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Full text of "Communist methods of infiltration (education) Hearings"

COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION 

(EDUCATION— PART 6) 



HEARINGS 



BEFORE THE 



COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 
fc"T eM HOUSE OE REPRESENTATIVES 



EIGHTY-THIRD CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 



JUNE 22, 24, 29, AND JULY 1, 1953 



Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities 



INCLUDING INDEX 




UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
30172 WASHINGTON : 1953 



Superintendent of Documents 

AUG 7 1^53 



COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 
United States House of Representatives 

HAROLD H. VELDE, Illinois, Chairman 

BERNARD W. KEARNEY, New York FRANCIS E. WALTER, Pennsylvania 

DONALD L. JACKSON, California MORGAN M. MOULDER, Missouri 

KIT CLAKDY, Michigan CLYDE DOYLE, California 

GORDON H. SCHERER, Ohio JAMES B. FRAZIER, Jr., Tennessee 

Robert L. Kunzig, Counsel 

Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., Counsel 

Louis J. Rossell, Chief Investigator 

Thomas W. Beale, Sr., Chief Clerk 

Raphael I. Nixon, Director of Research 

U 



CONTENTS 



June 22, 1953: Pa«» 

Testimony of Harry J. Marks 1843 

June 24, 1953: 

Testimony of George F. Markham 1875 

June 29, 1953: 

Testimony of Louis Harap 1895 

July 1. 1953: 

Testimony of George Beach Mavberry 1915 

Index _ 1935 

m 



PUBLIC LAW 601, 79TH CONGRESS 

The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities operates is Public Law 601, 79th Congress [1946], chapter 
753, 2d session, which provides : 

Be it enacted bu the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States 
of America in Congress assembled, * * * 

PART 2— RULES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

Rule X 

SEC. 121. STANDING COMMITTEES 
******* 

17. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members. 

Rule XI 

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES 
******* 

(q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(A) Un-American activities. 

(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommit- 
tee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) the extent, 
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and 
attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu- 
tion, and (iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress 
in any necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such 
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, 
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 

v 



RULES ADOPTED BY THE 83d CONGRESS 

House Resolution 5, January 3, 1953 

• •♦*♦*• 

Rule X 

STANDING COMMITTEES 

1. There shall he elected by the House, at the commencement of each Con- 
gress, following standing committees : 

******* 

(q) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members. 

******* 

Rule XI 

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES 



17. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American Activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, 
is authorized to make from time to time, investigations of (1) the extent, char- 
acter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic orig n and 
attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu- 
tion, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in 
any necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times 
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has 
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by such chairman, and may be served by any person desig- 
nated by any such chairman or member. 

VI 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION 
(Education— Part 6) 



MONDAY, JUNE 22, 1953 

United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the Committee on 

Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D. G. 

EXECUTIVE SESSION x 

The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, 
pursuant to call, at 2: 10 p. m., in room 225 of the Old House Office 
Building. Hon. Harold H. Velde (chairman), presiding. 

Committee members present: Representatives Harold H. Velde 
(chairman), Kit Clardy (appearance noted in transcript), and Clyde 
Doyle. 

Staff members present : Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., counsel ; Thomas 
W. Beale, Sr., chief clerk; George E. Cooper, investigator; and Leslie 
C. Scott, research analyst. 

Mr. Velde. The subcommittee will be in order. 

Will you stand and be sworn, please % 

In the testimony you are about to give before this subcommittee, do 
you solemnly swear you will tell the truth, the whole truth and nothing 
but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Marks. I do. 

Mr. Velde. Let the record show that I have appointed a subcom- 
mittee consisting of Mr. Doyle, of California, and myself, as chairman, 
for the purposes of this hearing. 

Proceed Mr. Tavenner. 

Mr. Tavenner. Off the record, please. 

(Off the record.) 

Mr. Doyle. Mr. Chairman, I move that this hearing be in executive 
session. 

Mr. Velde. The question is on the motion of the gentleman from 
California that the hearing be in executive session. Those in favor say 
"aye"; contrary. The motion is carried. The hearing will be in 
executive session. 

TESTIMONY OF HARRY J. MARKS 

Mr. Tavenner. Now, what is your name, please, sir? 

Mr. Marks. Harry J. Marks. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born, Mr. Marks? 

Mr. Marks. In New York City on July 19, 1909. 



* Released by the full committee. 

1843 



1844 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Tavenner. Where do you reside ? 

Mr. Marks. At 35 South Eagleville Road, Storrs, Conn. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your profession ? 

Mr. Marks. I teach history at the University of Connecticut. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, what formal 
educational training you have had % 

Mr. Marks. How far back shall I begin ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Beginning with college. 

Mr. Marks. I went to Harvard College in the fall of 1927. I was 
graduated with a degree of bachelor of arts, magna cum laude, in 
1931, in June. 

I then went to Germany and attended the University of Berlin for 
four semesters. I returned to 

Mr. Tavenner. All right ; just a moment. 

Mr. Marks. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long were you in Berlin, and during what 
year ? . 

Mr. Marks. I arrived in Berlin — well, I didn't go straight to Berlin. 
I arrived in Hamburg in June 1931, on the day the newspapers were 
carrying the report of the Hoover moratorium. I don't remember 
when that was — probably about the 20th or the 21st. 

I went to the University of Heidelberg summer session in 1931, 
where a course was given on German for foreigners, and I enrolled in 
the University of Berlin in the fall semester of 1931. I continued at 
the University of Berlin until I left to return to Harvard in September 
1933. 

I enrolled in the graduate school at Harvard and fulfilled the re- 
quirements for a doctor of philosophy degree in history in June 1937. 

I have had miscellaneous courses in education at New York Univer- 
sity, Teachers' College at Columbia University, City College, and the 
Harvard Graduate School of Education, from which I received a 
degree of master of arts in teaching in 1936. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you state the years, please, when you attended 
these various institutions ? 

Mr. Marks. Well, Harvard College 1927 to 1931; the University 
of Heidelberg summer session 1931 ; the University of Berlin 1931 to 
1933 ; Harvard 1931, with some interruptions, to 1937. 

I think I took some summer session courses in education at Harvard 
in 1938. 

I am not sure when I took the courses in education at NYU, and at 
City College. I took one course in each place, but that was to have been 
during a period 1939 to 1941 or 1942. 

Then I took some summer-session work at Harvard I think in 1944 
and 1945, and received the master of arts in teaching in 1946. 

(Representative Clyde Doyle left the hearing room at this point.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, what your rec- 
ord of employment has been since you returned from Berlin in 1933?' 

Mr. Marks. Well, as best I can remember it, I was in the writers' 
project in Boston. 

Mr. Tavenner. Writers' project of the WPA? 

Mr. Marks. Yes. 

I think (lia( was in 1938, perhaps, and 1939. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1845 

I was employed by the New York City Board of Education from 
September 1939 to the end of January or February 1943. This was 
intermittent at times — that is, most of the time I was a substitute and if 
a teacher were away on leave, I would teach for the whole semester or 
a year. 

From March 1, I think it was, 1943, to June 194G, I was employed 
by the school committee of the town of Amherst, Mass. 

Now, there's some miscellaneous jobs I held. I don't know whether 
the committee is interested in that. 

I taught 1 or 2 summer sessions at the Rhodes School in New York 
Avhen I was in New York. 

Mr. Velde. What type of school is that ? 

Mr. Marks. It is a private secretary school, college prep. 

I worked one summer — I think it must have been the summer of 
1943 — in a lumber yard, which was an illuminating experience. 

I taught part time in what I think was called the ASTP program, 
at what was then called Massachusetts State College and is now called 
the University of Massachusetts. 

Mr. Tavenner. What do the initials "ASTP" stand for? 

Mr. Marks. Army Specialized Training Program, I think. 

I assisted in teaching — perhaps I taught one summer session and 
assisted in teaching another at Harvard Graduate School of Educa- 
tion. 

Mr. Tavexner. During what year ? 

Mr. Marks. Well, this would be perhaps 1945 and 1946. 

I had a peculiar experience there in 1945. 

Mr. Velde. What was the nature ? 

Mr. Marks. This is just anecdotal. I was helping Prof. William 
H. Burton, for whom I have a stupendous regard, and he was away 
at lunch one day in the first week of August in 1949, and a brokerage 
firm, I believe, telephoned while he was away at noon, and I was the 
only one at the office, and said, "Would you tell Professor Burton that 
<he first atomic bomb has been dropped?" 

I didn't know the first atomic bomb had been dropped. So, I 
took it very calmly and said, "Yes; I'll tell him." 

And it wasn't until later in the afternoon when the newspapers 
came out that I realized what had happened. 

Mr. Velde. Was that the bomb test ? 

Mr. Marks. No ; this was the first one on Hiroshima. 

Mr. Velde. Oh, the first one. 

Mr. Marks. Yes, and I was the first one there who had gotten the 
news. 

But this is not a matter of importance to this committee. 

From September 1946, to date I have been employed by the Uni- 
versity of Connecticut, teaching for the first 3 years at the Hartford 
branch, and since September 1949 at the main campus at Storrs. 

Mr. Tavenner. Professor Marks, the committee has information 
that there were Communist Party activities under the guise of various 
organizations conducted at Harvard during the period that you were 
or appear to have been at Harvard. Were you aware of the existence 
of an organized group or cell of (lie Communist Party on the Harvard 
campus, or an organized group or cell of the Young Communist 
League at that place? 



1846 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Marks. The answer has to be located in time. During the 
period of my undergraduate years, I was not aware of any such 
organization. I did become aware and intimately aware of such an 
organization after my return from Europe. 

Mr. Tavenner. What type of an organization was it that you were 
familiar with during the period of your undergraduate study? 

Mr. Marks. May I take this opportunity to explain how I became 
connected with it? 

Mr. Tavenner. Certainly. 

Mr. Marks. All right. 

I had seen the first several months of the Hitler regime when I 
was in Germany. I had seen the beginnings of the influence of 
fascism on the university. I had learned of the intentions of the 
Hitler regime with respect to rearmament, a violation of the Ver- 
sailles Treaty. 

I was considerably distressed at the appearance of fascism in Ger- 
many and when I returned to this country, I felt that it was being 
somewhat narrowly interpreted as merely an anti-Semitic move. 

(Representative Kit Clardy entered the hearing room at this point.) 

Mr. Marks. Consequently, I was eager to explain to anyone who 
would listen to me that fascism was an enemy of all democratic rights, 
and that it was probably in the direction of war. 

Mr. Velde. I think we will have to suspend at this point until Mr. 
Doyle gets back because neither Mr. Clardy nor I have answered the 
roll. 1 

(Whereupon, at 2 : 25 p. m., the committee recessed, to reconvene 
as soon as the members answered the rollcall.) 

(The committee reconvened at 2:41 p. m., the following committee 
members being present: Representative Clyde Doyle (presiding).) 

Mr. Doyle (presiding). The committee will be in order. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you proceed, Mr. Marks? 

Mr. Marks. I think I was saying I had been distressed at the over- 
simplified response to Hitler, as though it were merely anti-Semitic in 
character, while it was actually that and a great deal more. It was 
opposed to human interests everywhere and tended in the direction 
of war; and I think I had also said that I had come back interested 
in trying to warn people, and at Harvard I found some students who 
constituted an interested youth group to whom I could speak. These 
were members of the National Student League, which is generally 
called the NSCL. So, it was easy to accept an invitation to speak to 
them, and it was likewise easy to join the National Student League 
since apparently we saw eye to eye on the matters of fascism. 

Presently I became aware that the leadership of the National Stu- 
dent League was composed of members of the Young Communist 
League. 

There had been a meeting of the National Student League chapter 
and either before or after that meeting there had been a caucus of 
some of the members, and I wondered what it was all about, and 
presently I found out that the group which was most vigorous in 
the leadership of the organization consisted of members of the Young 
Communist League; and, consequently, some time in the winter of 
1933-34 I entered the Young Communist League. 



1 Rollcall vote on floor of House of Representatives. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1847 

Mr. Doyle. How old were you then? Just about? 

Mr. Marks. Well, I was born in 1909. I would have been 24, I 
should say. 

Subsequently — and I am not sure how many months it took after 
having worked in the Young Communist League at Harvard — I was 
invited to join the Communist Party. I think this invitation, which 
was somewhat more than an invitation, was extended by the district 
organizer of the Young Communist League at the time. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do 3^011 recall his name? 

Mr. Marks. His name was Mack Libby — L-i-b-b-y. 

My activities as a member of the Communist Party at that time 
were devoted, I think, exclusively to the work of the Young Com- 
munist League among students at Harvard. This also involved pro- 
moting the recruitment of members of the National Student League. 

(Representative Harold H. Velde returned to the hearing room at 
this point.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you describe, please, the activities of the 
Young Communist League at Harvard during the period that you 
were a member of it ? 

Mr. Marks. The Young Communist League, on the whole, con- 
ducted study groups intended to acquaint the membership with the 
principles of communism, with the classics of Marxism, Leninism 
and, in general, to indoctrinate them with the viewpoint of the 
Communists. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the importance to. the Communist Party 
of attempting to organize students as members of the Young Com- 
munist League? 

Mr. Marks. I think the objective was to reach a section of the 
young people who possessed ideals and who were perhaps especially 
vulnerable through being away from home and being concerned with 
intellectual pursuits and who, in subsequent years, might be expected 
to play roles of some conceivable importance in whatever community 
they went. In other words, I think that they were banking on influ- 
encing a certain number of young people, with the hope that in the 
course of time they would become so involved emotionally and intel- 
lectually that they would be ripe for recruitment into the Com- 
munist Party. 

Mr. Tavenner. You have stated the method of indoctrination was 
to conduct classes in Leninism and Marxism and other subjects. Did 
the plan contemplate also the use of speakers who came to the meetings 
of the Young Communist League from higher levels of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Marks. I imagine so, to some extent. The group was rather 
autonomous, I think, in the sense that there was some feeling, I suspect, 
on the part, shall we say, of Mack Libby that these students were more 
highly educated than he was. So, I don't think he appeared very 
much. I think, rather, it was perhaps a little different. 

Let me illustrate this. I remember one meeting, presumably against 
war and fascism, that was organized at MIT and, as I recall, among 
the speakers we were able to get a functionary of the Communist Party 
to speak there along with the panel of other people. 

Is that what you mean ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

Do you remember who that functionary was ? 



1848 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Marks. All I remember is that his name was — wait — Johnny 
Weber, I think. 

Mr. Velde. Johnny Weber— W-e-b-e-r? 

Mr. Marks. W-e-b-e-r. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are there any other instances you can recall when 
functionaries of the Communist Part}' took part in the Young Com- 
munist League meetings? 

Mr. Marks. This was not a Young Communist League meeting. 
This was one of those broad attempts to introduce to the general pub- 
lic, as far as anyone was interested in attending a meeting of general 
nature, a Communist who was presumably going to make a good 
impression. 

Now, let me mention something else, though. I have no idea 
whether Corliss Lamont is a Communist in the organizational 
sense  



Mr. Velde. Whether who ? 

Mr. Marks. Corliss Lamont. But I do recall sometime in the spring 
of 1043 the National Student League staged a meeting for Lamont at 
Harvard. 

Mr. Velde. Well, as I understand it, this meeting that Mr. Weber 
attended and where he spoke was not a closed meeting of the Young 
Communist League? 

Mr. Marks. That's right. 

Mr. Velde. It was an open meeting against war and fascism ; is that 
correct ? 

Mr. Marks. That is correct. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you describe for the committee just what the 
activities of the Young Communist League were beside the holding 
of study classes and the indoctrination of its members ? 

Mr. Marks. Are you referring to the Harvard students 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

Mr. Marks (continuing) . In the Young Communist League? 

I am not sure but what some of them were asked to distribute the 
Daily Worker in working-class neighborhoods in Cambridge. I rather 
have a feeling that was part of the work. I might add they were not 
particularly successful. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was any particular interest shown in having the 
members of the Young Communist League become members of the 
front organizations? 

Mr. Marks. Yes. The National Student League was the obvious 
one on the campus. 

I don't know whether any of the students became members of the 
American League Against War and Fascism. That would have been 
a likely thing, had there been an organization there. 

Mr. Tavenner. Can you describe the operations of the Young Com- 
munist League in its effort to control the National Student League or 
infiltrate it ( 

Mr. Marks. The Young Communist League members would caucus 
before a meeting. This is standard Communist practice. They used 
the European term "fraction," and the fraction meeting would be 
held before a meeting, perhaps after a meeting, for a post mortem 
examination of the results; but the general objective was to make sure 
that the proper proposals were presented in an acceptable form and 
that they would be passed. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1849 

Mr. Tavenner. Did the Young Communist League group take part 
in any demonstrations of an}' character or carry any programs of 
activity designed to influence outside groups? 

Mr. Marks. I don't think the students operated very much off the 
campus. 

1 could report an episode in June of 1936 in connection with the 
Harvard commencement, if you would care to hear about it. 

Mr. Tavenner. Very well. 

Mr. Marks. The class, I assume, of 1911 was meeting for its 25th 
reunion, and the most notorious member of that class was Hitler's 
pianoplayer, Ernst Hanfstaengel. 

Air. Velde. Off the record. 

(Off the record.) 
. Mr. Marks. I remember having had something to do with arranging 
for two girls to attend the commencement. They had some chains 
or handcuffs with which they latched themselves onto something 
immovable during the session and emitted loud outcries against 
Hanfstaengel and called for freeing of the German Communist leader 
Thaelmann. 

This episode was undoubtedly bad manners, but I'm not sure that 
the motive was wholly bad — the motive of protest against Hitler. I 
think the effect was probably the opposite of what was desired. 

Mr. Tavenner. You have described the object of the Communist 
Party in concentrating its effort upon the organization of students 
into the Communist Party. Would you say they were fairly successful 
in attaining that object at Harvard? 

Mr. Marks. Certainly the Young Communist League never felt it 
was successful in the sense of creating an enormous organization. On 
the other hand, I think the success can be measured qualitatively by 
another standard — and this is one thing which causes me a great deal 
of remorse. Some of the people whom I had something to do with in 
bringing into the Communist movement turned out to be irretrievably 
lost. 

I'm thinking in particular of one person who was a splendid young 
fellow at the time, a boy of high idealistic temperament and good 
intellect, who is known now as a full-time Communist organizer. I am 
referring to Boone Schirmer — B-o-o-n-e S-c-h-i-r-m-e-r. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is that Daniel Boone Schirmer? 

Mr. Marks. Yes. His first name was Daniel. At that time he used 
only Boone Schirmer, and I knew him as Boone. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know where Daniel Boone Schirmer is 
today? 

Mr. Marks. No ; I do not, but I can tell you one peculiar episode in 
which I saw him. In the movie Paisan — P-a-i-s-a-n — which was pro- 
duced, I believe, in Italy shortly after the war and made use of non- 
professionals in the acting, there was one episode in which American 
soldiers were shown supposedly operating behind the lines during the 
war. The scene shows a half dozen of them getting into a boat in a 
marsh, and I could swear that one of those soldiers was Boone 
Schirmer. 

Mr. Velde. When was the last time you had heard from him or of 
him? 

Mr. Marks. Years and years. It goes way back. 



1850 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Velde. You said he became an organizer for the Communist 
Party. Can you tell us something of his activities as such an organ- 
izer, where it was at that time ? 

Mr. Marks. Well, he was not at that time. I read about this in 
Philbrick's book. At the time he was a student, and he was working 
in the YCL, the Young Communist League. 

After that, I would say, 2 years of my work with the Young Com- 
munist League at Harvard, I dropped out of that and it was self- 
operating among undergraduates, and I devoted myself to Young 
Communist League work in other parts of the Boston area, among 
different groups. 

Mr. Doyle. Did you do that in other areas in Boston at the request 
of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Marks. Yes. My entire work in the Communist Party was 
localized in the youth movement. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now, before proceeding to discuss that, can you tell 
us the names of any other individuals who were members of the 
Young Communist League that you have reason to believe continued 
in the Communist Party work for any period of time after leaving 
Harvard? 

Mr. Marks. I can remember the names of 2 or 3 people who were 
active at the time, but I didn't follow them up. 

Wait — there is one, I think — Larry Levy. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is the first name ? 

Mr. Marks. Lawrence, I assume — Larry. 

Mr. Tavenner. What can you tell us of his activity ? 

Mr. Marks. I simply recall that he was, I think, the leader of the 
Young Communist League in Harvard after I had gone out of that 
particular area. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you give us the names of other members who 
were affiliated with the group of the Young Communist League with 
which you were affiliated? 

Mr. Marks. Well, I can remember one very clearly who is no longer 
alive, and 2 or 3 others who I trust are alive, but I don't know anything 
at all about them for the past 15 years. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, will you give us the names of those who were 
alive? 

Mr. Marks. I assume they are alive. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

Mr. Marks. There was one very fine young fellow by the name of 
Alan Philbrick. When I saw Philbrick's name attached to a book. I 
wondered whether there was any relationship, but there is not. He 
left Harvard in the middle 1930's. I have no idea what happened to 
him subsequently, and I sincerely trust he got out early. 

Herbert Robbins I remember. 

There was one student in the law school who was a very nice fellow 
by the name of Saul Friedburg, I think. I don't know what happened 
to him. I think he, too, must have dropped out. I hope so. 

Mr. Velde. At this point it is necessary for me to leave ; but before 
I do leave I want to take this opportunity to express my appreciation 
to you, Professor Marks, for your very helpful testimony which you 
are giving at the present time and I am sure you will complete before 
the hearing is over. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1851 

Mr. Marks. Well, I appreciate the opportunity for me to testify 
in executive session. Thank you very much. 

(Representative Harold H. Velde left the hearing room at this 
point.) 

Mr. Marks. There are some other names, faces, to whom I can attach 
no names at the moment. There was one fellow whose first name I 
remember — Paul — but I can't remember any more. 

I ought to mention Eugene Bronstein's name, who was a brilliant 
student of philosophy, came to Harvard to pursue graduate studies. 
He had been graduated from City College, probably 1934 or 1935, 
but actually as an undergraduate published a short article on phil- 
osophy, and I'm sorry to say I induced him to enter the Communist 
movement and in the long run he was one of those who volunteered 
in 193(5 or 1937 to go to Spain, and I well remember the appalling 
feeling I had when a news broadcast one evening, in the summer, I 
imagine, 1937, reported that he had been killed there. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you have any knowledge of how young men 
were recruited for service in Spain ? 

Mr. Marks. In a vague way. The recruitment seems to have been 
organized by the Communist Party. I don't know the details, but 
the Communist Party was interested in getting young men to volun- 
teer. 

There was another boy from the Boston area, who was not in this 
Harvard group, who must have gone at the same time that G3ne 
Bronstein went, and he was killed at the same time. I don't have 
the same feeling of personal responsibility in his case. 

Mr. Tavenner. You stated you were a member of this Young Com- 
munist League group for a period of 2 years. Were you a member 
of the Communist Party itself during any of that period of time? 

Mr. Marks. I imagine for the bulk of that time. That is, I think 
the period of time during which I was only a member of the Young 
Communist League was probably no more than 6 months. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was the Young Communist League used as a re- 
cruiting ground for membership in the Communist Party? 

Mr. Marks. It certainly was. 

Mr. Tavenner. How was that done ? 

Mr. Marks. In the first place, it was important to indoctrinate 
young people with the idea that the Young Communists and nobody 
else had the right answers to all kinds of problems. 

In the second place, it was desirable to test out a person's loyalty 
through the willingness to engage in the dull, routine activities of 
peddling the Daily Worker, distributing mimeographed leaflets or 
participating in May Day parades, and so on and so forth. 

I don't think there was any great rush to move people from the YCL 
to the Communist Party if they were still at an early age, and I sus- 
pect that probably people had to be in their 20's before they would 
have been welcomed in the Communist Party; and probably in most 
cases even there, if they were fairly young and could work with 
young people, their membership in the Communist Party was used 
as an additional mode of discipline, so that their work remained essen- 
tially the same — that is to say, attempting to influence youth while 
they were more subject to direct orders than they had been in the 
Young Communist League. 



1852 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

In the Young Communist League presumably the members would 
be asked whether they wanted to do something, such as distributing 
leaflets, and in the Communist Party a member would be expected to. 
He would not be asked. He might be asked, but this would be a for- 
mality, like the command performance would be for a queen. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, after you became a member of the Communist 
Party, did you meet with any particular cell or group of the Commu- 
nist Party as distinguished from the Young Communist League 
group? 

Mr. Marks. Not that I recall. I met with the district organizer 
from time to time. I seem to recall that there was perhaps some sort 
of council, a group of people who were Communist Party members, 
active in youth work. I am not sure about the details. I couldn't tell 
you, for example, whether I paid dues separately or together. 

Incidentally, might I add one minor point. This is purely semantic. 
I read in the newspapers of people being spoken of as card-carrying 
Communists. There were no cards. There was a membership book. 
You were not supposed to carry it. 

Mr. Cooper. May I ask him a question at this time? 

Mr. Tavenner. All right. 

Mr. Ccoper. Did you know of a book kept by the treasurer or secre- 
tary with the names in it at that time? 

Mr. Marks. Well, I assume that every 

Mr. Cooper. Did you ever see one, Professor Marks? 

Mr. Marks. Probably. 

Mr. Cooper. Will you think about that a minute? 

Mr. Marks. Surely. 

Mr. Cooper. Did you ever see a book with your name in it? 

Mr. Marks. Well, I — I can't answer you that on the basis of a photo- 
graphic recollection. If you are suggesting that there were pseudo- 
nyms that were used, or numbers, or some sort of key, so that my name 
didn't appear, but a symbol was entered in some book, I can't answer 
vou that. I don't remember. All I know is that at meetings of the 
unit, or whatever the name happened to be for the organization, the 
basic organization of the Communist movement at the time, there was 
always a treasurer Avho collected dues; and I seem to recall of some 
sort of record whether or not dues were being paid and kept up to date. 

Mr. Tavenner. Who was the treasurer of the group that you 
remember ? 

Mr. Marks. I have no recollection. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall to whom you paid dues at any time? 

Mr. Marks. No: I can't remember that. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the nature of the work to which you were 
assigned in the youth movement after you ceased to become active in 
the Young Communist League? 

Mr. Marks. It was chiefly work that was called educational, in the 
sense that I generally went to the meetings of other groups in the 
greater Boston area. Sometimes I conducted classes in which young 
people read various of the pamphlets that were available on Marxism, 
Leninism, on the decisions of the Seventh Congress of the Comintern, 
on the pamphlet — discussions of pamphlets dealing with contempo- 
rary American problems and international problems. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1853 

Let me add one thing : For a short time I taught a class in the school 
that the party ran in Boston at that time. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the name of that school? 

Mr. Marks. It didn't have any name at that time, as far as I 
remember it. It was not dressed up with the name of some American 
hero, outstanding note, in order to lend it a patriotic air. It may 
have had some designation, but that slips my mind at this time. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were there other teachers in that same school at 
the time you taught ? 

Mr. Marks. I think the other teachers were generally party func- 
tionaries, people like this Weber that I've mentioned. 

Mr. Tvvenner. Do you recall the names of others who taught in 
that school besides Weber ? 

Mr. Marks. Well, I think the Communist district organizer at 
that time, whose name was Sparks, was a very effective teacher. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was his first name? 

Mr. Marks. His first name was Nehemiah, but he felt that in 
public appearances that would be too difficult a name for people to 
understand and he, consequently, was often introduced at a public 
meeting as Ned Sparks. 

Mr. Tavenner. Off the record. 

(Off the record.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know whether that was the same person 
as Nemmy Sparks? 

Mr. Marks. I've heard that nickname applied to him. He was, 
by training, incidentally, I think, a chemist because I remember once 
he explained to me the meaning of octane ratings in gasoline. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell us more of what you know about his 
activities? 

Mr. Marks. Well, the activities of a district organizer of the Com- 
munist Party are something like the appearance of an iceberg. That 
is to say, you see perhaps one-sixth or one-seventh of them. That was 
the part that I saw of them. The bulk of his activities were not in- 
visible. Such activities consisted of intermeetings, education reports, 
and the like. 

They had some system of couriers whereby they received direc- 
tives — I believe that would be the word — from the central committee 
in New York. I have no idea how that was handled — whether there 
was a bus driver or — they were not committed to the mails — whether 
there was a bus driver on the New York-to-Boston route, or some 
trainman, or something of that sort. I doubt whether they had any 
money to pay somebody just to travel back and forth. 

Mr. Tavenner. During what period of time were you acquainted 
with Mr. Sparks? 

Mr. Marks. I couldn't say for sure. He was the district organizer 
at the time I entered the Communist movement in 1934, and he was 
subsequently replaced. Now, I don't remember when. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know where he went from your school 
area? 

Mr. Marks. I think he went to the Middle West. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the address of the school at which he 
taught? 

