia. 

I have put in the last sentence because of the Cominform-Tito clash. 
Tito claims that he is faithful to Marxism and Leninism and, until 
recently, he claimed that he was also faithful to Moscow. But that 
was immaterial ; the important thing was that Moscow did not approve 
of him. So that was decisive for the people we are considering here 
to decide against Tito'. 

Mr. Dekom. So that regardless of what the policy of any govern- 
ment, including our own, might be, they accept it only if it happens to 
coincide with Soviet policy? 

Dr. Draskovich. That is right. 

Mr. Dekom. And if it should happen, as it has on many occasions, 
that the Soviet policy makes drastic and radical changes on a certain 
question, they have changed with it, regardless of what their own 
previous stand was? 

Dr. Draskovich. Definitely. I think I have presented a rather ac- 
curate documentation regarding Yugoslavia after the Cominform- 
Tito clash. 

Mr. Dekom. Your contention. Dr. Draskovich, is that these so-called 
progressive Yugoslavs in the United States have faithfully followed 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 607 

every twist and turn of the Communist Party line as dictated in 
Moscow ? 

Dr. Draskovich. That is right. Even in that respect I have pointed 
out here that there are three distinctive phases, after the First World 
War through today, in the position of these papers toward 
Yugoslavia. 

The first one is priot to the rise of Tito to power. Until then Yugo- 
slavia was a thoroughly anti-Communist country. Until 1940, it had 
no diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union. So the stand of 
Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik was 100 percent inimical to Yugo- 
slavia. They used the usual slogans that they are using against the 
United States, of course adapted to the circumstances of Yugoslavia. 

'F'hen en me Tito; from that m.oment of August 1944, until the 28th 
of June 1948, was the second phase. All of a sudden they became 
ardent Yugoslav patriots. Everything in Yugoslavia was fine and 
all right, general progress and democracy and freedom, all problems 
solved, nnd so forth. During that period Moscow was with Yugo- 
slavia and approved of the regime in Yugoslavia, and that was the 
reap-on for the stand I just mentioned. 

Then comes the third phase, where the stand of Moscow toward 
Yugoslavia changed, and the Slobodna Rec and the Narodni Glasnik 
closely followed in its wake — as I have proven in this document — 
using the same arguments and very often reprinting the articles from 
the Daily Worker, So, after a very short while, their stand was — as 
I affain proved bv examples — 100 percent against Yugoslavia. 

Mr. Dekom. What change took place on June 28 in the Government 
of Yugoslavia; it was the same Government in existence before and 
after June 28, was it not ? 

Dr. Draskovich. It was exactly the same government. 

Mr. Dekom. So that actuallv the sudden propagarda campaign of 
these Communist newspapers in the United States had nothing to do 
with the real situation? 

Dr. Draskovich. Certainly not. 

Mr. Dekom. What did it depend on ? 

Dr. Draskovich. It depended solely and exclusively on the change 
of the ISIoscow ]:)olicy toward Yugoslavia. 

To continue: 

(4) That the criticism by the Sloboda Rec and the Narodni Glasnik leveled 
at the existing social and political order in the United States follows to the 
letter the line of Communist strategy and tactics. These two newspapers not 
only are doing their best to illustrate the main theses of the Marxist-Leninist 
theory, but follow closely and conscientiously the line of Communist tactics them- 
selves, especially the new tactics of the Communist Party of the so-called anti- 
Fascist peoples' front adopted at the Seventh Congress of the Communist 
International and elaborated in detail in the two most recent works of William 
Z. Foster, The Twilight of World Capitalism and In Defense of the Communist 
Party and the Indicted Leaders. 

Reduced to its essentials, the Communist theory consists of the following 
theses ; 

(a) Capitalism is the source of exploitation, oppression, and all evil in this 
world. 

(&) Capitalism, owing to its inner structure and the laws of its development, is 
doomed to failure. 

(c) On the ruins of capitalism a new order will be installed — the Socialist 
order. 

(d) Although the downfall of capitalism is unavoidable because it is subject 
to laws as unchangeable as natural laws, the downfall of capitalism will not be 



608 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

achieved automatically. The working class, which is the creator of socialism, 
in order to achieve victory must necessarily be organized into a party ; not a 
bourgeois party which follows the rules and can function only within the 
parliamentary system, the party of the working class must be a "new type" party, 
a militant vanguard party, which will prepare and organize the workers for 
direct revolutionary action and a forcible overthrow of the existing capitalistic 
order and government. 

Mr. ScHROEDER. Does that mean the overthrow of all capitalistic 
governments in the world? 

Dr. Draskovich. This centers now on the United States, because, as 
William Z. Foster points out in both of his mentioned works — and 
the argument is used in the Narodni Glasnik and the Slobodna Kec — 
the roots of all evil, the center of all evil in the world, is in the United 
States. At the same time, the strongest capitalistic country in the 
world is the United States. So they believe that if they destroy the 
United States, capitalism will come to an end everywhere else in the 
world because capitalism can live in other countries only as long as it 
lives in the United States. 

Mr. ScHROEDER. In other words, the United States is No. 1 on 
the list? 

Dr. Draskovich. Definitely, yes. I think, if I may quote, that that 
is the term that Mr. Foster uses' — "enemy No. 1." 

Mr. Dekom. Would you identify the source of your material, please? 

Dr. Draskovich. This is William Foster's book. The Twilight of 
World Capitalism. 

Mr. Dekom. Please read the entire quotation. 

Dr. Draskovich. This appears on page 43, in the chapter which 
bears the title "Capitalism Grows Cannibalistic." He says : 

This country, precisely because it is the chiof center of monopoly capitalism, is 
at the same time the main fortress of world reaction and warmongering. Such a 
democratic government as the Progressive Party aimed at in the 1948 elec- 
tions — a government based on a coalition of the workers, farmers, Negroes, pro- 
fessionals, and small businessmen — could lay important curbs upon the big mo- 
nopolists, who are the No. 1 enemies of present-day peace and democracy. 

Mr. ScHROEDER. In other words, their theory is' to destroy this Nation 
where the people have the highest standard of living in the world? 

Dr. Draskovich. Not only that, but I think what worries them and 
why they are so much against the United States is that the United 
States is a living example that people of all nationalities and races and 
origins can live together and prosper, and that this country, which is 
composed of people from all over the world, is doing well owing to its 
traditions and its' democracy. That fact, of course, is very harmful to 
their propaganda in the world. 

Mr. Dekom. Is it your opinion that they expect to obtain world 
domination by destroying the democratic strength of the United 
States? 

Dr. Draskovich. Definitely so. 

Mr. Dekom. So actually their goal is world domination, but the first 
and principal obstacle in their way is that the United States is still a 
powerful democracy whose people are willing to fight for its defense ? 

Dr. Draskovich. That is correct. If I may cite, in that connection, 
the Daily Worker, which in its issue of February 11, 1949, carries an 
interesting interview with Mao Tse-tung, the leader of the Chinese 
Communists, by Anna Louise Strong. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 609 

In that interview, Mao Tse-tung explains that America must be 
destroyed, and he says that between the Soviet Union and the Govern- 
ment of the United States are the American people. So the United 
States, which wants to fight the Soviet Union, must first fight its own 
people. That is what the Government is doing by introducing 
Fascist methods into the United States. Then iVmerica, before reach- 
ing the Soviet Union, will further have to fight other countries which 
are not socialistic, and so will turn the whole world against them- 
selves. 

In other words, he tries to prove that the root of all evil is the 
United States. It is the main impediment for world domination by 
the Communist Party, so it must be destroyed. 

Mr. Dekom. You mentioned the name of Anna Louise Strong — 
is she not the same woman who was editor of the Moscow Daily News ? 

Dr. Draskovich. That is the person. My impression from her 
articles on Mao Tse-tung and the Chinese Communists was that she 
is thoroughly Communist. 

Mr. Dekom. Please continue. 

Dr. Draskovich. To continue : 

(e) The United States is no exception to the above rules. On the contrary, 
capitalism in the United States exemplifies most drastically all the main theses 
of Leninism, which is Marxism in the imperialistic phase of capitalistic develop- 
ment. Capitalism in America is thus bound to fall, owing to its own internal 
contradictions and inability to solve the growing difficulties inherent in capitalism 
as a system. 

(/) But since, according to Marx, Lenin, and Stalin, no ruling class in history 
ever gave up its privileged position without struggle — never voluntarily disap- 
peared from the world stage — American capitalism is doing its best to keep, at 
all costs, the unique position whicli it has in the present world. 

(g) These efforts of American capitalism to keep its position at any price 
are entirely undemocratic. Since its downfall is inexorable, American capi- 
talism — i)ersonified by Wall Street bankers and political reaction — must neces- 
sarily pursue a policy of fascism in America and the policy of imperialism which 
leads to war in its relations with other countries. 

(h) In pursuing such a policy. Wall Street and American reaction must neces- 
sarily clash with the interests of the common people in America as well as with 
the interests of all people in the world. The internal and international tension 
which ensue must necessarily lead to an open conflict between world capitalism, 
headed by Wall Street, and the front of democracy and peace, headed by the 
Soviet Union, 

(t) The growing violence of the capitalists must be met by violence on the 
part of the people. The entire program of the Communist Party, its press, and all 
affiliated organizations, is to prepare the people for the conflict which is bound 
to come, so that the sinister intrigues of capitalists can be met and "the people 
smash the power of the ruling capitalists, take control themselves, and enter 
into genuinely fraternal relations with other peoples, particularly with the 
USSR." 

This background is necessary for the correct understanding and 
appraisal of the policy and propaganda of any "progressive" organi- 
zation in the United States, since the Marxist-Leninist theory requires 
a special technique of propaganda. 

This special technique is well illustrated in the pages of the Slobodna 
Rec and the Narodni Glasnik. This technique is to follow a few 
simple rules : 

No news or articles must be published which could possibly harm the mental 
and political preparation of the people for the overthrow of capitalism. All news 
must be carefully selected so as to support any one of the main theses of Marxism- 
Leninism. This applies not only to the editorials but to the most insignificant 



610 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

item published in tlie papers, such as cartoons, photographs, announcements, and 
advertisements. 

Moreover, every single item must be carefully selected so as to increase the 
belief of the readers in the inevitability of the downfall of capitalism in the right- 
eousness of the Communist cause, and to increase their w^illingness to take an 
active part in the decisive revolutionary struggle. 

In our case these simple rules are carried out by — 

1. Always presenting the United States in an unfavorable light. Every single 
copy of the newsi^ayers must present new evidence of the rottenness of American 
capitalism, of the deep rift between the interests of Wall Street and reaction on 
the one hand, and the workers and the people on the other. 

2. Always presenting the Soviet Union in a favorable light by giving examples 
of its domestic policy favorable to the people, and foreign policy favorable to 
peace, and serving the interests of all mankind. 

3. Commenting on all events and all problems so as to indict the United States 
and praise the Soviet Union. 

4. Proving that there is no conflict of interest between the United States as a 
whole and the Soviet Union, but that the main conflict exists inside America itself ; 
namely, beween its ruling class and the broad masses of the people. 

5. Presenting all the United States Government's policies and activities which 
tend to strengthen America as militaristic. Fascist, and imperialistic, and recom- 
mending a policy of weakening America militarily, politically, and spiritually as 
being favorable to the cause of the American people and international peace 
and well-being. 

Mr. Dekom. Would you cite at this point some specific example of 
the attacks on the United States or its Government, please ? 

Dr. Draskovich. I can do that, sir. 

I have here examples of the Sloboclna Rec and Navodni Glasnik 
propaganda concernnig the foreign policy of the United States, and 
the domestic policy or the internal situation. 

For instance, in the Slobodna Rec of June 17, 1947, No. 67, page 3, 
a "poem of the workers" is published under the title, "Oh, Great 
Justice" by Jovan Radulovich, Detroit, Mich. The author attacks 
the Truman doctrine, which he calls un-American, stating that all 
that is the deal of a clique of wealthy people "against communism and 
against the Russians." But the workers "are graduated politically 
and will not tolerate dictatorship. Whatever happens, they will not 
be blind slaves." 

Then in the Slobodna Rec of December 13, 1947, Nikola Baltich, one 
of the leading Communists among American Serbs in New York City, 
Avrites an article in which he says : 

All reactionary cliques of this country and the rest of the world are firmly 
determined to annihilate progress and install reaction, to deprive the people of 
their civil rights, and, instead of democratic rights and liberties, to organize 
the persecution of all progressive persons and organizations, as well as of 
national minorities. 

In the Narodni Glasnik of December 1, 1948, page 1, under the title, 
"Plan for the Three Months' Campaign of the Narodni Glasnik," is 
published a report by Editor Mary Sumrak at the National Confer- 
ence of the Narodni' Glasnik in Cleveland, Ohio. Before outlining 
the tasks of this paper, Mary Sumrak makes herself clear on the situ- 
ation in America : 

' * * The principal forces against the establishment of peace in the 
world are just in this country. These forces are threatening a new war. They 
are responsible for the big armaments in our country. They are creating hysteria 
and warmongering, and preventing a peaceful settlement of disputes between 
nations — in the first place in agreement with the Soviet Union and the new democ- 
racies in Europe. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 611 

In the Slobodna Rec of May 27, 1947, page 3, a report by Marko J. 
Murisich, of San Francisco, is published on the case of an elderly man 
^Yllo applied to the State Department for a passport to visit his ailing 
son in Tiigoslavia but was refused. In the report, which bears the 
title, "Do They Have Any Parents' Love at All f it is said : 

Can such a thing happen in the country of Washington, in the country of 
Jefferson, in the country of Lincoln ? 

It can happen. * * * 

The old man asked me "Do people in the State Department have children?" 

"Ihey certainly have," said I. 

How would they feel if some ill-famed government of some foreign country 
would deny them the right to go abroad to see their own children? * * * 

The history of this war has shown that the Fascist beasts have no more feeling 
toward a child than they have toward the most dangerous wild beasts. I do not 
Ivuow then how people in the State Department can be without parental love or 
how it is possible that they do not think, at least in cases like this one, of parental 
love. 

It seems to me that reaction in America is not much different from that of the 
Fascists. 

All this is concerning the American foreign policy. 

As for the internal situation, they say, for instance, in the article 
again of Mary Sumrak in the Narodni Glasnik of May 9, 1947, page 3, 
under the page-wide heading "Croatian Women at Work for a Better 
and Happier Future" : 

On Mother's Day this year not all graves of all soldiers who fell have 
yet been found. The tears of bereaved mothers have not yet dried and already 
new black clouds are casting shadows over the earth; already those who from 
the blood of sons and daughters are drawing personal profits are warmongering 
and provoking a third world war. They do not care about mothers' feelings ; 
they do not care about anything but their greed. A handful of billionaires who 
are ruthlessly plundering American mothers and taking away from them the 
bread from their table, being afraid of the people, afraid that they will lose the 
unlimited right to profit and plunder, have plotted against the democratic peoples 
who have risen from the ruins of Fascist military power, who have acquired free- 
dom, and who, in their ranks, are building a new world of equality and brother- 
hood. This small handful of ruthless and greedy people is threatening with, 
a new war, is threatening with atomic bombs, and is bent upon taking away from 
millions of mothers what is most precious to them — their children. 

Again, it is interesting in connection with the question of violence 
that there appeared in the Slobodna Eec of May 27, 1947, a poem 
published by Sofia Mark, of Detroit, Mich., entitled "To My Son 

Charlie": 

To raise your fist against slavery, fascism, 

And all other cynicism * * * 

There will be waves of struggle for you yet, 

Because the world has freedom to get. 

To worry for food and other things. 

In the land of plenty and everything * * * 

Your name will be in line with others 

Who gave their lives to break the chains and orders. 

It is interesting to quote an article by Nikola Baltich, in the Slo- 
bodna Rec of September 20, 1947, No. 105, against the decision of the 
Department of State not to issue passports for visitors to Yugoslavia, 
under the title "The Voice of the People Ought To Be Heard." It 
is noteworthy that here, again, the writers of the Slobodna Rec make 
a distinction betw^een the Government and the people of the United 
States, whereas they always identify people and Go\ ernment when the 
Soviet Union is concerned. 



I 



612 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

There is an interesting comparison between Wall Street and Hitler 
and Mnssolini in a letter allegedly received from Yugoslavia by 
Obrenija Biberdzic, of Chicago, 111., and published in the Slobodna 
Kec of November 26, 1947, page 3. It reads, in part : 

On the whole, everything is all ri-ht. But it seems to me that those trusts 
of yours hate us. They would like us to be obedient slaves of Wall Street, 
but we want to lead our own lives. If anyone goes off his head and touches us, 
we will send him along the same road as Hitler and Mussolini ; that is the message 
of eastern Europe to all those who want to subdue and oppress otiier peoples. * * * 
With us are justice and the working people of the whole world. 

Besides comparing Wall Street to Hitler and Mnssolini, this piece 
of "progressive" prose also repeats the Communist thesis of the unity 
of the working people of the whole world. 

There is no doubt that the simple rules of Communist propaganda 
have been very carefully applied by the Slobodna Rec and the Narodni 
Glasnik, although it might have appeared to readers not well enough 
acquainted with Marxist theory and tactics that they were sometimes 
strongly deviating from the Communist line and assuming an unbiased 
or even patriotic attitude. 

This is best exemplified in the insistence with which the Com- 
munists of the Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik underline the neces- 
sity for America to remain faithful to the struggle of the American 
people in the Second Woi-ld War — I am using the word "Communists" 
here because I consider tliat I have proved already that people around 
these two papers really are Communists, so that now I can use the 
correct term — this insistence is only apparently patriotic, since the 
Slobodna Rec and the Narodni Glasnik, in the same way as the Daily 
Worker, always speak of the anti-Fascist struggle and carefully avoid 
speaking of the struggle for America and for American democracy. 
It is not by accident that George Pirinsky of the American Slav Con- 
gress entitles his fiery "patriotic" article published in the Narodni 
Glasnik and the Slobodna Rec of December 18, 1948, "We remain True 
to Our Wartime Pledge to Fight Fascism." Such patriotism fits 
exactly into the Communist picture of the present world ; namely, that 
the Second World War was not waged against Nazi Germany and 
Fascist Italy and Japan, but against fascism in the world, whose main 
representatives are today the Government of the United States and 
the political, economic, social, and cultural leaders of this coimtry. 

The stand of the Slobodna Rec and the Narodni Glasnik is more 
clearly illustrated by their very close connections and cooperation with 
other organizations which, undoubtedly, follow the Communist line. 
The similarity of the propaganda of these two newspapers with that 
of the Daily Worker, organ of the Communist Party of the United 
States, or with the writings of William Z. Foster, chairman of the 
American Communist Party; the role which these two newspapers 
have admittedly played in the creation of the American Communist 
Party; the role which they have admittedly played in the creation of 
the American Slav Congress ; their strong links with the All-Slav Com- 
mittee in Moscow ; the full and unconditional support they gave and 
are giving to the Progressive Party of Henry A. Wallace; and their 
close connections with that particular party— all of these facts point 
to the conclusion that these two newspapers and the people gathered 
around them are neither American nor Yugoslav nor Serb nor Croat 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 613 

patriots, but members of the world-wide organization of the 
Communist Party. 

As had been strikingly proved by the variations of their stand toward 
Yugoslavia in the course of the last 10 or 15 years, these people have 
no loyalty either toward America, whose citizens they are, or toward 
Yugoslavia, the country of their origin, but one single loyalty^ — the 
loyalty to the Soviet Union and its Communist Party. These two 
newspapers are not independent and well-intentioned organs of Amer- 
ican public opinion, but only links in a world-wide organization which 
sees in the United States, its present order, its democratic conditions 
and institutions, and all that this country stands for, is the main enemy 
which must be crushed at any price. Instead of objectively inform- 
ing their readers, who are one part of the American people, and edu- 
cating them to better citizenship, they are conditioning them mentally 
to become tools in the hands of a foreign power against their own 
country. They are preparing them for the "big undertaking" of 
defeating capitalism (Foster), for the "ultimate emancipation from 
capitalism (Weinstone^), which, in simple terms, amounts to saying 
that it is preparing them to take an active part in transforming any 
future international war against the enemies of the United States into 
a civil war inside the United States. They are preparing them and 
conditioning them mentally and politically to be traitors to their own 
country. 

Mr. ScHROEDER. Doctor, the two newspapers that you discuss in your 
statement, do you have any knowledge of the circulation of those two 
newspapers in the United States ? 

Dr. Draskovicii. That I could not tell you. I think that the 
Slobodna Kec is somewhere around 4,000 or 5,000 copies. 

Mr. ScHROEDER. Is that daily or weekly ? 

Dr. Draskovich. It is published three times a week. 

Mr. Dekom. That is not, however, its total readership? More 
people read the paper than subscribe to it ; is that right 'i 

Dr. Draskovich. That is right. 

Mr. Dekom. They are family papers? 

Dr. Draskovich. That is right. 

]Mr. Dekom. You have made an exhaustive analysis of these two 
newspapers. Could you name other newspapers published in any of 
the three Yugoslav national languages which follow the Communist 
Party line in the United States. 

Dr. Draskovich. The Zajednicar, which is an organ of the Croatian 
Fraternal Union, is not 100 percent on the same line as Narodni Glas- 
nik. Until 1943, that organization was not in Communist hands. 
Its editor was not a Communist, At the convention in 1943, a queer 
thing happened. The ruling board was mixed. Some people were 
"progressives"; some were not, but the editor, Filip Vukelich, was, 
to say the least, a fellow traveler. 

Then the second, even stronger push toward the left, happened in 
1947; at that convention the Communists took over. They won 
a victory. From 1947 on, the Zajednicar has been fairly closely fol- 
lowing the Communist line. It is interesting to note that in the 
Cominform-Tito rift, although inclined m/ore favorably toward Mos- 



> William Welnstone, educational director, New York State Communist Party. 
S.8.S30 — 50— pt. 2—11 



614 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

COW than to Tito, they were still hesitating and hoping for concilia- 
tion. 

Mr. Dekom. What is the approximate circulation of that news- 
paper ? 

Dr. Draskovich. I would not be sure, but I imagine it is about 
30,000. 

Mr. Dekom. That, too, is a family newspaper and is read by many 
more people than subscribe to it ? 

Dr. Draskovich. It is a family paper in the same way that the 
Srbobran, the organ of the Serb National Federation, is. 

Mr. Dekom. That is not a pro-Communist organization? 

Dr. Draskovich. Definitely not. The Serb National Federation, 
the Serbian National Defense Council of America, together with the 
Serbian Orthodox Diocese, are organizations around which are cen- 
tered the great majority of American Serbs who definitely are good 
American patriots, and, at the same time, respect Serbian traditions 
and are cultivating their Serbian customs and Serbian national life 
in this country. 

Mr. Dekom. Does the fact that some of the newspapers in the Yugo- 
slav language are Communist or pro-Communist imply in any way 
that a majority of the Yugoslavs in this country are either Commu- 
nists or pro-Communists ? 

Dr. Draskovich. No. The situation is the clearest with the Serbs, 
because with the Serbs the percentage of Communists, as I have quoted 
in this report, is the lowest of all Slavic national groups — well under 
10 percent. So, the Srbobran plays a much greater role than the 
Slobodna Kec, because it has a much larger circulation — over 30,000 
copies are circulated. 

Mr. Dekom. If legislation were enacted which would provide for 
the deportation of aliens involved in Communist fronts or Communist 
activities, would that seriously affect, let us say, the Serbian popula- 
tion of this country ? 

Dr. Draskovich. I doubt it, since most of them are American citi- 
zens. 

Mr. Dekom. So that it would affect only a small number who are 
disloyal? 

Dr. Draskovich. I think so. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you see any objection to such legislation? 

Dr. Draskovich. No. If I may utter my opinion on a matter con- 
cerning the United States, I think that it would be most propitious 
and for the best interests of this country, because the least which can 
ba asked from people living in this country, whether citizens or not, 
is to be loyal to the institutions and traditions of this country. People 
who are violating this rule definitely do not deserve to live in this 
country. 

Mr. Dekom. You do not believe that would work an injustice on 
anyone ? 

Dr. Draskovich. On the contrary, I think it would be a most right- 
eous and just measure. 

Mr. Schroeder. Doctor, you have mentioned three or four of the 
pro-Communist newspapers printed in this country. Do you have any 
knowledge that these papers are being subsidized or receiving finan- 
cial aid from any foreign governments? 



COMRiUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 615 

Dr. Draskovich. I really could not tell you. That is the usual 
Communist practice. That is what they do elsewhere. For instance, 
the two former editors of Slobodna Roc, Srdjan Prica and Stevan 
Dedijer— who, by the way, were highly praised in 1947 and are bitterly 
attacked now in the Slobodna Rec because the»y are siding with Tito — 
have, to my knowledge, bought the Croatian paper Novi Swiet, and 
they intend to publisli it as a Communist paper— but a Tito paper. 

That, of course, is not quite, an answer to your question. I mean, that 
is just an example of their usual practice of trying to meddle in the 
affairs of this country from abroad. 

Mr. Dekom. Can you name any additional newspapers published 
in this country which follow the Communist line? 

Dr. Draskovich. A very strongly communistic paper is Narodna 
Volya, which is a Macedonian and Bulgarian newspaper. 

For instance, in the issue of January 16, 1948, the Narodna Volya 
carried an excerpt from the Daily Worker of "Mao Tse-tung's 
Thoughts," to the effect that the atomic bomb, which belongs to Amer- 
ica, "will not destroy the people, but the people will destroy the atomic 
bomb," and that Avill be the end of American capitalism. 

Mr. Dekom. Have you examined the issues of the Narodna Volya ? 

Dr. Draskovich. Just a few of them. 

Mr. Dekom. Did you notice whether or not they reprinted articles 
from the Daily Worker ? 

Dr. DijASKOvicH. Yes, sir. I think that all these papers are molded 
after the same pattern. If one studies the Slobodna Rec and the 
Narodni Glasnik with tlie Narodna Volya, one finds exactly the same 
thing m another language— the same news, the same editorials, the 
same stand on all issues concerning this country. 

Mr. Dekom. Is there a Slovene Communist newspaper published 
m the United States, to your knowledge? 

Dr. Draskovich. Yes; the Enakopravnost, which means "equalitV 
of rights." ^ -^ 

Mr. Schroeder. Doctor, with all of these pro-Communist news- 
papers that you have cited which are printed and circulated in the 
United States, do you think they sway the opinion of the people that 
read them ? ^ ^ 

Dr. Draskovich. I think they do to a certain extent, because, for 
mstance, it we consider the Serbian or Croatian national o-roups there 
are quite a few people, especially those who are foreign-born, who do 
not sufliciently understand English. For them, it is simpler to read 
a, newspaper m their own language than to read the paper in English 
Lonsequently, they rely on that single newspaper, and the information 
they get is from that single newspaper. So, even though there are 
people who are not Communists among the subscribers, in the course 
at time they certainly get biased or indoctrinated by reading every 
iay, or three tmies a week, the same paper, which is following strictlv 
the Communist Party line. 

Mr. Schroeder. In other words, if our immigrants or aliens that 
:ome to the United States would be taught English, and the American 
way of lite, they would have a broader knowledge of our system of 
government and would not be so susceptible to the propaganda that 
is published m these foreign-language Communist newspapers? 

Dr. Draskoa^ch. I thmk there might be a difference, but less than 
s expected, because, if they would not have their papers in their own 



616 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

language, tliey would be obliged to learn English properly. Then it 
is certain that the Daily Worker would come in and would try to fill 
the place of the Narodni Glasnik and Slobodna Rec. 

Mr. Dekom. In view of the limited success with which the Daily 
Worker has met with the English-speaking people, would you con- 
sider that their chances of success would be very great ? i 

Dr. Draskovicii. I do not think so. 

Mr. Dekom. So it would actually be a benefit if these people were 
required to learn our language and our way of life, as Mr. Schroeder 
pointed out? tt • j 

Dr. Draskovich. I think it would be rather fairer to the United 
States to do that, but I do not think it would make much difference. 
The Daily Worker, as much as I can appraise, would not be able to 
make new inroads. But, on the other hand, I do not think the result 
of their learning English would be very considerable. 

Mr. Dekom. Would it make any difference in persuading them to 
read American newspapers written in English, such as, for example, 
the American newspapers published in Pittsburgh ? Would the peo- 1 
pie be persuaded to read them ? 

Dr. Draskovich. If that was possible— to make them read American 
newspapers that are unbiased. ' 

Mr. Dekom. Could they be persuaded of their own volition to read 
them if they could speak and read English well? Or well enough? 

Dr. Draskovich. I wonder. I say that because some of the stanch- 
est Communists — Mary Sumrak, editor of the Narodni Glasnik, a£ 
well as Stanko Vuich and Drago Kosic, editors of the Slobodna Rec— 
are all American-born, and they speak English better than they do 
Serbian or Croatian. 

Mr. Dekom. Dr. Draskovich, I notice in your report a considerable 
amount of information concerning involvement of the official Yugo- 
slav family in the United States in these Communist activities. li 
mean, of course, the Yugoslav Embassy staff and the Yugoslav dele- 
gations to the United Nations. 

I wonder if you would summarize your testimony there by givino 
us illustrative material or examples which you might consider advis- 
able at this time ? 

Dr. Draskovich. I think that the material which can be founo 
on representatives of Yugoslavia in the United States proves that; 
those people who came here as official representatives and, of course 
were supposed not to meddle in internal politics or make Communist 
propaganda, did not respect that rule. They have taken part in manj 
meetings. 

Mr. Dekom. What sort of meetings? 

Dr. Draskovich. All of them were organized by Communist or-i 
ganizations, so the meetings were by that fact alone communistic! 
too. I mean, for instance, meetings organized by the Slobodna Rec 
or the Croatian American Council, or the Serbian Progressive move- 
ment. So that all the organizers, whether local clubs or chapters or 
national organizations, are Communists. We do not have in al, 
oases the texts of their speeches, but on some occasions the texts art! 
published, and they definitely transgress the limits of a greeting of 8 
foreign representative. They present direct help to Communis! 
propaganda in this country. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 617 

For instance, there is an interesting account in the Slobodna Rec of 
the entire United States tour of Dimitar Vhihov, who is vice president 
of the Presidium of the Federated People of Yugoslavia which cor- 
responds roughly to a position of the Vice President of the United 

^^Mr^DEKOM. Is it not a fact that Dimitar Vlahov is one of the oldest 
of the South Slav revolutionaries? 

Dr. Draskovich. Most definitely so. „,-r^^, i ^. 

Mr. Dekom. Did he not organize the IMRO ' revolutionary 

^'dT Draskovich. That is correct. His revolutionary activities 
started when he was a student, and they say that from his earliest age, 
he was a very strong advocate of revolutionary methods, hrst m iur- 
kev and later on in Yugoslavia and in the Balkans m general. 
Mr. Dekom. Did he not establish a revolutionary newspaper m 

Austria? , n , • tt- 

Dr. Draskovich. He had several of them m Vienna. 

Mr. Dekom. To your knowledge, did Dimitar Vlahov collect funds 
for transmission to Yugoslavia in his tour? , ^ ,. , 

Dr. Draskovich. Yes, definitely. That can be f ound m my pi;epai;ed 
statement. I think they collected on one occasion $7,000. Ihe blo- 
bodna Rec of December 31, 1946, No. 188, page 4, publishes an account 
of Vlahov's visit to Detroit. It is stated : 

At the banquet, $14,000 was collected for a hospital in Skoplje * * * This 
sum was the beginning of the campaign to collect $250,000. 

Mr. Schroeder. Where was that banquet held, Doctor? , 

Dr. Draskovich. In Detroit, Mich., at the Hotel Book-Cadillac in 
the Crystal Ballroom. „ , .^ ■, t ^ ^- . 

Mr. Dekom. Was Vlahov a member of the Yugoslav delegation to 
the United Nations ? 

Dr. Draskovich. Vlahov was in the United Nations. 

Mr. Schroeder. Doctor, do you know whether he ever attended any 
affairs at the Yugoslav Dom ^ in New York City? 

Dr. Draskovich. I would not know that. 

Mr. Dekom. Is it customary for Yugoslav officials to appear there ? 

Dr. Draskovich. I notice that the consul, Miodrag Markovich, is a 
regular visitor. He used to go there very often. I do not know how it 
is at the moment, but definitely, before the break with the Cominf orm 
and even later, he was a regular guest at the American Yugoslav 
Home.2 

Mr. Dekom. TVHiat is the American Yugoslav Home ^ 

Dr. DRASK0viCH.lt is the mainx^enter of Communist activities 
among the American Yugoslavs in this country. 

Mr. Schroeder. Do you know any of the officials of the Yugoslav 
Home? ^ , . 

Dr. Draskovich. People connected with it are Toma Babm— and 
evidence can also be found in the Slobodna Rec to that effect— who js 
certainly one of the most active Communists of Yugoslav origin in 
this country. He openly stated at one occasion— it is in my ]:»repared 
statement— that the Yugoslav Seaman's Club, of which he is the presi- 



1 IMRO — Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization. 

2 The Yugoslovenslsi-Amerieki Dom (Yugoslav-American Home). 



618 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

dent, was the center of progressive activity in this country and that 
people were educated and schooled for later activities, that is, revolu- 
tionary activities, in Yugoslavia. He said that many people who 
were members of the seaman's club and who went through its courses, 
now occupy positions of responsibility in Yugoslavia. 

Mr. Dekom. That is the Yugoslav Seamen's Club in New York 
City? 

Dr. Draskovich. That is right. 

Mr. Dekom. Again, when the term "progressive" is used there, it 
actually means "Communist" does it not ? 

Dr. Draskovich. Definitely. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you know of Mirko Markovic? 

Dr. Draskovich. Yes; very well. For a while he was editor of the 
Slobodna Rec, and he published a very interesting pamphlet in Bel- 
grade in 1946, when he returned to Yugoslavia, entitled "The Struggle 
in Am.erica for the New Yugoslavia." I think that document is very 
interesting. I used all of the material I could in my prepared state- 
ment. From what can be seen in this material, according to him, the 
American Yugoslavs, more particularly the Croats, played a role of 
the first importance in bringing about the American Slav Congress. 
He says that the fate of the American Slav Congress depended on the 
American Yugoslavs, because they were the most dynamic group. 
Consequently, the merit of creating the American Slav Congress rests 
on the American Yugoslavs, especially the Narodni Glasnik. He notes, 
obviously with regret, that the Narodni Glasnik did more for the 
Communist cause than did his own paper, the Slobodna Rec. 

The so-called Yugoslav revolutionary workers' movement centered 
around the Narodni Glasnik. 

Mr. Dekom. You say he returned to Yugoslavia. Do you mean that 
he returned permanently to Yugoslavia after staying here some years, 
after serving as an editor of a Yugoslav Communist paper in Pitts- 
burgh ? 

Dr. Draskovich. That is correct. 

Mr. Dekom. That is the Slobodna Rec? 

Dr. Draskovich. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you know what position he received when he went 
back? 

Dr. Draskovich. Shortly after returning, he became professor of 
economics at the University of Belgrade. 

Mr. Dekom. What educational qualifications did he have to occupy 
such a position? 

Dr. Draskovich. I think membership in the Communist Party and 
his Communist activities in the United States among the American 
Yugoslavs. 

Mr. Dekom. To your knowledge, what are his educational achieve- 
ments ? 

Dr. Draskovich. I think he graduated from high school. 

Mr. Dekom. Is it customary. Doctor, from your personal knowl- 
edge as a former professor of economics at Belgrade University, for its 
professors merely to have a high-school education ? 

Dr. Draskovich. No. It was an indispensable condition that who- 
ever applied for the position of a professor must be a doctor of science 
in the field in which he wants to teach. 

Mr. Dekom. It was changed by the Communists? 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 619 

Dr. Drasko\t:ch. It certainly was. The rule has been abolished. 

Mr. ScHROEDER. Doctor, do you know how long he resided in the 
United States? 

Dr. Draskovich. I think about 7 or 8 years, but I would not be 
sure. If I may add one more comment. After the Cominform-Tito 
rift, he sided with the Cominform. 

Mr. Dekom. And as a result he went to jail? 

Dr. Draskovich. That is right. 

Mr. Dekom. You mentioned the name of Srcljan Prica, as a Yugo- 
slav official in this country. Can you tell us something about his prior 
record ? 

Dr. Draskovich. Srdjan Prica was, at one time, editor of the Slo- 
bodna Rec. As I have quoted in my prepared statement, Nikola 
Drenovac, who was the fourth editor of the Slobodna Pec, before re- 
turning to Yugoslavia, spoke at a farewell banquet expressing the 
highest respect and appreciation for the work of Srdjan Prica, which, 
as he says, laid down the pattern for his work. 

Mr. Dekom. In other words, Dr. Draskovich, at least three editors, 
recent editors of the Slobodna Rec, have returned to Yugoslavia to 
participate in the activities of the Communist government there? 

Dr. Draskovich. That is correct. 

Mr. Dekom. Would they be acceptable to that government if they 
themselves had not been Communists or had not been active in pro- 
moting the Communist cause? 

Dr. Draskovich. I do not think so. I think that they are in these 
positions because they worked for the Communist cause in the United 
States. 

Mr. Dekom. Would the knowledge of that fact be indicative of the 
philosophy which governs the Slobodna Rec, that its former editors 
have all been highly rewarded by a notorious Communist government ? 

Dr. Draskovich. I think so. I think it is a very good indication of 
how things really stand. 

Mr. Dekom. That fact, together with the analysis of the material 
contained in these newspapers which you have made, leads you to the 
conclusion that these newspapers are Communist newspapers? 

Dr. Draskovich. I think no other conclusion is' possible. 

Mr. Dekom. And that the people who are the guiding forces and 
run them must of necessitv also be Communists ; is that your conclusion 
also? 

Dr. Draskovich. That is right. 

Mr. Schroeder. And on their return to their native land they are 
rewarded with high positions for spreading communism while they 
were residing in the United States? 

Dr. Draskovich. That is the case. 

In an issue of the Slobodna Rec it is openly said that "Drenovac, the 
fourth editor, is returning to Yugoslavia in the same way as his pre- 
decessors, to continue the work for the progressive cause, or for the 
cause of tlie people," as he was doing in this country. 

Mr. DEK0]\t. I notice in your discussion here, Dr. Draskovich, that 
you make reference on a number of occasions to Maj. Branko Vukelic, 
who was at one time connected with the Yugoslav Embassy in the 
United States and who was extremely active in participating in the 
activities of the Yugoslav Communist fronts. Can you tell us any- 
thing about the present condition of Maj. Branko Vukelic? 



620 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Dr. Draskovich. Major Viikelic is one of the most interesting cases. 
Major Vukelic was certainly one of the most active propagandists 
among the Yugoslav officials coming to the United States. I have 
here a quotation from the Slobodna Kec of December 4, 1946, page 2, 
wherein, speaking of the new regime in Yugoslavia, he goes so far as 
to defend in the most categorical terms, the ill-famed Yugoslav secret 
police, OZNA, which other people usually avoid speaking about. It is 
stated : 

Finally, Vukelic praised the secret police, "OZNA," as being the people itself. 
"The Communists * * * gave the power to the peasants and workers in 
Yugoslavia, and they will see to it that nobody will ever be able to take the 
power from the hands of the people." 

Major Vukelic sided with the Cominform, so now he is in the Ininds 
of that very OZNA he had praised as being the people themselves. 

Another interesting thing in connection with Vukelic is that recently 
in the Slobodna Rec of May 14, 1949, page 3, a letter was ptiblished 
by officials of the Serbian Progressive Club, "Karageorge," in Gary, 
Ind. (not to be confused with the thoroughly democratic singing and 
choir society "Karageorge" from Gary, Ind.), addressed to Dr. Ivan 
Ribar, chairman of the Presidium of the People's Assembly of F. P. R. 
of Yugoslavia, in which these people requested Dr. Ribar to use his 
influence to have Branko Vukelic released. What is most interesting, 
after 3 years, they now themselves admit and describe openly what 
Vukelic was doing in this country. I would like to read these passages : 

* * * For your government's and your information, we take the liberty 
of telling you this about the activities wliich Branko Vukelic carried out among 
tlie Yugoslavia immigrants in America and Canada. 

Before Branko's — 

They use just the first name — 

arrival in our midst at the beginning of 1946, all of us had rather poor in- 
formation about your heroic and superhuman struggle against the invader and 
domestic traitors, because among us worked the anti-people's Yugoslav press 
which was under the influence of the exiled government in London. 

With the arrival of Vukelic, the situation changed completely. His- fiery 
speeches at conventions and other meetings exerted so much influence upon the 
people, that the anti-people's press was obliged to apologize to the public 

Branko Vukelic succeeded, during his brief stay in our midst, to make our 
immigrants acquainted with the hardship and suffering of our people in the old 
country during the struggle for national liberation. It is just on account of 
the fact that Branko knew how to present to our immigrants, the real picture 
of the struggle and suffering of our people, that our people here started to give 
and send help to their people with both hands. 

Second, Branko, with his energetic work has done more for making your 
national leadership popular, your national leadership and the great struggle 
of the people for Socialist ideas, than any one of your representatives in 
America or Canada. * * * 

Dr. Dp:kom. This same man was an attache at the Yugoslav Em- 
bassy in Washington while he was carrying out such Communist 
propaganda work ? 

Dr. Draskovich. They gave him various titles, that is right. 

Mr. Dekom. But he w\as an official of the Yugoslav Government, 
assigned to the Washington Embassy? 

Dr. Draskovich. Definitely. 

Mr. ScHROEDER. Dr. Draskovich, you have heard a lot about Com- 
munist assertions that they could bring about world communism 
without bloodshed, have you not ? i 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 621 

Dr. Draskovich. Yes. 

Mr. ScHKOEDER. What is your answer to that claim ? 

Dr. Draskovich. My answer is that it is entirely wrong. I think 
it takes typical Communist impudence to deny that. From Marx on 
lip to the present time their thesis was always the forcible overthrow 
of the capitalistic society. 

Mr. Dekom. Dr. Draskovich, have you any specific examples on that 
subject which you care to point out to the subcommittee? 

Dr. Draskovich. I think I have here a few examples which might 
be interesting, with regard to that question — the forcible overthrow 
of government. 

In the Communist Manifesto of Karl Marx and Frederic Engels, 
published in Moscow in 1848, it is said : 

The proletariat, the lowest stratum of one present society, cannot stir, cannot 
raise itself up, without the whole superincumbent strata of official society being 
sprung into the air. 

Even more outspoken is the following sentence : 

In depicting the most general phases of the development of the proletariat, we 
traced the more or less veiled civil war, raging within existing society, up to 
the point where that war breaks out into open revolution, and where the violent 
overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway of the proletariat. 

Then I w^ould like to quote from the History of the All-Union Com- 
munist (Bolshevik) Party, abbreviated edition, Serbian text, Moscow, 
1938. They say: 

Marx and Engels taught that it is impossible in a peaceful way to break the 
power of capital and transform capitalist ownership in social ownership. That 
the working class can achieve that only through revolutionary violence against 
the bourgeoisie, through a proletarian revolution by creating its own political 
rule — the dictatorship of, the proletariat — which has to stifle the resistance of 
the exploiters and create a new, classless Communist society. 

Then the conclusion of that history is summed up in a few points, 
and in the first of these points we can read the following : 

The history of the party teaches us, first of all, that the victory of the prole- 
tarian revolution, the victory of the dictatorship of the proletariat, is impossible 
without a revolutionary proletarian party * * * revolutionary with regard 
to the bourgeoisie and its government. 

I think that this point is important because the Communists claim 
that the correct interpretation of world revolution is social change. 
I think this clearly refutes that contention. They are not speaking 
only of the bourgeoisie but its government ; so revolution with regard 
to that government definitely imj^lies force. 

Then, as a last quotation, I would like to quote the famous Stalin 
letter to Comrade Ivanov, which was written in 1938, in answer to a 
question by Comrade Ivanov asking whether socialism is possible in 
one country or not. Here is the answer of Stalin, who quotes Lenin : 

* * * the existence of the Soviet Republic next to a number of imperialist 
states for a long time is unthinkable. In the end either the one or the other 
will have the better of it. Until that end comes a series of most terrible conflicts 
between the Soviet Republic and the bourgeois states is inevitable. This means 
that the ruling class— the proletariat — if it wants to and will rule, must prove 
this also by its military organization. 

And, finally, a little further on, he says : 

The second problem * * * the problem of the complete security of our 
country from the dangers of military intervention and restoration * * * 



622 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

cannot be solved * * * by the unaided efforts of our country alone. The 
second problem can be solved only by combining a serious effort of the interna- 
tional proletariat with a still more serious effort of the whole of our Soviet people. 

There are also— cand, unfortunately, I do not have them here — some 
very interesting passages in Stalin's Foundations of Leninism, where 
he also stresses that the bourgeois government must be overthrown by 
violence. So I think there is not a shadow of doubt that the Com- 
munist theory is not a theory of a peaceful development, but a theory 
of the forcible overthrow of the so-called capitalistic government and 
order in any country, including the United States. 

Mr. Dekom. What has been the actual practice in countries where 
communism has been established ? How has that theory been applied ? 

Dr. Draskovich. There have been some deviations from that rule, 
but not because the Communists changed their ideas. It was because 
their policy of anti-Fascist people's fronts was so successful that they 
actually succeeded in harnessing many non-Communists to the cart of 
the Communist Party. In that way they broke the resistance of the 
non-Communists to such an extent that they did not need to use full- 
scale violence to establish their domination. Thus, if the free countries 
would not strike back at their attempts to dominate the whole world 
by the Trojan-horse tactics, then they would not need to use much force 
and violence to establish their dictatorship, but only to consolidate it. 

I would like at this point to quote Stalin and Lenin (from Stalin's 
Foundations of Leninism) : 

"The dictatorship of the proletariat," says Lenin, "is a persistent struggle, 
sanguinary and bloodless, violent and peaceful, military and economic, educa- 
tional and administrative, against the forces and traditions of the old society." 
And Stalin says : "The [Communist] Party is not only the highest form of class 
association of the proletarians, it is at the same time an instrument in the hands 
of the proletariat for achieving the dictatorship where that has not yet been 
achieved and for consolidating and expanding tlie dictatorship where it has 
already been achieved" (French edition. Edicions Sociales, Paris, 1945, p. 83). 

Mr. Dekom. Have the Communists used force and violence when 
other means were not successful ? 

Dr. Draskovich. Definitely. Even at this moment, when the Com- 
munists in America are doing their best to prove that the new road to 
socialism is a peaceful one, Foster openly declares that in the case that 
if the new Trojan-horse tactics cannot be applied successfully, then 
they must resort to an "offensive policy." 

In the Daily Worker, too, they say, "We do not intend necessarily to 
use violence," which means that they will or will not use violence, 
according to their opportunities of breaking the capitalistic order. 

Mr. Dekom. Can you cite some cases in which force and violence 
have been used ? 

Dr. Draskovich. The first case is Soviet Kussia, then Hun<rary 
(1919), Poland (1920), Yugoslavia (1920 and 1921), where the Com- 
munists carried out several attempts against the highest state officials, 
prepared with the greatest care plans for an armed uprising. Today, 
China is a typical example of the struggle of a politico-military or- 
ganization (as stressed in the famous Si-alin letter to Comrade Iva- 
nov) against the government. 

In Burma, and many other countries of the Far East, all the imrest 
and trouble is caused by the Communists, who are trying to change 
the social and political order by the use of violence. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IX ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 623 

Mr. Dekom. Would you describe the means used to rise to power, 
let us say, in a country like Yugoslavia? 

Dr. Draskovich. There is an open admission by William Foster 
that in all the countries behind the iron curtain the tactics of the 
people's fronts were so successful that there was no need to resort to 
much violence, and he says that tends to prove that socialism can be 
achieved without violence. 

Mr. Dekom. Were there no instances of force and violence in these 
iron curtain countries? 

Dr. Draskovich. There are many instances — not in coming to 
Ijower — but once they seize powder. Then they use ruthless oppression 
on anyone who does not agree with them. They use many non-Com- 
munists to come to power in a peaceful way and then they are liqui- 
dated one by one, so that only the Communists are left. 

Mr. Dekom. So the result is that they use force and violence against 
the people of the country in order to prevent them from protecting or 
reestablishing their democratic institutions? 

Dr. DRASK0^^CH. That is correct. If they can come to power with- 
out violence, they use violence anyway after coming into power. 

Mr. Dekom. How would you describe the tactics used in Czecho- 
slovakia where organized armed units seized power ? 

Dr. Draskovich. The case of Czechoslovakia is a striking example 
of what happens when the non-Communist elements, harnessed by the 
Communists to serve in establishing the dictatorship of the proleta- 
riat, try to prevent the unnatural partnership from taking its inevita- 
ble course. The Czech non-Communists wanted the coalition to remain 
a coalition of equals ; the Communists wanted to use it as a means by 
which to achieve their goal. And since coalitions of non-Communists 
with Communists have always put the Communists in a strong posi- 
tion, because there can be no middle road between defending one's 
country and ruining it, the Communists did not have a very hard job 
to consolidate their dominant position. As can be seen from the quo- 
tations from Stalin and Lenin and as William Foster admits, the use 
of violence is just a matter of expedience for Communists, since com- 
munism in its essence implies the use of ruthless violence before the 
Socialist revolution, as well as after it. In the Czech case, the Com- 
munists used just as much force as they needed to achieve their goal : 
The establishment of a complete Communist dictatorship in that 
country. 

Mr. ScHROEDER. And the control of the economic system ? 

Dr. Draskovich. Definitely, of the w^hole life — economic system, 
and the political, social, and cultural Jife of the country in which they 
are in power. 

In the case of Czechoslovakia there is proof that they will never 
hesitate to use force when they need it. When they thought that their 
grip over Czechoslovakia w^as not tight enough, they tightened it and 
there was no bloodshed, because the people were already deprived of 
their rights and freedom. But definitely, the consolidation of the 
Communist power was carried through by force. 

Mr. Dekom. Then you mean to say that they were so completely 
organized that by the seizure of a few strategic positions by means of 
armed groups or armed force, they were actually able to take control 
of the entire state without resistance ? 



624 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Dr. Draskovich. Definitely. I think that is a good example of the 
application of Lenin's ideas, \Yho, as is well known, studied Clause- 
witz ^ very thoroughly, and thought the struggle for the seizure of 
power is just a military struggle and must be carried out by following 
all the rules of warfare. 

Mr. Dekom. Was not the same thing substantially true in Yugo- 
slavia, where organized Communist units simply took over, because 
they themselves were armed and organized and the opposition was not? 
So that, although there was no serious violence or opposition at the 
time, many of the governmental units fell by actual force or by threat 
of force ? 

Dr. Draskovich. Yugoslavia is a somewhat special case. During 
the war two guerrilla movements were organized : The national move- 
ment of Gen. Draza Mihailovicii and the Communist guerrilla move- 
ment of Tito. The first had the support of the great majority of the 
people. And, had the people in Yugoslavia been in a position to decide 
for themselves, the Communists would never have seized power in 
Yugoslavia. But, as Foster proudly explains in his Twilight of World 
Capitalism, and more particularly in the Defense of the Indicted 
Leaders, the Communist policy of anti-Fascist cooperation with the 
democratic forces, both in matters of domestic and of international 
politics, triumphed in the creation of "people's democracies" — that is 
Communist-dominated regimes — in a number of European countries. 
As for Yugoslavia, the official Allied policy was to help Tito, not 
Mihailovich. So the Eed Army, which was supposedly coming as an 
Allied force to liberate Yugoslavia from the Nazis, was, in fact, occupy- 
ing Yugoslavia and imposing communism upon her. The Yugoslav 
Communists followed in the wake of the Red Army. 

Mr. ScHROEDER. There w\as a demonstration of might in the country 
when the Communists took over? 

Dr. Draskovich. More than that; there was use of violence and 
force wdierever they went. The Communists just used that situation 
to install themselves in power. 

Mr. Dekom. So that actually, in all these cases, they did use force 
and violence to come to power, but only in smaller degrees, to a large 
extent because of the success of the Communist-sponsored united 
front movement ? 

Dr. Draskovich. They never hesitated to use force, but the success 
of the anti-Fascist people's fronts just made it easier for them to 
seize power. It is not only the question of seizure of power. It is 
the question of exerting power. As I said, the use of violence is a 
constant principle of Communist rule. So they us' it to seize power 
and they use it to govern the country. 

Mr. Dekom. Dr. Draskovich, if there is any additional material 
which you care to submit, with the permission of the chairman, we 
will accept it from you before these hearings are published. 

Dr. Draskovich. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Dekom. Now, Dr. Draskovich, I will ask you to proceed with 
the presentation of your statement. 

Dr. Draskovich. This is a study of the activities of the self-styled 
"progressive" organizations— that is, of course. Communist organ- 



Geneial Karl von Clausewitz, noted German military tactician (1780-1831). 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 625 

izations— of Serbian and Croatian origin, as recorded in the pages of 
the two Communist newspapers, Slobodna Rec (Free Expression) 
in Serbian and Narodni Glasnik (People's Choice) in Croatian. 

The material which I am going to present to the subcommittee is 
classified as follows : 

I. The general character of the Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik. 

II. The stand of the Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik on prob- 
lems of American foreign and domestic policy. 

A. Foreign policy. 

B. Democracy in the United States and the domestic policy of 
the United States Government. 

III. The stand of the Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik on Yugo- 
slavia (before the Cominform-Tito clash). 

IV. The stand of the Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik on the 
Cominform-Tito clash. 

V. The stand of the Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik on Yugo- 
slavia (after the Cominform-Tito clash). 

VI. The stand of the Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik on the 
Soviet Union. 

VII. Identity of "progressive" views on other issues. 

VIII. The appeal to Slavic solidarity, the American-Slav Con- 
gress and so forth. 

IX. Tlie Yugoslav "progress?! ve" press and tl^e activities of various 
rej^resentatives of the F. P. R. Yugoslavia in the United States. 

X. Conclusion. 



The analysis of the newspapers Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik 
and people and organizations connected and affiliated with them, leads 
to the definite conclusion that we are dealing with Communist news- 
papers and Communist activities. If we use the term "progressive" 
throughout this study, it is obviously not because these two newspapers 
and activities of various organizations recorded in them bear the 
distinctive marks of activities inspired by faith in human progress 
and striving for the improvement of the condition of man, but for 
other reasons. First, we do not want to anticipate the conclusion 
reached by the study. Besides, that is the term which they themselves 
use in most cases to describe their own activities. Finally, it seems to 
us that it is necessary today to reveal at least the most important abuses 
of democratic terminology by the Communists. That is certainly the 
case with the term "progressive," which is very often applied to cover 
activities of a distinct Communist character. That is also the reason 
why the term has been used in quoties. 

The number of "progressives" among Americans of Serbian and 
Croatian origin has not been statistically established. There are, nev- 
ertheless, facts which make an accurate estimate possible. 

At the seventh convention of the Croatian Fraternal Union, the 
largest organization of American Croats, held in Pittsburgh in Sep- 
tember 1947, the "progressives" were successful in electing their own 
candidates to the executive and other boards. The average number of 
votes for "progressive" candidates was 175, or 59 percent, and the 
average number of votes for "nonprogressive" candidates was 123, or 
41 percent. 



626 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

As for the American Serbs, the percentage of "progressives'" among 
them is very probably the lowest of all Slavic groups in the United 
States. If we apply the same yardstick as for the American Croats, 
the result is that the percentage of ''nonprogressives" is over 96 per- 
cent and of "progressives*' under 4 percent, since at the convention of 
the Serb National Federation, the largest organization of American 
Serbs, there were 4 "progressive" delegates and 106 "nonprogressives." 
The percentage of "progressives" is even smaller if one considers that 
the number of 110 delegates does not include the 17 members of the 
executive board, all of whom were "nonprogressives." 

The above figures are subject to some modifications in view of the 
fact that the American Serbs and Croats have other organizations 
beside the largest ones. Still, when all of them are taken into con- 
sideration, as well as those who do not belong to any organization, 
the above percentages should not suffer any substantial change. 

Thus "progressive" American Serbs and Croats are by no means typ- 
ical American Serbs or Croats, but typical "progressives." And this 
study is no comprehensive study of American Serbs or Croats but a 
study of one particular sector of the Communist movement in the 
United States. It is the sector of "progressive" Serbs and Croats who, 
like the rest of them, belonging to all national groups in America, or 
regardless of national groups, are using the cover of "progressiveness" 
in order to work more effectively for the realization of Communist 
aims, which is the forcible overthrow of the democratic Government in 
this country. 

I. THE GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE SLOEODXA REC AND NARODNI GLASNIK 

The newspapers Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik hold a great 
place and play an essential role in the life and activities of progressive 
Americans of Serbian and Croatian origin. 

They are not only the main source of information on daily events 
and all current problems for their readers but rallying points for all 
their activities. They not only are instrumental in shaping their 
thinking, but their whole life as "progressive" Serbians or Croatian? is 
made possible through the Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik. In 
these newspapers every single activity of various organizations — 
Serbian Progressive Movement ; Congress of American-Croatian Men 
and Women; Serbian- American Federation of the International 
Workers Order; Progressive Youth and local clubs; the American 
Association for Reconstruction in Yugoslavia, and so forth — is re- 
ported, instructions given, announcements made, appeals addressed, 
and campaigns launched, celebrations, banquets, and conventions an- 
nounced and reported, private letters published, private views ex- 
pressed — always, of course, strictly within the limits of the official 
line indicated by the paper's policy — enemies assailed and slandered, 
people incited and directed to political, social, sports, humane, and 
other action. 

In other words these two newspapers are links which hold "progres- 
sive" American Serbs and Croatians together, and to the extent these 
groups are playing a certain role among the "progressives" of the 
United States, that can mainly, if not exclusively, be ascribed to the 
educational-political work of the Slobodna Rec and Nai'odni Glasnik 

It is thus hardly possible to find a better source of information 
about American "progressives" of Serbian and Croatian origin than 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 627 

their respective newspapers. The identity of the stand, policy, and 
propaganda of the Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik make advisable 
one study instead of two, since separate studies would necessarily 
involve much repetition. 

