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COMMUNIST  METHODS  OF  INFILTRATION 

(EDUCATION— PART  6) 


HEARINGS 


BEFORE  THE 


COMMITTEE  ON  UN-AMERICAN  ACTIVITIES 
fc"TeM  HOUSE  OE  REPRESENTATIVES 


EIGHTY-THIRD  CONGRESS 

FIRST  SESSION 


JUNE  22,  24,  29,  AND  JULY  1,  1953 


Printed  for  the  use  of  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities 


INCLUDING  INDEX 


UNITED  STATES 
GOVERNMENT  PRINTING   OFFICE 
30172  WASHINGTON  :    1953 


Superintendent  of  Documents 

AUG  7     1^53 


COMMITTEE  ON  UN-AMERICAN  ACTIVITIES 
United  States  House  of  Representatives 

HAROLD  H.  VELDE,  Illinois,   Chairman 

BERNARD  W.  KEARNEY,  New  York  FRANCIS  E.  WALTER,  Pennsylvania 

DONALD  L.  JACKSON,  California  MORGAN  M.  MOULDER,  Missouri 

KIT  CLAKDY,  Michigan  CLYDE  DOYLE,  California 

GORDON  H.  SCHERER,  Ohio  JAMES  B.  FRAZIER,  Jr.,  Tennessee 

Robert  L.  Kunzig,  Counsel 

Frank  S.  Tavenner,  Jr.,  Counsel 

Louis  J.  Rossell,  Chief  Investigator 

Thomas  W.  Beale,  Sr.,  Chief  Clerk 

Raphael  I.  Nixon,  Director  of  Research 

U 


CONTENTS 


June  22,  1953:  Pa«» 

Testimony  of  Harry  J.  Marks 1843 

June  24,  1953: 

Testimony  of  George  F.  Markham 1875 

June  29,  1953: 

Testimony  of  Louis  Harap 1895 

July  1.  1953: 

Testimony  of  George  Beach  Mavberry 1915 

Index _ 1935 

m 


PUBLIC  LAW  601,  79TH  CONGRESS 

The  legislation  under  which  the  House  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities  operates  is  Public  Law  601,  79th  Congress  [1946],  chapter 
753, 2d  session,  which  provides : 

Be  it  enacted  bu  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States 
of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  *  *  * 

PART  2— RULES  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES 

Rule  X 

SEC.    121.    STANDING    COMMITTEES 
******* 

17.  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities,  to  consist  of  nine  members. 

Rule  XI 

POWERS   AND   DUTIES    OF   COMMITTEES 
******* 

(q)    (1)   Committee  on  Un-American  Activities. 

(A)   Un-American  activities. 

(2)  The  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities,  as  a  whole  or  by  subcommit- 
tee, is  authorized  to  make  from  time  to  time  investigations  of  (i)  the  extent, 
character,  and  objects  of  un-American  propaganda  activities  in  the  United  States, 
(ii)  the  diffusion  within  the  United  States  of  subversive  and  un-American  propa- 
ganda that  is  instigated  from  foreign  countries  or  of  a  domestic  origin  and 
attacks  the  principle  of  the  form  of  government  as  guaranteed  by  our  Constitu- 
tion, and  (iii)  all  other  questions  in  relation  thereto  that  would  aid  Congress 
in  any  necessary  remedial  legislation. 

The  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  shall  report  to  the  House  (or  to  the 
Clerk  of  the  House  if  the  House  is  not  in  session)  the  results  of  any  such  investi- 
gation, together  with  such  recommendations  as  it  deems  advisable. 

For  the  purpose  of  any  such  investigation,  the  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities,  or  any  subcommittee  thereof,  is  authorized  to  sit  and  act  at  such 
times  and  places  within  the  United  States,  whether  or  not  the  House  is  sitting, 
has  recessed,  or  has  adjourned,  to  hold  such  hearings,  to  require  the  attendance 
of  such  witnesses  and  the  production  of  such  books,  papers,  and  documents,  and 
to  take  such  testimony,  as  it  deems  necessary.  Subpenas  may  be  issued  under 
the  signature  of  the  chairman  of  the  committee  or  any  subcommittee,  or  by  any 
member  designated  by  any  such  chairman,  and  may  be  served  by  any  person 
designated  by  any  such  chairman  or  member. 

v 


RULES  ADOPTED  BY  THE  83d  CONGRESS 

House  Resolution  5,  January  3,  1953 

•  •♦*♦*• 

Rule  X 

STANDING  COMMITTEES 

1.  There  shall  he  elected  by  the  House,  at  the  commencement  of  each  Con- 
gress, following  standing  committees : 

******* 

(q)  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities,  to  consist  of  nine  members. 

******* 

Rule  XI 

POWERS    AND   DUTIES    OF    COMMITTEES 


17.  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities. 

(a)  Un-American  Activities. 

(b)  The  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities,  as  a  whole  or  by  subcommittee, 
is  authorized  to  make  from  time  to  time,  investigations  of  (1)  the  extent,  char- 
acter, and  objects  of  un-American  propaganda  activities  in  the  United  States, 
(2)  the  diffusion  within  the  United  States  of  subversive  and  un-American  propa- 
ganda that  is  instigated  from  foreign  countries  or  of  a  domestic  orig  n  and 
attacks  the  principle  of  the  form  of  government  as  guaranteed  by  our  Constitu- 
tion, and  (3)  all  other  questions  in  relation  thereto  that  would  aid  Congress  in 
any  necessary  remedial  legislation. 