30172— 53— pt. 6 2 



1854 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Marks. I could tell you how to find the place in Boston. There 
was a short street, which may have been a blind alley, off Washington 
Street, near Essex. I don't remember the — it would be in the tele- 
phone book at that time. I don't remember the number or the name 
of the street. It was up one flight of long, narrow stairs, a dinky 
2- or 3-room collection of offices. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now, can you give us the names of any of the 
persons who taught at that school ? 

Mr. Marks. Well, I think of the people that were active after 
Sparks left — Sidney Bloomfield, for example. 

Mr. Tavenner. Would you spell the last name? 

Mr. Marks. B-1-o-o-m-f-i-e-l-d. 

The Young Communist League organizers taught there — Mack 
Libby; a repulsive female by the name of Loretta Starr — S-t-a-r-r — 
and the last 

Mr. Tavenner. Did both of those persons attend Young Commu- 
nist League meetings at which you were present? 

Mr. Marks. Yes. 

The last Young Communist League organizer that I knew was 
Dave Grant. I have no idea where he went. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you describe in general the activities of those 
persons who were organizers, including Loretta Starr? 

Mr. Marks. I can describe what I saw of them. They were inter- 
mediaries between the headquarters in New York on the one hand and 
the local Communist Party leadership on the other in transmitting 
directives to the Young Communist League organizations in the area. 

Incidentally, a side point just occurred to me. I think at that time 
the Communist Party was organized into districts which corre- 
sponded to 

Is it Army districts ? Is that the term that I want ? 

For example, Governor's Island is the headquarters of some Army 
district. 

I thirk the United States has divided up into districts correspond- 
ing to that. 

I can draw 

Mr. Tavenner. They may have had areas instead of districts? 

Mr. Marks. It simply is a side point, which occurs to me, and may 
have no value whatever. 

The activities of an organizer of the Young Communist League were 
on the whole, I think devoted to strengthening and extending the scope 
of Communist youth activities. This involved introducing members 
of the Young Communist League into organizations of a non-Commu- 
nist nature. 

Some of these organizations were, in effect, sponsored by the Com- 
munist Party or perhaps the word "instigated" or "hatched" may be 
better, such as the American League Against War and Fascism. In 
such an organization, there would always be a core, a fraction, of 
young Communists if this organization had anything to do with youth. 

O.i the other hand, there were organizations that were not under 
Communist influence, such as the YMCA, and the YWCA, and simi- 
lar organizations. Members of the Young Communist League were 
expected to enter these, to join in their various activities and to make 
friends with friends with people who were of their age and in these 
organizations. The object was, in the long run, to influence these 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1855 

members and, if poss : ble, these organizations, so that at national 
conferences, if it was possible to get a member of the Young Commu- 
nist League elected as a delegate from one of these perfectly inno- 
cent organizations to attend a national gathering of an organization 
which, as a whole, was perfectly innocent and in the clear, it might 
be possible to influence the resolutions of such an organization in 
such a way as to lead them to conform to some immediate objectives 
which the Communists had in mind. 

In view of the fact that in the 1930's the Soviet Union was weak — 
it was, therefore, in favor of peace; since they had little in the way 
of armament, they were in favor of disarmament — and in view of. 
the fact that the vast majority of the American people have been in 
favor of peace and generally have been loath to expend vast sums 
of money on a permanent military organization, it was possible for 
them to strike an echo among young people who had no attachment 
to communism, who did not identify these people as Communists and 
who would presumably have spurned them had they known who they 
were. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was it not also the purpose of the Communist Party 
to add membership to the Communist Party through such influences? 

Mr. Marks. Certainly. If it was possible to find individuals in 
these innocent organizations who appeared to be interested in discus- 
sion, it would be possible to organize a study group which might have 
no overt Communist sponsorship and no overt Communist direction, 
yet, on the basis of study and the assiduous cultivation of personal 
friendships, people would be brought closer to the Communist Party, 
perhaps initially enlisted in one of the less obvious organizations, and 
in the long run induced to join the Communist Party, if they could 
be brought to take the full dose. 

The whole procedure was particularly perfidious because it de- 
pended upon exploiting the perfectly admirable ideals which many 
people harbored in connection with anti-Fascist feelings, in connec- 
tion with a desire to preserve the peace, in connection with a desire 
to provide employment, and the like; and what the Communists did 
was take hold of these ideas and pervert them to their own ends. 

Mind you, I don't say they were opposed to peace in 1930; but this 
was purely coincidental and happened to match the interests of the 
Soviet Union at that time. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did this Young Communist League group or the 
Communist Party itself endeavor to exert its influence over the Amer- 
ican Youth Congress, to your knowledge? 

Mr. Marks. I think so. 

Let me — could you refresh my memory as to what the American 
Youth Congress was? 

Mr. Cooper. The American Youth Congress, Professor, was an 
organization of the students of all the schools — that is, of all the 
young college students. They were chartered, and one of their first 
presidents of it was Cavin. 

Mr. Marks. Cavin? 

Mr. Cooper. Cavin — Joseph Cavin — and later they elected Jack 
McMichael. 

Now, I will ask you now : Do you know Jack McMichael ? 

Mr. Marks. Not the name. I never heard the name, as I recall. 



1856 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Cooper. When the American Youth Congress would hold their 



meetings or their 

Mr. Marks. Conclaves. 

Mr. Cooper. Conclaves, at different places, always there were cer- 
tain ones of the Young Communist League that infiltrated into this 
meeting. Among those was a man by the name of Quill. 

Did you know Michael Quill? 

Mr. Marks. I've read about him in the newspapers in connection 
with the Transport Workers' Union in New York. 

Mr. Cooper. You say you have never heard the name Jack Mc- 
Michael ? 

Mr. Marks. No. 

Mr. Cooper. Off the record. 

(Off the record.) 

Mr. Cooper. At every meeting they always had a representative 
there to speak, and I just wondered whether you had any knowledge, 
since you were in New York City at the time, at the time this was 
taking place, in 1939, 1940, 1941. ' 

Mr. Marks. I was in Staten Island, Mr. Cooper. 

Have you ever been in Staten Island? 

Mr. Cooper. No ; I haven't. 

Mr. Marks. Staten Island, where I lived, was about as far from 
Times Square as New Haven. 

Mr. Cooper. Well, I meant, though, you were in the public school 
there. 

Mr. Marks. Staten Island is more like a rural community than a 
borough of the city. 

I was unaware of any of these things. I was not a member of the 
Communist movement at that time. 

Mr. Tavenner. You stated earlier in your testimony that while a 
member of the Communist Party you worked in the youth movement 
by attending, by lecturing at various groups throughout the Boston 
area. Can you tell the committee more about the nature of those 
groups which you addressed ? 

Mr. Marks. As I recollect them, they were generally neighborhood 
organizations. That is to say, there would be perhaps 2 or 3 organiza- 
tions in Roxbury. 

One of the great griefs that the Communists had at that time was 
that they were unable to get a foothold among the employed youth. 
They would have liked to have had organizations that were among 
young people who were employed in important industries. 

Actually, I think probably employment was a prophylactic against 
Communist membership. 

Among the unemployed, therefore, or people who were still attend- 
ing school, or young people who had paper routes, casual employment 
of that sort, it was necessary to organize them on a neighborhood 
basis; and, consequently, these people met, I think, once a week and 
there would be an agenda, which would usually have some item con- 
cerning recruitment, and particularly the retention of members who 
had dropped out. The turnover was tremendous. 

Then, there would be some sort of political discussion, and possibly 
an outsider, like myself, an outsider in the sense of not being a mem- 
ber of that particular outfit, who would come along, prepared to dis- 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1857 

cuss some point, politics, or some socialistic theory, or something of 
that sort. 

Frankly, it must have been terribly dull and I can understand why 
the turnover Avas as great as it was, although at the time it seemed 
difficult to understand because the Communists were convinced that 
they had the answers to all problems. These answers were founded 
upon the positive achievements of the only verifiable social science 
that has ever existed — to wit, that founded by Marx and Engels, 
perfected by Lenin and carried on by Stalin. 

So, those of us who were imbued with this emotional orientation 
were apt to be totally unaware of the actual interests of American 
young people. 

The effect was, actually, trying to import an ideology whose ter- 
minology even was foreign — the use of the word "fraction," as I have 
suggested, instead of caucus; the attempt to appeal to the toiling 
masses. 

Can you imagine a group of American factory workers listening to 
anyone talking to them about the toiling masses? 

Mr. Doyle. But it appealed to you? 

Mr. Marks. Because I was not a member of the toiling masses. I 
was a student. 

Mr. Doyle. What was there about it that appealed to you in the 
emotional orientation that you speak about ? Why did it get you for 
a time ? 

Mr. Marks. That seems to me to be something where perhaps I can 
make a contribution to the committee. 

Mr. Doyle. I don't mean to have interrupted your line of ques- 
tioning. 

Mr. Tavenner. No ; that is all right. 

Mr. Marks. No ; I think perhaps that is the one thing where I can 
make some personal observations. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you 

Mr. Marks. It seems to me 

Mr. Doyle. Let me ask 

Mr. Marks. Certainly. 

Mr. Doyle (continuing) . This, to see if I am correct. You by this 
time were 25 or 26 years of age ? 

Mr. M arks. That's right. 

Mr. Doyle. You were fairly mature? 

Mr. Marks. I was older. 

Mr. Doyle. You were unusually mature. 

Mr. Marks. I would say older, but mature— I wonder in retrospect. 

Mr. Doyle. But your brain had been wonderfully trained. You had 
been to Heidelberg. You had been to Germany. 

Mr. Marks. That's true. 

Mr. Doyle. You had gone through Harvard College. 

Mr. Marks. That is true. 

Mr. Doyle. What was it that got you, with all that fine bram train- 
ing, to get you to be a youth leader in the Communist Party? Why 
did you do it? 

Mr. Marks. That is— that's the central issue. 

Mr. Doyle. Were you paid for it ? 

Mr. Marks. No ; I was not paid for it. 

Mr. Doyle. You donated your time? 



1858 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Marks. Exactly. 

Mr. Doyle. And your transportation expense 

Mr. Marks. That's right. 

Mr. Doyle. If you went any place. 

Why did you do it? 

Mr. Marks. It seems to me one of the things we have to recognize — 
and I say this as a person who is in contact with college students all 
the time — one of the things we have to recognize is the extent to which 
young people are accessible to ideals. 

Mr. Doyle. What do you mean by "ideals"? 

Mr. Marks. One of the things that the Communists have done over 
a period of 50 years has been to take the finest ideals of western civili- 
zation, use the words that are used in the Halls of Congress, from 
pulpits, in the finest of books, the same words, mind you, such as 
"democracy", and pervert them to their own ends. 

Now, I was in favor of democracy, and I still am ; but I have come 
to understand that what the Communists mean when they say democ- 
racy, is its opposite. 

I was in favor of peace. I am in favor of peace today. 

The Communists have never been pacifists. The Communists were 
in favor of peace in the situation that developed in the 1930's when it 
appeared that Russia was in danger both in the east and in the west 
by Japan and by Germany. Therefore, they were in favor of peace. 
It was purely tactical, as we can see today. 

They were opposed to fascism. I was opposed to fascism. Most of 
the American people, I assume, came to oppose fascism — and the Sec- 
ond World War is testimony to that effect. 

I wanted answers to questions on philosophy, economics. 

Remember the mid-1930's, when we had poverty in the midst of 
plenty. There was a great deal of unemployment, and students who 
were not directly, themselves, the victims of the depression tended to 
have, perhaps for that very reason, a sense of guilt, a sense of respon- 
sibility. 

I think perhaps it might be comparable to the feelings which moti- 
vated Russian youth in the 1870's to undertake conspiracies against 
the Czar. They were the sheltered offspring of the beneficiaries of an 
autocratic system. Their minds were exposed to the ideals of the west. 
Consequently, they felt a feeling of guilt at enjoying the benefits which 
they had received. 

Mr. Doyle. Did you feel that? 

Mr. Marks. I think I must have had a similar feeling. 

Mr. Doyle. But you were not youth ; you were a man. 

Mr. Marks. All the more reason, I think, for my feeling. I must 
do something to help my fellow man. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, you said you were seeking the answers. 

Mr. Marks. That's right. 

Mr. Doyle. You must have then arrived at the point where you 
felt you had the answers. 

Mr. Marks. I certainly did. 

Mr. Doyle. So you were no longer seeking for the answers. 

Mr. Marks. That's right. 

Mr. Doyle. You concluded the Communist Party had the answers. 

Mr. Marks. Absolutely. 

Mr. Doyle. So you were no longer philosophizing. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1859 

Mr. Marks. That is precisely the point. That's what makes it 
deplorable. 

It seems to me if you overlook the appeal which the Communists 
have, based upon an all-inclusive philosophy, if you want to call it 
that, although it debases the term which has an honorable lineage, then 
we miss one of the points which explains the appeal of communism 
to intellectuals. They have a coherent and superficially plausible 
explanation of everything from causality in philosophy to genetics; 
they have their own cosmology; they have their own theories with 
respect to literature, with respect to music. 

To people who are baffled — to people who want a coherent outlook — 
this is plausible precisely because they use so many of the terms that 
we use in a democratic society. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, is part of the reason why men like you, with the 
brain training you had, adopt communism because they were so infe- 
rior that you couldn't understand it and therefore you encompassed it? 

Mr. Marks. I don't think 

Mr. Doyle. Were you looking for an escape of some sort in your 
own lack of comprehension ? 

Mr. Marks. I don't think you're being just to the appeal which 
Communists have; that is to say, it is much more plausible if you 
shut your mind to other things. If you shut you mind to critics, if 
you shut your mind to objective analysis of what the Communists are 
doing, it is much more plausible. 

Mr. Doyle. But these younger men, much younger than you, 
couldn't comprehend the ultimate of communism. They were not 
mature enough, were they, at 18? 

Mr. Marks. No. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, what was it about communism that attracted 
them, then ? Why did they encompass a foreign ideology ? 

What was there in communism that democracy, under which they 
were born and raised, didn't have ? 

Mr. Marks. Let me illustrate the thing by contrast : In the 1930's 
these students could look at the United States and see that we were in 
the throes of a depression. We had between 12 and perhaps 15 million 
unemployed. We looked at the Soviet Union and they told us that 
since 1931 there had been no unemployment. They had, you see, 
supposedly a rational organization of their economy. 

Now, planned economy is something which has a certain appeal 
to a person who is not engaged in business life, who has no job, wbo 
sees people abstractly as students are apt to see them. 

That's one reason why I said people who were employed were in 
part insulated against the Communist appeal and, consequently, they 
were not in the position to feel that unless the system were changed 
radically nothing could become of it. 

Mr. Doyle. Excuse me. 

Mr. Marks. The Communists argued you couldn't reform, which, 
of course, we have disproven. 

Mr. Doyle. Excuse me for interrupting, Counsel. That is some- 
thing that just occurred to me. 

Mr. Tavenner. That is quite all right. 

Mr. Marks. May I go on to one further point? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 



1860 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Marks. I have a course which I teach in the history of Europe 
since 1918, in the course of which obviously we have to discuss com- 
munism and fascism. In the last 2 or .'5 lectures in the course 1 devote 
to a comparison of communism and fascism, and I point out to the 
students that the very things which we abhor in fascism Ave find 
•exempli lied in the Soviet Union — almost everything, except the lingo. 

The Fascists openly damned democracy. The Communists appro- 
priated the term, perpetrated the opposite of democracy and called 
it democracy; and that seems to me to be the particular perfidious 
character of communism — that it takes ideals of western civiliza- 
tion, the Judean-Christian tradition, and makes use of these to mis- 
lead people. 

Mr. Doyle. How do you define fascism, as you used the term, con- 
trasted with communism or democracy? 

Mr. Marks. I should say fascism was the sort of social system that 
was set up in Italy, in Germany, beginning in 1922 in Italy and 19:5:5 
in Germany, in which a rather small group of the people, consisting 
generally of the military, bureaucracy, the reactionary landlords, 
some of the biggest representatives of big business, but not business in 
general, and a party membership which consists of opportunists, po- 
litical gangsters, ne'er-do-wells, and the like — this coalition ruling 
ruthlessly over the vast bulk of the population, exploiting the middle 
class, exploiting the intellectuals, exploiting peasantry, exploiting 
business people who were not of the biggest category. 

So far as the Communists were concerned, they had done away 
with one or two sections of the groups that were beneficiaries of fas- 
cism — that is to say big landlords of prewar Russia and the old class, 
the capitalists. In their place, you have the vast bulk of the popu- 
lation, exploited fundamentally by a new bureaucracy, which is just 
as ruthless, just as brutal, just as fraudulent in its ideology as the 
Fascists, but in the use of their language very different and, conse- 
quently, I think, able to persuade a certain number of people for a 
certain length of time that there is a profound difference between 
the two. 

Mr. Doyle. Is there any Fascist movement in this country now 
that you would identify? 

Mr. Marks. Well, only in the region of psychosomatics, if you will 
permit a word, is near a crackpot fringe. I would say it does not 
strike me as being serious. 

Mr. Doyle. Is that movement subversive in the same manner, sub- 
stantially the same, as communism is? 

Mr. Marks. I would say subversive in the sense that it is opposed to 
the general outlook, the bulk of America, but dangerous, I doubt. 

They don't have 175 divisions behind them. 

Mr. Doyle. Thank you. 

Mr. Tavenner. In other words, one chief distinction that you are 
making between communism and fascism is that the Communists sub- 
verted many of the terms and principles used in a democracy to a pur- 
pose for which they were not designed? 

Mr. Marks. Exactly, and let me add, too. that we have the weak- 
ness of our virtue . 

It seems to me one of the great virtues that we have is diversity, 
so that we have many possible answers to serious questions. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1861 

Now, the Communists have one answer, and to some people that is 
very desirable. They want to be embraced in some enfolding symbol. 
Stalin was an illustration of that. In a sense, he was a father image, 
and he was openly cultivated as such. 

There is some hope now that the disappearance of that image there 
may bring serious dissension within the Soviet Union. They have 
not been able to replace that symbol by another. 

Mr. Doyle. You said you were teaching in classes comparative 
fascism and democracy and communism. What is your appraisal or 
evaluation of whether'or not the young people in your classes, any of 
them, became attracted to communism through the comparison that 
you taught? 

Mr. Marks. I very much doubt if anyone did. 

As far as I know, I have had one Communist in my classes. He 
thought he was a Marxist. He took this particular course, incident- 
ally, and he did a term paper for me. I forget what it was about, 
but he attempted to give a Marxist analysis, or something or another, 
and it was very poor Marxism. He subsequently ran for some State 
ofKee on some third-party ticket. 

Mr. Doyle. May I ask one more question here: In your classes do 
you feel there is a sense of dissatisfaction on the part of the American 
students with democracy? 

Mr. Marks. Definitely not. 

I think there is another situation which some people have found 
more current than I. Some members of the faculty think that stu- 
dents, on the whole, are apathetic. I think they are not as apathetic 
as perhaps would be alarming, but I think we've got to appeal to their 
ideals. 

Mr. Doyle. But you were dissatisfied, you and the rest of those peo- 
ple who were young Communists. Was that because of conditions at 
that time ? 

Mr. Marks. I think so. 

Mr. Doyle. If those conditions recurred, would you find the same 
interests in a foreign ideology such as communism ? 

Mr. Marks. I don't think so. 

Don't you think the various measures which we have adopted to, 
in the first place, level out the fluctuations of the business cycle and, 
in the second place, to cushion the impact where these fluctuations 
occur have given people the feeling that society is on their side? 

I don't think there would be very much feeling of exclusion from 
society. 

I think that one of the things which is important is that people 
know — students, young people, employed, unemployed, housewives, 
and the like — it's important that these people know that they are of 
some concern to other people, and I think that the transformation of 
the United States in the last 15 or 20 years has given people that feel- 
ing of belonging. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, excuse me for interrupting your line of question- 
ing. 

Mr. Tavenxer. We had one witness who appeared before this wit- 
ness and testified as to his prior Communist Party membership, and 
in the course of his testimony he stated if he had been taught in college 
a proper course in comparative governments he probably never would 
have joined the Communist Party because he didn't understand the 



1862 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

subject in the proper light, in a comparative way. What is your 
judgment about that? 

Mr. Makes. I don't think there is any one course that should be 
required of everyone in order to inoculate them against this disease, 
but it does seem to me that this is one approach, which is essential. It 
seems to me that we have got to teach young people about communism. 
Now, whether it is done on a comparative basis, which is in a sense 
what I do in this history course, or whether it is done in another 
course — say a course in Russian history — or whether it is done in a 
course on political parties, or whether it is done in a course of music — 
presumably you could deal with Communist theories about music, 
which, I confess, I found utterly unintelligible 

Mr. Doyle. Or art. 

Mr. Marks. Or art or literature — any one of those things I think 
should serve toward the same goal. 

But I want to express this point : That we must not ignore this any 
more than we must ignore cancer. 

I think that analogy was one which Mr. Conant used some years 
back. 

We must study it and, furthermore, we must explain it. 

Mr. Doyle. Beginning at what grade in school would you suggest 
it be studied or begin to be taught ? 

Mr. Marks. I think possibly in the high school. I don't think in 
the grammar school age you get very much attention at anything of 
that sort, but in many schools throughout the country there is a 9th 
or 10th grade course in civics. It seems to me a little bit could be 
done there, quite legitimately. 

Mr. Tavenner. That brings me to the next question of whether or 
not a person who is a member of the Communist Party and subject 
to its directives and subject to the discipline of the Communist Party 
should be entrusted with the teaching of that subject or any other 
subject? 

Mr. Marks. Mr. Tavenner, having been a Communist myself, my 
feelings on this question are a bit different from that of some of my 
colleagues who have never been Communists. Some of them think 
that being a Communist merely means espousing a divergent ideology, 
such as a different philosophy, a different outlook, a different political 
theory. That seems to me to be dead wrong. A Communist is a per- 
son who is expected to dedicate himself to a movement, the center of 
which is not in the United States. 

I don't mean that every member of the Communist Party is fully 
aware of this, and I have merely to mention my own experience. It 
took me time to realize this. 

Mr. Doyle. How long did it take you ? When did you wake up to 
the fact? J F 

Mr. Marks. Well, I should say that, in the first place, I became a 
non-Communist before I became an anti-Communist. 

I don't think during the war I was anti-Communist. It would have 
meant opposing our ally ; but the behavior of the Soviet Union after 
the war was not only impossible to square with any of their own state- 
ments of ideals and objectives — my own feeling about Yalta is that 
the difficulty has not been with the agreement, but with the execution 
thereof, or perhaps we should have been more sophisticated and real- 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1863 

ized there wouldn't have been any possible fulfillment as the pledge 
of free elections. 

Mr. Doyle. In other words, the violation of it? 

Mr. Marks. I think so. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, now, what year, though, did you come to a reali- 
zation that you must become a non-Communist? 

Mr. Marks. That was in 1938 or 

Mr. Doyle. And what year 

Mr. Marks. I became anti-Communist after the war. 

Mr. Doyle. Let's hear about it. 

Mr. Marks. Well, I would say it was a gradual process, whereby 
I shed one delusion after another; and the experiences which the 
United States had and the United Nations had with Communist in- 
cursions in Greece, in Iran; the attitude of the Communists toward 
the Marshall plan, the frustration of all attempts to secure the fulfill- 
ment of the Yalta pledges, the coups in the satellite countries, one 
after another — all of this made me aware that it was not enough to be 
non-Communist, but it was important to be anti-Communist. 

Mr. Doyle. I see. 

Mr. Marks. May I 

Mr. Doyle. What year would that be? 

Mr. Marks. I would say 1947, 1948. 

Mr. Doyle. Why didn't you look up this committee before now or 
some other Government agency and help us in this fight of anticom- 
munism if you have felt that feeling ever since 1947 or 1948 ? 

Mr. Marks. Well, to tell the truth, my initial feeling about these 
committees was very dubious', and I wondered whether or not the 
committee was proceeding in a way which was going to be effective. 

I think there has been a change in attitude, particularly in the last 
6 months in the academic community. I think the general — may I 
use the word "professional" — approach to the problem which this 
committee has exhibited has reassured members of the academic com- 
munity, I think. 

Now, as far as I, myself, am concerned, I should explain this as 
follows: I have had a feeling of revulsion. I have repressed all of 
this. 

Mr. Cooper presented me in the most courteous way possible with a 
subpena, and I didn't feel distressed. He was reassuring in his man- 
ner, and I had something in the neighborhood of 3 weeks to go prying 
around in my subconscious and, believe me, it wasn't easy. In the 
first place, it was quite apparent that I was not very bright in not com- 
ing to a realization as early as I should have of the actual nature of 
the organization to which I had belonged. In the second place, I had 
a feeling that this was all a rather revolting thing, which lay 15 years 
in the past. 

I didn't remember Johnny Weber's name until you asked me the 
question today, but I have been turning over things in my mind ; and, 
consequently, until I received the subpena, I had put this so far from 
me that — it was disgusting to me to think about it. 

May I show you these? 

For a time in 1949 and 1950 I received some books to review for 
the Hartford Courant, and I reviewed three books concerning the 
Soviet Union, in which I think my point of view is quite clear. 



1864 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

May I show them to you ? 

Mr. Tavenner. In these book reviews, do you take an anti-Com- 
munist approach to the subject? 

Mr. Marks. I think that is apparent in them; yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. I think it may be well 

Mr. Doyle. Can these be filed with the record, or do you have other- 
copies? 

Mr. Marks. I don't have any other copies. 

Mr. Tavenner. May I suggest, Mr. Chairman, that we request per- 
mission to file these reviews and to have them photostated and return 
the originals to the witness? 

Mr. Marks. That will be agreeable. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will that be satisfactory? 

Mr. Marks. Certainly. 

Mr. Doyle. All right; that will be done. 

Do you figure. Professor, your going through the processes that you 
did could be multipled by a majority of men in the educational field 
with their past experiences? 

Mi-. Marks. No; I would say there was no majority that has gone 
throuch this. 



'fee 1 

Mr. Doyle. No ; no. 



Mr. Marks. You mean of those who had been implicated? 

Mr. Doyle. Yes; the majority of the men who had been in the- 
Communist Party. 

Mr. Marks. Well, you are in a position better than mine to answer 
that question. 

Mr. Doyle. But you are in the educational field, and that is the 
limit of my question — to men in the educational field. Would you 
anticipate that they 

Mr. Marks. I would say — anticipate that, but I have no evidence. 

Mr. Doyle. No ; I realize that. 

Mr. Marks. I should think so, and from the reports I have read 
there seems to be a fairly widespread phenomenon. 

Mr. Tavenner. Off the record just a moment. 

(Off the record.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Professor Marks, you were describing to the com- 
mittee the change of opinion that you reached regarding the Com- 
munist Party. You have described in a general way the differences 
between fascism and communism and how communism subverted 
many of the phrases of democracy and principles of democracy to 
their own purposes, and then, finally, how you had concluded, as a 
result of subsequent events, that such subversion had taken place, 
with the resulting change of opinion on your own part as to the Com- 
munist Party movement. 

Now, do you have anything further in regard to that? 

Mi-. Marks. Well, I should probably go into the part which is per- 
sonally the most difficult to deal with. In connection with ray pass- 
ing the examination for a teacher in training in the New York City 
high schools, my name must have appeared in a list published in the 
newspapers, I assume, in the fall of 1938, as the recipient of such 
license. 

I have to identify ray father at this point. 

Mv father was a member of the board of examiners of the Board 
of Education of the City of New York, which had no bearing, of 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1865 

■course, upon my taking the examination, but I received a letter from 
him early in January 1939, in which he described how a colleague 
of his on the board of examiners, subsequent to the publication of the 
teacher-in-training list, had received an anonymous telephone call, 
a male voice, saying, "You have Harry Marks' name on your list of 
teachers in training. Do you know that Harry Marks is a Com- 
munist?" 

The member of the board of examiners tried to find out who this 
person was who was speaking to him on the telephone. He simply 
hung up ; said it was the press, or some such thing. 

This colleague of my f ather's mulled the thing over for a day or two 
and then asked my father what truth there was to it. My father did 
not know, and consequently he wrote ine this letter which, as I say, 
I received in the early part of January. I can date the thing because 
his birthday was January 11, and I remember it was not a very 
happy birthday that I could wish him. 

This was the point when the roof caved in, so to speak. 

Following 1936 my activities in the Communist movement had 
diminished somewhat. I was not as red hot as I had been 2 or 3 
years, 2 years prior, and I considered what the consequences would 
be if I answered yes, I was a Communist. The effect upon my father 
would have been disastrous ; the effect upon my family would have been 
disastrous. Consequently, I replied that I had been a Communist, but 
that I had dropped out in 1936. This was the jolt which effectively 
severed organizational ties with the Communist Party. 