The task of establishing the place of the Slobodna Rec and Narodni 
Glasnik and the role which they have played and still are playing 
among "progressive" Americans of Serbian and Croatian origin is 
facilitated by the editors of these newspapers themselves, who are 
explicit enough on the matter. There is, for example, the statement 
concerning the Slobodna Rec, which was published in its issue of 
October 4, 1947, i)ages 2 and 3, emanating from Nikola 
Drenovac, who was chairman of the Serbian Progressive Movement 
and chief editor of the Slobodna Rec. Drenovac made his report at 
the conference of the Serbian Progressive Movement at Akron, Ohio, 
before returning to Yugoslavia. It is worth while quoting the greatest 
part of his report, which represents a summary of the work of the 
Slobodna Rec : 

From March 1942, when I publicly joined the ranks of the Serbian Progressive 
Movement, until the present date, many important things happened, many im- 
portant changes took place, and many attempts to widen our ranks were under- 
taken. Although all this was connected with many difficulties, although it 
required much toil and much patience, I still must say that when I came the 
path was already laid — laid by my predecessors, people experienced and hardened 
in struggle. 

I feel that I would be failing to do a special duty if I did not stress the impor- 
tant role which people like Mirko Markovich, Srdja Prica, and Stevan Dedijer 
have played. They are people of whom I know that they were the leaders of 
the Serbian Progressive Movement among the American Serbs and the editors 
of the Slobodna Rec at a time when it was most difficult to edit and publish 
a progressive Serbian newspaper. 

After paying tribute to Zarko Bunchich, Nikola Kovachevich-Stari, 
and Joso Rajnovich, Drenovac goes on to say : 

The Serbian Progressive Movement, as the basis and foundation of all other 
activities and undertakings of the democratic Serbs of America, worked from 
its very foundation, first on the education of the broad masses of American Serbs 
and then as a part of the democratic forces of America, carried on a struggle 
on a wider platform against reaction and fascism in general. * * * 

This means that the movement of tlie Sloboilna Rec has a role of the greatest 
importance and greatest merit for everything that has been achieved until today 
in the educational-political field among American Serbs. 

The American democratic Serbs would not. dare appear before the face of other 
Slav national groups if they had not behind them their honorable and militant 
12-year history. How would we pay tribute to the known and unknown workers' 
fighters among the American Serbs who laid the foundations of the Serbian Pro- 
gressive Movement and the Slobodna Rec if we would say, "We started 12 days 
ago and not 12 years ago"? If we would-, say so and if it were so, we would 
picture ourselves as the most backward national group; we would nullify every- 
thing that the Serbian Progressive Movement has done for the cause of Ameri- 
can democracy, for the cause of south Slav brotherhood and unity, and for the 
cause of spreading the truth about the people's liberation struggle in Yugoslavia, 
and tor the cause of progress in general. 

The Slobodna Rec has patiently, persistently, and according to a plan pointed 
out to the American Serbs what is good and what is bad ; where the truth lies, 
where falsehood; on which side the light is; on which darkness; and that the 
educational and political work of the Slobodna Rec was and is the prior condi- 
tion for any other achievement in the humane, educational, or political field 
among the American Serbs. 

While it insisted that the truth about Yugoslavia should penetrate as deeply 
as possible into the American people, the Slobodna Rec played one of the most 
important roles in the creation of the United Committee of South Slavic Amer- 



628 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

icans. It also did not lag behind in the work of consolidating the American 
Slav Congress. From its start, the Slobodna Rec was and remained a part of 
the progressive forces of the American Slavs in general, playing in its own na- 
tional sector the role of teacher, educator, and uncompromising fighter against 
reaction and fascism. 

Drenovac admitted that errors had been made and that "not all of us 
are good at practial work among the masses of the people," so he 
urged the audience to more active work by stressing, in the same way 
as Communists ceaselessly do, that — 

Although the united allied forces have smashed fascism militarily, fa.'^cisra 
is, nevertheless, politically alive and very, very active. 

One of the main tasks of the Serbian Progressive Movement is the organiza- 
tion and constant struggle against * * * Serbian fascism. 

While we are fighting against fascism in our own Serbian national field here 
in America, we at the same time are fighting against world fascism, which is 
raising its head considerably owing mainly to the so-called Truman doctrine 
and the oflBcial policy of Washington here and abroad. 

The trend of such a Washington policy has given courage to Fascist elements 
all over the world and has given them hope for the revival of all that has been 
defeated in this war by common allied forces. * * * 

Tlie Serbian Progressive Movement in America has thus today an even harder 
task than it had during the recent war. It must today defend the cause of 
democracy which has been indicted in this country and to fight all the elements 
to which the American oflScial policy is favorable and profitable and which ele- 
ments are helped by the American capitalists and great monopolistic capital. 
* * * 

The Serbian Progressive Movement and the Slobodna Rec are going ahead 
with their work and program at a time of limitless intimidation with the ' Red 
bogey," at a time of liysterical outbursts against genuine democratic forces 
and at a time of pei'secution of all elements which are following the political 
line of the great President, Franklin Delano Roosevelt. The Slobodna Rec, to- 
gether with the American people, is fighting against all those who want to pro- 
voke a new world bloodshed. * * * 

We shall be defending freedom if we help with all our forces the struggle of 
American people against the various Hoovers, Rankins, Tafts, and other repre- 
sentatives of American reaction. 

We shall be defending freedom if we stand against all attempts of rebuilding 
the German war industry and strengthening of all those currents which are 
sowing hatred among nations. 

We shall be defending freedom if all of us resolutely and courageously oppose 
any forcible intervention and unauthorized interference in the matters and prob- 
lems of other states. 

After pleading for aid to war orphans in Yugoslavia, Drenovac, 
following faithfully the line of Communist tactics, says that — 

On such a program ought to unite all Amei-ican Serbs. On such a program 
ought to unite even people of divergent political ideas. 

After announcing his resignation as chairman of the Serbian Pro- 
gressive Movement and as chief editor of the Serbian democratic news- 
paper, the Slobodna Eec, Drenovac declared that all that he did in 
these capacities he did "sincerely, enthusiastically, and with the best 
intentions, having at heart always the unity and solidarity of all anti- 
Fascist forces." 

And Drenovac, who in this whole indicative speech never thought 
of mentioning the good of America and the unity of all Americans, 
did not fail to conclude his speech by declaring that the "salvation of 
all of us, of all the Slavs, was in unity.'* 

And, as if Drenovac was not explicit enough, his successor, the new 
editor of Slobodna Rec, Stanko Vuich, paid him special tribute for 
doing his utmost "for the awakening of consciousness and education 
among American Serbs" — Slobodna Rec, October 8, 1947, page 3. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 629 

As regards the Narodni Glasnik, one of the most outspoken state- 
ments of its policies was made by its editor, "Sister" Mary Sumrak, 
in her report at the national conference of the Narodni Glasnik in 
Cleveland, Ohio, which was published in the issue of December 1, 1948, 
under the title "Plan for the 3-Month Campaign of the Narod- 
ni Ghisnik." After stating that the main source of trouble in all the 
world is the United States, that this country is on the way to becoming 
a Fascist country, and that American people do not want war but 
peace, Mary Sumrak speaks at length of the past, present, and future 
role of the Narodni Glasnik in the people's struggle for the new type 
of democracy : 

One could hardly think of any activity, any movement for progress, democ- 
racy, or any action for the welfare of the people, to which our newspaper did not 
contribute its own part by educating and organizing our people. * * * 

Through a daily newspaper we were able to influence much stronger the 
development of our social life; we were able to fight more easily our enemies 
and the agents of reaction among our people ; we were able to contribute more 
to the war efforts to defeat the Fascist Axis, to help the struggle for liberation 
of our people in the old country, and later to help the people themselves and 
the young Federative People's Republic of Yugoslavia for the reconstruction of 
the country and the creation of a better life for its people. 

Through a daily newspaper it was much easier to work for the launching of 
our mass movements — Council of American Croatians, Federation of Croatian- 
American Women, the Slav Congress, various committees for relief and recon- 
struction in Yugoslavia, for the strengthening of progressive forces in the 
Croatian Fraternal Union, for its progress and the progressive line, and the 
final removal of the people's enemies who were hampering its progress and trying 
to bring it into the antipeople's front — into the front of fascism and reaction. 

The merits of the Narodni Glasnik in that field were and are acknowledged on 
the part of our allies and collaborators, as well as representatives of other 
groups. This is especially felt and seen in the American Slav Congress, where 
the Croatians have always been and are today the strongest group and the 
greatest support and help to the work of the congress. 

The Croatian Benevolent Fraternity, which is, by its membership, the second 
largest Croatian organization in this country, and by its work the most pro- 
gressive of our organizations, has also to thank the Narodni Glasnik for its 
development and growth and for the influence it is exerting among our people. 

As a paper which they read, the Narodni Glasnik helps rally almost all our 
progressive people and women in the ranks of the Croatian Benevolent Fraternity. 
These are men and women which our movement and our action helped educate 
in a worker's and a progressive spirit. * * * 

In the present situation, the Narodni Glasnik has an even greater duty and even 
greater tasks. The black forces of reaction are trying to drag the world into 
another war. The war propaganda is going full blast. The trade-unions are in 
danger; the freedom and fundamental rights of American people are in danger; 
in danger is the peace of the world. * * * 

The Narcdni Glasnik is today more necessary than ever before * * * be- 
cause the black forces of reaction have again started to rise. * « * We 
shall need it in the future to rally our people around the great movement under 
the leadership of the Progressive Party for the realization of yet unattained 
ends. * * * 

* * * We must do everything to help the Narodni Glasnik remain a daily 
newspaper, to be in the future our teacher, organizer, and leader. 

The above two statements, although outspoken and detailed enough, 
are even more significant if sonie other documents pertaining to 
"progressive" education and consciousness, as well as the role of the 
^'progressive" Slavic press, are taken in consideration. These docu- 
ments are not arbitrarily chosen. Mirko Markovich, former editor 
of the Slobodna Rec (from 1946 to 1948, then professor of economics 
at the University of Belgrade, and, since the Cominform-Tito conflict, 
in jail as an adherent of the Moscow line) , says in a pamphlet published 

QSa.^O— 50— pt. 2 12 



630 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

in Beli^rade in 1946 (The Striio;fr]e in America for a new Yug^oslavia) 
that the American Yugoslavs are "the hackbone of the American Slav 
Congress." According to Markovich: 

The Yugoslav workers movement in America grew and developed as an organic 
part of the general workers' movement of the United States (p. 24). 

After the October revolution fin Russia, 1917] among the Yugoslavs in America 
there shaped itself the organized worker's revolutionary movement around the 
newspaper Radnik [former name of the Narodni Glasnik], which was appearing 
in Croatian language in Chicago (p. 24). 

Markovich gives them credit for their achievements, but criticizes 
their — 

lack of understanding of the national feelings of those masses which are the 
result of the lack of understanding of Leninist-Stalinist views on the national 
problems (p. 26). 

The reversal of this situation was started in 1935 and was led by the Narodni 
Glasnik and Slobodna Rec. * * * The first decisive move was the anti-Fascist 
Congress of American Serbs held in 1936. * * * 

On the ground of such national congresses of the Yugoslavs was created the 
United Committee of South Slavic Americans, as the central leadership of a 
broader anti-Fascist movement. 

Markovich goes on to describe the heavy struggle of the progressive 
Slavs against the "reaction" among Americans of Slavic origin, which 
reached its climax toward the end of 1941 and the beginning of 1942 : 

Tlie anti Fascist movement in the Slavic groups, which were largely rallied 
around their progressive newspapers were persistent and unflinching in that 
struggle. The Yugoslav immigrants, i. e., the anti-Fascist movement among 
them, were the most active in that struggle, although they number just a little' 
over 1,000,000, which is only one-third or one-fourth of some larger Slav groups. 
That dynamism in the Yugoslav group indicated that whether the All-Slav Con- 
gress would take place, and whether it would be successful depended entirely 
on the Yugoslavs (p. 47). 

The congress, where, for the first time in history, American Slavs 
gathered at a common meeting, was, according to Markovich, a great 
success. President Eoosevelt announced a few days before the con- 
gress (held on April 28, 1942, in Detroit) that he would send his greet- 
ings and a special personal representative : 

The success of the congress did not consist only in the fact that for the first 
time in their history many representatives of American Slavs came together. 
Its success consisted of the fact that strong foundations were laid for a broad, 
anti-Fascist movement among American Slavs, and that this movement mobilized 
millions and millions of people in America, particularly workers, for a greater 
contribution to the victory of the United Nations over the Axis (p. 49). 

A few days later, many national groups held their own conventions, 
among them the "progressive" Serbs with their "Seventh Vidovdan 
Congress." This congress was gi-eeted by — 



A. Cranston on behalf of the United States Government, a group of Yu 
Cabinet members, led by S. Kosanovic, Leo Krzycki, president of the American 
Slav Congress * * * the All-Slav Committee from Moscow * * * (p. 54). 

With regard to the above statements, it seems quite appropriate to 
quote the authoritative opinion of Bozidar Maslaric, chairman of the 
All-Slav Committee, on the role assigned to the Slavic press after 
World War II, i. e., after all Slavic countries became Communist- 
dominated. In an interview with a correspondent of the official Tan- 
jug Agencv in Belgrade on July 17, 1947, published in the Narodni 
List ("The People's Journal"), Zagreb, Yugoslavia, July 18, 1947, 
page 2, Maslaric, among other things, said : 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 631 

One of the most important tasks of the All-Slav Committee, together with the 
Slavic national committees, will also be to popularize the successes of the Slavic 
peoples in the field of the construction of the new people's democracy, which is 
of tremendous importance for the cause of the consolidation of general peace and 
development, and furtherance of democracy in the whole world. In that respect, 
a special role belongs to the democratic press, which is called upon to spread the 
truth abont the efforts of the Slavic peoples and about the postwar political, 
economic, and cultural development of the Slavic republics, as well as to unmask 
all those who are sowing distrust in the entire world against the peoples of the 
Slavic countries, who, together with the Soviet Union, are in the front ranks of 
the fighters for peace and friendship of the whole world. The All-Slav Commit- 
tee * * * will * * * help people who work for the press to present the 
modern problems and the ideological essence of the new Slavic movement. 

As for the correct interpretation of the term "education," Mirko 
Markovich may again be of great help. In his pamphlet, The Strug- 
gle in America for a New Yugoslavia, he states that — 

The Yugoslav workers' movement played a very important role in the founda- 
tion and initial development of the Communist Party of the United States. So, 
for instance, in the first years after its foundation, the Yugoslav workers com- 
posed more than one-third of the membership of the Communist Party of the 
United States of America. * * * This fact shows that our immigrants, that 
is, the class-conscious part of them, not only did not lag behind other groups 
of the American working class in the most decisive moments, but they often 
were more advanced (p. 26). 

And since the Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik not only are 
"worker's" newspapers, but identify themselves with "progressive" 
movements of American Serbs and Croats, it seems fit to consult the 
Daily Worker, quoting Lenin, Stalin, and Marx, 

In an article entitled "The Weapon Lenin Gave in Struggle for 
Socialism," by William Weinstone (Daily Worker, April 8, 1949, 
p. 9), strong issue is taken with all tendencies of "labor reformism" 
and "economism," whose main characteristic is — 

"An exclusive or major preoccupation with the economic struggle, chiefly with 
the trade-union struggle for wages and hours and denial of the political fight 
for democratic liberties and socialism. As a consequence, economism denies 
the need for a vanguard party for the working class and belittles the role of 
consciousness and theory. * * * 

"In rejecting economism, * * * 

Weinstone continues — 

Lenin did not mean that the struggle for immediate day-to-day demands must 
be neglected or underestimated * * * since otherwise the workers would be 
turned into broken wretches (Marx). 

"However * * * to confine the struggle merely to economic reforms 
would mean to perpetuate wage slavery. Therefore the fight for reforms," 
stated Lenin, "must be subordinated to the militant struggle for democracy and 
socialism as the part is subordinated to the whole. 

"Only if the workers * * * are imbued with class consciousness and the 
ideas of socialism, only if the number and influence of the Communists grow, 
can the organizations of the workers be strong and militant in their daily affairs 
and develop into powerful levers for ultimate emancipation." 

Weinstone, quoting Lenin, sharply assails the adherents of econ- 
omism and their "reliance on spontaneity" for realizing the "ultimate 
emancipation." Instead, he insists on the necessity — 

to shape the thinking of the workers * * * 

If the Marxists do not enlighten the workers on the events of the day. if they 
do not bring class conscious views and socialist ideas to the workers, the latter 
will remain under bourgeois-minded leadership, because, says Lenin, the trade- 
union struggle of and by itself cannot develop socialist consciousness. 



632 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Socialist consciousness, he teaches, must he brought to the workers by an 
organization of class-conscious people * * * the Communists. This is so be- 
cause socialism is a science, which arose out of the spontaneous growth of the 
labor movement, and only this science can make clear to the workers the nature 
of capitalism, of the different classes and political parties, the real policies hidden 
behind demagogic phrases, why workers are poor, what causes crisis and war. 
material oppression, etc. The mission of the Communist Party, as Stalin puts 
it, is to wed socialism to the labor movement. * * * on the basis of the daily 
struggle (and not separate from it) the Communists must propagandize for 
socialism, politically educate the workers, broaden their activity and outlook, and 
raise their level so that they respond to all cases of tyranny, oppression, violence, 
and abuse, no matter what class is affected. Only in this way can the working 
class win and lead its allies, which in America consist of the small farmers, city 
poor, and the Negro people. * * * 

Trade-union organizers should therefore strive not to be pure and simple 
trade-union secretaries, but real leaders, tributes of the people. To play this 
great role, they must know Marxian theory, for "without revolutionary theory," 
proclaims Lenin, "there can be no revolutionary practice." 

The above views were expressed by Lenin in his work, What Must Be 
Done? published in 1903, the year of the foundation of the Bolshevik 
Party. Its importance is stressed by Weinstone, in his statement : 

No one can work effectively as a Communist or militant unionist in the labor 
movement who has not read and studied Lenin's master work, What's To Be 
Done? 

And contrary to the statements of the defendants in the trial of the 
Communist leaders, claiming that the Government has, in fact, in- 
dicted a 101-year-old book — the Communist Manifesto, 1848, of Marx 
and Engels — and that principles valid during the Bolshevik Revolu- 
tion in Russia (1917) are not valid today, Weinstone declares: 

Though published 46 years ago, its basic teachings are as fresh and timely as 
if written today. 

In this connection, it is worth while quoting Mary Sumrak, editor 
of the Narodni Glasnik, and vice chairman of the Council of American- 
Croatian Women, wlio in an article entitled "Let Us Put Into Effect the 
Resolutions Adopted at the Second Congress of American Croatians," 
speaks both of economic and political problems, but with an obvious 
stress on the "unity and determination of Americans of Croatian 
descent against reaction, and for the people's democracy and peace," 
i. e., on politics. After declaring that — 

The Council of American Croatians and the Central Organization of American 
Croatian Women will stay in the ranks led by H. Wallace and wnll urge the strug- 
gle to unmask the provocators of a third world war — 

Mary Sumrak explains the necessity for American-Croatian women 
to educate themselves politically : 

The second congress brought before us very important tasks * * *. This is 
what is going on and what is our first task: The struggle against high prices, 
against rent increase, for peace, etc., tliese are problems with which we have to 
deal and which deeply affect our life because they concern foodstuffs and the 
security of the working peoples. 

Let us consider the Taft-Hartley Act, which is an attack on the most elementary 
rights of the workers and their unions. That act is a law now. It it remains 
a law, it will endanger our rights. It will impede the actions of organized masses 
and destroy the much-fought-for rights of unions. If that happens, it will affect 
women as much as men, because the woman is the housewife and every action 
for lowering the wage of her husband or her own is a blow to her family and the 
future of her children. 

These are a few examples which I brought up to prove to the women that they 
must take interest in the domestic policy of our public life * * *. A short 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 633 

■svhile ago, when workers were invited to strike, in some localities, reaction' 
printed leaflets in which it appealed to women to try to prevail upon their hus- 
bands to desert their unions, because, as they said, "Your husband is losing his 
wages, and he could work." But we must know that it is just in organization that 
the strength of tlie working masses lies. There you can see how reaction en- 
deavors to mislead the woman by its reactionary propaganda. This is the second 
reason why women ought to be interested in politics. * * * 

Our clubs ought to discuss the above-mentioned tasks and take them seriously. 
If we are interested in what is going on in this country and in the world, it will 
be easier for us to build up our organization. 

Finally, Mary Siimrak cannot resist pointing to the example of 
women in Yugoslavia, a country which — at least, according to the 
Communist views prevailing before the Cominform-Tito clash — had 
achieved "idtimate emancipation" : 

The ami Fascist movement of w :men in Yugoslavia is a large and strong 
movement of organized women of Yugoslavia. We have, during and after the 
war, endeavored to follow the example set by the women of Yugoslavia in many 
respects, but we neglected the example in which the greatest strength of our 
sisters lies, and that is the strength of the women's organization. In that 
respect we must follow their example. 

That such views have been impressed upon the rank and file can be 
seen from a statement of K. Mikalacki made at a joint conference of 
the Slobodna Rec and the Serbian Progressive Movement in Chicago 
on December 7, 1947 : 

The workers' press is the mightest and best weapon in the struggle for every- 
day life and for the final victory over reaction, and that it is so is bast exempli- 
fied in France and Italy, where the workers are waging a struggle of life and 
death against reaction and the remnants of fascism. If those people did not 
have a strong and widespread workers' press, their struggle could not possibly 
aim at so great and ambitious an objective. 

How the Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik are performing their 
function of "teachers" and "educators"' of American Serbs and Croats 
can best be demonstrated by presenting their stand on various prob- 
lems related to the United States : 

II- THE STAND OF THE SLOBODNA REC AND NARODNI GLASNIK ON PROBLEMS 
OF AMERICAN FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC POLICY 

A. Foreign policy of the United States 

United States diplomacy is unfair. — The Slobodna Rec of March 11, 
1947, page 4, published a long letter of protest to Secretary of State 
George C. Marshall, by Zlatko Balokovic, chairman of the resident 
board of the National Committee of the American Slav Congress, who 
had just returned from a 3-month trip to Yugoslavia, where he at- 
tended the All-Slav Congress. Slobodna Rec dedicated a whole page 
to his letter under the headline "American Embassy in Yugoslavia 
pursuing unfriendly activities" and the subhead "Improper use of 
diplomatic immunity." 

Of course, neither Balokovic nor Slobodna Rec ever noticed any 
unfriendly activity of foreign diplomatic or other missions from coun- 

' In Communist language, the term "reaction" or "the reartion" is a collective noun 
used to describe anything that is anti-Communist, but particularly capitalism or systems 
of government, society, economics, ideology, et cetera which existed prior to the estab- 
lishment of Communist regimes. "Reaction" might be translated to mean generally "the 
forces of reaction," the movement of the reactionaries," or "the reactionaries." The term 
is used as if "the reaction" were a living entity, in such phrases as, for example : "The 
reaction printed propaganda leaflets," "the reaction oppressed the masses," "the reaction 
is threatening our people with destruction," the reaction must be defeated by "world 
revolution." 



634 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

tries of "socialism" or "people's democracies" to the United States or 
any improper use of their immunity. 

The Truman doctrine. — In the Slobodna Kec of June 17, 1947, page 3, 
a "Poem of the Workers" is published, wherein the author, Jovan Ra- 
dulovich, Detroit, Mich., attacks President Truman's doctrine as un- 
American : "All that is the deal of a clique of wealthy people * * * 
against communism and against the Russians." But the workers "are 
graduated politically and will not tolerate dictatorship. Whatever 
happens, they will not be blind slaves." 

In a report at the conference of the Serbian Progressive Movement 
at Akron, Ohio, Nikola Drenovac, former chief editor of the Slobodna 
Rec and chairman of the Serbian Progressive Movement, said, among 
other things : 

While we are fighting against fascism on our own Serbian national field, here 
in America we are, at the same time, fighting against world fascism, which is 
raising its head considerably, owing mainly to the so-called Truman doctrine. 

The trend of such a Washington policy has given courage to Fascist elements 
all over the world, and has given them hope for the revival of all that has been 
defeated in this war by common allied forces * * *. 

Such a group of criminals and people's traitors from Yugoslavia has found 
protection here in America and, moreover, these war criminals have helped here 
to persecute Communists and have been fervent executors and followers of the 
Truman doctrine. 

We shall be defending freedom if we help with all our forces the struggle ol 
the American people against the various Hoovers, Rankins, Tafts, and other 
representatives of American reaction. 

In the Narodni Glasnik of September 17, 1947, page 4, Eusibio Ruio 
expresses the Communist view on American foreign policy in his 
article entitled, "The Lack of Knowledge of True Reality.'' 

President Truman's doctrine can rightly be called expansion, because the 
Truman doctrine sent American military experts to Greece and Turkey, and that 
is at the border of Yugoslavia and Greece. Must Yugoslavia and Russia view 
that American expansion with indifference? No ! 

The Truman doctrine will lead to a third world war, if it is consequently carried 
out in Europe. 

Americans would contribute much more to world peace if they would stop inter- 
fering in the internal affairs of the Greek people. Better relations on the Balkans 
would ensue. While, as it is today, Albania, Yugoslavia, and Bulgaria are in- 
secure, they do not know when the Greek reactionary elements will penetrate into 
the above states and provoke a third world war. 

Greece will be the stumbling block and can be the beginning of the third world 
war. Who will be responsible for the third world war ? 

Fascism and warmongering in America. — Following strictly the 
Communist line, that the center of evil and trouble in the world is 
America, Nikola Baltich, of New York City, in his article, Forward 
With the Work (Slobodna Rec, December 13, 1947) , says : 

* * * All reactionary cliques of this country and the rest of the world are 
firmly determined to annihilate progress and install reaction, to deprive the people 
of their civil rights, and, instead of democratic rights and liberties, to organize 
the persecution of all progressive persons and organizations, as well as of national 
minorities. 

The Thomas-Rankin committee has already started such terrorism in the film 
industry and elsewhere. This is only the beginning and if it is not stopped in 
time, it will spread all over the country. The per.secution of the forei.4n-born, the 
persecution of colored people, the instigation to race hatred are proofs that in 
our country, which throughout its history has given freedom and protection to 
everybody. Fascist methods of persecution and oppression are being introduced. 

It is needless to stress that the Slobodna Rec seizes every opportunity 
to give publicity to any statement which indicts America before the 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 635 

world. So the Serbian People's Calendar Vidovdan for 1948 adver- 
tised in the Slobodna Rec of December 17, 1947, page 8, contains the 
article by Henry A. Wallace : "Truman's program will turn the world 
against America." 

The United States and peace. — In the Slobodna Rec of August 9, 
1947, page 2, an article is published by J. Orahovich, under the title, 
"The Policy of Our Government Does Not Contribute to the Coopera- 
tion Between the Great Powers Nor to World Peace." 

The United States against peace. — The Narodni Glasnik of Decem- 
ber 1, 1948, publishes under the title, "Plan for the 3-Month Campaign 
of the Narodni Glasnik," a report by editor "Sister Mary Sumrak" at 
the national conference of the Narodni Glasnik in Cleveland, Ohio. 
Before outlining the tasks of this paper, Mary Sumrak makes herself 
clear on the situation in America: 

The principal forces against the e.stablisliment of peace in the world are just 
in this country. These forces are threatening a new war. They are responsible 
for the big armaments in our country. They are creating hysteria and war- 
mongering, and preventing a peaceful settlement of disputes between nations — 
in the first place, in agreement with the Soviet Union and the new democracies in 
Europe. 

But the American people do not want war — they want peace. They have ex- 
pressed that in the last election, by defeating the most reactionary elements which 
wei-e waging a canii»aign for war, for the abolishment of all democratic rights of 
the American people, and the establishment of a Fascist form of government in 
our country. * * * 

The black forces of reaction are trying to drag the world into another war. 
The war propaganda is going full blast. The trade-unions are in danger, the 
freedom and fundamental rights of the American people are in danger — in danger 
is the peace of the world. The people of America and of all countries are faced 
with fateful events. 

In spite of the people's will for peace, the war propaganda and bipartisan policy 
of all parties of big capital, are being continued and are threatening all people. 
The persecution of progressive and national minorities has not been ended. It 
is being continued. Many of our organizations are still unjustly on the sub- 
versive list. Constitutional and democratic rights are being denied to them. 
Their leaders are being threatened with new persecution and deportation. 

America must help Comtnunist countries. — In a letter addressed to 
President Truman by Anton Gerlach and Leo Bacich on behalf of 
the Seventh National Convention of the Croatian Benevolent Fra- 
ternity meeting in Cleveland, June 14 and 15 (and published in the 
Narodni Glasnik of July 8, 1947), it was demanded that capitalistic 
America immediately help Communist Yugoslavia: 

We, therefore, urge that Yugoslavia be added to the list of nations to receive aid 
from the .$.3.50,000.000 appropriation for relief. We suggest that Yugoslavia be 
allotted at least .$15,000,000 to tide her over until she can stand on her own feet 
and feed her people from her harvest this fall. 

The Marshall plan. — ^As on every other issue, the Narodni Glasnik 
assumes, in the controversy about the Marshall plan, the stand of the 
Communist Party. This is drastically exemplified in the article, Fly- 
ing Saucers, the Marshall Plan, Dictators, and Miscellaneous, by F. 
Tadey : 

On the Marshall plan for the recovery of European economy, tons of material 
have been written, countless statements issued, and many debates and speeches 
given, but it seems that nobody has a clear idea what that plan contains. The 
news from London says that Bevin, urging the European countries to accept the 
Marshall plan, declared that "it would be wrong to ask Marshall wherein actually 
his plan consists. * * * Indeed, why disturb the man? Accept it, period." 



636 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

However, it looks as if something of this liind is going on: The European 
countries vote to aid themselves mutually and cooperate with Britain, and, with 
American help, build up a new economy. A controlling or ruling board would 
be elected or appointed, which would consist mainly of representatives of Britain 
and France. That board would study the situation and would order what and 
how it should be done. For instance, that board would say to Czechoslovakia : 
"Don't you now develop industry * * * You had better cultivate potatoes, 
and we will furnish you with the necessary industrial products." To Poland 
it would say : "Don't care about the potatoes, but dig coal. We shall take care 
of the rest." To Norway they would possibly say : "Give up manufacturing steel. 
Leave that to us, and you better cacch fish, cut wood, and dig minerals. The 
rest is our concern." To Italy they would maybe say : "You give up potatoes 
and industry, fish and wood. We shall take care of all that, and you just keep 
the leftists out of the government" (Narodni Glasnik, July 11, 1947, p. 3).' 

The 'State Department — All these condemnatory opinions on United 
States foreign policy are even more nnderstandable if one takes into 
account what kind of people, according to the Slobodna Rec, are in the 
State Department. 

In tlie Slobodna Rec of May 27, 1947, p. 3, a report by Marko J. Mur- 
isich of San Francisco is published on the case of an elderly man who 
applied to the State Department for a passport to visit his ailing 
son in Yugoslavia, but was refused. In the report, which bears the 
title "Do They Have Any Parents' Love At All ?", it is said : 

Can such a thing happen in the country of Washington, in the country of Jeffer- 
son, in the country of Lincoln? 

It can happen. * * * 

The old man asked me: "Do people in the State Department have children?" 

"They certainly have," said I. 

How would they feel if some ill-famed government of some foreign country 
would deny them the right to go abroad to see their own children? * * * 

The history of this war has shown that the Fascist beasts have no more feel- 
ing toward a child than they have toward the most dangerous wild beasts. I 
do not know then how people in the State Department can be without parental 
love, or how it is possible that they do not think, at least in cases like this 
one, of parental love. 

It seems to me that reaction in America does not feel much different from the 
Fascists. 

This opinion still does not prevent progressives from urging the 
State Department to stop insulting Yugoslavia. 

The Narodni Glasnik of July 8, 1947, carries a letter to Secretary of 
State George Marshall signed by Anton Gerlach and Leo Bacich, in 
which they say : 

Therefore, we urge you to use your influence in the State Department to adopt 
a policy of friendship toward Yugoslavia and make it possible for a friendly 
exchange of visitors to and from Yugoslavia. * * * 

We earnestly hope that these insults to the Yugoslav people will cease and make 
possible a better relationship between the people of the United States and Yugo- 
slavia. 

It is noteworthy how the Narodni Glasnik and people connected 
with it, who are never concerned about America, are worried about 
the interests and prestige of other countries — namely, those of social- 
ism or of people's democracy, i. e., Soviet satellites. 

The Atlantic Pact. — In the Narodni Glasnik of April 6, 1949, an 
editorial is dedicated to the Atlantic Pact, under the title : "A Serious 
Warning to the World" : 

The gentlemen want war, in which the people have to pay with their blood, 
toil, and money. The gentlemen will hoard profits, as in all other wars. 

The people cannot leave to the corrupt gentlemen to decide the question of war 
or peace, but they must decide themselves. They must decide it through a resolute 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 637 

Struggle against warmongers. In that struggle millions of people are rising all 
over the world. 

Slavery for colonial peoples.— ^\\^ Narodni Glasnik of July 7, 1949, 
carries an editorial under the title: "Truman's 'Bold Plan'— New 
Slavery for Colonial Peoples," and says : 

The so-called bold plan which President Truman submitted to the Congress is, 
in fact, nothing but a new way of enslaving the African and other colonial 
peoples. * * * 

It is hardly disputable that the above views are entirely compliant 
with the official Connnunist Party stand on the United States foreign 
policy. Holding thoroughly Communist view^s on United States for- 
eign-policy problems, the Slobodna Eec and Narodni Glasnik cannot 
be expected to hold opinions of a different brand on matters of democ- 
racy in America and the domestic policy of the United States 
Government. 

B. Democracy in the United States and the domestic folicy of the 
United States Government 

Dollar jmiriots.—lw the Slobodna Rec of May 29, 1947, a 
poem, under the title "Enough of Suffering and Sorrow," is published 
by Milo Marotich, Dearborn, Mich., which assails "dollar patriots" who 
are preparing bills in the Congress to deprive the workers of all their 
rights acquired during Roosevelt America. 

Break-doion of capitalism.— 1\\ the Slobodna Rec of July 31, 1947, 
a poem, under the title "The Knight of the Dollar and the Elevator 
Boy," signed by "Mitar," is reprinted from Jez (the humoristic news- 
paper published in Belgrade, Yugoslavia) . The poem is an allegorical 
preview of the break-down of capitalism in the United States through 
general strike. 

Un-American activities. — In the Slobodna Rec of August 23, 1947, 
Stanko Vuich publishes an article against the House Committee oh 
Un-American Activities under the title "Fifth Columnists Cannot 
Decide Who Is Loyal to the United States and Who Is Not." 

A7ne7Hcan investments in fascism. — In an article published in the 
Slobodna Rec of November 19, 1947, page 3, under the title 
"On Armistice Day, November 11," Dushan M. Pejovich, Detroit, in- 
dulges in considerations and reflections about the connection between 
poor people and peace on the one hand, and millionaires and war on 
the other : 

While the poor and war-ruined people had optimistic views about all that 
[after World War I], others, who were mightier and better fed, craving for 
revenge and war wealth, and supported morally and materially by all those who 
saw the salvation of humanity and their fat income from invested capital in 
dictators and fascism, prepared a second human bloodshed. * * * 

Do those in the millionaires' offices under whose windows the parade [after 
World War II] is marching and tliose who have not yet forgotten their invest- 
ments in prewar fascism— do they look upon parades as we poor, ?mall people 
do, or are they laughing at our stupidity? 

The lovers of peace and those who suffered from the previous wars, today dread 
the commercial politics and commercial maneuvering wliich are being pursued 
against the people, who want friendship and unity among nations. 

Fascism in America.— hi its issue of November 22, 1947, the Slobodna 
Rec publishes an article against the Pittsburgh Press and its main 
source of information, the American Srbobran — organ of the Serb Na- 
tional Federation, Pittsburgli, Pa., "which has * * * joined Ameri- 



638 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

can national reaction in strengthening the Fascist activities in this 
country. * * * They seek to destroy the most democratic avenues 
of expression of the common people," 

Reactionary America. — In his article, the London Fog (Slobodna 
Rec, Nov. 29, 1947) , Dushan Pejovich, in his democratic zeal, assails the 
reactionary press in America for giving space in its columns to the 
wedding of Princess Elizabeth in London : 

This attitude of the reactionary press in America, which from the first moment 
of decision shook off the King's domination, plays not only into the hands of the 
English King, but of all kings, former and present, and still wants to prove that 
such a system of government is democratic. 

One of the most revealing articles was published in the Naroclni 
Glasnik of May 9, 1947, page 3, by Mary Sumrak, first vice chairman of 
American Croatian Women. 

United States loarmongers. — An article is published under the page- 
wide heading Croatian women at work for a better and happier future : 

On Mother's Day this year, not all graves of all soldiers who fell have yet been 
found. The tears of bereaved mothers have not yet dried, and already new black 
clouds are casting shadows over the earth ; already those who from the blood of 
our sons and daughters are drawing personal profits are warmongering and pro- 
voking a third world war. They do not care about mothers' feelings, they do not 
care about anything but their greed. A handful of billionaires, who are ruth- 
lessly plundering American mothers and taking away from them the bread from 
their tables, being afraid of the people, afraid that they will lose the unlimited 
right to profits and plunder, have plotted against the democratic peoples, who 
have risen from the ruins of Fascist military power, who have acquired freedom 
and who in their ranks are building a new world of equality and brotherhood. 
This small handful of ruthless and greedy people are threatening with a new war, 
are threatening with atomic bombs, and are bent upon taking away from millions 
of mothers what is most precious to them — their children. 

We mothers ought to and have to stand firmly by Wallace and others who are 
following the policy of the late Roosevelt * * *. We must not allow our sons 
and daughters to be again driven to the battlefields to defend the interests of 
greedy imperialists * * * 

A single glance at what is happening in the Congress of our country is enough 
to convince us of the danger which threatens those ideas for which the World 
War was waged and for which our sons and daughters died. All these plans for 
depriving the little common men of their rights and liberties must incite us to 
pull together from passivity and to take an active part in the realization of the 
program of the late President Roosevelt, which alone leads to the realization of 
the ideals for which our children fell. * * * 

Only through a strong mass movement will we be able to fight reaction which is 
provoking war. American women are organized in the Congress of American 
Women, which is a part of the International Women's Congress.^ We are closely 

connected with these organizations and through them the women of the world. 
Thus linked with a strong mass movement and if we are well organized ourselves, 
we will be able to wage successfully the fight for a better and happier future. 

The hreak-down of capitalism. — In Slobodna Eec of May 27, 1947, a 
poem is published by Sofia Mark, of Detroit, Micli., entitled "To My 
Son Charlie": 

To raise your fist against slavery and fascism 

And all other cynicism — 

There will be waves of struggle for you yet, 

Because the world has freedom to get. 

To worry for food and other things 

In the land of plenty and everything, 

Your name will be in line with othei's, who gave 

Their lives to break the chains and orders. 



^ Congress of the Womens International Democratic Federation. The Congress of Amer- 
ican Women is listed as a Communist front organization by the Attorney General, see 
appendix II, p. A7. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 639 

United States Government and United States feoiple. — In the issue 
of Slobodna Rec of September 20, 1947, Nikola Baltich publishes an 
article against the decision of the Department of State not to issue 
passports for visitors to Yugoslavia, under the title "The Voice of the 
People Ought To Be Heard." 

It is noteworthy that here again, the writers of the Slobodna Rec 
make a distinction between the Government and the people of the 
United States, whereas they always identify people and government 
%vhen the Soviet Union is concerned. 

Wall Street^ Hitler, Mussolini. — In a letter allegedly received from 
Yugoslavia by Obrenija Biberdzic, of Chicago, 111., and published in 
the Slobodna Rec of November 26, 1947, page 3, it is said : 

On the whole, overytliing is all right. lUit it seems to me that those trusts of 
yours hate us. They would like us to be obedient slaves of Wall Street, but we 
want to lead our own lives. If anyone goes off his head and touches us, we 
will send him along the same way as Hitler and Mussolini. That is the message 
of eastern Europe to all those who want to subdue and oppress other peoples. 
With us are justice and the working people of the whole world. 

Reaction against the people. — The Narodni Glasnik of May 9, 1947, 
page 3, published a report on the Women's International Democratic 
Federation and the Congress of American Women by Anna Seliger^ 
writing on behalf of the Committee of the Council of American- 
Croatian Women in New York. The author speaks at length of the 
situation in America in order to make clear the tasks of the Women's 
International Democratic Federation, whose first meeting took place 
in Prague from February 20 to March 1, 1947 : 

The November election and other events in America showed of how great 
importance it is to develop as much as possible the Congress of American Women. 
The attack of reaction against the workers' unions and the liberties of the Ameri- 
can people, the plundering of the people on the part of the profit-hungry capi- 
talists and bankers, has brought about a very critical period in American his- 
tory. In this period and in the future, the Congress of American Women must 
play a very important and extensive role; the struggle for the 'reservation and 
raising of the standard of living, the struggle for the preservation of the people's 
liberties and the American Constitution, the struggle for the preservation of world 
peace and well-being, the struggle against discrimination and equal rights for all 
classes of people, regardless of racial, religious, political, or any other differences. 

The Congress of American Women (which numbers 200,000 members) through 
its commissions is holding meetings and presenting petitions in the defense of 
these rights and liberties, guaranteed by the American Constitution, is taking 
part with other organizations in the campaign for the control of prices against 
inflation, is waging a struggle against the antiworkers' legislation, and is par- 
ticipating in all fields of activity, for a betterment of the American people. 

The Congress of American Women has mobilized all its local committees and 
members in the general campaign for the preservation of a lasting peace through 
the United Nations Organization, disarmament and destruction of the atomic 
bomb and weapons, and for world cooperation. 

The Congress of American Women, as a part of the Women's International 
Democratic Federation, is using all means to achieve the above aims. 

Therefore, I want to conclude with the wish that all our women's organiza- 
tions become members of the Congress of American Women, because only if 
organized in a strong organization will we be able to fulfill successfully the tasks 
which these troubled times are imposing upon us. 

Gestapo in America, freedom, in Yugoslavia — In the Narodni Glas- 
nik of September 8, 1947, page 2, Peter Simrak sounds the alarm 
against the "Gestapo Callahan Act" : 

The Callahan Act ' entitles the State attorney to arrest whom he wishes when- 



^ "An act to regulate and control the operation of foreign agencies acting within the 
State of Micliigan ; and to prescribe penalties for violations of the provisions of this act" 
(Michigan Public Acts of 1947, No. 270; Mich. Stat. Ann. (Callaghan), sec. 18.58). 



640 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

ever lie wishes, to keep his victims arrested as long as he likes, without accusa- 
tion or jury. Any individual, club, or organization, which has any direct or 
indirect connection with a foreign state or institution may be called an agent. 

Such laws used to exist in some other countries in the recent past. There 
were laws for thought control. There existed especially trained police who had 
the task of finding out what people think. * * * 

Today such Fascist laws are being transplanted in the State of Michigan, and 
in due time, would spread all over the country. It will be possible to arrest in a 
Gestapo manner, without warrants, without formal accusation, without witnesses 
or court processes. This at least, is the idea, but the people have not yet had 
their say. * * * 

At the same time, a special bail fund of $250,000 is being created, so that it 
will be possible to free from jail people who come in conflict with the Michigan 
police. The people of Michigan are confronted with a great danger, but that 
danger threatens in the same way all others, wherever they may be. That 
is why their struggle is our struggle. 

It is a strange coincidence that the same issue of the Narodni Ghisnik, 
in which the word "Gestapo" is connected with tlie United States, 
carries a letter sent to the editor of Narodni Glasnik by Riiza Pinto, 
Yugoslav Progressive Club of Los Angeles, Calif., in which it is said 
of Yugoslavia : "We enjoy today pure democratic freedom under the 
leadership of our Marshal Tito." This, however, was before the 
Cominform-Tito clash. 

'Warmongers in America. — In the Slobodna Rec of August 30, 19-iT, 
Josip Rajnovich, faithfully following the Communist views of the 
unity of all reaction, assails "the bankrupt statesmen, diplomats, and 
generals of old Yugoslavia" as well as "warmongers Churchill, Hearst, 
and Hoover." 

TJn-American actimties. — One might compare with the article We 
Must Not Forget by Ivan Jankovic (Narodni Glasnik, August 22, 
1947, p. 3), the statement issued by the Croatian Fraternal Union 
( CFU) and published in the Narodni Glasnilc of August 21, 1947. The 
officials of this organization "deny false accusation of the Un-Ameri- 
can Activities Committee" and as — 

loyal American citizens bitterly condemn any suspicions or accusations * * * 
against the CFU of America and its members. 

We urgently petition the Committee on n-American Activities to investigate 
instead, those who so brazenly and maliciously point the finger of accusation 
against the CFU of America, and establish their nefarious reasons for such acts. 

IrpeR'ponsihle elements and loorld war III. — In the same issue of the 
Narodni Glasnik, Mary Sumrak, vice chairman of the Council of 
American-Croatian WomeM, is addressing an invitation to the Ameri- 
can-Croatian women to "put into effect resolutions adopted at the 
Second Congress of American-Croatians." Among other things, 
Mary Sumrak says : 

During the war, the American-Croatian men and women, who were engaged 
in the struggle against the deadly enemy, who set himself the aim and task of 
conquering the world, stood by their President Roosevelt and the United Nations 
who fought for the defeat of fascism. 

After the war, when in this country and in the world, brotherhood and unity 
ought to prevail, irresponsible elements rose to the surface who started launch- 
ing slogans for a third world war. Such elements encountered the resistance 
of people like Henry WiiUace, Senator Pepper, and oth'^'s. wlio are fightir-;: for 
the ideals of the true democracy for the people s righls and the unity of the 
peace-loving mankind. 

Fascism,. — The Communist view that not all fascism has been wiped 
out by the defeat of Nazi Germany and Japan, but that it lives on in 
capitalism, bent upon provoking a third world w^ar, is expressed in 
a letter allegedly received from Yugoslavia by George Maravic of 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 641 

Gary, Ind., and published in tlie Slobodna Rec of November 8, 1947, 
page 3, under the title "We Must Not Allow Fascism To Eaise Its 
Head To Provoke World-Wide Bloodshed." 

Anglo-American monopolists. — In an article entitled "German 
Property Abroad," published in the Slobodna Rec of July 31, 1947, 
page 2, Milan Slani contends that the total of German property which 
goes in the form of reparations into the hands of the United States 
and Great Britain is 10.5 billion dollars, which is more than the total 
amount of Soviet reparations. From such considerations the author 
concludes : 

It is in the light of these facts that the efforts of the Anglo-American authori- 
ties and their monopolistic circles to conceal the amount and the real origin of 
German property abroad must be viewed. 

American democracy. — One of the most indicative articles as to the 
stand of Nardoni Glasnik and people connected with it on American 
democracy was published in the issue of August 22, 1947, page 3. In 
this article, entitled "We Must Not Forget," Ivan Jankovich says : 

In the course of these postwar years, a veil is being pulled over the eyes — 
a veil well-nigh mysterious, invisible, but which you still can feel. Over the 
daily press controlled by various automobile and steel magnates and other 
cartels some new lines are being put before the people. It is directed to a new 
hazardous step * * * to clear away the remnants of today's democracy. * * * 

To achieve this we are advised to reject the unions in our daily life, because 
they are headed by racketeers which are leading the members of the unions to 
catastrophe. And in order to achieve that success, to make our work easier, 
they have already taken the necessary steps ; they have adopted an antiworkers' 
law, the Taft-Hartley bill. On the political field, they are recommending a new 
monster. We ought to reorganize Japan, so that democracy may be safeguarded 
also from that side. 

The storm of these pests of our days is turning to a cyclone which, on its 
destructive way, is pulling out and breaking, destroying, and annihilating the 
little moral conscience we have left. Doubt and disintegration are arising. 
People are asking. How and why rearm Japan and against whom? 

Strange is this life, they answer us. We live in the twentieth century, in 
the century of wonders of technique, in the period of the atomic bomb, in a life 
of sudden changes in which period a friend of yesterday is tomorrow the worst 
enemy. Yes ; such is life. 

In this turmoil of immoral ethics, our immigrants are straining their eyes 
and ears in the exi^ectation of some great events. Public opinion is excited and 
something must happen. The curtain. The iron curtain. We must peep behind 
it to see what is hidden there. Because we, oh, yes, we are democrats, the only 
"right" and "proved" system, the best system — free enterprise. We are the only 
ones on this earth of tears and suffering who possess something which the rest 
of the world does not have ; yes, we possess democracy. 

The ruthless people in this country are endeavoring to put in our hands in an 
invisible way a knife with two blades, which they would, by means of some new 
scientific "energy" operate in the direction of massacring. 

Oh, tl ese Balkan people ! Oh, that cursed Russia ! If only she wasn't there, 
there would be no Tito, and there would be even no Dimitrov,^ no Groza," and 
no Albanian Enver Hoxha. How happy this world would be. We would 
freely spread all over Europe our tested system of the pretty harlot, which we 
have nari(;d democracy. 

Fascism and com^munism. — In the Narodni Glasnik of May 5, 1947, 
page 2, l^'rank Borich, executive secretary of the People's Council of 
America ti-Croatians, publishes an article on the importance of the 
Great Second Congress of American Croatians and Croatian Women : 

[The conference] was a magnificent manifestation of the unity and determina- 
tion of A-nericans of Croatian descent against reaction, for the people's demo- 
cracy and peace. * * * 



' Geor?i Dimitrov, Communist dictator of Bulgaria. 
' Petru Groza, puppet Prime Minister of Rumania. 



642 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Nearly 600 delegates cheered consciously and enthusiastically in the name 
of all the members to stress the need of unity of the Big Three in the United 
Nations Organization for the uprooting of all remnants of fascism. * * * 

This was especially demonstrated by the thunderous applause when the 
name of Henry A. Wallace was mentioned, who, through his energetic struggle 
for the peace program of Franklin D. lioosevelt, expresses the fervent strivings 
and the wishes of the great American people to help the war-devastated coun- 
tries with plows and not with guns. * * * 

They were not the least intimidated or impressed by the futile threatening 
with the "bogey" of communism, since they know that behind it is concealed the 
plot of the vested interests and reaction against all achievements of the American 
people and the freedom of other countries which they achieved after much 
struggle. 

The American Slav Congress and communism. — Although unim- 
pressed by the threats with the Communist "bogey" the same author, 
Frank Borich, is anxious to "destroy that disgusting slander." In the 
Narodni Glasnik of August 12, 1947, page 2, he is addressing "three 
very important messages to all branches of the People's Council," 
especially urging them to support The Slavic American, published by 
the American Slav Congress : 

This periodical is of enormous importance, not only for us Slavs, but for 
all Americans. It is important especially today when reaction is endeavoring 
to brand all of us, who gave all that we had for the victory in the war, as "fifth 
columnists." We must destroy that disgusting slander and prove to the people 
of America that we Slavs are among the best and most loyal citizens of America, 
who always fought for its democratic traditions and democ.atic ideals. The 
Slavic American will play here a great role. That is why we must divulge it, 
not only among Americans of Slavic origin but among others as well. 

True Americanism. — The Connnunist view that only "progressive' 
Americanism is true Americanism is expressed in the article, Clear the 
Smog, by John Vidmar, Jr., president of the Yugoslav-American 
Youth Club Unity, Pittsburgh, Pa. (published in thQ Narodni Glasnik 
of October 2, 1947, p. 8) : 

From the very moment of our birth, we have been "Red-baited," which causes 
confusion among some of our present members. Clear your minds, brothers and 
sisters. * * * 

Our position of fighting for the foreign policy of Franklin D. Roosevelt, of 
friendship wuth the U. S. S. R., Yugoslavia, and all of our wartime allies, for an 
everlasting peace ; our policy to light discrimination, white chauvinism, and all 
other tendencies that lead to fascism, gives us the privilege of being fighters for 
true Americanism, of building an America on true democratic lines. 

Break-down of capitalism. — In the Slobodna Rec of September 18, 
1947, support is urged "to our democratic newspaper, which is lashing 
the Fascists, whose chains are breaking, so that we must do everything 
to break the last link." 

In the Slobodna Rec of Attgust 12, 1947, page 3, Krcun Sekulich 
seized the opportunity of writing an obituary in the form of a poem 
to suggest the inevitability of the break-down of capitalism : 

And you died calmly, full of youthful dreams * * * 
Of the old world crumbling and falling apart. 

'■''Every one of us a Communisty — And if the old world is falling 
apart, then, according to the Narodni Glasnik, nothing remains but 
to join the Communists. In its issue of August 21, 1947, the Narodni 
Glasnik publishes a letter received by Marko Papa of Pittsburgh, Pa., 
from his daughter in Paris under the title "Many Strikes Are Break- 
ing Out in Paris." In that letter the author, according to the Narodni 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 643 

Glasnik, "pictures the situation in Paris and expresses his wishes and 
the wishes of French workers" : 

* * * What we Iiave lived through here ought to make every one of us a 
Comniuuist, that is, a true Communist and not, as some are, only with words 
and not with sentiments. 

Here every now and then strikes are breaking out, one alter another. These 
days such a demonstration took place that the police was powerless. I am glad 
that the j)eople here will some day embrace the idea of communism * * * 
because there will be more freedom and less suspicion among peoples. 

Moral and political terrorism in the United States. — In such a coun- 
try as the United States, it appears from the above statements that the 
Slobodna Kec has for 13 years been doing "noble work," according 
to MiLan Polovina of San Pedro, Calif. (Thirteen Years of Noble 
Work, Slobodna Kec, Dec. 17, 1U4T) : 

Thanks to the capitulation of the people who succeeded the great Roosevelt at 
the helm of this great country of ours, to the monopoUstic and reactionaiy 
elements of the country, an unprect dented persecution of progressive and demo- 
cratic forces, is being carried out, and moral and political terrorism is being 
made possible. The consequences of such a domestic policy of our Government 
and the determination of the reaction to stifle the people's liberties and American 
democracy must not be underestimated. 

They not only endanger the existence of the patriotic followers of progressive 
thought and our democratic institutions, but such a policy is endangering the 
existence of a free America — the America of Washington, Lincoln, and Roosevelt. 
Such a policy, if continued, will inevitably deliver America into the hands of 
fascism. * * * 

Our workers' unions are being snatched fi'om the hands of progressive workers' 
leaders and by means of laws such as the Taft-Hartley bill are becoming the 
prey of monopolistic lackeys. The Taft-Hartley bill is only the beginning of 
aggression, of the organization of American industrialists against the workers"^ 
and progressive institutions. This aggression by the representatives of Ameri- 
can monopolists in the Republican Congress jeopardizes all achievements which 
the American working people have made in the course of their hard struggle for 
the last 25 years. 

The campaign of the reactionary press and radio against the Soviet Union ; 
our help to the Monarcho-Fascists in Greece, Turkey, and Italy and China, 
against the interests of those countries — all this leads to one goal : The third 
world carnage and fascism. 

Whether these autipeople's forces, here and in the world, will succeed in real- 
izing their diabolic plans, depends very much on the energetic resistance whieli 
the democratic and progressive forces here and in the world will be able to oppose 
in the struggle for the preservation of world peace and the democratic achieve- 
ments of peace-loving mankind. This autipeople's offensive will not, and can- 
not, succeed if that i-esistance is strong enough ; if that resistance results from a 
united front of all progressive and democratic forces, workers' and peasants" 
unions and organizations, and the democratically minded intelligentia. 

Bearing in mind that our Slobodna Rec is also closely connected with the 
struggle against the enemies of the working people, against warmongers and 
fascism, bearing in mind that it is closely connected with the struggle for peace 
and international friendship, our tasks are clear and well defined. 

Truman and Wall Street want war. — Never missing an opportunity 
to oppose the United States Government to the people, the Narodni 
Glasnik of January 12, 1949, in its editorial, analyzes Truman's budget 
plan and declares : 

We have said that Truman's whole program is based on Wall Street's war 
plans. * * * 

The people must understand this and demand President Truman and the Con- 
gress to put an end to the cold war and the spending of money for war aims. 
Instead of war material, houses, schools, and hospitals ought to be built. The 
people must have greater social security and a better life. The people want peace, 
not war. 



644 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

America rewarding war criminals. — The strike wave in France in 
January 1949 incites the Narodni Glasnik to the following considera- 
tions : 

According to news from France, workers in various state-owned plants and 
factories have gone, or are about to go, on strilie * * * 

They are striking in protest against the planned return of nationalized in- 
dustry to their prewar owners. * * * 

This seems to be part of the ingratiating and submission to the American bank- 
ers and monopolists who, with the help of our Government are waging a campaign 
for free enterprise all over the world. * * * 

That is not surprising. Our powerholders have been the first to forgive the sins 
of the Nazis. The French reactionaries had only to watch what General Clay ^ is 
doing in Germany, to come to the conclusion that, if the Americans can set Hitler's 
henchmen free, it is a sign for them to set free their own domestic traitors and 
moreover to reward them. 

(Narodni Glasnik, January 14, 1949; editorial: The Rewarding of War 
Criminals). 

Truman does not want peace. — In the editorial of the Narodni 
Glasnik from January 24, 1949, President Truman's inauguration 
speech is commented upon, and the conclusion is expressed in the 
title "Truman Does Not Want Peace." 

Going the imperialistic loay.— In the Narodni Glasnik from Janu- 
ary 25, 1949, an editorial on the withdrawal of the CIO from the World 
Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) is published under the title 
"Going the Imperialistic Way," in which it is said : 

From all that, it can clearly be seen that Carey ^ and the rest of the clique are 
holding the interests of the INIarshall plan and their masters from Wall Street 
above the interests of the W'orkers. 

