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Full text of "Communist activities in the Chicago, Illinois area. : Hearings before the Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, Eighty-ninth Congress, first session"

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MAY 25, 26, 27, AND JUNE 22, 1965 

Printed for the use of the 
iCommittee on Un-American Activities 



FEB 18 1966 

52-810 WASHINGTON : 1965 


United States House of Representatives 

EDWIN E. WILLIS, Louisiana, Chairman 

JOE R. POOL, Texas DEL CLAWSON, California 


GEORGE F. SBNNER, Jr., Arizona 

Francis J. McNamara, Director 

WILLIAM HiTz, General Counsel 

Alfred M. Nittle, Counsel 



Holmes Exhibits (Communist Party documents, most of which were used 
in preparation for Illinois State Convention, November 21-22, 1959, and 
January 24-25, 1960, and 17th National Convention, December 10-13, 

1959) : Page 

No. 1. By-Laws 575 

No. 2. Convention Preparations 576 

No. 2-A. Recommendations on Some Procedural Questions for Sec- 
tion Conventions 578 

No. 2-B. The Party Forum, Illinois Pre-Convention Discussion Bul- 
letin 579 

No. 2-C. Draft Resolution on the Party Organization 584 

No. 2-D. Changes in Illinois Draft on Party Organization 592 

No. 2-E. Draft Illinois Political Resolution 593 

No. 2-F. Illinois Draft Resolution on the Negro Question 602 

No. 2-G. Preconvention Discussion 603 

No. 4. just the facts, please! 622 

No. 5. Proposed Convention Rules 629 

No. 5- A. Program Materials (for 17th National Convention, CPUSA)_ 630 

No. 5-B. General Principles 633 

No. 5-C. Peaceful Co-Existence 636 

No. 5-D. Competition Between the Two Systems 639 

No. 5-E. The Current Struggle and the Socialist Aim 641 

No. 5-F. Defense and Extension of Democracy 645 

No. 5-G. Curbing the Monopoly Power 648 

No. 5-H. Class and Strategic Alliances 657 

No. 5-1. Independent PoUtical Action 660 

No. 5-J. The Problem of Class Collaboration 665 

No. 5-K. Disarmament and the American Economy — Report of Hy- 

man Lumer to 17th National Convention 669 

No. 5-L. Resolution on the Fight for Peace and the Struggle against 

the Monopolists 677 

No. 5-M. 17th Convention Resolution on the Negro Question in the 

United States 693 

No. 5-N. Resolution on Theoretical Aspects of the Negro Question 

in the United States 702 

No. 5-0. The Communist Party 706 

No. 5-P. Resolution on Puerto Rican Work in the United States 710 

No. 5-Q. Farm Resolution 712 

No. 5-R. Resolution on Party Organization 714 

No. 5-S. Resolution on the Work and Status of Women 720 

No. 5-T. Draft Resolution on Trade Union Problems 722 

No. 5-U. The Worker 733 

No. 5-V. Resolution on Cuba 735 

No. 5-W. A Housing Program for the American People 737 

No. 5-X. National Negro Commission Reports Subversion in Jack- 
son, Mississippi 741 

No. 5-Y. Report of Constitution Committee — Proposed Changes to 

Party Constitution 744 

No. 6. Projections for 1960 — State Convention, Communist 

Party, IlUnois 747 

No. 7. Socialist Groupings in Chicago 757 

No. 8. Freedom of the Press Committee Letter 760 

No. 9. Women's Peace & Unity Club, Report for year 1961-62. . 761 



Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 (Complaint filed by Jeremiah Stamler and 

Yolanda F. Hall against Edwin E. WiUis et al. in U.S. District Page 
Court for Northern District of Illinois, Eastern Division) 762 

Cohen Exhibit No. 1 (Petition to intervene as additional party plaintiff 

in above suit) 810 

Committee Exhibit No. 1 (Order of court denying plaintiffs' motions and 

dismissing complaints) 813 

Index i 

Public Law 601, T9th Congress 

The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities operates is Public Law 601, 79th Congress [1946] ; 60 Stat. 
812, which provides : 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States 
of America in Congress assembled, * * * 


Rule X 


17. Ckunmittee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 

Rule XI 


(q) (1) Ck>mmittee on Un-American Activities. 

I (A) Un-American activities. 

(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcom- 
mittee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) the extent, 
character, and objects of un-Ameriean propaganda activities in the United States, 
(ii) the diffusion within the United States or subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and at- 
tacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, 
and (iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any 
necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to 
the Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such 
investigation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such 
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, 
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 

Rule XII 


Sec. 136. To assist the C/ongress in appraising the administration of the laws 
and in developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem nec- 
essary, each standing committee of the Senate and the House of Representatives 
shall exercise continuous watchfulness of the execution by the administrative 
agencies concerned of any laws, the subject matter of which is within the juris- 
diction of such committee ; and, for that purpose, shall study all pertinent re- 
ports and data submitted to the Congress by the agencies in the executive branch 
of the Government. 



House Resolution 8, January 4, 1965 

Rule X 


1. There shall be elected by the House, at the conunencement of each Congress, 

(r) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 

Rule XI 


18. Committee on Un-American Activities, 

(a) Un-American activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, 
is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (1) the extent, char- 
acter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American prop- 
aganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and 
attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu- 
tion, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress 
in any necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times 
and places within the United 'States, whether or not the House is sitting, has 
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and docvunents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
memher designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 


27. To assist the House in appraising the administration of the laws and in 
developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem necessary, 
each standing committee of the House shall exercise continuous watchfulness 
of the execution by the administrative agencies concerned of any laws, the subject 
matter of which is within the jurisdiction of such committee; and. for that 
purpose, shall study all pertinent reports and data submitted to the House by 
the agencies in the executive branch of the Government. 


AREA— Part 2 


Holmes Exhibit No. 1 

The Stats By-Laws of thle organleation are baaed on the constitution of the 
Comnunlst Party of the United States of Anerloa and are formulated to Implex 
ment that constitution in accordance with the needs of the state organltatlen» 


The nans of the organization shall be the Communist Party of the State of 


Section 1. Clubs The size of the olubs shall be determined by the club in 
oonsultatlon with the next higher body. In no case shall there be less then 
three members in a club. 

It is reoomnendsd that regular olub meeting should be held twice monthly, 
but in no ease less than onoe a month. 

Club officers shall be elected onoe a year. The state oommittee shall 
set the month for annual elections. Clubs shall be notified at least two 
months in advance. 

WWhere vaoanoias occur diu-ing the term of office, olub officers may be 
replaced by a majority vote of the club. 

A olub may reoall an offioer for cause by two-thirds vote of the members. 

Financial reports shall be made at least twice a year to the olub or 

Seotion 2. Seotione . The state committee shall establish whatever seotiona 
and other intermediary forma as it deems best suited to carry out the need* 
and policies of the Party. 

Seotion oommlttees shall includesection offioers and members at large > 
as deemed necessary elected at section conventions plus an elected delegate 
from each olub. It is reooinnended that section committees meet at least 
onoe a month. 

Seotion offioers shall consist of at least a ohairman, educational dir- 
•otor and treasurer and any additional officers deemed neoessary. 

In case vacancies occur during the tvrm of offioe seotion comilttees 
have the right to eieot replacements by majority vote. 

Seotion financial reports shall be made at least twice a year to the 
seotion, olubs and state. 

A section officer may be removed for cause by two-third vote of the 
■eotion oommittee subject to ratification by two-third of the olubs. 


Seotion 1. State Conventions The state convention shall meet in oonjunotica 
with the national convention. 

Seotion 2. Seotion Conventions Seotion conventions shall be held in con- 
Junotion with state and nationial conventions. 


Seotion 1 . The state ooaalttee is the highest governing body between oonventioii 

Seotion 2 . The site of the state oommittee shall be drtemlned at each con- 
vention. The state ooaalttee shall be elected at the state convention, las. 
Inations shall be made at the state convention. Seotion conventions may sub- 
alt nominations af any party asmber eligible. 

Seotion 3 1 The nuober ef offioers and size of the state boarS shall be deter- 
Blned by""^Qie state oo^sittec. The state offioers and state board shall be 
elected by the state oomlttee. The state cosnittee has the right to make 
iriutever changes la officers and board It deeas advisable at any tlae 

Seotion « . The atata ooadttae (hall aeet at least four tlaes a year. 
Seotion 6 . State flaaaolal reports (hall be Issued at least twice a year to 
the state' ooBaltt«a< Motteai and oluba* 



Holmes Exhibit No. 2 

-OoRTwntloD PraparatloOBi 

loaal CooTcntlon D«o. U., 12, ti i3, New lork City. 

re-oonrentlcn dlscusclon period • Sept. 10 to D«o. 10. 

Sapt. FA to contalni l^ln Draft Resolution. 

Draft ReaolutioB on Negro Question. 

Other resolutions! The Ferty - Party Consolidation, 
Labor Question, 
louth Question. 

£;,at9 orgiuilz&tlon to draft nain politleal revolution for the state • to go to 
the dubs and seotions. 

{"rldajr, Sept.U - a funotlonarles meeting assa Idolc-eff n't'g en the pre-coor. di«e* 
-preparatioQs for the i^Oth annir. oelebratioB. 
•^isousEion on the state politioal resolution. 

For the dlfiouseion, there will be three Nat*! bulletins and t«o state bulletloB. 

5orJ r.ffilt - 750 for the nat'l bulletin 
-500 for the state bulletin 
-no annoogrBous articles to be aooepted. 

Lialegatesi State oomrentions will eleet delegates to national eonrentlan. 

-organised dlstriots • one delegate for each 50 Bcsd>erB, up to 100 B«id>«n, 2 d«]«« 
-imorganlsed dlstriots -one delegate. 

Illinois I v>lll be entitled to not quite ten delegates -four nenbers short of teiflele. 

rratemal delegates i 2^ of our regular delegates -in keeping with the — rliw 
partioipatien fron liidweet industrial areas. 

Ksferendumi that a referandiaii be oendnoted on the question of the eleotion of 
the National Conmiittee - 

-that the naticoal oonrentioD should not be bound bgr Art. 5, 8eo.5 of the Genet. 
-poTltloal reasons InrolTed Inoorreot preoedure, rlolation of dot. eent'l'm 
-these referendim foxns are already in the seetiona, one for eaoh olub, 
should be aoted upon at oonlng meetings. 

Ctate oonventlont the etate politioal resolution will ooMe before the state ooiB. 
by the end of Septeniber. 
•cialn discussion at the oonrention will be on the aaln resolution. 

State Boardi set up antmber of state conrention ocnnltteee -four p ope- e o nveu tion 
oondLtteee at tbia tlae to prepare various aspeots of the oonrentiont 2/ 

. 1, Resolutions ooBinitteei Lou 0. Chairman, Flo. L.W. Mike S. ^^S^ 

2. Conr. AmrngMsente Coemit Oeraldine, Ch., Fritsie, '^iP . L. wiok, *1^^7 Hollle Q 

3. Oonet. & By-Lawst Hollie W, Oh., JTfiii^ iwt T1. 

_.^. — U, Ptiblioity Oaemt -disouasion bullswin - D Tld E. Ch, ^ak"^ 3 het^> - 
Ul. G.:k:fe« " 

-state board Benbere will work with oonntitteee. 

1/ Idiss Holmes infonnud the committee she received this exhibit exactly as 
reprodiiced above, viith the initials and names in the last paragraph crossed 
out, though not conpletoly obscured, with red ink. Miss Holmes has no 
definite knowledge ps to why these deletions wort* made. The deleted ini- 
tials and names were: Line 1, "dt Mc."j line 2, "L.D."; "ItePher"; line 3, 
"Randy"; "Dot D.»; line h,"Earl D."; "Jack K."; "Art". 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2 — Continued 

Seat* OoBT. ScsBloQBt to be held in two aMclosa* 

-Tint 8«3elaa In tht.firBt haZf of IIc;rcDb«r» to aot upon th« nat'l aM 
rtat* rvsolatlooBf 
«to «l«et delas&t*s to th« nat'l eonr.* 
•«ji«a!aent8 to oonstltntlcaiy «to« 

SSoeonS Boasloa la th« first Half of Jeonuu? -to raport baok froo Jtat'lCcor* 
-to dl^ousslon and woric out a plan of work for tha nazt yaar} 
-« ona-jraar plan] 
-act on ty»law8| 
-alaot itata ooQnlttaa. 

Saetion oonreBtlotia) to ba held In tvo partsi 

-first aeasloa froa laet vaelc In Sept* thru Hot. 8. 
•aaoocd eoasion to ba hald follovliig aaoeod Beaaloa of atata coot* 
-tha xeotlon corrrantlona will foUowlsg tha aaln Una of tha atata eonr., 
in tha elaotion of dalagateaf ate* 
. -tha aaocnd eeaslon will rapott baok fron aacond aaaalon of atata eoorji 

alaot aaotlon oocsaittaaaf ato« 

Kcatlnating Cos&lttaat tha atata oonrantlon will bar* a noilnatlne eecadttaa aheaa 
fuaotlon will ba to naka ncedn&tioca for tha Bat*l oonr* 
-£t tha saoood aesaion it will saJca ncoittatloBa for Vti% atata octKlttaa* 
•thaae prv-oonvantioa ocesiitteaa will ba eallad togathar by . tbalr raapaot- 
1t* ohaiman. 

Sesolutionai All raaolntlosa frca oltiba aaS aeetlons will ba tumad orar to tha 
raaolutiona oocraittaa* 

iaenftmanta to /SSonstitutioai all raooosandations for aaai^Iaenta to tha oonatltutlao 
will ba turned ovar to tha oonatitutloa oocoiittaa. 

I Irtlolaa for ptiblieationi all artiolaa for publloation will b* tnrsad orar t^ tha 
publieity ooonitta** 

Dalsgataa frca ladxatrlal aaotionsi industrial aaotloaa will b* ontitlad to two 
dal^ataa aaoh for 15 nSsibaxv* 
-alternate/ dalagataa will ba llrltad to caa. 
-aaeh dalegata will ptll hia foil atrao^ that ha la astiUad to. 
•oo blook rot*. 

•«tat* aondtta* aaabars ara to stand for alaotlea of dalagataa la thair 
V a*etloa« 

Slaa af Stata eoort all told, irmlii^lng altarnataa, about 100^ paopla. 
-onljr QD tha baai« of a aajoritjr Tota ean anyona ba alaoted. 

?r«paratlooa for i^Oth AnniT.i 

!• Tiokata - organlaod diat* and ragular oheck-op naoaaaaiyy approaoht 

-«&ah Beabar to eall ona or sora tiokata* 
-nsk* a llat of paopla^ foisar maBbaraf sTuipathlaara, at«. 

2. Kag. S<s«ti 25 tiokata 

3. Oift a&ralopae - aTataatioaU^ poah* 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-A 

hecommendaticfss on some procehxjral 
qdestions for section convsttioie 

At the request of a number of sections, and on the proposal of the Org-Bd. 
Coraidsaion, the following recanmendations ate nade to all sections in rela- 
tion to the section conventions! 

1. While each section works out its convention arenda for itself, all 
sections should follow certain mininum uniform proceedures, such ass 

a. Eafeiblish tine limit for discussion under each polntj 

b. Adopt a rule that no one speaks tiiice until all hove had a chanoe 

to speak at least once. 
c« Whenever possible, duplication of discussion shcwld be avoided; 
for example, -try to conduct discussion of reports on basis of 
motions and resolutions presented either in reports or iranediately 
following reports, thereby circumventing need for second round of 
discussions on basis of seperate presentation of motions folloidjig 
discussions. Efforts to so facilitate discussion, however, should 
not be employed where differences arise and further debate is 
needed. But further debate shouU be so organized and placed on a 
tine Unit basis to allow completion of all the work before each 
convention session. 
d. Sufficient paperand penils shoiiju be on hand to facilitate note- 
taking and the conductbof secret ballot on all major voting. (Hot 
all voting has to be on secret ballot, -for example, chairmen of 
sessions nuQr be elected by show of hands if the delegates prefer. 
Hgwever, major voting, such as on election of delegates to state 
convention, election of section connittee in second session, etc., 
should be on secret ballot). 
X 4« In electing delegates to the state convention, nominations 

should be made all at one time* Each comrade should be asked to 
vote for a number of nominees equal to the size of the delegation 
allocated to the section on the basis of dues payments. Those 
receiving the hiphest number of votes shall be the delegation. 
For example, let us say a section is entitled to 7 delegates to 
the state convention, and 12 comrades are nominated. The seven 
highest among the 12 become the delegates, -irrespective of the 
number of votes received by,say, the Sth,6th and 7th highest (who 
may not receive a" majority of actual votes)* - , 

f, with respect to the election of an alternate delegate, the section 
convention may decide to elect such seperately, or that the next 
highest in the regular delegate election be the alternate (for 
example, in the above illustration, the flth highest vote «dFht 
beccine the alternate), 

g. Each section should draw up proposed rules for conduct of section 
conventJBon, including, but not limited^ to, the above recommendations. 
These proposed rules should be presented at outset of convention and 
acted upon, thereby providing the convention with ground rules for 
settling any questions (or most questions) of proceedure that mipht 
arise, and facilitating the smoothest possible, organized and democra- 
tic expediting of the conventlai's business* 


No.l OCTOBER 1959 

Holmes Exhibit No. 2-B 



Published by the Communist Party of Illinois - 36 W. Randolph 


By Sajn Kushner 

The national draft resolution poees the 
questioc of unity of the forces of progress 
with the aim of thwarting the goals of react- 
ion and for the building of a movement, or 
Series of moiremente which will culminate in 
a great anti-monopoly coalition to advance 
the best Interests of the American people* 

This perspective and goal is one whioh 
finds overwhelming support from the members 
of our ^'arty. The resolution, neoesearily, 
places many questions in a most general way« 
This has led to varied interpretations and 
different conclusions by many people* 

Some of this ambiguity could have and 
should have been avoided. ANY UAIN RESOLUTION 

Automation, speedup, the deteH.oration of 
working oonditions and crass anti-Negro dis- 
crimination are among the host of problems 
plaguelng the working class in the shops* In 
situation after situation there is beginning 
to emerge greater unity, at the department^ 
the shop and local union level to oombat the 
attacks of the employers* 

This xmity of the rank and file is decis- 
ive and has already brought about realignments 
asKng the rank and file in many instances* The 
cold war inspired anti-ConmuniEt bias has be- 
gun to fade in some places* The realignments, 
include left forces, especially in industries 
and shops where the struggles have been sharp 
and where the left has applied the tactic of 
the Onited ^ront with skill and understanding* 

It is not the purpose of this brief article 
to detail the mEiny instances where thif has or-- 
curred. Careful study of the Political Affairs 
and The Worker will substantiate thAs oontent- 

The situation don below, in the ranks of 
labor, is quite uneven* While many are unempl- 
oyed, others are working overtime* While some 
sectors are vigorously resisting speedup, others 
are capitulating to the onslaught of the empl- 
oyers* At best, we have a varied picture, one 
which must be more carefully studied, industry 
by industry, ajid analyzed* 

Some have begun to argue that the main 
drawback to the greater ndlitanoe of tiu rank 
and file of labor is the reactionary role of 
the labor leadership. This is an oversimplified 
approach to the question, and from the point of 
view of developing the united front can lead to 

l^rge sectors of the rank and file STILL 
view their leaders positively, even if critic- 
ally. They know that sectors of that leadersh- 
ip fought hard against the right to scab law 
in places like Ohio* That in Illinois sectors 
of the leadership called for a statewide dem- 
onstration in the state capital for increased 
\in«i^loyment oon^yansatlon* (continued on p. 2) 


BY J.H. 

The final section of the main resolution is on 
the Communist Party, its inner problems and its 
role. This section is. I believe, the decisive 
part of the resolution. For surely, political 
unity of our Party, built on solid foundations , 
IS the key to pernianently effective nnass work. 


of < 


e, possible to have mass work 
without political clarity. And it is possible to 
have political clarity without mass work. The 
one leads to opportunism, giving up the class 
struggle; the other leads to hopeless sectarian- 
ism and dogmatism for the sake of dogma. The 
fulfillment of the Party's vanguard role require 
the combination of both factors; theoretical 
clarity and its practical applicatioa Herein is 
embodied the idea of the unity of theory and 
practice. There can be no separation of the two 
A correct theory, in itself, does not auto- 
matically result in the necessary close ties 
with the masses, the extension of the Party's 
nnass influence. Neither does mass work, in it- 
self automatically result in the solution of the 
main danger of opportunism, and of the left 
sectarian danger within the Party. To real 
goal of a vanguard Party, solidly based on the 
science of Marxism -Leninism and closely link 
ed with the masses - we must employ our mair 
and indispensable weapon of criticism and self 

In this section. The Party, let me take up one 
specific point - ending factionalism - which I 
think is not properly or adequately developed, 1 
quote the whole paragraph, which consists of only 
one sentence. "Above all, the Party must conduct 
an uncompromising struggle to eradicate from 
its ranks every vestige of the destructive evil of 
factionalism. " 

Certainly it is true, as has been pointed out, 
that right opportunism and leftist - sectarian- 
ism are in the first place the result of the propa- 
ganda and pressures of the capitalist environment. 

i'o counteract rightist and leftist errors, we mui 
first recognize that so long as a capitalist ruling 
class exists in our country and in the world, these 
tendencies, and the embroynic factionalism grow- 
ing out of them, will continue to exist. These ten- 
dencies cannot be ended "once and for all. " If we 
are to have a healthy, united and effective Party, 
inner-party ideological struggle must be continu- 
ous. All of us have to learn, and keeponlearn- 
ing - not only through action in the class -struggle , 
but in study, thought and the clash of opinion. 
The clash of opinion should be connradely, but 
at tinnes it should be sharp. My emphasis on the 
necessity of ideological inner-struggle has noth- 
ing in common with the revisionist proposition 
of the "right of dissent. " What I refer to is 
genuine inner-Party struggle grounded on the prin- 
ciples of democratic centralism, which combines 
the elements of the fullest democracy with the 
principle of centralism and unity of action of the 
entire Party, (Continued on p. 2 ) 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-B — Continued 

P^2® 2 How Can the People Unite? 

(continued from p, 1) 

The examinBtlon muet be made, in analyzing 
the role of the labor loadere at all levels. In 
light of their response TO THE CEUANDS OF THE 
RANK AND FILE, In the days ahead there will be 
increasing shifting of positions, all down the 
IIds* Some among the labor leaders and overwh- 
elmingly among the rank and file* 

The issues faoing the people in the shops 
need tn be more clearly spelled out in the 
Draft Resolution and the delineation of the 
positions taken by different labor leaders 
needs an ostinBte by our Party, If it is 
true that sectors of big business have tak- 
en a more positive position on peace than 
others, and If it is true that sons busin- 
ess interests find themselves in conflict 
with big monopoly th«n can we expeot less 
division and differences in the ranks of 
the labor leadership in the future* 

^speolally is this true as the presoura 
from the rank and file makes Itself more 
felt in the rarlfied atsnosphere of hierarchy 
of labor* 

Those who seek real simple answers, those 
which can be answered with a quick cliche, to 
a most complicated situation should remind 
themselves of Boms of the short-cut and over- 
simplified "answers of the past* The resolution 
needs to tickle some of the bigger problems and 
indicate a direction for the future. This will 
help end some of the ambiguity that surrounds 


ed fro 


Secondly, this inner-Party struggle must be en- 
couraged, not suppressed. Very commonly, to my 
knowledge, it has been stiQed - stifled by hostile 
attitudes, or by a threat. If we have the right 
attitude toward inner-Party struggle, opportunism, 
either of the rightist er the leftist variety will 
seldom develop in a major way, and will notlong 
continue as a serious threat to the Party and its 
work. Comrade Kruschev recently characterized 
as "factionalism" the practice of the majority in 
the United Nations Assembly. This majority, 
under U. S. Leadership, seeks to out-vote the 
minority, he pointed out, rather than seek mutual- 
ly acceptable solutions to questions. The at- 
titude which seeks to dominate, rather than con- 
vince, is essentially factionalist - whether found in 
the majority or the minority. At this point. I am 


eed : 



riticism, and certainly a nr 

ajor correction of 

3ur practice. 


Unity calls for buildinR the 

unity of the Party , 

not simply "guarding unity. 

" And I mean unity 

in both theory and practice. 

in both thought and 

action. This inner-Party struggle, this build- 
ing of unity, while a never-ending task is a 
rewarding task. It is part of our political life 
and our growth and our effectiveness. 

I should like to see this paragraph of the 
resolution read something like this:" Above all, 
let us build the unity of the Party - a unity that 
comes out of jointly thinking through oir theore- 
tical problems and our action problems. " 

INDUSTRIAL WORK IN ILLINOIS ^y ^^ members of the Vaganknecht Sectio 

History has shaped itself with the joining 
of two sections of labor, AFL and CIO, into one 
combined federation. This joining, made on top, 
maintains the same general leadership, with 
slight changes of title and function. 

If the Party in Illinois is to fulfill its 
historic role as a vsJigunrd, a clear analysis 
must be made of labor refonnism. That work oan 
be done is olear because of the sharp and exton- 
bIto olase battles that are developing in the 
labor movement. 

The long strikes in Steel and Packing 
(Swift), and the RR brotherhoods approaching 
strike crisis, reflect the determination of the 
employers to cripple if not destroy the trade 
union moveinent. In the light of these and im- 
pending class battles, labor finds itself in a 
crisis of leadership. This crisis sterna, in 
great measure, from the role of the top trade 
union leaders In relation to foreign policy. 

The direct corandtment of most all the lab- 
or leaders behind the Meany, Reuther leadership 
to support the cold war policies of big buainesa 
has led the labor movement into a dead end. It 
has robbed the workers of effective leadership 
to combat the attacks of reaction on the labor 

In the pa3t we have found the leaders of 
the trade union movement acoonodating themselvei 
to the Taft-Hartley Law and learning to live 
with it. 

ffe now see the same tendencies displayed 
during the course of the UcClollan anti-labor 
"investigations" and in the debates on anti- 
labor legislation In Congress. In place of pre- 
senting a united front of labor resisting these 
investigations and uniting to expose Congress' 

anti-labor objectives, we have seen the trade 
union leadership invest these hearings with a 
stamp of approval by taking up the hue and cry 
of "cletming the racketeers out of the unions". 
The Teamsters were expelled from the house of 
labor in furtherance of this policy. 

A similar approach was taken toward bills 
pending in the 86th Congress. Instead of fight- 
ing government interference in union affairs, an 
official blessing was given to the passage of a 
"good" bill vrtiich the leadership-designated 
"friends of labor", Douglas and Kennedy, would 
guide through Congress. The obvious result of 
this tactic , which confused and disarmed the 
union memberships, resulted In the passage of 
the very worst bill, a variant of the Landrum- 
Griffin Bill. 

This ties the labor reformists to the big 
business strategy of isolating labor from the 
rest of the population while creating dissension 
and distrust within the ranks of labor itself. 

Another means of dividing workers and ren- 
dering them impotent Is the fallacious theory 
that wage increases and fringe benefits are un- 
reasonable demands which are responsible for 
inflation and rising taxes. The main factor 
behind inflation and high taxes is kept hidden 
from the eyes of labor and the rest of the peo- 
plei- the high cost of military spending and the 
huge profits amassed by the military profiteers. 
Again, the labor reformists give santion to this 
thinking by endorsing the cold war policies. 

The Party's main resolution and state reso- 
lution cannot be complete without making clear 
to Party members and tJie labor movement that 
these cold war policies have resulted in one de- 
feat after another for labor and will continue 
to do so until the labor leadership is forced to 
abandon its support of these policies. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-B — Continued 


A Draft Resolution proposed by R.B, 

Despite the 

of tensions in world af- 
fairs, there is no sign of a comparable let-up 
in the domestic cold war against the constitu- 
tional rights of the American people, A basic 
estimate of this attack, its source and direc- 
tion, is a necessary foundation for effective 
leadership in the defense of our liberties :- 

The trend tovrard destruction of traditional 
bourgeois democratic rights in the U.S. began to 
unfold, in the raain, at the end of World War II. 
It is a reflection of the deepening crisis of 
the capitalist w-orld, and the insoluble contrad- 
ictions faced by the ruling monopoly circles in 
the U.S. as a result of the growth of socialism, 
the national liberation movement of colonial 
countries and the inner contradictions of capit- 
alist economy. 


U.S. imperialism faces a dilemma. On the 
one hand it seeks to drastically curb the rights 
of the people — workers, Negroes, intellectuals 
-- in order to increase its rate of economic ex- 
ploitation and stifle opposition to its pro-war 
policies. On the other hand, it tries to util- 
ize the prestige of American democratic tradi- 
tions as major ideological wreapons in its 
struggle for world domination. This dilemma has 
led to splits in the ruling class and inner con- 
flicts within the state apparatus. 

Moreover, the special historic features of 
American constitutional government and democrat- 
ic tradition have helped determine the forms and 
tactics of domestic reaction. The U.S. bour- 
geois state, now the instrument of the monopoly 
oligarchy, despite its surface democratic forms, 
has proved to be an effective instrument for 
suppression of popular opposition movements. 
Its "two party system" has served to thwart the 
will of the people and block the develofsnant of 
a genuine anti -monopoly coalition in the North- 
'?rn states; its open fascist-like dictatorship 
in the deep South further butresses the power of 
monopoly and its allies, 


American reaction has in the main followed 
a course of gradualism in sharpening its instru- 
ments of repression and attempting to gut the 
elements of popular democracy embodied in the 
Bill of Rights, While avoiding the appearance 
of a sharp break with the traditional methods of 
rule, it has gone a long way in altering the 
form of government. The new repressive appara- 
tus includes a vastly expanded political police 
and espionage force, the SACB, the investment of 
new dictatorial powers in the Department of Lab- 
or, the Congressional standing committees with 
permanent staffs, and other agencies linked to 
the huge military bureaucracy. These are close- 
ly meshed with unofficial adjuncts of state pow- 
er -- control of press, radio and TV, employer 
black-lists, "Americaniiation" committees of 
veterans organizations and the like. 

American reaction has tried to masquerade 
as the defender of our Constitutional "way of 
life" and our "national security". Using 
"legality" to cover its violence to the Bill of 
Rights, it has forged a formidable arsenal of 
laws — the Smith Act, UcCarran Act and Communist 
Control Act, McCarran-Walter Law, the Taft- 
Hartley Law and the new labor control law. 

Over the last six or seven years, the one 
partial (and temporary/ governmental barrier to 
this "creeping fascism" has bei 
reme Court. Even this limited 
Court, which always avoided di 
First Amendment principles, lei 
threat to alter the Constituti 

the U.S. Sup- 
tance by the 
ssertion of 

traditionally defined role of the Court, Under 
this pressure, centered in Congress, the court 
majority retreated from its earlier libertarian 


The current struggle to preserve the First 
Amendment, idiich embodies the basic principles 
of the Bill of Rights, hinges on the defense of 
the rights of Communists. On this issue, reac- 
tion came close to victory in the era of Mc- 
Carthyism, and once again threatens to break at 
this point the dam of Constitutional protections 
for all trends of dissenting opinion. 

Civil libertarians must meet the challenge 
on this ground, or suffer serious and possibly 
fatal defeat in their effort to preserve the 
First Amendment, The bulk of the Common people, 
never wholeheartedly favorable to the tide of 
reaction, are showing growing understanding as 
the anti-union offensive tends to merge the ec- 
onomic struggles with defense of the Bill of 

Unfortunately, the leaders of the AFL-CIO 
and other basic mass organizations of the people 
have eagerly adopted and still cling to the big 
lies of the "Communist menace", and have so far 
prevented the emergence of an effective pro-Bill- 
of-Rights coalition. This weakness, in turn, is 
reflected in Congress, wnich lacks even a minor- 
ity bloc--especially in the House— which stands 
squarely in defense of the First Amendment. 


With two basic tests — the membership pro- 
vision of the Smith Act and the UcCarrein Act — 
now pending before the Supreme Court, and a 
flood of new repressive laws awaiting final ac- 
tion in Congress, the basic principles of the 
First Amendment are facing a crisis. The ultim- 
ate danger of a qualitative change in the sub- 
stance of the state apparatus (i.e. fascism) 
cannot be minimized, even though the preparatory 
process is for from completed. 

The CommuniEt Party and those idiom it in- 
fluences can play a decisive role in helping to 
build a national resistance movement* They 
alone can fully expose the big lie of the 
"Conmunist Menace", the nature of reaction and 
the fascist threat. Through support to and in- 
itiation of united front movements, they can 
help concentrate the democratic forces upon the 
defense of the basic principles of the First 
Amendment. Today, the potentials for a powerful 
coalition in defense of the Bill of Rights are 
greater than they have been at any time since 
the cold war begaji in earnest. Given effective 
leadership, the people can preserve and extend 
their freedoms. 


It must be said self-critically that there 
has been a serious underestimation of the extent 
of the erosion of the Bill of Rights. The lack 
of this basic estimate has fed ideological un- 
clarity and disunity. It has fostered complac- 
ency, on the one hand, and narrow, one-sided 
approaches to alliances, without perspectives of 
continuing growth and development, on the other. 
The defense of democratic rights has not been a 
main element in the mass work of the Party in 
many major areas of its work. It must now be- 
come one of the central tasks of the Communist 
Party as set forth in policies of the XVII th 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-B — Continued 

page Ij 


There are those of us - probably a minority - 

attract new, young readers - and older ones. 

who (ind The Worker ■'dull" - its makeup, its 
heaviness and wordiness. 

A word to some of the writers - let the chips 
fall where they may! We say this with some 

One of our subscribers an avid reader, com- 

hesiUtion, because we're aware of the de- 

plains: "I have to drive myself to zead that pa- 
per. *' Another, whom we know reads a number 

mands and pressures on a limited staff for the 
job that has to be done. BUT - and we quote 

of "leff publications, when asked at renewal 

another reader; "if things are always said in 

time his opinion of the paper - with a light 

the same words, after awhile what you read 

laugh, said: "I don't read it except for the 
occasional article. " 

loses meaning. 1 stack up The Worker at the 
end of the week alongside my "broom and dust 

pan" - it's one of my chores'* - 

We suggest: 

We can't believe that our writers no longer 

The People's World as a model for layout and 

know how to "turn over a phrase. " We need a 

form. The Worker needs a 'light touch. ' This is 

little freshness and a variation in styles, please 

not to say we want it to be less serious or that 
there be only short articles and stones. We 
want It to continue to be a thinking man's paper. 

We appreciate the articles that show a close- 
ness to the thinking of the people, but often they 
lack that link with expertness - the combina - 

Our paper needs a relief from its "solid look. " 

tion that results in deepening an article with 

Cartoons, drawings, pictures tell very signifi- 
cant stories, too. The "visual story" should 

facts and figures, images and astute observa- 
tions from good research material and thinkers. 

One of the questions that particularly inlerest- 

I me in the Draft Resolution for the 17th Con- 

:ntion, was the reference to the need for a Mar 


By Q.C. 

to the 

. was the refere 

ist orientated you 

Because our party has been reduced in size due 
to our internal struggle and we are facing mount- 
ing problems, it is essential to select carefully 
those cardinal fields of work meriting particular 
emphasis and concentration. 

One such cardinal field, in my opinion, is the 
youth. Everywhere, in unions, among the unem- 
ployed, in community work, and in the national- 
ity groups, we must find the youth. We must con- 
centrate on the problems of working youth and 
student youth between the ages of 16 and 35. 

One of the burning problems of our party to- 
day is to help and encourage the youth without 
stifling their initialiveand enthusiasm, to integ- 
rate the developing youth movement with the gen- 
eral forward movement of the working class and 
to help prepare reliable trained leaders (cadres) 
for the youth movement and for the future of our 
party. The correct development of the youth will 
grow chiefly from their own experience and their 
own study and effort. However, as we have learn- 
ed from the past, this is not enough. A Marxist 
orienUted youth organization also needs the bene- 
fit of the experiences of the older generation; it 
needs the help and guidance of our party. 

Fortunately, in spite of many adverse and dis- 
couraging circumstances, young people repeated- 
ly come forward showing interest in Socialism 
and a strong desire for the creation of a Marxist 
orientated youth orRanization which serves as a 
nerve center for broader and wider youth 

As one of the elementary steps, study-action 
groups should be formed wherever the inifiative 
of the youth presents itself or whenever the 
adult sponsorship is available. These youth 
groups will form the beginning of a communist 
core fora national organization of a Marxist 

orientated youth - an organization which stimu- 
lates and helps cement a broad movement of 
youth in the U. S. A. for the consuming needs of 
youth itself as well as for peace in the world and 
Socialism here. 

It seems to me a mistake to project the idea 
of having an all inclusive socialist youth organi- 
zation at this time. To my mind, an all - in- 
clusive youth movement becomes possible at a 
much higher and mature stage of development, 
at that tinne when the vast majority of class - 
conscious youth becomes convinced of the cor- 
rectness ot Marxism - Leninism, or at least has 
developed enough confidence in the Marxist- 
Leninist movement to accept it as the basis of 
the united socialist youth organization. 

We are certainly far from such a stage today. 
The attempt to lump the diverse youth trends of 
today into a single organization, while a good 
many of these trends are deeply biased against 
the Socialist camp, and merely parade under 
the name of socialisnn, would simply doonn any 
attennpt to create a Marxist orientated youth 

One recent event makes this particularly 
obvious. I am referring to the Vienna Youth 
Festival. It is also evident that cerUin in- 
fluences among the youth attempted, with the 
aid of the State Department, to carry out, at 

the festival, a major provocation that would 

embarrass and disrupt it. 

What was lacking, was the clarity and guid- 
ance that could only have come from the kind of 
a Marxist-orientated youth organization that I 
am Ulking about. With such a force in exist- 
ence, the vast interest around the Youth Festi- 
val could have found expression in a much larg- 
er and broader contingent of American Youth, 
American Youth, who were genuinely interest- 
ed building peace and friendship on the one 
hand, and fully alert to the machinations of 
those who sought to convert the Festival into an 
arena of struggle between the''WEST" and the 
(continued p. ?) 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-B — Continued 


by two members of the Vagonkneoht Section 


The most important question of the 
period is tactics and the developraent of a uni- 
ted front to defeat the onslaught of big busi- 
ness against the labor movement, the movement 
for Negro rights and against civil rights gen- 

In developing a discussion around the 
united front, the National Committee resolu- 
tion leaves many generalities and unclear 
concepts, in light of specific present-day 

Certainly Communists are willing to par- 
ticipate, and in fact have peu^ticipated, in 
unity of action on specific issues such as 
peace, support of the steol strike, the 
struggle for the rights of the Negro people, 
etc- Individual Communists have on occasion 
done splendid work under difficult conditions 
to raise the understanding of their fellow 
trade unionists and shop workers on many of the 
issues that have been mentioned* vrtiich confront 
the people today. 


What is needed is to spell out in c 
terms the perspectives of the united frc 
the means of advnncing its developrtent. 
ience shows that the united front takes various 
forms under various conditions. At times there 
are possibilities of the united front from the 
top — which is to say, the alliance of top lead- 
ership of labor organisations with other move- 
ments. At other times united front movements 
develop chiefly from below. At times both 
forma of activity are possible at the same 
time. Whenever the united front at the top 
serves the interest of the working class. Com- 
munists favor such a unity and put aside long 
term and fundamental differences for the purpose 
of a united front aimed toward a specific objec- 
tive. While the united front on top is possible 
at certain times and under specific objective 
conditions, the united front from below is valid 
at all times. 


At the present period. Communist initiated 
ducation in the ranks of the working class is 
issential, and in the course of a developing 

struggle this educational process assumes 
pecial importance. 


(continued from page h) 

••EAST" - into a 
field of ideology. 

battlefield in the 


There are many lessons that we need to study 
and draw from this extensive experience that ha 
emerged around the Vienna Youth Festival - i 
1 hope that the Party will go deeply into these 
lessons to correct the distortions that have c< 
from the hostile press. 

And so it is clear that such a movement is 
imperative and indispensable and nnust be organ- 
ized along such lines as will insure a Marxist - 
orientation and training. With this kind of train- 
ing and experience youth will be prepared to take 
places of leadership in the unions, in the commun 
ty, and in the peace movement. 

G. C. 


6k W. Randolph St., room 910 


Labor Fact Book #14 - ($2.00) 

George Morris :- 

Herbert Aptheker:- 

Dr. W.E.B. DuBois;- 

Other Marxist books and periodicals 


This Is the first of two scheduled pre-Convontion discussion bulletins. 
It is published by the pre-Convent ion publications committee, a sub-committee 
of the Illinois State Coramittoe. 

All contributions in this issue were submitted by individuals. None, 
of course, represent official positions of the organiiat ion , until or 
unless they have been approved by collective decision. 

The deadline for the second issue of the discussion bulletin is 
Sunday, November 1. Contributions may be given to members of the publications 
committee or turned in through organltat ional channels or the State office 
at 36 W. Randolph St. They may be the work of individuals or the collective 
work of clubs or sections. Maximum length is 750 words. 

Contributions to the national pre-convent ion bulletin "Party Affairs" 
or to "Political Affairs" may be turned in through the above channels. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-C 

Illinois state Conventlon-N^vegter, X9i9 t 

Resolutlen on the IVrty Organization 

Begad on discussions 
in the State Bmtd, 
State Org.Caanission 
and in a special 
Org. Conference to 
discuss this draft. 

I- Between the I6th and 17th Cor'ventlone 

The 17th Convention vlll mark a nev stage in the fight for the unity and cohes^ "^n 
of the Party rallied around ite mass llnei policies for the unity of labor, ^-1 ^ 
Negro people, farmers and ether democratic forces for peace ^democracy and secvr: ty^ 
~the unity of all the pttple against topmost monopoly in general, and,liimedi?tely. 
against the iminitlons-missiles monopolists in particular. 

In this fight, the February, 1956 National Comnittee meeting narked an iugwrtant 
tuinlng point. It brought an end to the period of paralysis whioh had beset the 
ftirty. This paralysis, which was particularly aeut« in the six months prior te 
the February meeting, was the result of the teriporary dominanoe of revisionist 
influences in the operative leadership of the Nationd Ceramlttee, 

While the Gates-revisionist influences left their mark on the l6th convention, 
the ita^ori.^ of that convention heXd the Party to a generally cerreet Marxist- 
Leninist main direction* 

Similarly, the majority asserted itself at the February,1958 NC neetlng ai»l 
dealt a decisive blow to revisionlsBjCreating political conditions which forced 
Gates &-Ce, out of the Partyt 

From that tine forward, the liational leadership has continued to strenffthen 
prlnolplled unity on the basis of the mass linsa 

Ih this struggle for the Party, for its vmlty against the monopolist eneny and 
for mass vork among the people, the Illinois Party played a positive and iji;>ar> 
tant rolst 

Despite severe limitations, serious losses and some defections, the Illinois Party 
helped stimulate certain go-forward tendencies which helped overcome paralysis. 
It consistently pursued a policy of combining united front mass work with timely 
projection of Party and Left initiatives. I the main, it waged a princlplled 
straggle agednst factionalism and its methoSs from any and all quarterq. While 
ridding the Party of a virulent ultra-left factional grouping, it has fought for 
a correct line on the basis of open airing of differences and helping many com- 
rades who tended in one or another direction to get their bearings again within 
the I^rty. 

Since February, 1958, two suecessAil Worker drlTes were conpleted] the Party 
played a role in the state PEP fight.especially In 1958} in the unesplojwd narchof 
on Springfield and Washington] in the two YgUth marches for integrated schools; 
In the T uth Festival and other cultural exchange actlvltieai in the struggle -far - 
op. Q^en, Henry Winston and Bob TheBf>son and In the fight fer denecrstie right* 
generell^ 'in tiie resurgence of Left activity in the Negro eoraninlty, witnessed 
In the ii^B^lff and RobescB affairs, the aale of the Robescn book, the rise of In- 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-C — Continued 

dependent voter activity, in the struggles on housing, against police brutality, etcj 
in a number of united front activities in the Jewish and Slav coraniunities; in a 
nuniber of peace meetings and activities; in a number of economic, strike struggles} 
in the promotion of independent political activity in and out of the S-party arena. 

A number of sections have further developed their capacity for united front acti- 
vity in the fight for equal rights, on housing, in the fight for peace and on elec- 
toral activities, and on the economic front, notably in Hyde Park,W st Slde,9thCD, 
to a lesser extent in Loop and l?th CD, and in industrial work, '~ 

At the same time, the Party advanced its inde'Jendent position in numerous vrays, 
including testimony at public hearings; open letters and statements to the pr^ss; 
dintribution of 27 leaflets and folders; distribution and sale of The Worker and 
special filers; and in public meetings, the high point of T-ihich was the hOth 
anniversary meeting with 500 people in attendance. Increasingly, the Party has 
expanded Its advocacy of Socialism and faces the need to do so even more in tha 

I this period, the Party hgs checked the decline, has begun to consolidate and 
strengthen Its positions. I addition to stable, functioning press, editorial, edu- 
cational committees, a Negro commission and a Jewish commission have been re- 
established; and peace,youth and organization committees have been set up, as well 
as special committees in relation to certain mass organizations and political action 

Community laison committees to coordinate the work of industrial, community and pro- 
fessional forces, especially in political action, have been set up,ln some areas. 

A beginning has been made In bringing forward newer forcesJVnd recruiting has 
begun In some areas. 

These positive accomplishments are significant in that they attest to the vitality 
of the organization, giving the lie to the revisionist fantasy that the Party 
is obsolete and incapable of leading; and oroving the capacity,energy and will 
of the Party to not Just live and fight for its existence, but to fulfill its 
guiding role in relation to the mass struggles of the people and Its capacity to 
overcome sectarianism. 

1^ recounting these accoii?>llshmaits, it is necessary to recognize saelious weak- 
nesses, such ast 

a. uneven participation in these mass activities from section to 
section, club to club, raanber to menber; 

b. insufficient collectivity at all levels in planning mass activity, 
in the course of its execution, and in subsequent evaluation md 
exchange of experiences; 

c. failure to rally the Party as a vrfiole to react in time rnd with 
sufficient strength to a number of Important situations effecting 
the interests of the working class, Negro people and their allies; 

d. failure to give necessary attention to a nuniber of Important areas, 
such as serious neglect of nationality group work; as well as a 
number of major local issues, such as a city-wide approach to housing; 

e. insufficient attention to Ideological work in the P-rty and to 
cadre development; 

f . insufficient attention to problems of mass education, especially with 
respect to develop of class, political and socialist consciousness, etc. 

52-810 O — 166— pt. 2- 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-C — Continued 


It Is necessary to recall all the Prrty has accomplished since the I6th convention, 
and especially since the Feb.'58,NC meeting, not to become smug and self-satisfied, 
but to have a sober estimate of our strength, to overcome tendencies to minimizing 
the role of the Party which sapped its self-confidence, so that we can go to vrork 
on our many weaknesses with confidence in our ability to overcome them. 

Or— of the chief lessons of this period is that a^ong the comrades who have helped 
<;he Party most in overcoming the ravages of revisionism are those v*io contribi'.ted 
nost to the effort to carry out thp Imp of the Party among the people. By actively 
seeking to bring the Party's policies into the arena of mass work, they are helping 
tr rebuild the confidence of the Paity in its capacity to do mass vrork. These com- 
■"c.lop are the strongest pillars of suppcrt the -'arty has, and their constructive 
■•vi.t.\tade marks a grovdng majority i;hose numbers will grov! to encompass the '.-hole 

Th3 fen who start from the premise of lack of confidence in the P?rty and its rass 
' pclLoios are dwindling in numbers and increasingly find themselves isolated frcra 
tf:3 feO-1'o-.-wanJ spirit developing in the Party, '"ihey become increasingly unhgjpy 
•li th the Party ,its leaders and menbers, and ilth themselves. While some of them 
;,i?T >»2 lost to the Party, the best among them lall abandon their negative.fault- 
[j '-.■ ling or factionaHst attitudes and resume honored places in the raiks of our 
Icrwsrd-marohing Communist Party. 

With the revisionists out of its ranks, the Party comes to the 17th Convention 
pi«pared to take the next steps towards again becoming a decisive force in cur laid. 

-^n;ther lesson of this period is that the struggle against revisionism does not mean 
-.'..'c the Party blinds itself to the continuing, deeply-rooted dogmstism pnd left- 
rfecv.srianisra i*ich has plagued it for so long. Nor does it mean that revisionism aid 
''r.giiatism are enemies to each other, or that dogmatism is an ally of the Party in 
the struggle against revisionism. 

To the contrary, both are but two sides of the sane opportunist coin, having their 
comnon source in bourgois ideology. They feed each other and are inimical to 
Mancism-Leninlsm and its dialectical method. 

In this period, the grave danger of factionalism has been brought shairly into 
fScus. Factioallan places loyality to the faction and Its leader above lojalty to 
the Party and its leadership. It is the attitude of exploiting the Party's vieak- 
nesses to further factional aims. l" all circuristanccs, factionalism diverts the 
Party from improving and carrying out its mass policies. It is the most extreme 
form of isolation frcm the real problems of the people. It is destructive of the 
political and organizational principles of the vanguard party. I^ is a responsibi}/- 
ity and duty of the Party as a whole, and of the leadership first of all, to eradi- 
cate every last vestige of factionalism from the Party. T^is must be done on the 
basis of ideological persuasion and conviction in the first place; but where the 
Party is confronted tdth incorrigible,unreconstructable factionalista, it must 
employ the disciplinary powers provided by the Party's Constitution. 

The pre-convention discussion to date shovrs that the Party in its overvrtielmlng 
majority t§ uniting around the main line of the general political resolution and 
the NC's en letter of N^v. 1st. The main resolution, which will undoubtedly be 
further in^roved and strengthened by the national convention as a result of the 
party-wide discussion and the Open Letter, la a sound document around which the 
Party can be rallied and united. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-C — Continued 

The task of carrying it Into life will becooe the basis of Party acti vlty follo^^- 
ing the convention. The struggle to gear the Party to carry out the line of the 
lYth convention vdll, in good measure, be a sustained effort to overcome its 
weaknesses and shortcomings, to resolve a nuitier of contradictions arising out of 
long-uhsolved pr(>blems. 

n- Problems of Gearing the Party to Its Hass Pplicies. remolding of our forms and pethods oust be approached in the lifht of the es- 
;. Tate of the new period uiiforLciiig. The possibility of a prolonged thaw in t!-e 
C'"-i War, of winning tlie f.g^; for peaceful co-existence betvieen the USA sni Ihe 
'}:£>i as the pre-coniition of wrld peace, opens up a number of domestic conE'^cu^;noo8. 

Fo--ncst among these is the prospect of a tveer expressiCTi of class forces, rel» - 
tif./ishios and In'oeriKts- Tl;? liklihood Is that mass struggles will grow as the 
coi.r ii*^. over the fut<ire euononio and political course of our country sharpens^ 

U ,d-) ' tlips.-i conditions, thp line of our Party Tor a convergence, or a front, or 
d^ J >: forces against monopoly reaction vnil stand forth with greater inpaot 
i-]' ^piidlty than in conditions of Cold W?r relationships which obscure class 
lnte:T3ts and forces in a cloud of "national unity". 

A'l-eady a new fluidity characterizes the national and state scenes as individuals 
a.-a gi-oups begin to shift positions to meet changing ccnditlons. 

:.., these conditions the Party must be ready to react more qulcklt and vith greater 
";o:.dTess to events, both in the application of the united front and in timely pro- 
J iction of Party and Left initiatives. 

T> do so it is necessary to overcoise certain practices, concepts and methods which 
dcsloped in the McCarthy period. It is also necessary to correct extreme overcor* 
r«ftion of mistakes of that period. The centinuation of Incorrect concepts and 
practices Into a new period seriously Inpalrs the fight to overcome our biggest 
unsolved problerac the mastery of the united front policy. 

The united fr«ait policy is almost 25 years old. Tet there is mch unclarity,confu- 
sion aid lack of understanding of this fundamental policy of our PWrty for the 
realization of its mass line. 

Itbis a hamAil ovErslrapllfication to regard our past as simply a succession of 
trrong mass policies. Along with a nuinber of MeU-known and serious mistakes in 
mass policies, there are nuneraous examples of correct mass policies directed to 
the urgent, over-riding needs of the Amerlcai people. The f8llare,Dany tiiiies,i,to 
carry out a correct mass line was mainly due to oar failure to master the United 
Itont as tto basic style and method of our mass work . 

It is necessary to re-arm the Party v4th the theory and practise of the United 
Front, to place the task of the re-education of the Party on this basis as the 
foi«most Ideological task before us, along the lines suggested in the state main 
political resolution. 

Oar chief weapon in solving these problems is educatlenal v^oric. It is necessaiy to 
raise the importance of ideological work In the party; for all leading comrades to 
engage in this effort; and to develop it on the basis of coirfbinlng principles with 
the solution of the real, pracUcal problans before us. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-C — Continued 

J(lNb»- ns other problens which bear on the Party's capacity to carry out 
V the united front policy and which need urgent attention are: 

the rennants of distorted concepts of security viiich arose in the McCarthy 

period and >*iich hamper the Party's mass work in a nunfcer of ways. Security must 
be taken out of the realm of individual determination and placed as a collective 
problem in each Party organization. It mst be approached first of all from tlte 
viewpoint of safeguarding the Party's capacity to do mass work, to increase the 
mass influence of the Party's policies, to advance united front policy. Real 
problems of security mist be seperated out of the mass of confusicai and diEtort'.on 
I'hich now surrounds this question and solved on the basis of a worked-out Party 
•■pp roach. For this it Is necessaiy to fonailate a clear-cut general Party pos:' ' an 
.n security based on conbining principle with practical needs, for discussion 
<nd c<mcrete application locally &id in individual cases. 

.;. ...the revulsion to the over-centralization of the McCarthyite period and to 
tl« borocratic practices that came with it has produced a varibjy of each-go-his- 
c:in-way tendencies, undermining the norms of Party discipline, collectivity and 
t'eiocratic centralism. There was a tendency to throw the baby of democratic 
. eatralism out with the bathwater of burocratlc practies. Our past experiences 
Vrjve that the only sound basis *or party functioning Is democratic centra HsM.Ifle 
"rarty needs the unity of both democracy and centralism. 

Organizational measures or constitutional clauses, In and of themselves, do not 
assure perfection in the use of democratic centralism, nor are they sufficient 
iiafeguards against its abuse. These require a caistantly rising political-theo- 
retical level and conscious effort to live by and improve the operati on of demo- 
-j-atic centralism. Key to its mastery is the operation of colectivity in policy 
making on all Jevels and definite resp<»»sibility for execution, and check-up. 
It is necessary to both study the principles of democratic centralism and to 
learn the art of its practise on the basis of solving day-to-day problems. 

.....primary toward redeveloping a sense of discipline and responsibility is the 
development of ideological-educational work. Our discipline must be based on 
conviction. The decision of the Southwest section for monthly membership meetings 
of a political-ideological nature directed toward clarifying our difection and 
tasks is commended to all sections that are in positicn to so do. Such membership 
meetings can go far toward answering the grovdng demand for explanations of the 
thinking that goes into policy making, the "wlys and lAerefores" of Party deci- 
sions. The rise of such a demand testifies to the growing desire to make break- 
throughs towards effective mass woric. To meet this need, It is necessary to ex- 
pand and improve the all-around political-educational work of the Party. 

<... .Accompanying the demand for the whys of our mass poltcies Is a growing de- 
sire to master the know-how of Communist mass work. The limitations Imposed on 
us by the times prevents putting Into print many rich, valuable mass experiences. 
This has led to an abandonment of the time-tested practise of evaluating struggles 
and activities, exchanging experiences, generalizing their lessons and learning 
from them. Ag a consequence, the ability to correctly anploy our tools of cri- 
ticsm and self-crltlcsm is seriously harpered and often results in these instru- 
ments being turned into hari.-kar> weapons, instead of being directed primarily 
towards aiding the Party fulfill its guiding role among the masses. 

It is necessary to Institute more or less frequent city and/or section wide 
meetings to evaluate experiences, to restore this practise in the clubs, sections 
and comolsslons, bringing our theory and mass line to bear as a guide to evalua- 
tion and the drawing of lessons; thereby opening up a vttal, dynanlc method for 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-C — Continued 

developlng know-how, excersing criticsm and self-critlcsm,raising the general 
theoretical-ideological level, and developing greater Party consciousness & spirit* 

■>. ...Equally important is it to convene city- and section- wide conferences to 
w;.rk <Mt coianon, unified approaches and policies on a number of urgent Issues 
frcing the people, such as housing, integration, •"he school sit-^tion, areas of 
severe unemployment and vant, health, etc. 

., ^c.It is necessary to overcome inadequacies of the nature of mass vrork for 
Communists, ae well as the faulty concept of Party woric as so-called "inner work". 
Too often these two sides of the Party's vanguard role are pitted against each 
:ther as antagonisms. I^ reality, they are twj parts of a h«rmonious,unified 'hrle. 

There can be no effective Party work which is not directed , in one way or enothc .■, 
to the solution of mass problems; there can be no effective work in mass organiza- 
tions which is not dlrected.i n one way or another, to winning non-P-rty people tD 
support the mass policies or the Party and to strengthen the Party's influence 
among the people. 

These two sides of the Party's work are indispensable to a correct united front 
policy; to a correct filfillnent of the mass line. They complement, support each 
other. The absence of one or the other leads to opportunist errors of a right oi 
left variety. All cwicepts and terriencies which turn these two vital aspects of 
the Party's role and work into hostility against each other imist be combatted as 
objectuvely playing into the hands of those who i«3uld destroy the Party. 

.....It is necessary to develop a deeper understanding of the role of Pajrty organ- 
izational forms and methods in relation to its mass policies. 

As a vital, living organism with a developing political line which attunes to 
changed conditions, the Party must, from time to time, re-examine its forms of 
organization and methods of work, seeking to ever more bring them into harmonjr 
with its mass tasks. Failure to do so when conditions require It results in a 
conflict, a contradiction between new tasks and policies, and obsolete methods 
and instruments of organization. This often nullfles or hampers our ability to 
Liost effectively execute mass policies in good time. 

Tne insistence which has arisen to overcome the gap between industrial and commun- 
ity work, the acceptance of the community laison conmittees to coordinete in the 
political action field, are recognition of the need for some changes to further 
i:i?)rove our forms and methods to correspond to the chief mass tasks. 

The Coraminity Laison Committees are proving to be but a partial solution, and 
In turn pose such new problems ( their place in the Party structute, the rmber of 
additional Party meetings they lii^ose,etc.) as to call for deeper probing and 
more basic answers. 

I^ this respect, one of the aspects of our work which makes it more difficult to 
arrive at solutions is a certain over-departmentalization and seperation of indus- 
trial and community vrork. Among otger things, this has seriously weakened the ccn- 
centratlon policy, oftai limiting the community's role In concentration to the 
distribution of materials at plant gates and union meetings. A key to restoring 
concentrsticai as a policy for the whole p arty is the proper overcoming of this 
over-departmentalization and seperation. Wg cannot continue to abide a situation 
in which the Party as a whole is not aware of and lives apart from the major prob- 
lems of auto, steel, transport and other woricers and of the labor movament as a whole. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-C — Continued 

Toward this end, and to facilitate the solution of the other problems 
pointed up herein, a district conference on problems of gearing the Party to the 
fulfillBent of Its mess tasks should be planned for the first haj^ of 1960.Slnce 
those problems exist nationally as well as In Illinois, and since the solution 
of some of them require formulation of national policy. It is essential, in our 
riew, that a national conference also be organized. 

.....From all the foregoing, there also emerges the needs for an examination of 
the Party's cadre policy and the formulation of cadre objectives and training. We 
are today paying dearly for the temporary inability to staff certain leadership 
functions of the Party. The majority of these functions are essential to a 
proper functioning of the party, to properly serve the multiplicity of Ideologj csl, 
political, tactical and other aids needed by the sections, cluns, members. It is r.ot 
necessary to postpone into the indefinite future the solution of the main aspects 
of this prctolem, because the people exist in the Party to help solve it. But for 
thls. It will be necessary to move at least along three lines of development: 

a. It is necessaiy to face the fact that In Illinois today we are overorgani' r-d 
at the bottom and underorganized at the top. There are far too many clubs for f;« 
size of the organization. Ij, 4rtiole areas, club forms continue^ to exist just as ' 
or 10 years ago withait regard to reduction In number of nenbers for various 
causes, or chmges in employment and in club compsotians. A certain amount of 
ccnsolidatlon is required, and in some instances urgently needed if contact 
with some members is not to be lost and if club life is to be improved. This 
wcwld result in the release of some comrades to mass work, others to staffing 
various leadership functions. This nust be done not as a result of a city-wide 
scheme, but on the basis of the actual situation in sections and divisions. 

b. It is necessary thpt a systematic, planned program for the training and 
development of selected newer and younger comrades be adopted to refresh and re- 
plenish the leadership corps and assure its continuity into the future. The cadre- 
training plan ai^roved by the Organization Co^nittee should be presented to the 
2nd session of the state convention as part of the P-^m of Work for 1960. 

c. It is also necessary that a plan be drawn up for the tetraining and re- 
freshment of the Party's older cadre, based, among other things, on restoring the 
time-tested f\indamental principles, their re-cvaminatic:; tte light of new 
developments and experience, and the establis.nent of a cc^tr^non, unifying estimate 
cf all basic principles to bring a renewed cohesion and like-.idndedness among the 
cadre as a whole on all the big questicms of our movement. 

The strengthening «»» our Party urgently requires a more conscious and con- 
s^entious approach to recruiting. Tj,ls would also contribute to the solution of 
'"^ cadre problems. Ihls necessltiates, among other things: 

a. Hestoration of the practise of working on lists of ccntacts in clubs 
and sections, drawn from the best, most promisijig people in unions, shop;; 
comunltles and mass orgs., and systematic, sfetp-by-step educational woric 
with then both Indlvudually and In groups to being them ever closer and 
into the Party. 

b. a policy of differentiation to all who left the Party. T is means a 
comradely, open-handed approach to all former menbers who still believe 
In the lofty goals of Narxlsm-Lentnlsn, »»ho left our ranks because they 
do not understand and were otherwise repelled by the inner-struggle or 
because of tactical and secondary differences. It means reestablishing con- 
tact with them, systematic Ideological and personal work vlth them and the 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-C — Continued 


engeoderlng of an atmosphere welcoming them back to the Party. 

c. Better and more vdde-spread utilization of our mass pamphlets and 

books deaillng vdth the urgent problems of the day and the populariza- 
tion of the principles and accompllshnents of Socialism, the oppor- 
tunities for which are grovdjig from day to day as growing hundreds of 
thousands search for the cause of the breath-taking achievements of 
Soviet labor, science and cultre. 

On the basis of the resumption of the Party's mass work, -both in the united 
front and in its independent capacity as the Party of scientific social ism, whicn 
has already begun, -the second session of the state convention must address itse"^ 
to more concrete measures for overcoming our shortcomings and vjeaknesses and 
adopt a Plan of Work for I960 aimed at substantial ir^iroveraent and expansion of 
the multiform mass work and activities of the Party, 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-D 


The Pre-CoRventlen Resolatiens Comdttee aubidt* the lUinpls Drmft on 
^rty oicanization with the follOHlng ohangea. DeletloriB at« for teddty 
brevity and to ellninste repltltlon; Cheneee and addltfona are flora more 
•ecurecy, roundlng-oaticl«rliVli)g atid to include additional proposals of 
nerii from sectlonsi 

Page li the booct change to read: "Based on a discussion on this document te tte 
• whole In a special org. conference and discussion en the subject natter 
of parts of It In the State B^ard and the State Org.Coramlsslon". 

I^ge li add to end of and paragraphi ",plus the eontlmed Influence of deep- 
going dogmatle-sectsrian concepts and the blttei^lnner struggle bettreen 
these two extremes." 

Page It add to 3rd paragraphi "Significantly, an ultra-leftist grouping also 
left the Party shortly thereafter." 

P^e 3t delet e 2nd and 3rd paragraphs beginning with "One of the chief.." and 
ending wljih "forward rvnxhlng Conminist Party". 

delete words "With the revisionists out of-its ranks" In next paragraph. 
add to end of 6th paragraph: "(See State Political Resolution^". 

Page Iti 6th paragraph under S otlln Hi add to second sentence t "as spelled out 
below", to now reads "It is also necessaiy to correct extreme over- 
correction of mistakes of that period as spelled out below". 
8th paragraphi delete words ",nany times," in sentence beginning with 
■The failure...". 

Page 5> top,paragraph beginning "...the rements": Take second sentence beginning 
with "Security must.." and mov« doim to Just before last sentence in 

In paragraph beginning "primary toward redeveloping..." delete next to 
the last sentence. 

Page 6t lith paragraphfbeginning with "these two sides..." delefttathese woidsi 

"to a con^ot fulfillment of the mass Una. They eonplenent , support each 

Add this paragraph to bottm of page ("Coordination between coranunlty and 
industrial party orgoilcatiois to advance Industrial concentration, to 
help develop labor consciousness of ccnmunlty dubs, to advance community 
political action, to exchange experiences on plant distributions,Worker 
sales, etc., to exchange Ideas on personnel distribution is needed" (from 
West Side section convention resolution). 

Page 7 I Last paragraph, add this sentence following first sentence beginning 

with "The strengthening.."!— "A serious approach to recruiting re<]alrea 
reoognltlon of the existence of difficulties and obstacles, such as 
problems arising out of the repressive legislation and attacks." 

Page 8t- incorporate into point o.this sentence! "Issuance of mass eduostlonal 
material on basic things in American life: crime and corruption, taxes, 
living costB,youth prbblems,health".(W st Side Section Resolution). 

Page 6 I- delete from last paragraph! "On the basis of the resumption of the 
Party's mass work, both in the united front end in its Independent 
capacity as the Party of soientlfio sociellsm,whlch has already begun-"* 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-E 

(The Illinois State Coimittee presents this drsift, the n&ln line of irtiioh ms 
approved - 21 for; 1 againsti 1 abstention • for olub and seotion disousslon 
and action) 



The Conmmlst Party of Illinois, In oonvention assesibledt endorses 'tiie line of 
direction of the Draft Resolution for the 17th National Convention, CPDSA. 

Basing itself on the anal/sis of a new world relationship of forces and the 
developments in the United States, the resolution projects the possibility of riis 
new decade of the 60s opening up an era of lasting peace i expanding democracy; 
attainment of full citizenship of the Negro people; and reaching a higher degree 
of econonio well-being. The possibility of ending the cold war, and of creating 
a more favorable climate to advance democracy and security were underscored by 
the exchange of views between the heads of government of the USA and the USSR e.t 
Camp David and the response to Chairman Khrusohev's tour in the United Statec 

Plaoing peace as the primary Issue of our time, noting the growing insti;'.-!.:- 
Ity of the economy, the resolution vmms of the growing offensive cf top-mo> t ana- 
opoly reaction aimed at prolonging the cold war, "stabiliting" the econony p.r. 'Jia 
expense of the people, and attempting to prevent fulfillment of the great prosuj i 
of the 608. 

The variety of opinions expressed in various official and semi-official 
reactions to Premier Khrusohev's visit reflect growing, sharpening differen..";? in 
top ruling circles over the course of foreign policy. The outcome of this Rt;- -j, i 
will be largely Influenced by the development of united labor and peoples movr- 
monts on the urgent issues of the day and could load to far-reaching realig^anrant 
of foroes nationally, decisive to a positive outociB of the struggles in the lu- 
nedlate years ahead. 

Hence, the national resolution projects a policy of helping to build and 
strengthen the inner-unity of labor, the Negro people, other democratic seotorF; 
the alliance of all these popular forces through united action on the day-to-day 
issues for which they are prepared to move; to help sustain and elevate these- 
mov3ments on local and/or partial issues into a grand anti-monopoly convergeroe 
fcr the overall objeotlves of peace, democracy and security, to win the goals of 
the 1960s. 

The resolution stresses the new importance in modern times of political end 
legislative activity to reinforce and win economic and social struggles and ob- 
jeotlves « it projeots a sound policy for the 1960 elections of maximum mass, 
united pressure to influence the outcome ilthin the two-party arena in favor of 
positive steps for peace a nd domestic welare. It calls for wide activity to 
ensure the nomination of pro-peace, pro-labor, pro-integration candidates, and 
the defeat of the Dixieorat-GOP Reactionary Allianoe and the virulent cold war 
promoters in both parties. 

It underscores the importance of the working class emerging as an indepnr.dsnt 
political force with a labor political program for the nation and strong woik.c-; 
class political action organizations; as well as the need for building the p^^it- 
loal activity and organizations of the Hegro people, farmsrs, liberals, bctr. in 
and cut of the old parties. It places the fulfillment of this task as esseciial 
not only to win inmedlato 1960 objeotlves, but as Indispensable to bring a^iut a 
far-reaehing political realignment out of <4ilch nay arise a new party of labor, 
Bsgro people and farmsrs. 

Objeotive factors are maturing for the realization of these goals. But with- 
out the leading role of the working class and the enhanced guiding role of the 
Commiu-ist Party, there Is no assurance that they will be seoured. The key to the 
Paity"s ability to help unfold and attain these mass goals is in the naotory of 
the imitad front policy and the consolidation and strengthening of the Party. 



Chicago, a prime produeer of the nation's wealth, has beooms a fooal point of 

growing aontradletlona. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-E — Continued 

. 2 

Ther* !• iaoreaslsg awareneas that the vast material values produoed in thy / 
heartland ean and should be translated into fafeullding outworn oities, erecting new 
hoAes, publlo and private housing for low-i^lipiiie groups, schools, hospitals, and Is- 
to a genaral rise tn the people's vell>bein^ 

But the Chicago area has in fact become a major casualty of the Cold War. Pew 
large cities compare to Chicago in the extent of slums and sub>standard housing. 
Its housing is the most segregated of any big city in the country. Mo state outside 
the South gives as little as Illinois to support publlo education. Chicago, alone 
among the big cities, has no district health centers. These few examples show how 
the needs of the people of Illinois are sacrificed to the all-consuming demands of 
the Cold War economy from vhioh the nunltious itmopolists derive tremendous profits. 

Com surpluses mount ever higher and Illinois farm indebtedness grows apaoe< 
Illinois cost of living and tax load are among the highest in the nation. 

The working class of Chicago, which has contributed so nuoh to the militant 
history of Ameriean labor, faces new and very serltus problems today. The stock- 
yards, where until a few years ago, 20,000 paokingkouse workers worked, now, as a 
result of automation and plant removals, has approzlnately 6,000 men and women on 
th» Job. 

Other big plant*, such as the histerie UoCormlok Harvester plant. Crane Company 
and many others are in the prooess of becoming "skelton " plants. These develop- 
ments are ii»rely symtomatio of the process of cutting dom the work force in theso 
plants that has beoome typical throughout the city. Automation, apeedup and runaway 
plants are sreating great hardships on the workers. 

Working conditions, which have been won as a result of bitter struggles by the 
workers in this area, are being thraatoied. Big business is trying to turn the clock 
back. But the oondltions won as a result of struggle - liiere the Haymarket deraon- 
sbration too|p place for the eight hour day, end where the steelwo ri cer a paid with 
their llvoe In-tbe strderous onalaught in the infamous liemorial Day Uassacre - are 
very preoious to the men and women who work in the faotories and mills. With almost 
one voice they are refusing to bow to the trusts' demands that paat gains be given 
up. This is true in the steel strike, the packing stride, and is a foremost ques- 
tion in the dispute of the woi^ers with the rsllroads. 

To meet the continued cutbacks in Jobs, the demand for the shorter work week 
has beoooe more universally popular. Wbrkers are fighting back by work stoppages, 
dornands for increased independent political action and voicing their desire for 
greater unity in the ranks of labor. 

Illinois W6^ hard hit in the paat year by the growing instability of the econosy. 
In the recent 3rd post war slump, 8^ of the woiHc fbroe was Jobless, assoontrasted t« 
€°/o average throughout the nation. A« winter approached more than 110,000 Illinois 
rasidents were on relief, in the midst of "prosperity", and the relief orlsi* was 
deepening daily. 

Especially hard hit are the Negroes, as w ell as I^erto Ricans and UexicanB, 
among ^um Joblessness runs from two to four times higher than liiltes, and from 
^lose ranks come the largest numbers of the permanently unasiployed. 

Negro workers, as a result of their partioipation in Chicago's militant 
struggles and because they formed the strongest and most devoted sector of Illinois 
l.>bor, have held high seniority in the packing, steel and farm implement industries. 
Tl:is has been especially true in packing. One of the great gains of the past has 
been the unity of Negro and white In Chicago's mass production industries. 

As a result of the ravages of automation many of the Hggro workers find them- 
sM.-'is Jobless. The precious heritage of Negro-white unity is being threatened. The 
r^L". nsibility of breaking the barriers in the all too many industries lAsre Jim 
o. t< « rtill prevails in Chic go is ^^gfaty challenge before labor and all progressive 

All the foregoing contribute to the growth in orisw, the rise in Juvenile de- 
linquency, the erosion of moral standards. 

Under the impact of these developoents, the class stniggle sharpens, old re- 
lationships begin to unfreete and new ones to shape up as the search for sDSvnrs 

The opening of the St. Lawrence Seaway, the Cal-Sag development and the ex- 
pansion of the Port of Chicago are being presented by LaSalle Street-publiolsts a* 
panaceas that will cure Illinois' Ills. But the realisation of their potential 
depends on an expansion of foreign trade far beyond the limlta Imposed by the cold 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-E — Continued 

mr foreign policy. 

Tar more re&listlO( therefore, are the pronounoeoentB of certain representa- 
tives of Chicago maroantlle and ■mall Industrial eapltal (Uaremont, Rothsohlld, 
Kestenbaun, etc.) which call for peaoeful co-existence with the USSR and the expan- 
sion of East-nest trade. 

Disoemable trends for social betterment, for rebuilding the dty, are rising. 
But they remain, as yet, yag^^ '"^^ tjndsfined. To the LaSalle Street bankers, the 
"city" to be renewed is the Loop finanoial-meroantile center and Inaedlate environs, 
nhat liqiroveisents have been made serve the Interests of the Loop mainly and only 
Inoldentelly benefit the vast working class, Negro and middle income oomminities. 
And urban "renewal" too often beooniea Begro removal. 

Loop development, which can be part of ai overall program for renewal of 
Chicago, moves at jet speed, i<ille bousing, schools and health faollities in the 
overall continue to deteriorate, despite snail's pace Improvement In scattered 
areas. There is no concrete plan for rebuilding the city in a planned, ooordlnated 
way. And organized labor has, as yet, oome forward with no program of its om fur 
the city and the state as a lAiole. 

In the absence of a clear-cut, conorete program of labor and liberal forceSj 
the Illinois lianufacturer's Aasooiatlai, C of C, Tribune and allied foroes relent- 
lessly press forward their reactionary aims on all fronts, erecting beuriers to 


T:ie main basis for winning the goals of the Innsdlate future rests In the growing 
l^hor and people's movements out of which can arise a realignment of foroes. a con- 
fluence of demooratlc foroes for peace, seourlty, democracy. 

These movements and struggles exist in rich and growing profusion In Illinois. 
They are the starting pV^t for all vto would propel our state and nation forward 
in the new decade openingibefore us. 

lioods of struggle and militancy are rising in the Illinois working class. They 
are seen in the rise of strike struggles and stoppages. Harvester, steel, hospitals 

auto, eto)| in the demonstration of S,000 teachers in the Loop for pay inoreeses; 
in labor bringing pressure on the City Council to react to the problem of plart 
removals; in the unemployed march on Springfield resulting in a special sessi&n, and 
1-1 the big Illinois contingent to the Washington march) in the defeat of stats unti- 
l.ibor legislations In the militant struggles and organlcing activities of the team- 
s^-erst in the beginning of an independent polltloal course seen in labor's inter- 
lention, at times, in selection of oandidates (Stengel) and in some places in 
breaking with the laaehlne to support a liberal (Depres). 

The Hegro people's moveoent is emerging on a new plane of heightened polltloal 
struggles for gaining freedom goals, for advancing representation and partioipatloa 
on polloy-naklng levels in both old parties and in government. This it is doing 
through Independent, non-partisan struggles and organizationa, as wkII as within 
the two-party system. 

As a result, a Negro alderman wins a place fbr the first tine on the powerful 
committee on organization of the City Counollt a powerful, united demand is reised 
wi»^hin the County GOP for that party t« name a Negro for City Clerk] a Negro inde- 
PFi lemoorat secures over 58,000 votes in the first olty-wide independent 
prijiRry fight within the Demooratlo Parly lolty olerk)i under mass pressure Init- 
: t^d by a Negro voters o rganlzatioD, and backed \iy the Cook County Bar Assooia- 
•tr.ra, both major parties are forced to slate Negroes for the judlolary elections; 
t>ie 24th Ward seethes with a movement to name a Negro as ocmnltteenant and potent 
ii-dspendent Negro voter movements arise in Chioago, East St. I>ouls, Rock Island, 
Pucria and elsewhere. 

In the fight for peace, there is the growth of an aotive SANG UOVQiBIT In 
Chicago and suburbsi the continuing peace walks and activities of the Friends and 
other rellglo<i8 and pacifist groupsj the birth of a Student Peace Union; the widen- 
ing » imjaii]i»i«iij*i«ir.*i»iriflimii— ii.ii<ii.ia.iiiii..iii.iii*fni»m Influence and role of the Chioago Council 
on Amerloan-Soviet Frlandsblpt the widening response to all foroa of friendship ex- 
changes with the tJSSE tmd other socialist laois, including important business cirolas, 
but lagging in participation of labor. Bapeolally si gnif leant is the awareness of 
many peace foroes of the need to win orgacicod labor for peaoe, seen in conferenoea 
involving trade unions on radiation and fallout hazards. Bowever the vast potential 
for lessening cold war teoslona and for Jobs, which could result from largs-seale 
SaSt-Wsst trade, is not yet grasped in the labor ooveisnt. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-E — Cbntinued 


'hs growth of struggle for donoontlo rights is soon ia the developing DOTement 
for freedoB for ^11 (h^en.Henry Winston and Bob Thompson, idiiah In ''hioago has won 
a broad dlTsrslty of growing supporti in the defeat of the Zeigler-Broyles bills i 
in the Bishop Shell blast at the methods of Congressional Investigating oomnitteesi 
in partial viotoriea In defense of the foreign bom iriiioh were led by the Oonraittee 
for the protection of Korelgn Bomi in lifting the restriotions against ^ft spea- 
kers at the D of I; In the Increasing inability of ultra-reaotionaries to get 
mileage out of blind antl-oomminlsnu -^he heightened aotivtty of the Chloago Civil 
Libertoea Onion, and most espeoially of the progressive Chicago Committee to De- 
fend Denocratlo %ghtsj play an important role in these developments. 

The rise of movements for better emd Integrated housing, schools and health fa- 
oilitles, of oomnuter aovements against curtailment of transporMtlon services., are 
further evidence of moods of discontent among the people. 

Espeoially significant is the grorrth and development of youth movenenta in a 
variety of forms - youth councils In the field of human relations as a result cf 
the ^outh Uarohes] vouth peaoa actions and organizations, including participation 
in -Oie World Youth '^estical and otger cultural exchaigest "egro youth action and 
organization for job opportunities! and a rev4tal of Uarxlst-oriantaCed youth 
activity and embryo organizatioiu 

Against this baokground, the growth of an orgeoizad liberal wing in the Illinois 
Democratic Party Is a development of spfoial iiq>ortaiee« ^e organize ion of 
scores of clubs, its role in the election of a number of liberals, its eooperatlon 
in some areas with labor polltleal action and "egro voter novements, are Indica- 
tive of the potential of the Democratic Federation of Illinois as a vehicle for 
progress. However, tendenoles to oater to old-line machine elemsnts place severe 
limitations on Its oapaolty to realize its potential. 

All of the foregoing attest to a growing spirit of struggle mong the people of 
Illinois, in much of which there is a resurgent, broadened lioft participation. 

Yet, there is a vast gulf between the aspirations of these diversified labor 
and peoples movementa and the ability to attain their stated objectives. 


Why the inability of labor and the people to register their aHTiimiin strength 
\i the last general assembly irtiloh, despite a few victories for the commonweal, pro- 
du.'ed overall negative result* (increasing the people's tax load, failure to pass 
FEP for t he fifth, time, failure to set a state minimum wage, failure to secure 
relief for Chloago s transportation system, eto.) T 

Why the failure to aohieve the promise of forward advaboe expected from labor 
uaj.ty? Why , since organic unity, has the tradltlonel militancy of the CIO bseone 
subordinated to the dominant, conservative, anti-mass aotlon policies of top cs cy 
and state AFL officialdom? Why has there been failure to mobilize large scale sup- 
port to the struggles of the embattled teamsters, to the strikes of steel, hospi- 
tal and other workers? Why are COPE policies and orgmlzation observed mainly in 
the breach while the SoderstremgLee forces remain subservient to the entrenched 
political naohlnaa? 

Why the continued gap between the unmlstakeabla desire for peace of the rank- 
•nd-file and the support of Dulles cold war foreign polioiee by top labor officials? 

Why the oomparative decline in mass struggles in the fight for the equal rights 
of the Segro people In recent years? 

There are many factors accounting for these contradictions. The objective fac- 
tors i the cold war; the relative prosperity and its resultant temporary tllusionai 
the reactionary offensive of Big Business on all fronts, including the Ideologioal, 
are major causes. The lack of a program for peace and the aoceptanoe of cold war 
foreign policy by most unions and conservative-led mass organizet ionsi the antl- 
nass action policies of a number of people s leaders, first of all labor leadersi 
and the ebsenoe of olearUcut, conorete objec^ves, concerted direction and suffi- 
olent unity in the struggles of labor and the people, are other major causes. 


This, the baalo road to the solution of the people* • problem* In our state Is 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-E — Continued 


ths gaae as for the nation ag a «hol«, - the struggle to find the means rtioreby 
seperate and parallel movements oome together into & mighty oonfluenoet into a 
new alignment, or front, for denooraoy, peaoe and saourlty. 

But to do this, it is necessary to help bring about a oourse of politioal inde- 
pendence by the working class and its deoislve organiied sectors. It is neoeesary 
to help organized labor oome forward with an independent prograjp for the city and 
state; to build its own Independent political aotlon ortfantiattons on the basis of 
year-round activity on the issuesj to help secure labor s support and enoouragsinent 
to the strengthening of the organized liberal wing In the Denocratio Party (DFI) 
as well as to stimulate independent developments within the GOP* It is necessary 
espeoially to win organized labor to the task of giving substance to Wie I'egro- 
Lefcor allianoe, through more forthright championship of the liberation demands of 
the Begro people, ans through developmnt of joint aotivlty with the leading org,in- 
izationa of the egro people, by solidifying the alllande through the unique rold 
of the Negro trade unionists who should be supported ahd enoouraged in joining, 
participating in and sharing in leadership of the chief orgecizifc ions of "egro 
freedom. And it is necassary to revive on a more extended scale labor-farmer unity 
In Illinois. 

ni- The 1960 Presidential Elections - 

The polioiaa outlined in the national resolution provide a sound approach to Illinois 
participation in the 1960 elections. 

As that resolutloi> states... "...the strong opposition of labor, th^ Negro 
people and a growing number of small farmers to the OOP, and their mass dissatisfac- 
tion with the Demooratic Party's wretched performance in the 86th Congresi* has not 
yet reached the level where a new party alignment or a mass-based independent pres- 
idential peace ticket oan emerge in 1960." 

Efforts to form a now Party in Illinois at this time. In the face of tremendous 
legal obstacles, and unless deoisive seotions of labor and the Negro people form 
such a party (which does not seem likely at this time), can only prove a divers ion 
from the task of rallying the '"«-^"""" mass pressure to Influence the outcome of the 
Presidential, Senatorial, Oubernatorlal, Congressional and local aleotions in favor 
of peace and democracy. 

The approach to the 1960 elections must be three-foldi 

1. to Influence the election outcome through maximum labor-peoples pressure on 
both parties! 

2. through this, to advance independent politioal action and organization, to lay 
the basis of politioal realignment leading to a new party of labor, the Negro 
people, farmers and other anti-monopoly forces; 

S* to take note of embryo trends and strivings within the mainstream towards a new 
Party of labor and the people, developing side by side with a rise of critical 
moods in relation to the two old parties, and therefore to intensify all forme 
of popular, mass educational work on the need for a new pctrty and irtiat it will 
take to bring it about. 

The position of Illinois spokesmen of the major parties on the all-important 
iasue of peace and on the other issues sheds revealing light en the nature and dlr- 
eotion of the pressures which must be brought to bear for 1960. 

Gov. Stratton, adhering to the ^Eisenhower policies, welcomes moves for peaceful 
oo-exlstenoe, urging greater exchange of delegations with the DSSH on state and local 
levels, as Well as nationally. 

At the same time, he is a notorious foe of federal aid to education and housing, 
has sabotaged FEP. despite lip service to it, and manipulates a oourse ' r shifting 
the tax burdens evermore onto the people. 

While pressing for deeds for peace, such as the actual organization of repres- 
entative Illinois delegations, including labor, to the USSH, it is essential to win 
labor and peoples organizations to a position of unrelenting pressure on the 
Stratton administration for housing, increased aid to education, tax relief, FBP, 
and against the anti-labor drive. And it would serve labor's interests to help lib-' 
•ral forces In the OOP find organized expression for pressure on Stratton within the 

On the other hand. Senator Douglas, i*o has the reputation of being a ohanpico 
of civil rights and organized labor, la among the strongest supporters of cold war 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-E — Ck)ntinued 

pollel*a, ao nuoh ao that the atate OOP hlerarohy baliaToa he oan 1)a beaten In 1960 
on the laaue of psaoe alone. 

The oontradiotory poaltlon of the liberal and labor Demoorata la eapeolally 
pointed up by the dual oharaoter of the Daley maohine In Chioego, perhapa the atroiF- 
•at oity aaehkne In the oountry< 

The l^aley foroea retain labcr and liberal support on the basis of eonoesslons 
It nakes to the people on looal isauea. Daley hlnaelf has demanded Ccngrsssional 
aotion to build 6 million hoiMS in 6 years nationally and is knowi to have adTissd 
young graduates to nork for an easing of mrld tenaions. At the aane time, the 
Chioago regular Demooratio organization is aligned nationally with the Truman- 
Synlngton-Johnson foroes* These foroea are among the bulwark of support for Cold 
Var polioiea against whloh the people are turning their baokaa They are aligr'^d 
with the anti-labor, anti-integration, anti-olTil rights foroea nationally «iio e.t3 
leading tjtia attaok on labor and the Kegro people. 

It is therefore neoassary to stimulate the mwiimiim preasure for peaoe. and on 
the separata issues of peaoe, on the Douglases, Uitohells, Lohmans and Daleya, to 
oompel them to turn away from support of the oold war, to begin to edge over towe.r<* 
positions of peaoe, for an easing of world tension, for banning the A and H bomb-: 
•nding teats, and for aupporting Summit talks and Elsenhower-Khrushohev ezohan^oa 
aa a means to attain these ends - as Stevenson has begun to do. 

For the issue of peaoe has emerged ae all-important in the minds Of the people 
and ahould the eoonomy maintain its present oomparatively high levels through the 
1960 eleotions, no amount of deolarations by labor leaders, nor the power of the 
Daley organization, could prevent the defeat of many Demooratio oandldates lAo oon- 
tinue support of the Cold Kar, nor prevent a vlotory for osmy of those KepublloaiB 
iriio have taken up the peaoe issue. 