I went to New York, the board gave me a hearing, and eventually 
they granted the license, that is, teacher training. I went to New York 
in the summer of 1939. I never had any organizational connection 
with the Communist Party since. 

I have thought, in considerable anguish, during the past 2 or 3 
weeks about what conceivable effect there would have been had I an- 
swered otherwise, and I confess I am appalled. Either way, it looked 
to me like, in retrospect, disaster. 

Mr. Tavenner. So you have had no organizational connection with 
the Communist Party since 1938? 

Mr. Marks. That is correct, or perhaps 1939, January, there ; I do 
not know. 

I would say I have been clear and free for 14 years. 

Mr. Doyle. Have they tried to get you back in in any way ? 

Mr. Marks. They tried in 1939, but, thanks very largely to the en- 
couragement of my wife, I resisted. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, if it became to repugnant to you, why did 

Mr. Marks. It did not become repugnant to me as much as it later 
became. 

Mr. Doyle. Now, I hope you realize, Professor, when I ask you such 
a blunt question, that I am not shooting a dart at you. I am trying 
to get 

Mr. Marks. Mr. Doyle, I- 



Mr. Doyle. I'm trying to get you to make an appraisal of whatever 
it is which will be helpful to us in our study. 

Mr. Marks. I understand that, and I think we're on the same side 
in this whole issue. 

I think it's important to understand the difficulty of an intellectual 
once you are really involved in it. 



1866 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Doyle. Does that enter into the position so many of the intel- 
lectuals take before our committee, for instance, and plead the fifth 
amendment ? 

Mr. Marks. I have tried to figure out why they do it. I think there 
are probably several motives. One of them is probably this feeling of 
nausea, which came over me. and I found it pretty desperate, so I 
decided the only thing to do was to tell the whole story, including this 
part about my father, which is not easy to tell. 

I think that is one explanation. 

I think another explanation lies in some sort of quixotic feeling 
that there is something dishonorable in mentioning other people's 
names, and frankly, I expect various of my colleagues who are not 
Communists on the campus at Storrs will think very poorly of me for 
talking to you this way. They have an abstract idea of what a Com- 
munist is. I know better. I think in a certain sense I probably know 
more about communism than I would possibly have known in any 
academic way. I probably am able to explain this particular point, 
which I mentioned before, of the way in which the Communists per- 
vert ideals better than people who have not been through this miserable 
experience. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, is the reason they have this quixotic idea of what 
communism is because they do not know enough about it ? 

Mr. Marks. I think so. 

Mr. Doyle. Therefore they condemn men like you for being 
friendly to this committee in giving names ? 

Mr. Marks. I think they would. I think it might be a good thing 
if they knew more about the committee. 

Mr. Doyle. You have given two reasons there in answer to my ques- 
tion as to why 

Mr. Marks. They plead the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Doyle. Yes, and what other reason ? 

Mr. Marks. Well, the other obvious reason is that they are afraid 
of actually incriminating themselves because of some action which 
they may have done in the past. Conceivably some of them still may 
be Communists. I do not know. 

Mr. Doyle. When you say some action in the past, you mean the 
fact they joined the Communist Party is the action? 

Mr. Marks. Conceivably, or suppose I had something to do with 
Gene Bronstein's going to Spain, and had thereby violated some law. 
That would presumably be an incriminating act, would it not? 

Mr. Doyle. Well, I am thinking, primarily, for instance, of men of 
the intellectual field, the field of education. There would not be many 
of those deliberately violating some law with communism, would 
there ? 

Mr. Marks. No, I do not think so. I think probably the most sig- 
nificant general feeling is and has been expressed by some fairly 
notable people, including Professor Einstein, that this committee is 
an inquisition, that is attempting to interfere with academic freedom. 

I think Einstein is dead wrong. I think the editorial of the New 
York Times that day or the next day fairly well answers the point. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, I would say, would you not, Counsel, if the pro- 
fessor were in a public session instead of this executive session, we 
would have asked you substantially the same question. Do you feel the 
way 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1867 

Mr. Marks. Mr. Doyle- 



Mr. Doyle. Do you feel the way we have questioned you is any inter- 
ference with academic freedom ? 

Mr. Marks. No, but I think if it would have been in public, it 
would have had very serious effects. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, I realize that, sir. I am only getting to the point 
of Einstein or any other person who thought we were trying to inter- 
fere with academic freedom. We certainly are not. 

Mr. Marks. That I can see. 

Mr. Doyle. But how are we ever going to get at our assignment 
by Congress to uncover the subversive programs and elements to the 
daylight of patriotic American citizenship unless we do question 
people, without thought of academic freedom ? In other words 

Mr. Marks. Well, you have acquired whatever information I can 
give you, but it seems to me that the university would be subjected to 
a certain amount of public pressure. 

Mr. Doyle. That is right. 

Mr. Marks. To say nothing of the effects on my family. I happen 
to have a 16-year-old daughter who is, at this moment, attending the 
Laurels Girl's State. I have told her about my implications in the 
Communist movement, but it seems to me it would be a shocking ex- 
perience for a girl like that to have this testimony, which I have given 
this committee, made public. It would be distressing. 

Mr. Doyle. Have we time yet where I can, in addition to your ques- 
tions, ask the professor's idea about the question I usually ask, have 
you any recommendation or suggestion as to our procedure? 

Mr. Tavenner. Off the record. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

Mr. Tavenner. I do not think you completed your answer to a ques- 
tion I asked you earlier in your testimony about the advisability of a 
person teaching who was a member of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Marks. I started 

Mr. Tavenner. And subject to its directives and the discipline of 
the party. 

Mr. Marks. We have had long, repeated, and serious discussion in 
the University of Connecticut Chapter of the American Association of 
University Professors, on this issue. I have, as emphatically as I 
could, presented the point of view that a member of the Communist 
Party ought not to teach. 

We have diverged in the chapter on that point, and I have gone 
along with the endorsement of a resolution which says in effect that 
political affiliation alone shall not constitute grounds for dismissal, 
but that actions alone would constitute evidence leading to dismissal. 

Now, the reason for my feeling that there is no contradiction be- 
tween this point which my colleagues have been feeling strongly 
about and which was represented in the Chicago resolutions of the 
national annual meeting of the AAUP is because I think that a Com- 
munist must be active and, consequently, presumably disclose himself. 
This may not be easy to demonstrate. 

Incidentally, I also have felt again, very emphatically, that the 
board of trustees of the University of Connecticut acted with wisdom 
in adopting a resolution 2 or 3 months ago which said very simply, if I 
recall its wording, something like this: "We shall not engage anv 
Communist as a teacher nor retain any Communist as a teacher." 



1868 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

The university went further and set up certain kinds of procedure 
for dealing with issues, charges that may be raised to provide for a 
hearing, which seems to me to be extremely wise and well thought out. 

I think you have this difficulty also in this problem. There is some- 
thing to be said for the point of view that some people present when 
they think of English universities with people like Haldane teaching, 
a known Communist, and these people say, "Sure, we ought to have a 
Communist on the staff teaching." In a sense I think that might not 
be very dangerous if someone were to stand up and openly say, "I am 
a Communist. I am a member of the Communist Party." 

Students are not fools. Students can make allowances there, but 
this leads me to a very Quixotic position which I cannot accept, which 
can be stated only this way : That you should remove all unknown 
Communists and permit only known Communists to teach. This is 
ridiculous, and yet I can see the point of enabling students to identify 
a Communist. 

Mr. Tavenner. But the Communist Party requires its members to 
keep their membership secret. 

Mr. Marks. I suspect on the basis of what I have read in the news- 
papers that the Communist Party probably dissolved memberships 
in the universities. Don't you think so? 

Mr. Cooper. No. 

Mr. Marks. So there would be no direct linkage. You don't think 
so? 

Mr. Cooper. No. 

Mr. Marks. All right. 

Mr. Tavenner. You spoke in the early part of your testimony about 
the tremendous turnover in membership of the Young Communist 
League and the work that was being done to indoctrinate the mem- 
bership in Communist ideology. 

Do you feel that a question of indoctrination is a necessary part of 
the Communist program in order to retain individuals as members 
of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Marks. I think so. I think it involves also an emotional in- 
doctrination. It is not purely intellectual. 

It is the sense of comradeship; the use of the term "comrade" 
probably has gone out of style since my day, but I came back from 
Europe, and it meant something for me to have friends who were that 
close, so that there is this emotional affiliation which is not to be 
lost sight of. 

Mr. Tavenner. During the period that you were at Harvard Uni- 
versity there was an organization of the Communist Party within 
the teaching staff, according to testimony before the committee. Were 
you aware of the existence of such an organization while you were at 
Harvard ? 

Mr. Marks. I do not think so. I was aware, for example, that 
Granville Hicks came to Harvard, but I never met him. I had no 
idea Avhat he did. I had nothing to do with him. I was not teaching. 
I suspect that organization was rather rigidly exclusive. 

Mr. Tavenner. I hand you a list of persons who have been identified 
as having been members of the Communist Party during the course of 
our investigation in this field, and I will ask you to examine them and 
state which of them were known to you to be members of the Com- 
munist Party. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1869 

Mr. Marks. I knew that Wendell Furry was in the American 
League Against War and Fascism. I did not know he was in the 
Communist Party. I did not know that Louis Harap was in the 
Communist Party, but I understood that he was very close to it. 

Granville Hicks I took for granted as a member of the party. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now, I suggest that you only testify as to those 
that you personally knew were members of the party. 

Mr. Marks. I received a copy of the testimony of Herbert Robbins 
from Mr. Cooper. I knew that he was a member of the Young Com- 
munist League. I could not say that I knew he was a member of the 
Communist Party. 

Boone Schirmer likewise I would have identified with the YCL 
rather than with the party. 

I did not know most of these people. 

Harry Marks, yes, I can identify him. 

Most of these names are not known to me, I am sorry. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you acquainted with a person by the name 
of Charles Hendley ? 

Mr. Marks. No, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Who was formerly Cooper? He was head of the 
public schools in New York City. 

Mr. Marks. I have seen his name in connection with, I think, the 
Teachers' Union, but I never knew him, never met him. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you a member of the Teachers' Union? 

Mr. Marks. No, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you acquainted with a person by the name of 
PaulR. Zilsel? 

Mr. Marks. Yes, sir. He is a neighbor of ours. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was he known to you to be a member of the Com- 
munist Party ? 

Mr. Marks. No. 

Mr. Tavenner. When you spoke of having appeared before various 
groups in the Boston area, that is, groups of the Communist Party 

Mr. Marks. And also street corners. 

Mr. Tavenner. Can you identify any of those groups by any 
further description? 

Mr. Marks. I think only the Young Communist League organiza- 
tion and perhaps party meetings, but I do not think I spoke at any 
party meetings. I did not attend meetings of the Y or similar 
organizations. 

Mr. Tavenner. Can you identify any other persons affiliated with 
the Young Communist League group at Harvard other than those 
you have already mentioned ? 

Mr. Marks. I have been trying to think of names, and I think I 
have exhausted my memory. 

Mr. Tavenner. When you were directed to appear before these 
various groups, did you receive the direction from persons on a higher 
level in the Communist Party, or did you go upon invitation of the 
particular group ? 

Mr. Marks. I think it was probably upon the direction of the dis- 
trict organizer of the Young Communist League. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you attend any fraction meetings of the organ- 
izers of the Young Communist League in the Boston area? 

30172— 53— pt. 6 3 



1870 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Marks. I can only say probably, without being able to recall 
a name. 

Mr. Tavenner. Can you recall the names of any of those who were 
known to yon to be organizers of the Communist Party, or the Young 
Communist League, other than those you have already mentioned? 

Mr. Marks. I am afraid not. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, your work with the Young Communist 
League at Harvard could be summarized by saying thai you were 
engaged in recruiting for the Young Communist League and that you 
were organizing for the Young Communist League. 



Mr. Marks. I think- 



Mr. Tavenner. Is that correct? 

Mr. Marks. That Mould be correct, regrettedly. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you engaged in the work of distributing leaf- 
lets and material at the direction of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Marks. Yes; I did, if I get the tense of that correct. It would 
be past. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

Mr. Marks. Yes. There was one notable occasion. In the summer 
of 1934 or 1935, when there was a strike on the west coast among the 
longshoremen, perhaps seamen, or both, and a meeting was organized — • 
under whose auspices I have no notion at this time — in Boston for the 
purpose of discussing a sympathy strike in the port of Boston, some- 
body got in touch with me from the party headquarters and asked 
me to take part in the distribution of leaflets going to longshoremen 
on their way to this particular meeting. 

r I ne leaflets asked the Boston longshoremen to come out in sympa- 
thy with their west coast brethren. 

I showed up at the time, received my bundle of leaflets, rather 
nervously stood in the street leading to the hall where the meeting 
was to be held. The street was virtually deserted. I may have given 
out 2 or 3 of these leaflets when a Boston police cruiser with two police- 
men in it came along and arrested me. I was charged with having lit- 
tered the streets under an antilitter municipal ordinance, and appeared 
in court, testified, pleading not guilty, and was convicted and sen- 
tenced, I think, to pay a $5 fine. 

On principle I appealed, and in the next highest court eventually a 
jury trial was held, at which time I was appalled to hear one of the 
policemen testify that the street was littered and was virtually white 
as snow with the leaflets; and on the basis of that I was again found 
guilty and sentenced to pay a $10 fine, which I did, and then suffered 
the ironic experience of coming down into the street in front of the 
justice building and finding that a rally was being held in the square 
there — it may well have been for Curley — and there was a good deal 
of trash, leaflets, and the like that had been distributed and thrown on 
the ground. There were plenty of policemen around, and nobody 
interfered with the distribution of that litter, and that sort of experi- 
ence suggested, it seemed to me at the time, there was no justice. 
Also it did not inculcate a too high respect for testimony of police- 
men, which was not good. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions. 

Mr. Doyle. About what year was that court experience, approxi- 
mately I 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1871 

Mr. Marks. I could look it up in the files and newspapers. Either 
in the summer of 1934 or 1935. You may remember there was a good 
deal of hoopla in California. 

Mr. Doyle. Who provided your attorney on your appeal? 

Mr. Marks. I was my own attorney. This was a matter of prin- 
ciple. 

Mr. Doyle. And how many others distributed leaflets on that occa- 
sion ? 

Mr. Marks. Oh, there may have been 4 or 5. I do not know 
whether any of the others were picked up. 

Mr. Doyle. In view of your statement, you were busy for the Com- 
munist Party, you were recruiting youth. At what age did you try to 
recruit youth ? How tender were they in their ages ? In other words, 
let me ask you this : What young age does the Communist Party first 
begin to try to inculcate ? 

Mr. Marks. I cannot answer the question with precision but at that 
time they began with children of tender age and recruited them into 
the Young Pioneers, which was molded on the Russian scale. 

I think they even tried to get children in that at the age of 8 or 9, 
thereabouts. I think the Young Communist League had some age 
requirement, such as 16 or 17. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, do they go from Young Pioneers into the Young 
Communist League? 

Mr. Marks. That was the objective; and whether they did, I can- 
not 

Mr. Doyle. There was no organization between the Young Pioneers 
and the Young Communists ? 

Mr. Marks. Not that I recall. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, what sort of activities did they carry on that 
would attract the — how did they function in their organization to 
attract children into Young Pioneers, let us say ? 

Mr. Marks. I think they attempted to set up a Communist parallel 
or surrogate for the organizations which are comparable to Boy 
Scouts— which, I do not recall — and the Brownies. I know the girl 
side of it, having two daughters. 

Mr. Cooper. Cub Scouts. 

Mr. Marks. Cub Scouts ; that is right. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, did they 

Mr. Marks. And I think they attempt to have some sort of equiv- 
alent activities — games and so forth. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, did they have professional workers emphasizing 
this work? 

Mr. Marks. I do not think so. 

Mr. Doyle. All voluntary leadership ? 

Mr. Marks. I assume so. 

Mr. Doyle. What about the Young Communist League? Did they 
have any paid workers? 

Mr. Marks. Yes; the district organizer was paid, when he got paid. 

Mr. Doyle. And did you ever attend any national convention of 
the Communist Party? 

Mr. Marks. I do not think so. I did go to New York on one oc- 
casion. I think that was for the National Student League, though. 
There was a national meeting of that. 



1872 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Doyle. I was going to ask you if you were ever invited to at- 
tend any national conference or regional conference dealing with 
youth work in the Communist Party. 

Mr. Marks. I cannot think of anything other than the NSL, al- 
though it is possible. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, did the Communist Party pay your expenses to 
go to that ? 

Mr. Marks. Again I do not know, but I would assume no. There 
was little evidence of Moscow gold in the Communist movement. 

Mr. Doyle. I have just one more question — two questions. I notice 
you use the term "the emotional affiliation." 

Mr. Marks. You want me to discuss that? 

Mr. Doyle. Well, that emotional affiliation, though, is based in part, 
at least, on secrecy — secret names and secret meetings? 

Mr. Marks. There is a romantic sort of aspect to it there. I think 
you are right. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, what else is there that is emotional ? 

Mr. Marks. I think there is an attempt to inculcate members in the 
Communist movement. I use that term to cover more than just the 
party, a feeling of absolute loyalty to the organization, and there is a 
strength which people acquire by affiliation to organization, whether 
that be to a church or to a professional association or what not. It 
seems to me they tried very hard to create this feeling of belonging. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, of course your high-school fraternities and sorori- 
ties, where they are secret, are an example of the attractiveness. Peo- 
ple join something secret. 

May I ask you this : You have noticed — I am sure you have — the con- 
viction the other day in the court of Honolulu, Hawaii, of these several 
persons there who were charged with conspiracy, and again a jury 
down there found them guilty. I think the fact is every American 
jury in the continental United" States, as well as this one in Honolulu, 
has found the defendants guilty as charged in the indictments which 
charge them with violation of the Smith Act in a Federal statute 
referring to conspiracy to use force and violence to overthrow our 
Government. 

Have you any comment on that? Why is it these American juries 
are all finding all of these defendants guilty as indicted? Because 
they're charged with being willing to or advocating the use of force 
and violence ? 

Mr. Marks. Well, my own feeling in the matter is that they are more 
apt to use force and violence in a negative way. I do not think there 
is very much danger of our being ejected from the House of Repre- 
sentatives Office Building by Communists taking it over within the 
foreseeable future, not the local boys, but I do see a good deal of 
danger in the possible frustration of American policy by Communist 
action. 

I am positive, for example, as positive as I can be, that if the Com- 
munists had control over the longshoremen's unions on the west coast, 
they would long ago have tried to stop the shipment of supplies to 
Korea. 

Now, that is negative. It is injurious to the United States, and they 
might, in the event of open war between the United States and Russia, 
constitute a very serious obstacle to the American prosecution of the 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1873 

war, but I think they would probably only have a hope of coming into 
power on the coattails of the Red army. 

Mr. Doyle. One more question. 

Mr. Marks. And I hope that never happens. 

Mr. Doyle. Have you any suggestion to make to this committee 
as to our processes and procedures ? You know what our assignment 
is, under Public Law 601, 1 am sure. 

Have you any suggestion to make as to our procedures, as to the 
methods of subpenaing our witnesses and our interviews with alleged 
Communists ? 

Have you any suggestion of any kind to make to us? 

Mr. Marks. I have various observations which I can make which 
you will weigh as you see fit. 

Let me start out, first of all, by saying with respect to the subpena 
no one could have delivered a subpena more painlessly and in a 
friendlier spirit than Mr. Cooper. 

This is not an experience to be dreaded. 

The second point is that it seems to me that the opportunity to 
discourse informally, intimately with the committee on the basis 
which you have afforded me is going to produce testimony which is 
much less inhibited than testimony given in public. 

As to the third point, I think that probably the committee has 
already focused the attention of university administrators upon the 
problem and I, for one, think the statement of principals that was 
adopted at the last meeting of the Association of American Univer- 
sities was correct. 

I think the committee's objective probably is to cooperate with 
universities and university administrations in general. 

I think the easier you make it for institutions and individuals 
to contribute whatever information they have, the further along the 
committee, the individuals, the universities, education in general 
will be. 

As for legislation, I am not sure that I can imagine what kind of 
legislation would be effective in dealing with this particular problem. 
It seems to me that the alerting of the university administrations has 
already exercised a beneficial influence and it might well be that 
this is the limit of my picture of the possible outcomes. 

Mr. Doyle. Thank you very much. 

That is all the questions I have. 

Mr. Marks. Well, may I thank you for a very courteous and kind 
hearing of the story which I am not particularly happy to relate, 
and I would like to thank the chairman, Mr. Velde, in his absence. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, he regretted he was called out. 

Those things happen, and we can't help it. 

I think if in the future you have any suggestions or observations 
to make, Professor, that you feel would be worthy of consideration, in 
your judgment, by the committee, you should submit those to us. 

Mr. Marks. I will try. 

Mr. Doyle. In other words, I think I would just make this obser- 
vation to you, and I do it with the realization that you can, in your 
vigilant, vigorous anti-Communist approach probably do much. 

Mr. Marks. I was going to say I think on the operating level teach- 
ers, like myself, can probably help a certain amount. We do see a 
few hundred students every year. 



1874 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Doyle. You think, then, the universities, generally speaking, 
as far as you can observe, from now on can probably police their own 
problem with reference to possible subversive people 'i 

Mr. Marks. I should hope so. 

Mr. Doyle. And so should I, because we alone can't do the job, and it 
ought to be done. 

Thank you very much. 

Mr. Marks. Thank you. 

(Thereupon, at 5 p. m., the hearing was adjourned.) 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION 
(Education— Part 6) 



WEDNESDAY, JUNE 24, 1953 

United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the Committee on 

Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D. C. 

PUBLIC HEARING 

The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
met, pursuant to call, at 10:40 a. m., in the Caucus Room of the House 
Office Building, Hon. Donald L. Jackson (acting chairman) presiding. 

Committee members present : Representatives Donald L. Jackson, 
Kit Clardy, Gordon H. Scherer, Francis E. Walter (appearance noted 
in transcript), and James B. Frazier, Jr. (appearance noted in tran- 
script) . 

Staff members present : Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., counsel ; George E. 
Cooper, investigator; and Thomas W. Beale, Sr., chief clerk. 

Mr. Jackson. The committee will be in order. 

Who is your witness, Mr. Tavenner? 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. George F. Markham. Will you come forward, 
Mr. Markham ? 

Mr. Jackson. Will you raise your right hand, please ? 

Do you solemnly swear that in the testimony you are about to give 
before this subcommittee you will tell the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Markham. I do. 

Mr. Jackson. Let the record show that for the purposes of this 
hearing the chairman has appointed a subcommittee consisting of Mr. 
Clardy, Mr. Scherer, and Mr. Jackson as acting chairman. 

TESTIMONY OF GEORGE F. MARKHAM, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS 

COUNSEL, HAROLD CAMMER 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your name, please ? 
Mr. Markham. George F. Markham. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you accompanied by counsel, Mr. Markham? 
Mr. Markham. I am. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will counsel please identify himself? 
Mr. Cammer. Harold Cammer, 9 East 40th Street, New York 
16, N. Y. 

Mr. Tavenner. When and where were you born? 
Mr. Markham. Independence, Wis., August 15, 1909. 

1875 



1876 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Tavenner. Where do you now reside? 

Mr. Markham. Cambridge, Mass. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your profession or occupation? 

Mr. Markham. I am educational director in New England for the 
International Fur and Leather Workers Union. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, what your 
formal education and training has consisted of? 

Mr. Markham. I graduated from the public schools in Independ- 
ence, Wis. ; a B. A. from the University of Wisconson with honors in 
1933. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, what your 
record of employment has been since the completion of your educa- 
tional studies in 1933 ? 

Mr. Markham. In the summer of 1933, in July, I believe it was, I 
went to work for the Wisconsin Rapids Tribune, Wisconsin Rapids, 
Wis., as a reporter. In April 1934 I went to work for the Standard 
Times in New Bedford, Mass. I worked on the copy desk as a reporter, 
and finally as telegraph editor. 

In September 1936 I went to work for the Associated Press in the 
Boston bureau. I was employed there until December 1939, when I 
resigned and went to work for the Newspaper Guild of Boston, Local 
33, of the American Newspaper Guild. 

I worked for them until August of 1942 when I went into the Navy. 
I was also employed part time — I am a little uncertain of this date — 
but approximately the last year of that employment I was employed 
also part time as legislative agent for the Massachusetts State CIO. 
1 divided my work between the two jobs. 

Mr. Tavenner. When were you discharged from the Navy ? 

Mr. Markham. I served in the Navy, active service, until November 
1945, I believe the 15th. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was your employment after your return from 
service? 

Mr. Markham. Immediately after leaving the service in December 
of 1946 — no ; 1945 — I went to work for the Massachusetts State CIO 
as legislative agent. I was employed by them for 1 year. At the end 
of that year I resigned. 

In February 1947 I took up my present occupation, present job, as 
educational director for the New England district, employed by the 
New England district, of the International Fur and Leather Workers 
Union. That is an independent union. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, just what the 
nature of your work was while employed by the Newspaper Guild 
in Boston from 1939 to 1942? 

(Representative James B. Frazier, Jr., entered the hearing room at 
this point.) 

Mr. Markham. I negotiated contracts, worked on organization of 
unorganized newspapers. We had an arrangement that while I was 
employed by the Boston guild there was a New England district which 
had extremely limited funds that would pay expenses, and their 
payment of expenses would finance my operation outside of Boston 
where occasionally, as in the case of the Manchester, N. PL, paper, I 
went out and conducted an organizing campaign and organized that 
at the time it was owned by Colonel Knox, so some of my activities 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1877 

were outside the city of Boston. I negotiated contracts in places like 
Lynn, Salem, and so on that were already organized. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you stationed in San Diego during a part of 
the time that you were a member of the United States Navy ? 

Mr. Markham. After returning from my first tour of duty I had 
a refresher course at Quonset Point, and then before being assigned 
again — I forget the dates exactly, but it was in the fall of 1944 — I was 
assigned to Fleet Air Wing 14, I believe it was, until in December or 
along in there, maybe early December or late November, somewhere in 
there, I shipped out again on my second tour of duty. 

Mr. Tavenner. While you were in San Diego were you aware of 
the existence of a newspaper guild in that area ? 

Mr. Markham. I cannot truthfully say I was. I assume that there 
was — I know that there was in Los Angeles. I know there was a very 
active newspaper guild in Los Angeles, and I am unfamiliar with 
precisely whether the San Diego paper was organized or not. I can- 
not recall now. I may have been aware of it at the time. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you acquainted with Morgan Hull ? 

Mr. Markham. I think I shall decline to answer that question. 

Maybe I ought to consult counsel. 

Mr. Tavenner. Surely. 

(At this point Mr. Markham conferred with Mr. Cammer.) 

Mr. Markham. May I have the question again ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you repeat the question, please? 

(The question was read by the reporter.) 

Mr. Tavenner. In California. 

Mr. Markham. My answer is "Yes." 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know what connection he had with the 
newspaper guild in either Los Angeles or San Diego during the period 
of time that you were acquainted with him ? 

Mr. Markham. No, sir ; I do not. I met Mr. Hull in Boston when 
I was working for the guild. He was international representative for 
the Newspaper Guild, and we had a major organizing campaign on at 
the Boston Globe, and he came in to assist — if I am not mistaken, he 
came in a couple of times for a period of a week or more, and to the 
best of my recollection, that is the first time I knew him. That is 
where I became acquainted with him. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the nature of your association with him 
in California ? 

Mr. Markham. Well, I do not know if you call it an association. 
I knew him as a guild official who was one of the leaders in the Cali- 
fornia area previously. I do not know whether he had any connec- 
tion with the guild at all at that point. 

Mr. Tavenner. Had Mr. Hull occupied a position as a national 
officer of the Newspaper Guild, to your knowledge ? 

Mr. Markham. Well, I say, he was international representative. 
They had, I forget how many, but they had a number, and he was, 
I guess, sort of a troubleshooter, a person of great ability who was 
sent around in difficult situations as we had in Boston with the Boston 
Globe, a very difficult organizing situation, and that was the only 
reason that he came in. In ordinary circumstances in the district he 
never would have come around. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you have occasion to confer with him at any 
time during your tour of duty in California? 



1878 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Markiiam. I would not sav I conferred with him. I met him 
socially. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were ) 7 ou aware of the existence in California of 
a cell or group of the Communist Party organized within the News- 
paper Guild? 

Mr. Markiiam. No, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. Testimony has been received by the committee that 
Mr. Morgan Hull was one of those who organized a cell of the Com- 
munist Party among the Newspaper Guild members in California, 
and he has been identified as having been a member of the Communist 
Party group in that area. Did you have occasion while in California 
to meet William Oliver? 

Mr. Markiiam. All I can say 

Mr. Tavenner. Normally referred to as "Bill Oliver." 

Mr. Markiiam. All I can say is that to the best of my knowledge, 
this is the first time I have heard his name. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you acquainted with Charles Judson? 