III. THE STAND OF THE SLOBODNA REG AND NARODNI GLASNIK ON YUGO- 
SLAVIA BEFORE THE COMINFORM-TITO CLASH 

The above statements seem to prove convincingly that the attitude 
of the Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik toward the existing demo- 
cratic order of their own country, the United States, is one of strong 
disapproval. However, tlie tone swings from sharpest criticism to 
boundless praise when the new Communist regime in Yugoslavia 
(until the Cominform-Tito conflict, June 28, 1948) is concerned. The 
Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik do not hesitate to draw compari- 
sons between the United States and Yugoslavia whereby the United 
States is always — without a single exception — the loser. 

Example to the Wor'ld. — In the greeting to the working youth on the 
Samac-Sarajevo Railroad from the delegates of the county conference 
of American Democratic Serbs gathered around the progressive news- 
paper Slobodna Rec, it is said that: 

The building of the Samac-Sarajevo ^ Railroad line is unique in history. It 
can serve as holiest example of the devotion of the young generation of Tito's' 
Yugo.slavia to economic and cultural progress, an example not only to the people 
of the FPR Yugoslavia, but to all democratic nations of the world (Slobodna Reci 
of May 27, 1947). 



' Gen. Lucius B. Clay (then) military governor of Germany. I 

- James B. Carey, secretary-treasurer of the CIO and leader at that time of the antl-l 
Communist faction of the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America 
T'lO). Mr. Carey is presently administrative chairman of the International Union of 
Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers (CIO), the union established by the CIO in oppo- 
sition to the UERMWA, the latter having been ousted from the CIO in November 1949 1 
because of its Communist leadership. 

' The Samac-Sarajevo railway was one of tlie so-called youth projects. It was a 
special ground for indoctrination of foreign youth who, while not working on the railway, 
were indoctrinated with Communist philosophy. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 645 

In the Slobodna Rec of June 26, 1947, appears a letter allegedly re- 
ceived from Yugoslavia by Michael and Eugenia Pramenko, Ana- 
conda, Mont., in which the Chetniks are blamed for most of the misery- 
endured by the civilian population, and the new Communist regime is 
highly praised. 

Everybody is free. — In the Slobodna Rec of August 5, 1947, a report 
is published on the "Magnilicent Welcome" to Bozo Galeb and Martin 
Zoric in Cupertino, Calif., returning from a visit to Yugoslavia, where 
Galeb is quoted as saying : 

The people cleaned up the country forever. It has forged together not only the 
brotherhood and unity of the peoples of Yugoslavia, but also the brotherhood and 
unity with all other Slav nations which fought for the same cause * * *_ ^\\q 
people are very gay and entirely free * * *. All land is divided among the 
peasants. Everybody has the same rights and the same duties. 

Everybody can come to meetings and say what he desires and feels. Every 
peasant and worker, every citizen, can openly and publicly criticize all that he 
does not like and that he deems wrong. What the people ask for they get. The 
people complement the authorities. They dismiss from power anybody who does 
not act correctly and well. 

Progressing in every way. — In the Slobodna Rec of September 11, 
1947, page 2, a letter allegedly received from Yugoslavia is published 
under the heading "Yugoslavia Is Progressing in Every Way." 

Governr)ient hy the people. — In the Slobodna Rec of August 5, 1947, 
a letter is published, allegedly received from Yugoslavia by M. Marich, 
in ^^ hich it is said that : 

The imperialists dislike the pre.sent state of affairs in Yugoslavia, because it is 
the people who rule there now. 

Country of the working people. — In another letter allegedly re- 
ceived from Yugoslavia, by Milovan Vojnovich, Packwood, Wash., 
and published in the Slobodna Rec of August 9, 1947, it is said : 

The face of our country is being changed, and it is the country of the working 
people. 

Everything belongs to the people. — In another letter allegedly 
received from Yugoslavia by Milan Marich, Chicago, 111., and pub- 
lished in the Slobodna Rec of August 21, 1947, it is said : 

With us there is voluntary work, because the people know that everything 
belongs to them. 

World admires Yugoslavia. — A letter allegedly received from Yugo- 
slavia by M. Budimirovich, Lincoln Park, Mich., published in the Slo- 
bodna Rec on September 13, 1947, was printed under a two-column- 
wide title: "The Over-all Development and Progress of Yugoslavia 
Receives the Admiration of the Whol« World." 

The economic policy of Yugoslavia even has poets among people 
connected with Slobodna Rec, such as Dushan Popovich, Chicago, 111., 
whose poem The Five- Year Plan is published in the Slobodna Rec of 
September 13, 1947. 

Situation critical * * * but not in Yugoslavia. — In the Slobodna 
Rec of October 11, 1947, a long article is published on Yugoslavia, 
signed by Milan Polovina, who returned to America after spending 3 
months in that country. As usual, the opportunity is taken to draw 
a parallel between a Socialist country and the capitalist United States 
of America, which always ends in condemnation of the United States. 
Polovina says : 

When after much trouble I finally obtained a passport for Yugoslavia, our 
authorities warned me that I was traveling on my own responsibility since 
98330 — 50 — pt. 2 13 



646 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

in Yugoslavia the situation was so critical that the American authorities would 
not guarantee my security. 

I wonder from what sources our authorities are getting their information, but 
I found that such information was wrong, since the situation in Yugoslavia not 
only is not critical but is much more stable and normal than for instance in 
Italy, which is under the protection of America. 

After singing the praises of the Yugoslav industry, education, trans- 
port organization, agriculture, and general reconstruction, Polovina 
goes on saying : 

Unemployment, that sword of Damocles which is constantly hanging over 
the heads of the working people and darkening the joy of life in capitalist 
countries, does not exist in new Yugoslavia. 

Polovina admits that there is great scarcity of certain goods, owing 
to the drouglit, but there, too, America has its share of responsibility : 

The people's authorities have, for instance, endeavored to buy wheat and pota- 
toes from us in America, but they were refused, although at that time we had 
so many potatoes that we destroyed hundreds of carloads. The reasons for which 
wheat and potatoes were refused to Yugoslavia are obvious to everyone, and there 
is no need to give them here. 

As for political rights and liberties in Yugoslavia, Polovina admits 
that^ 

many priests are in jail, as well as peasants, government employees, lawyers, 
etc. — 

but strongly refutes all "stories" about the persecution of the Church in 
Yugoslavia, since all these people were jailed 

because they worked against the new people's authorities. Those people are angry 
and protesting, but Kardelj ^ very rightly said of them: "The dogs bark, but the 
caravan goes on." 

As regards the new regime in Yugoslavia, the author of the article 
says that during his 3 months' stay he 

was able to ascertain that the present people's authorities are based on granite 
foundations and that no reaction can shake it, be it domestic, foreign, or combined. 

Writing before the Cominform-Tito clash, Polovina says emphati- 
cally : 

The people's leadership and the people's authorities in Yugoslavia, with the 
great statesman and glorious soldier Mar.shal Tito at their head, cannot and will 
not desist from the road which they are following until they realize a new and 
more joyful life for all peoples in Yugoslavia. 

Yes, 

concludes Polovina, 

the situation is critical indeed, but not in the Federative People's Republic of Yugo- 
slavia. 

Yugofdavia must not he criticized. — According to the Slobodna Rec 
of October 22, 1947, page 3, Anton Gerlach, executive secretary of the 
American Association for Reconstruction in Yugoslavia, on the occa- 
sion of a solemn dinner in honor of 70 Yugoslav "returners" ^ to 
Yugoslavia, went as far as to warn them against any criticism of 
Yugoslavia : 

Brothers, when you get to Yugoslavia, beware of those who are critical of the 
state of affairs in Yugoslavia. * * * They are the remnants of old exploiters 
and oppressors of Yugoslav peasants and workers. * * * They will complain 
that there is no freedom in Yugoslavia. They will ask you how they could get to 
America and otiier things. 

^ Edvard Kardelj, vice premier of Yugoslavia. 

^ The term "returners" is used to describe immigrants in this country who have returned 
to Yugoslavia and other Communist-controlled countries under a Communist-sponsored 
repatriation program. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 647 

And now Gerlach warns about the state of affairs in America : 

Tell tliem that the American people do not have the same opinion about Yugo- 
slavia and other democratic countries as Truman, Marshall, Hoover, and Taft, 
and others. Tell them that we have strong and powerful unions and millions of 
organized workers. 

For the /?eo/?7e.— Yugoslavia is repeatedly cited as a country with a 
people's regime. So, m an article entitled "The London 1^'og," by 
Dushan M. Peyovich (wherein the author assails the short-sighted- 
ness of the London people and the "reactionary press in America"), 
it is said that : 

In some countries, the last war of liberation brought about great changes 
in the political structure and in the social life, so that today, especially in 
Yugoslavia, the whole state apparatus is following the people's will. 

Through this London Fog one can still see that a majority of the people of 
that island have not yet started seeing with their own eyes and that they are 
still lagging behind many peoples, for whom the last war opened the eyes and 
showed what the popular masses are striving for (Slobodna Rec, Nov. 29, 1947, 
p. 3). 

No exploitation. — In a letter allegedly received from Yugoslavia by 
Milovan Akika, Midland, Pa., and jpublished in the Slobodna Rec of 
December 10, 1947, page 3, Yugoslavia is again set up as an example of 
a country which has freed itself from the evils of capitalism: 

Yugoslavia is being slandered because it is no longer possible in that country 
for one person to enrich himself at the expense of another person and live on 
tlie labor of others. 

Reaction is powerless. — In a letter allegedly received from Yugo- 
slavia by Jovo Skulich, Chicago, 111., and published in the Slobodna 
Rec of December 24, 1917, page 3, Yugoslavia is pictured as a country 
which has done away with reaction once and for all time : 

As to what you write about enemies over there, I can tell you that we have them 
here, too; I mean reaction. But our country has laid such firm foundations 
for a new future and new life, that nobody, not even the strongest enemy, can 
destroy it. * * * 

Democracy in Yugoslavia compared to America. — ^In the Slobodna 
Rec of May 29, 1948, a very long article is published under the title 
"On Democracy in Yugoslavia" (p. 2) and "What Does Democracy 
Mean in Yugoslavia" (p. 3). This article is the final part of an 
article published in the periodical T & T, edited by Louis Adamic. 

Slobodna Rec introduces the author, Donald L. Hesson, as a well- 
known lawyer from Chicago. 

His report is "a strong rebuke to the insidious slanders and fabrications of 
the warmongers, American reactionaries, and the Chetnik-Ustashi ^ coalition. 
Because of the attempt of some circles to prevent the people from getting an 
objective picture and correct report of the real state of affairs in Yugoslavia, 
we are publishing here the end of Mr. Hesson's article." 

In his article Hesson says, among other things : 

In America we argue that socialism with its attendant restrictions and regula- 
tions is not democratic ; from the point of view of the average Yugoslav, however, 
it is democratic ; it has brought him a greater measure of economic freedom and 
security in terms of higher wages, more consumer goods, and increased educa- 
tional, medical, and cultural facilities. * * * 



1 Chetniks was the popular term used to describe the Royal Yugoslav Army in the Home- 
land during the Nazi occupation which was under the leadership of the martyred Gen. 
Draza Mihailovich. The Dstashi was the Fascist Party of Croatia. 



648 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Comparing freedom in Yugoslavia with freedom in the United 
States, Hesson says : 

Freedom, according to the Yugoslav notion, is not static but a dynamic force 
springing from tlie relationsliip between the individual and society. Since man 
is born into a social group, they believe his freedom comes from participating ia 
and becoming part of that group. Hence emphasis is laid upon those activities 
which will draw the individual into the group and cause him to identify his in- 
terests with the interests of the group as a whole. I noted that instead of using 
the words "I" and "mine," most Yugoslavs said "we" and "ours." From this 
basic notion, it is evident why the Yugoslavs in reorganizing their economy have 
to a great extent eliminated economic competition for individual gain, and why 
cooperation is emphasized instead. 

On the other hand, the underlying idea in America is that man is born free, 
hence it follows that any restriction imposed upon his "natural freedom" by the 
social group in wliich he lives is a limitation or curtailment of freedom. Accord- 
ingly, the individual thinks of freedom in terms of rights which must be wrenched 
from society and tends to look upon the group interest as being hostile to his own. 
This tends to create a conflict between the individual and the group and leads to 
the individual seeking after security and power on an individual basis without 
regard to the welfare of the group as a whole. 

Individual initiative is encouraged in Yugoslavia, but — unlike in America, where 
it is directed toward the accumulation of property even at the expense of others — • 
there it is directed toward tlie advancement of the group as a whole. Recognition 
oomes not from the size of a man's bank balance as is generally the case here, but 
from the service he renders to the community. To the Yugoslavs, rugged indi- 
vidualism and enterprise operated solely for personal gain constitute a force 
which tends to destroy social values because it places property values above human 
values. Whatever the essence of true human freedom may be, surely it must 
include economic security and realization of comradeship. 

Hesson admits some degree of persecution being applied in Yugo- 
slavia, but is very quick to find excuses for the Yugoslav Communist 
regime : 

That it has dealt harshly by our standards with a few people, no one can deny; 
but when viewed in the light of history and the efforts of other peoples in the past 
to liberate themselves from the forces of oppression and exploitation, it is remark- 
able that the cost has not been greater. 

Workers are their otvn masters. — Not a single opportunity is missed 
to show Americans how fine other countries are, because they are 
countries of socialism. So in the Narodni Glasnik of July 8, 1947, 
(p. 2) , Anton Minerich, in one of his articles from his journey through 
Yugoslavia, writes : 

These miners worked before for foreign owners and now they are masters of 
their own mines, as they are masters of their own land. 

People are the government. — In the same copy of Narodni Glasnik, 
which never tires of emphasizing the conflict of the interests of the 
American Government and the American people, carries (p. 5) a two- 
column headline over a letter allegedly received from Yugoslavia by 
Steve Miletich (Braco), South Chicago, 111. : 

With us it is easy to agree with the government since the whole people are the 
government. 

In another letter published in the same issue of the same news- 

eiper — which is, in the same way as the Slobodna Rec and the 
aily Worker, constantly assailing the reactionary press of America — 
a young man is quoted as writing to his aunt in the United States. 

Dear Aunt: Read the newspaper that writes what is true, and its name is 
Narodni Glasnik. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 649 

A little further, another letter allegedly from Yugoslavia is pub- 
lished, evidently to make people in capitalist America think about the 
wonders of socialism in practice : 

Here all work is done, because everybody knows that he works for himself and 
because we have full equality of rights and freedom. 

And still further in the same issue of the same newspaper, a fourth 
letter allegedly from Yugoslavia is published in which it is proclaimed 
that— 

The 5-year plan will bring well-being to our peoples, 

Poioerful activity. — In the Narodni Glasnik of July 30, 1947, three 
letters allegedly received from Yugoslavia by Terezia Marich, Canton, 
Ohio, are published under the following titles : 

"From the Letters of Our People in the Old Country, a Powerful Activity 
and IClan Can Be Seen Through Which a Free Country Is Being Built." 

"Factories Are Working Full Blast and Peasants Are Cultivating More and 
More Land To Feed Themselves and the Workers in the Factories." 

Old and neio Yugoslavia. — In the Narodni Glasnik of August 7, 
1947, page 2, a report on "A Visit to the Yugoslav Ship Radnik''\ by 
Petar Simrak, is published, in which the author describes his visit 
with the ship's cook, who obviously tried to picture as strikingly as 
possible the difference between the old and new regimes in Yugoslavia : 

The difference between the life of sailors during the old regime in Yugoslavia 
and today is enormous. In old Yugoslavia I had to cook separately for the ship's 
captain, separately for the other ofHcers, separately for the crew, and separately 
for myself ; whereas today, by golly, we all eat out of the same pot, and we are 
all satisfied. 

While the cook was telling this story an officer came in and asked the cook 
for a few plates. "There they are; take them and carry them," replied the 
cook. 

Following is an excerpt from a letter allegedly received from Yugo^ 
slavia by Peter Buneta, St. Louis, Mo., published in the Narodni 
Glasnik of August 11, 1947, page 4 : 

The people are building their country enthusiastically. Many people before 
the war tliought of Yugoslavia as a countiy where uncivilized people live, people 
unable to live by themselves, who should be ruled by foreigners, etc. But the 
people pulled themselves together at a certain moment; they did not want to be 
exploited any longer, but wanted to be free and their land and their country to 
belong to them. 

We are not the least disturbed by Truman's policy, by Churchill's wish to 
divide Europe, by speeches of DeGaulle,* by the wishes of De Gasperi.^ We 
know them well ; they cannot deceive us, because we have suffered enough 
and shaken off our yoke, so that nobody can again bring us to the state of affairs 
which existed earlier. 

Sorry they left Yugoslavia. — In the Narodni Glasnik of August 15, 
1947, page 3, an article was published, signed by Katarina Luchich, 
under the heading "The Refugees Are Cursing the Gentlemen W\\o 
Deceived Them," which contains excerpts from letters allegedly 
written by persons who fled from Yugoslavia and now regret that 
they did so. 

Our teaclieT and savior., Tito. — In the same issue of the Narodni 
Glasnik (p. 4), a letter allegedly received from Yugoslavia by S. 
Busich, South Chicago, 111., is published, in which it is said : 

Our Marshal Tito is good for the people. He is our teacher and our savior and 
creator of F. P. R. Yugoslavia. This Government of ours is and will be doing 

* Gen. Charles de Gaulle, leader of the French wartime resistance movement. 

* Alcide de Gasperi, Prime Minister of Italy. 



650 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

wonrlers for us working people. [This was, however, before the Cominform-Tito 
clash.] 

Notohere in the world. — In an article wherein she describes lier trip 
on the Yugoslav ship Radnik from New York to Canada, Mary Perkins 
(Babin) says: 

I think that nowhere in the world is there such comradely behavior and work- 
ing 61an as on this Yugoslav ship (Narodni Glasnik, September 3, 1947, p. 3). 

No clothing, hut democratic freedom. — In the Narodni Glasnik of 
September 8, 1947 (p. 4), a letter is published allegedly received from 
Slovenia (Yugoslavia) by Lynn Whitney, "famous radio actress" in 
Hollywood, from her nephew. After asking for old clothing ("if you 
have some old clothing for me and my wife, we shall gladly accept it") , 
he goes on to say : 

We enjoy today pure democratic freedom, under the leadership of our Marshal 
Tito. * * * 

Today people of leisure and exploiters do not belong' to our just and working 
state. We have the watchword 'all for one and one for all" — believe me * * * 
that the big capitalists hate us and invent anything to harm us. 

The bourgeoisie does not like our regime, because it sees that everyone is 
receiving what he earns, that nobody has any other master but the state, which is 
the people themselves. The bourgeoisie is slandering us, because it sees that we 
are united. It would like the gentlemen again to be at the lielm. We will not let 
them. As long as we have our leader, Marshal Tito, the capitalistic hopes to rule 
people will not come true. * * * 

Please give this letter to some periodical to publish it, so that the workers of 
America might see that what their press writes about us is not true. 

Charges false. — In the Narodni Glasnik of September 15, 1947 (p. 3) , 
the Yugoslav regime is defended against the charge of godlessness: 

Dear Aunt: Do not believe that we do not go to church and that we do not 
believe in God. [Excerpt from a letter allegedly received from Yugoslavia.] 

Freedom in Yugoslavia and America. — In a letter allegedly received 
from Yugoslavia by Kata Basich, Cleveland, Ohio, and published 
in the Narodni Glasnik of September 15, 1947, page 4, a parallel is 
drawn between progress and freedom in Yugoslavia and in the United 
States : 

In the 5-year plan everything is foreseen that has to be done every day, week, 
month, year, etc. * * * 

Once the 5-year plan is piit into effect, I believe that even the Americans will 
envy us. Not for our wealth, because we are still much poorer, but for the pace 
of our progress and self-help. 

If only the warmongers would leave us in peace we would progress very 
quickly. * * * 

Foreign newspapermen who are on the side of the capitalists shout that there 
is no freedom with us. Yes: with us there is no freedom for those who would 
like to sell us. to use us for some loan, and that we afterward work for foreigners 
as in chains, just for a piece of bread. Freedom with us is better than in America, 
where you may perhaps write everything, but you must not think of a better 
life. * * * 

Following is an excerpt from a letter allegedly received from Yugo- 
slavia by Marko Krnjich of Gary, Ind., and published in the Narodni 
Glasnik of September 17, 1947, page 4 : 

The people themselves work, the people decide, the people themselves enjoy 
their property in complete freedom. 

A new world. — Yugoslavia is sometimes pictured in the Narodni 
Glasnik as a "new world," different from what the world has been for 
"thousand of years" (excerpts from the travel with the second group 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 651 

of "returners" to Yugoslavia published in the Narodni Glasnik, Octo- 
ber 1,1947). 

Comrade Jardas said, among other things, that we who return home are not 
returning to the old country which we left dozens of years ago, but to a new 
world which is ruled today by those who were oppressed, exploited, and humili- 
ated for thousands of years. * * * 

We travelers saw and felt that new world, about which comrade Jardas 
spoke, immediately. On the ship there is a new spirit, a new atmosphere, 
entirely different from the one in which we lived in Canada and America. The 
commandant and the crew of the ship are people from our workers' ranks, who 
think the same way as we workers do — very friendly, hospitable, modest, and 
eympathetic. They do not consider themselves to be above us. but one of us. 

Strikes in America^ reconstruction in Yugoslavia. — In the Narodni 
Glasnik of October 10, 1947, page 4, again a parallel is drawn between 
Communist Yugoslavia and the capitalistic United States (excerpts 
from a letter allegedly received from Yugoslavia by Djuro Brkljacic, 
McKees Rocks, Pa.) : 

The life in our country, which has been much ravaged and plundered by 
various enemies of our peoples, is not bad, as .you are informed b.v the McCormick 
and Hearst press. 

I read often in the newspapers about strikes with you and also hear it over 
the radio. With us there are no strikes ; the people, the youth especially, are 
participating in masses in the work of reconstruction of our devastated home- 
land, and you have heard about our youth railway lines, Brcko-Banovici and 
Samac-Sarajevo, at which, besides our youth, the youth from all the world 
worked. 

Neio tyj)e democracy., without American exploiters. — Even 
more outspoken is the criticism of the United States, as well as 
of Canada, contained in another letter, allegedly received from Yugo- 
slavia by Frank Celicek, McKees Rocks, Pa., from his daughter, Bar- 
bara Krcelic, who returned to Yugoslavia with the Yugoslav ship 
Radnik (Narodni Glasnik, October 16, 1947, p. 3) : 

I really would never like to go back to Canada or America. Here the stand- 
ard of living is, of course, lower than in America, but we are building something 
huge, great — a beautiful and happy future. We are building a workers' state ; 
when we shall have built our industry, then the worker here will really be a 
happy man. We live all the same way. There is no privileged class which 
would live at the expense of others. 

Our country has changed completely, or rather the relations between people 
and work has changed radically. * * * 

Throughout the struggle for the liberation of our peoples, we at the same time 
were creating a new social order in our country; we were creating a state of 
the working people in which all the power derives from the people and belongs 
to the people. That is one of the greatest victories of our struggle — the creation 
of our true people's government, government of the working people of towns and 
villages. * * * 

All land is distributed to the peasants. There are no more feudal estates 
in our country. All industry is nationalized ; it belongs to the working people. 
The banks, the means of transportation, mineral riches, and in general all 
natural riches belong to society. Forever is liquidated the capitalist class, 
oppressor of the working masses, and the working masses have become the 
ruling factor of the country. * * ♦ 

We have created a new type of state and democracy in which all power, as 
foreseen in the Constitution, derives from the people and belongs to the people. 
Can there be more democratism than in our people's government, or can you say 
that you in America have such a democracy? It is true that your Constitution 
gives formulas and rights to the citizens of the United States, but these rights 
remain only on paper, they cannot be won, because the influence of the monopo- 
lies and capital does not permit the working masses to take part in the Govern- 
ment. * * * 



652 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

During the war I performed the duty of a political commissar in our partisan 
army, and now I am captain of our heroic army — an army such as no country 
has, which is ready to fight for the salvation of all freedom-loving man- 
kind. * * * 

I believe that you are getting various news about our country, that our enemies 
(the American reactionaries) want to picture our country in a different way 
from what it really is. We know that very well, but that will not disturb us the 
least in our struggle for a better life for the working masses and in our efforts 
to create well-being for people who create and work, and, on the other hand, to 
make impossible the return to power of the capitalist clique, which was sitting 
on the back of our people and carrying away the fruits of their work. That is 
what the American capitalists do not like, because we do not allow them to make 
out of our country a semicoionial and deiicndent country which they could ex- 
ploit to their will. They had such opportunities during the old regime in Yugo- 
slavia, * * * but now that the new Yugoslavia does not tolerate that, then 
it is not good, there is no democracy in it, etc. (Excerpts from a letter allegedly 
received from Yugoslavia by Joe Fabian, Narodni Glasnik, October 16, 1947, p. 5.) 

No oppression or exploitation. — In an article written by M. J. 
Brzovic, Chicago, to commemorate the second anniversary of the 
proclamation of the F. P. R. Yugoslavia, November 29, 1945, and 
published in the Narodni Glasnik of October 16, 1947, page 6, it is said : 

This is the day when the fate of all those who for years and centuries op- 
pressed and exploited our people was sealed. This is the day which gave to 
the people of Yugoslavia the opportunity to make through the 5-year plan a 
backward agricultural country into a modern industrial country which will 
satisfy all people's needs. 

New democracy. — The Narodni Glasnik of June 11, 1948, also re- 
printed, under the title "What Democracy Means in Yugoslavia," an 
important excerpt from the article of Donald L. Hesson, a Chicago 
attorney, published in Louis Aclamic's periodical T & T. The author 
describes "the new democracy" in Yugoslavia as "the desire of the peo- 
ple to build a new society and their spirit of cooperation." 

The Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik Ad not show the slight- 
est inclination to understand democracy in America such as it is, 
but readily opened their columns to Hesson, who declares : 

I begin to understand democracy from the Yugoslav point of view. 

IV. STAND or THE SLOBODNA REC AND NAKODNI GLASNIK ON THE 
COMINFORM-TITO CLASH 

It might be assumed that this enthusiasm and the complete devotion 
to Yugoslavia derive from the sentimental attachment of "progres- 
sive" American Serbs and Croats to the country of their birth. But 
that is not the case. The "progressive" Serbs gathered around the Slo- 
bodna Rec represent the lowest percentage of "progressives" in any 
Slavic national groups in America — around 5 percent. And that mi- 
nority is not made up of people who love the old country, cherish the 
memories of their national past, respect the traditions and cultural 
heritage of their ancestors; neither are they people who supposedly 
relinquished all the links with the old country in order to embrace 
America wholeheartedly and become good Americans. 

"Progressive" American Serbs are people whose attitude toward 
Yugoslavia always depended only upon the regime in it or, to put it 
more precisely, on the attitude of the regime in Yugoslavia toward the 
Soviet Union. So, owing to such changes, there can be observed three 
distinct phases of the "progressive" Serbs' attitude toward 
Yugoslavia : 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 653 

(a) Before World War II. — It is a well-known fact that Yugo- 
slavia was one of the most thoroughly anti-Communist countries and 
one of the few countries which — until 1940, when, under the threat 
of Nazi Germany^ relations were established — did not even maintain 
diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union. The newspaper Slobodna 
Rec, which is identical with the "Serbian Progressive Movement," 
adopted from its very beginning, in 1934, an attitude of utmost enmity 
against the existing order in Yugoslavia. 

In Yugoslavia, before World War II, as in any country where there 
is some freedom of thought and expression, many patriots and demo- 
crats were critical of the government's policies. But the arguments 
of those people were always distinctly different from the Communists' 
criticisms. While the first criticized in order to eradicate some evils 
and thus strengthen the country which had to face the formidable 
threat of Nazi Germany, the Communists did their best to formulate 
their criticism and launch slogans so as to demoralize, to spread 
defeatism, weaken the inner power of resistance of the country, and 
create confusion and chaos — the ideal ground for communism. The 
democratic opposition was criticizing the government's policy for 
not being democratic enough or for failing to equip militarily the 
nation to resist any attack on its independence. The Communists' 
criticism was following the usual destructive pattern which, with a 
few adaptations, is applied to any country of the globe which is not 
Communist and does not strictly obey Moscow's orders. The Commun- 
ists contended that the peasants were economically ruined and cul- 
turally backward owing to the lack of interest on the part of the regime 
and the greed of the capitalists ; that the wages were too low and the 
w^orkers did not enjoy any social care or security; that the capitalists, 
domestic and foreign, drew huge profits, in contrast to the misery of 
the broad masses of the pe/Dple ; that the "tyranny of King Alexander" 
and the "great Serbian hegemony" had deprived the people of its civil 
rights; that a powerful ''military clique" was exercising an over- 
whelming influence on the state affairs, and so forth. 

After Hitler's rise to power, the Communists applied in all countries 
of the world their Trojan-horse tactics of anti-Fascist people's fronts, 
which were adopted at the Seventh Congress of the Communist Inter- 
national — Comintern — in July 1935. As everywhere else in the world, 
these tactics put the Communists in the position of influencing more 
strongly the democratic forces in their political thinking and action. 
Nevertheless, in Yugoslavia no people's front was formed, and the line 
of democratic opposition remained different from the communistic. 

The Slobodna Rec from the very beginning assumed the Communist 
stand, and until Tito's rise to power it remained basically inimical to 
the Yugoslav Government. 

(b) From Titoh rise to power until the Cominforrti-Tito clash. — 
But when the old capitalistic order was eliminated in Yugoslavia and 
Tito firmly installed in power, the Slobodna Rec, as can be seen from 
the quoted examples, executed a complete about-face; and its attitude 
toward the regime in Yugoslavia became one of complete approval, 
lavish praise, and entire solidarity. All of a sudden everything became 
all right in Yugoslavia. Owing to the communistic interpretation, 
the people had taken its destiny in its own hands; all political, social, 
economic, and cultural problems were to be solved in the best way. 
The foreign policy particularly was satisfactory since, instead of 



654 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

running against the people's will, that is, with the western democra- 
cies — it was based on the closest collaboration with the Soviet 
Government.. 

Overnight, the "progressive" American Serbs around the Slobodna 
Rec, American Slav Congress, and similar organizations had become 
Yugoslav patriots, such patriots that they forgot they were Americans. 

The same can be said of progressive American Croats, in spite of 
some differences which exist between the two groups. Namely, the per- 
centage of "progressives" among American Croats is much higher than 
among American Serbs. Then the Narodni Glasnik is a much older 
progressive newspaper than the Slobodna Rec and thus with a much 
older militant background than the Slobodna Rec. But their criteria, 
their yardsticks, are the same. As a result, progressive American 
Serbs feel uncomfortable because of their rather poor "progressive" 
record and class-consciousness; "progressive" American Croats 
proudly proclaim that in the American Slav Congress the Croats have 
"always been and are today the strongest group and the greatest sup- 
port * * * to the work of the Congress." (See Narodni Glasnik 
of December 1, 1948, Report of Mary Sumrak.) 

Mirko Markovich wrote, after his return to Yugoslavia (The 
Struggle in America for a New Yugoslavia, Belgrade, 1940, p. 24) : 

The organized workers' revolutionary movement * * * -was composed 
mainly of Croatian workers. The Serbs numbered only a few hundred. 

Anyway, the period when the Soviet Government approved of the 
regime in Yugoslavia was also the period of boundless Yugoslav 
nationalism on the part of progressive American Serbs and Croats. A 
few examples make this point clear : 

1. Perhaps the most striking example of the ideas of the people 
gathered in the American Slav Congress and other "progressive" or- 
ganizations of Americans of Slavic descent is to be found in the an- 
nouncement of a great picnic of the American Slav Congress, Midwest 
division, held on July 7, 1946. After saying that Slav dishes will be 
served by girls in Slav costumes, it announces : 

One part of the proceeds is destined for the American-Slav Congress ; and the 
other, to the orphans of Stalingrad. 

Stalingrad and the sacrifices of its citizens for the whole world must be to 
every Slav what Thermopylae and Marathon are to the Greeks and Valley Forge 
and Bunker Hill are to the Americans. 

Such an interpretation casts also a revealing light on the announce- 
ment that George Pirinsky, executive secretary of the American Slav 
Congress, will speak of the future work of the congress and how 
important a role it has played in the past. ( Slobodna Rec, January 29, 
1946, p. 4.) 

2. On Independence Day, 1946, the Croatian organizations 
united in the Croatian National Council held a celebration. However, 
they did not celebrate the greatest American national holiday, but they 
proclaimed it "Croatian day" and distributed medals of the Yugoslav 
Red Cross to deserving persons, who distinguished themselves with 
their industrious work in collecting aid for the peoples of Yugoslavia. 

A queer way for Americans to celebrate the greatest American na- 
tional holiday. 

3. In the announcement of the Serbian Congress in Pittsburgh 
on August 31 and September 1, 1946, an appeal is launched to give as 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 655 

much help as possible for the Serbian people in the old country and 
cheers are addressed to the brotherhood and unity of the southern 
Slavs, as well as to the forthcoming congress, but the United States as 
such is not mentioned. 

4. In the announcement of the Third American Slav Congress, 
September 20, 21, and 22, 1946, it is said that "for the first time will 
come delegates from all brotherly nations" and that brotherhood is con- 
fined to Yugoslavia, U. S. S. R., Czechoslovakia, and Poland, which 
all happen to be Communist-dominated. It is explained that such a 
congress "will be an important factor in America and in the world for 
the safeguarding of world peace and the best link between America and 
the Slav countries" (Slobodna Rec, September 7, p. 1) . 

5. The American-Serb Democratic Club, Cleveland, Ohio, celebrat- 
ing the twelfth anniversary of the Slobodna Rec on December 1, 1946, 
invites "all brother Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, and Macedonians, as well 
as all friends of progress" (Slobodna Rec, November 27, 1946). 

There is no mention of their American fellow citizens. Presumably 
because they consider, according to their ideas and conceptions of 
progress, America as a backward country and Americans as enemies of 
progress. 

6. In an appeal to collect donations for people in Yugoslavia, 
especially in Lika — northwestern part of Yugoslavia — the organizer 
explains : 

Brother Yugoslavs, do not think that I am singling out Lika from the other 
parts of Yugoslavia. The whole of Yugoslavia is dear to me and close to my 
heart, as well as the whole world, but I like Lika best. 

It is noteworthy that a man with such a big heart did not find, be- 
tween Yugoslavia and the whole world, a place for America, the 
country where he lives, whose citizenship he most probably has ac- 
quired, and where he intends to collect gifts for Yugoslavia (Slobodna 
Rec, December 4, 1946, p. 3 ) . 

7. In an invitation to a concert whose proceeds are to help war or- 
phans in Yugoslavia, "all Slavs" and all "friends of the Yugoslav 
people" are invited. Americans are not mentioned. If the term 
"friends of the Yugoslav people" is sufficient for this, then what is the 
reason for singling out "all Slavs" and even putting them first 
(Slobodna Rec, December 31, 1946, p. 4) . 

8. Slobodna Rec of December 31, 1946, published the announce- 
ment of a certain V. Albianich, who makes known that he has bought 22 
Yugoslav-American Communist almanacs and will send them "to all 
the six republics of our glorious Federative People's Republic of Yugo- 
slavia." 

In Yugoslav "progressive" newspapers, it is not often that one can 
find the possessive pronoun "our" referred to America. As for the 
adjective "glorious," one can never see it in the Slobodna Rec or Nar- 
odni (rlasnik connected with any other country but the Soviet Union 
and the Communist world. 

9. In an account of the Second Congress of American Croats in 
Cleveland, April 13, 1947 (Slobodna Rec, April 24, 1947, p. 2), it is 
said: 

The Croatian Congress manifested its feelings of brotherhood and unity among 
American Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Montenegrines, and IMacedonians, and also 
with other American Slavs gathered in the American Slav Congress. 



656 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

On this occasion not even all Slavs are mentioned, not to speak of 
Americans, regardless of national or racial origin. 

(c) The Cominform-Tito dash. — But then came the Cominform- 
Tito clash, which inaugurated a third phase in the attitude of the 
Slobodna Rec and the Narodni Glasnik toward Yugoslavia, in which 
the unconditional adherence of "progressive" American Serbs and 
Croats to the Moscow line can be best observed by comparing the news 
and articles on that issue published in these two newspapers with those 
published in the Daily Worker. 

The news about the clash was published in the Daily Worker of 
June 29, 1948, under the title "Cominform Raps Tito; Says Yugoslav 
Communist Party Heads Committed Anti-Soviet Acts, Stifled De- 
mocracy." In an editorial — page 2 — the Daily Worker commented 
on the Cominform's declarations, immediately taking position in the 
issue : 

The eommnnique issued by the Communist Tiiformntinn Bureau * * * is 
a document which rests foursquare on the precepts of democracy and the unity 
of nations for peace. 

The Slobodna Rec published the news in its issue of June 20, under 
the title "The Cominform Sharply Criticizes the Communist Leader- 
ship of the F. P. R. of Yugoslavia," carrying the same communication 
as the Daily Worker. 

The Narodni Glasnik published the news in its issue of June 30 in 
a page-wide headline : The Cominform criticizes Tito ; the Cominform 
criticizes the leadership of the CPY ^ ; sharp criticism leveled at Mar- 
shal Tito, Kardelj, Djilas, and Rankovic,- carrying a long report on 
pages 1 and 3, w^hich is practically a literal reproduction of the report 
published in the Daily Worker of June 29. 

Under this main article, a commentary is published under the title 
"The Cominform Criticizes Yugoslavs in Yugoslavia," which bears 
strong resemblance to the Daily Worker editorial of June 29, page 2. 

In its issue of June 30, the Daily Worker published the full text of 
the Cominform declaration, as well as the statement of William Foster 
and Eugene Dennis, chairman and executive secretary of the Commu- 
nist Party in the United States, respectively, greeting the Cominform 
declaration : 

In our country, as everywliere in the world, the forces struggling for peace rec- 
ognize that its cornerstone is friendship and cooperation with the Soviet Union, 
whose influence is felt increasingly among freedom-loving people in every land. 

Besides the news that "Yugoslav CP refuses to accept criticism" and 
"Czech CP says Cominform action aids world socialism," the Daily 
Worker carries two columns in which the orthodox Communist view, 
binding for Communists all over the world, is voiced ; namely, that the 
Cominform, as always, was right. From the first moment, the Daily 
Worker endeavored to define carefully and precisely what the clash was 
about, what were Tito's mistakes and deviations, and what was the 
correct view to be adopted by every true Marxist. It is thus interesting 
to quote its editorials as well as its columnists. 

In his article, the Lessons of Yugoslavia, Joseph Starobin says : 

Our problem remains to study the facts of our own country's life, to deal with 
our own national peculiarities boldly and imaginatively, but in terms of a basic 



^ Communist Party of Yugoslavia. 

2 Edvard Kardelj, Vice Premier of Yugoslavia ; Milovan Djilas, minister without port- 
folio, and Alexander Rankovic, minister of interior (which includes the secret police). 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 657 

theory valid for capitalism as a whole and for our entire era. That is the Yugo- 
slav lesson. 

The other commentator, Milton Howard, entitles his article "Self- 
Criticism — A Creation of Marxist Democracy" and says, "The Comin- 
form communique seeks more democracy and, through that democracy, 
a genuinely Communist struggle for peace." 

In the clays following, the Daily Worker went on clarifying the 
Communist stand in the matter. Josef Starobin, in his column Mar- 
shal Tito's Self-Indictment, July 1, 1948, stated that— 

The issue is not, as the capitalist commentators say, betvpeen the authority 
of the Soviet Communists and the desire of the Yugoslavs for independence. 
Tito's attitude toward discussion shows that the issue was one of democratic dis- 
cipline, which is elementary for Communists and all progressive organizational 
life. 

* * * and now comes the call from Belgrade that the Yugoslav Communists 
rally around their leaders which also contains a veiled threat of force and the 
provocative appeal for a Balkan federation. Everybody knows that the Soviet 
Union rejected such a federation as unwise. Tito's call now belies his preten- 
sion of friendship for the Soviet Union. All this indicates something exceed- 
ingly corrupt in Belgrade. The document amounts to a shifty and unconvincing 
defense to the effect of self-indictment. 

The Communist view that there is but one loyalty for any "progres- 
sive" in any part of the world, the loyalty to the Soviet Union, and 
consequently only one betrayal, hostility to the Soviet Union, is very 
clearly expressecl in the editorial "A Tito-Washington Deal?": 

The State Department sees a chance to buy Yugoslavia's independence. That 
is a straw in the wind which shows how right the Cominform criticism is. Tito's 
hospitality to the Soviet Union, despite hypocritical phrases, is working out 
inevitably as betrayal of Yugoslavia. 

The Slobodna Rec of July 3, 1948, carries a large headline "The 
leadership of CPY^ rejects the sharp criticism of the Cominform." 
The news published thereunder is partly a literal translation of the 
Daily Worker of June 30, page 3, under the title "Yugoslav CP Re- 
fuses To Accept Criticism," and the rest is a resiune of the Daily 
Worker's article. 

The article The Czech CP says Cominform Declaration Aids Social- 
ism is somewhat shorter, but obviously a translation of the same news 
published in the Daily Worker, June 30, page 3. 

The article The Bulgarians Back the Cominfonn's Declaration is a 
translation of the same item published in the Daily Worker on July 1, 
1948, page 3. 

The article Trieste Communists Back the Cominform Movement 
is a literal translation of the same news published in the Daily Worker 
of July 2, 1948, page 11. 

The article Albania Blasts Tito's Policy is composed of literal ex- 
cerpts from the same news published in the Daily Worker of July 2, 
1948, page 3. 

The Slobodna Rec did not fail to inform its readers that "The Amer- 
ican CP greeted the Cominform committee" and to publish excerpts 
from the Foster-Dennis statement in the Daily Worker of June 30, 
page 3. 

The same issue of Slobodna Rec carries also the news "Jacques 
Duclos says that Tito is becoming a tool of imperialism," which is a 

^ Yugoslav Communist I'arty 



658 COMRIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

quotation from Diiclos' article in the French Communist organ 
L' Humanite wherein he concludes : 

It is evident indeed that if you provoke the Soviet Union, you become a tool 
in the hands of imperialist leaders. 

The Slobodna Rec reproduces this item verbatim from the Daily 
Worker of July 2, page 11. 

Still the same issue of the Slobodna Rec (July 3, 1948) carries an 
editorial about the Cominf orm communique reading : 

In order that our readers be best acquainted with the misunderstanding which 
brolve out between the CPY and the Communist Party in Europe, we are pub- 
lishing in this issue, the complete text of the Communist Information Bureau's 
communique, in which the attitude and policy of the CPY are most severely 
criticized. * * * 

Because of this public criticism of the wrong policy of Yugoslav Communist 
leaders, the reaction is overwhelmed with joy. * * * 

The circles of reaction want to utilize this conflict between the Yugoslav and 
other European Communists for their hellish war plans. 

At this point, it is interesting to draw a parallel between the edi- 
torials of the Slobodna Rec, on the one side, and the Daily Worker 
and the Foster-Dennis statement, on the other side: 

SLOBODNA EEC DAILY WORKER 

The peoples of Yugoslavia have over- The crisis is so far gone that only 
come many difliculties and hardships the Yugoslav people themselves can 
and there is no reason to doubt that the overcome it (Josef Starobin : Mar- 
people of Yugoslavia will, on this oc- shall Tito's Self-Indictment, Daily 
casion as well, find the solution which Worker, July 1, p. 8). 
will be profita'ble to Yugoslavia and the In our country, as everywhere in the 
world peace. * * * world, the forces struggling for peace 

We American Serbs, as well as other recognize that its cornerstone is friend- 
Americans, condemn all attempts to ship and cooperation with the Soviet 
start a new war. We are against war Union, whose influence is felt increas- 
and we desire friendly relations and a ingly among freedom-loving peoples in 
better understanding with all peace- every land (Foster-Dennis statement, 
loving peoples. The key to the realiza- Daily Worker, June 30, p. 3). 
tion of a stable world peace lies in an 
understanding between our country and 
Russia. 

That is why the warmongers are 
making all sorts of intrigues to make 
impossible an understanding between 
America and the Soviet Union. 

The Worker of Julj^ 4, 1948 (southern edition) , publishes additional 
news about the "Cominform-Tito Clash" and again puts the stress on 
the clarification of the clash according to the Moscow angle. In an 
article "What It's About" (p. 4) it is said : 

The Tito leadership of anti-Soviet position is being used as a cover-up for the 
betrayal of socialism in Yugoslavia. * * * 

Tbe State Department and the Marshall planners * ♦ * are fishing in the 
Balkans for deals to betray socialism, * * * 

It is a tribute to the alertness of the Communist Parties of the Soviet Union, 
France, Italy, etc., that they saw this degeneration of the Tito leadership in 
time, and boldly informed the world's working class of the facts. 

In the same issue of the Worker, Milton Howard further interprets 
the "Cominform-Tito Clash" in the sense of "Communist democracy in 
action via self-criticism" after expounding that the leaders of the 
CPY went "off the beam," because they failed to build the CPY as a 
new type party. Howard concludes : 

What makes the Communist Parties a "new type is that they are not merely 
parliamentary parties, whose main function is to elect representatives to capi- 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 659 

talist-dominated parliaments or congresses, but also to act at all times as the 
guide, the vanguard, of the entire working class and other progressive groups of 
the country. 

The Daily Worker of July 7, 1948, pcage 3, published an article en- 
titled: "Slavs Here Hit ERP Fishing in Yugoslavia," wherein the 
radio speech of George S. Wuchinich, executive secretary of the Ameri- 
can Slav Congress of western Pennsylvania is recorded. Wuchinich : 

warned * * * yesterday that the commercial press is happy over the Yugo- 
slav situation because "it fits into their plan for war." * * * 

"Whatever makes the American warmongers joyous does not reflect what is 
good for the average American. We want peace — the turn of events in Yugo- 
slavia is grave." 

The Daily Worker goes on quoting in bold-faced print Wuchinich's 
warning : 

"The Marshall planners," he continued, "with their press and radio bait are 
fishing in troubled waters to catch the big fish — a nation, and bring her back 
to the fold of free entei'pi'ise as a colony. If necessary, war may be used — the 
smell of blood is in the air." 

Voicing the same view as the Daily Worker, Wuchinich puts stress, 
not on the Yugoslav Tito regime, but on the Yugoslav people to settle 
the difficulties : 

"The solution to the problems of socialism" Wuchinich declared, "must be 
worked out by the Yugoslav people. Any nation that is moving in this direction," 
he warned "is not a friend of those here at home who want an American world of 
colonies. These are the monopolists who dislike any free and independent coun- 
try working out its salvation without the help of bankers, generals, and admirals 
in New York and Washington. The people of Yugoslavia, their resources and 
their land, are a great prize that whets the appetite of Wall Street." 

The Narodni Glasnik of July 7, 1948, page 2, gave publicity to the 
same radio broadcast by Wuchinich under the title, "American 
Monopolists AVish by Means of the Yugoslav Clash To Trouble Waters 
for Imperialist Fishing." Beneath was printed a subtitle, "George 
Wuchinich severely assails the press and radio in connection with the 
clash in Yugoslavia." 

The same issue of the Daily Worker (July 7, 1948, p. 1), carries 
the headline, "Tito's Men Expel Writer for Reporting Criticism," 
about the expulsion of Telepress correspondent, June Cannon. 

This news was reproduced verbatim in the Narodni Glasnik, July 8, 
1948, page 1, under the title, "The Yugoslav Ministry of Interior Ex- 
pels Telepress Agency Correspondent from Belgrade." 

In the same issue, the Narodni Glasnik publishes (on p. 1) the news 
that, "The Communist Party of the USSR Rejected Invitation to 
Fifth Congress of Yugoslav Communist Party," which is, in some- 
what shortened form, the translation of the article, "Soviet Communist 
Party Rejects Bid To Yugoslav Meet," published in the Daily Worker, 
July 7, page 2. 

Still in the same issue of the Daily Worker (July 7, 1948, p. 9), 
Milton Howard continues his analysis of the Cominform-Tito clash in 
an article entitled, "The Problems of Nationalism, Internationalism, 
and Patriotism." Since this article contains very instructive revela- 
tions as to the real character of Communist "loyalty," it is necessary 
to quote it at some length. 

[In Yugoslavia] a group of people have seized control of that country in the 
name of communism but in actuality in defiance of the democratic principles of 
communism * * * 



660 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

For us, the independence of nations is crucial in the world today, since it is the 
independence of nations which is most menaced by the terms of the Marshall 
plan * * *_ 

A "Marshall plan" country takes orders from the United States — or else. 

Howard presents the Communist concept of a nation sucli as defined 
in the Communist manifesto in 1848. He says that there are two 
esesntial proj^ositions, namely : 

1. The working class has no country. You can't take from it what it has not 
got. 

2. The working class must "constitute itself as the nation." 

* * * The minority capitalist class puts its class interests above that of 
the nation. The working class has become, in all capitalist countries, the van- 
guard in the defense of the nation's independence. 

The workers of all capitalist countries have the same problems basically, the 
same relations to the owners of industry, and the same need to aboli-sh private 
property and establish socialism. Tliey have no antagonistic interests. [Italics 
supplied.] 

This is the basis of their internationalism, and the basis of the Marxist slogan, 
"Workers of all nations unite." 

But this internationalism does not abolish patriotism, love of country. On the 
contrary, it is the only basis for true patriotism as distinguished from the false 
patriotism of nationalism. 

Nationalism places the interests of the nation above the interests of the work- 
ing class and its allies — that is the majority of the people. What is this nation 
when it conflicts with the interests of the working class and its allies? It is 
nothing but the property rights of capitalism and the material interest of the 
capitalist class and its allies. It is hostile to the real nation, the people * * • 

This nationalism of the Tito regime is endangering the real national independ- 
ence of Yugoslavia by opening the peril of outside of Marshall plan intervention, 
and by creating the peril of sliding back to capitalism through a failure to build 
a democratic Communist Party vanguard leading the nation toward socialism 
through people's democracy. 

In criticizing the Yugoslav leadership for its failure to build such a body and 
such a policy of fraternal cooperation with other people's democracies and the 
Soviet Union, the Cominform parties were striking a blow for national independ- 
ence, national sovereignty and for socialism at one and the same time. Only 
those who think that a nation cannot be independent except as a capitalist nation 
dependent on the Marshall plan, have failed to grasp this. 

After the confusion of the first few days after the Cominform-Tito 
clash, the "progressive" American Serbs and Croats promptly lined 
themselves up. Accordingly the Narodni Glasnik of July 8, 1948, 
carried an editorial on the events in Yugoslavia in which it is said : 

American Yugoslavs, friends of the new Yugoslavia had these days several 
meetings at which they adopted resolutions which support the criticism of the 
Cominform against Marshal Tito and the leadership of the Communist Party of 
Yugoslavia. * * * 

It is clear that the great majority of Americans of Yugoslav origin approve 
of the criticism of the Cominform against the Yugoslav leadership. 

Although the Narodni Glasnik still expresses the hope that the 
Yugoslav Communists will admit their faults and improve the situa- 
tion in Yugoslavia, they stress what they deem the essential thing : 

Our people have confidence in the Soviet Union and its leadership. 

In the Worker of July 11, 1948, on page 4, an article is published 
under the title "What European Communists Say About Yugoslavs." 
Here are quoted the views of French, Polish, Rumanian, Finnish, Al- 
banian, Italian, and Czech Communists. 

The Narodni Glasnik of July 12, 1948, page 1, publishes, under the 
title "What European Communists Say About Yugoslav Commu- 
nists," a two-column report from London which — but for two short 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 661 

passages which ^yel•e omitted and one whicli was shortened — is a 
verbatim transhition of the article "What European Communists Say 
About Yugoslavs", published in the Worker of Julv 11. 

In the Worker of July 11, 1948, the editorial "Tito's Tactics" 
deals again with Tito's Communist heresy. The Communist Party of 
Yugoslavia is quoted as saying: 

With us, the party, the country, the central committee, the people's front, and 
Tito are all one. 

wdiich provokes the angry comments of the Worker : 

This is the oi>en denial of inner party democracy, on the one hand, and the 
utter abandonment of the Leninist conception of the party as distinct from all 
other mass organizations acting as the highest form of the organization of the 
working class. 

The Narodni Glasnik of July 13, 1948, page 2, contains an article 
by George Pirinsky, in which the author claims that : 

Actually the sudden love of the warmongers for the present leadership of the 
Communist Party of Yugoslavia indicates that something "is rotten in the state 
of Denmark." 

Until the end of the month, the Slobodna Rec and the Narodni Glas- 
nik alw^ays carried the same news about the Cominform-Tito clash as 
the Daily Worker. So, when the Daily Worker of July 13, page 4, 
made known the stand of the Chinese Communists on the Cominform- 
Tito clash, who assailed Tito, the Narodni Glasnik of July 13 pub- 
lished the same news on page 1 and the Slobodna Rec did likewise in its 
issue of July 17. 

The Daily Worker of July 14 reported that the Yugoslav Com- 
munists in New York had declared themselves against Tito. The same 
news was published in the Narodni Glasnik of July 18. 

Thus, the Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik did not hesitate to 
adopt quickly and thoroughly the "only correct" stand on the Comin- 
form-Tito clash, the stand of Moscow, as expressed in the Daily 
Worker, organ of the Communist Party of the United States, or com- 
municated to them probably by more direct channels. 

The Slobodna Rec, which for some time seemed to be reluctant to 
let a Soviet authority say the decisive word on the dispute, in order to 
preserve its semblance of an American newspaper, published in two 
issues (December 18 and December 22, 1948) a very long article, "How 
Tito's Clique Is Fighting Its Own People," written by L. Baranov, 
"famous Soviet writer" who, of course, presented the official Moscow 
viewpoint on the matter. And, without any reserve, the Slobodna 
Rec endorses his views : 

Baranov condemns the present leadership of Tito * * * he says that 
Tito's group switched to the road of betrayal of the interests of the people and 
country. 

And the Slobodna Rec lets Baranov speak, "so that our readers 
may get a better understanding of what is going on in Yugoslavia." 
In his article, Baranov writes : 

The present leaders of the Yugoslav Communist Party call themselves friends 
of the Yugoslav people. * * * 

Nothing can be further from the truth. 

They are bourgeois nationalists, enemies of the working class. 

What in reality has Tito * * * in common with the true leaders in the 
Marxist sense of the word? Absolutely nothing. He is a stanch nationalist, old 
fractionist, a spoiled person far from the people. 
98330— 50— pi. 2 14 



662 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

How can anybody who considers himself a Marxist neglect the theory and 
practices of revolutionary struggle, confirmed by the experience of the inter- 
national revolutionary movement, the experience of Socialist construction in 
the Soviet Union? No, a true Marxist would not act that way. Only traitors 
and enemies of the people do that. 

Behind Tito comes the henchman Rankovic. Everybody knows that this gen- 
tleman cannot boast either of his intelligence or his courage. * * * 

He killed and tortured to death hundreds of Yugolsav Communists whose only 
"crime" was that they wanted to march in the United Front with brotherly 
Communist parties, and that they respected the Soviet Union, the country of 
socialism. 

The history of the Russian movement, as well as the history of the movement 
of the working class, offers countless examples how political Philistines try to 
lead the revolutionary party * * * but they usually went down and found 
themselves in tlie junk yard of history. Such individuals inevitably wind up 
in the camp of the reaction. They become the bitterest enemies of the working 
class, renegades, traitors, and assassins, as the despicable renegades Bukharin 
and Trotsky.^ 

The leaders of the Yugoslav Party did not take into consideration, or rather 
did not want to take into consideration, the fact that the Communist Party of 
Yugoslavia is not a private enterprise of Tito, biit the product of many years of 
revolutionary struggle of the working class of Yugoslavia and of the interna- 
tional movement of the working class. Just because of that, the Yugoslav leaders, 
regardless of their deeds in the past, were not entitled to act toward the CPY 
and the international Communist front in the v»'ay they did. The problems of 
the Yugoslav working class and this party are also problems of the international 
workers' movement and the wliole Communist front. 

* * * The leadership of the Yugoslav Party drowned the party in the peo- 
ple's front, which is, in the same way as the CPY, composed of representatives of 
all classes of the present Yugoslav bourgeois society, including the Kulaks and 
the bourgeois parties. It is only the workers' class that is able to achieve the 
victory of socialism. Tito's clique, by rejecting the Marxist-Leninist teaching 
that only the proletariat can play the role of a revolutionary leadm* and the 
teacher of the people, now asserts that the peasantry is the main force for the 
realization of socialism. Lenin and Stalin teach that only the workers' class, 
the most revolutionary and organized part of modern society, is able to lead the 
peasants on the road to socialism; that the working class must move in close 
alliance with the working peasantry. 

The champions of democracy and socialism throughout the world know that 
only if tiiey rely on the mighty support of the Soviet Union and the new democ- 
racies — that stronghold of peace and democracy — can socialism be built in coun- 
tries where people's democracy has been installed. * * * Only incorrigible 
nationalists, only persons who terribly hate the Soviet Union, the new democ- 
racies, and the brotherly Communist parties would dare to follow the road to 
treason. Only enemies of the Yugoslav people would dare deprive their own 
people of the mighty support of the Soviet Union and the new democracies, * * * 

Knowing that they cannot keep the people oppressed long enough by deceit, 
Tito's clique has taken the road of open teri'orism, declaring war on their party 
and people. * * * On the ground of the unwritten law of the henchman 
Rankovic, the reading of Soviet literature and newspapers is punishable by arrest, 
as in the days of the German Gestapo. * * * 

There is no middle road : Either with the people, with the Soviet Union at the 
head of the people and the new democracies, against the imperialists or, with the 
imperialists against the forces of democracy and socialism, against the people. 
Tito's clique has chosen this latter road. 