Senoe, it is imperative to help bring marl mum pressure on liberal oandldates t> 
take up the issues of peaoe. Ilost important is the building of the lasting factor 
in the oourae of the 1960 eleotions, the sustained movements and organlzationB 3f 
labor and the people on the vital Issues whioh will oarry beyond the 1960 eleot-onc, 
whloh are, in the main, independent of oandldates, and which oan exert the maximum 
pressure on oandldates oontinually - before, during and after eleotions. 

Toward this end, suoh movements as COlS, Negro voter organizations, DPI, IVI, 
should be won for positions of peaoe in addition to their own lnoadlate prograna. 
And a new front of struggle for peaoe, olvil rights, sooial welfare, should be 
opened up among Bepublioan votera as well. 

The experienoes of the Nggro voter movements of Chioago, Memphis and other 
plaoes oan mil serve as an objeot lesson. Bound to neither politioal party, these 
novBoants work within and without both parties, aimed at bringing the pressure of 
an entire, unified NeS'*" oosmunity to bear on both partiea, suooeeding in winning 
oonoessiona, sometimes from one, sometimes from the other, sometimes from both. 

A oonparable role played by COPE, working with IVI, with DFI in the Demooratio 
Party, and with liberals where they may be fouad in the Republican Party, oan bring 
•van greater results for the peaoe and well-being of our atate and nation. 

To facilitate suoh developnsnts, it is neoessary to help build the various pol- 
itioal aotion organlzationa of labor and the people on a maaa baals of year-round 
aotivlty on the issues; to encourage them to come forward with programs for the 
olty and atate i and to help them find oemon ground for oooparation and Joint 

It is neHessary to help these movements find the wmya to vooallze the demands 
of the people, to give form to peoples pressures, through employment of suoh mean* 
aa publio opinion polls, organlzationa of large delegations to oandldates and other 
forma suooaaafully used in the 1958 eleotions in the 12th CD and other areas. 

The policy of bringing maTlimnn pressure on the two-party setup for peaoe and 
demooraoy includes aupport for independent oandldates in primary atruggles, and 
even apart from the two parties, irtieni a) the eleotorata has oo^iolae be tw een 
equally die-hard, reactionary oandldates, and b) where suoh oandidaoiea contribute 
toward building the overall coalition movements for peaoe, democracy and aeourl^ 
in and out of the two-party arena of struggle. 

The Comminlst Party, lending its every support toward these maas labor and 
peoples objeotives, will also contribute by its Independent clarlfioation of Issues 
and by helping to Illuminate the road to a new party of the people. At the same 
time, it muat find the ways and means whereby a broad fight to restore the ballot 
rights of the Comounlet Party oan be launched. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-E — Continued 

- 7 


The CoDmunlst Party has a vital. Indispensable role to play in Illinois, as nation* 
ally. The role ean be fulfilled only on the basis of unrelenting effort to reallca 
the mass polioias of the Party as sot forth in the 17th ConTention resolution. 

The ohlef task before our Party, therefore, is to gear it to the fulfillment of 
the mass line, to master the policy of the united front, to learn how to project the 
the party's Independent role within the frame of advancing its mass policies. 

Slnoe the February, 1958 meeting of the Kational Committee, the Illinois Party 
organliatlon has achieved a higher degree of consolidation of its positions and has 
begun to make the difficult asoent upward towards the high-road of mass work. 

Overall, there has been a conscious policy, with some degree of suooess, to ad- 
vance both the united front among the masses as well as the Party's policies publiO' 
ly, including timely use of Left initiative on a number of occasions when it 
naterlally promoted coalition activity. 

There has been a marked improvement in the work of a number of sections. Th'^ 
holds especially for West Sidu, Hyde Park and 9th, where notable gains have bee . 
made In developing more-or-less sustained united front activity (housing, elections, 
integration) based on the reed problems of their respective communities; and whe:-.-^ 
there are good beginnings in properly bringing forward the public role of the Pa:ty 

The struggle over irtjether or not the Party should exist has been decisively re- 
solved in favor of the Party. But a whole series of unsolved problems of how best 
\ic build and strengthen the Party remain to be solved - most particularly with 
rc-spect to realiiation of its mass policies and mastery of the united fron to over- 
oome its Isolation. 

There Is widespread inadequate understanding of the united front policy. It is 
neoessary to clarify a whole number of questions of the theory and practice of the 
united front, such as - 

... which are the decisive mass organizations; how to help overcome the real 
problems and difficulties of work in these organizations j how to give 
guidance to the work in such organizations; how to restore the practice 
of evaluating and exchanging experiences of work in mass organizations. 

... what are the theoretical principles of the united front; irtiy ideological 
agreement cannot be made the basis for the united front; the role of left 
initiative and its relation to the united fron^ the role of the club and 
and the Individual member in relation to the united front, etc., etc. 

There is inadequate understanding of the need for, and the role of, political 
and legislative struggles and their relationship to the economic struggle. This ex- 
presses itself, among other ways, in a separation of so-called community work and 
industrial work, despite some improvanent; in a narrow trade union approach reflected 
in the life of olub meetings; in certain forms and style of work. 

There is a continuing underestimation of the role and nature of organizational 
work in the Party, reflecting a similar weakness In the labor and Negro peoples 
movements. In place of the political-organizational work called for by Uarx • - 
organizational wortc based on political education and moblllcation of masses and mem- 
bership, the most denooratio kind of organization work whioh streasaa the need to 
repare eondltions r to rally on the basis of oonvlotlon , there have developed ovof 
'le ysart foms and habits of purely'adolnlstratlve approach, reflected In an alnvat 



Holmes Exhibit No. 2-E — Continued 

total absence of rioh polltioal-ldeologioal, eduoatlonal nork on the club and seo- 
tlon level and In relation to the day-to-day work among the massea, reflected In 
drab, dry, adniniatratlTe type nootings. If we Conmunista are to be effective In 
our efforts to help the labor ahd people's moTements oTeroome like problems, we 
must begin with ourselves, in our own party. In so doing, we lould be striking a 
powerful blow at some reaaining liquidationlst tendencies. 

Signlfioantly, these oonsrete ideologioal problems find their reflection in 
both "left" and right forms, confirming again the Leninist proposition that both 
are simply the reverse sides of the seme opportunist ooln. 

While there has been a narked improvement in the Party's ideologioal work, es- 
pecially in relation to sohools and classes, it is still neoessai^ to gear it 'Cx~, 
the solution of the above mentioned problems, and others, which are aimed first o" 
all at gearing the Party to the fulfillment of its nase line and for oonsolidating 
and building the Party thereon. 

This is especially needed in relation to arming our party to overcome all the 
ideologioal barriers to peace that remain among labor and the people, as, for ex' 
ample, the influenoe of tuch lies as "Soviet aggression", "red Imperialism", 
"peace means depression", etc. 

The forthcoming Midwest Edition of the Worker can provide an added stimulus to 
ertend the gain* in circulation already made, and for overcoming the failure to oon- 
aolidate gains through further building of a permanent press apparatus. 

The oomparatlvely low level of literature sales and distribution underscores 
the need to expand our advocacy of socialism. This is essential not only for the 
public projection of the party and its policies, but also for |)arty building. The 
slight plok-up in recruiting in 1959, mostly resulting from mass work, is indioeti-» 
of new possibilities opening up, and points the need for a more oonsoioiM, planned . 
approach to party building. 

In this connection, revitallzatlon and relnf o roement of the policy of conoen- 
t-atlon on the workers in the baslo Industries and increased, systematic attention 
tj out-state and South Side are imperatito. nhlle there is an improved situation 
i the st«el, packing, auto, railroad and South Side organizations oompared to the 
i.!'T<edlate past, we have not made a daolslve turn in oonoentrated and persistent 
t.ventlon to these focal points. 

The setting up of a Youth Cvmmisslon and Party youth clubs have provided a 
stimulus to the development of oertain mass youth activities irtdch are increasingly 
piovidlng the soil and the future oadre for launching in the not-too-distant future 
a Marxist orientated youth organization. 

One of the most urgent needs of the Party is the training and development of 
new oadre and a proper blending of new and old oadre. This can best be advanced in 
the healthy, invigorating atmosphere of mass work. 

In the main, the Illinois leadership held a correct position on the need of a 
twa-front struggle against revisionism and dogmatism and in the period since the 
16^n oonventlos. However, some oomrades In the leadership tended to underestimate 
the revisionist dtngar In the p«rlod up to 1968, and thus share in the responsibility 
for the diiorlentatl^tt of the Party ito fha« (Mriod. 

Other «enr«$e« fed revisionism by ''fighting" it witN itjpitcfitih Ud dootrinslr- 
ISftt Ulttperlng ^he Party's struggles a^nst revisionism aiifr t^ritiohitt faotiont •/ 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-E — Continued 

• 9 

oonfronting the Party with dognatlsm and dogmatist faotlona as the "alternative". 
Dogmatiam and left seotarianistn are also a form of opportunism; the Party must fight 
both, aid not choose between right opportunism and "left" opportunism] although at 
any given moment it must deal ' the main blow against that nhioh becomes the main 

The mass work of the Party, as well as its inner life, depends upon our under- 
standing of the fundeunental Marxist-Leninist principles and our ability to apply 
them creatively and concretely to all phases of our activity. This will require 
constant struggle against the pressures of the imperialist ruling olass to capit- 
ulate through opportunist oompromise or to escape the responsibilities of leadership 
by empty dogmatic phrasemongering. 

The task of drawing the lessons of all the Party has been through in the 
last few years is being faoilltated by the restoration of political health resulting 
from renewed efforts at mass work, the abatement and elimination of factional fe /■.-■; 
and the unification of the Party leadership on the basis of sound prinoiples and 
mass policies. Criticism and self-criticism, essential to the vitality, growth and 
success of the Party can be effective only rtien exercised in the Party spirit, whr r, 
the fear of subjeetive exploitation of critioism and self-oritloiam are eliminat'^,.' 
or reduced to the minimum. The subjective exploitation (or covering up) of mist 
and weaknesses is a characteristio feature of factional methods, factionalism and 
cliquism, whloh inhibits comrades from freely and ably employing the oonstruotive 
tools of criticism and self-orltiolsm, preventing the Party from drawing the maxiaua 
benefit from lessons in the last number of years. 

Toward this end, and^A* the end of speeding the oonsolidatlon of the Party to 
strengthen its capacity J6r-^mass work. It is necessary to destroy factionalism and 
ill methods root and branch. The Illinois district early took a firm, decisive 
stind against factionalism from whatever direotion and has oonsistently adhered to 
tl.Is position. But factional methods and hangovers remain. Khatever justification 
come comrades may feel they have for faotionalism prior to February 1958, today, 
wUsn the national leadership is united around oorreot mass policies, and in view of 
•rbe tasks facing and flowing from the 17th convention, persistence in factional ways 
ar.i methods of any kind, in which there are continued attacks on and diaassooiation 
rr-)u Party policies and leadership, can be justified on no account. To move forward, 
the Party must rid itself of incorrigible factionalism and its iMthods In decisive 
manner onoe and for all. 

Vlhlle there has been some improvement in the capacity of the State Committee to 
give leadership, collective methods of work have not been sufficiently achieved. We 
hoven't licked the problem of how to achieve collectivity in policy-making, in oon- 
d' '-.ions of far fewer full-timers. The responsibility for strengthening collective 
worl: rests on the board, and on the officers, in the first place. But such a respon- 
sibility is never a one-way street. Mo less does it require the willingness and 
desire of a growing number of comrades to take more responsibility and to actively 
participate in fulfillment of responsibility. 

Looking toward the opening of a new deoedri which holda high promlst of forward 
advance through struggle and unity, the Communist Party of Illinois must strive to 
come into the important 1960 year strengthened and much better geared to fulfill its 
mass obligations. The tasks of the 1960 elections and the promise of the new decade 
are a challenge to every Party club and member to break out of isolation and win 
bases of mass support for the policies of the Party. 

Toward this end, the second session of the State Convention shall discuss and 
adopt a Plan of Work for 1960, embracing all fields of Party mass work and responsib- 
ility and based on the polioies to be adopted by the 17th convention. To facilitate 
the preparation of this plan, all clubs, ooinnlssions and sections are invited to sub- 
mit proposals for the plan as a whole, aa well as for its various component parts. 

52-810 O — 66— pt. 2- 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-F 
iluhois draft res(x,utioh ob the negro qitbstioh 

We express our agreement with the pelioy outlined In the Nstlsnel Com- 
ulttee's Draft Resolution in the Negro Question in the U.S. We do this beoause 
:^ is our belief that the resolution is basiely Oorrect in both its estimate 
3i'i outlook on the status of the Negro people in our oountry^ - partioularly 
nra the following features of our National Resolution worthly of repetition and 

1* The new features of the Negro liberation moTemsnt. 

a* Significant oourt vlotories scored under the leadership of 
fche NAACP Qoupled with the growing mass aotion against jiiw 
orow in the south 

b. New initiatives among Negro workers for aotion against Jim- 
orow in the trade union movement as well as In the country 
as a wfaole» 

0. The embryonlo but signifioant growth of new independent 
political aotion organizations in many Negro oommunitles. 

d» The use of nationalist sects and currents in Negro life> which 
on the one hand may contribute to the growing racial pride 
among the Negro people, but on the other hand advocate dan- 
gerous petty-bourgeois "solutions" to the Negro question* 

e. The growing unity of mass aotion among the Kegro people, 
that aids in stimulatiag liberal white Americans to support 
the struggle for Negro rights 

These new features outlined in our National resolution, we believe, are ez- 
■■;7«mely important for our entire party to understand and know. We further be- 
lle-re the resolution to be oorreot in eiiq)hasizing the ideological struggle that 
iii<i8t be waged to strengthen the positive and progressive parr of these new 
features, that is the need to know the enemies of the Negro freedom movement 
against whom the main blows must be dlreotid at eaoh given time, - one or an- 
other seotor of the class of monopolists in different circumstanoes, irtiile 
fighting against the exploitation Cnd oppression of big business as a irtiole, 
Cr'r peurty and our party along can and must play this role. 

The estimates in the National Resolutlbn of the status of Negro workers 
ncd farmers, the land question end the role of Olxleoratlsm are fresh and 
Tr^rlcoDBd up to date analysis which we all weloome. 

Aftei* thus statih^ ouf oi^erall support to the line of the National resolu- 
< Von we offet* some points of emphasis and additions, whieh we believe will 
'trangthen our position in thf fight for Negro liberation, and the overall 
Bbruggie for the Deaderatlc front in our country. 

li IDi believe the Resolution is weAk in Its prssenta-bion o^ ^bhe oentrality 
Of the Negro question in the ntS« that Is^ we belie'Ve that the key to 
fotilro progress for labor and the peoples movement lies in the fight 
for the solution to the Negro questlont 
2. Re further believe that the final resolution Oust put forth more sharply 
the role, the responsibility and the self interest ttiat white Aiterioaas 
have In the fight for Negro rights. 
8. We support iriiole-heaH:edly that section of the resolution dealing with 
tae role of Negro workers in the fight for Negro freedom, but feel an 
analysis and direction on the tatire labor movement must be sharptaed. 
f 4. We expressed our agreement with the oonolusion on droplng the slogan 
of self determination, but feel the sclentlfle explanation needs more 
I elaboration in our final document. 

5. The use of "seots" aiaong the Negro people has become a national 
pheno— wen which our party oust analys*. We do not express here any 
condonanoa of these moveaenta, but feel the iwntion of thea In the 
resolution is inadequate. 

6. We further believe the role of the NAACP miMt be reevaluated and re- 
stated for our party with a ouch more detailed analysis in the light of 

new devalopvente in the liberation movement, - we de not, however, dis- 
agree with it's importanee or signifioanoe. 
T. Laatly, we believe we oust reaaw our fight for the right of Negro 
Consunist to participate in the Negro peoples moTeB«nt. 

We repeat our position of agreeaent with the mala dlreotion of the Natiooal 
resolution, we offer these points as a means of strengthening our party's work 
in the struggle for Negro liberatica. Ws toe believe as w«e stated in our 
resolution, "The beAds ef Negro oppression can and mat be shatteredl All signs 
point to aa early and triuqihant resolution of the centuries - eld battle of 
'the Negro people for full and equal oitisenshlp. This in itself will represent • 
long overdue Aasrloan aehievenent of great histarlo signlfleaaoe. In additioBe 
by providing the basis for a higher unity of the working clssa, it will help 
pave the way for e socialiat transfometion of the nationel econoiqr. We pledge 
ourselves to work towerd the stteinnent of this objective with unstinting 
effort rnd unwavelng dedioftion." 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-G 


(Wb reproduce here a number of discussion articles >rtilch it tas not possible 
to include in the printed material issued. In the case of some articles which irere 
▼erjr lecgthjr, excerpts are presented; National Educational Department.) 


By R. B. 

Despite the easing of tensions in world affairs, there is no sign of a com- 
parable let-up In the domestic cold war against the constitutional rights of the 
American people. A basic estimate of this attack, its source and direction is a 
necessary foundation for effective leadership in the defense of our liberties; - 

The trend toward destruction of traditional bourgeois democratic rights in 
the U.S. began to unfold, in the main, at the end of World War II. It is a reflec- 
tion of the deepening crisis of the capitalist world, and the isoluble contradic- 
tions faced by the ruling monopoly circles in the U.S. as a result of the growth of 
socialism, the national liberation movement of colonial countries and the inner con- 
tradictions of capitalist economy. 

BCBtlALT ST TTTT33»Ma - U.S. imperialism faces a dilemma. On the one hand it 
seeks to drastically curb the rights of the peop}^ — workers, Negroes, intellectu- 
als — in order to increase its rate of economic exploitation and stifle opposition 
to its pro-war policies. On the other hand, it tries to utilize the prestige of 
American democratic traditions as major Ideological weapons in its struggle for 
world domination. This dilemma has led to splits in the ruling class and inner con- 
flicts within the state apparatus. 

Moreover, the special historic features of American constitutional govern- 
ment and democratic tradition have helped determine the forms and tactics of 
domestic reaction. The U.S. bourgeois state, now the Instrument of the monopoly 
oligarchy, despite its surface democratic forms, has proved to be an effective in- 
strument for suppression of popular opposition movements. Its "two party system" 
has served to thwart the will of the people and block the development of a genuine 
anti-monopoly coalition in the Northern states; its open fascist-llks dictatorship 
in the deep South further butresses the power of monopoly and its allies. 

" Creeping Fascism " - American reaction has in the main followed a course of 
gradualism in sharpening its instruments of repression and attempting to gut the 
elements of popular democracy embodied in the Bill of Ri^ts. While avoiding the 
appearance of a sharp break with the traditional methods of rule, it has gone a long 
way in altering the form of government. The new repressive apparatus includes a 
vastly expanded political police and espionage force, the SACB, the Investment of 
new dictatorial powers in the Department of Labor, the Congressional standing 
committes with permanent staffs, and other agencies linked to the huge military 
bureaucracy. These are closely meshed with unofficial adjuncts of state power — 
control of press, radio and TV, employer blflck>»lists, "Americanization" committes 
of veterans organizations and the like. 

American reaction has tried to masquerade as the defender of our Constitu- 
tional "way of life" and our "national security". Using "legality" to cover its 
violence to the Bill of Rights, it has forged a formidable arsenal of laws—the 
Smith Act, HcCarran Act and Communist Control Act, UcCarran-Walter I«w, the Taft- 
Harley law and the new labor control law. 

Over the last six or seven years, the one partial (and temporary) govern- 
mental barrier to this "creeping fascism" has been the n.S, Supreme Court. Even 
this limited resistance by the Court, which always avoided direct assertion of 
First Amendment principles, led to a major treat to alter the Constitution and 
limit the traditionally defined role of the Court. Under this pressure, centered 
in Congress, the court majority retreated from its earlier libertarian stand. 

Ihreat To First A'npp'lTiynt - The current struggle to preserve the First 
Amendment, which embodies the basic principles of the Bill of Rights, hinges oo 
the defense of the rights of Communists, On this issue, reaction came close to 
victory In the eoa of UcCarthylsm, and once again threatens to break at this point 
the dan of Constitutional protections for all trends of dissenting opinion. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-G — Continued ^ 

Civil libertarians must meet the challenge on this ground, or suffer serious 
and possibly fatal defeat in their effort to preserve the First Amendment. The bulk 
of the Conmon people, never wholeheartedly favorable to the tide of reaction, are 
showing growing understanding as the anti-union offensive tends to merge the econo- 
mic struggles with defense of the Bill of Ri^ts. 

Unfortunately, the leaders of the AFL-CIO and other basic mass organizations 
of the people have eagerly adopted and still cling to the big lies of the "Communist 
menace", and have so far prevented the emergence of an effective pro-B ill-of -Rights 
coalition. This weakness, in turn, is reflected in Congress, which laokB even a 
minority bloc — especially in the House— rfiich stands squarely in defense of the 
First Amendment. 

THREAT OF FASCISM ? - With two basic tests— the membership provision of the 
Smith Act and the McCarran Act — now pending before the Supreme Court, and a flood of 
new repressive laws awaiting final action in Congress, the basic principles of the 
First Amendment are facing a crisis. The ultimate danger of a qualitative change In 
the substance of the state apparatus (i.e. fascism) cannot be minimized, even thou^ 
the preparatory process is far from completed. 

The Communist ftirty and those whom it influences can play a decisive role in 
helping to build a national resistance movement. They alone can fully expose the 
big lie of the "Communist Henace", the nature of reaction and the fascist threat. 
Through support to and initiation of united front movements, they can help concen- 
trate the democratic forces upon the defense of the basic principles of the First 
Amendment. Today, the potentials for a powerful coalition in defense of the Bill 
of Rights are greater than they have been at any time since the cold war began In 
earnest. Given effective leadership, the people can preserve and extend their 
freedoms . 

CHANGE NEEDED - It must be said self-critically that there has been a 
serious underestimation of the extent of the erosion of the Bill of Rights. The 
lack of this basic estimate has fed ideological unclarity and disunity. It has 
fostered complacency, on the one hand, and narrow, one-sided approaches to alliances, 
without perspectives of continuing growth and development, on the other. The de- 
fense of democratic rights has not been a main element in the mass work of the 
Party in many major areas of its work. It must now become one of the central tasks 
of the Communist Party as set forth in policies of the XVIIth Convention. 

By WUl Farley (Excerpt) 

Since last December there has been a good deal of legislative and political 
activity on the part of 26 metal trades unions at Brooklyn Navy Yard to prevent 
further layoffs of shipyards workers caused by the shifting of "defense" work else- 
where. Trips to Washington, D. C. to see Senators Keating and Javits and the 
Brooklyn delegation in Congress, visits to City Hall and Albany and delegations to 

New York political leaders all with one aim in views More "flefense" contracts 

for Brooklyn Navy Yard. Dozens of other examples could be cited where union leaders 
and large numbers of workers see no other solution to the problem of unemployment 
except through more and more contracts for armaments. 

Obviously, with this hind of lobbying and legislative activity— for more war 
shipbuilding and repair work — legislators whether in Hew York or Washington will 
feel little compunction about voting for multi-billion dollar military budgets. 

Last spring Governor Freeman of Minnesota made a trip to New York City to 
discuss peaceful foreign trade and to tell of expanded inland shipping facilities of 
the Port of Duluth. There has been much excitment and activity in the last year 
over the now-realized St. Lawrence Waterway which a whole generation of hi^ school 
debating socities once orated about across the land. 

Big shipping executives right here in our own bailiwick have spoken out 
about the desirability of more peaceful trade. Bankers and capitalists wined and 
dined Mlkoyan last winter to stir up commerce overseas. As long ago as 1954 the 
american labor Party showed exactly where there were 175,000 more jobs for New 
Yorkers if trade with China and other countries were opened up. Harry Bridges once 
estimated that some 3,000,000 more Jobs in the United States would result if wo 
established trade with China. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-G — Continued 


Bethlehem Steel Company recently announced the merger of its two Brooklyn 
shipyards "because of the depressed state of ship repairing activities in New York 
Harbor." This merger involves the loss of some 90 jobs unless they are absorbed 
somewhere else. Last winter Bethlehem as well as Todd Shipyard officials in the New 
York-New Jersey area pointed to the world shipping slump as the cause of layoffs at 
local shipyards in the past year or so. 

In August of this year our Party conducted a number of fine meetings on the 
subject of peace, and some leaflets were issued. But to the best of my knowledge 
none of these leaflets were directed to workers — unemployed or about to be unem- 
ployed — who would gain tangible benefits by world peace AHD world trade — shipbuild- 
ing and waterfront workers. Hone of these leaflets, as far as I know, listed 
specific lEACE-TIME industries which would benefit in terms of more jobs if peace- 
ful trade were expanded. None of these leaflets gave any hint of the thousands of 
jobs which vrould result on the waterfront if the huge surpluses of food now costing 
millions of dollars in storage fees were shipped out to a world ^ich, it has been 
conservatively estimated, has twowthirds of its population ill-fed. 

Longshoremen would prefer shipping food and clothing and useful machinery 
and tools to the loading of dangerous explosives and other armaments. Shipyard 
workers would feel much happier were the ships they build and repair destined for 
peaceful commerce, the tourist trade and cultural, educational and scientific 
exchanges — the things that help create lasting peace. 

Communist Party Clubs and committees need to issue this type of leaflets. 
Workers desperately trying to rescue their jobs, ultimately can be convinced that 
contracts for more war ships is not the solution for their employment problems. 

It is getting on toward the time whan voters must not be boxed in at each 
primary test or at convention time with the choice of nominating a person who is 
not so bad as opposed to one who Is bad. Sooner or later there have to be some 
candidates who can be supported for the simple reason that they are good candidates 
who will fight in the people's interest. However, that time will not be reached 
until Communists and other advanced workers in the political arena take some of the 
issues out by the nape of the neck, and place them where the voters can see them and 
measure the various candidates in relation to their stand on these issues. 

The issue on which there is quite universal agreement is the desirability of 
peace, but there are few legislators who will be pinned down on exactly what they 
will do to achieve it. A.11 candidates say they want full employment. Working 
people need both peace and job security. Our Communist Party must give leadership 
in the struggle of the people to achieve these ends. Here are a few suggestions 
which may help) 

* The Industrial Division of the New York State Communist Party to issue 
a four page educational folder containing the Party's program for peacetime jobs 
for shipyards and waterfront workers. 

* A WORKER flyer by ace correspondents and reporters on what opening up of 
trade with China and other Socialist nations will mean in jobs for New York mari- 
time workers; to show that peaceful foreign trade can actually mean MORE jobs than 
can contracts in war industries and the building and repair of war ships, 

* A Party County Committee could issue a leaflet calling upon the New York 
delegation in Congress to campaign for an honest to God Federal housing and school 
construction program. Workers in the shipbuilding trades can also build fine 
schools and low rent housing projects. 

* Communist Party Clubs with the help of their county Committees to make 
sure there are weekly leaflets for the next several months — until primaries and 
nominating convention time — on the issue of foreign trade and peacetime jobs. 

All this will run up our printing and mimeographing bills, of course, but 
it will pay off in terms of a better informed electorate. I am quite sure it will 
stimulate some '-orkers in their unions and in their shops and in their Assembly- 
Districts to discuss alternatives to jobs in war indiistries. It may interest some 
of the more class conscious shipyards and waterfront workers in the full program 
of our Party. 

But more than that — - I believe trade union delegations seeking an end to 
layoffs in the shipyards can be persuaded to change their pleas for more "defense" 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-G — Continued 


contracts Into a demand for a vast building program which will put the sklUs and 
talents of the metals trades and other construction workers to work at building 
ships which will ply the trade routes the world over with food and clothing instead 
of the guna and other weapons of war now making up so much of our ships' cargo. 

Congressmen faced with this type of delegation would feel a little more en- 
couraged to favor housing and school construction bills over our f^lfejOCXDjOOO mili- 
tary budget. 

Candidates for district leadership and nomination In coming primaries end 
conventions would be put to the test were this type of trade union and voter dele- 
gation to ask of them assurances that they would legislate and act for jobs and 
not for war, cold or otherwise. 

find out of such constructive pre-election voter activity there may develop 
candidates and other political leaders from the ranks of labor. It may appear to 
be starry-eyed and visionary to suggest that some of these things may be acccm- 
pllshed in time for the I960 and 1961 elections, but it is not starry-eyed and 
visionary to state that unless we do help develop these legislative and political 
"movements in depjth", election campaigns will continue to offer the voters only 
"lesser evil" choices. 

• *•« «-:««•« 

By Tom Nabried 

The recent visit of Soviet Premier Khrushchev to our country has opened up 
new opportunities for easing world tensions. The Draft Political Resolution of our 
Party correctly points out: "As we approach a new decade, the decade of the 
sixties, mankind stands at the threshold of a potential era of peace and plenty 
for all." 

Khrushchev dealt with those Issues that in one way or another touched upon 
the vital interests of all the people in the United States, irrespective of econcmlo 
status, religious creed or political views and affiliation. 

The main core of his speeches to various groups and to the people generally, 
were: let us work for peace and learn to live together irrespective of the 
differences In our economic and political systems. Let us work toward total dis- 
armament over a period of four years. let us trade those things that each country 
can use without discrimination. let us have peaceful competition between our two 
different social systems, capitalism and socialism. 

He stated that socialism in the next 10 to 15 years will outstrip capital- 
ism in production and in raising the living standard of the Soviet people to the 
bluest ever attained by any social system. 

Never in the history of our country has the leader of another nation 
challenged the United States government and its people to meet such a noble and 
Just cause, not Just for ourselves, not Just for the Soviet Union and its people 
but for the sake of world's humanity. Khrushchev pleaded to mankind everywhere 
throu^ his visit here, "Let us study war no more," which causes destruction, 
death and carnage. Do away with armaments races and relieve the heavy tax burden 
upon the national resources and spend the money for human welfare. let us have 
peaceful competition in the economic welfare of our respective peoples, let ua 
compete in culture, science and education. 

Hie reaction to the Khrushchev challenge is not the same among all groups 
in our ooTOitry. Among the average responsible claar-minded citizens there is 
still some skepticism, but a willingness to give it a try. There have been many 
different reactions in various fields to different aspects of the question. For 
example in the field of science it has become increasingly clear to most Americans 
that socialism has been able to malce its tremendous achievements by its planned 
economic system. It is further recognized that in education as well, America is 
being outstripped by leaps and bounds. Culturally the interchange between the 
Soviet Union and the U.S.A. has opened many doors for further growth of peaceful 
relations between the two great nations. The American working class and people 
for the first time have been able to get first-hand Information of the dsvelopnent 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-G — Continued 

of socialism and what it has to offer, directly from the top government official of 
the first socialist state, and they have begxrn to see that much of the information 
in America has been tnisted and distorted. 

The discussion between President Eisenhower and Soviet Premier Khrushchev 
on the above issues and the expanding of trade and settling all outstanding 
differences through negotiation, without force, is part of the vast potential for 
peaceful competition and coexistence. 

This beginning of exchange of visits by the two heads of states opens the 
possibility for the achievement of total disarmament and world peace, the aspira- 
tion of millions everywhere. 

However, there also exists a powerful, wealthy group that wants no change 
in the cold war policy and is doing everything within its power to prevent a change. 
The people that make up this group ore scattered, in official governmental depart- 
ments, in business and among politicians In hoth Democratic and Republican Parties. 
Although the position of this group Is detrimental to the best interests of our 
nation, the majority of the top leaders of the trade union movement accept and 
follow the policy for cfintinuing the cold war. 

However, the "cold war" crowd can only be successfully defeated by an 
acceptance of the Khrushchev challenge by the United States government and the 
people. The struggle for the acceptance of the Khrushchev challenge of peaceful 
living together requires courage and boldness and Initiative on the part of the 

• «««*« 

Since the l6th National Convention of the Party there seems to be a 
reluctance to boldly deal with questions of International relations and politics 
raised by leading Marxists of other countries. This concept flows from an attitude 
that agreement with them by an American Karxist means accepting dictation or not 
developing our own thinking in relation to Barxist-Leninist scientific theories and 
their application to the American scene. 

Such an attitude can only lead to the conelusion that Marxism- Leninism is 
not an all encompassing science. In the fields of science generally, scientists 
must utilize that store of knowledge or the laws of science that have been discover- 
ed and amassed by other scientists in order to make a contribution to new dis- 
coveries and the advancement of human welfare. It Is for this reason that It often 
happens that scientists in one country and those in another can draw the same con- 
clusions in a given field, and they may not have any physical connections to each 
other. Thus Marxists can reach similar conclusions in various countries. 

The leading role of the Communist Party is blurred by incorrect thinking by 
some Communists that if the Barty projects new ideas that have not yet been raised 
by the masses or their leadership, that the people would hesitate to accept such 
ideas and that the Party would be further isolated. This thinking leads the Party 
into the position of waiting to see what others will say or do. This negates the 
leading role of the Pkrty of educating the people and advancing the fight to hl^er 
political levels. 

It is incumbent upon our Party to most vigorously open the struggle for the 
acceptance of the Khrushchev challenge amongst the widest section of the population, 
Throu^ the development of such an outlook can the U,S, government be convinced that 
such competition is the only alternative to a war of annihilation. It is throu^ 
such an approach that the objectives set by our draft resolution can be achieved, 

"To defeat the reactionary offensive of corporate wealth, to advance the 
fight for peaceful coexistence, economic security and civil rights and liberties, it 
is necessary to achieve the broadest, most resolute unity of action of the working 
class and its allies. 

"It is essential to bring into existence an anti-monopoly people's coali- 
tion uniting labor, the Negro people, the small farmers, students, professionals, 
small businessmen and other democratic elements on a program of action for 
economic welfare, democratic rights and peace." 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-G — Continued 



By Cyril Brlggs 

Together with the projection of a correct main line — promotion of the 
greatest possible unity of all who stand for peace and the building of the democra- 
tic front against the monopolies — the Draft Political Resolution contains a number 
of grave defects and weaknesses. These must be corrected if the proposed resolution 
is to maintain the high political level expressed In the formation of Its main line. 
Chief among these defects arei 

1. Its failure (a) to offer a program for the liberation of Puerto Rico, 
the Virgin Islands, and the numerous Pacific islands occupied by the U.S. under one 
pretext or another, and treated as colonial possesions; (b) to analyze in depth the 
role of U.S. imperialism as a colonial power and the chief bulwark today of the 
collapsing imperialist-colonial system. The draft resolution thus fails to recog- 
nize the obligation of Marxists of every country to expose and combat their own 

2. It treats too lightly the question of Cuba and the necessity of U.S. 
workers to defend, in their own Interests, the Castro revolution and government. It 
must give far more recognition to the importance of the Cuban revolution, both in 
relation to the Cuban people and all the peoples of latin America and the desperate 
efforts of U.S. Imperialism to wipe out the example It Offers to other Latin-Ameri- 
can peoples, its already discernible Impact on Panama, Brazil, etc. The proposed 
resolution must expose before the U.S. working class and nation the falsity and 
hypocrisy of the contention in certain circles that this country has always been a 
good friend of the Cuban people and an ardent supporter of their aspirations for 
national Independence and dignity — their synthetic "surprise" at the "ingratitude" 
of the Ctiban people. Exposure of this ribald lie Is basic to our defense of the 
Cuban rerolution. One of the most effective means of doing this, In our opinion. Is 
to spotlight both present and past machinations of U.S. monopolies and the State 
Department against Cuban and Guatemalan independence, with some generalizations on 
this same theme theme In regard to other Lation-American countries. 

3. It is not enough for the draft resolution to give six lines to "the in- 
creasing manifestations of anti-Semitism" in our country. A more vigorous presenta- 
tion of the sinister Increase In anti-Semitic acts and propaganda is needed. The 
fight against anti-Semitic poison must also be one of the points in the immediate 
program proposed by the draft resolution. (Political Affairs, Sept., 1959, p. 29) 

The proposed resolution must also take note of the divisive and disruptive 
influences in the rise of a rabid Jewish bourgeois nationalism in our country, 
focused around the State of Israel and its pro-imperialist orientation, which finds 
reflection in an Important section of the Zionist movement in the U.S. 

The pro-imperialist character of this Jewish bourgeois nationalism serves 
not only to Isolate Israel from the powerful conscious anti-imperialist currents In 
the national liberation revolution sweeping Asia, Africa and Latin-America, but 
gravely affects the friendly relations between the Jewish people and the Negro 
people, whose sympathies are with the antl- imperialist-colonialist revolution. It 
feeds anti-Semitic currents in the Negro community, derived from the national stream 
of anti-Semitic poison and provided a phony rationale by the fact that it is the 
Jewish merchants, with their anti-Negro employment policies, and not the representa- 
tives of monopoly capital, urtio are visible in the Negro community. 

Irritating and exasperating as is the reactionary role of Jewish merchants 
in the Negro community, Negro Marxists have historically recognized that the eneny 
in the path of the Negro people is not the Jewish merchants, but monopoly capital. 
They know it is monopoly capital that originated and today strives desperately to 
malntian the Infamous U.S. jlmorow pattern. They know, too, that monopoly capital 
would like nothing better than to have attention diverted from itself, have Jews 
depicted as the main enemy of the Negro people. Thus, Negro Marxist recognize their 
obligation to vigorously combat such a consummation, in the interests of Negro free- 
dom and Jewish-Negro unity — so vital a factor in the fight against racism, white 
supremacy and anti-Semitism. But our Negro comrades should not be left to conduct 
this struggle alone. Their efforts must be supplemented and supported by our Party 
boldly adopting a Marxist-Leninist position on Jewish bourgeois nationalism and the 
Middle East, thereby repudiating at long last the peddling of the Ben-Gurion line by 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-G — Continued ^ 

the Daily Worker during the editorship of the renegade John Gates, Our Rarty must 
defend the right of Israel to exist, but criticize the reactionary policies of its 
rulers. On this point we could nell take a lesson from the valiant Israeli 
Communist Party. 

Moreover, unless we are to abdicate the Jewish community to the bourgeois 
nationalists, have the Jewish working class succumb to their reactionary influences, 
we must vigorously combat all that is reactionary in Jewish bourgeois nationalism, 
just as we must combat what is reactionary in Negro bourgeois nationalism, and not 
treat bourgeois nationalism, as the draft resolution does, as if it were a problem 
only for the Negro movement. 

It is not enough to leave the ideological struggle to the Morning Freihelt 
and other Left Jewish publications. Not all of our Jewish comrades read Yiddish and 
can avail themselves of the excellent discussions and guidance offered by the Frei - 
helt . Nor, indeed, should our Jewish comrades be expected to carry alone the burden 
of the struggle against Jewish bourgois nationalism. This is the duty of the Party 
as a whole. 

Developments and trends in the Jewish' community mnat" be of the greatest con- 
corn to all Communists, We should never forget that many of our most capable and 
valiant comrades were recruited in that community, nor that the Jewish people have 
a long progressive tradition. It is our duty to keep that tradition alive and 
strengthen it against the inroads of Jewish bourgeois nationalism. 

Ut The draft resolution Ignores completely the problems of the Mexican 
workers and the Mexican-American community. It likewise by-passes the problems of 
Puerto Rican workers in our country and the position and role of woaien in U.S, 
society, including the triply oppressed Negro women and their outstanding contribu- 
tions to the Negro freedom movement. It treats inadequately the problems and role 
of the youth. 

5. It falls far short of adequate criticism of business unionism and the 
treacherous, class collaborationist role of its leaders on both domestic and foreign 
issues, including the vicious activities of these leaders in seeking to subvert and 
undermine the newly-won political independence of Asian and African nations and the 
national-revolutionary struggles of those peoples still under the yoke of imperia- 
lism, in line with State Department policies, 

6, It fails aggressively to defend the Party and its members: the right of 
Communists to function without harassment and persecution, without being penalized 
by blacklists, etc,, for their political convictions. In this connection, it must 
be said, the liberal Professor Joseph P, Morray does a far better job, in his 
recently published book Pride fi£ State (Beacon Press, Boston) of defending the U,S, 
Marxist movement than our Party has been doing in this period. 

It is our opinion, too, that the proposed resolution should also defend 
those basic Marxist-Leninist theories that are under violent attack today, both by 
the bourgeoisie and their Intellectual lackeys, and by some of our own comrades, A 
vigorous defense of the theory of relative and absolute impoverishment of the work- 
ing class could do much to dispel many of the illusions of the working class, 

A program for a Marxist ftirty, such as must be projected, or at least out- 
lined, in its (main) political resolution must, of course, deal with many aspects 
in the life of its country and working class. This necessity does not, however, 
exempt it from the obligation of selecting the most important issues for an ex- 
ploration in depth. The proposed resolution needs to amplfy its analysis of major 
issues. Much of its present treatment of issues is superficial, platitudinous and 


By E.G., New York 

During the course of "Some Aspects of the Negro Question" — a July, 1959 
Marxist World Review article based on a report to the National Committee — James 
E. Jackson declares (emphasis his) s 

1, "The Negro people are most severely oppressed and exploited of all 
the peoples who make up the American nation." 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-G — Continued 

2. " But the Negroes Id the Pnlted States are not constituted as a nation . 
They rather have the characteristics of a racially distinctive people or nationali- 
ty and constitute a historically determined component part of the whole American 
nation, lAiich, as is well known, is itself an historically derived national forma- 
tion, an alamgam of more or less well-differentiated nationalities." 

3. "To conclude that the Negro people in the Bnlted States are not fl nation 
la asii is SSS. that i^ Negro question , ia sjje couAtrv ifl EOi a national question . 

It is indeed a national question. The question is, however, a national question of 
what type, with what distinguishing characteristics, calling for what strategic 
concept for solution?" 

Following his three hypotheses (as quoted above) , Comrade Jackson prepares 
the reader for a definition of the "type" of "national question" the Negro question 
Is. He decs it by pointing out that "Marxism- Leninism regards the national ques^ . 
tion from the viewpoint of liberating the oppressed nations and nationalities, 
linking this task with the struggle for liberation of the working class frcan the 
yoke of capitalism in a given country and on a world scale"; he does it by explain- 
ing that "The path of development of the Negro people toward the achievement of 
equality does not take the route of struggle for national independence, political- 
geographical sovereignty and statehood" but, rather, that "The Negro people... his- 
torically, now, and, most probably, for the future, seeks a solution of its 
national question in the struggle for securing equality in political, economic, and 
social fields as a component part of the American nation"; and he does it by show- 
ing that this interpretation of the Negro question does not dlJninlsh "the revolu- 
tionary Import of the Negro people's struggle" but that it is in "the main line of 
the present-day reality, namely, that the solution of all democratic tasks is 
worked out in conformity with and on the basis of the primacy of the working-class 
struggle to transform modern society along socialist lines," Having thus prepared 
you for his definition of the "type" of "national question" the Negro question is. 
Comrade Jackson says (emphasis his) J 

" This places the struggle for the solution of the Negro Question in direct 
and strategic relationship to the present-day movement , for progress, and its main 
social force — the working class," 

And that statement, as far as I was able to determine, is his answer to 
his query. 

Because, it seems to me. Comrade Jackson has answered only one element of 
his question, and the "type" to which this "national question" belongs seems to be 
missing — a situation which may leave one doubting that what ho calls the national 
"is indeed a national question" — I am psing a series of hypotheses. 

Hypothesis 1 . A national minority presupposes existence of a nation to 
which that minority belongs. The p^irase "national minority" used in this sense is 
a political term. It implies either (most commonly) nationals of a subject or 
dominated country living in the county which dominates their homeland and who con- 
sequently are treated as inferiors, or (sometimes) nationals whose country is not 
directly dominated by the host country but who, themselves, are politically and 
otherwise maltreated by the host country. A group of Kenyans, for example, resid- 
ing in London, is a national minority, as is a group of Algerians living in Paris, 
Cypriots living in England are a national minority. Until the Gold Coast became 
the independent state of tjhana, any group of that country's indigenous peoples 
living in England was a national minority and the political economic, and social 
issues arising from these Africans' being in England formed a national question. 
Suppose a Negro nation occupied the heart of the Deep South — as Jackson says is not 
the case Negroes living outside that area and elsewhere in the United States would 
be a national minority, wouldn't they? There being no such nation, can there still 
be a Negro national minority and a national question? 

Hypothesis 2. Descendants of the black race brought to America from 340 to 
less than 200 years ago are United States citizens. They are not and cannot be 
nationals of their ancestors' homeland, Africa, first because these descendants were 
born in the U.S., and also because they c ould not be nationals of the whole of 
Africa even if they had been born on that continent, Africa being constituted of 
thousands of nationalities and many countries — as is America or Asia or Europe. 
Hay we, therefore, call United States descendants of Africans from the old "Gold 
Coast" a national minority because they bear some physical characteristics of their 
ancestors, anymore correctly than we may call other U.S. citizens national minori- 
ties because their parents or grandparents came from Italy or Japan or Ireland or 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-G — Continued 

China? Would we say that Oiananian authorities were wrong not long ago when thoy 
told U.S. Negroes who sought to emigrate to Ghana that they were not welcome under 
the circumstances and reminded them that they were U.S. citizens? 

Hgpothaaia 3 . Hegroes fli2 a minority among the whlt« people of the United 
States. If it should be decided that Negroes are not a national minority, should 
it be decided also that since "minority" thus used is a political term, the Negro 
is a minority of any sort only because he is a part of a political equation that 
has yet to be solved, and that when this political equation is solved he no longer 
will be a "minority" althou^ still outnumbered by white people? In the meantime, 
however, being a minority, is he, or is he not, Jackson's "racially distinctive" 

Hypothesis L . Comrade Jackson, referring to the dropping of the concept 
of the Negro nation, writes that the Negro people "constitute a part (although the 
part most deprived of its rights) of the American nation." Our use of the geogra- 
phically ambiguous and politically outrageous term "American nation" Implies great- 
nation chauvinism that is hateful in any people and especially hateful in an 
oppressed people. The people of the United States, Including us, the Negroes, have 
pot maliciously, but have thoughtlessly, adopted the Imperialist-rulers' Jargon in 
referring to our country's relations with other countries and other peoples. Those 
of us jrfio accept the Marxist definition of a nation cannot similarly accept the 
term "American" as just another way of saying " United States ." Ife cannot accept it 
for the politically sound reason that this is talking not only like great-nation 
chauvinists who refuse to see Latin America and Canada as, themselves, comprising 
complete nations; we also make ourselves liable to the just criticism of Ctibaj 
Panama, and other latin American countries who are struggling against U.S. im- 
perialism and look to United States Communists at least for understanding. 

HvTiothesls 5 . The Negro people are "racially distinctive," as Jackson 
says; they also, as he says, "constitute a historically determined component of the 
whole" people of the United States. Neither in the so-called Black Belt of the 
Deep South nor in any other area of tha U.S. do Negroes show indications of de- 
siring the ri^t of self-determination— that is. Independence — in the sense, say, 
that the people of Algeria desires it cind that Guinea desired and, finally got It, 
Is that because U.S. Negroes are conscious, though on the whole vaguely, of the 
important fact that but for them the primary accumulation of wealth upon this 
continent would have been different? Is it that they have learned—and are con- 
tinuing to learn, especially throu^ the medltp of Negro Hiatory Week-that beginn- 
ing with the first arrival of 20 indentured African servants at Jamestown, Va., In 
1619, their more than 200 years of unpald-f or labor power wont into building the 
wealth of the South; that since 1863 and the proclamation of emancipation the 
Negro's labor power, only partly paid for, has continvied to enrich the South and. 
Incidentally, the rest of the country'- Is it that he knows that nothing in the 
culture of this country Is without Mjh Imprint; that anthropologists declare his 
blood to flow throu^ the veins of a maloritv of old-stock citizens of the U.S.? 

Hypothesis 6. Desegregation —the removal of barriers separating "blacks" 
from "whites", or the killing of jlmorow — has been going on, formally, in the area 
of public school education and in a limited number of other areas of the South, 
since the May 17, 1954 Supreme Court decision. Integration, on the other hand, 
has been proceeding on the North American continent since 1619, steadily and 
inexorably, but informally, therefore under difficulties. Some Supreme Court 
decisions are an aid to integration's going ahead formally and the Negro people are 
taking advantage, where possible, of such opportunities as are offered. Ihen 
Negroes say they desire to be integrated into the general fabric of the economic, 
social aid political life of their country they consider that they are speaking, 
first of all, of their country — the jrfiole of it — and they take the word integra- 
tion to mean to fit one into another; simultaneously to exchange what I have for 
what you have, each to make the other's his own and to combine. It implies to the 
Negro complete eQualitVf because an exchange implies worth for worth, value for 
value. Integration as a social concept in the U.S. means, in practice, placing the 
Negro (unequal in general, sociologically, to the white man) in a position from 
^ich he may the better work toward overcoming his inequality. If the Negro, as I 
say here, thus interprets the idea of Integration and thus acts In accordance with 
his interpretation, he is wrong and should be shown by us to be a national minorlly 
concerned with a national question and that integration, which he wants. Is Incom- 
patable with the C.P. program. True? False? How? 

Final Hypothesis . Integration rather than the right of self determination 
is desired by the Negro people of the United States, except for such groups as the 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-G — Continued ^^ 

so-called Muslems and a few separatist elements. The Negro people desire such in- 
tegration not only beccuse there is no political base for separation in the heart 
of the monopoly-capitalist country which is the United States of America, but 
chiefly because they feel that, li such a setup— if It were possible — they wauld 
lose more than they would gain. (&B the Algerians, on the other hand, would lose 
more than they would gain by choosing integration instead of independence.) tl.S. 
Negroes would lose the wealth created by their labor (as manifested in the material 
wealth of the United States) , the billions of man-hours expended, their gifts to 
this culture and, in consequence, their right to the claim, as they now declare it, 
that this is their country because, but for them, there would not be this country. 

The foregoing hypotheses are presented, as hypotheses always must be pre- 
sented, as facts (or theories)^ not as dogma, and should be accepted as facts until 
proved wrong, I must ask, as an afterthough, for I forgot to insert the question 
earlier, what becomes of the theory of "the Negro national bourgeoisie" and of the 
Negro people (divided as they are in classes, the majority being workers themselves) 
as "an ally" of "the working class"? Are these two conceptions compatible with the 
integrationist movement? Does not this whole Negro question call for a great deal 
more study by persons who have been, in some cases, offensively overbearing in 
their dogmatism on this question? 


West Jefferson Club, Moranda 

Smith Section, Los Angeles, Calif. 


The introduction should set forth a Communist Party program. The Communist 
Party is based on the science of Marxism-Leninism as a guide to action and analyis 
in answering the many questions confronting the people under our capitalist 
society. Therefore it is incumbent on us to present a rounded program based on the 
specific conditions in the U.S., setting forth demands uppermost in the interests 
of the people and charting the course to guarantee a peaceful development of a 
socialist U.S. 

We are of the opinion that a Party program must define for the people, as 
well as our members, the specific tasks and responsibilities that fall upon our 
Party, and why it has such responsibilities. Also, it should clarify the differ- 
ence between the Communist Ifarty and the bourgeois parties. 

Secondly, the introduction should place in order of importance those sec- 
tions of the people who can most influence the development of our country. Herein, 
we see the role of the working class as the key force, both in the struggle for 
peace and in the struggle for socialism. 

To guarantee the vanguard role of our Peirty, it is necessary to assure the 
fullest working-class participation and membership in it. Our program must be one 
geared to aiding the struggle of our working class to its logical conclusion, irtilcfa 
is peace and socialism. 

In view of the fact that socialism is our main strategic aim, a major sec- 
tion of the introduction should be one introducing the concept of socialism, for it 
is overall purpose of the resolution to lead the people of our country closer to 
peace and socialism. 


The draft resolution makes many excellent points on the peace question, 
thus reflecting a generally correct line. It can be improved by consolidating all 
the points into a clearly-defined, unmistakeably Mancist-Leninist line on the 
struggle for peace. 

The Communist ferty, guided by the Leninist concept of peaceful coexistence. 
Is In the vanguard of the struggle for peace. This point should be developed ex- 
plicitly in the resolution. The theory of peaceful coexistence is derived from the 
leninist analysis of imperialism into the three well-known contradictions. The 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-G — Continued ^^ 

idea of the possibility of building socialism In one country (the point of conver- 
gence of the three contradictions) was developed from this analysis. 

The draft resolution makes many excellent points on the peace question, 
thus reflecting a generally correct line. It can be improved by consolidating all 
the points into a clearly defined, unmistakeably Marxist-Leninist line on the 
struggle for peace. 

The Communist Party, guided by the Leninist concept of peaceful coexistence, 
is in the vanguard of the struggle for peace. This point should be developed ex- 
plicitly in the resolution. The theory of peaceful coexistence is derived from the 
Leninist analysis of imperialism into the three well known contradictions. The Idea 
of the possibility of building socialism in one country (the point of convergence of 
the three contradictions) was developed from this analysis. 

The correctness of this idea was proven with the defeat of fascism in Uorld 
War II. Today we have developed it into the theory of peaceful coexistence, of 
peaceful competition between the socialist and capitalist sectors. On the one hand, 
we have the realization, in actual fact, of the superiority of the socialist system 
along with its victory in country after country. On the other hand, we have in- 
creasingly insurmountable contradictions within and among the imperialist countries 
along with the breakup of colonial rule In country after country. This is how 
Marxist-Leninists envision the victory of socialism on a world scale. This is what 
is encompassed by the term "peaceful coexistence." 

Two conclusions follow from this J 

1. Since this is a fundamental contradiction, it should be reflected 
in every nation, in every town, in every factory, in every organi- 
zation, in every man, woman and child, and in every problem no 
matter how general or how personal. 

2, The struggle for peace is Inseparably connected with the struggle 
for socialism. 

The draft is weak on both points. On the first it states that the over- 
whelming majority are as one in their fear of nuclear war and their desire for 
peace. This certainly does provide a basis for a united peace movoment but it is 
not enouth. The American people have not had the same kind of war experience as the 
peoples of other countries, where the conscious peace movements are of mass 
character. This desire for peace based on the fear of nuclear war must be linked up 
with the actual experiences of the American people living under the tremendous bur- 
dens of the war economy . 

We have mounting inflation, taxes, crisis in educational facilities, 
juvenile delinquency, housing shortage, etc. For the Negro people and other 
minorities this means over increasing shifting of the burdens from the privileged 
section of the workers. The cost of producing one bomber can practically eliminate 
the worst forms of juvenile deliquency in our city. It can keep our libraries open 
for the next half century on Saturdays. Or it can pay a year's salary for several 
hundred new school teachers. 

Secondly, in the struggle to rid themselves of the hardships brou^t about 
the war economy, the American people must inevitably develop closer and friendlier 
ties with the socialist countries and with the American Communist Party which always 
stands for proletarian internationalism. It is no accident that the militancy of 
our labor leaders can be measured by their differing attitudes towards the Soviet 
Union, or that the Communist Party is singled out above all other groups as the 
object of vilification and persecution by reaction. This is one very important 
reason why the workers will inevitably turn to our Party for leadership. Our ftirty 
is universally recognized as the enemy of capitalism, as the party of socialism. 

The main weakness of the section on peace is that it tends to isolate it 
from the day-to-day needs of the people and also from the struggle for socialism. 
It is open to both Left and Ri^t deviations. This ia not unuBUal; both deviations 
are the same underneath. This tendency of isolating the struggle for peace in and 
for itself also shows the influence of the pacifists who have made a tremendous im- 
pact upon the Left wing in recent years. 

This isolation is further emphasized by its neglect in other sectiond of the 
draft. The section on the economic situation omits the question of the harmful 
effects of the East-West trade embargo and the role of Kast-Jfest trade in converting 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-G — Ckintinued ^ 

to peace-time economy. In fact the whole question of converting to peace-tins 
economy is neglected. The negative as well as the positive attitudes of our labor 
leaders on the peace question should be pointed out someidiere in the resolution. 

The title of the peace section tends to restrict the peace issue to a 
question of foreign policy. 

The draft resolution opens its peace section with the statement that the 
"maintenance of peace" Is the primary issue. This phrase should be changed to the 
"achievement of peace" or some other similar phrase. We cannot have peace by main- 
taining the status quo. We can have peace only by going forward 


This section should be the cornerstone on \*ich rests the iriiole of our 
folitical analysis. Therefore it must clearly present an overall picture of the 
economic trends and developments in our country since our last convention. How do 
these effect and 'compare with the total world economic outlook? What benefits have 
accrued to the workers of the U.S. from our country's imperialist policies, and what 
is our role as Communists? Has the economic analysis outlined in our ' 57 Convention 
Resolution a correct estimate? If not, what were its weaknesses? 

Inclusion of "Militant Moods" and "Reactionary Offensive" in this section 
is confusing. These would be better placed at the beginning of the section dealing 
with the I960 Elections as a base for developing its thesis. &lso, in the order the 
they are presented, the final emfiiasis is on the reactionary. Instead of this 
mechanical separation, we propose a full evaluation of each political point to 
eliminate jumping back and forth in order to wei^ the positive and negative aspects 
of each. As it stands there are no conclusions and we are left to speculate on 
whether we are gaining or losing ground. 

The description of the econoi^ as shaky and unstable but on the upgrade (for 
how long long — six months, 5, 10 or 15 years?) is too superficial. V/hile it Isn't 
necessary to enumerate all the statistics, we recommend the inclusion of the most 
important figures with an analysis of such figures as are available in the labor 
Fact Book #14. 

(There follow a number of figures on trends in production investment, 
prices, profits, taxes, etc., which we omit for reasons of space. -Ed.) 

Further, we feel this section ijust includoJ relation of fixed capital to 
variable capital; bank control — mortgages on homes and small business; interlock- 
ing control; credit and interest rates; gold standard and currency manipidation; 
interest on war debt; manipulation of stock market; installment credit; cost of 
advertising to consumers; insurance companies role; land ownership; medical costs; 
crime cost; public works; unemployment and welfare figures; shoddy production of 
consumer goods. 

For emphasis, we separate the whole question of export of capital which in 
the greatest imperialist country in history assumes major importance. The only 
formulation at all, referring to "establishing plants abroad ... at the expense of 
jobs of American workers" reflects great national chauvinism and is totally inade- 
quate as an analysis of the export of capital. 

Also, automation deserves a much fuller treatment, which would lend 
naturally into a discussion of the plight of the unemployed ~ the difficulties of 
collecting unemployment insurance and welfare — the treatment of old age pensioners 
and the attacks on aid to dependent children ~ the effect of automation on the 
white collar workers. The analysis of automation in relation to the Negro people 
and the resultant unemployment should be treated more extensively, also, youth, 
Indians, Mexican-Americans and Puerto Ricans. VShat is happening to women and older 

The main resolution, and especially the section dealing with econcmlcs, 
needs a fuller treatment of the trade unions, East-West trade and the possibilities 
of conversion to peaceful production. 

Other points needing clarification are: 
Rage 29. Growth of state monopoly capitalism, 
Age 29. Why was the third slump the most severe? 

Bage 30. Belocation of new factories — where? Who are the new workers? 
What of working conditions, unions? What is happening in auto where unemployed 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-G — Cbntinued 

workers are returning to Viest Virginia and other home areas when unemployment com- 
pensation runs out? 

Page 30. Looting the federal treasury — how? 

Page 30. Colossal burden of interest on the taxpayers — which taxpayers? 

&ge 30. Treatment of the farmers is so brief and superficial It doesn't 
answer ariything. Shore have they gone? Who owns the land? Who is farming it? 
What changes in methods have occurred? What is produced? What is the role of price 
supports, soil erosion prevention and other government policies? What about working 
oonditions, wages, unions, cooperatives? 

Page 31. Thirty-hour week — at what wages? 

Why is there nothing on a new federal minimum wage law? 

• ♦*♦««»•♦ 


By Felix Anderson 


Two outstanding historical developments characterize the present era. One 
la the rise of socialism. The other, its Importance less widely noted, is the 
emergence of a new technology based large !ly on developments in the fields of 
nuclear energy and automatic control. 

This new technology holds In store for mankind and, in particular, for 
America, two alternative and mutually exclusive fates: (l) thermonuclear rocket 
war, with the annihilation of a majority of the himan race and destruction of civili- 
zation as we know It; (2) freedom from want, relief from drudgery, and greatly In- 
creased leisure for all the people. 

The question of war or peace thus presents Itself today as the question of 
which way nations will use the vast technological capabilities and energy resources 
which science has brou^t forth. 

« • » 

It Is prerequisite to a mass peace movement in the U.S. that major sections 
of the population see clearly the existence of sharp contradictions between contin- 
uation of the cold war on one hand and pursuit of the national welfare on the other. 
What are the most important considerations for the ftrty and the Left in helping the 
American people to see why (and then decide how) the cold war should be junkedl 
First, we must base our work on an understanding of the fundamental Importance of 
the new technology. And second, this work must proceed from a deepened understand- 
ing of the popular consciousness. 

How do the American people feel about the cold war poll<^ with Its risk of 
thermonuclear war? The chief characteristic Is bewildered concern. On one hand, 
the people hear about the great destructive capacity of H-bombs; but on the other 
hand, they are assured that with evacuation, shelters, antl-mlsslle missllos, and 
'clean bombs," the losses can be "minimized." On one hand, they hear that many 
scientists are worried about anticipated biological effects of fallout from nuclear 
tests, but on the other hand, they are told by the AJl.C. that these effects are 

Forces within and without the government seek to prevent popular participa- 
tion In the decisions concerning the use of nuclear energy and nuclear weapons. 
They are therefore deliberately restricting and distorting information; thereby they 
vitiate the democratic functioning of government and deny citizens the right to 
participate in the making of decisions essential to their well-being. Fundamental 
policy decisions proceed from technical considerations which, the people are told, 
they are Incapable of grasping; they are reassured, however, that the decisions are 
being based on the thinking of competent specialists whose objectivity and patriot- 
ism are beyond question. 

But there is a growing body of persuasive evidence that the people are dis- 
turbed by the idea of leaving to the "experts" the decision of policy questions upon 
which human sxurrtval depends. Thus (see The Nation, June 13 and Sept. 26, 1959), 1b 
at least two large cities. New York and St. Louis, the popular demand for sound 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-G — Continued ^^ 

information on radiation and its hazeu-ds has beccme so great that volunteer organl- 
Bations have been created to provide the means of communication between the public 
and scientists who tire concerned about the public's ri^t to know. 

These organizationa have avoided the advocacy of particular policy positions, 
apparently adhering instead to the objective of an informed public able to partici- 
pate in the democratic process. Probably due in large measure to this braod 
approach, these groups have received many requests for speakers from PTA's semen's 
groups, church bodies. Lions Clubs, etc. Inevitably, it is reported, the discussion 
reveal the people's concern to know how they can become better informed and how they 
can most effectively voice their views. 

For us, this places the fight for the people's ri^t to participate in de- 
ciding how nuclear energy and weapons will be used as the key tactical principle in 
the American peace struggle today. The obtaining of essential information on these 
problems is an integral part of the stniggle. It should be evident that these 
struggles will not be easily won, and the course of the struggle itself will offer 
profound politically educating experiences. It should also be evident that the 
fight for the right to be informed and to participate in the formation of policy 
corresponds exactly to the present state of readiness of the Imerican people. 

The state of popular awareness of the progressive economic Implications of 
the new technology is undoubtedly far below the understanding of the military side. 
In trade union circles, automation has been generally viewed as a necessary evil 
rather than a potential boon; it is considered mainly in terms of defensive measures 
against dislocation of workers. This is no more than natural when automation is 
seen only as a development in capitalism, which will serve to enhance both profits 
and imemployment. It is of course correct for the unions to concern themselves 
with the short term defense of the workers' security. But the situation demands the 
elaboration of a broad program for the rational and comprehensive application of 
automation to the American economy in the public interest. 

In this richest of countries, the working class is confronted by the fear 
that disarmament and automation bode mass unemployment. However, this overlooks the 
role which the people can play in shaping their own future. Their failiure to con- 
sider this question is related in turn to confusion about the cold war and unaware- 
ness as to the material benefits which automation can bring, Hg suspect that on the 
latter Question ^ workers would exhibit a voracious appetite far information . £i^ii 
now . Both the ftrty and the mass organizations can help the people elaborate the 
needed economic program; but in attempting this, both must engage in continuing dis- 
course with the people and be keenly attuned to their thoughts. 

There is no obvious factor precluding that much of such an economic program 
could be realized in the U.S. under capitalism. This would of course hinge on the 
developing course of ruling class strength and on the extent of determined working 
class struggle for transition to a peaceful economy with a minimum of economic 

It is still too early to assess fully the attitudes of the ruling class 
toward the future of the cold war or to perceive completely the divergences which 
may arise. Even a monopoly capitalist may not remain oblivious to the destructive 
power of modern weapons and the strength of the socialist camp as deterrents to 
Imperialist war. Moreover, it is likely that some will question whether disarmament 
or inflation poses the greater threat to capitalist economic stability. 

However, the basic laws of monopoly capitalism still operate. The in- 
creasing limitations on the capitalist market still give rise to imperialist as- 
pirations. And whatever the subjective attitude of some monopoly capitalists, this 
heavily armed imperialist pOT-er remains a threat to peace. In n,S. ruling circles, 
it is still widely maintained that a nuclear war is admissible, and the doctrine of 
preventive nuclear war has yet to bo repudiated. The deterrents already mentioned 
cannot be deemed guarantees of peace. Whatever powerful deterrents to war may 
arise from the objective situation abroad, the guarantee that aggressive war will 
not be waged by the U.S. c an be provided ultimately only by the political interven- 
tion of braod sections of the American people In behalf of peace. 

Peaceful competition is possible but it will offer neither a solution nor a 
mitigation of monopoly capitalist problems. A popular program for transition to a 
non-military economy with a working class share In the benefits of automation may be 
expected to arouse the bitter opposition of much of the ruling class. Nevertheless, 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-G — Continued 

ire may anticipate some Bupport within the ruling class for svich a program; tiila will 
facilitate adoption and implementation of the program. 

In Bvmmaxy, the party's program f<5r"peac6 niust focus on these Important new 

(1) An analysis of the situation and alternatives arising out of the new technology 

(2) i, program for implementing the new and forthcomiig technological developments 
under full employment to enrich the lives of the people; indeed, this must be seen 
as the positive essence of meeting the Soviet challenge to peaceful competition. 
The American people will see that they can only gain from such a race. 

(3) A struggle for the democratic right of the people to participate in the making 
of public policy; this presiqiposes a campaign for public education on those haslo, 
Incontrovertahlo facts which the public knows it lacks and which ars indispensable 
for forming an intelligent opinion on the key questions relating to peace. 

In addition, the Paxty must engage with new vigor and flexibility in the 
clarification of the crucial political blind spots which underlie the cold war 
ideology. These efforts will be greatly assisted by steps to broaden the free 
exchange of ideeia and persons between Saet and Vest. In the spirit of constructive 
peaceful competition in ideas, new forms of exchange should be promoted, and the 
fear of Ideas should be swept away. 


By D.E. 

The Draft Political Resolution has been endorsed widely. If not unanimously, 
at club, section and district levels in our state. Tet, the discussion and the 
endorsement was of a critical nature. The HEC Open Letter to the membership was a 
timely and sensitive response to this critically constructive attitude toward the 

It is In this critical spirit that I w£int to discuss the section dealing 
with the educational content of our mass work and pEirticularly that related to the 
tasks of our Inner Idological responsibilities. After correctly indicating (it Is 
true, somewhat routinely) the dangers to the working class and the common people in 
antl-Sovietism, antl-comraunism, racism, anti-Somitlsm, bourgeois nationalism ted 
chauvinism, the Draft calls for the exposure of this poisonous ruling class 

The Draft then declares; "TTlthin the ranks of the Party and among other 
progressive forces, it Is necessary to wage the most uncompromising and consistent 
struggle against revisionism. Tj^ls opportunist trend has Its source in the ideology 
of the Imperialist ruling class ^ich, through a lAole range of social reformist and 
'class partnership' Ideas and illusions, exerts its pressure on labor and the middle 
classes and, in turn, within the Party. Exposing and combatting revisionist ideas 
and practices, which did great damage to our party in the period from 1956 to 1958, 
as well as In earlier periods, is our main ideological task." It then eidds; "At 
the same time, the Party must vigorously combat dootrinalrlsm and sectarianism," 

Obviously, this section cannot be discussed by itself. It needs to be re- 
viewed In my opinion from at least thre Inter-related approaches. First and fore- 
most, it needs e xami nation In relation to current theoretical problems that we face 
and particularly to current experiences in mass work. Second, It calls for an 
analysis on the background of the 16th Convention and in the context of national 
committee pro-nouncementa since that convention. Third, it needs to be viewed In 
the light of the historic document adopted in Moscow in November 1957 and known as 
the Declaration of Communist and Workers' Parties of Socialist Countries, The 
general content of modem revisionism, its sources as well as its effects, ware pre- 
sented with crystal clarity In that Declaration. 

In our party, before, at, and forsome time after the 16th Convention, 

52-810 0— 66— pt. 2- 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-G — continued 


revisionism expressed itself primarily in denying the need for a Marxist vanguard 
party, in rejecting democratic centralism as the tested form of party organization, 
and in rejecting the universal validity of the dictatorship of the proletariat. It 
further exhibited its anti-Marxist character by violating principles of proletarian 
internationalism, and by vealcenlng the ties of the fraternal Communist Parties. 

In some cases, the revisionists looked fomard to an ever-expanding capital- 
ist prosperity in the midst of an ever-widening democracy leading gradually and 
peacefully without revolution to soclaillsm. These and other unscientific views, such 
as attitudes to socisil democracy and reformism, the welfare state, etc., were re- 
jected piecemeal, some at the 16th Convention, other following the convention, and 
most decisively at and after the February 1958 National Committee meeting, which 
adopted a position of a simultaneous struggle against opportunist and revisionist 
influences and against sectarianism and dogmatism. 

Which, if any, of these revisionist views on the role of our farty, on the 
crisis-free ce^italism, on the attitude to the socialist countries, on the estimate 
for a flowering of bourgeois democracy and a growing over into the welfare state are 
today irevalent in our Party? What national Committee member, what state committee*, 
itiat branches, or individual members today advocate these alien ideas in our rankst 
What articles or editoricLls in Political . Affaire or The Worker since February 1958 
can and should be labeled properly as revisionist or rightist in direction? 

Even if only very few in our ranks would promote such harmful propositions, 
the danger would be grave indeed, and a decisive ideological struggle against them 
would be in order. How can we Judge the gravity of the situation now unless we are 
concretely Informed of such trends, if any exist, either in the leadership or in the 

One of the most serious manifestations of rightist thinJjing and practice 
that does continue to exist is the minimization of the role of our Party. TJoder-es- 
timatlng the Party or even negating its role in concrete situations whore potentlall- 
tieo for such expression of our vanguard role, either through Individuals or througji 
the organization as such, are both possible and necessary. Is an error of a rightist 
or revisionist character. This is not to be confused with the sectarian who 
answers every call for participation in mass activity by proposing another Party 

• • * 

The fact that a decisive struggle against revisionism was not launched 
promptly and vigorously calls for self -critical eyaml nation by the leadership. The 
16th Convertlon of our party underestimated the emerging danger of revisionism. But 
to single out for today as the main Ideological teisk of our Party exposing and com- 
bating revisionist ideas and practices would indicate that the revisionist danger is 
growing while the danger of dogmatism is diminishing in ouir ranks. Is this actually 


The ravages of revisionism on our Party - first Loveetone, and then Browder, 
and more recently Gates have left their mark on our organization. And the most 
recent experience would surely demand a constant vigilance against the influences of 
this capitalist-oriented ideology. Furthermore, the influence of revisionism on an 
Internatir, vii so-ile would further demand of ue a relentless struggle against the 
■new" ^'j-C.. bishal dogmas of Bernstein. Continuing attempts to influence our ranks 
by thobo x-evisionist forces who left the Party are not to be denied nor are the 
ideological influences of reformist and social-democracy to be overlooked. 

Oiven the history of revisionism in our Party, given the hold of JUnerlcan 
capitalist ideology on the American woikers, given the opportunist practices 
("opportunist system" would probably be more accurate) of the doznlnant section of 
trade union leadership, it would be folly indeed to underestimate the danger of 
revisionist-opportunist ideas and practices that my emd do seep into the ranks of 
the Communist Party. 

A Communist must not confuse, or equate, opportunist dangers in the labor 
movement with what may be the ideological danger in the Party at a given time. Our 
Party history can furnish more than one example where opportunism in the labor move- 
ment led to sectarian policies on the part of the left and the Party. Thus, pre- 
vailing opportunism in the ranks of the working class does not automatically make 
opportunism the main dmger in the party. 

Why, then, not make the struggle against revisionism the main ideological 
task facing the Party? That it is a major Ideological responsibility is obvious, 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-G — Continued 


and that any concrete manifestation of it In and around ovir movement must 'be relent- 
lessly exposed is also clear. But if this is to he the main ideological task, then 
other deingers facing our organization and moTement, such as dogmatic— sectarian ones, 
are less grave and do not call for the same exphasis and all-out attention. Ohjec- 
tive and concrete examination of the situation in and around our Party will not 
support this one-sided presentation of our Ideological tasks. It is not so, ahove 
all, hecause the period we are entering is an utterly new period, a new historical 
stage in the fight for peaceful coexistence and to imderestimate either dogmatic 
tendencies or sectarian practices in our Party would he tantamount to erecting al- 
most insuperable harriers on the main road to disarmament and peace. 

• • • 

This period above all calls for a creative development of Uarxiem. the Slst 
Congress of the CPSU was the best example of this. Other parties, as well, are 
struggling to enrich Marxist-Leninist theory and to improve its guiding role in the 
battle for peace, democracy and socialism. Our Party can be proud of its creative 
application of Marxism to the Hegro question in the U.S.A. This theoretical con — 
trihution may well mark the beginning of a let^ forward by American Marxists in en- 
riching the ecience of Marxism-Leninism in its application to the U.S.A. At the 
moment our Party still lags in its theoretical and ideological noik and much of it 
still needs to be tied in with our daily activities. 

On the threshhold of this new period we shall face the most complex problems 
of mass work in coalitions and united fronts in order to help establish peaceful com- 
petition between the sociedist and capitalist worlds. Sectarian practices could rob 
us of the effectiveness that we must learn to exert in the coming decade of the 60<8. 

£jq>erience8 in mass work in Illinois which cannot be detailed here for 
reasons of space, point iq> the danger of sectarian practices which still persist in 
more than one area of our work. A stubborn struggle against such prsctices must be 
initiated and maintained. Are there not clubs and individuals in our State (and 
undoubtedly nationally) that do exactly what Hyman Lumer warns us against - inflate 
the Party's independent action into the totality (his emphasis) of its activities. 

Are there not loud echoes of this sectarianism that makes 'party meetings 
and the distribution of Party literature become a substitute for the difficult task 
of working within the mass movement and striving to build united front relationship^ 
So we still not find far too many instances where comrades demand ideological unity 
as a basis for united front activity? 

Tho, with the sole exception, perhaps, of the dogmatists, will not see how 
apt this description of the dogmatist and sectarian isT ■'Dogmatism and sectarianlem 
hinder the developSBnt of Marxlst-Leziinist theory and its creative application in 
the changing conditions, replace the study of the concrete situation with merely 
quoting classics and sticking to books and lead to the Isolation of the Party from 
the masses.* And this tendency is still with us tbou^ diminishing in Influence in 
our state. To some of our doctrinaires the very science of Marxism-Leninism is dis- 
torted and turned into a two-^ord magic formula, and thus no examination of the con- 
crete is necessary. 

!Che fight against dogmatism and tendencies in that direction will only 
register victories when. In the light of the Marxist method and guided by Marxist 
principles, the most thorough, concrete and continuing examination will be made of 
every major aspect of the American scene and the American class struggle as a basis 
for a sound program and sound strategy and tactics. The struggle against sectaria- 
nism will only record advances when our comrades In the trade unions and the mass 
organizations grapple with the immediate and concrete needs of the workers and the 
common people, and with great flexibility and sound Judgment help establish united 
front activities and coalition movements on single issues as a basis for a broadens 
ing fron on many Issues against the giant monopolies and reaction within our country. 
And within this movement, giving constant attention to the question of how to 
ejqjress the Party's vanguard role in building the unity and political understanding 
of the working class, and In educating for socialism. 

tEhua, the dangers of dogmatism and sectarianism are not to be underestimated. 
This was the position adopted by the February 1958 Hational Committee meeting when 
it declared a two-front struggle. "Moreover", that Katloaal Committee statement de- 
clared, "this struggle should be waged so as to help overcome the historic weakness 
of the American Marxist movement, its sectarianism azid doctrinalrlsm. " 



Holmes Exhibit No. 2-G — Continued 


What has happened since February 1958 that requires a different emphasis 
than that given then? Has the danger of revisionism grown and that of eectarianlsa 
diminished! A two-front struggle with equal emphasis on the dangers of revisionism 
and dogmatism Is every bit as necessary today as it was in 1958. 

It Is well In this connection to review briefly what the Moscow Declaration 
of November 1957 had to say on these dangers. All to often only one quote is given 
as the total approach of the Seclaratlon to these dangers. A study of the document 
will reveal three distinct and related conclusions expressed. One said, "Disregard 
of national peculiarities by the proletarian party leads to its divorce from reality 
... and is bound to prejudice the cause of socialism and, conversely, exaggeration 
of the role of these peculiarities ... Is Just as harmful to the socialist cause ... 
the participants In the meeting consider that both these tendencies should be corn- 
batted simultaneously.'' (My enrphasis.) 

A second position was expressed as followst "The meeting underlines the 
necessity of resolutely overcoming revisionism and dogmatism in the ranks of the 
Communist and workers parties." 

And a third conclusion stated : "In condemning dogmatism the Communist 
parties believe that the main danger at present is revisionism or, In other words, 
right-wing opportunism, which as a manifestation of bourgeois ideology paralyzes 
the energy of the working class and demands the preservation or resteration of 
capitalism. However, dogmatism and sectarianism can also be the main danger at 
different phases of development in one party or another. It is for each Comnronlst 
party to decide what danger threatens it more at a given moment," 

Both the letter and the spirit of the Declaration are violated when one in- 
sists that the conclusions on revisionism as the principiEil danger must apply with 
equal strength to every Communist party In the world and continue to apply today, 
two years later, to every Party alike. 

• • * 

The parties of eeml-colonial countries or of countries just recently libera- 
ted from colonialism eire carrying on profound discussions on the role of the 
national bourgeoisie in the national liberation movements and revolutions. While 
not in anyway challenging the continued danger of revisionism there are varying but 
significant attacks on doctrinaire positions on the role of the national bourgeoisie. 
Thus, the Iraqul Party has recently stated that it had overestimated its own role 
and underestimated that of the national bourgeoisie in the Iraqul revolution. The 
Cuban party declares that in the practical application of Mcirxism In Cuba, they 
face " two main dangers " — dogmatic and sectarian mistakes, as well as errors of an 
opportunist and revisionist character. 

Palmiro Togllatti, head of the Italian Communist Party stated earlier this 
year; "Among the Italian Communists, the plant of revisionism never took hold, ffo 
shall continue to prevent its growth today ... At the same ti;8e we shall combat 
every form of sectarianism." 

Dolores Ibarrurl, leader of the heroic Communist Party of Spain, wrote 

"Hitherto it was difficult to pose the question of united action and agree- 
ment with some group of the national bourgeoisie because of their reactionary posi- 
tion. These groups have not ceased to be reactionary. But the pressure to which 
they are being subjected by the monopolies and their need to defend themselves 
against this pressure is bringing them closer to the labor movement and democratic 

"The Popular Front constituted a most important stage In the Communists' 
campaign for cooperation with non-proletarian forces in the interests of joint 
struggle against the threat of war, reaction and fascism. But the Populeo- FrOnt 
should not be conaldered as something static and unchanging as a pattern valid for 
all time... 

"In particular, for Spaniards this form of association between labor and 
progressive forces against the background of struggle with the Franco regime is 
Inadequate. Tie need, and we are fighting for a broader unity which would embrace 
all national forces regardless of their social status and past political activity..." 


Holmes Exhibit No. 2-G — Continued 

Are not sectarian practices still a major hindrance in the fight against 
reaction and the fascist danger in cur country? 

Do we not still find loud voices in our ranks calling for the total danna^ 
tion of present lator leadership and crying out that this leadership is the main 
hindrance to any economic or political advance of the American working class? 

Are there not significant vestiges of sectarianism in our ranks which may 
seriously obstruct the mobilization of the American people in the all-out fight 
for peaceful coexistence and general dlsarmamant? 

Who has not heard even in the very recent period in our party where the 
Hegro qxiBBtion is reduced to a class question and the national liberation movement 
equated with the liberation of the Hegro worker from capitalist e^^iloitation? 

Lenin in Left ffing Communism, an Infantile Disorder , observed? "Anarchism 
was often a sort of punishment for the opportunist sins of the working class move- 
ment. Both monostroeities rautiially supplemented each other." While the basic ob- 
jective source of both left— sectarianism and righ opportunism is in the capitalist 
society in which we live, we have had, in addition, sufficient experience since 
1957 in the left-wing movement in the U.S.A. to be tempted to paraphrase Lenin's 
statement to read; "Both monostrosities, that of left sectarianism and right 
opportunism, have mutually supplemented and fed on each other," In such a concrete 
sitiiation lessening the fire in any way on "one monstrosity" could lead to great 
harm to our movement. 

The examples from other parties are not cited to justify our Party's 
position after February 1958. This can only be judged on the basis of whether it 
correctly reflects the realities in and around our Party. They are given, however, 
as an axgument against the static position taken by the dogmatists. 

It needs also to be stated of course, that a great number of Communist and 
workers' parties, based on their own continuing analysis of their own situation, 
still adhere to the conclusion that revisionism remains the main danger inter- 
nationally, as well as to their own parties. But their findings are in all cases 
determined by the study of their specific situations, and not by mechanical 
application of generalizations. 

• • • 

Our position today, I believe, must remain the same as it has been since 
February 1958 because concrete conditions in and around the Party demand it. In- 
cidentally, it would have been proper and wise, it seems to me, for the N.C., since 
it recommended a change In this regard in the Draft Besolution to have at least 
briefly outlined the causes for the earlier position and the reasons for the 
changed one projected at present. 

I further question the formulation as to what is our main ideological 
task from another angle. 

Would it not be sounder to say that our main ideological responsibility 
should concern Itself with the problems and obstacles relating to our mass work, 
such as the united front and coalition activities, which, of course, would then 
Include the questions of revisionist— opportunism, and dogmatism and sectarianism? 

Instead of the formulation in the Draft Political Hesolutlon I recommend 
this substitution: 

"Our mass work and our Ideological responsibility demand that the most 
consistent struggle against revisionist-opportunist tendencies be carried on 
Blraultaneously with the most vigorous opposition to dogmatic ideas and sectarian 
practices. " 


Holmes Exhibit No. 4 


just IIk; 

Between the 
16th & lyth 



Materials for the Delegates 

IllinSiis State Convention 
Communist Party of Illinois 




Holmes Exhibit No. 4 — Continued ^ 

Between the I6th Convention and Hov.lPg9 


Issued since the I6th Convention 
in the State of Illinois 









about 7,000 

26 titles 



District, Section and Club Leaflets 

National Leaflets and Folders 

Worker Kliers 

Workers Sold and distributed at Shop 
Gates , Unions ,Coraniunities 

Mass Pamphlets and Books 


( The above does not include VIorker Subscriptions, which 
( average out to above 500 per veek for nearly 150 weeks 
( since the I6th convention, or a total of over 75,000 
( papers. Also not included is National Group Press, 

Sections which Issued 
leaflets and special 
O materials in mass 

quantities include:- West Side, 9thCD,Albany Park,13thCD,South Side 
and Loop, 

(3 West Side & South Side Qnbs issued leaflets in their names. 

The IfldAstrial Division issued a number of editions of 
O The Worker Newsletter at major shops and plants (included in 
leaflets, above ^. 

The figure for panjihlets and books in- 
cludes nearly 3,000 Bobtoon books, han- 
dled through the bookstore, and 5,500 
other pieces handled outside the 

In addition to the foregoing, various 
left-led organizations in Illinois 
issued over 200,000 pieces of 
material in the last 2 years* 


Holmes Exhibit No. 4 — Continued 

The Communist Party 
Speaks to the People 



Approx. No, People 

1958 Open Forums (h) 


1959 Open Forums (5) 


1958 May Day 


1959 May Day 


1958 Worker Anniversary 


1959 Worker Anniversary 


UOth Annirersary, CHJSA 


Section, CIA Fprums, Functions, etc. 





Party speakers viere- invited to address audiences 
by non-Party organisations, sinong them: 

groups at the University of Illinois, 
churches, settlement house8,Washington 
Park Forums, Peace groups,Washington 
Square Forums, Nationality Organizations, 

reaching approsimately 



The Communist Party helped promote, and its members 
attended mass meetings, banquets, cultural events, forums 
and other mass forms sponsored by various left and 
progressive organizations, attended by over 15,000 
people over the last two years t 


TOTAL, over 28,000 

Between the I6th Convention and Oct. l3t,1959 - 


Holmes Exhibit No. 4 — Continued 

Building the Readership af THE WCRKER 

Average Weekly 

Worker Circulation Q 

In the Hpnth of 
September, 1959 




t i n 8 










West Side 













South Side 







9th CD 










Albany Park 






Hyde Park 






South West 





South East 





12th CD 





















13th CD 











Dougla s-U.ncoln 




















Special Bundles in Sept. 

- average per week - 



Grand Total, average weekly circulaticn, 
Septentoer, 1 9 5 9i 


(»)- South Side figure does not 
include L.ncoln-Douglas; 
considered together glve« 
a total average weekly cir- 
culation on the South Side 
In September ef : 2(5 ♦ 



Holmes Exhibit No. 4 — Continued 

Here la a page which could be 
brightened up a good deal - 


for a 

Seven Hpith Period 
January - Jnly, 19$9 





Monthly Avg. 



Pol. Affairs 


$ 306.22 







9th CD 




West Side 












12th CD 


11.. 75 


Hyde Park 




13thCD (2 mos. 

) 26.30 











South Side 




South East 








South Wgst 





Classes) ~ 






S 369.06 


(*)-fThe8e figures represent purchases by sections and district ) 
(from the bookstore. They do not include bookstore sales to ) 
(individual sParty members and to others; nor do these figures) 
(include 5,500 pamphlets purchased by sections directly from ) 
Jthe district. ) 


Oetstandlng Club 

•Hie Debs Clubs whose $27.20 
monthly axrerage purchase la 
almost 2/3rd8 of Wagenkneclt 
Section's purchase; & which 
surpasses the monthly avei^ 
age of all but one sectionl 



Holmes Exhibit No. 4 — Cbntinued 

Between the I6th and 17th Conventions- 

Schools and Classes 

Mandst-Lenlnist Education - - 

^ Over 200 students 
la 1958 - 1959 In 


Three district schools 

• n d 
a nunber of secticm classes 

a Cob Week School 
Tvo Marxist Social Science 
Schools offering 8 classes 
of six-week duration 
Special Youth Classes 


Holmes Exhibit No. 4 — Continued 


To Provide the Slnevrs of Activity- 
The Battle for the VJherewithall... 


Hnarcial Activity of the Sections 
Toward the Ccwmon District Endeavor 

1 9 

5 9 

Org. Fund 

1959 Total 



TVind Drive 


to Oct. 23d 


Albany Park 


$ 925.15 

$ 2,2lt9.25 


Hyde Park 

617. 8L 











So. East 





So. West 





Seutfi Side 





W St Side 
9th CD 









12th CD 





13th CD 

























^a:sc. D.S. 