Mr. Markiiam. I cannot say I was. That name sounds sort of 
familiar, but — you know, I attended national conventions of the 
Newspaper Guild on a number of occasions. I met people from 
California and all parts of the country. You know how it is at a 
convention, and whether I met him in that way or not, I would not 
want to say under oath. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you acquainted with Urcel Daniel ? 

Mr. Markiiam. I remember meeting her at at least one guild con- 
vention. I remember she. was somewhat of a figure in the California 
guild. My recollection is she was from San Francisco. Maybe it 
was Los Angeles, I do not know. 

Mr. Tavenner. Urcel Daniel and Charles Judson have both testi- 
fied before the committee regarding the organization of the Com- 
munist Party composed of members of the Newspaper Guild in Cali- 
fornia and the activities of that group. Do you know anything of 
the activities of that group of Communist Party members within the 
guild, Newspaper Guild, in California? 

(At this point Mr. Markham conferred with Mr. Cammer.) 

Mr. Markham. May I have the question again, please ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you read the question ? 

(The question was read by the reporter.) 

Mr. Markham. Well, the answer is "No." 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you have knowledge of the fact, while you were 
in California, that Morgan Hull was president of the San Diego 
County Communist Political Association or the head of that group? 

(At this point Mr. Markham conferred with Mr. Cammer.) 

Mr. Markham. Mr. Tavenner, I have answered questions here re- 
garding the fact that I have knowledge of some sort of social relation- 
ship with Morgan Hull who, as I said, was a leader in the organiza- 
tion that I had belonged to prior to going in the Navy, but you are now 
getting into a realm of investigation of political associations, and I 
would like to say very briefly to the committee my opinion on this 
sort of a question, and the statement I make regarding specifically 
this question will apply as well to I know not what other questions 
in this realm you or the members of the committee have in mind. 

Mr. Clardy. Mr. Chairman, may I suggest that the witness be in- 
structed to answer the question before he makes any statement. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1879 

Mr. Jackson. Yes ; it is the general custom of the committee that the 
question be answered first. 

Mr. Makkham. That is what I am going to do. 

Mr. Jackson. The witness will then be given an opportunity to 
elaborate or explain his answer. There is, however, a question pend- 
ing at the moment. The Chair directs an answer to that question 
previous to any statement as to the reasons for the answer. 

Mr. Markham. That is what I wish to do, and while it will take 
only a couple of minutes, I have jotted down some rather specific word- 
ing to explain my answer. 

Mr. Jackson. Very well. Let us have your answer then, if you 
will, please, and then proceed to explain your answer in any manner 
you see fit. 

Mr. Markham. I decline to answer this or other questions regard- 
ing my political beliefs and associations for several reasons : First of 
all, I do not recognize the right of Congress to question me in this 
field. Under the first amendment to the Constitution I am protected 
in my exercise of free speech, freedom of assembly, and freedom of 
religion. Committees such as this are spreading fear and distrust in 
this great land of ours and intimidating people in their use of their 
rights under the first amendment. In view of big business control of 
the Government, the press, radio, and television, this fear by the people 
to speak out can destroy democracy and reduce unions to the status of 
company unions. 

I cannot as a patriotic American do anything to assist in this attack 
on the spirit and letter of the Constitution. 

Secondly, I believe this committee is violating the Constitution by 
usurping the powers of the courts and the police. It takes over the 
function of a grand jury. It condemns and punishes people whose 
views it does not like. It punishes by smears, innuendo, and hearsay 
evidence. It does not confront a witness with accusers who can be 
cross-examined. All this is contrary to the letter and spirit of the 
Constitution. 

Finally, I decline to answer this question and others like it because it 
invades my rights under the fifth amendment, which says that no per- 
son shall be compelled to be a witness against himself nor be deprived 
of life, liberty, or property without due process of law. 

I use this constitutional protection in full recognition that it is a 
protection for the innocent as well as the guilty. I make no apologies 
for anything I have done. The members of my union and my friends 
are well able to judge what kind of a citizen I have been and am. I am 
proud of my 3% years' wartime naval record in the service of my coun- 
try, and my record of service for as fine a group of union men and 
women as exist anywhere in the world. I am aware that we live in a 
period of hysteria and reaction, a happy hunting ground for paid spies 
and liars. "Even Justices of the United States Supreme Court who 
express their honest opinions are threatened with impeachment. 

I also know that my union is a powerful one. It has an unprece- 
dented record of achievement. Such organizations are the ones which 
are first and most violently attacked. In the light of all this I must 
invoke my rights under the fifth amendment to prevent you from 
forcing me to make statements that can be used as a possible link in a 
chain of evidence to subject me to prosecution, even though my con- 
science is clear, and I feel my loyalty to this country runs as deep and 
strong as that of any Member of Congress. 



1880 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION" (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Jackson. Very well. The understanding of the Chair is that 
you decline to answer on the grounds of the first and fifth amendment 
of the Constitution ; is that correct? 

Mr. Markham. The secretary has the reasons, I believe, that I gave. 

Mr. Jackson. Very well. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you acquainted with the existence of a book- 
store in San Diego known as the Community Book Store at 635 E 
Street? 

Mr. Markham. I decline for the same reason. Shall I state it over 
again each time ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Subject to the chairman's ruling, it would be satis- 
factory, I think, to say on the same grounds. 

Mr. Jackson. That will be satisfactory. 

Mr. Tavenner. While in said San Diego did you meet a person by 
< he name of Robert Minor ? 

Mr. Markham. Did I know a person by the name of Robert Minor 
in San Diego ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

(At this point Mr. Markham conferred with Mr. Cammer.) 

Mr. Markham. The answer is "No." 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you attend any meeting in which Robert 
Minor either presided or was the speaker, while in California ? 

Mr. Markham. I am not aware of it, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. You stated that you knew Mr. 

Mr. Clardy. Counsel, let me interrupt you. I am not sure whether 
that last answer means he did not attend or not. I wish you would 
press that a little further. 

Mr. Markham. It is a long time ago. I want to say just flatly 
"No" ; and maybe I should say to the best of my recollection, no. 

Mr. Clardy. You are not at all sure ? 

Mr. Markham. I do not remember attending any meetings, public 
meetings, where people were giving speeches. 

Mr. Jackson. You have no personal recollection of having attended 
such a meeting? 

Mr. Markham. I certainly do not. 

Mr. Jackson. Very well. Proceed, counsel. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know whether Robert Minor held any 
position with the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Markham. Well, I do not know what position, but I have read 
his name frequently in connection with the Communist Party. I 
mean, he is a public figure. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you attend any meeting, either a public meet- 
ing or a closed meeting, at which he was a speaker \ 

Mr. Markham. No, sir. I am relying on recollection of a long 
time ago, but I know how tricky questions can be, when you are 
talking about something a long time ago, and I would 

Mr. Scherer. Did you ever meet Robert Minor ? 

Mr. Markham. Not to my recollection. 

Mr. Scherer. Did you ever have any correspondence with him? 

Mr. Markham. No, sir. 

Mr. Clardy. When did you first hear of him ? 

Mr. Markham. There you got me. I think that the first time I 
heard of him was in connection with activities of some kind in the 
thirties. I do not know if it was unemployment compensation or what 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1881 

it was. His name I remember seeing in the press. I would say roughly 
in the thirties sometime was the first time I heard his name. 

Mr. Clardy. Where were you at that time ? 

Mr. Markham. I do not know. I was either working for the New 
Bedford paper or the Associated Press. I must have seen it in news 
stories or something. It is conceivable that I heard his name before 
that, but that is just my guess that it probably was along there. I have 
heard his name for some time. 

Mr. Clardy. When did you first learn that he was identified with, 
the Communist Party % 

Mr. Markham. I do not know. I would not want to state that. 

Mr. Clardy. Was it the first time you heard of him or at some 
subsequent date ? 

Mr. Markham. I honestly cannot say. I do not see how it is ger- 
mane here, but I just — you are asking me to recall — you could ask 
me when did I first hear the name Franklin D. Roosevelt, and I could 
not tell you. 

Mr. Clardy. Are you sure it was not at a meeting of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Markham. I think I would have to decline that just because of 
what it seems to imply. 

Mr. Clardy. You do not have to decline at all. Do you decline ? 

Mr. Markham. I decline. 

Mr. Jackson. You do decline to answer for the reasons previously 
stated. 

Mr. Markham. And because I just don't remember where I heard 
his name first. 

Mr. Jackson. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Tavenner. You stated that you resigned as an employee of the 
Associated Press in 1939 ? 

Mr. Markham. Yes, December. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the purpose of your withdrawing from 
employment with the Associated Press ? 

Mr. Markham. The Newspaper Guild of Boston employed a full- 
time person as executive secretary. That person left. They wanted a 
person who could take over. I was president of the Guild, and there 
was discussion held among the leadership, the executive board and so 
on of the Guild, and they wanted to have somebody who was active in 
the Newspaper Guild in Boston, a newspaper man from that area. 
The previous executive secretary — I do not know where he came from ; 
he came from outside of Boston. They wanted to hire somebody from 
Boston, so I was eventually decided upon. 1 forget how the reasoning 
went, but we finally decided Iwould take it over. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you read any of the testimony presented to this 
committee with regard to the activities of the Communist Party within 
the Newspaper Guild in Los Angeles ? 

Mr. Markham. I have, but cannot recollect what it was, I remember 
seeing it in the New York Times. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, did you participate in any organizational 
work for the Communist Party or any other activities for the Com- 
munist Party within the Newspaper Guild in Boston while you were 
employed by it from the period of 1939 to 1942 ? 



1882 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Markiiam. I think you are off on that same business again, as 
I stated in mj r statement, that I am declining to answer, and I will de- 
cline again for the same reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. Let me ask you if you were aware of the existence 
within the Newspaper Guild in Boston of a group or cell of the Com 
munist Party? 

Mr. Markham. I would decline. 

Mr. ('lardy. Counsel, you mean at the time he was acting 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir; at the time that he was employed by 
the guild. 

Mr. Markiiam. The answer is the same. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you have any knowledge of the existence of 
a group or cell of the Communist Party within the Newspaper Guild 
in Boston at any other time, that is, any time when you were not 
employed by it as an organizer ? 

Mr. Markham. I will decline. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you engaged in any occupation since 1933 
until the present time which you have not described to us? 

Mr. Marks vm. You are talking about any job ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. That does not necessarily mean a job for 
which you were paid compensation. 

(At this point Mr. Markham conferred with Mr. Cammer.) 

Mr. Markham. That has me floored. I just do not 

Mr. Tavenner. Let me see if I can refresh your recollection. Have 
you taught in any capacity ? 

Mr. Markham. I would decline for the same reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, you apparently did know of some other occu- 
pation or some other work in which you had engaged which you had 
not told us about if you decline to answer that question. 

Mr. M \rkham. Well, you asked me my employment record. To the 
best of my knowledge I gave you my employment record. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes; but you stated that my question floored you, 
when all the while you had in mind a matter which you were unwill- 
ing to tell this committee about; is that not true? 

Mr. Markham. No; this last question you were asking whether 
I had done anything, any sort of work other than my employment, 
Whether I was paid or not paid. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

Mr. Markham. That is a different thing. You are not asking what 
my — I gave you my employment record, and to the best of my recol- 
lection it was accurate. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you employed as a teacher at any time ? 

Mr. Markham. I would decline. I was not — well, I do not know 
what 

Mr. T wenner. You were not what ? 

Mr. Markham. I cannot recall having any employment as such 
other than what I have given you. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you engage in teaching, whether for compen- 
sation or not ? 

Mr. Markham. I think I answered that. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your answer ? 

Mr. Markham. You asked me whether I taught, and I said I decline. 

Mr. Jackson. For the reasons previously given? 

Mr. Markham. That is correct. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1883 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you a trustee at one time of the Samuel 
A dams School ? 

Mr. Markham. I decline. 

Mr. Clardy. Do 3011 know what the Samuel Adams School is? 

Mr. Markham. Oh, it has been quite prominently displayed in the 
press in Boston, at least. 

Mr. Clardy. Your answer is you do know, then ? 

Mr. Markham. I know there was such a thing. It is public knowl- 
edge. 

Mr. Clardy. You know all about it, as a matter of fact, do you not ? 

(At this point Mr. Markham conferred with Mr. Cammer.) 

Mr. Markham. I decline to answer the previous question. I 
think 

Mr. Jackson. Will you make your declination complete by assign- 
ing your reasons on each occasion? 

Mr. Markham. All right. 

Mr. Clardy. You are declining to answer my last question, I take 
it? 

Mr. Markham. I am declining to answer the last question on the 
grounds previously stated. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you conduct any course of training or teaching 
at that school ? 

Mr. Markham. I decline for the reasons stated previously. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you play any part in the preparation of the 
printing of the catalog for that institution or that school ? 

Mr. Markham. I decline, same reason. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know the names of other persons who 
taught or any person who taught in that school ? 

Mr. Markham. I think it is rather obvious that for the reasons pre- 
viously stated I shall decline any questions regarding that institution. 

Mr. Jackson. You so decline 

Mr. Markham. In that connection. 

Mr. Jackson. Do you so decline to answer the last question ? 

Mr. Markham. I do. 

Mr. Tavenner. There has been testimony presented to the commit- 
tee that there was in existence in Boston, in Cambridge, a group or 
cell of the Communist Party made up from time to time of members 
of the teaching profession at Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 
and at Harvard University. Did you ever attend a meeting of a 
group of that character? 

Mr. Markham. May I have that question again ? 

(The question was read by the reporter.) 

(At this point Mr. Markham conferred with Mr. Cammer.) 

Mr. Markham. I decline for the reasons previously stated. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was a meeting ever held in your home, composed of 
Communist Party members who were teachers either in Harvard or 
the Massachusetts Institute of Technology ? 

Mr. Markham. I decline for the reasons previously stated. You 
see, Mr. Tavenner, what I meant by "innuendo." 

Mr. Clardy. This proceeding is rather amusing to you, is it not, 
witness? I see you sit there with a smile or a smirk on your face. 

Mr. Markham. That is not a smirk, Senator — Representative. 

Mr. Jackson. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 



1884 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Clardy. I just want him to know I do not regard this as humor- 
ous, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Markiiam. I do not regard this as humorous, either. 

Mr. Jackson. The committee will be in order. Please proceed. 

Mr. Markham. I did not ask to come down. 

Mr. Clardy. You volunteered 

Mr. Markiiam. I did not. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was any effort made by any party to interest you 
in the work of publication of a periodical or paper in behalf of the 
Communist Party ? 

Mr. Markham. I decline for the reasons previously stated. 

Mr. Clardy. I did not hear that. 

Mr. Markham. I decline for the reasons previously stated. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you acquainted with Jesse Prosten? 

(Representative James B. Frazier, Jr., left the hearing room at this 
point.) 

Mr. Markham. I was. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know whether or not he was a member of 
the Communist Party? 

Mr. Markham. You are getting into that same business again. I 
will decline for the reasons previously stated. 

Mr. Tavenner. The committee is in possession of information in- 
dicating that on January 14, 1946, a Fannie Hartman, a functionary 
of the Communist Party, was at the Hotel Touraine in Boston. Did 
you meet Fannie Hartman on that occasion ? 

(At this point Mr. Markham conferred with Mr. Cammer.) 

Mr. Markham. I decline for the reasons previously stated. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you acquainted with Fannie Hartman ? 

Mr. Markham. I decline for the reasons previously stated. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you acquainted with a person by the name of 
Otis Hood? 

Mr. Markham. I decline for the reasons previously stated. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you attend a meeting at any time in September 
or October 1946, at Communist Party headquarters in Boston? 

(At this point Mr. Markham conferred with Mr. Cammer.) 

Mr. Markham. I decline for the reasons previously stated. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know whether Fannie Hartman was inter- 
ested in promoting* the political activities of any individual in the 
Boston area during a period of election ? 

Mr. Markham. I decline for the reasons previously stated. 

Mr. Tavenner. When was it that you became legislative agent in 
the State of Massachusetts for the CIO ? 

Mr. Markham. Well, I stated before what my recollection was. I 
really do not remember the dates, but I went to work for the Newspaper 
Guild in December of 1939, and it may have been a year or so later 
than that, at a state convention of the Massachusetts State CIO I was 
elected as assistant legislative agent. It was not a paid job and, as a 
matter of fact, the legislative agent was elected; it was not a paid 
job. They were not too active. Then at some time, it may have been 
the 1941 convention, which would have been, I think, in the fall, 
November or December of 1941, and this is just to the best of my 
recollection, I was elected as legislative agent for the State CIO and 
worked part time on that and part time for the Newspaper Guild. I 
was paid by both. My salary was split between the two. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1885 

Mr. Tavenner. Was your work chiefly that of lobbying for legisla- 
tion in which your organization was interested ? 

Mr. Markiiam. As far as my work with the State CIO was con- 
cerned, that is true. I was the only person who was on the payroll of 
the State CIO, so that I was the only person available for various 
jobs. There may have been some jobs aside from strictly lobbying 
activities that I might have been assigned to, but that would have 
been minor. The major thing was lobbying for legislation on a State 
and national level. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did other labor organizations have legislative repre- 
sentatives charged with the same general duties that you were charged 
with ? 

Mr. Markiiam. The A. F. of L. did, and the Brotherhood of Rail- 
road Trainmen did; that is, regular lobbyists, not people who came up 
as business agents or something of that sort occasionally. Whether 
there were more than that, I do not recall, but there were some others. 
The A. F. of L. representative was the most active and the principal 
one at that stage. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall whether or not the International 
Fur and Leather Workers Union had such a representative ? 

Mr. Markham. I do not believe that they did. You are talking 
about this period before the war? 

Mr. Tavenner. I am talking about the period while you were legis- 
lative agent for the CIO. 

Mr. Markham. Well, I do not recall that they did in 1946, either. 

Mr. Tavenner. The committee has heard testimony that legislative 
representatives of various organizations on national level here in 
Washington had fraction meetings; in other words, many of those 
legislative representatives were members of the Communist Party, 
and that as members of the Communist Party, and while acting as leg- 
islative representatives here in Washington, they caucused and met as 
Communist Party members here in the District of Columbia and 
planned their work. Were you aware of the existence of such a prac- 
tice among legislative representatives in Massachusetts ? 

Mr. Markham. I would decline to answer on the grounds previous- 
ly stated. 

(Representative Francis E. Walter entered the hearing room at 
this point.) 

Mr. Tavenner. You stated that you served in the Navy from 1942 
to the end of 1945. What was the general nature of your position in 
the Navy ? 

Mr. Markham. I was an air combat intelligence officer, and I served 
with aircraft squadrons aboard carriers in the Pacific. I had eight 
battle stars, and I have had a number of citations. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you become a member of the Naval Reserve? 

Mr. Markham. Well, on 

Mr. Tavenner. After your discharge? 

Mr. Markham. Not after my discharge. 

Mr. Tavenner. When were you a member of the Naval Reserve? 

Mr. Markham. It was in the Navy regulation, automatic business, 
that when an officer ceased active duty, he automatically went on the 
inactive list of the Naval Reserve, and that is what I did in Novem- 
ber, I believe the 15th, of 1945. 

30172— 53— pt. 6 4 



1886 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Tavk.wki;. How long did you remain on the inactive list of 
rlie Naval Reserve? 

Mr. Markham. I forget the date, sir, but sometime in the fall of 
1952. That is the best of my recollection. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the reason for your leaving the list of 
Naval Reserve officers? 

Mr. Markham. Well, in the fall of 1952 I was given a kangaroo- 
court proceeding 

Mr. T avknnkr. Just a moment — kangaroo-court proceeding? It 
was a Loyalty Review Board decision ; was it not? That is what you 
refer to as the kangaroo hearing? 

Mr. Markham. I do not know what the title was. It was a hear- 
ing by the Navy. It was not by the Loyalty Board. It was a hearing 
by 3 naval officers. 

Mr. Clardy. Where was that conducted? 

Mr. Markham. In Boston. 

Mr. Walter. Were you represented there? 

Mr. Markham. I was, sir. 

Mr. Clardy. What was the date of that, Counsel? 

(At this point Mr. Markham conferred with Mr. Cammer.) 

Mr. Tavenner. You have not finished. 

Mr. Markham. I am sorry ; what was the question ? 

Mr. Tavenner. You stated there was a hearing. 

Mr. Markham. That is correct. 

Mr. Tavenner. I was asking you the reason for your separation 
from the status of Reserve Corps officer, and you were telling us in 
1952 this hearing took place. What was the result of the hearing ? 

Mr. Markham. At that hearing, at which no witnesses were pre- 
sented against me, a series of statements were made, generally pretty 
wild, and at the conclusion of the hearing I made a statement to the 
officers ; I put myself under oath, made a statement to the officers. I 
am sure that this comihittee has or can get a copy of that statement 
and a copy of the proceedings of that hearing. 

While I was told that it was only a hearing, not a trial, nothing of 
the sort, after the hearing — I forget how long — a month, 6 weeks, 
something like that, I received a notification from the Navy that I 
had been separated from the service. 

Mr. Scherer. You mean the first time you knew of the charges 
was at this hearing ? 

Mr. Markham. No, sir. 

Mr. Scherer. Well, you said a number of wild statements were 
made; in fact you knew of the charges against you for at least 45 days 
prior to that hearing. 

Mr. Markham. At least that long. What I said was that a series of 
statements were made by the Navy 

Mr. Walter. What were these wild statements ? 

Mr. Markham. As statements of fact. 

Mr. Walter. What were they ? 

(At this point Mr. Markham conferred with Mr. Cammer.) 

Mr. Markham. Well, I will give you an illustration. I believe it 
was one of the first statements made in this long statement, which 
said that it was a known fact that I had attended as a delegate a con- 
vention of the Communist Party in Philadelphia in 1948. 

Mr. Walter. Did you ? 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1887 

Mr. Markham. I did not. 

Mr. Walter. Did you ever attend a Communist Party convention ? 

Mr. Markiiam. Let me finish the question. 

Mr. Walter. Answer my question. 

Mr. Jackson. There is a question pending. Please answer the 
question. 

Mr. Markham. I have been asked a question here, and I will answer 
that afterward. 

The convention that they referred to, fortunately I kept my alter- 
nate delegate's credential, was a convention, nominating convention, 
of the Progressive Party at that time. Apparently in the eyes of the 
Navy activity in the Progressive Party was the same as being active 
in the Communist Party. 

I presented this piece of evidence which, as I say, I fortunately 
had kept, and while they did not withdraw the charge, if you have the 
record of the hearing, you will see there is some hocus-pocus wording 
that they in effect withdrew that charge, but that was the kind of 
thing that I was presented with at that hearing. 

Mr. Jackson. Were you asked during the hearing if you had been 
a member of the Communist Party ? 

(At this point Mr. Markham conferred with Mr. Cammer.) 

Mr. Markham. I do not recall that — I do not have the record of 
that hearing, but I do not recall that that question was asked. As I 
say, I put myself — after they had gone through this whole business of 
reading off this long statement, and in the process, just automatically, 
practically, of withdrawing some of the things that they said, I put 
myself under oath and stated my position, and the recorder, which is 
comparable to a prosecuting attorney, asked no further questions, 
and that was the end of it. 

Mr. Jackson. Were you asked if you had ever attended a meeting 
of the Cummunist Party ? 

Mr. Markham. Well, in this statement they made a whole series of 
statements about Communist Party, about various organizations, and 
soon. 

Mr. Jackson. Have you ever attended a meeting of the Communist 
Party ? 

Mr. Markham. I would decline to answer on the grounds pre- 
viously stated. 

Mr. Scherer. The fact is that all of these charges that were pre- 
ferred against you by the Navy at that time dealt with communistic 
activities on your part ; did they not? 

Mr. Markham. They may have dealt with what they thought were. 

Mr. Scherer. I am not asking what they thought, but the charges 
did deal with Communist activities, whether they were true or not. 
The charges dealt with that ; did they not? 

Mr. Markham. Well, I do not like the wording of the question. I 
will just decline to answer for the reasons previously stated. 

Mr. Scherer. All right ; you decline. 

Mr. Clardt. Did you at any time before that Board, and while you 
were under oath, unequivocably state that you were not and never 
had at any time been a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Markham. Again you can get the transcript. 



1888 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Clardy. I am not referring to that. I am asking you whether 
as a matter of fact you did make such a statement. Please answer 
that. 

Mr. Markham. I forget just what I said, but to the best of my 
knowledge I did not make such a statement. I was not asked such a 
question. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is it not a fact that the charges that you have re- 
ferred to and have described were to the effect that you had been a 
member of the Communist Party ? 

(At this point Mr. Markham conferred with Mr. Cammer.) 

Mr. Markham. In general. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, had you been a member of the Communist 
Party prior to that date in 1952 when this hearing was had? 

Mr. Markham. I decline to answer on the grounds previously 
stated. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you now a member of the Communist Party % 

Mr. Markham. I decline to answer on the grounds previously 
stated. 

Mr. Clardy. Do you want this committee to believe that you are 
not now a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Markham. Do I want you to believe that ? 

Mr. Clardy. Yes. 

Mr. Markham. I do not believe that it is the province of this com- 
mittee to inquire into that. 

Mr. Clardy. Regardless of whether that is your belief or not, will 
you answer the question? 

Mr. Markham. I am responsible to a group of workers who see me 
day in and day out and know exactly the kind of work I do, and it is 
my desire to serve them and be highly regarded by them, and whether 
the committee here thinks one thing or another from responses I make 
to questions here- 



Mr. Scherer. Do you not think- 



Mr. Clardy. Pardon me, you mean you do not care what your 
Government thinks about your belonging to or not belonging to the 
Communist Party ? Is that what you mean ? 

Mr. Markham. I do not think that was your question. 

Mr. Clardy. I am putting it that way now. Is it your position 
that you do not care how your Government looks upon your member- 
ship or your nonmembership, whichever it may be, in the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Markham. Well, I have not been asked by my Government 
what I think, and I do not think the Government is going to ask me 
what I think. 

Mr. Clardy. You are being asked that by your Government right 
now, sir. Will you answer the question? 

Mr. Markham. I think that is purely, if I recall the question, purely 
an opinion. 

Mr. Clardy. Is that the only answer you care to give? 

Mr. Markham. I just do not care to discuss the opinion 

Mr; Clardy. That is your answer. Thank you. 

Mr. Scherer. Do you not think these workers whom you represent 
are entitled to know whether today you are a member of the Commu- 
nist Party or not ? Do you not think they are entitled to know ? 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1889 

Mr. Markham. My members know what I do. They can judge me 
by my acts, and they see me day in and day out. 

Mr. Scherer. That is not the answer to my question. 

Mr. Markham. And I would be willing to stand before them any 
day and defend my record before them. In fact, I do not need to do it. 
They will do it themselves. 

Mr. Scherer. I understand that ; but that was not my question. Do 
you not think the workers whom you represent are entitled to know 
whether you are a member of the Communist Party, which is a part 
of a Kremlin conspiracy in this country? Do you not think your 
workers are entitled to know that ? 

Mr. Markham. If they want to know, they will ask me. 

Mr. Scherer. Is that the only answer you are going to give to that 
question ? 

Mr. Markham. I think it is a good one. 

Mr. Walter. If they did ask you, what would your answer be ? 

Mr. Markham. I decline to answer that on the grounds stated. 

Mr. Scherer. Do the}^ know whether you are or are not a member 
of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Markham. Again you are asking me what somebody else thinks. 

Mr. Clardy. What does a wave of the hand and a shrug of the 
shoulders mean ? Does that mean you refuse to answer ? 

Mr. Markham. I decline to answer. I cannot read the minds of 

Mr. Clardy. I know ; but I wish you would state it. Several times 
you have waved your hand rather contemptuously and shrugged your 
shoulders and not said anything, and I want to be sure the record 
correctly reflects your willingness or refusal to answer. 

Now, that last shrug was intended to be a declination? 

Mr. Markham. And my statement. I do not think that the Con- 
gressman, who is a servant of myself and the rest of the people in the 
country, has any right to say that I am being contemptuous, because 
I am not. 

Mr. Clardy. We have heard that a great many times, and we heard 
it when you said it. 

Mr. Jackson. Very well. 

Mr. Tavenner. You referred to a meeting 

Mr. Scherer. May I interrupt? You made some charges about this 
committee at the opening of the hearing when you declined to answer 
the first question tiiat was asked you. Do those same charges apply 
to that Navy Loyalty Review Board ? 

Mr. Markham. I certainly did not regard that I was given any sort 
of a trial, if you want to call it that. 

Mr. Scherer. That was not my question, Mr. Witness. My ques- 
tion was, Do the statements that you made with reference to this com- 
mittee and its activities, do those same statements relate to the Navy 
Loyalty Review Board hearing? 

Mr. Markham. No; no. 

Mr. Clardy. What was your answer? 