As the other peoples of the world, the people of Yugoslavia see in the countries 
of socialism, in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, their hope, their sup- 
port in the struggle for the victory of socialism, for the victory of their ideas of 
Marx-Engels-Lenin-Stalin. In the bitter years of Fascist occupation, old people 
in Montenegro, while pointing with their fingers to the East, would say to their 
grandchildren : 'There is Russia * * * the day will come when the Rus- 
sians will arrive and we will be liberated.' 

And the Soviet people has come and liberated the people of Yugoslavia from 
slavery. 



^ Nicolai Bukharin. former president of the Communist International, "purged" in 
'treason trials" of 1937 ; Leon Trotslcy, assassinated in Mexico in 1940. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 663 

Tito's clique betrayed the Yugoslav people, its strivings and hopes, but the 
Yugoslav people and their party are not alone. They have true friends in the 
Soviet Union, in the new democracies, in the great party of Lenin and Stalin and 
in the brotherly Communist parties which represent a mighty invincible front of 
democracy and socialism. 

It is evidently easy to establish that Baranov's criticism of Tito, en- 
dorsed by the Slobodna Rec, expressed exactly, as the Daily Worker's 
editorials or its columnists Starobin and Howard, the Cominform, i, e., 
Kremlin viewpoint in the matter. 

It is even more provocative to demonstrate how the change of the 
stand of Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik on one particular prob- 
lem — the Cominform-Tito clash — affected their stand on all problems 
relative to Yugoslavia. Before the clash, these newspapers had noth- 
ing but praise for the Communist regime in Yugoslavia, for Tito, for 
the Yugoslav Government's policy in ail its aspects. But, since after 
the Cominform-Tito clash Tito's Communist regime in Yugoslavia 
was considered by the Kremlin as treacherous to the Soviet Union and 
to the Communist cause, that view has pervaded all the articles of the 
Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik. As much as the Yugoslav re- 
gime was highly praised before, it is now denounced in the most 
violent terms, as can be seen from examples to follow. 

v. STAND OF THE SLOBODNA EEC AND NARODNI GLASNIK ON YTTGOSLAVIA 
AFTER THE COMINFORM -TITO CLASH 

Complete lack of responsibility. — In the Slobodna Rec of January 
15, 1949, page 3, an article on Tito's contradictions is reprinted from 
the Nova Borba (Prague) : 

Complete lack of responsibility, * * * separation of Yugoslavia from the 
Socialist camp carried out by. Tito's group is bringing the country in a catas- 
trophic economic position and makes it dependent upon the imperialists. * . * * 

And, since the Cominform-Tito clash all of a sudden turned Yugo- 
slavia from a "Socialist paradise" to a "nationalist hell," the Slo- 
bodna Rec, on February 5, 191:9, page 2, for the first time noticed that 
many people in Yugoslavia are stricken with tuberculosis : 

Dr. Paul Anderson, leader of one of the teams of the Danish Red Cross 
* * * declared that Yugoslavia has one of the highest rates of tuberculosis 
in Europe, so that over 100 persons die daily from the disease. * * * 

Hitting people over the head. — In its tireless efforts to reinterpret 
the whole situation in Yugoslavia after the Cominform-Tito clash, the 
Slobodna Rec dedicated five long articles (February 16, 19, 26, and 
March 2 and 5) to a review of the events in Yugoslavia, arriving at 
the conclusion that the Tito democracy consists of convincing people 
by hitting them over their heads. 

Most undeTYiocratic ., reactionary. — In the Narodni Glasnik of Feb- 
ruary 24, 1949, Leo Bacich, secretary general of the Croatian Benevo- 
lent Fraternity (I WO), asks, "Where are the present leaders of Yugo- 
slavia heading?" and answers: 

Our people waged a heroic struggle for 4 years and achieved victory only 
owing to the mighty and great Soviet Union. * * * 

[But] the leaders of Yugoslavia are waging the vilest campaign against the 
Soviet Union * * * as well as against the new democracies. * * * The 
gravity of the situation in Yugoslavia is especially evident in the most undemo- 
cratic measures of the Yugoslav leaders against those who do not approve of 
their policy of splitting the common peace front. Bacich's conclusion is that the 
Yugoslav leaders are "drifting into the camp of the reaction." 



664 COMIVIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

In its issues of March 28 and 29, 1949, the Narodni Glasnik pub- 
lished two long articles b}' Radon j a Golubovic, former Yugoslav Am- 
bassador to Rumania, under the title "Does Tito's Policy Lead Yugo- 
slavia to Socialism?". The answer to that question was indicated in 
the subtitle which read, "The present policy of the Tito government 
is heaping heavier and heavier burdens on the workers and peasantry. 
Golubovic himself asserted that : 

Thus Tito's clique transformed in our country the Socialist principle of "work 
according to one's abilities, and reward according to one's work" into the prin- 
ciple of "work according to one's socialistic consciousness, and reward according 
to one's capitalistic consciousness." 

Tito's clique is introducing into the party nationalist elements through which 
it intends to stifle the internationalist traditions of the party and break up the 
strongest forces which remained faithful to the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, 
and Stalin. 

Police terrorism. — In the Narodni Glasnik of March 11, 1949, paj>e 
1, a public letter of Yugoslav pro-Cominform students in Prague is 
reprinted from the Nova Borba (organ of Yugoslav pro-Cominforni 
Communists, published in Prague ) , which accuses "Tito's nationalist 
clique * * * ^-f arresting the most progressive elements among 
our peoples," charges the "use of disgusting police terrorism methods 
against the progressive democratic forces," and asks for help against 
the "bloody terrorism of those who betrayed the ijiterests of the 
people of Yugoslavia and the anti-imperialist front in the world." 

(The same news was published in the Slobodna Rec for Mar. 3, 
1949.) 

In the Narodni Glasnik for March 18, 1949, page 1, an almost 
identical appeal was published under the title "Yugoslav Students in 
the U. S. S. R. Appeal to the Youth of the World Against Rankovich's 
Agents." 

Orgy of terrorism. — Before the Cominform-Tito clash, the Slobodna 
Rec and Narodni Glasnik never wrote of any "killing" in Yugoslavia. 
News about ruthless Communist terrorism was discarded as the inven- 
tion of "Fascists," "war criminals," "stooges of the reaction," etc. But 
when, after the Cominform-Tito clash the regime's terrorism hit not 
only patriots and democrats, but Communists' faithful to Moscow as 
well, the humanitarian feelings of the Narodni Glasnik were sud- 
denly aroused. The editorial from April 5, 1949, indignantly asks: 
"What does the killing of Communists in Yugoslavia mean?" 

The news from Yugoslavia is becoming more and more terrible. It not only 
worries all decent emigrants, but utterly amazes them. * * * 

Communists are being killed without trial in an orgy of terrorism, as it was 
during the old regime. That killing of Communists is entirely illegal and violates 
every letter and the spirit of the constitution of the FPR Yugoslavia, as well as 
all traditions of the workers' movement in all countries of the world. That is 
lawlessness which every honest man must condemn. 

They are being killed because they are in favor of what the enormous majority 
of the peoples of Yugoslavia deeply feel, and that is the close friendship and firm 
alliance with the Soviet Union, protector of all Slavic countries and people's 
democracies. They are being killed because they believe in the teachings of 
Marx, Lenin, and Stalin. 

Besides this, the Narodni Glasnik, which never before objected to the 
Yugoslav Government's propaganda in the United States and thought 
that only capitalistic countries, the United States foremost, were 
practicing an "antipeople's" guns-instead-of-butter policy, angrily 
protested against — 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 665 

Tito's government, sending to America tons and trainloads of propaganda 
material. * * * 

For all this material, Tito's government is spending thousands of dollars, 
Avhich money is so necessary to the hungry people of Yugoslavia. 

While before the Cominform-Tito clash, the Slobodna Rec and 
Narodni Glasnik published only protests against capitalistic and "reac- 
tionary" governments, such as the United States Government, the 
Narodni Glasnik of April 6, 1949, page 2, published a resolution of 
the Chicago chapter of the Serbian Progressive Movement signed by 
Pavle Bacich, president, and George ISIaravich, secretary, and 
addressed to Sava Kosanovic, Yugoslav Ambassador in Washington, 
D. C, under the title, "The Serbian Progressive Movement of Chicago 
Protests Against the Government in Yugoslavia." 

We protest energetically against the arrests and killing of valiant fighters who 
are following and are working for a closer unity with the Soviet Union and other 
democracies of eastern Europe. 

Towards capitalism.—'^Vihy did the Yugoslav Government close the 
Polish information bureau in Belgrade?" asks the Slobodna Eec of 
May 14, 1949, page 1; and for an answer reprints an article from 
Pravda saying : 

The Polish information bureau enjoyed a deserved popularity, because it 
truthfully informed the Yugoslav people about the life of the Polish people. 

The Yugoslav ruling clique closed the Polish Information Bureau. However, 
the American, British, and French information centers are still functioning in 
Belgrade. 

In Yugoslavia, all roads are open to the capitalistic propaganda. All doors 
are closed to the truth about the construction of socialism. 

"The straw that flies shows whither the wind blows," says an old proverb. The 
closing of the Polish information bureau in Belgrade shows clearly that in the 
government circles in Belgrade the wind blows in a certain direction — in the 
direction of capitalism. 

Doivn lolth Tito! — The same issue of Slobodna Rec, May 14, 1949, 
page 1, carries the news about arrests in Belgrade, Ljubljana, and 
Fiume, saying: 

On one of the walls in the harbor there was a very visible big sign : "Down with 
Tito !" 

PeopJe^s and worker's traitors. — The editorial in the Slobodna Rec 
of May 14, 1949, is dedicated to the "destructive work of Tito's agents 
in America." The attacks are particularly leveled at Srdjan Prica 
and Stevan Dedijer, former editors of the Slobodna Rec, who will 
publish a new paper in America whose aim would be to "create trouble 
and dissension among the democratic forces of the Serbs, Croats, and 
Slovenes in the United States" : 

He who today fights in such a way against the democratic and peace-loving 
forces in this or any other country deserves the name and stigma of enemy of 
democracy, progress, and peace. The Titoists have really deserved the name 
and stigma of enemies and breakers of democratic and peace-loving forces. 

Dictator Tito. — In the same issue. May 14, 1949, the Slobodna Rec 
publishes in its column Do You &iow? one news item on terrorism 
in Franco Spain and three on Yugoslavia. Besides other things, it is 
said that the police prohibited Charlie Chaplin's film. The Great Dic- 
tator, to prevent people from comparing Tito with the main person in 
Charlie's film. 

Worst traitor. — The Slobodna Rec of May 21, 1949, page 1, carries 
an article entitled "Tito's Group Betrayed Socialism — Pravda" (sum- 
marizinof an article from the Moscow Pravda, organ of the Communist 



666 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Party of the Soviet Union, entitled "Tito's Clique — the Worst Traitors 
of Socialism") : 

Tito is an agent of the Anglo-American imperialists, enemy of the Soviet Union, 
and a destroyer in the service of warmongers. 

In the terms of the recently concluded commercial agreement be- 
tween the Titoists and western Germany — 

the Titoists will give to the German Nazis about 19 million dinars' worth of food 
in exchange for machinery. 

The people of Yugoslavia, who severely suffer from lack of food, will have 
even less, and the Nazis will get fat on the bacon, ham, and other products and 
foodstuffs. 1 

'"'•Crime''' — friendship with Soviet. — The Slobodna Rec of May 21, 
1949, carries on page 1 the news that 11 students were sentenced to jail 
by Tito's authorities. 

Their "crime" is that they are in favor of friendship with the 
U. S. S. R. and countries of the people's democracies. 

Betrayal and terrorism. — The same issue of Slobodna Rec (May 21, 
1949) carries on page 2 the news that Tito has ordered stricter meas- 
ures against his opponents * * * to defend Yugoslavia from 
enemies outside the country and inside, i. e., all those who do not agree 
with his dictatorship. * * * 

All these orders which Tito gave to his secret police are concerning the enormous 
majority of Yugoslav patriots, who condemn the treacherous policy of the Tito 
dictatorial clique, which are equally directed against the countries of the people's 
democracy and the U. S. S. R. 

Murders without trial. — The Slobodna Rec of May 25, 1949 (p. 3), 
publishes an article by Eugenija Pramenko, assailing "the plan of the 
Titoists to break the progressive ranks" : 

Tito-Rankovic janissaries already killed many Yugoslav patriots who never 
appeared before a court. 

With regret, the author notes that former editors of the Slobodna 
Rec, Stevan Dedijer and Srdja Prica, are doing their utmost to sepa- 
rate "progressive" Serbs and Croats from the democratic movement 
and exclaims : 

Oh, Steve, Steve, how could you become such a Judas and spit on everything 
you once fought for. 

Brothers and sisters, democratic American Yugoslavs throughout America, 
chase away the troublemakers and Tito agents if they appear amidst you. Let 
us rally our progressive democratic forces around our heroic and democratic news- 
papers Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik, which are our guiding stars, for free- 
dom, democracy, and peace in the whole world. 

Workers are in had position. — The Slobodna Rec of May 28, 1949 
(p. 2), carries a long article entitled "The Bad Position of the 
Workers in Yugoslavia," written by a young man who recently re- 
turned from Commimist Yugoslavia to capitalist Australia. 

Traitors. — In the Slobodna Rec of June 2, 1949 (p. 3), a poem, full 
of strongest invectives against Tito, is published with the following 
introduction of the anonymous author : 

Until recently, I believed in Tito, as I believed in the whole working people or 
myself, but now I want to write a poem for him as traitor to his people. 

In the poem, it is said that — 

Tito suddenly became a Trotskyist; 
He is certainly against the Russians; 
He is against Lenin and Marx ; 
He now resorts to Hitler's practices. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 667 

But, according to the poet, "The people will crush Tito under their 
feet." 

And as for his comrades in the government : 

Rankovic will be skinned alive ; 
Kardel.i will have his tongue pulled out ; 
And our Montenegrin, "brother" Djilas, 
Will get a noose around his neck. 

Life is intolerable. — ^In its issue of June 29, 1949 (p. 2), the 
Narodni Glasnik reports on Further Arrests of Communists on the 
Part of Tito Regime : 

Life is intolerable, hunger, scarcity, and misery * * *, only a small group of 
people, connected with Rankovic's police, enjoy normal living conditions. * * * 

Peasants, students, and officers are being arrested, in one word, everybody who 
loves his country and the Soviet Union. 

Mass terrorism. — In the Narodni Glasnik of June 30, 1949 (p. 3), 
a long report on the situation in Yugoslavia is published which, in 
part, reads : 

In order to remain in power, Tito's clique is using the most incredible means 
of terrorism over the people. * * * 

In Yugoslavia, under Tito's regime, laws and civil rights are nonexistent. * * * 

Whoever declares himself in favor of the Cominform resolution is arrested. 
If he is married, his comrade [i. e., wife] is instantly ordered to disown her 
husband and to write an article for the Borba. The family of the arrested is im- 
mediately thrown out of the apartment and their ration cards taken away. * * * 

We live today without any law or right — the law being the will of Tito's agents. 

The same article is published in the Slobodna Rec of July 13, 1949 
(p. 2.) 

Terrorism..^ persecution. — In the issue of July 2, 1949, Slobodna Rec 
carries an anonymous letter from Yugoslavia, written by two returnees 
from America to Yugoslavia, very much different from the letters 
from Yugoslavia which it used to publish prior to the Cominform- 
Tito clash. The letter reads : 

Eight hundred of us returnees have applied to return to America and Canada 
* * *. You can imagine how we live, and the fact that we disapprove of this 
betrayal of the leadership, makes matters even worse * * *^ 

Prices are so high that an ordinary worker cannot live. An egg costs 20 dinars 
and I work for 14 dinars an hour. A pair of chickens is 1,000 dinars ; 1 kilogram 
of fat, 500 dinars ; cheese, 150 dinars ; 1 kilogram of bacon, 500 dinars ; and the 
two of us earn 5,700 dinars a month, which is not enough for one person * * *, 

This is not Yugoslavia as its people and we imagined it ; Tito's betrayal ruined 
it completely. There is no morality at all, but only divorces, prostitution, and, 
in children's homes, there are more children of divorced parents than of fighters 
who fell during the war. 

God, these are horrible things. Where dl(i we come to? If you only could see 
this, you would be dumbfounded. 

Terrorism and persecution, murders and arrests of anybody who dares criticize 
this greatest betrayal in the history of the workers' movement. 

Those who write to you that it is well here, are liars or sycophants ; they are 
those who sold themselves and have no character and no soul ; they are those who 
vilify the best friends of Yugoslavia and its peoples, the Soviet Union and other 
Slavic countries. 

For whom did we fig htf— The Slobodna Rec of July 13, 1949 (p. 1) , 
carries news from Belgrade of a grave incident in front of a jail where 
a deserving Communist is kept. His mother is said to have defiantly 
told the UDB (secret police) agents: 

I am for the Cominform resolution ; I am for Stalin. Shame on you. Traitors, 
for whom did we fight? Didn't you fight for Stalin, and today Tito is calling him 
a traitor. That traitor Tito about whom we heard only in 1943. And the graves 
of our dead heroes — for whom did we fight? 



668 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

If the above quotations, expressing the views of "progressive" Amer- 
ican Serbs and Croats, are compared with their views before the Com- 
inform-Tito clash, commentaries are superfluous. It may only be 
pointed to the fact that the attacks against Communist Yugoslavia are 
sometimes even more violent than attacks against capitalist countries, 

VI. THE STAND OF THE SLOBODNA REG AND NARODNI GLASNIK ON THE 
SOVIET UNION 

But the attitude of the Slobodna Kec and Narodni Glasnik toward 
the Soviet Union did not change. Invariably, always and in any con- 
troversy, before and after the Cominform-Tito clash, the Soviet 
Union was considered right, the paragon of socialist and democratic 
virtues, righteousness, progress, devotion to peace, love of mankind, 
et cetera. A few examples may serve to illustrate this point : 

In the Slobodna Rec of September 7, 1946 (p. 2), a long article by 
Louis Adamic was published on the shooting down of American 
planes over Yugoslavia, under the title : "The Truth About the Amer- 
ican-Yugoslav Crisis — Important Considerations on the Occasion of 
the Airplane Incident." According to Adamic's interpretation of this 
issue, which stirred a wave of indignation throughout the United 
States, this country was wrong and Communist Yugoslavia was right. 
The Slobodna Rec wholeheartedly endorsed this view. 

In the same issue of the Slobodna Rec and on several other occa- 
sions, an advertisement was published concerning the hook The 
Great Conspiracy Against Russia, by M. Sayers and A. Kahn.^ Peo- 
ple were urged to buy it. In order "to meet the needs of the broad 
masses of the people, the price has been reduced from $3.50 to $1." 

This concern about the interests of the Soviet Union is certainly 
touching, especially since it is impossible to find among "progressives" 
any similar concern about the United States or any warning about the 
interests of the United States being threatened by any conspiracy. 

Soviet Union won the loar. — The Slobodna Rec, which never speaks 
of the merits of America in winning World War 11, has a different 
attitude toward the Soviet Union. In the Slobodna Rec of November 
29, 1947 (pp. 3 and 4) it is stated : 

Today * * * the people of Russia, with its unity, spirit of sacrifice, and 
great heroism, as well as owing to its modern policy, saved not only its own 
country from the enemy, but all other countries in the world as well * * * 

The reversal of the military situation in Soviet Russia secured the victory of 
the Allies. 

This text is strikingly similar to the views expressed by The Worker, 
May 9, 1948 (p. 7), in an article entitled, "Not Communism, but Anti- 
communism Is a Conspiracy," by M. Howard : 

Socialism in the U. S. S. R. performed a lion's share in saving the national 
independence of Britain, France, and the U. S. A. 

Mother Russia. — In the Slobodna Rec of September 18, 1947, a list 
of solicitors of advertisements for the Almanac Vidovdan is published, 
together with some of their letters addressed to the Slobodna Rec. 
Among others, Risto Nogulich, Chicago, 111., is sending $110 to have 
the almanac, in which "the life, work, and struggle of Mother Russia 
and Yugoslavia, against whom the Fascist dogs are hissing and yell- 
ing," is described. 

^ Michael Sayers and Albert Kahn. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 669 

V. S. S. R. keeps its u'orc?.— Under the title "The U. S. A. Violated 
Its Commercial Treaty AVith the U. S. S. R." the Narodni Glasnik of 
August 12, 1948, published an item from the New York Post saying 
that— 

The United States flatirantly and inexcusably brolce a solemn agreement with the 
Russians. * * * while the U. S. S. R. always stood by its obligations in the 
treaty. 

In order to give more emphasis to that "fact," the Narodni Glasnik 
published, besides the reprint from the New York Post, an editorial on 
the same subject. 

Life for America. — Always on the alert to defend the Soviet inter- 
ests, the Narodni Glasnik of January 21, 1949, after reporting that the 
U. S. S. R. has decided to stop the export of manganese ore to the United 
States, asks, "Who started all this?" and promptly answers that the 
United States is to blame, since it stopped the export of machinery to 
the U. S. S. R. : 

If we need that ore and if we want to get it, then it is more than correct that 
we be ready to sell to the Soviet Union the machinery which it needs and which 
they want to buy in our country. 

Hundreds of thousands of workers, who in the course of the last months lost 
their jobs in various industries, would also like to know why did we stop the ex- 
j)ort ; i. e., the sale of machinery and other products to Slavic countries. They 
know that the permanent export of such products means work and employment — • 
life itself for America. 

In the United States of America, fascism.^ — The Narodni Glasnik of 
February 21, 1949, page 2, published an article under the title "The 
Peoples of the World Do Not Want War, but They Strive for Peace 
and Cooperation," in which Anna Devunich, reporting on the Congress 
of Women for Peace, held in Budapest, draws a comparison between 
the United States and the Soviet Union : 

The peoples realize the fact that the Soviet Union is the main pillar of peace 
and realize that the policy of Wall Street is the main prompter of a new war. 

The greatest danger of a third world war arises from the American reaction. 
The case of the 12 Communist leaders in New York is compared by the peoples 
to the Reichstag fire in Germany. That event has a great importance and inter- 
national bearing and is thus looked upon as a very great restriction of democracy 
and concession to fascism in America. All these things which today are happen- 
ing in America, including the chauvinism against the Negro people and other 
minority groups, present our democracy in the world as a monstrosity and created 
hatred. * * * 

Men and women in Budapest, for instance, know very well that the Soviet Union 
is their friend, because 20,000 Russian soldiers lost their lives fighting from 
house to house against the Nazis for the defense of Budapest * * * Children 
did not have bread and water, but Russian soldiers brought bread, water, and 
freedom. 

And that is why in Europe not only is there no war hysteria nor war propaganda 
like here, but there is great sympathy and open love for the Soviet Union. 

United States of America: Profits for the feio. — In the Narodni 
Glasnik from March 4, 1949, the editorial deals with the question. 
What does the price reduction in the Soviet Union mean ? : 

The question is why do prices go down in the Soviet Union and in the United 
States they are still at their highest level, although production is much higher here 
than in the Soviet Union ? That is not difficult to answer. In the Soviet Union, in- 
dustry and agriculture belong to the people, and consequently they are not 
founded on profits. An increase in production means that prices must go down. 
An increase in production does not mean increased profits as in our country where 
the means of production and distribution are in the hands of wealthy individuals 
and groups of Individuals. That is the difference. That is also the reason why the 
prices in our country are so unreasonably high. The profiteers do not care about 
the people, but about ever-increasing profits. 



670 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Greatest country. — A good example of the attitude of Narodni Glas- 
nik toward the Soviet can also be found in its issue of June 80, 1949, 
page 4, where an article is published under the heading "S. Kadic 
on Soviet Russia". The article consists mainly of excerpts from ar- 
ticles (The Truth About the Bolshevik Revolution) by the late Stjepan 
Radic, president of the Croatian Peasant Party, written between 1920 
and 1927 : 

Russia is in fact a peasants' repiiblic with a workers' government; therefore 
Russia is not only the biggest and strongest but also the most righteous country 
in the world (1920). 

Bolshevism is an organization of society and the whole government in which 
participate not only every worker and peasant but all other workers so that every 
cook and laundrymaid is participating when decisions are made in the matters of 
social life (1924). 

******* 

Soviet Russia is the only great power in the world which in reality acknowl- 
edges and respects the right of nations to self-determination (1924). 

******* 

The tenth anniversary of the Soviet regime in Russia is celebrated very solemnly 
in Moscow. The bourgeois newspapers in the whole world predicted in the 
course of these 10 years not once but many times that the Soviet rule in Russia 
would not last more than a few months. However, this regime is getting stronger, 
and that because it is supported by the Russian peasants and workers who, on 
the ground of social justice, are leading the Russian people to a brighter future 
(1927). 

VII. IDENTITY OF "PROGRESSIVE" VIEWS ON OTHER ISSUES 

However, the identity of policy and propaganda between the Daily 
AVorker, on the one side, and the Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik, 
on the other, is not confined to the Cominform-Tito clash. Besides 
often carrying the same cartoons and photographs, either several days 
after the Daily Worker or sometimes even before the Daily Worker, 
the Narodni Glasnik and Slobodna Rec have faithfully followed the 
Daily Worker line, especially in the basic problems of the United 
States. Here are some examples : 

A. Refusal of the Communists to fight for their countries 

The Daily Worker carried in its issue of March 7, 1949, pp. 1 and 9, 
an open letter of William Z. Foster and Eugene Dennis under the title 
'Ts It Treasonable To Talk Peace?" A few days before Foster and 
Dennis had issued, in the name of the Communist Party, a statement 
in which they opposed an "aggressive" war of the United States. 
President Truman reacted by condemning that stand and calling the 
Communists traitors. In their open letter, Foster and Dennis said : 

You twisted the question originally asked and implied that we Communists had 
discussed an attack by the Soviet Union upon our Nation. 

We, of course, did not discuss the fantastic impossibility of such an attack upon 
our country. * * * it is not from the Socialist Soviet Union * * * that 
the danger of war arises. 

Neither the American people nor the Soviet Union is responsible for the present 
world tension. Responsibility rests squarely on Wall Street and its bipartisan 
puppets. 

Despite all threats and persecutions we will continue resolutely to work for 
peace. * * * -sff^ shall continue * * * fo ^n-g^ that our nation shall sign 
a pact of friendship and peace with our great wartime ally, the Soviet Union. 

The Narodni Glasnik, in its issue of March 8, 1949, page 1, carried 
the above letter, somewhat shortened, under the title "Foster and 
Dennis Have Answered Truman That Peace Talk Cannot Be Called 
Treason." The Slobodna Rec, March 9, 1949, page 1, also carried the 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 671 



letter under tlie title "Communist Leaders Tell Truman That Peace 
Talk Is Not Treasonable.' ' 

In the same issue — March 7, 1949, page 9 — the Daily Worker pub- 
lished an editorial under the title "Peace Is True Patriotism." It is 
revealing to compare this editorial with the editorial of the Slobodna 
Kec, March 9, 1949, page 2, entitled "Wallace Stands in Defense of 
Peace." 



[Daily Worker, March 7, 1949, p. 7] 
PEACE IS TRUE PATRIOTISM 

Amid the shrill cries of the pre.ss 
which would like to silence all politicnl 
disagreement with the Government's 
war-breeding "cold war," Henry Wal- 
lace has again spoken out with courage 
and patriotism for peace. 

While President Truman calls his 
opponents either "s. o. b." or "traitor," 
Wallace dares to stick to his view that 
an American-Soviet war would be a 
crime against humanity, that it is un- 
necessary and completely avoidable 
without sacrificing a single national in- 
terest which is genuinely American. 
America's national welfare is a different 
thing from the profits of the munitions 
makers, of course. For them a war 
would be a godsend, even though mil- 
lions would be slaughtered before the 
people of the world began to enfox-ce 
peace. 

While everjone in Washington — Con- 
gressman, Senators, and Cabinet mem- 
bers — speaks about war as if it were the 
most natural thing in the world, as if it 
were inevitable, and not even too un- 
desirable, Wallace on Thursday, speak- 
ing for the Progressive Party, made 
these points : 

"I said it was possible for progressive 
capitalism in the United States to live 
at peace with communLsm in eastern 
Europe. I still think so. * * * Our 
opposition to the Truman doctrine, the 
ERF, the Atlantic Pact, universal mili- 
tary training, and increa.sed military 
expenditures continues stronger than 
ever. We must resolve that there shall 
be no war. * * * 

Wallace, in his speech, supported the 
struggle of the Communists against the 
policy of cold war — i. e., policy of all 
those who fight for peace — and ex- 
pressed the apprehension that the war- 
mongers will seize upon the.se state- 
ments to instigate even greater war 
hysteria. With his speech Wallace de- 
feuded all Americans, the Constitution, 
and civil rights and that every i)erson 
and individual has the right to speak 
his mind. * * * 

Wallace's speech will win the support 
of every citizen, regardless of differ- 
ences of political conviction, who has 
at heart the good of America * * * 
if we do not want to happen again 
what happened in 1933 in Germany. 



[Slobodna Rec, March 9. 1949, p. 2] 
WALLACE STANDS IN DEFENSE OF PEACE 

Henry Wallace has, as in the past, 
again .spoken out for peace. * * * 

President Truman calls his opponents 
names or "traitors." * * * 

The national welfare of America and 
the American people, on the one side and 
the interests of the munitions makers 
on the other, are as wide apart as 
heaven and earth. For the instigators 
of a new war, that would be a godsend, 
while for millions of Americans ami 
other people death. * * * 

The warmongers, munitions makers, 
and the reactionary press speak daily 
that the war against v'^oviet Union and 
the people's democracies is inevita- 
ble. * * * Wallace on Thur.s- 
day * * * said, among other things : 

"I said it was possible for progressive 
capitalism in the United States to live 
at peace with communism in eastern 
Europe. I still think so. * * * Our 
opposition to the Truman doctrine, the 
Marshall plan, the Atlantic Military 
Pact, universal military training, and 
increased military expenditures contin- 
ues stronger than ever. We must re- 
solve that there shall be no war." 

Of the Communist Party statement 
* * * Wallace said : 

"I am glad that they want to work 
with all those who .seek peace, democ- 
racy, and social progress. But I am 
not in accord with their recent state- 
ments because, in my opinion, they will 
not contribute to peace, democracy, and 
social progress." Wallace said that he 
thought that the "reactionaries will 
seize upon these statements to .justify 
-new reaction and bigger war budgets." 
But Wallace reiterated his determina- 
tion to defend the civil right of all 
Americans to speak their minds on these 
crucial issues. 

But, regardless of such differences, 
Henry Wallace's renewed call for peace 
will win the support of every citizen, 
regardless of creed or political affilia- 
tion, who does not want his country to 
be shoved down the fatal German path 
by munitions makers and war-hungry 
banker-generals. 



672 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

It goes without saying that on the question of the Communist trial 
the Daily Worker assumed an attitude of sharpest disapproval. The 
essence of its views is that, since the Communists stand for democracy, 
the indictment of the 12 leaders of the Communist Party is an attack 
against the most elementary democratic traditions of America, its 
democratic institutions, and the civil rights of its citizens. In the 
Worker— southern edition— from September 26, 1948, special section, 
page o, the editorial proclaims that "If Communists are outlawed, 
you're next," and quotes William Z. Foster, saying : 

The attack on the Communists is the major phase of the drive toward fascism 
that is now taking place in the United States. 

In the Daily Worker of January 10, 1949, page 2, the trial is as- 
sailed as being undemocratic because of the "undemocratic jury 
system." 

In the issue of January 17, 1949, page 1, a cartoon entitled "The 
Thirteenth Defendant" was published showing how the indictment 
of 12 was a blow striking the torch of liberty from the hands of the 
Statue of Liberty. The same cartoon was repeated in the issues of 
January 23 and 30. 

In the Worker of January 23, 1949, a cartoon was published under 
the title "The Other Defendants," referring to Jefferson and Lincoln, 
who allegedly are the invisible but, together with the Communists, 
real defendants in the trial. 

In the Worker of February 6, 1949, page 3, an article bears the title 
"If They Frame the Communists, They Can Frame You, Too." In the 
issue of March 22, 1949, page 1, a page-wide title reads, "CP Fights 
for American People, Dennis Tells Jury." 

The stand of the Slobodna liec and Narodni Glasnik is identical to 
that of the Daily Worker in essence and in the details. 

The Narodni Glasnik published on January 19, 1949, page 5, a report 
of the trial, saying that "the court hall and its surroundings look like 
a battlefiekl." It quoted one of the lawyers, George W. Crockett, Jr., 
calling the police on duty "an armed mob" and presented the views of 
the lawyers. A similar report was printed in the Slobodna Rec of 
January 19, 1949, page 1. 

The Narodni Glasnik could not be more explicit than it was in the 
report of January 17, 1949, page 1. The three-column-wide title read, 
"The trial of the 12 Communists is a trial of the Bill of Rights," and 
the subtitle, "If the Communists are deprived of the right of political 
opinion, then automatically the people of America are deprived of it, 
and the basic law, the Constitution of the United States, is ridiculed." 
In the article, the editor presents the Communist view of the trial, 
saying : 

In connection with this trial, here is what the Communists say : "The Bill of 
Rights is in fact on trial." 

Strangely enough, the editors of the Narodni Glasnik made this 
viewpoint their own by choosing it for the headline of their newspaper. 
The article ends with the pathetic outcry : 

On trial are not only 12 Communists, but the rest of us — we 145,000,000 people. 

The Slobodna Rec of January 19, 1949, entitled its editorial "The 
United States Constitution on Trial," declaring that — 

Today, if Jesus Christ, Washington, Jefferson, and Lincoln were to appear 
again, the reaction would accuse them too of being "in favor of forcible over- 
throw of our Government." 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 673 

The Narodni Glasnik in its issues of January 20, 1949, page 1, 
January 25, page 1, and January 26 and 28, page 2, attacked the 
"undemocratic" jury system, reporting that "protests against the trial 
of the leaders of the Communist Party are pouring in" and that Sena- 
tor William Langer of North Dakota "sharply assailed the biased 
system of jury appointment." 

In the same way, the Slobodna Rec in its issue of January 29, 1949, 
page 1, wrote "against the undemocratic appointment of the jury" 
and reported on Senator Langer's attack against the "discriminatory 
jury system in New York." 

The Narodni Glasnik of January 18, 1949, page 2, stated that — 

The trial of the Communists is a frame-up. And that means a frame-up against 
America. 

In the same issue was published a telegraphic request of the Ameri- 
can Slav Congress of Western Pennsylvania, signed by John Rudiak, 
president, and George Wuchinich, secretary, addressed to President 
Truman and Attorney General Tom Clark, to reject the indictment of 
the 12 Communist leaders, because "the political rights of all Ameri- 
cans are threatened." The same was published by the Slobodna Rec 
on January 19, 1949, page 1. 

In its issue of February 21, 1949, page 6, the Narodni Glasnik pub- 
lished an article by Howard Fast entitled "The Battle of the Working 
People of Our Nation Is Being Fought at Foley Square in New 
York." In the issue of February 22, 1949, page 1, the Narodni Glas- 
nik proclaimed that "The indicted Communists are more and more 
appearing as accusers," and that "Judge Medina is squirming and by 
legal measures preventing the exposure of the disgraceful jury system." 

The Daily Worker of March 14, 1949, carried on page 1 the headline 
"Wallace hits betrayal," with the caption "Henry Wallace, former 
Vice President of the United States and Presidential candidate of the 
Progressive Party, yesterday lashed the bipartisan betrayal of civil 
rights in Congress." He urged Americans regardless of political 
beliefs, to join in action to break the filibuster. 

The Narodni Glasnik of March 15, 1949, page 1, published a literal 
translation from the Daily Worker under the headline "Wallace 
assails old parties because of betrayal of civil rights" and the sub- 
title "The administration capitulated before the southern tories as 
was to be expected; the reaction gets bolder." Not satisfied with the 
reprint, the Narodni Glasnik added one additional column of 
comments. 

VIII. THE APPEAL TO "SLAVIO SOLIDARITY," THE AMERICAN SLAV 
CONGRESS, ETC. 

In all the policy and propaganda of the Slobodna Rec and Narodni 
Glasnik, the appeal to "Slavic solidarity" is one of the favorite themes 
and most important instruments for the mental conditioning of their 
readers and for their preparation to do their duty when the move- 
ment of "ultimate emancipation" comes. The files of these two news- 
papers also reveal the closest cooperation between them and affiliated 
"progressive" organizations, on the one side, and the American Slav 
Congress and its activities, on the other. In the Narodni Glasnik of 



(574 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

May 8, 1947, page 3, Dushan Popovicli, praising some singing choirs 
and music bands, says : 

Our youth, we are proud that you are of Slavic bloocL 

In the Narodni Glasnik of May 5, 1947, an article is published by 
Frank Borich, executive secretary of the People's Council, on the im- 
portance of the great second congress of the American Croatian men 
and women, which contains all the main points of the program adopted 
at the congress. In point 6, the congress pledges "active support 
to the United Committee of South Slavic Americans and the American 
Slav Congress through a fuller participation in their work." 

In 1947, Bozo Galeb went to Yugoslavia as a delegate to attend the 
All-Slav Congress held in Belgarde. Upon his return, he was given 
the greatest publicity in the Slobodna Rec. In the issue of June 3, 
1947, page 1, it is announced that "brother Bozo Galeb will speak in 
the course of June 1947 in the f ollow^ing places" : Gary, Ind. ; Mil- 
waukee, Wis.; Chicago, 111.; St. Louis, Mo.; Denver, Colo.; Salt 
Lake City, Utah; Boise, Idaho; Spokane, Wash.; Seattle, Wash.; 
Vancouver, Canada ; Portland, Ore. 

The same issue of the Slobodna Rec carries an advertisement for the 
magazine, The Slavic American, ofiicial organ of the ASC : 

Featured in the first issue will be an article by President Benes, of Czechoslo- 
vakia, on Slav unity, and an exclusive interview with Leo Krzycki, president of 
the American Slav Congress, on his fiftieth anniversary as a labor leader 
* * * [and] a short story by Louis Adamic. 

"No magazine so ambitious in scope, specifically for Slavic Americans and their 
friends, has ever been planned," said George Pirinsky, executive secretary of the 
American Slav Congress. 

Here is an example of how the American Slav Congress tries to 
identify its own cause with that of the American people. The Narodni 
Glasnik of July 30, 1947, page 1, publishes a telegram sent by the exec- 
utive secretary of the ASC, George Wuchinich, to the chairman of 
the House Un-American Activities Committee, J. Parnell Thomas. 
The telegram reads : 

We request to be heard on the charge of a so-called "Slav fifth column" emanat- 
ing from hearings before your committee. We stand forward to speak in the 
name of thousands of American working men and women of western Pennsyl- 
vania to deny this deliberate slur intended to spread fear throughout our coun- 
try. 

The same issue of the Narodni Glasnik carries — page 4 — the full text 
of a letter to Secretary of State George Marshall, signed by Leo 
Bacich, acting executive secretary of the United Committee of South 
Slavic Americans, asking — 

That the policy pursued toward Yugoslavia in connection with issuance of 
passports for travel to Yugoslavia be reversed and passports issued. 

The Narodni Glasnik of August 7, 1947, page 2, publishes a report of 
a visit to the Yugoslav ship Radnik by Petar Simrak. After stressing 
the difference between prewar Yugoslavia and the present regime, 
Simrak enthusiastically quotes a few new stanzas added to the old 
song called O Slavs, and sung by the crew choir : 

O Slavs, the earth is trembling 
From the Volga to the Triglav ; 
With a clear tone thunder the waves 
From the blue Adriatic sea. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 675 

In a thmiflerous voice calls our comrade 
Stalin, from the Russian plains, 
And his comrade Tito answers 
From the Bosnian mountains. 

Simrak also quotes a new song sung by "young sea girls" : 

From the Don, the Volga, and the Ural 
To the bhie seacoast of the Adriatic 
All Slavs are illuminated 
r.y the Red Star. 

The Narodni Glasnik of August 12, 1947, carries on page 2 three 
very important messages to all branches of the People's Council by 
Frank Borich, The second is a recommendation of the first copy of 
the Slavic American, published by the American Slav Congress : 

This periodical is of enormous importance, not only for us Slavs, but for all 
Americans. It is important, especially today, when the reaction is endeavoring 
to brand all of us who gave all that we had for the victory in the war, as "fifth 
columnists." We must destroy that disgusting slander and prove to the people 
of America that we Slavs are among the best and most loyal citizens of America, 
who always fought for its democratic traditions and democratic ideals. The 
Slavic American will play here a great role. That is why we must take it not 
only to Americans of Slav origin, but to others as well. 

In an article entitled "The Lack of Knowledge of True Reality" 
(Narodni Glasnik, September 17, 1947, p. 4), Eusebio Ruic comments 
on Dorothy Thompson's article "The Fallacy of Containing Russia." 

I do not know what the racial origin of Miss Thompson is, but from her 
writing it can be discerned that, at least, her great grandmother was German, 
because she is displaying the same German partiality and greed which before 
many Gei-man leaders used to display when they were building a great Germany 
at the expense of the Slavs. Miss Thompson knows well that today the united 
Slavs have thwarted the plans of all exploiters and conquerors. Now they have 
nothing else left but to slander the Slavic countries. 

The Narodni Glasnik of October 16, 1947, page 2, carries an appeal 
of George Pirinsky, of the Slavic American, to subscribe to this 
periodical under the title "The Slavic American Is Your Paper, It 
Speaks for You, Subscribe to It." Pirinslrv boasts that "in the course 
of the last fortnight over a thousand people subscribed." 

The Slobodna Rec of August 5, 1947, page 3, carries a report on 
the "magnificent welcome to Bozo Galeb and Martin Zorich in Cuper- 
tino, Calif." Among other things Bozo Galeb is quoted as saying that 
in Yugoslavia: 

The people cleaned the country forever. They have forged not only the 
brotherhood and unity of the peoples of Yugoslavia, but also the brotherhood 
and unity with all other Slav nations which fought for the same cause. 

There is no more hatred, envy, and odium among the people in Yugoslavia. 
Instead of that love, warmth, cordiality, sincerity, and the mutual devotion of 
one to another prevails. They, in Yugoslavia, call all that brotherhood and unity. 
In the same way there is a strong all-Slav solidarity and also a strong friendship 
toward all freedom-loving people who work for cooperation and peace. 

The Slobodna Rec of September 16, 1947, page 3, carries an an- 
nouncement of a public meeting of the United Committee of the South 
Slavic Americans in connection with the National Council of Ameri- 
can-Soviet Friendship, on September 25, Manhattan Center, Thirty- 
fourth Street and Eighth Avenue, New York, The chairman of the 
conference was Louis Adamic. The announcement is signed by Leo 
Bacich, executive secretary of the united committee. 



676 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

The same issue of the Slobodna Rec publishes on page 4 an article, 
The Un-American Committee Must Go, by Harry M. Justiz. Above 
it is a report on a meeting of the American Slav Congress under the 
title, "Henry Wallace Presented With Slavic-American Magazine." 
The subtitle reads, "Urges Slavic Americans To Take an Active Part 
in Elections and Promote Friendship Between America and Slav 
Nations." George Pirinsky, executive secretary of the American Slav 
Congress, greeted the IMichigan group and commended them for the 
good work they are doing. 

The Slobodna Rec of October 15, 1947, page 3, carries a poem by 
Krcun Sekulich wliich is directed against Serbian and other Fascists 
who want to "break down the iron curtain," but will fail, because "be- 
hind it is a great fighting army of 300,000,000 Slavs, which have 
weapons and food and are led by two giants : Tito and Stalin." They 
have "given power to the workers and shaken the whole world. * * * 
Especially are trembling the Nazis and Fascists, rich people and mon- 
opolists. From slaves they became men, and capital is no longer their 
judge. All people must finally be equal." In this poem the Serbian 
Chetniks are assailed and called names, and the Slavs are glorified. 

The same issue of the Slobodna Rec carries a report on an article 
of Bozidar Milosevich on the importance of Slav unity for peace, pub- 
lished in the August-September issue of the magazine, The Protestant, 
under the title, "Slavs United for Peace." 

The Slobodna Rec of October 25, 1947, page 4, carries an open letter 
of Los Angeles Slavs to President Truman, unanimously endorsed by 
over 1,000 people attending the fall Slav festival at 330 South Ford 
Boulevard, sponsored by the Slavic Council of Los Angeles. The letter 
urges President Truman to adopt a "realistic approach in our rela- 
tions with Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, the Soviet Union, Poland, and 
Yugoslavia," and "to do all within your power to promote friendly 
relations and understanding between our Nation and our allies, the 
people of the Slavic countries." It is signed by the Slavic Council of 
Los Angeles, George V. Boroz, president, and Casimir E. Nowacki, 
executive secretary. 

The Slobodna Rec of November 1, 1947, page 2, carries a public 
statement of the executive committee of the American Slav Congress 
of western Pennsylvania, signed by George S. Wuchinich, executive 
secretary, Pittsburgh, Pa., against Judge Blair Gunther and Harry 
Alan Sherman, lawyer. 

The same issue of the Slobodna Rec carries, page 3, a report by 
Drago Kosich, editor of the Slobodna Rec, on the "magnificent success" 
of the banquet of the Serbian Peoples Congress. As usual the loyalty 
of these people is pledged, not to America, but to all Slav countries. 
Philip Vukelich, representative of the Council of American Croats, 
and chief editor of the newspaper Zajednicar (organ of the Croatian 
Fraternal Union) declares : 

All Slavs have united in all Slav countries, and we have to do the same. * * * 
Back in the old times, the Romans used to say that if the Slavs would unite, 
they would become an important factor in the world. 

The Slobodna Rec of November 5, 1947, page 3, publishes an article 
by Milan Draskovich, Wilmington, Calif., praising Jovo Popovich, 
the delegate at the convention of the Serb National Federation, who 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 677 

was expelled by unanimous vote, and assailing Tomo Deretich, who 
failed to realize that — 

All this boils clown to one tiling, to send the Slavs again to be killed. 

In the Slobodna Kec of November 19, 1947, page 3, an article, un- 
der the title "The Armistice Day of November 11," is published in 
which Dushan M. Peyovich, Detroit, Mich., asks : 

With whom shall we make friends and plan a lasting peace in the world? 
With the attackers on Pearl Harbor and Belgrade, Stalingrad," and London? Or 
with the age-old friends of unity and peace, the Slav Nations? 

In the Slobodna Kec of November 29, 1947, page 2, its chief editor 
Stanko Vuicli in his article Why Are the American Slavs Being Slan- 
dered? takes issue with Eobert Taylor, who wrote several articles in 
the Pittsburgh Press on the American Slav Congress and similar 
organizations : 

What upsets him [Taylor] most is that the Slavs are taking an active part in 
preparing the meetings of Henry A. Wallace. This grieves him much, and he goes 
as far as calling Wallace himself a Communist. To be active in the workers' 
union and to fight for the interest of the American workers is, for the Pittsburgh 
Press, to indulge in disloyal activities. 

The attacked Slavic organizations and individuals were among the fii'St to 
support President Roosevelt and his policy. 

In an article entitled "The Unity of the Slavs Is an Important Fac- 
tor for a Lasting Peace in the World" (Slobodna Rec, November 29, 
1947, pp. 3 and 4), Jovan Mushikich takes a typically "progressive" 
Slavic stand : 

In the past * * * agreements were made with the help and approval of 
the western European countries at the expense of small Slavic nations, aud even 
of Russia * * *. 

For centuries, the small Slavic nations remained the object of trading between 
the ruthless European countries whose enmity towai'd the Slavs is age-old. 

Once again, where the Soviet Union is concerned, the Slobodna Rec, 
its editors and correspondents identify the people with the Govern- 
ment, whereas, when their own country, the United States of America, 
is concerned they always make the strictest distinction between the 
interests of the people and the governmental policy which is, allegedly, 
against the essential interests of the people. Mushikieh exemplifies 
this practice : 

Today * * * the people of Russia, with its unity, spirit of sacrifice, and 
great heroism, as well as owing to its modern policy saved not only its own 
country from the enemy, but all other countries in the world as well * * *_ 

The arrival of the glorious Red Army on the territory of the small Slavic 
nations is the most precious event which will shine on the most recent pages of 
the history of Slavic people. Through that were realized their strivings, secured 
their national boundaries, and democracy, and at the same time were cemented 
the solidarity and friendship of all Slavic nations * * *. 

The united Slavs, together with all democratic and peace-loving people of the 
world, will secure peace and freedom. 

And this article in the Slobodna Rec, which never hails the brother- 
hood and unity of all Americans, ends with an enthusiastic : 

Long live the brotherhood and unity of all Slavs. 

In an article published in the Slobodna Rec of December 31, 1947, 
page 2, S. Vukalovich says : 

In the last war Russia broke Hitler. Fascism was not able to break the Slavs 
but broke itself. That is what the Fascists can never forgive Russia for. That 
is the leason why they are now attacking the Slavs and Russia. 

98330— 50— pt. 2 15 



678 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

The same issue of the Slobodna Rec carries (p. 4) : "New Year's 
ffi-eeting of the Yugoslav Seamen's Chib in New York" addressed to 
"all brothers and sisters in tlie United States, Canada, South America, 
Australia, New Zealand, and other countries : 

Wo wish you further success iu your work for the unity of all south Slav and 
all Slav nations. 
Lona live the brotherhood and unity of all Slavs. 

The greeting is signed by Toma Babin, chairman of the club. 

The Slobodna Hoc of August 2(5, 1947, publishes (p. 4) an article by 
George S. Wuchinich, executive secretary of the American Slav Con- 
gress of western Pennsylvania under the title "Widen Democracy — 
Don't Narrow It." 

The Slobodna Rcc of November 12, 1947, describes (p. 3) the con- 
ference of the Ameri(;an Committee for the Protection of Foreign 
Born in Cleveland on October 25, 2(). After saying that many resolu- 
tions were adopted, among which, one to "dissolve the House Com- 
mittee on Un-American Affairs, as well as the Ku Klux Klan," they 
informed the readers that after the conference "there was a meeting 
of a few Slavs with (leorge Pirinsky. Pirinsky ex])lained the situa- 
tion of the American Slav Congress and appealed for financial help 
in the amount of approximately $100,000 in order to enable it "to 
lealize its many aims as an efficient organization." The reporter of 
the Slobodna Pec concludes that "this is briefly my report. The 
thing is big, the struggle against the reaction mtist be waged on all 
sides." 

The Slobodna Rec of November 22, 1947, carries a large announce- 
ment of the People's Festival in Pittsburgh, featuring Louis Adamic, 
"outstanding people's writer," and Paul Robeson, "famous singer," and 
says : 

Tickets can be obtained at the American Slav Congress of western Pennsyl- 
vania, 1005 Berger Building, Pittsburgh, Pa. 

In the same issue of the Slobodna Rec, an article is published against 
the labor-hating Pittsburgh Press. A photostatic copy of a letter of 
President Roosevelt of September 11, 1944, addressed to the Second 
Slav Congress is reproduced in order to "refute the lies now being 
spread by the Pittsburgh Press against the American Slavs" since — 

Now these great American patriots of Slavic origin are subjected to a cam- 
paign of vilification and smear by an unscrupulous big-business press. 

Thus, the appeal to all-Slav solidarity which represents one of the 
main themes of the progressive propagan(hi among Americans of 
Slavic origin is far from liaving n purely sentimental charncter. Be- 
sides creating the necessary state of mind and mood to fight capitalism, 
which is allegedly the main enemy of the Slavs, this ii])|ieal to Slavism 
is connected with some concrete facts which the Communists are never 
tired of repeating in connection with the decisive question of what 
will happen in case of war. A few examples might illustrate the 
practical revolutionary importance of this "Slavic propaganda": 

1. In a chapter entitled "American Yugoslavs — Backbone of the 
American Slav Congress," Mirko Markovich in his pamphlet The 
Struggle in America for a New Yugoslavia says: 

Many theoreticians tried and are trying to prove the Anglo-Saxon origin 
of the Americans as a nation. But many facts are fundamentally correcting 
this "Anglo-Saxon" theory. One of the most striking is the following: During 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 679 

the war, it was discovered and stiitistirally proven that over one-lialf of the war 
material produced in the United States was produc(Ml by tlie liands of the Ameri- 
can Shivs. In other words, nioiv than lialf of tlie worliers who were employed 
in war industry, especially heavy industry, were Slavs. American-Slavs in the 
United States number between 13 and 15 million people. 

This fact alone reveals the importance of the role of Slavs in America during 
the war for the cause of the United States, for the cause of the whole anti-Hitler 
coalition. That is why it was of unusual importance to build up and develop 
the anti-Fascist united front of Americans of Slavic origin (p. 45) . 

2. The Slobodna Eec of April 29, 1947, page 2, published an article of 
Dimitar Vlahov, vice president of the F. V. K. Yugoslavia, and dele- 
gate to the UN conference in New York, under the title "What Vlahov 
Says About the Immigrants in the United States." 

Americans of Slav origin represent a very considerable force, because they 
constitute 50 percent of all the workers in the American heavy and war in- 
dustries * * * 

The progressive role of Americans of Slav origin is today a well-known fact. 
They exert an important influence between the American people and the Slav 
nations. 

Until the attack of Hitler's Germany on the Soviet Union, Americans of Slav 
origin, whose number amounts to 15,000,000 people, had no special mutual 
link.s, but as they understood what a menace fascism represented for the Slav 
nation, they organized themselves and formed special committees for an efficient 
struggle against fascism. * * * 

They founded several very active committees, among which stand out the 
Conim'ittee for Yugoslav Relief, tlie Committee for Aid to Macedonia, the Com- 
mittee for Reconstruction in Yugoslavia, the Special Committee for Collecting 
the Funds for Building a Modern Hospital in Dalmatia, further committe(>s for 
building hospitals in Macedonia and Hercegovina, as well as the committees of 
people from Lika and Hercegovina for the aid to these regions. 

After praising the work of the American Slav Congress, Vlahov 
ends his article by saying : 

The huge majority of our immigrants stand firmly by the F. P. R. Yugoslavia. 

3. In the Slobodna Rec of February 2, 1946, page 3, an article was 
published by Milan Polovina, dealing with the problem of strikes 
and workers' rights, in which the author says : 

The fact that in those industries [i.e., steel and automobile] 52 percent of the 
woikers are Slavs and that, on account of that, the success or failure of the 
workers' claims depends to a great extent upon them, burdens us Americans of 
Slav descent with a great responsibility to the working people of this country. 
* « # 

The employers who had billions of profits during World War II, want to con- 
tinue accumulating that immense wealth even at the expense of workers' lives, 
standard of living, and the welfare of the workers' families, and even at the 
expense of the survival and welfare of our country, America. That is what 
we are fighting against. * * * In that .struggle, we Americans of Slavic 
origin, are playing a great and important role. 

4. Maybe the most outspoken in dealing with this problem was 
George S. Wuchinich who, in his column "Keep America Free," 
published in the Narodni Glasnik of October 13, 1948, page 4, said: 

Fifteen million work in the basic industries and they know the meaning of 
Berlin. To have war, steel and coal must flow out of mills and mines. 

The same Wuchinich, besides being executive secretary of the Am- 
erican Slav Congress of Western Pennsylvania, and an organizer of 
the Progressive Party, has played an increasing role in the Slobodna 
Rec and Narodni Glasnik. Three days before the Cominform-Tita 
clash, he announced in one of his articles that the Narocbii Glasnik 



680 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

had decided "to make this column a weekly feature." Very politely, 
Wuchinich declares : 

Vv'e in the [American Slav] Congress "thank them for this opportunity to reach 
you. 

And since Wuchinich has had plenty of opportunity to reach the 
readers of the Narodni Glasnik, as well as of the Slobodna Rec, his 
views can be considered as representative of the links which bind to- 
gether the American Slav Congress, the Progressive Party, and the 
"progressive" American Serbs and Croats organized around the 
Narodni Glasnik and Slobodna Rec. As can be seen from the follow- 
ing examples, Wuchinich's dominant concern is to preserve in all 
themes and problems, the purity of the "progressive" line : 

America, arsenal for world reaction. — The Slobodna Rec of May 15, 
1948, carries a "Call to the Tenth Anniversary Conference of the 
American Slav Congress," signed by George Wuchinich, in which it 
is said : 

Another war is being planned. * * * 

Preparations for war go full speed ahead in our country. Politicians are 
fast making America an arsenal for world reaction and not democracy. At home, 
the Taft-Hartley law does its work against the people. * * * 

A cloud of fear spreads over the Nation endangering our civil liberties. 

The Narodni Glasnik of May 27, 1948, carries on page 4 the full text 
of a radio address by George Wuchinich delivered on May 23 under the 
title, "The Mundt Bill Is a Measure to Introduce a Police State and 
Fascism in the U. S. A." Subtitle: "Quick Action by an Aroused 
People is Needed to Defeat the Mundt Bill." 

In 1948 * * * we face a crisis. * * * The American people must 
awaken. Franklin Delano Roosevelt led the war for world liberation against 
fascism. * * * , .^ ^ , 

After these sacrifices do we want fascism here? Do we want it to happen 
here ? 

Anyone who is "left of feudalism" — who believes in the practices of the 
Roosevelt policies— that person is a target for the Mundt bill. 

Last week, President Truman said publicly that enough laws exist to deal with 
treason and subversion. 

Even during, the war, when our national security was at stake, when we 
fought humanity's worst enemies, we had no Mundt bill. * * * 

This bill has a specific purpose — to launch America into a police state. 