)-l, 721.59 

Dist. Dues i 





Totals $ 12,91*0.52 

« 9,637.91 » 22,578.Ii3 $21,585.92 

(»)- In 1958, 12th CD included part of what is now the 13th CD. 
(«*)-13th CD established in late Spring, 1959. 




IB 1959, 

Illinois can go from 

12 to 11 % 

toove the total 1958 figure, 


all sections fulfill 

their Org.Pund in 

Ngvember end Deceii4)er 

end complete the 

raffle sale> 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5 

RU L E 8 

1» Except In ceses decided by the Convention, 

Robert's Rules of Order shsll prevail; issues of dispute 
on Robert's Rules of Order shrll be decided by Convention 

2. Discussion on the Main Resolution shaB. be 
ten minutes per speskerj discussion time on other 
resolutions and other points on ogends shall be deter- 
mined at the given time. 

3. None shall speak twice until all who want to shpll 
have had chance to sperk once. Speaking priority shpll 
go to jlUgyijlK cte^oiar delegates. 

Ii. Debate on notions and amendments shrll be limited to 
two speakers for, two speakers against at two 
minutes each, unless otI>erwise decided by majority 
vote of the convention. 

5. Voting shall be by show of regular delegate's cards. 

There shall be no proxy voting, no unit voting, 

6. Election of delegates to the national convention shall 

be by secret ballot. 

7» No one shall leave the premises between opening and 

adjcumment of each day's session. Special dispensa- 
tion to leave must be secured from the Secretary of 
the Presiding Committee. 

(Meals will be provided on premises 
at a charge of $1.50 per dsy.) 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-A 
froodam mmxriais 

(For tbe 17th Rational Convention, Coniianlet Au^, XJBK) 

KlflnentB of a Basle Party Program 
By Jaoss S. Allen 

Introduction by PreiBrat6x7 Coonlttee 

1. Oeneiel Principles 

2. Peaceful Co-Bxletenoe , 

3. CoBKBtltlon Between tbe Two Systems 

1^. The Current Struggle and the Socialist Aim 

5. Defense and Extension of Demoereoy 

6. Curt)lng the Manopoly Power 

7. Class and Strategic AlUanoes 

8. Independent Political Action 

9. Tbe Prol)l»B of Claee CollaboRttlan 

10. The Socialist Potential la the U.S. 

11. The Commsilst Party 

* Sections 10 and 11 which were plooned as tbe ooncluaing seetioDa bave 
not been completed. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-A — Ckintinued 


SyeteiBtlc work on the preparation of a baelc Party program vaa begun In 
May, 19^> vhen the Ibtlonal Ezscutlve Committee elected a Draft Program Com- 
mittee of 20 maobers. At that tine, the DEC approved an "Initial Deport on 
Basic Progreun," prepared by James S. Allen (vho vae appointed secretary of 
the Draft Program Cosmlttee), as a "basis for beginning eystenatlo work on 
program." The Initial Be port was approved In the sane sense by the Draft Pro- 
gram Committee), as a "basis for beginning eystenetlc work on program." The 
Initial Report vas approved In the same sense by the Draft Program Committee 
(II4. for, 1 against, 2 abstentions, and 3 not participating). The substance or 
the Beport was publlstod in Political Affairs. October,. 1958, under the title, 
"Sams Bey nenents of Party Program.^ 

Public discussion vas opened with the publication in Political Affairs, 
September, 1958, of "The Anerlcan Road to Socialism: Program Questions, which 
had been prepared by the Draft Program Cosnnlttee, An Introduction by the Sec- 
retary explained the basic purpose of thle document as an effort "to harvest 
the substantial thinking and knowledge that already exists In Comnunlst and 
Left ciroles, emd to Induce further exploration and thinking along program- 
aatle line a." 

Discussions were held In a number of Party organizations, based on the 
Initial Report and the Program Questions, and a nuidier of conmunlcatlone were 
received by the Comnlttee. Sons of these were published In Political Affaire 
(November, 1958), and February, 1959). Discussion articles appeared In bul- 
letins authorized by boob local Party organizations, without passing through 
the hands of the Draft Program Committee. A few study groups and Individuals 
submitted materials for the work of the Comnlttee. 

After extensive discusalon of the views presented by Comrade Alexander 
Blttelnan, the Draft Program Committee adopted a statenent on "Democracy and 
the "Welfare State'," rejecting his theses as revisionist (with 1 vote against, 
2 abstentions, and 1 not participating). Tl» statement was published in Pol - 
itical Affairs. December, 1958. 

The Draft Program Comnlttee held ten meetings between ftay, 1958, and 
April, 1959, of which three were full meetings (with the participation of 
oot-of-town nentere) and the rest of only New Tork area resident members. 
In June, 1959, it was superseded by a comnlttee of six, appointed by the HEC, 
and charged with the task of aiibnlttlng program actterlals to ths 17th Rational 
Convention of the CPUSA. 

The mterial herewith submitted under the title "Elements of a Basle 
Party Program," was drafted by Comrade Allen in partial fulfilment of the 
principal task set by the earlier Draft Program Comnlttee. There vaa no 
opportunity to complete the last two sections of the document: Section 10 
on the Socialist Potential of the United States, and Section 11 on the Com- 
Bunist Party, although the essential programnatic position on the Ibrty la 
given in Section 1. 

Discussion on the Negro question has proceeded on the basis of a separata 
resolution of the Negro Comnission; hence no comprehensive statement on the 
question has been Included in the present material. Neither has separate 
treatment been given here to the farm question, alnce dlacussion on this has 
been organized by the National Farm Coomleeion. 

Soma sections or elements of ths present isterlal have been discussed at 
various times by nambere of the Draft Program Comnlttee, and at informal mset- 
ings vlth resident comrades of the NEC. Some written and verbal conments have 
also been received. However, the document as a whole has not been discussed in 
any of these bodies, nor has any part of it been submitted for fornftl action to 
any Party comnlttee. The National Committee has not had the opportunity to 
discuss the program question. In preparing this material for submission to 
the National Convention, the author has taken into account such points raised 
In the discuseloQS and written ccoaente which appeared to have merit, in hia 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-A — Continued 

Accordingly, while the present iBterlai does reflect a conslderehle 
exchange of opinion, It ehould be coneidered primarily a atatenent or dis- 
cussion of prograanatlo positions as eubnltted by Comrade Allen for consider- 
ation by tie Party. It Is not intended to be final or definitive on hie part, 
nor Is It, In any case, an authorized Party statement. 

Presentation of this oaterlal to the delegates at the Rational Convention 
was authorized by the NEC, which set up a consnlttee of three to prepare It 
for such presentation. 

The comlttee considers the material a serious and substantial contribu- 
tion to the preparation of a program. It submits It to the Convention for 
Its consideration in deciding on nert steps In the drafting of a basic Party 


Allen, Aptheker, Jackson 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-B 


World developiBnt has confirmed the basic analysis of capitalism and Imperi- 
alism by Kara and Lenin, and their prediction that the essence of our era Is the 
transition to socialism. Socialist society exists today In countries vltb one- 
thlrd the world's population. The soaring progress of the Soviet Onion, China 
and oth.~r socialist countries in Europe and Asia reveals the tremendous potential 
of ccc''' Mst society. Socialism has leaped over the age-old barriers to social 
prosrcEs, and released the pent-up creative energy of hundreds of millions vho 
have buen oppressed by capitalism and landlordism. It hew begun the evolution to 
a c3apr!3TB society. In which abundance will be freely available to all, equality 
V12.1 In n u.'>tural condition of life, and nftnirtnii will explore presently unpredict- 
able nev I'rontiers of society and culture. 

These achievsnants with their limitless potentials for progress oac be the 
conmon possession of all hummlty. They need not belong exclusively to any single 
nation or group of nations. Fortunate are those peoples who have pioneered, social- 
ist society, even at great sacrifice and risk In a hostile capitalist world, for 
they are the nasters of their own destiny, and today set the pace of history and 
shape the future. They revive and fortify confidence in progress everywhere, 
even In the midst of the stagnation and deoorallzatlon of capitalist society. 
Their successes Inspire people in many lands to ovsrccos obstacles and open the 
path of progress for themselves. 

Communists believe that in the United States also socialism will perform 
wonders, beyond the dreams of woet Americans. In a country such as ours— with 
its great wealth of buoan skills and material resources, the national ability to 
translate science into technical advance, a deeply rooted love of democracy and 
peace, and an historically formed confidence in progress — with these traits of 
our national history, providing peace can be gained and assured, Boolallem when 
established will surely achieve new heights for all mankind. 

It is peculiar to our situation that the Onited States is the most powerful 
capitalism in the world, in an eia in history when socialist achlevonent arouses 
enthusiasm and confidence in the future among the vast majority of the people of 
the earth. It is due to this circunetance, and not to sons innate national qual- 
ity of Americans, that in the present-day world U.S. capitalism upholds the old 
order of things, symbolizes the past rather than the future, and on a global 
scene plays the role of modem Toryism. This Is a truth not readily accepted by 
Aserlcans, who have been aocustooed to think of their country as the paragon of 
progress, freedom and peace. Yet, thle Is the actual position in which the 
United States has been placed by the course of our own development and by world 

In the new order of world affaire, with basic shifts in the weight of nations. 
It need not nsoessarily follcw that the American people become helpless victims 
of the decay of our social system, while the rest of the world builds a new 
society, outpaces us, and leaves us behind. The United States is not exempt 
from the laws of social develoinent and from the social ferment that leads to 

This country exemplifies in the extreme the domination of monopoly as the 
decisive factor of capitalism in Its present, imperialist stage. But the system 
of monopoly capitalism is Intrinsically Incapable of employing to the full our 
great productive capacity and our labor, and of realizing the remarlsbls new 
potentials of science for the good of the people. The imrense aggregates of 
private economic power, ruling society and government, act as a drag on the 
nation, retarding its eccmomlo and cultural growth, and crippling democracy. 
Reverthelsse, in the period before us^the American people have an alternative 
to stagnation, with its threatening privation, moral corruption, and cultural 
degeneracy. They can take up the struggle for progress leading to a ner^ demo- 
cratic and cultural revlal, with socialism as the goal. Far from being a threat 
to the nation, the successes of world socialism and of colonial liberation pro- 
vide a breathing spell and an opportunity for the Aaorlcan peopl* to set their 
own country on the road of progress. 

Socialism is the aim of the Communist Party of the United States. The sup- 
eriority of socialism over capitalism as a system of society Is historically 
established. A system based on the social ownership of the means of production 
and their plannsd utilization for the material and cultural needs of the whole 
of society is far superior to the system of capitalism which is founded on pri- 
vate ownership and clAss exploitation for the enrichment of the few. 

52-810 O — 66— pt. 2 5 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-B — Continued 


Soolallsm vlll prove neo«8Bai7 for our country also, beoauae only such a rad- 
ical transfornBtlon of the economic base of aoolety can eradlcste the evils 
resulting from capitalism and can assure the full utilization for the people 
of the great scientific revolution of our age. Along this path the Anerlcan 
people, nov overvhelmlngly a nation of vage-eamere, can assure pemonently 
for themselves and the world an era of peace, democracy, universal vell-belng 
and social progress. 

The Communist Party bases Itself upon the theories of M&rz, Lenin and 
their follovrers. It seeks to Improve Its understanding of the living theory 
of Marxism, cm It Is enriched constantly by new ezperlenoee of the class strug- 
gle and social progress evetyvhere. The Party attempts critically to assimilate 
this living theory, learn from Its own experiences and mlstalgss, and use the 
theory constructively and creatively In oxir an country. 

In accordance vlth Its techlngs, the Coanunlst Party vleve Itself as a 
pioneering, vanguard party In the saoe historical sense that the Abolitionists 
were the vanguard of Enenclpatlon. In this vlav, the working class— the vast 
exploited imjorlty of our soclety—ln the course of striving for a better life 
oust transfoni Itself Into the leader of the nation, becoming the driving force 
for progress and socialism. As part of the class, the Ccanmunlst Party sees It- 
self as vanguard because It seeks to enhance the class eoneclousness, the polit- 
ical understanding and the socialist awareness of the workers so that they can 
In fact taeeoms the leaders of the nation. It wants to Include among Its mem- 
bers the most advanced worloers, so that In Its dally actlvtty&se part of the 
popular movements and In Its teachings the Party can express tha present and 
the future Interests, the aspirations and historic alas of the working class. 
In actions and In terms most widely understood. 

Marxism, the theory of scientific socialism, la universal; socialist 
society has a coimon foundation In all countries. As with all major historical 
changes. In the United States aleo the path to the socialist tiansltlon and the 
resulting socialist society will be Influenced by world experience, by Inter- 
action and Interplay among nations, and by the exaoiples and lessons of advanced 
socialist countries. 

Tet, recent history has demonstrated that the specific road taken by each 
country to socialism Is distinctively the product of Its own history, as It Is 
shaped by the conditions and movements prevailing In that country. Socialism 
In this country will therefore have the distinctive features of Ansrlcan devel- 
opment—the product of our own history as It Is lAde by the efforts of the Amer- 
ican people to solve the acute problems of our society In Its present highly 
developed stage of nsnopoly capitalism and Imperialism. Socialism will be bom 
out of our national striving for progress, with its own distinctive contribution 
to the future of the world. 

In the United States, the actual transition to eoclallsm lies in the future. 
We still have to pass through an epoch of struggles that will define the path 
to the transition and its character. Tet, even now, the issue of soolallsm 
does present Itself In a special way to the Anerlcan people. Nor Is It, as 
before, only a motter of general principle or perspective, which for the past 
century always Illuminated the path ahead for advaz^d workers. In these tiiass 
of new weapons of mutual annihilation, the avoldanee of war has becoms a ques- 
tion of national survival. Competition between capitalist and socialist count- 
ries—and especially between the two most powerful, the United States and the 
Soviet Unica-must be actively restricted to peaceful processes if thsre is to 
be any progress at all. The first requirement of any policy aimed at growth 
and progress is the fight for a national policy of peaceful co-existence with 
the socialist nations. 

But an active policy of peaceful oo-exlstence with socialism necessarily 
implies a recognition and understanding of the principles of socialist society. 
And the conditions of the world are such that tils must be acquired by the 
American people in the midst of a growing, lively and all-pervodlng-coigpetltlon 
between the two world systems. 

Accordingly, in the minds of the Aosrleaa people a conflict Is taking 
place between the ideas of capitalism and those of socialism. It touches ui>on 
every major aspect of our social life, and calls Into question many precepts 
which were long taken f«r granted. This constant reappraisal is prodded by the 
rapid progress of the socialist countries and by the decline of Imperialism, 
vlth the overturn of long-established colonial hegemonies and the strtvlngs of 
new nations for social progress, in which the socialist alternative presents 
Itself strcogly. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-B — Continued 

Tba ccoFetltlon betwesn eoclallam and capitalism proceeds aaldet a crisis 
of tbe acnopoly capitalist syatem Itself. In tlsB, from their own experiences, 
coiiJ}lned vlth the inpaot of vorld events, the Aoerlcan people vlll come to see 
that soolallem can provide a better vsy of life than capitalism. They vlll 
eooB to fight for socialism as a national necessity, as the only solution of 
the crisis of the system. 

The CooDunlst Party la thet«fore Indlspenaable to the present and to the 
future of America. In Its propagEitlon of socialist Ideas It presents a confi- 
dent long-ieni perspective for the current struggles of the Aoerlcan people, 
pertinent to our oaodltlons and to the direction In vhlch ve must seek a solu- 
tla&« As an integral part of the labor oovensnt, despite the bans and proscrlp- 
tlohs presently at vork, In closest association vlth the dally strivings for a 
better life, Incorruptible and Indestructible, the Coamunlst tterty seeks to 
assure the future of our country In the struggles of the preseilt day. 

Ths advsooe toward socialism Is aa outgrowth of the struggles for peace, 
deoocracy and social progress, through vbatever stages ths struggle nay have 
to pass. In tbs follovlng sections, an attempt is nade to define the CooBialst 
understanding of the road to sociallem In ths Dhlted States. 



Holmes Exhibit No. 5-C 


2. P»ae«ful Co-BxlBtcpcc 

Ths oouree of doTslopoeiit vlthln the eountrT- and recent revolutionary obaages 
In tbe vorU have affected tbe global position of the Doited States In a fimda- 
nsntal way. Internally, as a eonseqience of World War 11, monopoly greatly ex- 
tended Its pouer ovsr the economy and In gove mi uant. Outwardly, Into the Western 
Eemlspbere tmd oTarseas, O.S. monopoly embarted on the grsateat expansionist 
drl-TB In Its history. Within world Impnrlallcm itself, as a result of the weak- 
ening of other leading capitalist countries by war and by colonial rsTolotlona 
irtills the United States expanded economically, the United States became by far 
tbe dcolnont and decisive power. 

These developoents have placed In bold relief the critical Internal contra- 
dictions of our cwn society and tbe antagonism betw»en U.S. monopoly capital 
and the rest of the world. 

Cfbseursd for a time by relatively high economic activity, the internal eon- 
trodlctlone have nevertheless cooe to tbe surAwe. They are seen in tbe Instab- 
ility of the eoonooiy, permanent unemployment, and growing Insecurity of Job. The 
contrast between our great capacity to produce and the Inoapaolty of American so- 
ciety to absorb tlie products of Industry has become more pronounced. In the pre- 
sence of a new scientific revolution, with Its unparalleled potential for a better 
life, our high monopoly ecoracay Is showing Itself unable to translate new scient- 
ific and technical advances Into social progress, either at home or abroad. 

Over a long period— elnce the lB90's— the leaders of Big Business have seen 
economic expansion abroad as the means of overoomtag Interasl difficulties, and 
at the saos tlae Increasing both their rate and voIubb of profit. The extension 
of the n.S. monopoly frontiers Into other countries by direct capital Investment, 
with the aim of gaining control of Rttf neterlals at their source, exploiting low- 
wage labor, and creating protected markets for surplus capital and products of 
the U.S. econoiqT', Is tbe very essence of Imperialism. To support and encourage 
monopoly expansion abroad beeaas ths core of long-nnge U.S. foreign policy, 
despite variations In aethods and tactics at different tloss. 

Tbe building of a vast U.S. monopoly empire— first in latin Anerloa and than 
overseas into Africa, Asia and the Middle Bast (toasther with direct extensions 
of the U.S. corporate structure Into Canada and Western Borops) — did not tato the 
usual colonial form, although some colonies and seml-oolonlal strategic outposts 
were also acquired. The characteristic form of U.S. Imperialist expansion Is 
dli«ct monopoly Investnent Into Its own historically eatabllsbed spheres of In- 
fluBEce (like the Western Hemisphere) or into the colonial and dependent areas of 
rival imperlallsne . "Free Access" or the "open door" becaae the eamsrk of U.S. 
World policy, sustained particularly la tbe recent postwar period by super-ana- 
ment, nnsslve foreign military aid, regional military blocs, and a forf ung net- 
work of strategic baees on all contlmnts. 

Despite prstensions to democracy and progress, the dominant tread of U.S. 
Big Bueiness interests is to ally themselrss with the most rsaotioaary forces 
abroad in order to protect their InvestDsnts and to obstruct and retard democrat- 
ic revolutions and national developnent, wblls at bnae the consequent? increase of 
monopoly pcwer encourages reaction and tatdermlnes democracy. Anti-ct^oclallsm is 
utilized up to a certain point by U.S. monopoly to break into the preserves of 
rival liqai'lallsmB . But when confronted with the revolutionaiy upsurge against 
colonialism, especially in the recent period, the Uhlted States either Itself 
intervened militarily or, sometiies' under cover of neutrality, used its influence 
and power in an effort to sustain the underlying Imperialist relationship when 
changes in the old colonial structure could no longer be avoided. 

Recent fundamental ofaangss in the world have created a ox>lsis for the tradi- 
tional expansionist policy, with profound repercussions upon the Internal life of 
the country. Tbe freedom of action of imperialism In generol and of Amrlcan Im- 
perlallaa In particular is severely clroumscrlbeil by these olianges. "Free access" 
to lorgs areas of the world has been shut off by socialism and It is being out 
down by revolutionary natlcoallsm. 

Tbe United States has beeoos the leading power of world capitalism whsn the 
orbit of capitalism Itself Is curtailed drastically by ths progress of poolallsm. 
It has becoae the oelnstay of world imperialism when Imperialism Itself 1« dis- 
integrating and Is no longer dominant with rsspsct to the greater part of annklnd. 
It seeks to doalcate other capitalist countries vtian capitalism Itself is in a new 
acute phase of geneiol crisis, and each power, having recovered from the war, 
seeks to save its system from collapea at the expense of other powers. This is 
the essence of the central contradiction la the world position of VJB, monopoly 
capitalism in this period. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-C — Continued 


Tbo tesle qiBstlon of vorld polltlce In our epocb Is to prsTsnt on effort to 
raeolve this eontiedlctlon by insans of a deTastatlog nuclear var. In the Comiun- 
1st Tlev, the danger of v&r Is rooted In the very nature and opeiatlon of monopoly 
and Imperialism. The cold var as It developed In the period after World War II 
Is the specific product of the expansionist drive of U.S. monopoly for control of 
the vorld. It rests essentially on the actual use or the threat to use overvhelm- 
Ing military and economic pover to contain and subvert socialism and the colonial 
revolutions, vhlle seeking to subordlBata to American Big Business all other lead- 
ing capitalist countries, as veil as the nev nations striving for Industrial and 
social developmenc . Its motivating force Is the drive for mazlnum profits, vhlcb 
Is the very lav of ncmopoly. Progressive social change vherever It may occur is 
opposed by monopoly as a threat to Its privHegee, vhlch are grounded In the old 
social order evoryvhere. 

The oold var policy can lead only to disaster, because it Is based on the 
supposition that liqierlallsm still rules the vorld as of old, vheraas in fact 
imperialism is no longer dominant in the vorld. If pursusd, the cold var policy 
can lead to tl» isolation of the Thilted States. Even voree, it can carry us 
into a noolear var in vhlch this country as well as all other belligerents could 
be devastated by tha ztev veapons of total destruction. The only alternative Is 
a policy of peaceful ooexlstecoe among all nations, irrespective of the nature of 
their social systems and level of natiooal developnent. 

Such a Changs of course requires a political struggle in the Oiited States 
for a long-range peace policy based on the realities of the nev vorld structure . 
Socialism is here to stay in all the countries vhere it has cOready been estab- 
lished, and it is a thriving and groving system. The era of colonialism and of 
ot}»r forms of Ijqperlallet doolnation is scolng to an end — in Latin Aaerica, as 
veil as in Africa, the Middle Bast and Asia. The rapid progress of socialism in 
tl» Soviet Union, Chli» and the otter people's domooraoies has beccDS the new 
focus of vorld davelopsent. Ttese are the realities vhlch require, aa a matter 
of natioiKl nsoessity, vhlch is peece, a turn from the oold var to a national 
policy of peaceful coexistence vith the Soviet iftilon, the leading power of the 
socialist vorld. Cooperation for peroo betvs^a the Ttaited States and the Soviet 
Union is the pivot of peace in the prssent-day vorld. It can becoms the determin- 
ing factor tl»t will bring all oountries — capitalist, eoclallet and nevly devel- 
oping nations — vlthin tha orbit of a vorld peace diplomcy. 

To replace the sold var policy vith a national diplomacy of peaceful co- 
existence requires an ali-aldod struggle directed at curbing the pcver of monopoly 
at horns, forcing It Into necessary cnnceselona and adaptations to a policy of 
osgotiations, nutiul dlsamament, abolition of nuclear weapons, military dlsen- 
gagsmsnts, non-intervention in domastlc affairs of other nations, and other pol- 
icies essential to peace. This Is a realizable and vorkable alternative to the 
cold var In the present vorld stnjcture. 

Coammiets believe that such a turn is made possible by the eaijuncture of 
vorld and domestic forces, vhlch raises realistic prospects In the period before 
us of drastically restricting and frustrating the vorld expansionism of monopoly. 
On a global scale, socialist progress and other revolutionary changes vlthin the 
outmoded imperialist structure, aa veil as ths mounting strength of the labor and 
democratic mu ve ne nta In msay countries, create confidence that ths forces of peace 
are strong enough to prevent aggression leading to var. 

rurtt«rmor«, tie prospect tlat tte socialist covntrles vlthin a decade vlll 
exceed tta economic level of the capitalist vorld, vith corresponding social and 
democratic advances, means that v*i vlll be approaching a situation in vhlch it 
vlll be possible to eliminate the very danger of var, even vhlle the United States 
and otter countries renaln capitalist. Tterefore, tte possibility exists In tte 
real relation of forces, and In tte course of actual vorld developnect, of turning 
aside those drives of reaction and monopoly vtloh gensrata tte var danger. This 
can te achieved by a parallel or combloBd struggle of all those vlthin tte coun- 
try vho see tte necessity for ending tte cold var and all vorld forces ttet stand 
for peace. 

Ttese promising prospects should not obscure tte very real war dangers ttet 
still exist in tte propensity of dle-terd Imperialists to obstruct, contain and 
subvert all progressive social and nationalist movensnte. Kor can tte danger te 
overlooked ttet political developments In tte United States itself may proceed in 
tte reactionary direction, should dominant monopoly sectors be left free to pur- 
sue a fascist course, in response to tte Internal and world crisis of tte system, 
thus creating nev war tensions. Tterefore, tte struggle by tte people for a dem- 
ocratic vay out of tte groving eoclal crisis in tte United States in tte period 
Imedlately ahead can prove decisive vith respect to peace. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-C — Continued 

2 - 3 

Comunlsrte do not Tlev ths flgbt for peace ae a tactic or BBaeuver, alnsd at 
securing ezcluslis adTantagaa for the socialist world, or any paver In It. Nor do 
they consider It a neans of advancing their own party Interests In the United 
States. They consider peace realizable In ths present world sti-uoture. They do 
not hide their view that socialism as a system of society Is superior to eaplt&llaa 
and that accordingly, as a result of the historical process, socialism will win In 
the competition of the two systems. With this firm confidence In progress, and 
with their conviction that the peace forces the world over are strong enough to 
prvvent war. It would he sheer madness for Coaounlsts to count on socialism arising 
from nuclear devastation and death. 

In the CooBiunlst approach, peace Is a basic aim, lite social progress and soo- 
lallsm Itself. It Is olstaten to place the problem as If peace were realizable 
only through socialism. It Is trus that socialist society Intrinsically generates 
peace, while capitalism gives birth to the war danger. But In this era of social- 
ist progress and Imperialist disintegration, when extended ps&ce-ful coexistence 
\>etwsea tho systems is possible of aohlev^sn9nt and has becoms a nsoasslty of the 
very life of nations, the slogan of "peace through soolallsm" Ignores tha aotuallty 
that DBkBs peace poastblA In our tias. 

Hor Is the opposite view — "soolallsm through peace" -- an accurate reflec- 
tion of the real situation. Soolallsm, or social progress In geiiei«l, does not 
autonatlcally foUcw from peace; the flgfat for peace and ths struggle for social 
progress are inseparable. 

Peace and democracy, peace and fall employment, peace and social progress -- 
this Is the way Conmmlsta see the problem. The cause of peace and the cause of 
social progress are Interwoven In all phases. Full employoent In a peace economy 
Is the only kind of full employnsnt worth fighting for. Full employment In a war 
econoior nsans death. A democratic and cultural revival In the land Is Inconceiv- 
able without the end of the cold war and a constant struggle to assure peace. 
Greater eecurlty of Job and of life Itself Is today the product of economic and 
democratic struggles of the great nasses of psople. 

If CoBBiunlsts considered the fight for peace msrely a tactic, they could have 
shed It to avoid ostiaclsm and persecution at all levels of comnmlty and public 
life. Including prison and lose of Jobs, and constant slander as forslgn agents and 
traitors. Because they considered peace fuodasental to the security and progress 
of the American people, during the hel^t of the cold war and the antl-Ccgmiunlst 
crusade, and despite the bans and expulsions In the trade unions, the Comnunlsts 
constantly opposed the self-defeating foreign policy and Its aocomianliiBnts of rs- 
actlon In doneetlc affairs. Together with other lUDS-alnded Ansrloaina, they fought 
for peaceful coezlBtence for they believed this was the way to uphold the genuine 
national interests of the Ihlted States. 

In the past and today, the Coaaunlst opposition to the oold war policy of 
their govenuosnt arises from real ccocem for the future of the country. Comminlsts 
support the peace dlplonBcy of the Soviet Italon and other socialist countries not 
because they are agents of these governments, or because they ftsel ccsnltted In ad- 
vance to anything socialist states nay propose. The fact Is that the Soviet Dnlon 
and other socialist countries have followed consistently a policy of peaceful co- 
exletenoe, as Is recognized by many non-Comninlsts as well. Such a policy has be- 
coDB a national necessity for all countries. It Is the recognition of this neoes- 
slty by their cwn govemnsnt that American Coamunlets consider the principal task 
In the field of foreign policy. Thsy support all steps or aspects of policy which 
move In that direction. 

Obviously, the advocates of peace In the Italted States by far outnumber those 
who recognize monopoly and Imperialism as the source of ths war dangsr. Although 
Conanmlsts expound their cwn views on the natter, the question of responsibility 
for the cold war oannot be permitted to stand In the way of a united democratic 
struggle for peace on the broadest conmon grounds. The Coiatmlsts tbsrefore adopt 
as a tactical orientation the policy of coonon action and united front with all 
elements -- no matter of what class or political Ideology — that agree on Initial 
steps to end the cold war and on ths necessity of a new long-rangs national policy 
of peaceful coexistence. 

Together with others In the labor movement, the Coununlsts have opposed the 
policy of the dominant trade union leadership in sujpport of the cold war and nuc- 
lear arms race, as detrimental allto to the Interests of labor and of the nation. 
They will continue to fight In labor's ranks for a policy of peace baaed on Inter- 
national labor solidarity, total dlsamanent, cuilklng monopoly's drive for aaxlmui 
profits at boms and abroad, full employment In a demilitarized peace economy, and 
recognition of the principles of non-lntarferenee In ths domestic affairs of othsr 
nations, national Independence against Imperialism, and co-operatloo for peace with 
the socialist countries. 



Holmes Exhibit No. 5-D 


3. Competition Between the Two Syatome 

Competition between the two world systentf of capitalism and soolallan is tl« 
eamerk of our era. The outcome of this competition determines the course of 
world hjetory In this period. Communists helleva that under the new conditions 
the Inter-system oompetltlon can and should he actively kept vlthin peaceful 
bounds, In the common Interest of all humanity and In the national Interest of 
every nation. Furthermore, they believe that there can and should bo positive 
cooperation betwean capitalist and socialist countries to settle world disputes 
by negotiations, to achieve total dlsamsuBsnt, and to Increase trade and oultoral- 
Bolentlflo Interchange among them. 

Such cooperation can prove to be mutually advantageous. Under conditions of 
active peaceful coexistence, present-day socialist society can proceed more ofr*<j«- 
Ively and more swiftly to create the economic lsv«l at which communism can begin 
to emerge. In a comunlet society, as Marx said, together with the all -sided de- 
velopDsnt of the Individual, the production forces also will grow, and all the 
sources of social wealth will flow more abundantly. On this basis society will 
be able to Inscribe on Its banner: "From each according to his ability, to each 
according to his need." All steps to eliminate Intervention and hostile pressures 
from the capitalist world will enhance among the socialist countries themselves 
the process of cooperation according to the principles of their society. Togeth- 
er, they will develop, more fully and freely, planned proportional development, 
realized through mutual help and fraternal cooperation In the form of an interna- 
tional socialist division of labor, specialization and coordination of production. 
Accordingly, they will better be able to realize the proclaimed aim of entering 
Into the higher phase of communist society more or less simultaneously. 

Cooperation to assure peace and the extension of trade and oultural-eclent- 
iflc interchange will also serve the best Interests of the American people. Ohder 
present-day conditions, and In view of the trend of world developnsnt, peace Is a 
national Interest of the Onlted States, the recognition of which by all sections 
of the population and all classes has becoms a matter of national necessity. In 
addition to this overriding Interest, such cooperation leading to total disarma- 
ment offers an effective means of relieving the burden of tmemployment, taxes and 
inflation, of developing our science and technology for peaceful rather than de- 
structive purposes, and of reducing the Influsnce In our national life of milit- 
arism and other reactionary forces which ara nourished by a war peychosls. 

Cooperation for peace and related alms Sevelope vlthin the fraosvork of a 
fundamental competition between capitalist and socialist societies, the basic 
principles of which are diametrically opposed. Active peaceful co^xletanoe pro- 
vides the oi>portunlty for the fullest, freest and non-violent working out of this 
historic competition. In Its many aspects and ptoses. Active peaceful oo-«xlst- 
enoe cannot help but have an Important Influence upon the national policies of 
both capitalist and socialist nations, and even upon certain aspects of Internal 
developmsnt. But each social system, essentially, vlll continue to develop In 
aooordanoe with its objective laws, and each nation, moreover, along the lines of 
Its peculiar historical background and structure. 

It would, therefore, be erroneous to consider peaceful competition as para- 
mount to the suspension of social conflicts, to the muting of the class struggle, 
and to the freezing of world relations. On the contrary. Inter-system ocopetl- 
tlon Is a dynamic condition. Itself the outcome of the conflict of forces at home 
and cai a world scale, end In turn leading to further changes In the world struct- 
ure. There Is no ground for the supposltlco that competition between the systems 
Implies In any manner the stabilization of capitalism. The status of capitalism 
Is determined essentially by Its own contradictions, which operate In the direc- 
tion of the eventual replAcemsnt of capitalism by socialism. The present trend 
of world development leads to deeper contradictions vlthin the capitalist system 
and toward a still more acute phase of the general crisis of the system. 

At he present time In the United States, there Is beginning to take shape 
two principal and opposing views with raspect to the competition of systems. On 
the one side, there are powerful monopoly and raactlonary forces which prasent 
eoiQBtltlon from the soolallst world as a threat to the United States, and attempt 
to use this alleged threat as a pretense for an all-round attack upon the living 
standards, democratic liberties and peaceful aspirations of ths great mjorlty of 
the Americas people. These forces would continue the sold war, and to that end 
they obstruct and oppose all stampe towards a national policy of peeuseful co- 
existence. On the other side, there Is the view that competition between the 
systems should be turned to the advantage of the Anerloan people for the purpose 
of gaining new ground to Improve the conditions of the people, praeerve democracy 
and further the cause of peace. Coiammlets share this view. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-D — Continued 

3 - 2 

As much as the Coimimlst Party would llkB to see the ttalted States coib out 
the victor In the peaceful competition of systems, this cannot be realized as 
long as the United States remains capitalist. Di» to tl» economic lead told by 
the United States, It will be able to remain. eiieeA of the Soviet Onion, tl» lead- 
ing socialist nation, for some years. In the longer run. however — and this nay 
well be within a decade or so — a capitalist United States will lose the compet- 
ition, as the USSR emerges as the leading world economic power, with the highest 
level of the economy and with the greater production per person, resulting In 
higher standards of living, culture, education, science, and of the Individual's 
personal security and freedom. This Is because socialism Is proving Itself Jtble 
to exceed tie Anerloan rate of economic growth by three or four tlaes, to nake 
much more rational use of Its production and of science, and to plan Its develop- 
ment along balanced lines. 

But the mere fact that In the long run capitalism will lose the competition 
with socialism, and Is already beginning to lose It in some essential respects, 
does not mean that the road to progress is closed for the United States, la truth, 
If monopoly Is permitted by the American people to exploit the competition of 
systems for Its own exclusive narrow Interests not only will the conditions of 
life In the country deteriorate In every respect, but peace Itself will be endang- 
ered. Thus the very possibility of keeping Inter-system competition within peace- 
ful boxmds depends, to a decisive degree, upon the regeneration of those forces of 
democracy and progress in the United States ttot can limit and Impede the free 
play of monopoly In oiir economy and In government. The present world structure, 
and the direction of world events, are favorable to such a revival. 

Communists talss the view that the wide gap In the rates of growth as between 
capitalism and socialism can be narrowed, to the benefit of the American people 
and to world peace, as the result of the regeneration of the democratic nciss loove- 
ment. Monopoly capital creates Its own obstaclee to economic growth, ^ich are 
built Into the system, and moreover, mere economic growth under capitalism Is not 
necessarily translated Into social progress, as imder socialism. To counter-act 
the retarding Influence of monopoly and to assure benefits to the people from new 
economic advances, an all-round struggle against rasnopoly Is necessary to curb Its 
power In the economy and In government, to Impede the drive for maximum profits, 
and to obtain the nszlmum econcmlo growth possible under present-day capitalism. 
This means a struggle of all our democratic forces, and especially labor, for a 
full -employment peao« economy, for defense and extension of democracy, and for 
structural reforms that will limit the power of msnopoly and Increase the power 
of the popular forces to latervens In the direction of the economy and of govern- 

In our society, an accelerated rate of growth can be achieved only. In spite 
of monopoly and In the fight against It. When big business can operate at a 
profit at less than half capacity, and when It can gather In an Increasing share 
of the vurplus produced In the entire economy, monopoly has no Incentive to raise 
the tempo of Industrial growth. If the economy lags at a stagnant level, using 
only a part of existing capacity, this Is not due to faulty economic policies; It 
arises from the very nature of monopoly capitalism. If the eoondsy Is to apiiroach 
a condition of full production and full employnent under conditions of peace, there 
will have to be much more radical interference with the prerogatives and privi- 
leges of monopoly than most reform programs envision. Monopoly will have to be 
fought, covmter-acted. Its mode of control and operation severely restricted -- 
all of which can restj.t only from great struggles of the people. 

American monopoly attempts to meet the competition of world socialism at the 
expense of the American people. Communists believe, and attempt to convince every- 
one concerned, that the American labor and democratic movemsnt must come' to under- 
stand the relation between the frustration of Imperialism In the world and the 
curbing of monopoly at home. If they are going to overcome the stagnation and de- 
cay arising from monopoly, and thus open the road to the rapid growth of vldcb otnr 
country Is capable, 



Holmes Exhibit No. 5-E 

k - 1 

h. The Current Struggle and the Socialist Aim 

Coraraunlsta have alvays held, and believe today, that the decisive question 
of the struggle for socialism la the transfer of state power to the working class 
and its allies. This has taken place In different ways, according to tie specific 
circumstances of the country and the times. The Soviet form of the dictatorship 
of the proletariat was the product of the revolutionary struggle against tsarlsm 
and capitalism In Russia. After Vorld War II, the working class and Its allies 
cane to power in Eastern Europe and then In China and other Asian lands as the 
result of a struggle and »mder conditions radically different from those of the 
Socialist Revolution of 1917 In Russia. The states of people's democracy which 
came Into existence took on the function of the proletarian dlotatorehlp and ful- 
fill that role today. 

In the present period. In the new world relation of forces, many new varia- 
tions tiay emerge along the road to the transfer of power to the working class and 
Its allies, as well as In the ensuing form of proletarian rule. Already early in 
the postwar period, the U.S. Communist Party — as well as the British, French, 
Italian and others -- saw In the new world situation then eoarglng the possibil- 
ities of a peaceful denccretlc struggle for eoolallsm. With the further growth 
of the forces of peace, democracy and socialism, the XXth Congress (1956) and the 
12-Party declaration (1957) expressed prevailing world Communist opinion when they 
emphasized the prospects for a great multiplicity of forms, including the possib- 
ility In a number of countries of a parllanentary transition to socialism, without 
civil war. 

These new prospects of advance to socialism are Inseparable from the struggle 
to prevent another global war. In connection with the Seven -Tear Plan of the Sov- 
iet Union, the XXIst Congress (1959) raised the bold prospect of not only prevent- 
ing war In the period ahead but, going beyond this, the elimination of the var 
danger, even while part of the world ranBlns capitalist. The very struggle by 
the peace forces the world over to reeillze such possibilities stimulates social 
progress; further successes In the fight for peace vould greatly favor the forces 
of democracy and socialism. 

As countries recently freed from colonialism or fighting Its remante take 
the socialist path many new features will be revealed. Certainly, still other 
nev features vlll be displayed as countries of highly developed capitalism and a 
democratic political structure advance toward socialism. 

Whatever new features and forms appear, the only new stage of society poss- 
ible In the United States is socialism. The recent history of American capitalism 
fully demonstrstee I^nln's basic' conclusion that Imperialism or imnopoly capital- 
ism Is a stage of capitalism, the highest or last stage. Monopoly Is not a super- 
structure built upon free-competition capitalism; It Is the very structure of 
present-day capitalism In the United States, although still retaining i»ny ele- 
ments of the earlier free -competition stage. Monopoly grew ovA of free competi- 
tion. Increasingly replaced and subordinated It, and transfomed the structure of 
the economy. It Is therefore Impossible to go back to a free-corapetltlon, non- 
monopoly stage of capitalism by removing monopoly from capitalism. The "removal" 
of monopoly can result only In the next stage of society, socialism. 

The highest level of productive forces possible under capitalism Is reached 
In Its monopol)' stage, and the United States demonstrates the very high level to 
which they can be developed. But by the same process, the concentration of mon- 
opoly power Is also pushed to the extreme, thereby building up the actual and 
potential tendency of monopoly to restrict the developnent of the productive 
forces. Thus Is accentuated in a particularly narked form the basic contradic- 
tion between the ever growing potential of the forces of production and the re- 
strictive role of the capitalist relations of production. This contradiction can 
be resolved decisively only by freeing the productive forces from monopoly capital, 
so that they can be utilized fully for human betterment and social progress. And 
this must of necessity entail a fundanental social transformation which abolishes 
the capttallst relations of production, founded on private ownership of the basic 
economy and on the exploitation of labor, and establishes socialist relations of 
production, based on public ownerehlp and the abolition of class exploitation. 

Accordingly, there can arise no Intermediate stage of American society In 
between present-day capitalism and socialism. Therefore, the new forms and feat- 
ures that ney arise on the road to working-class rule In this country would not 
be associated with some new Intermediate form of society, as seen by reformism 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-E — Continued 

u - 2 

or revlBlonlsm—sucb as a crisis-free and moBopoly-froo "new capttallsm" In the 
form of a perfected "Welfare State," or some mlzod eooletT' vhlch la isltber cap- 
italist nor socialist. 

However, the Marxist view that Intermediate stages of society are Impooolblo 
In the United States establishes only the long-range perspective. Marxists must 
recognize the need for stages or levels In the development of the mss movement 
during the entire period before socialism which are related to the concrete econ- 
omic, social and political Issues for which the people fight In present-day soci- 
ety. They should also fully appreciate the role of actual and developing strug- 
gles for social and structural reform by the working class and the popular forces 
as they seek to secure peace, defend and extend democracy, achieve Negro freedom 
and safeguard living conditions. 

Accordingly, a distinction must be made between the Immediate program,wblch 
pertains to the entire period of strtiggle against monopoly, and the long-range 
program, which relates to the future transition to socialism. No wall exists 
between the two, either In theory or In life. A definite relationship exists not 
only In tine (immsdlate and long-range), but Integrally. The way in which the 
struggle against monopoly proceeds, the role of the working class and Its success 
In forging and leading strategic alliances, the political form In which the anti- 
monopoly coalition or united front against monopoly Is expressed — all this affects 
the jartlcular approach toward working-class rule as well as the nfinner and the 
shape of the socialist solution. The way In which this country embraces socialism 
will be decided not only by the particular social crisis In the future from which 
socialism will emarge and by the world situation at the time, but also, and per- 
haps decisively, by the progress of the struggle for peace emd democracy, and the 
political form this aseunes. In the period now before us. 

The central objective of the IraroBdlate program of the Comnwnlets Is related 
both to the Immediate struggles and to the long-range goal. It arises from an 
outstanding characteristic of the American developnont. This Is the historic lag 
in the class, political and socialist consciousness of the working class as com- 
pared with the very high level of nsterlal readiness of the country for socialism 
(the high iJToductlvlty of the economy combined with the complex social integration 
of labor). The overcoming of this lag Is a process, and It would be entirely shem- 
atlc to see It as a series of stages culminating In the final stage of socialist 
awareness. The level of maturity of the working class Is a product of diverse 
factors acting simultaneously: changes In the objective situation at home and 
In the world, the Initiative of monopoly, the struggles of the workers and popular 
forces against offensives of reaction, the Influence upon them of socialist pro- 
gress and national liberation In the world, the strength and the capacity for 
leadership of the working class party. Tl» unity of the working class and Its 
emergence as an Independent force are achieved In struggle. In the course of which 
the Workers get rid of various Illusions about capitalism, overcome opportunism 
In the labor movement, nature their political vanguard party, and move Into lead- 
ership of the entire nation. But this cannot take place all at once. It Is more 
or lees a lengthy process, and Is necessarily closely linked with the tasks and 
Issues of the period. 

The tasks and Issues of the preeent period revolve around the (Questions of 
peace, democracy, Negro rights and economic security, with peace as central to 
all' others. These tasks are democratic In content because the struggle for their 
realization Involves as a common denominator the defense and extension of democ- 
racy and can result In significant social progress under present-day conditions. 
Such advances can be made, providing the working class leads the struggle. Join- 
ing In action and alliance with the Negro people, the mass of farmsrs, and the 
urban middle strata. In the Conmiunlst view, the Interaction and merging of such 
struggles move In the direction of a united front against monopoly, which Is the 
main barrier to peace and social progress, and the prime source of reaction and 
the war danger. Such a united front Is necessary, for monopoly can and will be 
curbed and Its strength undermined only If It Is confronted with a powerful united 
front movement deeply rooted In the working class, which Is the leading social 
force. Such a democratic united front against monopoly, the Communists believe, 
wolitd have to act politically, and It needs a party new In substance, independent 
of monopoly. Such a people's party, embodying the leading role of labor and giving 
political expression and direction to th© common anti-monopoly struggle, would 
strive to win political power and move toward a people's govemmsnt. Such Is the 
comprehensive objective of the ImBdlate program of the Communists, corresponding 
to the democratic tasks of the period. 


, Holmes Exhibit No. 5-E — Continued 

Tbe objective of an antl-nonopoly peopIs'B gorsmnent certainly sums up tbe 
fcmdeuBsntal moveiiBnt for peace, democracy and social advance In the period ahead. 
Ite achievement vould amount to a radical ehlft In claes relations favorable to 
the working people and to the realization of their domocietlc and economic alms. 
At. the sams time, It cotiXd open the vay to the basic shift of state power to the 
working class, as leader of tbe nation, and to the astabllshnent of socialist 

In the sclsntlflc Marxist sense, the ultliste strategic aim of the working 
class Is historically determined by the Inevitability of socialism and by the 
Tola of tl» working class In Its achievement. Row features and forma wlU no 
doubt arise In the course of the hard struggle against monopoly, and may be of 
utmost Importance In determining the nenner and shape of the basic transfer of 
political power. However, the substance of such a chemge Is that the working 
class In tl» end must emerge as leader of the nation -- that Is, It must become 
the rullpg class In order to establish socialism. At one or another phase of 
social advance emd In such forms as will be created by the struggle Itself, the 
working class will bo faced with the necessity of leading the nation In the estab- 
lishment of a socialist government In order to defend and consolidate the people's 
gains. Thus, the advance toward a people's antl-oonopoly govemnent and the soc- 
ialist goal are Interlinked In their development. Just as the denocratlc tasks, 
broaJousJ and extuuled with the progress of the struggle, flow Into the soolallot 

Seen In this historic perspective, the process of anti-monopoly struggle In 
the period ahead and the forms of alliance and political action produced by It, 
Including the advance toward a people's government, prepare the way for the basic 
shift In class relations which will permit the working class, together with Its 
allies, to. solve pemanently the general crisis of capitalism. In relation to 
this long-range objective, the struggle to curb the ncnopoly power and the de- 
mands raised with respect to this ImBdlate aim are of a transitional character. 
They are transitional beoauee the curbing of monopoly to be effective and lasting 
must lead to the elimination of monopoly. As experience hasr shown, even signif- 
icant social reforms and advances cannot be considered as pemcutsnt gains as long 
as monopoly retains Its power. Such gains under certain circumstances ney oven 
serve to safeguard the outmoded social system against more fundaosntal cbange. 
Even If nonopoly Is momentarily restrained politically. It seeks to re^In what- 
ever economic positions It nay have lost and full political power at the expense 
of demociacy and peace. Therefore, In the end monopoly will have to bo removed 
from both Its economic and political positions, thus opening the way to sobb: 
form of working class rule and the socialist transfornstlon of society. 

Such an approach to the relation between the anti-monopoly struggle andthe 
socialist aim Is basic to the position of the Comiunlst Party, as the party of 
socialism, as the party which stands for the fundassntej. transformation of soc- 
iety. It provides the perspective for a successful struggle against monopoly 
under present-day conditions, as distinguished from the old middle class dream 
of a return to free competition or the reformist Utopia of collaboration with 
monopoly to remke capitalism, both of which must end In futility. 

In the period before us, the democratic tieuisltlonal demnds are uppermost 
and decisive, and the struggle for them can lead to significant social advance. 
In this period, the fundamsntal task of the working class Is to build the demo- 
cratic united front against monopoly, that will fight for peaceful coexistence and 
win oppose U.S. Imperialist Intervention abroad, apply and defend the Bill of 
Bights In all Its aspects, strengthen and enrich the representative Institutions 
within the Constitutional system, put an end to Jim Crow, restore and strengthen 
full trade union rights. Such a democratic front, sparked by ths labor movenont, 
would fight for full employnent In a peace economy, defend the positions of the 
small and msdlum farmers and urban middle clasees, and seek tbe extension of 
social legislation In all fields. It would seek basic structural reform aimed at 
completing the democratic revolution In the South and at subjecting large private 
Industrial and financial monopolies to the democratic controls of the people. It 
would have to rely upon the large mass organizations of labor, the Negro people, 
the farmers, the youth and eOl working people, and must win the allegiance of all 
middle sectors by defending their Interests against monopoly. It will have to 
be a movement around which working men and women, all the underprlvUeged and 
victims of discrimination can rally with confidence. 


' •■" Holmes Exhibit No. 5-E — Continued , . 

Certainly, the poaelblllty for a dynamic damooi^tlo revival and for progres- 
BlvB changes can be realized by suob a united front of the popular forces. Sucb 
democratic struggles for social and political reform vlll nature ths class forces 
and edllances capable of defending the jpeople's gains and of carrying ths movement 

Communists seek to participate In all struggles, united actions, and coali- 
tions vhiob seek to curb the monopoly power. Broad sectors of the people. Includ- 
ing labor, may fnr soma tine retain fialtb In capitalism as a system, from which 
they divorce mcropoly, although they correctly see It as the naln enemy. As lab- 
or begins to lead the united struggle against monopoly, Joining forces vlth the 
Negro people, famers and urbcm middle strata, the forces and a ll lan ces are built 
that In their developoent tend politically to Isolate monopoly from the nation. 
This development can create a nsv relation of class forces In vhich the working 
class emerges In Its Independent and leading rols. 

The Communists seek to place the demooratlo demands for curbing monopoly In 
such a fashion, and fight for them In euoh a way, as will advance the unity of 
the Workers and tholr leading role In the united front against monopoly. This Is 
the prerequisite for a successful struggle for the Imoedlate comon program of 
peace, democracy and economic security. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-F 

5. Defenee and Bitenelon of Denocracy 

Tbe Ccmmmlst Party adrocatae a denooiatlc road to socialism through the pol- 
itical and economic struggles of the Aosrlean people within the de-veloplng and re- . 
vitalized constitutional process. 

Capitalism cannot be reformed Into socialism, the transition from oos to the 
other being a social revolution — that Is, a basic change from capitalist to soc- 
ialist relations of production. The Communist Party fights for conditions that 
vlU lead to a peaceful transition to socialism because this Is the preferable 
and the least painful method of basic social transformation, and because It be- 
lieves that a peaceful road to socialism can be opened by the struggles of the 
people under the new conditions that have emerged in the world. 

The possibility of realizing such a road to socialism depends upon a complex 
of Inter-related factors, douestlc and International. The most important, at this 
tine, in creating the conditions for peaceful transition Is the struggle for the 
defense and extension of democieoy. ComDunlste see this ae the crucial thems of 
the period before us. The progress of this struggle affects most Imnedlately and 
directly the prospects for pecuM and for economic well-being, and It can be the 
basic factor In establishing and defending the conditions for a peaceful transi- 
tion to socialism In the future. 

The reactionary tendencies which have coma forward In the United States since 
the end of World War II are a warning that once again pcnrerful monopoly circles 
seek a fascist-type solution. The Cold War has Isd to the rapid militarization of 
the state, sBrbad by an almost total fusion of very top monopoly with government 
administration and of high military circles with the big corporations. An almost 
Imperceptible change In the Inner functioning of the state la occurring, expressed 
principally In the mushrooming of power In the executive branch, where peak mon- 
opoly Is firmly entrenched, and moreover with ever mounting secrecy on government 
operation' under pretect of "defense." In this protected domain, there Is a pro- 
llfB-*'-" ^ of new groups and agencies which are subject to very little congression- 
al coutrol and more and more take over the governing of the country. Var from 
challenging this wholesale usurpation of Its powers, particularly In the crucial 
decisions affecting war or peace. Congress Itself launched assaults upon the demo- 
cratic liberties guaronteed by the Constitution. This trend, sustained by contin- 
uing concentration of mnopoly power In the econooy and in government, threatens 
by the gradual process of undermining and encroachment to deprive the represent- 
ative Institutions and the Constitutional process Itself of any real democratic 

Defense of bourgeois democracy Is Itself becoming the Issue leading to great 
social and political struggles. Democratic legality Is under attack from the 
Bight — sometimes hidden, sometimes open — and this attack has to be repulsed 
and the trend toward a fascist-type state ha* to be blocked If the democratic 
road to social p r o gr ess Is to be kept open In the United States. 

Thus, It Is Incorrect to view the fight for democracy merely as a taotle, 
and this was never the Marxist view. It Is true that democracy Is limited under 
capitalism, because bourggsols democracy Is based on class exploitation which 
severely restricts the democratic rights of the workers, the Hegro people, and 
other unpropertled or oppressed groups. It Is also trrie that the complete and 
manifold realization of democracy can eons only with the abolition of class ex- 
ploitation and the establishment of real majority rijle under socialism, while 
universal equality wlU be established only when all classes disappear under 
communism, the higher stage of socialism. But this does not mean that Communists 
have a negative or neuljrBl view with respect to democracy or the form of state 
under capitalism. Our form of bourgeois democracy and of republican government 
has provided a partlcu^rl; free and wide basis for the class struggle. In the 
course of which the pe|bpls have been able to win significant social gainst a^lnst 
the resistance of entrjsnehed wealth and reaction. Monopoly domination of the 
state now threatens to. choke off these freer forms of struggle, by replacing the 
democratic content of the-eystem with an authoritarian content, while retaining 
only the outward shell of the democratic Institutions. Comaunlsts consider the 
struggle against this entire reactionary trend and the need for the revival and 
extension of democracy, as an integral part of their Isnedlate program for peoce 
and better living eoiditione, as well ao for socialism in the Uhlted States. 

The struggle for the democratic way Is a nulti-closs question, requiring an 
oil-sided, vigorous opposition to the authoritarian trend, labor is thrust Into 
the very heart of the struggle by the monopoly attack upon its rights and condl- 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-F — Continued 

5 - 8 

tlona , while the Ksgro peopla-ln'tbelr battle for rights granted by tlie Con* ■•• 
atltutlon. Impart a powerful stluulue to the fight for asmocrocy In gensxal. The 
leading social forces In the fight to preserve and broaden the democretlo road 
are the working class, the working fannsrs, and the Negro people — their tend- 
ency Is to fight for democracy without limit because they need It to obtain 
economic security and freedom. But as the monopoly power grows It seeks to 
convert the state more and more Into Its own exclusive domain, from an organ of 
the bourgeoisie as a whole Into a total monopoly state. The farmers, the urban 
middle strata and other non-mnopoly sectors of the capitalist class, are thus 
shut off increasingly from significant participation In government, and with an 
effective united front struggle by labor many of these eeetora will also flgbt 
for deiBocrf>tlc advances. 

In the Communist ^lew, the fight to preserve and enrich the democratic way 
In the present society has a direct bearing upon the form and functioning of the 
socialist state that will follow. It Is Irrelevant to take as a model for booIhI- 
1st democracy In the United States ths experiences of the dictatorship of the 
proletariat In the Soviet ttolon during Its first decades, when surrounded by a 
hostile capitalist world It had to Industrialize from a very low economic level 
or die. The Oalted States will go socialist under different conditions. The 
remarkable progress made by the USSB, despite the unfavorable circumstances dem- 
onstral-es the strength and vitality of socialism. But the advances to be made 
by the Soviet Union In the decade ahead, when Its osterlal conditions and stand- 
ard of living will approach and then exceed those now prevailing In the United 
States, will provide a mors comparable situation. Certainly, the full flowering 
of socialist democracy upon a high economic level should Indicate mare directly 
the real potential of socialism In the United States as well. 

Whether this country, which has been so unusislly well favored by historical 
circumstances over a long period, will be as fortunate in the future, depends 
essentially upon the ability of the working people, the great mss of ths nation, 
to preserve and carry forward our rich democratic tradition, giving it a new rev- 
olutionary content and perspective. 

In the past, Ifencists thought that the foms of the bourgeois state and of 
bourgeois democrcoy would have to be discarded by a soclcdlst state. But recent 
experience has shown that many of these forms, with appropriate structui«l change, 
can be taken over by the socialist state, and imbuad with a new class content. It 
la therefore entirely possible that the American Constitution and the government- 
al system based on It, if these are preserved, iniproved, and enriched with greater 
democratlo content by the etrogglse of the people, will provide the form of the 
American socialist stats, once power has passed into the hands of the working 
class and its allies. In fact, the separation of powers and the Federal struct- 
ure, p-rice they ftrs ajade completely responsive to the popular will, nay be very 
well suited to th^ needs of nejorlty rule, direct democracy, and encouragement 
of popular initiative, side by side with Federal planning under socialism. The 
checks and balances provided by our Constitutional form and Federal-state rela- 
tionship, thoroughly democratized by 8oclallsm,iiey provide an effective msans of 
preventing bureaucratic abuses and oTeroentralization of povere. 

In the period ahead, the fight for democracy can well lead to Important 
structural rofcrms in the governmental system. Originally, ths triangiUAr system 
of checks and balances was devised priaBrlly to prevent the capture of govemmsnt 
by popular majorities. As a rule, the system worked, except in tines of crisis 
and popular upheaval when a combination of the President and a popular Congress 
registered important democratic and social advances — as in the years of Jeffer- 
son, Jackson, and Lincoln, and also for a brief tine at the beginning of ths 
second New Deal of F. S. Roosevelt. At certain times the Supreme Court, at others 
Congress, and sonetloaa the President played the major role in stemnlng the popu- 
lar tide. As a day-to-day tactic the popular foi?ces must perforce oppose the 
policies of one or another of the three branches, depending upon which at the time 
Is obstructing progress. But a mors fundamsnt&l perspective is required if labor 
and the people are to revive the democratic content of the Constitutional form 
and nake It serve their needs. 

Certain structural reforms In the govemoental system which have been pro- 
posed before are still valid, such as the popular election of all Judges, elim- 
ination of the electoral college in favor of the direct election of the President, 
and possibly the abolition of the Senate or at best depriving this presently un- 
representative body of the power of veto over the Bouse. Other msasures which 
would strengthen the democratlo procedures Include proportional representation, 
the referendum and the power of recall, reform of the committee and seniority 
system and domocratlzatlon of the rules in both Houses. In the Federal relation- 
ship, the States should be deprived of the power to nullify national social leg- 

Holmes Exhibit No. 5-F — Continued 

Ifllatlon and Conetltltulonal rights (sucb as aosegregatlon of the sohoola, ths 
right to vote, social security, rights of labor to organize), and the powers of 
the Fisderal government should be enlarged to establish minimum national require- 
ments In such fields. These and other much-needed structural political reforms, 
however, can be brought about only by a resurgent popular democratic movemsnt. 

The main orientation of labor, the Negro people and all people's forces 
should bo upon revitalizing and strengthening the representative legislative 
bodies — Federal, State, and local -- as the most direct channel for popular 
pressure upon the other two branches of government and as the means of obtaining 
the maximum popular rule possible under the present system. In the present Con- 
stitutional framework, the Legislature can be made to serve as the people's "chock 
and balance" against monopoly, which is most deeply entrenched In the greatly ex- 
tended Executive branch, and to open the way for placing the government administ- 
ration, as well as the Judiciary, beyond the control and grasp of the monopoly 
oligarchy. Congress — and the State and local representative bodies — must be 
transformed Into really popular Institutions, lost monopoly and reaction destroy 
their democratic potential, leaving them a withered shell, while the people lose 
confidence In democratic govenment because It falls to satisfy their denftnds and 
needs, thus providing the soil upon which fascist movenents can thrive. This Is 
the course of political struggle for the pressing needs of the people, for the 
safeguarding of their gains and of peace, whioh will keep the democratic way open 
for social progress. The mass movement needs democracy to extend broadly the so- 
cial legislation and labor gains already won and to gain new social reforms. 

A decisive basic social reform which can Impart a powerful stimulus to pro- 
gress Is the cOTipletlon of the democratic revolution In the South. Notwithstand- 
ing an entire period of capitalist development in this region, and the migration 
of millions of Negro toilers from the land to the cities North and South, the 
democratic tasks which the Civil War and Eeconstructlon left unfinished Impera- 
tivoly denand solution today. The remnants of slavery --the plantation, segrega- 
tion, and racism — still provide the principal source for Dixiecrat reaction 
which, allied politically and otherwise with monopoly, has kept the South a back- 
ward region, opposed and obstructed all steps toward Negro freedom, and barred 
advanced legislation and action nationally. 

A general democratic transformation of the South will restore full civil 
rights and liberties for all, establish representative government throughout the 
political structure — from the community to the Federal regime — and enforce 
desegregation in the schools and In all other public institutions, housing and 
services. Revolutionary in content is the struggle for the Negro right to vote 
and for full representation and participation in government because it means a 
radical change in the political structure of the South, which will have progres- 
sive Impact throughout the nation. Integral to such a change is ft basic agrarian 
reform that will eradicate the last remnants of the plantatlon-sharecropplng sys- 
tem and its offshoots into the rest of Southern economy, and radically change the 
class relations on the countryside where parasitic landlords still keep large 
Negro majorities In a form of semi -feudal dependence. The rapid growth during 
recent years of the Negro working class as part of the U.S. working class as a 
whole provides a new and solid base for carrying through the democratic revolution 
in the South, 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-G 

6 - 1 

6. Curbing the Monopoly Power 

BefornB tbst would curb the economic as veil aa tbe political power of mon- 
opoly were sought by all the popular anti-trust movements of the past, which 
were largely under radical farm and middle-class leadership. The old trust- 
busting progrtun, beginning with the Populist revolts, sought to halt or reverse 
the rise of monopoly from free competition. The New Deal reforms of the 1930'8 
recognized that nnnopoly was here to stay but sought, by government regulation, 
to prevent abuse of economic power. Both series of reforms were absorbed by mon- 
opoly capitalism and turned to Its own advantage. Tbe anti-trust lavs. In fact, 
operated in such a way as to sustain the giant corporation as the distinctive 
form of American industrial and financial monopoly, rather than the cartel -type 
combination characteristic of other countries. The regulatory measures became 
functions of state monopoly capitalism — the means by which the corporations 
regulated themselves through state administrative agencies, also facilitating 
the merger of government and corporate personnel. Both series of reforms had 
the effect of stemming the popular anti-monopoly movements of the time, and 
diverting them from attempts at ncre fundemental structural reforms — lUse 
nationalization of the railroads in the earlier period and nationalization of 
the banks in the New Deal ers. 

In the present period, when labor's needs and demands Impart a decisive con- 
tent and direction to the anti-monopoly movement, a common program for curbing 
monopoly power must rest on different principles. These are determined primarily 
by the fact that under present-day conditions the technological revolution, on 
top of the intrinsic Instability of the eoononor, is creating a new layer of perm- 
anent unemployed as the typical form of ImpoverlshmBnt in a high-level monopoly 
society, with serious threats to the conditions of all workers. Thus is shown 
that big investments in new technology, expanded production and a higher national 
income do not in themselves lead to progress. In order to have social progress, 
these have to be translated into the elimination of unemployment and poverty, and 
into the great improvement in mass living conditions made possible by the new 
techniques of production in agriculture and industry. 

Technical progress and greater productivity are utilized by monopoly to 
realize nexlmum profits through more concentration, decreasing the number of 
Workers in production, intensified speed-up, undermining the conditions and 
status of the workers, and weakening the unions. labor is not opposed to now 
technology and greater productivity, for these are essential to progress, but it 
is opposed to technical progress at the expense of the workers. Only the class 
struggle can transform technical progress Into social progress. Under present 
conditions, the struggle for full employment in a peace economy becomes the dynam- 
ic force of economic and democratic progress. It was only under special circum- 
stances — as during war, post-war booms and extraordinary military spending in 
peacetime — that capitalism was able to provide anything approilnatlng a condi- 
tion of full employsent. 

To achieve a condition of full employment without war or the threat of war 
should be the aim of all economic and democratic struggles against monopoly. 

Advances in this direction entail more reulloal interference with the opera- 
tions of monopoly than is Involved in remedial social legislation, although this 
too has to be fought for constantly, and if pressed to the full can also lead to 
basic changes. Actually, all struggles for economic and democratic advance must 
collide with and set up obstacles to the drive of monopoly for maximum profit, 
which in our society has the force of the central law determining the very exist- 
ence and operations of monopoly. The struggles of the working people and the 
strength of the labor movensnt have prevented the unhampered sway of this law from 
driving living standards down to subsistence levels for large sections of the 
people. The further strengthening of the trade unions and the development of the 
people's struggles on a broad front can save large numbers of workers from perm- 
anent unemployment and obtain better living conditions. If the inherent tendency 
of monopoly to permanent unemployment, economic crises, authoritarian rule and 
aggressive expansionism Is to be impeded, the economic and democratic struggles of 
the workers and all people's forces must seek to curb monopoly by encroaching on 
its powers, weakening and undermining its economic and political positions, and 
move In the direction of its elimination. 

A labor and people's anti-monopoly program should seek to curb monopoly prin- 
cipally and simultaneously along three lines, (l) It must seek to force greater 
concessions from monopoly through the state in the form of remedial legislation 
and social welfare, hand in hand with fringe benefits won by contract negotiations. 
(2) It should aim at blocking and impeding the free play of monopoly congpetition. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-G — Continued 


rather than restoring the old form of free competition, as was the case with 
earlier programs. (3) It must recognize that government economic activities 
are a permanent feature of present-day capitalism which the mass movement must 
attempt to utilize for the purpose of wresting more basic concessions from 
monopoly, including structural reform in the corporate -state system that will 
weaken the positions of monopoly in the economy and in government. 


Labor has always fought for a greater share of the social product at the 
expense of profits through the shorter work week and higher wages. A new ad- 
vance along these lines is n»de Imperative by productivity unemploynBnt and 
increasing Job Insecurity as a result of the new technical revolution and the 
instability of the econon^y. At the aame time, labor and the progressivea have 
always fought for fringe benefits and social legislation that would offset the 
social evils arising from capitalism. Every major advance on this front has 
been achieved only as the result of great ii»8s struggles. Today, also, denflnds 
such as the shorter work week, compensation for the full period of unemployment 
and an extensive public works program, if they are to be won require great mass 
struggles. Because of the enormity of the problem of economic security in pres- 
ent-day capitalism, legislative action must reach into a broad field -- basic 
tax reform In favor of the people, higher minimum-wage and other pro-labor laws, 
enlargement of the social security system, all-sided and enforceable anti- 
discrimination provisions, establishment of a public health system, greatly in- 
creased public housing for low-incomB families, adequate youth and education 
facilities, and other necessary welfare measures. The fight for this kind of 
reform has been traditional with the labor movement for many decades. But in 
the recent period, after the legislative victories of the New Deal era, labor 
has concerned Itself with winning new social benefits largely through contract 
negotiations, which affect only the organized-. workers and leave the majority with- 
out these benefits. New conditions require that in addition to defending exist- 
ing labor legislation and besides the struggle for fringe benefits, the4.abor 
unions sssunB energetic leadership in the fight for broader social legislation 
as well. 

Vfhlle supporting every possible social welfare measure and every improvement 
in the conditions of tie workers that can be obtained, Marxists believe that 
these cannot be considered as the final aim of the working class movement. Gen- 
erally, such reforms deal only with the symptoms and the evils of capitalism and 
fall to challenge the basic causes of unemployment and Inequality. The broad 
masses fight for such reforms In the hope that they will lead to country to gen- 
eral conditions of democracy and economic equality. While it Is true that vic- 
tories won by such struggles can lead to an era of progressive reform, and to 
real improvenents, they do not add up to a new social order. Social and remedial 
legislation, although leglmimate alms of the working class movement, do not alter 
the ownership of the means of production nor do they affect the sources of income, 
even if concessions may Involve something of a redistribution of Income, Such re- 
forms, accordingly, cannot be considered steps to socialism, which Involves a 
basic transformation of society. Nor can they be viewed as creating a "welfare 
state" devoted to social well-being capable of overcoming crises and inequality. 

The myth of the welfare state in the era of monopoly and Imperialism arose 
from the need of the modem state In all advanced capitalist countries to extend 
the field of social Isgislatlon under pressure from nass movements, and in view 
of the suoceseea of the socialist world. In order to preserve the system in the 
midst of general crisis. The so-called welfare state Is still a monopoly state, 
and it functions to preserve monopoly capitalism. The social benefits It was 
forced to concede have become as necessary to its continuation as the other 
economic activities characteristic of the modem state. Even when monopoly Is 
forced to grant social benefits against Its will, it tries to delay them as long 
as possible, to keep them to the minimum, to pare them'down later, and to make 
the Workers jay for them through taxes and other charges against wages, so that 
a constant struggle Is required even to retain concessions that have been won 
and to reduce the wage -earners' share of the cost. While granting benefits 
sparingly and grudgingly, nonopoly and Its supporters try to turn the necessity 
of iTtyiTig concessions into a virtue by claiming that capitalism has become a 
welfare society. They exploit what was forced upon them by the ness movement in 
the first place in order to divert that movement from more fundamental demands. 
There are also other reasons why the modem state needs certain social legisla- 
tion, such as minimum sanitation, health and educational standards to assure 
efficient labor. And at times monopoly will prefer state social benefits rather 
than wage increases or fringe benefits because they need not come out of profits. 
But the BBln significance of welfare benefits to the monopoly state is that they 
serve as Insurance against basic social change. 

52-810 O— 66 — pt. 2- 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-G — Continued , , 


Social benefits are a form of ransom which monopoly must pay to maintain Its 
power, but the difficulties of the system, the strength of the modem labor un- 
ions and the ever new successes of the socialist world tend to Increase the mag- 
nitude of the ransom. And the trade unions -- because by nature they can do no 
more than fight the symptoms, while seeking a more favorable share for wages out 
of the surplus produced by labor — must continue to press for an extension of 
the welfare functions of the monopoly state. This characterizes the present 
course of the anti-monopoly movement. Communists participate in and support all 
economic and democratic struggles aimed at enlarging the area of social benefits. 
But even at a high level, this movement can end In frustration and Its victories 
can be absorbed by monopoly capitalism, unless the working class presses for more 
radical measures of reform that are directed at the very causes of unemployment 
and Inequality. The main distinction between reformists and Marxists Is that 
while the former believe that capitalism can be remade Into a welfare society, the 
latter see the struggle for reform not only as a means of Improving the Immediate 
lot of the people. The struggle for reform is also the means by which the workere 
and broad nBsses of the people come to see the limitations of capitalism and the 
necessity of socialism, and at the same tiie build up their strength and allianc- 
es for bringing about a basic change that will remove the need for concessions 
from monopoly because the working people will become the rulers of society. But 
the entire labor movement will have to go through education in struggle, in the 
form in which it presents Itself here, to arrive at the position where the move- 
ment for remedial measures will be transformed into a movenent to change the 
basis of society. 


High level unemployment appears side by side with large capital Investment 
in new machinery, extensive unused capacity, and rising prices. These seemingly 
contradictory phenomena arise from the monopoly structure of the economy, and 
more specifically, from the monopoly form of competition. While superseding free 
competition, monopoly does not exclude competition between the big corporations, 
but only changes Its form. At the very high level of TDonopoly In the United 
States, this new form of competition has given rise to particularly sharp antag- 
onisms within the dominant monopoly sector of the economy, and between it and the 
non-monopoly sector that still tries to operate on the old competitive basis, 
which is considerably restricted and distorted by the all-ervading Influence of 
monopoly In the economy as a whole . 

The central motive force of monopoly competition is the drive for nsxlmum 
profits, rather than the lower average rate of profit determined by the free 
market of pre-monopoly capitalism. By virtue of their dominant position In key 
sectors of the econonor, a few big corporations are able to peg prices for given 
commodities at levels high above value, and sustain them even into periods of re- 
cession. Because of the essentially anarchic, planless nature of the capitalist 
economy and its cyclical character, monopoly cannot have absolute control over 
prices, and therefore administrative price setting will not always be effective, 
particularly In a deep and general crisis. But monopoly has the effect of mlnln- 
Izing sharp price fluctuations, keeping them as a more or less rigid franework 
within which the race for profit proceeds among the giants. In this form of 
competition, maximum profits are sought prijiarily by reducing unit costs within 
a high price structure, and this is achieved by increasing productivity and the 
exploitation of labor, and also by driving down the cost of raw materials sup- 
plied by the non -monopolized sector at homo and colonial areas abroad. 

It Is this form of competition, together with the accumulation of huge re- 
serves, that essentially accounts for considerable technical progress in the 
post-war years, contrary to the expectation that monopoly under all circumstances 
would lead to stagnation in technique. This view vas always mistaken. As lenin 
showed, even during a period of world capitalist decadence, uneven develoiraent 
might result in the progress of capitalist production in one or another country 
while it declines in others. And it is his analysis of monopoly competition 
which explains why, in the special postwar circumstances, monopoly was conpelled 
to undertake technical innovations in production in practically all leading capit- 
alist countries, even if unevenly and chaotically, and even if they are not de- 
veloped to the fullest extent. 

But technical progress under monopoly has serious consequences for the 
people. In the past, a reserve amy of unemployed was needed by capitalism for 
the expansion of production. This was supplied in this country by ImmlgTatlon 
from Europe and later by the migration of Negro workere from the plantations of 
the South, by the importation of Mexican and Puerto Elcan labor, by the massive 
displacement of farmers from agriculture, by the recruitment of women into the 
labor force and from the various middle strata displaced by monopoly. Under the 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-G — Continued 

6 - h 

now technical conditions, expansion of output can be provided to a much greater 
extent than before by the vldespread use of the new technique rather than from a 
labor force which has now grown toonormoua proportions. A high level of unem- 
ploymsnt, with no prospect of Jobs within the present monopoly structure. Is 
becoming a permanent characteristic of American society, whatever the level of 
economic activity. 

So drastic a change cannot take place without arousing the opposition of 
workers who have become surplus and of the employed workers who face a similar 
fate, particularly those who do not enjoy the advantages of seniority or hold 
nerginal Jobs, like the Negro workers (among whom unemployment is at least twice 
as severe as among other categories), the women and the youth. But it la also 
characteristic of this situation that the semi-skilled and skilled workers in 
industry are being downgraded or rendered surplus by new machinery and the re- 
allocation of industry. The will to struggle for the right to work is mounting, 
with great pressures upon trade union leadership for action. The labor movement 
will have to develop a comprehensive struggle on a broad front to translate the 
great increase in productivity resulting from the new technique into the shorter 
work week and into increases in wages and reduction in prices which are nftde pos- 
sible by the drop in production costs. 

While greater efforts will have to be made to win wage -hour denands, fringe 
benefits and new social legislation whenever possible, this will no longer suffice. 
The labor movement should never lose sight of the iimiBdlate economic denfinds of 
the workers, and always extend the struggle fur them, but it is also necessary 
to have a labor program that simultaneously will seek to interfere directly with 
monopoly competition in order to counteract its disastrous operation. By contract 
negotiations as well as legislative action, labor needs to press for direct part- 
icipation In decisions involving the investment aiid production policies of manage- 
ment, as they affect introduction of new techniques, working norms and pace of 
work, labor costs and the work week. 

This will be necessary not only to assure adequate procedures for the re- 
classification, retraining and reallocation of displaced workers. For this 
problem will become unmanageable unless at the sams time democratic controls are 
established over production norms and the rate of introduction of new machinery, 
including the constrviction of new plants and the reallocation of production which 
are used by the employers to evade contract provisions by placing automated fact- 
ories in unorganized and low -wage areas. Reductions in the work week without cuts 
in weekly wages should be fought for in direct relation to control of autonBtion, 
so that a reduction neither in the work force nor In real income should result. 
To achieve these ends and to protect the status, conditions and health of the 
Workers, particularly from the effects of speedup, labor will also have to fight 
for workers' participation in the management of production at the Job and plant 

A program for labor's Intervention in the inevestment policies of monopoly 
and for workers' participation in control of production has nothing in common 
with the idea of People's Capitalism, which is fostered by monopoly to mollify 
the class struggle and to offset the influence among the workers of the socialist 
countries, where technical progress of a very high order is expressed in social 
progress. People's Capitalism, the "new capitalism," or "capitalism without 
capitalists" and similar ideas attempt to found themselves on the alleged "man- 
agerial revolution," the "inconB revolution," and the "welfare state." Actually, 
whatever share the managers of industry have been able to get in ownership has 
not altered to any significant degree the functioning of monopoly capitalism or 
its drive for naTiTniy;! profits . All the claims to wider stock-ownership, even the 
extensive participation of the middle strata in the frenzied stocknerket specula- 
tions, and the most subtle schems for employee stock-sharing, cannot hide the es- 
sential reality of monopoly control and the further concentration of ownership. 
Hor do they change the fact that in the recent period of extended boom the total 
Income of the lowest three -tenths of U.S. income receivers has actually declined, 
while the share of wages in national income has grown only slightly if at all, 
despite the greater strength of the unions. Instead of illusory stock-sharing 
schemes, which do not change the realities of class exploitation a whit, labor 
must seek through class struggle an increasing share of profit in the form of 
wages under conditions of full employment in peacetime. And this requires direct 
labor Interference In the operations of monopoly, including encroachments upon 
its property rights and privileges. 

Such encroachments must include also labor's Intervention in the fixing of 
prices, in its own interest and in the interest of the broadest sectors of the 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-G — Continued , , , 

6 - 4 A 

people. Through the pricing nBchanlsm, monopoly retrieves a part of vagee. In- 
cluding the coBt of fringe beneflte, and takes an Increasing share of surplus 
value and earnings produced In the non -monopoly sector, while trying to convince 
the public that high wages and social expenditures by govemmBnt are roeponslbla 
for Inflation. Actually, the rise In the price level Is a long-term trend of 
monopoly capitalism, and has been constant since World War II, Huge military 
expendutres, which exceed by many tines government spending for social benefits, 
and certain monetary and fiscal nenlpulatlons accentuate this trend, and at times 
can even be the prime causes for a new price inflation. And conversely, even If 
military spending remains high, the use of monetary and fiscal measures tonight 
Inflation might help bring on a depression. 

As a matter of fact, monopoly competition within a high price system Is a 
prime factor making for crisis because It Increases unemployment, hampers higher 
production levels since It can assure large monopoly profits even when operating 
much below capacity, and reduces purchasing power. Such wage Increases as labor 
Is able to win lag behind Its rise In productivity, with the result that monopoly 
Is able to realize higher profits, since the declllie In unit costs even at low 
production levels more than offsets the wage rise. Instead of passing on to the 
consumer its share of the benefits of greater productivity, monopoly uses wage 
raises as a pretext for raising prices, and by blaming labor seeks to create 
antagonism between the unions In monopolized Industries and the rest of the pop- 

To counteract the disastrous effects of monopoly competition as well as the 
anti-labor propaganda of big business, labor should use its strength to Impede 
the upward price trend, with its threat to the real wages of all workers and its 
crisis -provoking effects. Since prices In the monopoly sector have become pri- 
marily an administrative matter, the strong unions In this sector are in a posi- 
tion to press for a lower price policy through ccratrect negotiations, together 
with control of autoiiBtlon,the shorter work week, higher wages and other benefits. 
But since prices affect society as a whoe, labor should seek united action with 
other people's forces for the establishment of a system of democratic controls 
over prices through govemmsnt action. 

Such regulatory and financial agencies which already exist and are charged 
with controlling public utility, transport and other rates in the public inter- 
est, but which have In practice followed the monopoly high-price policy, should 
be reconstituted to assure the direct participation of labor and people's organ- 
izations. At the same time, new government measures should be sought to permit 
democratic controls over monopoly prices, not as a means of freezing wages, but 
hand In hand with controls over the rate of Introduction of labor-saving mach- 
inery with the aim of preventing the permanent displacement of workers from pro- 

Technical progress, expanding production, full employment, lower prices 
and a general all-round Improvement of living and social conditions — so often 
proclaimed as the aim of welfare capitalism — cannot" be provided in the present 
society. Only soolallet society can provide them simultaneously and permanently, 
as inherent laws of its development. A powerful working class movement, leading 
a broad coalition against monopoly, can prevent deterioration of living conditions 
and gain concessions for the people by Impeding the free play of the economic laws 
of monopoly capitalism. To raise the level of the struggle from one of "Imped- 
ing" and of "gaining concessions" requires the advance to the struggle for soc- 


An anti-monopoly program that seeks to win the right to work for all en- 
tails struggles on a wide front for structural reform In government as well as 
In Industry. An all-sided political struggle, sparked by labor, will have to 
te developed to counteract monopoly domination of the state and to shut off 
vital areas of government from monopoly control. But such a program must take 
Into account the nature of the modem state and Its actual function. 

The major extension of state economic activities has occurred In this 
country since the great crisis of the 1930's. This represents a crucial advance 
of monopoly control over the state and not, as various reformists interpret it, 
the emergence of the state as an Independent Intermediary power which Is supposed 
to impartially regulate the economy and to transform capitalism Into a welfare 
society. State Intervention in the economy has become a necessary function of 
monopoly capitalism, which cannot get along without It. But this does not mean 

Holmes Exhibit No. 5-G — Continued , 


that the dlsaatrous reactionary coneequenooe of monopoly domination over the 
Gtate cannot bo averted by the united struggles of the people, through pressure 
upon the state and through Independent political action. 

Actually, the state has very little control over production, even less here 
than In other capitalist countries. The major growth of state economic activity 
has been at the financial level. In the form of huge state expenditures which are 
associated with the expansion of all government operations and with a huge bureau- 
cracy, but especially with the militarization of the country. The expansion of 
all forms of government spending, and particularly the gigantic military outlay, 
arises not only from the International contradictions faced by Imperlallam — 
which U. S. monopoly tries to solve from "positions of strength" — but also from 
the internal contradictions and especially from the efforts of monopoly to prevent 
another crisis like that of 1929, of which it is in mortal fear. 

An anti-monopoly program should aim at safeguarding the people from the con- 
sequences both of the arms build-up and of a threatening economic crisis. Heavy 
arms spending, by stimulating capital investment, served to sustain and prolong 
the high level of postwar economic activity and was the principal factor in pre- 
venting the recessions of this period from deepening into severe crisis, although 
it was not the only factor. Aside from its role in serving world expansionist 
aims, monopoly prefers military spending, rather than social welfare ejcpendituros, 
because of the huge guaranteed profits in govemnent war contracts and the stimul- 
us provided by this form of spending to greater concentration of economic power 
and to firmsr monopoly control of the state. 

But armament outlays by govemnent, with their cold war pressures and war 
dangers, and constant inflationary effects, Is not the only way to stimulate capit- 
al investment and economic growth. Government spending devoted to constructive 
economic development and to social welfare can also serve to counteract crisis 
symptoms and to hold off a severe depression. This becomes Imperative because 
permanent militarization carries with it the danger of war and of fascist-type 
development within the country. Furthermore, the shift to the new weapons is 
having effects within the war sector of the economy similar to automation. Mis- 
siles and similar weapons require huge capital investments in instruiasntatlon, 
without the mass production and large numbers of wortors needed for conventional 
arms. While placing a heavier tax burden on the people, the new arms production 
Is displacing workers from war Industry and does not have the same antl-orlela 
effect as the old war production, 

A people's anti-monopoly program should seek to shift the weight of govern- 
ment spending to constructive social purposes, that will have the effect of count- 
eracting crisis symptoms while reducing the heavy burden and the dangers of arms 
spending. Labor and a broad democratic front ought to fight for government spend- 
ing policies that are directed to such constructive purposes as the solution of 
the unemployment problem, economic development of the South and other underdevel- 
oped and marginal areas, housing and metropolitan developnent, education, science, 
and other pressing peacetime tasks. 

The frustration or curbing of monopoly expansion abroad by the progress of 
socialism and of national liberation, and the emerging possibility of averting 
war within the new world structure, present new opportunities to the anti-monopoly 
forces within the country for effective struggles to shift the emphasis from mili- 
tarization of the economy to its peacetime development. Hand in hand with the 
struggle for a policy of peaceful negotiations to end the cold war, there has to 
be a struggle for an alternate domestic policy of peacetime economic development 
and of trade with all countries, Onder conditions of economic competition between 
the two world systems, the terms of that competition can be turned to the advant- 
age of the American people by a united and growing struggle against monopoly which 
seeks to curb its power and to impede its freedom of action against the people. 
Peaceful economic competition between the two systems will not of itself change 
the motivation and operation of monopoly capitalism. But socialist progress and 
policies by the force of example generate pressures upon the domestic policies of 
monopoly, which the labor and democratic forces snould exploit to exact greater 
concessions from monopoly and to advance toward basic social changes. 

Proposals for structural changes in the corporate network and In goWfLUaent 
economic functions which have as their aim the curbing of monopoly should bo di- 
rected principally at dismantling the peak financial interest groups — llfcs the 
Eockefeller, Morgan, du Pont and Mellon empires. Their control cuts across Indus- 
trial, financial and commercial lines, without regard to the actual function of 
their investmsnts in production and distribution. Command of vast accumulations 
of capital (whether In the big banks and Insurance companies or In the industrial 
corporations) permits those peak monopoly groups to dictate policies with respect 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-G — Continued , . 


to InvBBtniBnt, production, labor, prices, credit, and foreign aid, through govom- 
ment and through thslr own Institutions. It Is this connmndlng position In tl» 
economy that gives the top monopoly groupe power over the nation and serves as 
their base for aggressive expansion abroad, with the consequent dangers of war. 

This area of top monopoly control should be the principal target of tl» 
struggle to decentralize and dlsmntle the centers of corporate power, rather 
than the big and Integrated production units themselves. Large-scale production, 
with Its advanced technology and efficient organization of all the elenents of 
production, represents a high level of social labor, which Is a pemenent achieve- 
ment. Monopoly now uses It to obtain nexlmun profits through tl» exploitation and 
robbery of the people; under socialism, large-scale production would be taken over 
by the nation and used for the maximum benefit of the people. In this historic 
sense, monopoly control Is temporary and technical progress Is pemBnent, tind 
therefore the former, despite Its great present power. Is subject to structural 
change by the action and pressure of the people. 