The  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  shall  report  to  the  House  (or  to  the 
Clerk  of  the  House  if  the  House  is  not  in  session)  the  results  of  any  such  investi- 
gation, together  with  such  recommendations  as  it  deems  advisable. 

For  the  purpose  of  any  such  investigation,  the  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities,  or  any  subcommittee  thereof,  is  authorized  to  sit  and  act  at  such  times 
and  places  within  the  United  States,  whether  or  not  the  House  is  sitting,  has 
recessed,  or  has  adjourned,  to  hold  such  hearings,  to  require  the  attendance 
of  such  witnesses  and  the  production  of  such  books,  papers,  and  documents,  and 
to  take  such  testimony,  as  it  deems  necessary.  Subpenas  may  be  issued  under 
the  signature  of  the  chairman  of  the  committee  or  any  subcommittee,  or  by  any 
member  designated  by  such  chairman,  and  may  be  served  by  any  person  desig- 
nated by  any  such  chairman  or  member. 

VI 


COMMUNIST  METHODS  OF  INFILTRATION 
(Education— Part  6) 


MONDAY,  JUNE  22,   1953 

United  States  House  of  Representatives, 

Subcommittee  of  the  Committee  on 

Un-American  Activities, 

Washington,  D.  G. 

EXECUTIVE  SESSION  x 

The  subcommittee  of  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  met, 
pursuant  to  call,  at  2:  10  p.  m.,  in  room  225  of  the  Old  House  Office 
Building.  Hon.  Harold  H.  Velde  (chairman),  presiding. 

Committee  members  present:  Representatives  Harold  H.  Velde 
(chairman),  Kit  Clardy  (appearance  noted  in  transcript),  and  Clyde 
Doyle. 

Staff  members  present :  Frank  S.  Tavenner,  Jr.,  counsel ;  Thomas 
W.  Beale,  Sr.,  chief  clerk;  George  E.  Cooper,  investigator;  and  Leslie 
C.  Scott,  research  analyst. 

Mr.  Velde.  The  subcommittee  will  be  in  order. 

Will  you  stand  and  be  sworn,  please  % 

In  the  testimony  you  are  about  to  give  before  this  subcommittee,  do 
you  solemnly  swear  you  will  tell  the  truth,  the  whole  truth  and  nothing 
but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  do. 

Mr.  Velde.  Let  the  record  show  that  I  have  appointed  a  subcom- 
mittee consisting  of  Mr.  Doyle,  of  California,  and  myself,  as  chairman, 
for  the  purposes  of  this  hearing. 

Proceed  Mr.  Tavenner. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Off  the  record,  please. 

(Off  the  record.) 

Mr.  Doyle.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  move  that  this  hearing  be  in  executive 
session. 

Mr.  Velde.  The  question  is  on  the  motion  of  the  gentleman  from 
California  that  the  hearing  be  in  executive  session.  Those  in  favor  say 
"aye";  contrary.  The  motion  is  carried.  The  hearing  will  be  in 
executive  session. 

TESTIMONY  OF  HARRY  J.  MARKS 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Now,  what  is  your  name,  please,  sir? 

Mr.  Marks.  Harry  J.  Marks. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  When  and  where  were  you  born,  Mr.  Marks? 

Mr.  Marks.  In  New  York  City  on  July  19, 1909. 


*  Released  by  the  full  committee. 

1843 


1844    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Where  do  you  reside  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  At  35  South  Eagleville  Road,  Storrs,  Conn. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  is  your  profession  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  teach  history  at  the  University  of  Connecticut. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  tell  the  committee,  please,  what  formal 
educational  training  you  have  had  % 

Mr.  Marks.  How  far  back  shall  I  begin  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Beginning  with  college. 

Mr.  Marks.  I  went  to  Harvard  College  in  the  fall  of  1927.  I  was 
graduated  with  a  degree  of  bachelor  of  arts,  magna  cum  laude,  in 
1931,  in  June. 

I  then  went  to  Germany  and  attended  the  University  of  Berlin  for 
four  semesters.    I  returned  to 

Mr.  Tavenner.  All  right ;  just  a  moment. 

Mr.  Marks.  Yes. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  long  were  you  in  Berlin,  and  during  what 
year  ?     . 

Mr.  Marks.  I  arrived  in  Berlin — well,  I  didn't  go  straight  to  Berlin. 
I  arrived  in  Hamburg  in  June  1931,  on  the  day  the  newspapers  were 
carrying  the  report  of  the  Hoover  moratorium.  I  don't  remember 
when  that  was — probably  about  the  20th  or  the  21st. 

I  went  to  the  University  of  Heidelberg  summer  session  in  1931, 
where  a  course  was  given  on  German  for  foreigners,  and  I  enrolled  in 
the  University  of  Berlin  in  the  fall  semester  of  1931.  I  continued  at 
the  University  of  Berlin  until  I  left  to  return  to  Harvard  in  September 
1933. 

I  enrolled  in  the  graduate  school  at  Harvard  and  fulfilled  the  re- 
quirements for  a  doctor  of  philosophy  degree  in  history  in  June  1937. 

I  have  had  miscellaneous  courses  in  education  at  New  York  Univer- 
sity, Teachers'  College  at  Columbia  University,  City  College,  and  the 
Harvard  Graduate  School  of  Education,  from  which  I  received  a 
degree  of  master  of  arts  in  teaching  in  1936. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  state  the  years,  please,  when  you  attended 
these  various  institutions  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  Well,  Harvard  College  1927  to  1931;  the  University 
of  Heidelberg  summer  session  1931 ;  the  University  of  Berlin  1931  to 
1933 ;  Harvard  1931,  with  some  interruptions,  to  1937. 