This is fascism ; this is the reason for the Mundt bill. It's fascism, feudalism— 
or democracy. And it's up to you * * «, 

Privileged forces against democracy. — ^In an article entitled "Widen 
Democracy— Don't Narrow It," published in the Narodni Glasnik of 
August 21, 1947, George S. Wuchinich expresses his apprehensions 
about America's future : 

America's democratic traditions are in great danger today. Powerful interests, 
mainly those of monopoly, have waged an offensive against the people during the 
past session of the Eightieth Congress. Not satisfied with a .50- to 75-percent 
higher cost of living, they are now attacking our civil liberties with greater vigor 
than ever before. Instead of courage and justice in the land, we find fear and 
suspicion spreading. Instead of more democracy, we see privileged forces openly 
working to restrict it. 

"Reaction * * * singled out the Slav Congress as a distinctly leftist organ- 
ization. To this weapon another one was added — the slander of a Slavic fifth 
column in America. And remember this is to strike fear into all Americans." 

The Marshall flan. — In his column in Narodni Glasnik of October 
13, 1948, page 4, Wuchinich says : 

The Marshall plan that was supposed to do wonders in France with tons of 
Coca-Cola iuice, with millions of toothpicks and tubes of toothpaste, is falling 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 681 

apart. The people of France parade the streets saying they will not fight the 
Soviet Union ; that they don't want any part of the Marshall plan. 

Yeah, that's those Communists, says Wall Street. 

Everywhere they take up the "red herring," always blaming it on the Reds. 

Why, there must be over 1,000,000,000 Reds in the world. 

More than 200,000,000 in China alone. 

Everyone who is against Wall Street is a Red— the press and radio say it 
again and again. * * * , .,. . ^ n^i, , 

Here at home these men of money plan their biggest Red-baiting stunt. They re 
going to have a trial this Friday of 12 leading Communists. They want to hang 
the rap on them. Blame them for everything. 

"O K " says Wall Street to itself; "we can't save China, Greece, France, 
Germany', England, Africa, Asia, but we can save ourselves at home. Those 
foreign Communists won't listen to us, but we'll make those Joes at home pay 

"riieV won't make the Communists pay. They're going to make you pay. They 
don't want the Communists alone, they want to put the American people m a 
grab bag. 

Sure, indict the Communists if they are responsible for high prices, for $2,500 
autos that are worth $1,000, for high rents and no houses, for high corporation 
profits, for the Taft-Hartley law, for the fear they spread, for the lynching of 
Negroes. 

Sure, indict Communists if they do this. 

But, they don't do this. 

Who does it? . ^ , ,_,. ^ . 

Look at Congress and the Senate. Is there a Communist holding a seat in 
either House? No; there isn't. Not a single Communist in our Government. 
It's either a Republican or Democrat who voted to kill OPA, to bust unions with 
Hartley who O. K.'d the draft, who lowered taxes for corporations, who hold 
up housing, and give $200,000 to the House Un-American Activities Committee. 

Every law we have is passed by either a Republican or Democrat. 

Indict these— not the Communists. 

Hitler blamed Communists and hundreds of millions learned the lesson the 
hard way. Must we jump at the bidding of liars, at the bidding of false fronts, 
of Wall Streeters and their donkeys and elephants, who blare and bluster about 
communism? * * * . , . • 

Voting for Truman or Dewey means that people like Use Koch will be coming 
to America to teach others like her to make lamp shades out of human skin. 
It means that more Negroes will be lynched and that more unions will be busted. 

The column of December 8, 1948, in the Narochii Glasnik is used to 
present an interview broadcast by Wuchinich with Gus Hall, mem- 
ber of the National Committee of the Communist Party of America, 
on the issue of civil rights. Wuchinich, after presenting Hall, said : 

His civil rights are in danger. So are yours. * * * The issue is not so- 
cialism or communism ; it's you and your rights that are [the issues] * * * 

Hall. There are altogether 12 of us indicted * * *. 

Wuchinich. Twelve of you? History records another 12— Jesus Christ and 
his 12 disciples — the 12 apostles. 

Hall. I have good company. * * * 

Wuchinich. If you are convicted, then no man or woman is safe? 

Hall. Our conviction would mean that America stands convicted before the 
world, not us. * * * 

If civil rights are taken from Communists, from trade-unions, from religious 
and national groups, then nothing will stop fascism in America. 

Wuchinich. We * * * are privileged to present you. We have read 
and heard about your party and have been accused of being a Communist front. 
We know something of what you undergo. * * * 

In his column of March 2, 1940, Wuchinich says : 

The case of the Cardinal [Mindszenty] has been judged by the Hungarian 
people That is their affair. In our land, those who use him and religion tor 
a war hysteria, are not men of peace, they lead people to slaughter. * 

The men who issued a call to arms today, do it on the same theme as did Hitler— 
ant! communism. * * * 



682 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

People are thinking, and not in the direction the monopoly press wants them 
to go. 
People want peace — not war. 

In his column of March 3, 1949 (Slobodna Eec for March 5), 
Wuchinich declares : 

Washington is as busy as a bee over its newest baby, the Atlantic Pact. It's 
being born illegally. 

President Truman, Dean Acheson, and bipartisanites are fathers of this 
child — the pact. * * * 

Still the pushers of this pact ignore the Constitution and in the name 
of anticommunism are promising that American blood will be shed without 
Congress having to make it legal. * * * 

Here, on the one side, is an attempt to violate our Constitution in the arena 
of world affairs, and at home in New York is still another that does it against 
the civil rights of all Americans. * * * 

The jury itself is a violation of our Constitution. Only the rich, privileged 
are asked to serve. 

Now there is a parallel to the Atlantic Pact and the New York trial. They 
are both being done in the name of anticommunism. Marshall planners, Truman 
doctriners, and bipartisanites are raising tlie world banner of anticommunism — 
gathering up bases, making treaties, lend-leasing arms, sending military and 
police missions to Iran, Turkey, Greece, China — and even this they have found 
is not enough — but they must deny Americans the right to think and hold 
ideas. 

Defeat after defeat has met their plans. Today, over the past week, we have 
the announcements from France and Italy by the leaders of the people, Thorez 
and Togliatti,' that their people will not join in a war of anticommunism, and 
have their countries become battlegrounds for American imperialism. 

Anticommunism, whether American brand or German, leads to one road — the 
violation of people's democratic will. 

Atlantic Pact — New York trial of Communists — it's all the same cloth, falsely 
woven into lies and laid into a trap into which our future, if we let it, will 
be soaked in blood. 

In his column of March 16, 1949, Wuchinich asserts : 

These are your dollars and wealth that should go to stop unemployment, 
to lower prices, spread national health systems, to build TVA's, and to widen 
our social security. These are peaceful pursuits ; the others lead to war. * * * 

Unemployment is the issue, not Eed baiting. 

Wuchinich's views on anticommunism do not seem to differ ma- 
terially from those of Milton Howard, Daily Worker columnist, who 
thinks "Not communism, but anticommunism is a conspiracy" (the 
Worker, May 9, 1948, p. 7), and that— 

The modern philosophy of anticommunism readied its peak in the writings and 
activities of Adolf Hitler (the Worker, Sept. 19, 194S, p. 7). 

In his column of May 9, 1949, Wuchinich states : 

Instead of war and huge military budgets, we must consider trade with the 
Soviet Union. * * * 

This is the No. 1 point on the order of business — and not war. 

In his column of June 30, 1949, Wuchinich says: 

Ominously, the FBI is showing itself as a model of a police state so beloved 
by Hitler, Himmler, and Heydrich the Hangman. Suicides and mysterious deaths 
have already resulted from the many investigations conducted by the FBI, De- 
partment of Justice, House Un-American Activities Committee, the Senate Ju- 
diciary Conunittee, and other bodies that spend public money ferreting into 
people's minds. 



^ Maurice Thorez, secretary-general of the French Communist Party ; Palmiro Togllattl, 
ee<;retary of the Italian Communist Party. 



. COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 683 

IX. THE YUGOSLAV "PROGRESSIVE" PRESS AND THE ACTIVITIES OF REPRE- 
SENTATIVES OF THE FPR YUGOSLAVIA IN THE UNITED STATES 

Although the evidence already presented leaves no doubt as to the 
real character of the Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik, it seems 
appropriate to present, for the sake of completeness, the evidence about 
the activities of the officials of the Yugoslav Embassy in the United 
States, as well as of the officials of the Yugoslav delegations to the 
United Nations Organization, Red Cross, and others, as recorded in 
the pages of these newspapers. 

The fact that the instances quoted in this chapter belong into the 
period before the Cominform-Tito clash does not make them obsolete. 
On the contrary, we consider this fact as enhancing the importance of 
the evidence quoted, since that period was marked by an unparalleled 
submission of Yugoslav Communist policy to Soviet policy. It must 
be borne in mind that it is the periocl when Edvard Kardelj, the then 
Yugoslav Foreign Minister, asked the Soviet Ambassador to Yugo- 
slavia, Sadchikov,^ "that the Soviet Union regard us [the Yugoslav 
Comnmnists] as representatives of one of the future Soviet republiu 
and not as representatives of another country able to solve her prob- 
lems independently, and the Communist Party of Yugoslavia as a part 
of the All-Union Communist Party, which is to say that our relations 
ensue from the perspective that Yugoslavia in the future will become 
a part of the U. S. S. R." (letters of the CKKPY, central committee of 
the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, and letters of the CKSKP, cen- 
tral committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolshevik), Bel- 
grade, 1948, Serbian ed., p. 42) . 

Consequently, the documents presented here pertain to a period when 
the U. S. S. R. was "directing the domestic and foreign policies of 
Yugoslavia in the right way" (letters, p. 42). 

A. Activities of the Yugoslav Embassy staff 

According to the Slobodna Rec, the following instances can be cited : 

1. Popular meeting of the United Committee of South Slavic Amer- 
icans, Chicago, February 9, 194G. Speakers: Dr. Sergije Makiedo, 
counselor of the Yugoslav Embassy in Washington, D. C, on behalf 
of the Ambassador, and Vladimir Vukmirovic, consul general in Chi- 
cago. Besides them, all the members of the delegation of the Yugo- 
slav Red Cross: Dr. Robert Neubauer, Nada Krajger, and Gayo Rat- 
kovich. The film, the Liberation of Belgrade, shown on that occasion, 
was certainly quite instrumental in supporting the official Communist 
thesis that not the western allies but U. S. S. R. and the Yugoslav 
Communist guerrillas beat the Germans and woti the war (Slobodna 
Rec, February 2, 1946, p. 4). 

Later, on the very day of the meeting, it was announced that the 
main speaker would be "the former Yugoslav Ambassador to the 
United States and newly appointed Foreign Minister of Yugoslav, 
Stanoje Simic." 

2. Great popular meeting and concert given by the Democratic 
Serbian Women of Western Pennsylvania, on February 24, 1946, with 
"net proceeds going to the people of Yugoslavia." Speakers: Capt. 
George Wuchinich, "officer of the American Army" (and executive sec- 



Ivan v. Sadchikov. 



6S4 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS . 

retary of the American Slav Congress of Western Pennsylvania), and 
Maj. Branko Vukelich, "officer of the Yugoslav Army." Maybe such 
a way of featuring these two speakers was intended to suggest the 
identity of views between "progressive elements" of the American 
Army, and officers of the army of the FPR Yugoslavia, which is en- 
tirely "progressive." Main guest speaker : Mrs. Danica Simic, wife of 
the Yugoslav Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

3. Slobodna Rec of March 9, 1946, page 2, published in connection 
with an article of Mary Sumrak on International Women's Day, a 
picture of Mrs. Simic and Mrs. Sime Balen, wife of the press attache 
of the Yugoslav Embassy and former Partisan fighter. 

4. On May 19, 1946, Dr. Sergije Makiedo spoke at the meeting of 
the American Committee for Yugoslav Relief. After describing 
the sacrifices and efforts of the people in Yugoslavia, he said: "And 
still, in spite of all our efforts, we would be exposed to many suffer- 
ings, were it not for the help of you, our friends in other countries. 
The UNRRA helped us to same millions of lives. The Red Cross 
has helped us, and the American Committee for Reconstruction in 
Yugoslavia has given to us not only its material help, but its warm 
feelings, as it understood our problems and our achievements and 
contributed much to the understanding of other friends of ours in this 
country" (Slobodna Rec, May 21, 1946, p. 2). In view of the fact 
that the financial burden of UNRRA was carried not by individuals 
but by the American taxpayers — that is, the United States as a whole — 
the turn which Dr. Makiedo gives to that help does not seem to be 
accidental or naive. His accent on the work of enlightenment of 
Americans done by the American Committee for Reconstruction in 
Yugoslavia also deserves some attention. 

5. "Representatives of the Yugoslav Embassy in Washington" were 
present at the queer celebration of Independence Day by the Croatian 
National Council, mentioned before (Slobodna Rec, June 29, 1946, 

6. The consul general in Chicago, Vladimir Vukmirovic, spoke as 
"representative of the Embassy of FPR Yugoslavia in Washington, 
D. C," at the "splendid banquet in honor of the delegates and guests 
of the Serbian National Congress" in Pittsburgh, September 1, 1946 
( Slobodna Rec, Aug. 31, 1946, p. 1 ) . 

7. Consul General Vukmirovic, "as a delegate of Yugoslavia," spoke 
at the banquet of the American Slav Congress in Pittsburgh (Slobodna 
Rec. September 7, 1946, p. 2). 

8. Sava Kosanovich, Ambassador of FPR Yugoslavia in Wash- 
ington, D. C, spoke at a mass rally in Madison Square Garden, with 
which the American Slav Congress in New York (Sept. 20-22, 1946) 
was concluded. 

9. On December 1, 1946, the Dalmatian-American club of western 
Pennsylvania, Free Dalmatia, organized a "Dalmatian Evening." 
The main speaker was Dalibor Soldatic, the social attache of the 
Yugoslav Embassy in Washington, "who recently arrived from Yugo- 
slavia." The Slobodna Rec made known that the proceeds would be 
devoted to "technical help to the newspaper Slobodna Dalmacija {Free 
Dalmathiy and that "our brother, D. Soldatic, will explain to us the 
newest events in our dear homeland" (whereby of course the term 
"our dear homeland" does not apply to the United States, but to Com- 
munist Yugoslavia) (Slobodna Rec Nov. 27, 1946, p. 4). 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 685 

10. At the big ball, organized by the newly founded All-Slav Fed- 
eration for Lakawanna, December 1, 1946, whose proceeds were 
devoted to "building a new children-liospital in F. P. R. Y.,'' the main 
speaker was Sime Balen, press attache of the Yugoslav Embassy, "who 
fought valiantly for the liberation of our country, Yugoslavia" 
(Slobodna Rec, Nov. 27, 1946, p. 4) . 

11. Sava Kosanovic, Yugoslav Ambassador, s])oke at a great mass 
meeting organized for the aid to Yugoslav children on February 2, 
1947, in Pittsburgh, Pa. (Slobodna Rec, Jan. 25, 1947, p. 1). 

12. Sime Balen, press attache of the Yugoslav Embassy, spoke at 
a meeting and concert organized by the Council of Free Croatian Men 
and Women in New York City on February 9, 1947, which was an- 
nounced as "important." It was stressed that "after the speech peo- 
ple from the audience may ask questions of the speaker" (Slobodna 
Rec,Feb. 2, 1947,p.4). 

13. Dr. Sergije Makiedo, counselor of the Yugoslav Embassy, and 
consul general, Vukmirovic, spoke at the "great celebration" of the 
third anniversary of the Croatian-American Club Partisan in Chi- 
cago on February 16, 1947. The proceeds went to "our people in 
Yugoslavia" (Slobodna Rec, Feb. 2, 1947, p. 4). 

14. Dr. Slavko Zore, counselor of the Yugoslav Embassy, spoke in 
Milwaukee, Wis. "He first gi-eeted the public in English and spoke in 
English about half an hour ; then he spoke in Serbo-Croatian and then 
in Slovenian." Dr. Zore obviously w^ould not miss the opportunity 
to let people know in three languages what he thought of the progress 
and strength of F. P. R. Y., as well as of Mr. Churchill's idea of the 
iron curtain and his Fulton, Mo., speech, as these were the main points 
of Dr. Zore's speech. When the toastmaster introduced Dr. Zore to 
the public, he received "thunderous applause. People rose to their 
feet to greet their dear guest. And during his speech he was often 
greeted with enormous applause" (Slobodna Rec. Apr. 17, 1949). 

15. At the solemn celebration of the sixth anniversary of the "upris- 
ing in Montenegro," July 13, 1941, organized by the united Serbian 
organizations of New York City, the Yugoslav consul general in New 
York, Miodrag Markovich, delivered a long speech in which he praised 
the Yugoslav partisans and their activities in 1941 . They did so well 
"that Generalissimo Stalin could say, 'The flame of the partisan strug- 
gle has spread to all Yugoslavia'." It is very interesting that a Yugo- 
slav consul general to New York does not know that President Roose- 
velt, the then Chief Executive of the country to which he is accredited 
as a diplomat, spoke at that time (1941) of the "valiant struggle of 
the Russians and the Serbs" (quotation approximate), but, strangely 
enough, quotes the words of "Generalissimo Stalin." At the same 
occasion Markovich did not miss the opportunity to say that the "par- 
tisan victories brought not only freedom to the Yugoslav peoples but 
the partisans brought also new conceptions of a social order" 
( Slobodna Rec, July 31, 1947, p. 2 ) . 

16. Consul General Miodrag Markovich spoke in New York on the 
occasion of the state holiday of Yugoslavia, November 29, 1947, and 
stressed that the F. P. R. Y. was "realizing the 5-year plan without 
inflation." Perhaps a survey of the American press dealing with the 
danger of inflation in the United States at that time would be quite 
indicative as to the motives of Consul General Markovich in 
mentioning the inflation. 



686 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

17. At the banquet of the American Serbian Women in Pittsburgh, 
February 24, 1947, which was a "manifestation for Yugoslavia," the 
main speakers were Mrs. Danica Simic, wife of the Yugoslav Foreign 
Minister, and Mrs. Sime Balen, wife of the press attache of the 
Yugoslav Embassy and herself representative of the Anti-Fascist 
Women's Front of the Yugoslav Embassy in Washington, D. C. 

"The entry of Mrs. Simic, Mrs. Balen, and Major Vukelich was 
greeted by the public, standing, with a long applause." Mrs. Simic 
spoke at length about the "traitor Draza Mihailovich." As for Mrs. 
Balen — 

she was not on the program, but as the people knew she was there, they wanted 
her to say a few words at any cost. Especially since her husband left a good 
impression with his speech in the midst of us. She was greeted sincerely and 
enthusiastically. She brought the greetings of the Anti-Fascist Women's Front 
of Yugoslavia,* an organization which was created before the war and which 
played one of the great and glorious roles in the liberation of the peoples of 
Yugoslavia. 

Mrs. Simic and Balen stayed in our midst 5 days, during which they were 
invited to visit many of our American institutions and organizations. We have 
not words enough to thank them all, who contributed that our organizations 
could give this modest moral and material help to our peoples * * * to build 
a bright and happy future toward which the genial Marshal Tito is leading them 
(Slobodna Rec, Mar. 21, 1946, pp. 3-4). 

18. At the celebration of the fifth anniversary of the coup d'etat 
of March 27, 1941, in Pittsburgh, took part Dr. Slavko Zore, counselor 
of the Yugoslav Embassy, and Sime Balen, press attache, beside Dr. 
Nikola Petrovich, Yugoslav Minister of Commerce. Balen attacked 
Draza Mihailovich and hailed Tito, but was on the whole rather re- 
served. Dr. Zore "explained to the listeners the events in Yugoslavia 
and stressed the meaning of tlie national revival." 

19. A meeting held in the Palm Garden Hall in New York (May 
5, 194G), where the main guests were members of the Yugoslav dele- 
gation to the UNO, was "also attended by Col. Mihovil Tartaglia, 
military attache of the Yugoslav Embassy, as well as Aleksandar 
Franich, Director in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; Pavle Lukin, 
Director of the Personnel Division of the Yugoslav Foreign Ministry; 
and Zaka Popovich, Counselor of the Foreign Affairs Ministry. 

20. Sime Balen, colonel of the National Army of Liberation of 
Yugoslavia and press attache of the Yugoslav Embassy in Washing- 
ton, D. C, spoke, together with Zlatko Balokovic and Ma]. Branko 
Vukelich, at the picnic of the Serbian organizations of New York City, 
wliich had "to show our soliclarity with our heroic peoples in Yugo- 
slavia." The proceeds were dedicated to "building hospitals in Yugo- 
slavia." 

21. Sava Kosanovic, Yugoslav Ambassador, was main speaker at the 
Second Congress of American Croatians (Cleveland, April 13, 1947), 
together with Leo Krzycki, chairman of the American Slav Congress 
(Slobodna Rec, April 24, 1947). 

22. Sava Kosanovic spoke at the banquet of the Second Serbian 
National Congress in Pittsburgh on October 26, 1947. 

23. Sava Kosanovic was featured as main speaker at the Yugoslav 
exhibit, sponsored by the Twenty-fourth Annual Women's Interna- 
tional Exposition, November 6, 1947. Also present was the singing 
choir Jedinstvo (Unity) directed by Dr. Lujo Goranin, and others. 

Since in 1946, the most-featured public speaker at American-Yugo- 
slav Communist gatherings was Maj. Branko Vukelich, "one of the 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 687 

leaders of the people's uprising in Lika, and later social attache of 
F. P. R. Y. in Ottawa, Canada," it is worth while dwelling a little on 
his activities : 

1. Speaker, in addition to Capt. George Wuchinich and Mrs. Simic, 
at the "great popular meeting" of the Democratic Serbian Women of 
Western Pennsylvania, on February 24, 1946 (Slobodna Rec, February 
19, 1946, p. 3). 

Western Pennsylvania, on February 24, 1946 (Slobodna Rec, February 
ary 21, 1946 (Slobodna Rec, February 19, 1946, p. 1). 

3. At the "great popular meeting" in Chicago, on March 17, 1946, 
besides other speakers, Vukelich is featured as "member of the Yugo- 
slav Embassy" (Slobodna Rec, March 12, p. 1). 

4. At the "gxeat popular meeting" in Chicago (March 24, 1946), 
organized by the Serbian Progressive Club, Sloboda, Vukelich spoke 
about Yugoslavia during the German occupation. No account of his 
speech was published, but the announcement of the organizers is 
indicative enough. It reads : 

Brothers and sisters in Chicago. Come to hear the plain truth from the lips 
of a man who fought for the liberation of the whole Yugoslav people. You must 
hear both sides. Do not believe what various agents and stooges of Fotich * 
and his like, who while mourning the fat and money posts which they have lost, 
are lying and shedding crocodile tears over the fate of the Serbian jieople 
(Slobodna Eec, Mar. 19, 1946, p. 1). 

5. Slobodna Rec, of March 21, 1946, No. 34, page 2, published under 
the title "People's Fighter Branko Vukelich on the Historical Change 
in Yugoslavia" : 

A very interesting and important talk which Major Vukelich, member of the 
Yugoslav Embassy in Washington, D. C, a well-known and outstanding or- 
ganizer of the uprising in Primorje, Gorski Kotar, and Dreznica had with our 
Canadian comrades. 

Vukelich first criticized the domestic policy of Yugoslavia until 1941 
in a most biased and arbitrary way, following the Communist Party 
line. Then he assailed Yugoslavia's foreign policy, which was "an 
inimical policy toward our eldest brother, the Soviet Union." 

In order to keep this slave order, the regime ruthlessly fought the political 
thought of the people, and its first and heavy blows were aimed especially at the 
vanguard of that people's thought and ideals— that is, the Communist Party of 
Yugoslavia— and so it outlawed it in the very first years of existence of Yugo- 
slavia. 

Vukelich finally praised all the achievements of Communist Yugo- 
slavia, and particularly the social care for children : 

In those villas and palaces where formerly licentious princes, kings, ministers, 
barons, and rich people were living luxuriously and making plans how to fight 
down democracy and the people, now there is our young hope— to who all that 
belongs. 

6. After such speeches, it is no wonder that Slobodna Rec (March 21, 
1946, No. 34, p. 3), reporting on the banquet of American Serbian 
Women in Pittsburgh, where Vukelich spoke, beside Mrs. Simic and 
Balen, reported that "in a short space of time he has become the most 
popular speaker among our emigrants in the United States." Vuke- 
lich spoke of "how the people fought, what it fought for, what are its 



» Constantin A. Fotich, last Ambassador of non-Communist Yugoslavia to the United 
States. 



688 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

ambitions and decisions, what is the present situation in the country, 
etc." 

7. Speaker at a picnic in Akron, Ohio, June 16, 1946. (Slobodna 
Rec, June 13, 1946). ^^ ^ ^. ^ , 

8. Slobodna Eec published on June 15, 1946, page 3, Vukelich's 
photograph with the statement that he "organized the first people's 
uprising in 1941 in Dreznice, Kordun, which gave 1,800 partisan 
fighters." 

9. Slobodna Rec of December 4, 1946, page 2, published under the 
title "What Is Freedom to the People Is Dictatorship and Terrorism 
to the Enemies of the People?" Vukelich's speech in Ottawa, Canada, 
at the celebration of November 29. The speech begins : 

Dear Brothers and Sisters, Comrades: You have gathered at this grandiose 
meeting in order to celebrate, as a branch of the great Yugoslav people, Novem- 
ber 29, the greatest national holiday of our brotherly, united, and happy people. 

After speaking in superlatives of the partisans' activities during the 
war and the Communist regime in Yugoslavia, he tackled the criticisms 
of the undemocratic character of that regime : 

When they tell us that we abolished liberties and introduced dictatorship, they 
say it and conceive it under the angle of their felonious and vile aims. We all 
know and it has been scientifically proved that there are oppressors and oppressed 
and that 'those of the two who hold power do not establish dictatorship over 
themselves nor do they deprive themselves of freedom, but those whom they are 
going to oppress. * * * it would be stupid to believe that we established 
dictatorship for ourselves and abolished freedom; and, as for the former oppres- 
sors, it is true that they received what they asked for and that an end was put 
to their harmful activity. Well, the difference is that the former was a complete 
democracy for a handful of human vultures, and this is democracy for 90 percent 
of the working people and at that a complete democracy of the finest form. And, 
inversely, that was a strict dictatorship over 90 percent of the working people, 
and this is the interdiction of crime to a handful of overthrown exploiters. 

Finally, Vukelich praised the secret police, OZNA, as being the 
people itself: "The Communists =^ * * gave the power to the 
peasants and workers in Yugoslavia, and they will see to it that nobody 
will ever be able to take the power from the hands of the people." 

In this connection, it is very instructive to quote the Slobodna Rec 
of May 14, 1949, page 3, publishing a letter of the Serbian Progressive 
Club, Karageorge, Gary, Ind., addressed to Dr. Ivan Ribar, chairman 
of the Presidium of the People's Assembly of FPR Yugoslavia. The 
club requests that Branko Vukelich, former counselor of the Yugoslav 
legislation in Ottawa, now in jail in Zagreb, be released. The request is 
supported as follows : 

* * * For your Government's and your information, we take the liberty of 
telling you this of the activities which Branko Vukelich carried out among the 
Yugoslav emigrants in America and Canada. 

Before Branko's arrival in our midst, at the beginning of 1946, all of us had 
rather poor information about your heroic and superhuman struggle against the 
invader and domestic traitors, because among us worked the antipeople's Yugo- 
slav press which was under the influence of tlie exiled government in London. 

With the arrival of Vukelich, the situation changed completely. His fiery 
speeches at conventions and other meetings exerted such an influence upon the 
people, that the antipeople's press was obliged to apologize to the public. * * * 

Branko Vukelich succeeded, during his brief stay in our midst, to make our 
immigrants acquainted with the hardsbips and sufferings of our people in the old 
country during the struggle for national liberation. It is just on account of that 
fact that Branko knew how to present to our immigrants the real picture of the 
struggle and sufferings of our people that our people here started to give and send 
help to their people with both hands. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 689 

Second. Brauko, with his energetic work, has done more to make your state 
leadership popular, your state leadership and the great struggle of the people 
for Socialist ideas, than any one of your representatives in America or 
Canada. * * * 
{B) Activities of the Yugoslav delegates to the United Nations 

This is approximately the framework, furnished by the activities of 
American-Yugoslav Communists, as well as by the members of the 
Yugoslav Embassy to the United States, within which the Yugoslav 
delegates to the UN (or aftiliate organizations) were called uponto 
play their own role. And the Slobodna Rec does not fail to provide 
the necessary proofs that the UN delegates did their best to act up 
to the expectations of their masters, 

1. The Slobodna Rec of May 16, 1946, p. 2, published, under the 
title, "The Pe£)ples of Yugoslavia as Guardians of Peace and Fighters 
for a Happier and Better Future," the broadcast speech which Dr. 
Dushan Brkich, Minister of Justice in the People's Republic of Cro- 
atia and delegate of FPR Yugoslavia to the UN Commission for 
Human Rights, delivered in New York, on May 10, 1946. Brkich paid 
tribute to UNRRA, but added that, "our people are expecting, by 
right, even greater help for the reconstruction of their country and 
realization of their hopes for a happier future." 

2. In the Slobodna Rec of May 23, 1946, in which was published an 
article of Minister Dushan Brkich on Communist Bulgaria, full of 
praise and approval, naturally, there appeared also an announcement 
of forthcoming meeting organized by the Serbian Progressive Club, 
"Vasa Pelagich" (to be held May 26, 1946) : 

Our colony will have the honor of hearing the official representative of FPR 
Yutioslavia, Minister of PFIl Croatia, the Serb Dr. Dushan Brkich. We invite 
alf Slavs to come to this picnic and get acquainted with Minister Brkich, and 
through him with the real situation in Yugoslavia. * * * At the picnic 
will also be present our "Shuraadinka" Krista Djordjevich, who is a delegate of 
the FPR Yugoslavia. Minister Dushan Brkich and Krista Djordjeviqh anived 
recently from the old homeland. 

3. In its report on the celebration of the cornerstone laying for the 
Yugoslav Home in New York (Slobodna Rec, June 13, 1946, p. 3), it 
was especially announced to the public "that diplomatic represeiita- 
tives of our fatherland, FPRY, who have come to represent it before 
the UN, were present at the celebration." They were Dushan Brkich 
and Krista Djordjevich. 

The public greeted with great enthusiasm our dear and cherished guests and 
representatives of FPRY, because we and our gatherings were not accustomed to 
be visited by diplomats and representatives of the past and old Yugoslavia. 

4. It is worth while mentioning that the Third American Slav Con- 
gress (September 20-22, 1946) was attended by Dr. Oskar Lange, 
Poland's representative to the United States, besides Saya Kosanovic, 
the Yugoslav Ambassador representing Yugoslavia (Slobodna Rec, 
October 22, 1946, p. 4). 

5. Under the title "Dimitar Vlahov— Macedonian and Yugoslav 
Fighter and Statesman," the Slobodna Rec of December 11, 1946, pub- 
lishes the biography of Vlahov, Yugoslav delegate at the session of the 
UN in New York. According to this biography, Vlahov spent his 
whole life in illegal political activity : 

BiK-ause of his progressive views, he was named the first Socialist in the Turkish 
Parliament. Between the two World Wars he published several Communist 
newspapers and periodicals. In 1925 he founded the United Macedonian Revo- 



690 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

lutionary Organization. In 1933, during the Anti-Fascist Congress in Paris, 
he was elected member of the central committee of that congress, whose chair- 
man was the well-known French writer and democratic fighter, Henri Barbnsse. 

Vlaliov wrote articles in L'Humanitc, Pravcla (Moscow), and many 
other newspapers. In 1943, w4ien the foundations of a Communist 
YugosLavia were laid (although illegally), Vlahov was elected vice 
president of the first Provisory Yugoslav Communist Parliament. 
During the Paris Peace Conference in 1946, Vlahov was a member of 
the delegation. 

6. A few days later the Slobodna Kec of December 31, 1946, No. 188, 
page 4, published an account of Vlahov's visit to Detroit: 

In spite of the few days available for preparations, the attendance at the splen- 
did banquet in honor of Vlahov was larger than could be expected. 

Four hundred and fifty persons filled the crystal ballroom of the Hotel Book- 
Cadillac, and many had to withdraw as there were no more places. 

When Vlahov rose to speak, the great hall resounded from thunderous applause. 
Vlahov described the history of the Macedonian people and described in detail 
its importance within the framework of the struggle against fascism and against 
domestic quislings. 

Today the Macedonians have equal rights with the other peoples of Yugo- 
slavia, and there are no more "great Serbian gendarmes who would terrorize 
the poor," said Vlahov. 

The common struggle with the Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Montenegrines, and 
other freedom-loving people * * * has foi-ged our unity which nobody is able 
to break any more, however cunning he may be. There is no more danger of 
■*'great-Serbianism" and "great Serbian dictatorship," nor will there ever be any, 
as with Tito there is no difference between various religions and political groups. 
Those who work for the people have the greatest rights and their labor is 
acknowledged. 

At the banquet $14,000 was collected for a hospital in Skoplje. * * * This 
sum was the beginning of the campaign to collect $250,000. 

This speech will be better understood if an article (radio speech) 
of Vlahov's, under the title "The Colonial Peoples Must Be Guar- 
anteed Full Social, Political, and Cultural Development," is taken 
into consideration, as it distinctly shows that Vlahov did not look for 
the best solution of the "Macedonian problem" according to the needs 
of the "Macedonian people," but tends to apply to all peoples, regard- 
less of all their peculiarities and special circumstances of life, char- 
acter, and history, the same Communist pattern. 

7. The Slobodna Rec of January 6, 1947, page 1, published a very 
interesting account of Vlahov's activities under the title, "Dimitri 
Vlahov Touring Our Colonies :" 

The delegate of Yugoslavia at the United Nations, Dlmitar Vlahov, has visited 
our Macedonian immigrants in America and Canada. Dr. Vlahov is a great 
Macedonian fighter for the independence and rights of all Macedonians. As 
early as 1908, he was elected as first member of the Turkish Parliament, where 
his speeches in favor of an autonomous Macedonia won him fame. 

From 1932 on, he was in Vienna editor of the Balkan Federation and Mace- 
donian Affairs, which were published in several European languages. Today 
he is president of the partly free Republic of Macedonia and vice president of 
the FPR Yugoslavia and delegate at the UN in New York. 

That great son of the Macedonian people has up to now visited Buffalo, 
Toronto, Detroit, and other places. Everywhere our Yugoslav immigrants, 
especially the Macedonians who, in his honor, organized concerts and ban- 
quets gave him a warm welcome. On all these occasions Vlahov gave long 
speeches in which he set forth the position of Macedonia in today's FPR Yugo- 
slavia. He especially stressed the great understanding of Marshal Tito and of 
other people's republics for Macedonia, and declared that Macedonia is obtain- 
ing all possible help for its development and progress. 

His statements about the position of the part of Macedonia under the rule 
of Greece (Egean Macedonia) attracted great attention. He said, "If the 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 691 

racial terrorism against our people in Greece is continued, it will be completely 
obliterated." 

The visit of Vlahov to our colonies will bring very good results. In that 
manner the people learn to know the facts and realize more clearly the true 
aims of the struggle for liberation. On the occasion of these visits, donations 
for a hospital in .Macedonia were collected. In Toronto, the collection brought 
$7,000, and in Detroit $14,000. From Detroit, Vlahov will go to Chicago and 
Akron. We wish for Vlahov that he will achieve great success on his travels 
for the good and benefit of Macedonia and the whole FPR Yugoslavia. 

Characteristically, the "good and benefit" of America is forgotten. 

9. On the occasion of the Second Serbian Congress in Pittsburgh, 
October 25 and 26, 1947, the Slobodna Rec several times published 
the announcement that Vladimir Simich, President of the Federal 
Council of the National Assembly of the Federal People's Republic 
of Yugoslavia and delegate to the General Assembly of the United 
Nations, would be the main guest speaker. It even published his 
photograph and biography. However, there was later no account of 
Simich's participation at the congress. 

10. The Slobodna Rec of July 31, 1947, page 2, reporting on the 
celebration of the sixth anniversary of the people's uprising in Monte- 
negro, stressed that the "celebration was attended by Dr. Joza Vilfan, 
Minister of the FPRY at the UN, Mr. Aleksa Todorovich, secretary of 
the delegation of the FPRY at the UN, and Mrs. Zoja Levi, member of 
the Anti-Fascist Women's Front of Yugoslavia." The report reveals 
what importance such visits have for American- Yugoslav Commu- 
nists by saying : "The organizing committee expressed its gratitude to 
all people who attended the picnic, but foremost to the above-men- 
tioned persons." 

ACTIVITIES OF THE DELEGATES OF THE YUGOSLAV RED CROSS 

Concerning the representative of the Red Cross of Yugoslavia, on 
a mission in the United States, the files of the Slobodna Rec tend to 
demonstrate that they have done their best not to lag behind other 
delegations and missions from FPRY, and that their activities have 
been nicely timed with the activities of the Yugoslav Embassy: 

1. The Slobodna Rec of January 17, 1946, page 3, presents the pic- 
ture of three delegates of the Red Cross of FPR Yugoslavia, announc- 
ing that : 

The representatives of the Red Cross from our homeland, partisan fighter, 
Dr. Robert Neubauer, Lt. Nada Ki-aiger, and Lt. Gayo Ratkovich, will partici- 
pate at the meetings in Cleveland, Pittsburgh, Farrel, Johnstown, Duquesne, Mil- 
waukee, and other towns. * * * 

They will personally greet our people here and tell them the truth which some 
of our people's enemies are distorting. 

At the same time it is announced that a special reception for Nada 
Kraiger is being prepared by the Slovene Progressive Women in 
Cleveland. 

2. The Slobodna Rec of January 22, 1946, page 4, reprinted from 
the New York Post, Januar}?^ 11, 1946, an interview with Dr. Robert 
Neubauer, chief of the Yugoslav Red Cross delegations, written by 
Mary Bragiotti. Dr. Robert Neubauer explains that until 1941 he 
was "too busy to be interested in politics." In May 1941 he was sent to 
a German concentration camp but does not explain for what reason and 
under what charges. At any rate, "in that camp I caught the spirit 



692 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

* * * and once you've got it it's finislied. I joined the liberation 
movement." Subsequently "The German commanding officer received 
so many letters urging him to release the doctor that, after 6 weeks in 
the concentration camp, he was freed and told to disappear quickly 
into the Italian-held part of the country,'] He disappeared — but 
quickly — and reappeared in his birthplace, Ljubljana, Slovenia, as an 
innocent, small-town doctor. His office was opposite the police de- 
partment and some of his patients were Italian officers and men. 

The "innocent" doctor was one of the organizers of the National 
Liberation Front. 

Perhaps one is permitted to wonder whether a man who "caught the 
spirit" so quickly and was so easily released by the Nazis has come to 
the United States for such an innocent purpose as "to study [the oi-gan- 
ization of the American Red Cross] and to explain to the American 
people Yugoslavia's medical and social problems." 

3. All three members of the Red Cross delegation spoke at the meet- 
ing of the United Committee of vSouth Slavic Americans in Chicago, 
February 9, 1946, together with Dr. Makiedo, counselor of the Yugo- 
slav Embassv, and V. Vukmirovic, consul general in Chicago. (Slo- 
bodna Rec, February 2, 194G, p. 4). 

4. Under the title "Johnstown Deserves Honor and Recognition,'' 
the Slobodna Rec of February 2, 1946, No. 13, page 3, published an 
enthusiastic account of Dr. Neubauer's visit to that town : 

After Dr. Neubauer's speech, $1,700 was collected for the people of Yugoslavia. 

[Dr. Neubauer.] who described the situation in Yugoslavia and the sufferings of 
our people brought upon them by Nazi-Fascist invaders, * * * spoke with 
incredible enthusiasm of our people in building the destroyed and charred land. 
Dr. Neubauer's words left a strong impression. To many the picture became 
clearer. * * * Dr. Neubauer's speech coveied all important problems of the 
reconstruction and aid to tlie people of Yugosalvia. Also the background of 
events was very convincingly shown. 

5. According to the Slobodna Rec of February 16, 1946, page 4, all 
three delegates spoke in Auckland (February 26), San Francisco 
( February 27 ) , and Cupertino ( February 24) , 

6. Under the title "Our Aid Raises the Spirit of Our People." the 
Slobodna Rec of February 16, 1946, page 4, published a picture of a — 

beautiful group of progressive women — Serbian, Croatian, and Slovenian — who 
have organized a heartfelt welcome to the Partisan Nada Kraiger. Partisan Nada 
is seen in the middle beside a bunch of flowers which were presented by the 
active sisters. They all work for aid to Yugoslavia. 

7. The Slobodna Rec of February 23, page 4, published an appeal of 
the American Committee for Yugoslav Relief to attend a mass meeting 
in San Francisco at which all three delegates spoke. Net proceeds 
were "devoted to children in Yugoslavia." The appeal invites "all 
Yugoslavs from San Francisco and vicinity to attend this meeting and 
hear about the situation in Yugoslavia." 

^8. According to the Slobodna Rec of March 12, 1946, page 4, Nada 
Kraiger spoke in Gary, Ind., at the meeting of the Women's Committee 
for Yugoslav Relief on March 13, 1946. 

9. Slobodna Rec of March 27, 1947, page 3, published an appeal of 
Mrs. Krista Djordjevich, special delegate and member of the central 
committee of the Society of the Red Cross of FPRY, addressed to "the 
Montenegrines and Bokese in the United States" to give donations for 
the purchase of an ambulant clinic for Montenegro. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 693- 

Mrs. Djordjevich says that slie "had the opportunity of meeting 
many Americans of Yugoslav origin. * * * I attended the gather- 
ing of the American Serbs in New York City, who, in a short time, 
collected an important sum for Yugoslav war orphans." She sum- 
mons them to do more : 

I am convinced that you will further on collect, with the same willingness and 
love, donations and gifts for any part of our devastated country, and especially 
for our war orphans. 

10. Mrs. Djordjevich was also present at the meeting of the Serbian 
Progressive Club, Vasa Pelagich, in Detroit, together with Dr. Dushan 
Brkich (previously mentioned, Slobodna Rec, May 23, 1946), and the 
meeting in New York City on May 5, 1946 (Slobodna Rec June 13, 
1946). On that occasion it was mentioned that she was a delegate to 
the United Nations Economic and Social Commission. 

D. ACTIvrriES OF THE DELEGATES TO THE UNRRA MEETINGS IN THE UNITED STATES 
OF AMERICA 

The delegation of FPR Yugoslavia at the fourth session of UNRRA 
in Atlantic City (March 15-29, 1946) was headed by Dr. Nikola Petro- 
vich, Yugoslav Minister of Commerce. This is what the Slobodna Rec 
writes about his activities : 

1. The Slobodna Rec of March 19, 1946, page 4, printed an adver- 
tisement of the celebration of the fifth anniversary of the people's 
uprising in Yugoslavia. That advertisement, printed on almost a 
whole page of the paper, featured as main speaker Dr. Nikola Petro- 
vich. The net proceeds were devoted to Yugoslav relief. The appeal 
summoned all Americans of Yugoslav origin to "show your solidarity 
with the Yugoslavs of Marshal Tito." 

2. The Slobodna Rec of March 26, 1946, page 2, published a biog- 
raphy of Dr. Nikola Petrovich under the title, "Nikola Petrovich,. 
Yugoslav Minister of Commerce, on an Important Mission." The 
Slobodna Rec informs us that — 

After realizing how terroristic, reactionary, and hostile to the people the Belgrade 
clique of power holders were, Petrovich as a high-school student already joined 
the ranks of the Serbian Democratic Youth, fighting for a truly democratic Yugo- 
slavia, based on a brotherhood of all Yugoslav people. During his studies in 
Prague, he stood out among democratic students with his active work. After 
graduating, lie came home and lived in Belgrade, taking an active part in the 
struggle of the I'opular Front against the dictatorial regimes of the Karageorge- 
vich '■ clique. Besides his political activity, he distinguished himself in the field 
of economic and cultural activity. He wrote a number of articles and studies 
in democratic papers and periodicals, such as NIN," Nasa Stvarnost,' and others 
which the royal police subsequently prohibited. 

In 1941, he answers "the appeal of Tito, takes up arms and joins 
the partisan ranks." He organized partisan units in Voivodina. In 
1942, he was elected a member of the Chief People's Committee of 
Liberation of Voivodina and, in 1943, "at the historical second session-, 
of tlie AVNOJ * in Jajce, lie was elected a member of the presidency 
of the AVNOJ." 



Mvaragoorgevich, the royal house ruling Yugoslavia before the Couimuuist seizure of 
power. 

2 Nfdel.ine Inforraativne Novine (Weekly Information Newspaper), a well-known Com- 
munist weekly, edited by Sveta Popovich,' a professional Communist and veteran of the 
Spanish civil war. 

' One of the leading Communist periodicals published in Yugoslavia prior to World 
War II. 

* Anti-Fasisticko Vece Narodnog Oslobodjeiija Jugoslavije ( Anti-Pascist Council of the- 
National Liberation of Yugoslavia). 
98330— 50— pt. 2 16 



694 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

In 1944, he was Acting Minister of Commerce in the National Com- 
mittee of Liberation of Yngoslavia and, in February 1945, became 
Minister of Supply in the first cabinet of Tito. 

3. The Sloboctna Rec of April 4, 1946, page 2, published the whole 
speech of Petrovich in Pittsburgh under the title, "New Development 
in the History of the South Slavs and the Historical Change in Yugo- 
slavia — Important Speech of the Yugoslav Minister Petrovich." In 
order to fit the occasion, Petrovich started by sustaining the official 
Communist thesis about the coup d'etat of March 27 ^ by asserting 
that it was the work "of the people" : 

On that day, I listened to the speeches of today's minister in our government, 
Lt. Gen. Milovan Djilas, today's major general of our army, SvetozarVukmanovic- 
Tempo, today's vice president, Dr. Ivan Ribar and his unforgettable sou, the late 
Ivan-Lola Ribar. * * * It is because of the people that the name of Yugo- 
slavia is shown for the first time with bright light before the whole world. 

Fate has determined that I am celebrating the fifth anniversary of March 27 
here in Pittsburgh with you, my dear brothers and sisters. * * * But 

* * * at a distance of thousands and thousands of miles, we are today united 
in spirit with our whole people. 

After attacking the foreign policy of Yugoslavia until 1941, which 
was "inimical to the greatest Slav country in the world, the Soviet 
Union," Petrovich hailed Tito: "You know him because he is the 
blood of your blood." 

Petrovich then spoke about Draza Mihailovicli and made the very 
significant statement that "there is no power in the world which could 
possibly force us to deliver Draza Mihailovicli to some international 
court. He will be tried by our people's court." It is indicative that 
these words were printed in three places in the same issue of the 
Slobodna Eec: In the report on Petrovich's speech, in the leading 
article, and in a column. As to the "legend about Draza Mihailovicli," 
Petrovich said that — 

it was not diflBcult for us to shatter and bare the skillful lie about Mihailovich. 
It is much more difficult to shatter the legend about Draza Mihailovich here in 
America, because here you lack the immediate experience which the people 
in our country had. Therefore, it will take much more persistent work. 

Although you are far away from your homeland, I think that it is possible for 
you to help it in many ways. In my opinion, one of the main tasks of our immi- 
grants in the United States is to be the living link between the people of Yugo- 
slavia and the American people. Explain to your American fellow citizens 
the meaning of the events in Yugoslavia ; explain to them all the great changes 
which have been brought about under the direction of Marshal Tito. 

4. In the same issue of the Slobodna Rec the leading article is de- 
voted to comment on Petrovich's speech : 

Mr. Petrovich casts a strong beam of light in the ideas of our immigrants. He 
is stating an important historical fact when he says : "The demonstrations which 
preceded March 27th were directed by the then unknown Josip Broz-Tito." 

* * * Mr. Petrovich especially stressed * * * that the coup d'etat of 
March 27 would never had happened, had it not been prepared by the 
year-long struggle of democratic forces in our country against the domestic 
reaction. * * * 



1 On March 27, 1941, a group of Yugoslav officers revolted against the government of 
Regent Prince Paul over the signing of the Anti-Comintern Pact by Yugoslavia with Ger- 
many and Italy. The revolt was led by Gen. Dusan Simovic. The Communists have 
since the end of the war attempted to claim credit for participation in the revolt when as 
a matter of fact they had absolutely no part in it. At that time, the Communist Parties 
thrfnic'liont the world carried on a program of "peace" propaganda to supjiort the Soviet- 
German Pact of 19.39. Therefore, any military action aimed at Nazi Germany would have 
been contrary to the current Soviet Party line and would automatically been opposed by 
the Communist Parties. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 695 

It is significant that owing to such speeches Petrovich won, accord- 
ing to the Slobodna Rec, "the sympathies of the people" in Pittsburgh 
RV.d "left the strongest impression on all ^^ho attended the meeting." 

In spite of all the care that the Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik 
took to present the cooperation between the official representatives of 
the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia and the "progressive" 
Americans of Serbian and Croatian origin as a harmless cultural and 
humanitarian cooperation for welfare and peace, the real nature of 
those contacts can easily be established from the above quotations. 

It is nevertheless helpful to study the pages of the Slobodna Rec 
and Narodni Glasnik after the Cominform-Tito clash, when the official 
contacts rapidly declined and almost disappeared. In the same way as 
the Cominform-Tito clash induced Tito's regime to publish revealing 
facts and information about connnunism in Soviet Russia and, on the 
other hand, induced Moscow to publish revealing information about 
communism in Yugoslavia, the Cominform-Tito clash brought into the 
open some interesting facts relative to the activities of Yugoslav offi- 
cials in the United States (and Canada) and the relations between 
American (or Canadian) organizations and the Communist Yugoslav 
autliorities. 

In this connection, it is worth while pointing — besides the case of 
Branko Vukelich — to the conflict between the Secretary General of 
the Yugoslav Government, Ljubodrag Djuric, and the Council of 
Canadian Yugoslavs, an issue in which both the Slobodna Rec (Feb- 
ruary 1, 1949, p. 2) and the Narodni Glasnik (February 10, 1919, p. 
2) took a very definite stand. 

The Narodni Glasnik praised the work of the council which "has 
played and is playing a very useful and progressive role in the life of 
Yugoslav emigrees in Canada." It stressed equally the merits of the 
council in helping "the heroic people in Yugoslavia, for which the 
Yugoslav Government and its representatives in Canada gave lauda- 
tory acknowledgments." But since the Yugoslav Government "left 
the powerful front of peace and anti-imperialism, led by the Soviet 
Union," the representatives of the Yugoslav Government "reacted in 
a manner which can * * * only harm the interests of Yugoslavia 
itself and of the progressive movement in Canada." 

In his letter addressed to the Council of Canadian Yugoslavs, the 
Secretary General of the Yugoslav Government withdrew "all authori- 
zations and powers issued to the council by the authorities and institu- 
tions of FPR Yugoslavia." The reason for this was that — 

the attitude of the council toward the FPRY lately does not give the necessary 
guaranty that the money collected for help to Yugoslavia will be correctly used, 
which could harm both those who give the money and those who ought to benefit 
from it. 

In its angry answer, the council declares bluntly — 

We consider your intervention in the affairs of the council, especially the inter- 
vention of your legation in Ottawa, whose work in this country oversteps all 
diplomatic rights, as an open provocation and an attempt to breali our emigrant 
movement. 

[The council and similar organizations in Canada and the U. S. A.] never 
asked nor obtained any authorizations, permits and powers, etc., from the Yugo- 
slav Government to work in the United States of America or Canada * * * 
In no case were they organs of the Yugoslav Government or any other foreign 
agency. * * * 

The withdrawal of authorizations * * * publicly easts a suspicion not 
only on the organization concerned, but on any other organization which per- 



696 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

formed a noble and patriotic worlv in helping the peoples of Yugoslavia, that it is 
an agency of a foreign power. * * * 

Have the representatives of the Yugoslav Government ever thought or cared 
about the undesired consequences if the Canadian authorities would take the 
declaration of the representatives of the Yugoslav Government as a proof that 
the Council of Canadian Yugoslavs is anything but a Canadian organization? 

X. CONCLUSION 

All the evidence presented in this report points to a few elementary- 
facts concerning the "progressive" American Serbs and Croats, and 
more particuLarly the Slobodna Rec and the Narodni Ghasnilv, namely : 

1. That these two newspapers have never, on any single occasion, on 
any single issue, supported the stand of the United States Govern- 
ment. 

2. That they always, without a single exception, have given full, 
unconditional, and unrestricted support to the official stand of the 
Government of the Soviet Union. 

3. That their attitude toward Yugoslavia, the country of their 
origin, depended solely and entirely on the existing relations between 
Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union ; that is, on the policy of the Yugo- 
slav Government in power toward the Soviet Union, or, to put it more 
precisely, on the policy of the Soviet Government toward the regime 
in Yugoslavia. 

4. That the criticism by the Slobodna Rec and the Narodni Glasnik 
leveled at the existing social and political order in the United States 
follows to the letter the line of Communist strategy and tactics. 
These two newspapers not only are doing their best to illustrate the 
main theses of the Marxist-Leninist theory but follow closely and 
conscientiously the line of Communist tactics themselves, especially 
the new tactics of the Communist Party, of the so-called anti-Fascist 
people's fronts adopted at the Seventh Congress of the Communist 
International and elaborated in detail in the two most recent works of 
William Z. Foster, the Twilight of World Capitalism, and In Defense 
of the Communist Party and the Indicted Leaders. 

This Communist theory, reduced to its essentials, consists of the 
following theses : 

(a) Capitalism is the source of exploitation, oppression, and all 
evil in this world. 

(h) Capitalism, owing to its inner structure and the laws of its 
development, is doomed to failure. 

(c) On the ruins of capitalism a new order will be installed — the 
socialist order. 

(d) Although the downfall of capitalism is unavoidable because it 
is subject to laws as unchangeable as natural laws, the downfall of 
capitalism will not be achieved automatically. The working class, 
which is the creator of socialism, in order to achieve victory must 
i\ecessarily be organized into a party, but not a "bourgeois" party 
which follows the rules and can function only within the parlia- 
mentary system. The party of the working class must be a "new 
type" party, a militant vanguard party which will prepare and organ- 
ize the workers for direct revolutionary action and a forcible over- 
throw of the existing capitalistic order and government. 

(e) The United States is no exception to the above rules. On the con- 
trary, capitalism in the United States exemplifies most drastically all 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 697 

the main theses of Leninism, which is Marxism in the imperialistic 
phase of capitalistic development. Capitalism in America is thus 
bound to fall, owing to its own internal contradictions and inability 
to solve the growing difficulties inherent in capitalism as a system. 

(/) But since, according to Marx, Lenin and Stalin, no ruling class in 
history ever gave up its privileged position without struggle — never 
voluntarily disappeared from the world stage — American capitalism 
is doing its best to keep at all costs the unique position which it has 
in the present world. 

(g) These efforts of American capitalism to keep its position at any 
price is entirely undemocratic. Since its downfall is inexorable, Amer- 
ican capitalism — personified in Wall Street bankers, and political 
reaction — must necessarily pursue a policy of fascism in America and 
the policy of imperialism which leads to war in its relations with other 
countries. 

(A) In pursuing such a policy, Wall Street and American reaction 
must necessarily clash with the interests of the common people in 
America as well as with the interests of all people in the world. The 
internal and international tension which ensue must necessarily lead 
to an open conflict between world capitalism, headed by Wall Street, 
and the front of democracy and peace, headed by the Soviet Union. 

(i) The growing violence of the capitalists must be met by violence 
on the part of the people. The entire program of the Communist 
Party, its press, and all affiliated organizations is to prepare the people 
for the conflict which is bound to come, so that the sinister intrigues of 
capitalists can be met and "the people smash the power of the ruling 
capitalists, take control themselves, and enter into genuinely fraternal 
relations with other peoples, particularly with the U. S. S. R." 
(Foster). 

Tliis background is iiecessary for the correct understanding and ap- 
praisal of the policy and propaganda of any "progressive" organiza- 
tion in the LTnited States, since the Marxist-Leninist theory requires a 
special technique of propaganda. 

This special technique is well illustrated in the pages of the Slobodna 
Rec and the Narodni Glasnik. It follows a few simple rules : 

No news or articles must be ]:»ublished which could possibly harm the 
mental and political preparation of the people for the overthrow of 
capitalism. All news must be carefully selected so as to support any 
one of the main theses of Marxism-Leninism. This applies not only to 
the editorials but to the most insignificant item published in the papers, 
sucli as cartoons, photographs, announcements, and advertisements. 

Moreover, every single item must be carefully selected so as to in- 
crease tlie belief of the readers in the inevitability of the downfall of 
capitalism, in the righteousness of the Communist cause, and to in- 
crease their willingness to take an active part in the decisive revolu- 
tionary struggle. These simple rules are carried out by — 

1. Always presenting the United States in an unfavorable light. 
Every single copy of the newspapers must present new evidence of the 
rottenness of American capitalism, of the deep rift between the in- 
terests of Wall Street and reaction on the one hand, and the workers 
and the people on the other. 

2. Always presenting the Soviet Union in a favorable light by giv- 
ing examples of its domestic policy favorable to the people and for- 



698 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

eign policy favorable to peace, and serving the interests of all man- 
kind. 

3. Commenting on all events and all problems so as to indict the- 
United States and praise the Soviet Union. 

4. Proving that there is no conflict of interests between the United 
States as a whole and the Soviet Union, but that the main conflict 
exists inside America itself; namely, between its ruling class and the 
broad masses of the people. As stated by George S. Wuchinich, of 
the American Slav Congress, in his column in tlie Slobodna Rec of 
May 14, 1949, page 2 : 

The time has come to look to battle fronts in Pittsburgh, Detroit, Minneapolis, 
San Francisco, and New Orleans, not to the Yangtze, Athens, Berlin, Rome, 
Paris, or London. 

5. Presenting all the Government's policies and activities which 
tend to strengthen America as militaristic, Fascist, and imperialistic, 
and recommending a policy of weakening America militarially, politi- 
cally, and spiritually as being favorable to the cause of the American 
people and international peace and well-being. 