Mr. Markham. No. 

Mr. Clardy. By the way, what was the rank of the officers making 
up that Board, do you recall ? 

Mr. Markham. My recollection is that 1 was a captain, and 2 were 
full commanders. 

Mr. Scherer. You did say that it was a kangaroo hearing. 



1890 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Markiiam. That is true. 

Mr. Walter. Did you appeal from the decision of this court I 

Mr. Markiiam. No. 

Mr. Jackson. Were you represented by counsel during all stages 
of the hearing ? 

Mr. Markiiam. I was. 

Mr. Jackson. Continue, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Clardy. Was that counsel of your own selection ? 

Mr. Markham. It was. 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Markham, you referred in your explanation of 
what occurred at this hearing to a meeting of the Progressive Party 
which you attended as a delegate. When was that meeting held ? 

(Representative Francis E. Walter left the hearing room at this 
point.) 

Mr. Markham. It was in the summer of 1948, the nominating con- 
vention in Philadelphia. Is that close enough ? I forget the dates. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you state whether or not you were aware of a 
decision made by the Communist Party that it would work within the 
framework of the Progressive Party ? 

Mr. Markham. I decline to answer on the grounds previously 
stated. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you take part in any {thinning with members 
of the Communist Party to influence or control the action of the 
Progressive Party on any level ( 

Mr. Markiiam. Well, in declining f<> answer that on the grounds 
previously stated, I would like to say that I do not think it is the prov- 
ince of this committee, in my opinion, to inquire into the operations 
of a political party in this country. 

Mr. Jackson. Let the Chair sua in answer to that that there is ade- 
quate testimony in the record from a number of witnesses which in- 
dicates beyond any perad venture of a doubt that exactly that form of 
planning did take place, so it is a matter of record. The question 
was directed as to whether you, yourself, took part in any such plan- 
ning. That is a matter quite within the jurisdiction of this com- 
mittee to inquire into, as to the nature and extent of Communist infil- 
tration into the Progressive Party, which infiltration, I think, was 
best testified to by Mr. Henry Wallace himself when he left the 
Progressive Party. 

Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you been a member of the Communist Party 
at any time \ 

Mr. Markham. J decline to answer for the reasons previously 
stated. 

Mr. Tavenner. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Clardy. 

Mr. Clardy. I have no questions. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Scherer. 

Mr. Scherer. You have stated that you feel that this committee 
has no right to inquire into your political beliefs or whether you were 
a member of the Communist Party. Do you feel that the Navy 
Loyalty Review 7 Board had a right to inquire as to whether you were a 
member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Markham. Well, the} 7 were operating under a specific Execu- 
tive order. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1891 

Mr. Scherer. Do you think they had such a right? I am asking 
that merely because you described it as a kangaroo hearing. I want 
to know whether you feel that the board had a right to inquire as to 
your membership and activities in the Communist Party? 

Mr. Markiiam. Well, the Navy — if the Navy wants to say that to be 
a naval officer you have to agree that the world is flat, and if you do 
not agree with that, you are out of the Navy, I suppose they have a 
right to set up their standards as to that nature of who is going to be 
in the Navy. 

Mr. Jackson. Do you believe that a member of the Communist 
Party should hold a commission in the United States Navy? 

Mr. Markiiam. Well, that is again a matter of opinion I am not 
going to discuss. 

Mr. Scherer. You mean even today, when we are at war with the 
Communist-dominated countries, engaged in both a hot and cold war, 
you cannot tell us whether a commissioned officer of the United States 
Armed Forces should be a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Markham. I am not running the Navy ; I am not running the 
Army. 

Mr. Scherer. Obviously not ; thank heavens. 

Mr. Markham. What they regard as a sound policy, all right ; that 
is their business to set the policy and carry it out. I am not the one 
to do that. 

Mr. Jackson. Let me say that the holding of a commission in 
the Armed Forces of the United States is a privilege and not a consti- 
tutional right. No one has a right to a commission. He gains it on 
merit, and he holds it by the nature of the work that he does and his 
unquestioned loyalty to the institutions of this Government. 

Certainly the Navy or any other agency of the United States Gov- 
ernment quite properly removes commissions from those in whom 
there is any doubt as to loyalty. 

Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Markham. May I say something on that ? I feel that if — after 
I was out of the active service in the Navy and was operating as a pri- 
vate citizen, I believe that I had full rights to act as long as I was 
doing what I felt was right as a citizen, and that I did not consider 
that the standards for what I was going to do necessarily had to be 
the standards of the Navy. If they thought that a person who was in 
the Inactive Reserve was doing things they did not like, they had a 
perfect right to say, "Well, look, Markham, we do not think that a 
naval officer ought to be doing this or doing that," if they had any 
idea or any suspicion or anything else that I was doing anything they 
did not like. 

As an illustration, in 1946 there was a strike on of the railroad 
workers. You remember the President seized the railroads ; the Army 
ran the railroads, and there was talk at that moment of the same thing 
being done with the maritime workers. A meeting was called in Bos- 
ton ; the meeting was presided over by a man who ran for Vice Presi - 
dent of the United States at one time, attorney for the railroad, and a 
number of people spoke at the meeting. They invited in people who 
had been in one branch of the armed service or another as some of the 
speakers who appeared, and I was one of them. 



1892 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

At that time I was working for the State CIO. Several months 
after that meeting I received a notice from the Navy, "Contrary to 
regulation so-and-so, you had attended this public meeting and ad- 
dressed it attired in naval uniform." 

So I wrote back to the Navy and said that I was well aware of regu- 
lation so-and-so, that I had not addressed this meeting attired in my 
naval uniform, which I never wore after the day that I left active 
service, and that I would appreciate knowing why any such a charge 
was made, and I heard nothing from them. 

Now, that was the kind of information apparently the Navy was 
getting regarding me. I suppose you would say if I had been smart at 
that time I would have offered my resignation. 

However, I felt I was not doing anything wrong, and I did not, and 
1 took no action to do so. 

Mr. Scherer. Again let me call your attention that this was a hear- 
ing before a Navy Loyalty Review Board. You do not mean to say 
that there is a different standard of loyalty for a man in active service 
and one in the inactive service ; do you ? 

Mr. Markham. Well, as far as I know, the standards that they set 
up apply whether a person is in the Active or Inactive Reserve. 

Mr. Clardy. Witness, despite the fact that the whole charge against 
you at that hearing had to do with alleged Communist affiliations on 
your part, you have told me here today, by indirection, at least, that 
you did not deny your affiliations at any time during the course of that 
hearing. 

Now, do you think that under those circumstances this kangaroo 
court you have referred to acted unfairly and unjustly in your case? 

(At this point Mr. Markham conferred with Mr. Cammer.) 

Mr. Markham. I made responses to the hearing, to the Board, on 
every statement that they made where they presented any evidence 
whatsoever. They presented no witnesses. But where they presented 
any evidence whatsoever 

Mr. Jackson. I believe that counsel has another question which the 
witness will have an opportunity to answer. Do you want to proceed, 
Mr. Counsel ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Markham, you have stated to the committee that 
you refused to answer the question as to whether or not you had ever 
been a member of the Communist Party. 

Now, I think I should present to you the testimony of Mr. Herbert 
Philbrick on that matter. 

Mr. Philbrick testified on June 17, 1953, before the Subcommittee to 
Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other 
Internal Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary of the 
United States Senate. Mr. Philbrick was asked the question by Mr. 
Morris x : 

Did you know a Boston couple named George and Helen D. Markham? 

Mr. Puilhrick. Yes. 

Mr. Morris. Who was George Markham? 

Mr. Philbrick. George Markham I knew quite well as a feilow party member. 
He was the educational director for the Fur and Leather Workers Union. I was 
a member of the educational commission of the Communist Party, again working 
under orders from the Communist Party, and I worked with George Markham on 
projects to do with Communist propaganda. 



1 Robert Morris, chief counsel to named subcommittee 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1893 

Mr. Morkis. The Fur and Leather Workers Union, to your knowledge, was 
virtually an open Communist union? 

Mr. Philbrick. It was pretty well dominated and controlled by the Communist 
Party, although of course not all of the members of the union itself were party 
members. 

Was Mr. Philbrick telling the truth about his asosciation with you 
in Communist Party work ? 

Mr. Markham. Well, I would decline for the reasons previously 
stated to discuss any relationship that I might have had, real or sup- 
posed, with such a liar and perjurer. 

Mr. Clardy. May I interpose, Mr. Chairman ? What was your rank 
when you were in the Navy ? 

Mr. Markiiam. I went in as a lieutenant (junior grade) , and I came 
out as a lieutenant commander. 

Mr. Scherer. You say Philbrick is a liar and a perjurer? 

Mr. Markham. I say that is the kind of person he is. 

Mr. Jackson. You have made a statement that Mr. Philbrick is a 
liar and a perjurer. In what respect and in what testimony that he 
has given did he lie? 

Mr. Markham. Well, there is a very good political axiom that it is 
very wise never to get into any kind of a contest with a skunk. 

Mr. Jackson. That is not responsive to my question. 
In what specific instance did Mr. Philbrick lie? 

Mr. Markham Well, there is enough on the record 

Mr. Jackson. Very well. I am only asking you to quote one in- 
stance out of the record so that we can tie it down. 

Mr. Clardy. Mr. Chairman, may I suggest to you that inasmuch as 
he has now said that Mr. Philbrick committed perjury and was a liar, 
he has lost the protection of the fifth amendment, and I ask that he be 
directed to answer the questions in all particulars. 

Mr. Jackson. My question was based upon that fact. 

(At this point Mr. Markham conferred with Mr. Cammer.) 

Mr. Markham. I decline to answer on the grounds previously stated. 

Mr. Jackson. The Chair directs that you answer the question. 

(At this point Mr. Markham conferred with Mr. Cammer.) 

Mr. Markham. I decline to answer on the grounds previously 
stated. 

Mr. Jackson. In what respect did Mr. Philbrick perjure himself 
in any way in any of the testimony he has given ? 

Mr. Markham. I decline to answer on the grounds previously 
stated. 

Mr. Jackson. The Chair directs that you answer the question. 
In what manner and in what place did Mr. Philbrick perjure him- 
self in his testimony. 

Mr. Markham. I decline to answer on the grounds previously 
stated. 

Mr. Jackson. Any further questions, Mr. Counsel ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Scherer. Just a minute. On that same line, did he lie when 
he said you were a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Markham. I decline to answer on the grounds previously 
stated. 

Mr. Jackson. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 



1894 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Philbrick testified that he worked with you 
on many projects to do with Communist propaganda. What projects 
of Communist propaganda did you work on with Mr. Philbrick? 

(At this point Air. Markham conferred with Mr. Cammer.) 

Mr. Markham. I would decline to answer on the grounds previously 
stated. I think you might inquire of Mr. Philbrick. 

Mr. Tavenner. I suggest that the witness be directed to answer. 

Mr. Jackson. The witness is directed to answer the question put 
by counsel. 

Mr. Markham. I decline to answer on the grounds previously 
stated. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you work on any Communist propaganda mat- 
ters with Mr. Philbrick or any other person? 

Mr. Markham. I decline to answer on the grounds previously 
stated. 

Mr. Clardy. I ask that he be directed to answer that question. 

Mr. Jackson. The witness is directed to answer the question. 

Mr. Markham. I decline to answer on the grounds previously 
stated. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you engage in any Communist Party activities 
with Mr. Philbrick? 

Mr. Markham. I decline to answer on the grounds previously 
stated. 

Mr. Clardy. May he be directed to answer that, Mr, Chairman? 

Mr. Jackson. Yes; the witness is directed to answer the question. 

Mr. Markham. I decline to answer on the grounds previously 
stated. 

Mr. Jackson. Is there any reason why the witness should not be 
excused ? 

Mr. Tavenner. No, sir. 

Mr. Jackson. The witness is excused, and the subcommittee stands 
in adjournment. 

(Whereupon, at 12: 12 p. m., the hearing was adjourned.) 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION 
(Education— Part 6) 



MONDAY, JUNE 29, 1953 

United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the Committee 

on Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D. C. 

PUBLIC HEARING 

The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
met, pursuant to call, at 10 : 40 a. m., in caucus room 362, Old House 
Office Building, Hon. Donald L. Jackson (acting chairman) presiding. 

Committee members present : Representatives Donald L. Jackson 
and Kit Clardy. 

Staff members present: Robert L. Kunzig, counsel; George E. 
Cooper, investigator ; and Thomas W. Beale, Sr., chief clerk. 

Mr. Jackson. The committee will be in order, please. 

For the purposes of the record, let it be shown that the chairman 
has appointed a subcommittee of two, consisting of Mr. Clardy and 
Mr. Jackson for the purpose of this hearing. 

Will you call your witness, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Kunzig. Yes, sir. 

Dr. Louis Harap, will you please step forward. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Harap, will you raise your right hand, sir? 

Do you solemnly swear that in the testimony you are about to give 
before this subcommittee you will tell the truth, the whole truth, and 
nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Harap. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF LOUIS HARAP, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS COUNSEL, 

JOSEPH FORER 

Mr. Kunzig. The acoustics are very bad in this room, Dr. Harap, 
so will you please speak as clearly, slowly, and distinctly as you can. 

Mr. Clardy. Who is the stranger beside him ? 

Mr. Kunzig. His counsel. 

Mr. Forer. Joseph Forer, 711 14th Street NW., Washington, D. C. 

Mr. Kunzig. Would you give your name and address for the record, 
please, sir? 

Mr. Harap. My name is Louis, L-o-u-i-s, Harap, H-a-r-a-p. I live 
at 83 Horatio, H-o-r-a-t-i-o Street, New York City. 

Mr. Chairman, I have a statement here which I should like to read 
before the committee. 

1895 



1896 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Jackson. The statement will be accepted by the committee. 
However, you are not permitted to read the statement. 

Mr. Harap. May I ask why I am not permitted to read it since it is 
relevant to my testimony ? 

Mr. Jackson. Yes. That is the standard procedure of the com- 
mittee and has been for a long time, that statements are not permitted 
to be read. However, having answered a question, you may then 
elaborate however you wish on your answer, giving your reasons for 
your answer, if you so desire. 

The committee will receive and take under advisement any statement 
that you have. 

Mr. Harap. Well, I simply want to register an objection to my not 
being permitted to read the statement, because it is relevant to my 
sentiments about the committee, about the activity of the committee,, 
and about its significance for the American people, and so on. 

Mr. Jackson. Your objection is noted in the record. 

Mr. Clardy. I think, Witness, we can pretty well anticipate what 
you have said. We have heard it many times before. 

Mr. Harap. It doesn't make it any less true, sir. 

Mr. Clardy. We shall be the judge of that. 

Mr. Kunzig. Would you give the committee a resume, sir, of your 
educational background ? 

Mr. Harap. Yes. I graduated from Ethical Culture High School 
in New York City. I then went to Antioch College for a few years, 
transferred to Harvard College where I received my B. A. degree in 
1928 ; I received my master's degree in 1930 and my Ph. D. in philos- 
ophy in 1932. 

Mr. Kunzig. Does that end your formal education ? 

Mr. Harap. That ends my formal education. 

Mr. Kunzig. Now, sir, would you give the committee a resume of 
your employment background? 

Mr. Harap. That is since receiving my doctorate ? 

Mr. Kunzig. Unless you had any employment prior to that time. 

Mr. Harap. No ; I should not say I had any. 

Mr. Kunzig. Then since you finished 3^our studies. 

Mr. Harap. Since receiving my degree I have worked as a writer 
and I have done editorial work for the entire period except for a 
period of just about 3 years, 1912 to 1915, when I was in the Army 
during the war 

(At this point Mr. Harap conferred with Mr. Forer.) 

Mr. Harap. I am sorry, I beg your pardon. Shortly after receiv- 
ing my doctorate I was appointed librarian of the philosophical library 
at Harvard University and held the job about — I don't know exactly 
when I assumed it — I held it about — no; precisety until the end of 
the academic term of 1939, and I came to New York City after that ; 
1 resigned my position and came to New York City, and since 1939 T 
have worked as a writer and have done editorial work except for the 
period in the Army. 

Mr. Kunzig. Would you state where you have been a writer and 
where you have done editorial work, and who employed you? 

Mr. Harap. I have written for various publications, and I will 
state to this committee some of the publications which I wrote; some 
of the publications I will not state, as I will explain soon, and applies 
to my work, editorial work. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1897 

Mr. Kunzig. Just state all that you can. 

Mr. Harap. Yes. I have written for a number of learned publica- 
tions, such as the Journal of Philosophy, Philosophical Review, Amer- 
ican Quarterly, and so on, a number of these publications. 

Those are all the publications that I care to state before this com- 
mittee. 

Mr. Clardt. What was your answer, all that you care to state ? 

Mr. Harap. I am sorry, all the publications that I am willing to 
state before this committee. As for any other publications or any 
editorial work which I have done or the employers of — my employers 
in these connections, I wish to refuse to answer for the following 
reasons 

Mr. Jackson. May I suggest, Mr. Harap, that you wait until the 
question is asked before you refuse to answer, and then give your 
reasons ? 

Mr. Harap. I thought I was asked the question. 

Mr. Jackson. No, he was asking for clarification. 

Mr. Kunzig. I had intended to ask, Mr. Chairman, and I will now 
ask, Will you please state for the record all the publications which 
you have written for in these last years which you are just describing? 

Mr. Harap. I don't understand. I have stated a number of pub- 
lications for which I have written. 

Mr. Kunzig. That is right ; I am asking for all. 

Mr. Harap. Then I proceeded to say that I refuse to answer further 
for the remaining publications for the following reasons 

Mr. Clardy. May I interrupt there just a minute, Mr. Chairman? 

There are additional publications than those you have listed? 

Mr. Harap. Oh, yes, yes. 

(At this point Mr. Harap conferred with Mr. Forer.) 

Mr. Kunzig. Mr. Chairman, I ask, then, that the witness be di- 
rected to answer the question and list the other publications for which 
he has written. 

Mr. Harap. Yes. Well, I 

Mr. Jackson. Just a minute, Mr. Harap. The Chair is of the 
opinion that the question is rather general in nature, and I believe 
that it would be better if the questions were phrased as direct ques- 
tions having to do with certain publications. 

Mr. Kunzig. Well, we will come to that, then, Mr. Chairman, 
later. 

Mr. Clardt. Let's see if I understand, Counsel. 

Is it your question now that you want him to complete the listing 
and to include those which he seems about to tell us he will refuse to 
give us? 

Mr. Kunzig. That is correct, Mr. Chairman. I cannot see that it is 
incriminating before this committee that a person list the publications 
for which he has written. Apparently the witness feels that certain 
publications may incriminate him. 

I respectfully request that he be ordered to answer the question as 
to listing the publications for which he has written since he graduated 
and got his Ph. D. 

Mr. Jackson. Is this for the purpose of establishing the occupa- 
tional background of the witness? 

Mr. Kunzig. Yes, Mr. Chairman. 



1898 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Jackson. Very well. The witness is directed to answer the 
question as to all of the publications to which he has contributed. 

Mr. Harap. For any publications which I have not stated here I 
refuse to answer on the following grounds : 

First, I refuse to answer under the protection of the first amend- 
ment which guarantees the freedom of the press, freedom of speech, 
freedom of thought, and academic freedom, and I believe that this 
committee is infringing those freedoms and putting them in jeopardy, 
and I refuse to answer in the first place on that ground. 

In the second place, I refuse to answer the question under the fifth 
amendment which gives me the privilege of refusing to answer on the 
ground that no person can be compelled to be a witness against himself. 

Mr. Clardy. In a criminal proceeding. 

Mr. Harap. Mr. Clardy — I believe you are Mr. Clardy? 

Mr. Clardy. That is right. 

Mr. Harap. I believe that the inference which you are trying to 
draw by that question 

Mr. Clardy. No ; I am just giving you the language. 

Mr. Harap. The language does state, on the other hand, that ju- 
dicial decisions have provided that the fifth amendment applies not 
only in criminal proceedings but also in such investigations as this 
and for a number of other circumstances. 

Mr. Clardy. You can take it for granted I am familiar with the 
law ; I have practiced law T a number of years. 

Mr. Harap. I am taking this procedure because I don't want the 
inference to remain that my application of the fifth amendment here 
implies in any sense guilt of any kind. On the contrary, the fifth 
amendment was designed specifically to protect the innocent, and so 
that I stand on the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Jackson. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Kunzig. I will proceed, sir. I do think, though, that we ought 
to clear the record and not allow the last statement to remain un- 
challenged. 

Of course, Mr. Clardy was absolutely correct, that this only ap- 
plies — there must be a fear of involvement in a criminal prosecution, 
and certainly the fifth amendment may be used before this committee 
or any other committee in a judicial proceeding, but it must arise 
because of fear of involvement in a criminal proceeding. 

That is the law, and the record should be straight. 

Mr. Harap. On the other hand, a criminal proceeding — if there is 
involvement in a criminal proceeding it does not necessarily mean 
the one involved is guilty, necessarily. 

Mr. Kunzig. Have you ever been a member of the Communist Party 
at any time, sir ( 

Mr. Harap. I refuse to answer that question on the same grounds 
that I previously stated, and I would like to say that it is questions 
of this kind which are — and the activities of the committee relating to 
questions of this kind which are throwing the country into a hysteria 
and miasma of fear that is very, very dangerous for this country and 
threatens our democratic freedoms. Only this morning 

Mr. Jackson. Very well. 

Mr. Kunzig. Mr. Chairman, I request that the witness 

Mr. Jackson. The question has been answered and the reasons 
for refusal to answer given. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1899 

Proceed. 

Mr. Kunzig. Mr, Harap, there has been testimony given by Robert 
Gr. Davis before this committee on February 25, 195o. I shall read 
briefly the important parts of this testimony as it involves you, and 
then ask you what your comment is on this testimony. 

Mr. Tavenner, counsel for the committee, asked : 

Were both of the persons that you have in mind persons known to you to be 
members of the Communist Party? 
Mr. Davis. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Then I will ask you to give the names of both of them. 
Mr. Davis. Louis Harap. 
Mr. Tavenner. Would you spell the last name, please? 

Mr. Davis. H-a-r-a-p. 

Mr. Tavenner. And I think you should spell the first name. 

Mr. Davis. L-o-u-i-s. 

Mr. Tavenner. If you know what his subsequent connection was with the 
Communist Party I think you should tell us. That is, if you know of your own 
knowledge whether he has remained in the Communist Party for any definite 
period of time or whether he withdrew from the party at any time, I would like 
vou to so state. 

Mr. Davis. I have no firsthand knowledge. I have read writing by him in 
recent years which would suggest that his tendency had remained the same. 

Mr. Kearney. Is he a professor at Harvard? 

Mr. Davis. No : he was not. He was employed in a very minor capacity as 
librarian, I believe, of the philosophy library. 

Mr. Kearney. Is he still connected in that position? 

Mr. Davis. No. He left Harvard many years ago. 

Mr. Kearney. Do yoii know what he is doing now? 

Mr. Davis. I believe he is editor of a magazine. 

Mr. Kearney. Do you know the name of the magazine? 

Mr. Davis. It is the Jewish Affairs, I believe— some such magazine, 

Mr. Velde. Will you spell that, please? 

Mr. Davis. The name of the magazine? 

Mr. Vei.de. Yes. 

Mr. Davis. Yes. J-e-w-i-s-h A-f-f-a-i-r-s. 

Mr. Kearney. He is the editor, you think? 

Mr. Davis. Yes. I think he is editor. 

Mr. Kearney. Do you know where that is published? 

Mr. Davis. In New York. 

Mr. Scherer. I believe you said, Professor, that the group, party, at that time 
opposed anti-Semitism? 

Mr. Davis. Yes. 

Mr. Scherer. Today, of course, you know it is as anti-Semitic as the Nazi 
Party? 

Mr / Davis. Yes. That's why I was particularly interested in the position of 
Louis Harap. 

Mr. Clardy. I don't follow you there. 

Mr. Davis. Because, as editor of the magazine, whatever it may be called, 
Jewish Affairs, I believe, he is now defending the Prague trials, contending that 
they are not anti-Semitic. 

Do you have any comment on that identification of you as a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Harap. I am at a loss, sir, Mr. Kunzig, to understand why you 
should read that because I have already answered that I refuse to an- 
swer that question, and your reading that lengthy excerpt is merely 
a restatement of the same question. I still stand on my refusal for 
the same reasons that I gave before. 

Mr. Kunzig. All right. Dr. Harap; many, people who take the view- 
point that you take may come before this committee and say that 
they have no opportunity to answer. They prattle about the United 
States of America, that they have no opportunity to answer what is 



1900 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

said about them. You are here today being given that opportunity 
to answer what three separate witnesses under oath swearing to God 
have testified about you. 

Now, you have refused to answer as to the first. I shall now ask 
you as to the second. Here is testimony from Granville Hicks of 
February 26, 1953 : 

Question, by Mr. Tavenner : 

Do you recall an individual by name of Louis Harap — H-a-r-a-p? 

Mr. Hicks. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. What connection, if any, did he have with this Communist Party 
group? 

Mr. Hicks. He was a member of the group. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell how the directives or instructions from the Com- 
munist Party were transmitted to your group? 

Mr. Hicks. My recollection is that they came in various ways. As a matter 
of fact, I have often carried them myself, since I had — I was carrying on a 
rather wide range of Communist propaganda activities and, therefore, was 
likely to go into Phil Frankfeld's office, and he would tell me things he wished 
our group would discuss or would do. I think Harap also acted as a kind of 
go-between, and there may have been others. It was pretty informal in that 
particular year. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were all the members of this group fairly active in the work 
of the party? 

Mr. Hicks. I would say there was a good deal of variation. Some were more 
active than others. 

Do you have any comment on the testimony of Hicks that you were 
a member of this Communist Party group? 

Mr. Harap. Well, again, Mr. Kunzig, the same applies, that is to 
say, you are merely asking the same question which I have several 
times already refused to answer, and I may say that my refusal to 
answer is based upon the fact, also, that as a Jew I believe that it is my 
obligation as a Jew and as an American, but speaking for the moment 
of my being a Jew, it is my obligation not to cooperate with this 
committee because, in my view, the activities of this committee are 
tending to bring this country into the same condition under which 
6 million Jews were murdered and, for that reason, it seems to me 
I must refuse to answer and refuse to cooperate with this committee. 

Mr. Clardy. Do you shrink with the same horror from the things 
that the Russian Government is doing to the Jewish people? 

Mr. Harap. Well, Mr. Clardy, I will be very glad 

Mr. Clardy. Answer my question. 

Mr. Hahap. I am answering it, Mr. Clardy. I will be very glad 
to discuss this matter with you because I think that the implication, 
"Do you shrink from what they are doing to the Jewish people" is 
based on ignorance of what the status of the Jewish people is in the 
Soviet Union, and ignorance of the way in which in the Soviet Union 
anti-Semitism has been virtually obliterated. 

I know that in the Soviet Union, Jews — there is no discrimination 
against Jews in employment or in any activity, vocational activity. 
There is genuinely a free avenue to Jews in every activity of Soviet 
life, and there 

Mr. Kunzig. They just have their heads chopped off if they dis- 
agree ; that is the only discrimination. 

Mr. Harap. There is no such matter. There is disagreement on 
a number of things in the Soviet Union, but there is no chopping of 
heads. The fact of the matter is that in the Soviet Union the Jews 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1901 

have a higher degree of freedom and equality than they have, I think, 
in any other part of the world, and this is a matter of recorded fact, 
Mr. Clardy ; this is a matter of statistical fact, and with respect, for 
instance, to — I suppose you refer to the recent events. Now, I would 
like to point out, Mr. Clardy, that when it was discovered in the Soviet 
Union that there was an attempt to frame up Jewish doctors, that the 
Soviet Union did an unprecedented thing, namely, it publicly an- 
nounced to the world that this attempt existed, and, further, it went 
even further than that ; it punished those who made the attempt. 

Now, I submit, Mr. Clardy, that this is evidence of a determination 
that there shall be no anti-Semitism ; it should not be tolerated for 
a moment and, furthermore, this is associated, also, with the policy of 
the Soviet Union with regard to all nationalities, nationality antag- 
onism. No nationality antagonism is permitted, and if it is perceived 
or detected in any way it is summarily dealt with 

Mr. Kunzig. Mr. Chairman 

Mr. Jackson. This is largely extraneous matter. 

Mr. Clardy. May I ask one more question ? 

Mr. Jackson. Yes. 

Mr. Clardy. You admire Russia a great deal; don't you? Now, 
what is the source of the knowledge you have on that subject? 

Mr. Haraf. Mr. Clardy, I am a serious person. The world is — 
many serious problems are facing the world, and I have, therefore, 
assumed the obligation of informing myself about these things, and 
that is the source of my knowledge. 

Mr. Clardy. You don't disagree with me when I say you have a 
great admiration for Russia, though, do you ? 