I  think  I  took  some  summer  session  courses  in  education  at  Harvard 
in  1938. 

I  am  not  sure  when  I  took  the  courses  in  education  at  NYU,  and  at 
City  College.  I  took  one  course  in  each  place,  but  that  was  to  have  been 
during  a  period  1939  to  1941  or  1942. 

Then  I  took  some  summer-session  work  at  Harvard  I  think  in  1944 
and  1945,  and  received  the  master  of  arts  in  teaching  in  1946. 

(Representative  Clyde  Doyle  left  the  hearing  room  at  this  point.) 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  tell  the  committee,  please,  what  your  rec- 
ord of  employment  has  been  since  you  returned  from  Berlin  in  1933?' 

Mr.  Marks.  Well,  as  best  I  can  remember  it,  I  was  in  the  writers' 
project  in  Boston. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Writers'  project  of  the  WPA? 

Mr.  Marks.  Yes. 

I  think  (lia(  was  in  1938,  perhaps,  and  1939. 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION)     1845 

I  was  employed  by  the  New  York  City  Board  of  Education  from 
September  1939  to  the  end  of  January  or  February  1943.  This  was 
intermittent  at  times — that  is,  most  of  the  time  I  was  a  substitute  and  if 
a  teacher  were  away  on  leave,  I  would  teach  for  the  whole  semester  or 
a  year. 

From  March  1,  I  think  it  was,  1943,  to  June  194G,  I  was  employed 
by  the  school  committee  of  the  town  of  Amherst,  Mass. 

Now,  there's  some  miscellaneous  jobs  I  held.  I  don't  know  whether 
the  committee  is  interested  in  that. 

I  taught  1  or  2  summer  sessions  at  the  Rhodes  School  in  New  York 
Avhen  I  was  in  New  York. 

Mr.  Velde.  What  type  of  school  is  that  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  It  is  a  private  secretary  school,  college  prep. 

I  worked  one  summer — I  think  it  must  have  been  the  summer  of 
1943 — in  a  lumber  yard,  which  was  an  illuminating  experience. 

I  taught  part  time  in  what  I  think  was  called  the  ASTP  program, 
at  what  was  then  called  Massachusetts  State  College  and  is  now  called 
the  University  of  Massachusetts. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  do  the  initials  "ASTP"  stand  for? 

Mr.  Marks.  Army  Specialized  Training  Program,  I  think. 

I  assisted  in  teaching — perhaps  I  taught  one  summer  session  and 
assisted  in  teaching  another  at  Harvard  Graduate  School  of  Educa- 
tion. 

Mr.  Tavexner.  During  what  year  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  Well,  this  would  be  perhaps  1945  and  1946. 

I  had  a  peculiar  experience  there  in  1945. 

Mr.  Velde.  What  was  the  nature  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  This  is  just  anecdotal.  I  was  helping  Prof.  William 
H.  Burton,  for  whom  I  have  a  stupendous  regard,  and  he  was  away 
at  lunch  one  day  in  the  first  week  of  August  in  1949,  and  a  brokerage 
firm,  I  believe,  telephoned  while  he  was  away  at  noon,  and  I  was  the 
only  one  at  the  office,  and  said,  "Would  you  tell  Professor  Burton  that 
<he  first  atomic  bomb  has  been  dropped?" 

I  didn't  know  the  first  atomic  bomb  had  been  dropped.  So,  I 
took  it  very  calmly  and  said,  "Yes;  I'll  tell  him." 

And  it  wasn't  until  later  in  the  afternoon  when  the  newspapers 
came  out  that  I  realized  what  had  happened. 

Mr.  Velde.  Was  that  the  bomb  test  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  No  ;  this  was  the  first  one  on  Hiroshima. 

Mr.  Velde.  Oh,  the  first  one. 

Mr.  Marks.  Yes,  and  I  was  the  first  one  there  who  had  gotten  the 
news. 

But  this  is  not  a  matter  of  importance  to  this  committee. 

From  September  1946,  to  date  I  have  been  employed  by  the  Uni- 
versity of  Connecticut,  teaching  for  the  first  3  years  at  the  Hartford 
branch,  and  since  September  1949  at  the  main  campus  at  Storrs. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Professor  Marks,  the  committee  has  information 
that  there  were  Communist  Party  activities  under  the  guise  of  various 
organizations  conducted  at  Harvard  during  the  period  that  you  were 
or  appear  to  have  been  at  Harvard.  Were  you  aware  of  the  existence 
of  an  organized  group  or  cell  of  (lie  Communist  Party  on  the  Harvard 
campus,  or  an  organized  group  or  cell  of  the  Young  Communist 
League  at  that  place? 


1846    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF   INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Marks.  The  answer  has  to  be  located  in  time.  During  the 
period  of  my  undergraduate  years,  I  was  not  aware  of  any  such 
organization.  I  did  become  aware  and  intimately  aware  of  such  an 
organization  after  my  return  from  Europe. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  type  of  an  organization  was  it  that  you  were 
familiar  with  during  the  period  of  your  undergraduate  study? 

Mr.  Marks.  May  I  take  this  opportunity  to  explain  how  I  became 
connected  with  it? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Certainly. 

Mr.  Marks.  All  right. 

I  had  seen  the  first  several  months  of  the  Hitler  regime  when  I 
was  in  Germany.  I  had  seen  the  beginnings  of  the  influence  of 
fascism  on  the  university.  I  had  learned  of  the  intentions  of  the 
Hitler  regime  with  respect  to  rearmament,  a  violation  of  the  Ver- 
sailles Treaty. 

