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Full text of "Communist methods of infiltration (education) Hearings"

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COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION 



(EDUCATION— PART 4) 



HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE 

COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 

c..^... jjQ^gjj ()F' rMesentatiyes 

EIGHTY-THIRD CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 



APRIL 23 AND 27, 1953 



Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
INCLUDING INDEX 





UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
^172 WASHINGTON : 1953 




Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

■tiJNS11053 



COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 

United States House of Representatives 

HAROLD H. VELDE, Illinois, Chairman 
BERNARD W. KEARNEY, New York FRANCIS E. WALTER, Pennsylvania 

DONALD L. JACKSON, California MORGAN M. MOULDER, Missouri 

KIT CLARDY, Michijian CLYDE DOYLE, California 

GORDON H. SCHERER, Ohio JAMES B. FRAZIER, JR., Tennessee 

Robert L. Kuxzig, Counsel 

Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., Counsel 

LODis J. Russell, Chief InvcstUjator 

Thomas W. Bealb, Sr., Chief Clerk 

Raphael I. Nixon, Director of Research 

II 



CONTENTS 



April 23, 1953: 

Testimony of — Page 

Norman Levinson 1073 

Theodora Goldstein 1108 

Arthur L. Levy 1124 

April 27, 1953: 

Testimony of — 

John Henry Reynolds 1131 

Courtney E. Owens 1144 

Index _ 1147 

m 



The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities operates is Public Law 601, 79th Congress [1946], chapter 
753, 2d session, which provides : 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States 
of America in Congress assembled, * * * 

PART 2— RULES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

Rule X 

SEC. 121. STANDING COMMITTEES 
******* 

17. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 

Rule XI 

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES 
******* 

((]) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(A) Uu-American activities. 

(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommit- 
tee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) the extent, 
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks 
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and 
(iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any neces- 
sary I'emedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such 
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, 
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 

V 



RULES ADOPTED BY THE S3D CONGRESS 
House Resolution 5, January 3, 1953 

Rule X 

STANDING COMMITTEES 

1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Con- 
gress, the following standing committees : 

(q) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members. 

Rule XI 

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES 
******* 

17. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American Activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, 
is authorized to make from time to time, investigations of (1) the extent, char- 
acter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American prop- 
aganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and 
attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu- 
tion, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress 
in any necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times 
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has 
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by such chairman, and may be served by any person desig- 
nated by any such chairman or member. 

VI 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION 
(Education— Part 4) 



THURSDAY, APRIL 23, 1953 

United States House of Representatives, 
Subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D. C. 

PUBLIC hearing 

The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, 
pursuant to recess, at 10 : 35 a. m., in the caucus room, room 362, Old 
House Office Building, Hon. Harold H. Velde (chairman) presiding. 

Committee members present: Representatives Harold H. Velde 
(chairman), Kit Clardy, Gordon H. Scherer (appearance noted in 
transcript), Morgan M. Moulder, Clyde Doyle (appearance noted in 
transcript) , and James B. Frazier, Jr. 

Staff members present : Robert L. Kunzig, counsel ; Frank S. Taven- 
ner, Jr., counsel; Louis J. Russell, chief investigator; Raphael I. 
Nixon, director of research; Donald T. Appell and Courtney E. 
Owens, investigators; and Thomas W. Beale, Sr., chief clerk. 

Mr. Velde. The committee will come to order. 

Let the record show I have appointed a subcommittee consisting of 
Mr. Clardy, Mr. Moulder, and myself as chairman, for the purposes 
of this hearing. 

Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Kunzig. Prof. Norman Levinson. 

Would you be sworn, Professor Levinson ? 

Mr. Velde. In the testimony you are about to give before this sub- 
committee, do you solemnly swear you will tell the truth, the whole 
truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Dr. Levinson. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF DE. NOEMAN LEVINSON, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS 

COUNSEL, STUART C. RAND 

Mr. Kunzig, Are you represented by counsel ? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes, sir ; I am. 

Mr. Kunzig. Would counsel please identify himself for the record ? 

Mr. Rand. My name is Stuart C. Rand. I am a partner in the law 
firm of Choate, Hall, and Stewart, with offices at 30 State Street, 
Boston, Mass. 

Mr. Kunzig. Would you state your full name and present address? 

Dr. Levinson. Norman Levinson, 27 Heath's Bridge Road, Con- 
cord, Mass. 

Mr. Kunzig. Would you spell Levinson ? 

1073 



1074 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Dr. Levinson. L-e-v-i-n-s-o-n. 

Mr. KuNziG. Wlien and where were you born, Professor Levinson ? 

Dr. Levinson. Aiijrust 11, 1912, Lynn, Mass. 

Mr. KuNziG. Would you outline for the subcommittee your educa- 
tional background? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. I went to the public schools of Kevere, Mass. 
I took a bachelor's and master's degree in electrical engineering at 
MIT, doctor of science degree in mathematics at MIT, spent a year 
visiting Cambridge University in England, spent a year and a half 
as a national research fellow at Princeton University in the Institute 
for Advanced Study. 

Mr. KuNziG. Does that complete the foraial education? 

Dr. Levinson. That's right. 

Mr. KuNziG. Now, would you outline your employment back- 
ground ? 

Dr. Levinson. Since February in 1937 I have be^n employed by 
MIT. 

Mr. KuNziG. In what capacity are you presently employed there? 

Dr. Levinson. I am professor of mathematics. 

Mr. KuNziG. Are you in the same department, then, as Professor 
Martin who testified here yesterday? 

Dr. Levinson. That is correct. 

Mr. KuNziG. He is the cliairman of your department? 

Dr. Levinson. That's right. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you ever teach at any other institution or school ? 

Dr. Levinson. No, sir. I did not. 

Mr. KuNziG. You have always been at MIT? 

Dr. Levinson. That's right. 

]Mr. KuNziG. You were a student at MIT? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

Mr. KuNZG. Professor Levinson, have you at any time been a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes; I was. 
\ Mr. KuNziG. When did you first become a member of the party ? 

Dr. Le^^nson. I believe in the early fall of 1937. 

Mr. KuNziG. Would 3'ou tell the subconmiittee Avhat caused you to 
become a member of the Communist Party? 

Dr. Levinson. I think mainly the depression, with the unemploy- 
ment that was widely prevalent at that time among my classmates, 
and more especially among scientists, made me think very much about 
the situation, and at that time I finally came to the conclusion that 
capitalism was not working and that perhaps the solution was 
socialism. 

Mr. KuNziG. Are you still a member of the Communist Party, sir? 

Dr. Levinson. I am not. 

Mr. KuNziG. When did you leave the party ? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, I sort of drifted out, and my last couple of 
years in the party are very hazy. I think I attended meetings very 
spottily. The best date I can give you on that is the spring or sum- 
mer of 1945. 

Mr. KuNziG. Were you out of the Communist Party before it 
dropped the name Communist Political Association and reverted to 
the Connnunist Party ? 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1075 

Dr. Levinson. I really don't remember. That period is one in 
^vhich I had considerable antagonism and dispute with some of the 
leaders of the Communist Party and, so, I'm very hazy on what was 
going on in the Communist Party at that time. 

Mr. KuNziG. What was the first cell or group to which you w^ere 
attached? 

Dr. Levin SON. A group that met in — near Harvard Square. 

Mr. KuxziG. Was that the group at MIT or was it another group ? 

Dr. Levinson. No; no. To the best of my knowledge, there was 
no group at MIT at all at that time. 

Mr. KuNziG. What time are we talking about now ? 

Dr. Levinson. The fall of 1937. That is the first 

Mr. KuxziG. Right. 

Dr. Levixsox. That is the first group. 

As I remember, the people I met w^itli were graduate students or 
assistants, the people very low in the academic ladder, so to speak. I 
was instructor at that time, and we would meet — I don't remember 
whether it was once a week or once in two weeks — at the apartment 
of one of the members. 

Mr. KuxziG. Was that the unit Eobert Gorham Davis was in? 

Dr. Levixson. No: it wasn't. 

Mr. KtxziG. Can you recall any of the names of the fellow mem- 
bers of the Communist Party with whom you met in this group that 
you are now referring to? 

Dr. Levixsox. Well, having read the records of the Davis testimony 
and having been here yesterday, I have been refreshed quite a bit on 
some of these names which I had certainly forgotten, actually ; but 
I do remember — I think I remember this gi'oup better than any other 
group because it was the first one. It made quite an impression on me. 
This group met in the rooms of, I believe, Herbert Robbins and John 
Reynolds. I think they shared an apartment in Cambridge, and I 
think that is where we met. 

Mr. KuNziG. Now% you knew both of those men whom you men- 
tioned as members of the Communist Party ? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes; I did. 

Mr. Kux'ziG. Is that the Reynolds who w\as mentioned here yester- 
day, and who is now somewhere in Florida teaching? 

Dr. Levinson. I don't know where he is. He was mentioned in 
Davis' testimony. I don't recall that he was mentioned yesterday, 
but probably he was. 

Mr. KuxziG. At this point I would like the record to show that 
Herbert Robbins has appeared before this committee in executive 
session and has cooperated fully with the committee. 

Mr. Velde. Can you recall who it was that mentioned Mr. Reynolds 
as a member of the Communist Party yesterday, counsel ? 

Mr. KuNziG. I believe it was Professor Martin. 

Are there any other members of this group — this first group — whose 
names you can now recall, whom you knew as members of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, I believe — I'm not sure of this — well, perhaps 
if I am not sure, I better not say here. Not with certainty ; no, sir, 
unless you want — I can hazard guesses ; but I don't know that I should. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you know Paul Sweezy? 

30172— 53— pt. 4 2 



1076 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Dr. Levinsox. I knew him as a member of the Teachers' Union at 
Harvard. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you know him as a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Dr. Levinson. I did not. 

Mr. KuNziG. Now, what was the next group to which you belonged 
after the one you have just mentioned? 

Dr. Levinson. I really can't remember. It seems to me that these 
groups were constantly in a state of flux and that sometimes Harvard 
people met with MIT people ; sometimes they didn't ; sometimes 
there was a question of neighborhood groups, and so on. 

Mr. KuNziG, Did you belong to many different groups? 

Dr. Levinson. It seems to me that I belonged to a number of dif- 
ferent groups ; yes, sir. 

(Representative Gordon H. Scherer entered the hearing room at 
this point.) 

Mr. KuNziG. Can you recall any of the names — is it too confused 
in your mind today, or can you remember some of the names — of the 
groups and some of the members of these groups to which you be- 
longed ? 

(Representative James B. Frazier, Jr., entered the hearing room 
at this point.) 

Dr. Levinson. Well, I don't believe I can remember at this moment 
any more people than the ones that have already been mentioned. 

Mr. KuNziG. In your first group, did you know a Jack Rackliffe — 
R-a-c-k-1-i-f-f-e? 

Dr. Levinson. I knew the man. I don't at all recall whether he 
was in that group or not. 

Mr. KuNziG. Was he in one of your groups? In other words, did 
you know him as a Communist ? 

Dr. Levinson. I believe he was. 

Mr. KuNziG. How about Russ A. Nixon — N-i-x-o-n ? 

Dr. Levinson. I remember him as a member of the Teachei-s' Union. 

Mr. KuNziG. Do you remember him as a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Dr. Levinson. No ; I do not. 

Mr. KuNziG. Now, did you belong, in one of the groups you men- 
tioned, to the group at MIT which was testified to here yesterday? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes ; I belonged to that. 

Mr. KuNzTG. Would you name for the committee the other members 
of that group ? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, let's see — there was — there were the two men 
who testified yesterday, and Arguimbau ^ 

Mr. KuNziG. That is Martin,^ Arguimbau 

Dr. Levinson. And Amdur ^ 

Mr. KuNziG. And Amdur ? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

And Blaisdcll. 

Mr. KuNziG. Blaisdell?* 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

Mr. KuNziG. Who was mentioned here yesterday ? 



^ Lawrence Arguimbau. 
2 William Toil Martin. 
■■' Isadofo Amdur. 
* B. E. BlaisdeU. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1077 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

Mr. KuNziG. Any other members of that group that you recall 
as members of the Communist Party? 

Dr. Levinson. Let's see — Gelbart that was mentioned here yester- 
day. I remember him. 

Mr. KuNziQ. Do you have any knowledge whether Gelbart is still 
a member of the Communist Party ? 

Dr. Levinson. In 1946 or 1947—1 believe it was 1946—1 can't be 
quite sure of that — Mr. Gelbart told me that he had left the Com- 
munist Party. 

Mr. KuNziG. How about Professor Dirk Struik ? 

Dr. Levinson. Professor Dirk Struik, I think, was a member of 
that group at various times. 

Mr. KuNziG. And you knew him as a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Dr. Levinson. At least I remember him as a member of the group. 

Mr. KuNziG. And the group was an organization of the Com- 
munist Party ? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, actually, if you want to get technical on this, 
there is quite a bit confusion. I believe there was one man who at- 
tended meetings of the first group in Robbins' room who was not a 
member. At least I believe Robbins so informed me, and I think there 
was no reason why he shouldn't have been telling me the story straight. 

Mr. KuNziG. Now, you heard testimony here yesterday with regaid 
to the secrecy of this group. What is your connection with the 
secret 

Dr. Levinson. Well, I, personally, was rather outspoken in my 
beliefs and I don't think anybody who knew me at that time had any 
doubts about my beliefs. If they were willing to stand to listen, 
I would be ready to talk their ear off. 

Mr. KuNziG. Well, did the officials of your university at MIT know 
that you were a member of the Communist Party ? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, they certainly didn't know me personally. I 
think some of the older men on the staff knew very well from the way 
I talked about things. 

Mr. Kunzig. You mean they knew you were a member of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, I don't know that they knew it in such terms. 
You see, this was a different period. People were much less conscious 
of this sort of thing. 

Mr. Kunzig. Yes. 

Dr. Levinson. But they certainly knew it at that time, as in social- 
ism, as it was advocated by the Communists, and at that time I was 
very sympathetic to the position of the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Kunzig. Now, did you have a card in the Communist Party? 

Dr. Levinson. I don't remember having a card. 

Mr. Kunzig. Did you have an alias or any other name under which 
you went in the party ? 

Dr. Levinson. I believe I went under my own name. 

Mr. Kunzig. Now, Professor Levinson, you stated that you had 
been a member of many different groups, and you have also stated 
you were quite a joiner, so to speak. 

Dr. Levinson. Yes ; that's correct. 

Mr. Kunzig. There are various, different parts of that period I 
would like to question you about. 



1078 COIVEMUNIST METHODS OF IXFILTRATIOX (EDUCATION) 

The Daily Worker of March 19, 1942, contains a story, starting on 
page 1, with reference to 38 noted educators joining in a petition to 
President Roosevelt urging the pardon of Earl Browder, who at that 
time was head of the Communist Party of the United States. One 
of the names listed as signing this is Norman Levinson, assistant 
professor of mathematics, MIT. I presume you were the Norman 
Levinson. 

Dr. Levinson. That's me. 

I don't believe I was a noted educator, but that is me. 

I was active on the Committee To Free Earl Brow^der ; that is right. 

Mr. KuNziG. Can you state to the committee why you were active 
to free Earl Browder in 1942 ? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, I have always been interested in civil liberties, 
and I still am. I thought that the Browder sentence was rather severe 
for the charge. I believe I read a report of some attorney to the effect 
that on similar charges the steepest sentence before this was 1 year. 
I guess he got a 4-year sentence. That was the civil-liberty basis on it. 

Mr. KuNziG. Well, now, the Daily Worker of July 19, 1942, contains 
a reproduction of an open letter to the President of the United States 
in behalf of Harry Bridges, who at that time was under an order of 
deportation by the Attorney General of the United States. One of the 
persons identified as signing that was also this Prof. Norman Levinson. 
Was that you ? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, I don't remember this. I remember the Earl 
Browder business, but I don't remember Bridges ; but I am sure it was. 
I was in this thing, and I was quite ready to let the world know. 

Mr. KuNziG. You w^ere one of the 600 Americans who signed this, 
and you were at that time appealing in behalf of Harry Bridges? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

Mr. KuNziG. Well, could you 

Dr. Levinson. At least I am quite willing to believe that. It fits in. 

Mr. KuNziG. I will show this to you. 

Dr. Levinson. That is O. K. 

Mr. KuNziG. Would you state to the committee why you were ap- 
pealing for Harry Bridges in 1942? 

Dr. Levinson. I must say I don't remember the details of that case 
at all. It's 11 years ago, and I presume 

Mr. KuNziG. You must have 

Dr. Levinson. Presumably it was tied in with my being a member 
of the Communist Party and sympathetic in general to the program 
of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Kunzig. Well, now, you must have known, didn't you, as a 
professor at a great university, your name would lend great influence 
and weight in a list of this nature? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. Well, unquestionably whatever the statement 
says — I believed it, and was ready to support it. Of course, I sup- 
ported it as an individual — not as a — not as a member of the faculty. 

Mr. Kunzig. Were your actions influenced by your membership in 
the Connnunist Party? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, I'm sure they were. 

Mr. Kunzig. Would you say that the actions of many such people 
who signed petitions of this nature are directed, from behind the 
scenes, by the Communist Party ? 

Dr. Levinson. My actions weren't directed by the Communist 
Party. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INTILTRATIOX (EDUCATION) 1079 

Before 1942 I had had some serious disputes on various irrefutable 
questions with people pretty high up in the Communist Party. 

And some of the people in the party, like Amdur and Martin, who 
were here yesterday, never signed things like this. This was purely 
an individual matter. 

The signing of things of this nature never took place in Communist 
cell meetings. I got on the mailing list of a number of these things; 
and since I did jinswer a number of them favorably, I got on more 
mailing lists. These things broke pretty fast. 

But it wasn't a question of being directed by the Communist Party 
as such. I think it was more a question of my sympathies at that time. 

Mr. Velde. Well, do you now feel, Doctor, that the letters, original 
instructions, came from the Communist Party, that is, the source of 
the pressure that was put out at that time to have you sign these vari- 
ous letters and i-equests, and so forth, came from the American Com- 
munist Party ? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, I know much more about the Citizens' Com- 
mittee To Free Earl Browder than I do the Bridges committee. I 
don't remember the Bridges committee at all; but, as I recall it — and 
m}' memory is rather vague — as I recall it, 1 think the local Citizens' 
Committee To Free Earl Browder was detinitely Communist inspired. 

I think, also, a certain number of very sincere civil liberties people 
joined in that, perfectly — Americans who were not at all Communists 
or sympathetic with communism; but I think the original impetus 
for that came from the Communists. 

Mr. Clardy. a typical Communist trick to get a few respectable 
non-Communist names on everything they can ; isn't it ? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes; it certainly is. 

Mr. KuNziG. Do you feel today, going back to this matter concern- 
ing Earl Browder that we mentioned a moment ago, that Earl 
Browder's obtaining a passport fraudulently was a minor offense ? In 
other words, at that time you apparently did; but do you today, now 
that you are no longer a Connnunist, think that the obtaining of a 
passport to use illegally outside of this country for Communist activ- 
ities, and so forth, was a minor offense '( 

Dr. Levinson. Well, I don't know how seriously to weigh the of- 
fense. As I remember it at the time, the information that was given 
out by, I think, competent lawyers, although I am not qualified to 
judge their competence, was that in previous cases of this sort people 
got sentences of about 1 year, that no one had ever got a 4-year sentence, 
that the 4-year sentence was very severe. That was the sort of thing — 
1 lie weighing of the crime by the sentence. 

Mr. KuNziG. But today, now that you are not a Commimist 

Dr, Levinson. Yes. 

Mr. KuNziG. Do you feet that it is unimportant and minor ? 

Dr. Levinson. No; I don't think it is unimportant, and I didn't 
think it was at that time unimportant. 

Mr. KuNziG. Today would you have signed such a document ? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, I am a strong civil-liberties man. I am still 
a member of the American Civil Liberties Union, and I would support 
any such cause if the American Civil Liberties Union thought it worth- 
while. 

Mr. KuNziG. Were you a member of the American Civil Liberties 
T^niori when vou were a Communist? 



1080 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Dr. Levinson. I don't really recall. 

]Mr. KuNziG. When did you become a member of the American Civil 
Liberties Union? 

Dr. Levinson. I don't know. I would have to go back to my check- 
book and see. 

I liave never been an active member of the American Civil Liberties 
Union. I have never actively participated. I have never been to a 
meeting of the American Civil Liberties Union in my life. 

Mr. KuNziG. Now, the open letter to which we have just referred 
was sponsored by the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties 
at 1123 Broadway, New York, N. Y. They prepared a booklet re- 
producing this open letter and also reproducing the names of the 
signers. Now, I want to ask you if you still concur in a finding and a 
demand set forth in this open letter, which says : 

It is equally essential that the Attorney General's ill-advised, arbitrary, and 
unwarranted findings relative to the Communist Party be rescinded. 

In other words, this was openly asking for, supposedly, support for 
Harry Bridges, but tucked down very nicely inside was this defense 
of the Communist Party 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

Mr. KuNziG. And that was 

Dr. Levinson. I don't 

Mr. KuNziG (continuing). Signed by Prof. Norman Levinson. 

Dr. Levinson. I don't know what action was referred to. You read 
me the one sentence. 

Mr. KuNziG. Yes. 

Dr. Levinson. I don't know the whole statement. 

Mr. KuNziG. I will gladly show it to you. 

Dr. Levinson. May I see it ? 

Mr. KuNziG. Certainly ; take a look at it. 

It is the same statement we talked about a moment ago. 

Dr. Levinson. I see. 

Mr. KuNziG. Let the record show I have given the witness Levinson 
exhibit No. 1, marked so for identification. 

You will recall, I am sure, Professor Levinson, this document. 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. I have read this. I don't remember the docu- 
ment, but I see it now. 

Well, since I was at that time a member of the Communist Party 
I certainly agreed with most of the things that are in that document. 

That, of course, was during the time we were in the war, allied with 
Russia, among other things. 

Mv. Kunzig. Do you feel today that the Communist Party is a 
conspiracy? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes; I do feel that today. 

Mr. KuNziG. Would you explain in a bit more detail your viewpoint 
as to the Communist Party today, now that you are an ex-member? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. Well, I learned over the years that I 

Mr. Moulder. May I, at this point, Mr. Chairman, ask him a 
question? 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Moulder. 

Mr. Moulder. When you ceased to be a member of the Communist 
Party, what date was that — approximately ? 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1081 

Dr. Levinson, Well, it's very approximate. You see, I sort of 
petered out on the thing, and the best date I can give to that is the 
middle of 1945. It is not at all a sure date, but it's 

Mr. Moulder. Were you paying dues up until that date; that is, 
from the early fall of 1937 up until the middle of the year 1945 'i 

Dr. Levinson (continuing). As I recall 

Mr. Moulder. During all that period? 

Dr. Levinson" (continuing). As I recall, I paid dues through that 
period; that is right. 

Mr. Moulder. And you were an active member of the party during 
all of that period of time? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, sometimes inactive ; at other times active. 

Mr. Moulder. Well, were you a record or card-carrying member of 
the party? 

Dr. Levinson. Not a card-carrying member. I regarded myself as 
a member, and during most of that time I attended meetings ; that is 
right. 

Mr. Clardy. The card wasn't really essential to membership ? 

Dr. Levinson. No ; it is a matter of attitude basically, feeling you 
are a member of a group and working in the group. That is the 
essential thing. 

Mr. Clardy. Sometimes they used the card as a method of collecting 
dues, by affixing stamps to the card 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

Mr. Clardy (continuing). Or are you familiar with that? 

Dr. Levinson. I have a vague recollection of stamps; I do. 

Mr. Clardy. The committee has a number of exhibits • 

Dr. Levinson. I see. 