However, this does not mean that a fetish should be made out of preserving 
large-scale production In all Instances. In order to advance the freedom of the 
Negro people and democratic development of the South, for example, the large 
semi -feudal plantation units should be broken up and divided among the croppers 
and tenants. Or, In order to save masses of farmers from eviction, an anti- 
monopoly prxjgram might seek to limit the size of landownings and restrict the 
scale of Integration and contract farming. Similarly, restrictions ney be sought 
upon the merger of Industrial operations when It leads to the elimination of subU. 
and medium enterprise and the further concentration of monopoly control In the 
peak groups. In defense of democracy and public morality, considerations of ef- 
ficiency should not stand In the way of breaking up monopolies In all means of 
mass culture -- like th© newsprint Industry, newspaper chains, television and 
radio networks, and movies, Hor will the people worry about efficiency when a 
peace policy requires the dismantling or complete reconversion of anmnent Ind- 

The partlcljatlon of labor, community and people's organizations In old and 
new regulatory agencies and basic reform of the tax system would be Important 
steps towards establishing democratic controls over monopoly operations. But 
these would not amount to structural reform of the state -corporate system unless 
they lead In the direction of Important nationalizations. The previous signific- 
ant structural change was the emergence on a wide scale of govemmsnt Intervention 
In the economy during the 1930'8, which monopoly at first -^tposed but then turned 
to Its own advantage. The next significant series of strurr'^ral reforms Is In 
the realm of nationalization, which labor and the people -.uot seek to turn to 
their advantage. 

The public services — such as electric and gas utilities, railroads and 
airlines, and telecommunications -- are not only particularly profitable means 
of mulcting the public but have also become centers of high financial control 
which are used by monopoly to extend its sway over branches of the economy depend- 
ent upon these services. While fighting for a system of democratic controls over 
rates in the interests of the people and the non-monopoly oonsumsrs, a people's 
united front should press for government ownership when this Is required to re- 
organize and improve these services while reducing rates. When they are locally 
controlled they should be transferred to the states or to the municipalities. 

The entire field of housing and the Interrelated problems of city and sub- 
urban planning, scbools and cultural facilities, highways, metropolitan transport, 
and the location of industry now require urgent solution and can no longer be left 
to the localities. Their solution requires a high level of government planning ~ 
Federal and State — If the necessary resources are to bo gathered and If public 
necessity is to rule over the private real estate Interests and bankers. But 
government planning will serve primarily tltese sams interests unless labor and 
the people's community organizations intervene energetically, insisting upon their 
participation in the public boards, agencies and owning authorlUss set up for 
these purposes. 

The resources of the Federal Government should be used to bring about a 
structural reform of Southern agriculture by dividing the semi -feudal plantations 
Into farms for the former croppers and tenants, while encouraging the all-around 
Industrialization of this underdeveloped region and building adequate school, 
health, and bousing faoilities. Basic reform of the tax system. In addition to 
shifting the burden from the low-income families and- medium business to the rich 
and the big corporations, should provide for the use of the taxing power to In- 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-G — Continued ^ 


duc« new Industrial growth In the South, as well as In the depressed areas. If 
the big employers can now use the tax system to make the people jay for their 
new equipment and plant, an antl -monopoly united front should seek to use the 
tax system to make the corporations redirect their investment In such a fashion 
as to reduce unemployment and assist regional development. 

An effective antl -monopoly program should favor government ownership of new 
industries resulting from scientific inventions which have been developed under 
public auspices, like atomic energy and outer-space missiles. Efforts to de- 
nationalize the section of the atomic energy industry now under govemnient owner- 
ship by turning over atomic power developient to private corporations should be 
stopped. Instead, the entire industry -- from raw naterials to the finished 
product--should be nationalized and developed as a government-operated enterprise 
for peaceful purposes. Industries that depend prljoarily upon government contracts 
— like airplane and missile manufacture — should be taken over and operated by 
the govemnBnt. 

Giveaways of national resources should be halted. Public lands and the rich- 
es contained therein — oil, other minerals, forests, water power — should re- 
main in Federal government ownership and be developed in the public interest by 
government enterprise. The development of water power, navigation, niral elect- 
rification and irrigation, as well as soil and timber conservation and other 
associated activities should be pursued on the TVA model, but with direct labor 
and comnunlty participation on the management boards. 

Mergers and amalgamations which would result in further concentration of 
economic power in top finance-capitalist groups should be prohibited. Big firms 
being forced into bankruptcy or merger should be taken over by the government, 
while the position of small and medium enterprise on the land, in industry and 
in commerce should be defended by government -backed measures providing equal ac- 
cess to credit, raw materials, patents, cheap motive power, as well as marketing 
aids and other measures that would defend and Improve the position of the non- 
monopoly sector in relation to monopoly in any Industry. Government controls 
should be established over monopoly foreign investment and trade to prevent its 
interference with the sovereignty of other nations, while foreign trade channels 
should be opened to small and medium enterprise, which, unlike the monopolies, 
do not seek strategic control of foreign resources and exclusive domination of 
markets and spheres of Influence. 

These and other anti-monopoly measures should move In the direction of the 
nationalization of monopoly property, with compensation only for the non-monopoly 
stockholders, whenever monopoly obstructs the Immediate objectives felt by the 
people as necessary to their welfare. Confiscation of property In the public 
welfare has taken place In this country before. When the Tories obstructed In- 
dependence their property was confiscated. When the counter-revolution of the 
elavemasters was defeated their property In slaves was confiscated, and the 
country is still suffering from the failure to confiscate their landed property 
as well. When monopoly obstructs social well-being and peace, its property 
rights should also be subject to forfeiture. This revolutionary doctrine Is 
deeply rooted in our history; It has historical, social, moral and also Consti- 
tutional Justification, and a social necessity of its own for the present period. 

Nationalization by the bourgeois state does not of itself mean socialism. 
Only when power has passed to the working class and its allies does nationalized 
property become common ownership by the people, and only then Is It possible to 
transform state economic measures into real social planning for the people's wel- 
fare. Nationalization under capitalist conditions represents Important basic 
changes In structure, reflecting and accentuating the contradiction between the 
very high level of social labor arising from the extreme complexity of modem 
Industrial society, on the one hand, and the restrictive, outmoded form of pri- 
vate ownership, especially In monopoly property, on the other. The level of 
nationalization In a highly developed monopoly society Is indicative of the de- 
gree to which society is becoming unable to operate In the old way, but It does 
not yet signify that the basic crisis of transformation into a new society has 
been solved. Nor do measures of nationalization In themselves necessarily repre- 
sent an advance to socialism, a sort of step-by-step evolution. In one sense 
can they be considered an aid to socialism: Capitalist state economic interven- 
tion, Including nationalization of production, make the transition to socialism 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-G — Continued ^ „ 

eaaler -- once power 1b transferred to the working clasB. That la why capital- 
lets have a mixed approach to all extensions of state economic activity, welcom- 
ing such measures when they are needed to serve their Interests and at the same 
time fearing them as omens of the future . 

The actual role that bourgeois nationalization plays In given clrcumBtances 
Is determined by the level of Independent development of the working class and 
people's forces, the class composition of the government, and the world frame- 
work. When monopoly Is In complete command of the government, and the opposing 
class and people's forces are Insufficiently developed, nationalization can be 
made primarily to serve reactionary purposes -- politically. In strengthening 
the monopoly state apparatus and choking demooracy;economlcally. In accelerating 
the concentration of monopoly power; In world affairs. In heightening the danger 
of war. On the other hand, state economic intervention and nationalization can 
also be made to serve the interests of the people if by their economic and demo- 
cratic struggles and their Independent political activity, building up a power- 
ful united front and popular coalitions, they are able to Intrude into government, 
curb monopoly power within the state Itself, and wrest from it fundamental con- 
cessions. Under conditions of a resurgent mass democratic movement, a powerful 
combination of working class and people's forces with a aBjority in Congress and 
control over the Administrative branch can advance toward transforming all state 
economic activity into socially progressive measures by eliminating monopoly from 
the economic and political life of the nation. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-H 

7, Cla3B and Strategic Alllancea 

Hecent svift changes In the class composition of the American people broaden 
the potential scope of tte united front against monopoly, and also present new 
problems with respect to class and social alliances. 

Within a few decades, and at an increasing tempo since World War II, the 
American people have become a nation overwhelmingly of wage-earners. Techno- 
logical change hand in hand with the growth of monopoly has accelerated the 
polarization of clasaes throughout American society. Far from creating a 
"new middle class," as believers in the "new capitalism" contend, only 15 per 
cent of all those gainfully employed today are farmers, capitalists, businessmen 
and self-employed professionals. The rest are wage-earners, although with widely 
differentiated strata among them — from the extremely exploited farm laborers to 
the high salaried scientists and technicians. Employment In all categories la 
now also more concentrateo within the orbit of the big corporations, whose de- 
cisions on economic and social policy affect directly the conditions of the major- 
ity of wage -earners and set the pattern for the rest. 

These changes have enhanced the potential role of the working class as the 
leading force for social progress. But this role cannot be realized unless the 
labor movement seriously begins to solve the problems arising from these changes, 
and particularly from the radical shifts in the composition of the working class 
Itself. These shifts arise both from the nature of the technical revolution In 
production and from the vast expansion of all functions connected with distribu- 
tion, marketing, financing and servicing of consumers' goods, as well as the 
expanding operations of government and of corporation management. While ths 
number of manual workers engaged In production tends to remain constant, even 
as output rises, the non-manual and white collar sectors, especially the trained 
technical personnel, tend to rise rapidly. These new sectors of unorganized wage- 
earners, in addition to the older fields long neglected by the trade unions, are 
to a considerable extent capable of organization, the largest numbers being con- 
centrated In the trustified branches and in the government structure. 

The defense of the Interests of the key sectors of the production worksrfl 
and the advance of the trade unions require a new leap forward in the organiza- 
tion of the unorganized, of a scope and a sweep comparable to the labor upsurge 
of the 1930's which won for industrial unionism the decisive positions In the 
trustified mass production industries. Some of the old neglected tasks — union- 
ization of the factory farms, of the expanding low -wage Industries of the South 
and of the clerical occupations --now acquire a new urgency If the employers. In 
their effort to place the burden of automation upon the manual production work- 
ers, are to be prevented from playing off against each other various categories 
of the workers In diverse branches of the economy. Nor can the unions continue 
to neglect the special problems of the Negro workers, of the women and of the 
youth leaving school to enter the labor force. The nenlfold and complex changes 
involved in the technical revolution and in the extension of monopoly and gov- 
ernment operations into the far reaches of the econoncr demand a similar exten- 
sion of the organization and functions of organized labor, if it Is to spark 
and lead a united front of the people against monopoly. Consolidating the 
decisive positions in the roiss production Industries where labor directly 
confronts peak monopoly, extending outward to Include other important sectors 
of the workers In production, the unions will have to press forward to organize 
the vast body of non-blue-collar wage-earners. 

To meet the challenge of autonatlon, It is Imperative for the unions to 
solve the now problems of organization arlslpg from the rapid growth (more 
rapid than any other labor sector) of the force of technicians and scientists 
whose role in production has Increased with the technological advance. Large 
numbers of clerical workers are also directly involved in the operation of the 
new technology. Misnamed the "slaried middle class" by bourgeois sociologists, 
the engineers, scientists and other specialists are essentially wege-eamere, 
directly connected with production. Highly paid, they tend In the majority to 
resist trade union organization, being corporate -minded and strongly middle- 
class In their Ideology. Their sense of privilege la heightened by the fact 
that they have becone the new aristocrats of production, enjoying Incomparably 
better conditions than workers on the line and greater Job security. The imper- 
ative organization of this unorganized sector requires a trade union Initiative of 
the first order, with a special, many-sided approach — Ideological and political 
as well as organizational, and reaching Into the educational system Itself. For 
the institutions of higher learning have really becoie Industrial vocational 
schools for the new technology. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-H — Continued 

7 - 2 
In the strategy of the class struggle against monopoly, the alliance 
between the labor movement ana the Negro liberation struggle occupies the central 
rule. This is an outccnffl cf the specif io features of American historical develop- 
ment, which has organically linked the struggle for Negro freedom, including the 
democratic revolution in fhe South, with the striving of all working people for 
democratic and social progress. The vei-y structure of Amsrioan society and 
politics today, with its historically evolved features, has provided monopoly 
with its chief ally — the Dixiecrat reaction, rooted in the remnants of the slave 
past. Thus, for the advancement of each and in their mutual interest, the labor 
movement and the Negro freedom movement are compelled to combine in united action 
against the monopoly-Dlxiecrat reaction. Since the Abolitionist movement, the 
fight for Negro freedom has been a central theme, at times the dynamo, of demo- 
cratic progress in the country. This is a permanent characteristic of social 
progress, reaching into the socialist future. Under present-day conditions, with 
the surge forward of the Negro in America for his full rights in every sphere and 
with the inspiring successes of the colonial liberation abroad, the Labor-Negro 
alliance is again the touchstone of democracy and social progress in the United 

Eecent changes have greatly strengthened and broadened the base for this 
alliance. The weakening of the plantation economy of the South by capitalist 
attrition over many years, and especially In the postwar period, improves the 
prospects for its final eradication by the mass movement and for the elimination 
of Dixeicratism as a power, both In the South and in national political life. 
By the same process of Internal capitalist expansion which weakened the old plant- 
ation system, large sectors of the Negro peasantry have become workers, and they 
now comprise the majority of the Negro people. This has altered radically the 
class relations among the Negro people and has also strengthened the common class 
bond between labor and the Negro people as a whole . 

The effects of these changes are far-reaching. Within the working class, 
broader ground now exists for the process of integration and Negro-white unity, 
although here too a constant struggle has to be waged against race bias and for 
the recognition of the special demands of the Negro workers arising from their 
underprivileged position. Nevertheless, the rapid growth of the Negro component 
of the working class is bound to give a new powerful impulse to the integratlon- 
ist process, and is raising the possibility for the solution of the Negro national 
question along Integratlonist rather than separatist lines. This is favored also 
by the Increased weight of the working class within the Negro liberation movement 
itself, offsetting the wavering middle-class leadership and promising to give the 
movement as a whole a more militant and consistent direction. The Negro-white 
working class provides the possibility of firm cohesion between the labor move- 
ment and the Negro freedom movement, for a broad alliance which will encompass 
the entire Negro people and embody the combination of democratic and working-class 
objectives which mean social progress for the country as a whole. It remains for 
the organized labor movement to overcome its serious lag with respect to the 
struggle for Negro rights, if it is to realize the great potential of the Labor- 
Negro alliance. 

Placing the Labor-Negro alliance in this central way should not lead to an 
underestimation of the role of the small and medium-sized farmers in the anti- 
monopoly united front. It is incorrect to think that mechanization together with 
monopoly concentration in agriculture Is solving the farm problem. While the rel- 
ative role of agriculture, and particularly small farming, In the economy as a 
whole has declined further, the contradictions on the countryside have been ac- 
centuated. Classes among the farmers have been polarized to the extreme. The 
role of the factory farm, employing large numbers of wage -workers on a seasonal 
basis, has grown rapidly. During recent years, the "revolution" in agriculture 
has thrown millions of farmers off the land, among them many Negro croppers and 
tenants who have migrated away from the plantation. Half of the remaining till- 
ers of the soil have been reduced to part-tine or subsistence farming, while the 
family-sized commercial farmers, unable to compete with Big Business agriculture, 
are insecure in income and tenure. With the spread of vertical integration, many 
of the medium farms have become appendages to the big farm enterprises, and all 
of them are victimized by the processing, farm machinery and banking corporations. 
Whatever relief may be momentarily supplied by government subsidies and price sup- 
port, which make a premium out of reduced production and are of greatest benefit 
to the big growers, these meaeurea cannot solve the crisis of Amsrlcan agriculture. 

Accordingly, the mass of farmers are among the most anti-monopoly oonscloue 
forces in the country, with a rich background of third -party revolt against big 
business. Despite the fact that recent changes have reduced the relative weight 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-H — Continued 

of the farmere In national polltlcB, In Important farm regions they continue to 
play a key role in State politics and In Labor-Farmsr coalitions. Since many 
farmers now work both on tl'je land and In industry, the Labor-Farmsr alliance has 
a closer organic bond than previously and favors the organization of the agric- 
ultural laborers on the factory farms. In the South, the struggle for basic 
agrarian reform is of direct iutei-eet to the white as well aa Negro farmers, for 
it is directed against those forms of tenancy and farm financing which have also 
incre.'.aed the dependence of the poor white farmers on the large landowners, and 
a demcLratic transformation would be in their interests. Because of their role 
in pio'r.ction and the insecurity to which they are exposed, the mass of farmers 
throughout the country can be powerful allies of the working class in the strug- 
gle against monopoly. ' 

Also as a consequence of recent economic and social changes, a further dif- 
ferentiation has taken place within the bourgeoisie. As a tiny minority of super- 
capitalists preempted wider sectors of the econonff, the pressures upon the small 
capitalists and businessrasn increased. Many were displaced entirely, especially 
small business by the expansion of the giant chain-stores. Others were absorbed 
by the bigger corporations or themselves merged to meet monopoly competition. 
Still others are brought into dependence upon big capital as suppliers of parte 
to large industrial enterprises, or through agency networks for nfirketing heavy 
consumers goods, or by big business control over raw materials, capital resources 
and markets. Together with this, neiny self-employed professionals have been ab- 
sorbed as wage -earners within the corporate structure. The growing pressure upon 
the middle strata of Industry and commerce may have been obscured by the specula- 
tive frenzy in which these sectors participated during the high prosperity years. 
But the old trend, which continued late into the imperialist era, of the constant 
recreation of small and medium enterprise is now on the ebb. While there are 
still many exceptions, the overriding trend is toward the further displacement or 
subordination of the middle strata, with mounting antagonisms between monopoly 
and the non-monopoly sectors of the bourgeoisie. 

If the full potential of the united front against monopoly is to be devel- 
oped, the positions of the middle strata should be defended against Big Business. 
The small and medium capitalists, in the non-monopoly sector, some of whom employ 
hundreds of workers in relatively big enterprises, tend to be as much anti-labor 
as ant 1 -monopoly. By supporting their concrete demands against Big Business, 
labor can, at least in part and on important issues, win them as allies, or neut- 
ralize Important sectors. As labor already does in sons industries, the tactic 
can be further evolved of directing the main burden of the class struggle against 
monopoly. With such an approach it will be possible to build both the united 
front against monopoly and the trade unions throughout the econoncr. 

It is characteristic of the middle strata that generally they are afraid 
of basic social change, and especially of socialism. But the situation is such 
in this country, that a united front against monopoly in the period ahead also 
carries with it certain assurances for the future, as far as the middle strata 
are concerned. For in this country, the elimination of monopoly by sociallBt 
nationalization would linmediately provide an extensive and adequate base for 
socialism at a high economic level. Under such circumstances, small and medium 
enterprise on a private ownership basis could continue for some time within the 
overall framework of socialist development and planning. While monopoly offers 
the middle strata the prospect at any moment of sudden obliteration, socialism 
can provide a long period of adjustment and gradual Boclallst transformation, 
on a voluntary basis, in the course of which they can play a constructive role. 

With recent advances In technology, the scientists and other technical 
professionals have come to play a more Important role in production. Together 
with this, the educators and Intellectuals generally have been made to serve 
the new needs of monopoly, not only in the preparation of the young generation 
but also in the complex superstructure of marketing and salesmanship which be- 
caiDB necessary to big business. The misuse of the wonderful scientific discov- 
eries for destructive purposes, the gigantic waste inherent in the forced sale 
of anything that will net high profits, the insult to common intelligence and 
the moral decay Inherent in high-powered and omnipotent Madison Avenue crusades, 
and the general vulgarization of all cultural values by big business civilization 
are creating a profound crisis in the nation's intellectual life. The Corpora- 
tion Man, sold body and soul to monopoly. Is the symbol of stagnation and decay. 
A -developing anti-monopoly united front, sparked by a resurgent mass movement 
and initiating a democratic and cultural revival in the land, will exert a pow- 
erful attraction upon all categories of intellectual workers. They have a 
particularly important role to play In social progress, and the labor and pro- 
gressive movenent needs to create an atmosphere In which they will feel at home. 



Holmes Exhibit No. 5-1 „ 


8. Independent PoUtlcal Action 

In the Communiat view, the next major advance of Independent political ac- 
tion will lead to the formation of a labor-led people's party. Lite leanlngful 
advances of the past, It will be a product of sweeping economic and democratic 
mass struggles. It le Impossible to foretell th? exact form of such a party, 
or the Issues which will prove decisive In Its fomatlon. But Its general direc- 
tion and content may be Indicated. If such a party Is to serve effectively as 
the political expresBlon of a broad democratic front of the people against monopoly, 
its emergence would Involve a mass break-away from the traditional two-party system. 
It would have to be based firmly on the trade unions, have at Its core a solid 
I*bor-Negro alliance, and win the eidherence of the mass of famers and of the city 
middle strata. 

Since the end of the last century, the history of popular political action 
can be divided roughly Into two periods, each with a characteristic form. Until 
the 1920' B, independent political efforts by the people took the form predominantly 
of national and state farmer-labor parties. Beginning with the Populists, these 
movements were led by radical farm and middle-class forces. Although worters also 
participated, the main trade union leadership generally confined their political 
activities within the two-party system, following a primitive pressure policy of 
"reward your friends and punish your enemies." While the popular political revolts 
were directed against the entrenched money or monopoly power, Gompera and other 
early A F of L leaders set a pattern of class collaboration that was to plague the 
labor movement for decades to come. It was not until igsli. In the presidential 
campaign for LaFollette by the Progressive Party, that the trade unions officially 
endorsed an Independent third party. This represented an Important transition 
from political revolt of the Populist type to third -party action of the labor typo. 
Despite a high national vote (17^ of the total) and significant regional successes, 
economic stabilization and the withdrawal of official trade union endorsement 
resulted In the rapid demise of the national party. 

These earlier movements were the product of mass protest against monopoly 
ixjwer in the economy and in govemmBnt during the period of the rise and consol- 
idation of Big Business. Their programs Included planks for government ownership 
of railroads, banks and enterprises engaged in the processing of farm products, 
as well as reforms intended to break up the trusts and to protect the democratic 
rights of the people. While they also Included various socialist tendencies, the 
only mass political movement which proclaimed socialism as the aim was that of 
the Socialist Party, with Eugene Debe as standard-bearer, in the years Immediately 
preceding World War I. 

During the great mass upheaval of the crisis dacado of the 1930's, popular 
political action was focused within the two-party framework, principally in the 
Democratic Party. However, it represented a higher form of political action than 
the narrow pressure policy of the old craft unions. With the formation of the CIO, 
industrial unionism in the key mass production industries provided a more powerful 
base. In place of the old hit-or-mlss action of labor, a more or less coherent 
and united labor vote nede Itself felt in national and local politics. Within the 
Democratic Party, labor's political action committees operated as an organized so- 
cial force, providing the ataunchest support to New Deal reform, and with consid- 
erable influence at times and in some places on choice of candidates. 

Although labor was not accorded a place in the official leadership of the 
Democratic Party nor among prominent candidates for public office, it was a force 
to be reckoned with. Labor operated within the party through an alliance between 
the unions -- specifically the Progressive wing, supported by the left -- and the 
liberal wing of the Democratic Party. The allianoe was directed mainly against 
the Dixiecrats and the city bosses. Where labor took an active part in politics, 
with wide rank and file participation, the old party machines wore defeated or 
severely curbed. To an uneven degree, and with wide lapses, labor also began to 
develop its own political blocs with the Negro people and the farmers. In both 
respects, however, it lagged far behind the real possibilities, and left these 
alliances largely to the liberals. 

Side by side with and supplementing labor political action within the Democrat- 
ic Party (in some regions in the Republican Party also), a number of state inde- 
pendent parties and political federations were formed or were revitalized at the 
height of the nase upsurge. Most algnif leant among them were the American Labor 
Party of Hew York, the Minnesota Farmer-labor Party, the Michigan Commonwealth 
Federation, and the Washington (State) Commonwealth Federation, Their role may be 
considered intennsdlate as between the trade union political action committees and 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-1 — Continued 

8 - 2 

genuinely Independent labor parties. The Federations in effect becane special 
forms of the political action committees, while the labor parties constituted a 
more Independent form of alliance with the liberal vlngs of the najor parties. 
The American Labor Party was of special significance because at its height it 
represented a gathering of unions with strong socialist tendencies and various 
currents, including Social -Democrats, liberals, left-wingers and Communists. 
Some sentiment for the formation of a national labor party also existed, but 
this was not generally accepted In view of the danger from the Eight and the 
functioning alliance with the Roosevelt Democrats, who opposed steps In that di- 
rection. In any case, the advent of Worl War II put an end to any inherent 
tendency of this kind which may have developed. 

Pre-war political action by labor was a distinct advance over previous at- 
titudes in the trade unions. Although restricted within the old party franework 
and held within bounds by the alliance with the liberftls, labor did exert indep- 
endent political pressure as a cohesive social force and with a degree of polit- 
ical class consciousness, which attained greater quality in the Independent state 
parties. Significant legislative victories and reforms were won by labor during 
this period, amounting to a leap forward in social welfare. 

At the same time, on the negative side, the great mass upheaval was safely 
channelized within the Democratic Party, which, under the strains of a profound 
crisis, again fulfilled its well established function In the two-party system. 
Ab the reform party under firm capitalist leadership, it gave concessions to 
labor in order to preserve the system, and carried through necessary changes In 
the state -corporation structure which enabled monopoly to weather the storm and 
gain a new lease of power. It is certainly true that labor's role during this 
period assured the defeat of reaction, contributed decisively to a progressive 
rather than a fascist outcome from the crisis, and prepared the way for wartime 
national unity to defeat the Axis powers. However, labor failed to develop Its 
Independent role in politics and in govemment to the extent necessary to oppose 
the growing power of monopoly. During the war, monopoly greatly extended its 
positions in the econony and in the state, and prepared the ground for the shift 
to the cold war and to reaction which followed World War II. 

Generally speaking, in the first cold war decade labor was rendered polit- 
ically immobile by the policy of the dominant trade union leadership. Together 
with the liberals, the labor leadership threw Its upport to the cold war and the 
arms race, succumbed to the anti-Communist crusade at great costs to labor's 
rights and civil liberties, and pursued a full-blown class collaborationist 
policy. An effort was made by the Progressives and by the left wing in the 
labor movement to initiate a break-away from both old parties In the Wallace 
campaign of 19kQ. While effectively raising the peace issue in the midst of 
the cold war, the movement failed to rally substantial support. The main body 
of the labor movement continued to support the Democratic Party, which managed 
to put up a liberal front on domestic Issues while pursuing a rampant cold war 
policy. Within a few years the remnants of the independent state parties col- 
lapsed or merged into the old parties. 

Labor continued to function politically largely within the Democratic Party, 
through the action committees which had been established In the previous period 
of advance. This was carried forward by the merged AFL-CIO. Calls for a labor 
party were heard rarely within the trade unions, and then mostly as a form of 
pressure upon the Democratic Party leadership to obtain concessions. Even so, 
this form of pressure indicated in what direction labor might be pressing In the 
next stage of political advance. 

By 1958, as economic and social Issues which had been submerged or postponed 
In the era of cold war "prosperity" again came sharply forward, the working class 
began to stir politically. The elections of that year showed that when in an 
economic decline labor's rights are directly threatened. It can put up an organ- 
ized and effective political struggle against Big Business. While operating with- 
in the established pattern of political action, labor organized its own campaign, 
against the state "rlght-to-work" laws. In some Instances quite Independently of 
the Democratic Party machine and leadership, with a consequent stimulation of 
extensive rank and file activity. In labor's campaign there was also a tendency 
to operate along a wider front together vlth the Negro people, the farmers and 
community forces, and to break out of the restrictive bounds set by the so- 
called moderates In the Democratic Party and In the labor leadership. Greater 
emphasis upon labor candidates was also apparent. Where labor political action 
was more aggressive It sought. In combinBtion with the liberals, to take over 
the lower organizations of the Democratic Party, while also displaying consid- 
erable Initiative toward the Independent voters. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-1 — Continued „ 


Although Bane prondalng tendenclea appeared In this Initial political react- 
Ivlzatlon of labor, the new Congreee with its continuing anti-labor, antl-demo- 
cratlc and cold war policies, and particularly Its failure to meet tl» problem of 
unemployuBnt, emphasized that labor would be handicapped as long as It failed to 
go beyond narrow coalition policies confined to the old parties. The Issues of 
unemployment, democracy and peace are of such nBgnltude and depth that under fire 
of concarted Big Business attack labor will be Impelled to seek more effective 
political means than those provided by the old parties to curb the monopoly power 
and win basic reform. 

Recent social and economic changes In the country and In the relationship of 
the tJnlted States to the rest of the world affect profoundly the course and the 
form of the next political advance by labor and the broad mass movement. These 
developments are changing the grounds upon which monopoly was enabled over a long 
period — principally because of Its favored world position combined with great 
Internal resources — to keep labor and popular dissatisfaction within the bounds 
of the two-party system. 

Throughout the era of monopoly and Imperialism, wars or war Incitement 
played an extraordinary role In repelling and diverting Into safe channels pop- 
ular political movements In opposition to monopoly. Four of the five major pol- 
itical revolts were headed off In this fashion — the Populists by the first 
wave of imperialist expansion culminating In the Spanlsh-Anerlcan War; the Social- 
ist and the Progressive reform movemsnts of 1912-16 by World War I; the promise 
of expanding Independent labor action during the New Deal period by World War H; 
the Wallace Progressive movement by the cold war, and Its remnants by the Korean 
War. In each case, the Democratic Party took over enough of the reform program 
from the political radicals to appease the revolt while becoming the government 
party during war or Intensified war preparations. 

In the present period, as a consequence of the new world structure, U.S. monopoly 
no longer has Its former freedom of action on a global scale. The progress of the 
socialist world and of colonial revolution, side by side with the oriels of world 
Imperialism, create new possibilities for averting war, and thus for depriving 
monopoly of the opportunity to use war as a means of blocking and containing a 
new nBSB breakaway from the major parties. The contradictions of world capitalism, 
so to speak, are being centered In the United States. The conflicts arising from 
them, as monopoly seeks to place an ever greater burden upon the people, will tend 
to be fought out more and more within the country. The class struggle will grow 
sharper. As the true Issues of competition between the two world social systems 
become clearer the workers will also become more radical, capitalism will not 
seem so rosy, and the old capitalist parties will be seen as a hindrance to social 

Internally, the relation of the people's forces Is more favorable to the emer- 
gence of an Independent labor-led people's party than during previous periods of 
nBss striiggle. The unions are far stronger and better entrenched In the key sect- 
ors of the economy. They are In a better position to express the denends of the 
broad wage -earning population and to lead a people's antl -monopoly movement In a 
new wave of Independent political action. As an established political force with- 
in the jjresent two-party system — with the beginnings of coalition with the Negro 
people, the farmers and dissident liberal elements -- labor Is In a strong position 
to lead a breakaway frran the monopoly-controlled parties, as the process of polit- 
ical realignment leads to the disintegration of the outmoded party system. The 
mass displacement of farmers, which is countenanced and sustained by national pol- 
icy, has for soms time been rekindling the spirit of farm revolt, which under 
present conditions can find a positive outcome only In combination with the labor 
movement. As the city middle strata face the prospect of a deep financial crisis, 
on top of their Increasing subordination to monopoly, they too would tend toward 
such a combination. 

During recent years another social force of great dynamic potential has come 
forward, and will play a decisive role In the alignment of people's forces. The 
Negro freedom movement Is developing a strong political consciousness. In some 
respects, It Is pressing more persistently than the labor movement for political 
action Independent of both major parties. It tends toward Independent local pol- 
itical action, on the basis of Its own organized forces, to elect Negroes to pub- 
lic office, and to press for full civil rights. The Negro people are more con- 
scious than other sectors of the limitations and Inadequacies of the old parties. 
They are inspired by the successes of the colonial revolutions, by the freedom 
victories of the colored peoples, and are keenly aware of the concessions that can 
be won In this country as a consequence of world pressures upon American Imperial- 

Holmes Exhibit No. 5-1 — Continued „ i 

o - *^ 

lam, In the aeveloplng economic ana democratic struggles of thlo period, the fight 
for democracy In the South — Including unionization and baelc agrarian and polit- 
ical reform — will play a key role, with profound repercueelons on the traditional 
party system, as In national politics as a whole. 

The Negro freedom movement has a capacity of its own for Independent political 
action, hut It needs a sound and firm alliance with labor to be fully effective. 
It remains for labor to grasp this outstretched hand firmly in order to overconB Its 
own political lag and to advance the Interests of labor as a class. The combination 
of these two great social forces into a political coalition can initiate the next 
major political advance of the people . 

Even under conditions of a new mass upsurge there may be strong pressures 
within the labor, Negro, fanners and people's movements to continue to operate 
politically within the Democratic Party as long as eone immediate objectives can 
be obtained in this fashion. But this will be possible only up to a certain point, 
and then only if labor and other popular social forces are able to subordinate or 
subdue the Dtxiecrats,city bosses and other reactionary elements. But the very 
process by which this is done will accentuate the decentralizing and disintegrating 
influences within the Democratic Party, and hasten the realignment of political 
forces. The direction of this realignment, if it is to represent a permanent and 
real advance, must be toward breaking out of the limitations of the monopoly-con- 
trolled parties in order to create a party which labor can call its own and to 
which all popular and anti -monopoly forces will atoere. 

An orientation of working within the Dsmocratic Party with the objective of 
transforming it into a liberal-labor party could well play into the hands of mon- 
opoly. The latter sees the Democratic Party as the alternate reform instrument 
to the Republican Party, which is the preferred party of Big Business and conserv- 
atism. If a labor party is to arise, monopoly would like to see it nade safe for 
capitalism. The Democratic Party, under conditions of a new upsurge, may well make 
room for labor candidates if this is the way to stem a major breakaway and the 
rise of genuine working class politics. A narrow coalition policy, confined to 
work within the Democratic Party together with the tradeunion top bureaucracy and 
the liberals, amounts to looking backward and can be an obstacle to forward polit- 
ical action that will lead to a labor-led people's party. This advance will not 
be accomplished by missionary work at the top levels of the Democratic Party. The 
spade work will have to be done by the Left and Progressive forces down below — 
in the labor movement, in the Negro freedom movement, among the farmers and in the 

Whether the advance comes as a leap forward or as a slower process, a new 
labor-led party is likely to emerge as a many-sided development. It will be com- 
posed of varied currents and elements locally and on a national scale, seeking 
common ground in opposition to monopoly and reaction. These might well encompass 
labor and Negro political action committees, minority movements within the old 
parties including community clubs and entire local organizations, electoral blocs 
and coalitions of the labor-Negro and labor-farmer type, community united fronts, 
regional independent parties, various socialist and liberal tendencies and group- 
ings, and other new forms of political action that may arise. Political action 
committees of labor may operate on a broader scale than within the old parties, 
seeking to combine and lead independent political forces toward specific legislat- 
ive and electoral objectives. There may arise again various intermediate forms 
between the existing labor political action committees and fully independent 
parties, such as appeared in the New Deal days. Left and progressive elenonts in 
the labor and people's movenents might seek to forcus these varied elements and 
currents upon the objective of a new labor-led party. The decisive turn in tl*at 
direction would have to be made by the trade unions, as the central organized basei 
for the new party. 

While such a movement will Include various socialist currents, it is not 
likely to subscribe to socialist aims, nor does it now seem likely that a party 
emerging from it will adopt a socialist program, at least in its fonstlve and 
early stages. Essentially, it might be a labor radical reform party, with a dem-i/ 
ocratlc anti-monopoly and peace program. It would Include people and organizations 
with different views on social questions, but ready to unite and work together fopr 
a common program. of immediate demands. No one should be excluded because of theii* 
social philosophy, nor should such a party attempt to impose a single philosophy 
upon its members and supporters. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-1 — Continued „ 


CommunlotB should co-operate with all forces seeking to accelerate the process 
of political alignment leading to the ii»8b breakaway from the monopoly-dominated 
parties and the formation of the labor-led people's party. They would expect to 
become an accepted component of such a party, according to the form decided upon 
for all, with the same privileges as other groups to advocate specific views, gen- 
uine working class politics and socialism.. 

The formation of a new labor-led mass party would constitute a great political 
advance and could win real victories for the people. Whatever limitations might 
In time appear In such a party, would have to be overcome democratically, and would 
no doubt Involve further advances. It Is not Inevitable that the American working 
class. In the process of attaining maturity as a political and social force, would 
follow the pattern or the policies of the Labor Party of Great Britain. The Brit- 
ish Labor Party has shown that labor reformism, defending capitalism and becoming 
dependent upon It, Is incapable of leading the nation out of a deep crisis. Com- 
munists strive to assure a more effective labor-led people's party In the United 
States by fighting within the labor movement for independent working class politics, 
and for a party grounded on working class unity and pursuing a policy directed 
against monopoly. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-J ^ _ .^ 

g, Th9 Problem of Claea Collaboration 

The main obstacle within the trade union movement to economic and democratic 
advance la the olaes oollahorationist policy which ie prevalent in the leader- 
ship. This policy rests primarily upon the opportunism arising from the relative- 
ly high standard of living for important sections of the workers as a result of 
the oontinuing economic expansion of the United States Ifite into the imperialist 
era. However, internally and on a world scale, the objective base for this posi- 
tion Is changing. 

The pattern of class collaboration established by the AFL at the dawn of the 
imperialist era lasted until the great orisis of the 1950's, despite formidable 
ohallence from left and rank and file movements. It took the form of oollflboration 
between the craft unions and monopoly, at the expense of the workers in the mass 
production industriea. This pattern was broken by the CIO, in the great leap 
forward which brought the workers as an orgenizod force face to face with top 
monopoly in the mass production industries. 

During the period of economic expansion which began with World War II, a 
policy of so-called class partnership became prevalent in the leadership of the 
Industrial unions. This naw pattern of class collaboration was based primarilj' 
upon the long-term interest of monopoly to stabilize labor oonditiona in the 
decisive branches of production, so that it could take greatest advantage of the 
opportunities for maximum profit during the war and cold war periods. Significant 
oonoeBSlona were made to the unions on wages and benefits, while monopoly relied 
oheifly upon labor-saving machinery and speed-up to keeplabor coata down and 
maximize profita under conditions of rising prices. 

Although the unions grew in membership during thia period, the "class part- 
nership" policy subordinated labor's interests to the principal economic and 
political alma of monopoly. The conflequenoes are extremely eerious. The most 
deoislve sectors of the organized workers were kept within the confines imposed 
by the prevalent policy. The unions were in danger of becoming a component pert 
of the elaborate system of economic coordination set up by monopoly through the 
state. They are hamstrung by long-term union contracts and by the elaborate 
machinery of government -be eked or supervised managanent-labor relations. The 
oapaoity for Independent economic and political action by labor is greatly ham- 
pered. The growth of busineaa unionism ond all forms of corruption within the 
labor noveoient atif les trade union democracy and reatraina rank and file activity. 
The establishment over a period of more or less stable contractual relations be- 
tween monopoly and the major unions tended to discourage drives to organize new 
branches of industry or unorganized regions, especially the South, with the result 
also that unions failed to pay proper attention to Negro and other underprivileced 

Most serious has been the support by the dominant labor leadership for the 
nuclear arms race and the cold war, which is at the heart of class collaboration 
as It has developed during this period. 

The hold of labor opportunism depends directly upon the willingness and the 
ability of monoply to grant oonceaelons. Without then, the "claas partnership" 
policy would be unworkable within the framework of the traditional democratic state. 
The rich home base of U.S. monopoly accounts to a large degree for its ability 
to grant concession when confronted with a powerful labor movement. But this 
maneuverability also arises from the favored world position of the Ifaited States 
throughout the Imperialiat era. Particularly in the period since World War II, 
when U.S. monopoly became by far the dominant power in world capitalism, the 
global ixjsltion of the United States came to exert an extraordinary influence upon 
internal development. 

With respect to the granting of concessions to decisive sectors of the workers, 
the world position of U.S. monopoly is felt in a number of ways. The central role 
of supar-profits from colonial exploitation in creating a base for labor opportun- 
ism in Britain was already pointed out by Marx and Engels, and lonln developed 
this explanation more completely fur the period of matured inperiallem. This was 
most pronounced with reepeot to the older imperialisms, with extensive colonial 
eniplres. In the new imperlaliam of the United States, characterized primarily by 
monopoly economic penetration abroad rather than outright coloniallam, the role 
of ai?per-proflts of the imperialiat type was somewtot disguised because they did 
not take the classical colonial form, nevertheless, they came to play a very im- 
portant rola in providing an imperialist base for labor opportunism, especially in 
the more recent period. 

52-810 O— 66 — pt. 2— — 7 

Holmes Exhibit No. 5-J — Continued 

Slsoa World War H, Amerioan capital Inreatmenta atiroad roaohed UEprooedented 
lerels, ae U^, monopoly extended Its holdlnga and controls throughout the viorld 
oapltallet and colonial atructure. Proflte from foreign Inreatment came to account 
for at loaat 15 to 20 per cent of the total profit of all U. S. corporations. But 
90 par cant of these foreign proflte are held by the 200 largestoorporatlons, and 
prohatly represent ahout one-fourth of their total profits, and In the case of oil 
and other minerals, ■veil over half. This helps account f undamenta lly for the oppor- 
tunism pravBlent in the letiar moveoent, particularly during the height of the cold 
nar vhloh vas also the period of the most extensive end aggreoQlTo econcmic expan- 
alon hy U.S. monopoly ahroad. 

The connection tetvieen ImperlB llsm and labor opportunism In the Ifalted States 
ves established over a long period during vhlch monopoly took adrantage of the 
geographic security of the country In two devastating vorld wars to expand at home 
and abroad at the expense of rival powers weakened by war and by colonial revolu- 
tlonsi Exclusive U. S, Imperialist control of latin America and the extension of 
the U, S, monopoly structure Into Canada (both also ranote frcm the theeters of 
vorld war) gave American Big Business conmand over the rich natural resources of 
the entire Western Hemisphere. The relatively high wage structure of the United 
States rests to a large extent upon the super-axploltatlon of latin American labor 
over a long period, and the ccnmand of Canedlan resources, to which have been edded 
In reoemt years now extensions of monopoly penetration — In the Middle East, Afrla, 
and Southeast Asia. 

Cfbeoured, but nonatheless reel, are the additional huge super-profits obtained 
Indirectly from the greatly expended Wall St. investments In leedlng corporations 
of other ii^srlallst jicwers (as in England, West Genoany, Japan, etc.). An Impor- 
tant role was also played in U. S. eooncmlo growth by the accumulation In this 
country of superior technology resulting from vorld scientific reseerch and also 
of scientists, and technicians and skilled workers from ebroed, when these could 
not be utilized in the lands of their origin because of certain local factors of 
dsterlo(ration as veil as war. 

These vorld factors, together with the rich home base, tpve tJ. S. monopoly 
a vide range of maneuver with respect to labor, in terms of concessions on wages 
and conditions. In return, the dominant labor leadership — the conservative as 
veil as the liberal wing, each in its cwn way — gave support to the cold war 
policies and to the splitting role of anlt -Communism within the labor movement at 
home, as veil as in the vorld trade union movement. The AFL has a long record in 
this respect. But the CIO, which had played e positive world role, together with 
the British trade unions led the walk-out from the l/orld Federation of Trade 
tfalona at the time when U.S. monopoly, through the Marshall Plan, was charting 
its course of aggressive expansionism. Simultaneously, the CIO initiated its own 
eocpulslon policy agalnat Left-led unions in the Ifeited State, and took the lead 
in splitting the new latin-American trade union movement, which it had previously 
helped unify. Both wings of the labor leadership have operated throu^ the labor 
movement abroad to support Elght-^ilng social-democracy against the peace forces 
and SQalnst the revolutionary colonial and democratic nationalist movement, 

Cfaangne vhloh are proceeding in the deoaeblo eoonnny tua on o vorld scale are 
beginning to undermine the base for the present class collaooratlonlst policy in the 
labor movment. The relative slowing down of economic expenslon and the growth of 
permanent unemployment are beginning to change the situation at home. The tordenlnc 
of moi^oly, on the one hand, and the re-emargenoe of rank and file mlUtanoy, on 
the other, arecreetlng a crisis for the "class-partnership" leadership. The unfold- 
tefd^ uS^T^ ^°^^ ""'^ ^^^ *° *^° ®^°"*'' °^ °^^° struggle poUoles In the 

ni=w?^ 1°"?° °°f "'"°"onB 1^ the world position of U.S. monopoly plays a de- 
mor«^l??i ^ this respect. This contradiction deepends, as it beSo^es more|nd 
more difficult to ettempt to solve the hletorlc competition between the two world 
systams by var, as the national liberation movements place further restrictions 
upon monopoly e^nslon abroad, as labor and democratic movements in other cspltal- 
It/l^etT^.'^Vit '""°~' ^°^"^'^*^' "-" '^ ^ter-lmperlauat rlvaVles 

austerity program of monoply in general. The dominant labor leadership, under Tr± 
and file preasure, wiU be forced to seek new major concessions ^moio" if 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-J — Continued 


new conditions of struggle, Istor reformism may take other forms adapted to an ad- 
▼ancing vorklng class. But the key to progress will ranaln, as in the past, work- 
ing class militancy and unity, on the political as well as on the eooncmic front. 

The direction and tonper of these struggles will be greatly influenced by 
the factor of world socialism, pertlcularly as the Soviet Union approaches Its ob- 
JeotlTes of overtaking and surpassing American econcniio standards. There is no 
prospect that any leading capitalist country can even approximate the economic 
level of the Ifaited States. But the new cotnpetitive factor of the socialist world, 
with its veil established potential for outproducing capitalism and, in the Soviet 
tfcion,Burpes8lng the American standard of living within a decade or so, puts an 
entirely different light on the position of the American worker. The new basis of 
conparison with a soclallBt country can have the effect of encouraging the social- 
ist oonsciousnese of the American worker and his general class understanding. But 
as important as this factor may become, it can play but a supplementary role. TUe 
decisive role belongs to the American working class itself. 

Accordingly, if there are to be new trade union advances on the economic and 
political fronts In face of the monopoly offensive, these must be sparked by a 
rekindled progressive and radical force, based on a reactivated and militant rank 
and file. Even on a new wave of mass struggle, trade union advances will not take 
place of themselves. What is required to give meaning and direction to a new labor 
upsurge is the eOErgenoe within the trade unions of a militant wing that will ad- 
vocate a Una of policy directed against monopoly and that will strive to develop 
the Independant political role of labor as leader of a broad democratic front. 

In the past, such a militant wing was always sparked by left-wingers with a 
socialist Ideology and with class struggle perspectives, who were spokesman for 
the rank and file movements. The greatest tirade union progress was made when this 
leaven of radical workers in the mass movement led the fight for union democracy 
and working class unity, establishing ocanmon action with the middle and liberal 
forces afjainst the old-Una burocratic forces. 

In the Communist view, such a combination of left and Center forces on a 
common anti-monopoly program, weakening and isolating the Right in the labor move- 
ment, remains the key to trade union advance in the period ahead. 

The basic thing in the trade union movanent is the fight for higher wages and 
ingiroved conditions. As the struggle sharpens on wages, hours, conditions, full 
employment and benefits it should be possible to make a much wider approach on the 
question of united action and unity. Militant workers pressing for these demands, 
and seeking agrement among the workers, can thus find the best, means to overcome 
the barrier of "class partnership" policies, and advance the Interests of the 
workers. Working class unity around the common needs of labor is the best ground 
on which class collaboration with monoply can be defeated and new progress made. 
The new tasks and problems require an all-inclusive class unity — Negro and white— 
employed and unemployed, skilled and unskilled. Industrial and craft. Of vital 
Importanoe la cooperation and Joljt action of various unions at the Job level in 
single enteirprises, leading to greater organizational unity and the overcoming of 
JurisdictionBl disputes, as well as an end to the oiplusion policy, both of which 
can be fatal in the age of automation. 

The anti-Coramunlst bans In the trade unions, as well ae any discrimination 
on account of ideology or pulltlcal beliefs, can prove disastrous. The cold war 
period at its height showed how harmful to the labor movement was Its retreat be- 
fore the anti-^onmunist crusad9,which gave monopoly the opportunity to impose 
further legislative restrictions upon the unions, to broaden government interference. 
In their Internal affairs under the pretext of fighting corruption and subversion, 
and in general to dampen the militancy of the workers. When progressives fight 
against the Ccomunlst bans in the unions they are fighting for the very health and 
unity of the trade unions. The promising prospects for peaceful co-existence and 
the new pressures for shifting frcm arms spending to social welfare spending, 
coupled with the rekindling of a militant spirit among the workers, are creating 
a more favorable atmosphere for denying to monopoly the use of anti-Communist an 
a weapon against labor. The setting aside of the antl-Communlst bans in the unions 
is needed to release the full potential strength of the labor movement for the 
battles ahead. 

In the fight for a broad working class policy of struggle against monopoly, 
it would be a serious mistake to lump together all class collaborationiBt elements, 
or for that matter to treat even the most outspoken among them on a par with 
monopoly itself. The struggle against class collaborationist policies should be 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-T — Ck>ntinued 

^ 9 . u 

based on the united struggle for the Inmedlate demands of the wortors, remembering 
that monopoly la the main enemy, and should be carried on as a strictly Inner labor 
business. All Interference from the outside should be opposed, whether directly 
from monopoly or from govemnent. Within labor's ranks, differentiation needs to 
be made between those elements least responsive to the pressures of the rank and 
file and therefore more amenable to the policy of monopoly at a given tlms, and 
those elements which tend to move into opposition to monopoly policy under mass 
pressure. These positions are not given for all time. They tend to shift in re- 
sponse to the mass struggles, and crystallize for a given period under the impact 
of these struggles. 

These positions are also affected by changes in production itself, due to new 
technology. Thus, the older differentiation between the craft and industrial unions 
tends to get blurred, particularly in the mass production industries, whore the 
skilled craft workers are brought into closer relation with the mass production pro- 
cess and with the semi-skilled. At the same time, all are threatened by automation 
and unemploymsnt , and new necessities are created for unity among all categories of 
workers, encompassing the new layer of technicians as well. Strong remnants of the 
old division remain, but the nerged AFL-CIO basically reflects the process of change 
in the old craft unions, some of which are becoming semi -industrial in form, and 
the organic ties which are being created by modem industry among all layers of 
production workers. The tendency is for the further analgamatlon of the craft and 
industrial form of organization, with the resulting capacity of labor to carry on 
its struggles on broader and all-inclusive Industry fronts. This tendency should 
be speeded up by the action of the workers for anBlgamation and unification, hand 
in hand with developing all forms and channels for effective rank and file partic- 
ipation In trade union affairs. 

In the Communist view, the full potential of the powerful trade union move- 
ment can be felt in the struggle against monopoly at home only as labor simultan- 
eously revives a firm spirit of international labor solidarity. As monopoly is 
rebuffed abroad by the forces of peace, national liberation and democracy, it 
sharpens its attack upon labor at home. By the same token, labor should learn 
that the strength of these world-wide forces provides an Indirect but nonetheless 
extraordinary support to labor, the Negro people and all popular forces In their 
struggle against monopoly and reaction at home . As long as the labor movement 
does not cut Itself loose from the aggressive expansionist foreign policies of 
monopoly, it will be caught in between the effective resistance to these policies 
abroad and the offensive of monopoly at horns. But if labor learns to take full 
advantage of the opportunities for progress in the United States presented by the 
new world framework, and develops a policy of international solidarity with the 
forces of national liberation and social progress, it will be monopoly that is 
caught in between, and the American people will gain. 

The Communists advocate international solidarity in the labor movemant in order 
to advance the interests of the American working class, and to strengthen democracy 
and peace. They urge the reestabllshment of a single world federation of labor to 
meet the common problems of workers everywhere. They urge support to the national 
liberation movements in Asia, Africa and Latin America, on the basis of a common 
struggle against imperialism and monopoly, and especially against the imperialist 
economic policies of U.S. monopoly anywhere In the world. 

Particularly with respect to Latin America, U.S. labor has a great deal to 
gain from supporting the democratic, anti- imperialist advance taking place there. 
The combination of the struggles of the latin American peoples against U.S. imper- 
ialism with the struggle of the American working class against monopoly can be a 
powerful and Irresistible force for progress in the Western Hemisphere. 

Above all, the struggle for peace in its home and world aspects calls for the 
curbing of monopoly power. For this the American working class needs to develop 
a deeper understanding of the role of International labor solidarity among the 
workers of all nations, which can be decisive in guaranteeing the elimination of 
war from world affairs. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-K 

disakmamebt abd 5che american economi 

(Eep^rt if hymn Lunar, Natlmal Efl. Dlrect-^r, t'? 17tli Nat'l Convention) 

Anong the most far-reaohln;; consequencee of the Khrushchev vlolt to our ehores 
Is the In^tuB it bos clven to the denond for dlearnansnt, not oniy In this country 
but throughout the world. Hla flranatlc propoool for total universal dlsarnanent In 
four years, nude In his speech before the United nations, has especially contributed 
to raising the Issue of ending the arms race to one of first rank. 

In this country, dlsanainent has become the subject of the nost Intense Inter- 
est and discussion on all sides — not as an Ideal vhose realization Is relegated to 
the reacts future, but as a goal within actoal reach. Today, conservative business 
publications discuss In all seriousness the prospect of cuts in military expendi- 
tures of yyfi within a single year and d-^vote much space to probing their consequenc- 
es. In the pe^e of our dally newspapers, leading eocaiomists write extensively on 
the subject. And everywhere the question is being asted; What will be the effects 
of total d IsarnarosntT Will it bring depression end mass unenployi»nt? 

What protjpts this question is the fact that since World War II, military expend- 
itures have become a highly in^jortant factor in our economy. In 1939, they were 
lees than 1^^ of the national product. Even at their lowest point after the war. 
In 19^^?, they were nearly yf> of a substantially larger national product. During the 
Korean war they rose to 155^, and since then they have remained at about 10f> of our 
total output. About 7-&f> of the labor force is directly employed in military pro- 
duction. If we add those indirectly employed in connection with it, the total 
comas to about iyf>. 

Currently, arms outlays on a world scale total about $100 billion. Of this, 
AnBrican outlays come to nearly half. Moreover, for a number of years, the United 
States has been exporting arms to other countries to the tune of some billions of 
dollars a year. For a number of years now we have been living under a permanent 
peacetime arms econony> and in what has been termed a "garrison state," 

Whole connuuities have bec:ms economically dependent on arms industries. The 
•fO-odd billions a year spent on snne is widely viewed as a necessary prop to the 
economy and a protection against crisis. And Ansrican wortors have generally come 
to look upon arms production as a guarantee of Jobs—the answer to unemployiasnt . 

But it is in reality none of these things. The American people have been made 
victims of a hoax. 


Military expenditure Is a form of state monopoly capitalism — that is, of using 
the financial resources of the government to protect and augment monopoly profits, 
with the working people footing the bill. In other words, it Is a way of using the 
state apparatus to Increase the extraction cf surplus values. 

It is the form of government spending most preferable to big business. Its 
desirability to them lies first in the fact that it provides a guaranteed market 
which Is also extremely profitable — as a rule much more so than civilian produc- 
tion. Thus, while profit on invested capital of the 500 biggest ceopanies in 1957 
averaged 11.1*^, profits of the twelve largest recipients of military orders ranged 
from 11^,156 to 21,35^. ( Fortune , July, 1958). The actual rate of profit is often 
much higher than these figures show. If we take into account the fact that in the 
aircraft Industry much of the plant and equipment has been built at government ex- 
pense and turned over t:; private corporations to operate, profit rates have in a 
number of cases run at well over lOOjt -- a doubling of investment in a single year. 

Second, the products, in vie" of their uselessness except for war, offer no 
competiticm with production for the civilian rfirket. Third, since the basis pre- 
sented for arms production is an alleged need to defend the country against aggres- 
sion, workers can be Induced to sacrifice for It, say In the form of higher taxes — 
eoDBthing which they would not readily do for other purposes. And finally, it 
dovetails with monopoly capital's aggressive tendencies and aims. And the atmos- 
phere of war hysteria which is the UBceseary Justification for militarizing the 
economy is one which la conducive to McCarthyite political repression and an anti- 
labor drive. It is not surprising, therefore, that military expenditures have be- 
come by far the most extensive form of state monopoly capitalist operation, com- 
prising well over half of the total federal budget. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-K — Continued 

Lumsr - 2 

Economically, the slmlflcance of military expendltureB lie In their utter 
vaetefulness. They are ae vasteful as If the goods were elnply dumped Into the 
ocean, or as If armies of nen were put to work digging holes and then filling them 
up. Consequently, they serve especially well as a neans of destroying the economic 
surplus which capitalism Inevitably generates. In an economic crisis, the surplus 
le In large part destroyed, at the expense of the capitalists. In military produc- 
tion the sane thing le accomplished to the profit of the capitalists and at the ex- 
pense of the workers. 

For what Is wasted must be paid for by someone . The money which the government 
spends Is obtained through taxation or borrowing. Either way, a share of civilian 
purchasing power Is appropriated by the govemmsnt and then redistributed through 
the military expenditures. And In the process the workers Invariably come out on 
the short end. 

They pay a disproportionate share of the heavy and growing burden of taxes. 
For example, a much higher share of personal Income tax Is paid by low-lncoms groups 
today than before the war. And today the average worker pays out fully one-third 
of his earnings In taxes. As for goveraiuBnt borrowing. It Is chiefly the big corp- 
orations, banks ard Insurance companies which own the government bonds and collect 
the more than $8 billion a year In Interest on them. It Is the working people who 
pay the major share of that Interest, amounting to more than ten cents of every 
federal tax dollar. 

Furthermore, since It destroys a part of the national wealth, the money spent 
on arms maintains a given level of demand without producing an equivalent supply of 
goods or services. It therefore leads to rising prices. And If the government. 
Instead of borrowing from the existing money supply, finances Its operttlons by 
printing additional money, this forces prices up still more. Either way, workers 
pay through Inflated prices. Since 19i^6, consumer prices have risen by no less 
than hSIi. 

But Working people pay not alone in high taxes ani? rising prices. They pay 
heavily in terms of the social services for which the money spent on arms could 
have been used, and of which they are deprived. This was dramatically exprossed by 
none other than President Elsenhower himself. In a speech delivered In 1953, He 

Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired 
Bignlflee — in the final sense— a theft from those \rtio hunger and are 
not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed. 

This world in arms is not spending monay alone. 

It is spending the sweat of Its laborers, the genius of its scientists, 
the hopes of Its children. 

The cost of one modem heavy bomber is this: a modem brick school In 
more than 30 cities. 

It le: two electric power plants, each serving a town of 60,000 

It Is: two fine, fully-equipped hospitals. 

It Is: some 50 mllss of concrete highway.... 

We pay for a single destroyer with new homes that could have housed 
more than 8,000 people. (Quoted from Lumer, War Economy and Crisis, p. 229.) 

It would be well for the people to remind the President of these words. 

More recently, the effects of the arms economy have been shown in a study 
presented In the AFL-CIO publication. Labor's Economic Review (June-July, 1959). 
Here a recent report prepared under the direction of General J. S. Bragdon, Special 
Assistant to President Eisenhower, is quoted as saying: "In almost every field In 
public works — hospitals, schools, civic centers, recreational facllItles--Bhortages 
are the rule, not the exception. In almost every category we are falling farther 
and farther behind in meeting even current demands." 

The study shews that whereas 100,000 classrooms a year are needed, only 60- 
70,000 are being built. The estlnated need for public school construction is 
about $i4 billion a year; but only $3 billion is being spent. Add to this the need 
of funds to raise teachers' salaries enough to attract competent teachers and end 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-K — Continued 

Lunar - 3 

the growing ehortage, or of funfls for scholarshipe to enable th© nony talented 
young people to attend college who cannot now afford it. 

We need two million new housing unite a yearj only 1.3 million are being con- 
structed. We need more than 1,200,000 hospital beds a year; not much more than 
half this number are provided for. We need 5,000 public health centers, 15,000 
diagnostic or treatment centers, 500 rehabilitation centers for the handicapped. 
We need 20 new medical schools now, and an equal number of dental schools In the 
next ten years. We need far more money for medical research. 

And so on. 

The study manages somehow to avoid mentioning the fact that It Is because of 
the huge burden of spending for arms that we cannot "afford" these things, and that 
the money now being thrown away on Instruments of destruction would more than cover 
the costs of these vital social needs. 

To be sure, military expenditures offer a temporary stlnulae to the economy. 
Large-scale war production provides an outlet for capital which, because of limited 
markets, cannot be so profitably Invested In civilian production. In this way, a 
decline In capital Investment can be temporarily arrested. But once the given 
level of military production Is reached, this ehot-ln-the-arm effect wears off, and 
increased outlays are required to revive It, In addition, though It nsy temporarily 
keep the economy In a state of boom. It does so only by Intensifying the underlying 
factors making for crisis. 

The large-scale military outlays of the postwar years have not sufficed to pre- 
vent the outbreak of three economic slumps and a rising level of unemployment. And 
they have resulted In the persistence of a huge national debt, higher today than at 
the end of the war, which creates difficulties In further borrowing and greatly re- 
duces the margin of safety In the event of a crisis. In fact the per capita nation- 
al debt and In the *<3rld . 

Nor Is the stimulus of arms spending one which cannot be produced better, from 
the viewpoint of the working people. In other ways. If the money Is actually spent 
on arms rather than for other purposes, the basic reason Is political rather than 
economic. The arms econony grows out of the cold war, out of the aggressive designs 
of Wall Street, To change It, therefore, requires a political struggle on the part 
of the workers for such a change, as well as for monopoly to foot the bill. 

Finally, war economy Is Inseparable from war. It can be maintained, as we have 
stated, only on the grounds that war threatens. John Foster Dulles, In a book 
written many years ago, exijressed It very bluntly: He wrote: 

In order to bring a notion to support the burdens Incident 
to nelntalnlng great military establishments. It Is neces- 
sary to create an emotional state akin to war psychology. 
There must be the portrayal of an external menace. ( War. 
Peace, and Change. 1931.) 


What would be the actual effects of a steep reduction In arms spending? 
Wbftt If the forty-odd billions now devoted to this purpose were to be cut off, 
say within the next year? Would the bottom fall out of the economy? 

Some have argued that it would. They visualize several million now engaged 
in arms production being thrown out of work, plus nearly three million more being 
released from the armed forces Into a glutted labor market. This would, accord- 
ing to some estimates, raise the nuniber of Jobless to some 15 million, or well 
over 2056 of the labor force. 

Holmes Exhibit No. 5-K — Continued ^^^^^ _ ^ 

Business Iteactlon to Cuta 

Generally, big bualneaa vievs any threatned cut In arms outlaya with alarm, 
as a harbinger of econoiule decline. The "peace Jitters" In Wall Street with 
every developtnent toward world peace, however slight, are a familiar phenomenon. 

Today, however, eone are taking a more optimistic view of the matter, basing 
themselves on the possibility of very steep tax cute, raising the base of both 
consumer demand and capital Investment to new peaks. Illustrative of this Is an 
article In the U. S. Chamber of Comznarce Publication Nation's Buslneaa for October, 
1959, entitled "What Peace Would Do To You." The article statesl "a^ abrupt 
softening of cold war presaurea — If It conea — can bring thla country a boom, not 
the recesBlon euggeated by such phrases as 'peace scare*. 

It would, the article argues, bring a rise In consumar goods spending far 
exceeding the out in military spending, and concentrated In consumer durables. 
And because of the ahlft from military gooda production, it would bring an upaurge 
in apending for new plant and equipment for consumer goods. Hence the etate of 
the economy would be greatly Improved, The same line of argument haa appeared In 
D.S. KewB and World Report and other publicationa. 

As we shall see, auch predlctiona of a virtually automatic boom are unfounded. 
But the dire foreboding of an economic craah are equally unwarranted. They fail to 
take the entire picture into account, including varioua poaslble counter-acting 
factors. History ehowa that a aharp drop In arma expenditure need not reault in a 
major crials. To be sure, the War of 1812, the Civil War and World War I were fol- 
lowed by depressions of some severity. But World War II was not, contrary to wide- 
spread expectationa based on previous experience. Here, with effective price con- 
trola and rationing during the war, a large backlog of demand, both for capital and 
coneuner gooda, waa built up. Thla, together with certain other conae^uences of 
the war, led to a period of rising national income, followed by nothing more aevere 
than the relative mild 19^8-1*9 criala. And thla despite a drop of some $T7 billion 
in military outlays between 19Wi and I9U7, $57 billion of It In 191*6 alone. 

It is therefore dangerous to generalize; each situation must be Judged in the 
ligl't of the exiating circumatances. A sharp decline in military expenditures today 
would find not a backlog of deferred civilian demand but excess capacity already ex- 
isting In civilian goods Industries, and more than 5^ of the labor force already 
unemployed. At the same time the total drop in arms expenditures would not be 
nearly as greftt as after World War II. 

But what is particularly important la the fact that such a drop would alao lay 
the baals for Important offsetting effects, made poaalble by the freeing of the 
enormoua suma prevaloualy apent on arms , 

First of all, it would make possible very substantial tax nuts which would 
conaiderably ralae conaumer purchasing power. If the present arms budget were 
reduced to half— a cut of about $23 billion—and half of this in turn were allocat- 
ed to a cut In federal income taxea, it would reduce the total of these by nearly 
20^, If the cut were confined to personal income taxea, it would reduce theae by 
30^. And if it were concentrated among the low-lncoms group, mllliona of workers 
would be freed of the peiyment of income taxea altogether. This rise in purchasing 
power would provide a base for a substantial growth of production and employment 
In the consumer goods Industries, and help to absorb the men and women released 
from the arnBd forces and military production. 

Second, the funds released could be used for productive purposes— educatlonn, 
health, housing, old age beneflta, etc, — ^whlch would alao aerve to ralae living 
standards and mass purchasing pcwor, and to provide Jobs, The cost of thirty mis- 
siles— about $1 billion— Would provide 200 hospitals or 100 power plants, and would 
moke available many more Jobs than would the production of the missiles. Less than 
20^ of present military appropriations would provide half a million houses a year, 
and employment for more than 800,000 workers In building and allied trades. In 
fact, the $1*6 billion a year now going down the dioln would be more than enough, 
in addition to a good-sized tax cut, to provide all the unfilled social needs out- 
lined above, as well as to bring the economic level of the Negro, Puerto Blcan and 
Mexican -American workers up to the national average. 

Moreover, the huge sums now apent on military research could be uaed to fin- 
ance research for useful purposes. A fraction of these expenditures Inveated In 
research on heart disease and cancer, for example, would go far toward eliminating 
these as the number one and number two killers they now are. The developnent of 
peacetime usee of atomic energy would be greatly speeded up. And not least, the 
ending of the present secrecy of scientific and technical work would offer a tre- 
mendous stimulus to scientific advance. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-K — Continued 

Luner - 5 

Third, the money now uaed to ehlp arms Bhroad as "military aid" eould be used 
for genuine economic aeslstance to undeveloped oountrles. In the form of long-term 
credits at low Interest for the purpose of Industrialization. This would raise 
living standards In these countries and provide greatly enjArged markets for Amer- 
ican exports, 

Foui^, the easing of world tensions which Is the basis for disarmament would 
likewise open the doors to ending the embargo on trade with the socialist world. 
The potential volume of such trade Is large enough to make It a factor of major 
importance to the American economy. In 1959, American exports to the Soviet Onion 
amounted to less than $5 million. Considering that the Soviet population is equal 
In size to those of Britain, Fvance, West Oemany, Italy and the Netherlands com- 
bined. If we were to export to It on the same basis as we new do to these five 
countries, the total vlue of such exports would be no less than $3 billion a year. 
It Is Interesting to note that Cyrus Eaton has arrived at a similar estimate. If 
we add to tUls the potential volume of trade with People's China and the Eastern 
European people's democracies, the present volume of Amsrloan exports could be 
augmented by at least one-third— an Increase which would provide a considerable 
number of added Jobs. 

Summarizing these points In his speech to the United Ifotlone, Premier Khrush- 
chev concluded: "The claims that disarmament would bring on a crisis or economic 
recession In the highly developed Industrial countries of the capitalist world are 
accordingly unfounded." 

This Is quite true. But by the sams token, neither will dlsarmamsnt eliminate 
crises, any more than an arms economy will do so. The source of the boom-bust 
cycle lies much deeper In the eeonony, and neither arming nor disarming Is a pan- 
acea against It. 

Certainly, there Is no assurance that dlsarnament will automatically give 
rise to a boom, as Nation's Business contends. With considerable excess product- 
ive capacity already existing. It would take a big Jump In consumer goods spending 
Indeed to stimulate new Investment to any considerable degree. Moreover, there Is 
nothing automatic about the extent to which consumsr purchasing power will be In- 
oreesed, nor about the realization of the beneficial effects of disarmament gen- 
erally by the working people. Compelled to accomodate themselves to growing pros- 
pects of peace and a consequent gfowlng Inability to maintain an arms economy as 
the principal means of bolstering their profits, the monopolies will seek by other 
means to protect them at the expense of the people. If there Is to be a tax out, 
they will strive to make sure It Is they who get the benefit of It. If government 
funds are to be spent for purposes other than arms, they will demand they be spent 
Bo as to benefit big business. (A favorite measure Is road -building, which is 
highly profitable In the construction and. In the case of toll roads, In the opera- 
tion. And they will fight tooth and nail against government spending for lew-cost 
housing or power projects, as Infringing on the sacred domain of private enter- 
prise. At the same time, they will call upon the workers to sacrifice and work 
harder In the name of meeting an alleged Soviet economic "threat," The working 
people can benefit from dlsarnament, therefore, only to the extent that they are 
successful In fighting to do so. 

Of course. In some areas where war Industries are predominant (especially 
where large aircraft plants are the chief source of Jobs), dlsarnfiment would 
create problems of unemployment, at least temporarily. In some cases (for ex- 
ample, aluminum electronics), the product can be used for peacetime purposes with 
little or no conversion, given an expansion of civilian markets; other Industries 
such as aircraft, however, would either have to convert to new products or drast- 
ically curtail operttlons. 

For the workers In such areas, there would Indeed be serious difficulties. 
But these would not be new. Such problems already exist as a consequence of the 
decline of employment In such Industries as coal mining, decentralization and run- 
away plants, which have given rise to depressed areas marked by chronic unemploy- 
ment, areas whose number Is growing even with large-scale military expenditures. 
Furthermore, employment In certain key war Industries Is falling despite rising 
arms budgets. For example, the growing weight given to missile production—an 
experimental and pilot operation which absorbs many dollars but few production 
workers— has meant a drop In orders for conventional aircraft, and In employment 
In the aircraft industry. Thus, from the last quarter of 1956 to May, 1959, the 
number employed fell by 117,000 or nearly Ih^. And this number has been further 
swelled as a result of recent large cancellations of military orders. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-K — Continued , , 

Lumer - 5 

These sltuatlonB require a program of govemnent aeBlstance for the rehabil- 
itation of Industry and for publlcworke In such areas, as well as increased unem- 
ploynent conpensation, debt and mortgage moratoriums. Job retraining, assistance 
In relocation and other measures designed to aid the workers affected and their 
families. Such a program Is needed now, and Is in fact, being advocated by org- 
anized labor today. With disanaament it could be more readily carried out, since 
some of the money saved on arms could be used for the purpose. Certainly, these 
problems would be no less capable of solution in a peacetime economy than in a 
war econoEV — to the extent that they can be resolved at all in a capitalist 

Problems would also be created by the sudden addition to the civilian labor 
force of some 3 million men and women released from the armed forces. Here, the 
payment of unemployment benefits to such veterans, along the lines of the 52-20 
paynsnts after World War II, would help materially to meet the situation. 

Hot least, special steps are needed to aid the Negro, Puerto Rlcan and Mezl- 
can-Amerlcan workers, who, being last hired and first fired, would be subjected to 
special hardship. 

In addition, some assistance would have to be given to small business enter- 
prises affected, in the form of tax credits or financial aid. 

These things, too, will not be won without a struggle. In short, disarmament 
will not abolish the contradictions of capitalism. It will not remedy the basic 
Instability of the American economy and the growing insecurity of American workers. 
It will not of Itself bring about a Utopia In which Jobs and prosperity are as- 

However, this in no way negates its enormous Import for the American working 
people. Disarmament will remove the principal obstacle to reduction of taxes and 
improvement of social welfare. It will vastly increase the possibilities of win- 
ning major economic and social advances anfl of realizing in eaae measure the tre- 
mendous promise held forth by modem science and technology. If we add to this 
the incalculable blessing of living in freedom from the fear of nuclear wer, as 
we71 as the eradication of the reactionary atomsphere of war hysteria. Intimida- 
tion and repression of the cold war years, there can be no doubt that, whatever 
profit an arms economy may bring to big business, the working people are infin- 
itely better off without it. 

Nor is this confined to the United States alone. Dlsamsment Is a world 
process, and on a world scale it can pave the way for a far-reaching transform- 
ation. In his outstanding book. World Without War, the eminent British scientist 
J, D. Bemal states; "It is not only possible but practicable to raise the stand- 
ard of living of all the world, within a generation, to that enjoyed by the people 
In the most favored countries today." This, he says, requires one proviso... that 
war Is avoided. Not only must there be no fighting but something must be done to 
stop the present state of continuous war preparation and threats of war, a waste 
of human resources and human intelligence 'ohat Is holding back the whole develop- 
ment of science Itself and blocking Its useful application." (p. 2) 


But it is not only the benefits of dlsarmanent which must be fought for. 
Though dlsaruflment has become a central issue, the fight to achieve it still lies 
ahead. Even the initial steps are yet to be won. 

To be sure, there is a body of sentiment which takes disarmament with some 
seriousness. For example. Senator 'Bobert il. Humphrey recently stated that he 
believes the Soviet leadership is serious in Its proposals, and that we must make 
preparations so that disarmament will not cause a setback. But the fact is that 
the cold war has not been abandoned, and this means in the nain a continuation of 
pressures for big arms budgets. 

For the past several years, arms expenditures have been rising; since 1959, 
they have gone up at an average rate of about $1.U billion a year (from $39.1 
billion in 1955 to an average annual rate of $1*6 billion in the first three 
quarters of 1959) . And this In the face of repeated declarations by Elsenhower 
thftt military expenditures were to be held down. 

At the same time, there has been extensive pressure for still greater in- 
creases. A report of the Rockefeller Bf others Fund, Issued last year, calls for 
a rate of Increase of $3 billion a year for the next several years. The unpub- 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-K — Continued 

Luner - 7 

llsbed Oalther Report projected a rise to $65 blUlon a year by I963. StlU other 
propoeals envisage a rise within the next few years to outlays of as much as $75 
billion annually. 

In this, the top Democratic Party leadership has Joined. Thus, In mld-1959 
the Advisory Council of the Democratic Rational Committee urged a program adding up 
to $3 billion more per year. ("The Military Forces We Need and How to Got Them," 
Pemoc ratio Digest , July, 1959) . An equal clamor has gone up from the top labor 
leadership which, lite the Democratic Party spoteemen, has repeatedly charged tlte 
Elsenhower Administration with sacrificing the country's defense. So, too, have 
liberal economists lite Leon Keyserllng, whose proposed "National Prosperity Budeot" 
Includes provision for greatly enhanced arms outlays. He writes: "There would 
also be room In such a budget to lift our national security outlays In accord with 
the Judgment of the best qualified experts..." (Conference on Economic Progress, 
Inflation ; Cause and Cure. June, 1959.) 

Nor have these pressured lessened since the Khrushchev visit. The position 
of the Democratic Party spotesmen, the labor leadership and the liberal economists 
remains essentially unchanged so far. So does that of a Nelson Eoctefeller and other 
Important representatives of monopoly. And within the Administration Itself, the 
State and Defense Departments only recently urged Elsenhower to raise his request 
for foreign military aid In the budget for fiscal I96I from the $1.3 billion figure 
proposed by bin to $2 billion. 

The ElBenhovfer proposals, on the other hand, call not for cuts In military 
expenditures, but merely for teeplng them at present levels. And even this, more- 
over. Is little more than propaganda looking to the I96O elections. As James Boston 
puts It ( New York Times , November 13, 1959) : "The Administration has enibarted on a 
'peace program' and does not want It to coincide with increased military expendi- 
tures. It la talking dlsaruBnent. It wants to go Into the i960 presidential 
political campaign as the party of 'peace and fiscal responsibility .'" (Our em- 
phasle.) In practice, Elsenhower, as In the past, proves not averse to proposed 
Increases. Thus, he has yielded to the State Departmen* and Pentagon pressurds for 
higher foreign military aid appropriations. 

Generally, the Idea of dlsarnanent of any serious kind continues to be regarded 
as sonethlng unreal, A recent expression of what is the prevailing big business 
view was given only recently by Westlngbouse Electrical Corporation president 
Mark W. Cresap, Jr. Advocating long-range as against "crash" arms programs, he said: 

A stable, long-range continuing defense program is preparation 
for peace. It Is essential for our survival.... 

We need a stable and continuing military program because in the 
hears and decades ahead we Americans are going to be faced with 
the roughest kind of competition from peoples of demonstrated 
caliber and accomplishment. In this competition there Is no 
second chance and no margin for error. ( New York Times, Sept- 
ember 25, 1959.) 

In short, the road to peace continues to be viewed as lying in arming ourselves to 
the teeth for th© indefinite future. For large sections of big business, this Is, 
of course, the road to greater profits as well both here and abroad. Thus, Amsrlcan 
arms manufacturers are today pouring large emus Into reviving the West Germans arms 
industries. Relying on a continued policy of rearming that country as Wall Street's 
chief European outpost, companies like General Electric, American Motors, Lockheed, 
General Dynamics, to name but a few,are buying heavily into West Germon firms with 
arms contracts. 

New York Times writer Hanson W . Baldwin frankly regards disarmament as "pie 
In the sky." He writes (November 8, 1959): 

. . .th© agreements so far lie largely In the realm of semantics and 
of pious hopes, and the disagreements are of fundamental substantive 
importance. Despite almost fifteen years of effort, there has been 
no progress In the limitation of arms, much less In "universal dis- 
armament . " 

He goes on to say that "...Mr. Khrushchev's glittering goal of 'universal and 
complete' disarmament is a mirage, a psychological come-on," 

The cold -war mentality dies hard. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-K — Continued 

Luoer - 8 

Just as there are ae yet no eerloue moves toward actual refluctlon of anns, so 
also le there no sign of easing the restrictions on Anerlcan-SoTlet trade. 

Last June, Premier Khrushchev nBde a Via for the purchase of $100,000,000 
vorth of American chemical and other Industrial equlpnent, an offer he repeated 
during hie visit. The offer was rejected hy Elsenhower when It was first made, and 
again after Khrushchev's visit. 

Hockefeller has chlmsd In with a denemd that the Soviet tJnlon be required to 
"comply with Western trading rules" as a condition for trade — to pay In hard 
currencies and to "stop dumping goods" abroad. In November the Commerce Department 
refused export licences for the sale of $15.6 million worth of stainless steel to 
the Soviet Union, as well as nearly $177,600 worth of chemicals. The Manufacturing 
Chemists Association flatly rejected the Soviet bid to buy chemical plants and pro- 
cesses, part of the $100 million offer, because this would allegedly give the Soviet 
Union the advantage of valuable technological shortcuts. 

Clearly, here too the cold-var mentality prevails. The fight for restoration 
of trade, like that for dlsarnenent. Is yet to be won. 


If any real advance Is to be made In the direction of dlsarnament, therefore, 
the extensive sentiment for It among the American people must find organized expres- 
sion, reflecting the widest unity of all who desire peace and an end to the arms 
race. Above all, the main leadership of organized labor must be brought to abandon 
Its present suicidal policy of aggressive promotion of cold-war policies and repeat- 
ed demands for Bigger arms budgets. 

At the same time. It Is necessary to expose the hoax so long perpetrated on 
American workers, that arms production le the answer to unemployment, and to launch 
a fight for economic alternatives to the arms economy. Of primary Importance Is 
lifting the embargo on trade with the socialist countrli-s and the widest expansion 
of such trade. It Is also essential to project now a program calling for tax reduc- 
tions for those In the low Income brackets, for plans for a vast expansion of social 
welfare of those subjected to lose of Jobs and Income In the process of reducing 
arms production, and especially of the Negro, Puerto RIcan and Mexican-American 
workers. Finally, It Is necessary to project the perspective of an eronoray of total 
disarmament— an economy directed toward the realization of the vast potential which 
peace and dlsanmment would meJte possible. 

To be sure, the full realization of this potential requires more than the 
ending of war; It requires the victory of socialism. But the fight for peace and 
total dlsamBment can lead to very substantdal Improvements In the lot of the work- 
ing class. And the grand vista of total, universal dlsamanent In the space of 
four years, opened up by Khrushchev In his United Nations speech, offers a shining 
goal for which to fight. In such a fight, we Communists must be found In the very 
front ranks. 



Holmes Exhibit No. 5-L 



As we approach the decade of the slrtlea, mankind stands at the threehhold of 
a new era. For the first time in human history the possibility now exists for the 
elimination of the scourge of war and the release of the full productive potential 
of the human race for the solution of the age-old problems of poverty, disease and 
Ignorance. These new possibilities have been created by profound and irreversible 
changes in favor of the camp of peace, freedom and social progress. 

World Imperialism, headed by Wall Street monopoly capitalism, is no longer 
the Bole or dominant force determining the destiny of mankind. Socialism, embrac- 
ing one -third of the earth's population, has emerged as an invincible world system, 
spearheading the cause of peace and peaceful coexistence. The victorious upsurge 
of the national liberation movements in Asia, Africa, and Latin America has under- 
mined Imperialist colonialism and kindled the flame of national Independence among 
all oppressed peoples. The mounting peace movement in our country, and throughout 
the capitalist world, has gained new strength and momentum. Thus, even the new 
forms by which U.S. Imperialism hopes to continue its drive for world power and 
influence are now confronted by the powerful challenge of superior world forces 
determined to win a durable and lasting peace . 

The dominant world position of United States monopoly capitalism, long uncon- 
tested, is now being increasingly challenged on all sides by Its capitalist com- 
petition, by the expanding group of newly liberated countries, and most of all, 
by the socialist world, which now bids to surpass the achievements of U. S. capit- 
alism in all areas of human endeavor. 

Our capitalist society is plagued by a mounting accumulation of unsolved and 
insoluble problems. Its economy displays a growing shakinese and instability. 
Automation and other technological advances create growing insecurity, chronic 
unemployment and fear of the future. Unsaleable farm surpluses rise from year to 
year, while farm incomes are declining. The national debt, already overburdening, 
continues to mount, and the difficulty of financing the war economy increases. The 
burdens of interest and taxes become ever more intolerable. Rising prices have 
become a persistent problem. 

Even as the possibilities of peace are enhanced, and Important sectors of busi- 
ness and government are compelled to move away from the rigid war policy, the re- 
actionary offensive on the domestic front has been accelerated. In place of the 
growth of freedom, there is continued repression and denial of elementary liberties. 
The infamous Landrum-Griffin bill has been passed, fastening new and more powerful 
shackles on organized labor than did the Taft-Hartley Act. The steel companies are 
spearheading a drive of all the great monopolies aimed against the living standards 
and working conditions of the workers. Monopoly unites in an effort to resolve its 
problems at the expense of the working class. 

Despite certain advances in the struggle for Negro rights, the system of Jim 
Crow oppression remains essentially unshaken. Unrestricted suffrage and Negro re- 
presentation in the South, and the eradication of racist discrimination and segreg- 
ation In national life, remain a central democratic task still to be achieved. 

Our educational system is in a state of deepening crisis. Juvenile delinquency 
grows steadily worse. Slums and overcrowding are the lot of the low-lncone groups 
in all cities of the country. In every aspect of American life, the problems and 
difficulties become not less but greater. 

It Is the all-powerful monopoly capitalist groups, with their striving to pre- 
serve their outworn system of "free enterprise," which stand as the central obstacle 
to progress. It is monopoly capital which blocks the fulfillment of the great prom- 
ise which the future holds, and which breeds the menace of peace and fosters Insec- 
urity and repression. It is monopoly capital and its agents which must be opposed 
by the American working class, the Negro people and all peace-loving and democratic 
forces to realize the potential of a new era of peace, democracy and security. 

The decade ahead can be the decade in which mankind is liberated from the peril 
of the cold war and the threat of catastrophic nuclear warfare. 

* The basic content of the resolution on the Negro question and on trade union 
problems should be considered as a part of this resolution. 

Holmes Exhibit No. 5-L — Continued 

It can be the decade In which fatal blows are Inflicted on the oppression bt 
the Negro people which has defiled our land for more than three centuries. 

It can be the decade In which the offensive to depress the standards of living 
of the working class and to destroy labor's rights Is defeated by a united labor 
movensnt and a revitalized alliance of labor and the Negro people . 

It can be the decade in which the American people, united in a great people's 
alliance consisting of labor, the Negro people, the farmers, snBll businessmen and 
all those threatened by tte big monopolies takes major strides toward the attain- 
ment of a government of the people, by the people and for the people. 

The Communist Party, the party of the Ansrican working class, faces this new 
decade with supreme confidence that these goals can be won, and to this we American 
Communists dedicate all our efforts and energies. 


Peace is the urgent objective, the common need and common hope of people every- 
where. Heretofore this has been a dream deferred, an elusive aspiration, passed 
down from generation to generation. Now the conditions have matured for transform- 
ing this dream into reality, into a way of life for all the nations of the world. 
For peace has become a necessary condition for the very existence and further de- 
velopment of human society, just as war with modem methods of annihilation has 
become unthinkable. The peaceful coexistence of nations with differing economic 
and social systems, and competition between them for peaceful pursuits, is the sole 
alternative to an atomic catastrophe. 

Everything in the needs, hopes and aspirations of our people finds its relation- 
ship to this central issue of our times — the struggle for peace and peaceful co-ex- 
istence , 

The fate of world peace today depends in the first place upon the Improvement 
of relations between the United States and the Soviet Union, the two most powerful 
countries, with their immense economic, technological and military potential. If 
the relations between our country and the Soviet Union are normalized, if they co- 
operate In the maintenance of peace, then the peace of the world can be kept invlolat 

That Is why the extraordinary visit of Premier Khrushchev to our country and the 
projected visit of President Elsenhower to the Soviet Union, the significant talks 
at Camp David and the agreement "that all outstanding international questions should 
be settled not by the application of force but by peaceful means through negotia- 
tions" Inspired the people of our country and the whole world with the highest hopes 
for peace. 

These events mark the first salient break from the disastrous and discredited 
Dulles policy of atomic threats and "brinkmanship," signalizing an important change 
in the direction of improvenent of U.S. - Soviet relations. They have brought 
about a thaw in the international clinste. Understanding has been reached on direct 
meetings between the heads of government, as well as discussions at the summit, as 
the method to be pursued in the search for agreement on outstanding disputed inter- 
national questions. The resolution of such grave problems as the signing of a peace 
treaty with the two German states and normalizing the situation in Berlin can now 
proceed in a vastly improved international atmosphere. 