I  was  considerably  distressed  at  the  appearance  of  fascism  in  Ger- 
many and  when  I  returned  to  this  country,  I  felt  that  it  was  being 
somewhat  narrowly  interpreted  as  merely  an  anti-Semitic  move. 

(Representative  Kit  Clardy  entered  the  hearing  room  at  this  point.) 

Mr.  Marks.  Consequently,  I  was  eager  to  explain  to  anyone  who 
would  listen  to  me  that  fascism  was  an  enemy  of  all  democratic  rights, 
and  that  it  was  probably  in  the  direction  of  war. 

Mr.  Velde.  I  think  we  will  have  to  suspend  at  this  point  until  Mr. 
Doyle  gets  back  because  neither  Mr.  Clardy  nor  I  have  answered  the 
roll.1 

(Whereupon,  at  2 :  25  p.  m.,  the  committee  recessed,  to  reconvene 
as  soon  as  the  members  answered  the  rollcall.) 

(The  committee  reconvened  at  2:41  p.  m.,  the  following  committee 
members  being  present:  Representative  Clyde  Doyle  (presiding).) 

Mr.  Doyle  (presiding).  The  committee  will  be  in  order. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  proceed,  Mr.  Marks? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  think  I  was  saying  I  had  been  distressed  at  the  over- 
simplified response  to  Hitler,  as  though  it  were  merely  anti-Semitic  in 
character,  while  it  was  actually  that  and  a  great  deal  more.  It  was 
opposed  to  human  interests  everywhere  and  tended  in  the  direction 
of  war;  and  I  think  I  had  also  said  that  I  had  come  back  interested 
in  trying  to  warn  people,  and  at  Harvard  I  found  some  students  who 
constituted  an  interested  youth  group  to  whom  I  could  speak.  These 
were  members  of  the  National  Student  League,  which  is  generally 
called  the  NSCL.  So,  it  was  easy  to  accept  an  invitation  to  speak  to 
them,  and  it  was  likewise  easy  to  join  the  National  Student  League 
since  apparently  we  saw  eye  to  eye  on  the  matters  of  fascism. 

Presently  I  became  aware  that  the  leadership  of  the  National  Stu- 
dent League  was  composed  of  members  of  the  Young  Communist 
League. 

There  had  been  a  meeting  of  the  National  Student  League  chapter 
and  either  before  or  after  that  meeting  there  had  been  a  caucus  of 
some  of  the  members,  and  I  wondered  what  it  was  all  about,  and 
presently  I  found  out  that  the  group  which  was  most  vigorous  in 
the  leadership  of  the  organization  consisted  of  members  of  the  Young 
Communist  League;  and,  consequently,  some  time  in  the  winter  of 
1933-34  I  entered  the  Young  Communist  League. 


1  Rollcall  vote  on  floor  of  House  of  Representatives. 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION)     1847 

Mr.  Doyle.  How  old  were  you  then?    Just  about? 

Mr.  Marks.  Well,  I  was  born  in  1909.  I  would  have  been  24,  I 
should  say. 

Subsequently — and  I  am  not  sure  how  many  months  it  took  after 
having  worked  in  the  Young  Communist  League  at  Harvard — I  was 
invited  to  join  the  Communist  Party.  I  think  this  invitation,  which 
was  somewhat  more  than  an  invitation,  was  extended  by  the  district 
organizer  of  the  Young  Communist  League  at  the  time. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  3^011  recall  his  name? 

Mr.  Marks.  His  name  was  Mack  Libby — L-i-b-b-y. 

My  activities  as  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  at  that  time 
were  devoted,  I  think,  exclusively  to  the  work  of  the  Young  Com- 
munist League  among  students  at  Harvard.  This  also  involved  pro- 
moting the  recruitment  of  members  of  the  National  Student  League. 

(Representative  Harold  H.  Velde  returned  to  the  hearing  room  at 
this  point.) 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  describe,  please,  the  activities  of  the 
Young  Communist  League  at  Harvard  during  the  period  that  you 
were  a  member  of  it  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  The  Young  Communist  League,  on  the  whole,  con- 
ducted study  groups  intended  to  acquaint  the  membership  with  the 
principles  of  communism,  with  the  classics  of  Marxism,  Leninism 
and,  in  general,  to  indoctrinate  them  with  the  viewpoint  of  the 
Communists. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  was  the  importance  to.  the  Communist  Party 
of  attempting  to  organize  students  as  members  of  the  Young  Com- 
munist League? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  think  the  objective  was  to  reach  a  section  of  the 
young  people  who  possessed  ideals  and  who  were  perhaps  especially 
vulnerable  through  being  away  from  home  and  being  concerned  with 
intellectual  pursuits  and  who,  in  subsequent  years,  might  be  expected 
to  play  roles  of  some  conceivable  importance  in  whatever  community 
they  went.  In  other  words,  I  think  that  they  were  banking  on  influ- 
encing a  certain  number  of  young  people,  with  the  hope  that  in  the 
course  of  time  they  would  become  so  involved  emotionally  and  intel- 
lectually that  they  would  be  ripe  for  recruitment  into  the  Com- 
munist Party. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  have  stated  the  method  of  indoctrination  was 
to  conduct  classes  in  Leninism  and  Marxism  and  other  subjects.  Did 
the  plan  contemplate  also  the  use  of  speakers  who  came  to  the  meetings 
of  the  Young  Communist  League  from  higher  levels  of  the  Communist 
Party? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  imagine  so,  to  some  extent.  The  group  was  rather 
autonomous,  I  think,  in  the  sense  that  there  was  some  feeling,  I  suspect, 
on  the  part,  shall  we  say,  of  Mack  Libby  that  these  students  were  more 
highly  educated  than  he  was.  So,  I  don't  think  he  appeared  very 
much.     I  think,  rather,  it  was  perhaps  a  little  different. 