Mr. Clardy (continuing). Of that kind. 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

Mr. Clardy. But you didn't have that ? 

Dr. Levinson. I don't remember whether I did or didn't. 

Mr. Clardy. You were sure you were a Communist 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

Mr. Clardy (continuing). Even if you didn't have credentials? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes ; there is no question about that. 

Mr. Moulder. I merely wanted to bring up that one point, Mr. 
Counsel, and ask a question concerning his membership. 

Mr. Velde. Yes, and can you recall your question, Mr. Counsel, and 
repeat the question ? 

^ Mr. KuNziG. I believe my question was. What is your present 
viewpoint with regard to the Communist Party, and whether it is a 
conspiracy, and so forth. 

Dr. Levinson. Well, I wouldn't — I don't know whether every per- 
son who is in the Communist Party at this time realizes it, every mem- 
ber realizes it — but it seems to me that my experience in the Communist 
Party, particularly the contact I had with the leadership, would indi- 
cate these people are not independent minded at all; that tliey tend 
to follow very much the line that comes out from Moscow ; tliat they 
are essentially puppets. They liave given up their independence of 
mind and they don't think for themselves any more. 

That was the reaction that I got over the years. 

Mr. Sciierer. A man in the educational field who alines himself 
with the Communist Party gives up his academic freedom, then? 



1082 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Dr. Levinson. Well, it all dei)eiKls. You see, after all, a man who 
was born and educated in this country doesn't do that very easily. 
The leaders in the Communist Party, as I recall, certainly were of that 
cast of mind ; but it seems to me I can i-emember rather strong disputes 
between some of the academic people and some of the leadership on 
various questions. 

You see, a man — a man can't be forced at the point of a gun to 
remain a Communist. I think sometimes the Communist leadership 
put up, shall we say — I don't know how it is now, but at least at that 
time they put up with what Ave regard as some of tlie idiosyncracies 
and some of the independence of individuals in order to be able, as I 
see it now, to use them as much as they could for their purposes ; but 
I think many of the people retained a very considerable amount of 
their integrity, and I think the best proof of that is the fact that, 

although 

Mr. ScHERER. They leave the party? 
Dr. Levtxsox (continning). Yes. 

Top Connnunist Party membership, I think, was a hundred thou- 
sand, there was a big turnover. So, there must have been literally 
thousands of people who })assed through the party, and I believe I 
saw a statement by J. Edgar Hoover that the membership now is less 
than 25,000. So, most of the people did retain their integrity and 
somehow they saw at some point this is not at all what they thought it 
was and they got out. 

Mr. Scherer. Because they learned if they continued to follow the 
])arty line they would have to give u}) their academic freedom; is that 
right ? 

Dr. Levixson. Well, I mean most of the people in there certainly 

Avere not teachers. I mean, most of the 

Mr. Scherer. Well, let's talk about teachers. 
Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

Well, yes; there were various things that would be disturbing to a 
teacher in any democracy. For example, there was the Communist 
Party line on music. For some reason or another, Stalin and some 
of his henchmen set themselves up as great critics of music. The 
whole thing is absolutely ridiculous. I think music, like any other 
field, should be a free-enterprise field. I think people should Avrite 
the music they want to write. If they get an audience, fine. If they 
don't get an audience, one doesn't bring one in for them at gimpoint, 
and so on. 

Another difficult question that arose Avas in the field of biology. I 
am not a biologist and I wouldn't even attempt to decide on the merits 
of the dispute in genetics, but what disturbed me very much about 
the dispute Avas that the Communist government in Russia took an 
official position that one side was right and one side Avas Avrong. It 
doesn't matter whether the position they took was right or wrong. 
Most geneticists, I believe, feel the government in that case took the 
wrong position. That isn't the important thing. The important 
thing is that it is the death of science if the goA^ernment mixes in and 
it has an official position in science. Science can't go that way. 
Science has to be absolutely open, free; ideas liaA'e to compete, be 
throAvn around betAveen men and survive if they meet the test, and 
if they don't meet the test they go. No scientist can subscribe to any 
government science. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF LNTFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1083 

Mr. Clardy. That is, any scientist who is not a Communist? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, I think on this particular rock the Communist 
Party lost a tremendous number of people in the long run. 

Mr. Clardy. Well, that separated the men from the boys, more or 
less, didn't it ? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

Mr. ScHERER. Well, a man with, say, your educational qualifica- 
tions and background. Doctor, who would remain in the Communist 
Party, after all that has transpired and after all the light that has 
been thrown on the Communist conspiracy in this country — wouldn't 
that individual, if he remains a strong party member today, have to 
give up his academic freedom? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, I believe there are s#me things that show now. 
I don't know about today, but even in fairly recent years that isn't 
quite the case. My feeling is that a man who remains a Communist 
today should have his mind examined, in that he is probably a rather 
maladjusted individual or else a man who is blind in certain areas, 
who lives in a dream world and doesn't recognize reality; and there 
are such people. 

I think there was one case that came up 

Mr. Scherer. Could I interrupt there ? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

IVIr. Scherer. Put it this way : Doesn't the Communist Party line 
today prevent academic freedom, if you followed the line ? 

Dr. Levinson. If you followed the line; but I was going to give 
an example, apparently of a man who 

Mr. Scherer, Your answer to that question would be yes ? 

Dr. Levinson. No ; I was going to give an example of a man who 
did 

Mr. Scherer. I am not talking about an individual. I am talking 
about 

Dr. Levinson. I am talking about an individual Communist Party 
member who apparently was very honest. This occurred at the Uni- 
versity of Washington. He told the faculty, when he was asked, 
yes, he was a member of the Communist Party. They investigated 
his teaching, and it turned out that he always told the class that he 
had this strong Marxist bias. 

I will say such a man, of course, is not the tj'^pical Communist. He 
would never be a leader in the Communist Party. He wouldn't 
survive 3 weeks in the Soviet Union. 

But there are individuals like that. Heaven knows why that man 
is a member of the Communist Party. I don't, but somewhere under- 
neath is a man who retains a certain amount of integrity. I think by 
now he has got out. I think a man like that would — will get out of 
the party ; will wake up and see the kind of organization he is in. 

Mr. Clardy. That is one of the main reasons why there is such a 
large turnover, then, j^ou think, in the ranks of the Communist Party? 

Dr. Levinson. I don't know there is much of a turnover now. My 
suspicion now is that people are coming out, and I can't understand, 
for the life of me, why anybody would ever come in. 

Mr. Clardy. One former Communist told me the other day that 
there are somewhere around 700,000 ex-Communists in the country. 

30172 — 53— pt. 4 3 



1084 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

I don't vouch for that figure. He told me that. If that is the case, 
it would indicate a pretty large turnover, wouldn't it? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. I would think, on the basis — I haven't checked 
this, but I would think, on the basis — on the basis of figures, there 
must be certainly several hundred thousand. I don't know exactly 
what it would be. Certainly there must be several hundred thousand 
ex- Communists. 

In other words, communism is a disease that doesn't take well in 
the American environment. We have a very high degi-ee of im- 
munity, I think, and I think it speaks for the healtli of our society. 

Mr. Clardy. It is an immunity that can be broken down if the 
Communist Party continues to work on the program it has laid out ; 
is that not so ? « 

Dr. Levinson-. I don't believe so. I believe that the Communist 
Party is going to just die out. I think it is on the downhill. I don't 
think the Communist Party, on its own, has a chance of getting any- 
where in a democratic country. I think without the bayonets of the 
Russian Army it won't get anywhere. 

Mr. Clardy. You don't concede there is a possibility that if we 
let down our guard the Communists can succeed ? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, I will say this: I don't think the Communists 
in this country are going to succeed in any way in increasing the size 
of their party at all. 

I think the people who are in the Communist Party now might well 
be used, if the Communists could so use them, for all kinds of infiltrat- 
ing work in the Government, in the Army, and so on. 

I tliink it's very important that we have the Justice Department, 
the FBI, watching that. I think if we weren't watching that — I think 
most of the membership would probably have infiltrated all kinds of 
key positions. 

I think tliat is the danger. I think the danger is that these people 
will go underground. 

I don't think there's any real danger if they stay above ground. 
I think above ground we can compete with them in any open compe- 
tition. I don't think they have a chance in a democratic country at 
this point. 

I tliink the Soviet Union has exposed itself pretty well. I think that 
most people recognize that the leaders of the Soviet Union are essen- 
tially a bunch of gangsters, who deal with human lives with no regard 
whatsoever for the integrity of the individual, just send men, to suit 
themselves, to slave labor camps, cemeteries, prisons, and so on; and 
I think people realize that by now, and I don't think they can regard 
this whole movement as being an idealistic movement or being a de- 
sirable movement, or anything else. 

I think they recognize that the dictatorship has remained in the 
Soviet Union ; that while originally the promise of the Communists 
was democracv, it's never come and there seems to be no sign of it 
whatsoever. It's a totalitarian government. 

Mr. Velde. Doctor, I certainly enjoy your viewpoint. I think you 
are giving us some information that we haven't had up to this time. 

I feel that you are a very loyal and fine American citizen, and I 
want to call to your attention — I don't know whether you know any- 
thing about it or not — that therp has operated in this country an 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1085 

espionage ring— a Soviet espionage ring— involving quite a few 
of the hard core of the American Communist Party. -, -, • .1 ^ 

I take it from your testimony that you were not involved in that 
part of the Communist conspiracy in any way ? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, that's certainly so. I mean, as you can see 
from some of these exhibits, I was very noisy and open in my member- 
ship of the Communist Party, and I was not aware of the existence 
of this underground. 

I have read later — I've read Whittaker Chambers' book and Eliza- 
beth Bentley's reports, and so on. So, I realize the Communists were 
doing espionage work right along. 

Mr. Velde. Well, now, when you speak of the underground, do you 
refer to the Soviet espionage system as it has been operating here 
under the control of the American Communist Party and the Soviet 
diplomatic service here? 

Dr. Levinsgist. What I say is that the real danger in the Communist 
Party is the 24 or 25,000 members may have a certain percentage — 
maybe it's a quarter of them, or a third of them — I don't know that — 
a certain percentage of them may well be willing to, if they could, 
infiltrate sensitive positions, and I think it's rather important that we 
have our eyes on that. I think that is the real danger. I think that is 
what we have to watch for as far as the American Communists are 
concerned. 

Mr. Velde. In other words, you feel that as far as the indirect 
attempt of the Soviet Government, operating through the American 
Communist Party, to change our system of government is not a real 
threat at the present time ? 

Dr. LE^aNSON. No, sir. I feel as long as it's aboveboard — I think 
they don't have a chance. 

I think our democracy is very healthy. I think these people can 
preach their theories from the street corners, if they want to. I don't 
think they will make a dent. 

Mr. Clardy. You don't think all of the Communist Party activities 
or all of its members are aboveground at this moment, do you? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, I don't know. I would suspect they are not. 

Mr. Clardy. Well, let's assume some of them are underground. 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

Mr. Clardy. If that is the case, you would, I assume, agree with the 
committee that there is a very real present danger ? 

Dr. Levinson. I wouldn't say any Communists who are not above- 
ground — I mean, the ones who are underground — I certainly hope the 
FBI is in contact with them and keeping an eye on them. 

Mr. Clardy. If we had just one more Alger Hiss somewhere placed 
in the Government, he could do quite a lot of damage, couldn't he? 

Dr. Levinson. It all depends. I think in some places a man like that 
could be a dangerous man. 

Mr. Clardy. That is what I mean. 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

Mr. Clardy. If he is in a place of importance, he might do a great 
deal of harm to the entire national cause, so that the number, the 
actual number of Communists, doesn't really give us any accurate 
appreciation of how dangerous or how nondangerous they may be ? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. I would say the real danger is precisely in their 
trying to infiltrate places — in being secret, hidden, and trying to infil- 



1086 COJVIMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

trate places. As long as they announce themselves or work above- 
ground, then I think we're quite immune to them; and I think, as a 
matter of fact, any Communist who really enters such a situation is in 
considerable danger, as a Communist, of finding himself converted to 
something else. I think if he associates with Americans in an organi- 
zation he may find, over the years, that he changes his mind; and 
apparently most have — that they, associating with healthy Ameri- 
cans — they've come around and dropped out of the Conununist Party. 

Mr. Clardy. Of course, while I appreciate a great deal of what you 
have said, I think what you have been telling us leaves one factor out 
of consideration that I would like to hear your comment on, and it is 
this : The Connnunists use a great many front organizations to influ- 
ence American thinking, through books and magazines, newspapers, 
and plays', what have you. Have you had or given any thought to the 
fact that a great deal of the Communist Party work in this Nation may 
be carried on more effectively by these fronts than by the party workers, 
themselves ? 

Dr. Levinsox. Well, certain of the things these fronts do I think 
most people would be very opposed to. I think if a front organization 
happens to be supporting something that many people are in favor of 
they will attract a certain amount of support, and the goal itself, in 
rare instances, might — might even be a worthy one. I think, tliough, 
that most people have become fairly sophisticated in this and, if there 
is some worthwhile goal they would like to work for, they find some 
way of doing it outside of the Communist Party, outside of any Com- 
munist-front organization. 

Mr. Moulder. Mr. Chairman. 

Mr, Velde. Mr. Moulder. 

Mr. Moulder. First, 1 would like to make the comment that espion- 
age is not necessarily confined to members of the Communist Party. 
There may be many persons practicing espionage in this comitry that 
have no loyalty to any country or to any political party. 

As I understand, your opinion, then, as expressed to Mr. Clardy, is 
that communism, as an immediate threat or as a conspiracy, as a 
threat to our Government, internally, in this country, within our own 
boundaries, is not what you call a dangerous threat? 

Dr. Levin SON. The open part of the movement — — 

Mr. Moulder. Yes. 

Dr. Levinson (continuing). I do not regard as dangerous. I feel 
that part has been shrinking rapidly 

Mr. Moulder. Yes. 

Dr. Lkvinson. And I think we are quite immune to it. 

Mr. Moulder. But internationally, as a world movement, supported 
by the Soviets, it does constitute a "threat throughout the world ? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes ; supported by the Soviets, it constitutes a threat 
throughout the world. 

Those places where it constitutes a threat in general are depressed 
areas, overpopidated areas, and so on, and there, of course, the Ameri- 
can Communist Party, as such, plays no role of particular importance. 

I think the only way to cope with that situation is to try to help some 
of these — these backward nations overcome their — their difficulties and 
become healthy, democratic societies. 

I think in a healthy, democratic society communism doesn't have a 
chance. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1087 

Mr. KuNziG. Shall I proceed, sir? 

Mr. Velde. Proceed. 

Mr. KuNziG. I am glad Congressman Moulder asked those last 
questions, Professor, because I think there was a slightly unfortunate 
interpretation that could be taken from your testimony so far that 
the Communist Party consists of just a few maladjusted crackpots. 

You would agree, I take it, that any group or any opinion, any such 
thing as communism, any ideas such as that, that can arouse millions 
and millions of people throughout the world to its side can't be ignored 
as a group of maladjusted crackpots. 

Dr. Levinson. I think in this country it consists of a group .of 
largely maladjusted crackpots, and I think perhaps a psychiatric ex- 
amination would reveal that; but I think for an American person who 
is really in contact, a man who hasn't withdrawn into himself and is 
really in contact in this life — to be a Communist, I think today he must 
be a man with serious — with serious personal deficiencies somewhere. 

Mr. KuNziG. Now, you said 

Mr. Scherer. Will you pardon me? 

Mr. KuNziG. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Scherer. It might interest you to know we have had before 
us — I have only been a member of this committee a short time, but we 
have had before us — professors and doctors from some of our leading 
universities, still teaching, who are members of the Communist Party ; 
and you say they would need psychiatric examination ? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes, sir ; I say so. 

Mr. KuNziG. Now you also said the bayonets of the Russian 
Army 

Mr. Scherer. Pardon me. 

Mr. KuNziG. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Scherer. They shouldn't be teaching, then, should they, under 
those conditions? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, it all depends. I can conceive of a man in 
need of serious psychiatric attention who might be a very good teacher 
of theoretical physics or a very good mathematician ; and I think the 
students — I think the American students — are a pretty healthy lot. 
I don't think anybody can lead them astray very easily. I think they 
could take the man's physics, size him up for what he was otherwise, 
and reject the rest of him. 

Mr. Scherer. Well, Professor, as I recall it — you can correct me, 
Mr. Chairman — Professor Davis made a very fine impression upon 
me — one of the first witnesses I listened to 

Dr. Levinson. Yes ; Robert Davis 

Mr. Scherer (continuing). As a member of this committee 

Dr. Levinson. I know him. 

Mr. Scherer. In my opinion, he is a gentleman of your caliber, 
who was a former member of the Communist Party, and he concluded 
his testimony, if my recollection is correct, by saying that, in his 
opinion, any man who remains in the Communist Party today, after 
all that has transpired and with all the information we have about the 
party, is an agent or a potential agent of the Soviet Union. 

Now, I am not asking you whether you agree with that or not, but I 
thought you might be interested to know that was his testimony 

Dr. Levinson. I think 

Mr. Scherer. And others 



1088 COIUMIIN-IST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

Mr. ScHERER (continuing:) , Have testified similar to that. 

Dr. Levinson. I think Hicks — Granville Hicks — was the man who 
used those words. I read all the testimony. I think it was Hicks, 
and I think Hicks said — put stress on the word "potential." 

In other words, in our judicial system, unlike the Kussian judicial 
system, we always try the individual. We always think in terms of 
the individual. I think we have to give the individual a break. So, 
I think stress should be put on the word "potential." I wouldn't 
want to say everybody that is in the Communist Party now is a Rus- 
sian agent. I would like to think many of them, if they were faced 
with that cold — just coldly faced with that — choice M'ould withdraw. 
I would like to think that. " I don't know if they would. 

Mr. ScHERER. Well, you may be right as to it being Hicks. 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

Mr. ScHERKR. But Hicks has perhaps an educational background 
equal to that of Davis. 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. He has a much longer experience in the Com- 
munist Party than Davis. 

Mr. ScHERER. Much longer? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

Mr. ScHERER. And he was at Harvard ? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes ; he was at Harvard for 1 year. 

(Representative Kit Clardy left the hearing room at this point.) 

Mr. KuNZio. Professor Levinson, in January 1943, a petition was 
submitted to the House of Representatives seeking discontinuance of 
the Special Committee on Un-American Activities, referred to in the 
petition as the Dies committeee. Now, of course, while I agree any- 
body has a right to petition Congress for anything they may so desire, 
our interest is whether or not this petition was greatly backed or 
maybe actually started by the Communist Party. 

T will pass it over to you, marked "Levinson exhibit No. 2" for iden- 
tification. 

Dr. Levinson. Thank you. 

Mr. KuNziG. I believe you are listed as a signer there. 

Dr. Levinson. It is quite possible. I don't remember the thing. 

Thanks. I've scanned it. Thank you. 

Well, there are several things to say. For one thing, at^tRaFtiKie 
I was a member of the Communist Party. That certainly must be 
taken into consideration with reference to my signature there. 

For another thing, of course, at that time we were allied with 
Russia, fighting Hitler. I think at that particular time Hitler was 
making, great progress, so that I thought perhaps — I suppose I 
thought — I don't remember that thing — I thought perhaps at that 
time the thing to do was not to hammer at the moment on the Commu- 
nist thing. I am sure since I was a member of the Communist Party — 
I am sure I thought at that time it was the wrong thing to do entirely. 

Mr. Kunzig. My question would be, to continue further, whether 
it isn't true, as a fact, that a great number of Communists pressed this 
type of petition? 

Dr. Levinson. Certainly. Certainly; there is no question about 
that. 

(Representative Clyde Doyle entered the hearinsr room at this 
point.) 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1089 

Mr. KuNZiG. It was pushed and backed by the Communist Party? 

Dr. Levinson. I don't remember this petition specifically, but it is 
the sort of thing the Communists had to do, undoubtedly ; yes. 

Mr. KuNziG. Because they didn't want to be exposed 

Dr. Levinson. Yes ; I am sure that is right. 

Mr. KuNziG (continuing). Or to have the American public know 
of their activities ? 

Dr. Levinson. On the other hand, I wouldn't want to say all pe- 
titions of all kinds are Communist petitions. 

Mr. KuNziG. No ; certainly we agree with you. 

This petition to the Congress was also sponsored by the National 
Federation for Constitutional Liberties. Was it this organization 
that solicited your support, if you remember? 

Dr. Levinson. I certainly don't remember. 

Mr. KuNziG. Professor Levinson, on September 26, 1944, the issue 
of the New Masses contains a story by you entitled "A Mathematician 
on Browder." Can you recall any of the steps taken by you or others 
in connection with the publication of this? Was this Communist 
inspired ? 

Dr. Levinson. No; it certainly wasn't. I received — I was a sub- 
scriber to the New Masses, and I also, as some of the exhibits you've 
brought forth here indicate — I was also quite a signer, and apparently 
the editors of the New Masses got my name from some list and sent me 
a book — I believe it was called — Victory in Africa. 

You have the thing, there. You can probably check that. I think 
that is right. 

Is that right? 

Mr. Appell. Our Paths in War and Peace. 

Dr. Levinson. Oh, Our Paths in War and Peace. 

Mr. KuNziG. Do you want to look at this ? 

Dr. Levinson. Thank you. 

Mr. KuNziG. I hand the witness a document marked "Levinson 
exhibit No. 3" for identification. 

Dr. Levinson. Oh, this — yes, this book was called Teheran — Path 
of War and Peace. I remember. 

Thank you very much. 

Yes — well, on the whole, as I remember this book, the program put 
forth by Mr. Browder was a rather admirable one. He saw a rather 
rosy picture of the world at peace, and so on. I think, as a result of 
this book, he was later thrown out of the Communist Party — I think 
strictly on orders from Moscow. However, there was one 

Mr. ScHERER. What was that last? I didn't quite get that. Strictly 
by orders from Moscow ? 

Dr. Le\t:nson. Yes; I am sure when Browder was thrown out of 
the Communist Party it was because the Moscow people didn't ap- 
prove of this line he had taken. He painted a rather peaceful, happy 
picture of the world after the war was ended, and I think he was 
thrown out. 

There was one difference I had with Browder that was brought 
forth in that article, and that is in connection with the economic situa- 
tion in the United States after the war. He thought we would have to 
export, in terms of those dollars, at that time, about $20 billion of 
goods a year in order to keep full employment. By the time that article 
was written I had ceased believing in Marxian economics and had gone 



1090 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

over to modern economics, and it was my contention that an export 
of $5 billion, in terms of dollars at that time, should certainly keep 
us on a pretty good economic keel. I didn't think we would need 
any more than that. This was net export. 

Mr. KuNziG. Professor, I believe you wanted to make a comment 
about the son or sons of Mr. Browder. 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

Mr. KuNziG. If so, would you care to do so now ? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. I want to thank you very much for giving me 
the opportunity to do this. I was rather upset yesterday when the 
name of Felix Browder, the oldest son — I don't know the other son 
particularly well — the oldest son of the former Communist, Earl 
Browder, was mentioned. The question was raised whether he had 
ever been a member of the Communist Party. 

I know this boy very well. He came to MIT at the age of 16, with 
a brilliant record. He got through MIT in 2 years. He is the best 
student we had ever had in mathematics in MIT in the 90 years 
of existence of the institution. He had a brilliant career at Prince- 
ton. He is about 25 or 26 now, and I regard him as one of the most 
brilliant mathematicians in the world. He is certainly a much better 
mathematician than I am or Dr. Martin, who was here yesterday. 

On the other hand, it is also true — I have talked with him a lot; I 
know him very well — ^he has been anti-Communist. He has opposed 
criticism of music in the Soviet Union; the genetics business. He 
regards the group running Russia as a bunch of dictators, unscrupu- 
lous men, and so on, and has said so. 