Most significant for the struggle to realize peaceful coexistence have been the 
proposals for universal and total disarmament, placed before the United Nations by 
Premier Khrushchev. This has now become the key issue and main subject of debate 
in every country of the world. For universal and total disarmament, depriving all 
countries of the means of waging war. Is in the long run the only true guarantee 
for an enduring peace. A peace-time economy as an alternative to arms production 
and the threat of an atomic war, an economy providing greatly expanded social wel- 
fare benefits and higher living standards is regarded as a realistic hope by ever 
greater numbers of Americans. 

The Khrushchev visit has already produced important Immediate results in a num- 
ber of areas: the conclusion of a two-year agreement for an expanded cultural ex- 
change program; the joint agreement for cooperation in nuclear research and the ex- 
change of scientific and research infornotlon; the agreement for the study of the 
detection of underground nuclear explosions; the agreement for Joint medical re- 
search projects; the treaty to keep Antartica a scientific preserve; the more favor- 
able conditions created for reaching an agreement on the banning of nuclear testing, 
and for the abolition of the artificially-imposed restrictions on trade with the 
Soviet Union and other socialist lands. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-L — Continued 

Main Hes. - 3 

Above all, these developments create new opportunities for the peace forces to 
Impose further shifts in foreign policy, Vhlch will lead in the direction of realiz- 
ing more fully the great potential inherent in the present situation. Important 
businees and government interests have beem compelled to realize the epochal changes 
in the existing world relationship of forces and the need to adopt a more realistic 
foreign policy. This does not signify, however, that the Eisenhower administration 
has yet embarked on a firm course to end the cold war, nor that peaceful coexistence 
has been achieved and secured. 

The thaw in the cold war has begun, but the cold war Is far from ended. The 
proponents of the cold war are still powerful and strive to return to the bankrupt 
policy of "positions of strength" and to the frozen pattern of the past. Its ad- 
vocates are to be found within the Administration, and in both major political 
parties (as symbolized by the Eepublican Rockefeller and the Democrat Acheeon). 
They are in control of the Pentagon, of the huge armament industries and other 
giant financial trusts who continue to exert maximum pressure to maintain and heat 
up the cold war. . 

Already a counter-offensive has been launched to undo all that has been accomp- 
lished. There are renewed demands on the part of the top brass and leading states- 
men for increased war expenditures to meet a concocted "Soviet challenge" or "Soviet 
aggression." Opposition to expansion of US-Soviet trade, voiced by the billionaire 
Rockefeller, is followed by the rejection of a large Soviet steel order. The In- 
censate hostility to People's China is fostered by continuous Incitement against 
China in India, Laos, Tibet and Korea. The provocative insistence on the discussion 
of Hungary by tbs United Nations was designed to Inflame further the cold-war atti- 
tudes. The nuclear rearmament of West Germany, aimed to transform it into Wall 
Street's main arsenal in Europe, flaunts both the will of the people and interna- 
tional agreements. The shameful Interference in the internal affairs of Cuba and 
the threat of economic strangulation by manipulating sugar quotas is aimed not only 
against the Cuban revolution but against the anti -imperialist freedom struggle in 
all of Latin Anerica. 

The bellicose cold war advocates are determined to halt the trend toward peace- 
ful coexistence and peaceful competition, and, even as events force them drastically 
to alter their past cold war policies, they attempt to continue their drive for new 
forms of World domination. 

The replacement of the cold war policy by a policy of peaceful coexistence and 
cooperation between the United States and the Soviet Union for peace demands the 
defeat of these cold war advocates, these most rabid and aggressive sections of 
Big Business and their agents In government. 

Despite their efforts to head off a far-reaching policy of peaceful coexistence 
and competition, the very fact that they are confronted with the compulsion of carry- 
ing through a shift in their foreign policy opens the way for a tremendous upsurge 
of the forces working for peace . 

Above all, the times demand an unrelenting struggle on the part of all sections 
of the people who desire peace, in the first place the labor movement. They require 
a many-sided struggle, whose base lies not in the formation of some new, all-embrac- 
ing peace organization but In the great diversity of existing people's organizations 

Labor will assume Its rightful place of leadership In the people's Interests 
only when It takes the lead in the fight for peace. It must not be forgotten that 
the top officialdom of the labor movement remains largely tied to the bankrupt cold 
war policy and continues to advocate a crash program to expand armaments under the 
guise of providing Jobs. It is a welcome sign of the changes taking place, however, 
that representative publications and individual leaders of organized labor are cominf 
forward on their own and calling for disarmament, for a peacetime economy, for the 
exchange of delegations with the Soviet trade unions, for an end to nuclear testing 
and the outlawing of atomic weapons. These beginnings must permeate the ranks of the 
entire labor movement, so that labor can help to broaden the united mass struggles 
of all peace-loving forces to impose the people's will for peace upon our government. 

The Negro people have a particular and added stake in the fight for peace, for 

the reactionary cold war atmosphere fosters chauvinism and national oppression, and 

the fight against Jim Crow can moat effectively be carried on in an atmosphere of 
peace and friendship among nations. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-L — Continued 

Main Res, - ^ 

The women of our country, who are forced to bear so much of the burden of 
suffering inflicted by war and preparations for war, have a special part in the 
fight for peace. So, too, do the youth, whose lives are disrupted by the draft 
and who are called on to sacrifice their lives in mar. 

The changing moods and temper of the people of our country point to new 
possibilities for unfolding broad mass actions around every specific issue related 
to the struggle for peace. Just as the ruling class yesterday was successful in 
convincing the people to accept the heavy burden of the cold war as a "deterrent" 
to "Soviet aggression," so today a breakdown in this artificially created war 
hysteria can help to unleash the full potential of the people's fighting capacity 
to demand an end to the cold war. 

The Khrushchev visit, and the ensuing easing of world tensions, has, of 
course, not dissipated all the prejudices and misconceptions about the Soviet Union 
What must be underscored, however, is that a new spirit of friendship for the 
Soviet Union, a new admiration for its scientific and technological achievements, a 
new understanding that ?re can live together, is spreading among men and women in 
all walks of life. To the extent that this understanding is heightened, the move- 
ment for peace will again gain greater purposefullness, greater unity and greater 

Life, not deathl Production for peace and not for destruction! Bsace and 
friendship among nations'. An end to international mistrustj An end to the cold 
war! For a policy of peace and peaceful existencel 

These noble aims demand a fight against the resumption of nuclear testing and 
for a ban on the use and manufacture of nuclear weapons. 

They demand a fight to end the peacetime draft and compulsory military 

They demand a figjit for the recognition of People's China and its rightful 
membership in the United Nations, 

They demand a fi^t for expanded Sast-West trade. 

They demand a fight against U.S. intervention in the interna^ affairs of Cuba 
and other Latin-American countries, and solidarity with the cause of national in- 
dependence everywhere. 

Above all, they demand a fight for disarmament, for the scrapping of all in- 
struments of warfare and a shift to an economy of peace. And they demand peaceful 
competition between nations in expanding world production to improve the living 
standards of the world's peoples. 

The issue of peace is the paramount issue in American political life. It is 
the central test of all parties, mass organizations and civil leaders. On the 
resolution of this issue rests the future of our nation. 

The eyes and hopes of all peoples are focused on the United States, Upon the 
outcome of the now unfolding struggle for a policy of peace in our land may hinge 
the fate of maiikind. 


The American economy is once again on the upgrade. Production and employment 
are rising, and evidence of a new boom are widespread. But the upsurge rests on a 
shaky foundation. 

Despite the relative prosperity of the period since the war, the most striking 
feature of the postwar American economy is its growing Instability. Since World Bar 
II, there have been three slumps, of which the third was much the most severe. From 
each of these the economy has recovered at the cost of a higher level of public and 
private debt, a greater residue of unemployment and other features making for future 
crises of greater severity. And despite current high levels of production and em- 
ployment, the outlook is being widely expressed in business, labor and economic 
circles, that within a year or two the economy will again stagnate and decline and 
the privations visited on the working people in 1958 will reappear. 

In these slumps, especially the most recent one, the big corporations have 
used their economic power to maintain hi^ monopoly prices and, through extension 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-L — Continued 

Main Res. - 5 

of automation and speedup, to protect their profits. The monopolies today are 
steadily extending their control over the economic life of our nation and the 
direction of government affairs. The growing rash of corporate mergers is in- 
creasing the concentration of economic and political power in their hands, and is 
accentuating the growth of state monopoly capitalism. 

In response to the growing competition from other capitalist countries, Big 
Business is stepping up its efforts to hold wages down and is intensifying its 
attacks on working conditions. 

For the working class, the main consequences of all this have been mounting 

insecurity and the growth of chronic mass unemployment. The heaviest blows have 

been inflicted on the Negro, Puerto Rican and Mexican-American workers, as well as 
on youth and women. 

This process is aggravated by the accelerated automation and relocation of 
industrial plants now under way, which confronts the American working class — 
skilled and unskilled, Negro and white — with new and mounting problems of jobless- 
ness and insecurity, and which is converting a growing number of major industrial 
centers into distressed areas marked by widespread chronic unemployment.- Moreover, 
the costs of these developments are being largely borne by the working people 
through tax rebates to the big corporations by the federal, state and local 

For millions of small farmers, long caught in a cost price squeeze, rising 
monopoly prices and cold-war inflation have reduced the margin between costs and 
returns to the vanishing point. Tens of thousands of small owners, croppers and 
tenants have been swept off the land. In the rural South and elsewhere, acute 
privation and suffering is the lot of millions of Americans. 

Of cardinal importance for the American working class is the fight for jobs- 
above all,, the fight for the thirty-hour week, as well as for greatly improved 
unemployment compensation and other measures for the protection of jobless workers. 
These are directly related to the struggles against the efforts of the monopolies 
to hold wages down, to worsen working conditions, and to inflict ever higher prices 
on the workers and farmers. The basis of these struggles is unity of labor, the 
small farmers, the Negro people and small business in the battle against the 
economic gouging of the trusts. 

Since the end of World v;ar II, Big Business has utilized the federal govern- 
ment to impose a war economy, to foster anti-Soviet hysteria as a basis for sus- 
taining the cold-war budget and the nuclear arms race, and to militarize industry, 
science and education. All this has served as a means of looking the federal 
treasury for the enrichment of the missle manufacturers, the oil and chemical trusts 
and other sections of monopoly. 

The bipartisan cold^ar economy has swollen grvernraent debt at all levels to 
mountainous proportions. It has placed a colossal burden of interest payments on 
the taxpayers and has led to an intolerable tax load for the average American. 
Cold-war embargoes have disrupted foreign trade, with a considerable loss of sales 
for American manufacturers and a consequent loss of jobs for American workers. 

The pouring of billions into a totally wasteful war economy has contributed 
greatly to inflationary price increases which victimize the working people, and es- 
pecially those families (government employees, pensioners, veterans, welfare cases 
and others) with fixed incomes. And because of the economic burdens of the cold war, 
housing, health, education and other social welfare appropriations have been slashed; 

and many many federal responsibilities have been shifted to states and localities, 

which are unable to meet them. 

The arms economy has come to be accepted by many Americans as a necessary 
economic prop, a means of warding off crises and an answer to the problem of jobs. 
But it is in a real sense none of these things. Thus, we have had three economic 
slumps and rising unemployment since the war despite the huge sums spent on arms. 

However profitable military spending may be to Big Business, the American 
working people will be far better off without it. Disarmament will make possible a 
very substantial reduction of the present enormous tax load. It will release the 
immense sums now being thrown down the drain, to be used for productive purposes-- 
for the schools, hospitals, homes, power projects, and the recreational and other 
facilities which are so badly needed. The replacement of the present foreign 

52-810 O — 66 — pt. 2- 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-L — Continued 

Main Res. - 6 

military "aid" with genuine economic assistance in the industrialization of un- 
developed countries will create big new markets for American goods. And the end- 
ing of the cold-war trade embargo will open up added markets for American exports 
to the tune of billions of dollars a year. 

All this will serve greatly to raise living standards and mass purchasing 
power, and to provide far more jobs than are now to be found in military pro- 
duction. Even more, with disarmament will come an end to the terrible menace of 
nuclear war, and to the atmosphere of war hysteria which has served as the excuse 
for political repression and attacks on labor's rights, in the name of an alleged 
need for "defending our country." 

Disarmament will not do away with economic crises, which are inherent in 
capitalism itself. It will, however, open the doors to a great advance in the 
living standards and social welfare of the American working people. 

But these things mill not come of themselves. Just as disarmament itself 
will not be won without a fight, neither will its benefits for the people. Big 
Business, compelled to give up arms production as a means cf bolstering its pro- 
fits, will seek other ways of using government funds for that purpose. It will 
demand that its taxes be cut, not those of the workers. It will seek forms of 
government spending which line its pockets, and will oppose spending for the needs 
of the people. And they will demand that workers sacrifice more and work harder, 
now in the name of meeting an alleged Soviet economic "threat." The people will 
win these benefits, therefore, only to the extent that they successfully fight 
for these. 

The hoax that war economy is the road to prosperity and jobs, so long perpe- 
trated on the American people, must be exposed, and a fight for economic alterna- 
tives to arms production must be waged. The trade embargo should be lifted and 
steps taken to expand trade with all the socialist countries, including China, to 
the utmost. A program for an economy of peace should be projected, calling for 
reduction of taxes for those in the low-income brackets, for a vast expansion of 
social welfare expenditures, for adequate measures to protect those subjected to 
loss of jobs and income in the process of disarmament, with special consideration 
to the plight of Negro, Puerto Rican and Mexican- American workers. 

And finally, we must project before the American people the grand vista of an 
economy of total disarmament, and seek to unite all sections of the people, above 
all organized labor, in a great struggle for its achievement. 


1. The Reactionary Off ens] va 

At the very same time that international tensions have been eased and the 
prospects of peace greatly enhanced, a new assault has been launched by big 
business reaction on the home front. Directed against labor, the Negro people's 
movement and the advocates of peace and constitutional liberties, its principal 
aims are to compel the people to bear the continuing burdens of the cold war and 
submit to the extraction of increased profits, and generally to attempt to resolve 
the mounting problems of monopoly capital at the people's expense. 

This offensive seeks to build on the considerable residue of the poison of 
McCarthyism with which our country is still afflicted, and to impose on labor and 
the American people generally a series of repressive measures of a kind which could 
help pave the way to fascism. At the same time, however, it would be a serious 
error to equate these aims with fascism itself. 

The onslaught against the trade unions, unmatched since the days of Hoover, 
embraces the drive spearheaded by the steel companies and directed against the 
working conditions and living standards of all workers. It embraces the McClellan 
anti-labor hearings, the imposition of dictatorial rule over some unions by the 
courts, and the passage of the infamous Landrum-Griffin Act, designed to license 
unions and subject them to complete government control. And it includes plans for 
added anti-labor legislation in the coming sessions of Congress, 

In the South, a rebellion against the Constitution, inspired by the economic 
royalists, has been let loose by state and local officials and by southern senators 
and representatives in Congress. A fascist- type movement organized around the 
White Citizens' Councils has arisen and threatens to spread. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-L — Continued 

Main Res. - 7 

I In the past year, some 250,000 Negroes have been wiped off the voter regis- 
tration lists. Encouraged by the hands-off policy of the IVhite House, state and 
local officials have condoned a new wave of lynching and terror. In all of the 
South, there has been no more than token school integration, and six southern 
states have refused to integrate even one Negro pupil. In several southern 
states, the NiACP has been outlawed and its members persecuted. 

These meaacing developments whose brunt is borne by the Negro people, con- 
stitute a peril to constitutional democracy in the nation as a whole. Indeed, 
they are directed against the democratic rights of all Americans, white as well 
as Negro. 

The offensive of reaction is marked also by an alarming rise in manifesta- 
tions of anti-Semitism, of which the most striking are the recent bombings and 
desecration of synagogues and cemeteries in various par;^s of the country. 

These offensives are accompanied by a renewed attack on the Bill of Rights. 
New thought-control legislation ia being processed in Congress. The Congressional 
inquisitors have launched new witch-hunts. The Department of Justice plans to 
step up its persecutions of Communists and progressives. And in the Supreme Court 
in the face of mounting reactionary attacks, a majority has developed in support 
of a retreat from some of its previous positions defending the Bill of Ri^ts. 

A new barrage has been launched on the ideological front, containing a mix- 
ture of old and new anti-communist slanders and demagogy. The labor movement is 
labelled "monopolistic" and is charged with responsibility for inflation. Trade 
unions are smeared as "racketeer-controlled." Theories of "people's capitalism" 
and the "welfare state" are widely propagated, with attempts to discredit Marxist 
theory and socialism. 

But the monopolists are not invincible. Their offensive can be stopped and 
thrust back. For 1959-60 is not 19A9-50. A more militant mood exists among the 
American people, and a leftward trend is discernable. Abroad, the world peace 
movement grows. The epic advance of socialist and communist construction and the 
influence of the peace policy and initiatives of the socialist world register even 
greater impact on all peoples. The battle-cry of "freedom" grows stronger against 
imperialism on alj continents. And the powerful actions undertaken by important 
sections of the popular forces have given them greater confidence in their ability 
to resist and defeat the offensive of monopoly capital. 

2. Militant Moods and Struggles 

The effects of the cold-war policies, the impact of the recent economic 
crisis and the continued existence of large-scale unemployment, the "get-tough- 
with-labor" drive of Big Business, the frenzied efforts of southern reaction to 
maintain its system of Jim Crow — all thrse have stimulated mounting resistance 
among the American people, in the first place among the workers and the Negro 

Expressive of the growing militancy in the ranks of labor are a number of 
actions by the labor movement in the recent past, undertaken largely under rank- 
and-file pressure and in some cases as a result of Left initiative. Among these ar 
are the AFL-CIO national jobless conference and the statewide jobless marches in 
Michigan, Ohio and Illinois. Among them also are the strikes of the auto, farm 
equipment, airline, rubber, copper, and New York hospital workers and especially 
the strike of half a million steel workers, as well as the successful struggle 
against state "ri^t-to-work" laws in the 1958 elections, with the accompanying 
defeat of a number of outstanding reactionaries at the polls. 

Especially noteworthy are the advances made by the Negro liberation movement, 
which occupies a position of key importance in the American scene. The struggle 
to end Jim Crow oppression of the Negro people, which lies at the heart of the 
fight to destroy Dixiecratism and establish full democracy in the South, vitally 
affects the interests of the entire American working class and has served in- 
creasingly to spark struggles on issues of democratic import to the entire country. 

In recent years, this struggle has taken on considerable added force and 
momentum. Popular participation has swelled and cooperation among the various 
sectors of the movement has increased, frequently inclusive of the Left- progressive 
forces. Outstanding among the actions undertaken by the Hegro people, often with 
sizeable support of their white allies, are the Montgomery bus strike, the heroic 
actions of Negro pupils in the South, the two great Youth Marches, and the widening 
movement in the North to elect Negro to public office. These actions have had a 
major impact on the political life of the entire nation. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-L— Continued 

Main Res. - 8 

Also expressive of the new levels of struggle to which the Negro people have 
advanced are the figjit against Jim Crow practices in the labor movement waged by 
A. Philip Randolph at the 1959 AFL-CIO convention, and the militant position on the 
Huastlcn of Negro leadership in the UAW taken by the Negro delegates to the recent 
convention of that unioo. 

Among sections of the farmers, too, there has been growing dissatisfaction 
and resentment against their intolerable economic conditions. This was expressed 
particularly in the sweeping of Republicans out of office from numerous farm 
areas in the 1958 elections. 

The recent past has witnessed also a' growth of peace sentiment and extension 
of the peace movement. American intervention in Lebanon and Quemoy evoked wide- 
spread protests throughout the nation. The demand that the Administration and 
nuclear testing and ban the H-bomb has found a widening response in community 
meetings, peace "ifalks," petitions and sermons from the pulpit. There has been a 
warm response among all strata of the people to the artists, scientists and other 
visitors from the Soviet Union. In labor, business and church circles the demand 
Is growing that the United States recognize People's China. And since the 
Khrushchev visit, the peace movement has risen to new, more advanced levels. 

Opposition to loyalty oaths and governmental secrecy has grown, as have move- 
ments to abolish the Un-American Activities Committee, to implement the Supreme 
Court's desegregation order, and to demand that the Department of Justice halt its 
unconstitutional attacks under the Smith, McCarran and Taft-Hartley Acts. 

It Is the responsibility of our Party to link up all these struggles, which 
are in one way or another directed against the reactionary drive of the trusts, 
and to show their interrelationship. Thereby the resistance of the people will be 
strengthened and rendered more effective. In particular, the struggle of labor will 
grow in effectiveness as it becomes linked with that of the Negro people, as well as 
with the struggles of the Puerto Rican and Mexican*Amerlcan people, and especially 
to the degree that labor fights aggressively for Negro rights. We must work to 
overcome the disunity in the ranks of labor and the people irtiich has permitted the 
reactionary offensive of Big Business to make such headway. 

3. Dem ocratic Unity of the People Against Big Business 

To defeat the reactionary offensive of corporate wealth, to advance the fi^t 
for peaceful coexistence, economic security and civil rights and liberties, it is 
necessary to achieve the broadest, most resolute unity of action of the working 
class and its allies. 

It is essential to strive ever more closely to unite labor, the Negro people, 
the small farmers, students, professionals, small businessmen and other democratic 
elements on a program of action for economic welfare, democratic rights and peace, 
and so to move In the direction of forging of an anti-monopoly coalition— an 
alliance of the people against big business. 

The anti-monopoly coalition is a strategic political concept, stemming from 
the realities of the class structure of present-day capitalist society. It grows 
out of the basic nature of monopoly capital which, in its drive for maximum profits, 
In one way or another exploits or oppresses all other sections of society. These, 
constituting the overwhelming majority of the people, are compelled to resist the 
encroachments of monopoly, and therein lies the basis for their alliagoe. 

In this, too, lies the basis of united front policy In Its broadest aspects. 
For every major struggle of the people — the fight for peace, the economic battles 
of organized labor, the Negro people's movement for full equality, or any other — is 
objectively an anti-monopoly struggle, that Is, a struggle directed against the 
policies of big business. 

Hence these discrete. Independent currents and movements tend to coalesce at 
various points and increasingly to flow together into a common stream. The coali- 
tion is the Droduct of an extended formative process, embodying parallel actions 
and united front relationships and movements of the most diverse kinds, In the 
course of which consciousness of the main enemy — of the fact that it is a common 
enemy--grow3 and becomes ever more widespread. 

Monopoly capital, to be sure, does not constitute a homogeneous aggregate; 
rifts and conflicts over questions of policy repeatedly arise within its ranks. The 
popular forces must learn to understand and to take advantage of such differoBces. 
But they remain differences in the ranks of the enemy, and in no way alter the basic 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-L — Continued 

Main Res. - 9 

character of the struggle. Thus, the fight for peace is no less a struggle 
against the cold war policies of big business because of the growing confusion and 
contradictions which world developments favoring peace have produced in its camp. 

The component elements of the people's alliance are manifest in a variety of 
forms — in the growing struggles of labor, in the upsurge of the Negro liberation 
movement, in the growth of peace sentiment and peace movements, and in other move- 
ments and struggles. To be effective in achieving their objectives, as well as in 
building a popular democratic alliance, it is imperative to unify and reinforce 
each of these at the grass roots. It is necessary to draw in all who are prepared 
to engage in the fight, and to coordinate the separate but related and interesting 
mass activities in behalf of the people's needs and interests. It is essential to 
combat the divisive and corroding red-baiting, class-collaborationist and cold-war 
policies pursued by the Right-wing labor and social democratic leaders, and by 
many liberal and Negro people's leaders, as well. 

Hence, most effectively to advance labor's fight for job and union security 
requires an extention of united economic and political action by all segments of 
organized labor and all workers, progressive or conservative. And the struggle 
for labor's rights and welfare will be enhanced to the degree that labor champions 
and leads the general fight for peace, democratic rights, and economic and social 
welfare . 

Hence, to reinforce and advance the Negro people's movement for equality, it 
is necessary to build it on a foundation of all-inclusive unity. It is also 
necessary to bring forward in its leadership the Negro workers with their two 
million union members. It is likewise essential that white workers take the lead 
in strengthening the Negro- labor alliance in struggle against the infamous Jim 
Crow system and the reactionary GOP-Dixiecrat alliance. This is central to winning 
winning such vital objectives as FEP, both in legislation and union contracts, 
organization of the unorganized in the South, the right to vote, and adequate 
Negro representation, ind these, in turn, are the necessary basis for the achieve- 
ment of that broad democratic advance which is of such crucial importance not only 
to the Negro people, but to all American working people. 

Hence, the further advance of the peace movement requires that substantial 
sections of the labor and Negro people's movements be drawn into it — particularly 
into the fights for East-West trade and for disarmament and tax reductions — and 
become its backbone and driving force. It requires, too, the enlisting of other 
allies on issues of wide appeal, such as banning the H-bomb. And it requires the 
encouragement of all pro-peace individuals and currents, however limited, in both 
major parties, as a means of exerting ever greater pressure for peace on the 
Congress and the ffdministration. 

It is incumbent on progressives, especially Communists, to support those 
movements directed against the common enemy — monopoly. It is incumbent on them 
to show that these struggles are indivisible, that the merging of these streams 
into one mighty torrent will create a strength superior to that of monopoly and 
capable of winning gains far beyond the capacity of the separate organizations 
and movements. Progressive and Communist workers will, therefore, bend every 
effort to help reinforce these movements and help realize a common front. 

The leadership of such a people' s alliance against monopoly (just come from 
the working class, the most progressive class in the nation. But for the working 
class, to step forward into leadership, it must achieve a new status, that of 
political independence. 

In all this, a special responsibility falls on the Communist and others of the 
Left — the task of developing the class consciousness of the working class. They 
must explain over and over, in the course of these struggles, the issues and class 
forces involved, the nature of the monopolist enemy and the inter-relatlonshio of 
the individual struggles. They must illuminate the path forward at every step, 
making clear both the immediate and ultimate perspectives. 

They must open up to ever wider sections of the working class the great trea- 
sure of lessons from the democratic and progressive struggles of the American peo- 
ple, and from the rich experiences 6f working class movements throughout the 4«rld. 

In this way the immediate needs and interests of the working people can be 
protected and advanced, and the road opened to the attainment of a new political 
alignment and a people's government resting on the strong foundation of a demo- 
cratic anti-monopoly front, led by the working class. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-L — Continued 


With the new developments in our foreign policy and the growing prospects 
for ending the cold war and achieving peaceful coexistence, the I960 elections take 
on a new meaning. JJhile the new trend has been welcomed by the American people, 
powerful elements in both parties are trying to reverse it. 

In the Republican Party, Nelson Rockefeller has come to the fore as its 
hi^-octane cold warrior. At the same time, Nixon, whose anti-labor record is one 
of the most shameful on the current scene, talks peaceful coexistence in Moscow 
and war at home. And the policies of the Democratic Party continue to be dominated 
by the Truman-Ache son cold-war line. 

Congress has dramatized these counter-currents by its refusal to enact 
meaningful civil rights legislation and its passage of anti-labor laws. Underlying 
this has been the power of the Dixie crats in alliance with Republican elements in 
Congress. AFL-CIO president George Meany correctly summarized our domestic situa- 
tion when he told an Urban i^ague banquet that the Dixiecrats are the common enemy 
of both labor and the Negro people. 

The peace issue in the I960 elections will be strengthened by a program for 
a peacetime economy that will mean jobs and higher living standards. Linked to 
this must be labor's drive to halt and reverse the reactionary offensive in Con- 
gress. In the accomplishment of these aims, a basic factor is the fight to end 
Dixiecrat control of Congress. Civil rights and constitutional protections for the 
Negro people in the South are fundamental to any democratic advance. 

The Civil Rights Commission has recommended appointment of federal registrars 
in the southern states to guarantee the Negro people the right to vote, along with 
others now denied that right through local restrictions. Enforcement of the Lith 
Amendment is being urged. This amendment provides for the reduction of the Con- 
gressional delegation of any state that denies the right to vote to its adult 

In New days, the Dixiecrat veto over Democratic presidential nominations 
was eliminated by abolishing the two- thirds rule at national conventions. But the 
power of the Dixiecrat members of Congress, who through disenfranchisement of the 
Negro voters guaranteed themselves constant re-election, expresses itself in 
national politics through control of Congress by means of the seniority rule for 
Congressional committees. A measure vital to the defeat of the reactionary alliance 
is elimination of the seniority rule . Smashing the usurped power of the Dixiecf at 
bloc will remove a major barrier to the struggle for peace, democracy and civil 

The lesson of the 86th Congress is clear. To the extent that labor and the 
Negro people's movement further advance independent political action, press forward 
their own positions and candidates, to that extent will they win their demands 
against the monopolists and their political henchmen. 

The dissatisfaction of liberals, labor and the Negro people with reaction and 
bossism is reflected in the independent trends and groups in the Democratic Party, 
based on varied issues in different localities. In Congress these are expressed by 
the struggles of Senator Clark, MacNamara and Proxmire against Lyndon Johnson. In 
New York, Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, Herbert lehman and Thomas Finletter, and more 
successfully Congressman Adam Clayton Powell, conduct the fight against Carmine 
DeSapio. In California the Democratic Club movement reflects grass roots political 
organization and has considerable influence in shaping policies and directing 
candidates. A similar form exists in Chicago. In Michigan the power of labor, es- 
pecially of the UAW, is a decisive factor. Such forces as the ADA and the Liberal 
Party in New York are concerned over the continued concessions to the Dixiecrats. 

The internal struggles and the fluid situation within the Democratic Party 
can be utilized by the forces of labor and the Negro people to influence issues and 
candidates. IVhat is needed is unity and cohesion, established independently of the 
old party machines. Movements in each of these fields, with their own immediate 
tasks, will confront a common enemy — the alliance of Dixiecrats and reactionary 
Republicans. But they also share an important goal and the prospect of victory. 

In these circumstances, the central political tasks confronting the labor, 
peace and democratic forces are as follows; 

1) To bring the fight for peace up to the pace demanded by current develop- 
ments, it is urgent to bring such issues as disarmament and peaceful coexistence be- 
fore every community, church, labor union and other organization of the people, and 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-L — Continued 

to compel every leader and epociflcally every office holder, candidate and potential 
candidate to take a public position on peace and these related vital Issues. 

While giving priority to the peace Issue, all the people's needs must be fought 
for — wages, Jobs, labor's rights, civil rights and liberties, social security, 
bousing, health, youth needs, etc. But the people must understand especially that 
only an end to the cold war, radical reduction In armaments and the full function- 
ing of the economy for peace can bring satisfaction of their needs. 

2) It is essential to work for broad electoral unity to oppose the chief 
candidates of reaction and the cold war, and to promote nominations and election of 
pro-peace and pro-oivll rights candidates at all levels. Such candidates should 
Include trade unionists and representatives of the Negro people, as well as nomin- 
ees of other minority groups, especially Puerto Blcan and Mexican-Americans. 

labor and the Negro people cannot make further progress on the basis of the 
present tiny representation from their own ranks in the Congress and public office. 
This election must see a substantial increase in labor and Negro candidates from 
the primaries through the elections. 

3) It is imperative that the Dixiesrats be made a major target of attack, 
that they be exposed and isolated. Defeat of their reactionary Bepublloan and Dem- 
ocratic allies in the North is equally urgent. 

h) The proposal of the Civil Eights Commission to appoint federal registrars 
in the South must be carried out in i960 to guarantee the Negro people their full 
rights to register and vote in these elections. The best way to guarantee this is 
by meeting the new session of Congress and the primary contests with a crusade for 
civil rights. 

5) Every encouragement and support must be given labor proposals for national 
and local conferences of labor and its allies early in i960. These conferences can 
lead to an Independent position in the elections and exert powerful influence on the 
selection of candidates, the drafting of programs and other vital aspects of the 
election struggle. Similar local and national conferences, called by the Negro 
people and by liberal and people's organizations generally, could further influence 
the political parties in a progressive direction. 

6) The major party primaries will reflect these popular dissatisfactions and 
progressive forces will contest the reactionaries. Where reactionary candidates have 
been nominated by both parties, democratic and peace candidates should be promoted on 
independent tickets. 

7) The Communist Party, to advance the unity of the people, to promote and 
clarify the Issues of the campaign and to educate for socialism, will run its own 
candidates, as It did in the Elizabeth Gurley Flynn and Ben Davis campaigns In New 
York and the Archie Brown campaign In California. Where undemocratic election laws 
and restricts operate. It will do so in whatever way is open, acting Jointly with 
others . 

It is essential to build, strengthen and multiply the independent electoral 
apparatus and organizations of labor (coPE) not only on a shop and union basis, but 
particularly in the communities. Also, among the Negro people It is essential to 
promote independent political action and organizations such as the non-partisan 
Negro Voters Association both in the North and South. It is further necessary to 
support the struggle of the Negro people and disfranchised whites in the South to 
vote, and it is important to launch a national campaign to ensure maximum registra- 
tion, electoral activity and casting of votes. 

In addition, a fight should be launched against the growing undemocratic re- 
strictions which keep minority parties off the ballot, and for proper reapportion- 
ment of representation and the abolition of gerrymandered districts. 

By working along these lines, by building its independent strength and uniting 
all peace and people's forces, labor and the democratic forces can make headway in 
i960 in ousting leading reactionaries from office and electing pro-peace and pro- 
gressive candidates. They can be in a strong position to determine the character 
of the next Administration and Congress and help prevent wavering and backsliding of 
the elected friends of labor and hasten the trend toward a new political alignment 
and a mass people's party. 

Hecognizing the dominance of Big Business over the two major parties, we con- 
stantly advocate the necessity of a new, farmer-labor party. Such a political re- 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-L — Continued 

Main Kes. - 12 

allgnnent will produce not Juat a minority opposition party but one which can win 
the majority — a new party based on the mass of labor, the fajTsprs, the Negro people, 
and other sections of the population in which labor fulfills a leading role. In the 
course of all election activity it is necessary to advance sueh an objective on the 
basis of experiences in the elections. We do not, however, set a blueprint and then 
try to make experience fit it. Nor do we advocate such an objective in any mechan- 
ized, sloganized way. Father, we hold that such an objective gives perspective to 
immediate work and serves to increase participation In every election campaign. We 
warn against premature and adventurist splits which result In Isolation. 

All of this must be said In relation to i960 because we recognize that the 
major election campaign, including the independent movements, will be within the 
two-party system. The election requires more attention to the development of inde- 
pendent movements in their many forms, with special attention to the Democratic Party 
through which the major sections of labor function in the elections. 

These goals cannot be achieved, however, through the formation of "Independent 
socialist parties" such aa have been attempted In some areas. These, supported by 
some liberals, progressives and socialist-minded radicals and used as a base of 
operations by some Trotakyites, represent premature, sterile movements which can only 
serve to isolate the Left from the masses of labor and the Negro people. 

To facilitate the widest mobilization of the people in the interests of peace 
and for a progressive outcome of the elections, requires the establishment of joint 
action of Communists, Socialists, union militants and progressives for a common 
struggle against the Dixieorat-Bepubllcan coalition. 

It is essential to educate the masses of the people in socialism, in the ac- 
complishments of the socialist countries and the meaning of socialism for the United 
States. But such education cannot be viewed as a task apart from the struggles of 
the people. The main task of the class-conscious forces at the present time is to 
develop the unity of the widest masses of people In the struggle for their most 
vital needs — above all peace — and through these atrugglea to create more favor- 
able conditions for wider socialist understanding and organization of movements. 

The Communist Party will cooperate with and help stimulate the independent 
political organization and activity of labor and all other democratic forces, and 
will support and participate wherever possible in united and democratic front al- 
liances and movements. At the same time, it will develop its own Independent activ- 
ity, help clarify Issues and popularize Its basic program for an American road to 
soclaliam. The I96O electiona afford to the Party, and the Left and progressive 
forces generally a great opportunity to strengthen their positions and Identify 
themselves more closely with the mass currents and movements stirring our country. 

The elections will also enable the Party to make a special contribution to the 
question which will overshadow the Immediate Issues — namely, the competition of the 
two systems, soclaliam and capitalism. Theae will be dlacusaed and debated and 
aoclalism will therefore be an issue in the broadest sense. The Party will bring 
the truth about socialism and its superiority over capitalism to the American people. 

To advance the cause of peace and progress, the Communist Party will advocate 
the following program: 

1. Guarantee peace for our country and the world by outlawing nuclear war, 
and banning war Itself as a means of settling differences between countries. End 
the cold war and establish a policy of peaceful co-existence with peaceful relations, 
recognition of normal relations with People's China, trade and friendship with all 
nations. Achieve total disarmament and an end to the arms economy, with reduction 
of taxes on low incomes and increased expenditures for social welfare. 

2. End interference In the affairs of Latin American countries. Hands off 
Cuba; Independence for Puerto Blcol 

3. Defend the Constitution and restore the Bill of Bights. Abolish the 
witchhunting House Un-American Activities Committee and the Senate Internal Security 
Committee. Free Henry Winston, Eobert Thompson, Gilbert Green, and all other polit- 
ical prisoners, Including Morton Sobell, who Is now serving his ninth year of a 
brutal 30-year sentence. Protect the foreign-bom against deportation and harass- 
ment, Hepeal the Smith and McCarran Acts and establish the full legality of the 
Communist Party, 

It-. Secure equal rights and full citizenship of the Negro people. Abolish Jim 
Crow segregation. Enforce the 13th, lltth and 15th Amendments. Enact federal civil 
rights legislation to guarantee these rights immediately. 

Holmes Exhibit No. 5-L — Continued 

Mala Res. - 13 

5) Advance labor's right to organize, strike and participate In political 
action. Repeal the Taft-Hartley and Landrum-Grlffln laws. Prohibit strike -breaking 
by court Injunction. Halt all Taft-Hartley prosecutions. Guarantee the right to 
a ,'ob and Improved living and working conditions. Provide adequate compensation for 
a:!! unemployed for the entire duration of unemployment. Establish the 30-hour week 
wH.h no reduction In pay. Increase social security payments. 

6) Protect the rights of the small farmers to their land and their Implements. 
Assure adequate Income through Improved and extended price supports. Provide credit 
and government loans at nominal interest rates. Use farm surpluses to feed the hungry 
here ajd a'oroad. 

7) Aid sn&ll business through taz relief and easy credit. 

8) Enact an Anerlcan Youth Act to meet the needs of the youth for education, 
recreation, health and Jobs. Reduce the minimum voting age to 18 years. 

9) Enact hc^Rlth, education, cultural, and housing programs to meet the people's 
needs without con-v'-ion and profiteering. 

10) Establish public ownership and operation of all atomic energy facilities, 
railroads, and publlC:jUtllltles. 

11) Tr-Z: )"-r:opoly pjoflteerlng. Put the tax burden on corporate wealth and 
high personal income, on tje basis of taxation according to ability to pay. 

12) Enact Federal legislation to Implement the rights of all citizens to hold 
office regardless of race, color, political views, and with special provisions for 
enforcement In the South. Abolish the discriminatory literacy tests. 


The new period we have entered opens up great new opportunities and tasks for 
the working class, and this, as well as the developments of the past two years, con- 
firms anew the indispensable need of the Communist Party, which is the Marxist-Lenin- 
ist vanguard party of the American working class — the party of socialism. 

In the recent period, the Party has successfully fought and defeated the anti- 
Marxist revisionists as well as a group of anti-Party dogmatists. Waging a deter- 
mined struggle against factionalism and for the unity of the Party, defending and 
applying the principles of scientific socialism, of Marxism-Leninism, in accord with 
specific American conditions and the best Interests of our working class and nation, 
our Party has begun again to unfold Its mass policies, to bring its program to the 

It fought against those who would convert the Party into a hopeless sect while 
at the same time disassociating Itself from the distortions of the concept of the 
united party of socialism by which the revisionists sought to convert our Party into, 
or replace it with, a party of a coalition type in which Marxism-Leninism would be but 
one tendency Instead of the fundamental and basi* policy of the entire organization. 

Our Party has begun to play a constructive role in some of the unemployment, 
integration, peace, electoral and strike struggles of the people. As a result the 
Party's influence, mass contacts and relationships are Increasing in a number of 
areas and fields of work. And there the Party is being consolidated and revitalized. 

But these areas of positive activities and developments are as yet the excep- 
tion and do not reflect the general situation in our Party, A sober and objective 
estimation of the status of our Party today would confirm its Inadequacy to give its 
most effective leadership and to make its full contribution to the great new tasks 
which confront the American people and its working class. 

The cardinal problem of Party renewal, of building the Party and of establish- 
ing broader united front relations, remains largely unsolved. Therefore the chief 
task before the Party still is to overcome its isolation from decisive sections of 
the labor movemant to strengthen the Party's neise base among the basic Industrial 
workers, Negro and white, and among the youth. Without this, the Party's capacity 
for helping transform its policy into living reality will remain seriously Impaired. 

In the growing popular movements of resistance to the offensive of reaction, 
the perspective for our Party is to bring our science and indispensable role to 
these movements. We can bring our Communist initiative, steadfastness and energy to 
help the people in these struggles. We can find among the most devoted and class- 
conscious elements emerging In them a source of new members to revitalize and rebuild 
our organization. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-L — Continued 

Main Res. - lU - 

Certain weaknesees In the Party's work can be attributed to ehortcomlngs In the 
vork of the national leadership. Among these are a failure decisively to end faction- 
alism, a lag In tackling Important Ideological problems, an Insufficiently vigorous 
fight for a united front policy, and Inadequacy In collective work and the applica- 
tion of criticism and self -criticism. 

But the main weakness of the Party leadership on national and district levels 
has been Its Inadequacy In keeping sufficiently abreast of new developments and In 
providing analysis, policy, program and tactical leadership to the extent required 
most effectively to equip our Party to play Its full role In the mass struggles shap- 
ing u p today. All too often. Party leaders remain Isolated from the nembershlp and 
the mass movement. 

It will be Idle for us to strive to Improve the political content of our work, 
however, unless we conduct a determined struggle to re-establish the organizational 
status of our Party from top to bottom. Party building And the further Implementa- 
tion of the Party's mass political line will proceed very slowly and unsatisfactor- 
ily unless the entire Party and Its leadership seriously raises organizational work 
to the high level it requires. The fight for the revltallzatlon of our Party needs 
to be seen as a two-front task In which progress on each front will enhance the 
other and both are essential. 

In this connection, it is essential that the Party leadership at all levels 
Improve its style of work, eradicate subjectivity and cultivate closer and more 
comradely relations. In which criticism and self-criticism will be constructive and 
mutually beneficial. Such criticism and self -criticism must be directed toward 
specific mistakes and toward their correction. It must not be permitted to take 
the form of criticism of the Party as such and the undermining of its role, such as 
took place In the recent past. And it Is especially urgent that the leadership work 
at all times to reinforce the unity of the Party. 

It is necessary to effect a marked improvement in the way in which the Party 
fulfills Its vanguard role, especially in Its ideological work, in extending its 
Independent mass activity, and in unfolding Its united front policies. Also, the 
readership and study of The Worker and Political Affairs and of Marxist literature 
of all kinds, must be greatly expanded. 

The exercise of Its vanguard role requires, among other things, expanding to 
the maximum the organizational and political initiatives of the Party on all levels. 
Taking into account the deprivation of legal rights imposed upon the Party by Big 
Business reaction In violation of the Constitution, the Party's vanguard role must be 
exercised by its members In such a way as safeguards the ability of Communists to 
remain among the naases, strengthen their ties with them and win them for the Party's 
mass policies. At the sane time, the Party must boldly utilize all public channels 
for expression and activity, and Intensify tte fight for re-establishment of its 
full constitutional rights as part of the general fight of the working people to 
restore and defend the Bill of Eights. 

Effectively to carry out the Party's mass political line, to accelerate labor 
unity and the development of the democratic front for peace, democracy and security, 
It la necessary to master and apply concretely and flexibly the Party's united front 
policy. In many respects, this remains our biggest imwon battle . Victory In this 
battle Is the key to progress on all fronts, now and on the morrow. It Is a battle 
which must be waged by every Party leader, and member. In shop and community, in the 
unions and other nass organizations. 

The Party must search out what Is new and promising in the current and unfolding 
mass struggles. It must find the ways and means of establishing more extensive per- 
sonal contacts and friendships, and wider fooBl and Informal organized political re- 
latlonfahlps with other progressive workers on key Issues. It must work to revitalize 
the Left and promote the broadest unity of action of the left with the progressive 
or center forces and, on certain issues, with the conservative forces as well. 

The Party must give special consideration to the problems and mass struggles 
of American youth. It must give Its support to the building of a Marxist-oriented 
youth organization In this country. Attention to work among the national groups 
must be restored. In this connection, it is necessary to combat the erroneous Idea 
that these groups are disappearing as significant forces on the American scene. 

In particular, the Party must give attention to the problems of the more than 
five million Anerlcan Jews — nearly telf of the Jewish population of the entire world. 
These millions of Jews are confronted with the common problem of anti-Semitism in its 
various manifestations — Job discrimination, quota systems in educational Instltuttlons, 
housing restrictions, and the growing outbursts of desegregation and bombing of syno- 
gogues and similar acts of vandalism. It Is the duty of Communlats to fight anti- 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-L — Continued 

Main Hbb. - 15 

Semltlsm unconpromlelngly. The Party must lead In the fight to safeguard the demo- 
cratic rights of the Jewish people, to foster the development of progressive 
Jewish culture and to combat the Influence of bourgeois nationalism, which seeks to 
utilize the justified Interest of Amsrlcan Jews In Israel and In Jewish communities 
In other lands to promote the cold war, and which separates Jewish workers from the 
general American struggle and the fight by the side of the Negro people against all 
forma of racism and discrimination. 

The Party must also strive to strengthen international worklngclaes solidarity. 
Above all, it must strive to build ever closer ties with the working people of the 
Latin American countries, who labor under the oppression of American imperialism. 

As never before, it Is important that the Party, from top to bottom, grasp 
more deeply and develop further the scientific principles of Marxism-Leninism, boldly 
grappling with the new problems confronting our working class and country, and learn- 
ing from the experiences and views of the masses, as well as from world working class 
experience . 

It is necessary to strengthen the Ideological content of our mass work day in 
and day out, Anti-Sovletlam and anti-Communism must be exposed as the chief weapon 
of the trusts to mask their robber plans of aggression and exploitation abroad and 
at home. Racism, antl-Semltlem, bourgeois nationalism and chauvinism must be bared 
as a divisive hatchet dividing Negro and white, native and foreign-bom, at home, 
and "justifying" U. S. Imperialist domlnatlcji abroad. The "people's capitalism" and 
"welfare state" panaceas must be unmasked as demagogic propaganda spread by the open 
apologists of Big Business as well as by the revisionists in their efforts to confuse 
-'-(3 It'orlent the vnvkiig peep]',, to pro^ent theia from struggling effectively a/ralnst 
luciiopojy and to divert them froia the path to socialism. 

Revisionism is an opportunist trend which has its source in the Ideology of 
the imperialist ruling class. Especially in periods of relative economic stability 
and social reformist and"claas partnership" Ideas and Illusions gain widespread sup- 
port and these Influences flourish and spread In the labor and the middle classes. 
Our foremost mass ideological task Is the constant struggle to expose its roots and 
influences. Within our Party its penetration has shown Itself in the Loveatone, 
Browder, and Gates revisionist theories, resulting In stripping the Party of Its 
fighting capacity and leadership ability and threatening the very existence of the 
Party, It attempts to replace our working class science with bourgeois ideas and 
mathods . 

Much of our present weaknesses stem from the hangovers of revisionist thinking 
and methods seen in apathy, cynicism and continuing "holding action" concepts. These 
retard the revltallzatlon of our Party and its subsequent rebuilding. Our Party needs 
to be strengthened in the science and method of dialectical materialism In order more 
effectively to develop consistent working class theories and pollclea. The Party 
leadership especially has the obligation to strengthen Its grasp and application of 
basic theory. 

Our mass work and Ideological responsibility demand that the most consistent 
struggle against revlslonlat tendencies be carried on simultaneously with the most 
vigorous opposition to dogmatic Ideas and sectarian practices within our movenEnt. 
Equally with revisionism, these stem from rullng-tlass Ideology. And they are equal- 
ly a form of opportunlsm--in fact, they are but the other side of the coin of Right 
revisionist opportunism. The Party must wage a persistent struggle against deeply 
Ingrained dogmatic-sectarian opportunist tendencies, seen In rejection and under- 
estimation of the united front, and In narrow, limited actions rvinnlng ahead of the 
masses and causing Isolation from them, leading to frustration and aptahy. Above 
all, the Party must conduct an uncompromising struggle to eradicate from Its ranks 
every vestige of the destructive evil of factionalism. 

Major developments today are forcing many basic questions Into the arena of 
public debate. Among these are questions which arise out of the developments toward 
peace and disaniBnent, as well as questions which arise out of the move towards peace- 
ful competition. This has also given rise to a tremendous curiosity and Interest In 
the socialist world. Mllllona of people in our country today are beginning to weigh 
the two social systems. 

This interest is spurred by the tremendous developments of the socialist world 
In the fields of science, education. Industry and agriculture, as well as the historic 
Soviet seven-year plan which promises such epoch-making advances. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-L— Continued 

Mala Bes. - l6 

The peace policy and initiatives of the Soviet Union and the recent proposal 
for total dlsannainent exert an even greater Influence in world affairs, and have 
etruck a responsive chord in the nsss desire to avoid the holocaust of an atomic war. 

It is therefore timely and essential to demonstrate anew the superiority of 
socialism over capitalism and the promise which socialism holds of a happy and peace- 
ful life for humanity. In order to make our ftorxist contribution to the general 
welfare, to multiply our mass Influence and build the Party as a nfiss party, we 
Communists must, especially now, expand our advocacy of socialism. We must explain 
how with the socialist reorganization of society our country, with its great working 
class, resources and technology, can bring forth an age of economic, cultural, social, 
intellectual and democratic well-being far beyond the boldest dreams of any genera- 
tion of Anericans. We must show that the Communist Party advocates and strives to 
help bring into existence this new social system by peaceful and democratic means, 
and we must show that in this new socialist society there will be life, liberty and 
happiness for all Anericans, Kegro and white, under a government led by the working 

The decade of the sixties is a period in which the American people will take 
great strides forward. And it is a period in which our Party and its Influence can 
grow neiny times over, in which it can become a mass party of the American working 
class, in the vanguard of the struggles of the American people for peace and progress 
and throwing a beacon light toward an America of brotherhood and peaceful labor -- 
a socialist America. 



Holmes Exhibit No. 5-M 

17th convention resolution on the neoio qtjestion 


The decade of the Sixties will mark the hundredth anniversary of the emanci- 
pation of the Negro people from chattel slavery in the United States. It will 
also register the hundredth anniversary of the enactment of the 13th, Hth and 
15th Amendments. These Amendments proclaimed that Negroes should enjoy equality 
of citizenship status and constitutional rights with all other Americans. 

Yet today, almost a century after the enactment of the Civil War amendment, 
Negroes are not free and equal citizens. On the contrary, now numbering some 18 
million, 11 percent of the total population, they are the most severely oppressed 
and exploited of all the peoples that constitute the American nation. They are 
subjected to a systematic pattern of segregation, discrimination and racist defam- 
ation in varying degrees, in all areas of the country and in all aspects of life. 

The oppression of the Negro people manifests Itself in three characteristic 
features: the denial of equal economic opportunities, of political rights and of 
social advantages. All three are rooted deep in the historic development of the 
nation — in slavery and in the long period of oppression which has followed eman- 

Though a specially oppressed part of the American nation, the Negro in the 
United States are not constituted as a separate nation. They have the characteris- 
tics of a racially distinctive people or nationality . They are a component part of 
the whole American nation which is itself an historically derived national forma- 
tion, an amalgam of more or less well differentiated nationalities. 

Though deprived of equal rights and of the possibility to participate fully in 
all aspects of the national life, the Negro people (no less than the other national 
components) have contributed to an have an Inseparable stake in the American na- 
tion's common territory, economic life, language, culture and paychological make-up. 

As a result of their singular historical experiences the Negro people are de- 
prived of equal status in the life of the American nation, free of all manner of 
oppression, social ostracism, economic discrimination, political inequality, and 
racial segregation. 

To conclude that the Negro people in the U.S. are not a nation Is not to say 
that the Negro question in our country is not a national question. It is Indeed a 
national question. The question is, however, a national question of what type, with 
what distinguishing characteristics, calling for what strategic concept for Its 

The fact that the Negro question is not one of an oppressed nation fighting for 
national-state sovereignty does not diminish the revolutionary Import of the Negro 
people's struggle in the United States. It is a special feature of the American 
road to socialism that the requisite preparation of the forces for effecting funda- 
mental social change in the system requires the completion of the bourgeois-democra- 
tic norms of political, economic and social development for the South and the Negro 
people as a whole. In this respect the Negro question differs from that of other 
minority groups. 

« « * 

The chief oppressor of the Negro people, and the primary beneficiary of their 
oppression, is the class of monopolists, the capitalist commanders of the economic 
and political heights of our present social system. It is mainly into their pockets 
that the super-profits flow as a consequence of the extra exploitation of Negro 
wrokers of factory and farm. It is their system of reactionary, ruling class poli- 
tical control that is bolstered by the disfranchisement of Negroes in the South and 
their under-representation in government everywhere; by the perpetuation of lity- 
white state governments dedicated to the maintenance of white supremacy and pliant 
submission to the demands of Northern industrialists; and by the presence of a size- 
able bloc of Dixiecrats In the Federal Congress who block all programs for social 

It is their domination and pollution of the cultural life and social customs 
of the nation that is strengthened by the prevalence of a far-reaching system of 
social indignity and abouse ranging from the customary exclusion of Negroes from 
tax-supported public facilities to the barbarous crime of lynching. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-M — Continued 

Negro - 2 - 

Negro freedcm can be achieved, therefore, only at the expense of the super- 
profits and the political power position of the monopolists and their Dixiecrat 
partners. It can be secured only through struggle against racist oppressors and 
exploiters — the Dixiecrats, the monopolists and those who serve their interests. 

For this reason the Negro people's freedom movement must be seen as one of a 
tripod of social forces upon which monopoly has built its empire of exploitation, 
which are in irreconcilable opposition ^D it and irtiich are compelled by the nature 
of their position to struggle against it. 

The other two forces of the tripod are; (l) the working class which seeks, 
through the labor movement, a bigger share of the fruits of its labor and must 
eventually contend for control of the means of production, and (2) the world anti- 
imperialist forces, consisting, in the main, of the colonial revolutionary move- 
ments and the Communist- led nations and parties. 

Each advance of the Negro movement weakens the power of reaction in American 
life. It has the most revolutionary import. It must therefore command the active 
support of all other victims of reaction and monopoly greed — the workers of mine, 
mill and factory, the working farmers, small business people, etc. 

Conversely, every victory of the working class in its battle for hi^er living 
standards, better conditions of work and increased social security, every general 
democratic and social advance of the nation, marks an inroad into the mameth 
economic power of the capitalist spawners of Negro oppression. It therefore 
calls for the sympathy and the aid of the organized Negro movement. 

Sufferers at the hands of a common enemy, the Negro people's liberation move- 
ment and the forces of organized labor must increasingly make common cause to find 
relief from the ills imposed upon both by their mutual foe. 

Not only the working class but all social classes and currents which are in 
any degree restricted in their democratic development by the reactionary monopo- 
lists have a stake in the cause of Negro freedom. Thus, the family-size farmer, 
the small businessman, the professional middle classes are called upon to champion 
the Negro's struggle to be free. 

This way, the Negro movement will be able to hurl against the monopoly strong- 
hold of American racism not only its own proper and growing strength, but also the 
massed power of all groups in American life which are, by the nature of oiu- society, 
the Negro's most likely allies and monopoly's natural enemies. 

The Negro movement's need and possibility for sympathetic alliance do not end 
with the nation's borders. In recent years, especially, the fight for equal citi- 
zenship has been enhanced by the sympathy and support which it has aroused abroad. 

The continuation of flagrant oppression of Negroes at home undermines the 
prestige of U.S. Imperialists and contradicts their efforts to extend their influ- 
ence among colonial and recently liberated nations. 

This stands in contrast to the continuing development of genuine solidarity 
relations which the Soviet Union, China and the rest of the socialist countries 
maintain with the peoples of Asia, Africa and latin America. 

This international aspect of the Negro question is of major importance in the 
struggle for equality at home, favorable to wresting concessions from the ruling 

The Negro movement will be further strengthened as it forges bonds of conscious 
alliance rrith the rising colonial, semi-colonial and newly independent nations of 
the worldJ the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latii^ America who have taken a glorious 
and irreversible path which leads to freedom from imperialist domination. Negro 
Americans have much to gain from their successes and many lessons to learn from 
their struggles. 

Likewise, the Negro people must come to look with favor upon socialism which, 
in vast areas of the world and among more than a third of the world's people, has 
wiped out national oppression and eliminated the source of class domination, the 
profit system. It points the path to full realization of genuine equality and en- 
during prosperity. 

« ♦ « 

Given this setting within which the Negro movement functions today, how shall 



Holmes Exhibit No. 5-M — Continued 

Negro - 3 "• 

the movement grow? Bhat are its foremost goals and how shall they bo attaineit 

The question of Negro freedom is the crucial domestic issue of the day and a 
faot^or of international consequence. 

The circumstances of their oomncn oppression and the unanimous demand for 
equality of rights and status as American citizens are the ties that bind together 
all strata of the Negro population. The steadily growing unity of the Negro 
people is manifested in the continuing growth of their mass organizations and in- 
stitutions, in the singularity of their basic demands, in the militancy of their 
advocacy and action for equal rights, In the developing coordination and collabo- 
ration between the organizations whloh constitute the Negro people'a movement. 

This new strength of organization not only provides for the greater mobiliza- 
tion and exercise of the fighting power of Negro Americans to advance; it also es- 
tablishes the basis for more formal and equitable alliance relations with or- 
ganized labor and other progressive organized formations of the general population. 

The struggles of the Negro people and the resultant significant advances have 
inspired Negro Americans with a new qioality of self-conf idenc . A profound spirit 
of national consciousness and pride in their racial identification permeates the 
Negro people of the U.S. today. It fires their determination to build ever closdr 
their unity in order to wage the struggle even more militantly to break down all 
barriers to their exercise of any and all political, economic and social rights 
enjoyed by other citizens. 

The great masses of Negroes unite not in order to separate themselves 
from the political, economic or social life of our country. They xinita 
to more effectively employ the strength of their own numbers and the 
weight of their alliance with other parts of the population to level 
all barriers to their fullest integration into all aspects of the 
economic, political and social life of the American people as a whole. 
They are forging an internal national unity to facilitate their struggle 
for inte gration as free and equal American citizens . 

The Negro people's movement is today's standard bearer in the struggle to open 
up the now-restricted areas of democracy. It is the decisive strategic ally of the 
working class in the current struggles for liberty and livelihood and in all atagsa 
that lead to the subsequent achievement of the necessary fundamental transformation 
of American society from the present capitalist exploitative system to that of soc- 
ialism. To cement the Negro-labor alliance now through powerful mass struggles for 
Negro rights, is to lay the cornerstone for those broad anti-monopoly groupings of 
labor and people's forces on which the progressive future of our country depends. 

Against the background of this estimate of the Negro people and their freedom 
movement, what are the special tasks and responsibilities of Communists? First and 
foremost, it is the obligation of the vanguard Party of the American working class 
to lead every support to the Negro people's struggle. More, it is the task of Com- 
munists to rally the working class and the American people to the support of the 
Negro people's Just demands. It is especially the duty of Communists to promote an 
awareness among the white pro-democratic forces of their own self-interests in the 
fulfillment of the freedom aspirations of the Negro people. We must continually 
point out that no major social advances can be made without a resolution of this 
question, Negro equality and freedom is a basic question of principal, not a fringe 
issue. Every comprumise on this question weakens the general democratic struggle 
of all the people. 

The main obstacle to consolidating higher forms of Negro- labor alliance is the 
continuance of racist practices and discrimination within the trade union movement. 
These practices are reflected in the compromising, vacillating, Ineffective approach 
of the labor movement to the key task of organizing the tmorganized Negro and white 
workers of the South on a basis of equality; in the perpetuation of lily-white con- 
stitutional clauses in two international unions of the AFL-CIO; in the continued 
existence of Jim Crow locals in some internationals and Jim Crow practices in locals 
of other internationals; in the slow pace of the advancement of Negro trade union 
leaders to posts of top leadership and responsibility in many unions, and, most 
dramatically, in the crude attack of AFI^CIO president George Meany on A. Philip 
flandolph at the recent ATL-CIO convention. 

It is a duty of Communists to help the trade union movement right these of- 
fenses against class unity. 

Since the character of Negro oppression is delineated by the widespread flenifll 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-M — Continued 

Negro - i - 

of economic opportunity, political rights and social advantages, the urgent demands 
of the Negro freedom movement must be to secure these necessary ingredients of 
equality. Negroes of all classes, with a practical unanimity, subscribe to these 
demands; for no Nagro, whatever his class position, can fully escape the yoke of ex- 
ploitation, discrimination and derision. As a result, the Negro movement embraces 
all olasses of the people for whom it speaks. 

Yet the yoke of oppression does not impose an equal burden on Negroes regard- 
less of class. It rests with special weight on the back of the Negro worker. For 
it must never be forgotten that the cardinal aim of anti-Negro oppression is super- 
profits, and those profits are most readily and directly realized out of the poorly 
paid toil of Negro workers. 

Therefore the Negro workers, and especially the two millions who are members 
of the organized labor movement, have a special and decisive part to play in the 
fight for Negro freedom. Segregated largely in the hard-labor, basic production 
functions of U.S. industry, they are denied promotion to highly skilled jobs, often 
excluded from apprenticeship training programs, and often denied equal pay for 
equal work. They are still excluded from some unions and shamefully discriminated 
against in others. In the ranks of the unemployed they loom proportionately twice 
as large as white workers. 

The most immediate and pressing material needs of the Negro worker, therefore 
— food, clothing and shelter for himself and his dependents, security for his loved 
cnes, and education and cultural advancement for his children -- depend upon an un- 
relenting fight against Jim-Crow. His interest is in eliminating every vestige of 
discrimination from his industry, his shop and his union, first of all, but it also 
extends to every phase of American life, for he knows that his inferior status in 
the economic life of the nation is partly fixed by the subordination of Negroes in 
the nation's affairs generally. 

To the struggle for Negro freedom the Negro worker brings many indispensable 
contributions. Foremost among these is mass action, in the best tradition of the 
labor movement of which he Is a part. Without this element the battle for Negro 
equality cannot be fully effective. Never has there been a more apparent need for 
joining the legal campaigns and educational activities which constitute the bulk of 
the prograir of the main Negro people's organizations with well-conceived, militantly 
directed actions involving masses of Negro people and their allies. 

As such actions take place the Negro worker may be expected to support and 
initiate them, not only with his own considerable and strategic strength, but als» 
with the co-operation of thousands and eventually millions of his white fellow-, 
workers , 

CoTnmunists have long advocated the united action of the Negro workers 
to enhance their fight for equality on the job and in the labor movement, and to add 
their organized weight to the struggles of their people for freedom. We greet and 
will support the initiative which Negro workers have taken in forming the groundwork 
for a national Negro labor organization to accomplish these ends. 

Fully one-third of the Negro population who live within the deep Southern 
areas of Negro majority are farmers and rural toilers. It is at once apparent, 
therefore, that the struggle of tlie Negro medium and small farmers, the sharecrop- 
pers, the tenants, the land-poor and landless farm toilers to secure their ownership 
and tenure of the land and to improve their livelihood and social, cultural and 
political conditions, represents one of the major factors entering Into the solution 
off the Negro question in the U.S. It is an Important part of the immediate struggles 
for the economic well-being and democratic rights of the Negro people as well as for 
the strategic solution of the Negro's aspiration to political equality. 

Pending a more basic development toward nationalization and socialization in 
American agriculture, the present struggle of the Nefero Carm masses for the land 
manifests itself in the advocacy and support for a whole series of reforms. They 
demand a moratorium on debts and evictions; interest-free or low interest, long-term 
government financed loans for the purchase of land, for private farms and coopera- 
tives, livestock, farm equipment, seed, fertilizer, house construction and repair, 
etc. They demand that the government insure the availability of land to the land- 
less and land-poor farmers through the forced purchase of the idle lands cf the 
large estate and plantation ovmers with government control of its resale and minimum 
rates on long-term credit basis with priority to the poorest farmers. They demand 
firm prices controls on farm machinery and cheap rental rates for the use of such 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-M — Continued 

Negro - 5 - 

Furthermore, the Southern Negro farmers are engaged in struggle for schools, 
hospitals, the right to vote and political representation, for cheap electric 
power, adequate roads and a fair share of various other public services. 

The Negro farmers conduct their struggle through organizations and in such 
forms as are common to farmers generally in the country and to the Negro people in 
the South particularly. They strive to express their will at the polls to the mea- 
ger extent that they can vote and are much occupied with activity for the right to 
vote. They petition, send delegations and hold conferences to formulate and make 
known their demands to the authorities. Though represented to some extent in all of 
the major farm organizations, the Negro poor farmers, like Southern white poor far- 
mers, are largely unorganized in terms of a class organization with their white bro- 
thers in behalf of common economic and political demands. The organization "f the 
unorganized working farmers, Negro and white, is an outstanding urgent need of, and 
task before, the labor movement as well as the Negro people's freedom movement. 

While properly emphasizing the importance of the struggle of the Negro farmers 
for the land in the total struggle of the Negro people for economic, political and 
social equality and national freedom me should not exaggerate. If in the past we 
were able to speak of the struggle of the poor farmers for the land as the "main 
thing" in securing the conditions for the solution of the Negro question in the 
D.S., it was because of two considerations which no longer obtain. First, decades 
ago, over two-thirds of the Negro people were rural folk bound to the land in one 
form or another and therefore any basic improvement in the conditions of life cf 
the Negro masses presupposed as improvement of their economic status on the country- 
side. Secondly, the oppressive, reactionary, Jim Crow political and social super- 
structure of the Southern states had as its primary economic base the feudal-capi- 
talist cotton, tobacco and cane plantations. The economic base of Bourbon rule and 
Negro oppression was the plantation economy, the smashing of which would deprive the 
Bourbons of their primary material stake in the oppression of the Negro people. 

Landlord capital is no longer the capital base, or dominant form of the econo- 
mic power of the modern Dixiecrat ruling circle — the heirs and perpetuatprs of t 
the vicious regimes of Negro oppression and exploitation which continue to prevail 
in the Southern states. The Jim Crow political and social superstructure with its 
disfranchisement and economic robbery of the Negro people now serves (and is sus- 
tained by) the dominant industrial and financial branches of absentee Wall Street 
and local Southern capital. Therefore, to deprive the Southern ruling oligarchy 
of the economic bases of its power (and motive for the oppression of the Negro 
people) it is no longer simply a matter of breaking its monopoly grasp upon the land 
(the plantation). The breakup of the plantations (as necessary as that is) will not 
of itself deprive the present oligarchy of Southern political reaction of its 
economic base for, or stake in, subjugating the Negro people. 

Hence, we see that the struggle for the land, "for the breakup of the planta- 
tions" cannot be cast as the exclusive axis upon which the entire outcome of the 
struggle for Negro freedom pivots; rather it should be viewed as a major, but de- 
rivative and subsidiary part of the struggle of the Negro people's movement for 
economic, political and social equality, on the one hand, and an allied struggle 
of the working class against the monopolists and men of the trusts on the other. 

The .main class enemy — robber and oppressor — of the Negro people is seen to 
be, therefore, the common class enemy of labor and all toiling masses — monopoly 
capital, the imperialist robber class. Hence, it is clear that the decisive class 
force ifl the Negro people's freoaom movement, which ultimately will ascend to the 
leadership of that movement, is revealed as the workers. 

The Negro workers have special bonds with the semi-proletarian, poor farmer 
masses of the countryside; they stand in a special durable realtionship with each 
other within the all-class Negro freedom front. 

As a further barrier to the Negro's freedom aspirations, in many areas of the 
South disfranchisement, sustained by illegal trickery, intimidation and terror, all 
but exclude him from effective participation in government. Roughly 1,260,000 Negro 
citizens have, by painstaking and brave effort, won the right to vote in the eleven 
ex-Confederate states. But this is only a fraction of the 6,000,000 Negro adults 
who are entitled to the franchise in this area. On the strength of this disfran- 
chisement, Negroes are denied public office and have no part in running the state, 
county and municipal governments which oppress them with an iron hand. 

Thou^ Negroes are a fourth of the Southern population, not one of their 

52-810 O — 66 — pt. 2- 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-M— Continued 

Negro - 6 - 

number occupies a seat in the national Congress. The determination of issues of 
greatest concern to their welfare is invariably in the hands of racist politicians 
who through long tenure and seniority based squarely on Negro disfranchisement, 
rise to dominant positions in the Federal legislature. 

In Northern communities, where the vote is more readily available to Negro 
citizens, they are nevertheless denied the direct representation and influence 
which their numbers would warrent by entrenched political machines. This is 
ordinarily accomplished by gerrymandering of election districts to deny Negroes 
representation, by excluding Negroes from position of real power in the capitalist 
parties, and by various other maneuvers. 

The fight for Negro freedom, therefore, requires a determined crusade to win 
the right to vote and to be voted for in the South. The flagrant disfranchisement 
of millions of Negro citizens in the middle of the Twentieth Century, and In the 
face of the monopolists' loud boasting about the quality of American democracy, is 
so shocking and repulsive that great masses of people in all parts of the country 
can be rallied to force an end to it. This is especially true if these masses are 
helped to realize that the result of this battle will be the extension of political 
democracy, not for Negroes alone, but for all democratic froces in the nation. This 
battle for political equality can provide the next big breakthrough in the con- 
tinuing struggle of the American people to wrest the political machinery of govern- 
ment from the hands of the economic barons. 

In an Immediate sense, this requires, as part of the I960 electoral campaign, 
a mighty movement to force the Federal government to use its power and its con- 
stitutional authority to guarantee and protect the unhampered use of the franchise 
by the Negro people of the South. The proposal of the Federal Civil Rights Com- 
mission for Federal officials to replace biased Southern registrars must become 
a rallying point for masses of Americans. 

A united Negro electorate in Northern communities ean become a decisive 
force in winning the right to vote in the South. In many Northern states the 
Negro vote constitutes a balance of power between the two major parties. The 
development of independent, non-partisan political unity movements, bound to no 
party, but including Negroes who are committed to both parties, and also including 
independent voters, provides a means of unifying the Negro vote In the North. Such 
movements snould support shose candidates who will work and vote for guarantees of 
political equality for the Negro people of the South, and oppose and defeat those 
candidates who refuse to do so. In this respect the Dixiecrats in the Democratic 
Party and their supporters In the Republican Rarty must be singled out for the 
main attack. The unified Negro vote in Northern communities must also Increasingly 
address itself to the task of overcoming the under-representation of Negroes in 
elective and appointive offices at all levels of government. Furthermore, united 
non-partisan political action of Negroes will advance Negro candidates for public 
office and exert pressure for advanced social measures in the state and national 
legislatures. Such united efforts of Negroes, vrtiatever form they take, will be 
strengthened to the degree that they form working alliances with other non-partisan 
forces dedicated to Independent action in the political field. 

The common objective of Negroes, wherever they may live in the United States, 
is to be free of discrimination. Negro Americans everywhere aspire to legal equality 
with their fellow white countrymen in the political, economic and cultural life of 
the country. The popular expression "to fight for Negro rights" is understood by 
the Negro peopie to mean the struggle for these general objectives. 

To bo -able to realize these objectives it is required that the Negro people in 
the United States must secure their full rightful share of governmental power. In 
those urban and rural communities vrtiere they are the larger part of the population 
generally, and in the Deep South area of the historic American cradle-land of the 
Negro people particularly, they must constitute the maloritv power in government . 

In its essence , therefore, the struggle for Negro rights is not a mere "civil 
rights" fight. It is a political struggle; a struggle for a Just share of represents 
ation nationally; a struggle for majority rule in the localities where they are the 
dominant people In the population; a struggle for genuinely democratic representa- 
tive government in the southern states in particular and in the country as a whole. 

Ilhile the essential character of the Negro people's mo vament for democratic 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-M — Continued 

Negro - 7 - 

rlriita and national equality Is a political struggle for adequate governmental 
^ ower and rep rese nta ti on In government in order to enact, enforce and d e fend free - 
dom and equality demands of the Negro neonle. it is also a fact that eeonomlc 

ment long before they are given expression in law . 

At the heart of this political struggle for Negro rights at the present 
time is the fight for the ballot, for free and universal suffrage rights. Ac- 
companying this central demand and limited only by the advances made in achieving 
full suffrage rights. Is the fight for Negro representation. To register 
successes in this regard, certain things are requiredt 

1. A nobllislng, activizing and uniting, to the greatest possible extent, 
of the Negro people and their allies In support of "unity" candidates committed 
to a program of equal rights for Negroes. 

2. Maximum mobilization and unity of Negro voters in support of "unity" 
candidates committed to a program of equal rights for Negroes. 

3. Mutual assistance pacts for political action; an ever solidifying 
alliance between the organized Negro suffrage movement and the Negro electorate 
on the one hand, with the organized labor movement and popular democratic 
rights and peace movement on the other. The latter point, i.e., the linking of 
the particular struggle of the Negro people for Negro rights to the general 
struggle of labor for democratic advancement and peace, for the welfare of the 
country as a whole, is required for winning eifher Immediate or long range 
successes. As a minority people in the country as a whole, victory of the Negro 
people requires that the struggle be fought in alliance with the oppressed majori- 
ty of the whole people, i.e., with the working class, the poor farmer masses, and 
the other strata victimized by the monopolists. 

U. In order to unite the Negro people and to forge the alliance between 
them and organized labor for the struggle for Negro rights, it is necessary for 
the Negro workers to exercise the initiative and leadership. 

5. To fulfill its historic role of the "leading force" in the freedom en- 
deavors of the Negro people, the Negro workers must be fully organized alongside 
their fellow white workers in the mass organizations of their class, the trade 

In the conduct of all these struggles — for economic, political and social 
equality — there inevitably arises in the Negro movement different approaches 
and estimates of the task and the best means of accomplishing it. These 
differences rise largely out of differences in class orientation of the component 
economic classes which constitute the Negro movement. 

The outstanding and fundamental feature of the developments in Negro life in 
recent years has been the progressive emergence of two million organized workers 
as a major influence which has mightily affected and is now transforming the chara- 
oharacter of all institutions in the Negro community. The organizational ex- 
perience, heightened demands for equality and the militancy of these workers has 
left its stamp in all areas of Negro life. From these organized Negro workers 
rise the impetus for militant mass action in the struggle for Negro rights. From 
them arises the main impetus for unity in Negro life. On the basis of the 
strength which they bring to the Negro liberation movement, the major organiza- 
tions of the Negro people and their leaders, have been increasingly enabled to 
adopt a more independent stand in the struggle for equality. 

This has awakened important progressive currents in the organicational life 
of the Negro people — in their religious, civic, fraternal and political organl- 
3ations. This is reflected both in struggle on Issues of urgen moment to the 
Negro people, such as housing, jobs, school integration, police brutality, and 
others. The Montgomery buss boycott and the movement flowing from it, the school 
struggles in the South and in many Northern communities as well, are examples of 
this. It is also revealed in a growing development of united independent politi- 
cal action, as witnessed in Harlem, Memphis, Chicago, San Antonio and other areas. 

All Negro organizations reflect this development in the heightened effective- 
ness of their contributions to the common goal of Negro freedom. Fraternal groups, 
women's organizations, social organizations and others have increased their 
independent social action programs and their service to the cause of Negro unity 
for freedom. Of particular moment has been the notable expansion of the role of 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-M — Continued 

Negro - 8 - 

the Negro church and many of its leaders in mobilizing the Negro community 
against various manifestations of social injustice. 

Among these institutions the NAACP remains, in terms of size and influence, 
the major organization of the Negro people's movement wholly dedicated tr> the 
fight for full freedom. It reflects within itself the major harmonies and con- 
tradictions of the present level of the Negro freedom movement. It deserves the 
continuing support and attention of all progressive forces. Nonetheless con- 
structive criticism must be made whenever necessary. The Negro movement Is 
moving to higher norms of unity. Especially is this noticeable in the political 
arena. Notwithstanding the growing unity of the Negro movement, there are con- 
flicting views, tactics, etc. What is decisive is that no approach, n» tactic 
is likely to succeed unless rooted in a strategic concept based on reality. And 
that concept murt be one of mass action of the Negro people, in alliance with 
labor and all other pro-democratic forces both at home and on a world scale. 
Communists must always stand in the forefront of building unity among the Negro 
people. But at no time do we surrender our ideological viewpoint. In this 
connection we should avoid two dangers. On the one hand, ideological agreement 
is not a condition f»r unity in action. On the other, while participating In 
united progressive action, we retain our ideological independence. 

Throughout its history the Communist Party has been a proud participant in 
the struggles of the Negro people for freedom, equality and justice. The Negro 
people, like all oppressed peoples and classes, are burdened by the yoke of re- 
action, plundered by capitalists, or under the heel of imperialist domination. 
Increasingly they will become awqre that their most cherished aspirations and 
needs are reflected in the program of the Communists, in their science cf social 
emancipation, Marxism-Leninism, and in their noble goal of replacing the reign •f 
capitalists by a new social order. That social order—socialism and communism — 
which promises a Jruly just society without exploiting classes, a society cf 
material abundance and cultural richness equally accessible to all. 

Communists are expected to take their place in the front ranks of the fightr 
ers for the rights of the Negro people against their oppressors and racist de- 
famers. The struggle for Negro rights requires a continuous and effective 
ideological campaign against racism, against every manifestation of "white 
supremacy" thinking and big nation chauvinism. It has been and remains the duy 
duty of Communists to patiently and persistently point out to the workers that 
anti-Negro racism is the ideology of the ruling class, that its purpose and 
effect is to wring superprofits out of the sweat of the doubly exploited Negro 
workers and to frustrate the demands of the trade unions and all workers for a 
greater share of their production. It has been and remains our duty to point 
out, without ceasing, that the racist denial of political and social rights to 
the Negro people of the South is the shield behind which the Dlxiecrat-minded 
capitalists restrict the exercise of domocratio rights by all Southerners and 
sustain the reactionary rule of monopoly In the country as a whole, 

Particularyly in light of the upsurge for colonial independent in the East, 
in light of the historic achievements of the Chinese People's Republic, the 
emergence of India as a potent world fact, the straining of the whole African 
continent against centuries-»ld shackles, it is our responsibility to crnvinoo 
all sections of the American masses that the cause of Negr» freedom serves the 
cause of world peace. 

Many among the staunchest and most farseeing sons and daughters of the 
Negro people join the Communist Party. The Communist Rirty is the vanguard of 
the working class and the Negro people's freedom movements. It is the Party •f 
Negro and white unity in the struggle for equality, social justice and world 
peace. The Oommunist is one with the people. Vihether on the job, in the 
neigliborhood or in a particular organization, the Communist seeks to help the 
people In their strivings to better their conditions. He helps the people to 
recognize and support those policies and programs which truly advance and serve 
their interests, and to fight most effectively against those programs, conditions 
ani forces which harm the people and hold bagk their progress. 

The Communist has no interest alien to the best interests of the people. 
Their aspirations for "life, liberty and the pursuit •f happiness" are his 
daepest commitment. 

The source of the Communist's strength is in his membership in the Communist 
Portv. Here he eauins himself with the generalized experience of all whr servo 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-M — Continued 

Kegro - 9 - 

in good causes, cf thoEe who struggle for the welfare of the people on a thousand 
fronts. He studies the laws of social development and change in order to serve 
the people better. He seeks to raster the science of Marxism-Leninism. He ex- 
changes experiences with his comrades and deepens his understanding of the pro- 
blems of our times and how best to assist the people in working for their soluticn 

Early in its formative years the Communist Party put forward a program for 
t he full economic^ political and social equality of the Negro people . It was 
the first political party in the United States to do so. This demand sloganizes 
its program today. 

On Withdrawal of the Slogan of Self-Determlnation 

In 1930 the Communist Party adopted further programs on the Negro question 
in the United States in a pioneering attempt to theorize and project a principled 
solution to that special feature of Negro life — the oppression of the planta- 
tion-bound masses of Negroes in the so-called Black Belt area of the deep south. 

Nevertheless, this particular program for the solution of the Negro ques- 
tion in the U.S. was revealed to be an incorrect orientation by the course of tho 
development in the country and within the Negro people's movement. Life ex- 
perience and greater knowledge of the question have exposed its deficiencies and 
for this reason the "self-determination" projection and program for the solution 
of the Negro question in the U.S. is now discarded. (See National Committee 
Document February 1959s Theoretical Aspects of the Negro Question .) Our Party' s 
view and policy in respect to the solution of the Negro question in the U. S. is 
to secure to the Negro people with all speed and the complete realization of 
genuinely equal economic, political and social status with all other American 

Such an objective can only be realized through intensive struggle of a 
mass action character spearheaded by the united mass action of the Negro people 
themselves and joined in by the labor movement and all democratic, progressive 
and anti-monopoly and anti-Bixiecrat forces in general. 

The Communist Party declares that the main unrealized task of bourgeois 
(capitalist) democracy in the United States is revealed in the special oppression 
of the Negro people. 

TChero is no national task of greater moment for all the forces of social 
progress of our nation than that of joining into the struggle for securing the 
full and equal economic, political and social rights of the Negro people. The 
accumulation of this objective in the coming period would have the most salutory 
effect upon the development of the whole front of social progress in our country. 
Victory on this sector would open the way to rapid developments along the whole 
front for radical social advancement of the entire nation, 

Basic successes in the struggle for the Negro's political, economic and 
social equality and against racial segregation and discrimination are indispensa- 
ble prerequisites' for the further rapid development of working class unity, 
working class consciousness, working class political initiative and advanced 
working class-led people's anti-monopoly political action. It will prepare the 
way for the extensive introduction of socialist and communist ideology and out- 
look into the labor movement. 

A central task of the progressive forces within the Negro people's move- 
ment is to aid in the promotion of a recognition of the inseparability of the 
struggle for world peace to the realization of necessary objective circumstances 
favorable to the triumph of the cause of Negro ffl-eedom. The foes of world peace 
and the oppressors of the Negro people have a common class root — monopoly 
capital, imperialism. A common bond of interest links the fighters for peace 
and the fighers for the democratic rights of the Negro people. 

The bonds of Negro oppression can and must be shattered. All signs 
point to an early and triumphant resolution of the century-old battle of the 
Negro people for full and equal citizenship. This in itself will represent a 
long-overdue achievement of great historic significance. In addition, by 
providing the basis for a higher unity of the working class, it will help pave 
the way for a socialist transformation of the national economy. The Communist 
Party will work toward the attainment of this noble objective with unstinting 
effort and unv;avering dedication. 

« # § # a » » 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-N 


Proposition I 

The Anerloon nation of the U. S, la a hlBtorloally derived, natlorel fome- 
tlon; an analcam of nore or lesa xell-dlfferentlated natlonDlltlee. The Hegro 
people ire the moat severely oppreosed and all-sldedly exploited of all the peo- 
plao vho make up the American nation of the U. S, 

The Necro people of the United States are not constituted as a separately 
developed nation. Bather, their characteristics are that of a racially distinc- 
tive people or nationality vho are a historically detemined component of the 
American nation of the U. S, 

ThouGh deprived of her Just and eiiual rights and freedom to fully participate 
In all aspects of the affaire of the nation, the Hegro people nonetheless have 
contributed to and have an Inoeparatle atake in (no less than the other nation- 
ality oomponents) the American nation'o oommon territory, economic life, lan- 
suaga, culture, and pByoholo£3loal makeup. 

The Hecro q.ueotlon in the U, S. is a "national (juestlon"; it is one of the 
many varieties of the national queotion embraced by Marxist science. (See 
Document* p. 11, top half p, 12). 

'^e struGglos of the Kecro people and the resultant algrlflcant advances 
Inspire Mggro Americans vlth a new quality of self-confidence. A profound spirit 
of ratloral ooriBclouoneas and pride in their racial identification permeates the 
Begro people of the U. S. today. It fires their detertiinatlon to build ever 
oloeer their unity in order to vage the struccle even more mllitantly to break 
down all barriers to their exercise of any and all political, economic, and 
social rights enjoyed by any other citizens." 

Negroes unite not In order to separate thanselves from the political, econom- 
ic, or social life of our country. They unite to more effectively employ the 
strength of their own numbers end weight of their alliance with other parts of 
the population to level the barriers to their fullest intefyation into all as- 
pects of the economic, polltioal, and social life of the American people as a 
whole. They are forging an internal national unity to faoilltate their strurJile 
for full mi/mji'atlon as free and equal American citizens ." (Convention Eesolu- 
tlon p. W,J 

Proposition H 

In applying the classic Leninist definition of the feotors making up a na- 
tion, (see Document p. lU, par, 3), two such elements must be re-examined in the 
light of fundamental changes that continue to develop. First, the element of a 
"stable cormuiiity." 

Capitalist development in the United States, particularly since 1S90, aseaila 
the stability of ootmnunltiee. The American population, taken as a whole, is the 
most mobile, (i, e,, the least "stable") population in the world. This is no 
less true of the American Kegro people, whose position in 1930 was essentially 
that of an oppressed, land-bound peasantry, and has today become essentially an 
ojfpreased urban working people. This has resulted In a major alteration in the 
geographical distribution of the Kegro people. 

As has been historically true, the lews of capitalist development in America 
continue to register profound transformationfl on the various class strata of the 
Negro people. As a consequence, the relative weight of the peasant clase- 
oomponent of the Negro people has been decisively reduced and the relative weight 
of the working-class strata decisively increased. The scientific conclusion to 
be drawn from this objective fact is: the Negro national question in the United 
States is no longer "essentially a peasant question," the peasantry is no longer 
the basic class component of the Negro people, but today its basic class compon- 
ent la the vorking class. 

This transformation In the absolute and relative weight of the basic class 
forces of the Negro people's movement is no more reversible than are the objec- 
tive laws of development of the aystan which oraated these transformations. 
(Sea Doo, p. 15, par. 1 and 2; p. 21) 

The "Document" refers to the report: "New Features of the Negro question in 
the United States" by Jin •Tsckson, which is the basis for this resolution. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-N — Continued 

Secondly: tha elemant of "conmon pgycholorlce 1 make-up" 

Taktnc li^to full account all that Is distinctive in this feature of the 
nation-like developnent of the Ke,7i'o people, nevei'tholess, this is not determina- 
tiTe for either the solution or representation of the Kecro question in tha 
United States. The main cui-rente of Hesro thoucht and leadorokip in the struccie 
for advancement and freedom, hietorioally, ai»d universally at the present time, 
have projected their programs from the premise that Negroes individually and as 
a people are no less Americans than any other oloinants. Only in deacrlbing the 
dimensions of their oppression have the Negro people represented themselves as a 
people apart from the American nation. 

Proposition III 

These variants in the essential prereijuislte features of nationhood (as de- 
ccrlted in Proposition H) compel the conclusion: the oppressed Ilegro people 
o"e not a nation end, therefore, the strategic concept expressed in the sloean: 
' '.ng right to celf -determination, " ■which applies onl;.' to nat ions , is not a valid, 
•/.crkable, scientific slogan for the emancipation of the Reijro people in America. 

The Hegro question in the United States remains a "rational question" by 
definition as stated in Proposition I. 