Mr. Harap. I think there are many things about the Soviet Union 
which register an advance in human relations and in social relations ; 
yes. 

Mr. Clardy. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Jackson. The Chair would like to point out that this kindness 
to Jews, of course, in the Soviet Union and elsewhere resulted in the 
bombing by Jews of the Soviet Embassy in Israel and also the rupture 
of relationships between Israel and the Soviet Union. 

Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Harap. Mr. Jackson, may I comment ? 

Mr. Kunzig. There is no question. 

Mr. Jackson. No; I think the entire point has been labored far 
enough by all concerned. 

Mr. Harap. But I would like to indicate 

Mr. Kunzig. Mr. Chairman, I respectfully submit that there is no 
question pending. 

Mr. Jackson. Yes. Proceed in regular order. 

Mr. Clardy. May I be excused? The bell just rang three times, 
There is a call — I don't want to miss the rollcall. 1 

Mr. Jackson. Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Kunzig. Now I will go into the third identification, involving 
the testimony of Herbert E. Robbins in executive session on March 25, 
1953. He was asked : 

Was Louis Harap at the time you were a member of the Young Communist 
League a student at Harvard? 



1 Call to the floor of the House of Representatives for a rollcall vote. 
30172— 53— pt. 6 5 



1902 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Robbins. I believe he was. 

Question. At a later period of time did you know him to be a librarian in one 
of the buildings? I don't recall which. 

Mr. Robbins. Yes ; he was a part-time librarian in Emerson Hall, which is 
the philosophy department. 

That is the total testimony involving you at that point. 

Do you have any comment to make about Mr. Robbins' testimony ? 

Mr. Harap. No; I have no comment. I don't think there is any- 
thing very 

Mr. Kunzig. I have asked you whether you were ever at any time 
a member of the Communist Party. I now ask you, are you now a 
member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Harap. That is the same question 

Mr. Kunzig. No ; it is not the same question. 

Mr. Harap. And my answer is the same, but I would like to say one 
thing, Mr. Jackson, about your remark before, because 

Mr. Kunzig. I ask that the witness not be permitted to speak 
further. 

Mr. Jackson. Do you now decline to answer the question ? 

Mr. Harap. I do. 

Mr. Jackson. And for the reasons 

Mr. Harap. For the reasons previously stated ; yes. 

Mr. Jackson. Proceed. 

Mr. Kunzig. Have you at any time been the managing editor of 
Jewish Life, a publication issued monthly by the Morning Freiheit 
Association ? 

Mr. Harap. I refuse to anwer that question on the grounds that I 
have previously stated, and I think that in any case such questions are 
indicative of respect for freedom of the press. 

Mr. Kunzig. Well 

Mr. Kunzig. Now, Mr. Chairman, since Jewish Life is a publi- 
cation as such ? 

Mr. Kunzig. Yes, Mr. Clardy. 

Mr. Clardy. Then, Mr. Chairman, I ask that he be directed to 
answer it because, obviously, in my opinion, at least he will be in 
contempt of the subcommittee, or in contempt of Congress if he refuses 
to answer something that is of public record. 

Mr. Jackson. The witness is directed to answer the question. 

Mr. Harap. Mr. Chairman, what question am I directed to answer? 

Mr. Jackson. As to whether or not you are the editor — I believe 
it was in the present tense — whether you are the editor of a magazine 
known as Jewish Life. 

Mr. Harap. I have answered that question under the privilege of 
the first amendment and the fifth amendment, as I previously stated. 

The Jackson. The Chair has directed you to anwer it. 

Mr. Harap. I stand on my privilege. 

Mr. Jackson. You continue to refuse to answer on grounds pre- 
viously stated? 
Mr. Harap. Yes, I do, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Jackson. I am sorry; there is a call on the floor and the mem- 
bers of the subcommittee must go to the floor briefly. 
The hearing is recessed until 11 : 45. 

(Whereupon, at 11: 10, the hearing was recessed, to reconvene at 
11 : 45 a. m.) 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1903 

Mr. Kunzig. I have just been advised that the House will be in 
session on a rollcall vote and, therefore, the hearing will be adjourned 
until 2 o'clock this afternoon. 

(Thereupon, at 11 : 46 a. m., the hearing was recessed, to reconvene 
at 2 p. m., same day.) 

AFTERNOON SESSION 

(At 2 p. m., same day, the proceedings were resumed, the following 
committee members being present : Representatives Harold H. Velde 
(chairman) (appearance noted in transcript), Donald L. Jackson 
(presiding), Kit Clardy, Gordon H. Scherer, and Francis E. Walter 
(appearance noted in transcript). 

Mr. Jackson. The committee will be in order. 

Let the record show that the members of the appointed subcom- 
mittee are present and, in addition, Mr. Scherer is here. 

I am sorry for any inconvenience that may have been caused by 
virtue of the call to the floor. 

Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

TESTIMONY OF LOUIS HARAP, ACCOMPANIED BY HIS COUNSEL, 

JOSEPH FORER— Resumed 

Mr. Kunzig. Dr. Harap, since there was a slight break here in the 
testimony due to the necessity of going over to the floor of Congress, 
I would like to ask again, so that the record is clear. I am asking you 
whether you have ever been a managing editor of a publication called 
Jewish Life, issued monthly by the Morning Freiheit Association? 

Mr. Harap. I answered that question ; that is to say, that question 
was put before the recess and I said then, and I say now, that I refuse 
to answer that question on all the grounds which I stated before. 

Mr. Kunzig. Now, Mr. Chairman, since the Jewish Life is a publi- 
cation which anyone may purchase and is issued monthly, as it states on 
its own masthead, by the Morning Freiheit Association, and since it is 
published right on that masthead that the editor is Louis Harap, I can- 
not see how an answer can incriminate this witness, and I ask you to 
to direct the witness to answer the question. 

Mr. Jackson. Yes, I believe that before the recess the witness was 
requested to answer the question and declined. However," I will 
again direct that the witness answer the question. 

(At this point Mr. Harap conferred with Mr. Forer.) 

Mr. Harap. I refuse to answer that question as I stated before, on 
the grounds, on several grounds which I before indicated. 

Mr. Kunzig. Now, Mr. Chairman, for the record, I want to state 
that I have here copies of several issues of Jewish Life issued monthly 
by the Morning Freheit Association — May 1940,. April 1950; here 
is a November 1040, November 1048 — all of which state directly 
on the page listing the editorial board the name Louis Harap, manag- 
ing editor. 

I also wish to state for the record 

Mr. Clardy. Will you pause right there, counsel ? 

Mr. Kunzig. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Clardy. I would like to have you ask one question concerning 
that. Perhaps I can ask it. 

Mr. Kunzig. All right. 



1904 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Clardy. You have heard the dates read by counsel, Witness. 
Were you in fact, as the masthead indicates, the managing editor of 
that magazine during the period covered by the editions identified? 

Mr. Harap. The answer is the same, Mr. Clardy. I refuse to answer 
on the grounds stated. 

Mr. Kunzig. I have here, also, Mr. Chairman, a copy of the Daily 
Peoples World of Tuesday, January 29, 1952, which refers to an article 
by Louis Harap in the same Jewish Life, and also one Monday, De- 
cember 1, 1952, a copy of the Daily People's World, which again re- 
fers to an article by the same Louis Harap in the December issue 
of the progressive monthly, Jewish Life. 

Now, also, for the record, the Morning Freiheit has been cited, one, 
a Communist Yiddish daily by Attorney General Francis Biddle, in 
the Congressional Record, September 24, 1942 ; the Special Committee 
on Un-American Activities, March 29, 1944, said "The Freiheit has 
been one of the rankest organs of Communist propaganda in this 
country for almost a quarter of a century." It has also been cited 
by the California Committee on Un-American Activities and the 
Massachusetts Committee on Un-American Activities. 

The Daily People's World has been cited by the Special Committee 
on Un-American Activities, March 29, 1944, as the official organ of 
the Communist Party on the West Coast; also cited by the California 
Committee on Un-American Activities. 

Mr. Harap. I would like to say that — — 

Mr. Kunzig. There is no question before the witness. 

Now, I have here in front of me a copy of the Daily Worker, New 
York, Thursday, February 5, 1953, and I ask you if you were the 
Louis Harap who wrote an article therein entitled 

(Representative Harold H. Velde entered the hearing room at this 
point.) 

Mr. Kunzig (continuing). "The Evidence Against Zionist Leaders, 
the Truth About the Prague Trial"? 

Mr. Harap. I refuse to answer that question on the same grounds 
as I stated before, and I might say I think this 

Mr. Kunzig. He refuses to answer the question. I don't think 
there is any necessity to have further comments. 

Mr. Vei.de. No. If you answer the question, I think, certainly, it 
has been the rule of the acting chairman that you would be allowed 
to explain and make further statements, but upon refusing to answer 
the question I see no reason to be bothered with further harangue. 

Mr. Kunzig. I have a copy of the Daily Worker, Monday, Febru- 
ary 16, 1953, in which there is an article entitled "The Truth About 
the Prague Trial, Number Ten," and the heading is "United States In- 
telligence Used Nazi Gestapo List to Recruit Spies in East Europe," 
an article written by Louis Harap. 

Are you the Louis Harap that wrote that article? 

Mr. Harap. I refuse to answer that question on the same grounds. 

Mr. Kunzig. Did you attend the Prague trials on which you base 
this knowledge? 

(At this point Mr. Harap conferred with Mr. Forer.) 

Mr. Harap. No. 

Mr. Kunzig. Where did you get the story on which basis the article 
is written ? 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1905 

Mr. Harap. I have read everything ; I am very much interested in 
that, as we explained this morning, and I read whatever I could get 
my hands on relating to the Prague trial. 

Mr. Ktjnzig. So you did write the article? 

Mr. Harap. I didn't say I wrote the article, Mr. Kunzig. I said 
I was interested in these articles, as I expressed this morning, and 
did in fact study the Prague trial. 

Mr. Kunzig. In the Daily Worker, February 12, 1953, there is an 
article called "The Truth About the Prague Trial, Number Nine," 
entitled "The Defendants and Their Crimes," written by Louis Harap, 
and it lists here that Dr. Louis Harap is managing editor of Jewish 
Life, as stated in each of the articles. 

Are you the person who wrote that article in the February 12 is- 
sue, 1953? 

Mr. Harap. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Kunzig. There is an advertisement in the February 5, 1953, 
issues as follows : 

Pamphlet Tells Truth About Prague Trial 

An examination of the charge of anti-Semitism and the Zionist involvement 
in the recent Prague trial of the Slansky group, as well as details of the trial 
itself are contained in a comprehensive pamphlet, the truth about the trial, 
issued by Jewish Life, progressive monthly. Author of the pamphlet is Louis 
Harap, managing editor of the magazine; pamphlet sells for 10 cents. Bundle 
orders — 

and so forth — 

can be obtained. 

Are you the Dr. Louis Harap who wrote the Truth About the 
Prague Trial? 

Mr. Harap. I refuse to answer on the grounds stated before, and 
I think this is an inquisition into the press, and I don't see what the 
committee is inquisiting the press for. 

Mr. Kunzig. At this stage we usually put the citation of the organi- 
zation we are discussing. I think there is no need to quote the cita- 
tion of the Daily Worker. 

Mr. Jackson. No. 

Mr. Clardy. I move that he be directed to answer the question 
because, again, it is the same problem presented by refusal to answer 
prior questions concerning this Jewish Life. 

Mr. Jackson. I think the direction is probably redundant, but I 
will direct that the witness answer the question. 

Mr. Harap. I refuse to answer, as I have before, on the same 
grounds. 

Mr. Jackson. Very well. 

Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Kunzig. Dr. Harap, did you ever write for a publication en- 
titled "Soviet Russia Today," specifically, in the 1937 November 
edition? 

(At this point Mr. Harap conferred with Mr. Forer.) 

Mr. Forer. Do you have the edition there so we can check ? 

Mr. Kunzig. November 27; certainly. I will be glad to point it 
out to you so you can see exactly what you wrote. 

(At this point Mr. Harap conferred with Mr. Forer.) 

Mr. Harap. Yes ; I wrote that article. 



1906 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Clardt. What article is this again ? 

Mr. Kunzig. An article entitled "Where Philosophy Counts." It is 
discussing philosophy in the Soviet Union, and so forth. 

The purpose of presenting this, Mr. Chairman, is that Soviet Russia 
Today, the magazine in which this was printed — this article — has been 
cited as a Communist front by the Special Committee on Un-American 
Activities, March 29, 1944; also in 1942. That is, of course, several 
years after the time this article appeared, but it was because of the 
articles and such articles that appeared in that publication that the 
publication, of course, was cited. 

Mr. Jackson. The Chair would like to ask a question at that point. 

Upon whose solicitation was that article written ? 

(At this point Mr. Harap conferred with Mr. Forer.) 

Mr. Harap. Well, I tell you, it was really a long time ago. My 
memory is very hazy about this. I don't remember a great deal. 

Mr. Clardy. What year was it ? 

Mr. Kunzig. 1937, Mr. Clardy. 

Mr. Jackson. You don't recall whether or not the article was so- 
licited or whether you offered it to the publication for 

Mr. Harap. I don't recall ; it is all very hazy in my mind. 

Mr. Kunzig. Are you the Louis Harap who wrote an article in 
Science and Society, fall of 1950? 

Mr. Forer. Could we check that ? 

Mr. Harap. I refuse to answer that question on the same grounds 
as I have previously stated. 

Mr. Kunzig. Science and Society, for the record, has been cited as 
a Communist publication by the Special Committee on Un-American 
Activities, March 29, 1944; it has also been cited by the California 
and the Massachusetts Committees on Un-American Activities. 

Mr. Jackson. May 1 ask, Dr. Harap, did you write any other 
articles for Soviet Russia Today ? 

(At this point Mr. Harap conferred with Mr. Forer.) 

Mr. Harap. Yes ; I don't recall any other articles that I wrote for 
that publication. 

Mr. Jackson. That is the only one that you recall ? 

Mr. Harap. So far as I can remember, that is the only one. 

Mr. Scherer. May I interrupt a minute, Mr. Counsel and Chair- 
man? 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Scherer. 

Mr. Scherer. I have before me this issue of Jewish Life dated May 
1949, to which Mr. Kunzig, the counsel, referred just a few minutes 
ago in which the witness appears as the managing editor. 

It does not say who wrote the following article which I am going 
to quote from, but I am going to ask whether or not you wrote this 
yourself or if you know who wrote it. 

It says : 

Tbagi-Comedy on Foley Square 

While Judge Harold Medina smugly presides over the case of the 11 Com- 
munist leaders on trial in Foley Square, the structure of American liberties dis- 
integrates rapidly. Every day brings news of the violation of traditional demo- 
cratic rights in this city, in that college, in that State, North, South, East, West. 
In Maryland, a hysterical legislature outlaws the Communist Party in the most 
Fascist-like legislative act since hysteria first struck this country. 

Did you write that article? 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1907 

Mr. Harap. I refuse to answer that question on the grounds pre- 
viously stated. 
Mr. Suherer. Do you approve of that statement now as I read it? 
(At this point Mr. Harap conferred with Mr. Foley.) 
Mr. Harap. Yes ; I think that is fairly accurate. I would say that 
there are many people now, more people than at the time that article 
was written, who agree that this disintegration of our civil liberties 
has extended pretty far, and I think that that is a true statement. 

Mr. Scherer. With reference to Judge Medina presiding over the 
trial of 11 Communists; do you think that is a true statement? 
Mr. Harap. Yes ; I think it is a true statement. 
Mr. Kunzig. Do you know Albert Maltz, M-a-1-t-z ? 
(At this point Mr. Harap conferred with Mr. Forer.) 
Mr. Harap. I refuse to answer that question on the same grounds. 
Mr. Kunzig. Albert Maltz, Mr. Chairman, for the record, was one 
of the Hollywood Ten who refused to answer questions of this com- 
mittee in 1947 and who subsequently were cited for contempt, indicted 
by a grand jury on December 5, 1947, and sentenced to 1 year and 
$1,000 fine. 

Were you, Dr. Harap, associated together with this Albert Maltz 
in the management of the Jewish Survey, a magazine of which I have 
a copy, December 1942, in my hand at this moment ? 
Mr. Harap. I decline to answer that question on the same grounds. 
Mr. Kunzig. Did you take part in a meeting on Wednesday, April 
16, 1952, entitled "A Tribute to the Warsaw Ghetto Fighters," pre- 
sented by Jewish Life, the same publication already mentioned as 
coming from the Morning Freiheit, together with Morris Carnovsky 
and Morris Schappes, S-c-h-a-p-p-e-s? 

Mr. Harap. I refuse to answer that question on the grounds already 
stated. 

Mr. Kunzig. Do you know Morris Carnovsky, who is listed in this 
handbill as having appeared in the grand ballroom of the Hotel 
Diplomat together with you on Wednesday, April 16, 1952 ? 
(At this point Mr. Harap conferred with Mr. Forer.) 
Mr. Harap. Mr. Chairman, I refuse to answer on the grounds pre- 
viously stated. 

Mr. Kunzig. For the record, Morris Carnovsky has been identified 
as a Communist before this committee by Marc Lawrence, April 24, 
1951 ; Leo Townsend, September 18, 1951 ; Charles Daggett, January 
21, 1952, and also by others in executive session. 

Morris Schappes has been identified as a Communist by Harvey 
Matusow, former member of the Communist Party, New York, prin- 
cipally in youth groups, and identified by Schappes in public session, 
February 6, 1952. 

Did you write in the Worker of May 21, 1950, a review of a book 
by A. B. Magil, entitled "Israel in Crisis"? 

Mr. Harap. I refuse to answer that question on the grounds already 
stated. 

Mr. Kunzig. This is a review of Israel in Crisis, a book written by 
A. B. Magil, who has been identified as a Communist by Granville 
Hicks, June 16, 1952, before this committee, and the review is written 
in the Worker, and I believe there is no necessity to go into citations of 
that publication. 



1908 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Did you, Dr. Harap, ever teach or give any lectures at the School 
of Jewish Studies, 575 Sixth Avenue, Jefferson School Building, Room 
301, New York? 

Mr. Harap. I refuse to answer that question on the same grounds. 

Mr. Kunzig. Did you lecture there with Mike Gold, Howard Fast, 
Morris Schappes, and others? 

Mr. Harap. I refuse to answer the question on the same grounds. 

Mr. Kunzig. The School of Jewish Studies has been cited as an 
adjunct in New York City of the Communist Party by Attorney 
General Tom Clark in 1947. 

This school and lecture series listing the name of Louis Harap is in 
the-Daily Worker of Tuesday, April 18, 1950. 

(At this point Mr. Harap conferred with Mr. Forer.) 

Mr. Kunzig. Did you ever write any articles for the New Masses, 
Dr. Harap ? 

Mr. Harap. This strikes me as the kind of inquisition 

Mr. Kunzig. Just answer the question. 

Mr. Harap. About publications 

Mr. Kunzig. Did you or did you not ever write any articles for the 
publication New Masses? 

Mr. Jackson. The charge laid upon the committee is to investigate 
the nature and extent of Communist and other propaganda activity. 
Obviously, the written word is one of the chief weapons of the Com- 
munist Party. Therefore, the questions which relate to your articles 
or articles which you are alleged to have written are certainly relevant 
and material as far as this interrogation is concerned. 

Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Kunzig. Mr. Chairman, I have in my hand a copy of the New 
Masses, October 7, 1947, in which there is an article by one Louis Harap. 
New Masses has been cited as a Communist periodical by Attorney 
General Francis Biddle, Congressional Record, September 24, 1942. 
It is cited as — 

A nationally circulated weekly journal of the Communist Party whose owner- 
ship was vested in the American Fund for Public Service — 

by the Special Committee on Un-American Activities, March 29, 1944. 
It has also been cited by the California and Massachusetts Committees 
on Un-American Activities. 

Did you ever write an article, Dr. Harap, for a publication entitled, 
"Masses and Mainstream" ? 

Mr. Harap. I refuse to answer that question on the same grounds 
and, Mr. Chairman, you said before that — it seems to me that my 
understanding was that the function of this committee is to investigate 
un-American activities. Now, there are many, many un-American 
activities, genuine un-American activities, in the sense that they are 
against the welfare and the civil liberties of the United States, like 
anti-Semitism and Fascist activities, and so on, which this committee 
apparently is not interested in. 

Mr. Jackson. Dr. Harap, I will remind you that you are here today 
because you have been identified on several occasions as a member of 
the Communist Party. That is the only reason you are called. That 
is the only phase we are investigating at this time. 

Mr. Harap. Have there been any other matters the committee has 
investigated ? 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1909 

Mr. Jackson. Yes; we have investigated thoroughly into the Ger- 
man-American Bund. 

Mr. HARAr. That was many years ago. 

Mr. Jackson. The finding of the highest court in the land is that 
the clear and present danger is the Communist Party. For that reason 
we are presently engaged in an investigation of the Communist Party. 
It may very well be that other activities will be investigated by this 
committee. The questions being asked you regarding Communist 
Party activities are directly related to articles written by you and 
having to do with Communist propaganda. That is the phase we are 
investigating today. 

Mr. Kunzig. I have a copy in my hands of Masses and Mainstream 
of April 1950, in which there is an article signed by Louis Harap, 
one Louis Harap, and Masses and Mainstream is listed as a Marxist 
quarterly launched by the Communist Party in January 1947 for 
the avowed purpose of stimulating Marxist thinking in literature 
and the creative arts. It later merged with New Masses, the weekly 
journalistic voice of the Communist Party, and it was so cited by 
the California Committee on Un-American Activities. 

Masses and Mainstream has also been cited by this committee as 
a successor to New Masses, a Communist magazine, on April 26, 
1950. 

Mr. Harap. I refuse to answer that question on the same grounds. 

Mr. Forer. It wasn't a question. 

Mr. Harap. I am sorry. 

Mr. Kunzig. It was not a question, but I realize it is virtually 
automatic. 

Mr. Jackson. There is no question pending at the moment. 

Mr. Clardy. No answer, either, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Kunzig. Turning back for the moment to the trial of 11 Com- 
munists, otherwise known as the Medina famous trial conducted by 
Judge Medina, were you a member of a delegation which is listed 
here as Louis Harap, member of a delegation to Judge Medina to 
protest the handling of the trial ? 

Mr. Harap. I refuse to answer that on the same grounds, and I 
might say that Mr. Jackson's statement that the Communist Party 
is a clear and present danger is, of course, a decision of the majority, 
but there is a decision of the minority which dissented, and I think 
it is the privilege of the chairman to stress that majority decision, 
but it has been proved in the past that many of the most crucial ones 
became the majority opinion. 

Mr. Sciierer. Aren't we fighting Communists on the hills of 
Korea? Aren't they shooting Americans at this very moment? So 
you say communism isn't a present danger. How can we be so dumb ? 

Mr. Harap. There is shooting going on on both sides, and what we 
want now is to stop shooting. 

Mr. Scherer. I say, a Communist in this country is considered 
to be more dangerous than a thousand of them shooting boys openly 
on the battlefields of Korea. 

Mr. Jackson. Let the Chair say this is no question of a right to 
dissent. You have by your answers today, or, more properly speaking, 
failure to answer, dissented in many instances. That hasn't been 
brought into question. Your constitutional right to dissent hasn't 

30172— 53— pt. 6 6 



1910 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

been questioned, nor has your refusal to answer been questioned by 
any member of the committee. The matter of your right to dissent is 
quite well protected, I think, by the committee. 

Mr. Haraf. I think the activities of the committee 

Mr. Clardy. May I make an observation ? 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. Clardy. 

Mr. Clardy. May I point out to the witness that until the minority 
opinion of the Supreme Court becomes the majority it is the duty of 
good, law-abiding citizens to abide by the decision of the majority of 
the court, and what you are suggesting and proposing, sir, is that you 
disregard the law as established by the majority because you wish 
your will to triumph. 

That is all I wish to say. 

Mr. Harap. I don't wish to triumph at all. 

Mr. Jackson. Very well. 

Counsel, proceed. 

(At this point Mr. Harap conferred with Mr. Forer.) 

Mr. Kunzig. To finish that statement on which I had just started 
asking questions, I have a copy of the Daily Worker, New York, Fri- 
day, August 5, 1949, which has a lengthy article about delegates to 
Judge Medina protesting, and so forth, against the judge's action in 
jailing leaders of the Communist Party, and one of those in attend- 
ance, according to the Daily Worker, is Louis Harap. 

Mr. Scherer. I don't like to comment too much, Mr. Chairman, but 
the witness has objected to the procedures of this committee, objected 
to the Medina trial, and here in his publication he also says this about 
another trial : 

The death house at the State prison at Trenton, N. J., seals off from the world 
six men to die in the electric chair for the crime of being Negroes. Six thousand 
ijages of their trial record reveal one of the most startling cases of legal lynch- 
ing on the books. 

So I don't know what trial in American courts he agrees with. 

Mr. Jackson. That is what is generally known as freedom of speech. 

Mr. Scherer. I understand that, but I think we have a right to 
point out what a man does say and what a man does say and what 
a man does believe in view of his statement about this committee. 

Mr. Jackson. That is correct. 

Mr. Kunzig. Mr. Harap, did you speak at an open forum on chau- 
vinism and culture, Friday evening, August 13, 1948, before the 
siudent section of the Communist Party itself as listed in the Daily 
Worker of Wednesday, August 11, 1948? 

Mr. Harap. I decline to answer that on the same grounds. 

Mr. Kunzig. Did you speak before the Communist Party of Browns- 
ville on Thursday, April 28, 1949, as listed in the Daily Worker of 
that day, listing Louis Harap, managing editor of Jewish Life? 

Mr. Harap. I decline to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Kunzig. Now, perhaps of more current interest, Dr. Harap, 
did you write an article in the Worker of January 20, 1952, entitled 
"Anti-Semitism and the Rosenbergs," the effect of which article was 
to make it clear, or suggest very strongty, that the only reason for 
the death sentence of the Rosenbergs was because of anti-Semitism ? 

Are you the Louis Harap who wrote that article in the January 20 
issue, 1952, of the Worker? 

Mr. Harap. I decline to answer the question on the same grounds. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1911 

Mr. Kunzig. Did you on Thursday, June 26, 1952, in the Daily 
Worker, write an article entitled "The Ominous Aspect of the Rosen- 
berg Death Sentence," by Louis Harap ? Are you the Louis Harap ? 

Mr. Harap. I decline to answer the question on the same grounds. 

Mr. Kunzig. Did you, in the Daily People's World of Friday, March 
21, 1952, write another article entitled "Anti-Semitism in the Rosen- 
berg Spy Case," by Louis Harap? Are you the Louis Harap who 
wrote that article ? 

Mr. Harap. I decline to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Kunzig. Mr. Chairman, there is much other material here 
indicating articles written from the Marxist viewpoint of art, articles 
in the Daily Worker, articles in various other publications here. I 
think it is rather apparent that the witness is going to take the fifth 
amendment as to any and all of these articles and, therefore, I respect- 
fully suggest that there is perhaps no further reason in citing them 
in addition. 

Mr. Jackson. The Chair has one question. The science pam- 
phlet — may I see that? 

Is it my understanding that this pamphlet has been cited and appears 
in the Guide to Subversive Organizations? 

Mr. Kunzig. Yes ; I think we listed that ; if not 

Mr. Jackson. May I ask, Dr. Harap, what distinction you make 
between answering to a question having to do with an article in Soviet 
Russia Today, and refusing to answer the same question having to 
do with an article appearing in Science and Society 

(Representative Francis E. Walter entered the hearing room at this 
point.) 

Mr. Jackson (continuing). Both of which publications have been 
cited by the committee or by the Attorney General of the United 
States? 

Mr. Harap. I decline to answer that on the grounds previously 
stated. 

Mr. Jackson. Did you know that Science and Society had been 
cited? 

Mr. Harap. I wasn't sure ; no. 

Mr. Jackson. Did you know Soviet Russia Today had been cited? 

Mr. Harap. Well, so many publications are cited that one can't keep 
up with it. I wouldn't be able to say for certain about any of these 
things. 

Mr. Jackson. Do you have any questions, Mr. Clardy ? 
Mr. Clardy. No. 
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Scherer? 
Mr. Scherer. No. 
Mr. Jackson. Mr. Walter? 
Mr. Walter. No questions. 

Mr. Jackson. Is there any reason why the witness should not be 
excused ? 

Mr. Kunzig. No, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Jackson. The subcommittee stands in adjournment. 

(Whereupon, at 2 : 35 p. m., the hearing was adjourned.) 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION 
(Education— Part 6) 



WEDNESDAY, JULY 1, 1953 

United States House of Representatives, 

Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D. G. 

PUBLIC HEARING 

The Committee on Un-American Activities met, pursuant to call, 
at 10 : 42 a. m., in the Caucus Room, 362, Old House Office Building, 
Hon. Harold H. Velde (chairman) presiding. 