I know that he's prepared at any time to sign a sworn statement 
that he isn't and has never been a member of the Communist Party. 

I believe that a man of his qualifications is a real asset to this coun- 
try. He is really a great scientist, and I think it's in the American 
spirit to give a man like that a chance, not to visit the sins of his father 
on him. 

Actually, he's had a terrible time getting a position, and some of 
the great scientists of our country have tried to help him. The schools 
and universities of this country have a severe public-relations prob- 
lem. They are not self-supporting. They do a great service. They 
turn out scientists, physicians and so on ; but it costs more than they 
take in, in tuition. They are rather frightened of his name, and it's 
easy to see why they are. They are afraid it will reduce contribu- 
tions, and so on. So, he has had a very difficult time of it. 

In spite of this, he is turning out remarkably good work. He is in 
a field — a field of partial differential equations, which is a field in 
which the laws of radar, jet propulsion, atomic fission, all the basic 
laws of physics are expressed. He has made many new discoveries, 
and I think it would be very nice indeed if we could be American 
enough to give a fellow like that a chance. 

Mr. Velde. You say he is in the field of differential equations? 

Dr. Levinson. Partial differential equations. He is in that field, 
making contributions. He is a young man, making great contribu- 
tions, outstanding. 

]\Ir. Velde. I was interested in your statement. I don't know that 
I got it exactly right. You said Earl Browder was an ex-Communist? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

Mr. Velde. Well, in what category would you place him? 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1091 

I have been thinking of the testimony that he gave or didn't give be- 
fore the Ooniniittee on Government Operations of the Senate about 
3 weeks ago, or a month ago. 

Wliat category would you place Earl Browder in at the present 

time ? 

Dr. Levinson. I only know from his writings. There was an ar- 
ticle, I think, in the New York Herald Tribune several weeks ago — 
I think the rather famous correspondent, Vickery Higgins, had an in- 
terview with him, and he made some rather interesting remarks. Ono 
of the things he said was he is not unappreciative of his rights in 
American democracy. He said that he realized full well if he was in 
the— had been in the opposition in the Soviet Union, the way he was 
here, he would have ended up in the cemetery, a prison or, at best, a 
slave-labor camp. 

He did make those statements. I think he is beginning to see the 
light. 

Mr. DoYT.E. Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Doyle. 

Mr. Doyle. I want to thank the professor for coming forward in 
this very frank statement based upon his personal knowledge of this 
fellow American. I hope the time will never come when this com- 
mittee gets an attitude that a man is either un-American or a Com- 
munist merely by association. That is in itself inconsistent with the 
highest American traditions and justice. 

Mr. Velde. You are referring there, Mr. Doyle 

Mr. Doyle. I am referring to the son of Earl Browder. 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

If I may say another word about the son, I think there is a certain 
lesson there. 

I wonder if I have the permission of the committee to say a few 
words about that. 

Mr. Velde. Certainly. 

Dr. Levinson. Well, I think that in our system of government one 
of the great things is that a man is regarded as innocent until proved 
guilty. If we have 11 men and 10 are known to be criminals and 1 
is known not to be a criminal, we do not slap the 11 men into jail. 

In the Soviet Union, they do things the other way around, of course. 
We know that very well. They play with human lives. The indi- 
vidual counts for nothing. 

I think, therefore, what happened yesterday when the names of 
these boys were mentioned was a very upsetting thing. 

You see, when the schools are hesitating whether or not they can 
dare take on — whether they can dare hire a boy like Felix 
Browder 

Mr. ScHERER. Wliat is his first name ? 

Dr. Levinson. Felix. 

They sort of say, "Can we do this? We have a public relations 
problem. We depend on alumni and on public-spirited citizens for 
money. Will they be offended if we have a man like this on our staff? 

If the name of such a man is just mentioned as a question in this 
committee, unfortunately it is a terribly damaging thing. 

I think it would be a wonderful thing if this committee could avoid 
somehow — I know you are a committee of Congress and I know you 
have a job to do, but if somehow you could arrange things so that 

30172— 53— pt. 4 4 



1092 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

names of men like that were not raised in public like this it would bo 
a great service to the individual ; and I think — I think, as Americans, 
we should try to operate on that basis, to protect the individual, until 
we know definitely that he is guilty, 

Mr. ScHEHER. AVell, now, doctor, I have been verj^ much impressed 
by your statement with reference to Felix Browder. I knew nothing 
about Felix Browder until I heard you testify. 

Mr. Chairman, I think there is no question in my mind that the doc- 
tor is telling the truth about Felix Browder. I think 

Mr. Velde. Pardon me, if I may interrupt 

Mr. SciiERER. May I ask. 

Mr. Velde. The Chair would like to make a statement. 

The question came up yesterday 

Mr. Scherer. Yes; I know. 

Mr. Velde (continuing). With reference to membership, as I re- 
call it, of Felix Browder in the Communist Party. 

Dr. Levinson. That's right. That question was asked. 

Mr. Velde. I would like to make a statement for the record, and for 
the press, public, at this time, that I am sure the committee did not 
intend, by any means, to indicate that Felix Browder was a member 
of the Communist Party or interested in the Communist movement. 

As I recall, the witness who answered the question yesterday said 
that, on the contrary, Felix Browder was anti-Communist. 

Dr. Levinson. I don't remember the witness said that, but I think— 
you see- 



Mr. Scherer. May I 

Dr. Levinson. Certainly. 

Mr. Scherer (continuing). Carry this a bit further, as I started to 
do before the chairman interrupted? 

Mr. Velde. Certainly. 

Mr. Scherer. I would like to carry the thought I had in mind just a 
little further. 

I think it would be a good thing, particularly in view of the doctor's 
testimony, if we now, as a committee, Mr. Chairman, had our staff 
check what the doctor said so we would be in a position, this committee, 
to issue a statement, as a committee statement, of a later date, with 
reference to Felix Browder. 

I make that merely as a suggestion. 

Mr. Velde. I think probably that should be taken up in 

Mr. Scherer. Well 

Mr. Velde (continuing). Executive session. 

Mr. Scherer. I am not saying we should decide it now, but it is just 
my feeling 

Mr. Velde. Yes ; I think the committee is in general agreement re- 
garding the mentioning of names before it, and we do everything we 
can to clarify the situation with regard to membership in the Com- 
munist Party of any person that is mentioned; and if Mr. Browder, 
Mr. Felix Browder 

Dr. Levinson. Mr. Felix Browder ; yes, sir. 

Mr. Velde (continuing). Feels that he has been damaged by the 
committee in any way, we will certainly give him an opportunity to 
come forth and explain his anti-Communist work, or his 

Dr. Levinson. It isn't his work, sir. He works only in mathematics. 
It's just his thinking. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1093 

Mr. Moulder. Mr. Chairman, how was the question asked yester- 
day ? 

Mr. Velde. Well, I don't recall the exact wording of the question, 
or the exact answer, but I do recall that 

Mr. Moulder. Evidently 

Mr. Velde (continuing). Wlioever was asked a question made a 
very positive statement concerning the fact that Felix Browder was 
not a member of the Communist Party and, to the contrary 

Mr. Moulder. Evidently there was no basis for asking the ques- 
tion — and that is your point. 

Dr. Levinson. That is my point. 

My interest is this: You see, unfortunately, I come from Boston, 
from Cambridge, actually, where there are several universities. I 
know the point of view of the universities and trustees a little bit. I 
am a professor there. I know a little bit of their problem. I place 
a number of young men, and a number of young men do their work 
under me. I know their placing problem. I know this committee has 
a job. I know its point of view. What I am trying to do — and the 
committee is certainly being very kind in letting me do this — is to point 
out to the committee there is another side of the coin that we in the 
remote areas from Washington have to face, and that is this: Un- 
fortunately, the public attitude is such that any man who is mentioned 
here the universities get scared of, no matter in what light he was 
mentioned. 

I could praise some young man and say he is the greatest anti- 
Communist in the world. The universities get a little scared of him. 
"His name was mentioned before the Un-American Activities Com- 
mittee," they say. 

So, I think for that reason it would be much better if names, 
especially of a young man like that, weren't mentioned in public, if at 
all possible. 

Mr. Doyle. Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Velde. Doctor, I 

Mr. Doyle. Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Velde. Just a minute. 

Doctor, I will have to disagree with you on that statement. You 
have a right to your own opinion, but I think the faculties and the 
administrative officials of all of our universities do not take into 
consideration the fact that a person is mentioned before this com- 
mittee, regardless of whether they are members of the Communist 
Party or in any way engaged in subversive activities, as the basis for 
discharging any of their employees. They look into the matter — 
and, of course, they do look into it on the basis of information, I 
suppose, that is produced before our committee and other committees 
of Congress; but certainly I can't agree with you when you say 
any person that is mentioned before this committee 

Mr. Moulder. He refers to the publicity. 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

Mr. MoTTLDia:. He refers to the mention of the name and the pub- 
licity given to it. 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. I am not talking about being discharged. I 
am talking about a young man who is in a temporary position and 
still has to look for a permanent job. 



1094 COMRIUNIST METHODS OF rSTFILTRATIOX (EDUCATION) 

This is the position of a young man : You see, he doesn't have a 
regular job. He has a 1 or 2-year appointment. He lias to look for 
a regular job somewhere. If his name has come up with any kind of 
publicity at all, the natural reaction from an administrator who 
doesn't want to look for trouble is to avoid hiring the man. 

I have had this experience very definitely in placing men. 

Mr. ScHERER. Well 

Mr, Doyle. Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Scherer. Oh, go ahead. 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Doyle. 

Mr. Scherer. He was interrupted before. 

Mr. Doyle. I didn't quite hear all the remarks of our fellow mem- 
ber, Mr. Scherer, a minute ago, because he sits at the far end of the 
committee, and I at this end ; but if I understood him to suggest that 
there ought to be a rule whereby no name is mentioned before this 
committee unless there is an established connection with the Com- 
munist Party, as a groundwork for that question, I will say that I 
am very definitely under the belief that we have that rule now 

Mr. Velde. I am sorry. I was 

Mr. Doyle (continuing). And that that is an established rule of 
this committee. 

In fact, I remember it was brought up in the very first executive 
committee meeting of this committee, this session of Congress, and 
it is an established rule. 

Mr. Scherer. I understand that is the rule 

Mr. Doyle. Now, then 

Mr. Scherer (continuing). But sometimes in the testimony, Mr. 
Dovle 



Mr. Doyle. Well 

Mr. Scherer (continuing). Of other people 

Mr. Doyle. I want to say 

Mr, Scherer (continuing) , Names are mentioned. 

Mr. Doyle. Yesterday I was present in the subcommittee with our 
distinguished chairman, Mr, Velde, and I thought that question was 
asked certainly with no intention to harm inadvertently and acci- 
dentally, shall we say, the young man, and with no intention of viola- 
tion of the rules of the committee. 

I know that is the established practice and custom of this com- 
mittee and, as far as I am concerned, it always shall be, I wish to 
say again that I hope this committee will never knowingly or willingly 
get into an attitude of mind where w^e feel that a man is subversive 
merely because of association or merely because of the name of some 
member of his family. 

Now, Mr. Chairman, may I ask this distinguished professor a 
question ? 

Dr. Levinson. May I answer your remark ? 

Mr, Doyle. Yes. 

Dr. Levinson. IVIay I say about your remark first 

Mr. Doyle. Yes. 

Dr. Levinson. I am sure, as Members of the Congress of the 
United States, you certainly don't want to harm any innocent 
individual. 

Mr, Doyle, That is right. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1095 

Dr. Levinson. I know that, but what I am saying is, nevertheless, 
the mention of the name of such a young man here does, unfortunately, 
do him a great deal of harm. 

Mr. Doyle. I think, too, regardless of what Mr. Browder was or 
what he is, the record speaks very loudly of the fact that the Com- 
munist conspiracy, the world conspiracy, got rid of him in May 
1945, because he radically differed with the international Communist 
conspiracy. In other words, he stood forthright at that time the 
fact an American, free, competitive-enterprise system could and should 
survive. 

Now, may I ask the professor this question : In view of the fact 
you give evidence of having thought through some of the problems 
facing your own country, in connection with subversive activities — 
as you know, under Public Law 601, under which this committee 
functions, passed in 1946, this committee is challenged with the obli- 
gation of recommending to Congress matters of legislative policy in 
the field of subversive or un-American activities — have you any sug- 
gestion to make to us in the field of legislation ? 

In other words, the main purport of all these hearings that this 
committee has, in my estimation, is to make the Congress better quali- 
fied to intelligently legislate in this field. Have you any suggestions 
for us ? 

Dr. Le VINSON. Yes ; I do, Mr. Doyle. 

I have a great deal of confidence in human beings. I am very glad 
to see that the Communist Party has shrunk the way it has. I hope 
that it shrinks still further. I think that perhaps this shrinkage should 
be encouraged still more. 

I think perhaps some kind of amnesty ruling of some kind could 
be set up as a law, where members of the Communist Party might 
be asked to leave the party and perhaps be assured complete privacy 
to go to some agency of the Government and to indicate that they 
are leaving, to be guaranteed that the statement they make will be 
kept in absolute confidence, that they will not be pressed for any 
further information, that they may be asked but they certainly won't 
be pressed, and by registering in that way and indicating that they 
are leaving, that they will then be regarded as being free from the 
taint of communism. 

I think some way of trying to encourage, maybe, the people on the 
fence, who are still in the party, who have long years of association 
in it, who have friends in it, but who may begin to be realizing the 
kind of terrible organization that they're in — I think if they could be 
encouraged somehow, given a period, let's say — let's say from June 1, 
1953, to December 1, 1954 — give them some period in which they could 
get out without in any way being damned, without in any way being 
exposed, but indicating somehow, in some confidential way, to some 
agency in the Department of Justice, or otherwise, that they have 
done so — I think that may encourage some people to leave. 

I think people should be encouraged to leave and should be made 
to feel, to be guaranteed somehow by law, that they wouldn't be 
damned for what they've done, or won't be exposed, but that the whole 
thing will be forgiven and forgotten — we will be glad to welcome 
them back as loyal Americans. 



1096 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. DoTT.E. Well, following that question, Mr. Chairman, may I 
ask this : When you say not pressurized to do anythinf^, as I take it, 
except to register that they have withdrawn from the Communist 
Party, wouldn't you feel it was in the interests of our national secu- 
rity, however, in case some such thing was done, that they be cor- 
dially asked and very emphatically and clearly asked to help the Gov- 
ernment, through whatever agency they do make this declaration, to 
reveal the activities of the Communist conspiracy but, nevertheless, 
to ask them to cooperate to the maximum in the field of subversive 
activities in this country ? 

We are not only interested in the 1, 2, 10 percent that register; 
we are interested in uncovering the subversive conspiracy. 

Now, I am asking you there 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

Mr, Doyle. You get my point? 

Dr. Levinson. I understand your question, and what I would say 
there is that I think it is very important initially not to stress that 
feature, and not to — certainly not to require them — they certainly 
can be asked — anybody can be asked — but to make these people feel 
they will not be forced or pressed — I think once they reestablish them- 
selves in the normal community, get out of the Communist Party — 
I think with the passing of time they will begin to realize the sort of 
hideous organization they have been in, and I think, with the passing 
of time, many of them will come around to this point of view. 

But I think in making the initial step there should be only this one 
step that they are asked to make, and I have — I have confidence that 
later on most of them will decide they want to go further. 

You see, it's a rather hard thing to get out of an organization like 
that. People have made long-standing friendships in there, and they 
have these loyalties. They have a certain number of years — a certain 
number of years of them is invested in it — and I think they have to 
be encouraged to leave, and I think no obstacle should be put in the 
way of their leaving, no obstacles whatever should be put in the way 
of their leaving. 

I think once they do leave, as I say, and retain their health, is the 
way I put it, by rejoining the general American community — I think 
as the months or, in some cases, perhaps the years go by they will 
come around to the point of view that perhaps they should reveal the 
names of some of their associates, perhaps they should see these asso- 
ciates and try to bring them around to their point of view, to sell them 
on the fact that they are in the wrong organization. 

Mr. Doyle. Thank you. 

Mr. Velde. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

I think counsel has a number of questions to obtain facts 

Mr. KuNziG. We have. 

Mr. Velde. Which should be enlightening. 

Mr. KuNZio. We have a few more, Mr. Chairman. 

Professor Levinson, in 1944 there appeared in the New York Times 
a paid advertisement, headed by the Times, "A Political Advertise- 
ment." It was an open letter to Gov. Thomas E. Dewey in behalf 
of Morris Schappes — S-c-h-a-p-p-e-s. Schappes had been a school- 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1097 

teacher who was convicted of perjury growing out of his appearance 
in connection with the Renssehier investigations there in New York. 
Among the signers was Prof. Norman Levinson. I take it you signed 
this advertisement ? 

Dr. Levinson. I don't remember the particular one, but it is cer- 
tainly quite likely that I did. 

Mr. KuNziG. I will pass it over to you, marked "Levinson Exhibit 
No. 4" 

Dr. Levinson. Yes, sir. 

Mr. KuNziG (continuing). For identification. 

I am interested in finding out — and I know the committee would 
be interested in knowing, Professor — whether the Communist Party 
of Massachusetts played any part in soliciting your signature or in 
backing this action. 

Dr. Levinson. As I remember, I signed a large number of these 
things. I don't know if the committee by any means has all of them, 
although they certainly seem to have given me quite a few. 

I belonged to a large number of organizations of this sort, or signed 
a large number of statements. 

As I remember, the usual thing would be that I would get a letter 
from the New York headquarters. 

Here it is listed as Schappes Defense Committee. 

The usual thing would be I would get a letter and the statement. 
If I subscribed to the statement at that time, I would sign it. 

Mr. Kunzig. I see. 

Well, now in this type of thing in which we are beginning to develop, 
you can see here a certain type of paper, letter, or document that 
you very frequently apparently signed. 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

Mr. Kunzig. Was the Communist Party involved in that sort of 
thing? 

Dr. Le^t:nson. Well, in the case — the only committee that I remem- 
ber now definitely was the Citizens' Committee To Free Earl Brow- 
der ; and, as I remember there, the Communist Party of Massachusetts 
was involved. In these other things they apparently originated from 
New York, and I have no firsthand knowledge. My suspicion would 
be that they were involved. I have no actual information. 

Mr. Kunzig. But from your experiences as a Communist during 
some 8 years that you were a Communist, your suspicion today would 
be that they were involved ? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes; it is rather typical Communist activity. 

Mr. Kunzig. Now, in 1946 another organization was formed for 
the purpose of abolishing the Committee on Un-American Activities. 
This organization was known as the Citizens United To Abolish the 
Wood-Rankin Committee. This committee purchased a full-page 
advertisement in the New York Times, which advertisement con- 
tained the names of "just a few of the outstanding Americans who 
were supporting the fight." Among the names agnln was Norman 
Levinson. 

I will pass this document over to you, marked "Levinson exhibit 
No. 5," for identification, and see if you recognize that and whether 
you are the Professor Levinson who signed it. 

Dr. Levinson. I don't remember this particular document, but it's 
quite — I would say it's quite likely I was a signer. 



1098 COMAnjNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

I see that it involved opposition to Mr. Rankin. I must say I don't 
agree with Mr. Rankin in general. I wouldn't join — I wouldn't join 
today with any Communist group in opposing him, but it might very 
well be through some other group I might oppose him. 

Mr. KuNziG. This is talking, sir, about the House Committee on 
Un-American Activities. 

Would you say that this, as you have said already today, document 
was undoubtedly inspired by the Communist Party ? 

Dr. Levixson. I suspect it was. On the other hand, I don't^ — my 
personal feeling is I wouldn't regard Congressman Rankin as a very 
fair man. 

That — that's my personal opinion. You gentlemen may, of course, 
disagree with me. 

Mr. ScHERER. Well, you said, Doctor, you had read the testimony 
of Granville Hicks before this committee. 

Dr. Levinson. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SciiERER. Did you ever read the testimony of Dr. Bella Dodd 
before the Jenner committee of the Senate ? 

Dr. Levinson. No ; I did not. Some of my colleagues have talked 
to me about it, and they say they found it very impressive, in particu- 
lar the story she told of the personal involvement, the personal loyal- 
ties, and so on, that she formed in the Communist Party and the diffi- 
culty she had as an individual in breaking — in breaking these ties. 

Mr. Scherer. Well, the chairman and I went over to listen to 
her testimony before that conmiittee and we were ver}- much im- 
pressed. If I recall correctly her testimony with reference to having 
individuals like yourself, as she called them, intellectuals, sign such 
petitions, resolutions, and other documents, it was to the effect that 
wdienever the Communist Party wanted to promote a cause or, as she 
put it, smear somebody in political life or get rid of them in the edu- 
cational field because they opposed the Communist theory, these 
documents, she testified, were prepared in party headquarters — that 
is, either the petitions, the resolutions or the telegrams. Then they 
had a list in party headquarters of some thousand intellectuals — 
educators, ministers, and so forth, all over the country. They would 
either telegraph them or wi-ite them and ask them to sign those peti- 
tions; and she jiointed out many times the persons in party head- 
quarters who prepared these telegrams and resolutions for these thou- 
sand intellectuals to sign had, in many cases, not even high-school 
educations. 

Could it be that you were on that list and asked to sign these peti- 
tions and resolutions from time to time? 

Mr. Levinson. I would strongly suspect in that period if any — 
if there was such a list — and I am sure if she says so there probably 
was — that I was on it. 

Mr. SciiERER. It would indicate, then, perhaps some of these reso- 
lutions and petitions that you signed w'ere those that were prepared 
in some lieadquarters of the Communist Party, as Dr. Bella Dodd 
explained to us!' 

Dr. Levinson. That's right; it may well be. 

Incidentally, there were many I didn't sign. I would read them 
before I signed them; and if I signed them, it meant at that time I 
was more or less in agreement with what they said. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1099 

Mr. KuNziG. Wouldn't it be correct to say, then, Professor Levin- 
son, looking back over the period from 1937 to 1945, in which you were 
a member of the party, that your signing these various documents 
or statements or protests, or w^hatever they may have been, was in 
almost all eases, if not all cases, following the Communist line at that 
period ? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes; I think — I think in most cases they were. 
Where I didn't follow the Communist line — of course, that didn't oc- 
cur until fairly late — let's say in the beginning — maybe it went to 
1943 or 1944 — I had some differences with Browder, and within the 
New Masses — where I didn't follow them, it would only be by not 
signing certain things. 

Mr. KuNziG. Well, I am interested in asking, then — and I don't 
mean this in any way suggestive as opposite to your present position 
and what you have already testified — could it be — and I am asking 
this as a hypothetical question — that the Communist line today is that 
there are very few Communists, that it is unimportant, that there is 
no threat, that it is silly to worry and bother? 

Could that be the Communist line in 1953? 

Dr. Levinson. I don't really know. 

I think — I think that perhaps you are attributing a too high degree 
of intelligence to the Communist leadership by suggesting such a line. 
They are certainly never subtle, as far as I can see. If they begin to 
adopt subtle policies, it would be an indication of marked change in 
their intelligence level. 

Mr. ScHERER. Of course, you recall the testimony just a few weeks 
ago of J. Edgar Hoover before an appropriations committee of Con- 
gress in which he said that the menace is greater today than at any 
time i]i our history. 

Dr. Levinson. Because of the underground aspect. 

Mr. ScHERER. Because of the underground aspect. 

Dr. Levinson. Yes ; I agree. I think there is no question this group 
has to be under surveillance and watched, because otherwise they will 
infiltrate the sensitive parts of the Government. There is no ques- 
tion about that. 

Mr. ScHERER. Wliat we have left today is the hard core — would you 
say that — of the party? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, it is certainly getting harder all the time. 