The Negro question in the United States remains a special question, commard- 
Ing the attention of the working claas and all forvard looking sections of the 
American population, because "the !!egro people are the most severely oppressed 
and all-sidedly exploited of all the peoples who make up the American nation," 
rni because the basic material conditlcns for their er:anoipetion, and for the 
social emancipation of the American working-class lias been prepared by the con- 
tinuing massive urbanization of the oppressed Hefjro people. j,i§fj Document, p. 13) 
It la also a special question because there can be no further/advfince for the 
-.forking people of our country as a whole without the elimination from American 
political life of the traditional Dixiecrat eneLiies of Kegro freedom. 

Proposition lY 

The re-appraisal of the "self-determination" concept and slogan, requires 
its replacement by a strategic concept and slogan which expresses a more accu- 
rately acientific, wortoble solution to the Kegro national question in the United 
States, Such a strategic objective and slogan must anevier (as the "eelf- 
determirjation" slogan attempted to do) the very real problem of governmental 
power for the oppressed Negro majority population, coupled with radical agrarian 
reform, in what remains of the traditional areas of most-backward agrarian 
relations, intense poverty, and brutal landlord rule, in what is referred to as 
the "Black Bait" in the South, 

The Ccmmunlst Party program for the revltalizatlon of Southern agriculture 
and radical alterations of production relations in the "black belt" remains 
sound, (See attached "Program in Begard to the Black Belt "by Jim Jackson.) 

The programmatic outlook of the Communist Party on the Negro question has 
heretofore been expressed in summary form as: 

"The Ccimunlst Party stands for the full economic, political, eoclal and 
cultural equality for the Kegro people, including the right to self-determination 
in the Black Belt," 

It Is recommended that in the future the Communist Party popularize its posi- 
tion in the following summary fom: 

"The Comunlst Party of the United States stands for the full equality of the 
Kegro people; their inalienable right to a fully integrated participation in the 
political, economic, social, and cultural life of America, including the right 
to the guarantee of genuinely representative government in the South, with propor- 
tional representation, in the areas of Kegro majority population," 

Proposition V 

'The Kegro people's movement is today a standard bearer in the struggle to 
open up the now restricted areas of democracy. It is the decisive strategic 
ully of the working class in the current struggles for liberty and livelihood 
and in all stages that lead to the subsequent achievement of the necessary 
fundamental transformation of American society from the present capitaliot ex- 
ploitative system to that of socialism. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-N — Continued 


"Kovj to oontot the latorJieGPo elHonoe, throueh powerful naoa struQcles 
for NeGTo righto. Is to ley the cornerstone for that broed antl-nonopoly oooll- 
tion of labor and the people's forces on vhlch the procjresalve future of our 
country depends. 

"Thlo Is the main unecmpleted democratic taak of our country . and Its ful- 
flllnent vlll enomoue ly a dye nee the floale of the vorkln/r class end our entire 
nation." (Excerpt from 16th national Convention Resolution pp. UU-ltJ) 

The fact that the scene of the Negro people's struggle unfolds vithln the 
boson of Anerlcan taperlalism, and In direct and Intimate association vlth the 
■uorklnc claes and popular struggles and Is directed agqlnst the common class op- 
pressor, feeds Into the general stream of the historic vorklng class cause of 
our tine a powerful current which raises the torrential power of the whole cause 
of social advance for the people of our country. "The question of Mefyo freedom ■ 
then, 1b the crucial domestic Issue of the day, and Is a_ factor of Krowln;^ Inter- 
national consequence.^ 

Proposition VI 

The struggle against racism (vhlte chauvinism) la In the first Instance the 
struggle against Its Institutionalized forms, as represented In the all-sided 
systen of segregation In the South, and Its Northern extension In housing. Jobs, 

In the course of unfolding broad popular struggles In support of the Negro 
freedom movetaent, against the segregation aysten, the harch realities of this 
recist Bystem in the South must become a knowledgeable part of the ideology of 
the Anerlcan people as a vhole, and in particular of the working class of our 

The democracy loving forces of the Anerlcan people can only cone to fully ap- 
preciate the significance of the Negro freedom movement t£ them by gaining an in- 
creasingly deeper understanding of what segregation ls_; of its scope and depth 
of practice. 

Politically, the segregationist leaders are the native Hitlers in the polit- 
ical life of our country; segregation Imposes on the Negro family an economic 
standard of living that Is 1*8 percent below that of the overage vhite family, and 
upon the Negro children of America the penalty of di'lng 8 years sooner than a 
white child bom the same day; segregation 1b the daily experience of Insults and 
humiliation, the disrespect to the dignity of manhood and wonanliood; segregation 
la the torture of the police-prioon system; segregation, as the institutionalized 
form of racism, poisons the oultiiral wellsprings of our national life; it is the 
Ilea, distortions, and gross omissions which permeate the written history of our 
country; segregation threatens the physical destruction of the public school ays- 
ten In one whole region of our country; seffrofiation retards the unity of the 
t oilinH population of our country required for the promot ion of the genera 1 wel- 
fare of the Anerlcan people. 

Mass eduoatlonol and explanatory work, developed in the course of struggle 
for concrete objectives in the desegregation battle, is made even more urgent, 
today, in the face of the flood of racist propaganda the Citizens Council groups 
are spreading rationally. 

More and more, the nation-wide offensive against racist white chauvinism must 
find its reflection in the halls of the U. S. Congress and in the concrete actions 
of the Executive Department of the federal government. The honor and the demo- 
cratic social progress of the American nation are at stake. 

Proipositlon YII 

The Ccomunlst Party, the Party of Fegro-whlte unity, must continue to build 
upon its accumulated credits among the people of our country, by boldly imple- 
menting the progrannatlc line which flows fron our Party's estimate of Negro 
freedom struggle as " the crucial domestic isoue of the do.y. and a factor of 

irr, internatioral cor-sequeroe. (I6th Convention neaolutlonT 

leadership in tne struggle against racist "white chauvinism" continues to be 
a major responsibility for our Party, and especially our white comrades in their 
day-to-day contact with the white masses. 

Negro Marxists have an indispensable role to play in the over-ell strengthen- 
ing of the Negro people's movement. American Imperlaliem and its agents are 
quite sensitive to this fact. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-N — Continued 


The further developnent of the all-class unity of the r'egro novement re-iulrin^j 
the leadership of its viorkinc-olaso component; the deepenlno! of Its antl-lMperlaliot 
Ideolocloal content, -uhioh at present is very v^;the strertthenins of the V.sqto 
national novaaent's International tiea, through the nediuiu of personal contact and 
otherwise; the unfolding of a oonslstertly correct tactical line in the day to 
day tattles aceinst the skilled enemies of I>et?ro freedom; the conscious building 
up and training of its youth cadre for today and tomorrow's leadership of the 
novement; all of these are neceasities which Kegro Marxists can contribute irmeas- 
urably tCHords providing for the liberation movement. 

This calls for their scici-tific ccntribi-.tion at ell levels of the organized 

Such a weight of responsibility cannot be fulfilled from any position except 
one of beljig wit hin the naingtream of organized Kegro life. Despite whatever 
.ib<5taol63 end difficulties are placed in their way, by the enemies of Megro free- 
d'-m, it is the duty of Mancists to find the path of entry and influence into the 
•1' iistreom organized movements which constitute the all-clasc liejjro liberation 

Development of an ideologically definable, accepted, Morxiat-scientif ic trend 
in the I-egro people's movement is a continuing obllfntion of cur I'egro comrades. 
This continues to require careful planrdng, flexibility in tactics and consistency 
of effort, 

Hegro Marxists nuBt be second to none in their demonstrable knowledge of the 
history of the Hegro freedom movement, and in their ability to apply the Marxist 
scientific method of analysis, in generalizing theje rich experiences into a 
practical scientific theory and practice of I'egro freedom struggle. 

Applying the deEooratic organlzstional principle of collective work, the 
Ccmnunlst Party U. S. A. is dedicated to the discharge of its role as vanguard 
r::rty of the American working class, in the concrete task of mobilizing our class 
nnd nation to meet the nei* challenges presented by the dixie-cret-fascist menace 
to democracy and the new opportunities for mounting a ration-wide offensive, for 
'■'w firol BTi-1 n'ui'tp-ta Ipntriif-tlon "f tho .Tln-Crow syatem in our country. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-0 

■VI. THE CUHHUNllJ'i' PAWl'li 

We iiave entered a period of mounting and aggressive offensive by the monopolists 
directed against the vast majority of the American people. At the saae time, the 
dynamic pover of the growing forces for peace and progress Is having an Increasing 
Impact on the American scene. 

This opens up great new opportunities and tasks for the working class, and this, 
as well as the developments of the past two years, confirm anew the Indispensable 
need of the Communist Party, which is the Marxlst-Lenlnlet vanguard party of the 
American working class — the party of Socialism. 

In the recent period, the Party has successfully fought and defeated the antl- 
Marxlst revlslonlste as well as a group of anti-Party dogmatists. Waging a determ- 
ined struggle against factionalism and for the unity of the Party, defending and 
applying the principles of scientific socialism, of Marxlsm-Lenlnlsm, In accord with 
specific American conditions and the bejt Interests of our working class and nation, 
our Party has begun again to unfold Its nsss policies, to bring Its program to the 

It fought against those who would convert the Party Into a hopeless sect while 
at the same time clarifying and disassociating Itself from the distortions of the 
concept of the United Party of Socialism by which the revisionists sought to convert 
our Party Into, or substitute for It, a party of a coalition type In which Marxism- 
Leninism would be but one tendency Instead of the fundamental and basic policy of 
the entire organization. 

Our Party has begun to play a constructive role In some of the unemployment, 
integration, peace, electoral and strike struggles of the people. As a result 
the Party's Influence, mass contacts and relationships are Increasing in a number 
of areas and fields of work. And there the Party is being consolidated and revit- 

But these areas of positive activities and developments are the exception and 
do not reflect the general situation in our Party. A sober and objective estima- 
tion of the status of our Party today would result In confirming its Inadeqjcy to 
give its most effective leadership and to make its full contribution to the great 
new tasks which confront the American people and its working class. 

The cardinal problem of Party renewal, of building the Party and of establish- 
ing broader united front relations remain largely unsolved. Therefore the chief 
task before the Party still Is to overcome its isolation from decisive sections of 
the labor movement, to strengthen the Party's mass base among the basic industrial 
workers, Negro and white, and among the youth. Without this, the Party's capacity 
for helping transform its policy into living reality will remain seriously impaired. 

The monopolists and imperialists are impelled to place the burden of their 

economic and political problems onto the backs of the mass of people. To accomplish 

this, they will increasingly use every political, economic and social means to ac- 
complish their alms. 

It is clear that the American people do not intend to submit to this attack. 
They will Join the developing movement toward peace, co-existence and disermament 
with their struggle for political, economic and social security. 

The perspective for our Party, therefore, is to bring our science and indis- 
pensable role to these movements. We can bring our Coiumunlet Initiative, stead- 
fastness and energy to help people in these struggles. We can find from among 
the most devoted and class conscious elements emerging in these struggles a source 
for new members to revitalize and rebuild our organization. 

Certain weaknesses in the Party's work can be attributed to shortcomings in 
the work of the National leadership. Among these are a failure decisively to end 
factionalism, a lag in tackling Important Ideological problems, and insufficient 
vigorous fight for a united front policy, and inadequateness In collective work 
and the application of criticism and self-criticism. 

But the main weakness of the Party leadership on a national and district level, 
has been the failure to come abreast of the new developments with analysis, policy 
and program and tactical leadership to most effectively equip our Party so that it 
may play its full role to Influence and contribute to the ness developments shaping 
up today. Many of our leaders remain isolated from our Party membership and the 
mass movement. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-0 — Continued 

C.P. - 2 

Party building and tfce further Implementation of the Party's mass political 
line will proceed very slowly and unsatisfactorily unless the entire Party and 
its leadership seriously raises organizational work to the high level it requires. 

It will te Idle for us to Improve the political content of our work unless 
the entire leadership conducts a determined struggle to re-establish the organ- 
izational status of our Party from top to bottom. The fight for the revitallza- 
tlon of our Party needs to be seen as a two front task, each of which will be re- 
quired. Progress on each front will enhance the other and both are essential for 
the solution of the: key problems for the most effective functioning and role of 
our Party. 

In this connection. It Is essential that the Party leadership at all levels 
Improve Its style of work, eiadlcate subjectivity and cultivate closer, and more 
comradely relationships. In which criticism and self-criticism will be construct- 
ive and mutually beneficial. Care m-ist be taken that criticism and self-criticism 
be of mistakes and directed towards overcoming them as well as errorsand weakness- 
es of Party leaders, and not take the form of criticism of the Party as such, 
undermining its role, such as took place In the recent past period. And it is 
especially urgent that the leadership wori at all times to reinforce the unity 
of the Party. 

It is necessary to effect a marked improvement in the way in which the Party 
fulfills its vanguard role, especially in its Ideological work, in extending its 
independent ndss activity, and in unfolding Its united front policies. Also, the 
readership and study of THE WORKEE, and POLITICAL AFTAIBS, and of Marxist liter- 
ature of all kinds, must be greatly expanded. 

The exercise of its vanguard role requires, among other things, expanding to 
the maximum the organizational and political initiatives of the Party on all 
levels. Taking into account the deprivation of legal rights imposed upon the 
Party by Big Business reaction is violation of the Constitution, the Party's van- 
guard role must be exercised by its members in such 3 way as safeguards the ab- 
ility of Communists to remain among the masses, strengthen their ties with them 
for the Party's mass policies. At the same time, the Party must boldly "tlllze 
all public channels for expression and activity, and Intensify the fig*it for re- 
establishment of its full constitutional rights as part of the general fight of 
the working people to restore and defend the Bill of Bights. 

Effectively to carry out the Party's mass political line, to accelerate 
labor unity and the development of the democratic front for peace, democracy 
and security, it is necessary to master and apply concretely and flexibly the 
Party's united front policy. In many respects, this remains our biggest unwon 
battle . Victory in this battle is the key to progress on all fronts, now and 
on the morrow. It is a battle which must be waged by every Party leader, and 
member, in shop and community, in the unions and other mass organizations. 

The Party must search out what Is new and promising in the current and un- 
folding ness struggles. It must find the ways and means of establishing more 
extensive personal contacts and friendships, and wider formal and informal org- 
anized political relationships with other progressive workers on key Issues. 
It must work to revitalize the Left and promote the broadest unity of action of 
the Left with the progressive or center forces and, on certain issues, with the 
conservative forces as well. 

The Party must give special consideration to the proBlems and mass struggles 
of American youth, it must give its support to the building of a Marxist- 
oriented youth organization In this country. Attention to work among the nation- 
al groups must be restored. In this connection, it Is necessary to combat the 
erroneous Idea that these groups are disappearing as significant forces in the 
American scene. 

The Party must 41so strive to strengthen international working-class solid- 
arity. Above all, it mutt strive to build everi closer ties with the working 
people of the Latin American countries, who labor under the oppression of Amer- 
ican imperialism. 

As never before, It Is Important that the Party, from top to bottom, grasp 
more deeply and develop further the scientific principles of Marxism-Leninism, 
boldly grappling with the new problems confronting our working class and country, 
and learning from the experiences and views of the masses, as well as from world 
worklngclass experience. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-0 — Continued 

c.p. - 3 

It Is neceeaary to strengthen the laeologloal content of our mass work day 
In and day out. Antl-SovletlBm and ant 1 -Communism must be exposed as the chief 
weapon of the trusts to mask their robber plana of aggression and exploitation 
abroad and at home. Racism, antl-Semltlsn, bourgeois nationalism and chauvinism 
must be bared as a divisive hatchet dividing Negro and white, native and foreign 
bom at bone, and "Justifying" U. S. Imperialist domination abroad. The "people's 
capitalism" and "welfare state" panaceas must be unmasked as demagogic propaganda 
spread by the open apologlsta of Big Business as well as by the revisionists In 
their efforts to confuse and disorient the working people, to prevent fhem from 
struggling effectively against monopoly and to diver them from the path to social- 

Revisionism la an opportunist trend which has Its source In the Ideology of 
the Imperialist ruling class. Especially In periods of relative economic stab- 
ility social reformist and "class partnership" ideas and Illaslons gain widespread 
support and these Influences flourish and spread In the Inbor and the middle 
classes. Our foremost mass Ideological task Is the constant struggle to expose 
its roots and Influences. Within our Party Its penetration ehowod itself In the 
variety of Lovestone, Browder, and Gates revisionist theories, resulting In 
stripping our fighting capacity and leadership ability and which threatened the 
very exiatence of the Party, It attempta to replace our working class science 
with bourgeois Ideas and methods. Our leadership was slow to recognize Its harm- 
ful effects In the period from mia-1956 to 1958, as well as In earlier periods. 

Much of our present weaknesses stem from the hangovers of revisionist think- 
ing and methods seen in apathy, cynicism and continuing "holding action" concepts. 
These retard the revltallzatlon of our Party and Its subaequent rebuilding. Our 
Party and eapeclally Ita leadership needs to be strengthened In the phlloeophlcal 
science and method of dialectical materialism In order to more effectively devel- 
op consistent working class theories and policies. 

Our mass work and Ideological responsibility demand that the moat consistent 
struggle against revisionist tendencies be carried on simultaneously with the 
most vigorous oppoaltlon to dogmatic Ideas and sectailan practices within our 
movement. Equally with revisionism, these stem from rullng-olass Ideology. And 
they are equally a form of opportunism — In fact, they are but the other bide of 
thj coin of Right, revisionist opportunism. The Party must wage a persistent 
struggle against deeply ingrained concepts, practices and Influences of dogmatic- 
sectarian opportunist tendencies seen In rejection and underestimation of the 
united front, and In narrow, limited actions running ahead of the uisses and 
causing Isolation from them, and which leada to frustration and apathy. Above 
all, the Party must conduct an uncompromising struggle to eradicate from Its 
ranks every vestige of the destructive evil of factionalism. 

Major developments today are forcing many basic questions Into the arena of 
public debate. Among these are questions which arise out of the developments 
toward peace and disarmament, as well aa queatlons which arise out of the move 
toward peaceful competition. This has also given rise to a tremendoua curiosity 
and Interest In the Socialist world. Millions of people In our country today 
are beginning to weigh two aoclal systems. 

This interest is spurred by the tremendoua developments of the Socialist 
world in the fields of science, education, industry and agriculture, aa well as 
the historic Soviet seven-year plan which promises such epoch making advances. 

The peace policy and initiatives of the Soviet Union and the recent proposal 
for total disarmament exert an even greater influence in world affairs, and has 
struck a responsive chord In the mass desire to avoid the holocaust of an atomic 

It Is therefore timely and essential to demonstrate anew the- supeerlorlty 
of socialism over capitalism and the promise which Socialism holds of a happy and 
peaceful life for hunenlty. 

Eapeclally now, therefore, in order to make our Marxist contribution to the 
general welfare, to multiply our nass influence and build the party as a mass 
party, we Communists must expand our advocacy of sociallem. We must explain how 
with the socialist reorganization of society our country, with its great working 
ilass, resources and technology, can bring forth an age of economic, cultural, 
social, intellectual and democratic well-being far beyond the boldest dreams of 
any generation of Americans. We must show that the Communist Party advocates 
and strives to help bring into existence this new social system by peaceful and 
democratic means, and we must show that In this new socialist society there will 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-0 — Continued 

be life, liberty and happiness for all Americans- Negro and white, under a 
government led by the working class. 

The decade of the sixties Is a period In which the American people will 
take great strides forward. And It Is a period In which our Party and its 
influence can grow many times over, in which it can become a mass party of the 
American working class, in the vanguard of the struggles of the American people 
for peace and progress and throwing a beacon light toward an America of brother- 
hood and peaceful labor--a socialist America. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-P 

rssct-ution of hjbri'o ric.ui ' 'cek to the umkad sjai'es 

Ihc Resolutione Co.'ninitte on Latin /jaerica considers that it is necessary to 
have a ringing statement on Latin America, finishing it up vdth some concrete jr opoB- 
als. That is, aid to the Latin American peoples against exploitation and oppression 
by American imperialism. However, because Puerto Rico is the most directly exploit- 
ed colony of American imperialism, and because of the urgent need for stepping up 
activities in behalf of the Puerto lican population in New York, Hew Jersey, Connaet- 
icut, Illinois and many other states ^7here Puerto Ricans are novv living in consider- 
able numbers, ne {ropose a special resolution on Puerto Rican tvork. 

Rierto Rioo is a nation. It is a direct colony of American imperialism. 

The Party haa a fcio-fold task in relation to Puerto Rican work. 

First, to aid the people in Puerto Rico in the fight against economic, social 
and political oppression by Hall Street imperialism, and for full sovereignty and 
independence . 

Second, to aid the Puerto Rioans in their struggles against eitreme conditions 
of poverty, slum ghettoes, discrimination, police brutality, and other forms of op- 
pression against the Puerto Rioans in the United States. 

Puerto Rican youth has been used as cannon fodder, ra thout consultation or con- 
sent from the Puerto Rican people, in all U, S. imperialist wars. 

Over 65yOOO Puerto Ricans participated in the Second "^orld "'ar. Puerto Rico 

suffered one casualty for everj' 660 inhabitants of Puerto Rico as compared vdth one 

casualty for every 1,135 inhabitants of the United States in the U, S. imoerialist 
invasion of Korea. 

As of December 1958 there nere 608,000 Puerto RioaLS by birth and 241,000 of 
Puerto Rican parentage living in the United States. There are sizeable Puerto Rican 
communities in large cities from coast to coast, with a Puerto Rican population of 
654»C00 in Hev) York City alone. 

The National Convention therefore declares that it is an imperative duty for 
our Party to turn its face to the Puert fiioan people, to leorn their conditions and 
needs and to give them practical and political aid in their efforts to organize 
themselves into unions, to raise their desperately lov; r/ages, to improve housing 
conditions and abolish slums, to attain proper education, to meet the social, cul- 
tural and economic needs of their youth, to combat the chauvinist campaign of slan- 
der and lies about the Puerto Kioan people, and to struggle against every act of 
discrimination and oppression. 

The Convention considers that appropriate attention to the vital needs of the 
Puerto Rican end Negro people is a test of Communist integrity and responsibility 
because the Communist Party has always been distinguished by the fact that it is the 
defender and champion of the most exploited and oppressed sections of the \o rking 

This Convention ileoided upon the follc'/ing concrete steps to overcome the long 
neglect and grave weaknesses in relation to our to rk among the Puerto Rican people: 

1. The incoming National Committee shall make a thorough study and evaluation of 
our work in every community and industry in vhich there is a significant number 
of Puerto Ricans throughout the United States. Special emphasis in this study 
shall be given to housing. Jobs, peace, and political action. 

2. Consideration shall be given to Puerto Rican Commissions in states "here there 
are large populations of Puerto Ricans, and Puerto Rican concentration clubs, 
enlisting for such clubs Spanish-speaking and other comrades interested in 
Puerto Rican nork. 

3. The National Convention shall organize a Party seminar and classes on Puerto 
Rican .lork in every city with large Puerto Rican communities. 

4. A special bulletin shall be issued in Soanish devoted to facts of Puerto Rican 
life and experienoes in struggles based upon the proposed study and experiences. 

5. TTithin a reasonable time and after adequate preparation, state conferences shall 
be called of delegates from all oluba (or sections) to draw up a fuller state- 
viide plan of work. An important feature of such conferences shall be the ques- 
tion of jobs for Puerto Ricans and Negroes. 


• • Holmes Exhibit No. 5-P — Continued ■ 

Puerto Rican Resolution - 2 

6» A special oonmiSBion on Puerto Rican ivork shall be set up by the National 
Executive Committee, 

7, The TTorker, Political Affairs, and other publications shall give major atten- 
tion to Puerto Rican v-iork, 

8» The Party shall make a conscious and persistent effort to involve Puerto Rican 
members and leaders in all phases of leadership. 

9. This National Convention shall send a message of greeting to our brother Party 
of Puerto Rico faying tiribute to the courageous stand taken by the witnesses 
called before the Un-Amerioan Committee in Puerto Rico, and ahall pledge them 
our full aid in the struggle against proposed contempt citations as well as 
other attacks against the sovereignty of the Puerto Rican nation. This conven- 
tion recognizes the self-criticism by the Hational Committee of the inadequate 
support given to the Puerto Rican comrades and others in connection with the 
Un-American Committee hearings both here and in Puerto Rico. 

I0» This Convention of the Communist Party of the United States demands the free- 
dom of Dr. Padro Albizu Campos and all other Puerto Rican political p- isonera 
now in Puerto Rican and federal prisons in the United States. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-Q 

fabm resolotioh 

The political assault against the labor movenent Is paralleled by an attack on 
the existence and living standards of small and middle farmers . These attacks also 
aim to split the natural alliance of labor and small and middle farmers and pit 
these two classes against each other. Fanners are fed the false propaganda that 
labor causes Inflation; while labor Is falsely told that farmers and their legis- 
lative programs cause high food prices . 

The cold war years distorted the channels of world trade and shut off American 
farm products from sale abroad, and substituted the products of the armament fact- 
ories for the products of our harvests. 

Big agriculture pays; middle -size and small agriculture is being dealt heavy 
blows. In the South the shift from cotton to livestock, and toward Increased 
mechanization. Is creating an upheaval in the lives of large masses of Negro 
tillers . 

Middle farmers are being eliminated as well as the so-called "inefficient" 
small farmers. The hands of the banks, processing monopolies and feed trusts 
are taking a tighter grasp on agricultural production, especially through vertical 

During the past decade one million farm families and five million persons have 
been eliminated from agriculture. One -third of the farmers' income is from off- 
fann wages and salaries. And by the end of this year. It is estimated, net farm 
income will have fallen two billion dollars from what it was in 1958, and for next 
year an additional drop of one billion is forecast by the Dept. of Agriculture. 

Meanwhile we continue to produce "surpluses" while nllllons of Americans are 
underfed and hundreds of millions throughout the world hunger. 

The Administration knows only one answer: cut the "surplus" by cutting out 
farmers . In this it has the support of the big farmers who hope to take over 
what the family farmers must sacrifice . 

As Communists our answer to the major problems outlined above must always 
have a class approach of favoring smaller farmers against their class enemy In 
the countryside — the big farms; and Includes the following: 

1. A main advantage of big farmers is the vast profits they sweat out of the 
terribly underpaid and exploited farm workers. The organization of effective 
unions among farm workers would be a major help to snail and middle fanners. The 
initial steps already taken by the AIX-CIO deserve all-out support. 

2. The method of farm price protection must be changed to reduce the cost 
of farm programs and discourage all-out production by big farmers. Farm produce 
should sell on the open market, and prices under parity should be supplemented by 
deficiency payments on only that amount of production per farm that will sustain 
a famlly-elze fanner. 

3. We oppoee crop curtailment but where there la reduction it must be im- 
posed entirely on the big farmers. 

k. The Communist Party urges full participation of its members in every 
struggle to maintain small and middle farmers on their farms, including support 
of legislative programs for low-interest credit, soil conservation, crop insur- 
ance. Federal aid to education and other demands of small farmers. 

5. We favor the enactment of a national food stamp plan that will supplement 
the starvation wages imposed on millions of Americans, and that will provide ade- 
quate food and clothing to the millions in depressed areas. Such a program would 
be of direct help to both labor and farmers. 

6. The world, too, needs a food stamp plan. Let us subsidize the shlpnent 
of food Instead of hardware for destruction. 

7. Agriculture in the South has special complex problems tied up with the 
fight for democracy in the South. Some of these special problems are dealt with 
in the Npgro resolution. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-Q — Continued 

Farm Ites. - 2 

Our neglect of the farm queatlon Is a serious weakness In our practical act- 
ivity, and represents a big gap in our efforts to apply Marxism-Leninism to the 
tasks ahead. 

In particular, this defect in our theoretical understanding threatens serious 
consequences for our electoral activities for I960. An essential component of 
the i960 electoral campaign is the coordination of farmer, labor and Negro ef- 
forts, enlarging to the national arena the splendid 1958 state campaigns against 
right to work laws . 

The common interests of the farmers, workers and Negroes requires an offens- 
ive against the Dlxiecrats. It is the Dixiecrats who are the gun runners for the 
offensive against the labor movement. It is the Dixiecrats who block the demo- 
cratic advance of the Negro people . It is the Dixiecrats who defend the inter- 
ests of big farmers and plantation owners. 

Farm state liberal Congressmen trade with the Dixiecrats to help pass farm 
legislation. Deals are nfide whereby the Dixiecrats trade their votes on farm 
laws for support of anti-union and anti-civil rights positions. The Dixiecrats 
must be Isolated In national politics and then totally eliminated. This can 
only be done by a farm-labor-Negro coalition that understands and supports one 
another's basic needs; and develops urban support In the North and West for ad- 
equate farm legislation. 

The 17th Convention should spark serious turn toward implementing the basic 
Marxist-Leninist principle — the alliance of farmers and workers. The first 
requisite for achieving this turn must take the form of every District leader- 
ship adopting measures to guarantee that especially the trade union cadre of our 
Party becomes conscious of their responsibility to win the trade union movement 
for a full understanding of the stake that labor has In lending the fullest sup- 
port to the pressing needs of the family farmers and in the labor-farm alliance. 

Secondly: it should take the form toward the full participation of all farm 
comrades in their farm organlationa, seeking to direct the attention of their 
fellow farmers toward more consistent and purposeful activity to save the family 
farmers from extinction, to establish bonds with the city working class, and to 
advance the program of the party on the peace, civil rights, civil liberties, 
and trade union fronts. 

The Party favors the Immediate preparation of pamphlets and literature which 
will (1) provide a survey of the existing farm situation to the broadest masses 
of farnsrs, workers and middle class people, (2) make known the party's position 
on the critical issues facing the farmers, and on the methods of their solution. 

The national executive committee should be directed to establish a function- 
ing farm commission to include a member of the NEC, and to establish regional 
farm commissions under the regional subcommittees of the party. The political 
perspectiveswhlch have been outlined In our national draft resolution and in 
Comrade Hall's speech, and In this resolution, will only become effective if 
serious organizational steps are undertaken. 


52-810 O— 66— pt. 2 10 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-R 

irsol'ttion oh fart? orgamization 

I. Introduction 

The Party is rallying In \aiity around policies for mass work, for 
peace, democracy and security. It is consolidating its ranks on the 
basis of the principles of Uarxism-Leninlsm as applied to the specific 
conditions of American life. 

Fop those reasons, and because of increasingly favorable obJectiTB 
conditions in the overall, it faces the urgent necessity as well as new 
opportunities for rebuilding and revltalization. The cbrreot mass 
policies of this 17th Convention arm the Party with the first essential, 
in the new conditions, for the renewed development of the Communist Party, DSA. 

But the opportunities and possibilities flowing from our correct 
general line will come to naug^it unless we grasp one other essentials 
the need to gear the Party, in every facet of its activities, to the 
correct application and fiUflllment of its mass policies. Given this, 
our small Party could, in the conditions shaping up, almost overnight 
become a large and influential force in the life of our country. 

To do this, it will be necessary: l) to shake off and overcome 
apathy and certain concepts, practices, and shortcomings which remain 
irith us from the past; 2) to make a turn in the fight for the Party's 
Ideological and organizational work directed to the realization of the 
mass line. 

The perspective before the American people, and hence before our 
Party, is one of heightening mass struggles as the conflict over the 
future economic and political course of our country sharpens. Already 
a new fluidity characterizes the national and local scenes as groups 
and individuals begin to shift their positions to meet changed conditions. 

These developments are a signal to the Party to be ready to react 
more quickly and with greater boldness to events, both in the applica- 
tion of the united front and in timely projection of Party and left 
Initiatives, They are also an alarm clock rousing us to the time of day, 
advising that while we have time to make a break with "holding operation" 
conceptions, we have no time to lose . 

To gear the Party to the fulfillment of the 17th Gonvantion decisions 
requires that in good time— the shortest necessary time — we overcome 
our most serious weaknesses and solve a number of long-unsolved problems, 

II. Overcome Our Shortcomlnga 

The Party approaches the task of drastically improving its ideological 
and organizational work from the standpoint of confidence in its scientific 
socialist theory and with the knowledge that, despite the ravages of the 
recent years, it has the capacity, the vitality and the will to fulfill 
its guiding role in relation to the mass struggles of the people. 

The wave of revisionism which threatened to engulf the Party has been 
repulsed, and those who sought to deny the need for a Marxist vanguard 
party of the working class have been routed. The anti-Party sectarians 
have been rebuffed and incorrigible dogmatism finds itself more and more 

The ideological unity of the ftirty has been restored in very considerable 
measure. Today, it is possible for a united Party to wage the struggle 
against opportunist tendencies to the right or to the "left" as they 
arise concretely in the course of mass work. 

The forty's capacity and potential for mass work has been demonstrated 
in difficult conditions and at the very time when the revisionists were 
proclaiming its death while the sectarians were clamoring for policies 
which would further isolate the I^ty. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-R — Continued 

- 2 - 

Despite certain glaring gaps and much unevenness, the Party played an 
important role in a number of electoral struggles (California, Ohio, New 
lork, Illinois, Michigan, etc.); in a number of strike struggles (steel, 
auto, packing, hospital, etc.); in the fight against unemployment (national 
and state marches, lobbies) ; in the fight for integrated schools, housing 
and for state FEP's; and in the development of peace actions, especially 
in relation to nuclear tests as well as other issues in a number of areas. 
A number of districts have developed their capacity for united front actions 
on local and national issues, a capacity which extends to a grovdng number 
of sections. 

At the same time, the Party has advanced its public role in numerous 
ways! the distribution of over ij million pieces of national and local 
mass materials of all kinds since the l6the Convention; the growth of the 
number of Party-and Left-sponsored mass meetings and forums; the more fre- 
quent appearances of the Party at public hearings, and on radio and tele- 
vision; the growth of invitations to Party speakers on college campuses 
and before mass organizations. 

Marxist education has been revived in a number of areas. There is a 
growth of Marxist study circles and classes for non'^Conmunists. A be- 
ginning has been made toward re-establishing a cadre training program. 
Major headway has been made in the resolution of basic theoretical questions 
relating to the Negro question. Attention to youth work, for some time 
completely abandoned, has been resumed. Recruiting has been renewed in 
a number of areas. Important advances have been registered also in other 

Recognizing that these accomplishments afford proof that the Party has 
the will to live, to fulfill its vanguard role, the fact remains that they 
are only a small indication of what must and can be done, if we overcome 
our weaknesses. That this much was done in the midst of the critical inner 
situation and great objective difficulties attests to the basic health of 
the Party, to the fact that it has the inner strength and resources to make 
the required drastic improvements. 

At the same time, hampering the spread and development of these accom- 
plishments, there exist a number of serious weaknesses: 

1. The temporary loss of the Daily V?orker and the checking of the 
decline in Worker circulation at such a low point as to prolong the 
critical situation of the press. 

2. Continued underestimation of organizational work and much organi- 
zational looseness, reflected in unsatisfactory functioning of many Party 
organizations, in departure from the principle of democratic centralism, 
in the low ebb in the circulation of literature as well as the press, in 
the absence of systematic recruiting, and in many other ways. 

3. Great unevenness of participation in the Party's mass work from 
district to district, section to section, club to club, member to member. 

ii. Insufficient collectivity at all levels in working out mass 
policies and planning mass work in the course of the execution of such 
policies and in subsequent evaluation and exchange of experiences. 

5. Failure to rally the Party as a whole to react in time and with 
sufficient strength to a number of important situation affecting the 
interests of the working class, the Negro people and their allies. 

6. Failure to give necessary attention to a number of important 
areas, such as national group work, especially among the Spanish-speaking 
minorities, work among farmers, and the problems of women. 

7. Insufficient attention to ideological work and cadre development. 

8. Insufficient attention to problems of mass education, especially 
to the development of class, political and socialist consciousness on the 
urgent Issues of the day. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-R — Continued 
- 3 - 

It is imperative that we be unrelenting in the struggle to overcome 
these weaknesses in the shortest possible time. 

III. Gear the Party to its Mass Policies'. 

Master the United Front 1 

Mastery of the theory and practise of the united front policy is the 
key task before the whole Party — before every organization , every neiaber . 

The united front is the basic style and method of our mass work . This 
encompasses comrades in the labor and mass organizations as well as those 
comrades able to function publicly as Communists in or out of mass 

Our ideological work must be directed first of all toward rearming the 
Party with a keen understanding of the theory and practice of the united 
front, and of how to build the Arty in the course of its development. It 
must combat concepts which require ideological agreement as the basis of 
unity in action. It should develop imderstanding of the role of Left 
initiative and of the Party's independent role in relation to the united 
front. It must imbue the entire Party with the confidence that all members, 
all Party organizations can and must play a role in winning this biggest 
unwon battle, whether on a large scale by helping to move many organizations 
in concert on one or more issues, or on a small scale by moving small 
numbers of people on single Issues. 

Practical leadership must be directed first of all to helping members, 
clubs and sections solve problems of developing the united front. The 
absence of attention and guidance to work in the mass organizations . 
must be overcome. 

Work in mass organizations must be placed on a selected, concentration 
basis, while at the same time it is vitally necessary to overhaul and 
modernize the P&rty's time-tested main policy of concentrating its attention 
to basic, decisive sections of the working class. As in the policy of 
industrial concentration, studies must be made of the mass organizations 
and Issues to determine focal points of priority which are decisive for 
moving masses in relation to their urgent needs. 

Knowfaow In the develo]zient of iiiass work must be promoted throu^ re- 
storing the practice of exchanging experiences and evaluating activities, 
through conferences and other appropriate means. 

Assistance must be provided comrades in unions and mass organizations 
toward leeirning how to advance Party policies, how to go about building 
Left groupings, how to develop political and class consciousness, how to 
bring people closer to the Party and into its ranks. 

The remnants of distorted concepts of security left over from the 
McCarthy period, which hamper the Party's capacity to develop the united 
front, must be overcome. Real problems of safeguarding the ftirty and its 
members from reaction's persecution must be separated out of the mass of 
confusion and distortion which surrounds this question in many areas, and 
resolved on the basis of collective application of a general Party position 
to each specific case. Above all the question must be approached from the 
viewpoint of safeguarding the capacity of Communists to do mass work, to 
Increase the influence of the Party's policies, to advance the united 
front — and not as an excuse to evade these responsibilities. 

Renew Left Initiatives 

A number of recent experiences confirm the value and need of timely 
and properly projection of Left Initiatives In building the united front, 
and in helping, sooner of later, to regain acceptance of left as well as 
Communist participation in united fronts. 

At the present level of development, there are many cases in irtiioh left 
initiative can stimulate united activities and movements. The emergence of 
a more militant Left sector in the struggles of the labor and Negro people's 
movements today affirms this necessity and places a new urgency upon more 
conscious efforts to help reconstitute the left in the mass movement 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-R — Continued 
. U - 

At the same time, outside the existing mass organizations of labor and 
the people, the experiences of the Committee for the Protection of Foreign 
Born nationally and in some areas, of organizations for defense of civil 
liberties in Illinois, California and elsewhere, as well as of certain 
other organizations, prove the value and the need for reviving certain types 
of Left organizations where they can stimulate - not conflict with — the 
mass movements. 

Strengthen the Eartv for Its Mass Tasks 

The irregular functioning of many Party, the unsatisfactory level 
of literature and press circulation, the widespread organizational looseness 
and lack of attention to political organizational work, the neglect of edu- 
cational work in many areas — all these seriously lapaif the Party's capacity to 
carry out its policies. The maintenance and strengthening of the Party or- 
ganizationally is indispensable to its ability to help build the •onitad front, 
to help the great majority of the American people find their way to a common 
arena of struggle against monopoly reaction. 

The tendency to transform what are in reality two harmonious sides of 
Party work into conflicting, antagonistic interests, as expressed in the 
erroneous concept of "inner work versus mass work," inflicts great damage 
on the Party. It must be resolutely overcome. 

There can be no effective Fhrtv work which is not directed in one way 

or another to the solution of mass problems, to the development of united 
action of the people for peace, democracy, economic and social advance . 
There can be no effective work in the labor and people's organ izations which 
is not directed in one way or another to winning non-Party people to s upport 
in their own best interests united, mass action for peace, democraev and 
security, to strengthening the Party's influence among the people, and to 
building the Party . 

The Rarty exists and labors for the people. All Party work is mass 
work, including that which maintains and strengthens the Party itself. 
All mass work by Communists la Party work, including that which cannot, by 
virtue of objective factors, be publicly known as Communist work. Both 
advance the interests of the people, both advance the interests of the Party. 

Moving to increase and strengthen its work among the organized and un- 
organized sectors of the population, therefore, the Party must all the more 
move decisively and rapidly work to strengthen its organizational and edu- 
cational work. 

Improve the Work of the Clubs 

Improvement of this work must be directed first of all to strengthening 
the role of the clubs. Club life must be enriched with the restoration of 
ideological and theoretical discussions, and liberated from the mass of 
administrative detail now bogping it down. Necessary administrative func- 
tions, dues collections, financial contributions, etc., clog up club agendas 
ohly yiben they are not properly handled, irtien the clubs laolc responsible 
people to handle them, or where clubs find little else to do. 

Every club must have a specific character and concrete reason for ex- 
istence, arising from the blending 4if Communist content and policies with 
the specific nature of the problems of the given mass of people amongst 
whom it lives and works. Each club must know its shop. Its community, its 
area of responsibility as it knows its own members. It must develop a pro- 
gram to meet the needs of the people whom it seeks to influence. It must 
plan its meetings In advance, aimed at working out the means of furthering 
the club program. 

The planning of work must be restored, discarding the negative features 
brought to light from past errors. It is necessary to distinguish between 
planning for what the club can do in conditions it directly controls, such 
as the public work of the Party, and planning In relation to the mass move- 
ment of the people. 

It is one thing, and an essential one, to plan how we shall increase 
the circulation of the Worker , irtiat leaflets we shall issue, what contacts 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-R — Continued 

we shall work up for recruiting, etc. It is another, and harmful, thing to trans- 
pose this type of planning to the arena of mass organizations and trade unions. 

For this, another type of approach is required. To achieve this, it is 
necessary to develop not only maximum clarity on the Party's mass policies, but 
also thoroughly to learn the problems and needs of the people among whom we work, to 
be ever attentive to their thoughts, moods and readiness to respond, to develop 
maximum flexibility in tactics based on what we learn from listening to the people 
and on readiness to consult with them on ways and means of advancing the common 

Through such mass work, each club can build groups of people around Itself to 
work with and draw upon to build the Party. And in such conditions of thriving 
Communist mass work, the clubs will find the healthiest state for the mastery of 
the vital administrative functions of the Party. 

Review the Convention Foliov 

Especially imperative is the need to strengthen the Party's base among the 
industrial workers and the Negro people. To re-establish the concentration policy 
it is necessary to overcome the separation which has developed between the Party's 
industrial and community work. The whole Party must come to know the problems of 
the working class, Negro and white, and its unions; of its decisive sectors first 
of all; and the B^rty's policies toward them. 

The Party's community members are a vital force for reaching industrial 
workers in their homes and neighborhood organizations, not only throu^ distribu- 
tion and sale of mass literature and the press, but also throu^ helping to 
generate united labor-community activity and political action on the urgent issues 
of the day, through building the united front. 

The relationship between industrial and community work must be re-examined 
with a view to their maximum possible integration or coordination consistent with 
the needs of maintaining and strengthening the basic shop and community clubs. 

New organizational forms must be sought and tested to improve the Party's 
ability to reach the people with its mass and concentratior. policies. Tendencies 
to conservatism in organization, to hold tenaciously onto ur oded forms from 
sheer habit nst be surmounted while guarding against tenco. j .-.a to liquidate for 
proven basic shop and community forms. 

Develop Colleotive Wnr) < ; 

Related to the decline in attention to Rsirty organization, and proceeding 
parallel with it, has been a departure from collective methods of work. This has 
become a serious weakness, and the strengthening of and the fight for collective 
work has become a prime necessity. 

Collective work means not merely that leading bodies meet regularly and 
arrive at decisions together. It also involves forty discipline -J the responsi- 
bility and subordination of each individual to the collective. It means a 
constant review of the work of every leading body and its individual members and a 
continual process of Marxist criticism and self-criticism in the course of the work. 
It requires full restoration of the principles and practices of democratic 
centralism while combatting bureaucratic tendencies. 

But the concept of collective work is by no means confined to relations among 
members of leading bodies. It also includes those between leadership and member- 
ship, between higher and lower organizational levels — all the more so today when 
the Barty must learn to operate with far fewer full time officials. Real 
collective work means pooling the experience and judgement of membership and 
leadership as the best basis for arriving at correct decisions. It is this which 
constitutes the essence of Party democracy, which resides no so much in the formal 
counting of votes as in the extent to which decisions are based in actuality on 
the widest participation of the Party membership. 

It is important also to foster initiative from below. The action of the 
Michigan ftirty, setting up area councils consisting of club leaders and state 
committee members, is a commendable effort in this direction. 

Althou^ there has been improvement in collective work during the post two 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-R — Continued 

years, the present situation leaves much to be desired. Both nationally and on 
the district level, there is a widespread tendency to substitute individual 
action for collective leadership. Individual leaders report on their work in- 
frequently or not at all, are not held sufficiently responsible to the collective. 

The leadership, especially in the national center, has not been suffi- 
ciently close to the membership. It has not given adequate guidance to the 
Party's work, and has not been sufficiently felt in the ranks of the Party. 

Considerable improvement in style of work is required. Leadership must 
make itself more readily available, and must develop much greater initiative and 
boldness in maintaining contact and in giving corectness to Its guidance of the 
Party's work. Among other things, every Party leader should not only be a DBniber 
of a club, but also attend meetings and participate in the club's activities as 
much as possible. This will aid the clubs in question, aid the leaders in turn, 
lessen the gap between leaders and members and further help to renew confidence 
in leadership. Other means of increased contact and exchange should be sought, 
such as meetings with representative groups of club and section leaders or com- 
rades active in specific fields of work, to discuss particular problems. Such 
consultative meetings can in many oases be extended to include non-Party people. 

Every Party leader should, as part of a systematic cadre-training policy, 
select and help to develop newer and younger cadres and to achieve a proper blend- 
ing in the utilization of older and younger comrades. In particular, the Party's 
leadership training program must give special emphasis to the development in 
leadership of women and especially Negro women comrades. 

Consideration should also be given to the establishment of regional organi- 
zations. These can serve as valuable links in the chain of leadership, providing 
a means of more frequent, more extensive and more concrete discussion of problems t 
than is possible on a national scale. 

The figbt for collective work demands an all-out struggle to put an end to 
all manifestations of factionalism and factional approaches. This vicious evil, 
grown to menacing proportions in the course of the Party crisis, has in the main 
been rooted out of our ranks as the ftirty has turned more and more to mass work. 
However, manifestations persist in a few quarters, threatening to disrupt the 
work of the Party anew. These must be eliminated, for nothing is more destruc- 
tive of Party unity and collective work. The pernicious theory that inner-Party 
differences inevitably give rise to factionalism, assiduously spread by the 
factionalists in self- justification, mu-t be exposed as an anti- Party idea. 
Factionalism is an evil which cannot be tolerated if the Party is to play its 
role and grow. 

Build the Party 

Finally, attention to recruiting, as a svstematiCf regular activity of the 
Party must be re-established. Hot only are new possibilities developing for re- 
cruitment, especially among industrial workers, the Negro people and the youth ; 
organized attention to recruiting is indispensable to achieving the restored 
growth and influence of which the Party is capable . We must attempt to win back 
the sound elements among those who left the Party as part of a recruiting drive . 

Toward these ends, the incoming National Committee shall conduct a Party 
Building Dj,ive, to take place from February 1st to Hay Ist, I960. 

Above all, far more attention must be paid the Marxist press. In the Party 
Party's present circumstances, the need of The Worker as an organizer and mobilizer 
of the membership, as an instrucment for reaching out beyohd the Party itself, is 
considerably greater than in the past. This includes not only greater attention 
by Party organizations, but the building of independent organizations to promote 
and support it wherever possible. Building the press is mass work. Party leader- 
ship should participate more in writing for the press. The incoming National 
Committee must also explore the possibilites for developing conditions favorable 
for the re-institution of the Daily Worker . 

Our Party has come through the fires of many ordeals. It is being steeled 
and tempered. It has begun to achieve the quality of maturity. Armed jrith correct 
mass policies, aware of the need to fight for correct application of those policies 
to every locality and to strengthen the Party organizationally and ideologically, 
the 17th Convention is confident that our ftrty ?ri.ll succeed in transforming the 
new qualities It is acquiring into mass influence to help advance the best national 
Interests of our country In a world of peace. 



Holmes Exhibit No. 5-S 


In order to aohieve the fuLfillmeat 4f the goal and ideala set for our Party 
and the people's movement - in this Convention - for peace, security, civil right*, 
the future of our youth, political voioe and the strength of our working class party 
— we must understand and seek the full participation of vicmen. 

Women are already in motion fighting back against exploitation and discrimina- 
tion in the home, in the shops, on the farms,, ..and against the bars from full par^ 
tioipation in the economic, social, cultural and political life of the country. 

Ninety percent of the to men are housewives; 35^ of all women also hold jobs 
outside the home. Their unpaid labor as housewives and underpaid labor as vorkers 
are the source of superprifits to b ig business. 

Of the 22 million women who work, only 3 to l/2 million are organized. Iheir 
average vjage is 6O5J of men's wages. Ihey are forced into the lowest grade jobs, 
and hav e few opportunities for upgrading. Negro women_garkers are subject to extra 
exploitation. Their average wage la l/S that of white women; 62% of their jbbff are- 
limited to domestic and service work. These degrading conditions and barriers to bet- 
working conditions affect the wjrking standards of all workers. Unless the trade 
unions undertake a consistent campaign for the rights of women workers. 

Not only is it necessary to organize the unorganized and extend minimum wage 
benefits, but it is necessary to undertake a special campaign to 'vipe out the {ay 
differentials, upgrade v; omen viorkers and open the doors of job opportunities. 

Puerto Rican and ilexican^Vmerican women are also at the lowest rung of the job 
and pay ladder in light manufacturing industries and agriculture. 

Mothers, wives and sweethearts, long the silent victims of var, are the voci- 
ferous fighters for peace. 

The family tax payments have gone to pay off the superprofits of big business 
in the war budget, at the expense of decent housing, schools, health, recreational 
facilities, and a full program for our youth. 

The cold war has been the biggest thief in the lives of our children. War 
psychology has put the stamp of approval on force and violence - war scares have 
made them unsure of their future. 

Women can take a war budget and turn it into a paaoa budget. 

Jennie Higgins, community viorker, can help convert bombers into schools, 
houses and a decent life. 

Negro, Puerto Rican and liexican-jUnerican iiomen face the ghetto p- oble ms of 
smaller then average pay checks to meet exhorbitant prices and rents, the worst 
housing and school conditions, racist attacks upon t hemselves and their families ad 
are in constant battle <ith the slum atmosphere of dirt, disease and deterioration. 

This is the spreading epidemic that infects our whole society. ' Tiite vomen 
and society as a whole, in their m/n interest, must undertake concrete plans to 
eradicate it, 

A more effective program for progress can be carried out by encouraging and us- 
ing the povier of women as a political force in the 1960 elections. We must help 
bring into action the vote of the Negro and poor vhite vvcraen in the South; the 
P\ierto Rican and llexican-Amerioan women's right to register in Spanish, and all 
women's right to political participation and representation. 

The main barrier to understanding the status and needs of vcmen is the concept 
of the"Tjeak-kneed, weak-minded, unstable noman.2 Big Business uses male supremacy 
as a means of carrying out this concept, in order to guarantee its super-profits 
from this whole group of underpaid workers. 

Women in our country are highly organized in social, civic, church, religious, 
political, professional, business community, historical and auxiliary organiza- 
tions. Host of these organizations have programs for peace, civil rights, economic 
security, civil liberties, youth problems and nomens ' rights. 

United actions among women's organizations on the above Issues can be a por^er- 
ful force in support of the American working class end the peoples movements.... 
an integral and necessary part of an anti-monopoly coalition. 

The Party has long reoo5,nized the special exploitation of viomen... their sta- 
tus, special needs and the value of enlisting their vigorous fight back In behalf 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-S — Ckjntinued , 

Resolution on Women - 2 

of the working clasa and broad peoples movement, ...But this attention has been 
uneven ... inconsistent. ... and of late... not at all ( Therefore ve propose to 
this convention: 

la The consciousness of the status of 'omen, the rights of 'lomen, and the role of 
•women should be drawn like a thread through every aspect of Party irork, 

2. Set up a National TTomen's Comission nith all deliberate speed. ...abo oonniia- 
sione in the Districts wherever possible. 

3a The Party has the task of pu'^ting forvard a program that will bring forthe all 
women In to rk and leaderah)p.,. viith special attention to the problems of 
Negro, Puerto Rican, and Mexican-American and Indian women. 

4a And ideological and popular program to understand the source of discrimination 
against women. 

5. A program to understand and popularize the role of -omen under Socialism, 

6. Conferences ecd discussions to develop local, and national program of work and 
status of wcmen. 

lilarch 8, 1960, the whole vrorld will celebrate the 50th Anniversary of Interna- 
tional "'omen's Day ..»Bom in the DSA, . , ITe can take this occasion to renew ties 
with the Intornational women's movements. 'e will also celebrate the 40th Anniver- 
sary of the 'rjoman's right to vote. TTeask everyone to help us make these celebra- 
tions a big leap forward in recognizing the role and poiier or -TOmen's activities and 
organizations.... the tremendous value and impact 6f a united vjomen's movement... 
and a program for the rights of wonen that mil encourage them to add their militant 
fight-back with the peoples movement against the common eneny... monopoly capital., , 
for a peaceful world, economic well-being ... equality... and soon the goal of 

Holmes Exhibit No. 5-T 



This la the text of the resolution aa aubmitted at the Convention. It 1b 
atlll subject to final editing for publication. 


Antl-Iabor Offensive and Resistance of Workers 

The class struggle in America is sharpening. The intensity and scope of 
the current class battles taking place, the tenacity with which the workers are 
resisting, is well shown in the li6-day solid strike of the 500,000 steel workers. 
Their strike broken only temporarily by an eighty-day Taft-Hartley injunction, 
these workers are showing readiness to resume the struggle if an acceptable 
agreement is not reached. 

The same spirit evident in the steel industry, is displayed by 35,000 
copper workers out on strike more than four months; by the striking Standard OH 
and other oil and chemical workers; packing-house, Henderson textile, and others 
on strike for months; by the rubber. East Coast longshore. West Coast shipyard, 
New York hospital and other tens of thousands who have struck earlier. 

The strike movement continues to mount with a million railroad workers pre- 
paring to strike if negotiations fail, as are many other hundreds of thousands of 
workers in communication, New York City transit, machine and electrical, aircraft 
and missile and in other unions in line for negotiations in the weeks ahead. 

Not since the strike movement immediately after World War I or the upsurge 
of the mid-thirties, has the American working class experienced such rise of 
struggles. The current strikes are most often referred to as "automation strikes." 
This is because most common to them and most militantly disputed are issues aris- 
ing out of the present-day sweep of technological changes, including automation, 
and the immense casualty of jobs in the process. The strikes are mass resistance 
to the condemning of millions of workers to the scrapheap, to relief rolls, to 
permanently depressed areas and ghost towns, and to a life of permanent insecurity. 

The strikes are a mass fi^t-back against the offensive launched by big 
business on the economic and political fronts. This assault on unions, unmatched 
since the open shop drive of the twenties, was long prepared. The campaign for 
"right-to-work" laws in the states; the three years of Senate McClellan Committee 
hearings designed to soaar and discredit trade unions in general; the propaganda 
by industry and government blaming wage increases for inflationary prices; the 
agitation against unions as "monopolies" and now the use of all the arts on 
Madison Avenue against "featherbedding" and so-called "management's right to 
manage" — these are all stages of the anti-union campaign. These union-busting 
forces have scored a major success with enactment of the Landrum-Grif fin-Kennedy 
Law through which, for the first time, the trade unions come under a fully* 
rounded government control and regulation system. Moreover the law gives the 
employers new v^eapons to limit the strike and boycott and the right of unions to 
.organize, bargain, and assist each other in strikes. 

The plan of attack calls for additional anti-labor "killer" legislation, 
such as applying antl- trust laws to unions, outlawing industry-wide bargaining, 
banning strikes in transportation Industries, prohibiting use of any funds for 
political activity, a national "right- to-work" law, and compulsory arbitration 
in major industries. 

The strike movement has reached a high level of intensity because Big 
Business, led by the steel corporations, have carried their attack to an assault 
on the most vital element of union protection — the work rules and rights that 
give the workers at least a minimum of protection against Insecurity, Inhuman 
speed-up and exploitation under capitalism. Big Business, hypocritically crying 
for the "right to manage" alms to wipe out all such protective clauses and rules 
to weaken and eventually smash unions, and to clear the road for new technological 
changes at the expense of the workers. 

As yet the workers are in the main limited in their current strikes to a 
defense of some of their long established rules and conditions, as protection 
against the encroachment of automation. But the unity and determination dis- 
played by the steel workers and others have already registered deeply in the 
consciousness of the labor movement. The persistence of the struggle and its 
widened scope, can, if properly led, extend the current strike movement to an 
offensive character — to a fight for more basic objectives, like the shortof 
work week alrtady endorsed by most unions and other demands to meet the new 
technoloQT and the new attacks. 

Holmes Exhibit No. 5-T — Continued 

' ' T. U. - Ptigo 2 

Moreover, the attack of Big Business upon the trade unions goes hand-in- 
hand with the general drive of reaction against the common people, spurred pri- 
marily by the most rabid pro-coldwar forces of the country, to foist an anateritv 
•ra upon America. By austerity, Big Business means higher taxes and other belt- 
tightening sacrifices by the conmion people. The monopolies of America are beset 
by increasing contradictions in the world as increasing numbers abroad revolt 
against Wall Street domination; as the progress of the billion people in the 
socialist countries becomes more known to the peoples under capitalism; as more 
colonial peoples gain their freedom, and as within our co\aitry there is a "post- 
MoCarthyite" awakening among the people. These monopoldea seek to shift the 
bnrden of their difficulties, Including the heavy armament load, on to the backs 
of workers, farmers, the Negro and other small-incomed people. That was the 
essence of the program outlined by Governor Nelson Rockefeller at the Economic 
Club and by other monopolists at the recent Congress of Industry of the NAM and 
other Big Business-run organizations. Some sections of Big Business seek to 
pump more vigor into their sagging ooldwar drive by shouting such austerity is 
needed to "meet the Soviet challenge." They hope to hide the fact that in the 
Soviet Onion living standards are constantly rising. 

The sharp struggles, especially in steel, and the offensive of capital 
refute dramatically and forcefully, the class collaboration theories of top 
AFL-CIO leaders. They turn to nonsense the "mutual trusteeship" idea of David 
J. McDonald, the "non-aggression agreement" with Big Business put forward by 
George Meany, the "common denominators" between labor and capital sought by 
Walter Reuther and claims by these leaders that there is no class struggle in 
America. Moreover, the attack of Big Business tqjon the key and powerful steel 
union, has alarmed the trade unionists of the entire country and aroused on a 
general scale a greater spirit of unity and vigor and to some degree even class 
conscioiisness to resist the offensive of capital. The developing struggle Is 
also identifying to the people their common enemy ~ the same enemy of workers, 
of the family farmer, of the Negro people, the Puerto Rlcan, Mexican-Amerioan 
and other groups suffering discrimination and superexploltation. Thus, In the 
process of the developing movement, the struggle of labor will increasingly 
merge with the stmggle of the Negro people and other groups for full rlgjhta as 
citizens and of the people on the farms whose purchasing power has reached a 
jiew post-war low. 

The current strike movement is the most significant fight-back developnent 
since the labor movement, in the main, was taken by its leadership on the road 
of accomodation to coldwar policies, and even acceptance of the McCarthyism that 
the cold war came with. It is the first important break in more than a decade 
of stagnation and defeats. 

He Communists nset at a moment iri^n the labor movement has, indeed, come 
to a crossroads. Which course for labor — the one that leads to new vitality 
and the passing over from a defensive position to an offensive for new goals 
and major advances? Or the course that leads labor further down the road to 
ineffectiveness and retreat? That is the question that today faces the labor 
movement in face of clear evidence that the workers are willing to f i^t and 
march forward. 

That is the question that thinking trade unionists and union leaders are 
today pondering in th-^ ranks of unions under pressure of widespread dissatis- 
faction among +he ra: J and file and a recognition by ever-rising numbers that 
new 8r'>wer;i a- j r^ec'" . :"or the questions and problems facing labor in the 
presfit peiiod. 51 \ _ isstloning of old policies and re-examination of issues 
In qu -fit for bel"!^- -■■..•err-i is stimulating a powerful force for a new pro- 
gres.'.:^V6 trend in the labor movement. It is a challenge not alone to the old 
guard conservatism among trade union leaders; it is no less a challonge to the 
Communists and all other progressives and militants in the trade unions. Hor 
to stimulate this quest for new answers; how to encourage it into developing as 
a fighting movement for progress — that' s the big problem facing the active 
progressives of labor, and especially the Communists, to whom many rightfully 
look for initiative. 

It is with that challenge and problem that the Cdmmunlst Party concerns 
itself in this resolution. 

The Situation in the labor Movement 

The steel and other strikes; the new vigor aod stature of the Negro trade 

Holmes Exhibit No. 5-T — Continued 

T. D. - Page 3 

unionists in the struggle for conditions and for equal rights; the pressure 
for greater political independence in labor ranks; the growing demand for all- 
inclusive working class unity; the pressures for a real peace policy in many 
quarters ~ all these trends are influences for a new forward-looking course. 
These trends are influences for a new forward-looking course. These trends 
are developing in spite of the hard-crust of old discredited policies and 
bureaucratic, institutionalized union machinery throu^ which they must break 

Some of the top leaders, above all Ueany, laid the labor movement open to 
the landrum-Griffin-Kennedy Law by collaborating with the McClellan Conmittoe 
and, in fact, initiating throu^ "friendly" Senator Kennedy a "moderate labor 
reform" bill which opened the floodgates of reaction in Congress. The end 
result was a measure termed by even the leaders of labor, the worst anti-labor 
law since Taft-Hartley. But even after the law was enacted, many labor leaders 
promptly decided to "live with" the new law and accomodate themselves to it as 
they did to Taft Hartley without appreciable resistance. 

As against this policy of retreat, an example of militant resistance to 
the landrum-Griffin-Kennedy Act is the West Coast I.L.W.U.'s challenge of the 
arbitrary orders of the Secretary of labor as well as its challenge of the 
constitutionality of the entire law. Several other unions have undertaken 
legal challenges on one or another feature of the laa. 

In the face of the intense struggle and clear evidence that big business 
is on the warpath against labor, George Ueany revived the idea of an Overall 
"capital-labor" agreement to eliminate strikes that he uuauccessfully advanced 
four years ago. Within the current framework, the Meany proposal can have no 
other effect but to hold back the resisting workers. The fact that Uea^y 
called for such capital-labor unity to revitalize the coldwar policy, makes 
his proposal all the more ominous. Moreover, just as the proposal for a 
"moderate reform" bill helped to enact the anti-union Landrum-Griffin-Kennedy 
law, so this proposal of Meany paves the way for the projected anti-strike bills, 

Meany' s outburst in the manner of a racist, at A. Hilllip Randolph at the 
San Francisco convention of the AFL-CIO: the effort of some top AFL-CIO leaders 
to build up Senator Kennedy, the original "reform" bill author, as a candidate 
for the Presidency; the continuance of craft versus industrial union struggles 
among some leaders of unions when xuiity is needed to organize the 70jK still un- 
organized; the refusal of the leaders of labor to open the way for contacts with 
unions of socialist lands in face of a breakdown of walls in most other si*eres — 
all these attitudes are the old policy of refusal to recognize the realities and 
[^the great changes that have come about in the Dnited States and in the world. 

The background to the harmful policies of many in top AFL-CIO officialdom 
la the history of the past 12 years, beginning with their acceptance of Wall 
Street's coldwar policies. This brou^t a new and a more reactionary content 
into the traditional class collaborationism of these leaders. In taking this 
course, these leaders based themselves on the concept that it will bring easy 
concessions to the labor movement, greater "respectability" and a "permanent 
prosperity" propped up by unending and rising expenditures for armaments and 
maintenance of military bases in °n corners of the world. This course brou^t 
many of the labor leaders to a common ground with the outstanding warmongers, 
war profiteers and notorious enemies of labor. 

To prove to employers that they were "dependable" and "responsible" 
leaders who could check the militancy of the rank and file, many of these 
leaders joined in the IfcCarthyite Un-American campaign to drive out 6f the trade 
unions Communists and other militant non-confemdng trade unionists under the 
guise of safeguarding unions from Communist control. Tht;iB in 194.9 the CIO 
leaders expelled unions with a fourth olf CIO membership who wore among the most 
militant forces in the American trade union movement. 

The consequence of this coldwar course are well known. It led to con- 
formance with the Taft-Hartley Law, and virtual abandonaent of efforts to 
repeal it. It led to a weakening of the labor-Negro alliance that could be 
built only on the basis of a real cleanup of jimcrow practices inside labor. 
It lead to a halt of organizing efforts in the South and almost everywhere 
else. It led to alienation of labor from substantial sectors of the population 

Holmes Exhibit No. 5-T — Continued 

T. 0. - Page 4. 

that have been moving towards a peace policy. It led to the fostering of a 
viriilent anti-Sovietism that culminated in the shameful spectacle of labor 
leaders, in contrast to most other sectors of the population, displaying a rude- 
ness to visiting Hikita Khrushchev. It led to a decline of trade union democracy 
and an entrenchment of corrupt influences in some sections of the labor movement, 
while all attention was given to an alleged "Communist menace," It led to more 
fthan a decade of stagnation in the labor movement. 

A serious consequence of those top leadership policies, that proved very 
harmful to all labor, has been a weakening of the influence and activity of pro- 
gressive influence within the labor movement as a whole. The effect was a weaken- 
ing of the positive influence progressives traditionally have upon the labor move- 
ment. This also narrowed the character and perspective of the trade union move- 
ment. This weakened the challenge to business unionism practices and the racket- 
eering practices, initiated and inspired by employers, that it breeds. Reakened 
also because of this decline of progressive influence, was the vigilance against 
trading off of working conditions, speed-up practices, and violation of other 
vital Interests of the workers. 

Today it is not only the progressives on the left who realize that the 
rosy perspective envisioned by many labor leaders on the basis of the cold war 
was a shaa. llany thoiisands now recognize It. It did not bring any of ths 
promised results. Three recessions, with a fourth predicted by 1961, proved that 
there can be no permanent prosperity under capitalism, even with huge eiqiendl- 
tures for armaments. The real effect of that policy of "class partnership" for 
the cold war was to expose the labor movement to the present fierce offensive by 
Big Business. It is precisely this weakening of the trade union movement and 
■flabbiness" (as Reuther called it) that encouraged the foes of labor to launch 
their offensive. But the steel strike and other strikes have shown that the work- 
ers are not "flabby" and that the trade union movement possesses the potential 
power lAiich, if properly mobilized and directed, can defeat the offensive of big 

— The past decade was not, however, all negative. There were some notable 
and militant strikes in that period (Harvester, Westinghouae, coal miners and 
three steel strikes, etc.) The "right to work" campaign of the employers met 
stiff and successful resistance in many areas, notably in California, Washington 
and Ohio. Some leaders, usually at lower levels, took a progressive position on 
certain issues or in some struggles. There were some notable manifestations of 

THE AFL-CIO merger of 1955 was also a positive development, reflecting a 
growing pressure in union ranks for an upward swing, for organization of the 
unorganized, for an end of inter-union strife, for more effective political 
action, and, above all, for a unification of strength and preparation for the 
oncoming offensive of capital that was already taking shape. 

Unfortunately, the many good decisions and promises of the merger conven™ 
tion hardly went beyond the stage of resolutions. Like most of the objectives of 
the labor movement in the past decade, those decisions were blocked by coldwar 
and "class partnership" considerations. The employers, on the other hand, were 
spurred by the merger to work all the more vigorously for their drive against 
what they called the "labor monopoly." 

The Re-emereenoe of FrograsslVB Currents 

/ In the recent period there has developed a growing dissatisfaction and 
restlessness in the ranks of the working people. These are arising from the ever- 
sharpening pressures and exploitation by the monopolists, and from the failure of 
labor's leadership to cope with the key problems and challenges confronting the 
workers. There is a mounting demand for fresh answers to such problems. There 
is, in particular, a growing dissatisfaction arising from the failure to deal 
adequately with problems of automation, organization, unemployment, speedup, anti- 
Negro discrimination, union democracy, independent political action, peace and 
other issues. 

The working people and their more militant leaders are becoming increasing- 
ly aware of the efforts of monopolists to resolve their problems at the expense of 
the workers. The demand is therefore arising that the problems of automation, 
high taxes, inflation and competition must be met at the expense of the huge 
profits of these monopolists, and not at the expense of the working people. 

Holmes Exhibit No. 5-T — Continued 

T. U. - Higo 5 

It is becoming increasingly evident to an even larger number of trade 
unlonlsta that the labor movement cannot advance, but will Instead continue to 
stagnate and retreat if it continves to pursue the policies and pbilosophy 
personified by George Ueany. 

This realization is giving forth some new progressive currents in trade 
union ranks for departure from "official" policy on one or more Important Issuss, 
Some of these currents are stirring beneath the surface. Others find more open 
expression. They are evident in the rank and file movements in the struggle for 
shop conditions, often throuj^ "wildcat" strikes; in the dues protest movement in 
steel; in the broad and effective solidarity movement in support of the militant 
New York hospital strike; in the expressions from some leaders for greater inde- 
pendence by labor in the political field, some even calling for action or dis- 
cussion of a third or labor party. 

Other such expressions are the sharp criticism of the effort by some top 
leaders to build up Kennedy as a friend of labor; the movement for the impressive 
New York City Labor Day parade; Randolph's bold demand at the recent AFI/-CIO con- 
vention for prompt and effective action to end racist disorimination in unions, 
and the strong indignation against Meany's abuse of Randolph; the movement for 
Negroes in top union office; the pressure for mass activity at the grass-roots 
level to combat anti-labor legislation, and for the building of an all-year round 
labor political action machinery from the precinct level up and for labor candi- 
dates. Then there were a number of trade union expressions away from cold war 
policy and closer to a peace position, as in part of the auto union's foreign 
affairs convention resolution. The State and City Central Trades and labor 
Councils and Federations have been displaying increasing initiative in united 
trade union actions for solidarity in strikes, for legislative and political action 
and for defense of people's ri^ts generally. Such initiatives should be welcomed 
and supported by progressive-minded trade unionists everyirtiere. 

Hitherto progressive currents have come to light in struggles mostly on in- 
dividual issues. They have not as yet taken the form of movements embracing a 
progressive position in a fully rounded out program. Moreover, the effect of these 
trends have so far remained liioited in top leadership ranks. The present anti- 
labor offensive, however, and the sad turn of the partial 1958 election victory, 
are driving home a costly lesson among many that is bound to stimulate fresh 
thinking and strength for a renewed progressive trend. 

All such tlirusts in a progressive direction on one or on several issues 
should be singled out as examples that could advance the entire struggle. All 
progressive tendencies among the rank and file and among leaders, should be 
welcooed, encouraged and further developed for the purpose of promoting pro- 
gressive action and class struggle policies and cementing greater unity and 
solidarity within the labor movement. 

Hie necessity of struggle Imposed by the current offensive, the militance 
of the rank and file, and the development of progressive trends are bound to have 
their effect on some of the present labor leadership, iriiich can by no means be re- 
garded as an unchangeable reactionary bloc. 

Hius there is a realistic possibility for the emergence before long of a 
much broader base for progressive policies and democracy within the trade union 
movement ~ a trend that could be strong enough to appreciably influence the 
unions to a new and hi^er stage of struggle against the monopoly interests and 
their political power in our country. 

The need for a Gounter-OffensivB of labor 

Organized labor cannot content Itself with mere defense against the growing 
torrent of blows rained upon it. On the contrary, if it is to defeat these and 
move forward it must launch a counter-offensive ~ a crusade for advancement of 
the well-being of our country's working people. 

Such a crusade can succeed if It is based on united action of the entire 
trade union movement as well as greater unity of action within the AFL-CIO itself. 
It calls for extending the united base of the trade union movement to embrace all 
independent and recently expelled unions, including the Teamsters* union which haa 
engaged in an organizing drive rich in valuable lessons for the labor movement. It 
precludes demoralizing Jurisdictional disputes and raiding. It demands broad rank- 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-T — Continued 

T. U. - Page 6 

and-fUe participation in democratic unions, unity of all regardless of political 
beliefs, and the inclusion of Coiranunist and other militant class-conscious trade 
unionists whose dedication to the Interests of the working people has been proven 
to be an essential factor in organizing the unorganized and in iraging effective 
struggle against labor' s enemy. Such a crusade calls for greater attention and 
action on the special needs and demands of women and young workers who, next to 
the Negro. Puerto Rioan and Mexican workers, are subjected to special unemployment, 
discrimination and exploitation. It calls for utmost support for the demands of 
women workers for health safeguards, for extended minimum wage benefits, for Job 
upgrading, and for equal pay for equal work. For the young workers, it calls for 
expanded appreotice training programs with equal rights for Negro and Puerto Rlcan 
youth, a Federal Youth Workers' program to provide Job training at prevailing 
wages, and adeqiiate pensions for adult workers to create additional Jobs for young 
workers. The trade union movement is also called upon to support the social and 
educational needs of American youth generally. Such a crusade, above all, must be 
based on a higher level of Negro-white unity and on militant struggle for Negro 

A counter-offensive of labor will necessarily embrace the problems of 
automation, peace and disarmament, Negro rights. Jobs and aid for the unemployed, 
organization of the unorganized, independent political action, democratic rights, 
and international trade union solidarity. 

1. Automation and a Fight for Jobs and Security 

Automation and the use of atomic energy are ushering in great possibilities 
for new industrial progress. The advances of science and technology in the 
service of the people should indeed be something to cheer about. 

But when science and new technology are in the hands of Big Business, 
whose interest is not the welfare of the people but only the lust for maximum 
profits, then this great achievement turns into its very opposite. Automation, 
added to already unused productive capacity, creates still more unused capacity 
and unemployment, and a permanent army of unemployed even during an economic 

Life, especially the example of the Soviet Union, has now brought forth 
ample proof that only the social system of socialism can give the people the 
maximum benefits from automation and other technological advances. 

But American workers are faced with a growing problem of insecurity and 
mass unemployment, mounting even in periods of economic uptrend. The displacement 
of workers by automation and other technological advances is adding to the indus- 
trial reserve arny at a growing pace. Along with this, the shifting of plants 
gives rise to a growing number of "distressed areas" and "^ost towns" of chronic 
mass Joblessness. Automation is being used as a means to Increase speed-up, 
destroy skills. Increase the work-load and cut wages. 

The fight for the shorter workweek has therefore become the No. 1 economic 
objective in the fi^t for Jobs and security, A cut in the workweek can, no more 
, than any other measure, be a fundamental solution of Job security under capitalism. 
But it is at least a significant measure of protection against the steady trend of 
throwing workers on the sorapheap. 

Other demands are also called for, such as the establishment of "automation 
funds" by employers to be used for retaining of workers, severance pay and other 
such purposes. These, however, should not be accepted as a substitute for the 
shorter work week. Still other demands are coming to the forefront, such as 
smaller work loads; longer rest periods and vacations; greater and not less con- 
trol of speedup by xmions; the ri^t to strike on speedup and arbitrary layoffs; 
restraining, resistance to wage cuts, and hitler wages. 

The tendency on the part of some union leaders to accommodate themselves 
to the elimination of many unemployed workers from industry and to drop such 
workers from union membership rolls can only divide and weaken the ranks of 
organized labor. The situation calls for the organization of the employed and 
unemployed in a united struggle for Jobs, Job security and for a broad program of 
government and industry assistance to unemployed. 

The unions must fight to prevent those workers who are displaced by auto- 
mation or other changes from being thrown on the scrap heap. They must also wage 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-T — Continued 

T. U. Page 7 

a struggle for governmental measures to assure that the benefits of automation are 
passed on to the general public In lower prices and greater consuming power. 

2. The Fldit for Peace and Disarmament 

The desire for peace and friendship among peoples the world over is no 
less strong among the rank and file membership of the trade unions than among the 
American people generally. 

The world-wide movement for peace. Including particularly the aspirations 
for peace on the part of the American people, as well as the great successes of 
the socialist world, have created the conditions and the atmosphere for the 
success of Khrushchev's visit. 

The Khrushchev visit and its fruits, outstanding among them the prospects 
of a sunmltt meeting and the greatly enhanced movement for disarmament, have In 
turn tremendously advanced the fight to end the cold war and have raised the fl^t 
for peaceful coexistence, disarmament and ending of atomic tests, to a new level. 
In the struggle for these goals. It Is essential to Include the Influence of labor. 
Xet, despite the overwhelming popular sentiment for peace, the leadership of the 
labor movement has not based Itself on these realities, and by its support of 
reactionary cold war policies has kept labor from taking its rightful place In the 
fight for peace. 

But the desire for peace is no less strong among the rank-and-file member- 
ship of the trade unions than among other sectors of the American people. The 
progressive forces in our country properly look to the trade union movement to 
assume leadership in the struggle for peace and disarmament, and must wage a 
determined fight to alter the present state of affairs. Communists and pro- 
gressives must irrge the labor movement to adopt a policy of full support to peace- 
ful coexistence and closer relationships between the United States and the Soviet 
Union. In particular, every effort must be made to end the policy of shunning all 
contacts and to open up exchanges of union delegations betseen the two countries, 
and with other socialist countries as well. Toward this end, the resolution 
adopted by the convention of the Woodworkers Union, calling for such exchanges 
with their Soviet counterpart, is most helpful. So, too, are similar sentiments 
which have been expressed in other sections of the trade union movement. 

In addition, the labor movement must be brought fully into the fight to 
open up trade with the socialist world. It must be won to support of disarmament 
and a peacetime econoiqy, and away from adherence to the hoax that armaments are 
the answer to unemployment. 

Total disarmament or even partial disarmament at first, is both a gloving 
promise and a serious challenge. The promise lies in the possibility of releasing 
and utilizing the huge sums now wasted 6n armaments for social benefits, lower 
taxes, advancement of health research, recreation, housing, education, and above 
all the realization of mankind's dream for an end to wars, to fears of atomic 
annlhlUtlon and poisonous fall-out. 

The challenge lies In the need to evolve a program designed to provide jobs 
for workers displaced by disarmament and for those released from the armed forces, 
and to replace wasteful war production with useful peaceful production that will 
benefit the people. 

The working people and all people of this country have a right to look to 
the trade union movement for a practical program to meet this challenge for the 
realization of the hopes of all people for a peaceful world. (In another document 
the Communist Party has proposed such a program.) 

More and more of our working people are becoming aware of the fact that the 
challenge of the socialist countries for peaceful coexistence and competition be- 
tween the capitalist and socialist systems for a better life for the people is not 
a threat btit a promise from which our people, especially our working people, can 
only gain. 

3. The Struggle for Negro Rights 

Working class unity in daily struggles for economic demands and In the 
bigger struggles against the enemies of the working class demands the ftillest 
recognition by white workers and white union leaders of the right of Negro workers 
to a status of full equality. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-T — Continued -^ 

T. n. • Usee 8 

For the unions and the entire labor movement to energetically obamplon the 
struggle for equal rights for Negroes Inside and outside the unions^ Is to serve 
their ovm Interest as well as the human rights of the Negro people. The disgrace- 
ful attack by Meany on Randolph at the recent 4FI/-CI0 convention, because he Justly 
demanded action In the unions against racist discrimination, and the shameful de- 
feat of the efforts at the UAW convention for the Inclusion of a Negro on the Exe- 
cutive Board, demonstrate that too many union leaders do not yet grasp this truth. 

The formation of the American Negro labor Council under the leadership of 
A. Rilllp Randolph will undoubtedly advance Negro-white unity, bring nearer the 
end of Jim Crow In some unions, and raise to a hl^er level the labor-Negro 
alliance, which Is vitally necessary for the unions and for the Interests of the 
white workers as well as for the Negro people. 

The Negro workers have been hardest hit by unemployment and by all other 
measures directed by the employers against the workers. Discrimination in regard 
to upgrading in plants and in other ways is still a general practice In Industry, 
The labor movement must fight more energetically against such discrimination. To 
this end it is essential that the promise of fair employment clauses In contracts, 
non-discriminatory apprentice training programs must become an effective part of 
every union program. 

There are Increasing signs In many parts of the country that a greater re- 
cognition of these problems is developing In unions. To move forward, there must 
be a greater recognition that the laborANegro alliance cannot remain merely a rela- 
tionship between top officers. It must be reflected on all levels and based on 
united struggles of Negro and white. There can be no greater contribution to such 
an alliance than effective action inside the unions to end all racist dlscrimlna- 

Such action is especially necessary if the trade union movomont la to 
succeed in launching an effective counter-offensive against Big Business, 

4, Organizing the Unorganized 

A major objective of a counter-offensive of labor Is necessarily a militant, 
all-out campaign to organize the unorganized and especially to organize the South, 

The South can be organized only if the campaign is not Just a routine 
effort as In the past, but an all-embracing crusade for the economic demands, for 
the right to vote, and other democratic rights of all the people In the South, 
Negro as well as white. 

Such a crusade would break down the barriers between white and Negro 
workers, forge their united action and thus generate the power to sweep out the 
domination of the Dlxiecrats — the backbone of anti-labor and anti-Negro 
reaction In Congress. 

5, Independent Political Action 

Another major front in labor's counter-offensive is Independent political 

Organized labor has not moved forward adequately to establish Its poli- 
tical Independence. The AFL-CIO has pursued a policy of dependence on the two 
parties of big business, tailing after them an, with some limited exceptions, 
negleotlng to build Its own year-round political activity and organization. 

Such a policy has failed adequately to protect the interests of the work- 
ing people and their unions. The Taft-Hartley Act, the Landrum-Grlf fin-Kennedy 
Act, the use of the Taft-Hartley injunction to break strikes, the blocking of 
civil rights legislation, the constant invasion of civil Ubisrties and the unholy 
alliance between the Dlxieorats, reactionary Republicans and reactionary Northern 
Democrats — these are the fruits of such a policy. 

The defeat suffered by labor and all the people at the hands of the 86th 
Congress after labor's successes in the 1958 election against the "right to work" 
measures, has aroused demands in labor's ranks for a reassessment of political 
action policies pursued by the AFL-CIO. It is becoming increasingly clear that 
the trade union movement cannot cope with the all-round offensive of capital 
without a more effective and realistic policy of independent political action. 

To achieve such a policy the task of the progressives is to influence the 

52-810 O— '66-^?t. 2 11 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-T — Continued 

T. D. - Page 9 

trade union movement to come forward as leader of all progressive and forward- 
looking people in our country in order to forge united political action with its 
allies and all democratic forces. This can be accomplished if the trade union 
movement brings about a serious change in its political policies and program. 

An effective independent political action program calls for the developoent 
of labor's political action organizations (COIE, IiJ£, P4C) as year-round people's 
precinct organizations of movement on issues, and not just as skeleton machinery 
during elections. It calls for pressure for labor candidates, vigorous participa- 
tion in primaries in support of labor, Negro and other candidates with forward- 
looking ideas and consistent pro-labor positions. It calls for practical and 
realistic alliances of labor's political organizations with the organiBationa of 
the Negro people, and extensive direct cooperation and unity with farmer groups 
and organizations and with other forward-looking sections of the people. The 
proposal of the recent UAW convention for a conference of such a nature prior to 
the nominating conventions of the Democratic and Republican parties for a united 
approach on candidates Is a welcome step in the rl^t direction. 

Such a policy would lay the basis for effective political action in I960 
and from this could emerge the understanding, the experiences and the forces for 
a new coalition for the realization in the near future of a new party of labor, 
the Negro people, farmers — a party of the majority of the American people, 
capable of curbing monopoly domination in our country. 

To achieve this end, all left and progressive forces in the trade union 
movement should devote th6ir utmost attention and energies. 

6. Democratic Rights 

The reactionary forces in CongBess have erected a wall of restrictive anti- 
labor legislation from the Infamous Taft-Hartley Act to the shackling landrum- 
Griffin Act. This wall must and can be broken down by means of a sweeping campaign 
of united trade union action for the repeal of such legislation or the trade union 
movement will become chained to government control of unions for the benefit of the 
monopoly interests. 

In the center of labor's counter-offensive must be a fight for repeal of 
the Taft-Hartley and Landrum-Grlffin Acts, a f i^t against new anti-labor legisla- 
tion, and a fight for positive legislation to protect labor's rights. At the same 
time there must be the utmost resistance to all plans for accomodation to anti- 
labor legislation. 

But it is hi^ time that the trade union movement realized that it cannot 
defend its own rights without fighting for civil liberties of all Americans, and 
in particular without conducting a struggle against anti-Communism and the denial 
of the rights of Communists. The labor movement should recognize anti-Communism 
for what it is — a weapon directed against the working class, the trade unions 
and the American people generally bu their common enemy, reactionary big business. 
It is incumbent upon labor to raise its voice, as some unions have already done, 
against Taft-Hartley conspiracy trials as well as against other repressive laws 
and witch hunts. 

The Communist Party will do all in its power to spread the understanding of 
these vital tasks in the labor movement, the understanding that Its fight for con- 
stitutional liberties is part of the whole fight for the democratic rights of the 
labor movement. 

International Trade Union Solidarity and Pnltv 

American workers have a common Interest with the workers of other countries. 
The American imperialists, who stri'WJ to exploit the workers of all countries, seek 
to maintain their position by pitting the workers of one country against those of 
another. Today, American big business interests are moving many plants abroad and 
exporting with them the jobs of many American workers. At the same time they try 
to convince our workers that it is the workers of other countries lAo, by virtue 
of their low wages, are depriving them of their jobs. About 1,000 American 
companies have producing plants abroad employing about one million workers. 

To meet these problems, and to advance the aspirations of all working people 
for peace, onr trade nrlon movement Boat help to advance the self are and living 
standards of workers in all countries, and develop cooperation and united action 
between our unions and unions in other lands, including the World Federation of 
Trade Unions and its affiliated unions. 

Holmes Exhibit No. 5-T — Ckjntinued ' ' 

T. H. - ftige 10 

It should give all-out support to the efforts of the Latin American peoples 
to free themselves from the bondage of American imperialist profit hunters, and 
in particular to the valiant struggles of the Cuban people and working class. 

Moreover, our working people should stop our union leadership from playing 
the game of American Imperialism abroad by acting as its anti-Communist spearhead 
within the labor movement of other countries. This only divides and weakens their 
unions in the fight for higher living standeirds. 

The Communist Party 

The past few years have witnessed an all-out campaign to destory the rights 
of Communists within the trade unions, through the anti-communist provisions in the 
Taft-Hartley Act, through security firings, through congressional committee witch 
hunts and other measures. This has been all too often abetted by some in the union 
leadership itself who strive to lead the pack in "cleaning out the communists," 
Communists have been attacked as "foreigh agents," as elements which have interests 
separate and apart from the working class and which "use" the trade union movement 
to achieve these ends. 