Committee members present : # Representatives Harold H. Velde, Kit 
Clardy, Gordon H. Scherer, Francis E. Walter, and Clyde Doyle. 

Staff members present : Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., counsel ; Louis J. 
Russell, chief investigator; Thomas W. Beale, Sr., chief clerk; George 
E. Cooper and James Andrews, investigators. 

Mr. Velde. The meeting will come to order. 

Let the record show that present are Mr. Clardy, Mr. Scherer, Mr. 
Walter, Mr. Doyle, and Mr. Velde as chairman. There is a quorum 
of the full committee. 

Before proceeding with the next witness, Mr. Counsel, I want to 
read into the record a letter and two resolutions which refute some of 
the statements made by the witness we had yesterday, Dr. Louis Harap. 

The letter is on the stationery of the American Jewish Committee, 
and reads as follows : 

The American Jewish Committee 

New York 16, N. Y. 

(Washington Counsel, Marcus Colin, Washington 6, D. C.) 

June 30, 1953. 
Hon. Harold H. Velde, 

House of Representatives, Washington, D. G. 

Dear Mr. Velde: The false statements made yesterday (June 29) to an open 
session of your committee by Louis Harap prompts us to place before you our 
views exposing the Communist propaganda employed by him. 

The American Jewish Committee, as a nationwide organization which has 
pioneered in fighting anti-Semitism the world over and in advancing human 
rights, believes that through this statement to you it can express some measure 
of the outrage which American Jews, like so many of their fellow citizens of all 
faiths, must feel at Harap's attempt to exploit your committee's platform to 
impugn American democracy and its treatment of the diverse groups constituting 
our population. 

Louis Harap speaks for himself and for Communists. He is no more a spokes- 
man for the religious group he seeks to exploit than for the democracy he pro- 
fesses to support, for Judaism and communism are utterly incompatible. His 
injection of the false charge of anti-Semitism into your committee's investigation 
of Communists is a studied Communist maneuver in the long-standing attempt to 

1913 



1914 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

besmirch American treatment of its religious and racial groups while praising 
the Soviet Union. As such this maneuver should be exposed as a brazen design 
to hide from the world communism's long standing campaign against minority 
groups, their religions and culture. 

We share what must be a common concern among your fellow Congressmen 
and among all thoughtful Americans about Harap's use of your committee as a 
platform for the worldwide circulation of Communist propaganda. To help defeat 
these distortions we shall be glad to place at your disposal all our published 
findings on the treatment of minorities behind the Iron Curtain including advance 
galleys of our forthcoming book, the Jews in the Soviet Satellite. Compiled by 
experts and based upon personal documents and eye-witness accounts, it exposes 
Communist treatment of Jews in Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, Rumania, and 
Bulgaria. This companion volume to the Jews in the Soviet Union (the latter 
was published in 1951 and is being transmitted to you under separate cover) is 
but the latest carefully documented study in a series which the American Jewish 
Committee has published since 194S on Communist assaults on Jewish life abroad. 

For the benefit of the American people and to help maintain America's rightful 
place as a leader in the promotion of human rights and better interfaith under- 
standing we ask that you (1) include this statement and the attached resolutions 
in your committee's record and (2) make this statement exposing Harap's 
slanders available to the American public. 
With appreciation, 

Irving M. Engel, 
Chairman, Executive Committee. 

The resolution entitled "Declaration of Communist Anti-Semitism 
Adopted at the 46th Annual Meeting, of the American Jewish Com- 
mittee, January 30, February 1, 1953," is as follows : 

Anti-Semitism has long been present in the internal policies of Moscow and its 
subjugated countries. The injection of anti-Semitism into the trial of renegade 
Jews, who had espoused communism, is renewed evidence that the anti-Semitism 
of Stalin is similar to the anti-Semitism of Hitler. 

The Jews are not the first to suffer. The doctrine of group guilt and group 
annihilation has long been ruthlessly applied by the Soviet masters to social 
classes, ethnic minorities, and religious groups. Members of all religious groups 
have been persecuted and their churches destroyed. The Catholic Church has 
been the object of special persecution, culminating in the recent infamous 
imprisonment and execution of Catholic priests. 

Communism has long done its utmost to destroy the spiritual life of all groups, 
like the Jews, who by reason of their religious belief or cultural heritage do not 
yield to its total domination. Now, the Jews, like others, face the threat of 
imprisonment, starvation, exposure, and execution. 

Anti-Semitism is for the Communist rulers not an end in itself, but a tactic. 
It is not the Jews only they seek to destroy. Stalin's attack upon the Jews is a 
bid for support from all Fascist forces in Germany, in Western Europe, in the 
Near East, and in Latin America, looking ultimately to the conquest of America 
and the entire free world. As with Hitler, anti-Semitism is again being used 
to unite the enemies of democracy. 

The American Jewish Committee appeals to free men the world over to 
denounce this new threat to humanity. 

The second resolution issued by the American Jewish Committee is 
on the subject of anti-Semitism and religious persecution, adopted by 
the executive committee May 3, 1953, and reads as follows : 

In an open confession of guilt the new regime in the U. S. S. R. has quashed 
the patently fabricated case against the Moscow doctors and has acknowledged 
that it was designed to promote anti-Semitism. 

This case has produced a profound revulsion in world public opinion since the 
world has learned from the Nazis what an official program of anti-Semitism 
portends to all religious and ethnic minorities. 

The American Jewish Committee points out that although the fantastic case 
against the doctors has been dropped, there is no evidence of the abandonment of 
the discriminatory and repressive policies pursued for many years by the Soviet 
Union and its satellites against Jews and other religious and ethnic groups. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1915 

In Poland, Hungary, and other satellite countries, purges of the few remaining 
Jewish institutions continues. Absurd charges against Jews and Jewish organi- 
zations continue to be hurled by the Soviet bloc representatives in the United 
Nations and in the Soviet and satellite press. The policy of suppressing Jewish 
coinrnunal and cultural organizations initiated a number of years ago remains 
in effect. Immigration from satellite countries has been completely stopped. 
In short, the fundamental policies and attitudes of the Soviet Union and tbe 
satellite countries towards Jews and Judaism have not changed. 

Recent reports from some of the satellite countries, particularly East Germany, 
indicate that the equally abhorrent persecution of the Protestant and Catholic 
religious leadership is actually being intensified. 

Until all groups under the Soviet Union and its satellites are given religious 
freedom and full protection of their individual human rights, the American 
Jewish Committee will continue unabated its efforts to expose the striking 
variance between the Soviet Union's professed opposition to racial and religious 
discrimination and its actual practices. 

I believe that these resolutions and the letter express, of course, 
an opinion, but a great majority of the people who adhere to the 
Jewish faith here in the United States and Americans, if called to 
testify, if we were able to call all the members of this committee and 
other organizations of the Jewish faith, we would be able to definitely 
prove the statement I have just made. 

Mr. Walter. You might be interested in knowing that several 
weeks ago we were having some hearings on an immigration matter 
and the spokesman for various Jewish groups was asked the question 
by me because of the charge that the immigration act is anti-Semitic 
and the question was asked wherein it was anti-Semitic. He said it 
wasn't, but these charges are made by the same kind of people, the 
same Jews. 

Mr. Velde. I am sure that the gentleman is correct in his inter- 
pretation of the Jewish opinion regarding the McCarran-Walter bill. 

Proceed, Mr. Counsel. 

Mr. Tavenner. We have as a witness this morning, Mr. George 
Mayberry. 

Mr. Velde. In the testimony you are about to give before this com- 
mittee, do you swear that it will be the truth, the whole truth and 
nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Mayberry. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF GEORGE BEACH MAYBERRY 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your name, please, sir? 

Mr. Mayberry. George Beach Mayberry. I have dropped the 
Beach in the last 20 years because it confused my father and myself. 

Mr. Tavenner. Are you accompanied by counsel, Mr. Mayberry ? 

Mr. Mayberry. No ; I am not. 

Mr. Tavenner. It is the practice of the committee to explain to 
every witness that he has the right to counsel at any time during the 
course of the hearing and if there should be an occasion when you 
desire to consult counsel, an opportunity will be given you to do so. 

Mr. Mayberry. Surely. I hope no opportunity will arise. 

Mr. Clardy. May I make a slight correction ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Clardy. He has the privilege of having counsel not as a matter 
of constitutional right. 

Mr. Tavenner. That is correct, 

When and where were you born, Mr. Mayberry ? 



1916 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Mayberry. I was born in East Orange, N. J., on July 29, 1913. 

Mr. Tavenner. Where do you now reside ? 

Mr. Mayberry. At 369 North Grove Street, East Orange, N. J. 

Mr. Tavenner. What is your occupation? 

Mr. Mayberry. I am a free lance editor and writer. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, what your for- 
mal educational training has been? 

Mr. Mayberry. The East Orange high schools; at Williams College 
from 1930 to 1932 ; Princeton University, 1932 to 1934, and Harvard 
University from 1935 to, I think it was 1942. You can check on that 
in the record, when I got my doctor's degree from Harvard, because 
I am not sure myself. 

Mr. Tavenner. When did you begin your graduate studies at 
Harvard? 

Mr. Mayberry. In 1936. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, what your 
record of employment has been? 

Mr. Mayberry. Well, let me see, starting in the year 1936 or 1937, 
I became an instructor at Harvard, not on the faculty. That is a dif- 
ferent system. They have part-time instructors who are not on the 
faculty, and as a matter of fact, in all my career at Harvard I was 
never on the faculty, but I was a part-time instructor at Harvard. 

Mr. Tavenner. In what field ? 

Mr. Mayberry. In English literature. But the following year, 
which was 1938 — and you will have to correct me on that — in 1938 I 
became a tutor at Harvard, tutor and assistant. I assisted in various 
departments. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was that a new plan just put into effect at Harvard 
at that time known as the tutor system? 

Mr. Mayberry. Oh, no; the tutor system had been there for a long 
time. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was there some phase or branch of that work which 
was put into effect for the first time in 1938? 

Mr. Mayberry. Oh, no. It had been there for a long time. I think 
it started when Charles W. Eliot was president, and he was dead 
long before I got there. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long did you engage in work as tutor and as- 
sistant at Harvard ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Either 1941 or 1942, and you can look up the dates 
to get them right, because I am very bad on dates. 

Mr. Tavenner. How were you employed after 1942? 

Mr. Mayberry. Well, in 1942 I was unemployed, either late in 1942 
or early in 1943, and again you can check to find out, I went to work in 
New York for the New Republic magazine. I remained there until, 
I think, about 1948. As I said before, since then I have been a free- 
lance editor and writer. 

Mr. Tavenner. W T hat has been the general nature of your work as 
a free-lance writer? 

Mr. Mayberry. Mainly book reviews for the New York Times and 
also editing those 25-cent pocket books. I have done four of them and 
am working on one now. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long have you engaged in making book reviews 
for the New York Times? Over what years? 

Mr. Mayberry. The last 3 years. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1917 

Mr. Tavenner. Mr. Mayberry, during the period of time that you 
were at Harvard University either as an undergraduate 

Mr. Mayberry. T was not an undergraduate. 

Mr. Tavenner. You were not ? 

Mr. Mayberry. No, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. While at Harvard University between 1935 and 
1912, were you aware of the existence of a Communist Party group 
or cell located either within the student body or within the graduate 
group or the faculty of Harvard University '( 

Mr. Mayberry. Now you have given me three choices there. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes ; three choices. 

Mr. Mayberry. I will say "yes" to all. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes to all three? 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Velde. Let me get this straight. In what capacity were you 
serving during those years from 1935 to 1942? 

Mr. Mayberry. I was a part-time graduate student and at the same 
time teaching, not on the faculty but as an assistant to members of the 
faculty. I think that is as clear as I can make it. 

Mr. Tavenner. I believe you told us that you were an instructor in 
1936 and then in 1938 became a tutor and assistant? 

Mr. Mayberry. No; I think you have those dates wrong there. 
Maybe I stated them wrong. I became a tutor in 1936. I may have 
given you the wrong information. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell us just what you consider to be correct ? 

Mr. Mayberry. As nearly as I can remember, let me see, there was a 
year completely out of my life where I was unemployed and went to 
Europe for a while, and that was in 1935, and in the fall of 1936 I 
went to Harvard, and at first I was a graduate assistant in English, so 
it was in the fall of 1936 that I was given an assistantship and also made 
a tutor at the Leverett House. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, the nature of 
your awareness of the existence of a Communist Party group at Har- 
vard, your first awareness of that matter ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Well, I knew very well it existed, because of my left- 
wing activity in the Teachers' Union. I was approached by the 
Communist Party to join the group, which I did, as far as I know. 

Mr. Tavenner. What year was that, please ? 

Mr. Mayberry. I would say that was 1936, but I am not sure. 

Mr. Tavenner. At the time that you were approached by the Com- 
munist Party to become a member, did you hold any official position 
in the Teachers' Union ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Not that I know of. At one time or another I was 
a member of the executive board of the Teachers' Union. 

Mr. Tavenner. But not at the time that you were requested to be- 
come a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Mayberry. I don't know. I frankly don't know. 

Mr. Tavenner. Who approached you and asked you to become a 
member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Mayberry. I hate to say it, but it was a guy named Louis 
Harap. 

Mr. Scherer. What was that name? 

Mr. Mayberry. Harap. 



1918 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you proceed to describe how you became a 
member ? 

Mr. Mayberry. As nearly as I can remember, and as I say this is 
16 or 17 years ago, Harap and I were walking back from an afternoon 

£arty at somebody's place, whose name I cannot remember at all, and 
lOuis said, "You seem to vote within the Teachers' Union the way we 
vote, and I understand that you have very strong leftwing sympa- 
thies. How about coming around to a meeting?" 

And that is all there was to it. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you attend the meeting? 

Mr. Mayberry. I attended the meeting. 

Mr. Tavenner. Where was the meeting held ? 

Mr. Mayberry. At the apartment of Robert Gorham Davis. The 
address I cannot remember right now, but you can check that too. 

Mr. Tavenner. How long did you remain a member of that group 
of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Until the spring of 1938. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, during that 
period of time what was the main objective of this group of the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Mayberry. Well, without going into a long historical back- 
ground of radicalism in Cambridge, Mass., I will try to narrow it 
down to this simple thing; we were to work in mass organization and 
our immediate mass organization was the Harvard Teachers' Union 
which had different names at different times. At one time it was the 
Cambridge Teachers' Union, and we were to get our point across as 
well as we could. 

Outside of that the one thing we did and did effectively, and I am 
very proud of it still, we published a pamphlet on anti-Semitism. 
Anyone reading it today would never detect that that was a Com- 
munist document, but it was. We did that. Of course, I am talking 
in the frame of reference as a popular front, and that was why I left 
the Communist Party. When the Communist Party dropped out 
of the People's Front I dropped out too. 

Mr. Tavenner. I will ask you presently about your reasons for 
leaving the Communist Party. 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Tavenner. At this point I want to find out just what it was 
that the Communist Party was interested in achieving at Harvard 
University and the method they used to achieve their objectives. 

Mr. Mayberry. It was all working within the Teachers' Union. 
There were other things, but very peripheral. There was a bookshop, 
the Holyoke Book Shop, and I don't know where the money came 
from, but it was obviously a Communist bookshop. 

Then I voluntarily taught one semester at the Boston Central La- 
bor School, which I understand has also since then gone under various 
names. I taught a very innocuous course on modern American litera- 
ture. 

Mr. Tavenner. Returning now to the American Federation of 
Teachers, did you continue to be active in this organization after you 
became a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes; I must have, yes; the year I left Harvard 
was 1941 and I think I must have paid my dues up to that time, al- 
though I think it ceased to be the A. F. of L. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1919 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you describe to the committee, please, just 
how the Communist Party functioned in its effort to infiltrate the 
Teachers' Union and to influence its action? 

Mr. Mayberry. Let me narrow it down to one case and if you want 
more I can give you more, and I think this kind of thing is what you 
are interested in and what I am interested in. 

In the late fall of 1939 I had ceased going to Communist meetings 
and dropped out of it, but in 1939 there was a token bid by the Com- 
munists to pledge $5 to the Harvard undergraduate fight against 
arms to England. And at that Teachers' Union meeting I know a 
few people by that time left, and there must have been very few who 
were in favor of giving the undergraduates $5 to continue their cam- 
paign against arms to Britain. 

I went to that meeting and of course naturally by that time I was 
through with the Communists and also, I hate to say this as an Irish- 
man, but I was also in favor of arms to Britain as I had always been 
ever since that campaign started. 

The remnants of the Communist Party in Cambridge obviously 
were working there. They probably had a caucus beforehand and 
they had gotten out everybody they could get for whatever reasons 
to try to get this $5 committed to the students. That was the way they 
worked on any number of issues. 

Mr. Tavenner. At the Communist Party group within the Ameri- 
can Federation of Labor through various advance caucuses, they en- 
deavored to control the action of the Teachers' Union ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Exactly. That is standard practice in American 
politics, union politics. I am not defending it, but as a historian I 
am trying to explain that that is standard practice. That is what 
they did. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did the Communist Party, by the same method, 
endeavor to control the election of officers of the American Federation 
of Teachers ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Of course. All the other groups at the union did, 
too. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were they successful to any material extent in the 
decision as to who should be elected ? 

Mr. Mayberry. I think they lost every time. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did they caucus in the same manner and for the 
purpose of determining who should be delegates to the State and 
national conventions? 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you ever attend a national or a State convention 
at any time? 

Mr. Mayberry. No. I think in fairness let us get this clear. I was 
a known Communist and everybody who knew me knew I was a 
Communist during these 2y 2 years and the Communists are not so 
stupid that they would send me to a national convention. But so far 
as I know they never got anyone they really wanted to go to get elected 
to the convention. 

Mr. Tavenner. What other mass organizations did the Communist 
Party become active in at Harvard? 

Mr. Mayberry. Now, let me see, there was an organization — and 
you will have to check on this, too, because I never can remember 
those things — it may have been called Friends of the Spanish Republic. 



1920 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

I know I worked for that quite hard. It was not quite Friends of the 
Spanish Republic, but you will have to check on it. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, the nature of 
the work that the Harvard Communist group did? 

Mr. Mayberuy. To raise money for ambulances for the Spanish 
Republic. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was any effort made to recruit members for the 
war in Spain? 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes ; there was. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee about that, please? 

Mr. Mayberry. I was asked, for example, if I would go to Spain, 
and I said "No," because I had family obligations, and I was excused 
on those grounds by the party. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell us more in detail how the decisions 
were made to endeavor to recruit you for the war in Spain? 

Mr. Mayberry. Well, I guess either Bob Davis or Louis Harap, 
and I don't know which, and maybe it was another person asked me, 
"How do you feel about it ?" 

I said I would be willing to go, but I would have to have clearance 
from my own family, because my family comes first before the party. 
Beyond that I cannot remember the details, if there were any details. 
That just dropped. And when I was asked I said temporarily no. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, of any other 
work that this Communist Party cell was engaged in that you can 
recall ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Well, I told you about the Boston Labor School at 
which I taught. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the connection of the Communist Party 
group in Harvard with the Boston Labor School ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Well, there was one year there when Philip Frank- 
feld was the head of the Communist Party in New England or maybe 
just Massachusetts, I don't know, and it was suggested that they have 
a course in modern American literature, and I don't know who asked 
me, probably Davis because Davis did not want to appear publicly 
because he was not known to be a Communist on the campus, whereas 
I was known to be a Communist to everybody. It was no skin off my 
behind to go over to Boston and teach. 

Mr. Tavenner. What other names has that school had, to your 
knowledge ? 

Mr. Mayberry. I think later it was called the Samuel Adams 
School. 

Mr. Tavenner. Can you give us the names of any other persons 
who taught there while you were teaching ? 

Mr. Mayberry. No, I cannot; but you could very easily find out 
because they had a printed prospectus with the names of the teachers. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you recall whether George Markham taught 
there at that time ? 

Mr. Mayberry. I don't recall the name at all. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you meet any Communist Party groups at the 
school ? 

Mr. Mayberry. No; I just went there and gave my lecture and a 
one-half hour talk afterward, but I wouldn't know any names at all. 
That is the honest to God's truth there, as elsewhere in my whole 
testimony. i 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1921 

Mr. Tavenner. You spoke of the bookshop in Cambridge. Do you 
recall who operated the bookshop % 

Mr. Maybeery. There was a" little girl, there; you probably have 
her name there somewhere. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was it Margot Clark ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes ; Margot Clark, yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. What knowledge did you have of the connection of 
the Communist Party with that bookshop ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Well, I knew the Communists were very much in- 
terested in it and, well, do you want me to skip ahead of my testimony, 
because this is very important as to why I left the Communist Party. 

Mr. Tavenner. This is a good place to develop that point, so just 
proceed. 

Mr. Mayberry. I don't know whether Margot Clark was a Commu- 
nist ornot, but I knew very well it was a left-wing bookshop, Com- 
munist or otherwise, and I hope to make clear in my testimony that 
there are many brands of left-wing Americanisms which are not 
Communist. 

Margot Clark seemed to run the bookshop and I never saw her at 
any Communist meeting or activities, but I more or less assumed 
that she probably belonged either completely or as a fellow traveler 
within the Communist group. 

I was asked to help out and select the books to sell at the bookshop. 

Mr. Tavenner. You were asked by whom ? 

Mr. Mayberry. By Robert Davis and Louis Harap, if I would kind 
of drop by and tell Margot what books to buy and what books to push, 
which I thought was very stupid and no reason to it at all because it 
was an open bookshop. 

But one day a very good friend of mine dropped by and tried to 
get a copy of a book which he had seen the day before in the front 
window of the bookshop. Margot or one of the girls at the bookshop 
told him they were out of the book. So I went up to the bookstore 
and I got hold of Margot and I said "Margot, why isn't that book in 
the window?" She said "He is now an anti-Communist. We won't 
sell the book." 

Mr. Tavenner. That the author of the book was an anti-Commu- 
nist ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes ; the author of the book was Ignazio Silone, and 
the title of the book is Fontmara. 

Mr. Clardy. May I ask a question, Mr. Chairman ? 

Mr. Velde. Yes. 

Mr. Clardy. You mentioned Louis Harap's name as one of the two 
that you had consulted with, or one of the two who asked you to op- 
erate in the selection of the books. In doing that, in what capacity 
was he acting? What gave him any authority to put you on that job. 
so to speak ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Well, I was a frequenter of the bookstore even 
before I knew that it was a Communist or fellow traveler bookstore 
and I was friendly with the people in the bookstore. It was either 
Harap or Davis, and I am talking about things that happened 16 
years ago. 

Mr. Clardy. Yes. They must have had some Communist Party 
position of some sort that would have given them the necessary au- 
thority to delegate this unofficial job to you. 



1922 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

What I am trying to get at is, What position did Harap occupy that 
would give him that authoriy ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Well, if I were an American businessman running 
an organization I would certainly have to condemn the Communist 
Party as it acted at Cambridge as being thoroughly ineffective. We 
never had any chairman at the meetings. It was just like a college 
bull session. 

Mr. Clardy. Everybody was sort of like a committee of one, more 
or less. 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes ; and usually the more dominant person would 
take charge and at the time that I was there and the one year that 
Granville Hicks was there, Granville more or less, by seniority, took 
over. Otherwise Davis who was I think probably the oldest of us and 
had a very keen, quick mind, and the rest of the fellows were like 
myself, sloppy, casual individuals. 

Mr. Clardy. Harap was apparently pretty high up on the chain 
of command and when the others were not there he took over the 
responsibility of dominating the group? 

Mr. Mayberry. He is that kind of a fellow, a little fellow who 
quite often reacts in that way because of his size. 

Mr. Clardy. We have heard him, and I know what you mean. 

He was active in the Communist Party and could assert himself 
and could delegate this job to you ? 

Mr. Mayberry. He could ask me to do it. 

Mr. Clardy. That is what I meant. He had the authority, whether 
he seized it or not. 

Mr. Mayberry. He asked me. It was either he or Davis, but it 
was probably Harap. 

Mr. Clardy. Thank you. 

Mr. Tavenner. As a result of those instructions you became aware 
of this incident which you have just described when Margot Clark 
refused to sell a book because the author had become anti-Communist? 

Mr. Mayberry. That is right. She did not refuse. She just took 
the book or books and put them in the back room of the bookshop. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know of any other efforts of the Commu- 
nist group to censor books and publications in this bookshop? 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes; I had a very hard time to persuade either 
Margot or the girl who worked with her, whose name I cannot re- 
member, to get me any — because I wanted them to get the profit of 
the sale — a copy of Charles Beard's The Rise of American Civiliza- 
tion. It took them about a day to find they had a copy in the backroom. 

Mr. Clardy. You mean they did not want to sell that ? 

Mr. Mayberry. They put it in the backroom. 

Mr. Clardy. Why? 

Mr. Mayberry. Because Charles Beard was a violent anti- 
Communist. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did Margot Clark advise you as to the source of 
her directions about the sale of anti-Communist literature and books? 

Mr. Mayberry. No. I don't know where that came from. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you have any conferences with Louis Harap on 
the subject? 

Mr. Mayberry. No. He talked to me about one matter which I 
hope we will get to later. 



B 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1923 

Mr. Clardy. Were there any other incidents of that kind in which 
they would snatch a book off the shelf as soon as they discovered the 
author had become anti-Communist? 

Mr. Mayberry. There was a book by Andre Malraux. I have for- 
gotten which of his books it was, but it was at the time that Malraux 
ceased being a Communist in France. He just became nothing. He 
became anti-Communist. 

Mr. Clardy. And as soon as that happened they automatically 
crossed him off the list? 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Clardy. They have a little bit of a blacklist of their own. 

Mr. Mayberry. Evidently. 

Mr. Clardy. And they use it. 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes; in their own stores. I am saying that that 
was one of the first steps of why I left the Communist Party. 

Mr. Clardy. You finally began to tumble to the fact that this thing 
called academic freedom did not exist in the Communist world ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Exactly. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the attitude of this particular Commu- 
nist Party group with regard to recruiting new members? 

Mr. Mayberry. Well, we always tried our best. 

Mr. Tavenner. During the period of your membership in it, did 
you acquire information as to when it was first organized at Harvard? 

Mr. Mayberry. No; I never knew. It was in existence in a very 
small way. Of course it was always a very small organization. It 
was a very small minority group. 

Mr. Tavenner. This was the same group of which Robert Gorham 
Davis, Granville Hicks, Daniel J. Boorstin, and Wendell Furry were 
members ? 

Mr. Mayberry. That is right, and myself, of course. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the latest knowledge that you bad of 
the existence of that group at Harvard ? 

Mr. Mayberry. I would say somewhere in 1938. 

Mr. Tavenner. Is that the time that you severed your connections 
with it? 

Mr. Maybery. Yes. When I stopped going to meetings. 

Mr. Tavenner. You do not know, however, whether it went out of 
existence at that time or whether it continued for a longer period of 
time ? 

Mr. Mayberry. I would guess it kept going, but I could only guess 
because I was not there and didn't see. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was there any connection between this group and 
the student body ? 

Mr. Mayberry. During my time only indirectly. That incident I 
described to you when the Teachers' Union was asked to give a token 
sum of $5 to the American Student Union which then had been cap- 
tured, as far as I could find out, by the American Communist Party 
because they get there first and stay longer, as you know, and they 
work hard. I would guess then that the impulse to try to get the $5 
for the student group came from whatever was left of the Communist 
core within the Teachers' Union. As I say, I don't know because I 
believe that time I was out and I spoke long and violently against 
giving that $5. 



1924 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Tavenner. Had the Communist Party at that time secured a 
foothold in the student union at Harvard? 

Mr. Mayberrt. That I would guess to be correct, but I don't know 
because I had lost contact completely. When I got disillusioned with 
communism I did not have anything to do with them any more except 
for Davis who was a personal friend of mine and also a colleague. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, whether this 
group of the Communist Party was visited from time to time by func- 
tionaries on a higher level in the Communist Party? 

Mr. Mayberry. Well, now, I don't know whether Granville Hicks 
would have been considered a functionary or not. but when he came to 
Cambridge that one year he taught as a guest lecturer. He came and 
in fact took over the small unit. We were visited once, at our request, 
by Philip Frankfeld who had just been appointed the general — what- 
ever title they have — of Massachusetts. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the occasion for inviting him before your 
group? 

Mr. Mayberry. Just for a chat and to make ourselves acquainted 
with the great Phil Frankfeld. There were no directives handed down 
as far as I know. 

Mr. Tavenner. How are Communist Party directives transmitted 
to your group ? 

Mr. Mayberry. This is very complicated. We were regarded as a 
kind of an elite group of scholars and intelligent men and we made 
our own decisions. I cannot recall of any directive coming down, with 
one exception, and I would like to reserve that for later — or do you 
want me to tell you now? 