Mr. SciiERER. Well, you said anybody that remains needs psychiat- 
ric care today? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes, sir ; I feel that way. 

Mr. ScHERER. Then they would be psychopaths of some kind ? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, I don't know if you would call them psycho- 
paths. Certainly I would say they are neurotic and rather mal- 
adjusted persons. 

Mr. ScHERER. The same type as Hitler and Mussolini perhaps? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, there is all — there is quite a spectrum of 
neurotics and maladjusted people, but I think it would include sadistic 
people and masochistic people. 

Mr. Scherer. Well, the fact their numbers are small doesn't lessen 
the danger of the country at this time. It might increase the danger 
because there are those types of individuals ? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes ; the danger is great as far as their — their work- 
ing under cover, trying to infiltrate the Government. As long as 

30172— 53— pt. 4 5 



1100 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

they're working in democratic organizations of an}^ kind, in town 
meetings, or any kind of real American organization, I think that 
they don't have a chance. 

Mr. KuNZiG. Then every time one of these nndercover people is 
exposed in that fashion we are lessening the danger to some degree; 
is that correct ? 

Mr. Doyle. Mr. Chairman, may I at that point ask him one 
question ? 

Mr. Velde. Would you let the witness answer 

Mr. Doyle. If I could ask this one right there, I think it is very 
pertinent. 

Mr. Velde. All right. 

Mr. Doyle. When you say as long as they vvork in democratic 
processes, and so forth, they don't stand much chance, how do you 
explain the fact that they were doing that in 1938 and 1939 and 1940 
and they succeeded in getting a group of you wonderfully educated 
American professors in their ranks? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, they didn't 

Mr. D0Y1.E. What was it 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

Mr. Doyle. What was it they did to get you men to join a secret 
organization ? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. Well, in the first place, of course, that was 
about — I joined about 16 years ago. I was a rather young man, to 
say the least. I think the soil in Avhich they had to work was rather 
different. As I say, there was this terrible depression, unemployment. 
We were destroying crops. Our factories were shut down. It was 
an absolutely diiferent situation. Here we were, the richest country 
in the world — and yet we weren't functioning economically; and I 
think this was a good soil for Communists to work in. 

I think it's also true that they didn't get the people who joined the 
party at that time to subscribe to any — any vile act. The Communist 
Party constitution at that time under — that was part of the Browder 
period — Avas a document which subscribed to, on the whole, rather 
American ideals. People who were simply Communist Party members 
ordinarily would not be aware of the fact that most of the leadership 
of the Communist Party was simply Moscow puppets. They wouldn't 
know 

Mr. D0Y1.E. Wlien did you discover that ? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, I began to discover that fairly early. Then 
I began to distinguish between various kinds of leaders. I discovered 
it — I think my first contact with that was in the early 1940's. ^ 

Mr. Scherer. Wasn't it a fact that many joined the party in the 
late thirties because they felt that the Communist Party at that time 
was opposed to anti-Semitism? 

Dr. Levinson. That was a feature. In my case, the main thing 
was that I came to the conclusion — as I see it now, it was not a valid 
conclusion — as a result of the depression that capitalism wouldn't 
function any more, that what we needed was socialism. 

That was the basic — the basic drive as far as my joining the Com- 
munist Party. 

Mr. Scherer. You would say, though, today, from what you know 
and from what you have read, that the Communist Party today is 
violently anti-Semitic? 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1101 

Dr. Levinson. Well, from what I read— well, this story of these 
doctors, of coui-se, is— it is a fantastic story. Now they are on it and 
now they are off. 

It is quite clear the Communists will play with people like puppets ; 
and if it suits their purposes to persecute the Jews, they certainly 
do so. There is no question ahout that. They have no regard for 
the human being. 

Mr. ScHERER. Perhaps they are doing that now to gain favor with 
the Arabs? 

Dr. Levinson. It may well be. There seems to be some kind — the 
switch is certainly hard to tell. Certainly the trials — — 

Mr. Scherer. Maybe they are interested in the Arabian oil? 

Dr. Levinson. I should think they would be. In the trials in Czech- 
oslovakia — in the trials that occurred in Czechoslovakia, it is tjuite 
clear there was a strong tone of anti-Semitism. This is quite obvious. 
There is no question about it. 

Mr. Velde. I think we are getting a little bit 

Mr. Scherer. Far afield, 

Mr. Velde. Far afield, in speculation. 

Counsel had a question. Could yon rephrase your question? 

iMr. KiTNzio. I would like to do that, Mr. Chairman. 

Professor, you said very emphatically the danger today was the 
hard core of underground members of the Communist Party in 
America. Isn't it true, then, that every Communist who is exposed, 
who is brought to the light of the American people, is lessening that 
danger ? In other words, that helps America ? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes; I would agree, with one very important quali- 
fication — that it's very important to make sure that it's a real Commu- 
nist that is being exposed. 

The naming of men, of innocent men, of men who have long left 
the Conmumist Party or who have never been Communist Party 
members — I think that is a terrible thing. 

I think any harm to nonguilty people, no matter how desirable it 
is to catch the guiltj'^ people, should be avoided. I think — I think 
that is the iVmerican way — not to hurt the innocent. 

I think every effort should be made, in exposing the guilty, to avoid 
doing any damage whatsoever to people who were never Communists, 
or there may be speculation about them but no real evidence, or 
people who have left the Communist Party, and so on. I think that 
is a very important thing. 

Mr. KuNziG. Well, agreeing with you, there is no damage — let'a 
get right back to the main point, you do agree that exposing Com- 
munists today, in 1953, is an important thing for the American people? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, exposing them or at least making sure the 
FBI knows about them. 

Mr. KuxziG. Now, Professor Levinson, I just want to go back a 
little bit to where we were a few moments ago. You were a member 
of the board or at least a trustee of the Samuel Adams School in 
Boston ; is that right? 

Dr. Levinson. That is correct. 

Mr. KuNziG. Would you explain to the committee your understand- 
ing of this organization — the Samuel Adams School— its purposes and 
objectives? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 



1102 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATIOX (EDUCATION) 

Oh, I liave no doubt tliat this school was — I mean, as I see it now, 
as I look back on the whole tiling, I have no doubt that this school 
Avas ])roperly brought into existence as a result of a Comnumist 
decision that they shoidd have schools, in various cities of the United 
States. 

I think that the [Samuel] Adams School — I don't think that the 
Communist Party hud had enough forces. I was not a member of the 
Communist Party most of the time. I was on the board of the 
[Samuel] Adams School 

Mr. KuNziG. Let us get those dates. You said that you were no 
longer a member of the Communist Party after the summer of 1045. 

Dr. Levinson. That is my best recollection. 

Mr. KuNziG. When were you connected with the Samuel Adams 
School ? It was later, wasn't it ? 

Dr. Levinson. It was later. My recollection would be 1946 to 
1948, but I don't remember exactly. 

Mr. KuNziG. So you were active in the Samuel Adams School after 
the period of time that you were no longer a Communist? 

Dr. Levinson. I wouldn't say active. I was a member of the board 
of trustees with which group I met 3 or 4 times a year for 2 years. 

Mr. Kunzig. Could it be that the Communist Party and the people 
who controlled it and the Samuel Adams School didn't know then 
that you were, at least mentally in your own mind, not a member of 
the Communist Party ? 

Dr. Leat:nson. I think that I had some rather strong disputes with 
some of the officials of the Communist Party because of the review 
that appeared in the New Masses, and we were in Marxist disagree- 
ment. The Communist Party was very interested in this school 
and was very interested in some of the gi'oups in the school, but the 
school was in some respects not 100 percent in their hands. They did 
not have enough people to put into it. They did want to have contact 
with other elements of the community other than strict Communists. 

Mr. Kunzig. Did you know Herbert Philbrick? 

Dr. Levinson. I don't believe I ever met him. 

Mr. Kunzig. Philbrick testified that the Communist Party passed 
on the qualifications of the individuals assigned to instruct or lecture 
in specific classes and courses. Do you know whether that is a 
fact? 

Dr. Levinson. As a member of the board of trustees I would doubt 
that very much. I know some of the people who taught there were 
miles aAvay from the Communist Party. 

Mr. Kunzig. You are not suggesting, are you. that the Communist 
Party had no interest in the Samuel Adams School? 

Dr. Levinson. I am not suggesting that at all. The Communist 
Party was very interested. I am sure the}^ sent a number of their best 
workers there and I am sure that several of the courses given in the 
school on Marxist doctrines were very closely watched by the Commu- 
nists, but there were a number of general adult education classes that 
the board of trustees handled on their own. 

Mr. Kunzig. Mr. Philbrick furtlier testified that many of the 
courses taught at the school were selected and planned directly by the 
Communist Party and that many of the folders and pamphlets for 
the Samuel Adams School were prepared by the Communist Party. 
Would you know that of your own knowledge ? 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1103 

Dr. Levinson. No ; I have no knowledge of that. 
Mr. KuNziG. Did Communist Party members or any of your Com- 
munist acquaintances solicit you to participate in the affairs of the 
Samuel Adams School ? 

Dr. Levinson. No. Well, I was simply invited. There was some 
kind of a social afternoon or evening in the home of somebody at 
Beacon Hill and I don't recall everybody who was there. I believe 
a man from the Jefferson School [of Social Science] in New York 
came to tell how the Jefferson School [of Social Science] was oper- 
ating, and a large number of people from Boston were invited, a con- 
siderable number of them not Communists and who were interested in 
the school m that way. 

Mr. KuNziG. Hasn't it always been the practice of the Communist 
Party to iiave a considerable number of people who are not Commu- 
nists' but who are leftists, liberals, let us say, mingle with the group 
to give it a larger total volume, but keeping the control with the 
Communists ? 

Dr. Levinson. I think that is certainly a definite Communist char- 
acteristic; yes. 

Mr. KuNziG. Do you have any knowledge of an organization known 
by tiie name of the Henry Thoreau Group ? 

^Dr. Levinson. I believe that that group consisted of various people 
from MIT and Harvard who went under that name. 
Mr. KuNziG. Were you a member of that group ? 
Mr. Levinson. Yes. 

Mr. KuNziG. Were you a member of the Cambridge branch of the 
American Association of Scientific Workers? 

Dr. LE'saNSON. In the very early years I was. I think later I be- 
came sort of a dues-paying member and never went to the meetings 
and then I dropped out. 

Mr. KuNziG. Do you know whether the American Association of 
Scientific Workers was a part of the World Federation of Scientific 
Workers i 

Dr. Levinson. I don't know. 

Mr. KuNziG. The committee's information indicates that the World 
Federation of Scientific Workers was an international and scientific 
organization under almost completed domination and control of the 
Communist Party throughout the world. Do you have any knowl- 
edge on that fact ? 

Dr. Levinson. No, I do not. 

Mr. Moulder. Mr. Chairman, I want to make reference again to 
this statement regarding Felix Browder. 
Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

Mr. Moulder. Very briefly, your testimony and in my opinion what 
has transpired before the committee today has been helpful to it and 
I am in complete accord with the statement made by my colleague, Mr. 
Scherer, the gentleman from Ohio. Wouldn't you agree with that, 
that in view of the handicap you already had regarding his name and 
what you have testified to here today has been helpful to him instead 
of being harmful. 

Dr. Levinson. Since his name was brought up as to whether he was 
a member of the Communist Party, and so far as I know there was no 
ground for asking that question and I think what is happening today 
was essential in clearing him. 



1104 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Moulder. Yes. 

Dr. Levinson. We don't get youn<r fellows like that in enough 
numbers. Hitler helped us in connection with physicists and mathe- 
maticians, but I think if we have a fellow like that we should do every- 
thing possible to encourage him to do scientific work to build American 
science. 

Mr. ScHERER. On the basis of what you have already said about 
Felix Browder, I accept it and certainly that would be the attitude 
of this committee. 

Dr. Levinson. Yes, I realize that as long as the conunittee knew the 
truth in this matter they would certainly react this way. 

Mr. KuNziG. You requested the opportunity to talk to us and discuss 
the point before this hearing and we gave you that opportunity. 

Dr. Levinson. Yes, I want to thank you very much for that 
opportunity. 

Mr. Velde, Mr. Scherer, do you have a question? 

Mr. Scherer. No. 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Moulder ? 

Mr. Moulder. No. 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Doyle? 

Mr. Doyle. Mr. Chairman, in view of the professor's statement about 
setting up some plans whereby former Communists could more actively 
cooperate with the committee and in view of the fact that our chair- 
man at this session and also our chairman during the last session, our 
committee at the last session of Congress and our committee at this 
session of Congress has a standing invitation to any persons in America 
to come forward to this committee in executive session, if you please, 
professor and without their names being known and give the commit- 
tee the benefit of their experience. We ought to again have the record 
show this morning and have it thoroughly understood by this group 
of MIT professors who are here helping us that there is that standing 
invitation and it has been standing for years and it has not been stand- 
ing with moss on it either. We have urged it very frequently through 
the press and through the radio and every other way. I thought I 
would make that emphasis again. It is a standing invitation to people 
who have been Communists and wanted to help their Government in 
defense against the international conspiracy ; to come to us and to our 
legislative staff off the record and get tlie utmost of cooperation 
from us. 

To me it just seems that a person, especially on the level of education 
that you fine men have, college professors, teachers, doctors, lawyers, 
and preachers — when they come to the point that tliey recognize their 
duty to their country to come to some agency of Government and dis- 
close their former Communist membership, with God's help or some- 
body's help, ought to get to the point and mental attitude where they 
also recognize that their fullest duty to their country at that time is 
to disclose tlie activities of Communist conspiracies and how they oper- 
ate. I mean to cooperate in giving information which will help Gov- 
ernment clean up the conspiracy. I hope that as you go back home 
you men will emphasize that and take that step also. 

Mr. Rand. Could counsel say something on that without being 
impertinent? 

Mr. Velde. Proceed. It is the usual rule that counsel is allowed to 
advise with his witness and not make statements, but you may proceed. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1105 

Mr. Kand. I would be glad to say it to the committee or before an 
executive session. I have been here with three men from MIT. I 
hope that the committee feels that they have heard three conscientious 

Eeople who have had a distinct change of heart and, though it has 
een a difficult thing, have been glad to come here. I am sure from 
my discussion with these men that had they thoroughly understood 
at the outset that they could come before this committee and tell the 
names of the friends and be sure that they would be kept in confidence 
that they would be given an opportunity to tell which friends they 
were going to name and they would have been glad to come down and 
talk to the committee privately and under conditions which are less 
tense than they have up here in this public hearing. 

You did see yesterday that Professor Martin was quite nervous. 
He doesn't face this sort of thing easily. I certainly believe that 
if it could be announced that some of these people who have been 
through this unfortunate experience could know that they could come 
to the committee in executive session and talk as between friends and 
confidentially with the understanding that the names that they had 
wouldn't be made public until the people had been investigated and 
perhaps given an opportunity to come before the committee themselves 
m executive session, that these men would have been down here long 
ago. 

As you probably realize, it is difficult for a conscientious man to 
name his friends in this thing. The really courageous fellow is per- 
fectly willing to talk about his own Communist activities. All three 
of these men, when I started to talk about it, were more than willing 
to come and tell privately or publicly what their entire connection was 
with the Communist Party, but they had the same feeling that I cer- 
tainly have ingrained in myself — that I was brought up not to tell 
tales, even on my older brother, and none of us like to do it. 

I asked Professor Levinson when the question was put, I think by 
Mr. Doyle, as to some suggestion as to how to do things easier, "Have 
you got an answer?" I don't have an answer. He told me that he 
did not have an answer, and to me that is a very sound answer. 

Mr. Velde. Thank you for the assistance that you have been giving, 
not only to your client but also to the committee. 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Levinson, in clearing up the record after the 
discussion with the Congressman just a moment ago, until you were 
subpenaed by this committee, did you ever give any of the infor- 
mation you have given here publicly today to any other Govermnent 
agency ? 

Dr. LEAT:]srsoN. No ; I did not. 

Mr. KuNziG. So that what you have said here today, the testimony 
before the committee and before the public is the first time you have 
ever given this information ? 

Dr. Levinsox. To any Government agency ? 

Mr. KuNziG. Yes. 

Dr. LE^^NSOx. That is correct. 

Mr. KuNziG. Thank you. 

Mr. Veldb. I mean this in no disrespectful way at all, but a number 
of members of the Communist Party who have been dissatisfied with 
the partj'^ and who have seen fit to withdraw from the party have gone 
to the Federal Bureau of Investigation and given their information 
to a legally constituted body of our American Government. I am just 



1108 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

wondering if you ever had that in mind yourself at the time you were 
on the verge, shall we say, of getting out of the party? 

Dr. Levixson, Certainly at the time I was on the verge of getting 
out of the party I would never have considered such a thing, and that 
is why I made the proposal I made before of some v\ay of a man going 
to some branch of Government and stating his own case. When a man 
is getting out of the party it is very hard for him to think in terms 
of ex])osing his associates. He is willing to tell about himself. If he 
could do that and not be pushed beyond the point, I think that would 
be the case. So far as the P'ederal Bureau of Investigation is con- 
cerned, on the basis of the questions that were asked, it has always been 
clear that the Federal Bureau of Investigation not only knew about me 
but there was every evidence that they knew everybody who had been 
associated with the Henry Thoreau and other groups. They seemed to 
have pretty good knowledge of the whole thing. I doubt if I have 
anything to add to what they also know. 

Mr. Velde. I was in the Federal Bureau of Investigation for some 
time and I am aware of the fact that while every attempt is made to 
discover subversive activities by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, 
like all other intelligence agencies they are not infallible, and I can 
'assure you very definitely that the Federal Bureau of Investigation 
does not have the complete roster of memliers of the Communist Party 
and does not have a complete list of all of the persons in this country 
who are engaged in subversive activities. That fact has been brought 
out. I think ^Ir. J. Edgar Hoover and the Federal Bureau of Investi- 
gation are fine people and it is a great organization, but they are not 
infallible. 

So as a committee of Congress, elected by the people, we feel that 
we have a duty and that duty has been imposed upon us by Congress 
not only to report to Congress for the purpose of remedial legislation 
but to inform the people who elected us about subversive activities. 
Frankly, I think that at the time you became dissatisfied and withdrew 
from the Communist Party, as an American citizen it imposed a duty 
upon you to apply to some agency of goveinment which was interested 
in subversive activities. You say you kncAv they were investigating 
you. I mean that in all respect, but I just want to put that in the 
record. 

Do you have any further questions? 

Mr. Doyle. I have one which I believe is important. I was in at- 
tendance at another committee meeting so I didn't hear the prelimi- 
nary statement of this witness this morning, so I do not have the benefit 
of that information. May I ask you this; am I correct or am I in 
error that there are a num.ber of American citizens who joined the 
Communist Party in 1938, 1939, 1940. 1941, and 1942 who stayed until 
and even are now, some of them, members, but in that group of Amer- 
ican citizens were those who were interested in the Communist Party 
on an intellectual basis really philosophically to study Marxism and 
to see if that was a way out of the dilemma which they thought 
existed in our country? Is there a difference at this time within that 
group of the men who still stayed in although joining back there, after 
the Duclos letter of May 1945, who still stayed in and those who would 
get out if they thought that there was a way they could, either by 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1107 

going to the Federal Bureau of Investigation or by coming to this 
committee ? Do you get my point ? 

Dr. Levinson. Yes. 

Mr. Doyle. Is the group who stays in now, men of your intelli- 
gence or intellectual background or a little less than yours, who still 
stay in because they want to stay in and are still confirmed Commu- 
nists and some other group also who want to get out but haven't seen 
the light? 

Dr. Levinson. Well I certainly don't know who is in the Commu- 
nist Party these days. I would" suspect actually that practically no 
academic people are left in. As I said before, I think only very 
maladjusted people could remain in the Comniunist Party in view 
of what has transpired since the war, the terrible destruction of de- 
mocracy in Czechoslovakia was a ghastly thing. The obvious non- 
existence of any kin^l of civil liberties in the Soviet Union and so on. 

Mr. Doyle. My closing question is, I understand the purport of 
your answer is that those who do stay in now since the close of the 
war and since the Duclos letter of May 1945 are men and women who 
basically wished to further the international Communist conspiracy 
as written about by Marx and others. 

Dr. Levinson. Yes ; they certainly wish to further that conspiracy. 
I would hesitate to blame it all on Marx. There was an awful lot 
added that Marx would be disturbed and distressed about. They 
certainly wish to further that conspiracy. There is no question about 
that. 

Mr. Doyle. Thank you. 

Mr. Velde. Dr. Levinson, I think I can speak for the committee 
in saying that we feel that you and your counsel have performed a 
patriotic service in coming before this committee and giving us the 
benefit of your knowledge relative to subversive activities and other 
activities which are going on at the present time in this country 

L^nless there is anything further, you are discharged from your 
subpena with the committee's thanks. 

The committee will stand in recess until 2 : 30 this afternoon. 

(Thereupon, at 12: 22 p. m,, the hearing was recessed, to reconvene 
at 2 : 30 p. m., same day.) 

afternoon session 

(At the hour of 2: 30 p. m., of the same day, the proceedings were 
resumed, the following committee members being present: Kepre- 
sentatives Harold H. Velde (chairman). Kit Clardy (appearance 
noted in transcript), Gordon H. Scherer, and Clyde Doyle.) 

Mr. Velde. Let the record show that I have appointed a subcom- 
mittee consisting of Mr. Doyle of California and myself as chairman 
for the purpose of this hearing. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will Mrs. Theodora Goldstein come forward, 
please ? 

Mr. Velde. In the testimony you are about to give before this sub- 
committee, do you swear to tell the truth, the whole truth and noth- 
ing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I do. 

30172— 53— pt. 4 G 



1108 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

TESTIMONY OF MES. THEODORA GOLDSTEIN, ACCOMPANIED BY 
HER COUNSEL, LAWRENCE D. SHUBOW 

Mr. Tavenner. State your name, please. 

Mrs. GoLDSTELN. Tlieoclora Goldstein. 

Mr. Tavknner. Are you accompanied by counsel? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I am. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will counsel please identify himself for the record ? 

Mr. Shubow. Lawrence D. Shubow, 10 Tremont Street, Boston, 
Mass. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. You spell your name S-h-u-b-o-w? 

Mr. Shubow. That is correct. 

Mr. Tavenner. You are Mrs. Goldstein, are you not ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I am. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was your name before marriage ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. Mitzberg. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell that, please? 

Mrs. Goldstein. M-i-t-z-b-e-r-g. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is the place of your birth ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. New York City. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your first name? 

Mrs. Goldstein. Theodora. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you also known among your friends as Teddy ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I am known by my friends as Teddy. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your present occupation ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I am employed as a secretary in Boston. 

Mr. Tavenner. I am sorry, I didn't hear you. 

Mrs. Goldstein. I said I am employed as a secretary in Boston. 

Mr. Ta\tcnner. How are you employed there? 

ISIrs. Goldstein. How ? 

Mr. Tavenner. By whom ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. By an attorney by the name of A. E. 

Mr. Tavenner. I am not interested in the name, just the nature of 
the work. 

Mrs. Goldstein. I work for an attorney in Boston. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you worked in that capacity ? 

IMrs. Goldstein. I started as a part-time employee in December 
1951 and sometime in January 1952 I started full-time em])]oyment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, what your 
formal educational training has been ? 

Mrs. (Joi.DSTKiN. 1 grad)i;ited from Wattlcy High School in New 
York City in 1934. In 1938 I was graduated from Hunter College. 
I took some graduate courses in chemistry at Columbia University 
extension from 1938 to 1939. That is the extent of my formal edu- 
cation. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, what your em- 
ployment has been since the completion of your formal educational 
training in 1939? 

]Mrs. Goldstein. 1938. 

Mr. Tavenner. 1938. 