Let  me  illustrate  this.  I  remember  one  meeting,  presumably  against 
war  and  fascism,  that  was  organized  at  MIT  and,  as  I  recall,  among 
the  speakers  we  were  able  to  get  a  functionary  of  the  Communist  Party 
to  speak  there  along  with  the  panel  of  other  people. 

Is  that  what  you  mean  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes. 

Do  you  remember  who  that  functionary  was  ? 


1848    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Marks.  All  I  remember  is  that  his  name  was — wait — Johnny 
Weber,  I  think. 

Mr.  Velde.  Johnny  Weber— W-e-b-e-r? 

Mr.  Marks.  W-e-b-e-r. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  there  any  other  instances  you  can  recall  when 
functionaries  of  the  Communist  Part}'  took  part  in  the  Young  Com- 
munist League  meetings? 

Mr.  Marks.  This  was  not  a  Young  Communist  League  meeting. 
This  was  one  of  those  broad  attempts  to  introduce  to  the  general  pub- 
lic, as  far  as  anyone  was  interested  in  attending  a  meeting  of  general 
nature,  a  Communist  who  was  presumably  going  to  make  a  good 
impression. 

Now,  let  me  mention  something  else,  though.  I  have  no  idea 
whether  Corliss  Lamont  is  a  Communist  in  the  organizational 
sense ■ 


Mr.  Velde.  Whether  who  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  Corliss  Lamont.  But  I  do  recall  sometime  in  the  spring 
of  1043  the  National  Student  League  staged  a  meeting  for  Lamont  at 
Harvard. 

Mr.  Velde.  Well,  as  I  understand  it,  this  meeting  that  Mr.  Weber 
attended  and  where  he  spoke  was  not  a  closed  meeting  of  the  Young 
Communist  League? 

Mr.  Marks.  That's  right. 

Mr.  Velde.  It  was  an  open  meeting  against  war  and  fascism ;  is  that 
correct  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  describe  for  the  committee  just  what  the 
activities  of  the  Young  Communist  League  were  beside  the  holding 
of  study  classes  and  the  indoctrination  of  its  members  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  Are  you  referring  to  the  Harvard  students 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes. 

Mr.  Marks  (continuing) .  In  the  Young  Communist  League? 

I  am  not  sure  but  what  some  of  them  were  asked  to  distribute  the 
Daily  Worker  in  working-class  neighborhoods  in  Cambridge.  I  rather 
have  a  feeling  that  was  part  of  the  work.  I  might  add  they  were  not 
particularly  successful. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Was  any  particular  interest  shown  in  having  the 
members  of  the  Young  Communist  League  become  members  of  the 
front  organizations? 

Mr.  Marks.  Yes.  The  National  Student  League  was  the  obvious 
one  on  the  campus. 

I  don't  know  whether  any  of  the  students  became  members  of  the 
American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism.  That  would  have  been 
a  likely  thing,  had  there  been  an  organization  there. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Can  you  describe  the  operations  of  the  Young  Com- 
munist League  in  its  effort  to  control  the  National  Student  League  or 
infiltrate  it  ( 

Mr.  Marks.  The  Young  Communist  League  members  would  caucus 
before  a  meeting.  This  is  standard  Communist  practice.  They  used 
the  European  term  "fraction,"  and  the  fraction  meeting  would  be 
held  before  a  meeting,  perhaps  after  a  meeting,  for  a  post  mortem 
examination  of  the  results;  but  the  general  objective  was  to  make  sure 
that  the  proper  proposals  were  presented  in  an  acceptable  form  and 
that  they  would  be  passed. 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION)     1849 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  the  Young  Communist  League  group  take  part 
in  any  demonstrations  of  an}'  character  or  carry  any  programs  of 
activity  designed  to  influence  outside  groups? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  don't  think  the  students  operated  very  much  off  the 
campus. 

1  could  report  an  episode  in  June  of  1936  in  connection  with  the 
Harvard  commencement,  if  you  would  care  to  hear  about  it. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Very  well. 

Mr.  Marks.  The  class,  I  assume,  of  1911  was  meeting  for  its  25th 
reunion,  and  the  most  notorious  member  of  that  class  was  Hitler's 
pianoplayer,  Ernst  Hanfstaengel. 

Air.  Velde.  Off  the  record. 

(Off  the  record.) 
.  Mr.  Marks.  I  remember  having  had  something  to  do  with  arranging 
for  two  girls  to  attend  the  commencement.  They  had  some  chains 
or  handcuffs  with  which  they  latched  themselves  onto  something 
immovable  during  the  session  and  emitted  loud  outcries  against 
Hanfstaengel  and  called  for  freeing  of  the  German  Communist  leader 
Thaelmann. 

This  episode  was  undoubtedly  bad  manners,  but  I'm  not  sure  that 
the  motive  was  wholly  bad — the  motive  of  protest  against  Hitler.  I 
think  the  effect  was  probably  the  opposite  of  what  was  desired. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  have  described  the  object  of  the  Communist 
Party  in  concentrating  its  effort  upon  the  organization  of  students 
into  the  Communist  Party.  Would  you  say  they  were  fairly  successful 
in  attaining  that  object  at  Harvard? 