These slanders must be tirelessly exposed, and the fact that Communists have 
no Interests apart from those of the entire working class must be brought home to 
the American workers again and again. This is a fact which the past history of our 
working class has repeatedly demonstrated. The Communists have a proud record — a 
record of pioneering in industrial unionism and organization of basic industries, 
in the fight for unemployment insurance and other social welfare measures, in the 
fight for the ri^ts of Negro workers and in many other of the major advances made 
by labor. Even our enemies are compelled to recognize that Communists are capable 
of the utmost devotion and self-sacrifice, and many in the trade union movement 
know from their own experiences that effective organization and struggle is im- 
possible without such a dedication. The annals of U.S. labor history for the past 
AO years give a great deal of evidence of the vital role the Communists have played 
in many of the historic strugctles and advances of labor. 

Althou^ weakened by McCarthyite repressive laws, by persecutions, imprison- 
ment of its leaders, and hounding of its members in the unions, Communists have 
nevertheless made their oontirbutions also in recent years in the struggles of the 
unemployed and in the struggles for labor's rights and the rights of the Negro 
people. Communists, as active unionists alongside their fellow workers, have 
helped in every way to defeat the assault of the steel companies. In all such 
struggles our Party has striven to influence the entire labor movement toward more 
effective solidarity and united action. 

In regard to our Party's position on key problems confronting labor, our 
Party leadership nationally and on State levels has not adeqiBtely brought the 
Party's ideas to the trade unionists. There has been an inadequate appreciation of 
the importance of trade unions and activity in them We have not always reacted in 
time and vdth required energy. Whenever we have done so, the working people whom 
we reached have displayed interest in the opinions of Communists and have considered 
our ideas as constructive contributions to their thinking and to their struggles. 

Our Party most strive to overcome these shortcomings. In this manner we 
shall more effectively fulfill our ffeirty's objectives to help strengthen the labor 
movement, advance the interests of the workers and all people. 

Communists in the unions seek to establish the closest and friendliest 
personal relations with their fellow workers, to create the utmost unity and co- 
operation for their common objective of advancing the best interests of the 
working people and the trade union movement. 

Today the Kennedy-Landrum-Griffin Act seeks to shackle the unions, and 
also seeks to place further obstacles in the way of participation of Communists 
in the labor movement. But it should be clear that this Act, using the bogey of 
anti-communism, opens the door to prosecution of trade uninionists of all 
political views. It demonstrates anew and more sharply than ever the harmfulness 
of anti-conmunlsm to all of labor. The Communist Party itself, while continuing 
to make its contributions to the present struggles of the working class will figjit 
tirelessly for the abolition of all such repression. And it will do so in relatioi^ 
ship to the fight to advance both the laoBdlate interests Of the working class and 
Its ultimate interest — socialism. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-T — Continued 

T. U. - Page U 

Today, socialism has become a subject for the widest discussion. More 
and more, American ?rorkers are weighing its merits and examining it in all serious- 
ness as a way of life. Communists will join in these discussions and strive to 
foster the understanding of socialism among workers. They will promote the circu- 
lation of the Marxist press and literature. They will find ways of building the 
Party in the ranks of the American working class and of bringing to the American 
workers, out of their own experiences, the understanding of the necessity for a 
socialist solution of their problems and needs. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-U 

thb worker 

Ab favorable as are ti-e objective conditions for the successful realization 
of the decisions of the 17th Convention of the Coniraunlst Party, these historic 
goals will not be reached without the building of The Worker into a popular, mass, 
Marxist-Leninist press vhich has gained the confidence of tens of thousands of 
labor, the Negro people and other minority groups. 

The Editorial Board and Staff of The Worker are conscious of the need to 
strengthen, improve The Worker politically, in coverage, in analysis, as well as 
to make its style more popular. A recent all -day critical review of The Worker 
in which Comrades Ha-ciiaway and Kushner participated with the Staff and represent- 
atives of the National Committee and the New York State Committee, decided on a 
number of messures towards t>:iB end. 

In this direction ve also greet the agreement reached by The Worker and the 
Midwest comrades to publish a Midwest 'Edition beginning May 1, i960. 

The anti-monopoly movement, the peace forces of America, the Negro Liberation 
movement, organized and unorganized labor, the national minorities of our country, 
those forces fighting for the peaceful co-existence of countries with divergent 
social outlooks will find in The Workei a dedicated supporter of all for which 
they light and a press that interprets events from a Marxist-Leninist position and 
in the Interests of a socialist society in the USA. 

The V^orker has been seriously affected in terms of Its circulation and its 
financial supporters by the critical struggles through which the progressive forces 
of America fought against the intrigues and antl-Conetltutlonal hysteria provoked 
by the McCartbyites and directed In the main against the Communist Party, It has 
been seriously weakened by the inner struggles of the Communist Party. 

But despite these blows, despite weaknesses associated with the production of 
The Worker in its content or management The V/orker stands today as one of the 
ideological bulwarks against the attempts of the metropolitan press of monopoly 
to win the minds of the American people for its war economy. _: 

The building of The Worker is not for Communists Just another of Its several 
tasks. The building of The Worker, strengthening the financial base end support 
of The Worker, giving fundamental aid to those who seek to restore the Dally Worker 
becomes that task without the successful achievement of which the establishment 
of a powerful peace movement, an invincible labor and Negro liberation movement 
is impossible. 

Therefore, the 17th Convention of our Party instructs the incomin^; National 
Committee to make the building of The Worker a responsibility to be assumed by 
the Party as a whole and by every individual member of the Party. 

In assuming this great responsibility thip Convention believes that the 
National Committee should place a major political duty upon all Party leaders 
to give guidance and specific attention to the building of Worker circulation. 

The Worker can and must be carried to the American people. 

This Convention believes that promises and preparations should be made 
early for financial aid to The Worker's I96O financial campaign. 

This Conventioi. proposes to the incoming National Committee to organize a 
financial campaign for support of The Worker for $75,000 or more vhich will begin 
on the 36th anniversary of The Worker, o'anuary 13, and end on or before the list 
of May. 

The present circulation of The Worker is between 13 and ll* thousand. This 
Convention believes that that clrrulation can be successfully raised to 20,000 
within the year I960. 

It therefore Instructs the incoming National Committee to create a standing 
Worker Builders Committee which will immediately formulate a circulation campaign 
to begin together with the financial campaign. 

It is obvious that conditions do not permit uniform responsibilities. But 
this Convention believes thai no District of the Party should be without a press 

We believe that the greatest possible coordination should exist between those 
responsible for the building of The Worker and those responsible for Its produc- 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-U — Continued 

Worlrar ~ 2 

Everywhere efforts must be made to help create Build the Press Committees, 
or Volunteers for the Worker, or what have you. 

While The Worker Is not the official Voice of our Party, we hereby declare 
Its building Indispensable to the building of the Communist Party and the many 
movements seeking to create a security and peaceful life to the American people. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-V 
resolution on cuba 

Cuba's military comraander-ln-chlef warned his people thla week, on Decsmber 7, 
that the nation may be Invaded by the armed mercenaries of Dictator TruJUlo, of 
San Domingo, before January 1. The world has already been told about the five 
thousand cutthroats from the Nazi army and the Franco faaclata, tfho were being 
trained to make the Invasion. Thus, Cuba -- the country where the revolution 
against Imperialism In Latin America has reached the highest point in history -- 
Is In great and Immediate danger. 

This' poses an Immediate responsibility of utmost historic gravity before the 
American people, and Its most decisive sectors. Labor, the Negro l8 million, all 
honest democrats and progressives who want to see a nation achieve sovereignty, 
independence, economic and political advance. The Issue is one that must be at 
ths very top of the agenda for Communists in the United States. 

Not only is revolutionary Cuba threatened by military invastion, it Is subject 
today to the combined onslaught of powerful forces manipulated by American imperi- 
alist interests who dread the i.-emarkable advances being made by the new government. 
Capitalist newsprpero, State Department officials, television, radio, the combined 
agents of ex-Dictator Batista as well as Dictator Trujillo -- all have joined forcei 
to defame, libol, smear, and injure in every conceivable way — economically, pol- 
itically, nilltarlly -- that country whose advances are regarded as sacred by the 
200 million Inhabitants of Latin America, as well as by the vast majority of the 
people of the world — In the colonial and semi -colonial world, the socialist na- 
tions , and all enlightened laankind everywhere . 

Inperlalian fears that the new Cuba will succeed. It sees that unity of all 
revolutionary forces within Cuba has been strengthened this year since the hosts 
of freedom forced Batista to flee Just over a year ago the end of this month — 
December 31. He and those he represents hope to noke their comeback on the anniv- 
ersary. They wont to make It before that unity -- which cements all genuine revo- 
lutionary forces in the island--nakes such advances that the forces of reaction 
can never again possibly win the day. 

Advances are being made, first of all, in the countryside. The Land Beform 
is moving ahead at a magnificent rate. Peasants are getting land. Fame appropri- 
ated by the government from Batista hirelings are being run as cooperatives. Farm- 
ers are not only getting land from the new government, but also farm implements, 
farm Inctructlon, substantiol credits. Cement homes are going up t- replace the 
age-old, rickety bohlos, tiie straw-thatched one-roon huts. Schools are being 
built everywhere to wipe out the more than 50^ Illiteracy. 

Similarly in the cities, among the working people. Rents have been cut by 
50 5^ everywhere. Electric rates have been reduced drastically by Inter-.-enlng in 
the enterprises of the big Wall Street corporation. Electric Bond and Share; 
telephone rates, for example, were cut y^ ^ from a dine to a nickel. 

It Is also necessary to note that traoe -union democracy has been strengthened 
greatly by ousting the labor-dlctat-ir Mujal who fled with Batista, even though he 
had had the belesinga of OEIT, the Begional Inter-Anerican workers organization, 
The State Dept. Instrument to work among the Latin American workers which never 
found It necessary to declare one word of criticism against his bestial acts, this 
Mujal whom Cuban labor calls the "chlvato" — the stoolpigeon -- because he turned 
over any unionist Batista wanted to the dictator's Gestapo for torture or death. 

The tenth Congress of the Cuban Labor Movement, the CTC, saw further labor 
advances when the most powerful mujallsta elements were ousted from office and 
influence; when the two million strong confederation voted to break ties with OEIT, 
which they branded as a tool of the State Department and reactionary leaders here 
in the USA. 

The people of the USA can learn much from Cuba's democracy. The new govern- 
ment, in enunciating Its set of principles a year ago, placed the elimination of 
racism as one of the ncjor immediate objectives. The advances in this decisive 
field can be gauged by the fact that Cuba's head of the army today Is a Negro; the 
head of the airforce is a Negro; the head of the military forces of Orlenta, the 
princllal province, where a third of Cuba lives, is a Negro. Consider the advance 
here in the USA the same could be said of us. No wonder the press has clamped a 
conspiracy of silence upon such advances; and Instead, has embarked on a smear 
campaign of unprecedented proportions. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-V— Continued 

The United States is the nost powerful Inpeflallst country In the world. 

The Inperlallst forces that exploit and oppress the Cuban people and the rest 
of the Latin Anerlcan nations are the sane monopolists that exploit the workers of 
the United States . 

This fact places upon the workers and progressive forces of the United States 
the responsibility of developing solidarity with and aid to the embattled people of 
Cuba and the other nations of Latin Anerlca. 

One hundred years of struggle by the Cuban people against Spanish and U.S. 
inperlallsn resulted In very little freedom for the Cuban nation until the dem- 
cratlc -popular anti-inperlalist revolution led by Fidel Castro and the 26th of July 
novenent and supported by 95 percent of the Cuban people including the Popular 
Socialist Party brought into existence a genuine liberation novenent for the first 
tine, free fron corruption and detemined not to conpronlse with the nain eneny of 
the Cuban nation: Anerlcan Inperiallsm. That Is why Anerlcan inperlallsn Is force- 
fully resisting every step taken by the Castro govemnent. 

Whether through diplonatlc channels such as the recent State Department state- 
ment protesting against Cuba's antl-Amerlcanisn, or by direct amed attack from 
airplanes based In Miami, Florida, U.S. Inperlallsn is using every means to under- 
mine Cuba's progress toward complete freedom from U.S. Imperialism. 

The people of the U.S. and especially the working class have much in common 
with the Cuban liberation novenent. Cuba is fighting for her sovereignty and 
freedom fron foreign intervention as did the American people In the course of their 
revolution of 1776. 

Moreover, the working class of the U.S. today has a big stake in solidarity 
with the Cuban workers. The workers of Cuba harbor no Illusions as to who is their 
real eneny. When they cry "Down with Yankee Imperialism," they are resisting the 
sane monopolists who are the bitterest exploiters of American labor. 

Cubans emigrating to the U.S. have set high standards of militancy and courage 
In trade union stniggles, 


1. Mobilize U. S. public opinion and try to organize support, especially In the 
trade unions, for the Cuban people. 

a. To answer the lies and slanders being spread by Imperialist circles 
about Cuba and Its new govemnent, through The Worker, leaflets, meet- 
ings, and forums, wherever possible. 

b. To encourage sending telegrams of greetings fron trade unions to their 
opposite numbers In Cuba on appropriate occasions. 

c. To help orgtnlze assistance to Cuban workers' families -- m-^ney, 
clothing , blood donations. 

d. To organize help for Cuba's school children -- contribute paper, 
pencils, recording machines, etc. 

2. Develop continuous activity, not Just sporadic actions, in support of Cuba. 
Keep supplying facts of background on the latest devolopnents and outlook of Cuba. 

3. Build Friendship Organizations Involving non-Cuban people with the specific 
and main slogan and actions of "Hands off Cuba." 

•*. Send delegations to Cuba for trade union and cultural exchangee. 

5. Popularize Cuba as an ideal vacation spot and thus help build up the tourist 
trade of a free Cuba. 

6. We shall strive to arouse our people to combat any reactionary move to wreck 
the Cuban sugar quota and other neasures directed to weakening Cuban economy. 

7. W& call on progressive Americans to protest the unwarranted action of steam- 
ship companies trying to destroy Cuban tourist trade. 

For all these reas ma, this convention must see a great emphasis put on the 
entire question of Cuba and Latin Araorica. 



Holmes Exhibit No. 5-W 

a housing peccram fob the akeeican people 

— To Build More HonSB, To Provide More Jnbe — 

(First Draft) 

LIVE . Yet 17,000,000 families now live in "aubetandard" homee — dilapidated, 
overcrowded, unsanitary, without modem sanitation, hot water or heat, and danger- 
ous to health and family life ( Fortune , 1958). And additional millions are living 
in housing which Is deterlorlatlng into slums. 

2,000,000. . new dwelling units are needed yearly — the minimum to replace 
substandard housing, reduce overcrowding and house our Increasing population, ac- 
cording to the national Housing Conference and the AFL-CIO. 

30.000 units of Federal public housing have been built per year (average) 
since 191*5. That low figure will trickle down to nothing soon. Congress and Pres- 
ident Elsenhower killed public housing in 1958. 

1,000,000 private dwelling units per year (average) have been built since 
19't-5, ivfi are for families with incomes over $8,000, or less than 20^ of our 

A simple problem In arithmetic. 

Nearly 1,000.000 needed homes per year are not being built . And 17,000,000 
families are still being denied the right to live in decent homes. 

How did President Eisenhower and Congress solve the housing problem in 1958 
and 1959? Here's their method: 

1. Squeeze the home-buyer between "tight money" and rising mortgage payments. 
Price low- and middle-income families and minority families out of the 
home -buying market. 

2. But guarantee high profits to builders and banks through FHA, FNMA, HOLC 
and other government housing agencies. 

3. Refuse aid to limited-profit, cooperative or non-profit housing. 

■*. Carry on "slum-clearance" under Title I — which tears down minority and 
low-income communities and gives land at cut-rates to private builders 
for expensive ($200 per month) apartments. 

5. Kill of federal low -rent public housing. 


The federal program of low-rent public housing was born in the 30 'e out of 
public pressure to provide Jobs, clear slums, and rehouse the one-third of the 
nation which was "ill -housed." It had the vigorous support of the labor unions, 
the tenant and unemployed councils, the Labor Housing Conference, the Housing 
Study Guild, the Lower East Side Housing Conference, the National Public Housing 
Conference. Housing pioneers such as Mary Slmkhovltch, Senator Robert F. Wagner, 
Nathan Strauss, Helen Alfred, Vlto Maroantonlo, Catherine K. Bauer, Dr. Edith 
Elmer Wood, B. Charney Vladeck spoke up for public housing. The Communist Party 
mobilized the support of thousands of Amerloane who signed petitions, wrote post- 
cards and visited their legislators to demand public housing. 

In the years following the establishment of the Public Housing Admlnlstratico 
in 193**, almost 1^ million public housing units have been built. Millions of fam- 
ilies have had the opportunity of living in clean, sanitary, decent housing at 
reasonable rents. Such public housing is needed to fill a gap In our economy which 
cannot be filled by private builders. This fact was recognized by even such a 
conservative as Senator Robert Taft. 

In 191*9 the Taft-Ellender-Wagner Bill provided for 810,000 public housing 
units to be built within 6 years. Now, ten years later, only 300, COO of these 
units have been completed. The first cuts in the program were blamed on the "cold 
war," and then on the Korean War. Now Elsenhower and Congress have eliminated 
federal public housing entirely. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-W — Continued 

- 2 - 

Public housing fltoulJ te Improved and Increased — not eliminated. Now 
there Is no war; rather, the possibilities are growing of maintaining prolonged 
peace. At the sane tlnse, there Is Increasing unemployir.ent In many areas despite 
cheerful Administration predictions of prosperity. 

Here public housing Is needed desperately. In the largest city In the U.S., 
ten families apply for each apartment built by the NYC Housing Authority. One of 
ten get public housing. ..the other nine rensln In furnished rooms or In slum apart- 
ments , Seventeen million American famlles live In substandard housing and cannot 
afford to buy privately built housing. Homes for families earning under $8-10,000 
per year are not being built by private Industry, but must be publicly subsidize d 
in one way or another. ~ 

How much does It cost to subsidize public housing? The total cost per year 
Is now only $71,000,000, less than one-tenth of one percent of our total 1958 fed- 
eral budget, and less than two-tenths of one percent of our I958 military expend- 
itures. In other words, for every dollar we spend on armaments, we spend two- 
tenths of a cent on subsidies to public housing. 

Ike and other VlP'a ride around in $27,500,000 worth of Jet transports, eno. - 
money to subsidize 137,500 families In public housing. The cost of one atomic eut 
— $47,000,000 — would subsidize public housing for 235,000 families for a year, 
and would pay off in happier, healthier families. Money for war Is money down the 
drain. Money for housing is an Investment In people. 

It is time for those who backed public housing in the 30'b to speak up again. 
The unions, whose members need housing and jobs — the citizen groups — fraternal 
organizations — churches and synagogues — community organizations — all those 
who want good housing — the home -hungry millions. 

Every AimTlcan family has the right to decent, safe and sanitary housing . 
Private enterprise admits that it cannot provide such housing at reasonable 
prices. The government must provide housing — and not Just dribbles of public 
housing, but enough to rehouse 17,000,000 families now denied the right to a 
decent, safe, and sanitary place to live. 

Public housing has been severely criticized and attacked in the last few 
years. It is true that there are many things wrong with public housing. Those 
faults can and should be corrected. But we must retain the basic principle — 
that the govemment has a responsibility to house families which cannot afford 
private housing . 


I^t's take a new look at public housing — let's even give It a new name 
which describes what it should be — govemment-sponsored community housing . 

I. The Federal government should build 1,000,000 units of government- 
sponsored community housing per year for 5 years. 

Govomment-sponsored community housing should not be housing which: 

* Destroys entire communities in the name of "slum clearance." 

* Excludes single persons, childless couples or large families. 

* EvlctB families which try to better their standard of living and increase 
their income. 

* Harasses tenants with constant threats of eviction for "undeslrability, " 
with loyalty oaths, frequent Income checks and housekeeping snooping operations, 

* Allows projects to deterioi-ate through poor maintenance. 

* Discourages tenant organizations and allows tenant morale to sink. 
On the contrary, government-sponsored community housing should : 

* Set income limits for admission to includo family incomes up to $10,000 
per year and single person Incomes up to $5,000, with a sliding scale of rents 
according to Income. (The present maximum in New York City is $U,700 for low-rent 
housing and $7,'*90 for unsubsldlzed mlddle-lncorae housing.) Each project should 
include families of all Income levels rather than separate low- and middle -inoone 
tenants Into separate projects as la now done. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-W — Continued 

- 3 - 

* Set rente at 15 percent of the tenant's Income (which Is about the national 
average In private rental housing) Instead of the 20 percent now charged In public 
housing. In figuring family Incons, do not Include money earned by children or by 
secondary wage-earners (usually the wife), because such Income Is usually not de- 
pendable . 

* Not evict over-Income tenants but Increase their rents according to Income 
up to a reasonable maximum (not requiring subsidy), 

* Build projects which are soundly constructed, attractive, well designed and 
cheerful, and maintain them properly. 

* Provide facilities for community life, such as small stores (with preference 
to neighborhood businesses displaced by demolition), adequate recreational areas, 
meeting rooms for community groups including a tenant organization, playgrounds and 

* Enforce the Constitutional ban on discrimination In public housing. Dis- 
crimination in public housing is still practiced in most of the country. 

* Build on vacant land to provide new housing for families from slum areas, 
proceed with slum clearance. Otherwise slum clearances merely tears down old build- 
ings without providing the tenants with anything better. It forces the displaced 
tenants into other old buildings and results in more overcrowding and more slums. 
Building on vacant land is usually cheaper and Involves no relocation problems. 

Slums exist because of the tremendous prolTlts made on them by landlords and 
mortgate holders. The present slum clearance program rewards slum landlords by 
buying their properties at Inflated prices. Instead of rewarding slum landlords 
for neglect, take the profit out of a lums , Several methods can be used: 1) Stop 
buying slum properties for slum clearance at Inflated prices. Condemn the propert- 
ies as a public nuisance, 2) Enforce multiple dwelling laws to require a landlord 
to maintain his property in decent condition. The city government should take over 
the property and maintain it at public expense If necessary, or should deduct the 
expenses from rental income. 3) Fvailsh failure to maintain buildings by stiff 
fines and Jail sentences. U) Tax property transfers In blighted areas to limit 
speculation or repeated selling of slum properties at higher and higher prices. 
In other words, government-sponsored community housing which preserves community 
life, its institutions and residents of all Income levels, all ages and all races, 
small businessmen, big families, small families, single persons, the elderly and 
the young — that is the kind of housing worth building, worth living in, worth 
taking care of, 

II. In addition to such rental housing, at least 1,000,000 units per year 
should continue to be built for sale. Home-buying should be made easier for fam- 
ilies earning under $8,000, and for minority and farm families. 

VA and FHA loans should have lower interest rates and longer repayment periods, 
and FHA policies which discriminate against minority home-buyers should be elimin- 
ated. The cost of homes should be reduced by providing direct government loans to 
home-buyers at little or no Interest and with a ItO-year repayment period. Such 
loans should be made available to cooperative non-profit corporations or directly 
to low and middle income families, and to minority families who are refused loans 
from banks because of discrimination. A large part of the cost of a home is in 
Interest charges and discounts. Eliminating these exorbitant charges by banks and 
mortgage companies would lower the cost of new homes and make home-owning possible 
for thousands more. 

A program should be set up of liberal, low-interest, long-term loans to home- 
owners for rehabilitation, improvements and major repairs. Such loans, now diffic- 
ult to obtain from banks, would permit owners to maintain property without big rent 

III. A new executive department should be created — the Eepartment of Hous- 
ing -- to unify the dozens of housing agencies, commissions, authorities, etc., 
now scattered in the Departments of Commerce, Treasury, Labor, etc, 

17, Government housing policy should aim at eliminating segregation and dis- 
crimination in housing, not encouraging it. The Urban Renewal Administration, the 
FHA, VA, and Public Housing Authority, and other housing agencies have all been 
found guilty of encouraging discrimination In housing in the 1958 report of the 
Commission on Pace and Housing, titled "Where Shall We live?" In fact, the urban 
renewal program itself, with Its concentration on projects In Negro and Puerto RIoan 
communities and Its failure to provide relocation housing, has served to aggravate 
the problem of discrimination by forcing people out of "slum clearance "areas into 



Holmes Exhibit No. 5-W — Continued 

' ^~ ' ' - u - 

other, already overcrowded ghetto Blum areas. 


In 1930, hefiore any government aid to public or private housing, 8,000,000 
families lived in substandard housing. About 30 percent of the population could 
afford to buy new private housing. Now In 1959, 17,000,000 families are In slums 
and the housing Industry Is building for only 20 percent of the people. 

Why is the housing crisis becoming worse In the U.S.? First, there Is a tre- 
mendous profit In Blums. The return on slum properties Is double and treble the 
return on decent housing. Thus, the government makes only feeble gestures at re- 
quiring slum landlords to make necessary repairs and maintain rental housing In 
decent condition. Slums spread faster than any phony "slum clearance" program can 
tear them down. 

Secondly, the private construction industry operates for profit under capital- 
ism. It cannot build profitably for low income families and, therefore, builds 
only for high income groups. 

Third, the profit motive rules out the possibility of real "city planning." 
Concentration cannot be planned according to housing needs but only according to 
the ability of the prospective home owner to pay the high costs of construction. 

Fourth, the real estate lobby and the construction Industry Influence federal 
housing policies. Thus, FHA contiuues to guarantee the builder and the mortgager 
maximum profits — and public housing dies a slow death. 

The profit motive under capitalism is the underlying cause of the housing 
crisis and the success of any housing program Is therefore limited under capitalism. 

Albert M. Cole, then head of the Housing and Home Finance Agency of the U.S., 
told the convention of the National Association of Real Estate Boards this year, 
"There is not and never will be enough money In the Federal Treasury to eradicate 
all the slums in this country." In other words, the U.S. cannot solve the housing 
crisis under capitalism. 

Premier Khrushchev reported to the Congress of the Communist Party of the Sov- 
iet Union recently: "In the next seven years we are to build houses with a total 
floor space of 650,000 square meters, which Is 15 mlllicr! il.ita. This is more 
than all the housing units built to date since the Revoluvion. Rent, including 
public utility services, amounts on the average to U-5 percent of a family budget. 
The aim to end the housing shortage and thereby solve the housing problem in the 
following ten to twelve years is being carried out successfully." 

Although the Soviet Union lost 25 million dwelling units in the war and still 
has a serious shortage, home building is increasing at a rapid rate which has aston- 
ished many recent visitors to the Soviet Union, Including Eleanor Roosevelt. Soci- 
alist planning has enabled the Soviet Union, after it solved its primary problem of 
rebuilding industrial capclty, now to turn its energies to building homes for its 

We, the Communist Party of the U.S.A., believe that in a society not operating 
for profit, by using socialist planning, the U.S. could use its total resources 
and great production capacity to plan for housing for all. Socialist planning 
enables a nation to estimate its housing needs and plan accordingly, to plan for 
replacement, to clear slums with proper relocation, to build for those who need it 
most, not just for a few. 

We believe that only under socialism can the U.S. really achieve the goal of 
our housing program — "every American has the right to a decent, safe and sanitary 
place to live." But until then, we believe that it Is up to the American people 
and their organizations to fight for a housing program NCW which can bring what we 
vont and need NCW -. more homes and more Jobs. 

We ask that you and your organization read and consider the housing program 
here presented. Your suggestions and comments are invited. Many of the proposals 
in this housing program originated with and are supported by others in the housing 
movement . 

But, above all, action is urgently needed. The principle of government respons- 
ibility to provide housing was won in the 30'8 by a great housing movement repre- 
senting millions. The housing need is still here. The right to decent housing can 
be reaffirmed by another surge of popular demand. 

Issued by: Communist Party of Manhattan County 
23 West 26th Street, 
Phone: MUrray Hill 5-5750 New York 10, N.Y. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-X 

national negro commission reports 
subversion in jackson mississippi 

Monday, March 27th nine (9) Negro students from Tougalou 
Southern Christian College located 12 miles from Jackson the capital 
of Mississippi came to the city. They v;ere all duly registered 
students at their college. They were children of tax paying parents. 
Their ideals embraced the building of a free world concerning which 
they had heard so much. This included the extension of the consti- 
tutional guarantees of American democracy until It embraced them. 

These Negro lads walked into the public library. It is Mississ- 
ippi's major depository of scientific and other books of leaminj;;. 
But across the portals are the humiliating, unAmerlcan and subversive 
worlds "For White Only". Thus unscientifically, unconstitutionally 
and arbitrarily does that state distinguish between Its citizens and 

Part of the monstrous offensive against the human and constitu- 
tional rights of Negro students, a deterrent to their education, 
a barrier to equal opportunity is a denial of their rights to use 
public facilities of city and state. 

The Negro students walked into the library and sat down. They 
were exercising their rights as Americans, They were defying those 
who spat upon the Constitution and whose contempt for human dignity 
in a black skin is destroying the moral stamina of the American 
people and the integrity of the nation. 

Negroes of Jackson had declared that the segregated llm-crow 
library facilities afforded them were "totally inadequate • 

All of these youth were arrested. Police charged them with 
disturbing the peace although they had acted with dignity and with- 
out noise. 

On Tuesday their fellow students staged a demonstration at the 
College supporting the action of the heroic nine. The President of 
the college tried to break it up but was stopped by cries of "Uncle 
Tom" . 

Wednesday, March 29th the trial took place. Over the doors of 
the jlm-crow court house Is the inscription "...for the people to 
secure to them liberty and Justice under the law". For black 
people the beginning of justice Is steeped in humiliation and the end 
based upon distlngtions of race and color. 

Negro citizens filled all the seats alloted to Negroes. They 
overflowed on to the court house steps and street. It was a peace- 
ful manifestation of moral support consistent with both duty and 
legal rights. It was a tribute to the heroism of a proud people. 

Official Jackson had prepared for such a show of patriotic fervoj 
and devotion. Upon the crime of racial discrimination they pre- 
pared to super-irapose a crime against law and order and justice. 
Dogs were brought in from Vicksburg Mississippi to be loosed against 
law abiding citizens who sought justice under law and to safe-guard 
their constitutional rights. To such a low level has the racist 
policies of government reduced national morality and the Integrity 
of the nation. 

The dogs were used. As the peaceful Negro citizens cheered the 
youthful defendents who were entering the Jim-crow court the chief of 
police ordered the dogs set upon the people. Dogs have been used 
In America before against unarmed and peaceful Negroes seeking to 
exercise and enjoy their constitutional and human rights. But never 
before In post Civil War history have dogs been imported for the pur- 
pose of terrorizing citizens seeking enforcement of the American 

Women and children were beaten and bitten. The "agents of law" 
pursuing a criminal policy smashed a democratic action calculated 
to protect the Constitution. The State of Mississippi unfurled the 
hated banner of race bias above the masthead of its capital in defi- 
ance of the Federal Constitution and under the fiction of States Right 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-X — Continued 

The youth were convicted. Illegally convicted because the court 
admitted that their action had not constituted a breach of the peace 
It might have done so the court held. The crime of racism had been 
compounded by the use of fierce dggs against those who called for 
the application of constitutional rights and in a jlm-crow court 
that un-American act was further compounded by an Illegal dispen- 
sation of law. 

The youth were given a suspended sentence of 30 days and 
fined one hundred ($100.) dollars. The legal terrorists sought 
to reduce the magnitude of their crime against constitutionally 
mandated "due process of law " by suspending the Illegal sentence. 
But the crime of Mississippi looms larger becaase of the futile 
efforts at its concealment behind the exercise 6f police power 
under the fiction of State's Rights. 

The leadership of the NAACP in Mississippi said; 

"A3 far as Negroes are concerned law enforcement has broken 

Whan apprised of this fact Mr. Robert Kennedy Attorney 
General of the United States said; 

"We're looking into the situation to see if there Is any 
basis for federal action." 

But the NAACP officials had added : 

" The law enforcements officials themselves are committing 
the violence against the Negro citizens. " 

Proof has been adduced that those officials are in some cases 
members of the terrorist White Citizens Council and that the state 
of Mississippi out of taxes raised from black as well as white 
has been financing activities of this organization of racist 
terror and violence. 

The conclusions flow with irrefutable logic. 

1- The state of Mississippi is In criminal violation of the 
Constitution of the United States and in its jlm-crow practices 
criminally violates the Charter of the United Nations and its 
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 

2- The ctlme of the state therefore takes on international as well 
as national proportions. 

3- But the state of Mississippi is an Inseparable pa rt of the 
United States. 

U- The failure of the law enforcement agencies of the United 
States to move against this specific racist crime but more 
particularly its failure to move against the racist laws of 
Mississippi which deny to Negro citizens their rights under the 
Constitution and the inalienable rights of man, make the USA an 
accomplice after the fact. 

It follows that those who love the Constitution must act 
to defend it. Mississippi has raised the fight against constitut- 
ional government to a new level. It now seeks the destruction of 
national morality and has most seriously Impaired our nation's 
integrity before the world. 

The race hatred mongering of Mississippi Senator James 0. 
Eastland has been a mighty aid to that states criminal officials. 
His racist expressions are In violation of his oath of office 
and a rallying call to all criminal racist activists to do violence 
to Supreme Court decisions against segregation. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-X — Continued 

The fight then Is a fight to save the Constitution and the 
democratic Institutions of government. 

1- The Senator from Mississippi must be Impeached, 

2- The criminal White Citizens Councils seeking to t ake 
over State government In Mississippi must be outlawed. 

3- The Federal Constitution must be upheld. 

Here however anbther fact must be presented. In sevdral 
states the Doctt'ine of State's Rights has been substituted for 
the Constitution of the United States In relation to the rights 
of Negro citizens. These states are a part of the Union only 
by sufferance of the Federal government which has by ommlsslon cond» 
oned the violation of the Constitution. They have transgressed 
the Constltuion. 

All this is in violation of our repponsibilitles to the 
Charter of the U.N. 

The case of Mississippi against t he people of the U.S.A. 
and civilized mankind " must be processed by the action of t he 
people if they would save the Constitution and secure for us an 
honored place in the family of nations." 

American reaction is on the rampage against pSace and 
done Stic tranquility. 

A counter-offensive must be mounted if we would save 
these Institutions. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-Y 



Propoeed Cbanf^e tn Party Conctltutlon 

NOTE; Please refer to original Constitution. We Indicate here only the changes. 
Additions are underscored. Deletions are In parentheses. 


Saotlon 1. Ada to line 5 after "political activity" 

(a) t-i attain a peaceful world so that the Anerlean people 
and all mankind rcy work out their destiny freed fron the 
shadow of nuclear war; (b) to attain full equality for 
the Ne^ro people by banlshlns Jin crow and realizing tfte 
fraternal unity of Negro and wnlte ; 


Section 1*, Line 8, delete ('if feasible") 

Line 9, after "good standing" add: 

They may, however, apply for reaonlsslon within six months, 
and upon approval of the club, be permitted to pay all back 
dues and maintain their former standing. 


Page 9, line 7, after by-laws, add the word or. 
line 8, delete (or state committee), 
retain "may determln". Delete all that 
follows up to end of line 23. 

Retain balance of page. 

Page 10, line 2, delete (at large) 

line 6, delete all moterlal starting 
with (a vacancy among msmbers) and 
ending with (vacancy occurred) on 
line 12. 

National Organization Section 1. Page 12, line 8, delete (within the flrxt slJt 

months of the year. 

Section 1*. Page 13, line 12, delete (at least 90 days). 
Add four months , to read: 

Prior to regular National Conventions, 
four months shall be provided for dis- 
cussions, etc. 

Section 5, In the present Constitution has been deleted by 

New Section 5 to read: 

Section 5. That each National Convention determine the 
number of members of the National Committee 
and that election be by secret ballot. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 5-Y — Continued 

Constitution - 2 

National Oraanlzatlon New Section 6 to read: 

Section 6. The National Conmlttee shall be elsetad at 
the National Convention In the following 
banner: That State Conventions ohall make 
nominations to the National C-inmlttee of 
any member of the Party eligible In their 
own or any other State. Such nonlnatlons 
toRether with any other n^nlnatlonc raade 
directly at the Convention otell appear on 
tHe election ballot at the National Conven - 
tion unless a nominee has In the meantime 
docllned . 

That In the election of the National Com - 
mittee all areas of the country be Included 
with due regard to the size of the membership 
and the character of the state organization . 

Present Section 6 then becomes Section 7, . 

Seotlon 7 will then read: 

Section 7. Vacancies shall be filled by the ma.lorlty 
vote of the National Committee, ferobers 
gey be recalled I'or cause by the affirmative 
vote of two-thirds of the membero of the 
national Committee . 

Present Section 7 becomes Seotlon 8. 

Present Section 8 becomes Section 9. 

Present Section 9 becones Section 10. 

Page 15, line 6 from the bottom. 

Change to read: In fulfilment of its duties instead of 
(In connection with its duties) 

Present Section 10 becomes Section 11. 

Page l6, last line, change to read: at least twice a 

Instead of: ( at least four times a) 


Rights and Duties of Members 

Section 1. pecs lO, line Ik delete (They also have the 
right In accordance with Section 2 of this 
Article, to dissent from decisions which 
have been nBde . ) 

line 18, change to read: 

Members should be active In carrying out 
the program of the Party, to read and 
circulate its press and literature, to 
Increase their knowledge of scientific 
socialism and to attend club iiBetings 

Section 12, page 21, line 10, delete (without prejudice) 

52-810 O — 66— pt. 2— — 12 

Holmes Exhibit No. 5-Y — Continued 

Constitution - 3 

Disciplinary Procedure ana 
Appeals . 

Section 3. Page 22, line 8, add after "any member" 
or party committee 

line 13, add after "In that clut" 
Clubs or Individual members may request 
the help of the next higher committee 
on such charges" 

line l6, after "trial committee" add, 
of the club or appropriate higher 
Party body. 

Section 6. Page 23, line 1. After "Any Member" 
add or committee . 


Adopted by the l6th National 
Convention of the Communist Party 
U.S. A. February 9-12, 1957. 

. As amended by 17th Hatlopal Convention 

EDITOEIAL PROPOSAL: The Constitution should Include an Index. 



Holmes Exhibit No. 6 

PROJECTIONS for 1 | < 

a^Bte Ccnventlig 

Communis't fsrty of Illinpla 

"The planning of vork must be restored jd^scsrding the negative 
features brought to light from past errors. It is necessary to 
distinguish between planning for what the club can do in condi- 
tions it directly controls, such as the public work of tjie 
Party, and planning in relation to the mass movement of the 

"It is one thing, and an essential one, to plan how «e shall in- 
crease the circulation of The Worker , whet leaflets we shall 
issue, what contacts we shall work up for recruiting , etc. It la 
another, and harmful thing, to transpose this type of planning 
to the arena of mass organizations and trade unions. 

"For this, another approach is required. To achieve this, it is 
necessary to develop not only maximum clarity on the Party(t 
nass policies, but also thoroughly to learn the problems end 
needs of the people among whom we work, to be ever attentive 
to their thoughts, moods and readlness-to- respond, to develop 
maxiraum flexibility in tactics based on what we learn from 
listening to the people and on readiness to consult with them 
en ways and means for advancing the common in^rsfet." 

~ 17th National Convention,CRISA, Resolution or 
Party Organization. 

♦ » 
« ft « 

I- To Win Support for the Mass Policies of the 17th, Conv^ptlon i 

§ Organise study of convents on Keynote and Luner Report. 

§ Use Perlo study of Illlnois-Chlcag<» to project state and city 

peace-time economy projections, 
ff All leading bodies and commissions to develop concrete approach to 

peace difected to population sectors with which they are concerned. 

# The Peace Coimlsslon shall make a detailed study and report of ell 

existing peace movements and activities) Issue a periodic "peace 
ammunition" bulletin to aid work in unlons,iiiass orgs.,conmunities. 

# All leading boles and commissions - but first of all the Board and 

officers - shall periodically consider problems of how to develop 
Bass peace activlty,with special attention to their relation to 
?Ke~l960 elections. 

# Steps shall be taken to increase personnel in peace activity. 

1960 EOfiSIXttisi 

# Organize study of convention documents on 1960 elections. 

# Use Perlo study as basis for projection of concrete issues and Party 

program for 1060, 
if Concrete measures shall be worked out to increase personnel in 
labor and Independent politleal action organizatlonst 

# Overall coordination of Party's pol-actlon subcommittees to be achieved. 

# A periodic "political t legislative bulletin" shall be issued as an 

aid to mass work. 

# A guide for section and club discussion on the 1960 elections shall be 

Issued by March Ist. 
^^ Jhlarged conferences of all members possible residing in a Cong.Dl8t. 
or other political subdivision - depending on the contest, Issues 
& possibilities Involved, -shall be organised to vork out looal 
policy and tactical approaches. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 6 — Continued 

Cx Health, Education, Housing and Welfare: 

# A dty-wide Party conference on housing and integrated coiranvmities shall 

be organized by April 15th to work out crogramnatic,tacti%l approaches. 

# The Perlo survey shall be utilized to develop concrete programming, 

§ A Coramission on Health,"education,Hou3ing & Welfare shall be set up tp 
hel^ coordinate,devellop and guide the work on these issues (such as 
the attack on ADC, etc), and in mass organizations concerned with one 
6r more ef these problems (PrA,etc). It shall convene conferences or 
workshops in relation to issues and specific mess organizations. 

Full Equality for the Negro People; for Unity of Megro & White H 

# Under the leadership of the Negro work coniBlssion, a Party conference shall 
be arranged on problems of advancing Negro Independent political action add 
representation, before April 30th. 

# The Commission & Board shall review iipleiiientation i£ 17th convention poli- 
cies in relation to major orgmizations of Negro liberation and other mass 
organizations; and disposition of forces in relation to sane« 

# A special conference shall be organized on problems of winning white wori'cjs 
and white people generally to the struggle for equal rights and Negro-vhiie 

# The Negro work Commission and Industrial sections shall consult on problems 
of advancing the role of Negro workers in the Negro liberation movement ami 
in the labor movement; on problems of advancing Negro-^rtilte unity, 

# The Negro work coraraission,assisted by the educational comission, shall 
carry through a sustained oadre-trainlng program with a special emphasis 
on Negro workers, women and youth. 

Advance the Fight for Civil Liberties » 

# A civil liberties comnisslon shall be formed to guide & coordinate the voric 
of the ferty in this field, 

# The coimdssion shall keep nenSbers inf ortaed on all major developments in the 
defense of civil liberties, supplying information aid other elds to mass 
work; drafting statements of the Party pnalysls & position on democratic 
rights fron time to tine; giving pttbntion to problems of strengthening civil 
liberties movements and mass organizations, rnd how to develop and strengthen 
the unity of civil liberties, labor ,Negro and Spanish-speaking movements on 

# Ij;^ consultation with various sections, a number of comninities shall be se- 
lected for special attention in helping develop grass roots cJ vil liberties 

Win the Touth for*Peace, Democracy, Secui±ty; to our Partyt 

# The Ijjuth CoBBiission, in consultation vdth the Negro work comission and othei 
leading bodies, shall explore avenues for follow-ups to the Touth Marches; 
for development of activities to cranbat discrimination against Negro youth 

# Party sections shall organize discussions on the Youth Resolution of 17th Con., 
and with help of the YoUth coraission,work out concrete applications in accoirj 
with possibilities; with particular attention to yototh mass organizations, 
building Party youth clubs, development of teen-age clubs, and Marxist study 
groups of non-Party youth. 

# The Yputh commission, with assistance from the Industrial division rnd the 
community sections concerned , shall elaborate a plan of industrial conoentrBti on. 

# I^ consultation with the Party's pol-action commissions, the Youth commission 

shall develop an approach to youth political action. 

# In consultation with the '^eace eonnission, the Youth comm. shall work out a 
program of youth peace rctivity,especiaLly In relation to the developing 
student peace movement. 

Nationality Groups: 

# Priority attention s'.i»31 be given to making pifcredc -through among Spanish- 
speaking groups; 

# A comission for work - mo-ig Slav Groups shall be set up, 

# Periodic review of vrork among the nationplity groups shall be organized. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 6 — Continued 

n- Restore Concentration AtteitW.on to Basic I rrigstry Worker: 

# The entire Party shall give priority attention, In all its work, to the 
problems of the workers in auto,steel and transport. 

# The State Committee - and the board and officers first of all - are charged 
with responsibility to bring about a turn in concentration & rebuilding, 

# To establish appjxpriate forms for assistance and guidance to the trade 
union work- 

# The inconirg state board and officers are emporiered to examine, with the 
Industri-il division, the situation therein and to woik out necessary organ- 
izational changes on the basis of changes in the membership and in the 
labor movement, 

# Periodic, factual and Information-discussion material on developments in 
the work?-ng class and j vr. u-iions, especially in relation to concentre ti on,- - 
shall be made availsbie 'or the vrhole Party. 

# The state l.-'adership ,-,hJi"'.l work out comcrete problems ofk how the coTiimunity 
forces can astlst in relit ior. to the Party's labor & concntration policios 

III- Additional Measures to "Strengthen Mass Work: 

# The board and officers shall give priority attention to problems of Peace, 

Political Acticai, Concent ration, Negro Liberation end Touth. 

# Three regions shall be sst up with community sections to enable more concrete, 

intensive approaches, political approaches, to the solution of mass problems; 
by Feb. 15 th. 

# A survey of membership shall be conductea in June to establish what mass 

organizations memVrs are in; to facilltste determination of such questiona 
as where to strengLhjn our work, the kind of help most needed for work in 
mass organizations, e'uc. 

W' Btflld the Hid-W„st Edition of The Worker: 

To inaugurate and sustrin the Mid-W^st Worker slated for May lst,»« must: 

# Renew some 180 subs and secure 120 new ones, for a total of 600 by May 15th, 

# Develop a big increase in bundle circulation by May l5th. 

# Develop a seperate bundle apparatus of some 25 cihnradeSjWith one or two 
in overall charge, fcr pystematic canvassing and sale of The Worker at 
five or six projects and othsr points of priority (concentrations, Negro, 

# aim for a stable circulation of some 175° by the end of I960, 

V, Build and Strengthen the Party of Socialism: 

iViucation : 

^# To~conduct 8, possibly 3, Marxist Social Science School3;and extension 
classes I'here needed, 
I? To give specipl ptt'?r!tiOT to classes for youth, 

# To provide m:re '--itenu tic, consistent guidance and other elds for 

club educa ti'firl dlicus-ions; to arrange a conference on problems 
of club e.lvcjii mal Itfe. Priority shall be pivsn to mastery of the 
17th Cor!vc-iiv//r pi-licies; and problems of the -jnited front. 

# To secure a X,' Murease over 1959 in sales £i distribution of mass 


# To insure a jO>5 -norease in distribution of leaflets, folders & flyers. 
To issue periodic .^cvi-;letters for mailings. To conduct a series of 

public fpmms and moss meetings. 

Ca dre Train ing: 

"5 To select some 15- X^ younger, newer comrades for special attention in 
a one-year di^ t program in which 7 or 8 leading comrades shall 
work closely ,rx'V. a I'ow cadres in relation to guided self -study, peri- 
odic discu: sicns,e.;c, This program to get under vray by March 1st; to 
be vnder conoroL of the Ejucational Directorr 

# A pr'^gram cl r.elT-s'vudy and political education shall be included in 

-he 'TCT'k of ill Dejding bodies, including the board, for their respec- 

# A-o' l;i??;. 1: c" 'Trr Ijped for self-study by members in general,and for 

iicn LiemLvsn. :'j. tji r-.icular. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 6 — Cbntinued 
. U- 

Reendtlng t 

# To achieve al lC5t Increase in membership by Hay ls>; every elub shell 
strive to recruit 1 member by May 1st; and an additional member in the 
balance of the year. 

# To establish U new youth clubs in selected areas. 

# The officers are charged with responsibility to bring abour re-estab- 

lishment of the Party downstate. 
# To cooperate with, and encourage, the desires and efforts of seme 
former raentiers and friends to establish groups on a non-Party 
basis for discussion and study. 

Finances t 

A* To achieve a 15* increase in income in 1959/ 

# To raise $15,000 in the combined Party-Press Drive from April Ist to 
July Uth. 

VI. Inglementation and Control ; 

# The officers and board shall give consistent priority attention to the 
five major areas outlined above. Together with its appropriate ams, 
they shall elaborate and be responsible for fulfillment of plans in 
these respective fields. 

# Sections and clubs and oonriissions shall elaborate plans for their 
respective areas based on the direction and spirit of these projections 
and 17th conventipn policies. 

f In good part, the success of these projections depends on a modest but 
essential expansion of district-wide personnel, toward xhixk the 
soluticai of vhieh the cooperation of all sections is needed. 

# The State Conmlttee shall periodically check fulfillment and related 
problems of these projections and plans* 


Holmes Exhibit No. 6 — Continued 

Hizcerpts from Main Report to 2nd lasslon of State ConTentlon 

The report dealt with the 17th National Conventlen (a seotion whloh Is 
omitted from these excerpta); an aooount of the stewardahlp of the state leadership 
(whloh Is given in oondensed form here); proposed Projeotions ft>r 1960 (which is 
attached as adopted by the convention) end problems connected with their realiza- 
tion (condensed here). 

After a presentation of the 17th Convention's work, the report went on: 

The test of the correobness of the mass policies of the convention begins now. 
In a year or so, we should be in a position to examine the results, to assess the 
strength* and wesknesses of the line, and to undertalo the necessary adjustments to 
align it with developing life and experience. 

....It Is our task here to work out the measures for gearing the Party to the 
17th convention's mass policies , to chart the means for making the oalled-for t'r.w 
and to elect a leadership charged Mth following through. 

Toward these ends, we must review the stewBrdship of the state leadership end 
disouas the projections for 1960. 

Since the 16th convention, in the struggle for the Party, for its unity 
against the monopoly enen^, for mass work among the people, the Illinois Party has 
played a positive and important role. 

Despite severe limitations, serious losses and some defections, the Party 
helped stimulate go-forward tendencies to overcome paralysis. It consistently 
tried to pursue a policy of combining united front mass work with timely projeotio:; 
of Party and Left initiatives. In the m^ln, it waged a principled struggle aga..n'sc 
factlonaliara and its methods from any and all queu*ters. Ridding the Party of a 
virulent left-factional grouping, it also fought for a correct line on the basis of 
open airing of differences and helping many oonrades who tended in one or another 
direction to get their hearings again. 

....An especially serious weakness was the absenoto, by and large, of the prac- 
tise of evaluation and critique of the activities and struggles of the people and 
of our participation in them. This fallvire prevented us from drawing many lessons 
from experiences, learning from mistakes, developing more fully the understanding 
of the nhole Party, helping the leading comrades overoome their individual and 
collective weaknesses. 

The resolutions of the 17th convention, elaborating on the problems of restor- 
ing collective work, demand the reinstitutlon of this Sind other praotloes of Com- 
munist work. 

Examining the work of the bbard in a general w«y, we must came to the con- 
clusion that it did not achieve the necessary collectivity in developing policy... 
It did not always work in the best way in the sense of political -mlndedneas. 

nhat were the reasons for this? 

Chiefly, I believe the reasons are to be found In 1) some of our methods of 
work and also in some of our organizational forms; 2) some problems of the period 
In iriiich we functioned. 

As to methods of work, a good basis for assessing our stewardship Is to be 
found In the estimate made In the Hational Resolution on Party Organization, ^ioh 
says I 

"Although there has bean ImprovBoent In collective work during the past 
two years, the present situation leaves much to be desired. Both 
nationally and en the district level there is a widespread tendency to 
substitute individual aotlon for collective work. Individual leaders 
report on their work infrequently or not at. all, are not held suff io- 
iently responsible to the collective." 

This Is a pretty aocurate description of lixat exists in our district as well. 
To the extent that oollective work has Improved, it weuld apply more to the state 
cosmlttee and some of the eooBlsslons than to the board. We have not yet developed 
a proper relationship between the Board and its various arms, the oonaiiBsions, etc. 
The colleotive political level of the Board hasn't been such as to ensure its over- 
all political leadership of all the work In the best political sense. The Board 


Holmes Exhibit No. 6 — Continued 
. 3 • 

has not alnglsd out 5 er 6 ohief t&s|(S and issuea of top priority to live «lth. 

In addition to shortoomlngs in methods of work, some organizational forms 

were not the most conduolTe towards effective leadership and work The 

attention to the oonmunity seotions wiis far from aatiafaotory. 

Our weaknesses also have part of their roots in the situation in idiloh the 
Party fo\aid itself. There was a general loss of oonfldenoe in the Party and its 
leadership. ....In the underestimation of the Party that set in, tendenoies der- 
oloped fbr indivlduals> among members a nd leaders both, to go their own way; this 
-candenoy intensified in oases where leading bodies failed to oall fbr reports Tro. 
people entrusted with responsibilities. Individual methods supplanted oolleotive 
methods. And this was aooentuated by large dlfficultlea in drawing people into 
leading responsibilities, by the withdrawal and holding back of some forces, fur- 
ther aggravating the dlffioulties in the way of restoring and developing oollectiv- 
ity. In these olrcumstanees, departure from the principle of like-mlndedness on 
basio polloy questions in leading oommlttee as an essential condition of ooller-' !>(' 
irork, and ita replaoemsot by giving plaoee to opposing trends in these commituoo' 
(the right to dissent beyond the limits of democratic centralism), were also fr.c'v 
impeding the development of oolleotive work. 

In brief, we had a highly abnormal aituatlon. It was extremely difficult i .- 
solve many important problems of leadership in a normal way; that is, on the ba^lu 
of established, tested Party noma. 

This situation characterized the Party nationally and in the various states 
and in the given ciroumstanees may have been unavoidable. But it would be virong 1,0 
conclude it was inevitable. Ebbs and flows In the development of any Communist 
Party are inevitable slnoe it is a living organism, but the duration and depth of 
a given ebb depends, among other factors, on the quality of leadership that oan be 
given at the time. ...We oust draw some additional lessons. 

Some thought the answer to the problems of leadership were aimplet Insure a 
certain kind of composition and you have it. To be sura, it is basio that Party 
leadership rest in large part on working class and oppressed people composition. 
But this is not enough. 

Others thought that a so-called "mora democratic" meohanlsn for election of .' 
the state and national committees would automatically Insure oorreot leadership. So 
the federti. prinolple replaced the time-tested Communist concept of the Party 00-:- 
v-antion as the highest expression of the will of the organization, and hence, its 
Jilgheet authority. Superficially, it has the "appearance of democracy", but we now 
know that it not only tended to undermine demoo ratio centralism, it contributed 
little towards overcoming the abuses against liiioh it was supposed to have been 
directed. The search for ocnstitutlonal guarantees to avoid abuses often become an 
evasion of digging deeper for the political shortoomlngs idiioh give rise to the 
abuses. This ia a lesson we are all learning as a result of the recent past, and 
in its fVill mastery do we have one essential means for combatting burocraoy and 
other abuaes. 

Still others had the simplest answer of all — replace the leadership, or 
change this leader for that. This was the worst answer, fbr, since it was put 
forward as a general proposition, it would wipe out years of experience embodied 
in the leadership or in leaders, without any ocnsturctlve alternative, without 
digging Into the problems involved. 

The common weakness of al 1 these approaches is their superficial reaotion to 
surface manifestations. They did not dig deeply enough; tended to seek answers In 
the realm of ideal conditions and ideal, infallible individuals. In substance, 
they end up differing little from the infantile, subjective concept of "good guys" 
and "bad guys". 

But these answers nd their sany variants do serve to throw some light on the 
nature of a deep-going, general problem of our Party. This acute problem is sub- 
jeotlTl^ and subjective ep proaohea to our problems.... 

Looking ahead, it ia necessary that leadership first of all provide ideologi- 
oal and politiaal clarity, mid secondly, that it be based on the realities of the 
Illinois and Chicago situations. 

The Projections fbr 1960 should be regarded as part of this report. ...They 
attempt to outline the minimum necessary tasks before the Party and its incoming 


Holmes Exhibit No. 6 — Ckjntinued 

4. 9 > 

laaderfhip eapeoially. It Is a ie rk-aohedule end a d Ireotire for aohlSTlng 
greater oobeaion and oollaotlTity In our irork. It doesn't apell out etrerythlngi 
rather, it provides the oolleotiTe na/s and msans for getting this done. They 
provide some of the neoessary meohanios tbr breaking out of the holding operation 
uonoepts and for moTlng out sod ahead. 

However, without a determined ideologioal struggle to restore the norma of 
Coamunlst conduct, these p-ojeotions lill remain mero mecheclos. The struggle for 
roToinist standards of behavior must begin with al 1 our lefxling oad.-e, both in 
mass work and in the Party. Crltlolsm and self-criticism has to be a doily vc.y of 
life and must be directed, first of all, to moving the Party out aaioag iha pj^ple, 
to make llie Party a more effective mass force. 

Collectivity must be seen as a system embracing the whole Party, It rrjjL )7lat 
In the olubs, and not only at club meetings. It must be aOhleved between tvc or 
more comrades working In a mass organization or local union. It must be operative 
in all the work of the aections, oommlssions, state comailttee, board and offic-ern. 

If the chief aim of collectivity is to ensure the widest possible consult?. i:.c2 
as the means of working out correct policy and in the evaluation of past exporianca 
and policy, -then it is clear it can't be done solely on the state committee level. 
It la impoasible to achieve the neoesaary collectivity merely ^f the size and oon- 
position of the state ociiuidttee, board and officers, for obvious reasonoc 

It Is also essential that a system of leadership end a style of work be dev- 
eloped which permits the widest oollbotivlty based on a more or less logical and 
necessary division of labor, especially In relation to mass tasks. This oalls for 
a aeries of arms of the state oomaittee, commissions and other forms, as set forth 
In the Projeotions, snd their proper corodlnation. 

But irtiat does it take to establish these various neoessary collective bodies..? 
It means that the personnel for all this oust be fbund. It means overcoming thr 
idea that a few leaders can think about and plan for everything. It means that 
lepdera cuid meiabers for the oonmiasiona muat eooe from those engaged in the mass 
work, and from the sections and olubs. In otter words, the Party's distriot-wlde 
cadre corps muat be enlarged. 

...If the diatrlot leadership is to lead, it must be widened and its rolls 
enhanced. It exists not only to aervioe the aeotions and clubs, but first of all 
to give political leadership and guidance. The aeotiona cannot be viewed as auton- 
omous Commxinlst parties living unto themselves or on the basis of oo-equality with 
the national and diatrlot oentera..., as has been the ease in some instanoes. 

The Illinois district is determinant in relation to policy for Illinois and 
Chicago, but it is subordinate to and follows the policies and leadership of the 
National Convention and National Committee. The section committee Is determinant 
In relation to concretizing snd applying the policies of the Party to their given 
areaa't but they are subordinate to and follow the leadership of the atate oonvan- 
tion and the elected state oommlttae. 

The national oonmlttee has the right to Intervene in any district and the atate 
eonadttee has the right to Intervene in any section. 

In this sense bureauoraey la not ao muoh a structural queation, and arises not 
froa these elementary rights and dutiea of the national and atate committees, as it 
is a matter of the absence of oolleotlve methods and style of work. 

The autonongr of dlatriots and aeotions which arose in practise over the last 
deeada didn't strike ao nuoh against the target of bureaucratio praoticea as it hit 
and hit hard at the oonoept of oentral direction and leadarahlp to the woiic, induc- 
ing paralyais and paasivity and oontrlbuting to the holding oonoept operation. Hone 
oan deny that our Party has paid dearly for tMa. But to overoone this situation 
it is necessary to restore and rebuild the capacity of the national and distriot 
leaderships to lead. A eonoerted drive of the Party to do this on the basis of 
building colleotivlty from top to bottom. In content as well as form, is the best 
(uamtee we heve that the restoration of this elementary Comunist norm need not be 
and Mil not be aoaonpenied by renewed bureauoraoy In general. 

The experlenoes of the past years provea that autonoqr ia no antidote to bureau- 
oraey, for, aa Comrade Flo aald at a recent meeting, we have alao had the bureau- 
oraoy of anarchy] that is, the bureauoraoy of individuals going their own way, of 
some section leaders tending to pull away on their own, some leading comrades In 
Bass work doing the ssoe, etc. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 6 — Continued 

A few words on the question of mass work and Party work.... 

In preparing for the seotion oonTentions end olub dlsoussions, we....oall you:' 
attention to the 17th conTention guidance on the two types of planning needed •-• 
plans for that over idiloh the Party exeroiees direct control, such as its own pub- 
lic activity, etc. - end planning in relation to the mass movements of the people. 

It is necessary to have both of these types of plans and approaches simuitEn- 
sously. To have one without the other sets up conditions ibr one-sided devej"U- 
nent to either the right or the left. This does not moan that at one or ano-'jher 
llmB, in a given set of conditions, it is not necessary to emphasize one type uf 
planning as against the other. That depends on the concrete situation. 

But it iculd be wrong to conclude that in general, at all times , planning f->r 
idiat the Party and the Left shall do is subordinate to and can only be derivat' -^ > 
from ifcat oan be done in mass planning, or vice versa. For example, it w>uld li 
wrong to conclude that we cannot build the circulation of The Worker until we hti t 
attained sucoess in mass planning, until our comrades in mass organizations hA^.' 
developed their wsrk to the point rtiere they can get readers for the paper in 1 1- 
mass organizations. 

To place ■^lie question this way is to blind ourselves to the independent re .; 
of our press and party in placing Issues, questions and clarity before the peop'.. . 
in helping to initiate mass aotivlties, etc. If there is insuffiolent movement ^u 
soma issues today, then one reason for it is that we have insufficiently developed 
■^he independent role of the press, the Party and the Left. If we can speak of 
holding operation concepts holding us back, then this is especially true in rela- 
tion to The Worker, For some time now, the prevailing mood has been been "Tfe-ii 
do well to hold our own, to just renew our subs and maybe get a few new ones to 
make up for losses." 

If a break is to be made with this way of thinking and the habits that go ^i-' ''. 
it, it requires a now bold approach to building the bundle to some 400 or 600, i^-a 
a Bpeoial apparatus involving some 20-25 oomrades engaged in this essential woisc. 
If we oan reach 400 to 600 lowest-paid, Negro, Spanish-speaking workers end youth 
at a half dozen housing projects and other fooal points week in and week out with 
The Worker, it will make a big difference in our capacity to influence the situa- 
tion in a number of key unions and mass organizations, and facilitate all our maso 
work planning. 

By the same token, it would be wrong to conolude that organized work and a 
fystemetic approach to unfolding mass work in locals and mass organizations is de- 
p=)ndent on and oan only flow from independent Party and Loft public activity on th« 
outside. To adopt this one-sided view would negate entirely the role of organized 
work in the mass movement and the naid to be vith the people as they go through and 
learn from experience. A one-sidod eaphasis o:i plaimj/ig for what the Party and the 
Left oan do independently may have the superfirial appearance of organized maes 
work, but in reality it becomes a reliance on spontaneity, for it oasts the Party 
and the ^eft in a role aside from the mass movements and in the position of calling 
on them to come over to the Left with no fbrcei at work among them for moving the 
masses in the desired direction. 

Even as we strengthen the independent work and role of the Party and the Left, 
it is necessary to strengthen our work in the mass organizations, to liiq)rove our 
positions In them end our attention to their problems.... 

At the saos time, the problem of building the Left md its initiatives must not 
be Tlewed as meaning only setting up left organizations. What is needed is a left 
trend in all mass organizations and not only in the unions. .^and not as ends in 
themselves, but as bases from *ioh to further build the united front on the urgent 
big issues with wider forces and fbr projecting more advanced poliolea.... 

• ..This report would be incomplete without addressing itself to some of the 
•pedal features of the inner situation In Illinois. 

....The 17th Convention policies provide the sound basis on which the <>nity, 
cohesion and forward motion of our Party oan be built. Towards this end, we must 
face up to what it will take to bring about the necessary Communist reoonoiliation. 

It is no seoret that certain things of a factional nature took place at the 
first sessions of this convention. Those incidents had their origin in an approach 
to the Party, its leadership and problems whioh have been rejected by the 17th 


Holmes Exhibit No. 6 — Continued 

Those oomrad«» ?rtio put forward views ^ioh were defeated and #10 now proolaim 
their support for the 17th oonTention, mukt re-examine their past positions and see 
w'.ierein they were wrong. Without this their agreonent >4 th the 17th oonvention 
wi.ll lack oonvlotion and some of them may even oarry on as though there never was 
a 17th oonvention. 

The Party has a oorreot approach to trade union leadership, a olear-out posi- 
tion on the united front, on the two-party framework, on the struggle on two fronts, 
on the estimate of the 16th oonvention md on other questions around whloh thiirc 
has been controversy. These questions are no longer up for grabs. The attil\^uc 
and position of the Party on them has been resolved by the 17th oonvention. We ar-.-, 
ell called upon to unite on that basis. 

In this sense there is hardly anyone in the Party 1*0 can gsy that on all co. ;. - 
tions his position before the oonvention is identical with the outooms of •the occ • 
vention. Everyone has to make some changes, big or small, and bring himself up to 
date and into line with the policies adopted. But some comrades have more changes 
to make than others and, most of all, those ^o became enmeshed in factional 
approaches . 

As comrade Hall said in his summary - even if you wore right, factionalism '. ■■ 
wrong. Factionalism as a method of struggle in the Communist Party became obso. i anti-Party long ago, at least with the beginning of the general crisis of o-^;. .. 
alism. There is no justification for it vrtiatsoever. This must be recognized eur^ 
cpanly admitted by the Chief sources of factional approaches in our Party as a cct- 
dition, in their case, of continued functioning in the Party. 

The unity of the Party must cease to be a unity of trends and opposing view- 
points. We must build a situation irtiere leadership is not based on having repres- 
entation of trends in tiie Party. And comrades who insist that unity be so based, 
now, after the 17th convention, are either blind to what has happened, or are mis- 
roading the meaning of the 17th convention. 

It is wrong to oharaoterize what happened at the first session of the state 
oonvention as representing a tendency to purge dissenters or spokesmen for a certain 
tir.doncy. Ho one was purged from the Part.y. It is extremely unfortunate that some 
v?ry hard and effective workers were defeated as delegates to the national oonven- 
t-.on, but they must faoo the fact that they brought it on themselves by the positioiB 
t'.iey took. The delegates here value and appreciate the activity and mass m>rk of 
'ihese comrades very highly, but they placed an even higher value on the need to 
bring en end to the holding operation and the inner-situation on the basis of cor- 
rect polioies, and not on the basis of the views of the defeated comrades or the 
-.-lews for wUoh they spoke. And the outooma of the 17th oonvention fully sustained 
their intentions and thoughts. It is necessary for the defeated comrades to recog- 
nize this, to Identify themselves with that iriiloh is healthy and oonstruotive for 
our Party, to dissociate themselves from that irtiioh caused them this anguish. If 
they adopt the posture of having been wronged, they will further out themselves off 
from the main mass of the membership and the policies of the Party. If they feul 
they must now huddle closer together In defense of one another and demand recogni- 
tion from the Party, not as people who are any longer united by certain factional 
Influences, but as comrades who were formerly so united, then they still haven't 
thought through the full moaning of the 17th convention and still harbor hangovers 
of former allegiances and group feelings. This convention must demand nothing Icls 
than a complete break-up of any factional groupings, a complete end to relationEiupa 
among certain comrades based on factional approaches, and the development In their 
plaoe of Party relations within the established Pai^ structure, based on the 17th 
oonvention polioies and on Party procedures. 

At the sane tims, every step taken by any of these comrades to really break 
away from factional associations and to comport themselves full-heartedly and com- 
pletely as Comnunlsts must receive the understanding, warm welcome end cooperation 
of all comrades. Frozen attitudes on the basis of past position, relations and 
bitterness must be melted awsy. The Party needs every one of its members, and many 
more. It needs them to oarry out the decisions and policies of our conventions. 
It needs unity on the basis of those policies. Abova all, it needs an end to the 
corroding Inner-situation that has obtained, an en4 to negativism, and full face 
to the mass work. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 6 — Continued 

This does not msan there Is no room for dlfferenoeSk There it plenty of 
room for dlfferenoes on how best to carry out the polloles of our Party, Hor icoc 
i'c mean there shall be no more oritloism. Cn the oontr^ry. w^ neea ooi^e oritl I^n. 
und self-oritialsm of the kind disoussed earlier In thi* report. ^ But m don't ueed 
dastruotl-v* negativism and the undermining of oonflden6e in the Party t^ It.i l'>ad- 
rrshlp. We need a orltloal attitude, yes, but In the framework of a positive 
'pproaoh to our Party, its polloles end leadership, to our olass. Positive and 
..ritioal nust be o<ir natohnord. 

The time has oome to lay aside the Inner-strife in m honest, self-oriti - 
Comoinlst fashion. The time has oome to build our unity for the purpose of fu. 
filling the mass line and policies of the Party, to leave subjeotivity and wou--*-. 
feelings behind, to rise to the new opportunities of struggle, to the great ts - 
ahead, to take up the banner of forward advanoe to aoolalism In this greatest 
age mHnIrt nri has yet known. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 7 

Information Memo ' 


Based on a Staff Disoussion 

Communist Party of Illinois 

April, 1960 

1» Fact ual Information! 

Social ist Workers Party (Trotsk-zlt^s) : T^cether with a functioning youth 
group, a combined membership n? iljut 40. toyhev/, i cb longer on 

Proletarian Party; National 'i.^a^^ quarters '.i^ Chicago. Chicago local has 
about 36-40 membora. Exciv.b'.Tsly eduoatlcu 5 ;no mass line or aotiTitiea. 

ng some 

Sooialist P^rty; Now has abo\it ''.00 members in Chj.oago, organized in 
branches, Kouth Side and Norii) Side, A YPrL branch is recruiting soi 
young pe»jjle. 

"Aaierican Socialist" erou?-"D a h3 Forum" .4 originally a Trotskyite offshoot, 
had a few sessions attracting from 40 to ,60 people, and went eut of 
existence, its remnants going into - 

Amerioan Farum i the leadership of which is some unionists and liberal 
sooialists. This group sponsored the Harry Bridges peace meeting. It 
attracts from 100 to 200 at its bigger meetings; smaller meetings hare 
had from 12 to 50 In attendanoe, 

2. Commentary! 

The combined numbers of all these groups is far less than the membership •f 
the Communist Party, However, this alone is not sufficient to determine an 
estimate, attitude or approach. 

With the great changes taking place internationally and nationally; with 
the continuing course «f the economic cycle and its social consequences; with 
the rise in struggles for civil rights, peace and eoonomlc well-being, leftward 
trends will increasingly develop among the people. One result will be a growing 
power of attraction of all groups calling themselves socialist. Another will be 
increased efforts •f these various groups, to one extent or another, to link 
themselves with and to influenoe the course of mass movements and strhggles. 
This is already developing, especially in relation to forces who are either 
members •f, or associated with, the Sooijlist Party, 

A differentiated approach to these various groupings is required. 

Actually, they represent various trends and currents within sooialist and 
Booiallat-inolined circles. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 7 — Continued 

One trend, represented by the SWP, and the Debs Borum- American 
Socialist group(Co3hran,national leader), confidently expected the death 
of the CPOSA and trinmed all their policies for the day Aen they would 
officiate at its funeral and take over. This "shrewd" analysis proved, of 
course, to be fraudulent, a self-deluding calculation pnd wish. Consequ'sut- 
ly, v*>en it didn't happen, the results were fatal for soice , near-fatal for 
others. Cochran's "American Socialist" magazine, and the ebs Forum 
locally, went out of existence, unmlssed and unmoumed. The SWP is back 
to its former small and impotent position. 

The most important of these groupings is the Socialist Psrty-Sooial 
Democratic Federation, viiich has grown to some 100 members over the last 
5 years. 

The group is far from 'being a homogenious whole- In fact, it la tern 
by tremendous conflicts one' ^olltioal differences. Ihere are, roughly, three 
trends and groupings In ai'. around the Fooialist Party in Chicago ttdayt 

a. The Sohaotman gr?u^ iTrctskylte .;ff shoot), i^ioh went Into the 
S<.P. in order ^. ' ■^ respeotab: i-ity and r.cjcme a 'mass influence', 
etan if we hav .-av/l to do it". Thic |_;rjuf, composed :.f old, 
hard-bitten poll '.it wheelhors;8. Is -H.Giojsly enti-Ccmiir-mist 
Party and anti- 3C c . r.lst-oountrie2. It ai':--o;ed,unsuooesofully, 

to establish a Lab-jr Forum modelled af '.e.- Sv.haotman's N,Y. Labor 
Forum. However,, somn of its members remain m a different-type 
Labor Forum, which -hile ircluding left and socialist unionisi;s. 
Is a nor.-soclnlist.. more r-ivnited and progressive arena of dis- 
cus slono The Sohactmanites are a minority in the S.P, 

b. The eld Forward group,-the majority in the S.P. This grouping Is 
composed to a large degree ef the "old-timers" and also has a major 
Influence in some unions, such as the ILGWU. It is the dominant 
foroe behind the Jevrish Labor Committee, which is officially 
supported by the AFL-CIO, nationally and locally; and it dominates 
the Workmen s Circle. Fr«m all appearances, it is the most important 

source of funds for the S.P. The leadership of this group considers 
the Sohactmanites to be "hidden Leninists". 

o» The third and most healthy trend in and around the S.P, is a 
group of union leaders. Intellectuals, professionals and youth< 
including some Negro, who, vAille not pro-sooialist-countttes, 
are neither anti-Soviet or anti-Coimiunlst Party. These include a 
number tf pacifists and many with a non-class concept tf social- 
ism. They are, for the most part, active In the peace movements. 
In the civil rights fight, in support of the Southern sit-in 

A characteristic of this trend is that it has a number of promin- 
ent individuals active in the labor, peaoe and civil rights move- 
ments. By and large, they will work with any and all forces on 
the basis of the given issues at the given time. This trend in- 
cludes a number viho are not members of the Soolallst Party, but 
are closer to it than to any other Party at this time. 

Of all the trends in and around the socialist groups, this is the 
most Importantithe one with which it is possible to work with the 
least dlffloulty. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 7 — Ckjntinued 

8« Some QueatlenB of Pnlted Frent Aptlvl-ty In relation to Socialist groups i 

Relations with socialist grouoings, rnd especially with the healthy 
trends among them, should be promoted or. the basis of developing the 
movements of labor and the people on tho -"ital Issues of the day: disarma- 
ment, ban on nuclear tests and warfare, civil rights, etc. 

The objeotivo •f such activity is not the formation of a so-called 
new, united mass party of socialism. This in no v(ay is a practical ouestion 
of the day; is, in fact, only diversionary from the real tasks. There is no 
basis at this time for the ideological unity which would be a requisite 
for the realization of such a concept. 

For this reason, united activity wi-Ui socialists today is not an end 
in itself. If it were, it would only result in a slightly enlarged sectarlf 
auism« Rather, such united aotiou must be viewed within the larger frane 
of giving impulse, stimulus and direction to the various anti-monopoly 
currents developing, look'.rj toward the grand aim of a democi*ati!io,anti— 
nionopc.'',;r coalition. 

In considering partlc i"^.t ion with one or another socialist ^roup ^r 
trend, it is neoessa;-/ "c •■ake determinations on the basis cT •,- the 
issues involved; b)- ■".■.• i'. m fnd difeotlon to^rard wiiioh these movements 1 
and activities lend or can be impelled, \ 

In working with socialists, it is necessary to understand the praoti- 
oal consequences of the theoretical concepts of Social Demecracy in 
general and of its various trends in particular. Toward achieveing 
clarity on this question, it will be necessary to prepare special articles 
euid discussion materials. 


Holmes Exhibit No. 8 

freedom of the press commtitee 

36 W. Randolph Street, 

Room 806 

Chicago, 1, Illinois. 

May 10, I960 


The first copy of the new MIDWEST EDITION of The Worker 
is tacked up on the office bulletin bo?id, vath bold red letters 
across it, "We Finally '"lade itl" And that's something for all of 
us to be proud of. Along with a new edition we sent in $1,000 for 
The Worker Fund Drive and sold and distributed most of one thous- 
and copies of the May Day issue. 

But that's only the first half of the story. NqW comes the 
most important Job of all, how to use the news and stories now 
appearing on the front and outside pages of The Worker, as well 
as the material in all the pages, to best advantage- So, that 
means getting to all our old readers and then finding more and 
more new readers. 

To meet this new responsibility, we are holding an enlarged 
press directors and press builders meeting, on 

WEDNESDAY, May l8th 

at 8 p.m. at Room 803, 

36 W. Randolph Street. 

We are calling upon readers of The Worker, as well as 
members of the Freedom of the Press Comnlttee to come to hear 
plans and ideas presented by the press committee. Also, a very 
important part of the business will be t'^c hearing of suggestions 
from you and others at the meeting. 

LOUIS WEINSTOCK, general manager of The Wbrker, will be 
with us as an additional treat for the i-vening. We are sure that 
he will have new suggestions and experiences from the other areas 
thA he is visiting. 

We hope that you will attend and invite others from your 
section, neighborhood and shop to come with yoUr Please bring all 
subscriptions and money which you may fiBVe. as well as your ideas 
for better circulation cf our very fine new Midwest Edition. 



Holmes Exhibit No. 9 

women's peace & unity club 

Report for year 1961-62 

Dear Sisters and Friends: 

Another year has elapsed, and we feel that "PEACE" should be the first item on 
our agenda for the followijig year. 

The first week in November, W.P.U.C. started its first activities with a leaflet 
protesting against bomb shelters. The leaflets were received quite well and other 
women working for peace reproduced them (with our permission) and distributed several 
hundred more copies. 

On March 10, W.P.U.C. celebrated International Women's Day. The theme for the 
occasion was PEACE - CIVIL RIGHTS. VJe chose that theme — the two are so closely re- 
lated. There can be only a negative peace without civil rights. Our guest speaker 
was Miss Lola Belle Holmes, National Vice-President and District Director of the Negro 
American Labor Council (A. Phillip Randolph, President). She- closed her remarks: 
"There' 11 be blue birds over the white cliffs of Dover tomorrow. Just you wait and 
see. There' 11 be love and laughter and peace ever after tomorrow when the world is 

Mr. Stocker of Hammond, Ind., made a veiy inspiring impromptu collection appeal. 
He said, "I'm not a betting man, but when I do bet I bet on the winner. I an betting 
on the women to win the peace, and I know that they are going to win," Attendance 
and finance turned out very well; and the foods from many lands were delicious, and 
enjoyed by all, 

March 18, the Women's Auxiliary of the N.A.A.C.P. had its Annual fund-raising 
Eea, We supported the affair, donating $25,00, End also placed an ad in their 
souvenir book: "Let us work to make possible a turn towards peace in 1962." 

On April 3, the Chairman of Chicago Committee for Equal Education met with us. 
She gave a talk on the problems of Chicago schools. V.'.P.U.C, donated $25,00 to the 

April 15 through 21, the American Friends Service Committee (Chicago office) and 
other participating organizations sponsored V.'ee': for World Peace, Our Club members 
gave out literature in their own neighborhoods during the week, and climaxed the 
activity by joining in the large peace walk at ittchigan and Randolph Streets, walking 
to Orchestra Hall for the rally, 

W.P.U.C. gave two fund-raising affairs (May 25 and June 29) to help send dele- 
gates to the Eighth Youth Festival held in Helsinki, Finland. Both affairs were 

On July 27, our club had a fund-raising project. We were fortunate to have the 
American Friends Service Committee show the film, "Which Way the Wind?" This affair 
was well attended, enjoyed by all, and financial results very good, 

August 26, W.P.U.C. had another fund-raising project — this time a Garden Party 
on Lula Saf f old' s lawn. We were very fortunate to have our own member, Mrs, Christine 
C. Johnson, just back from the Peace Assembly, held in Accra, Ghana. She spoke on 
"A World Without the Bomb." Although the weather was not in our favor, quite a num- 
ber attended. The talk was inspiring. 

The Chairman's report of 1960-61 was mailed to our readers of C.A.P. (Chicago 
Acts for Peace), but we didn't print any bulletins this year. However, at each 
regular meeting we always had interesting educational discussions, 

/W.P.U.C. sent two delegates to Montreal, Canada, to the Conference for Inter- 
nalfeonal Cooperation Year, sponsored by V.O.U. (Voice of Women), Canada, and V.O.W., 
USA, Sept, lU and 15. Our delegatet were firs. Grace Clark and myself. We both rq- 
tumied much inspired and with double determination to work even harder for peace. J 

On Oct. 2, our annual meeting re-elected all officers — plus one new addition. 
Mr. Albert Holland was elected as "Club Sweetheart", so now we have one man in VJ.P.U.C, 
At this same meeting, Mrs. Grace Clark made an interesting report about the Confer- 
ence, The agenda was quite crowded, ;;o I saved ny report for our next meeting in 
Nov.; but I did play the recorded keynote speech by Dr. Margaret Mead. All listened 
with great interest. 

It is my expectation that much goodwill and understanding will materialize from 
the Conference. Many women met, had direct contact with each other, and exchanged 
ideas. It is my, our, hope that we woiaen will be able to create an atmosphere to make 
possible International Cooperation Year in 1963. THANK YOU. 

Oct. 1962 Lula A. Saffold, Chairman 

P.O. Box 1433 
Chicago 90, 111. 

52-810 O— 66— pt. 2 13 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 
May 27, 1965 




JOHN H. BUCHANAN, JR., individually 
and as Chairman and Members of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities 
of the United States House of 
Representatives , 




Plaintiffs Jeremiah Stamler, M.D. and Yolanda F. 
Hall submit the following complaint against defendants 
Hon. Edwin E. Willis, Chairman, and Hon. John M. Ashbrook, 
Hon. Del Clawson, Hon. Joe R. Pool, Hon. Charles L. Weltner, 
Hon. VJilliam M. Tuck, Hon. Richard H. Ichard, Hon. George F. 
Senner, Jr., and Hon. John H. Buchanan, Jr., Members, of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities of the United States 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 
House of Representatives: 

1. Plaintiff Jeremiah Stamler, M.D. is a citizen 
of the State of Illinois and of the United States. He has 
been licensed to practice medicine since 1948. He is and 
has been for some years the Executive Director of the Chicago 
Health Research Foundation and the Western Hemisphere Editor 
of the "Journal of Atherosclerosis Research." He is a 
member and past and present officer of many professional and 
scientific societies. He is the author of several scientific 
books and numerous scientific articles on the subject of 
diseases of the heart and blood vessels. He is and has been 
the recipient of many long-term research grants for local 
and national scientific studies, from the National Institutes 
of Health of the United States Public Health Service, the 
American Heart Association, the Chicago Heart Association, 
and other granting agencies. On May 21, 1965 he received 
the Albert Lasker Award in Medical Journalism from the 
Albert and Mary Lasker Medical Foundation, for his co- 
authorship of a series of articles dealing with the preven- 
tion of heart attacks. He is and has been for some years 
the Director of the Division of Adult Health and Aging, and 
the Director of the Heart Disease Control Program, both of 
the Chicago Board of Health, Chicago, Illinois. He sues 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 
individually and on behalf of all other citizens similarly 

2. Plaintiff Yolanda F. Hall is a citizen of the 
State of Illinois and of the United States. She holds a 
Master of Science degree awarded by the Department of Home 
Economics of the Illinois Institute of Technology. She is 
and has been for some years a Research Nutritionist for the 
Heart Disease Control Program of the Chicago Board of Health 
and for the Chicago Health Research Foundation. She sues 
individually and on behalf of all other citizens similarly 

3. Defendant Hon. Edwin E. TTiHis is a citizen 
of the State of Louisiana. He is made a party individually 
and as Chairman of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
of the House of Representatives of the United States House 
of Representatives (hereafter "House Un-American Activities 
Committee"). Defendants Hon. Joe R. Pool, a citizen of the 
State of Texas, Hon. Charles L. VJeltner, a citizen of the 
State of Georgia, Hon. John M. Ashbrook, a citizen of the 
State of Ohio, Hon. Del Clawson, a citizen of the State of 
California, Hon. VTilliam M. Tuck, a citizen of the State of 
Virginia, Hon. Richard H. Ichard, a citizen of the State of 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 
Missouri, Hon. George F. Senner, Jr., a citizen of the State 
of Arizona, and Hon. John H. Buchanan, Jr., a citizen of 
the State of Alabama, are made parties individually and as 
members of the House Un-American Activities Committee. 

4. The jurisdiction of the Court arises under 

28 U.S.C. §§ 1331, 1332, 1343 (3) and (4), 2201, 2202, 2282, 
2284; 42 U.S.C. § 1983; and under the Constitution of the 
United States and in particular under Article I, Section 9, 
Clause 3, Article III, and the First, Fifth, Ninth, Tenth, 
and Fourteenth Amendments thereto. 

5. The amount in controversy, exclusive of interest 
and costs, exceeds $10,000. 

6. Defendants and each of them, acting in concert 
and under the color of an unconstitutional Act of Congress 
and Resolution of the House of Representatives of the Congress 
of the United States, set forth below, together with other 
persons acting under the color of laws, whose identities are 
presently unknown to plaintiffs, have undertaken and endea- 
vored to subject plaintiffs and others similarly situated 

to the deprivation of rights, privileges and immunities 
secured to them by the Constitution and laws of the United 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 

7. Pursuant to the aforesaid undertaking and 
endeavor, defendants have caused to be issued and served upon 
plaintiffs certain subpoenas, copies of which are attached 
hereto as Exhibits 1 and 2, which direct plaintiffs, and 
each of them, to appear before the House Un-American Activi- 
ties Committee, or a duly appointed subaommittee thereof, to 
be convened in Chicago, Illinois, on May 25, 1965, at 10:30 

8. Defendants have taken the aforesaid action 
under and pursuant to the Legislative Reorganization Act of 
1946, 60 Stat. 812, 828 (U.S. Code Congressional Service, 
1946, p. 793), which embodies Rule XI of the Rules of the 
House of Representatives of the United States establishing 
the charter of the House Un-American Activities Committee. 
Rule XI of said Act provides in pertinent part: 

"The Committee on Un-American Activities, 
as a whole or by subcommittee, is authorized to 
make from time to time investigations of (1) the 
extent, character, and objects of un-American 
propaganda activities in the United States, 
(2) the diffusion within the United States of 
subversive and un-American propaganda that is 


, Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 

instigated from foreign countries or of a 
domestic origin and attacks the principle of 
the form of government as guaranteed by our 
Constitution, and (3) all other questions in 
relation thereto that would aid Congress in any 
necessary remedial legislation." 

9. Rule XI of said Act is illegal and void as 
applied to plaintiffs, and as utilized by defendants and 
their predecessors in the past, in that it violates the 
Constitution of the United States and in particular the First, 
Fifth, Ninth and Tenth Amendments thereto, for the following 
reasons, among others: 

(a) Rule XI violates the First and Fifth 
Amendments to the Constitution of the United States because 
it is unduly vague, uncertain and broad. Its overbroad sweep 
inhibits and deters the exercise by citizens of the United 
States of the rights of freedom of speech, press, assembly, 
privacy, to remain silent, and of association, in violation 
of the First Amendment to the Constitution of the United 
States. The dragnet sweep of the provisions of Rule XI of 
said Act violates the command of the First Amendment that 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 
Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom of speech 
or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to 
assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of 
grievances . 

(b) It appears from both the origin of Rule 
XI, and the setting within which the Committee has in the 
past operated pursuant to its charter, that Rule XI purports 
to establish a general authority in the House Un-American 
Activities Committee publicly to expose the private affairs 
of individuals without justification in terms of the legiti- 
mate investigative functions of the Congress, all in violation 
of the Constitution of the United States, and beyond and in 
excess of any powers granted to the Congress by the Constitu- 
tion of the United States. 