There is no doubt that these simple rules of Communist propaganda 
have been very carefully applied by the Slobodna Rec and the Narodni 
Glasnik, although it might have appeared to readers not well enough 
acquainted with Marxist theory and tactics that they were sometimes 
deviating from the Communist line and assuming an unbiased or even 
patriotic attitude. 

Such cases do by no means indicate a deviation from the party line 
but, on the contrary, are striking evidence of how closely and obediently 
the Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik have been following every twist 
and turn of Communist tactics. All the propaganda of the Slobodna 
Rec and Narodni Glasnik does not follow strictly and to the letter the 
theories of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin. But that fact does not make it less 
communistic, since — 

Propaganda habits alone, the mere repetition of the truths of pure communism,, 
is of no avail (V. I. Lenin, Left Wing Communism, an Infantile Disorder). 

Communist action and propaganda, in order to be successful, require 
a wide range of tactical lines to be applied, some of which may seem not 
only inconsistent with Communist theory, but even contrary to it. 

Our theory is not a dogma but a guide to action (Lenin, quoting Marx and En- 
gels in Left Wing Communism, an Infantile Disorder). 

The very cliaracteristic of the Communist propaganda is to conceal 
from enemies, and even more from those who sympathize with commu- 
nism only on account of their deficient knowledge of Communist ends 
and means, its true aims. 

This duality of action and propaganda, one for the Communists and 
one for the non-Communists, can be traced back to Lenin's duality of 
programs of action, as presented at the Congress of the Russian Social 
Democratic Workers' Party in 1903 in Brussels and London : 

This program consisted of two parts : the maximal and the minimal programs. 
The maximal program dealt with the principal aim of the working class party; 
namely, the Socialist revolution, the overthrow of the power of the capitalists, and 
the establishment of a dictatorship of the proletariat. The minimal program 
dealt with the immediate aims of tlie party, aims to be achieved before the over- 
throw of the capitalist system and the establishment of the dictatorship of the 
proletariat ; namely, the overthrow of the Czarist autocracy, the establishment of 
a democratic republic, the introduction of an 8-hour working day for workers, the 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 699 

abolition of all survivals of feudalism in the countryside, tlie restoration to the 
peasants of the cut-off lands (otrezki), of which they had been deprived by the 
landlords (History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks), 
Moscow, 1938, Serbian edition, pp. 41, 42). 

Ever since, the Communists have been trying to work out for all 
countries a concrete, minimal program behind which to rally as many 
allies as possible, in order to realize the one and only important pro- 
gram, the maximal program : Communist dictatorship in the whole 
world. 

With amazing frankness William Foster has, in his recent works, 
The Twilight of World Capitalism, and In Defense of the Indicted 
Leaders, admitted that the rise of fascism, or rather national social- 
ism, gave birth to the idea of creating "people's fronts," which would 
unite, under the slogan of struggle against fascism, as many people 
and political groups as possible who could be used by the Communists 
to advance the Communist cause. The idea of people's fronts has been 
put into operation with greater or lesser success in many countries. 
On the whole, the experiment has been so successful that the people's 
fronts are still regarcled as an indispensable instrument of Communist 
action. 

The phenomenon of "people's frontism" is one of the most fascinat- 
ing subjects for sociological and political studies. And though it is 
outside of the scope of this study to indulge in an analysis of all the 
phenomena and problems of the people's fronts, it is, nevertheless, 
indispensable in any study dealing today with Communism to con- 
sider the essentials of "people's frontism." The question, w4io is more 
instrumental in furthering the Communist cause, the Communists or 
the people's frontists, must here be left undiscussed. What matters 
here is to demonstrate how the Communists conceive the people's 
fronts and wliat importance they attach to them today. 

The practical application of the idea of people's fronts has not been 
confined to the prewar period of Hitler's rise to power. On the con- 
trary, "the new Communist anti-Fascist tactics, initiated at the 
Seventh World Congress of the Comintern * * * actually got 
into effective, successful operation" after the U. S. S. R. got into 
the war, in June 1941 (Foster, In Defense, p. 45) . 

During the war, and immediately thereafter, the "new tactical 
orientation" (Foster, In Defense, p. 42) was put into practice with 
greatest success, since it brought about a "new type 'national unity' 
coalition government, with Communist participation and organized 
largely upon Communist initiative" (Foster, In Defense, p. 48) in a 
number of European countries. 

Consequently, it is not surprising that when the Communist Infor- 
mation Bureau was organized in September 1947, the nine Communist 
Parties paid the greatest attention to the problem of people's-front 
tactics, and that "the substance of the decisions of the nine big Euro- 
pean Communist Parties was * * * reaffirming and strengthening 
the basic anti-Fascist, people's front tactical line that had been ini- 
tiated by the Seventh Congress of the Comintern" (Foster, In Defense, 
p. 62). 

There have not been since then any signs of the Communists re- 
nouncing the people's front tactical line, but only reaffirming it. 
Characteristically the French Communist Party calls for the election 
of a "government of democratic union," supported by a broad united 



700 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

front of "Socialists, Communists, Catholics, and Republicans," and 
the Italian Communist Party follows a similar policy ' (Foster, Twi- 
light of World Capitalism, p. 123) . 

As Joseph Starobin points out in his article. The National Confer- 
ence of French Communists, Daily Worker, April 27, 1949, page 8 : 

Thorez * * * urges the Communists to go out among the people and reach 
Frenchmen "of all opinions, all tendencies, all believes" * * *_ 

In other words, the people's-f ront tactics, being of vital importance 
to the Communists, have become today one of the main weapons of 
Communist propaganda and action, "The present day party line fol- 
lows the broad path towards the people's front and people's (lemocracy 
types of government now to be found in eastern Europe" (Foster, 
Twilight, p. 124). 

Foster readily admits that "the basic united front, anti-Fascist, 
antiwar line * * * had since [1935] plaved such a vital role in 
world affairs" (Foster, Twilight, p. 122). 

And as for the United States, the Communist Party has established 
the "minimal program" and concretely defined its people's front 
policy, which 

now, in this country, is that of building up a great anti-monopoly coalition of 
workers, farmers, Negroes, intellectuals, and other democratic forces to fight 
for the immediate interests of the people and for the ultimate establishment 
of socialism (Foster, Twilight, p. 124). 

The policy of the Communists is to "support every popular pro- 
gressive movement," but never unconditionally, or in the interest of 
human progress or the advancement of the people's welfare, but strict- 
ly, and solely, because they deem it profitable for the realization of 
socialism. 

Mao Tse-tung of the Chinese Communist Party "compared Marxist 
theory to an arrow which 'must be shot at the target of the Chinese 
Revolution. We must shoot the arrow with an aim.' " (The Worker, 
January 9, 1949, magazine, p. 2, article on China by Anna Louise 
Strong.) 

One of their main concerns in their participation in the people's 
front movements is to talk all non-Communists into believing that 
they have common interests with those of the Communist Party, and 
that it is thus profitable for all of them to cooperate for the defeat of 
Communist enemies. 

According to V. Molotov, now Soviet Foreign Minister : 

The task of our time is to unite all the anti-imperialistic and democratic forces 
of the nations into one mighty camp, welded together by the unity of their vital 
interests against the imperialist and antidemocratic camp and its policy of en- 
slavement of the people and new adventures (Molotov, Thirtieth Anniversary of 
the Revolution, the Strategy and Tactics of World Revolution, One Hundred 
Years of Communism, edition of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, H. Doc. No. 
619, p. 235.) 

The New York State Committee of the Communist Party published 
a call to action in the Daily Worker on March 1, 1949, page 1, in which 
it said, "Defend your rights by defendings the rights of the Com- 
munists." 

That is one of the most important points in the whole experience 
with the people's front movement. While other participants con- 
sider the people's front as an organization of compromise, where 
every single group has to sacrifice a smaller or greater part of its own 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 701 

program for the sake of realizing a broad common goal, the Com- 
munists view it only as a means of harnessing as many people and 
political groups as possible for the realization of Communist ends. So, 
while being ready to accept anybody's help which in any way can 
promote their interests, they strongly resent any attempt of other 
groups to impose upon the people's fronts any ideas or courses of action 
which might, in the slightest, be detrimental to the Communist cause. 
Stalin specifically laid down this rule : 

The Communist Party * * * does not and must not share leadership 
with any otlier party * * *. (Joseph Stalin, Lenin's Contribution to 
Marxism. On the Theory of Marxism, Karl Marx, Frederick Engels, V. I. 
Lenin, Joseph Stalin, International Publishers, New York, 1948, p. 31.) 

The files of the Daily Worker of 1948 give ample material to corrob- 
orate this assertion. In the Daily Worker of April 7, 1948, Milton 
Howard examines AVallace's progressive capitalism. While paying 
tribute to Wallace for "one of his most trenchant attacks on the war- 
minded financial interests running Washington" and urging "resolute 
unity of all groups, opposed to the criminal war which the bankers- 
generals are preparing," Howard decidedly rejects the very idea of 
the existence and possibility of "progressive capitalism" in the United 
States today. "To talk of progressive capitalism in the era of the 
Morgans, Eockefellers, Forrestals, du Fonts, Fords, and similar mo- 
nopolists is to describe something that does not exist in present-day 
America." This criticism, however, does not imply, by any means, 
the rejection of the people's-front idea, or allies such as Henry 
Wallace, but it is used to stress the necessity of people's fronts follow- 
ing strictly the Communist conceptions : 

If peace is to be won today it must be won, not by making the trustified capital- 
ism of the United States of America progressive, which is Utopian, but by the 
development of such powerful people's movements (of which the AVallace move- 
ment is one) that trusts will be efEectively curbed, and their abolition, through 
national ownership, actively prepared. 

"It is not by expecting the trusts to become progressive, but by 
decisive advance in democracy through a great increase in the eco- 
nomic and political power of the working class and its allies that 
these can be won." After putting Wallace in his right place, by mak- 
ing it clear that within the people's front anybody can help the Com- 
munists, but only one will must be obeyed, Howard concludes : 

That we disagree with Wallace's non-Communist political philosophy of 
"progressive capitalism" does not, of course, diminish the accuracy of his 
challenge to big business war makers, nor its significance as a courageous cham- 
pion of democratic progress. 

A few weeks later Howard again takes issue (Daily Worker, May 
19, 1948, p. 9) with Wallace, who, in a speech, referred to the "excesses 
of local Communists." Howard emphatically rejects any such re- 
marks, since "excesses" imply "a philosophy of irresponsibility, of 
adventurism, and egotistical calculations," and warns Wallace that 
he "will fatally and inevitably weaken his own vital struggle against 
the "Red menace" hysteria * * * j-f j^g makes such accommoda- 
tions to the slanders of his antidemocratic enemies." 

And once more, in the Daily Worker of June 9, 1948, page 9, Howard 
rebukes Wallace on two counts : First, for holding the "foreign policy 
of the Soviet Union * * * equally guilty with the banker-domi- 
nated State Department for the cold war." And second, for defining 



702 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

the nature of American Communists' interest in peace "because tliey 
want a successful Socialist experiment in Russia." The way Howard 
reacts to these two statements is also characteristic of the Communist 
concept of people's fronts. As regards the first count, he is very 
lenient since he realizes that whoever assails and puts the blame for 
the cold war on the United States, certainly helps tlie Soviet struggle 
against America. Besides, to abandon the people's front because of 
the "incorrect" views of some of its participants would amount "to 
abandon the people's movement to incorrect views, not to speak 
of * * * abandoning any serious mass struggle for peace what- 
soever." Such a withdrawal would be the more objectionable since 
Wallace "slapped down the * ^' * cowardly effort to red-bait 
him into an admission that peace for the United States of iVmerica is 
exclusively a Communist aim," by making the "true and important 
statement" that "Communists are interested in peace." 

But Wallace's second mistake is talcen much more seriously. Well 
aware that one of the main obstacles for the success of communism in 
the United States is the fact that the Communist Party in America 
is considered, by most Americans, not as an American party, but as an 
organization receiving orders from abroad, and working for the inter- 
ests of a foreign power, Howard emphatically stresses that, "for 
Communists, peace is an American interest" and "the success of social- 
ism anywhere in the world is an American interest if by that is under- 
stood the American people and not the Wall Street minority." After 
stressing again that Communists desire peace "for the advancement 
of people's democracy and American socialism in our own country" 
Howard declares that "our desire for peace and American socialism 
coincides with the peace aims of socialism in the Soviet Union * * * 
since socialism is the greatest force for peace in the world today. 
That only proves that the socialist interest of the Soviet peoples coin- 
cides with the national interest of the American people." 

Not less interesting are the considerations of the Daily Worker on 
people's front problems in connection with the Cominform-Tito clash. 
In his column of July 14, 1948, Milton Howard sharply assailed the 
New York Times for asserting that the Communist Information 
Bureau's criticism of the Yugoslav Communist Party's leadership 
"presages the new turn away from the people's front in all countries." 
Shocked by such an idea, Howard declares that the 

criticism of the Yugoslavian Communists was exactly the contrary — that their 
inability to maintain a clearly defined Communist Party within the people's 
front presented a danger to the people's front itself, since without such a van- 
guard Communist Party such an alliance faced the danger of losing its effective- 
ness and its goal. 

For a genuine people's front, the Communist Party is indispensable as the voice 
of the working class, tlie main class force within it. Without a clearly defined 
Communist Party, the less stable elements within the people's front (wealthier 
middle classes for example) tend to vacillate, and tend to move toward compro- 
mise with the reaction. 

And then comes an admission by Howard whose true significance 
and bearing cannot be missed by anyone who is familiar with the 
Communist practice of using words such as "progress," "peace," 
"democracy," and so forth, when they mean Communist dictatorship : 

The people's front is the political form which the Communists see as the 
most effective for uniting the greatest number of people on a commonly agreed 
upon platform for progress and peace. « * * The people's front is the 
path of democracy. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 703 

Needless to say that tlie same line can distinctly be observed in the 
-columns of Joseph Starobin, who, in five articles, analyzes the Comin- 
form-Tito clash, giving special attention to Tito's misconception of 
the people's front. What he rebukes him for in his column of July 15, 
1948, is that "the front became a lasting organization, with a perma- 
nent program to quote Tito's famous speech of last September," which 
is obviously what the Communist Party did not intend and does not 
want the people's front to be. Starobin stresses the essential condition 
for a people's front, namely the necessity "to lead the peasants wisely 
under the firm guidance of the working class." 

In his column on July 16, Starobin also assails those who contend 
that — 

the Communists are abandoning the people's front. The people's front is 
♦ * * to be built on a long-term basis. But it has to be built with its base 
among the workers. As a middle-class phenomenon, it can be very important for 
a time, but it can't solve basic problems. 

And finally it is interesting to review the official stand of the Amer- 
ican Communist Party regarding people's front movements. The 
Worker magazine, July 18, 19-18, page 3, reports on the Communist 
Party convention discussion and discusses the "Lessons of Elections 
in Steel Union Locals of the Indiana-Calumet Area" : 

The experience * * * shows : that the possibility of Communist partici- 
pation in the united front, its form, character and extent, are determined in 
large degree, by the strength, support, following and prestige, which the Com- 
munists can bring to the united front. And it is impossible to achieve these 
without the independent work and activity of the Communist Party and the 
■Communists. 

In The Worker of July 25, 1948, Milton Howard presents "The Com- 
munist's Opinion of the New Progressive Party" : 

American Communists quite openly approve of its formation * * *^ The 
American Marxists have always supported and taken their place within every 
people's democratic movement * * *. The traditional relationship of 
Marxism to all socially progressive movements is one of cooperation and construc- 
tive criticism, whether such movements were struggles for national liberation or 
the abolition of monarchies, etc., or now the curbing of the trusts. 

The official stand of the American Communist Party on the New 
Party is carefully defined in the 1948 election platform of the Com- 
munist Party (The Worker, August 15, 1948, pp. 6-7) : 

The Progressive Party is by its very nature a great coalition of labor, farmers, 
the Negro people, youth, professional and small-business people. It is anti- 
monopoly, anti-Fascist, antiwar. * * * it is not a Socialist nor a Commu- 
nist Party and we are not seeking to make it one. It is and should develop as a 
united front, broad mass people's party. 

The Communists declare that they will "seek no special position in 
■the movement," but at the same time reassure their followers and warn 
their allies that they "will, of course, oppose any special disabilities 
because of our socialist views." This concept of a "united front, broad 
mass people's party" in which the Communists would "oppose any 
special disabilities" because of their socialist views, seems rather to 
corroborate than to refute the "propaganda that the third party is a 
'front' for the advocates of socialism," a contention indignantly re- 
jected by Howard ("The Communists' Opinion of the New Party," 
The Worker, July 25, 1948, p. 7) . 

The suwess of the basic idea of the people's fronts to harness non- 
Communists for the realization of Communist ends was such that in 



704 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

the course of a few years the Communists succeeded in appropriating 
a great part of the arsenal of democratic terms, theories, and slogans, 
thus mitigating their usefulness for democratic propaganda and 
making strong Communist inroads in the democratic front. At the 
same time, they were able to impose some of their own slogans on their 
democratic allies in the people's fronts. In such manner, words, terms, 
and ideas indispensable for successful democratic action and political 
education of the people, acquired a double meaning — one democratic, 
one communistic. ^ H 

The situation was much clearer and to fight communism was much 
simpler when communism was admittedly opposed to democracy, when 
freedom, the rule of the law, the respect for the Nation, the will of tlie 
people, free elections, etc., were distinctly democratic concepts, assailed 
by Communists who considered them just "bourgeois prejudices" and 
rejected them as labels used for the protection of the interests of the 
ruling class. But today, after the people's-front tactics have been 
applied for a number of years, such a confusion between democratic 
and Connnunist ideas, slogans, and fronts has ensued, that it is not 
always easy to detect behind a democratic appearance a Communist 
essence. 

However, in the case with which we are concerned, there are so many 
points of reliance that it is possible to reach a thoroughly substantiated 
conclusion. The editors of the Narodni Glasnik and Slobodna Rec have 
seen to it that all possible doubt as to their real political orientation 
should be dissipated. It is a favorite device of the Communists not 
only to claim all democratic rights for themselves in order to destroy 
democracy, but to pretend that any criticism they make is democratic 
by the very fact that the right to criticize is a democratic right. The 
right to criticize the government of one's own country or the existing 
social order is certainly a democratic right. But wiiether it is made 
use of democv:'tica]ly or it is misused communistically, depends on the 
critic. Democ atic criticism presupposes at least some degree of fair- 
ness, of willingness to see and present both sides of a problem, to in- 
vestigate before judging, to weigh the pros and cons before concluding. 
It requires a certain degree of readiness not only to assail sharply what 
is undoubtedly wrong, but to give credit to what is obviously right. 
When the critic does not meet these requirements, there is no democratic 
criticism. 

If someone — like the Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik — keeps crit- 
icizing onesidely one's own country; if the United States is always 
wrong and the Soviet Union always right ; if distinction is persistently 
made between the United States Government and the people, wdiile the 
Soviet Government is always identified with the Soviet people ; if there 
is never agreement with the policy of the United States Govermnent, 
and. on the other side, not a single deviation from the official stand of 
the Soviet Government; if there is always identify of views with the 
Daily Worker, official organ of the Communist Party of America, if 
the Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist line is adhered to, not only in principle, 
but in all changes of its tactics, if there is never any conflict between the 
views of the Narodni Glasnik and Slobodna Rec on the one side, 
and those of the Communist Party on the other side, then it seems clear 
that we have before us no naive and well-intentioned adherents of peo- 
ple's fronts, but Communists. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEX AND NATIONAL GROUPS 705 

Besides the already quoted examples, one of the basic issues in 
which the true character of tlie Narodni Glasnik and the Slobodna 
Rec can be ascertained is the issue of national freedom and independ- 
ence. This was, and is even today, a field where the Communists are 
most easily and successfully deceiving the public opinion. In his usual 
blunt and categorical way Lenin defined the "right of i^.ations to self- 
determination" as the "right to secession." Lenin does not even try 
to pretend that such a view is taken for the sake of the nations con- 
cerned, but makes it clear that in this issue, as well as in any other one, 
the only determining factor are the interests of communism : "In the 
interests of the unity of the proletarians, in the interests of their class 
solidarity, v e must recognize the right of nations to secession." (V. I. 
Lenin, The Eight of Nations to Self-Determination, Foreign Lan- 
guages Publishing House, Moscow, 1947, p. 61.) In other words, the 
Communists stand for national freedom and independence, or against 
it, according to the concrete political situation of the moment. They 
pose as champions of and say "yes" to national independence, national 
freedom, nationalism, only as long as the nations concerned are op- 
pressed. That is, as long as they can be used for the purpose of de- 
stroying other nations, destroying organized forces able to oppose 
communism. But as soon as a nation is free and organized and thus 
able to oppose communism, the stand of the Communists changes com- 
pletely. The nation is reduced to the working class and the national 
interest becomes a class interest. 

It is thus quite understandable that the United States, being the 
strongest democratic nation in the world, is the main target of Com- 
munist propaganda and activities and that the Communists say "no" 
to all forces and factors which constitute the strength of America. 
They acknowledge the national traditions and history of the United 
States not as a cultural heritage of unremitting efforts and sacrifices 
to achieve freedom and independence from any foreign power and 
national unity and individual freedom within the country itself, but 
only as the preliminary stages of the final "socialist" revolution to 
come. They interpret the revolutionary past of America not as deeds 
and events which helped form the American Xation and made possible 
the w ty of all Americans, but as alleged precedents for their dis- 
ruptive activities, tending to create divisions, barriers, and conflicts 
among Americans. 

The Communists deny the existence of any common links which 
would bind together all Americans. They insist on their division in 
two enemy camps, the one being the front of American people, whose 
interests are identical with the interests of the Soviet ITnion and all 
"progressive" forces in the world, and the front of a minority of "re- 
actionaries," ""Wall Street bankers-generals," and similar cliques 
whose interests are opposed to interests of the American people, as 
well as to the interests of all people in the world, but the Soviet Union 
foremost. "Patriotism consists in servinsr the interests of one's own 
working people." solemnlv proclaims the Dailv Worker (Joseph Staro- 
bin. in his column Around the Globe, of July 16, 1948. p. 8) . "It is the 
highest patriotism today to fight for American Socialism" (The 
Worker, April 4, 1948, p. 9, article : "What Would Socialism m the 
USA Be Like"). The real meaning of this peculiar Communist patri- 
otism can exactly be ascertained if one keeps in mind the official .Soviet 



706 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

stand on the problem of the position of the workers of all countries 
toward the government of those countries and toward the government 
of the Soviet Union: 

But America's aspirations to world supremacy encounter an obstacle in the 
U. S. S. R., the stronghold of anti-imperialist and anti-Fascist policy, and its 
growing international influence, in the new democracies, which have escaped 
from the control of Britain and American imperialism, and in the workers of all 
countries, including America itself, who do not want a new war for the 
supremacy of their oppressors. Accordingly, the new expansionist and reaction- 
ary policy of the United States envisages a struggle against the U. S. S. R. against 
the labor movement in all countries, including the United States, and against 
the emancipationist anti-imperialist forces in all countries (A. Zhdanov on The 
International Situation, report made at the Conference of the Nine Communist 
Parties, held in Poland, September 1947). 

Equally explicit is Mao Tse-tung, who, speaking of the irreconcilable 
opposition between the interests of the American imperialists and 
those of the American people, and the people of all nations, says. 

The American reactionaries will one day find themselves opposed by the whole 
world. * * * In the postwar world a very great people's movement has been 
developing for peace and democratic liberties. This movement mu.st, of neces- 
sity, move toward victory. Victory will come * * * through the cooperation 
of the peoples. The American people, themselves oppressed by reactionaries,, 
should make common cause with the people of all the other lands against the 
attacks of American imperialists in their respective countries. (From an inter- 
view with IMao Tse-tung bv Anna Louise Strong, Daily Worker, February 11, 
1949, p. 5). 

These quotations should suffice to mnke apparent that fundamental 
striving of the Communists to destroy any organized power in the 
world in order to subdue the peoples of all countries when they are 
disorganized and powerless. The Communists are well aware that as 
long as nations are protected by their organized governments, there is 
no chance for a power based on a doctrine of so deep contempt of man, 
freedom, and human dignity, as the Communist, to be accepted. 
Therefore, the tendency of the Communists is to undermine all organ- 
ized governments and create a political vacuum which is to be filled by 
the utterly inhuman and ruthless Communist Party and state machine. 

Thus tile appeal to national freedom, national independence, and 
nationalism should not deceive anybody as to the real concepts of the 
Communists on those issues. Strictly adhering to the viewpoint that 
any means which leads to the goal is good, and that any ally who 
can be instrumental in furthering the Communist cause is welcome, 
the Communists are not reluctant to speak of national feelings to 
flatter national pride, even to pay respect to the histories of various 
nations, if they think that it can be used to produce desired effects. 

For that reason, the "nationalist" elements in the propaganda of the 
Slobodna Rec and Narodni Glasnik should not be misinterpreted. 
In his pamphlet The Struggle in America for the New Yugoslavia 
(Belgrade 1946, pp. 25-26), Mirko Markovich tells of the difficulties 
through which the movement of the "progressive" American Serbs 
and Croats had to go, and especially stressed that the success of the 
movement was hampered by the lack of understanding of the national 
feelings of those masses, because of "the lack of understanding of the 
Leninist-Stalinist basis of the national problem." What was wrong, 
asserts Markovich, was that "the national feelings of the national 
groups, the right to be proud of one's own nation, of one's traditions, 
and of the history of the people from whence the workers originated, 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 707 

were disregarded in the practical realization" (p. 26). Markovich 
severely reprimands those who followed to the letter the theory that, 
"the workers have no nation except their workers' class" and that "the 
workers are citizens of the world" for their dogmatic rigidity, ^uch 
an "incorrect conception of the national problem, the incorrect under- 
standing of the national feelings of our innnigrants" were the reasons 
that the "workers' movement was not able successfully to fight the 
chauvinistic poison of reaction" (p. 27). 

Thus the Communists d,o not hesitate to make appeals to national 
feelings, to history and tradition whenever they think that a Commun- 
ist interpretation is possible. And in the same way as the Daily 
Worker speaks of Valley Forge in connection with the present civil 
war in Greece, the Slobodna Rec fries to establish a link between the 
exploits of the Serbs several centuries ago which represent for the Ser- 
bian people a national and moral vahie of the highest order, — with the 
action of the Communist partisans in the Second World War. Of 
course, after the Cominform-Tito clasli it Avas not longer possible to 
glorify the leaders of Communist Yugoslavia, but until then, no 
opportunity was missed to compare Tito, Rankovic, Djilas, and others 
to the legendary heroes whose struggle for national and individual 
freedom is deeply rooted in the souls of the Serbs. The Narodni Glas- 
nik followed in principle the same line, adapted to the peculiari- 
ties of Croatian history. In doing this, both newspapers were just 
following the Communist pattern which is built on the realization 
that the forces of tradition, history and national feelings are so 
strong that they cannot be fought successfully by frontal attack, but 
must be distorted in order to serve the Communist cause. 

As regards the United States, the propaganda of the Slobodna 
Rec and the Narodni Glasnik applies the same principles and may 
thus give to uninformed people the impression that they stand for 
the American historical heritage. In fact, this represents only the 
special tactics to realize more easily the invariable Communist aims. 
President Franklin D. Roosevelt — who is now untiringly referred 
to, together with Jefferson and Lincoln (and sometimes Henry A. 
Wallace), as a champion of democracy and peace — is actually praised 
only insofar as they consider that the New Deal policy partly fits into 
the pattern of a "minimal program" for the United States, because it 
was weakening "Wall Street" in the internal policy and pursuing the 
policy of close alliance with the U. S. S. R. in international relations. 
In this connection it is interesting to cite a few examples of the 
Narodni Glasnik and the Slobodna Rec writings of President Roose- 
velt in 1940 and 1941; that is, before the Soviet Union entered the 
war: 

Hungry people seek bread ; Roosevelt gives them guns (Slobodna Rec, February 
1,1940). 

President Roosevelt has adopted a policy of hunger for the people, for the rea- 
son that he has adopted a policy of war (March 21, 1940). 

Roosevelt's national unity is in reality a unity of people's adversaries or an 
expansion of the war so as to produce greater profit for Wall Street (March 21,. 
1940). 

The United States is arming but not for defense (January 14, 1941). 

Roosevelt wants war; the people want peace (June 3, 1941). 

The same applies to any American or other leading public figures. 
Today President Truman or other outstanding Americans, whose 
stand is unmistakably anticommunistic. are oraised or criticized ac- 



708 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

cording to the moment and to the possibility of twisting their stiite- 
ments for communistic use. The words and deeds of all outstanding 
Americans or any other people were and are measured, not with a 
yardstick of democratic and American interests, but with the yard- 
stick of Socialist — that is, Communist — interests within the United 
States and Soviet interests in the field of international relations. 

This is best exemplified in the insistence with which the Communists 
of the Slobodna Rec and tlie Narodni Glasnik underline the necessity 
for America to remain faithful to the struggle of the American ])eople 
in the Second World War. This insistence is only apparently pa- 
triotic, since the Slobodna Rec and the Narodni Glasnik, in the same 
way as does the Daily Worker, always speak of the "anti-Fascist 
struggle," and carefully avoid speaking of the struggle for America 
and American democracy. It is not by accident that George Pirinsky, 
executive secretary of the American Slav Congress, entitles his fiery 
"patriotic" article, published in the Narodni Glasnik and Slobodna 
Rec of December 18, 1948, "We Remain True to Our Wartime Pledge 
To Fight Fascism." 

This is a significant parallel to the appeal made by Mirko Marko- 
vich, editor of the Slobodna Rec, in the fall of 1941 to all American 
Serbs to rally under one single banner, but this was not to be the banner 
of America : 

We say today that today the question is not, Are yon a Republican or Demo- 
crat, Communist or Socialist, Monarchist or for the Soviets? The question is 
Are you for fascism or against fascism? And we want all American Serbs to 
rally under one single banner, the banner of the destruction of fascism, leaving 
aside all other banners until mankind is freed and saved from that most terrible 
enemy (Mirko Markovich, The Struggle in America for the New Yugoslavia, 
p. 39). 

Such "patriotism" fits exactly into the Communist picture of the 
present world. Namely, in the views of the Communists, the Second 
World War was not waged against Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, and 
autocratic Japan, nor was fascism wiped out through their defeat. 
Since fascism is regarded by the Communists as the political expres- 
sion of capitalism in its last, imperialistic phase, they consider that 
in World War II only one part of the world-wide front of fascism 
was defeated. Fascism lives on and draws its strength from capitalism 
which strives to keep its threatened position in the world. 

This is one of the main confusions created through the Communist 
people's front tactical line. The democratic view is that World War 
II was fought in order to preserve basic human and cultural values, 
the respect of human freedom and dignity, and the right of self- 
determination of peoples foremost, which were threatened by the 
undemocratic and antidemocratic regimes in Germany, Italy, and 
Japan. According to that democratic view, fascism was defeated so 
thoroughly that there is no fascist danger in the world at the present 
moment. The present danger of war obviously arises from the exist- 
ence of the aggressive social and political system of communism, which 
is utterly opposed to the values for the preservation of which the 
Second World War was fought. 

The Communist view is quite different. The democrats classify 
political systems and governments in the world according to their 
respect or disrespect of traditional human values. The Communists 
classify political regimes and social systems according to a simple 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 709 

criterion — Communist and non-Communist. All countries with 
Soviet-controlled Communist regimes constitute the "free" world, the 
world camp of ''democracy." The rest are "Fascists" who are blocking 
the way to "Socialism" and must, therefore, be destroyed. 

Consequently, the reason that the Communists designated the United 
States as the main promoter and agent of "fascism" in the world is 
not that it is the country which has reached the highest degree of 
capitalist develoj^ment but that it is militarily the strongest country 
in the world and thus the strongest hindrance to Communist world 
domination. 

Fascism is certainly an enemy both of democracy and communism, 
but that does not make communism less opposed to democracy. Dur- 
ing the war that fact was hidden by the common military struggle 
against the common enemy. The fact remained, however, that the 
democracies and the Soviet Union fought for different goals in World 
War II: the democracies for freedom, the Soviets for communism. 
And since, according to the official Communist stand, the main repre- 
sentatives of fascism today are the Government of the United States 
and the political, economic, social, and cultural leaders of this country, 
the so patriotically sounding "wartime pledge to fight fascism" 
amounts to a postwar pledge to fight the United States of America. 

The very close connection and cooperation of the Slobodna Rec and 
Narodni Glasnik and affiliated organizations with other organizations 
which undoubtedly follow the Communist Party line, the identity of 
the propaganda of these two newspapers and the Daily Worker, or 
with the writings of William Z. Foster, the role which the Narodni 
Glasnik has admittedly played in the creation of the American Com- 
munist Party, the role which both the Narodni Glasnik and the Slo- 
bodna Eec have admittedly played in the creation of the American 
Slav Congress, their strong links with the All-Slav Committee in 
Moscow — all these facts point to the conclusion that these two news- 
papers and people gathered around them are neither American nor 
Yugoslav nor Serb nor Croat patriots but members of the world-wide 
organization of the Communist International. 

As has been strikingly proven by the variations of their stand toward 
Yugoslavia in the course of the last 10 or 15 years, these people have 
no loyalty either toward America, whose citizens they are, or toward 
Yugoslavia, the country of their origin, but one single loyalty — the 
loyalty to the Communist International and the Soviet Union. These 
two newspapers are not independent and well-intentioned organs of 
American public opinion, but only links in a world-wide organization 
which sees in the United States, its present order, its democratic tra- 
ditions and institutions, in all that this country stands for, its princi- 
pal enemy which must be crushed at any price. Instead of objectively 
informing their readers, who comprise one part of the American people, 
and educating them to better citizenship, they are conditioning them 
mentally to become tools in the hands of a foreign power against their 
own country. They are preparing them for the "big undertaking of 
licking capitalism" (Foster, Twilight, p. 168) for the "ultimate eman- 
cipation" from capitalism (Weinstone). 

In the present situation, where "Wall Street had divided the world 
into two camps — one of democracy and peace, the other of imperialism 
and war" (Foster, Twilight, p. 122), or the "imperialistic and anti- 

98330— 50~pt. 2 17 



710 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

democratic camp," and the "antiimperialistic and democratic camp" 
(Zhdanov, International Situation), this amounts to saying that 
these newspapers are preparing their readers to take a most active part 
in tlie fateful struggle between these two camps, not on the side of their 
own country, the United States, but on the side of "the mainstay of 
world democracy, the U. S. S. R." 

No matter what form that struggle assumes, the irreconcilable 
enmity between the two camps remains an unchangeable fact for the 
Communists. And the transition from capitalism to socialism re- 
mains the supreme goal of all their activities. How that transition 
is expected to take place — by transforming an international war into 
a civil war, as they did in a number of countries in World War II 
("World War H * * * was not only an international war, but 
also a civil war" : Foster, In Defense, p. 48) , or by seizing the oppor- 
tunity of a severe economic crisis to strike the decisive blow, or in 
some other way — is thus a matter of secondary importance. In spite 
of their assertion that a "peaceful" transition would be "highly desir- 
able" (The Worker: "A revolutionary party opposes force and vio- 
lence conspiracies," Apr. 24, 1949, p. 7) , the Communists know that 
communism can be established only through revolution. The im- 
portant tactical change in the Communist policy, inaugurated at the 
Seventh Congress of the Communist International in 1935, was de- 
vised, not in order to effect a peaceful transition and avoid revolution, 
but to facilitate the transition, which in any case must be effected 
through a revolution. 

The aim of Communist political action, propaganda, and education 
is to create dissatisfaction in tlie people and to lead to such actions 
of the broad masses of the people under the direction of the Com- 
munist Party as to paralyze the functioning of the existing state or- 
ganization and social order. That, according to Lenin, is the necessary 
prerequisite for the revolution : 

It is only when those at the bottom do not want any longer and those at 
the top cannot go on living in the old manner, it is only then that the revolution 
can triumph (Stalin, Principles of Leninism, French edition (editions sociales), 
Paris, 1945, pp. 30-31, quoting Lenin, from Left Wing Communism, an Infantile 
Disorder). 

This is why the Communists are doing their best to lull the non- 
Communist world into a sense of false security by pleading innocent 
at the charge of conspiracy for a forcible overthrow of the United 
States Government and insisting on their readiness to cooperate with 
any progressive and democratic people and groups for the realization 
of allegedly common aims. 

But the forcible overthrow of the United States Government cannot 
be achieved either suddenly or by an openly and avowedly Commu- 
nist policy. On the contrary it can only be the result of a long and 
persistent work of Communist indoctrination, organization, and 
awakening of revolutionary class-consciousness on the one side, and 
infiltration and disruption on the other, during which no means, no 
methods, and no forms of action should be left unused which could 
possibly confuse the enemy and hasten the revolution. 

Revolutionaries who are unable to combine illegal forms of struggle with 
every form of legal struggle are very poor revolutionaries. It is not diflBcult to 
be a revolutionary when the revolution has already flared up and is raging. 
It is much more diflBcult to be a- revolutionary when the conditions for direct, 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 711 

open, really mass and revolutionary struggle do not yet exist, to be able to 
defend tbe interests of tbe revolution (by propaganda, agitation, and organiza- 
tion) in nonrevolutionary bodies and even downright reactionary bodies, in 
nonrevolutionary circumstances, among the masses who are incapable of im- 
mediately appreciating the need of revolutionary methods of action (Lenin, 
Left Wing Communism an Infantile Disorder). 

And although Stalin repeats Lenin's statement that "imperialism is 
the eve of socialist revolution" (Stalin, Principles of Leninism, French 
edition, Paris, 1945, p. 32), the Communists do not rely on any spon- 
taneity of social evolution leading necessarily to socialism, since the 
controversy between Marxian "evolutionists" and "revolutionists" has 
once for all time been decided by Lenin. Furthermore, the impossi- 
bility of "evolutionary" communism has amply been demonstrated 
by practical experience. Thus the revolution can come only if Com- 
munists work hard for the revolution, while successfully pretending 
to w^ork for democracy and for the well-being of the people. 

The strictest loyalty to the ideas of communism must be combined with the 
ability to make all the necessary practical compromises, to attack, to make 
agreements, zigzags, retreats, and so on, in order to accelerate the coming into 
power * * * (Lenin, Left Wing Communism, an Infantile Disorder. 

And there is no doubt that in all that immense work of propaganda, 
indoctrination, confusion, and deceit, one of the main roles has been 
assigned to the press. It is one of the basic tenets of communism today 
that capitalism — or rather the leaders of the United States, as the 
main representatives of world capitalism — will be forced to an ever- 
growing use of violence to maintain themselves in powder, which will 
inevitably lead to the use of violence by — 

the people. Violence in revolutionary situations originates at all times through 
the attempt of reactionaries, by the use of force in various forms, to thwart the 
will of the people. (William Z. Foster: An Open Letter to John F. Dulles, 
Daily Worker, July 30, 1948, p. 9). 

The implication is that the American people must be prepared to 
take an active part in striking a decisive blow at the United States 
at the moment chosen by the Communists. 

In that preparatory action, the Slobodna Eec and Narodni Glasnik 
are playing an important part. They are preparing and conditioning 
their readers mentally and politically to be traitors to their own 
country. ♦ 

Mr. Dekom. Thank you very much for appearing today before this 
subcommittee. 

Dr. Draskovich. Thank you for giving me the opportunity to 
testify. 

(Whereupon, at 4 : 40 p. m. the hearing was closed.) 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES AMONG ALIENS AND 
NATIONAL GKOUPS 



TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 13, 1949 

United States Senate, 
Special Subcommittee to Investigate 
Immigration and Naturalization of the 

Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington^ D. G. 
The subcommittee met, in executive session, at 10 : 30 a. m., in room 
424, Senate Office Building, Senator Herbert K. O'Conor, presiding. 
Present: Senator O'Conor (presiding). 

Also present: Messrs. Richard Arens, staff director of the special 
subcommittee, and Otto J. Dekom, professional staff member. 
Senator O'Conor. Counsel, will you proceed ? 

TESTIMONY OF ANTHONY TRZECIESKI, FORMER PURCHASING 
AGENT, GDYNIA-AMERICA LINE, INC. 

Mr. Arens. The first witness this morning, Senator, is Mr. 
Trzecieski. 

Senator O'Conor. Will you raise your right hand, please ? 

In the presence of Almighty God, do you swear that the testimony 
you shall give in this hearing shall be the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. I do.^ 

Senator O'Conor. Will you please give your full name? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Anthony Trzecieski. 

Senator O'Conor. And what is your address i 

Mr. Trzecieski. 8425 One Hundred and Sixty -fifth Street, Jamaica, 
N. Y. 

Senator O'Conor. Counsel, will you proceed ? 

Mr. Arens. This is a continuation of the hearings on S. 1832, which 
provides for the exclusion and deportation of subversive aliens. 

Will you kindly identify yourself by occupation and background ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. How far back do you want me to go ? 

Mr. Arens. First of all, what are you doing at the present time? 

Mr. Trzecieski. At the present time I am free lancing in the steam- 
ship supply business. 

Mr. Arens. Where are you located in that work ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. In four steamship supply houses. 

Mr. Arens. You were formerly associated with the Gdynia-Amer- 
ica Line, were you not ? 

' The witness appeared under subpena. 

713 



714 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Trzecieski. Yes; for 11 years. 

Mr. Aeens. Over what period ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. October 1936 until December 31, 1947. 

Mr. Arens. Would you tell us about yourself? What has been 
your back o^round and your affiliation and your status so far as citizen- 
shi]) is concerned ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. I came to this country in 1923 and I was naturalized 
on June 26, 1929. At that time I was employed by an American or- 
ganization, the Equitable Trust Co. of New York. Subsequently I 
joined the American-Polish Chamber of Commerce, which was an 
American organization organized by a group of American business- 
men with Mr. Samuel Vauclain of the Baldwin Locomotive Works 
as head, in which the Polish Government was interested at that time. 

I remained there until 1933, when I had to go to Europe for the 
settlement of certain family affairs. Prior to my return to the United 
States m 1935, 1 spent about 7 or 8 months as an'assistant to Mr. Clay- 
ton Lane, who, at that time, was our commercial attache to the United 
States Embassy in Warsaw. In 1935 I returned to the United States 
and I was engaged in the business of importing and distributing Polish 
hams in Detroit. About a year later, 1936, in October, I joined the 
Gdynia-America Line, being offered the position there. 

Mr. Arens. How did you happen to leave the service of the Gdynia- 
America Line? 

Mr. Trzecieski. I resigned myself because of the communistic con- 
trol. I could not continue there. 

Senator O'Conor. Just specifically what pressures were brought 
upon you, or what other developments were there ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. There were no pressures brought on me. 

Senator O'Conor. Just what manifestations were there ? 
^ Mr. Trzecieski. I learned from one of the officers, the purser, of the 
Ihdory^ Mr. Owsianowski,^ who was at that time traveling between 
Gdynia and New York, that he heard from certain officials of the 
Gdynia-America Line in Gdynia that because of my very strong anti- 
communistic stand, they would try to get rid of me. They did not 
want to just fire me outright. They could not, because I was a member 
of the board of directors. They had to wait until my term expired. 
They did not want to fire me outright. They tried to create a certain 
atmosphere around me which would force me to get out by making my 
work very difficult; for instance, by depriving me of the necessary 
assistance and help, by piling up so much work that I could not carry 
it without assistance. 

Mr. Arens. I was interested in your observations respecting the im- 
portation of hams from Poland. Who has the right to sell these hams 
in the United States? Is it a financial or economical arrangement in 
regard to the disposition of these Polish hams? 

Mr. Trzecieski. I have no details on that. I know that Mr. Gutow- 
ski,' the publisher, was one of the men who tried to get the exclusive 
agency for the United States. He even went to Poland. He did not 
get it. Some other man whose name I do not know has it now ; he is 
an importer or a jobber. However, I am not familiar yet with the 
financial setup nor with the activities of that man. 



^ Stanislaw Owsianowski. 

* For the testimony of Stanley Giitowski, see p. 417. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 715 

Mr. Arexs. Would you identify the Gdynia-America Line? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Gdynia-America Line, Inc., in New York, is a sub- 
sidiary of the Gdynia-America Shipping Lines, Ltd., of Poland. 

Mr.' Arens. Who owns the major portion of the stock and control 
of the line ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. The Gdynia-America Line, Lie, in New York, has 
its stock owned by the parent organization in Poland, Gdynia- 
America Shipping Lines, Ltd., while in turn, that company is 
owned by the Polish Government. 

JNIr. Arens. What passenger vessels are operated by the Gdynia- 
America Line ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. At the present time the motor ship Batory^ the 
motor ship jSobieski, and the motor ship JagieUo, but she is not in the 
North American run. 

Mr. Arens. Then, the Batory and the SohiesJd are two passenger 
vessels ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Calling at United States ports. 

Mr. Arens. Between what ports do these two ships ply? 

Mr. Trzecieski. The Batory is on the regular run between Gdynia, 
Copenhagen, Southamption, and New York. 

The Sohlcski runs between Genoa, Cannes, Naples, and New York. 

Mr. Arens. What were your duties as purchasing agent for the 
Gdynia- America Line over the period of time you have mentioned? 

Mr. Trzecieski. My duties were to purchase all supplies for the 
vessels for the officers. That means all materials for the deck and 
engine departments; all foods, all equipment for the passenger ac- 
commodations, the galley, et cetera. The same thing applies in re- 
gard to stationery, furniture, and all the necessary materials for the 
operation of the office and officers in the United States. 

Mr. Arens. During the course of your affiliation with the Gdynia- 
America Line, did you have occasion to become acquainted with the 
operation of the line and the passengers in general who were brought 
in by the line ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Yes ; because in addition to my duties as purchasing 
agent, I was manager of the crew department, not all the time, but 
most of the time. I was manager of the insurance and claims depart- 
ment. I was handling part of the operating department, everything 
that concerned the husbanding of the vessel in port. I was an assist- 
ant to the president in the executive end of the management and in 
policy making. That is where I came in contact with the traffic end 
of the business, passengers mostly. . 

Mr. Arens. May I just interpose this question as a matter of 
background ? 

Who are the present officers of the Gdynia-America Line? 

Mr. Trzecieski. The present officers are Koman M. Kutylowski, 
president and treasurer.^ Mr. Czeslaw Grzelak is the vice president.^ 
Samuel Y. Smith is the secretary. At the same time, he is also gen- 
eral passenger traffic manager. 

Mr. Arens. You have previously indicated in your testimony that 
the Gdynia- America Line is controlled by the Communist Polish Gov- 
ernment ; is that right ? 



' The testimony of Roman M. Kutylowski appears on p. 745. 
The testimony of Czeslaw Grzelak appears on p. 728. 



716 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Trzecieski. That is correct. 

Mr. Arens. What evidence of operation or direction from the Com- 
munist Polish Government did you observe in the course of your 
service with the Gdynia-America Line ? 

Mr. Tkzecieski. Well, insofar as business is concerned, or 

Senator O'Conor. In the promulgation of policy and that sort of 
thing? 

Mr. Trzecieski. It has always been the case that the board of direc- 
tors of Gdynia- America Lines, Ltd., in Gdynia was composed of men 
who were government officials. The Ministry of Industry and Com- 
merce had one representative on the board. The Ministry of Finance 
had another. I think that some of the Government banks, and I am 
not sure of this, were also represented on the board of directors of 
the head organization in Gdynia. 

Senator O'Conor. You mean the Polish Communist Government? 

Mr. Trzecieski. That was the same thing ever since the line was 
organized prior to the Communist regime. 

Senator O'Conor. But it continued after the assumption of control 
by the Communists ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. That is right. 

Mr. Dekom. Was there any change in the stock ownership with the 
assumption of control by the Communist Government ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. As far as I know, none. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you mean that the Polish Government owned as 
much stock prior as now ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Yes. 

Mr. Decom. Approximately how much is that ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Approximately 99 percent. 

Senator O'Conor. Without interrupting your line of thought, but 
to have you develop this as fully as you can in response to counsel's 
questions as to what transpired at the time of the change in govern- 
mental control, what, if anything, was detected by you, either at that 
time or subsequently, to the change of policy ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Since the Communist government took over? 

Senator O'Conor. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. When was that* When did the Communist govern- 
ment take over ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. In 1945. 

The Gdynia- America Line during the war was in exile with its office 
in London. As soon as the Polish Communist Government, the present 
regime, was established and recognized by the world powers, which 
happened as far as the United States is concerned on July 5, 1945, the 
Gdynia Line office was reopened. Subsequently, by the end of 1945, 
the main office was transferred from London to Gdynia and it has been 
there ever since. 

As far as influence of the present Government is concerned, first of 
all, the first sign was that the Gdynia- America Line in New York was 
asked to participate in propaganda here. 

Mr. Arens. Could you elaborate on that at this time, if you please ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. I want to develop that. That is one point I did 
not speak to you about before. 

Senator O'Conor. I had that in mind. 

Mr. Trzecieski. That happened in 1946, when I was called by Mr. 
Kutylowski to look up the law concerning the duties of agents of 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 717 

foreign principals. Ever since that law went into effect we had to fill 
out a statement with the State Department every 6 months. 

Mr. Arens. As an agent of a foreign government ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. As an agent of a foreign principal. 

Mr. Arens. For the purpose of engaging m propaganda activities? 

Mr. Trzechcski. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. Did the Gdjniia- America Line so fde with the State 
Department ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. The reports were filed regularly ever since the law 
went into effect. I think it was 1940 or 1941, if I am correct. I do not 
recall the date exactly because I was called in in 194G. It was the early 
part of 1946, and I was called by Mr. Kutylow^-ki to establish the fol- 
lowing fact : Whether or not the agent of a foreign principal in his 
publicity — the term publicity was used, propaganda is offensive — in his 
work in the publicity line in the United States, and particularly radio 
broadcasting, is supposed to file with the Federal Communications 
Commission all the transcripts of the programs. 

I was then invited to go with Mr. Kutylowski to the office of Foreign 
Consul Galewicz,^ and in his office also there was Mr. Litauer,- who 
was the chief of the Polish press department of the Embassy here. He 
was in the rank of Minister. 

They told us they wanted the Gdynia-America Line to start a 
Polish-language radio program in New York for the benefit of the 
Polish-speaking population. I tried to convince them that it would 
be quite an embarrassing thing because we will have to file with the 
Federal Communications Commission, in advance of the program go- 
ing on the air, the exact text of what we wanted to say. However, they 
were of the opinion that it was not so, that the only thing we had to 
do was to mention in our semiannual report to the State Department 
that we do engage in radio broadcasting as a means of advertisement. 

Now, I have not listened to many of those programs. However, 
occasionally I had to go over the script before it went on the air. 
Mr. Kutylowski asked me to do that and I found it was not the 
advertisement or the promotion of passenger business of the line, 
which at that time was being planned to be reopened again, but it 
was propaganda. 

Senator O'Conor. By whom was it prepared ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. It was prepared by a young man by the name of 
Mr. Szor.^ Mr. Szor at that time came from Poland as a delegate of 
the Polish Broadcasting Co. to study broadcasting technique methods 
and development in the United States. 

Mr. Arens. What affiliation did he have at the time of his admis- 
sion into the United States ? Did he come as a student ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. He was only an official of the Polish Broadcasting 
Co., which is also State-owned and controlled. He came here and 
made his headquarters at the consulate. 

Senator O'Conor. Under what guise did he come? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Just officially to study the organization of radio 
broadcasting in the United States. 



1 Jan Galewicz, Polish consul in New York. 
' Michael Litauer. 
' Leopold Szor. 



718 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Arens. I would like to know also if you have the information, 
Mr. Trzecieski, as to whether he came as an affiliate of the Polish 
consulate? 

Mr. Trzecieski. I believe that if he came, he came under what is 
called a government official passport. 

Mr. Arens. A3 (1)?^ 

Mr. Trzecieski. That is right; not a diplomatic passport, but an 
official Government passport. He left the service, according to the 
latest information I received. 

Senator O'Conor. Does that entitle him to certain immunities? 

Mr. Trzecieski. I do not think it does. It certainly does not 
entitle him to diplomatic immunity. He was the one who was pre- 
paring the script for the broadcast. I have not listened to many 
of those programs, but I distinctly recall one, to show you gentlemen 
how it was propaganda to belittle everything that is being done here. 

This progTam which was put on the air sometime after the Bikini 
'atomic bomb trial went off was something like this — If you will re- 
call at that time a certain number of animals were put on board those 
warships and they survived the explosion; that was used by them 
to put into the minds of the Poles listening to those programs that 
atomic energy is nothing else but another American bluff. The pro- 
gram was on the air as sponsored by the Gdjmia-America Line. Mr. 
Kutylowski was a little bit afraid of the reaction among the Ameri- 
can Poles and he tried to get out of it, but he was told directly, ''We 
want you to go ahead with that and that is the end of it." 

Senator O'Conor. Who was that direction given by? 

Mr. Trzecieski, By the Consul Galewicz and by Minister Litauer 
in my presence. 

Mr. Arens. They were officials of the Communist Polish Govern- 
ment in the United States? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Yes ; Mr. Galewicz is the consul. At that time he 
was next to the consul general, Mr. Rozwadowski.- 

Mr. Arens. At the present time he is the consul general? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Yes; located at 151 East Sixty-seventh Street in 
New York. 

Mr. Arens. Where and when was this conversation which you over- 
heard between the consul general and the individual who was to carry 
on this propaganda and work taking place ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. At the office of Mr. Galewicz in the consulate 
building, under the address I mentioned. It was sometime in the 
spring of 1946. 

Mr. Dekom. Can you recall moi'e or less exactly what the conversa- 
tion was, the exact words ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. The conversation was : 

We do not see any obstacle in the American law on activities of agents of 
foreign principals to your sponsoring a radio progTam which would give gen- 
eral information on Poland, and we want you to go ahead with it. 

Mr. Dekom. That was the statement of Consul Galewicz? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Yes, that is right, and the program did go on the 
air. As far as I know it is still on the air. It used to be on Station 
WNYB in Brooklyn and is now on Station WHBI in Newark, N. J. 



Under sec. 3 (1) of the Immigration Act of 1924 (8 U. S. C. 203 (1)). 
Eugene J. Rozwadowski. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 719 

Senator O'Conor. Is it still continuing? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Yes. 

Senator O'Conor. Do you know -sYhether they have been submitting^ 
the transcripts ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. No. 

Mr. Arens. How frequently is it on the air? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Once a week, on Sundays. 

Mr. Arens. For how long a period of time? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Half an hour. 

Mr. Arens. In what language? 

Mr. Trzecieski. In Polish. 

Mr. Arens. You were discussing, Mr. Trzecieski, in your testimony 
a few minutes ago, the evidences of control of the Gdynia-America 
Line by the Communist Polish Government or its agents, and you 
have discussed thus far the propaganda phase of the work. Do you 
have other information which evidences or gives to your mind the 
conclusion which you apparently have reached that the Gdynia- 
America Line policy and activities and functions have been actively 
directed and controlled by the Communist government, or by the 
Communist government agents in this country ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. The most of the evidence that I noticed while I was 
still employed by the Gdynia-America Line was when Mr. Jerzy 
Panski arrived in the United States as one of the consuls of Poland, 
originally as marine attache of the Polish Embassy and then it was 
changed to marine consul of the Polish Government's consulate in 
New York. He has been a frequent visitor in the office of the Gdynia- 
America Line and he has, more or less, directed matters of every 
nature concerning the operations and the management of the com- 
pany, such as crew matters, questions of purchase of vessels, questions 
of charters in which were contemplated freight business — which, by 
the way, is nonexistent or just barely existing; also questions of pur- 
chase of vessels from the United States Government. 

As a matter of fact, I went with him in 1947 here to Washington 
to the Maritime Commission when we were trying to buy two Victory 
ships. One was eventually bought. He was directing man in those 
matters. 

Questions of publicity were cleared through his office; practically 
every important matter affecting the management and the policies 
of the company was cleared through his office. 

There was another one before him who, however, decided to desert 
the communistic cause and was permitted to stay here. I cannot recall 
his name, however. He came in March 1947. At that time he was 
constantly supervising all our activities, and I know that they are 
controlling even the expenditures for the operation of the vessel. So 
reports have to go to the consulate for the perusal and approval or 
criticism. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have information respecting advertisements 
which hnve been placed by the Gdynia-America Line in newspapers, 
or the relationships between the Gdynia-America Line and certain 
foreign-language newspapers in this country? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Well, the Gdynia-America Line has lost, as far as 
I can say, most of their friendly contacts with the Polish-language 
press since the regime changed over there. Most of the Polish-lan- 
guage newspapers here are anti-Communist. 



720 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

There is a certain gi-oup on the lunatic fringe who are supporting 
the new regime. 

Mr. Dekom. That is only a very small minority, is it not ? 

Mr. Trzecieskt. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Does the Gdynia-America Line advertise or has it in 
the past advertised in certain foreign-language newspapers? 

Mr. Trzecieski. I do not know whether they advertise right now 
or not. Advertisements were generally not very much used since the 
passenger business was resumed, because without advertising anyone 
w4io had a berth to sell on the ship had anywhere from 10 to 25 candi- 
dates for it both ways. 

Mr. Arens. Do you know of any financial arrangements between 
the Gdynia-America Line and Communist foreign-language news- 
papers in this country ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. I have found out that there is one being published 
at the present time, the so-called Nowa Epoka.^ It is published by a 
lawyer, Mr. Stanislaw Gutowski,^ 

Mr. Dekom. Does he go under the name of Stanley Gutowski ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Yes, sir. Stanislaw is the Polish equivalent of 
Stanley. I know that the Gdynia-America Line is not on the adver- 
tising, but to a great extent is financing the venture. 

Mr. Arens. Can you tell us about the paper itself, Mr. Trzecieski? 

Mr. Trzecieski. It is a weekly, with circulation, paid circulation, 
around 600 copies, but with a much larger net distribution, about 
6,000 copies, and that is about close enough. 