Mr.  Marks.  Certainly  the  Young  Communist  League  never  felt  it 
was  successful  in  the  sense  of  creating  an  enormous  organization.  On 
the  other  hand,  I  think  the  success  can  be  measured  qualitatively  by 
another  standard — and  this  is  one  thing  which  causes  me  a  great  deal 
of  remorse.  Some  of  the  people  whom  I  had  something  to  do  with  in 
bringing  into  the  Communist  movement  turned  out  to  be  irretrievably 
lost. 

I'm  thinking  in  particular  of  one  person  who  was  a  splendid  young 
fellow  at  the  time,  a  boy  of  high  idealistic  temperament  and  good 
intellect,  who  is  known  now  as  a  full-time  Communist  organizer.  I  am 
referring  to  Boone  Schirmer — B-o-o-n-e  S-c-h-i-r-m-e-r. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Is  that  Daniel  Boone  Schirmer? 

Mr.  Marks.  Yes.  His  first  name  was  Daniel.  At  that  time  he  used 
only  Boone  Schirmer,  and  I  knew  him  as  Boone. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  know  where  Daniel  Boone  Schirmer  is 
today? 

Mr.  Marks.  No ;  I  do  not,  but  I  can  tell  you  one  peculiar  episode  in 
which  I  saw  him.  In  the  movie  Paisan — P-a-i-s-a-n — which  was  pro- 
duced, I  believe,  in  Italy  shortly  after  the  war  and  made  use  of  non- 
professionals in  the  acting,  there  was  one  episode  in  which  American 
soldiers  were  shown  supposedly  operating  behind  the  lines  during  the 
war.  The  scene  shows  a  half  dozen  of  them  getting  into  a  boat  in  a 
marsh,  and  I  could  swear  that  one  of  those  soldiers  was  Boone 
Schirmer. 

Mr.  Velde.  When  was  the  last  time  you  had  heard  from  him  or  of 
him? 

Mr.  Marks.  Years  and  years.    It  goes  way  back. 


1850    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Velde.  You  said  he  became  an  organizer  for  the  Communist 
Party.  Can  you  tell  us  something  of  his  activities  as  such  an  organ- 
izer, where  it  was  at  that  time  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  Well,  he  was  not  at  that  time.  I  read  about  this  in 
Philbrick's  book.  At  the  time  he  was  a  student,  and  he  was  working 
in  the  YCL,  the  Young  Communist  League. 

After  that,  I  would  say,  2  years  of  my  work  with  the  Young  Com- 
munist League  at  Harvard,  I  dropped  out  of  that  and  it  was  self- 
operating  among  undergraduates,  and  I  devoted  myself  to  Young 
Communist  League  work  in  other  parts  of  the  Boston  area,  among 
different  groups. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Did  you  do  that  in  other  areas  in  Boston  at  the  request 
of  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  Yes.  My  entire  work  in  the  Communist  Party  was 
localized  in  the  youth  movement. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Now,  before  proceeding  to  discuss  that,  can  you  tell 
us  the  names  of  any  other  individuals  who  were  members  of  the 
Young  Communist  League  that  you  have  reason  to  believe  continued 
in  the  Communist  Party  work  for  any  period  of  time  after  leaving 
Harvard? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  can  remember  the  names  of  2  or  3  people  who  were 
active  at  the  time,  but  I  didn't  follow  them  up. 

Wait — there  is  one,  I  think — Larry  Levy. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  is  the  first  name  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  Lawrence,  I  assume — Larry. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  can  you  tell  us  of  his  activity  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  simply  recall  that  he  was,  I  think,  the  leader  of  the 
Young  Communist  League  in  Harvard  after  I  had  gone  out  of  that 
particular  area. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  give  us  the  names  of  other  members  who 
were  affiliated  with  the  group  of  the  Young  Communist  League  with 
which  you  were  affiliated? 

Mr.  Marks.  Well,  I  can  remember  one  very  clearly  who  is  no  longer 
alive,  and  2  or  3  others  who  I  trust  are  alive,  but  I  don't  know  anything 
at  all  about  them  for  the  past  15  years. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Well,  will  you  give  us  the  names  of  those  who  were 
alive? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  assume  they  are  alive. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes. 

Mr.  Marks.  There  was  one  very  fine  young  fellow  by  the  name  of 
Alan  Philbrick.  When  I  saw  Philbrick's  name  attached  to  a  book.  I 
wondered  whether  there  was  any  relationship,  but  there  is  not.  He 
left  Harvard  in  the  middle  1930's.  I  have  no  idea  what  happened  to 
him  subsequently,  and  I  sincerely  trust  he  got  out  early. 

Herbert  Robbins  I  remember. 

There  was  one  student  in  the  law  school  who  was  a  very  nice  fellow 
by  the  name  of  Saul  Friedburg,  I  think.  I  don't  know  what  happened 
to  him.     I  think  he,  too,  must  have  dropped  out.     I  hope  so. 

Mr.  Velde.  At  this  point  it  is  necessary  for  me  to  leave ;  but  before 
I  do  leave  I  want  to  take  this  opportunity  to  express  my  appreciation 
to  you,  Professor  Marks,  for  your  very  helpful  testimony  which  you 
are  giving  at  the  present  time  and  I  am  sure  you  will  complete  before 
the  hearing  is  over. 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION)      1851 

Mr.  Marks.  Well,  I  appreciate  the  opportunity  for  me  to  testify 
in  executive  session.     Thank  you  very  much. 

(Representative  Harold  H.  Velde  left  the  hearing  room  at  this 
point.) 