Mrs. Goldstein. Yes, because I worked as a full-time volunteer for 

1938 and 1939 at the College of Physicians and Surgeons, and from 

1939 to 1941 I was emj^loyed bv New York University Medical School 
at Bellevue Hospital in New York City. I worked there until 1941 



COaiMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1109 

because my husband was in service and I stopped working so that I 
could travel with him. When he went overseas in 1941 with the Marine 
Corps, I went back to New York and worked from 1942 to 1943 at the 
New York University Medical School. From about October 1943 to 
June 1944, when my husband came back from overseas, I stopped 
working and I had been working for Kellex Corp. 
Mr. Tavenner. Will you spell that Kellex, please? 
Mrs. Goldstein. K-e-1-l-e-x Corp. Then from 1944 to 1945 I didn't 
work because again I was traveling with my husband when he was 
stationed in California. In 1945 I worked for Shell Oil Development 
Co. in Emeryville, Calif. I worked until we came back east. We came 
to Boston. I didn't work for a short period and then I was employed 
by a charitable organization. During the year 1946, during part of 
1946 and from 1946 the fall until early in 1949 I worked for several 

political action organizations. From 1949 

Mr. Tavenner, Just a moment, political action organizations. 
What do you mean ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. They were organizations for which I am very 
proud to have worked. They were concerned about the passage of leg- 
islation,, specific legislation against discrimination for housing, in- 
creased appropriations for schools. 

(At this point Representative Gordon H. Scherer entered the hear- 
ing room.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Did I understand that was between 1946 and 1949? 
Mrs. Goldstein. Yes, sir ; and for the election of candidates whom 
we believed it would be good to have in office. 
Mr. Tavenner. What were those organizations ? 
Mrs. Goldstein. Mr. Tavenner, the organizations with which I have 
worked and for which I have worked, some of the organizations this 
committee has put on its blacklist without notice or without hearing 
and I am not going to — I decline. 

Mr. Tavenner. You mean that the committee has listed them as 
being either Communist or subversive or Communist- front organi- 
zations ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. Well, this committee has listed them and what I 
assume it means is that this committee does not approve of them. 

Mr. Tavenner. It is not a matter of approval or disapproval. It is a 
matter of classifying certain organizations because of their activities, 
such as the Attorney General of the United States has done. They are 
not blacklisting. They are designating the organizations for certain 
activities. 

Mrs. Goldstein. But they are designated without the organization 
having a chance of hearings of any respect of the organization to 
present its position and without a chance to defend itself against being 
so designated. 

Mr. Tavenner. What organization has been so designated by the 
Attorney General or this committee for which you worked in a secre- 
tarial or executive capacity? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I am sorry, sir. I said that I decline to give you 
the names of those organizations because they have been listed and 
because my answers might conceivably do me damage and I proclaim 
the right of the fifth amendment in not giving you those names. 



1110 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Tavenner. Did yon work at any time as an assistant for a 
non-Communist who in turn was active in the Progressive Citizens of 
America? 

Mrs. Goldstein. That seems to me to be several questions. 

Mr. Tam-^nner. No, it is one question. 

Mrs. Goldstein. I am going to decline to answer that. You are 
asking about where I have worked and I have said that I decline to 
give you that, and you are asking about people with whom I worked. 

Mr. Ta\tenner. I don't want you to be misled by my question. The 
Progressive Citizens of America has not been cited as a Communist- 
front organization, to my knowledge, either by the Attorney General 
of the United States or this committee. 

Mrs. Goldstein. I must admit that I am not thoroughly familiar 
with the total list of organizations designated by this committee or 
by the Attorney General. I know the names of some of them and I 
know that they grow constantly without the public being given any, 
you know, adequate information and I am not going to, because some 
of these have been listed — I am not going to give you — I don't feel 
that I would be doing myself a 

Mr. Tavenner. I am asking you about a specific organization which 
has not been so listed. 

Mrs. Goldstein. May I consult counsel? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

(Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 

Mrs. Goldstein. Counsel advised me firstly of one fact which I had 
forgotten, and that is that this organization about which you asked 
has been listed in my own State as such a subversive organization. 

Mr. Scherer. What State is that ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. Massachusetts, and also without notice or hearing. 
It was arbitrary. 

Mr. Scherer. By whom was it designated? 

Mrs. Goldstein. A committee of the Massachusetts State Legisla- 
ture, and also it has been accused publicly and I don't know whether 
the accusations were made before this committee, but it was made 
by witnesses before this committee of having been infiltrated by Com- 
munists and subversives and I think — well, with that background as a 
reason I have a reasonable assumption on which I can claim the fifth 
amendment. 

Mr. Taat^nner. If you will recall, my question was whether or not 
you worked as an assistant or as a secretary to a person who was a 
non-Communist. I am not asking you about working for a Commu- 
nist who was engaged or might have been engaged in work for the 
Progressive Citizens of America. I am asking you specifically if you 
worked for a person who was not a Communist. 

Mrs. Goldstein. Well, firstly I worked for many people and I do 
not ask their political affiliations when I work for them or with them. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you mean to say you don't know and 

Mrs. Goldstein. No, I didn't say I don't. 

Mr. Tavenner. And because of your uncertainty about that, you 
felt that you should not be requested to answer the question? 

Mrs. Goldstein. No, I feel I should not be required to answer be- 
cause I do not feel that I should be asked about the political affiliations 
of people with whom I worked, and I decline to answer that question. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION ( EDUCATION ) 1111 

Mr. ScHERER. He didn't ask about the political affiliation, did you, 
Mr. Ta venner 'I Wasn't the question whether she worked for a man ? 

Mr. Ta\tenner. That was all. 

Mrs. Goldstein. You asked whether I worked for a person who 
is a non-Communist, which is again the political affiliation. 

Mr. SciiERER. Do you have that man's name, Mr. Tavenner ? 

Mr. Tavenner. No. ^Irs. Goldstein, a witness by the name of 
Herbert A. Philbrick testified before this committee on July 23, 1951, 
regarding his membership in a professional group of the Communist 
Party in Boston, Mass. He advised the committee that he became a 
member of the Communist Party in 1944 and continued as a member 
until he was expelled from the Communist Party in April of 1951, 
I think. During that period of time he was acting in behalf of the 
Federal Bureau of Investigation in obtaining information for the 
Government regarding the operations of the Communist Party in 
Boston. This is his testimony with regard to a professional cell of the 
Comnumist Party. 

Mrs. Goldstein. May I interrupt you, sir. If this is the same infor- 
mation which appeared in one part of Mr. Philbrick's $2 million ac- 
cusations in the form of a book, I have read them, I have read parts 
of his book. 

(At this point Representative Kit Clardy entered the hearing 
room.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Suppose you listen to my statement and then I 
will base a question on it. Mr. Philbrick was asked to describe the 
circumstances under which he became a member of this professional 
group of the Communist Party and this was his testimony before tliis 
committee : 

Mr. Philbrick. I joined the pro group upon orders of Fanny Hartman, and 
was instructed at that time that I was to separate myself from the Eighth 
Congressional District work and from affiliation with groups in that section, 
and join an underground Communist group known only as Pro-4, or sometimes 
known as MO. 

Mr. Philbrick continued to testify as follows : 

I was instructed at the time that I was to drop all contact with all mem- 
bers of the Communist Party with whom I had been previously affiliated. I was 
to drop out of sight and no longer affiliate with them or fraternize with them 
on an official or a social basis. So far as the comrades with whom I had been 
previously affiliated, I had apparently dropped out of the Communist Party. 

I was told that in the pro grcmp I was to affiliate only witli members in my 
own cell, and that I was to keep the identities of known people in my cell a 
secret ; that is, I was not to mention their names to any other individuals, either 
thai I knew them as Communists or as non-Communists. 

And so in either September or October 1947 I did separate myself from 
the Eighth Congressional District and joined the pro group. 

Mr. Philbrick was asked then to state to the committee what the 
general purposes of this group were. He testified as follows: 

Mr. Philbrick. First of all, all of these people were professional people. They 
were engaged in the law profession, or the teaching profession, or advertising, 
or as doctors, or in some other line of work of a professional nature. 

Their chief objectives were twofold. Number one, of course, was to serve as 
Communist Party agents in Communist-front organizations. By Communist-front 
organizations I mean those such as the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee. 
At least two members of my own cell were assigned to work in that group. 

Then we were also instructed to participate in non-Communist organizations. 
At that time, for example, the Progressive Citizens of America might be con- 
sidered as a non-Communist organization to some extent. I believe members of 



1112 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

the professional group worked in the forerunner of the Progressive Citizens of 
America, known as the Citizens PAC, was it not, Citizens Political Action 
Committee? 

And of course we were asked to influence people in our normal surroundings. 
For example, I was listed as a Republican in Melrose, and listed as a Baptist, 
and I was to influence these people as best I could in Marxism. 

Mr. Tavtcnner. Were you directed by the Communist Party to become a member 
of the Republican Party, or were you a member of the Republican Party and 
used your membership at tlie instance of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Philbrick. I was requested to be a member of the Republican Party by the 
Communists. From my history, which they had a very record of, they knew that 
my parents were both Republicans so they said. "We think it is a i;ood idea for 
you to be listed as a Republican, too, .especially since the Democrats are very 
weak in your town and the Republicans are the only ones that have any force 
there." 

Mr. Jackson. Did you make any converts among the Republicans? 

Mr. Philbbick. I am afraid not. 

Then Mr. Philbrick was asked to advise the committee the num- 
ber of people in this professional "[roup which he had identihed and 
he stated that there were between 70 and 80 members and that they 
were divided into smaller groups, 14 or 15. 

Mr. Philbrick then proceeded to advise the committee that in the 
particular cell that he was assigned to there were 12 members and he 
was asked to give the names of those persons. This is his reply : 

At the time I .ioined, the chairman was a person named Dick. Immediately 
thereafter. Comrade Martha became leader of the cell. 

He advised the committee he was known in the group himself by 
the name of Herb. He said tliere was a person by the name of Com- 
rade Jackie, who happened to be a girl. Comrade Norma, Teddy, who 
was also a girl. Faith. And Henry. He advised the committee that 
they were known by the first names in this group and during the 
period of his experience with them he was able to learn their last 
names, the last names of some of them but not all of them. 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Philbrick then advised that different members 
of this group were assigned to various organizations. 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 

Mr. Tavenner. He said this : 

Comrade Jackie was a girl, a stenographer or a private secretary. Her assign- 
ment by the party for quite a while was that of working with the Joint Anti- 
Fascist Refugee Committee. 

He said that Comrade Norma was also assigned to the Joint Anti- 
Fascist Refugee Committee. 

He referred to Comrade Helen and said : 

Comrade Helen, I learned her last name was something like Dugochet. I don't 
know how that was spelled. The phonetic spelling would be D-u-g-o-c-h-e-t. I 
believe she was a British citizen and served as a courier for the party, making 
many trips between here and Great Britain. 

He said : 

Comrade Teddy was assigned to the Progressive Party. I don't recall her 
name at the moment, but she played an important part in the Progressive Party 
work in Massachusetts. 

You referred to a book which was subsequently written by Mr. Philn 
brick. It is entitled "I Led 3 Lives: Citizen-'Communist'-Counter- 
spy." 

(At this point ISIrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr, Shubow.) 



COMMtrXIS'r METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1113 

Mr. Taa'enner. The book was copyrighted in 1952. He elaborates 
somewhat in his book upon the testimony which I have just read to 
you. 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 
Mr. TA^'ENNER. He described in detail in this book how he attended 
the first meeting of this professional cell of which he was a member 
and how he was met at the door by a person named Norma in whoso 
home they met, and that that home was on Revere Street Hill, a few 
feet from the corner of Revere and Charles, apartment No. 6. 
(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 
Mr. Tavenner. He described in this book how he entered the room 
and upon entering was introduced by Norma to those who were pres- 
ent and this is the language in which he describes the introduction : 

Now meet these other people. Teddy, Jackie, Faith, Butch, Peg, Helen — this 
Is Herb. 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 
Mr. Tavenner. And then he continued : 

There was only one among them whom I knew well, Comrade Teddy, a pert, 
pretty career girl, was an executive assistant — — 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 
Mr. Tavenner (continuing to read) : 

executive assistant to one of the leading non-Communist figures in PCA. In 
this position she was a veritable pipeline of information from the top level of 
PCA to the Communist Party. She had access to PCA plans, platforms, and 
decisions even before the membership. 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 
Mr. Tavenner (continuing to read) : 

She knew thoroughly the organization's sources of income and political con- 
tacts. Now she greeted me with a superior little smile. 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 

Mr. Ta\'enner. Were you the Teddy referred to by Mr. Philbrick 
in this testimony as a member of a professional group of the Com- 
munist Party in Boston ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. Mr. Tavenner, firstly, I am not going to answer 
that question and there are several reasons why I am not going to 
answer it. If I could face Mr. Philbrick and have my counsel cross- 
examine him, that would be fine. Also, it seems to me that to be faced 
with questions of accusation not of any illegal acts and to be put in 
a position of having to either acknowledge or disavow and to answer 
these questions is against everything that involves fair play, 

Mr. Tavenner. If this information is correct and you were a mem- 
ber of that cell, you would be in a position to be of invaluable aid to 
this committee in the investigation it is undertaking. 

Mrs. Goldstein. Mr. Tavenner, I have no desire of being of in- 
valuable aid to this committee in its investigation. I don't concede 
the committee's right to investigate political bodies. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have not asked you 

Mrs. Goldstein. If you investigated illegal acts I would be happy 
to. 

Mr. Taa'i:nner. I have not asked you regarding your political acts. 
I am asking you regarding a very important activity. 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 



1114 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATIOlSr (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you answer the question? Were you the 
Teddy referred to in the testimony of Mr. Philbrick ? 

Mrs. GoLDSTF.iN. I am not going to answer questions that involve 
my political affiliation. I won't do it because I don't think under the 
first amendment — I have a right to have private opinions. I am not 
guilty of any overt acts of disloyalty or of any overt illegal acts and 
I am not goin^ to answer that question and it seems to me quite 
obvious they might conceivably be used against me and I claim pro- 
tection under the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Clardt. Did I understand you to say that you would not co- 
operate with this committee? 

Mrs. Goldstein. No, I shall not. 

Mr. Clakdy. Would you cooperate with it in other investigations? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I can think of 

Mr. Clardy. I am asking whether you would cooperate with this 
committee in any other investigation. 

Mrs. Goldstein. Being familiar v»'ith the work of this committee, 
Mr. Clardy, I find it difficult to answer that in a general way. 1 
would have to know what it was investigating. 

Mr. Clardy. You can answer "Yes" or "No" and you wouldn't be 
very general. I am asking you whether you would cooperate with us 
in any other investigations? 

Mrs. Goldstein. It depends on the investigations. 

Mr. Clardy, Suppose we should carry on an investigation and call 
before us other persons who might in some fashion or other have been 
identified as having been members of the Communist Party. Would 
you aid in that investigation if you had information? 

Mrs. Goldstein. That is the same investigation. 

Mr. Clardy. It is, and you would not then cooperate ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. No, not in an investigation of people's political 
activities. 

Mr. Velde. Let me get something straight. In answer to Mr. 
Tavenner's question relative to your identification as a person named 
Teddy, you said you would not cooperate with the committee, as I 
understand it, because it conflicted with your political views. 

Mrs. Goldstein. That was one of im^ reasons. 

Mr. Velde. And therefore you decline to answer the question. 

Mrs. Goldstein. Yes, sir ; but that was one of my reasons. I said 
if that reason itself is not accepted by this committee I will also refuse 
to answer that question because my answer might conceivably be used 
against me and I won't, you know, testify against myself. I claim 
the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Doyle. May I ask this question, Mr. Chairman ? 

Mr. Velde. Yes. 

Mr. Doyle. In vieAV of your ansAvers to committee member, Mr. 
Clardy, in which I understood 3^011 to say that whether or not you 
would cooperate with the committee depended upon the investigation 
which we were making. 

Mrs. Goldstein. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Doyle. If we happened to be investigating some person or 
group of persons wliom you believed to be Fascists, would you co- 
operate with the committee? 



COMIMUNIST METHODS OF ENFILTRATIOX (EDUCATION) 1115 

Mrs. Goldstein. Well, I believe for example that — I can think of a 
specific case. I can answer that by saying that I will help the com- 
mittee investigate all overt acts or criminal acts or force or violence. 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shnbow.) 

Mrs. Goldstein. I was thinking specifically of one which my coun- 
sel reminded me of and which I think falls into your category, which 
is the bombing of the home of Mr. and Mrs. Harry Moore in Florida. 
I would be happy to participate in the investigation to uncover those 
people responsible. 

Mr. DoTLE. I was asking you a specific question. 

Mrs. Goldstein. I will participate in any investigation of criminal 
acts or of violence. 

Mr. Doyle. My question was whether or not you would cooperate 
with this committee. 

Mrs. Goldstein. Not in ideas. 

Mr. Clardt. Do you think membership in the Communist Party has 
something merely to do with politics ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. May I consult counsel? 

Mr. Clardy. Oh, surely, at any time. 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 

Mrs. Goldstein. May I hear the question again? You said did I 
believe that membership in the Communist Party is a political ac- 
tivity? 

Mr. Clardy. Will you you read the question, Mr. Reporter ? 

(At this point the following question was read :) 

Do you think membership in the Communist Party has something merely to 
do with polities? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I think that until there are overt, illegal acts per- 
formed, and I am not aware of a,ny on the part of the Communist 
Party, that I would answer "Yes" to that question. 

Mr. Clardy. I wasn't asking you anything about overt acts at all. 
I am merely asking you whether or not you regard membership in 
the Communist Party as membership in a political party ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. Yes, I do. 

Mr. Clardy. And you do not think then, I take it, that the Commu- 
nist Party is engaged in any conspiracy either within the Nation or 
on a worldwide basis? 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 

Mrs. Goldstein. I think — you asked me my opinion. You asked 
me a matter of my opinion. 

Mr. Clardy. Will you read the question to her again, Mr. Reporter? 

(At this point Mrs. Goldrstein conferred with Mr. Shubrow.) 

And you do not think then, I take it, tliat the Communist Party is engaged In 
any conspiracy either within tlie Nation or on a worldwide basis? 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubrow.) 
Mrs. Goldstein. It just struck me when I heard the stenographer 
reread the question, you haven't said conspiracy about what. I think 
this is a matter of opinion, but in my opinion it is not. 

Mr. Clardy. In other words, then, you are presently of the belief 
or the opinion, whichever a^ou care to phrase it, that the Communist 
Party is not today conspiring against the Nation of which you are a 
citizen ? 



1116 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATIOX f EDUCATION) 

Mrs. GoLDSTEix. That is right. 

Mr. Clardy. How long liave you been of that belief ? 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 

Mrs. Goldstein. I have never — I suppose firstly 

Mr. Clardy. I am not trying to find your age now ; don't misunder- 
stand. 

Mrs. Goldstein. I think you are, however, asking questions that 
I don't concede the right of this committee to ask. I think you are 
asking questions that are matters of opinion and I could refuse to 
answer because I don't have to express my opinions on how long I 
have held them. 

Mr. Clardy. The committee has a pretty fair knowledge of the law. 
If you do not care to answer, just to rely upon one of the constitutional 
provisions, you may do so, but please answer it or decline on tlie 
gi'ounds that you stated previously. 

Mrs. Goldstein. I will decline to answer those questions; you know 
we are delving into my own political opinions. 

Mr. Clardy. Then, to put it another way so there will not be a ques- 
tion of opinion, I take it you would w^ait for the dropping of a bomb 
or the commencement of some act of violence before you would be 
willing to cooperate with this committee in investigating the Com- 
munist conspiracy; is that your position? 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 

Mr. Clardy. I don't find it very funny. Witness. I see you are 
laughing. 

Mrs. Goldstein. I don't find it funny. 

Mr. Clardy. Why are you laughing, then? 

Mrs. Goldstein. Because of the wording of the question. I sat 
here this morning and heard somebody discuss the 25,000 Commu- 
nists in this country and it is rather inconceivable for me to imagine 
they will drop a bomb and to put my opinion of the Communist Party 
into that kind of a framework seems a little far-fetched. I would 
say that I don't think that anybody is guilty until he commits a crime, 
and 1 do not think what people think, even if it does not agree with 
this committee, is a crime. 

Mr. Clardy. Then you would reserve any cooperation with this 
committee until that overt act has taken place, is that what you are 
trying to say ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I told Mr. Doyle I would be happy to cooperate 
with this committee to investigate when a bomb was put under the 
house of Mr. and Mrs. Harry Moore, of Florida. If they are overt 
acts I would be happy to participate in an investigation. 

Mr. Sciiereh. Suppose you had knoAvledge of the planning of an act 
to overthrow the Government of the United States, would you then 
cooperate with the committee ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. To overthrow the Government of the United States 
by force and violence? 

Mr. Scherer. Yes, if you had knowledge. 

Mrs. Goldstein. Yes. 

Mr. Doyle. Will the gentleman yield in view of the fact that the 
witness uses the term "overt act" when I was asking the question. I 
wonder if the witness has in mind other things other than just drop- 
ping a bomb which might be classified as an "overt act." I intended to 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1117 

ask you that a minute ago. You said until there was some "overt act" 
you wouhhi't cooperate with the committee. 

Mr. Clardy, JN'Iay I suggest to you something, to inquire of her 
whetlier she is an attorney and knows the legal meaning of the word 
"overt." 

Mrs. Goldstein. I was using it as an act which violates a law, an act 
which is in violation of a law. 

Mr. DoTLE. I know you are familiar with the decision of the United 
States Supreme Court in that field. 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 

Mrs. GoLDsiTiiN. Which decision? 

Mr. DoYi^. I was wondering if you were familiar with that when I 
used that language because you were familiar with it. In other words, 
you would feel that there would be no conspiracy to violently over- 
throw our Government in this country unless a group of people ac- 
tually were moving physically to do it, is that correct? 

(At this point Mi"s. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 

Mrs. Goldstein. Yes. 

Mr. Doyle. In other words, you would not feel it was conspiracy if 
they were sitting around the table talking about what they would do 
5 minutes later to use force and violence ? 

That wouldn't be an overt act in your judgment? 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 

Mrs. Gi3LDSTEiN. I liavc a feeling now that I am supposed to know 
exactly what conspiracy constitutes. But it seems to me that from 
your question if they were talking about overthrowing the Govern- 
ment by force and violence tliat the conspiracy, if it is in violation of 
a law, would be an act of violation. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, I assume that with your quick response to our 
questions about conspiracy and j^our volunteering the term "overt act" 
and all that, that you are probably pretty familiar with what the 
term "conspiracy" meant because you yourself volunteered the differ- 
entiation, I think. 

Mrs. Goldstein. I don't think, or if I did it was done without my 
being aware I introduced conspiracy. I introduced an investigation 
of acts as opposed to opinions or beliefs or membership or participa- 
tion. 

Mr. DoYT.E. I thank you. 

Mr. Velde. I feel we are getting too far afield in introducing the 
witness's knowledge of the law and I think it is out of the field that 
■we should make inquiry into and I ask you, counsel, to proceed. 

Mr. Clardy. I have one more question, Mr. Chairman, if I may. 
I want to sum this up. Isn't it then your position that you will begin 
to cooperate with this committee after the fighting in the streets has 
started ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I think I made my position clear and I am not 
going to answer that question, Mr. Clardy. 

Mr. Clardy. That is all, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Velde. Proceed, Mr. Tavenner. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Philbrick described a question period at the 
first meeting of this professional group to which I referred and he 
used this language : 

There was a question period after the discussion. Our hostess. Norma, who, I 
discovered, was a newcomer to the group herself, holding the first meeting at 
her own apartment, was disturbed that democracy would also disappear after 



1118 COMMTJN^IST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

the revolution. Democracy under capitalism, it was explained, was merely 
another form of the bourgeois state, and it must be destroyed. 