Mr. Arens. It has a paid circulation of about 500 or 600, and a 
net circulation of about 5,000 or 6,000 ; is that right ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Yes. 

Of the Gdynia- America Line, it is contributing a certain amount of 
money. I understand it even has subscribed a certain amount of the 
stock.3 

Senator O'Conor. Just what is done in respect to circulation of the 
additional amount of papers? 

Mr. Trzecieski. I think it is being put on the newsstands. I have 
seen it on newsstands in New York, those which carry foreign-lan- 
guage publications, like newsstands near Forty-second Street and 
Times Square, on newsstands in the heavily Polish sections of the city. 
Besides that, I think it is just being sent to a certain selective group. 

Senator O'Conor. That is what I was driving at. 

Mr. Trzecieski. In this respect, the Gdynia-America Line always 
wanted to do a little political work, and I may put in something very 
interesting regarding that. Their aim today is not to propagate so 
much the idea of starting communism here; it is of swinging the 
Polish element to the belief that communism is a very beneficial regime. 
The best proof of how Poland is now progressing politically, economi- 
cally, culturally, how the church is being tolerated there, and in that 
respect, if you are interested to know, I may tell you a very character- 
istic point which shows the political activities of the Gdynia- America 
Line. 

Shortly after the present Polish Ambassador came here. Ambassador 
Winiewicz,'* Mr. Kutylowski called me and told me : "You know Mr. 

1 Publication discontinued October 1, 1949. 

2 For the testimony of Stanley Gutowski, see p. 447. 

* Roman M. Kutylowski, president of the Gdynia-America Lino, is listed as a stock- 
holder of the Nowa Epoka Publishing Co. See p. 451. 

* Jozef Winiewicz. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 721 

Winiewicz is not a Communist, that he is a good Catholic, that he has 
always been strong to the right as a man— I may say, not reactionary, 
but to the right of the middle of the road— and he is very much in- 
terested in establishing contact with the Polish clergy and with certain 
Polish organizations such as the Polish Roman Catholic TJnion of 
Chicago, which is the second largest in this country, and with certain 
other smaller ones in different other Polish centers." 

He asked whether I could arrange for Ambassador Winiewicz to 
have an interview wdth Cardinal Spellman, the Catholic archbishop 
of New York. 

Mr. Arens. Did you arrange that interview ? 

Mr. Tkzecieski. I did not. 

Mr. Arexs. Do you know of any interviews or contacts which Mr. 
Kutylowski had with organizations in the United States? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Pardon me, but do you mean the Polish 
Ambassador? 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Kutylowski. 

Mr. Trzecieski. Yes, sir ; he had contacts ever since before the war 
with practically every Polish organization here. 

Mr. Arens. What did he do in those contacts ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Any travel to Poland today, which hardly exists 
on a commercial basis, was to a great extent to keep the good will of the 
Poles so they would travel on Polish vessels. 

Mr. Arens. Did he speak to Polish groups? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Is he doing so now ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. As far as I know, no; but chiefly because they 
don't invite him. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have information respecting the immigration 
status of the officers of the Gdynia-America Line ? 

JNIr. Trzecieski. Mr. Kutylowski, until 1943, was here since 1932 
on the so-called treaty visa. In other words, on the basis of the 
treaty of commerce and friendship which was concluded between the 
United States and Poland. In 1931, he, as an official of the Polish 
corporation that had a branch here, was allowed to stay here on 
that special visa which was good for as long as he occupied that 
position. In 1943, after he returned from a prolonged visit to Eng- 
land, he applied for an immigration visa and he went to Canada 
where, in one of the consulates, whether in Montreal or in Toronto, 
he obtained an immigration visa. As far as I remember, he also made 
a declaration of intention to become a citizen. However, I know 
that he did not follow up his declaration. 

Senator O'Conor. Was it made in good faith, or otherwise, do you 
know ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. I thought that it was not made out of patriotism. 

Mr. Arens. 'Wliat is the immigration status of the vice president? 

Mr. Trzecieski. He is a resictent with an immigration visa. He 
obtained that after he married an American citizen. 

Mr. Arens. What is his status now? Are there deportation pro- 
ceedings pending against him ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you know the grounds for the deportation prc^- 
ceedings ? 



722 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Trzecieski. As far as the immigration authorities informed me, 
because I was called in on a hearing in the New York office of the 
Immigration Department, on the ground that he is a member of the 
Communist Party. In other words, he is a member of a party that 
advocates the violent overthrow of the United States Government. 

Mr. Dekom. How many of your associates in the office there, to 
your knowledge, were Communists ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Actually one, that was Grzelak. 

Senator O'Conor. Is he the vice president ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Yes. 

Senator O'Conor. Just specifically what knowledge do you have 
of his activities to indicate his party affiliations ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. He was a member of the crew of the motor ship 
Pilsudski before the war. He was either a bath steward or a cabin 
steward. The Pilsudski sailed on August 23, 1939, if I am correct, 
back to Europe, and it never reached Poland again because in the 
meantime the war broke out. She pulled in one of the English ports. 

At that time the Polish Government, which was beginning to 
organize itself in London, had made arrangements for the charter of 
those vessels to the British. When the news came in about that ship 
going to serve the British Admiralty, Mr. Grzelak was one of the or- 
ganizers of a mutiny of the crew in England and actually succeeded 
in provoking the trouble. 

He came subsequently to the United States and I would not be 
able to say when. It was in 1940 or 1941. 

Mr. Dekom. Before you go on, was that mutiny organized during 
the period of the Commu-Nazi pact? 

Mr. Trzecieski. That is right. 

Mr. Dekom. At that time it was Soviet policy not to help the western 
democracies, but to help Hitler; is that right? 

Mr. Trzecieski. That is right. That was shortly before the 'Pil- 
sudshi arrived in New York from England. 

Mr. Dekom. Were you in the United States at that time ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. I was. 

Mr. Dekom. Were there similar Communist demonstrations in this 
country against helping the western democracies ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. In the United States ? 

Mr. Dekom. Yes. 

Mr. Trzecieski. There was propaganda such as "The Yanks are not 
coming," etc. Some of the strikes were provoked for that purpose, like 
the Allis-Chalmers strike. 

Mr. Dekom. Did they also picket the Wliite House? 

Mr. Trzecieski. That is right. Mr. Grzelak appeared again here. 
I think he came as a crew member of a foreign vessel, some Scandina- 
vian vessel or British vessel. I am not sure of that. 

Not very long after this experience with the Pilsudski^ it was in 
England, that Grzelak was active among the Communists in arranging 
for transportation and smuggling out of this country of communistic 
literature to England. It was being printed here because of the paper 
shortage in England. 

We all had to have the passes issued by the Coast Guard. Any 
way, it was prevented. He was not permitted to enter the Polish 
vessels. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 723 

Some of our freighters were in regular service between New York 
and Liverpood. At that time, also, I remember when Mr. Kutylowski 
told Mr. Sztam not to even talk to that Communist, meaning Grzelak. 

He married an American girl. I would not be able to say what year 
it was. I know he left then for a foreign country, where he attained 
his immigration visa on the basis that he is married to an American 
citizen. He did make a declaration of intention to become a citizen. 

Mr. Dekom. Is that Mr. Stanislaw Sztam, who is now the landing 
agent ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Yes. 

jNIr. Arens. Before we get into the proposition of illegal entries 
through the use of the Gdynia- America Line which you may have, 
may I ask you a word about your knowledge of the crew activities? 
Do you have information respecting members of the crew of the 
Batory or the Sohieski who have arrived as crew members and have 
failed to depart with the ship ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. No; I do not know any specific cases of activities 
of those men who have left the service, except those who have not been 
from the Batory and the Sohieski. There are a number of Polish cap- 
tains, chief engineers, and junior officers who have been serving Polish 
merchant ships during the war and who refused to return to Poland. 
Some of them are now employed by Panamanian-flag ships, some of 
them are on the beach, some of them are out of the service and are 
working in some other occupation. 

Mr. Arens. Would you tell us in your own words the information 
you have, if any, respecting illegal entries into the United States via 
the Batory ^ or the Sohieski,, the two vessels operated by the Gdynia- 
America Line ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. The one direct knowledge is the following : In 1947, 
either September or October, a number of men, including some officers, 
seven altogether, had been detained by the immigration inspector in 
charge of the inspection as soon as the examination of the crew began, 
which is usually after the passengers have been taken care of. When 
Mr. Kutylowski wanted to find out about those seven men who were 
being detained, even before their documents were examined, before 
medical examinations were made, he was told that on orders from the 
Commissioner of Immigration in Washington they were detained. 
Then I spoke about that to the purser of the ship who, as you know, 
is the administrative head and who has all the questions of immigra- 
tion under his supervision on board. He told me that the seven men 
are all members of the executive committee of the Communist cell on 
the Batory. So, apparently, the Commissioner of Immigration must 
have received advice through official channels from the United States 
consulate in Danzig. 

Mr. Arens. Did the purser make any observations respecting his 
prior activities in smuggling people into the United States ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. I told him, "You know. Purser, that there are 
rumors in New York that you are smuggling aliens." 

He told me, "Yes; we are." 

Mr. Dekom. Did you describe the method they used ? 

JNIr. Trzecieski. I described it to him and he did not deny that I 
u'as wrong. 

Senator O'Conor. Just how, by which method ? 



724 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Trzecieski. By this process, that, let us say, a man by the name 
of John Doe was on the crew list in any capacity, mostly in the lower 
grade, as a steward, oiler, or a seaman. If he happened to be a man 
whom the party wanted to deposit in the United States, he just simply, 
after he was cleared by the immigration people, got shore leave. He 
walked off. Another man whom they wanted to have in his place was 
shipped in there under the same name. When the immigration inspec- 
tor on departure was checking again, John Doe appeared. 

Mr. Dekom. They substituted one man for another ; is that right? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Isn't that substantially the same method used by the 
Nazis to get their agents in the country ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Yes ; it is. 

Mr. Arens. Under the immigration law, a bona fide crew member 
is entitled to 29 days shore leave, is he not ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. If he leaves the vessel. If he deserts; yes, he is. 

Mr. Arens. No ; I mean upon the arrival of a ship from abroad into 
a United States port, a bona fide crew member is entitled to be absent 
from that ship for a maximum period of 29 days ; is that right ^ 

Mr. Trzecieski. That is right. He has 29 clays' leave. He has 29 
days to "reship foreign." That is the term used by the immigration 
people. 

Mr. Arens. Do you know a crew delegate named Franciszek Klusek ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. I don't know that I know him personally, but I 
know from one of my friends that he is today a delegate of the union. 
At the same time, he is a Communist boss on board the vessel among 
the crew. In other words, his job is to keep them in line. 

Mr. Arens. Do you mean keep the crew members in line? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Keep the crew members in line. As such, he has 
even high authority over the officers. 

Mr. Dekom. Is that the new technique of union organization of the 
Communist, where the delegate of the union is actually the boss rather 
than being the protector? 

Mr. Trzecieski. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Trzecieski, would you recite the facts, of which 
you have knowledge, respecting the events which occurred on May 
6, 1949, with reference of the alleged smuggling of Gerhart Eisler out 
of the country on the Batory ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. I learned about that from the newspapers, about 
the fact that Eisler was stowed away on the Batory. The story was as 
f ollow^s : 

Usually the purser of a passenger vessel has to make a check of the 
crew and passengers and starts to do it as soon as the pilot gets off. 
He must notify the office of the company in the port of departure of 
the figures, how many passengers, such and such class, how many crew 
members, and so forth. If there are any missing who are deserters, 
who are not noticed on departure, he gets his name so that the proper 
report may be made to the immigration authorities. 

Also, whether there are any stowaways. He has to make a diligent 
search for stowaways. The practice was ever since I can remember 
that within 24 hours, such a radiogram should arrive. This time it 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 725 

was 48 hours before the ship notified : "Total passengers, so many ; one 
stowaway." ^ 

If I am correct, according to the law, he should have given the name 
of the stowaway. Mr. Smith, who is the passenger traffic manager, 
a very experienced man in all immigration matters and all duties 
of the steamship company under American law, on his own, sent a 
radiogram to the vessel ordering the captain to try to collect money 
from the stowaway if he had any money. 

Mr. Dekom. You mean for the fare ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Yes; for the fare, and to give his name and na- 
tionality. So, after a lapse, I think, of 1 day — in the meantime, he 
did notify the immigration people that there was a stowaway. The 
answer came : "Collected money, put him on the passenger manifest. 
Name, Gerhart Eisler. Nationality, German." 

By the way, the original instruction of Mr. Smith was that if his 
papers are found in order, then to put him on the passenger list, which, 
obviously, could not be done, because his papers could not be found 
in order. He did not have a sailing permit which is necessary for 
a passenger, to be issued by the United States customhouse. 

Then, that was reported to the immigration authorities. The im- 
migration authorities w^anted to have a cJieck to identify him. It may 
have been another Eisler. They insisted on sending another radio- 
gram, wdiich Mr. Sztam sent to the ship from his home late in the 
evening on the insistence of one of the inspectors : "What are the dates 
of his birth?" 

Then came the answer indicating the day, month, and year, which 
fitted Eisler's dates. I understand that Mr. Sztam was reprimanded 
by Mr. Kutylowski because of his sending the radiogram asking for 
the name of the stowaway. 

Senator O 'Conor. I w^as going to ask about that. Wliat explana- 
tion do you have for the fact that there was that disclosure so early, 
and that detail ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Why they disclosed the name of Eisler instead of 
using some assumed name, we do not know. I mean, at least, I never 
could find that out. I presume that the reason why they could not 
conceal it was the fact that there was a correspondent of the Columbia 
Broadcasting System who was a passenger on board this ship, who, 
himself, as far as I can recall from the newspaper reports, radioed the 
news to his principals in New York.^ 

Mr. Dekom. You said that Sztam was reprimanded for revealing 
the name ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Smith was, for asking the name. 

Mr. Dekom. So that actually from that it would appear that the 
disclosure was inadvertent, simply because Mr. Smith followed regu- 
lar procedure, as he was not supposed to do. 

Mr. Trzecieski. No; he was supposed to ask for the name, and 
he told Mr. Kutylowski, from what I understand, "Mr. Kutylowski, 
that was my duty, because I had to supply the name to the immigra- 
tion authorities here." 

Senator O'Conor. It still does not clear up why the ship's officers 
would disclose it. 



1 The text of the communications concerning the case of Gerhart Eisler appear in 
appendix VII, p. A121. 

2 Richard VafCe, special correspondent for tlie Columbia Broadcasting System. 

98330— 50— pt. 2 18 



726 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Trzecieski. That is the point we are trying to figure out, why 
the Communists are using a dozen different names sometimes and 
why in this case they did not use a different name. That is my 
guess that there was someone, a correspondent, an American, who 
recognized him. I would have recognized him if I saw him, because 
I saw many pictures of him. 

Mr. Arens, Mr. Dekom, did you have a few other questions ? 

Mr. Dekom. Yes, I do. Can you tell us if any of the officials of 
the line were aboard the Batory on May 6, such as, for example, Mr. 
Kutylowski ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. He was there, and Mr. Smith was there. 

Mr. Dekom. How about Consul General Jan Galewicz'^ 

Mr. Trzecieski. I understand he was there. 

Mr. Dekom. Can you tell anything of that, what they did, or what 
went on ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Mr. Galewicz, before the ship actually sailed, before 
the gangplank was lifted, went back to the consulate. Mr. Kutylowski 
went as soon as the ship pulled out of the port. 

Mr. Arens. You mean left the ship and came back into the United 
States? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Yes, on the pier ; and left the pier then. Then he 
immediately proceeded to the consul general, uptown. 

Mr. Arens. How frequently are the officials of the Gdynia Line 
in contact with the consul general ^ 

Mr. Trzecieski. Mr. Kutylowski, as far as I understand, is in daily 
contact. He was, at least, during the time when I was there, either 
with the consul general or with the consul in charge of the marine 
matters. 

Mr. Dekom. What transpired when Kutylowski left the pier? 
Where did he go ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. To the Polish consulate. 

Mr. Dekom. To whom ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. To the consul general, Galewicz. 

Mr. Dekom. Have you any knowledge of what transpired? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Yes; I have knowledge, but I have no documen- 
tary proof for it, that he entered the office of the consul general, and 
he said, "We succeeded." 

Mr. Dekom. He said that to Galewicz ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you know Zofia Wachtl ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. I do. 

Mr. Dekom. Can you identify her ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. She is the private secretary of Mr. Kutylowski. 

Mr. Dekom. Was she [iboard the Batoi^ on May 6 ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. She sailed as a passenger for Poland for a vacation. 

Mr. Dekom. Have you any information as to whether or not she 
might have had any connection with the Eisler incident? 

Mr. Trzecieski. That is what we suppose, that she did have. 

Mr. Dekom. Have you any knowledge concerning Eisler's where- 
abouts in tlie 3 days prior to his departure on the Batory? 

Mr. Trzecieski. There were strong suspicions that Eisler spent the 3 
days prior to sailing in the consulate building. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IX ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 727 

Mr. Dekom. Have any restrictions since that event been placed on 
the movement of Mr. Grzelak, the vice president, in his moving onto 
the vessel? 

Mr. Trzecieski. As far as I understand, he is not permitted to board 
the vessel unless he is accompanied by a guard of the Immigration 
Service. 

Mr. Arens, Do you know, from your knowledge, about seamen car- 
rying messages or notes off of the ships of the Gdynia- America Line 
to the Polish general staff for the Polish consul general ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. I have no direct knowledge of any specific case. 

Mr. Dekom. Early this year the Batoinf put into Halifax. Is that 
a regular practice, or was that an unscheduled call ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. According to the schedules of the Batory since the 
service was resumed in 1947, it was not a regular call, regular scheduled 
call. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you have any knowledge as to why that call was 
made? 

Mr. Trzecieski. According to my knowledge, the call was made in 
order to embark a number of residents of Canada, mostly of Ukrainian 
descent, many of them from the so-called western Ukraine which was 
a part of Poland in 1945 and then was annexed to the Soviet Union. 
They were people who could not obtain transit visas from the United 
States to board the vessel in New York. Tliere were some people 
who suspected them of being pro-Communists sent for training as 
saboteurs and agents, etc. 

Mr. Dekom. Then they were to be returned to the United States ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Or Canada ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. To Canada. 

Mr. Dekom. Have you any information concerning the shipment of 
Greek seamen, or the employment of Greek seamen on the Polish 
ships ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. I learned from the newspapers that 12 or 14 sea- 
men, Greek seamen, were arrested by the immigration authorities on 
one of the recent sailings of the Batory^ as passengers. That was not 
the first instance when such men were being shipped allegedly to Greece 
via Gdynia. Some of these even did not have sailing permits. 

Mr. Dekom. Have you any information concerning the hiring of 
people as workaways ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Yes; I do have one specific incident. That was 
in 1948, the early part, when Consul Panski ^ came and asked to en- 
gage for the sailing of the Batory — which at that time was in port 
preparing for the voyage back to Poland — in the capacity of work- 
away, an American citizen, a naturalized American citizen. Usually 
captains and experienced seafaring men do not like those workaways. 
That is more in the line of charitable work being done. So, then Mr. 
Panski said, "I order you to engage him in that capacity for Gdynia." 
That is one specific instance I know of where a workaway was hired ; 
an American citizen, by the way. 

Mr. Dekom. Did he have any baggage ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. He had. 



Jerxv Panski, former Polish consul at New York. 



728 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Dekom. Isn't that unusual ? 

Mr. TRzEciEsia. Unusual, because a workaway is usually a man who 
is more or less destitute and who has not got anything. 

Senator O'Conor. The person who ordered the line to hire was 
Consul Panski ? 

Mr. Tkzecieski. Yes. 

Senator O'Conor. Isn't that unusual for the consul to come and tell 
the line whom to hire ? 

Mr. Trzecieski. Yes; it is unusual, because usually a Government 
office will not influence whom the company, which is supposedly op- 
erating independently, will hire as a man supposed to perform certain 
duties on the vessel. The question of his qualifications enters here. 

Mr. Dekom. That is all. 

Senator O'Conor. We are very much obliged to you for your very 
frank statements. Thank you very much for coming. 

(Witness excused.) 

TESTIMONY OF CZESLAW GEZELAK, VICE PRESIDENT, 
GDYNIA-AMERICA LINE, INC.^ 

Senator O'Conor. The next witness is Mr. Grzelak. 

Mr. Grzelak, will you raise your right hand and be sworn? 

In the presence of Almighty God, do you swear that the testimony 
you shall give in this hearing shall be the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth ? 

Mr. Grzelak. I do. 

Mr. Arens. Would you please give the reporter your full name ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Gzeslaw Grzelak. 

Senator O'Conor. Is 32 Pearl Street, New York, N. Y., your ad- 
dress ? 

Mr. Grzelak. That is the address of our office. 

Senator O'Conor. How long have you been in the country ? 

Mr. Grzelak. In this country, I am since 1940. 

Senator O'Conor. Continuously? 

Mr. Grzelak. I left in 1946, about 6 months, to go to Poland. In 
1947, 1 was on one of our ships on the line to Italy. 

Senator O'Conor. What is your official position with the steam- 
ship company? 

Mr. Grzelak. I am vice president of the Gdynia-America Line, and 
purchasing agent and crew manager. 

Senator O'Conor. For what period have you been vice president? 

Mr. Grzelak. Since August or September 1948. 

Mr. Arens. The subcommittee is considering the provisions of Sen- 
ate bill 1832, and it is desired that certain questions be asked iz. respect 
to this proposed legislation. 

Mr. Grzelak, would you tell us the scope of your duties as vice presi- 
dent of the Gdynia- America Lines ? 

Mr. Grzelak. My duties are as purchasing agent and crew manager, 
because Mr. Kutylowski ^ is usually in the office. He is taking care of 
the line as a whole. Wlien he is out, I adjust and make decisions in his 
name. 



* The witness appeared under subpena, accompanied by Isidore Englander, attorney. 
2 Tlip testimony of Roman M. Kutylowslii, president of the Gdynia-American Line, appears 
on p. 745. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 729 

Senator O'Coxor. He is the president ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. What are your duties as crew manager ? 

Mr. Grzelak. As crew manager, taking care of the sick seamen in 
the cases that w^e have after arrival here, and just settle some of the 
small grievances on board and supply new crew members in case they 
need them. 

Mr. Arens. Do you employ the crew members ? Do you hire the new 
crew members ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes; sometimes we hire here. Generally we do not, 
because they hire the crew on the outside, but in cases of necessity, we 
hire here. 

]\[r. Arens. How often do you hire crew members on this side ? 

Mr. Grzelak. It is hard to tell. I don't remember that we hired any- 
body here. 

Mr. Arens. How long have you been crew manager ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Crew manager I am since the 1st of January 1948. 

Mr. Arens. Who was crew manager prior to the time you took over 
the position ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Before, it was Mr. Trzecieski.^ 

Mr. Arens. Where is he now ? 

Mr. Grzelak. He is no more with our line. He was discharged in 
December 1947. 

Mr. Arens. Wliat are your other duties as purchasing agent? 

Mr. Grzelak. As purchasing agent, I made all the purchases and 
deliveries to the ships; provisions, and purchases for the engine de- 
partment, deck department, and all provisions for the ship. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have as part of your duties the purchasing of 
advertising for the Gdynia-America Line ? 

Mr. Grzelak. No. 

Mr. Arens. Who does that ? 

Mr. Grzelak. The passenger department, because we do not need 
advertising about the purchasing on our line. 

Mr. Arens. Who has charge of the purchasing of advertising? 
What is the man's name ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Mr. Kutylowski himself, and the manager of tjie 
passenger department, Mr. Smith.^ 

Mr. Arens. How many members of the crew of the Batory or the 
Sohieski have failed to depart with their vessels in the course of the 
last few years from this side? 

Mr. Grzelak. That is hard to tell, but we have what we call mass 
desertions. It w^as from tlie Batory in January, I think, of this year, 
and from the Sohieski in February of 1948 that we had those. 

Mr. Arens. Do I understand that in January of this year there were 
a number of crew members of the Batory who failed to depart with 
their ship? 

Mr. Grzelak. If I am correct, it was 19 at that time. From the 
Sohieski in February, it was over 16. 

Mr. Arens. -Where are the 19 who failed to depart with the Batory? 

Mr. Grzelak. I think they are here in the United States. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have an explanation as to why they failed to 
depart with their ship ? 



Anthony Trzecieski. For the testimony of Mr. Trzecieski, see p. 713. 
Samuel T. Smith. 



730 COM^IUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Grzelak. No, because I did not see them. 

Senator O'Conor. Had you any warning of the fact that there was 
any possible desertion coming up ? 

Mr. Grzelak. On the Batory^ I did not know. 

Mr. Arens. How about the Sobieski? 

Mr. Grzelak. I knew that on arrival that some of the crew intended 
to desert in the United States, and they claim that was because they 
got a message that the ship was supposed to be sold out and they were 
afraid that they would not get a job on the ship in case they were 
transported to Poland. They preferred to stay in this country. That 
is what I got, because I spoke to them when they were talking of mass 
desertions. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have frequent contact with the crews of the 
Batory and of the Sohiesklf 

Mr. Grzelak. Do you mean the crew now on the ship ? 

Mr. Arens. Yes. 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes; just not during the 3 months, because I was not 
allowed to go on board.^ I saw the crew on the last trip of the Batory. 

Mr. Akens. Can you tell us about the activities of the crew members 
of the Batory and the Sobieski after their arrival in the United States 
and during their 29-day leave period, insofar as putting on shows or 
inlays, or appearing before groups in the United States is concerned? 

Mr. Grzelak. I remember that it was 1948. I even got an invita- 
tion to some kind of a floor show they have here, but I don't remember 
any speeches at that time. 

Mr. Dekom. Does the name Wanda Skarzynska mean anything to 
you? 

Mr. Grzelak. Wanda Skarzynska? I think, in 1947, she was a 
crew member on the Batory. I remember in 1947, or even in the 
beginning of 1948, there was a crew member with such a name. 

Mr. Dekom. Is it not a fact that she made a number of speeches 
in the United States when she came over here on the ship ? 

Mr. Grzelak. I don't remember, because I never was — I didn't 
hear her. 

Mr. Arens. What is the nature of these plays or performances that 
the crew members have been putting on in the United States during 
their 29-day leave periods? 

Mr. Grzelak. I remember they made a collection when they per- 
formed this floor show, a collection for the orphans of the seamen. 

Mr. Arens. Where were these meetings or performances held? 

Mr. Grzelak. I think in the Yugoslav Dom ^ on Forty -first Street 
in New York. 

Mr. Arens. As a matter of fact, you were in charge of those per- 
formances and meetings ; were you not ? 

Mr. Grzelak. No; at that time I got an invitation and was there. 

ISIr. Dekom. Who was in charge? 

Mr. Grzelak. I don't know who was in charge, because they have 
their own contacts here in the United States with some groups. 

Mr. Arens. What are the groups they have contacts with in the 
United States ? 



^Czeslaw Grzelak was barred by the Immigration authorities following the escape of 
Gerhart Eisler. 

^yugoslavenslii-Americki Dom, or Yugoslav-American Home. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 731 

Mr. Grzelak. I heard that they have contacts with the Polonia 
Society. 

Mr. Arens. Will you identify it? 

Mr. Grzelak. That is a fraternal organization. 

Mr. Dekom. Is that the Polonia Society of the International Work- 
ers Order? 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Is that listed as Communist and subversive by the At- 
torney General of the United States ? ^ 

Mr. Grzelak. I don't know. 

Mr. Arens. Where does this Polonia Society meet? 

IMr. Grzelak. They have a local on Fifth Avenue. 

Mr. Arens. Did you say a local ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes. 

Mr. Arexs. How do you know they hold meetings at that place 
which you have just designated? 

Mr. Grzelak. I don't know, because I don't belong to this Polonia 
Society and I am not familiar with it. 

Mr. Arens. Have you been to any of the meetings? 

Mr. Grzelak. Of the meetings, they have Workers Club in New 
York, which I don't know exactly what its connection is with the 
Polonia Society. But they have meetings in this club, and sometimes 
I was there. 

Mr. Arens. How often have you been to the meetings, let us say, in 
the course of the last year? 

Mr. Grzelak. Maybe two or three times. 

Mr. Arens. What do you do at the meetings ? 

Mr. Grzelak. I just drop in to see some of the old friends. 

Mr. Arens. Are there seamen at the meetings? 

Mr. Grzelak. No ; they have no seamen there. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you know Wladislaw Tysz or Walter Tysh ? ^ 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes ; I know him. 

Mr. Dekom. Can you tell us what he does, to your knowledge ? 

Mr. Grzelak. I think he is an employee, he is an office worker 
of the Polonia Society. 

Mr. Dekom. Wliat is your connection with him ? 

Mr. Grzelak. I knew him, I think, about 6 years ago. During the 
war I met him, and also in this Workers Club. 

Mr. Arens. Where were these meetings in which the crewmen par- 
ticipated in the meeting, crewmen of the Batory and the Sobieskiy 
that you have previously told us about ? 

Mr. Grzelak. I don't remember when they had those meetings. 

Mr. Arens. Were those meetings at the Yugoslav Dom? 

Mr. Grzelak. It was not a meeting at that time. They had some 
dancing there, and they have a floor show. It was no meeting. 

Mr. Arens. That was at the Yugoslav Dom ? 

Mr. Grzelak. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. And tlie seamen were there ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes ; the seamen from the Batory. 

Mr. Arens. How many from the Batory were there ? 

Mr. Grzelak. I don't remember the exact number, but I saw a lot 
of them. 



' For the Attorney Generars list, see appendix II, p. A7. 
2 For the testimony of Walter Tysh, see p. 425. 



732 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Arens. The Yugoslav Dom is generally regarded as a Com- 
munist-front organization; is it not? 

Mr. Grzelak. I don't know. 

Mr. Arens. Have you ever been to the Yugoslav Dom ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Just at that time, in 1948, tiut maybe I am mistaken. 
I don't remember exactly the date. 

Mr. Arens. Do you know Crew Delegate Franciszek Klusek ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes, sir; at present he is a crew delegate on the 
Batory. 

j\Ir, Arens. What is the duty or what are the responsibilities of the ■ 
crew delegate on the ship? 

Mr. Grzelak. The duty of the crew delegate is to act as representa- 
tive of the union, and he' represents those crew members on this ship 
if they have any small grievances. If they have grievances, he will 
settle "them, and he represents the crew to the captain. 

Mr. Arens. Who selects him? 

Mr. Grzelak. The crew members elect him. 

Senator O'Conor. Does he have any other duties, other than the 
representation of the crew members in that way ? 

Mr. Grzelak. According to the collective agi'eement on the ship on 
which they have more crew members than 150, the delegate is purely 
representing the crew members and the union. On the smaller ship, 
he performs his normal duties and just gets additional compensation 
in the way of overtime. 

Mr. Arens. What contacts have you had with the Polish consulate 
in New York City ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Our representatives of the line have had some offi- 
cial contacts, because I am crew manager, and many times when they 
come in I am supposed to report an arrival and also the sailing. Some- 
times a misunderstanding comes up and I go there and clarify it. 

Mr, Arens. How often have you been in contact with the Polish 
consulate in New York City in the course of the last month ? 

Mr. Grzelak. I think that I was in contact two or three times. 

Mr. Arens. How many times have you been in contact with the 
Polish consulate in the course of the last year ? 

Mr. Grzelak. I must say every month I am in the Polish consulate. 

Mr. Arens. You are physically in the building ? 

Mr. Grzelak. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. How far is the consulate from the offices of the Gdynia- 
America Line ? 

Mr. Grzelak. The Gdynia- America Line is located downtown, Man- 
hattan, and the consulate is on Sixty-seventh Street. 

Mr. Arens. How often are representatives of the consulate in the 
offices of the Gdynia-America Line ? 

JVIr. Grzelak. Maybe once or twice a month. 

Mr. Arens. Who generally comes over ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Mostly I go to the consulate. 

Mr. Arens. Who comes from the consulate to the Gdynia-America 
Line headquarters? 

Mr. Grzelak. From the consulate to the Gdynia-America Line, a 
couple of times I saw the consul general there. 

Senator O'Conor. Is that unusual, you having been connected with 
the line over the period of years you have described ? Did the same 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 733 

procedure follow prior to the assumption of the present government 
authority in Poland ? 

Mr. Grzelak. It is hard to tell. I do not know how it was before 
the war, because before the war I was a seaman on the ship. I cannot 
tell. 

Senator O'Conor. Were you only placed in your present position 
since the neAv government has been in control ? 

Mr. Grzel^vk. That is right. 

Mr. Arexs. Who hired you ? 

Mr. Grzelak. In 1946, I went to Poland to see my mother and my 
family, and I was engaged by the Gdynia- America Line in Gdynia. 
After my 5 or 6 months' stay there, I returned here and I got a job 
here in New York. 

Senator O'Conor. The Gdynia-America Line is controlled by the 
Gdynia Line in Poland : is it not ? Is all the stock owned by them ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes. We are the general agent of the "Gdynia- 
America Line, Ltd., in Gdynia. 

Senator O'Coxor. In return, the Gdynia-America Line is con- 
trolled by the Gdynia Line in Poland? 

Mr. Grzelak. I do not know about the control. INIr. Kutylowski is 
more acquainted with those things. 

Mr. Arens. You are here in answer to a subpena served on you, 
a document which was handed to you, ordering your presence here 
at this hearing here today ; were you not? 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. With whom did you discuss your appearance here? 

Mr. Grzelak. Of course, affairs are discussed with our directors 
or with Mr. Kutylowski, and Mr. Sztam ^ also got a subpena to be 
present. I also discussed it with my attorney. 

Mr. Arens. Have you discussed it with any representative of the 
Polish consulate in New York? 

Mr. Grzelak. No; I didn't. 

Mr. Arens. Have you discussed your appearance here today with 
a representative of the Polish Government in Washington? 

Mr. Grzelak. No; I didn't. 

IVIr. Dekom. Was Jan Galewicz, the consul general, informed of 
the fact that you or other members of the Gdynia-America Line had 
been subpenaed? 

Mr. Grzelak. I think Mr. Galewicz was informed, but I am not 
sure. I don't know. I did not speak with Mr. Galewicz or anybody 
about the subpena. 

Mr. Dekom. Will you tell us where you were in the years 1939-4:0 ? 
Where were you ? 

Mr. Grzelak. 1939 and 1940? 

Mr. Arens. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Let us say from approximatelj^ the time of the out- 
break in the war in Europe ? 

Mr. Grzelak. When the war broke out, I was on the Polish ship^ 
the sister ship of the Batory^ the Pilsudski. I was on the way to 
Gdynia and they stopped us in England. I was, in the beginning of 
the war, in England, and came to the United States in May of 1940, 
which means that I was at that time, from the beginning of the war, 
in England. 



The testimony of Stanislaw C. Sztam appears on p. 770. 



734 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Dekom. You went as a crew member of the Pihudskif 

Mr. Grzelak. That is right. 

Mr. Dekom. In what activities did you take part aboard the ship 
on the way to, or in, Enghmd ? 

jMr. (iKZELAK. At tliat time, I was vice president of the Polish union 
and delegate of the crew on this ship PUsudski. We have a lot of 
grievances with our company, and I would consult over there with 
them. It was a strike. I was a member of the strike committee, but 
later they discharged us and I got an innnigration visa to come here. 

Senator O'Conor. Was there mutiny aboard the ship or a riot on it? 

Mr. Gkzelak. No; it was not a mutiny, because it was in the port 
and mutiny only can happen Avhen the ship is at sea. 

Senator O'Conor. There was a general resistance by a great number 
of the crew, was there not ? 

Mr. Grzelak. All the crew members. 

Mr. Dekom. What political consideration motivated you in par- 
ticipating, or leading, this so-called strike? 

Mr. Grzelak. It was not a political motivation, but we have a dif- 
ferent opinion of our services during the war. The Polish merchant 
mission in England mobilized us. It meant that we should serve 
on the same ship as soldiers. We said, "No; we are still merchant 
marine men; and if you will make a collective agreement with us, 
taking into consideration the wartime and the war conditions, we 
still would be happy to work and take the ship back to Poland after 
the war regardless of what the outcome of the political situation 
would be." 

Mr. Dekom. Was Poland at war with any country? 

Mr. Grzelak. With Germany. 

Mr. Dekom. Were vou at that time a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Grzelak. At that time I was a member of the Communist 
Party; no. 

Mr. Dekom. When did you become a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Grzelak. Just a minute. I am not a member of the Communist 
Party. 

Mr. Dekom. Are you a member of the Polish Workers Party, the 
so-called PZPR? ^ 

Mr. Englander. My name is Isidore Englander. I happened to 
represent Mr. Grzelak in his deportation proceedings. 

Senator O'Conor. Would you just first identify yourself? 

Mr. Englander. I am an' attorney with offices at 205 East Forty- 
second Street, New York, N. Y. 

Mr. Dekom. Is that a firm ? 

Mr. Englander. It is a firm, Englander & Englander. My brother 
is with me. I represent Mr. Grzelak in his deportation proceedings. 
We have been attempting to speed it up, and I have been constantly 
in touch with the Immigration Service asking for hearings. We only 
had one hearing so far. 

Senator O'Conor. Wlien was that? 

Mr. Englander. That was January 25. Since then I have had tele- 
phone calls with the Immigration Service asking for hearings. This 



Polish United Workers Party (Polska Zjednoczona Partja Robotnicza). 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 735 

is a part of our defense as to wliether or not he is, and we feel we 
would like to reserve that answer for that tribunal. As late as June 
10, 1949, 1 wrote to the Immigration Service, and this is a copy of the 
letter I wrote. We have been trying to get tlie hearings, as 1 say. 

Mr. Arexs. He lias signed the testimony. Senator, ancl denied that 
he is a member of the Connnunist Party. Mr. Dekom's question relates 
not to the membership in the Communist Party, but witli liis affiliation 
in other organizations. 

Mr. Englander. That is precisely the charge in the deportation 
proceedings, of membership in the Polish Workers Party. 

Mr. Dekom. Is tbe Polish Workers I*arty the same thing as the Com- 
munist Party ? Is it the Communist Party of Poland ? 

Mr. Grzelak. I don't know. 

Senator O'Conor. What, specifically, are the allegations in con- 
nection with the deportation proceeding? 

Mr. Englander. Generally, it is what we call the 1918 political 
charge, but at the first hearing — and I have the minutes here before 
me — the inspector says that the charge against Mr. Grzelak is that 
he belonged to the Polish Workers Party. We have not put in any 
defense as yet, because the Government has not put in its case. We 
want to reserve the riirht. 

Senator O'Conor. When was the charge first instituted ? 

Mr. Englander. In December 8, 1948. There was one hearing held. 
Since then I have been in touch with the Immigration Service almost 
every single week until finally I put myself on record, asking them 
for hearings. 

Senator O'Conor. Was there any reply to this letter? 

Mr. Englander. Yes. I shall be glad to show it to you. 

Senator O'Conor. Your letter of June 10 was replied to by the acting 
assistant enforcement officer under date of June 16, in wliich he says 
that the office is making every effort to bring the exjuilsion hearing 
to an early conclusion ; is that right? 

Mr. Englander. That is right. 

Senator O'Conor. Thus far, have you been advised at all of 
anything? 

Mr. Englander. Xo. As a matter of fact, only last week I spoke 
to an assistant enforcement officer, and he said it would only be specu- 
lative if I told you any date. We are very anxious to put on our 
defense and conclude the hearing, but we have not been given the 
opportunity. I think it is only fair that our defense be put in there 
rather than at an}^ other place. 

_Mr. Arens. May I ask this question: When did you receive your 
visa to immigrate to the United States ? 

Mr. Grzelak. In London in 1940. 

Senator O'Conor. Wliat type of visa was that ? 

Mr. Grzelak. It was an immigration visa. 

Mr. Englander. It was permanent residence. 

Mr. Arens. When did you arrive in the United States under that 
visa ? 

Mr. Grzelak. In May of the same year, 1940. 

Mr._ Dekom. Did you make a declaration of intention to l)ecome an 
American citizen ? 

Mr. Grzelak. No: I did not. 



736 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr, Englander. I would like to go off the record for a few minutes.. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

Mr. GezeLiAK, When I came^ it was 4 or 6 weeks later. I still don't 
know if there was a declaration of intention of becoming a United 
States citizen or whether it was another declaration. I filled out some 
papers. 

Mr. Dekom. Have you ever taken any steps, to your knowledge, to 
acquire American citizenship ? 

Mr. Grzelak. No. 

Mr. Dekom. You came here on an immigration visa, but you made 
no efforts to become an American citizen? 

Mr. Grzelak. During the war, I was too busy with work in a factory 
and doing other things. I did not consider it. My country was under 
occupation, and at such a moment I considered that I was too busy,, 
and I had no feeling to change my citizenship. 

Mr. Dekom. Will you tell the committee your movements on May 6, 
1949 ? What did you do on that day ? 

Mr. Grzelak. May 6 ? 

Mr. Arens. We might identify that day as the day on which it is 
alleged that Gerhart Eisler left the country aboard the Batory. 

Senator O'Conor. You can identify it by the departure of the 
Batory f 

Mr. Grzelak. I can only recall my routine job on the day of sailing 
of the ship. I am on the ship at least 10 minutes before the ship sails 
in order to finish with the invoices of the supplies and straighten out 
other things. I left with INIr. Kutylowski and other employees of the 
line, leaving the ship and waiting until the ship sailed. We have a 
passenger boat. I cannot recall exactly what went on this same day, 
but I am sure that it was the same routine work like the other days, the 
days of sailing. 

Mr. Dekom. Did Mr. Galewicz appear on board that day ? Was he 
with you on board ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Keally, I can't recall. 

Mr. Dekom. Did you know there was any person aboard ship 
illegally ? 

Mr. Grzelak. No ; I did not know. 

Mr. Dekom. Did you know there was going to be any person aboard 
ship illegally? 

Mr. Grzelak. No ; I did not know. 

Mr. Dekom. When did you find out there was a stowaway aboard? 

Mr. Grzelak. When our passenger department received a telegram 
from the ship that a stowaway by the name of Gerhart Eisler was on 
board.^ 

Mr. Arens. When was that telegram received with reference to the 
time of departure of the Batory? 

Mr, Grzelak. I think it was 2 or 3 days, but I don't remember 
exactly. 

Mr. Arens, Under the practice and under the regula tions governing 
the operation of vessels on ( Iig high seas, is it not the duty of tlie captain 
of the vessel to report within a few hours after the departure of the 
vessel the passenger list and crew list back to the States ? 



^ For the text of messages, radiograms and correspondence of the Gdynia-America Line 
concerning the case of Gerhart Eisler, see appendix VII, p. A121. 



COMIMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 737 

Mr. Grzelak. I am not acquainted with the procedure, because this 
belonged to the passenger department and I never even see the tele- 
grams from the ships on which people say they have a stowaway. This 
telegram to me about Gerhart Eisler was only mentioned because our 
passenger manager and landing agent, more or less, was acquainted 
with the Gerhart Eisler incident from the press. In the office every- 
body asked what happened that we have such a passenger. That is 
why it came to my knowledge that we had a stowaway. 

Mr. Aeens. What are the rules and regulations respecting the time 
in which the captain of a vessel must report back to the line the pas- 
senger list and the crew list after departure of the vessel ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Under the regulation the captain is obliged to, imme- 
diately before sailing, prepare a crew list and all the changes in the 
crew which occur during the stay in port. The same day or the next 
day he leaves this list in our office and we take the list. 

Mr. Akens. It was 2 or 3 days after the departure of the ship that 
you received the cablegram from the captain respecting the stowaway 
Gerhart Eisler, was it not ? 

Mr. Gkzelak. That is right. I don't remember exactly how many 
days, but anyway it was after 2 or 3 days after the departure of 
the vessel. 

Mr. Arens. Where did you go after you left the Batornj on May 6 ? 

Mr. Grzelak. To the routine work in the office. 

Mr. Arens. Did you go to the Polish consulate ? 

Mr. Grzelak. No; I don't remember ever going to the consulate 
right after the ship sailed. Usually I come to the office because I have 
a lot of work which is connected with the sailing, like the captain's 
report about the changes in the crew, which we finish and send the 
reports to our head office. Usually, I come to the office, and I cannot 
recall. 

Mr. Arens. Did you contact any representative of the Polish con- 
sulate on that same day after you had left the boat ? 

Mr. Grzelak. I can't recall. 

Senator O'Conor. This was quite an unusual departure, not neces- 
sarily identified as such that day, but by the developments a day or 
two afterward, when, of course, the word came as to Gerhart Eisler's 
departure ; so that, recalling that particular departure, did you have 
any business with the consulate that took you there or for which you 
went there and talked with them? 

Mr. Grzelak. I don't remember having any contact with the consu- 
late about this departure. 

Senator O'Conor. But a day or two afterward it became quite out 
of the ordinary ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes ; a couple of days later. 

Senator O'Conor. Remembering that particular departure or any- 
thing else which would have been outstanding in your mind, do you 
remember anything at all that took you to the consulate ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes, the consul called me and Mr. Kutylowski about 
this case of Eisler. 

Mr. Arens. When was that ? 

Mr. Grzelak. A couple of days after we received this telegram 
about him being on board. 

Senator O'Conor. What was the conversation with the consul ? 



738 COMJVIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Grzelak^ The consul wanted to know if someone in the office 
helped him. We said that, as far as we knew, there was no one who 
helped from the office. That was our statement. 

Mr. Arens. Who was the captain ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Mr. Cwiklinski.^ He is still on the same boat. 

Mr. Arens. Did the captain receive a decoration from the Polish 
Government sr.bsequent to the departure of Mr. Eisler ? 

Mr. Grzelak. I don't know anything about this decoration, because 
at that time I was not allowed to go on the ship. I just read in the 
papers and heard from Mr. Kutylowski that the captain received a 
decoration. I don't know for what. 

Mr. Arens. When was the last time you were in contact with him ? 

Mr. Grzelak. On the last arrival. The ship sailed on September 
9. I saw the captain on the 6th, the 7th, 8th, and 9th. 

Mr. Arens. Did you have any conversation respecting the decora- 
tion ? 

Mr. Grzelak. No ; I didn't. 

Mr. Dekom. The subject never came up ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Never. 

Mr. Arens. In the latter part of 194^8 or early 19-i9, did vou em])lov 
as crew members certain Greek seamen ? 

Mr. Grzelak. In 1948 ? 

Mr. Arens. In the latter part of 1948 or early tliis year, did you em- 
ploy certain Greek seamen for discharge of duties on the Baton/ or the 
Sohieshif 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes; I remember we engaged some of the Greek 
seamen. 

Mr. Arens. How many, when was that, and for what vessel ? 

Mr. Grzelak. I have a list of all of those which we signed on here 
m New York. Mr. Kutylowski in his subpena has such a request.^ I 
have a list of all of the men whom we engaged. You are interested in 
1948 ? 

Mr. Arens. The latter part of 1948 or early 1949, did you engage 
some Greek seamen ? ^ o & 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes. February 3, 1949, we engaged three Greek sea- 
men as work-away men to Gdynia. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have information whether or not thev worked 
on the boat ? *^ 

Mr. Grzelak. I do not know. 

Mr. Arens. As a matter of fact, just man to man, those were Com- 
munist agents you were sending abroad ; were they not ? 

Mr Grzelak. I don't know. They came to the office. We have a 
lot of seamen who are unemployed. They apply in the office for a 
job, and I don't know them. 

Mr. Dekom. Why did you select these particular Greeks ? Because 
they were Communists ? 

Mr. Grzelak. If I need a seaman, if someone wants to work his 
passage to Gdynia, I prefer him rather than the others. 

Mr. Arens. Why do these go first class? 

Mr. Grzelak. I don't know. We engaged them as work-awav pas- 
sengers, and they should work on the ship according to the agreement 
which we made with them. 

' Cm tain Jan Cwiklinski. 

'The list appears in appendix VII, p. Alll. as "Kutylowski Exhibit 1." 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 739 

Mr. Arens. Where was their destination on the voyage? 

Mr. Grzelak. They were going to Gdynia. 

Mr. Dekom. They were Greeks. Why did they want to go there 
to Gdynia ? 

Mr. Grzelak. I don't know. 

Mr. Dekom. They did not tell you ? 

Mr. Grzelak. You see, we do not have so many experienced seamen 
in Poland. They think that maybe they will get a job over there. I 
say. "All right; if you want to go there, go." 

Mr. Dekom. Did they ever come back, to your knowledge, as crew 
membei-s ? 

Mr. Grzelak. No ; I didn't find them. 

Mr. Dekom. Is it not a fact that they were shipped over to Greece 
to take part in the Greek Communist army? 

Mr. Grzelak. I don't know anything about them. 

Mr. Arens. Did they speak Polish ? 

Mr. Grzelak. No. 

Mr. Areis^s. Does the captain of the vessel speak Polish? 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes. 

]\Ir. Arens. Can the rest of the vessel speak Greek ? 

jNIr. Grzelak. No ; but those Greeks speak English. 

Mr. Dekom. All of them? 

Mr. Grzelak. One of them spoke, because I still have difficulty with 
their documents in reading them. I was reading in English. 

Mr. Dekom. Did the consul general or any member of the staff ever 
instruct the employees of the line to hire any work-aways or crew 
members ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Sometimes we have a request from the consul for a 
repatriation of some of the Polish seamen or Polish citizens that we 
have. 

Mr. Arens. What do you mean by repatriation ? 

Mr. Grzelak. It means that we take them for free to Gdynia. 

Mr. Arens. From the United States to Gdynia ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Free? 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have a request from the consul ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. How many do you have of those requests ? 

Mr. Grzelak. On the Batory^ May 6, we had a request to take Stanis- 
law Wilga, a man about 56. 

Mr. Arens. As a crew member or just as a free passenger ? 
_Mr. Grzelak. Usually they send us a letter asking us to repatriate 
him to Poland, and we usually put him on as a work-away passenger 
to Poland. 

Mr. Arens. Does he work ? 

Mr. Grzelak. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. Wliat does he do ? 

Mr. Grzelak. As a boy, just peeling potatoes. Anything that he 
can do like that, as a galley boy. 

Mr. Arens. Yes. 

Senator O'Conor. In this particular case you sent him free ? 



740 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Grzelak. The consul asked, and it was an old man. Of course, 
It was impossible to put him on to do any work, but the younger men 
are able to do something, and we usually take them for work. 

Mr. Arens. Did the consul ever ask you to take an American citizen 
as a work-away ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes; I remember an old man, an American citizen, 
and the Polish consul asked us to take him to Gdynia. His name was 
Walter Kolowski. It was on the Batory^ December 10, 1948. 

Mr. Arens. Have you ever denied a request of the Polish consulate 
to take a work-away ? 

Mr. Grzelak. No. 

Mr. Arens. Do you regard a request from the consulate as an order ? 

Mr. Grzelak. No ; but we would prefer to maintain good relations 
with (he consulate, and we usually did take them. 

Mr. Arens. In the course of the last year how many of these work- 
aways have you taken on the request of the Polish consulate ? 

Mr. Grzelak. In 1948? 

Mr. Arens. The last year ? 

Mr. Grzelak. On the request of the Polish consulate? 

Mr. Arens. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Grzelak. October 11, 1948, we repatriated to Poland Lucjan 
Pieta. 

Mr. Arens. Does your entry say "repati-iated to Poland—request 
Polish consulate"? 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes. That was October 1948 to Gdynia. I mentioned 
before, May 6, 1949, Stanislaw Blachowski. 

Mr. Aren^ Was that individual repatriated at the request of the 
Polish consulate? 

Mr. Grzelak. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. Was that individual, in addition to the individual by 
the name of Pieta, repatriated to Poland at the request of the Polish 
consulate ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Were those individuals given free passage? 

Mr. Grzelak. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. Have you taken peo})le as work-aways to other countries, 
other than to Poland ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes ; sometime to England, Denmark, and Italy. 

Mr. Arens. Are those at the request of the Polish consulate? 

Mr. Grzelak. No ; they are work-away passengers who are applying 
in the office. I have a list of those who are anxious to go. In case 1 
have deserters and they request from the ship for replacement, I take 
them. 

Mr. Dekom. Were you ever instructed to take people on when you 
did not have any place for them ? 

Mr. Grzelak. When this request from the Polish consulate to take 
repatriated people, regardless of the need for them, I took them. 

Senator O Conor. At the time of such requests, and having in mind 
particularly the cases of the several Greek seamen, you say that you 
did not know of their party affiliations? Did you not inquire to lind 
out whether they might be hostile to the ruling Polish Government or 
friendly? 

]Mr. (trzelak. I did not inquire. I don't inquire of anybody whom 
I eneraire here. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 741 

Senator O'Conor. You are a vice president of the line, and tliree 
men come in to you and ask to <io tliere. They are not Polish citizens, 
and you mean to tell us that you did not inquire to find out whether 
theyVere friendly or hostile to the Polish Government? 

Mr. Grzelak. I know I didn't inquire. I am not afraid, because 
they have order on the ship if they are hostile. What can they do on 
the ships? 

Senator O'Coxor. Sending them into the country not knowing that 
they miglit be hostile • 

Mr. (iRZELAK. If I need a replacement and I have seamen anxious 
to go, I take them. 

INIr. Arens. How many work-away passengers would you estimate 
you have had on both boats in the course of the last year? 

Mr. Grzelak. On March 1949, on the Batory^ I have a United States 
citizen as a work-away whose name is Stanislaw Stala. 

Mr. SciiROEDER. Is he a young man ? 

INIr. Grzelak. I think about 30 years old. On the Batory^ No. 55, 
July 1949, United States citizen Boleslaw Levinski. 

Senator O'Conor. How would the consul know you were in need 
of replacements and thus recommend anybody to you to take? 

Mr. Grzelak. Of course, the consul does not know about that. 

Mr. Dekom. You take them anyway ? 

Mr. G::zelak. When there is a request, we do not refuse. 

]Mr. Dekom. Do you know Boleslaw Gebert? 

Mr. '■' 'RZELAK Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. What is your connection with him? 

Mr. Grzelak. He was a secretary or president of this Polonia 
Society. I met him a couple of times in this workers club. I have 
no other connection, just a friend. 

Mr. Dekom. Where is he now ? 

Mr. Grzelak. He left on our ship in 1947 or 1948. 

Mr. Arens. Were you a member of the English Polish Workers' 
Club? 

Mr. Grzelak. No ; I am not. 

]\Ir. Dekom. How did Gebert leave ? As a passenger or as a stow- 
away or crew member ? 

Mr. Grzelak. As a passenger. 

Mr. Dekom. Wliere is he now ? 

Mr. Grzelak. I don't know. 

Mr. Dekom. Did you know what he was doing here ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Besides that, he was the secretary or president, even 
I don't know in which capacity he was in this society. I don't know. 

Senator O'Conor. Did his name appear on the passenger list? 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. You knew that he was the head of the Communist 
organization among Poles in this country, did you not? You knew 
that? 

Mr. Grzelak. I didn't know. 

Mr. Dekom. You never found out about that ? 

Mr. Grzelak. I never found out. From the Polish press I read 
something, about him. It is hard to believe that information which 
they have because you cannot take it seriously. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you know what happened to him when he got back? 

Mr. Grzelak. I don't know. 

98330—50 — pt. 2 — -19 



742 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Arens. Let us assume that the Polish consuhite would send a 
request to you to let a person work his way over who had never been 
on a boat and did not know anything about the boat. Would you 
put him on ? 

Mr. Grzelak. As a boy or a junior steward, because that is not 
a hard job. When I have a request from the Polish consulate, I would 
not refuse. 

Mr. Arens. You always accept it'^ 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes. 

Senator O'Conor. As the vice president of the company, you are 
familiar with the various activities of the lines over here, particularly 
in regard to publicity and advertising ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Really, I am not much acquainted, because that is 
the passenger department, and ]Mr. Kutylowski takes care of that. 

Senator O'Conor. Your being in daily contact with the lines' ac- 
tivities, you know about the radio program ; do you not? 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes. 

Senator O'Conor. To what extent is that publicity or advertising 
indulged in? 

Mr. Grzelak. We are advertising the sailing of the ships, our ships, 
in the press. Also in the English press and even other languages, 
Polish, Czechoslovak, Ukrainian, Italian, and Jewish, and others. 

Mr. Arens. What paper do you advertise in, or papers ? 

Mr. Grzelak. The English paper you mean ? 

Mr. Dekom. Polish ? 

Mr. Grzelak. In Nowi Swiat; that is in New York. In Detroit, 
in the Dziennik Polski. Also in the Nowa Epoka. I think there are 
about six or seven. 

Senator O'Conor. In Newark? 

Mr. Grzelak. I am sure there is some advertising in Newark. 

Senator O'Conor. What paper? 

Mr. Grzelak. I don't remember which paper. We considered it 
as a lot of Polish organizations there. 

Mr. Dekom. The Nowa Epoka? 

Mr. Grzelak. That is right. 

Senator O'Conor. Is that in New York ? 

Mr. Dekom. Is not that newspaper supported to a large extent 
by the Gdynia-America Line? 

Mr. Grzelak. No. 

Mr. Dekom. You make no financial contributions ? 

Mr. Grzelak. No. 

Mr. Dekom. You own none of the stock ? ^ 

Mr. Grzelak. No. 

Mr. Dekom. You have never paid any money to Stanislaw 
Gutowski?2 

]\Ir. (iRZELAK. Just for our advertisements. 

Senator O'Conor. Do you know him ? 

Mr. (iRzELAK. Mr. Gutowski? 

S3nator O'Conor. Yes. 

Mr. Grzelak. I met him a couple of times. 



1 Roman Kutylowski. president of the Gdynia-America Line, Is listed as a stockholder of 
Nowa Epoka, see p. 451. 

' For the testimony of Stanley Gutowski, see p. 447. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IX ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 743 

Mr. Dekom. How about the paper in Detroit, the Glos Ludowy ; did 
you advertise in that ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Is not that a Communist paper in Detroit? 