Mr.  Marks.  There  are  some  other  names,  faces,  to  whom  I  can  attach 
no  names  at  the  moment.  There  was  one  fellow  whose  first  name  I 
remember — Paul — but  I  can't  remember  any  more. 

I  ought  to  mention  Eugene  Bronstein's  name,  who  was  a  brilliant 
student  of  philosophy,  came  to  Harvard  to  pursue  graduate  studies. 
He  had  been  graduated  from  City  College,  probably  1934  or  1935, 
but  actually  as  an  undergraduate  published  a  short  article  on  phil- 
osophy, and  I'm  sorry  to  say  I  induced  him  to  enter  the  Communist 
movement  and  in  the  long  run  he  was  one  of  those  who  volunteered 
in  193(5  or  1937  to  go  to  Spain,  and  I  well  remember  the  appalling 
feeling  I  had  when  a  news  broadcast  one  evening,  in  the  summer,  I 
imagine,  1937,  reported  that  he  had  been  killed  there. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  have  any  knowledge  of  how  young  men 
were  recruited  for  service  in  Spain  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  In  a  vague  way.  The  recruitment  seems  to  have  been 
organized  by  the  Communist  Party.  I  don't  know  the  details,  but 
the  Communist  Party  was  interested  in  getting  young  men  to  volun- 
teer. 

There  was  another  boy  from  the  Boston  area,  who  was  not  in  this 
Harvard  group,  who  must  have  gone  at  the  same  time  that  G3ne 
Bronstein  went,  and  he  was  killed  at  the  same  time.  I  don't  have 
the  same  feeling  of  personal  responsibility  in  his  case. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  stated  you  were  a  member  of  this  Young  Com- 
munist League  group  for  a  period  of  2  years.  Were  you  a  member 
of  the  Communist  Party  itself  during  any  of  that  period  of  time? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  imagine  for  the  bulk  of  that  time.  That  is,  I  think 
the  period  of  time  during  which  I  was  only  a  member  of  the  Young 
Communist  League  was  probably  no  more  than  6  months. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Was  the  Young  Communist  League  used  as  a  re- 
cruiting ground  for  membership  in  the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  Marks.  It  certainly  was. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  was  that  done  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  In  the  first  place,  it  was  important  to  indoctrinate 
young  people  with  the  idea  that  the  Young  Communists  and  nobody 
else  had  the  right  answers  to  all  kinds  of  problems. 

In  the  second  place,  it  was  desirable  to  test  out  a  person's  loyalty 
through  the  willingness  to  engage  in  the  dull,  routine  activities  of 
peddling  the  Daily  Worker,  distributing  mimeographed  leaflets  or 
participating  in  May  Day  parades,  and  so  on  and  so  forth. 

I  don't  think  there  was  any  great  rush  to  move  people  from  the  YCL 
to  the  Communist  Party  if  they  were  still  at  an  early  age,  and  I  sus- 
pect that  probably  people  had  to  be  in  their  20's  before  they  would 
have  been  welcomed  in  the  Communist  Party;  and  probably  in  most 
cases  even  there,  if  they  were  fairly  young  and  could  work  with 
young  people,  their  membership  in  the  Communist  Party  was  used 
as  an  additional  mode  of  discipline,  so  that  their  work  remained  essen- 
tially the  same — that  is  to  say,  attempting  to  influence  youth  while 
they  were  more  subject  to  direct  orders  than  they  had  been  in  the 
Young  Communist  League. 


1852    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION) 

In  the  Young  Communist  League  presumably  the  members  would 
be  asked  whether  they  wanted  to  do  something,  such  as  distributing 
leaflets,  and  in  the  Communist  Party  a  member  would  be  expected  to. 
He  would  not  be  asked.  He  might  be  asked,  but  this  would  be  a  for- 
mality, like  the  command  performance  would  be  for  a  queen. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Well,  after  you  became  a  member  of  the  Communist 
Party,  did  you  meet  with  any  particular  cell  or  group  of  the  Commu- 
nist Party  as  distinguished  from  the  Young  Communist  League 
group? 

Mr.  Marks.  Not  that  I  recall.  I  met  with  the  district  organizer 
from  time  to  time.  I  seem  to  recall  that  there  was  perhaps  some  sort 
of  council,  a  group  of  people  who  were  Communist  Party  members, 
active  in  youth  work.  I  am  not  sure  about  the  details.  I  couldn't  tell 
you,  for  example,  whether  I  paid  dues  separately  or  together. 

Incidentally,  might  I  add  one  minor  point.  This  is  purely  semantic. 
I  read  in  the  newspapers  of  people  being  spoken  of  as  card-carrying 
Communists.  There  were  no  cards.  There  was  a  membership  book. 
You  were  not  supposed  to  carry  it. 

Mr.  Cooper.  May  I  ask  him  a  question  at  this  time? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  All  right. 

Mr.  Ccoper.  Did  you  know  of  a  book  kept  by  the  treasurer  or  secre- 
tary with  the  names  in  it  at  that  time? 

Mr.  Marks.  Well,  I  assume  that  every 

Mr.  Cooper.  Did  you  ever  see  one,  Professor  Marks? 

Mr.  Marks.  Probably. 

Mr.  Cooper.  Will  you  think  about  that  a  minute? 

Mr.  Marks.  Surely. 

Mr.  Cooper.  Did  you  ever  see  a  book  with  your  name  in  it? 