But if there was any question of the group's not understanding the lesson, 
it was dispelled in the summary given by the discussion leader: "The replace- 
ment of the bourgeois state by the proletarian state is impossible without a violent 
revolution. The abolition of the proletarian state, in turn, is only possible 
through withering away, when it is no longer necessary as a controlling force." 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 

Mr, Tavenner. Were you present during that discussion ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. Mr. Tavenner, I think I have given my reasons 
for not answering any of the questions concerning Mr. Philbrick's 
accusations. 

Mr. TA^^NNER. But I understood you to advise one of the members 
of the committee that you would cooperate with this committee if 
there was anything of an overt nature, an overt act committed and 
the teaching of revolution is certainly held to be the equivalent of an~ 
overt act in the Dennis case which went to the Supreme Court of the 
United States. 

Mrs. Goldstein. Then if there are overt acts and this committee, 
you know, has evidence of them and is aware of them, it would seem 
to me that there are courts for the prosecution of such acts. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, we are asking you what your version of that 
discussion was, if you heard it. 

Mrs. Goldstein. There is no chance before this committee to face the 
man who makes these accusations and ask him about them. And I 
am not going to answer any questions before this committee concern- 
ing any of the accusations made by Mr. Philbrick. 

Mr. Tavenner. On what grounds? 

Mrs. Goldstein. On the grounds firstly that I don't know if this is, 
you know, a strictly legal ground, if there are overt acts, I will ask 
questions about overt acts, and to cross-examine him and to have a 
regular court procedure. 

Mr. Tavenner. The committee doesn't need your help in cross- 
examining Mr. Philbrick, but we need your help in advising what 
knowledge you have, if any, regarding the teaching of the overthrow 
of the United States by force and violence. 

Mrs. Goldstein. I am not going to answer that question now. 
Obviously any answer I might give today might conceivably be used 
against me. 

Mr. ScHERER. Did you ever live on Revere Street in Boston? 

Mrs. Goldstein. No. 

Mr. ScHERER. Did you ever visit that apartment on Revere Street 
in Boston which was referred to by Mr. Tavenner ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I will not answer that question on what has been 
read. 

Mr. Clardy. Is that because you are apprehensive you might in- 
criminate yourself? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I will not testify to anything that might incrimi- 
nate me. 

Mr. ScTTERER. Did you ever know anybody who lived at apartment 
No. 6 on Revere Street in Boston, Mass.? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I am not going to answer that question for the 
same reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. There was a nationwide peace conference held in 
Chicago on June 29 to July 1, 1951. Did you attend it? 



COMIVIUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1119 

Mrs. Goldstein. I am not going to answer that question, sir. May 
I consult counsel on that? 

Mr. Tavenner. Surely. 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 

Mrs. Goldstein. I am in favor of world peace but I did not attend 
that conference. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have before me a photostatic copy of a booklet 
entitled "New England Speaks for Peace." It advertises the hold- 
ing of a meeting. 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 

Mr. Tavenner. On Saturday, January 23, 1951, an organization 
entitled "New England Conference for Peace" was held apparently 
for the purpose of electing delegates to the meeting that I just re- 
ferred to in Chicago to be held on June 29 through July 1 of 1951. 
Did you attend the meeting of the New England Conference for 
Peace ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. May I see that document to which you are 
referring ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes, I hand a photostatic copy to the witness and 
ask that it be marked "Goldstein Exhibit No. 1" for identification only. 

(The document referred to was marked for identification as "Gold- 
stein Exhibit No. 1.)" 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 

Mrs. Goldstein. I find that I wholeheartedly endorse the text of 
that. I believe firmly in world peace but I will not answer the ques- 
tion as to whether or not I attended this specific meeting because I 
notice firstly among other things there are names of people on there 
who have been named before this committee and I won't involve 
myself. 

Mr. Velde. At this point let the record show that I have appointed 
a new subcommittee consisting of Mr. Clardy as chairman, Mr. 
Scherer and Mr. Doyle for the purpose of continuing the hearing. 

(At this point Representative Velde left the hearing room.) 

Mr. Tavenner. There are also persons whose names were connected 
with the New England Conference for Peace who were not Commu- 
nists or affiliated in any way with the Communist Party, isn't that 
true ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I have no idea of the affiliation of the people whose 
names are listed there. 

Mr. Tavenner. You have no idea ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. Well, if I had an idea, the very fact that this whole 
thing is in question before the committee would cause me to refuse to 
answer that question. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you one of the sponsors of the conference? 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 

Mrs. Goldstein. I decline to ans*wer that question, Mr. Tavenner. 

Mr. Tavenner. I hand you the exhibit again and ask you to exam- 
ine it and see if your names appears on it as a sponsor? 

Mrs. Goldstein. The names marked out in red? 

Mr. Tavenner. You mean underscored in red, not marked out. 

Mrs. Goldstein. They seemed to be all filled in. The w^iite letters 
are all filled in with red, and that is me. 



1120 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Tavexner. You are able to discern your name very plainly, 
aren't you ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. I desire to offer the document in evidence and asked 
that it be marked "Goldstein Exhibit No. 1." 

Mr. Clardy. It will be received in evidence. 

(The document referred to was received in evidence as Goldstein 
Exhibit No. 1.) 

Mr. TA^^NNER. Turning- to the reverse side of the pamphlet it is 
noted that reference is made to a call to the American People's Con- 
gress and Exposition for Peace, sponsored by the American Peace 
Crusade, at the Chicago Coliseum, June 29, 30, and July 1, 1950. 

Then it states : 

The American Peace Crusade says: There is still time to save our country 
from war. 

and then take the position that the troops should be withdrawn from 
Korea and there should be a reduction and control of atomic weapons. 
Will you tell the committee what connection there was between the 
American Peace Crusade which is referred to on the back of this 
pamphlet and the New England Conference for Peace for which you 
were a sponsor? 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 
. Mrs. Goldstein. As I said, I endorse completely the statements on 
the paper which you showed me, but I will not answer the question 
which you just asked. 

iNIr. TAVTiNNER. For the same reasons? 

Mrs. Goldstein. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I think there should be made a part 
of the record at this point an excerpt from the Communist Peace Of- 
fensive, which was an exhaustive pamphlet prepared by this com- 
mittee and published on April 1, 1951. I read from page 51. 

Mr. Clardy. Before you do that, may I inquire here about a point ? 
Her answer to the last question was not quite clear to me. Is she 
standing on the fifth amendment in her refusal to answer that last 
question? I didn't so interpret it. 

Mrs. Goldstein. I am standing on the fifth amendment as well as 
others. 

Mr. Clardy. I want that clearly in the record. 

Proceed. 

Mr. Tavenner (reading) : 

American Peace Crusade. With the dissolution of the Peace Information 
Center, the Communists established a new instrument for their peace 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 
Mr. Tavenner (continuing to read) : 

offensive in the United States. This is known as the American Peace Crusade, 
admittedly organized in January 1951 and installed at national headqiiarters at 
1186 Broadway, New York 1, N. Y. W. E. B. Dubois, who had served as chair- 
man of tlie Peace Information Center, was amonji the initial sponsors of the 
American Peace Crusade, according to the Daily Worker of February 1, 1951, 
page 2. The formation of the new policy organization was announced for the 
first time in this same issue of the Daily Worker with the usual bold headlines 
reserved for projects in line with the Communist objectives. Other initial spon- 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1121 

sors of the American Peace Crusade included the following known Communists : 
Paul Robeson, Ben Gold, Howard Fast, Alex Sirota, Albert Kahn, Maurice 
Travis — 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 
Mr. Tavenner (continuing to read) : 

Harry Bridges, Ernest DeMaio, and Herbert Biberman. 

Do you have any knowledge of the part that the Communist Party 
played, if any, through the American Peace Crusade or otherwise or 
attempting to organize the New England Conference for Peace? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I decline to answer that on the same grounds. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Chairman, I think it would be well to add as a 
part of the record the statement of the Secretary of State on February 
20, 1951, with reference to the two objectives. 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Of the American Peace Crusade as shown on the 
back of the pamphlet introduced in evidence as Goldstein's Exhibit 
No. 1. 

The statement of the Secretary of State is as follows : 

In this latest manifestation of partisans of peace, American Peace Crusade, 
or Peace Pilgrimage, or whatever name it goes by at the time, the same people 
are calling for the same things, but this time they have added two more points: 
The first is that the Peace Crusade calls for the United Nations forces to with- 
draw from Korea; encouragement has been called for an immediate withdrawal 
from Korea, too. The encouragement of that wish to withdraw from Korea 
because if we do withdraw it will mean we are not willing to resist aggression 
wherever it may break out. Voluntary withdrawal from Korea would be a clear 
indication to the forces of international communism that the United States as 
the leader of the forces of the United Nations 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 
Mr. Tavenner (continuing to read) : 

was abdicating its responsibilities, abandoning its allies and renouncing the 
moral force which had made this country what it is. 

I understood you to say that you volunteered the information that 
you agreed with the objectives of the New England Conference for 
Peace. Does that apply also to the objective of the American Peace 
Crusade ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. May I see that document again ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

(At this jDoint Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 

Mrs. Goldstein. You are referring to the negotiations and senti- 
ment among the Big Five and the withdrawal of troops? 

Mr. Tavenner. The withdrawal of troops of Korea and the reduc- 
tion and control of atomic weapons and all other weapons. 

Mrs. Goldstein. Well, it said withdrawal of all non-Korean troops 
and a peacefiil and useful world? Yes, I subscribe to that. I think 
there are millions of Americans who do. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you become active as a member of this organ- 
ization toward the accomplishment of its objectives? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I would like to answer that this way. I think that 
for a citizen to hold opinions and to hold those opinions without in 
any way participating in what is going on in America to realize her 
opinions is a sign of bad citizenship, and I think that I have partici- 
pated in every way that is open to me to use the most positive expres- 
sions of good citizenship when I have believed in things I have done 



1122 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

everything legal to realize those things, but I am not going to answer 
any questions about organizations or associations or affiliations of any 
specific organizations in which I have participated, and I am not 
going to do that because of the imputations here that there is some- 
thing disloyal or subversive about these things, and I think that any 
answer I use might possibly be used against me and I am going to claim 
my right under the fifth amendment not to answer. 

Mr. Clardy. But you do endorse in full the things the organiza- 
tions stand for, if I understand your question correctly. 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 

Mrs. Goldstein. I endorse certain specific things, like I believe in 
world peace. 

Mr. Clardy. I am asking you this. You have been shown a docu- 
ment 

Mrs. Goldstein. I believe in those things which I read out, yes. 

Mr. Clardy. And you have, as I understand your statement, done 
what you could to promote those ends ? 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 

Mrs. Goldstein. I have done what I could because I think that for 
a citizen not to is a sign of bad citizenship and I think that I have 
been a very good citizen. I think too that ray exercise of the first and 
fifth amendments is a sign of good citizenship. I don't think you 
should be asking me about my beliefs and associations. 

Mr. Tavenner. You volunteered your testimony on that. I did not 
ask you. 

Mrs. Goldstein. I did not ask to come down here. I was sub- 
penaed down here. 

Mr. Tavenner. What I want to know is what connection did the 
Communist Party have with that movement, if you are willing to 
tell us. 

Mrs. Goldstein. I decline to answer that on the first and fifth 
amendments, specifically on the fifth. 

Mr. Ta\T':nner. I am reminded of one question I did not ask. 

Mr. Clardy. Go ahead. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I decline to answer that question, Mr. Tavenner, 
on both the first and fifth amendments. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have Communist Party meetings ever been held 
in your home, to your knowledge ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I decline to answer that question. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I decline to answer that question. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions. 

Mr. Clardy. Mr. Scherer? 

Mr. Scherer. Have you ever received any compensation from the 
Communist Party ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. Do you mean salary? I don't know what you 
mean. 

Mr. Scherer. Not necessarily salary. 

Mrs. Goldstein. You mean money ? 

Mr. Scherer. Money or anything of value from the Communist 
Party directly or indirectly. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1123 

Mrs. Goldstein. I have never received any compensation from — I 
have outlined my employment that I have received compensation from 
but I have not received any compensation from the Communist Party. 

Mr. SciiERER. Did you ever contribute anything of value to the 
Communist Party? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I decline to answer that question. 

Mr. Clardy. Mr. Doyle ? 

Mr. Doyle. No questions. 

Mrs. Goldstein. May I say just one thing? 

Mr. Clardy. Just a moment. 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) ^ 

Mr. Clardy. In the document that you say you approve, or rather, 
you approve of the statements that are set out therein, it is implied 
at least that insofar as Korea is concerned, we should forthwith and 
immediately withdraw. Now, that is a fair assumption from the 
express language. Is that your opinion as of now ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. That all troops sliould be withdrawn ? 

Mr. Clardy. American troops. 

Mrs. Goldstein. The thing which I said was all non-Korean troops, 
including Chinese. 

Mr. Clardy. I am asking you if you think American troops should 
be withdrawn forthwith ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. Yes; as well as Chinese, as well as any non- 
Koreans. 

Mr. Clardy. Questions have been asked you as to whether you are 
now a member of the Communist Party. Have you ever been a 
member of the party ? 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 

Mrs. Goldstein. I decline to answer that. 
^ Mr. Clardy. Have you ever belonged to one of these things we call 
a Communist front that you could identify as such ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I decline to answer that. 

Mr. Clardy. Have you ever attended meetings of any Communist 
front of any sort ? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I decline to answer that question. 

(At this point Mrs. Goldstein conferred with Mr. Shubow.) 

Mr. Clardy. Do you have any further questions, counsel ? 

Mr. Tavenner. No. 

Mr. Clardy. Is there any reason why this witness should not be ex- 
cused from the subpena ? 

Mr. Tavenner. There is not. 

Mrs. Goldstein. May I make 

Mr. Clardy. You may not make any statements to this committee. 

Mrs. Goldstein. There is an imputation of disloyalty 

Mr. Clardy. You are excused. 

Mrs. Goldstein. I would like, please, to make one statement. 

Mr. Clardy. You are not permitted to make any statement. You 
are not permitted to make any Communist harangue for the benefit of 
tbe audience. Please leave the stand, or shall I have you removed? 

Mrs. Goldstein. There is a very big difference between the way you 
treated the witnesses this morning. 

Mr. Clardy. Will you call the next witness? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I would like, please, to make a statement. 



1124 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Clardy. Will you escort her out, Mr. Nixon, or have some- 
one do so? 

Mrs. Goldstein. I don't have to have anyone escort me out. 

Mr. Clardy. Call your next witness. 

Mr. KuNziG. I call Arthur L. Levy. 

Mr. Clardy. Do you swear that the testimony that you are about 
to give before this committee is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing 
but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Levy. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF ARTHUR L. LEVY, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS COUNSEL, 

DAVID REIN 

Mr. Levy. May I request that no pictures be taken ? 

Mr. Clardy. May I ask your indulgence and we will work it that 
way, if you don't object. We will ask them if they have any picture 
taking that they do it before you testify. 

Mr. Levy. No ; I wish no picture taking. 

Mr. Clardy. Have they taken any of you thus far ? 

IMr. Levy. Not of me directly. 

Mr. Clardy. It looks as they are after more attractive subjects. 
They probably will shoot you after the testimony is over and I will 
have no control over it then. 

May I adress myself to the photographers. We have had a request, 
to which we acceded, that no pictures be taken during the course of 
the testimony, but, as I have informed him, after the testimony is 
completed and he is excused there is nothing I can do about it. 

Mr. Levy. You have no control even after the hearing is ended ? 

Mr. Clardy. No ; I have no control over them. 

Mr. Levy. Will you have those plates destroyed ? 

Mr. Clardy. Sir? 

Mr. Levy. I will ask them to refrain from using them and I would 
like them destroyed. 

Mr. KuNziG. May I request that we go on with the hearing ? 

Mr. Clardy. Proceed. 

Mr. KuNziG. If you were accompanied by counsel, will counsel 
please identify himself for the record? 

Mr. Rein. David Rein, 711 14th Street NW., Washington, D. C. 

Mr. KuNziG. Mr. Levy, will you state your full name and present 
address ? 

Mr. LE\Tr. Arthur L. Levy, 44- B Schuyler Heights, Menands, N. Y. 

Mr. KuNziG. When and where were you born ? 

Mr. Levy. In Connecticut on August 2, 1917. 

Mr. KuNziG. Would you outline your educational background ? 

Mr. Levy. Grammar and high school, received a bachelor's degree 
in chemistry and a doctor of philosophy degree in chemistry. 

Mr. KuNziG. Would you outline your employment background to 
the committee ? 

Mr. Levy. From when, sir ? 

Mr. KuNziG. From the time you finished your education. 

Mr. Levy. I am now on the staff of the chemistry department of 
Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute and have been so since I received the 
doctorate in chemistry in 1948. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1125 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you have any employment prior to that time ex- 
cept for minor part-time employment? 

Mr. Levy. I was in the Army up to 1945. I was a teacher, high- 
school teacher before that, 1940 to 1942, and I worked as a chemist for 
a year after getting my bachelor's degree in chemistry. 

Mr. KuNziG. What year was that ? 

Mr. Levy. 1938 to 1939. 

Mr. KuNziG. Where did you work as a chemist ? 

Mr. Levy. The Brigdeport Testing Laboratory. 

Mr. KuNziG. You originally were scheduled for appearance before 
the committee on April 14, 1953, which appearance was postponed for 
your convenience until today, is that right ? 

Mr. Levy. Yes. 

Mr. KuNziG. You set forth, I believe, in a letter to the committee 
that you were attending a chemical meeting in New York City, and 
I want to ask you if, during your attendance at that meeting on your 
part in New York, you discussed appearing before this committee 
with any members of the group or any people other than private 
counsel ? 

Mr. Levy. Any members of what group ? 

Mr. KuNziG. The group to the meeting which you were attending. 

Mr. Levy. I discussed it with counsel in New York. 

Mr. KuNziG. With counsel? 

Mr. Levy. Yes. 

Mr. KuNZiG. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Levy. I am perfectly willing to answer that but I would like to 
know if I may read a statement developing my answer after that. 

Mr. Clardy. You may answer it first and then if you have some 
explanation that is not too long, you will be privileged to do so. 

Mr. Levy. I have a short one-page statement. 

Mr. Clardy. Will you answer the question ? 

Mr. Levy. I decline to answer that question under the fifth amend- 
ment which protects me against inquisitions without proper legal 
counsel. 

Mr. KuNziG. You have proper legal counsel, isn't that correct? 

Mr. Levy. I have legal counsel with me. 

Mr. KuNziG. Not proper ? 

Mr. Levy. Oh, yes; he is quite proper. Let me say inquisitions 
without proper legal procedure also. 

Mr. KuNziG. You just made the statement that you were perfectly 
willing to answer that question. 

Mr. Levy. Yes, I have. 

Mr. KuNziG. And 1 second later you said you will not answer. 

Mr. Levy. That is my answer. 

Mr. KuNziG. Your answer is that you won't answer. 

Mr. Levy. I decline to answer it on the grounds of the fifth amend- 
ment. 

Mr. KuNziG. On the grounds of the fifth amendment ? 

Mr. Levy. And the first amendment. 

Mr. Clardy. I think I am moved to interject at this point that that 
is not answering the question as I understood your statement at all. 
I am not going to argue with you but I want you to know that you 
were playing on words when you said j^ou were going to answer. 



1126 COAIMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATIOX (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Levy. I am sorry. I will accept your interpretation of the 
English grammar. 

Mr. Clardy. In the future, if you intend to decline, we will shorten 
this up. 

Mr. Levy. May I read my statement? 

Mr. Clardy. Not in view of the fact that you have not answered. 
If you answer "Yes" or "No" you will be permitted. 

Proceed, counsel. 

Mr. KuNziG. Is it correct that, prior to coming here today to testify, 
you discussed the type of testimony you were to give with officials of 
the Communist Party? 

Mr. Levy. I decline to answer that on the same grounds. 

Mr. KuNziG. During your current tenure at Rensselaer Polytechnic 
Institution, are you at the present time affiliated with the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Levy. I decline to answer that ; the same grounds. 

Mr. KuNziG. Have you discussed the Communist indoctrination of 
either students or faculty members with official organizers of the 
Communist Party ? 

Mr. Levy. Have I discussed what ? 

Mr. KuNziG. Indoctrination of students or faculty with official 
organizers of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Levy. I have never discussed indoctrination with anybody, 
whatever that word means. 

Mr. KuNziG. You don't have any idea what the word "indoctrina- 
tion" means? 

Mr. Levy. In its usual bad sense, I have an understanding of the 
word. In that sense, I have never discussed that with anybody. 

Mr. Clardy. Would you rephrase that and use simpler language, 
if you don't mind ? 

Mr. KuNziG. Certainly, Mr. Chairman. 

Have you ever attempted to teach Communist ideology during the 
time that you have been a professor ? 

Mr. Levy. No, I have not. 

Mr. KuNZiG. As a professor, have you ever attempted to recruit 
others into the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Levy. I decline to answer that on the same ground. 

Mr. KuNziG. Have you ever attempted to recruit or invited your 
students to join the Communist Party? 

Mr. Levy. It is a loaded question. I have never discussed politics 
with my students. I have never asked them to join any political 
party. 

Mr. Clardy. You are not being asked whether you requested them 
to join a political party, but something entirely different. 

Mr. LE^^r. He said the Communist Party. It is a political party. 

Mr. Clardy. He didn't say political party, and we do not interpret 
the Communist Party to be such. With that understanding, will you 
answer the question ? 

Mr. Levy. I have not asked any of my students ever to join either 
the Republican Party, Democratic Party, the Socialist Party, the 
American Labor Party, or the Communist Party. 

Mr. KuNziG. And you assume that the Communist Party is exactly 
the same as any other form of political party ? 

Mr. Levy. Of course not. Of course I don't assume it. 



COMIVnJNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1127 

Mr. KuNziG. Will you explain what you believe the Communist 
Party to be in America ? 

Mr. Levy. I would rather not get into a discussion of that. I think 
it is fruitless. 

Mr. KuNZiG. You decline to answer on the grounds of the fifth 
amendment ? 

Mr. Levy. Yes, and the first. 

Mr. KuNziG. But you are using the fifth on the ground that it tends 
to incriminate you? 

Mr. Levy. Yes, incrimination and inquisition without proper legal 
procedure. 

Idr. KuNziG. Have you ever urged other professors or teachers or 
friends at your present institution to join the Communist Party? 

Mr. Levy. I decline to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. KuNziG. Professor Levy, this committee, as you well know, is 
currently making an investigation to determine whether or not mem- 
bers of the Communist Party are represented in educational institu- 
tions in the form of teachers or faculty members. Do you possess any 
knowledge of the existence of members of the Communist Party in our 
educational institutions as teachers or faculty members. If so, would 
you help us by answering to that effect ? 

Mr. Levy, I decline to answer that question. 

Mr. KuNZiG. Did you know Bernard Shuldiner? 

Mr. Levy. I decline to answer that on the same grounds. 

Mr. KuNZiG. Did you know Bernard Shuldiner's occupation in 
1950? 

Mr. LE^^^. I decline to answer on the same grounds, 

Mr. KuNZTG. Did you know him to be the Communist Party organ- 
izer for the Albany, N. Y. area ? 

Mr. Levy. I decline to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. KuNziG. Professor Levy, much has been written and said to 
substantiate the fact that the American Labor Party, as presently con- 
stituted in New York, is under the control of the Communist Party. 
Are you a member of the American Labor Party ? 

Mr. Levy. Yes, I am. 

Mr. KuNziG. In 1951, were you a signer of an Albany County 
American Labor Party nominating petition. ? 

Mr. Levy. Probably. I don't remember it specifically, but I imag- 
ine so. 