Mr. Tavenner. I believe it would be better to tell us at this time. 

Mr. Mayberry. We were asked, and by whom I don't know, that we 
should all buy and read a copy of the history of the Communist Party 
in the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you ever asked to read any historical works on 
the United States? 

Mr. Mayberry. No; we did that as a matter of course. 

Mr. Tavenner. But you were asked to buy and to read 

Mr. Mayberry. A copy of the history of the Communist Party in 
the Soviet Union, and when I read it I was — it was the most distorted 
version of what happened in Kussia between the years 1917 and 1935 
that I have ever read. 

Mr. Clardy. Who authored that ? 

Mr. Mayberry. It was edited by a man named Joseph Stalin. Who 
wrote it, I don't know. It was edited by Stalin. 

Mr. Sciierer. Should I save my time in reading it? 

Mr. Mayberry. You will not learn any history. 

Mr. Tavenner. Isn't it a fact that the Communist Party put much 
stress on the study in their study courses of the history of the Soviet 
Union, much more so than any other publication or any other part of 
the Communist Party literature? 

Mr. Mayberry. Actually in my time the stress was on American 
history. 

Mr. Tavenner. What do you mean ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Studying American history, and of course, drawing 
the Marxist-Lenin lessons from American history, which I could not 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1925 

draw because they do not apply. I found that out as a historian and 
if I can expand just for a minute on that. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

Mr. Mayberry. There is a great deal of Marxism, a great deal to it 
when it applies itself to facts. It brings out facts that the ordinary 
historians do not see; but when it sets itself on theory to be applied 
back to the facts, then as a historian I had to reject it, and that is one 
of the reasons why I had to quit the party because their reading of 
history didn't make any sense. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now, you were telling us you were directed to buy 
and to read this particular document. 

Mr. Mayberry. That's right. 

Mr. Tavenner. The History of the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. How was that directive handed down to you in 
your group ? 

Mr. Mayberry. I arrived at Bob Davis' apartment one afternoon, 
and about 6 or 7 copies of the book were there; and, now, whether 
Harap or someone else brought them beforehand I don't know. At 
any rate, the books were there, and we were told to take them and 
read them, and also to try to persuade friends of ours to read them. 
Of course, I read the book. It is not a very long book. I read it 
maybe in an evening, and I was ashamed to show it to any friend of 
mine. 

Mr. Sciierer. I didn't hear that last statement. 

Mr. Mayberry. I said I was afraid to show it to any friend of mine. 

(Representative Kit Clarcly left the hearing room at this point.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Were there any other instances that you can recall 
when directives were handed down from higher levels of the Com- 
munist Party to your group 

Mr. Mayberry. No. 

Mr. Tavenner. Or higher functionaries appeared before your 
group ? 

Mr. Mayberry. No. 

(Representative James B. Frazier, Jr., left the hearing room at this 
point.) 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you asked at any time to visit other groups of 
the Communist Party? 

Mr. Mayberry. No. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you attend any Communist Party group meet- 
ings among the undergraduates at Harvard ? 

Mr. Mayberry. No. That was something that was strictly for- 
bidden. 

Mr. Tavenner. By whom? 

Mr. Tavenner. By ourselves — not to get mixed up with under- 
graduates. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the reason for that? 

Mr. Mayberry. Probably — well, again I have to guess — probably 
it was better to leave the undergraduates alone and not let them know 
that certain members in the faculty group were members of the party. 

Mr. Tavenner. It was, then, principally a security matter? 

Mr. Mayberry. As far as I know ; yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee where your meetings 
were held ? 

30172 — 53— pt. 6 7 



1926 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Mayberry. At the apartment of Robert Gorham Davis. The 
street number I wouldn't know, and the street address. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were any of the meetings held in your apartment ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes; there was a meeting in my apartment. 

Mr. Tavenner. Who attended the meeting in your apartment? 

Mr. Mayberby. Davis, Boorstin, and Harap may have been there, 
but I can't remember. This was on a very special thing. It was a 
pamphlet that we wrote and distributed. 

Mr. Tavenner. Can you recall the names of others? 

Mr. Mayberry. At that meeting? 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes. 

Mr. Mayberry. No ; I think that is all. 

I think maybe Harap was there. 

Mr. Tavenner. How many composed the group while you were 
there — approximately ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Oh, between 7 and 9. 

I am trying to think of the size of Davis' apartment. It was a very 
small one. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you give us the names of others who were mem- 
bers of this group, whose names you can recall ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes, I can; but some of them you have to put a 
question mark alongside of because, as I say, this was more or less 
in the nature of a college bull session. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, now, we don't want you to give us the names 
of any that there should be a question mark beside. 

Mr. Mayberry. We had no membership cards. Dues were just 
paid cash out of hand. 

Mr. Tavenner. All right ; let me ask you this : To whom did you 
pay dues ? 

Mr. Mayberry. I don't know w r ho picked the money up. I think 
probably either Harap or Davis. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you collect dues at any time ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Not that I can remember. I may have but if I did 
I would have turned it over at the end of the meeting to either Bob 
or Harap. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee, please, what led to 
your severance of your Communist Party connections ? 

Mr. Mayberry. I think most of that information you have al- 
ready, but to go over it again: One was the interference with the 
bookshop. Another was when Harap 

Mr. Tavenner. Now, just a moment. 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. What was the seriousness in your mind of the Com- 
munist Party interference with the operation of the bookshop? 

Mr. Mayberry. I don't like any form of thought control, never 
have, and I hope I never will. 

Mr. Scherer. I didn't hear that answer. 

Mr. Tavenner. He does not approve of any form of thought con- 
trol. 

Mr. Mayberry. Whether by Communists or other groups. 

Mr. Tavenner. In other words, you considered that the Commu- 
nist Party was endeavoring 

Mr. Mayberry. Some of them. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1927 

Mr. Tavenner. To restrict- 



Mr. Mayberry. I can't say it was the Communist Party, but some- 
one was trying to influence the policy of that bookshop, and I felt it 
should be a free and open bookshop. 

And shortly after that Harap came to me and he asked me to use 
my influence with my literary friends not to write — pardon my syn- 
tax — not to write for a magazine called Partisan Review, which had 
been started back, oh, about 1932 by the then Communists and had 
been captured in about 193G by the non-Communists. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, now, what was the seriousness in your mind 
of that situation? 

Mr. Mayberry. Well, I was asked to go and talk to 3 or 4 of my 
friends who were willing to write for the new Partisan Review, the 
new non-Communist Partisan Review, and I was supposed to go and 
explain, according to Louis Harap — I was supposed to go and explain 
to them they would be betraying the working class, and all that 
rubbish, by writing for this publication. 

Mr. Tavenner. Betraying the working class. 

In other words, this was a form of boycotting 

Mr. Mayberry. Exactly. 

Mr. Tavenner. Or blacklisting 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. A publication which had ceased to be a Communist 
publication? 

Mr. Mayberry. Exactly. 

And again I can't use the language that I told Louis when he asked 
me that, and 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, did you refuse to comply with his request? 

Mr. Mayberry. I certainly did. 

At that time I was already not going to meetings. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did any other occurrence take place which influ- 
enced you in your decision ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Well, not within this country, but in Russia the 
evidence of the purge trials in 1937. 

Mr. Scherer. The evidence of what trials? 

Mr. M vybkrry. Of the purge trials in Russia in 1937. 

Mr. Tavenner. Let me ask you at that point 

Mr. Mayberry. Naturally, at that time I couldn't believe them, but, 
as I mulled them over, it became obvious they were pretty damningly 
true. 

Mr. Tavenner. Let me ask you at this point 

Mr. Mayberry. Surely. 

Mr. Tavenner. Have you been to Russia at any time? 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes; I have. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell the committee when that trip oc- 
curred ? 

Mr. Mayberry. In 1937 — the summer of 1937 — I would say early 
in — either late in July or early in August. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you obtain any information in Russia regard- 
ing the purge trials? 

Mr. Mayberry. No; I didn't. The purge took — the major part of 
the purge took place after I left Russia. I was in Russia completely 
as a tourist. 



1928 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Tavenner. Completely as a tourist. 

How long were you in Russia? 

Mr. Mayberry. Two weeks. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did the Communist Party have anything to do with 
your engaging in that travel? 

Mr. Mayberrt. No; and — keep this on the record or off, but this 
is my joke for the day : When I was leaving Cambridge in June of that 
year, I ran into Harap on the street and he said, "George, what are 
you doing this summer?" 

I said, "Well, I'm going to Europe." 

He said, "Did you tell the party?" 

I said, "No. My vacation time is my own, isn't it ?" 

He said, "Oh, but you ought to tell the party when you're on vaca- 
tion so they can keep in touch with you all the time." 

As I said, by that time I was practically out of it, and that kind of 
attitude is something I can't stand. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you go alone on this trip 

Mr. Mayberry. No. 

Mr. Tavenner. Or were you accompanied by 

Mr. Mayberry. My brother was with me. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were any other members or any members of the 
Communist Party other than yourself in the party or group ? 

Mr. Mayberry. No; no; no. John and I were completely alone. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you acquainted with Edwin Blaisdell? 

Mr. Mayberry. I don't know the name. 

Mr. Tavenner. Now, I interrupted you in your description of the 
occurrences that took place in Russia which had a bearing on your 
decision 

Mr. Mayberry. No; no; no. 

Mr. Tavenner. To leave 

Mr. Mayberry. No; no. 

Mr. Tavenner. The Communist Party. 

Mr. Mayberry. No ; from what I read. 

Mr. Tavenner. Well, I understand. 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes. 

I didn't see a thing in Russia that would bear on my attitude at all, 
except for the subway. It looked like the backside of Brooklyn. 

Mr. Tavenner. I am not certain whether you have completed your 
testimony as to the occurrences that took place in Russia 

Mr. Mayberry. Well, what happened 

Mr. Tavenner. Which affected your decision. 

Mr. Mayberry. Oh, yes; sure. I would be glad to expand on 
that, 

The Russian revolution, the Bolshevik revolution, as with all revo- 
lutions, amalgamated many different people, and some of them were 
the greatest and finest minds who had been fighting the Czarist gov- 
ernment for years. I think the two outstanding ones were Maxim 
Gorky and Lunacharsky, and the younger disciples — men like Karl 
Radek and Nieholai Bukharin. The old men — they died off, and the 
young men — at least some comparatively young — were purged in 1937 
and 1938, and finally the real tough boys like Stalin came in. 

Mr. Scherer. Finally what? 

Mr. Mayberry. Finally the real tough boys like Stalin had a free 
hand, because men like Lunacharsky, one of the greatest educators, 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1929 

and men like Gorky, one of the greatest novelists of our time — they 
were dead, and they got rid of Radek and those with a flexible, sensi- 
tive mind. They got rid of them, and Stalin and his goose-stepping 
boys were in complete power — and that was not the Communist Party 
I joined, and I was glad to get out of it. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell us what the date of your last asso- 
ciation with the Communist Party was? 

Mr. Mayberry. It would be somewhere in 1938; when, exactly, I 
don't know. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was any effort made by members of the Communist 
Party to get you back into the party ? 

Mr. Mayberry. No; I think they were so fed up with me, because 
in their minds I had never been a real Communist. I was more or 
less a showpiece. 

Mr. Scherer. A what ? 

Mr. Mayberry. I was more or less a showpiece, and I was very 
effective moving on the campus as 

Mr. Scherer. You indicated by your testimony that you felt Com- 
munist philosophy in some respects was rather attractive; did you 
not? 

Mr. Mayberry. That's roughly fair ; yes. 

Mr. Scherer. Well, I don't say I disagree with you on that, but 
isn't it a fact that this philosophy was only used to attract people to 
the Soviet cause? 

Mr. Mayberry. Well, now, I would say that you're young enough to 
have been in the depression. 

Mr. Scherer. What? 

Mr. Mayberry. I would say you are young enough to have been in 
the depression, and you saw what it was like. 

Mr. Velde. Old enough, you mean, to have been in the depression ? 

Mr. Scherer. Oh, yes ; I started to practice law a week before the 
depression. 

Mr. Mayberry. I don't know what more to say on that point. 

Mr. Velde. Well, do you make a distinction between communism 
in theory, or Marxism in theory, and Marxism and communism in 
practice ? 

Mr Mayberry. I certainly do. 

Mr. Velde. Yes. 

Mr. Mayberry. I mean, I regard myself as being still — it would 
be hard to figure out the percentage, but say 75 percent a Marxist, as 
a historian, because it still makes a great deal of sense, as you study 
history and as you study economics. The practice, though, of the 
American Communist Party 

Mr. Scherer. What ? 

Mr. Mayberry. I object to openly and violently. 

Mr. Velde. But don't you agree, Doctor, that this idea of sharing 
the wealth is a good propaganda piece to get 

Mr. Mayberry. Sure. 

Mr. Scherer. Converts? 

Mr. Velde. Converts 

Mr. Mayberry. Sure; it is. 

Mr. Velde. To Marxism or communism ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Sure. 



1930 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Scherer. The present leaders of the Kremlin are using this 
somewhat attractive philosophy, are they not, to ensnare the masses 
to their cause? 

Mr. Mayberry. I suppose they are. All I know is what I read in 
the newspapers. I am completely out of the situation. 

Mr. Scherer. Well, I understand that; but you certainly — — 

Mr. Mayberry. It is a very powerful appeal, and I'm sure that — 
well, I'm here to answer questions, not to make speeches, but 

Mr. Scherer. I am asking you to speak on that question. 

Mr. Mayberry. We have lost our cause in Asia and probably most 
of Africa by not getting in there first and fighting the terrific appeal 
the Communists have. After all, the Russian Revolution was run 
by Lenin on the simple slogan of bread and land. That's all he 
offered them — bread and land. I don't know whether they ever got 
it or not. 

Mr. Scherer. I say the present leaders of the Kremlin are using 
this 

Mr. Mayberry. Sure; they are. 

Mr. Scherer. Philosophy which you talk about 

Mr. Mayberry. I assume they are. 

Mr. Scherer. To attract people in the cause ? 

Mr. Mayberry. I assume so. 

Mr. Scherer. They actually don't believe in it, as you indicated T 
do they? They don't believe in the idealism that they teach? 

Mr. Mayberry. I think, as I say, the idealism died — probably the 
tail end of it was in 1937 when they finally got rid of Radek and 
Bukharin. They were the last ones left who were really old-fashioned 
revolutionaries, as I was an old-fashioned revolutionary. 

Mr. Scherer. The thing that motivates the leaders of the Kremlin 
today is the thing that motivated all conquerors and dictators — and 
that is power and dominations — isn't it 

Mr. Mayberry. Power. 

Mr. Scherer. And they will use any means, even this so-called 
attractive philosophy of communism, to gain converts? 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes. 

Mr. Scherer. Is that a correct statement? 

Mr. Mayberry. I think that is absolutely right. 

Mr. Scherer. Would you agree with the contents of the letter you 
heard read from the American Jewish Committee here this morning ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Almost entirely. I'd have some reservations about 
some of the adjectives. 

Mr. Scherer. Some of the what ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Some of the adjectives there. It was getting a little 
purjorative. 

Mr. Scherer. Getting what? 

Mr. Mayberry. Getting a little purjorative. It was pushing. 

But the gist of the statement I would agree with entirely, and the 
only time I have read the Daily Worker in the last 5 years was because 
someone told me about these articles by Harap — and for a mild, in- 
offensive, little fellow, Louis Harap — the utter nonsense that he was 
spouting 

Mr. Scherer. You do agree with the conclusion they reached — 
that the Soviet Party today in Russia is as anti-Semitic as Hitler ever 
was? 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1931 

Mr. Maybkrry. That I don't know. I don't know. I mean, I 
haven't been 

Mr. Sciierer. That is the conclusion 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes. 

Mr. Sciierer. That is reached by the committee, as indicated by the 
letter. 

Mr. Mayberry. From reading the concrete reports of the New York 
Times and the Herald-Tribune, the evidence is pretty much to that 
effect. 

Mr. Sciierer. Is what? 

Mr. Mayberry. Is pretty much to that effect — that the practice of 
the Kremlin is anti-Semitic — but until I was there, I mean, I wouldn't 
know. 

Mr. Scheker. We have had any number of highly educated indi- 
viduals say under oath that the Communist Party today in Russia is 
anti-Semitic. 

Mr. Mayberry. But I don't know of any gluten bowls in Russia, 
because I haven't been there in recent years. 

Mr. Scherer. Well, all any of us know 

Mr. Mayberry. All 1 can do is tell 3^011 what I read in the New York 
Times. 

Mr. Scherer. Well, you read other papers? 

Mr. Mayberry. Oh, sure. My job — I read five papers a day. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you acquainted with any other functionaries 
in the Communist Party in addition to Philip Frankfeld? 

Mr. Mayberry. Well, I met Earl Browder once at a cocktail party. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you become acquainted with Otis A. Hood ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Not acquainted. I went to meetings at which he 
spoke when he was running, as he always runs, every year, for Gover- 
nor of Massachusetts, or whenever the year occurs. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you become acquainted with Daniel Boone 
Schirmer? 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes. 

Mr. Tavenner. Will you tell us what you know of his connection 
with the Communist Party or his activities in the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Well, he was an undergraduate of Harvard when 
I first was teaching there, and he was in the American Student Union, 
and I gathered from the violence of his speeches that he was in the 
Communist wing. See, the American Student Union at that time — 
I don't know what ever happened to it — was not a Communist organ- 
ization, but had a very powerful minoritv of Communists in it, and 
from the way that — at that time he was known just as Boone Schir- 
mer — Boone always followed whatever the party line was at the time, 
and then later he came back to Harvard when he was running for 
Governor of either Vermont or New Hampshire. I would have to 
check on that, because I am not sure. My geography is very feeble. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know where he is today ? 

Mr. Mayberry. I haven't the faintest idea. 

Mr. Tavenner. Did you become acquainted with Jack Rackliffe? 

Mr. Mayberry. I have known Jack Rackliffe from — for at least 15 
years. 

Mr. Tavenner. Was he a member of this group of the Communist 
Party of which you were a member? 



1932 COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 

Mr. Mayberry. He came to meetings. Now, whether he was a 
member or not, I don't know. I'm not saying that in a legal way, but 

1 just don't know, because we had no records of membership. 
Mr. Tavenner. Over what period of time did he attend meetings? 
Mr. Mayberry. Well, I think he came to the last meeting I attended, 

and I never went to any more meetings ; but I knew Jack for the next 

2 years that I was in Cambridge and I have known Jack on and off. 
Mr. Tavenner. How long had he attended meetings prior to the 

last meeting you attended ? 

Mr. Mayberry. I think he attended the last meeting I attended. 

Mr. Tavenner. Yes ; but for how many meetings prior to that had 
he been attending meetings? 

Mr. Mayberry. I don't know. I don't think he was there. I think 
I just saw him once at a meeting at Davis' house. 

Mr. Tavenner. Do you know how he is employed today ? 

Mr. Mayberry. I don't. I know lie's doing free-lance work, the same 
as I am. 

Mr. Tavenner. Were you acquainted with Abe Gelbart 

Mr. Mayberry. Who? 

Mr. Tavenner. G-e-1-b-a-r-t ? 

Mr. Mayberry. No ; I don't know the name. 

What is the first name ? 

Mr. Tavenner. Abe. 

I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Mr. Velde. Doctor, I just have 1 or 2 questions. 

Mr. Mayberry. Sure. 

Mr. Velde. At the present time I understand you are a free-lance 
writer and you do some book reviews for the New York Times? 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes. 

Mr. Velde. There has been, as you have probably read in the papers, 
quite a controversy as to the use of Communist publications in our 
American libraries, as well as our overseas libraries. I think as a 
writer and as a former Communist you should have an opinion regard- 
ing the placing of Communist publications, books, authored by Com- 
munists or former Communists, in our American libraries, both here 
in the United States and overseas. Would you care to express an 
opinion regarding that? 

Mr. Mayberry. I'll be glad to, since one of my books is in the State 
Department libraries both in this country and overseas. This is a plug 
for my book. 

Mr. Velde. Well, give us the name, then, too. 

Mr. Mayberry. A Little Treasury of American Prose, published by 
Charles Scribner & Sons, and it was edited entirely during the time 
that I was a non-Communist. 

On the general point, though, I would say wouldn't it be wiser to 
set up a panel of about 10 American publishers, editors, and critics and 
let them decide the books to go over ? 

Someone said the other day — maybe Mrs. Roosevelt — there's no 
point in taking Communist books off the shelf because the Communists 
will get them in, in their way. I mean, let us — we're not afraid of 
Communist ideas. I hope to heaven I am a living example of a person 
who got a good strong smell of communism and couldn't stand it, and 
I think almost any intelligent American would have the same reaction. 



COMMUNIST METHODS OF INFILTRATION (EDUCATION) 1933 

Now, for example, a very minor point : Taking Howard Fast's books 
off the shelf — and Howard Fast's books are not Communist. He is a 
Communist, but his books very carefully skirt the question of commu- 
nism. I'd take them off the shelf because they're so badly written. 
They're clumsy. 

Mr. Scherer. They are what? 

Mr. Mayberry. They are clumsy and stupid — the Howard Fast 
books. 

I think we make ourselves look very silly when we take Dashiell 
Hammett's books off the shelf. There's no communism at all in the 
Sam Spade stories. 

Mr. Velde. I have always had the feeling that Communist books — 
that is, books or any literature written by members of the Communist 
Party — should be read by American students and American citizens, 
but I also feel they should know what they are reading; and, therefore, 
if there were some way we could show on the cover of the book, or 
otherwise, that it was authored by a Communist Party member, give 
his history as a Communist Party member 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes. 

Mr. Velde. As developed by this committee and other commit- 
tees 

Mr. Mayberry. If there is any way of doing that, I would agree with 
you — it would be a very good thing. 

Mr. Velde. That is a difficult proposition, of course. 

Mr. Scherer. Well, wouldn't it be somewhat of a threat to academic 
freedom even if we took books off the shelf, as you said, by Fast, which 
were clumsy and poorly written ? 

Mr. Mayberry. Yes. I mean, I don't know where you would stop. 
I mean, let the people read them all. The good judgment of the 
people I think in the long run works out. 

Mr. Scherer. Were you asking him about the books in our Informa- 
tion Service? 

Mr. Velde. Yes. 

Do you have anything further to add to that, Doctor ? 

Mr. Mayberry. No ; I haven't. 

Mr. Velde. Do you have any other questions, Mr. Scherer? 

Mr. Scherer. No. 

Mi'. Mayberry. Any more I can add — I would like to, but I can't 
think of anything I haven't said. 

Mr. Velde. The committee appreciates the information you have 
given here this morning, Doctor, and if there is nothing further this 
witness is dismissed with the committee's thanks. 

Mr. Mayberry. Thank you. 

Mr. Scherer. Thank you, Doctor. 

Mr. Velde. The hearing is adjourned. 

(Whereupon, at 12:06 p. m., the hearing was adjourned.) 



INDEX 



Individuals 

Page 

Beard, Charles 1922 

Blaisdell, Edwin 1928 

Bloomfield, Sidney 1854 

Boorstin, Daniel J 1923, 1926 

Bronstein, Eugene (Gene) 1851,1866 

Browder, Earl 1931 

Burton, William H 1845 

Cammer, Harold 1875-1894 

Carnovsky, Morris 1907 

Cavin, Joseph 1855 

Clark, Margot 1921, 1922 

Clark, Tom 1908 

Conn, Marcus 1913 

Conant, Mr 1862 

Cooper, Charles (Hendley) 1869 

Daggett, Charles 1907 

Daniel, Ureel 1878 

Davis, Robert Gorham 1899, 1918, 1920-1926, 1932 

Einstein, Albert 1866 

Eliot, Charles W 1916 

East, Howard 1908, 1933 

Eorer, Joseph 1835-1911 

Erankfeld, Philip 1900, 1920, 1924, 1931 

Friedburg, Saul 1850 

Furry, Wendell 1869, 1923 

Gelbart, Abe 1932 

Gold, Mike 1908 

Haldane, Mr 1868 

Hammett, Dashiell 1933 

Hanfstaengel, Ernst 1849 

Harap, Louis 1869, 1895-1911 (testimony), 

1913, 1914, 1917, 191S, 1920-1922, 1925-1928, 1930 

Hartman, Fannie . 1884 

Hendley, Charles 1869 

Hicks, Granville 1868, 1869, 1900, 1907, 1022-1924 

Hood, Otis A 1884, 1931 

Hull, Morgan 1877, 1878 

Judson, Charles , 1878 

Lamont, Corliss 1848 

Lawrence, Marc 1907 

Levy, Larry 1850 

Libby, Mack 1847, 1854 

Magil, A. B 1907 

Malraux, Andre 1923 

Maltz, Albert 1907 

Markham, George F 1875-1894 (testimony), 1920 

Markham, Helen D 1892 

Marks, Harry J 1843-1874 (testimony) 

Matusow, Harvey 1907 

Mayberry, George Beach 1915-1933 (testimony) 

Mavberry, John , 1028 

McMichael, Jack 1855, 1856 

1935 



1936 INDEX 

Fags 

Minor, Robert , 1880 

Oliver, William (Bill) 1S78 

Philbrick, Alan 1850 

Philbrick, Herbert 1850, 1892-1894 

Prosten, Jesse 1884 

Quill, Michael 1S56 

Rackliffe, Jack 1931, 1932 

Bobbins, Herbert E 1S50, 1869, 1901, 1902 

Rosenberg, Etliel 1910 

Rosenberg, Julius 1910 

Scbappes, Morris 1907, 1908 

Sehirmer, Daniel Boone 1849, 18G9, 1931 

Si lone, Ignazio 1921 

Sparks, Nehemiah (Neramy; Ned) 1853,1854 

Starr, Loretta 1854 

Townsend, Leo 1907 

Wallace, Henry 1890 

Weber, Johnny 1848, 1853, 1S63 

Zilsel, Paul R 1809 

Organizations 

American Association of University Professors 1867 

American Federation of Labor 18S5, 1918, 1919 

American Federation of Teachers 1918,1919 

American Fund for Public Service 1908 

American Jewish Committee 1913. 1914, 1930 

American League Against War and Fascism 1848, 1S54, 1869 

American Newspaper Guild 1876-1878 

American Student Union 1923, 1931 

American Youth Congress 1855, 1856 

Antioch College 1806 

Associated Press, Boston 1876 

Association of American Universities 1873 

Boston Central Labor School 1918 

Boston Labor School 1920 

Brotherhod of Railway Trainmen 1885 

Cambridge Teachers' Union 1918 

City College of New York 1844, 1851 

Columbia University Teachers' College 1844 

Community Book Store, San Diego 1880 

Congress of Industrial Organizations 1885 

German-American Bund 1909 

Harvard College 1844, 1S57, 1S96 

Harvard Graduate School of Education 1844, 1S45 

Harvard Teachers' Union 1918 

Harvard University 1845-1S51, 

1S6S-1S70, 1SS3, 1S96, 1S99, 1901, 1916-1920, 1923-1925, 1931 

Hoi yoke Book Shop 1918 

International Fur and Leather Workers Union 1S76, 1S85, 1892, 1893 

Jefferson School of Social Science 1908 

Massachusetts Institute of Technology 1847, 1883 

Massachusetts State CIO 1876, 1884, 1885, 1S92 

Massachusetts State College 1S45 

Morning Freiheit Association 1902-1904, 1907 

National Student League 1846-1S48, 1871, 1S72 

Newspaper Guild, Boston 1881, 1SS2 

Newspaper Guild, Los Angeles . 1SS1 

New York City Board of Education 1845, 1864 

New York University 1844 

Progressive Party 18S7, 1890 

Rhodes School 1845 

Samuel Adams School 1883,1920 

School of Jewish Studies 1908 

Teachers' Union 1869, 1917-1919, 1923 

Transport Workers' Union 1856 



INDEX 1937 

Page 

University of Berlin 1S44 

University of Connecticut 1S67 

University of Heidelberg 1844 

University of Massachusetts 1845 

University of Wisconsin 1876 

Williams College 1916 

Works Progress Administration 1844 

Young Communist League 1S54, 1869, 1871 

Young Pioneers 1871 

Publications 

American Quarterly 1897 

Daily Peoples World 1904, 1911 

Daily Worker 1848, 1851, 1904, 1905, 1907, 1908, 1910, 1911, 1930 

Hartford Courant 1863 

Jewish Affairs 1S99 

Jewish Life 1902, 1903-1907, 1910 

Jewish Survey 1907 

Journal of Philosophy 1897 

Masses and Mainstream 1908, 1909 

New Masses 1908, 1909 

New Republic 1916 

New York Herald-Tribune 1931 

New York Times 1866, 1881, 1916, 1931, 1932 

Partisan Review 1927 

Philosophical Review 1897 

Science and Society 1906, 1911 

Soviet Russia Today 1905, 1906, 1911 

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