(c) Rule XI has authorized the creation of 

a governmental mechanism with the sole purpose and objective 
of forcing public disclosure of beliefs, opinions, expressions 
and associations of private citizens which may be unorthodox 
or unpopular, resulting in public stigma, scorn and obloquy, 
all beyond any powers granted to the Congress by the 
Constitution of the United States. 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 

(d) Rule XI purports to authorize such s 
sweeping, unlimited and all-inclusive compulsory examination 
of \;itnesses in the constitutionr.lly protected areas of 
speech, press, petition and assembly, that it violates the 
procedural requirements of the Due Process Clause of the 
Fifth Amendraent to the United States Constitution. 

(e) The delegation of authority by Congress 
to the House Un-American Activities Committee contained in 
Rule XI is so vague, ambiguous and uncertain that it cannot 
support or authorize investigations by the House Un-American 
Activities Committee which affect or deter the citizens of 
the United States in the exercise of their rights of freedom 
of speech, press, petition and assembly, as guaranteed by 
the First Amendment to the federal Constitution. 

(f) Rule XI purports to sanction a usurpation 
of the functions of the executive and judicial branches of 
the national government, in violation of the principle of 
separation of powers which underlies the Constitution of the 
United States. 

(g) Rule XI of said Act violates the prohibi- 
tion against Bills of Attainder set forth in Article I, 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 
Section 9, Clause 1 of the Constitution in that it authorizes 
and provides for legislative punishment. 

(h) Rule XI violates Article III of the 
Constitution in that it sanctions and authorizes the imposi- 
tion of punishment for the exercise of rights otherwise 
guaranteed by the First Amendment. 

10. (a) Under color of said Act and Rule, 
defendants have caused said subpoenas to be issued to plain- 
tiffs (Exhibits 1 and 2) commanding them to appear before 
the said Committee at a public hearing on May 25, 1965, for 
the purpose of embarrassing, harassing and intimidating 
plaintiffs and to deter plaintiffs from the exercise of their 
rights, privileges and immunities as citizens of the United 
States, and in particular their rights to freedom of belief, 
speech, press, assembly and association guaranteed by the 
First Amendment. 

(b) For several years, plaintiff Yolanda 
Hall has been active in Chicago, Illinois, and especially in 
the area known as Austin, both privately and in conjunction 
with various civic organizations, in efforts to secure for 
Negro citizens the rights guaranteed to them by the federal 
Constitution. Plaintiffs allege upon information and belief 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 
that certain persons, some of whom are named in the exhibits 
attached hereto, and some of whose names and identities are 
unknown to plaintiffs, have induced defendants to issue 
subpoenaes to plaintiffs, not for any authorized or legiti- 
mate legislative purpose or investigation, but solely in 
order to punish, embarrass and harass her for said activities, 
and in order to punish, embarrass and harass plaintiff 
Stamler, who hired plaintiff Hall and who is her immediate 
superior, and to intimidate and deter plaintiff Hall and 
others who have carried on such activities, both in Chicago 
and elsewhere in the United States, from carrying on those 
activities in the future. 

11. There has been no specification or information 
given to plaintiffs, and none is contained in the subpoenaes 
attached as Exhibits 1 and 2, as to the purposes or scope of 
the hearings to be held before defendants on May 25, 1965, 
or as to the matters which defendants intend or desire to 
investigate. Therefore, if and when plaintiffs are interro- 
gated by defendants, plaintiffs xr^ill be unable to determine 
(i) whether the investigation is relevant or germane to any 
authorized or legitimate legislative function, or (ii) issues 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 
of relevancy and materiality, or (iii) whether there is so 
compelling a need for plaintiffs to reply to defendants' 
questions that infringement of plaintiffs' constitutional 
rights is justified. Plaintiffs will therefore be unable 
to exercise intelligently and effectively the rights guaran- 
teed to plaintiffs by the Constitution of the United States. 

12. (a) The purported subpoenaes issued to the 
plaintiffs, and the hearings to be convened by the House 
Un-American Activities Committee on May 25, 1965 at Chicago, 
Illinois, are illegal and void in that defendants have 
violated the Rules of Procedure of the Committee, and in 
particular Rule 26 (m) and Rule XVI thereof, which provide 
as follows: 

" (m) If the committee determines that evi- 
dence or testimony at an investigative hearing 
may tend to defame, degrade, or incriminate any 
person, it shall— 

(1) receive such evidence or testimony 
in executive session; " 
"XVI. No Member of the Committee or staff 
shall make public the name of any witness sub- 
penaed before the Committee or Subcommittee prior 
to the date of his appearance." 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 

(b) In violation of Rule 26 (m), said sub- 
poenaes are returnable at a place which is open to the 
general public. 

(c) In violation of Rule XVI, the names of 
plaintiffs and other persons subpoenaed to appear before the 
House Un-American Activities Committee on May 25, 1965, have 
been released by defendants, their agents, employees or 
attorneys, or persons acting in concert with them, to certain 
public news media, including newspapers in and around Chicago, 
Illinois, resulting in the publication of plaintiffs' names, 
and photographs of plaintiff Stamler, in newspapers in and 
around Cook County, Illinois, representative samples of which 
are attached hereto as Exhibits 3 et seq- This publicity 
has resulted in great harm to plaintiffs and their families 

in their professional and private lives, and to their profes- 
sional and private reputations. 

13. The extensive publicity which has been given 
to the activities of the House Un~Ameri::an Activities Com- 
mittee, and especially the adverse publicity and public scorn 
which has been visited upon those who have resisted, opposed, 
failed to cooperate v/ith, or questioned the motives or 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 
procedures of the House Un-American Activities Conunittee, 
have caused many citizens of the United States, includinct 
plaintiffs, to fear being subpoenaed by the House Un-American 
Activities Committee, and in order to avoid the risk of 
being subpoenaed, to forego the exercise of their right of 
freedom of speech, press, assembly, petition, and other 
rights and privileges guaranteed to all citizens by the 
First Amendment to the federal Constitution. Unless this 
Court restrains defendants as requested herein, (i) defendants, 
their successors and agents will continue to harass, intimi- 
date and defame citizens, including plaintiffs, and (ii) citi- 
zens, including plaintiffs, will become more and more fearful 
of risking the displeasure of or being subpoenaed by the 
House Un-American Activities Committee, and (iii) with the 
resulting chilling and deterent effect upon the valuable 
constitutional rights of all citizens, and the loss to society 
of the benefits of fearless and unfettered expression of ideas 
and beliefs. 

14. The hearings to be held at Chicago, Illinois 
beginning on May 25, 1965 are not intended to and in fact 
will not advance any legitimate legislative purpose or inves- 
tigation. The purpoce, intention and effect of the efforts 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 
of defendants to enforce this Act and Rule is to deter, 
intimidate, hinder and prevent plaintiffs and persons 
similarly situated in Illinois and throughout the nation 
from exercising the constitutional rights to freedom of 
belief, speech, press, privacy and association guaranteed 
to them by the First Amendment to the Constitution of the 
United States, to hold up to public obloquy and scorn all 
those who resist or refuse to cooperate with defendants or 
who question defendants' motives or the propriety of defend- 
ants' procedures, and to embarrass, punish and deter persons 
whose political, economic, philosophical and other views, 
ideas and beliefs do not coincide with defendants, and to 
enibarrass, punish and deter persons who have actively attempt- 
ed to secure equal rights for Negro citizens and other minority 
groups in the United States. Unless this Court restrains the 
operation and enforcement of said Rule, plaintiffs and all 
persons similarly situated will risk and suffer irreparable 
and immediate loss or substantial impairroent of fundamental 
rights as a result of the chilling effect of the enforcement 
and operation of this Act and Rule upon the exercise of First 
Amendment rights. 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 

15. Defendants have in the past caused and they 
threaten to continue in the future to cause the utilization 
of federal criminal statutes, in particular 2 U.S.C. § 192, 
to compel citizens to disclose publicly their beliefs, 
opinions, expressions and associations, and to bring adverse 
publicity and public derision to those who fail or refuse 

to cooperate with defendants, all in violation of the 
Constitution of the United States and in particular the 
First and Fifth Amendments thereto. 

16. (a) Plaintiffs fear that if they appear 
before the House Un-American Activities Committee pursuant 
to said subpoenaes, and decline to respond to defendants' 
questions for the reasons stated herein, they will be sub- 
jected to prosecution for criminal conten^it with resulting 
adverse publicity, public obloquy, and injury to plaintiffs 
and their families in their professional and private lives. 

(b) Plaintiffs fear that if they appear 
before the House Un-American Activities Committee pursuant 
to said subpoenaes, they will be unable to intelligently 
and effectively protect their constitutional rights, because 
they will be unable to determine whether defendants' inquiries 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 
are germane and material to the legitimate legislative 
purposes, if any, of the House Un-American Activities Com- 
mittee, or impinge upon plaintiffs' constitutional rights, 
and plaintiffs will therefore subject themselves to 
multiple, lengthy and costly criminal contempt proceedings, 
all of which will result in irreparable harm to plaintiffs 
and their families, both financially and in their professional 
and private reputations. 

17. Furthermore, unless the enforcement and 
operation of said Act and Rule is restrained by this Court, 
immediate and irreparable injury and harm may be done to 
plaintiffs and to the entire nation in that the effect of 
the enforcement of the aforesaid subpoenaes against plain- 
tiffs will be to interfere with, injure, undermine and 
destroy invaluable medical research programs in the area of 
the prevention of heart disease presently under the control 
and direction of plaintiff Stamler, who is assisted by 
plaintiff Hall. 

18. No previous application for this relief has 
been made. 

V7HEREFORE, plaintiffs pray: 

52-810 O— 66 — pt. 2 14 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 

1. That pursuant to 26 U.S.C. §§ 2282 and 2284, 
a three-judge court be immediately convened to hear and 
determine this proceeding. 

2. That a permanent injunction issue: 

(a) Restraining defendants and each of 
them, their agents, employees and attorneys, and all others 
acting in concert with them, and their successors, from the 
enforcement, operation or execution in any way whatever of 
the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946, 60 Stat. 817, 
828, insofar as that Act incorporates Rule XI of the Rules 
of the House of Representatives establishing the Committee 
on Un-American Activities of the House of Representatives. 

(b) Restraining defendants and each of 
them, their agents, employees and attorneys, and all others 
acting in concert with them, and their successors, from 
impeding, intimidating, hindering and preventing plaintiffs 
from exercising the rights, privileges and immunities 
guaranteed to them by the Constitution and laws of the 
United States. 

(c) Restraining defendants and each of 
them, their agents, employees, and attorneys, and all others 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 
acting in concert with them, and their successors, from 
attempting to issue subpoenaes, hold hearings or take any 
action whatsoever under the purported authority of the 
Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946, 60 Stat. 817, 828, 
or House Rule XI of the Rules of the United States House 
of Representatives. 

3 . That this Court enter a judgment declaring 
that the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946, 60 Stat. 
817, 828, insofar as it incorporates Rule XI of the Rules 
of the House of Representatives establishing the Committee 
on Un-American Activities of the House of Representatives, 
violates the Constitution of the United States and is there- 
fore void and of no effect. 

4. That this Court declare the hearings to be 
convened by defendants on May 25, 1965 at Chicago, Illinois 
are illegal and void. 

5. That this Court enter a judgment declaring that 
the subpoenaes served on plaintiffs (Exhibits 1 and 2) are 
void, and that plaintiffs need not comply with those sub- 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 

6. Pending the hearing and determination of this 
action, this CcLTt enter an interlocutory injunction 
restraining defendants and each of them, thsir agents, 
employees and attorneys, and all others acting in concert 
with them, and their successors, from (i) convening or pro- 
ceeding with the hearings scheduled to begin on May 25, 1965 
at Chicago, Illinois, (ii) from proceeding upon or enforcing 
in any way the subpoenaes issued to and served upon plain- 
tiffs (Exhibits 1 and 2), including any proceeding to enforce 
those subpoenaes pursuant to the criminal provisions of 
Title 2 U.S.C. Section 192, and (iii) from seeking or 
receiving in any hearings of the House Un-American Activities 
Committee, wherever held, any evidence or testimony concern- 
ing plaintiffs or their immediate families; and 

7. They be given all other relief as the Court 
may deem appropriate. 

Albert E. Jenner, Jr. 

Lael F. Johnson 

Of Counsel: Thomas P. Sullivan 

Raymond, Mayer, Jenner & 

135 S. LaSalle 
Chicago, Illinois 

Arthur Kinoy 
William M. Kunstler 
Kunstler, Kunstler & Kinoy 
511 Fifth Avenue 
New York, New York 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 


) SS. 


Jeremiah Stamler on oath states that the matters 
stated in this Complaint are true, except those matters 
alleged therein to be made upon information and belief, which 
matters he is informed and believes are true. 

l-J-^ fi-y. 

x^eremiah Stamler 

Signed and sworn to before 
me May _J£~., 1965. 


Notary Public 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 
Exhibit 1 


CongrtJJg of tfje Winitti} States; 


To J.^.F®J?.^*.^...?.!:?f?A?.E.™ t^ 

_ _ _ _ „ „ .Greeting: 

Pursuant to lawful authority, You Are Hereby Commanded to be and appear before the 
Committee on Un-American Activities of the House of Representatives of the United States, or 
a duly appointed subcommittee thereof, on ?!?.f.?.4?3f.»...MaX..25,. , 19.65...., 

i. in 1A . 1 1 i. i.1. ■ /-. Mi n U.S. Court House & Federal Office Bids, 
at IQiJQ.. o'clock, A..m.,3afa{tbeaQ6aQaQtJ&»3lbt§Six - - --- .—.::...?:..—.."**• 

.9.?^®.??.?.^.*l:..C.ourt .Room, J^^^^ , 

then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said committee, and not to 
depart without leave of said committee. 

You Are Hereby Commanded to bring with you and produce before said conmiittee, or 
a duly authorized subcommittee thereof, the following : 

Hereof Fail Not, as you will answer your default under the pains and penalties in such 
cases made and provided. 

To ...Wj!l/:ir.Jl,..j^/i^.ZDZ^.yil^i^/.. 

.., to serve and return. 

Given under my hand this day of Way. , in the 

year of our Lord, 19.£iS.. ^ 


ChairTnan — Chairman of Subcommittee — Member Designate 
of the Committee on Un-American Activities of the House 
!•— 71U7-1 of Representatives. 

If you desire a conferance with a representative of the Committee prior to the date of the hearing, please call 
or write to: Staff Director, Committee on Un-American Activities, Washington 26, D.C., Telephone: CApitol 
4-3121— Ext 8051. 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 
Exhibit 2 


CongroSiS of tf)C Winitt\i ^tatti 

To YolandaJHall. 


Pursuant to lawful authority, You Are Hereby Commanded to be and appear before the 
Committee on Un-American Activities of the House of Representatives of the United States, or 

a duly appointed subcommittee thereof, on JIuesjiay«...May...25., , 19.65..., 

at ...IQ.:3.0o'clock, ..<%..m., sladiBkx£siaiBktaQdQaaxD9c..II^S....£QurJL.ilQus£...&..FederaJL.X>£flce Bl( 
..Ceremnial. . Court Jtoojn,...25th , 

then and there to testify touching matters of inquiry committed to said committee, and not to 
depart writhout leave of said committee. 

You Are Hereby Commanded to bring with you and produce before said committee, or 
a duly authorized subcommittee thereof, the following: 

Hereof Fail Not, as you will answer your default under the pains and penalties in such 
cases made and provided. 

.^.9..^..'l..'r..P. J^..-....3.}:^..^A'y..X--^-?^,^^<> 

To .^.'^..V..ll..e:..y rrrt •. .. .:^.b^.fe.r.l/:^^..y..!r..., to serve and return. 

Given under my hand this fith. day of JIa.y. , in the 

year of our Lord, 19&S^_. t 


Chairman — Chairman 'of Subcommittee — Member Designate 
of the Committee on Un-American Activities of the Hoxise 
i»— 7i«s7-i of Representatives. 

If you desire a conference with a representative of the Committee prior to the date of the hearing, please call 
or write to: Staff Director. Committee on Un-American Activities, Washington 25, D.C, Telephone: CApitol 
4-3121— Ext 3051. 

Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 

Exhibit 3 
[Chicago American, May 12, 1965] 



use unit bets 

The House un-American 
Activities committee has sched- 
uled public hearings here for 
May 25, 26, and 27 to investi- 
gate reports of a slight resur- 
gence in Communist activities 

' It was learned that 11 per- 
sons, including several city em- 
ployes, have been subpenaed 
to testify in the hearings, to 
be held in chambers on the 25th 
floor of the federal courts and 
office building. 

I It was also learned that 
closed hearings mto the Ku 
Klux Klan may begin in Wash- 
ington in two weeks to set the 
stage for a formal probe of 
the Klan by HUAC. The inves- 
tigative hearings are separate 

I from the formal probe. 

j While four of the committee's 
nine members are from tiie 
south, HUAC hopes its hearings 

;Will not be construed as a 
drive against the civil rights 
movement, a source close to 
the committee said. 

I Quiz on Infiltration 

I Rather, the members wish to 
learn to what extent Commu- 
nists, whether Moscow or Pek- 
ing oriented, might be infiltrat- 

iing the rights movement for 

(their own purposes. 

I It is hoped that "friendly wit- 

Inessess" rounded up by HUAC 

' staff members earlier this year 
will shed light on what effects 
the ideological spht between 

I Russia and China has had on 

the Communist movement in 
the United States, 

Washington sources said 
these witnesses have broken 
both fi'om the regular, Rus- 
sian-oriented Communist party 
of the United States and the 
newer Progressive Labor Move- 
ment, a faction favoring Chi- 
nese interpretations of Marx- 

Continuation of Hearings 

Tliey described the hearings 
here as a continuation of hear- 
ings last year in Minneapolis 
and in Buffalo, In which activi- 
lIos 01 ilie P. L. M. were de- 
tailed before the committee for 
the first time. 

The P. L. M., the committee 
was told, apparently broke 
from the Communist party of 
the United States after the 
United States Supreme court 
ruled in 1961 that the regular 
party would have to register its 
leaders under the internal se- 
curity act. 

The regular party followed its ^ 
plan of reducing national lead- j 
ership to but three persons and 
ignormg the order to register. 

The dissident faction wanted | 
to dissolve the party and re- 
form it under a new name, thus 
avoiding the need to register. 

Since then, the P. L. M. has 
become an aggressive band. 
While Ihe more orthodox Com- 
munists have parroted the 
Moscow line of peaceful co- 
existence, P. L. M. members 
have taken sides with Peking's 
belief that war is inevitable in 
the struggle for power. 

Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 





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Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 

Exhibit 5 

I [Chicago Sun Times, May 13, 1965] 

House Un'if To Probe 

The House Committee on 
Un-American Activities an- 
nounced Wednesday it will be- 
gin hearings May 25 in Chi- 
cago on Illinois Communist 

Chairman Edwin E. Willis 
(D-La.) said the hearings in 
the Federal Building will 
probe organization, tactics, 
strategy and objectives of the 
Communist Party in its Illinois 

The hearings will be part of 
a series to appraise the 1950 
Subversive Activities Control 

The Rev. William T. Baird, 
executive director of the Chi- 
cago Committee to Defend the 
Bill of Rights, iimmediately 
protested the hearings. He sent 
telegrams to tne Illinois Conr 
gressional delegation, asking 
that the HUAC hearings be 

"If held, these hearings will 
result in a guilt by association 
witch-hunt against persons in 
the Chicago area working for 
integration and peace," the 
Rev. Mr. Baird wired. 

Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 
Exhibit 6 

[Chicago Tribune, May 13, 1965] 

Probe of Reds in Chicago 
City Hall Set for ^^^'^' 


[Chicoeo Tribune Press Service] 

Washington, May 12 — Com- 
munist infiltration of a city 
hall depart- % , - ~. 
ment in Chi- ,. 
•cago will be r j 

explored at f -. > . 
forthcoming |C ' ;; * 

hearings of the p ? ' 
House com- ( " ■ 
mittee on un- | 
American ac- | > 
tivities, investi- I ; / > ^ I 
gators said to- ^ 

Chairman Edwin E. Willis 
[D., La.] announced that he 
and four committee members 
will hold public hearings begin- 
ning May 25 in. the United 
States courthouse and federal 
office building in Chicago.' 

Expect Reluctant Witnesses 

The nature of the evidence 
to be presented by both friend- 
ly and adverse witnesses was 
not disclosed but it was said to 
concern a stepping up of Com- 
munist party activities in the 
Chicago area which is a part 
of the national picture. 

Some of the witnesses to be 
called are expected to refuse to 
testify on the ground of pos- 
sible self-incrimination, while 
others will relate communist 
penetration in several fields, in- 
cluding local government. 

The hearings,- Willis .said, 

would concern "the structure 
and organization, major areas 
of concentration, strategy and 
tactics, and the general extent, 
character, and objectives of the, 
United States Communist party 
in relation to the Chicago and 
Illinois district of the party." 

The other committee mem- 
bers are Representatives Joe 
R. Pool [D.,'Tex.], Charles L. 
Weltner [D., Ga.], John M. 
Ashbrook [R., 0.], and Del 
Clawson [R., Cal.]. 

Hearings will be held later 
in other states. 


Richard' Crowley, secretary 
of the Chicago Committee to 
Defend the Bill of Rights, 431 
S. Dearborn st., said that the 
committee, a branch of the na- 
tional committee to abolish the 
House un-American activities 
committee, has learned that 12 
Chicagoans were subpenaed 
Tuesday to testify. Crowley said 
he has talked to most of those, 
receiving subpenas and intends 
to make their names public 

The Rev. William T. Baird, 
committee executive director, 
wired congressmen denouncing 
the hearings as "a guilt by as- 
sociation witchhunt against per- 
sons working for integration 
and peace.". 

Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 



t — ) 

E — J 








Stamlek-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 
' Exhibit 8 

[Chicago American, May 13, 1965] 



II c}% 



Reporf Dr. Sfamler, 
11 Others Suboenaed 


Dr. Jeremiah Stamler, 45, internationally renowned heart 
research specialist with the Chicago Board of Health, has been 
subpenaed to testify before the House Committee on Un-Ameri- 

The subpena was issued to Dr. 
Stamler and 11 other Chicago 
figures this week. 

Chicago's Americax re- 
ported exclusively Tuesday that 
the congressional committee 
would open three days of pub- 
lic hearings on communist ac- 
tivities here May 25. The hear- 
ings are to be held on the 25th 
floor of the United States 
courthouse and federal office 
building, 219 S. Dearborn st. 

This committee traditionally 
subpenas persons both pro- and 
anti-Communist to obtain in- 

A health department assist- 
ant to Stamler, Mrs. Yolanda 
Hall, 43, also has been sub- 
penaed. Stamler's wife^ Rose, 
works with him at the board 
of health on a part-time basis. 

News to ;\Iayor Daley" 

Mayor Daley said of the 
looming investigation: 

"This is news to me. T'le city 
has a policy of getting ar, much 
information as it can about top 

.. L^^...,„. ...i / w Ji . ] 

Heart researcher. 

city employes. We screen our 
top people. 

"I am going to check with 
Thomas S. Mclnerney, head of 
the department of investiga- 
tion, and with the Chicago 
delegation in Congress. 

"If there is anyone in the 

Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 

Exhibit 8 — Continued 

[Chicago American, May 13, 1965] 

city government carrying on 
activities which are contrary to 
our government, he will be re- 

' moved immediately." 

; Just why Stamler was sub- 
pe naed is unclear. Contacted 
by CHIC.A.GO American in 
Washington, where he is attend- 
ing a convention on heart ail- 
ments. Dr. Stamler said: 

"I've no public information to 
divulge at this time. Until I 
have an opportunity to got home 
and catch my breath, I'm not 
going to say anything about 

"I am a responsible person 
and a responsible American." 

"Technically, I do the hiring, 
but I generally go along with 
the recommendations of my 
subordinates with regard to hir- 
ing practices. 

"Stamler and his staff do re- 
search work on cardio-vascular 
conditions, and in the fields of 
cancer and diabetes. 

No Policy Connections 
"Neither he nor any of his 
staff members is- involved in 
planning, policy making, or 
civil defense planning for the 
board of health. 

"Dr. Stamler was hired in 
April, 1958, by my predecessor, 
Dr. Herman Bundesen. I be- 
came health commissioner in 
March, 1960. 

"I have not had cause to ques- 
tion Dr. Stamler's competence 
or his work. He is interna- 
tionally renowned." 

Earns S20,000 Annually 
Andelman said that Stamler 
earns $20,322 a year; that Mrs. 
Hall is a research assistant and 
that Stamler's wife, Rose, also 
is a salaried health department 
worker. Both women earn $9,300 
a year, Andelman said. 

News that Dr. Stamler had 
been subpenaed comes with an 
announcement from New York 
City that he has been named 
co-winner with Alton Blakeslee 
of the Associated Press of the 
16th annual Albert Lasker Med- 
ical Journalism award in the 
newspaper field, for their se- 
ries entitled, "Your Heart Has 
Nine Lives." 

Holds 2 Titles 

The award includes a check 
for $2,500, an engraved cita- 
tion, and a gold statuette of the 
Winged Victory of Samothrace, 
symbolizing victory over death 
and disease. 

Officially, Dr. Stamler holds 
two titles with the board of 
health — director of the heart 
disease control program, and 
of the division of adult health 
and aging. 

A major part of this second 
division is a 10-year study, now 
5 years old, called the coronary 
prevention evaluation program, 
in which Stamler and his staff 
are studying the relationship 
between diet and heart attacks. 

One major feature of the 
study so far has been the indi- 
cation that high protein diets 
where vegetable fats are sub- 
stituted for animal fats seem to 
reduce body weight and the 
cholesterol rate in the blood. 

KcW York Graduate 
Stamler was bom in 1919, 
and received his degree in 
medicine from the State Uni- 
versity of New York College of 
Medicine "at New York City, 
Brooklyn. He was licensed to 
practice medicine in Illinois in 
1948 and certified by tlie Na- 
tional Board of Medical Exam- 
iners in 1947. 
Stamler is a member of the 

Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1— Continued 

Exhibit 8— Continued 
[Chicago American, May 13, 1965] 

Central Society for Clinical Re- 
search, and of the American So- 
ciety for Clinical Investigation. 

He and his wife live at 1332 
Madison avenue park. 

The chairman of the House 
Committee on Un-American 
Activities is Rep. Edwin E. 
Willis [D., La.]. He announced 
that he and four colleagues 
would hold the hearings in Chi- 

Others At Hearings 

The others- are Representa- 
tives Joe R. Pool [JD., Tex.], 
Charles L. Weltner [D., Ga.], 

John M. Ashbrook [R., 0.], and 
Del Clawson [R., Cal.]. 

Previous hearings have been 
held in Minneapolis June 24-26, 
and in Buffalo, April 29-30, 1964. 
Other hearings will be held 

Rep. Willis told reporters the 
Chicago hearings will concern 
"the structure and organiza- 
tion, major areas of concentra- 
tion, strategy and tactics, and 
the general extent, character, 
and objectives of the United 
States Communist party in rela- 
tion to the Chicago and Illinois 
district of the party." 

Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 
Exhibit 9 • 

[Chicago American, May 13, 1965] 




Dr. Jeremiah Stamler, 45, internationally renowned heart 
research specialist with the Chicago Board of Health, has been 
subpenaed to testify before the House Committee on Un-Ameri- 
can Activities. 

The subpena was issued to Dr. 
Stamler and 11 other Chicago 
figures this week. 

Chicago's American re- 
ported exclusively Tuesday that 
the congressional committee 
would open three days of pub- 
lic hearings on communist ac- 
tivities here May 25. The hear- 
ings are to be held on the 25th 
floor of the United States 
courthouse and federal office 
building, 219 S. Dearborn st. 

This committee traditionally 
subpenas persons both pro- and 
anti-Communist to obtain in- 

A health department assist- 
ant to Stamler, Mrs. Yolanda 
Hall, 43, also has been sub- 
penaed. Stamler's wife. Rose, 
works with him at the board 
of health on a part-time basis. 




Heart researcher. 

News to Mayor Daley 

Mayor Daley said of the 
looming investigation: 

"This is news to me. The city 
has a policy of getting as much 
information as it can about top 
city employes. We screen our 
top people. 

"I am going to check with 
Thomas S. Mclnerney, head of 
the department of investiga- 
tion, and with the Chicago 
delegation in Congress. . 

"If there is anyone in the 
city government carrying on 
activities which are contrary to 
our government, he will be re- 
moved immediately." 

Just why Stamler was sub- 
penaed is unclear. Contacted 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 

Exhibit 9 — Continued 
[Chicago American, May 13, 1965] 

by Chicago's American in 
Washington, where he is-^ttend- 
ing a convention on heart ail- 
ments, Dr. Stamler said: 

"I've no public information to 
divulge at this time. Until I 
have an opportunity to get home 
and catch my breath, I'm not 
going to say anything about 

"I am a responsible person 
and a Responsible American." 

Aid Refused PositioH 

His aid, Mrs. Hall, in 1949 
was refused a teaching position 
with the Chicago Board of Edu- 
cation on grounds of Commu- 
nist connections. 

Richard Crowley, secretary 
of the Chicago Committee to De- 
fend the Bill of Rights, sn- 
nounccd that he intends to 
make public tomorrow the 
names of those subpoened. This 
announcement provoked the 
revelation by Chicago's 
American of the names. 

The other subpenaed are: 

Milton M. Cohen. 50, of 5428 
Kimbark av., an avowed Com- 
munist whom 1937 fought with 
the Abraham Lincoln brigade 
on the side of the Spanish Loy- 
alists* in 1937. In 1946, Cohen 
taught a course called "Funda- 
mental Principles of Marxism" 
with Claude Lightfoot, execu- 
tive secretary of the Communist 
party in Illinois, at the Abra- 
ham Lincoln school. 

Dorothy M. Hayes, 56, of 5511 
Everett av., a social worker. 
In Oct., 1960, she signed a pe- 
tition to President Kennedy pro- 
testing the internal security act 
of 1950. 

Wilberforce Jones, of 3827 
Michigan av., a worker in the 
General Motors plant in La 
Grange, and a former steward 
in the United Auto Workers, 

Versta Miller, of 385^1' Ellis av. 

Leon Joy Jennings, of 6444 
Eberhart av., a member of 
AFLrCIO United Auto Workers 
Local 734. 

David Englestein, 61. of 737 
Belden av., employed at the 
Avalon Truck and Auto Parts 
company, 7370 South Chicago 
av., since 1948. He is a natural- 
ized citizen, having come to 
the United States from Mon- 
treal in 1930. 

Helen Fotine Queen, of 5017 
Quincy st., is the wife of Danny 
Queen, Illinois youth director 
for the Communist party. 

Louis Diskin, manager of the 
Modern Book store, 56 E. Chi- 
c a g av., identified by the 
House Un-American Activities 
committee as "the party outlet 
for Communist party propa- 
ganda and literature in that 
area." , Diskin is one-time New 
York chairman of the Labor 
Youth League, formerly known 
as the Young Communist 

Benjamin Friedlander, 55, of 
5345 Kimbark av., a chemist. 

Surprise to Andelman 
Dr. Samuel L. Andelman, '. 
Chicago health commissioner, ■ 
said of Dr. Stamler's subpena: i 
"This comes as a complete' \ 
surprise to me. Dr. Stamler is 
a researcher for my depart- 
ment, and he has about 40 per- 
sons working for him. 

Aid Admitted Communist 

His aid, Mrs. Hall, in 1949 
was refused a teachmg position 
with the Chicago Board of Edu- 
cation on grounds of Commu- 
nist connections. 

Richard Criley, secretary 
of the Chicago Committee to de- 
fend the Bill of Rights, an- 
nounced that he intends to 
make public tomorrow the 
names of those subpoened. This 

52-810 O— 66 — pt. 2- 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1— Continued 
I Exhibit 9— Continued 

[Chicago American, May 13, 1965] 

announcement provoked the 
revelation by Chicago's 
American of the names. 
The other subpenaed are: 
Milton M. Cohen, 50, of 5428 
Kimbark av,, an avowed Com- 
munist who ni 1937 fought with 
the Abraham Lincoln brigade 
on the side of the Spanish Loy- 
alists in 1937. In 1946, Cohen 
taught a cource called "Funda- 
mental Principles of Marxism" 
with Claude Lightfoot, execu- 
tive secretary of tlie Communist 
party in Illinois, at the Abra- 
ham Lincoln school. 

Dorothy M. Hayes, 56, of 5511 
Everett av., a social worker. 
In Oct., 1960, she signed a pe- 
tition to President Kennedy pro- 
testing the internal security act 
of 1950. 

Wilberforce Jones, of 3827 
Michigan av., a worker in the 
General Motors plant in La 
Grange, and a former ste\Vard 
in the United Auto Workers, 
Versta Miller, of 3851 Ellis av. 
Leon Joy Jennings, of 6444 
Eberhart av., a member of 
AFI^CIO United Auto Workers 
Local 734. 

David Englestein, 61, of "737 
Belden av., employed at the 
Avalon Truck and Auto Parts 
company, 7370 South Chicago 
av. since 1948. He is a natural- 
ized citizen, having come to 
the United States from Mon- 
treal in 1930. 

Helen Fotine Queen, of 5017 
Quincy St., is the wife of Danny 
Queen, Illinois youth director 
for the Communist party. 

Lo'Jis Diskin, manager of the 
Modern Book store, 56 E. Chi- 
c a g av., identified by the 
House Un-American Activities j 
Cmmittee as "the party outlet 
for Communist party propa- 
g a n d a ad literature in that | 

area." Diskin is one-time New 
York chairman of the Labor 
Youth League, formerly known 
as the Young Communist^ 
Benjamin Friedlander, 55, of 
' 5345 Kimbark av., a chemist. 

Surprise to Andelman 

Dr. Samu6l L. Andelman, 
Chicago health commissioner, 
said of Dr. Stamler's subpena: 

"This comes ase a complete 
surprise to me. Dr. Stamler is 
a researcher for my depart- 
ment, and he has about 40 per- . 
sons working for him. 

"Technically, I do the hiring, 
but I generally go along with 
the recommendations of my 
subordinates with regard to hir- 
ing practices. 

"Stamler an dhis staff do re- 
search work on cardio-vascular 
conditions, and in the fields of 
cancer and diabetes. 

No Policy Connections 
"Neither he nor any of his 
staff members is involved in 
planning, policy making, or 
civil defense planning for the 
board of health. 
. "Dr. Stamler was hired in 
April, 1S58, by my predecessor, 
Dr. Herman Bundesen. I be- 
came health commissioner in 
March, 1960. 

"I have not had caiise to ques- 
tion Dr. Stamler's competence 
or his work. He is interna- 
tionally renowned." 

Earns S21.000 Annually 
Andelman said that Stamler 
earns about $21,000 a year; 
that Mrs. Hall is a research 
assistant with a salary of about 
$6,000 a year, and tliat Stam- 
ler's wife, Rose, also is a sal- 
aried health department worker 
in her husband's research de- 
partment on a part-time basis. 

Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 

Exhibit 9— Ck)ntinued 
[CSiicago American, May 13, 1965] 

Andelman said he does not 
know Mrs. Stamler's salary. 
News that Dr. Stamler had 
been subpenaed comes with an 
announcement from New York 
City that he has been named 
co-winner with Alton Blakeslee 
of the Associated Press of the 
16th annual Albert Lasker Med- 
ical Journalism award in the 
newspaper field, for their se- 
ries entitled, "Your Heart Has 
Nine Lives." 

Holds 2 Titles 

The award includes a check 
for $2,500, an engraved cita- 
tion, and a gold statuette of the 
Winged Victory of Samothrace, 
symbolizing victory over death. 

Officially, Dr. Stamler holds 
two titles with the board of 
health — director of the heart 
disease control program, and 
of the division of adult health 
and aging. 

A major part of this second 
division is a 10-year study, now 
5 years old, called the coronary 
prevention evaluation program, 
in which Stamler and his staff 
are studying the relationship 
between diet and heart attacks. 

One major feature of the 
study so far has been the indi- 
cation that high protein diets 
where vegetable fats are sub- 
stituted for animal fats seem to 
reduce body weight and the 
cholesterol rate in the blood. 

New York Graduate 
Stamler was born in 1919, 
and received his degree in 


medicine from the State Uni- 
versity of New York College of 
Medicine at New , York City, 
Brooklyn. He was licensed to 
practice medicine in Illinois in 
1943 and certified by the Na- 
tional Board of Medical Exam- 
iners in 1947. 

Stamler is a member of the 
Central Society for Clinical Fe-. 
search, and of the American So- 
ciety for Clinical Investigation. 

He and bis wife live at 1332 
Madison avenue park. 

The chairman of the House 
C o m m i 1 1 e e on Un-American 
Activities is Rep. Edwin E. 
Willis [D., La.]. He announced 
that he and four colleagues- 
would hold the hearings in Chi- 

Others At Hearings 

The others are Representa- 
tives Joe R. Pool [D., Tex.], 
Charles L. Weltner [D., Ga.], 
John. M. Ashbrook [R., 0.], and 
Del Clawson [R., Cal.]. 

Previous hearings have been 
held in Minneapolis June 24-26, 
and in Buffalo, April 29-30, 1964. 
Other hearings will be held 

Rep. Willis told reporters the 
Chicago hearings will concern 
"the structure and organiza- 
tion, major areas of concentra- 
tion, strategy and tactics, and 
the general extent, character, 
and objectives of the United 
States Communist party in rela- 
tion to the Chicago and Illinois 
district of the party.". 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 

2 S 

Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 

•" — T" 

Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 

Exhibit 12 
[Chicago Sun Times, May 14, 1965] 

«7 "?? 


I y^i 

Elevea Chicagoans, inclad- ' Tells Of Work 

<og a research specialist with (t said he had been io Chi- 

the Chicago Board of Health, cago since 1947 directing a 

have been subpenaed to a'p- heart disease control program 

pear before the House Un- here, particularly in the field of 

American Activities Committee premature heart attacks, 

when it comes here May 25- "These activities of the 

27. House Committee on Un- 

Public bearings will be held American Activities, as I un- 

Iq the new Federal Building, derstand them, can have only 

219 S. Dearborn. one consequence, an entirely 

Committee Chairman Edwin negative . one," Dr. Stamler's 

E. Willis (D-La.) has said the statement said." and ihat is to 

purpose of the hearings is to do great harm to a vital long- 

prcrf)e organization, tactics, term program to combat heart 

strategy and objectives of the diseases 

Communist Party in Illinois. "I will clc> all I can with 

The Board of Health spe- dignity and in a lawful fashion 

cialist is Dr. Jeremiah 5tamler, to protect this work and its 

45. internationally known ex- integrity and to maintain my 

pert in the cardio - vascular reputation as i« scientist, a 

■field. dedicated public servant and a 

He heads a staff of about human being." 

40 persons doing research on Also subpenjietj was one of 

cardio-vascular conditions, can- his assistants at the Board of 

cer and diabetes. His $21,- Health. Mrs. Yoianda Hall. 43. 

000-a-year salary, however. Dr. Srunuel L. Aodelman. 

comes from state and federal Chjcago health coTiTTniissroner. 

funds, not from the city. »aia of Dr. Stamler's subpena: 

Dr. Stamler. who was in "Fraiikly. I don't know why 

Sethesda. Md., conferring on he is being called before the 

research projects with other committee, 

•pecialists at the National In- Contacted By FBI 

stitutes of Health, canceled his "Some time back, over a 

appointments and flew back to year ago, the Federal Biireau 

Chicago where he issued a of investigation contacted me 

•tatement to find out exactly what 

Stamler did here and I told 
them of the heart program. 

"They were to call me back 
if there was any suspicion of 
anything wrong or if be should 
not be kept on. 

"The FBI did not call back 
except to ask that when he 
(Stamler) traveled abroad to 
let them know why and where. 

Mrs. Hall joined the board 
with Dr. Stamler in 1958. 

David Englestein, 61. of 737 
W. Belden. told The Sun- 
Times he didn't know why he 
was subpenaed. 

Naturalized Citizeo 

An employe of the Avalon 
Truck and Auto Parts Co.. 
7370 South Chicago, he is a 
naturalized citizen who came 
to the United States from 
Montreal in 1930. 

Others subpenaed are. 

MiJton M. Cohen, 50, of 
5428 S. Kimbark; Dorothy M. 
Hayes. 56, of 5511 S. Everett; 
Wilberforce Jones, 3827 S. 
Michigan; Versta Miller, 3851 
S. Ellis; Leon J. Jennings, 
6444 S. Eberhart; Benjamin 
Friedlander. 55, of 5345 S. 
Kimbark; Mrs. Helen Futine 
Queen. 5017 W. Quincy. and 
Louis Diskin." ' 

In its probes, the House 
committee traditionally sub- 
penas persons both pro- and 

Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 

Exhibit 13 
[Chicago Tribune, May 14, 1965] 

wg hoemr Gets 





A Chicago health department 
official, known for his research 
in heart ailments, is among 11 
persons subpenaed to testify at 
hearings of the House un-Amer- 
ican activities committee start- 
ing May 25, it was disclosed 

Dr. Samuel L. Andelman, 
health commissioner, said he 
first learned yesterday morn- 
ing that Dr. Jeremiah' Stamler, 
45, director of the department's 
division of adult health and 
aging, was under subpena. He 
is paid $20,322 a year, and 
Andelman said about 40 em- 
ployes work under him. 

Declines to Comment 

Dr. Stamler, who was attend- 
ing a meeting at. the National' 
Institutes of Health, in Bethesda, j 
Md., declined comment pend- 
ing his return to Chicago today. 
Mayor Daley, meanwhile, 
said reports of communist infil- 
tration in city departments was 
news to him. 

He said he had ordered! 
Thomas J. Mclnerney, city 
commissioner of investigation, 
to look into the reports. 
\ When reporters left, Daley 
conferred behind closed doors 
for an hour with Andelman, 
Mclnerney, and Earl Bush, the 
j mayor's public relations dii-ec- 
|tor. None would comment as 
I they emerged. 

I The disclosure of the subpena 
■ came as the Albert and Mary 
I Lasker Foundation announced 
! that Dr. Stamler was a winner 
of one of the Foundation's med- 
ical journalism awards. 

He and Alton Blakeslee, As- 
sociated Press science writer, 
received an av/ard for their 
series, "Your Heart Has Nine 
Lives." Award winners re- 
ceived $2,500, a gold statuette, 
and a citation. 

Meeting Is Scheduled 

Richard Crowley, secretary 
of the Chicago Committee to 
Defend the Bill of Rights, 431 
S. Dearborn st., a branch of 
the national committee seeking 
to abolish the House un-Ameri- 
cans activities committee, said 
his committee was meeting last 
night in Chicago with those 

In Washington, Chairman Ed- 
win E. Willis [D., La.] of the 
House committee said it would 
violate committee rules to iden- 
tify those subpenaed. The hear- 
ings here, to be held in the Fed- 
eral building, are to deal with | 
Communist party activities in [ 
Illinois, he said. Hearings will i 
be held later in other states, j 
The Tribune disclosed in j 
August, 1934, that committee in- j 
vestigators had been in Chicago ' 
six weeks, and that the hear- ■ 
ings then were planned for this 
spring. /-/, 


Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 

Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 

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2 S 

Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 



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Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 
Exhibit 1 7 

[Chicago Sun Times, May 15, 1965] 



,-. , . M ,r? /--'I ow- r, rsf!» » ij i,»-ji 

i^iii iii.'v:^:i w all Vai 

; ;i v4? 

Dr. Jeremiah Stamler, Chi- 
cago Board of Health research 
specialist, signed an affida/i: 
Friday swearing his allegiance 
to the United States. 

Stamler, an internationally 
j known expert in cardio-vas- 
I cul-ar ailments, is one of 1 1 
j persons subpenaed' to appeal 
I before the House Un-American 
j Activities Committee when it 
I comes here May 25-27. 
I The affidavit, a copy of 
j which was turned over tu 
Mayor Daley, said in part: 

"I swear allegiance to 4hc 
AnTerican flag and the Consti- 
tution of the United Stales. At 
no time during my association 
with the Chicago Board ot 
Health have I engaged in sub- 
versive activities of any kind, 
nor have I acrively consorted 
with groups or individuals with 
such objectives. 

"I am a loyal American citi- 
zen and I neither recognize nor 
intend any oblibaiion in the 
future to any nation other than 
my own." 

Stamler signed the affidavit 
after meetiing with Health 
Comr. Dr. Samuel L. Andel- 
man, and Dr. IZric Oldberg, 
presiilcnt of the board. 

Stamler, 45, is director of 
the health department's Adult 
Health and '^tzm-.: Division. 

Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 
Exhibit 18 

[Chicago Tribune, May 15, 1965] 

nor intend any obligation in the 
future, to any nation other than 
my own." 

Dr. Oldberg said Dr. Stamier 
has not been suspended and will 
remain en the department's 
payroll. "There's npthing to do 
but let the hearings come up," 
Dr. Oldberg continued. The 
hearings open here J.Iay 25. 

Dr. Stamier, 45, director of 
the department's division of 
adult "health and aging, is a 
recognized expert on research 
into heart attacks and strokes. 

Dr. Stamier told a reporter 
he was "surprised" by the sub- 
pena, but declined to discuss 
the matter further than pass- 
ing out a prepared statement. 

In the statement he said he 
was "displeased" to see news- 
paper stories_idfn,Mfying him 
as one of tffose under subpena. 
Sees Negative Effect 

Good American, Says 
Health Official 

Dr. Jeremiah Stamier, a Chi- 
cago health department official 
who is one of 11 persons sub-, 
penaed by the House un-Amer- 
ican activities committee to 
testify at its upcommg investi- 
gation into Communist party 
activities in Illinois, signed a 
statement here yesterday say-! 
ing that "I swear allegiance to j 
the American flag and to the 
Constitution of the United I 
States." ! 

The statement was dis-i 
tributed to newsmen by Dr. Eric I 
Oldberg, president of the board 
of health, who said Dr. Stamier 
agreed to draft the statement 
and sign it after a conference 
with Dr. Oldberg ^nd Dr. ' 
Samuel Andelman, health ccm-,i 

\ "A Loyal Americau" 

"At no time during my asso- 
ciation with the Chicago board 
of health have I engaged in sub- 
versive activities of any kind," 
Dr. Stamler's statement con- 
tinued, "nor have I actively 
consorted v;ith groups or indi- 
viduals with such objectives. 

"I am a loyal American citi- 
zen, and I neither recognize. 

"The activities of the House 
un-Am.erican activities commit- 
tee as I understand them and 
relate to them can have only 
one consequence, an entirely 
negative one, and that is to 
do great harm to a vital long- 
term program to combat heart 

Meanwliile, The Tribui.'E 
learned that Dr. Stamier, who 
is paid $20,322 a year and Is in 
charge of about 40 employes, 
told Dr. Andelman that he does' 
not know why he was sub- 

Thomas J. Siclnemy, Mayor 
Daley's commissioner of in- 
vestigations, said that he is 
continuing to look into reports 
charging communist Lofiltra- 
tion of a city department. He 
said he expects to hnve a re- 
port ready for the mayor by 
the middle CTnext ^veek. 

Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 

Exhibit 19 
[Chicago American, May 15, 1965] 

' Dr. Eric Oldbcrj^, president 
1 of the Chicago board of Iiealth, 
has released the text of a ; 
loyally oaih signed yesterday : 
by Dr. Jeremiah Stainler, one ; 
of 11 persons subpenaed to ap- ' 
pear before tlic House un- 
American activities committee 
which opens 3 days of hearings 
here May 25. 

Dr. Stamler, a hicart re- 
searcher and director of the 
health department's division of 
adult heakh and aging, signed 
the oaih after conferring with 
Dr. Oldborg and Dr. Samuel L. 
Andelman, city healtli commis- 
sioner. The text follows: 

'"This will certify that I 
swear allegiance to ir.e Am.eri- 
can fiag and the Constitution 
of the United States. At no 
time during my association 
with the Chicago board of 
health have I engaged in subr 
versive activities of any kind, 
nor have I actively consorted 
with groups or individuals with 
such objectives. 

"I am a loyal American citi- 
zen and I neither recognize nor 
intend any obligation in the fu- 
ture to any nation other than 
my own." 

Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 

Exhibit 20 
[Chicago Daily News, May 18, 1965] 

i. IL vL>^iis^ -..^il. Kj? — :w^^..-/ 1- vl/^wyij. '4_^ Chilli VL/'-ixl 

/\\ T'^ ' i T'^: T" 7" 


O « 



A letter sent to perhaps as 
many as 100 Chicagoans by 
the House Un-American Ac- 
tivities Committee has been 
called "an invitation to panic" 
by anti-HUAC people here. 

The leticr, sent last week 
under the signature ol HUAC 
Chaiman Rep. Edwin E. Wil- 
lis (D-La.), told recipients they 
had been named as having 
been a member of the Com- 
munist Party. 

T' ...■ '.■'.'J.- \^as identified as 
"v.^ti a sabpena" but invited 
those to appear before 
a closed session of the com- 
mittee and also invited them 
to request the committee "to 
subpena additional witnesses." 

THE NUMBER of these 
form letters sent to Chicago 
area people is known only to 
HUAC, but the Chicago Com- 
mitice to Defend the Bill of 
Riahis reported receiving calls 
from at least 30 local persons. 

Eleven Chicagoans were 
known to have been served 
subpcnas directly from the 
House committee. These per- 
sons also received the letters, 
according to Richard Criley, 
secretary of the Chicago com- 

Crilev said he had checked 
with Frank Wilkinson, chair- 

man of the National Committee 
to Abolish HUAC, and said 
that the volume of such letters 
sent out was higher than for 
any previous HUAC hearing. 

Un-American Aciiviiies has re- 
ceived certain evidence and 
testimony in executive (closed) 
session, in the course of which 
a person by the name of (nante 

"Most people who get such of addressee), a resident of 

letters don't talk to anybody Chicago, 111., was identified as 

about them," Criley said. "But having been a member of the 

with at least 30 people calling Communist Party, 

us, the number sent out is con- ..jj ^^,^ ^^ ^^^^^^^^ y^^^ j,} 

servatively 100. ^e afforded an opportunity 

"They (congressmen on the ^,^^^^,.^,;^^. -j^ appear as a wit- ! 
ness before a subcommittee of 

HU^C committee) have no 
legislative purpose here at all," 
Criley said. 


nine-man House committee are 
scheduled to open a three-day 

the Committee on Un-Ameri- 
can Activities at a time, and 
place to be designated. 
' "According to the general 

hcnring here next Tuesday in practice of the committee, this 

the U.S. Courthouse "to invcs- hearing shall be conducted in 

tigatc the strategy and tactics executive session, 

of the Communist Party in the .y^^ ^^^, ^^^^ ^^^^^^^ ^^^ 

Chicago area." ^ ^, committee to subpena addi- 

■■li"s the most .stinking e.\-, tiona! witnesses, 

ample of McCanhyism I can ,, . , . ., 

, „ ^ ., . , ..T , If yo" desire to avail your- 

remember, Criley said. Its ^^,f J^ ^^^ opportunities thus 

a classic case or exposure for afforded you, you should so 

the sake of exposure. Some of advise the Director of the 

these frantic people (who re- Committee no ...:er than Tues- 

ceived the letter) might throw day, May 18, J 965. He may 
in another hundred names. 

"Ill effect, HUAC is telling 
these people thai if they don't 
appear in a closed session on 
it.-> terms, they will be named 
by somebody else in an open 

THE LETTEk in full reads: 

"Pursuant to House Rule 

XI, 26-M. the Committee on 

be reached at Room 226, Can- 
non House Office Building, 
Washington, 25, D.C.; Tel. 
Capitol 4-3121, Extension 

"This is not a subpena or a 
summons requiring you to ap- 

"Very truly yours, E. E. 
Vv'illis, Chairman." ^ 

Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 
Exhibit 21 

[Chicago Sun Times, May 19, 1965] 

OvJ ^ 


-■^"'.^^ p[>, r^-> (^ 



At least 30 Chicagoans re- 
portedly liave received letters ; 
from the House Un-American 
Activities Committee inform- , 
ing them that they were named 
as having been members of 
the Communist Party. 

The letters invite recipients 
to appear before the subcom- 
mittee "at a time and place to 
be designated." They do not 
carr/ the power of subpcna. 

^\ Cuicago Theological Sem- 
inar/ professor immediately 
assailed the letters as a "veiled 
threat that the recipients will 
be named in the Chicago hear- 

C;;r.fcl lM:::)oi;c 
Dr. Victor Obcnhrais, pro- 
fessor o;" Christian ethics and 
vice chairman of the Chicago'.ec to Defend the Sill 
of Righis. who did not receive 
a letter from the committee, 

"The whole thing is prepos- 
iCi-ous. Vvhat right do they (the 
committee) have to ask you to 
clear yourself if there are no 
ciiargcs? The veiled threat this 
contains is simply diabolic." 

The 30 or more committee 
letters were reported by the 
•recipienls to Richard Criley, 
secretary of the Bill of Rights 
Committee. 43 I S. Dearborn. 

Criley estimated that 100 or 
or more Chicaaoans have 

received letters, cxljlaining that 
"most poojile vsoulda't tell any- 
body if Ihcy got u letter of 
this type." 

'Ordinary People' 
Criley said the 30 persons | 
who telephoned his committee 
were "ordinary people who 
have been involved in some 
sort of social concern." 

He termed Ihe invitation to 
meet with the commillec an 
1 effort lO force a recipient to 
inform on other persons to I 
"save your own skin." 

Subpenas already have been i 
issued to 1 1 persons in the Chi- ' 
cago area, including Dr. Jere- 
miah Slamler, heart specialist 
for the Chicago Board of 
Health, to appear at commit- 
tee hearings in Chicago begin- 
ning next Tuesday. 
The letters, Criley said, read 

in part: =^" -■ 

"If you so desire, you will 
afforded an opportunity volun- 
tarily to appear as a witness 
before a subcommittee. 
Closed Session 
"According to the gneral 
practice of this committee, the 
j heari shall be conducted in 
I executive /.closed) jiCssion. 

"You may also request the 
: CO; .mittee to subpcna addilion- 
■ al witnesses." 

Criley said the letters carry 
the signature of Rep. Edwin E. 

Willis (D-La.), committee 

Also Tuesday, the Illinois di- 
vision of the -American Civil 
Liberties Union expressed 
"great dismay that officials of 
the Chicago Board of Health 
felt it necessary" for Dr. Stam- 
ler to sign a loyalty oath. 

Stamler signed the oath last 
week after he received the 

Franklyn S. Haiman, Illi- 
nois A.CLU chairman, said a 
.subpena from the committee 
should not be considered im- 
portant enough to provoke loy- 
alty oaths or investigations in 
city departments. 

He said the comiiiittee "per- 
sists in conduct widely discred- 
ited and condemned." 

The president of t:ie Board 
of Healfh, Dr. F.ric OiJherg. 
termed the ACLU stand "utter- 
ly ridiculous." 

Gldlicrji's Stand 

Oldberg said he had asked 

Dr. Stamler "if he would sign 

this thing to take him off the 

griddle. I didn't demand it; I 

merely asked him and he 

agreed immediately. They were 

Ij building fires under him and 

I rumors were starting." 

Oldberg said he had advised- 
against a suggestion "from 
someone that he take a leave 
of absence imtil ihe hearings 
were over." Oldberg said such 
a leave woi::>! be "an admis- 
sion of some sort of wrongdo- 

He said Dr. Stamler's work 
has been "outstanding." and 
added he would be willing to 
•appear as a witness for Dr. 

Dr. Stamler declined to 
comment on the ACLU criti- 

Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 

Exhibit 22 
[Chicago Daily News, May 19, 1965] 

alilj SHatejmieat ■^Wbim't Free 
taialer f romoi. Ainti-Kedi umm 


Although Dr. Jeremiah 
S.tiimlcr of the Chicago Board 
of Health announced he has 
signed a loyalty oath, he can- 
not be separated from those 
siitipi.'no.ed to appear before 
Ihc House Un-American Ac- 
tiviiies Committee here next 

This is the ruling of U.S. 
Rep. Edwin E. Willis (D-La,), 
Un-American Activities Com- 
miltce chairman, when advised 
by telephone that Dr. Stamler 
had issued a slalcment of loy- 
alty to the US. flag and Con- 

"That's what you say he 
said," Rep. Willis replied. 
• Dr. Stamler, 45, is a na- 
tionally known heart disease 
specialist and is director of the 
health department's adult 
health and aging department. 

DR. STAMLER'S statement, 
issued last week at the sugges- 
tion of Dr. Eric O I d b e r g, 
president of the health board, 
was apparently not considered 
a loyalty oath by either side in 
the upcoming hearings. 

"It was an oath of affirma- 
tioji, litte any of us give when 

i: _,_ 

noted with dismay the fact th::t i 
officials of the Chicago Board 
of Health felt it necessary for 
Dr. Jeremiah Stamler to sign 
a stalemcni declaring his loy- 
alty and noii-pnrlicipalion in 
'subversive" activities, what- 
ever those may be." 

we pledge allegiance to the, hearings set to begin Tucsdny 
I flag," said Chicago's chief Un-J in the U.S. Courthouse hero. 
■ American Activities Commit- 1 "i^n>, know why Cri.i.f 
tee for Richard Criley, secre-fieiiki-rt ,\„. „amcs," he saidT 
tary of the Chicago Con^itted .crider has four rinies been 
to Defend the Bill of Rights. , u r ., ^ 

"It's certainly not a loyalty """"'•' " "'""*>" "^ ""^ ^'""■ 
oath by HUAC standards." """"'*• ^^^i' '^"^ '"■ '■■'^ ""^^^ 
Rep. Willis said. He had no •I'^^n'^'' «''« charge." 
further comment on Stamler Asked if he nicanl Criley Rev. C. T. Vivian, one of the 
jiuor about the number of let- instead of Crider, Rep. Willis Rev. Martin Luther King's 
! ters sent to Chicagoaiis inviliiii;! said "Yes, I do. Criley." lieutenants, a't.ickcd the House 

Iheni to teslit> in closed ses-j The names of those known Committee hearings in a civil 
sion. The hearings open next i to be subpenaed were miide' righf: speech on the steps of 
Tuesday. ' j public, against the House Com- ^^^ Illinois Capitol. ^ 

The letters told Chicagoans mittee's Rule 26. bv another "The real di-sire of (he coni- 
they had been identified as newspaper in Chicago, which 

having been Communists and according to Criley, misquoted ^.1,7, num-'m™."wi<h' 
invited them to testify and, if hrni as a pretext for running 
I they wished, to name others, the names. 
I to help clear their names. xhe names came from the 

j Criley estimates the number Chicago Police 'Red .Squ.iJ," 
f of letters at 100, based on 30 and not from him, Criley as- 
calls his office received from serled, adding that the news- 
recipients. "Most people who paper had the nairurs long be- TOiips.) 
get stich letters don't talk to fore he did. ^.^^ ^h..,- .,„,„ „f .^e chi- 

THE AMERICAN Civil '^^S" Committee to Defend the 
Liberties Union, meanwhile B'" °^ •^'S'^'^- University of 
attacked the subpen.-. of Dr. Chicago Prof. Robert J. Hav- 
S;,i,Mlcr "from a Congressional iS^^"^^. has been out of town 
cxhimillcc which persists in since the hearings were an- 
condiicting hearinj'- vUely , """""^^d a week ago. 

rodiled and Ciindemned Th« committee, however, in 
even by American President." ' his absence, has planned a 
Franklyu S. Haiman, ACLU '■^'IV '° P^°'"' the .hearings at 
chairman in Illinois, wrote Dr ' P-"'- Sunday in Ihc I-irst 
Oldberg that the ACLU "has Congregational Church of Chi- 
cago, 1613 W. _Wasliington. 

mittoo is to nssnssiivilc Ihc civil 

(aclics, and to go after SNCC 
and CORE." (Student Non- 
violent Coordinating Connnit- 
tic and Congress of Racial 
Equalily, hvo active civil rights 

anybody," Criley explained. 

REP. WILLIS said the let- 
ters were standard procedure 
and were sent "to individuals 
likely to be named in a public! 
hearing" in the atmosphere "of' 
decency and fair play." | jj, 

Willis also denied responsi- 
bility for leaking the names of 
at least 1 1 persons subpenaed 
to testify before the thrcc-dny 

Stamler-Hall Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 
Exhibit 23 

[Austin News, May 19, 1965] 

3 from Anstin *^ " bponnpal 

Claims UPfi Leader 

Testify at 

mise Ileariiigs 

I A spokesman for the commit- 1 Reported to have been sub-ftlie information came from the 
|tee defending three Aastintpenaeri for the conKre-ssionalj 

resident? and eight others sub 
penaed to appear before tlie 
[House T'n- American Activities 
committee at its May 25-27 
hearings indicated that a United 
Properly Group spoltesman 
may also testify. 

"But there's this differ- 
ence," said Klclwrd Crilcy, 
sccretaiy to the Oiicago com- 
mittee to Defend tlie Bill of 
Rights, "this UPG spokes- 
I man, who has a funny sound- 

Iln^C It'!>1<:>n name, would have 
vnlnnteered his testimony and 
wniiUi tliiis be what is called 
a friendly witness. The per- 
sons who are subpenacd are 

committee hearings were Mrs, 
Yolanda Kail, 5515 Race; Loui 
Deskin, whose last knmvn adi- 
dress was 4639 Jackson and 
Mrs. Helen Fotine Queen, 5017 

Deskin, contacted at the 
Modem Book Store, 56 E. Chi- 
cago, which he manages, said 
he had been advised not to 
answer any questions, referring 
callers to the Defend the Bill 
of Rights committee. 

"All of the snbpenaed peo- 
ple met last nislit," he said 
Fridiiy, "und were advised to 
refer ev<Tyona to tlie com- 
mittee. Tliere's a legal ques- 
tion invoIveiL" — .: _, 

Criley said attorneys for his 

, . ^. ... i . comruutee hoped to obtain a 
considered by the public to be i^^^^^^ jnjuncUon igainst the 
unwilling to appear." May 25-27 hearings based on 

Robert Bacigalupo, UPGj a violation of the Un-American 
president, said he had not been j Activities committee rules pro- 
asked to appear at the hear- hibiting release of the names of 
in':s, adding however, that he those subpenacd prior to the 

believed UPG efforts had been 
'instrumental in bringing the 
|activitie.s of some Au.stin resi- 
I dents to the attention of the 
Iprojier authorities. 


He claims someone associated' 
with that committee purposely 
"leaked" the names to a re- 
porter on a daily newspaper. 
Anot her source, however, claims 

policemen wlio served tlie sub- 

• • • 

Deskin, who reportedly car- 
ries leftist literature in his 
book store, is listed as once 
serving as the New York chair- 
man of the Labor Youth league, 
earlier known as the Young 
Communist league. 

Mi-s. Queen is tlie wife of 
Daniel Queen, clcirged with 
heading the lOinois youth 
section of the Communist 
party by tiie subversive activi- 
ty control board. He was 
ordered in Ififi." to register as 
a nieniJ)er of the Cotnniunist 
p:irty under Ihc McCarron 
a<'t but refused fo do so. 
Mrs. HaU, wif^ of Charles! 
HaU, who reportedly was re- 
moved from his post as a volun- 
teer leader with the Cub Scouts, 
is employed as an assistant to 
Dr. Jeremiah Stamler, board! 
of health heart specialist, also 

Dr. Stamler has since signed 
a loyalty oath. 

Page I2N*A— May 19, 1965 


Heard And Seen 


I'OMTIC^L rillLOSOl'HV- "I am not afraid of catastrophe 
in the war. I am, howe\ei-. afraid, antt deeply afraid, of the 
desiruition of our lepublii nn form of government under excuse 
of war."- Col. ROBERT R. McCORMICK (1943). 

TIM-; 1'X-A.MI;KICAX congressional committee may find a 
/eriile field heiv. Holh pro anrl anii-conimvinisli, will be called to 
obtain information. A w.jiri.-m in 19-10 was . 
"leiii.sed a teacliing position in the CliioH;;o 
scliDol.s on c^rouiicLs of Communist connec- 
tiiiii.-;." One vvoiiclers why .-^hc is now in the 
CTliicago Jleallli dept. - acting as an alfle to 
a prominent iihy.^ician? She is on the federal 
pajioll at $775 per month. '- -. 

.^2-S10O— Rfi— nt o 1R 


Cohen Exhibit No. 1 





BOM. COWW C. WlLUf , •! «1. , 


«9m «•«•• MUtM U, C«lMA. by ki« attency, RiclMtrd OrlilMll. 

Mi4 ^etiUaa* thU Ctmtt tor l«av« t9 4a»«rvMM !« CIm •b»v« cayUos*^ 

to Mpiwvt •! Um tor«g«iii9 IP«tili«a jpUiatltf •talc* &• £oUow«t 
i, PUtotm !• a cttioMi of tiM aut« of lUiaala mmA ui ikm Uftit«4 
$t«l««. Platotilf U tlM £jt«c«Uv« Director •! P*rkvi«w Hmt***. a Wm* 
tor tk» m^94 •9«rat«4 by Parkview itanaa, aa wOaeoryaratad clMrttaUa 
tealltaliMk aUtUatod wttk tka Jawiali Fa4ar«tioa tt Ma«rafallfta» Cklcag*. 
«iach alao la a abarUabU argaalaah— , PtolaMfff baMa a Maatar af 
SMial 5ta4laa (fct.S.S.) 4agraa Irani tka Ualyaraity af CMcaga Icb — I 
a< SMial Sarvlea AdntoiatraUaa. 

2. Tba Aalaiiteata to tba abaifa> «ap 4 i aaad a«it hava eaaaa« to 
ba U»««4 vmA aarvaA mpaA pattttasar tkal caruto aabpaaaa, a eeyy of wbtob ia 
■■■•■■i hrnm^m aa Xahlbit i» whicb «lraeta ptolattlf to «pp«ar balara tba 
Itoaaa Om-Amaricaa AetlvlUaa Committaa. •* a AOy aypatota4 aab* 

Cohen Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 

«Mr.aaltt«« tk«r«of . U te <«ftr«tt*4 la Ckicaf** lUlM^a, o« M»y li« 
IHS. at 10: !• A.M. 

nilaai** k«lk fHr^imiy *a4 is «oaJttacttoa witk vsrio«« civic org«ais«> 
tiMit, ia •ff«tt« t« ••ear* f«r M«§r« eittB^a* Vkm H§JU» gmmtvKt—A 
tkmm hf tlM l«4«ral CMiatitatioa. PatiUwMr aUef^a ap«a iafonnatlMi 
•a4 b«ii«l tlMt ••rt«ia p«v«aa«t •obr* •! iHk»a» arc aan*4 la tli« •aMMM 
•tl«ek^4 lMr«to» aaA •on* ot «li»«« a*»>*^ aad i4«alitl«^ ar* aalcaowa 
to ^ttioaor, kavo iadacod 4ttl«a4«fat« to i««a« a Otthfooaa to potitloaov* 
aot Cor aay airtlwrlaod or logltiirtat* l«gi«lali'r« paryeao or iavo*tlga- 
tioau k«t aololy la or4*r to laMv>l4at« mnA 4ot«r potitioaor aad otkor* 
who kavo carrio4 oa bocIi aotivitio*. feM>tli to Ckleago aad olrowkor* to 
tiM Uaitod 9tal««« from carryiag oa tiMao aetlvitio^ la tli« fataro. 

4. Potitioacr iMroto •4ovt» uid roaiiogos a* thovgli folly cot 
fortk lioroto, aa4 a« tfemigh allogo4 oa boliall of potltlMMr. tko foUov 
iaf paragraflM of tlM ootrplaiat filod la tko al»ovo-caftioao4 mattor: 

3. 4. 9. «. t. 9. 10(a). U. U. IS. 14. 1». 16. IT. 

aad IS. 

PotltioiMr (artlMr praya tkat tko Coart graat to hian. aad 
for kia koaaOt, tto roll^ ro<|ao*to4 to tko Conylalat flloa koroia. 

WHSRSroaC Potlttoaor rospoctfoUy ro^aoata tkat tko Coart 
graat loavo to i^atitioaor to ia*orvoao to tko okovo-eaptioaMMl ■rvMtor 

Cohen Exhibit No. 1 — Continued 

M mm aMiUoMl p*vly yUiatilf . Md tlMt tkm Urmfim^ P*tittM staMi 
M pUUAlfTs eacTiplAbift Ui lki« natUr. 

lUcka^ Orlikotf 
Chicftgo. UUmoIs 


Committee Exhibit No. 1 

mspimssts ihstrict of illhiois 


JMB4IAH STAMLER, M.D., et al, ) 

Plaintiffs, ) 

V. ) BO. 65 C 800 

Hon. Bdvin E. Willis^ et al., ) 

Defendants. ) 


This matter coming on to be heard on the notions of plain- 
tiffs. Joined in by intervenor, Milton M. Cohen, for a tenporary 
restraining order, to require defendants to respond to plaintiffs' 
coiqplaint and for an order flxizig the date upon vfalch to convene 
a three Judge Court, and the Court having heard argument of counsel 
and being fully advised In the premises; 

IT IS HBRSBY OREBRBD that the motions of plaintiffs. Joined 
in by said intervenor, be and the same hereby are denied. 

rr IS FURTHER OREBBXD that the complaint and the intervening 
cczplalnt be and the same are hereby dismissed. 


CJulius J. Hoffnan3 J U D G B 
ATED: May 2k, 1965 



A Page 

Acheson (Dean) 679, 686 

Albizu Campos, Pedro 711 

Alfred, Helen 737 

Allen, James S 630-632 

Andelman, Samuel L 790, 793-795, 797-800, 802-805 

Anderson, Felix 615 

Aptheker, Herbert 583, 632 

Ashbrook, John M 762, 764 


Bacigalupo, Robert 809 

Baird, William T 785-787,796,801 

Baldwin, Hanson W 675 

Batista (Fulgencio) 735 

Bauer, Catherine K 737 

Ben-Gurion (David) 608 

Bernal, J. D 674 

Bernstein (Eduard) 618 

Bittehnan, Alexander 631 

Blakeslee, Alton 790, 795, 799, 800 

Bragdon, J. S 670 

Bridges, Harry 604, 757 

Briggs, Cyril 608 

Browder (Earl) 618,691,708 

Brown, Archie 687 

Buchanan, John H., Jr 762, 765 

Bundesen, Herman 790, 794 

Bush, Earl 799, 800 


Campos, Pedro Albizu. (See Albizu Campos, Pedro.) 

Castro, Fidel 608, 736 

Clark, Grace 761 

Clark (Joseph S.) 686 

Clawson, Del 762, 764 

Cochran '758 

Cohen, Milton M. (Mitchell) 793,794,797,798,801,810-813 

Cole, Albert M 740 

Cresap, Mark W., Jr 675 

Criley, Richard L 785, 787," 7937 796, 799," 800," 801, 806-809 


Daley (Richard J.) 598,789,799,800,802-804 

Davis, Ben 687 

Debs. Eugene 660 

Depres 595 

DeSapio, Carmine 686 

Diskin, Louis (bom Harry L. Diskin) 793, 794,~797,~798,~801, 809 == 

^ Appears as Crowley. 
2 Appears as Deskin. 



Douglas (Paul H.) 580,597 

DuBois, W. E. B 583,584 

Dulles, John Foster 596, 671 

Eastland, James O 742 

Eaton, Cyrus 673 

Eisenhower (Dwight D.) 597, 598, 607, 670, 675, 678, 737, 738 

Engels (Friedrich) 665 

Englestein, David 793, 794, 797, 798, 801 


Farley, Will 604 

Finletter, Thomas 686 

Flynn, Elizabeth Gurley 687 

Franco (Francisco) 620 

Freeman (Orville L.) 604 

Friedlander, Benjamin Max 793.794,797,798,801 


Gates, John W 584,609,618,691,708 

Gompers (Samuel) 660 

Green, Gilbert (Gil) 584,596,688 


Haiman, Franklyn S 807,808 

Hall, Charles 809 

Hall, Flo 760 

Hall (Gus) 713 

Hall, Yolanda F 762, 764, 771, 777, 783, 789, 790, 

792-794, 797, 798, 801, 809, 810 

Hathaway (Clarence) 733 

Havighurst, Robert J 785, 796 

Hayes, Dorothy M. (Mixter) 793.797,798,801 

Higgins, Jennie 720 

Hoffman, Julius J 813 

Holland, Albert 761 

Holmes, Lola Belle 576, 761 

Humphrey, Hubert H 674, 801 


Ibarruri, Dolores 620 

Ichord, Richard H 762,' 764' 


Jackson, James E 609-611, 632 

Jackson. Jim 702, 703 

Javits (Jacob K.) 604 

Jenner. Albert E.. Jr 780 

Jennings. Leon Jov (Mrs. William Henrv Jennings, also known as 

Gurley) 793, 794, 797, 798, 801 

Johnson, Christine C 761 

Johnson. Lael F 780 

Johnson. Lyndon (B.) 598.686 

Jones, Wilberforce (Cox) 793, 794, 797, 798 


Keating (Kenneth B.) 604 

Kennedy (John F.) 580,724,726.793,794 

Kennedy, Robert (F.) 742 

Kevserling, Leon 674 

Khrushchev, Nikita Sergeevich 580, 593, 598, 606, 607, 669, 

673, 675. 676, 678, 680, 684, 725, 728, 740 

^ Incorrectly spelled Ichard. 

INDEX iii 

King, Martin Luther, Jr ^ 808 

Kinoy, Arthur 780 

Kunstler, William M 780 

Kushner, Sam 579 


LaFollette (Robert M.) 660 

Lehman, Herbert 686 

Lenin (V. I) 621,633,634,641,665 

Lewis, James S 785,801,806 

Lightfoot, Claude (M.) 793,794 

Lovestone (Jay) 618, 691, 708 

Lumer, Hyman 619, 669, 670, 747 


MaeDougall, Curtis 785, 796^ 

Marcantonio, Vito 737 

Marx (Karl) 599, 633, 634, 639, 665 

Mayhew 757 

McCarthy (Joseph R.) 587,588 

McClellan (John L.) 682 

McCormick, Robert R 809 

McDonald, David J 723 

Mclnerney, Thomas S 789,792,799,^800,^804^ 

Mead, Margaret 761 

Meany, George 686, 695, 723, 724, 726, 729 

Mikoyan (Anastas I.) 604 

Miller, Versta 793, 794, 797, 798, 801 

Morray, Joseph P 609 

Morris, George 583 

Mujal (Eusebio) 735 


Nabried, Thomas (Tom) 606 

Nixon (Richard M.) 686 


Obenhaus, Victor 785, 796, 807 

Oldberg, Eric 802-805, 807, 808 

Orlikoff, Richard 810, 812 


Perlo 747, 748 

Pool, Joe R 762, 764 

Powell, Adam Clayton 686 

Proxmire (William) 686 


Queen. Daniel (Danny) 793, 794, 801, 809 

Queen, Helen Fotine (Mrs. Daniel Queen, nee Pantazopoulos) 793, 

794, 797,=" 798,' 801, 809 


Randloph, A. Philip 684, 695, 724, 726, 729, 761 

Reston, James 675 

Reuther, Walter 723, 725 

Robeson 584, 623 

Rockefeller, Nelson (A.) 675, 676, 679, 686, 723 

Roosevelt, Eleanor (Mrs. Franklin Delano Roosevelt) 686, 740 

Roosevelt (Franklin Delano) 646,661 

■^ Appears as MacDougUas. 

2 Api)ears as Thomas J. Mclnerney. 

' Appears as Helen Futine Queen. 


S Page 

Saflfold, Lula A 761 

Schactman 758 

Senner. George F., Jr 762,765 

Shell. Bishop 596 

Slmkhovltch, Mary 737 

Sobell, Morton 688 

Stamler, Jeremiah 762, 

763. 771. 773. 777, 781, 782, 789-795, 797-805, 807. 808. 810, 813 

Stamler. Rose (Mrs. Jeremiah Stamler) 789-792, 7^,795 

Stengel 595 

Stevenson (Adlai E.) 598 

Stocker 761 

Stratton (William G.) 597 

Strauss, Nathan 737 

Stuart, Mary 809 

Sullivan, Don 792 

Sullivan, Thomas P 780 


Taft, Robert 737 

Thompson, Robert (Bob) 584,596,68a 

Togliatti, Palmiro 620 

Trujillo (Rafael L.) 735 

Truman (Harry S.) 598.686 

Tuck, William M 762,764 


Vivian, C. T 808 

Vladeck, B. Charney 737 


Wagner, Robert F 737 

Wallace (Henry A.) 661,662 

Weinstock, Louis 760 

Weltner, Charles L 762, 764 

Wilkinson, Frank 806 

Willis, Edwin E 762. 764, 810, 813 

Winston, Henry 584, 596, 688 

Wolf, Arnold Jacob 7^5,796 

Wood, Edith Elmer 737 



ACLU. (Sec American Civil Liberties Union.) 

ADA. (See Americans for Democratic Action.) 

AP^'L. ( Sec American Federation of Labor. ) 

AFIt-CIO. (.S'cc American Federation of Labor-Congress of Indu.strial 

Abraham Lincoln Brigade. (See entry under International Brigade, 

Fifteenth. ) 

Abraham Lincoln School 801 

American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) 80S 

Chicago 596 

Illinois 807 

American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born 596, 717 

American Federation of Labor (AFL) 580,660,665,666 

Labor's League for Political Education (LLPE) 730 

American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations 

(AFI^CIO) 581, 

604. 661, 668. 670. 683. 684. 695, 712, 724-726, 729, 737, 758 

Committee on Political Education (COPE) 596,508,687,730 



American Forum 757 

American Friends Service Committee. (See entry under Religious Society 

of Friends. ) 

American Labor Party 604 

American Labor Party (New York) 660,661 

American Motors Corp 675 

American Negro Labor Council. (See Negro American Labor Council.) 

American Society for Clinical Investigation 791, 795 

Americans for Democratic Action (ADA) 686,748 

Automobile, Aircraft and Agricultural Implement Workers of America, 

United 6»4, 686, 729, 793, 801 

Local 734 (Chicago, 111.) 793 

Bethlehem Steel Corp 605 

British Labor Party 664 


CIO. (See Congress of Industrial Oranizations.) 

COPE. (See American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Or- 
ganizations, Committee on Political Education.) 
CORE. ( See Congress of Racial Equality. ) 

Central Society for Clinical Research 791, 795 

Chicago Board of Education 793 

Chicago Board of Health 7^3, 789, 792, 797, 798, 801-803, 805, 807, 808 

Division of Adult Health and Aging 763, 795, 799, 800, 802-805 

Heart Di.sease Control Program 763, 764, 795 

Chicago Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy. (See entry under National 
Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy. ) 

Chicago Committee for Equal Education 761 

Chicago Committee to Defend Democratic Rights 596 

Chicago Committee to Defend the Bill of Rights 785- 

787, 793, 796, 799^801, 806-809 
Chicago Council of American-Soviet Friendship. (See entry under Na- 
tional Council of American-Soviet Friendship. ) 

Chicago Health Research Foundation 763, 764 

Commission on Race and Housing 739 

Communist Party, Cuba (also known as Popular Socialist Party, Cuba) 736 

Communist Party, Iraq 620 

Communist Party, Italy 620 

Communist Party of the United States of America : 
National Structure : 

Education Department 603 

Farm Commission 631 

National Committee 576, 583, 584, 

586, 599, 602, 609, 618, 619, 621, 701, 710, 719, 733, 744, 745, 753 

Executive Committee 617, 631, 632, 711, 713 

Negro Commission 631 

National Conventions and Conferences : 

Sixteenth Convention, February 9-12, 1957, New York City 584, 

586, 607, 617, 618, 622, 624, 627. 704, 715, 746, 751 
Seventeenth Convention, December 10-13, 1959, New York City__ 576, 
581, 582, 584, 586, 587, 593, 599. 601, 604, 622, 627, 630, 631, 669, 693, 
710, 711, 713, 714, 719, 733, 744, 746-751, 754, 755. 
Districts : 

Michigan District 718 

Southern California District : 
Moranda Smith Section : 

West Jefifer.son Club 612 


Communist Party of the United States of America — Continued 

States and Territories : -^^se 

Illinois 575-751 

State Board 575, 576, 592, 751 

State Committee 575, 577, 583, 593, 601 

State Commissions : 

Peace Commission 747, 748 

Youth Commission 600, 748 

State Conventions and Conferences : 

Convention, first session, November 21-22, 1959, Chicago, 

111 584, 622 

Convention, second session, January 24-25, 1960, Chi- 
cago, 111 590 

Chicago Area : 

Albany Park Section 623, 625, 626, 628 

Debs Club 626 

Douglas-Lincoln Section 625^ 

Hansbrough Section 625. 626, 628 

Hyde Park Section 585,599,625.626,628 

Johnstone Section 625, 626. 628 

Leiber Section 625. 626, 628 

Loop Section 585,623,626,628 

Ninth Congressional District Section. 585, 599, 623, 625, 626. 628 

South Chicago Section 625,628 

South Side Club 623 

South Side Section 623,625,626,628 

Southeast Section 625, 626, 628 

Southwest Section 625, 626, 628 

Thirteenth Congressional District Section— 623,625.626,628 

Tvpelfth Congressional District Section 585,625,626,628 

Wagenknecht Section 580, 583, 625, 626, 628 

West Side Club 623 

West Side Section 585, 592, 599, 623, 625. 626, 628 

Industrial Division 623 

New York State : 

Industrial Division 605 

New York County (Manhattan) 740 

State Committee 733 

Communist Party, Soviet Union : 

Twentieth Party Congress, February 1956, Moscow 641 

Twenty-first Congress, January 27-February 5, 1959, Moscow 619, 641 

Communist Party, Spain 620 

Conference for International Cooperation Year (Montreal, Canada) 761 

Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) 580, 596, 660, 665, 666 

Political Action Committee (PAC) 730 

Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) 808 

Cook County Bar Association (Illinois) 595 


Democratic Federation of Illinois 596 

Democratic Party (USA) 660,661.663,675,686.688 

California : 

Democratic Clubs 686 

Illinois 596-598 

National Committee — Advisory Council 675 


BiConomic Club 723 

Freedom of the Press Committee, Chicago. (See entry under National 
Committee for Freedom of the Press. ) 

^ Also referred to as Lincoln-Douglas. 

INDEX, vli 

G Page 

General Dynamics Corp 675 

General Electric Co 675 

General Motors Corp. : 

La Grange, 111. (Electro-Motive Division) 793 

Housing Study Guild 7S7 


Illinois Manufacturers Association 595 

Inter-American Regional Organization of Workers (ORIT) 735 

International Brigade, Fifteenth (also referred to as Abraham Lincoln 
Brigade) : 

Abraham Lincoln Brigade 793, 794 

Jewish Labor Committee 758 

Ku Klux Klan 784 


LLPE. (See American Federation of Labor, Labor's League for Political 

Labor Housing Conference 737 

Labor Youth League 793, 794, 809 

Liberal Party (New York) 686 

Lockheed Aircraft Corp 675 

Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, International 724, 758 

Lower East Side Housing Conference 737 


Manufacturing Chemists Association 676 

Michigan Commonwealth Federation 660 

Minnesota Farmer-Labor Partv 660 

Modern Book Store (Chicago, 111.) 583,793,794,801,809 


NAACP. {See National Association for the Advancement of Colored 

People. ) 
NALC. (See Negro American Labor Council.) 
NAM. (See National Association of Manufacturers.) 

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People ( NAACP )_ 602, 

683, 700, 742, 761 

National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) 723 

National Association of Real Estate Boards 740 

National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy ( SANE ) : 

Chicago Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy 595 

National Committee for Freedom of the Press : 

Chicago 760 

National Committee To Abolish the Un-American Activities Committee— 806 
National Council of American-Soviet Friendship : 

Chicago Council 595 

National Public Housing Conference 737 

Negro American Labor Council (NALC) 729,761 

Negro Voters Association 687 

New York Labor Forum 758 


ORIT. (See Inter-American Regional Organization of Workers.) 



PAC. (See Congress of Industrial Organizations, Political Action 
Committee.) Page 

Parent Teachers Association 748 

Popular Socialist Party, Cuba. {See Communist Party, Cuba.) 

Populist Party 660, 662 

Progressive Labor Movement 784 

Progressive Party 660, 662, 663 

Proletarian Party (Chicago, 111.) 757 

Religious Society of Friends : 

American Friends Service Committee 801 

Chicago Office 761 

Republican Party 597, 598, 660, 663 


SANE. {See National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy.) 
SNCO. ( See Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. ) 

Social Democratic Federation 758 

Socialist Party (U.S.A.) 660,662 

Chicago, 111 757, 758 

Socialist Workers Party (Chicago, III.) 757,758 

Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) 808 

Student Peace Union 595 


Teamsters, Chauflfetirs, Warehousemen and Helpers of America, Inter- 
national Brotherhood of 580, 726 

Todd Shipyard 605 

Twenty-Sixth of July Movement (Cuba) 736 

UAW. {See Automobile, Aircraft and Agricultural Implement Workers 

of America, United.) 
UPG. ( See United Property Group. ) 

United Property Group (UPG) 809 

TT.S. Government: 

Commerce Department 676 

Federal Housing Administration. {See entry under Housing and 
Home Finance Agency. ) 

Federal Public Housing Authority 739 

Housing and Home Finance Agency 740 

Federal Housing Administration (FHA) 739 

Urban Renewal Administration 739 

Justice Department: 

Federal Bureau of Investigation 797, 798 

Labor Department 581, 603 

Subversive Activities Control Board (SACB) 581,603 

Urban Renewal Administration. {See entry under Housing and Home 
Finance Agency.) 
University of Illinois (Urbana, 111.) 596,624 


Voice of Women (Canada) 761 

Voice of Women (U.S.A.) 761 


Washington (State) Commonwealth Federation 660 

Westinghouse Electric Corp 675 

White Citizens Council (Mississippi) 742,743 

Women's Peace & Unity Club 761 

Woodworkers of America, International 728 

Workmen's Circle 758 



World Federation of Trade Unions 666, 730 

World Youth Festivals : 

Seventh Youth Festival, July 26-August 4, 1959, Vienna 582, 583 

Eighth Youth Festival, July 29-August 6, 1962, Helsinki, Finland 761 


YPSL. (See Young People's Socialist League.) 

Young Communist League, U.S.A 793, 809 

Young People's Socialist League (YPSL) 757 



American Socialist 758 


Chicago Acts for Peace 761 

Chicago Tribune 595 


Daily Worker 609, 715, 719 

Declaration of the Conference of 12 Communist Parties (Moscow, Novem- 
ber 1957) (also known as Declaration of Communist and Workers Parties 
of Socialist Countries) 617,620,641 

Fortune (July 1958) 669 


Journal of Atherosclerosis Research 763 


Labor's Economic Review (June-July 1959) 670 

Left Wing Communism, An Infantile Disorder 621 

Morning Freiheit 609 

Nation's Business (October 1959) 672, 673 

People's World 582 

Political Affairs 579, 583, 618, 690, 707, 711 

Pride of State (book) 609 


War Economy and Crisis 670 

War, Peace, and Change (1931) 671 

Worker, The 579, 582, 584, 592, 618, 623-625, 

690, 707, 711, 715, 717, 719, 733, 734, 736, 747, 749, 754, 760 

Midwest Edition 600, 733, 749, 760 

World Without War 674 



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