Mr. KuNziG. You imagine so ? 

Mr. Levy. If I may say, I am a registered member of the American 
Labor Party. 

Mr, KuNziG. In 1952, were you a candidate for membership on the 
Albany County Committee of the American Labor Party? 

Mr. Levy. I believe so, yes. 
^ Mr. KuNziG. Can you assist this committee by giving any informa- 
tion, if it lies within your knowledge, as to whether the American 
Labor Party is under the control of the Communist Party of the 
United States? 

Mr. Levy. Would you restate the question, please? 

Mr, KuNZTG, I will restate the question, 

Mr, Clardy, Will the reporter read the question, please ? 



1128 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

(The following question was read :) 

Can you assist this committee by giving any information, if it lies within your 
knowledge, as to whether the American Labor Party is under the control of the 
Communist Party of the United States? 

Mr. Levt. I think I decline to answer that on the previously cited 
grounds. 

Mr. KuNziG. Are you affiliated with the Tri-City Civil Liberties 
Committee, which committee comprises Schenectady, Troy, and the 
Albany, New York, area ? 

Mr. Levy. I decline. 

Mr. KuNZiG. Do you possess any knowledge of the role the members 
of the Communist Party in these areas play in operation and control 
of the Tri-City Civil Liberties Committee? 

Mr. Levy. I decline to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. KuNziG. Do you know Dr. Daniel Fine, who testified before 
this committee several days ago ? 

Mr. Levy. I believe I know him. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you know him to be a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Levy. I decline to answer on the same grounds. 
Mr. Clardy. Go back to the previous question and read it, Mr. 
Reporter. 

(The following question was read:) 

Did you know Dr. Daniel Fine, who testified before this committee several 
days ago? 

Mr. Levy. I believe I knew the gentleman. 

Mr. Clardy. What creates the uncertainty? 

Mr. Lea-y. I remember hearing the name mentioned while I was in 
school. He was in the medical school at the time and I think I met him 
once or twice. 

Mr. Clardy. You know who he is ? 

Mr. Levy. I have seen the publicity in the press. 

Mr. Clardy. Don't you have some recollection as to the schooldays? 

Mr. Levy. Yes. 

Mr. ScHERER. Have you known him since the schooldays? 

Mr. Levy. No. 

Mr. ScHERER. You have no contact with him ? 

Mr. Levy. No. 

Mr. Clardy. Proceed. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you ever know Joe Cort ? 

Mr. Levy. Yes. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you know him to be a member of the Communist 
Party ? 

Mr. Leat. I decline to answer. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you know Emmanuel Eobinstein ? 

Mr. Levy. Yes. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you know him to be a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Levy. I decline to answer. These are all people whom I have 
not seen for at least 5 years. 

Mr. KuNziG. When you knew them 5 years ago, did you know 
thorn to bo members of the Communist Party at that time? 

Mr. Levy. I decline to answer. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1129 

Mr. KuNziG. So whether it was 5 years ago or whenever it was, you 
still decline to answer? 

Mr. Levy. I decline to answer on the same ground. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you know Ted Polumbaum, who testified before 
this committee a few days ago ? 

Mr. Levy. Yes. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you know him to be a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Levy. I decline to answer. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you know Paul Zilsel ? 

Mr. Levy. Yes, I did. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you know a Paul Zilch ? 

Mr. Levy. No. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you know Zilsel as a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Levy. I decline to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you know Hal Woerner ? 

Mr. Levy. Yes, I think so. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you know him as a member of the Communist 
Party ? 

Mr. Levy. I decline to answer. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you know Ben Dontzin? 

Mr. Levy. Yes, I think so. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you know him as a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Levy. I decline to answer. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you know a Mike Russo ? 

Mr. Levy. I decline to answer. 

Mr. KuNziG. You don't want to answer. You decline to answer 
whether you even knew him ? 

Mr. LE^Y'. Yes. Will you identify him further? 

Mr. KuNziG. As a member of the Yale student branch of the Com- 
munist Party ? 

Mr. Levy. I decline to answer that. 

Mr. KuNziG. Did you know him while you were at Yale? 

Mr. Levy. I decline to answer. It only confuses it. It is a very 
common name. 

Mr. KuNziG. Russo is a very common name ? 

Mr. Levy. Yes, in Connecticut where there are a lot of people of 
Italian descent. 

Mr. KuNziG. Isn't it a fact that all these people we have just 
mentioned whom you say you knew but refused to identify any fur- 
ther, isn't it a fact that you and these others were members of a student 
group of the Communist Party at Yale University ? 

Mr. Levy. I decline to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

I would like to point out that in my declining to answer and relying 
on the fifth amendment, I do not share the views expressed by this 
committee that such reliance is conviction of criminal 

Mr. Clardy. That is all very well, witness, but there is no question 
pending. 

Mr. Levy. I just want it understood for the record that I am using 
the fifth amendment to protect me in my innocence 

Mr. Clardy. If you are innocent of anything of any sort, you have 
only to speak freely and that factor will be published. 



1130 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Levy. I don't think that follows. 

Mr. SciiERER. You mean to protect you from innocence from mem- 
bership in the party? 

Mr. Levy. Innocence, period. 

Mr. SciiERER. You don't mean to tell us you are not a member of 
the party? 

Mr. LE^T. Just to protect me of my innocence of any illegal act, and 
things of that sort. 

Mr. Clardy. Proceed, counsel. 

Mr. KuNziG. That is all. 

Mr. Clardy. Do you have any questions, Mr. Scherer ? 

Mr. Scherer, No. 

Mr. Clardy. Mr. Doyle, do you have any questions? 

Mr. Doyle. No questions. 

Mr. Clardy. Is there any reason this witness should be retained any 
longer? 

Mr. KuNziG. Not that I know of. 

Mr. Clardy. You are excused from the subpena. 

(The witness was excused.) 

Mr. Clardy. The committee will be in recess until 10:30 a. m., 
Monday, April 27, 1953. 

(Thereupon, at 4: 07 p. m., the hearing was recessed, to reconvene 
at 10 : 30 a. m., Monday, April 27, 1953.) 



COMMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTEATION 
(Education— Part 4) 



MONDAY, APRIL 27, 1953 

United States House of Kepresentatives, 

Subcommittee of the Committee on 

Un-American Activites, 

Washington^ D. C. 

PUBLIC HEARING 

The subcommittee of the Committee oli Un-American Activities 
met, pursuant to recess, at 10 : 56 a. m., in the caucus room, room 362, 
Old House Office Building, Hon. Harold H. Velde (chairman) pre- 
siding. 

Committee members present: Representatives Harold H. Velde 
(chairman), Donald L. Jackson (appearance noted in transcript), 
Kit Clardy, Francis E. Walter (appearance noted in transcript), 
Morgan M. Moulder, and Clyde Doyle. 

Staff members present : Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., counsel; and Court- 
ney E. Owens, investigator. 

Mr. Velde. The committee will please come to order. 

Let the record show that I have appointed a subcommittee of the 
House Committee on Un-American Activities, consisting of Mr. 
Clardy, Mr. Moulder, Mr. Doyle, and the chairman, Mr. Velde, for 
the purposes of this hearing. All these members are present. 

Mr. Counsel, will you proceed ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Will Mr. John Henry Reynolds come forward, 
please ? 

Mr. Velde. In the testimony you are about to give before this 
subcommittee, do you solemnly swear you will tell the truth, the 
whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Reynolds. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF JOHN HENRY REYNOLDS 

Mr. Tavenner. State your name, please, sir. 

Mr. Retnolds. John Henry Reynolds. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born, Mr. Reynolds ? 

Mr. Reynolds. I was born in Landsdowne, Pa., in 1907. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you accompanied by counsel ? 

Mr. Reynolds. No. 

Mr. Tavenner. It is the practice of the committee to permit counsel 
to accompany any witness, and the witness has the privilege at any 
time of conferring with counsel, and I wanted to make certain that 

1131 



1132 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

you knew of that and that you have the right to have counsel witli 
you if you desire, 

Mr. Reynolds, Thank you. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your occupation, Mr. Reynolds? 

Mr. Reynolds. I am a teacher, sir. 

Mr. Ta\^nner. Where ? 

Mr. Reynolds. At the University of Florida. 

Mr. TA'ST:Nxr.R. Will you tell the committee, please, what your 
formal educational training has been? 

Mr. Reynolds. At this point I think, after having identified myself, 
I will now say that I refuse to answer any further questions on the 
ground that some answer of mine might tend to incriminate me. I 
am sorry to make this, but that, I believe, is my constitutional right 
to do so. 

I also wish to state, with all due respect to the committee, that I 
believe that this kind of investigation is detrimental to American 
education, and that is a second reason for my refusal to answer. I 
think that it will, undoubtedly, if continued, lead to an end to free 
investigation and discussion bv teachers and students. 

Mr. Velde. Professor, let me put you straight on an issue or two. 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes. 

Mr. Velde. It has been the rule, and I suppose it will continue, in 
the procedure before this committee that if a witness will answer 
questions put to him by counsel and by members of the committee 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes. 

Mr. Velde (continuing). Then he might have the right and is 
welcome to criticize and condemn the committee for its methods, but 
until that time we certainly cannot allow you that right until you 
answer the question put to you by counsel. You understand this is 
an investigating committee set up by the House of Representatives 
for the purpose of investigating and reporting facts regarding sub- 
versive influences throughout the country, and we feel from the evi- 
dence we have had before this committee relative to your work as a 
teacher and professor in one of our leading universities that you can, 
if you would, give some valuable help to the committee in performing 
the function imposed upon it by Congress. But we cannot allow you 
to, as a matter of course, proceed to condemn us, castigate us for doing^ 
the job that we are asked to do by Congress until at least you answer 
the questions put to you. 

Mr. Reynolds. Sir, I did not mean to castigate the committee. I 
am sorry if that was understood. I merely disagreed, 

Mr, Clardy. As I understand it, you are invoking at least what you 
conceive to be the constitutional privilege of declining to answer? 

Mr, Reynolds, No, sir, 

Mr, Clardy. I think you are mistaken in so doing, and I do not 
tliink that it protects you in this question, and let me refresh your 
memory. 

Counsel lias merely asked you to detail your academic studies or 
tell us something about your schooling. Now, there is nothing in that 
that has anything to do, by way of reflection against you in any way. 
We are merely trying to find out something of 5^our educational back- 
ground. Perhaps later if we reach the point and should ask you a 
question about whether you are a member of the Communist Party. 



COM]VIUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1133 

and that sort of thing, you might have some reason to raise it, but won't 
you go along with the committee up to that point, at least ? 

Mr. Reynolds. I think so. 

I went to Harvard School, Harvard University, and graduated in 
1929. I got a master of arts from Harvard in 1930 and then spent some 
graduate years at Harvard further. I spent some time at Brown 
University. I am at a loss to remember what year I finally stopped. 

Mr. Clardy. As a graduate of the University of Michigan, your 
being a Harvard graduate wouldn't be the best reconnnendation to 
me, but it certainly doesn't incriminate you. 

Mr. Reynolds. Thank you. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long were you at Harvard University, either 
as a student or instructor, if you were an instructor there ? 

]Mr. Reynolds. I am sorry ; I don't remember the last year, which it 
was. I haven't an actual record of when I was, because it was gen- 
erally a question of paying $50 for further graduate work with ad- 
vice, so that it runs somewhere around 1936 or 1937. 

Mr. Tavenner. Where did you go from Harvard University when 
you left there in 1936 or 1937 ? 

Mr. Reynolds. That, I think, I shall not answer, sir. 

Mr. Velde. I didn't get the answer. 

Mr. Reynolds. It was a refusal. 

Mr. Velde. Are we to understand that it is on the ground of your 
right under the Constitution and the amendments thereto? 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes, sir. 

Mr. TA\Ti:NNER, Were you engaged in the teaching profession im- 
mediately after you left Harvard University and the few years suc- 
ceeding that, or were you self-employed during that period? 

Mr. Reynolds. I am afraid I shall refuse that one, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you employed as an instructor at the Uni- 
versity of New Hampshire between 1941 and 1943? 

Mr. Reynolds. I am going to refuse that one, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. On w^hat grounds? On what possible grounds 
would vou refuse to answer whether you taught at the University 
from 1941 to 1943 ? 

Mr. Reynolds. Because my answer might possibly tend to incrimi- 
nate me. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Reynolds, during the course of the hearings 
conducted by this committee where the committee was interested in 
obtaining the facts as to whether the Communist Party was endeavor- 
ing to infiltrate the teaching profession, the methods used by the 
Communist Party to attain its objectives, and also what those objec- 
tives were, we have had the testimony of Mr. Robert Gorham Davis. 
Mr. Davis testified that he had been a member of the Communist Party 
while he was at Harvard University between the years 1937 and 1939. 
At the end of 1939 he withdrew from the Communist Party. 

In describing the operations of the Communist Party in an or- 
ganized group at Harvard University, he identified you as having been 
a member of it. 

He was asked this question : 

Were you acquainted with a person by the name of John Henry Reynolds? 

And the answer as given by Mr. Davis was as follows : 

Yes, and I recall that one of the emergency meetings that I spoke of that oc- 
curred after the pact was held at his house. 



1134 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Now, Mr. Davis had described the effort made by the Communist 
Party to hold the members of the teaching profession who were mem- 
bers of the party in line with the Communist Party principles after the 
signing of the pact between the Soviet Union and Germany, which was 
in August of 1939, and that is the period of time that he was talking 
about as having attended a Communist Party meeting in your house. 

There has been other testimony which would show that you should 
have very distinct and detailed knowledge of the operation of the 
Communist Party there. 

Dr. AVilliam T. ISIartin, head of the mathematics department at the 
Massachusetts Institute of Technology, testified that he joined the 
Communist Party in 1938 and left it in 1946. He described in his tes- 
timony that he met with a group of Communist Party members com- 
posed of teachers from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and 
Harvard University. 

In describing this group of members of the Communist Party, he 
answered certain questions asked by Mr. Kunzig, counsel for this 
committee. This question was asked : 

Mr. Kunzig. While we are talking about this broader group, can you remem- 
ber any of the names of people who were in the broader group that you met 
with as Communists? 

Dr. Martin. I believe a Mr. John H. Reynolds. 

Mr. KiTNziG. Do you know what his position was at that time? 

Dr. Martin. I don't recall his exact position. It was some — again I believe — 
minor position at Harvard. 

Mr. Kunzig. Minor position at Harvard? 

Dr. Martin. I believe so. 

Mr. Kunzig. Do you know where he is today? 

Dr. Martin. I think he's at one of the — 1 think he may be in Florida at one 
of the universities, but I am not sure of the precise one. 

Dr. Norman Levinson was also a witness before the committee. He 
testified that he became a member of the Communist Party in 1937 
and remained in the Communist Party until 1945. During this time 
he was teaching at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. He 
defined a group of Communist Party members which met near Har- 
vard Square. 

(Eepresentative Kit Clardy left the hearing room at this point.) 
Mr. Tavenner. He was asked this question by ]\Ir. Kunzig : 

Mr. Kunzig. Can you recall any of the names of the fellow members of the 
Communist Party with whom you met in this group that you are now refer- 
ring to? 

Dr. Levinson. Well, having read the records of the Davis testimony and 
having been here yesterday, I have been refreshed quite a bit on some of these 
names which I had certainly forgotten, actually ; but I do remember — I think I 
remember this group better than any other group, because it was the first one. 
It made quite an impression on me. This group met in the rooms of, I believe, 
Herbert Robbins and ,Tohn Reynolds. I think they shared an apartment in 
Cambridge, and I think that is where we met. 

(Representative Kit Clardy entered the hearing room at this point.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Now, if that testimony is correct, you should be in 
a position to render invaluable service to the Congress by giving it 
the benefit of the information you have. 

So my first question is, was the identification of you as a member 
of the Communist Party while you were at Harvard, as made by Dr. 
Levinson, Dr. Martin, and Dr. Davis true or was it false? 

Mr. Reynolds. I refuse to answer that question, sir. 



COJVIMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1135 

Mr. Tavennek. Oil the grounds that you previously assigned? 

Mv. Reykolds. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Eeynolds, are you acquainted with the investi- 
gator to the committee who is sitting to my left, Mr. Owens? 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes. 

jNlr, Tavenner. Did Mr. Owens come to see you in March in Floriaa 
and discuss with you the matter which we are now questioning you 

about? 

Mr. Reynolds. I refuse to answer that question, sir. 
Mr. Clardy. May I interrupt you a moment, Counsel ? 
Mr, Ta\tenner. Yes. 

Mr. Clardy. Xo question has yet been put to you as to whether or 
not you are now a member of the Communist Party. Perhaps it might 
lessen your resistance to answering the other questions if you were 
assured that you will be given ample opportunity to let the world 
know and in cooperation with its committee that you are not a present 
member, if that is indeed the fact. The evidence that you have heard 
read to you obviously is upon the public record and the principal 
reason for your being here is to give you an opportunity to explain 
and to let the world know your side of the picture. 

Xow, if you are under the apprehension that we are going to ask 
for the answer to the question that counsel is asking you and then 
not give you an opportunity to deny present membership, assuming 
that is the fact, I want to set you riglit now and let you know that we 
like to help you in that regard if you are no longer a member. I am 
saying this in the hope that you reconsider because I think you could 
do yourself and your Government a great favor if you will answer 
that question. 

Mr. Reynolds. I still will continue to answer. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is it not true that Mr. Owens came to see you on 
March 26, 1953, and you stated to him that you would discuss this 
matter with him in the presence of certain officials of your university 
and in fact an interview took place in the office of the dean of the 
university college, Winston Woodward Little, and in the presence of 
the department head. Prof. William Givaves Carleton, and Dean 
Little, you denied ever having been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Reynolds. I refuse to answer that question, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now, if it be true that you denied in the presence 
of the dean of your university and the department head. Prof. Wil- 
liam Graves Carleton, that you had ever been a member of the Com- 
munist Party, why would you decline to answer such a question here ? 

I will put'the question this way: Why do you not take the position 
now that you are not a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Reynolds. For the same reason I have given before. I have 
two reasons: One is constitutional, and the other is moral. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party'? 

Mr, Reynolds. I refuse to answer that also. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Reynolds. I refuse to answer that also. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you relying on the same grounds previously 
assigned ? 



1136 COMMUNIST METHODS OF ESTFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes, sir; both constitutional and moral. 

Mr. Tavt^nner. I have no further questions, Mr. Chainnan. 

Mr. Velde. Do 3'ou have a question, Mr. Clardy ? 

Mr. Clardy. I just want to repeat what I have said earlier. Witness, 
obviously, since you were identified as you liave heard in the testi- 
mony of several other witnesses and it was thought only fair to give 
you an opportunity to appear here and to say what you had to say, 
I think you should reconsider your decision and give careful thought 
to it. 

The committee has no desire to do any harm to anyone, but if there 
is any harm done to you it will be done by yourself. This is your 
opportunity to tell the world and to tell those that you are associated 
with down there that you are not a member of the party, the Com- 
munist Party; and by your cooperation you can be of tremendous 
help to your Government, to your Congress, and we are, of course, 
speaking for the Congress. 

Won't you reconsider and answer at least the question as to whether 
you are a Communist today ? 

Mr. Reynolds. I am sorrj'', sir. 

Mr. Clardy. You are not as sorry as I am, sir. 

Mr, Moulder. May I ask a question, Mr. Chairman ? 

Mr. Velde. Yes, Mr. Moulder. 

Mr. Moulder. You are begging him to say that he isn't a member 
of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Clardy. That is what I wanted to have removed, that doubt. 
As one who has had considerable education, I take it you must have 
been familiar with the things the Communist Party stands for, is 
that not true ? 

Mr. Reynolds, That would certainly be true ; yes, sir. 

Mr. CijVRdy. What was that? 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes, sir. 

Mr, Clardy. You have a fair general knowledge of the theory 
behind the Socialist Government of Russia, haven't you, and you 
know something about the fact that there is a worldwide conspiracy, 
don't you ? 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes. 

Mr, Clardy, Knowing that, and knowing that there is testimony 
linking you with that party, that conspiracy, sir, don't you think 
you are doing yourself a disservice by not answering, unless you want 
to leave distinctly the impression that you are presently a part of 
that conspiracy ? Can't you see that, sir ? 

Mr. Reynolds. I understand what you are saying, sir; but I am 
afraid that my answer will still have to be a refusal. 

(Representative Donald L. Jackson entered the hearing room at 
this point.) 

Mr, Clardy. Are you afraid that a truthful answer would reveal 
the fact that you are a member of the party? Is that the cause of 
your ap]>reliension, because if it isn't, I cannot comprehend it. 

Mr. Reynold :. I still have to refuse, sir. 

Mr. Clardy. What was that? 

Mr. Reynolds. I still must refuse. 

Mr. Clardy. I must tell you frankly, sir, that by persisting in this 
attitude that you camiot help but leave the impression with me, at least, 



COMIMUNIST METHODS OF ESTFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1137 

that you are a member of the party, and since I do not want to do an 
injustice to anyone who is not, that is why I pressed you. 

Mr. Tavenner. While you were in Harvard University, did you 
become a member of the American Federation of Teachers ? 

Mr. Ketnolds. I refuse to answer that, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions. 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Moulder? 

Mr. Moulder. What subject or subjects do you teach as a member 
of the faculty of the University of Florida at the present tinie ? 

Mr. Eeynolds. I am afraid I will have to refuse that one, sir. 

Mr. Moulder. Sir? 

Mr. Reynolds. I will have to refuse to answer thnt. 

Mr. Clardy. You refuse to answer that ? 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes. 

Mr. Clardy. The committee knows what you are teaching, and we 
merely want to get that one in the record. I think he should be di- 
rected to answer that question, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Velde. I agree with you on that. This is a question that cannot 
possibly incriminate you in any way. 

Mr. Reynolds. I teach American institutions and world civilization. 

Mr. Clardy. Perhaps you can tell me what that is, since we didn't 
have it at the University of Michigan. ^ 

Mr. Reynoijds. It is a general course in social science. 

Mr. Clardy. It has to do, then, directly with the subject of our 
form of government? 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Clardy. How it operates, including how the Congress operates, 
I assume? 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes. 

Mr. Clardy. Does it include a course in Marxism ? 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes. 

Mr. Clardy. Do you have a comparison of our form of government 
with that of any other form of government ? 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes. 

Mr. Clardy. Does that involve in some way a comparison of social- 
istic ideas against the theory upon which we operate ? 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes ; and always favorable to the United States, 

Mr. Clardy. Always favorable to the United States? 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes. 

Mr. Clardy. You are, then, a capitalist, I take it. 

Mr. Reynolds. I am a capitalist, not only at heart but in pocket- 
book also. 

Mr. Clardy. Having gone that far, do you not see what incalculable 
harm you are doing to yourself by failing to tell whether you are or are 
not a Communist at this time ? You leave us in a confused state. I 
am going to ask you again ; are you now a Communist ? 

Mr. Reynolds. I refuse to answer the question, sir. 

Mr. Velde. Are there any further questions, Mr. Clardy ? 

Mr. Clardy. No. 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Moulder? 

Mr. Moulder. No questions. 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Doyle? 

Mr. Doyle. Professor, I think I heard you answer, did I not, that 
A'ou thought this committee was unconstitutional? 



1138 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Reynolds. No. What I was sayin<r was that I thought this 
kind of iiivestioaticjii would lead to restrictions on the freedom of 
investigation and discussion by teachers, and that is the reason for my 
second objection. T believe, with Milton, that free discussion is alto- 
gether necessary, that the truth contend until falsehood fail and truth 
will prevail. 

Mr. Doyle. Some of us do not disagree with Mr. Milton either. 
Neither you nor any other teacher has the exclusive proprietary rights 
in that theory. 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Doyle. There is nothing new about that theory. 