Mr. Grzelak. I don't know. 

Mr. Arens. Did you make inquiry respecting the nature of the pub- 
lication in which you put your advertisements^ 

Mr. Grzelak. You see we, as a line, would try to reach all the 
Poles here because we are counting on them as passengers; and, re- 
gardless on which side of the population the papers represent, we 
would like to reach them. 

Senator O'Coxor. Referring again to the president of Nowa Epoka, 
have you ever met him in the office of the consul in New York? 

Mr! Grzelak. I think that I v.as invited for an official reception 
last 3^ear, or this year. I met Mr. Gutowski over there, too. 

Senator O'Conor. With respect to the radio, what programs are 
sponsored by the steamship line ? 

Mr. Grzelak. That is the Gdynia Line. We have 1 hour in the 
Polish language on one of the Newark radio stations.^ 

Senator O'Coxor. What is the nature of the program ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Just to give music. Polish music and news from 
Pohmd. 

Sonato]- O'Coxor. Who prepares the script? 

j\ir. Grzelak. I even don't know. 

M". Arexs. Mv. Leopold Szoi- !' 

Mr. Grzelak. He was before, but no more. 

Senator O'Coxor. Where is he now ? 

Mr. Grzelak. I don't remember the name. I met this gentleman 
wlio was preparing this program now. 

Mr. Arexs. Is the fact that you don't remember much about it indi- 
cative of the conclusion that the direction of what goes on in the pub- 
licity is not in vour hands, or in the hands of persons other than the 
officials of the Gdynia Lines ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Those matters Mr. Kutylowski handles, and Mr. 
Smith. 

Mr. Arens. Do other steampship lines have radio broadcasts ? 

Mr. Ctrzelak. Really, I don't know. 

Mr. Dekom. Who instructed you to have that radio program? At 
whose suggestion or instruction was that radio program started? 

Mr. (iRZELAK. I don't know how it happened. When I came here, 
tlie program was already on the air. Maybe not, but I don't remember. 

Mr. Dekom. Did the consul general in New York ever, in your 
presence, instruct you to keep the radio hour going ? 

Mr. Grzelak. Never in my presence. 

Senator O'Coxor. Did you discuss it with him ? 

Mr. Grzelak. No; never. 

Senator O'Coxor. Did you ever hear him talk about it? 

Mr. Grzelak. No, 

Mr, Dekom. About December of last year, there were two Greek 
so-called stowaways, on the Batory, one was apparently a captain and 
the other a chief engineer, or one who had been an officer on a Gretk 
ship. Do you know anything about that ? 



Station WHBI, Newark, X. J 



744 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Grzelak. It was in 1948? 

Mr. Dekom. Yes; toward the end, probably the hast trip. Ap- 
proximately the last trip of 1948 ? 

Mr. Grzelak, Stowaways? 

Mr. Dekom. Yes ; supposedly as stowaways. 

Mr. Grzelak. I don't know anything about that. 

Mr. Arens. What is the nature of this radio program other than 
the music you told us about? What do they say to the people on the 
program ? 

Mr. Grzelak. They have Polish news from Poland. 

Senator O'Conor. Is it a Government-inspired program ? You must 
listen to it; you are the vice president of the company. It is the 
one program of the week that pertains to your line. 

Mr. Grzelak. I listen to the program, because it seems to me in 
comparison with the other Polish programs here it is pretty good. 

Mr. Dekom. What is the other program that you are talking about? 

Mr, Grzelak. Jarzemblowski ^ in New York, and Kencki.^ That 
program seems to me to be very stupid. 

Mr. Arens. Is that program written and delivered in the Polish 
language? 

Mr. Grzelak. Yes. 

Senator O'Conor. Is the script gone over by any official of the line 
in your offices? 

Mr. Grzelak. Mr. Kutylowski is seeing those transcripts. 

Senator O'Conor. From whom does he receive them ? 

Mr. Grzelak. From Mr. Koszidowski.^ 

Senator O'Conor. It is not prepared in your office? 

Mr. Grzelak. He prepares it in his home. 

Senator O'Conor. When did he come here ? 

Mr. Grzelak. To the United States? 

Senator O'Conor. That is right. 

Mr. Grzelak, I don't know, I met this gentleman, but 

Senator O'Conor, Is he an American citizen ? 

Mr, Grzelak, Really, I don't know. 

Mr, Dekom, Who hired him ? 

Mr. Grzelak, The Gdynia-America Line. 

Mr, Arens. Who gives you your orders ? From whom do you get 
your orders in regard to your duties and functions ? 

Mr. Grzelak, As purchasing agent ? 

Mr. Arens, As the vice president of the Gdynia-America Line? 

Mr, Grzelak. From Mr, Kutylowski, 



Mr, Arens, Who gives him his order 



Mr, Grzelak. The head office in Gdynia, 

Mr. Arens. Those are all the questions we have. 

Mr. Dekom. We would like to keep the witness under subpena, but 
excuse him temporarily. 

Senator O'Conor. That concludes the testimony at this time. We 
would, however, like to have the witness consider himself under sub- 
pena henceforth, but we will not desire to question him further at this 
time. 



Casimir Jarzembowski, whose program is broadcast over station WHOM, New York. 
Mlchal Kencki, whose program is broadcast over WLIB, New York. 
Zenon Koszidowski. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 745 

We will recess until 2 o'clock this afternoon. 

(Whereupon, at 1 p. m., the committee recessed, to reconvene at 2 
p. m. of the same day ) . 

AFTERNOON SESSION 

(The subcommittee reconvened at 2:15 p. m. pursuant to recess.) 
Senator O'Conor. The subcommittee "will come to order, please. 

TESTIMONY OF ROMAN M. KUTYLOWSKI, PRESIDENT, 
GDYNIA-AMERICA LINE, INC. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Chairman, I wish to present our witness, Mr. 
Kutylowski, 

Senator O'Conor. Mr. Kutylowski, will you raise your right hand, 
please. Do you swear in the presence of Almighty God that the evi- 
dence you shall give in this hearing shall be the truth, the whole 
truth, and nothing but the truth ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. I so swear. 

Senator O'Conor. Now, your full name is Eoman M. Kutylowski ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. Yes. 

Senator O'Conor. You are president of the Gdvnia-America Line, 
Inc. ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. Yes. 

Senator O'Conor. What is your home address ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. 214 Columbia Heights, Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Senator O'Conor. Wliat is the address of your company ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. It is located at 32 Pearl Street, New York. 

Senator O'Conor. For what period of time have you been president 
of the company ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. Seventeen years. 

Senator O'Conor. Prior to that, what was your occupation? 

Mr. Kutylowski. I was for 2 years with the company as a member 
of the board of directors of the company. The company started in 
1930, and I was then a member of the board of directors for almost 
2 years. Then I came here. 

Senator O'Conor. "Wlien did you first arrive in the United States? 

Mr. Kutylowski. In 1932 in this position. Of course, I was here 
before. 

Senator O'Conor. How long had you been here prior to that time? 

Mr. Kutylowski. Only passing. 

Senator O'Conor. All right, will you proceed, Mr. Arens ? 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Chairman, at this point I would like to have re- 
ceived for the record a subpena duces tecum issued to Mr. Kutylowski. 

Senator O'Conor. The subpena duces tecum will be received for the 
record as requested. 

(The subpena duces tecum referred to is in the files of the sub- 
conunittee.) 

Mr. Arens. ]SIr. Kutylowski, the subpena which was served on you 
was a subpena duces tecum ; namely, one in which you are requested 
or ordered to bring with you certain material. 

Mr. Kutylowski. That is correct. 

Mr. Arens. Have you brought with you the material that was re- 
quested in the subpena ? 



746 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. That is correct; I have brought the material. 

Mr. Arens. Would you kindly bring that material forth at this 
time and please identify each of the documents which you presently 
have in your possession ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. One is a list of all of the changes in the crew. 
That means all of the crew that was engaged here, whether it was 
the employed crew, hospitalized crew, or any other member of the 
crew. There is a complete list for the period that was requested, 
January 1, 1947. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Chairman, we would like to have this submitted 
in the evidence as exhibit 1. 

Senator O'Conor. It may be marked. 

(The documents i-ef erred to were marked "Kutylowski Exhibit 1" 
and appear in appendix VII, p. Alll.) 

Senator O'Conor. Mr. Kutylowski, would you kindly identify each 
of the documents which you now have in your possession ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. The second is the exchange of cables and corre- 
spondence. 

Mr. Arens. Exchange of cables and correspondence over what 
period of time and with reference to what case? 

Mr. Kutylowski. With reference to the case of Gerhart Eisler, 
since we were notified by the vessel that there was a stowaway aboard 
and until now. 

Mr. Arens. Were those photostats which you have before you pre- 
pared at your direction ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. Who prepared those ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. The firm of Miller. 

Mr. Arens. And they were prepared from the original documents? 

Mr. Kutylowski. That is right. 

Senator O'Conor. They are exact copies, of course ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. Yes; exact copies. 

Senator O'Conor. Of the original documents ? 

Mr. Arens. Could you kindly answer the question of the Senator? 
I do not think we have the response in the record. Mr. Kutylowski, 
are these photostats in this folder, designated as exhibit 2, exact copies 
of the original documents ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. That is correct. 

Mr. Arens. Pertaining to the case of Mr. Gerhart Eisler? 

Mr. Kutylowski. That is correct. 

Mr. Arens. If the chairman please, we should like to mark the 
second packet as "Exhibit 2" and offer it for incorporation in the 
record. 

Senator O'Conor. It will be so marked. 

(The documents referred to were marked "Kutylowski Exhibit 2" 
and appear in appendix VII, p. A121.) 

Mr. Kutylowski. I have next a packet of memoranda to which 
this correspondence refers. 

Mr. Arens. Are these original documents, or are they copies? 

Mr. Kutylowski. They are copies. 

Mr. Arens. Are these exact copies of the memoranda pertaining 
to the Gerhart Eisler case which were in the files of the Gdynia- 
America Line? _*'' 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 747 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. That is correct. The reason I brought them in 
that there is reference in the correspondence to them. They were 
attached to some of the letters. 

Mr. Arens. If the chairman please, we should like to mark this 
group of memoranda as '"Exhibit 3" and ask that it be incorporated 
in the record. 

Senator O'Conor. That request is granted, and the memoranda will 
be so marked. 

(The documents referred to were marked "Kutylowski Exhibit 3" 
and api)ear in appendix VII, p. A 131.) 

Mr. Arens. Now, who is it that hired you or employed you or desig- 
nated you as the president of the steamship line? 

Mr. Kutylowski. I was designated in 1932 by the chairman of our 
board in Poland. 

Mr. Arens. Who is he ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. His name was Michal Benislawski. 

Mr. Arens. Was he at that time located in Poland ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. Is he presently in Poland ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. He died long ago. 

Mr. Arens. Who is presently chairman of the board of the corpo- 
ration ? 

Mr. Kuty-lowski. We have now a little different system. We have 
a general manager since August 22. Up to August 22 we had Mr. 
Mariusz Plinius, who was with the company for 20 years. 

Mr. Arens. Is the gentleman whom you have just named presently 
chairman of the board ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. No. Since August 22 it is Mr. Stanislaw Darski. 

Mr. Arens. Who is Mr. Stanislaw Darski ? 

Mr. Kuty^lowski. He is the general manager of the company in 
Poland. 

Mr. Arens. Is he located in Poland ? 

Mr. KuTYTLOwsKi. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Are the headquarters of the Gdynia Lines in Poland? 

Mr. Kutylowski. Yes ; in Poland. 

Mr. Arens. From Avhom did you receive your instructions on the 
operation of the line's office here in the United States ? 

Mr. Kutytlowski. From the head office which is located in Gdynia, 
Poland. 

Mr. Arens. Does Mr. Darski give you your orders ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. Either he or his subordinates, because we have 
an operational director and a financial director. 

Mr. Arens. Who in the organization in the United States has 
charge of the publicity of the line within the United States ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. I and Mrs. Malec.^ 

Mr. Arens. Who is Mrs. Malec ; what is her position or office ? 

iVfr. KuTY-LowsKi. I will say that she is publicity clerk; let's put 
it that way. 

Mr. Arens. Is she under your direction ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. She is under the manager's direction. 

Mr. Arens. Are all of the officials of the Gdynia Lines' office under 
your direction ? 



Mrs. Chester Malec. 



748 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. All of them are under my direction. 

Mr. Arens. Do the orders from the Gdynia office in Poland all 
channel through you ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. That is correct. 

Mr. Arens. And you then give the orders to your subordinates? 

Mr. KuTTTLowsKi. That is correct. 

Mr. Arens. And everyone in the office is a subordinate of yours ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWsKi. Absolutely. 

Mr. Arens. Have you given the orders to Mrs. Malec respecting 
the publicity for the line in the United States ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Between her and me, there is still the passenger 
traffic manager, Mr. Smith. ^ 

Mr. Arens. Is he under you ? 

Mr. KuTTLOWSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. You have general direction and supervision of the 
affairs of the Gdynia line in the United States ; is that correct 'i 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Arnes. Now, would you tell us what newspapers are advertised 
in by the Gdynia line in the United States ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. We have so-called Polish advertising, Danish 
advertising, Swedish advertising, Norwegian advertising, and Italian 
advertising. 

Mr. Arens. Would you kindly list for us the names of the Polish 
papers? I presume you mean, by Polish papers, foreign-language 
papers ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. In which the Gdynia Line advertises in the United 
States. 

Mr. Kltylowski. I will try to, but I would not be able to mention 
all of them. 

Mr. Arens. Will you mention those that you can recall. 

Mr. KuTYLOWsKi. There is the Nowy Swiat, Zgoda, Dziennik Dla 
Wszystkich, Buffalo, Nowa Epoka, and Dziennik Chicagoski — the 
Chicago Daily. 

Mr. Arens. How many of those papers, to your knowledge, are 
Communist papers ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. Only one, I think. 

Mr. Arens. Which is that ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. I did not mention it. 

Mr. Dekom. Is that the Glos Ludowy ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. In what city is that published ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. I think it is Detroit. 

Senator O'Conor. Is not the Nowa Epoka a Communist newspaper ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. I would not call it Communist. 

Mr. Arens. Who is in charge of that ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. Mr. Gutowski.^ 

Senator O'Conor. Are you on close terms with him, or have you 
been in frequent contact with him ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Yes ; I know him very well. During the wartime 
we were together on the Pulaski Foundation, on the board of directors 
for many years. 

^ Samuel Y. Smith. 

' The testimony of Stanley Gutowski appears on p. 447. Roman M. Kutylowski is listed 
as a stockholder of the Nowa Epoka Corp. See p. 451. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 749 

Mr. Dekom. Do you read the Nowa Epoka? 

Mr.. KuTYLOWSKi. Sometimes : very seldom. 

Mr. Dekom. To your knowledge, does it follow the Communist 
Party line? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. Frankly speaking, it is difficult for me to say 
because I don't know exactly what is the Communist line. 

Mr. Dekom. Has it ever been, to your knowledge, critical of the 
Polish Communist government or any Communist government? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. It is difficult for me to answer that question. 

Mr. Arens. Does your corporation contribute any money to any 
papers other than for advertising which is inserted in the paper ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. No. 

Mr. Arens. Does your company pay rates for advertising in excess 
of those rates which are charged other purchases of advertising ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. No. 

Mr. Arens. Now, would you tell us, if you please, about the radio 
advertising of the Gdynia Line in the United States? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. Yes. We have radio advertising on Station 
WHBI in Newark, N. J. We have 1 hour every Sunday from 8 o'clock. 

Mr. Arens. Is that an hour or a half hour ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. One hour. 

Mr. Dekom. Who writes the scripts for that program ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. Mr. Kosidowski. 

Mr. Arens. What is the nature of the program ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. The nature of the program is cultural. I see 
every program myself. 

Mr. Arens. You see the script for every program yourself ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. Yes; every program. 

Mr. Dekom. Did the program ever discuss the atom-bomb test at 
Bikini ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Never. It may have, but I don't like to remember 
something that I don't remember. 

Mr. Dekom. If it had, would you consider that cultural ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. No ; but I am sure that it cannot be. 

Mr. Dekom. Who is this Mr. Kosidowski ? Will you identify him 
further and state his full name? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. I am sure of one thing, that we never discussed 
that at that time. Of that I am sure. This program never discussed 
the atom-bomb test at Bikini. Of that I am 100 percent sure. 

Mr. Arens. Could you identify Mr. Kosidowski ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. His first name is Zenon. He is a Polish writer. 
He w^as one of the Polish refugees that came here during the war. I 
wouldn't be able to tell you the time of his arrival exactly. 

Mr. Arens. Is he employed by the Gdynia line ? 
. Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. Is he a full-time employee ? 

Mr. KuTYLOw^sKi. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. He devotes all of his time, so far as you know, to pre- 
paring these scripts? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. AVhat is his ciompensation or remuneration for his work ? 



750 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi, $450. 

Mr. Arens. a month? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. That is riglit. 

Senator O'Conor. Do you go over the script ? 

Mr, KuTYLOwsKi. Every single script. 

Mr. Dekom. Do yon retain copies of that script? 

Mr. KUTYLOWSKI. No. 

Mr. Dekom. Does the radio station retain copies ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. Yes. They are all delivered to the radio station. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you know that they keep them ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Honestly speaking, I don't know. I know that 
we have to deliver a copy of the script and a translation of the script. 

Senator O'Conor. Generally, what is the nature of the script? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Well, it always starts with a siren identifying our 
line. Then it starts with a talk. Today, for example, we want to talk 
to y Du about the anniversary of this or that famous Polish writer or 
famous Polish composer. Then it will generally give a short version 
of Sienkiewicz or Zeromski or some other short story. And then there 
is Polish music or Polish folk dances. Then there is always a comical 
included such as a famous comical writer, Wiech. There is always a 
little short story by him related by two people or by one person. Then 
there is again some music. Then there is news from Poland regarding 
the reconstruction or regarding some festivity or regarding some new 
electric plants somewhere or regarding the line and the ships or the 
ports. 

Senator O'Conor. Generally speaking, are the references to the 
present Government commendatory or critical ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. They are rather commendatory, but they never 
speak about that, because there is no propaganda in this script. But, 
of course, they have never been critical ; we can put it that way. 

Senator O'Conor. Would you say that the primary purpose is to 
publicize and advertise the steamship line? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. The primary purpose is this: When the Polish 
Government was recognized by the United States Government as it 
was reconstructed in 1945, the Polish people here and the press here 
took the attitude of completely condemning the deal and completely 
condemning the Polish Government that undertook to conduct the 
affairs of Poland at that time. So that the idea of the program was 
to have the people understand that everything is not bad in Poland 
and they shouldn't take the attitude of condemning everything. 

Senator O'Conor. The radio programs did definitely then stem from 
the new Polish Government ; that is to say, they were begun after the 
new government came into control ? 

Mr. KUTYLOWSKI. That is right, because the line started to work 
again only after that. 

Mr. Arens. What discussions, if any, have you had with representa- 
tives of the Polish consulate in New York City respecting the radio 
broadcasts ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. I had conversations, but what do you really 
refer to ? 

Mr. Arens. When was the last time that you conferred with repre- 
sentatives of the Polish Government in the consulate respecting the 
broadcasts ? 

Mr. KUTYLOWSKI. Two weeks ago. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 751 

Mr. Arens. Wliat was the nature of the conversation? 

JSIr. KuTTLOwsKi, I think it was more than 2 weeks ago. 

Mr. Arens. Was it as much as a month ago? 

Mr. KuTTLOwsKi. Yes, maybe. 

Mr. Arens. Was it as much as 2 months ago ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. No ; I think it w^as about a month ago. I simply 
mentioned the fact that when my secretary came back from Poland 

Mr. Dekom. Is that Zofia Wachtl? 

Mr. KuTTLOwsKi. That is right. I thought it would be a good idea 
to have an interview with her. 

Mr. Arens. An interview with her ? 

Mr. KuTTLOwsKi. Yes ; that is right. 

Mr. Dekom. You mean on the radio ? 

Mr. KuTTLOw^sKi. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. Respecting what ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Respecting w^hat she saw, what streets she recog- 
nized, what rebuilding was done, wdiat people had to eat, and what 
people wore. 

Senator O'Conor. How did the consulate react to that suggestion? 

Mr. KuTTLOwsKi. Well, very favorably. 

Senator O'CoNOR. Verywdiat? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Favorably. 

Mr. Arens. Who was the gentleman with whom you were speaking? 

Mr. KuTTLOwsKi. Consul Galewicz.^ 

Senator O'Conor. Did you pursue that plan then ? 

Mr. KuTYLow^SKi. No. It was not really a discussion as to whether 
we should or should not do it. I mean that I simply told him that 
that was what I intended to do. I thought it w^ould be good because 
she came back very pleased with her trip. 

Mr. Arens. How often have you been in conversation with the 
consul with reference to the program? How frequently have you 
conversed with him? 

Mr. KuTTLOw^sKi. It w^as not at any regular intervals or anything. 

Mr. Arens. How many times would you say you have conversed 
with him on the program in the course of the last year? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. About six times. 

Mr. Arens. "V^Hiere does the author of the program get his infor- 
mation ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. He gets it from the Polish Research Information 
and from the public library. 

Mr. Arens. The Polish Research Information Service ? 

Mr. KuTTLOw^SKi. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. Is that the official Polish Government, Communist Gov- 
ernment, agency in this country? 

Mr. KuTTLOWSKi. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. Who is the head of that ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Mr. Szymanowski.^ 

Mr. Arens. Wliere is that organization or association head- 
quartered ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. I can tell you approximately. It is at the corner 
of Broadway and Fifty-seventh Street. 



Jan Galewicz, consul general. 
Antonl Szymanowski. 



752 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Arens. Have you ever been there ? 

Mr, KuTYLOwsKi. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. When was the last time you were there ? 

Mr, KuTYLowsKi. On the 27th of July. 

Mr. Arens. What was the occasion for your visit ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. The Polish Kesearch arranged a sort of a meeting 
there on the fifth anniversary of the resurrection of Poland. 

Mr. Arens. You mean the fifth anniversary of the taking over of 
the Polish Government by the Communists ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. No ; because, don't forget, in 1945 when the Gov- 
ernment was formed it was not a Communist government. 

INIr. Arens. When did the Communists take over the Polish Gov- 
ernment ? 

Mr. KuTTLowsKi. I honestly don't remember really what time. 

Mr. Arens. Has it been in the course of the last 5 years? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. Definitely so. 

Mr. Arens. Has it been so long ago as 3 years ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. I am afraid I really can't answer you exactly 
on that question because I don't remember. I don't know. 

Mr. Arens. Now, in this Polish Information Service, which I under- 
stand you have identified as the information service in this country 
of the Communist government of Poland, who is it that supplies the 
information to the author of the broadcasts ? 

Mr. KuiTTLOwsKi. Let's say that we are going to discuss the Chopin 
anniversary because this is Chopin's year. So Mr. Kosidowski goes to 
the public library which is by far the best supplier institution in New 
York. Then, if he doesn't find something or if he wants any addi- 
tional information, he goes to the Polish Research Information Cen- 
ter, to Mr, Szymanowski, and says, "Don't you have this information 
about the date of birth or when this composition was written?" or 
something like that. 

Mr. Arens. You know as a fact that the Communists are in control 
of the Polish Government at this time, do you not ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. I presume so. 

Senator O'Conor. Your previous answers certainly indicated that 
you believe, as everybody else, as any well-informed person does, that 
that is the situation ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. Well, you see, it is difficult to say, because the 
situation is not so simple as it seems. The Prime Minister, Cyran- 
kiewicz,^ is not Communist. I mean to say that to say who is dominat- 
ing and who is controlling is a very difficult thing. 

Mr. Arens. Would you say that the Connnunists do or do not con- 
trol the Polish Government at this time ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. I would say "Yes." 

Mr. Arens. Your answer is "Yes," that the Communists do control 
the Polish Government ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Excuse me, please, but my whole life has really 
been social work and business. I am not so good at politics. To de- 
fine who is doing what, and what is the situation, and why they did 
certain things, and why they combined, I really couldn't answer, be- 
cause my answer would be, to a certain extent speculation. 

Mr. Arens. Do you yourself think that the Communists control the 
Polish Government ? 



Jozef Cyranklewicz. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN .\ND NATIONAL GROUPS 753 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. I would put it another way, if 3-011 will permit 
me. I would say that under the present geographical position Poland 
is in such a situation that there is a definite, important Coriununist 
influence. That is the way I want to put it. 

Mr. Arens. Did it occur to 3'ou, when your employee, Mr. Kosidow- 
ski, who writes the script for tlie radio, was going to the Polish In- 
formation Center that he might get information there which was being 
disseminated by representatives of the Comintern ? 

Mr. KuTTLowsKi. What does the Comintern have to do with this, 
please ? 

Mr. Arens. A few moments ago you expressed your belief that the 
Polish Government was at least under the influence of the Communists ; 
is that true? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. That is I'ight. 

Mr. Arens. Did you at any time have queries in your mind as to 
whether or not the Polish Information Center in the United States 
was under the influence of the Communists? It is an official Gov- 
ernment agency, is it not ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. Yes. I know Mr. Szymanowski. I know he is 
a very brilliant and very intelligent person. I mean that the infor- 
mation we seek is not of any political character. 

Mr. Dekom. Is Mr. Szymanowski a Communist Party member? 

]Mr. KiTYLOwsKi. I don't knew. 

Mr. Dekom. Do vou know whether he is a member of the Communist 
Party or the Polish Workers Party, the PZPR I ' 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. No. 

Mr. Arens. Who pays the salaries of the persons employed in the 
Polish Information Center? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. The Polish Government. 

Mr. Arens. Is that the same Government that you have just iden- 
tified as being, to your way of thinking, a government which is under 
Communist control or domination or influence? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Now, you have testified that the author of these broad- 
casts gets his information from the Polish Information Center? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. Part of his information. 

Mr. Arens. How frequently is he in contact with the Polish In- 
formation Center for the purpose of getting information? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Probably once a M'eek. 

Mr. Arens. Does he go there personally ? 

Mr. Kdtylowski. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Whom does he see when he is there? 

Mr. Kutylowski. I don't know. 

Mr. Arens. Whom did you see when you were there ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. I saw Mr. Szymanowski. 

Mr. Arens. Is he the man that runs it ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. How frequently are you in contact with the consulate' 
officers in the Polish consulate in New York City ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. I would say that on the average I see them once 
a month; once in 2 weeks. It depends. I don't see them regularly. 
I don't go there regularly. 

iPoUsh United Workers Party (Palska ZjedDoczona Partja Robotnicza). 



754 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. x^RENs. Do the conferences or conversations take place in your 
office, in the consulate, or in both places? 

Mr. l^uTYLOWSKi. Sometimes. They take place in the consular 
- office, not in my office. 

Mr. Arens. Have you in the course of the last year had conversa- 
tions within your own office with the consular representatives? 

Mr. KuTYLow^SKi. I think the consul was only once, in 1949. 

Mr. Arens. How long ago was that, if you please ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. That was when we were preparing ourselves to 
board the Batory on June 6, 1 think. 

Mr. Arens. What was the occasion for his visit ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. He wanted to go on the ship. 

Mr. Dekom. Was that June 6 or May 6 ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. I think it was June 6. 

Mr. Arens. Did you take him then to the Batory? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. That is right ; we went together. 

Mr. Arens. How frequently have you then, in the course of the last 
5'ear, been in consultation in the consul general's office as distin- 
guished from your office? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. I couldn't answer that, I mean truthfully as to 
knowing how many times I was there. 

Mr. Arens. Wliat is the nature of the business which you talk over 
with the consul general when you go to his office ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. It varies. I mean that I don't go to report to him. 
It may be this occasion or that occasion. I don't know. 

Mr. Arens. How often have you been in communication with him by 
telephone ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. I would say probably once a week or twice a week. 

Mr. Arens. What is the nature of the business which prompts you 
to be in conservation with him once a week or twice a week ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Let's say that he calls me up and tells me that 
there is a possibility that a sister of Ira Hirschman going on one of our 
ships, asking me if I can do anything to get her better accommodations. 

Mr. Dekom. Who is that person? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. He is a writer; he wrote a book. I know that 
the consul is interested in whether I could help his sister get good 
accommodations on the ship. 

Mr. Dekom. Why was the consul interested? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. I don't know. He perhaps called me because Mr. 
Hirschman called him up. 

Mr. Arens. Has the consul ever contacted your office respecting 
workaways ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Never spoke to me about it. 

Mr. Arens. Who would he speak to about workaways? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. He would speak to Mr, Grzelak or Mr. Szczer- 
binski.^ 

Mr. Arens. Do you know whether he has spoken to either of those 
two gentlemen respecting workaways? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. How frequently does he comuuniicate with them re- 
specting workaways ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. That I don't know. 



For the testimony of George Szczerbinski, see p. 413. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 755 

Mr. Arexs. Would you say tliat he communicates with them as fre- 
quently as once a month respecting work-aways ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. I don't know ; I really don't know. 

Mr. Arexs. You know that he communicated with them respecting 
work-aways? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. Yes. 

Mr. Arexs. Do you know whether or not any request of the consul 
general regarding work-aways at any time has been declined^ 

Mr. KuTYLOwSKi. I presume there have been instances where it was 
declined, but I can't tell you exactly.^ 

Senator O'Coxor. As a matter of fact, are not the requests from the 
consul in that regard recognized almost as an order? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. I wouldn't say so. 

Senator O'Coxor. Ife it not understood that they have a controlling 
voice in the decision on matters of policy in the conduct and in the 
operation of the line ? 

!Mr. KuTYL0w^sKI. No. 

Senator O'Coxor. You deny that? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. No. 

Senator O'Coxor. You say that is not so? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. No. 

Mr. Dkkom. When were you in Poland last time ? 

Mr. KuTYL(;wsKi. Last Christmas. 

Mr. Dekom. Were you in Poland in 1947 ? 

Mr. KuTi'LowsKi. Yes ; also for Christmas. 

Mr. Dekom. You were there for Christmas? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. What places did you go to? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. In 1947 I went via Genoa, where I had some busi- 
ness in Genoa, to Warsaw. I went from Warsaw to Gdynia, and then 
I came back here. 

Mr. Dekom. In which of the places in Poland that you had been to 
did you join the Polish Workers' Party? 

Mr. KUTYLOWSKT. I? 

Mr. Dekom. Yes. 

Mr. KuTYEOw^sKi. I never joined any party. 

Mr. Dekom. You have never been a member of any political party ? 
Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. No political party in all of my life. 
Mr. Dekom. Either here or in Poland ? 
Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Never in my life. 

Mr. Dekom. Do vou know whether or not Mr. Grzelak is a member 
of the Polish Workers' Party ? 
Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. I don't know. 
Mr. Dekom. Has he ever indicated to you that he was? 

Mr. KUTYLOAVSKI. No. 

Mr. Dekom. Have you any reason to believe that he was? 
Mr. KuTYLowsKi. No. 

Mr. Arexs. From whom did you i-eceive the orders to commence 
the broadcasts on the radio? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. I didn't receive anv orders. 



' Czeslaw Grzelak. rice president of the Gdynia-America Line, testified under oath that 
no ifrniest of the consul general had ever been turned down ; see p. 740. 



756 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Arens. Who is it that made the decision that there would bo 
broadcasts on the radio? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. There was no decision made. I mean that the 
consul told me that he thought it would be a good idea. I agreed with 
him. 

Mr. Arens. The consul told you it would be a good idea to do what ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. To have radio broadcasts. 

Mr. Arens. When did he tell you that? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. I believe it was in 1946. 

Mr. Dekom. Why did you want to discontinue the programs? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. I never wanted to discontinue them. 

Mr. Dekom. You never objected to carrying on the programs? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. No. 

Mr. Dekom. You never said in the presence of any person that you 
thought they should not go on or should be stopped ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. In 1046, 1 think it was, the consul said to me that 
he tliought that it would be a good idea to have broadcasts. I said 
that I thought at that time that the idea may be good but that I was 
afraid I might not be able to do a good job, because I don't like to do 
anything in a way which won't satisfy me. But I don't remember 
saying to anyone that I would like to discontinue them. 

Mr^ Arens. Did the consul participate in an advisory capacity in 
setting up the broadcasts ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. The consul told me only that he thought that one 
station would have a half hour at that time. 

Mr. Arens. Did the consul recommend the man who is writing the 
scripts? 

Mr. Kutylowski. No. As a matter of fact, the Ambassador rec- 
ommended him. 

Mr. Arens. The Polish Ambassador? 

Mr. Kutylowski. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Is that Mr, Jozef Winiewicz ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. He is the current Ambassador from Poland to the 
United States? 

Mr. Kutylowski. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. And he recommended whom? 

Mr. Kutylowski. He said to me that he thought Mr. Kosidowski 
would be a very good man. 

Mr. Arens. Is he the man who now writes the script ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. Yes, 

Mr. Arens. When did the Ambassador tell you that? 

Mr, Kui'YLOwsKi, He told me that about 3 months ago. 

Mr. Arens. Where were you when he told you that ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. That I don't remember. I don't remember 
whether I was here or in New York. 

Mr, Arens, You don't remember whether this conversation with 
the Ambassador took place in Washington or in New York? 

Mr, Kutylowski, That is right. 

Mr, Arens. But you know that you had a conversation with the 
Ambassador in which he recommencled the man who presently writes 
the radio scripts for the Gdynia Line? 

Mr. Kutylowski. That is right. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 757 

Mr. Akens. How frequently do you confer or have conversations 
with the Ambassador on anything? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. Twice a year. 

Mr. Arens. Have you been at the Ambassador's residence here in 
Washington ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. I have been. 

Mr. Arens. When was the last time you were in the Ambassador's 
residence in Washington? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. Now you put me on the spot. 

Mr. Arens. Have you been in his residence within the last year? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. I am sure; yes. I think so. 

Mr. Arens. Can you account for the fact that you don't remember 
whether this conversation with the Ambassador with respect to the 
script writer took place in Washington or New York? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. I really don't remember. What can I do? 

Mr. Arens. When did it take place, how long ago ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. I think it was some time in May. 

ISIr. Arens. In the course of the last 6 months ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. When was the last time you were here in Washington ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. I really don't remember. I think it was in 
June. 

Mr. Arens. You were in Washington in June? 

Mv. KuTYLowsKi. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. Did 3'ou confer with the Ambassador at that time? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. What did you confer with him about? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. We conferred about the situation created by the 
Eisler case. 

Mr. Arens. What transpired in the conversation? 

Mr. KuTYL0^^'SKI. The Ambassador thought that Mr. Littell should 
be engaged. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. who? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Mr. Littell, Attorney Littell. 

Mr. Arens. He thought that Mr. Littell should be engaged ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. For what purpose ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. In case of an emergency, to defend the line's 
interests. 

Mr. Arens. Did you confer with the Ambassador with respect to 
any other subject matter in that conversation? 

]\Ic. KuTYLOwsKi. I don't think so. 

Mr. Arens. When did you arrive in Washington for the purpose 
of testifying before this subcommittee? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. I arrived yesterday at 10 o'clock. 

Mr. Arens. When did you confer with the xlmbassador on this visit ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. I never conferred with him. 

Mr. Arens. Have you talked with him on the telephone? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. No. 

Mr. Dekom. Is that attorney to whom you refer Norman M. Littell 
of Washington ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwSKi. That is right. 

98330— 50— pt. 2 20 



758 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. Arens. And the Ambassador suggested that he ought to be 
employed ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Was he employed? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. Yes. 

Mr. Akens. Now, is a copy of the radio script sent to the Gdynia 
Line headquarters in Poland? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. No. 

Mr. Arens. Is a copy of that script sent to the Ambassador ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. No. 

Mr. Arens. Is a copy of the script sent to the consul in New York 
City? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. No. 

Mr. Arens. How much does it cost for this hour or half-hour 
broadcast ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. I beg your pardon ? 

Mr. Arens. How much does it cost for this hour broadcast a week? 

Mr. KUTYLOWSKI. $300. 

Mr. AiJENs. $300 a week? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Is the Gdynia Line a relatively large or a relatively 
small line? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Well, I would say medium. 

Mr. Dekom. How many vessels do they operate? 

Mr. KuTYi.owsKi. Altogether, about 34. 

Mr. Arens. When the Ambassador told you to engage Mr. Littell, 
did you regard that as a binding order ? 

Mr. KuTTiiOWSKi. No, but I thought that he knows the situation 
better than I possibly could. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Littell is a Washington lawyer or a New York 
lawyer ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. A Washington lawyer. 

Mr. Arens. Gdynia Line is located in New York City; is it not? 

Mr. KuTTLOwsKi. That is right. 

Senator O'Conor. At the time when the Ambassador suggested to 
you that this present writer would be a good man to engage for the 
radio script writing, where was the individual at that time? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. He was in California. 

Senator O'Conor. How long had he been in this country? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. That I don't remember exactly. I believe he ar- 
rived here in 1940 or 1941, but I really don't know. 

Senator CConor. What was he doing in California? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. He had a store. Again I am not sure, but I think 
he had a store. 

Senator O'Conor. Following the Ambassador's suggestion, what did 
you do ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. I engaged him because I needed someone who was 
really good to write, and he is very good. 

Senator O'Conor. Did you interview him or confer with him? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Yes. I knew him before. He is a writer of cer- 
tain repute, so that I knew him before when he was here in 1941. 

Senator 0"Conor. Had you been in touch with him between 1941 and 
May or June of 1949 ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. No. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IX ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 759 

Senator O'Conor. So that you were not advised as to just what his 
abilities were in 1949 other than by recalling what vou knew of him 
m 1941 ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. That is right. 

Senator O'Conor. Well now, did you do anything else to familiarize 
yourself with any developments in his case or as to his abilities otas 
to wliat he had been doing and as to what experience he had acquired ^ 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. Before the war he was a director of a radio sta- 
tion in Poland. 

Mr. Dekom. Where ? 

Mr. KuTYi.owsKi. In Poland. 

Senator O'Coxor. Since then he operated a store in California? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. He left Poland forciblv, not of his own accord, 
in 1939. ] 

Senator O'Coxor. What I am getting at is this: What did you do 
following the Ambassador's suggestion to convince yourself that he 
was the man for whom you were looking? 

]\Ir. KuTYLowsKi. I had a discussion with him before I engaged 
him. 

Senator O'Coxor. Where? 

Mr. KuTVf.owsKi. In my office. 

Senator O'Coxor. Did you bring him from California for that 
purpose ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. He came here on his own volition. 

Senator O'Coxor. Who invited him here; who made arrange- 
ments ; or who told him that the position was to be filled ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. I think the Ambassador told him there was such 
a possibility. 

Senator O'Coxor. Upon his arrival from California to New York, 
did you engage his services right then ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. I had a discussion with him. 

Senator O'Coxor. At that time you engaged his services? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. That is right. 

Senator O'Coxor. Well, is it not fair to assume that you really 
did that upon the Ambassador's suggestion? Certainly, from what 
you have said, not having seen him between 1941 and 1949, he having 
operated a store in the meantime, you really did follow the Ambassa- 
dor's suggestion and engaged him. Is that a fair statement? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. No ; I was convinced myself that the man could 
do it. 

Senator O'Conor. You saw him and talked with him for a short 
time, but it was primarily at the Ambassador's suggestion that you 
engaged his services. That is a correct statement, is it not ? 

Mr. KuTYi.owsKi. Well, you can say it that way. 

Senator O'Con^or. Do you not say so? Is it not a fair statement 
to say that it was really the Ambassador who had the final say in the 
matter? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. No ; I wouldn't say so. 

Senator O'Coxor. In point of time, you saw the man, but the Am- 
bassador was the one who was instrumental in getting him the 
position? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. I wouldn't know. 

Mr. Dekom. Who did the writing before you got this man Kosi- 
dowski ? 



760 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr, KuTYLOWSKi. Mr. Szor.^ 

Mr. Arens. Who recommended him ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. The consul general. 

Mr. Arens. The consul general in New York ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. What were his years of service ? 

]\ir. KuTYLOWSKi. I am sorry, I didn't get that question. 

Mr. Arens. I will ask you a new question. When was he employed 
and when did his services terminate ? 

INIr. KuTYLOWSKi. He was employed from 1946, when we started, 
to the end of May 1949. 

Mr. Arens. And he was engaged upon the recommendation of the 
Polish consul general in New York City ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. That is right. Before that we had Mr. Cieplak.* 

Mr. Arens. Before we get to Mr. Cieplak, why did Mr. Szor leave 
the service of the Gdynia Line in the writing of this radio script? 

Mr. KuTi'LOWsKi. I cannot tell you that exactly. I don't know his 
motivation. 

Mr. Arens. Did he resign, or was he discharged? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. He resigned. 

Mr. Arens. Where was his office while he worked for you ? Where 
did he have an office ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. He had an office in the consulate. 

Mr. Dekom. What was his position? What was he doing there? 
How did he get here? 

Mr. KuTYLmvsKi. He came here as a delegate of the Polish radio to 
study the radio technique. 

Mr. Dekom. Did you pay him while he was here? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. No, sir. 

Mr. Dekom. For this work ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. No ; he was paid by the Polish Government. 

Mr. Dekom. He came here to study radio technique, but he spent 
the time writing scripts for you? 

Mr. Kutylowski. Yes ; he studied them ; I think he had some special 
courses in Westinghouse or Western Electric or any one of them — I 
don't want to tell which one — to study especially on this sort of thing 
for radios. 

Mr. Arens. Are you clear that this gentleman concerning whom 
you are speaking was sent here to study radio technique and, in the 
course of his period in studying radio technique, he was writing the 
script for these broadcasts ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. That is correct. 

Mr. Arens. Now, from where was he receiving the money with. 
which he sustained himself during the time that he was writing these 
broadcasts ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. He received it from the Polish radio to the Em- 
bassy or the consulate ; I don't know which. 

Mr. Dekom. The Polish radio is owned by the Polish Government? 

Mr. Kutylowski. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. He was. in the pay of the Polish Embassy or consulate 
at the time he was writing these broadcasts? 

1 Leopold Szor. 

2 Marijan Cieplak. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IX ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 761 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. That is right. 

Mr. Dekom. Did you know that at the time? . 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Did you know at that time that the Polish Govermnent 
was under Communist control and domination? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. You are putting in my mouth things that I never 
said about that sort of thing. 

Mr. Dekom. Did you at that time feel in your heart that the Polish 
Government was under the control and domination of the Communists ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. I told you that I felt that, and there was quite an 
inference that the Communists had the Polish Government; that is 
what I said. 

Mr. DEKOisr. Did you l^now it at the time that this gentleman was 
vrriting the script who was in the employ of the Polish Government? 

Mr. KuTYi.owsKi. He was employed directly or indirectly. 

Mr. Dekom. Did you regard the suggestion of the consul general of 
the Polish Government in the United States that this particular 
person be employed as being binding on you? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. No. 

Mr. Dekom. You followed his recommendation. 

Mr. KuTYLOWsKi. I followed his recommendation, but I did not 
consider it binding because he would not do it the way I would want 
him to ; if that was so, I would not accept him. 

Mr. Dekom. Where did he go when he resigned from the service 
of Gdynia Lines ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. I don't know. 

Senator O'Conor. Did he remain in this country? 

Mr. KuTYLOWsKi. He remained here. 

Senator O'Conor. Is he here now or within this country as far as 
you know ? 

Mr. KuTYLowSKi. Oh, yes. 

Mr. Dekom. How about Mr. Cieplak, the predecesrcr of Mr. Szor? 
How did you find him ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. Also through the Polish consul. 

Mr. Arens. Did you communicate with your office in Gdynia, the 
main office, before you instituted these broadcasts? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi, No. 

Mr. Arens. Did you tell them after you had done it? 

Mr. Ktjtylowski. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. And what was the nature of your communication to 
them? 

Mr. KuTYLOWsKi. Simply in my budget I provided for that. 

Mr. Arens. Did you correspond with them respecting the broad- 
casts ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. No. 

Senator O'Conor. Did you inform the parent organization of the 
retention of the services of the present writer wdiom you employed 
following the discussion with the Ambassador ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. 1 sent them every month the list of employees. 

Senator O'Conor. I do not mean just the listing, but I mean make 
specific reference to the retaining of the services of him. 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. No. 

Mr. Dekom. I asked you with reference to Mr. Cieplak. You hired 
him also on the recommendation of the consulate? 



762 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. KuTTLOwsKi. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. What particular person in the consuL^te made that 
recommendation ? Was it Mr. Jan Galewicz 'i 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. You tlien employed him to do that job? 

Mr. KuTTLOWSKi, That is right, for a very short period. 

Mr. Akens. How many script writers have you had altogether ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Mr. Cieplak, Mr. Szor, and Mr. Kosidowski. 

Mr. Arens. You had three. 

Mr. KuTYLow^sKi. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. And you employed two of them on the recommenda- 
tion of the consul general in New York and one of them on the 
recommendation, or at least following the recommendation, of the 
Polish Ambassador in Washington; is that true'^ 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. That is right. 

Senator O'Conor. Did the Ambassador recommend anyone else to 
you for employment in any other capacity ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. No. 

Mr. Dekom. How about the consul ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. No. 

Mr. Dekom. Mr. Kutylowski, can you recall at this time your move- 
ments on May 6, 1949? 

Senator O'Conor. For purposes of identification, that is the day 
on which the Batory left. I just want to give you that so that you will 
know the date that we are referring to. 

Mr. Kutylowski. I was, as far as I can remember, I spent May 6 — 
I came at the usual time to the office, about 9 :15 ; and at about 9 or 
9 :30 or 10 o'clock I left for the ship. 

Mr. Dekom. Go on, please. Then what did you do? What did 
you do aboard the ship? 

Mr. Kutylowski. I just went to see the captain, and I found out 
how the embarkation of passage was proceeding, and said good-by 
to my secretary, who was leaving then. 

]\Ir. Dekom. Is that the same woman. Miss Wachtl ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Why was she aboard the ship ? She was the one you 
were going to interview on your radio hour? 

Mr. Kutylowski. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. What was she doing aboard the ship ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. She left for her vacation. 

Mr. Dekom. When did you leave the ship? How close to sailing 
time? 

Mr. Kutylowski. I left about 10 minutes of her departure, or 5 
minutes. 

Mr. Dekom. Was consul general Jan Galewicz aboard with you? 

Mr. Kutylowski. I did not see him. 

Mr. Dekom. Was he aboard the ship at all that day? 

Mr. Kutylowski. I could not tell you. 

Mr. Dekom. You got off the slu p. Where did you go? 

Mr. Kutylowski. To my office. 

Mr. Dekom. You did not go to the consulate on that day ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. No. 

Mr. Dekom. Did you go to the consulate on that day ? You did not 
see Consul Galewicz on that day ? 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 763 

Mr. KuTTLOwsKi. I really don't remember what I did after that. 

Mr. Dekom. Did you go to his office ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. If you will tell me what you are after, I can tell 
you more, but I really don't remember what I did. 

Mr. Arens. Are you familiar with the provision of the law, the 
Foreign Agents Registration Act? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Is tlie Gdynia line registered as an agent of a foreign 
power ? 

Mr. KuTYLOw SKI. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. With the Justice Department? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Is the broadcast registered as a propaganda broadcast 
under the Foreign Agents Registration Act ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi, Yes. We mention all of the broadcasts and we 
mention who are the speakers and everything. 

Mr. Dekom. Do you identify yourself as an agent of the Polish 
Government? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. What percentage of the stock of the line is owned by 
the Polish Government ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. 981/2, 1 think. 

Mr. Dekom. Wlio owns the remainder? 

Mr. Kutyi-ow^ski. East Asiatic Co. 

Mr. Dekom. Where is that located ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Copenhagen, Denmark. 

Mr. Dekom. On May 6, to come back to that date, did you go to the 
office of the consul general ? As a matter of fact, you did ; didn't you ? 

Mr. KuTYLOAvsKi. I don't know. I really cannot tell you. Excuse 
me, please, but there is nothing that I can say that I can remember 
that would indicate that I went. 

Senator O'Conor. That was an important da^y, regardless of any- 
thing else that you may have known The fact is that shortly there- 
after it became known to the world that Gerhart Eisler had escaped 
on the vessel. That is correct ; is it not ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Yes. 

Senator O'Conor. That being so, and which everybody knew within 
a very short time after the departure, you would undoubtedly have 
reason to know what you did on that day. 

Now, we are not trying to put words in your mouth or anything else, 
but it is quite difficult for me, at least, to believe that you would not 
know precisely what you did when so shortly thereafter you had reason 
to refer back to that day. 

Mr. KuTYEOwsKi. Senator, to me that day w'as a very ordinary day, 
unless it became later an important date, but on this day it was nothing. 
It was just a routine day. 

Senator O'Conor. Let us assume for the sake of discussion that it 
was not important as of that day. It was an ordinary sailing day, 
but shortly thereafter a development occurred which related back to 
that sailing and made it quite an important day. 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. What do you want me to tell you, the truth or 
not? 

Senator O'Conor. I certainly do. 



764 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

Mr. KuTTLOWSKi. I am telling you the truth. 

]Mr. Dekom. You do not remember ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. I do not remember and I had no occasion to go. 

Mr. Aeens. Well, when did you first become aware of the fact 
that Eisler had stowed away or had left this country aboard the 
Batoryf 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. When I saw the cable from the ship. 

Mr. Arens. When was that received ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. I think that you have it. 

Mr. Dekom. When the ship goes out or puts out of New York, 
within what period of time do you usually get a report from the master 
or from the purser detailing the crew ancl passengers aboard? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. Two or three days. 

Mr. Dekom. Is that normal ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. That is right. 

Mr. Dekom. It is not customary to get it any earlier ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. No. 

Mr. Dekom. Don't you usually get it within 2 or 3 days ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Is that true of all sailings ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. Plow many telegrams were sent from the office in New 
York to the master of the vessel before you finally got the full details 
on Gerhart Eisler? 

Mr. Kutylowski. We sent one cable to which we got a reply, and 
we sent one cable asking to give us the name and nationality of the 
stowaway. 

Mr. Dekom. I liave the cables that you submitted in evidence here.* 
Now, on the 9th of May you received a report from the purser stating, 
among other tilings, that one stowaway was aboard. 

Mr. Kutylowski. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. And the person was not named. 

Mr. Kutylowski. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Isn't it customary to name the person who was the 
stowaway ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. You see, there are so few stowaways that, to tell 
you what is customary, it is difficult. He informed us about a stow- 
away. 

Mr. Dekom. On the 9th, a radiogram was sent to the purser of the 
Batoi^. requesting or making the statement: "Presume stowaway has 
proper documents." 

Mr, Kutylow^ski. That is right, and asking the name and national- 
ity of the stowaway. 

Mr. Dekom. "Full name, nationality, port of debarkation" and 
so on. 

Mr. Kutylowski. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Then the next radiogram tliat came through identifies 
him as "Gerhart Eisler, German, disembarking Gdynia ; ticket issued 
aboard." 

Mr. Kutylowski. Yes. 



1 The cables, correspondence, and memoranda concerning the Eisler case appear In 
appendix VII, p. A 121. 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 765 



Mr. Dekom. Noav, on the lltli, there is another telegram, a radio- 
gram to the purser, "Telegraph date and place of birth stowaway" 
and so on. 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Yes. 

Mr. Deko3I. Then on the 11th there is a second cable stating, "De- 
mand immediate reply to our last message concerning stowaway." 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. Yes. 

Mr. Dekom. Why was it necessary to send such a demand? Was 
there some reason for not receiving that information ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. Pardon me ? 

Mr. Dekom. Why was the second radiogram sent ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. Because the immigi-ation authorities were im- 
patient to get the reply and they were calling our office, "Do you have 
the reply or don't you have the reply, and please advise us as soon as 
possible why you don't have the reply," and so we simply sent an- 
other message to the master to send quicker the reply. 

Mr. Arens. Was there not a press representative or radio repre- 
sentative of the Columbia Broadcasting Co. aboard the Batory^ who 
had pi-eviously dispatched a message to the United States to the effect 
that Eisler had escaped on the Batory? 

Mr. Dekom. A man by the name of Richard Yaffe. 

Mr. Arens. Was he not aboard? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. He was aboard. 

Mr. Arens. Did he dispatch a message regarding Eisler prior to 
the time that the information was secured by the Gdynia Lines? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. No. 

Mr. Arens. How long have you been in the steamship-operating 
business ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. Since 1930. 

Mr. Arens. Is it not difficult for an individual to stow away ou a 
vessel without cooperation of the crew ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. It is the most easy thing in the world. 

Senator O'Conor. The captain was decorated in this case. Did he 
not receive official recognition from the Government ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. Not for this case. Senator. You see, it was the 
fifth anniversary, as I told you, of the resurrection of Poland, and 
the fifth anniversary on the 2d of July he was decorated. 

Mr. Dekom. Why was Mr. Smith of your line called down and 
reprimanded for sending a radiogram to the boat demanding the 
name of the stowaway? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. He was never reprimanded. 

JNIr. Dekom. Hiere never was any question brought up because he 
sent that? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. No. Why do you put the question this way ? I 
mean, after all, we are all grown-up people, and you say to me that 
he was reprimanded when he wasn't reprimanded, and Senator, I 
don't think 

Senator O'Conor. You are a very intelligent man, and you are 
well capable of answering. 

Mr. KuTYLOw^SKi. But I mean you feel that somehow, why should 
I want to give you all of the information, and I know I want to give 
you that information, and why should I be put into a situation — and 
you are a very nice young man — but he wants to put something into 



766 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 

my mouth that I never said and %Yhich never happened. And it is 
so unpleasant because then, instead of the friendly atmosphere, you 
come into something that you feel like a person that for no good rea- 
son whatsoever — I was some years ago associated with the American 
matters, and I was the general manager of the Polish American Chil- 
dren's Committee in Poland, founded by the American Relief Ad- 
ministration after the other war, and I was with the YMCA for 
many years, and I have really the greatest admiration for you people 
and what you did after the other war and all of the calamities in 
Poland, and I would like to retain this relationship as it is, without 
being subjected to something that I may by myself say something 
which is not true. 

Senator O'Conor. Had you attended the banquet on the evening 
prior to the sailing of the Batory ? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. Banquet? 

Senator O'Conor. A dinner. 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. No. Well, I was trying to go back and help 
my secretary packing the things she was taking for my family in 
Poland, and reminding her what she should do and what she should 
tell my children. 

Senator O'Conor. Was there not a party or some certain festivities 
the day before for the ship's officers at which the captain and others 
attended ? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. Not to my knowledge. 

Mr. Dekom. Did you ever meet Gerhart Eisler ? 

Mr. KuTTLowsKi. Never. 

Mr. Dekom. Did you ever see him ? 

Mr. KuTTLowsKi. No. 

Mr. Dekom. Did you ever talk to him? 

Mr. KuTYLOw^sKi. I saw a picture only. 

Mr. Dekom. Where were you born ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. In St. Petersburg. 

Mr. Arens. In Russia ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. When did you immigrate to the United States? 

Mr. Kutylowski. When I got the immigration visa; you want to 
ask me? 

Mr. Arens. I beg your pardon. 

Mr. Kutylowski. I came here in 1932, and I got my immigration 
visa in 1942. 

Mr. Arens. Are you a citizen of the United States ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. No. 

Mr. Arens. Have you filed your declaration of intention ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. When did you file your declaration ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. In 1944. 

Mr. Arens. Have you filed your petition for naturalization? 

Mr. Kutylowski. No. 

Mr. Arens. Why have you not filed your petition for naturalization ? 

Mr. Kutylowski. Because I thought that it would not be nice at 
that very period when there are these differences, and so on, for that 
period, to do it. 

Senator O'Conor. Do you intend to pursue your efforts to estab- 
lish American citizenship or have you modified your declaration in 
that respect? 



COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN ALIEN AND NATIONAL GROUPS 767 

Mr. KuiTLOWSKi. I don't know, Senator. It all depends. Now 
I am in a very difficult situation, because, you see, you may not under- 
stand me, and now can I speak unofficially, so to speaks 

Mr. Dekom. When you applied for an innnigration visa, wasn't it 
implicit that you were going to settle down in this country and be- 
come a national of the United States? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. No, because I applied for my visa in 1942. 

Mr. Dekom. When you applied for an immigration visa, doesn't 
that imply that you want to settle down and become a national of 
this country? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. At that time, I did not know what would happen. 

Mr. Arens. Who is the vice president of the Gdynia Lines? 

Mr. KuTYL' wsKi. Yen knew it very well, Mr, Grzelak. 

Mr. Arens. Has he traveled on the Batory or Sohieski? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Has he traveled on the manifest of either boat as a 
crew member? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. I think he traveled as an assistant purser on the 
entry permit. 

Mr. Arens. Why did he travel as an assistant purser? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Because he was very much dissatisfied with the 
way the ship was run and they wanted him to check up on that, and 
as a result of his trip we had a few changes made in the crew. 

Mr. Arens. What were you dissatisfied with about the operation 
of the boats ? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. The service to the passengers wasn't good. The 
food was not properly served. 

Mr. Arens. Did the crew members know he was vice president 
of the lines when he was traveling? 

Mr. KuTYLOAvsKi. I presume so. 

Mr. Arens. Why did you sign him on as an assistant purser? 

Mr. KuTYLowsKi. Because they wanted him to peiform the actual 
functions. I didn't want him to just sit in a cabin. We wanted him 
to perform the functions. 

Mr. Arens. Couldn't he walk around over the boat and watch 
what was going on without being signed on as acrew member, the 
vice president of the lines ? 

Mr. Ktttyi.oavski. It is not the same. 

Senator O'Conor. Did you have any voice in his selection as vice 
president? 

Mr. KuTYLOWSKi. Pardon me ? Yes. 

Senator O'Conor. You did? 

Mr. KuTYLOwsKi. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. "Wlio recommended him to yo