Mr. Reynolds. But what I meant to say was that I am afraid this 
instills fear in teachers, fear to take up questions that are contro- 
versial, and in doing so will lead to, well, let us say fear to present 
things boldly. 

Mr. Doyle. This committee has been in existence many years. 

Mr. Reynolds. I think it has already had that tendency, sir. 

Mr. Doyle. This committee was expressly set forth as a standing 
committee of Congress in the T9th session of Congress in 1945. 

Have you been in any state of fear in your classroom since 1945- 
as a result of Congress instituting this committee? Have you had 
a sense of limitation in your teaching of American institutions at 
the University of Florida or otherwise since 1945 ? 

Mr. Reynolds. I think there has been some limitation: yes. 

Mr. Doyle. I am asking you if you have. 

Mr. Reynolds. I have felt it. 

Mr. Doyle. To what extent? Describe it to us, if you will. 

Mr. Reynolds. Well, for instance, I felt that I just did not want 
to teach international relations, which I once taught, because the 
subject was getting hot, and what you might say might be misin- 
terpreted by a student and then you would be in trouble. That is the 
kind of thing. 

Mr. Doyle. How far back did you have any such sense of limita- 
tion ? How many years ago ? 

Mr. Reynolds. Oh, I should say since the end of the war. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, of course, this committee as near as I recall has 
not been questioning any college professors until the last year or so 
that I recall. 

Mr. Velde. Well, the chairman reminds the gentleman, and I am 
sure the gentleman remembers the professors at the University of 
California, a cell at the radiation laborator}' who were brought before 
this committee as far back as 1948. 

Mr. Doyle. I stand corrected. I was thinking more of the eastern 
universities. 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes. 

Mr. Doyle. Do you feel that a member of the Communist Party 
should be free to teach and instruct in the American universities? 

Mr. Reynolds. No. 

Mr. Doyle. Your answer is no ? 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes ; that is my answer. 

Mr. Doyle. Your answer is no? 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes. 



COaiAlUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1139 

Mr. Doyle. Why would that be true? Wliy would you feel that 
no member of the American Communist Party should be a college 
professor in an American college? 

Mr, Reynolds. Well, he might be biased. 

Mr. Doyle. I beg youi- pai'dou ? 

Mr, Reynolds. He might be biased. 

Mr. Doyle. He might be partisan ? 

Mr. Reynolds. Yes. 

Mr. Doyle. Did you use the word "biased" or "partisan" ? 

Mr. Reynolds. Either one. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, what do you refer to when you say that he might 
be biased or partisan, and biased for or against what as a Communist 
professor ? 

Mr. Reynolds. He might feel himself bound to teach something 
that wouldn't be true. That is all. 

Mr. Doyle. Would you please illustrate? Can you help the com- 
mittee to understand by giving us an illustration ? 

Mr. Reynolds. What I think is that it is rather obvious that he 
might be in favor of certain policies in regard to Russia, particularly. 

Mr. Doyle. You mean that a member of the Communist Party in 
A.merica in the college classroom would reasonably be biased to 
such 

Mr. Reynolds. He might or might not. It would entirely depend 
upon the particular individual. It would entirely depend upon his 
own intellectual honesty, shall we say. And I think that there is 
actually a danger that people could become, shall we say, biased the 
other way too and not present the facts as they see them, however 
wrongly they may see them, and it is not honest teaching unless they 
can. I very sincerely believe that, sir. 

Mr. Doyle. Calling to your attention that this is a standing com- 
mittee of this Congress under Public Law 601 and that our express 
assignment by your Congress is to investigate the extent of subversive 
activities arising in this country or imported from other countries, 
how would you as a professor at an American university, how would 
you look into and investigate the matter of subversive activities of 
an individual who happened to be a college professor, other than by 
some such committee as this ? How would you handle it ? 

Mr. Reynolds. I don't know if I would want to handle it that way. 
I think it would be up to the State university or whatever university 
it was to see for themselves. I think it is a question of the university 
itself, not a question for governmental authorities to investigate. I 
just don't agree with that. It means that the State interferes in the 
university itself. I just don't agree with it. 

Mr. Doyle. Do you think our American universities in which you 
have taught are equipped by possessing qualified personnel for in- 
stance to investigate subversive activities of members of the college 
staff, if there are such? Or could it be handled by the American 
university prior to employing a professor in the first instance ? 

Mr. Reynolds. I think they can tell what a teacher is. 

Mr. Doyle. WTiat? 

Mr. Reynolds. Tell by his teaching; the university can tell by his 
teaching. 

Mr. Doyle. In other words, go into the classroom and sit there 
and police the person to see what he is teaching ? 



1140 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Reynolds. I would prefer the university to do that rather than 
the committee. I really would. I don't mean any disrespect for this 
committee. I mean I object to it on the <rround of a governmental 
institution interfering with the university and its teaching staff. 

Mr. Velde. I think, Professor, that you are trying to leave the in- 
ference that this committee is engaged in investigating un-American 
activities, subversive activities in colleges and universities for the 
purpose of acquiring or setting up a blacklist of teachers in the Ameri- 
can colleges and universities. I assure you that the committee has 
no intention of doing anything like that at all. We are merely carry- 
ing on the duties imposed upon us by Congress to ascertain the ex- 
tent of subversive influence in the universities, whether it be in col- 
leges or any other free American institution. As far as the hiring 
and firing of personnel is concerned, that remains strictly up to the 
administrative officials of the colleges and universities, and we are 
not interfering with that at all. I don't like to have you leave that 
inference. 

Mr. Reynolds. Certainly, sir. I understand that, but I was just 
struck about 3 or 4 weeks ago by a report in the newspapers. Now I 
know that that may not be the committee, but it was reporting and it 
seemed that the effect of it had been what you are saying the commit- 
tee has no intention of doir.g, as reported in the press. 

Mr. Clardy. Are you trying to tell us that those in your profession 
should be set aside and not investigated, but it is all right to investi- 
gate my profession and all other groups? In other words, in your 
singling out the teaching profession as exempt from the investigation 
of Congress. 

Mr. Reynolds. No, certainly if someone is breaking the law 

Mr. Clardy. If you are saying that your group should be exempt 
from the investigative processes of the American Congress, unless 
you are saying that, aren't you implying that there should be no in- 
vestigation into communism and subversive activities at all by this 
Congress through this committee? Isn't that the only answer you 
can possibly reach, unless you are pleading for a special exemption 
because you are a member of the teaching profession ? 

Mr. Reynolds. Well, it may sound that way, sir. 

Mr. Clardy. It surely does. 

Mr. Reynolds. I am just saying what happens to people when they 
are in this position, where they have to deal with controversial sub- 
jects and how it is in a sense stifling. 

Mr. Clardy. Do you think that anyone who has a completely clear 
conscience need fear anything from their Congress ? 

Mr. Reynolds. It is not only the Congress, sir. 

Mr. Clardy. Well, you are extending your criticism to everybody, 
then, are you? 

Mr. Reynolds. No, I am not. 

Mr. Clardy. Who do you exclude ? That last statement sounds as 
though you had everybody in mind. 

That is all I have, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Doyle. JNIay I ask one question, Mr. Velde ? 

Mr. Velde. Mr. Doyle. 

Mr. DoYLE. Professor, in view of your answers both to me and to 
Mr. Clard}'^, I assume that you are opposed to Congress having any 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1141 

investigating committee in the area of subversive activities, is that 
correct i 

Mr. Reynolds. I don't know how to answer that one, sir. 

Mr. DoTLE. Wliat? 

Mr. Reynolds. I don't i^now how to answer that one, sir. 

I think they have some investigating powers, they not only have 
them but they should exercise them, but how far they should go, I 
don't know. 

Mr. Doyle. All right. I think that is a very fair answer, because 
1 assume from the way you have been answering that you could not 
answer that question with a specific answer that would be clear 
enough to give us your understanding. 

Now, let me ask you this, our distinguished counsel has read you 
the names of three American citizens. You knew all of them per- 
sonally, didn't you? 

Mr. Reynolds. I refuse to answer that one, sir. 

Mr. Doyle. I will assume for the purposes of my question that you 
knew them personally because they were all fellows in education with 
you, according to your own testimony. You heard the evidence read 
that they had identified you as a member of the Communist Party. 
They identified you as such before this committee. 

We are assigned by the United States Congress to investigate any 
individual whom the record shows is in the judgment of the commit- 
tee and the evidence, subversive. There is no question in the mind of 
the committee and the cumulative evidence that the Communist Party 
is subversive. Therefore, when we have three men of high repute 
identify you as a member of the Communist Party, we naturally 
subpena you to find out how you can help this congressional committee 
to better handle the problem of subversive activities in the United 
States. If you wouldn't subpena a person in your own place and posi- 
tion, how would you get the person identified by three fellow educators 
as a Communist? What process would you take as an American 
citizen to help get the facts? 

Mr. Reynolds. I don't Imow, sir. 

Mr. Doyle. That is all. 

Mr. Moulder. Assuming that a man was engaged in the teaching 
profession at a college or university and was not a member of the 
Communist Party but attended Communist Party meetings because 
of his interest or curiosity into governmental affairs and the philoso- 
phy of government, don't you believe that such a man would be ren- 
dering a greater service to the educational institutions in this country 
by clarifying it in that manner and stating that he was there just 
because of his curiosity and his studies and not a member of the Com- 
munist Party, than to rely upon the fifth amendment and decline to 
answer such a question ? 

Mr. Reynolds. I am afraid I have to refuse that one, sir. 

Mr. Moulder. That is all. 

Mr. Jackson. I have several points which I would like to take up. 
I must apologize for not having been here at the time you gave most 
of your testimony, Professor Reynolds. 

Ifou were called before the committee, not because of the fact that 
you are a professor or a figure in American education, but because of 
identifications of you by three persons under oath who testified that 



1142 COMMUNIST METHODS OF IXFILTRATIOX (EDUCATION) 

you were a onetime member of the Communist Party. I think that 
should be made very clear for the record. You are here as a result of 
these identifications which lay u])on the committee the obligation to 
pursue the matter. 

Your suggestion, as I understand it, that the universities themselves 
shoidd be charged with the task of finding out who the Communists 
on the campus are is the point I want to bring up. 

Is it not the case that the pursuit of such a program would create, 
in effect, a police state upon an individual campus to the extent that 
students w^ould be placed in the position of spying upon the instruc- 
tors, that faculty members would be engaged in espionage activities 
against each other, and an impossible situation would develop upon 
a university campus where such a program was being carried on? 

Mr. Reynolds. If someone were not teaching communism at the 
university, I don't see what there is to investigate. It is a question of 
whether or not a teacher teaches communism. 

Mr. Jackson. I think it goes further than that, Professor. 1 think 
that it goes to the fundamental premise that one in accepting mem- 
bership in the Communist Party accepts the discipline and directives 
of the Communist Party in full. I think that membership in the Com- 
munist Party connotes acceptance of the discipline and the directives. 

(Representative Kit Clardy left the hearing room at this point.) 

Mr. Jackson. In the first place, the university has no facilities for 
conducting such investigations. It has no investigators. It has no 
authority to subpena a witness. It has no authority to place a witness 
under oath once he is subpenaed. All of these things are essential 
fo]' a proper investigation. The very fact that when you were called 
before the university authorities and were questioned as to your mem- 
bership in the party, you denied such association. Am I correct in 
that statement, Mr. Counsel? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir. 

(Representative Kit Clardy returned to the hearing room at this 
point.) 

j\lr. Jackson. Your own case, to me, is evidence per se that a uni- 
veisity cannot get to the facts in a matter of this kind without the 
adequate autliority which is made available to investigating commit- 
tees. There is no compulsion of an oath. It is simply a matter of 
questions and answers which may or may not have validity, which may 
or may not be true. However, you are here today under the compul- 
sion of an oath and you are asked the questions, or some of the ques- 
tioiis, that were asked by the university officials, questions which at 
this time you decline to answer. I think the present instance makes 
the point exactly that the univei^ity authorities are not equipped to 
pursue ail investigation of communism on the campus. 

In the second place, the information relative to a Communist pro- 
fessor or one suspected of membership in the Communist Party is 
very seldom developed upon the campus where the professor or edu- 
cator is currently employed. It is generally developed many hun- 
dreds or thousands of miles away and comes in the form of identifica- 
tions under oath which have to do with a period many years past in 
some instances. I make these points to counter the suggestion that 
the iniiversities as such are equipped in any way to conduct thorough- 
going investigations, such as are required in the instance of members 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATIOX (EDUCATION) 1143 

of the faculty who may have been at some time in the past members 
of (he Communist Party. 

Mr. Eeynolds. Do I understand, then, that you would have the 
university fire members of the faculty who have previously been 
members of the Communist Party ? Is that my understanding ? 

Mr. Jackson. That I believe is a matter for the decision of the 
authorities. In a tax-supported institution, the costs of which are 
borne by the American people, people in many cases whose husbands, 
sons, and brothers are engaged in the struggle against Communists in 
Korea, there is certainly a valid reason for the nonemployment of 
Communist teachers. If public opinion demands that Communist 
professors not be employed, then I believe that the university au- 
thorities must make the ultimate decision as to whether or not those 
who are Communists or those who decline to answer under oath as to 
their membership are then confronted with the decision as to what 
course of action should be followed. That is not the function of this 
committee nor has this committee suggested at any time to any uni- 
versity, to any educational institution that such faculty member should 
be discharged. I think that would be a matter quite outside the scope 
of committee jurisdiction. We would be entering into an area in 
which we certainly had no jurisdiction whate.ver. We make no sug- 
gestions with reference to the action of the university or the educa- 
tional institution following the declination of a witness to answer. 

(Representative Francis E. Walter entered the hearing room at this 
point.) 

Mr. Clardy. That is exactly why I suggested to you earlier that if 
you are not now a member of the party after having been identified 
by three other witnesses before the committee, you could be doing 
yourself as well as your Government a service in answering the ques- 
tions, because this committee has gone on record frequently where a 
man has rejected the Communist Party, we have gone on record and 
have suggested that he has performed a noteworthy deed for his 
Government, and we have not attempted to designate other than the 
method I just suggested. That was the reason I suggested what I 
did, previously. Thank you. 

Mr. Velde. Professor, let me say, for your own benefit, for the bene- 
fit of the press and the public, as I have said before when we had 
professors appear here as witnesses from any particular college or 
university, your testimony or performance here should in no way 
reflect upon the integrity or patriotism of your employer, the Uni- 
versity of Florida. 

We, as a committee, realize that the great percentage, overwhelming 
percentage, of our American teachers and professors, are entirely 
loyal; and, again, I want to reiterate that no one should draw any 
inference from your testimony or your performance here that the 
University of Florida or its student i3ody is in any way more disloyal 
or more unpatriotic than any other university in the country. 

Is there any reason why this witness should be retained under 
subpena any longer ? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir. 

Mr. Velde. If not, the witness is dismissed. 

(Whereupon the witness was excused.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Courtney E. Owens. 



1144 COMIVCUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Velde. In the testimony you are about to give before this sub- 
committee, do you solemnly swear you will tell the truth, the whole 
truth, and nothino; but the truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Owens. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF COURTNEY E. OWENS 

Mr. Tavenner. Wliat is your name, please, sir ? 

Mr. Owens. Courtney Owens. 

Mr. Tavenner. How are you employed ? 

Mr. Owens. As an investigator by the House Committee on Un- 
American Activities. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you been employed as an investi- 
gator for this committee ? 

Mr. Owens. Five years this September. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Owens, in the performance of your official 
duties, did you go to Florida for the purpose of conferring with 
Professor Reynolds? 

Mr. Owt:ns. I did. 

Mr. Tavenner. Prior to his being subpenaed before this commit- 
tee? 

Mr. Owens. I did. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you have a conference with him ? 

Mr. Owens. Yes; I did. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the date? 

Mr. Oavens. March 26, 1953. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee briefly, please, what 
occurred ? 

Mr. Owens. I first contacted Professor Revnolds on the evening of 
March 25 at his home by telephone, and identified myself and said 
that I would like to see him at his earliest convenience. He stated 
it wouldn't be convenient for him to see me that night, but he made 
an appointment to meet me at 9 o'clock the morning of the 26th. 

I met him on the morning of the 26th at 9 o'clock, and he advised 
me that he had made arrangements for our interview to take place 
in the offices of the dean of the University College and that he desired 
to have his department head present at the interview ; and I asked him 
very pointedly whether or not he wanted me to ask him the questions 
that I had planned to ask him in the presence of his dean and his 
department head, and he replied that he did. 

(Representative Morgan M. Moulder left the hearing room at this 
point.) 

Mr. Velde. I understand he was not under oath at that time? 

Mr. Owens. He was under no oath ; no, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, as a result of the request that he made of 
you, did the interview take place in the presence of the dean of the 
university ? 

Mr. Owens. It was in the dean's office ; yes, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee briefly what occurred 
there? 

Mr. Owens. I interviewed the professor with respect to his identi- 
fication bj^ Professor Davis before this committee as having been a 
member of the Communist Party and told him that he had been 
identified by Professor Davis, and asked him pointedly whether or not 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1145 

this identification was time and correct. He stated that he could 
think of no reason as to why Professor Davis should identify him as 
a member of the Communist Party. He denied that he had ever been 
a member of the Communist Party or was a member of the Connuu- 
nist Party. 

Mr. Taven^ter. And did you inquire from him at that time as to 
whether or not he was a member, had been a member of the American 
Federation of Teachers while at Harvard University ? 

Mr. O^VENS. Yes, sir; he volunteered that information when relat- 
in<r to me his employment background and where he had been em- 
ployed since leaving school. 

Mr. Tavenner. So, he did state at that time before other persons 
besides yourself the fact that he had been a member of that group? 

Mr. dwENS. That's right. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions. 

Mr. Velde. Are there any further questions by any members of 
the committee ? 

Mr. Doyle. AYere any notes or memoranda made of that discussion 
by you ? 

Mr. Owens. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Doyle. And when were they made ? 

Mv. Owens. Right at the same time. 

Mr. Doyle. In the presence of the dean ? 

Mr. Owens. In the presence of the dean. 

Mr. Doyle. And the head of the department? 

Mr. Owens. Head of the department. The subject and I were 
there. 

Mr. Velde. I understand 

Mr. Doyle. I see you have before you on the table paper with notes 
and writing on it. Are you now referring to the notes you made at 
the time of the conference ? 

Mr. Owens. That is the transcription of the notes I made. This is 
my report; yes. 

Mr. Doyle. Made from your original notes made at the time 

Mr. Owens. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Doyle (continuing). That Professor Reynolds was in con- 
ference with you and the two college men ? 

Mr. Owens. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Velde. You have testified to everything that is in that memo- 
randum ? 

Mr. Owens. Yes ; I have. 

Mr. Velde. And at that time the professor whom we have just 
heard. Professor Reynolds, denied that he had ever been a member 
of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Owens. Denied that he had ever been or was presently. 

Mr. Velde. And denied his present membership in the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Owens. Yes. 

Mr. Velde. The witness is excused. 

The committee will stand in recess until 10 o'clock Wednesday 
morning, the 29th. 

(Whereupon, at 11 : 56 a. m., the hearing was recessed until 10 a. m., 
Wednesday, April 29, 1953.) 



INDEX 



Individuals 

Page 

Amdur. Isadore 1076, 1079 

Artiiiimbau, Lawrence 1076 

Bentley, Elizabeth 10S5 

Biberinan, Herbert 1121 

Blaisdell, B. E 1076 

Bridges, Harry 1078, 1080, 1121 

Browder, Earl 1078, 1079, 1089-1091, 1095, 1099, 1100 

Browder, Felix 1090-1093, 1103 

Carleton, William Graves 11<'^5 

Cort, Joe 1128 

Chambers, Whittaker 1085 

Davis, Robert Gorham 1075, 1087, 1088, 1133, 1134, 1144, 1145 

DeMaio, Ernest 1121 

Dewey, Thomas E 1096 

Dontzin, Ben 1129 

DiiBois, W. E. B 1120 

Dugochet, Helen 1112 

Fast, Howard 1121 

Fine, Daniel 1128 

Gold, Ben 1121 

Goldstein, Theodore (Teddy) 1107,1108-1124 (testimony) 

Hartman, Fanny 1111 

Hicks, Granville 1088, 1098 

Higgins, Vickery 1091 

Hiss, Alger 1085 

Hoover, J. Edgar 1082, 1099, 1106 

Kahn, Albert 1121 

Levinson, Dr. Norman 1073-1107 (testimony), 1134 

Levy Arthur 1124-113T (testimony) 

Martin, William Ted 1074-1076, 1079, 1090, 1105, 1134 

Mitzberg, Theodora (see also Theodora Goldstein) 1108 

Moore, Harry 1115. 1116 

Moore, Mrs. Harry 1115, 1116 

Nixon, Riiss A 1076 

Owens, Courtnev E 1135, 1143, 1144-1145 (testimony) 

Philbrick, Herbert 1102, 1111-1113, 1117, 1118 

Polumbaum, Ted 1129 

Rackliffe. Jack 1076 

Rand, Stuart 1073-1107 

Rein, David 1124-1130 

Reynolds, John Henry 1075, 1131-1143 (testimony), 1144, 1145 

Robbins, Herbert 1075, 1077, 1134 

Robeson, Paul 1121 

Robinstein, Emmanuel 1128 

Russo, Mike 1129 

Schappes, Morris 1096 

Shubow, Lawrence D 1108-1124 

Shuldiner, Bernard 1127 

Sirota, Alex 1121 

Struik, Dirk 1077 

Sweezy, Paul 1075 

Thoreau, Henry 1106 

Travis, Maurice 1121 

1147 



1148 INDEX 

Pagr 

Winston, Woodward Little 1135 

Woerner, Hul 1129 

Zilch, Paul 1129 

Zilsel, Paul 1129 

Organizations 

American Association of Scientific Workers 1103 

American Civil Liberties Union 1079 

American Fetlerution of Teachers 1137, 1145 

American Labor Party 1127, 1128 

American Peace Crusade 1120, 1121 

American People's Congress and Exposition for Peace 1120 

Bellevue Hospital 1108 

Brown University 1133 

Cambridge University (England) 1074 

Citizens Committee to Free Earl Browder 1079, 1097 

Citizens' Political Action Commitee 1112 

Citizens United to Abolish the Wood-Rankin Committee 1097 

College of Physicians and Surgeons 1108 

Columbia University 1108 

Federal Bureau of Investigation 1105-1107, 1111 

Harvard University 1133, 1134, 1137, 1145 

Henry Thoreau Group 1103 

Hunter College 1108 

Jefferson School of Social Science 1103 

Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee 1111, 1112 

Massachusetts Institute of Technology 1074-1078, 1090, 1104, 1105, 1134 

National Federation for Constitutional Liberties 1080, 1089 

New England Conference for Peace 1119-1121 

New York University Medical School 1103, 1109 

Peace Information Center 1120 

Peace Pilgrimage 1121 

Princeton University 1C90 

Princeton University, Institute for Advanced Study 1074 

Progressive Citizens of America 1110-1112 

Rensselaer I'olytechnic Institute 1124, 1126 

Samuel Adams School 1101-1103 

Schappes Defense Committee 1097 

Tri-City Civil Liberties Committee 1128 

Unversity of Florida 1132, 1137, 1138, 1143 

University of Michigan 1133, 1137 

University of New Hampshire 1133 

World Federation of Scientific Workers 1103 

Yale University 1129 

Publications 

Daily Worker 1077, 1078, 1120 

I Led Three Lives : Citizen — "Communist" — Counterspy 1112 

New Masses 1089, 1099, 1102 

New York Herald Tribune 1091 

New York Times 1096, 1097 

Teheran— Path of War and Peace 1089 

Victory in Africa I08d