Mr.  Marks.  Well,  I — I  can't  answer  you  that  on  the  basis  of  a  photo- 
graphic recollection.  If  you  are  suggesting  that  there  were  pseudo- 
nyms that  were  used,  or  numbers,  or  some  sort  of  key,  so  that  my  name 
didn't  appear,  but  a  symbol  was  entered  in  some  book,  I  can't  answer 
vou  that.  I  don't  remember.  All  I  know  is  that  at  meetings  of  the 
unit,  or  whatever  the  name  happened  to  be  for  the  organization,  the 
basic  organization  of  the  Communist  movement  at  the  time,  there  was 
always  a  treasurer  Avho  collected  dues;  and  I  seem  to  recall  of  some 
sort  of  record  whether  or  not  dues  were  being  paid  and  kept  up  to  date. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Who  was  the  treasurer  of  the  group  that  you 
remember  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  have  no  recollection. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  recall  to  whom  you  paid  dues  at  any  time? 

Mr.  Marks.  No:  I  can't  remember  that. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  was  the  nature  of  the  work  to  which  you  were 
assigned  in  the  youth  movement  after  you  ceased  to  become  active  in 
the  Young  Communist  League? 

Mr.  Marks.  It  was  chiefly  work  that  was  called  educational,  in  the 
sense  that  I  generally  went  to  the  meetings  of  other  groups  in  the 
greater  Boston  area.  Sometimes  I  conducted  classes  in  which  young 
people  read  various  of  the  pamphlets  that  were  available  on  Marxism, 
Leninism,  on  the  decisions  of  the  Seventh  Congress  of  the  Comintern, 
on  the  pamphlet — discussions  of  pamphlets  dealing  with  contempo- 
rary American  problems  and  international  problems. 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION)      1853 

Let  me  add  one  thing :  For  a  short  time  I  taught  a  class  in  the  school 
that  the  party  ran  in  Boston  at  that  time. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  was  the  name  of  that  school? 

Mr.  Marks.  It  didn't  have  any  name  at  that  time,  as  far  as  I 
remember  it.  It  was  not  dressed  up  with  the  name  of  some  American 
hero,  outstanding  note,  in  order  to  lend  it  a  patriotic  air.  It  may 
have  had  some  designation,  but  that  slips  my  mind  at  this  time. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  there  other  teachers  in  that  same  school  at 
the  time  you  taught  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  think  the  other  teachers  were  generally  party  func- 
tionaries, people  like  this  Weber  that  I've  mentioned. 

Mr.  Tvvenner.  Do  you  recall  the  names  of  others  who  taught  in 
that  school  besides  Weber  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  Well,  I  think  the  Communist  district  organizer  at 
that  time,  whose  name  was  Sparks,  was  a  very  effective  teacher. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  was  his  first  name? 

Mr.  Marks.  His  first  name  was  Nehemiah,  but  he  felt  that  in 
public  appearances  that  would  be  too  difficult  a  name  for  people  to 
understand  and  he,  consequently,  was  often  introduced  at  a  public 
meeting  as  Ned  Sparks. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Off  the  record. 

(Off  the  record.) 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  know  whether  that  was  the  same  person 
as  Nemmy  Sparks? 

Mr.  Marks.  I've  heard  that  nickname  applied  to  him.  He  was, 
by  training,  incidentally,  I  think,  a  chemist  because  I  remember  once 
he  explained  to  me  the  meaning  of  octane  ratings  in  gasoline. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  tell  us  more  of  what  you  know  about  his 
activities? 

Mr.  Marks.  Well,  the  activities  of  a  district  organizer  of  the  Com- 
munist Party  are  something  like  the  appearance  of  an  iceberg.  That 
is  to  say,  you  see  perhaps  one-sixth  or  one-seventh  of  them.  That  was 
the  part  that  I  saw  of  them.  The  bulk  of  his  activities  were  not  in- 
visible. Such  activities  consisted  of  intermeetings,  education  reports, 
and  the  like. 

They  had  some  system  of  couriers  whereby  they  received  direc- 
tives— I  believe  that  would  be  the  word — from  the  central  committee 
in  New  York.  I  have  no  idea  how  that  was  handled — whether  there 
was  a  bus  driver  or — they  were  not  committed  to  the  mails — whether 
there  was  a  bus  driver  on  the  New  York-to-Boston  route,  or  some 
trainman,  or  something  of  that  sort.  I  doubt  whether  they  had  any 
money  to  pay  somebody  just  to  travel  back  and  forth. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  During  what  period  of  time  were  you  acquainted 
with  Mr.  Sparks? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  couldn't  say  for  sure.  He  was  the  district  organizer 
at  the  time  I  entered  the  Communist  movement  in  1934,  and  he  was 
subsequently  replaced.    Now,  I  don't  remember  when. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  know  where  he  went  from  your  school 
area? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  think  he  went  to  the  Middle  West. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  was  the  address  of  the  school  at  which  he 
taught? 

30172— 53— pt.  6 2 


1854    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Marks.  I  could  tell  you  how  to  find  the  place  in  Boston.  There 
was  a  short  street,  which  may  have  been  a  blind  alley,  off  Washington 
Street,  near  Essex.  I  don't  remember  the — it  would  be  in  the  tele- 
phone book  at  that  time.  I  don't  remember  the  number  or  the  name 
of  the  street.  It  was  up  one  flight  of  long,  narrow  stairs,  a  dinky 
2-  or  3-room  collection  of  offices. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Now,  can  you  give  us  the  names  of  any  of  the 
persons  who  taught  at  that  school  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  Well,  I  think  of  the  people  that  were  active  after 
Sparks  left — Sidney  Bloomfield,  for  example. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Would  you  spell  the  last  name? 

Mr.  Marks.  B-1-o-o-m-f-i-e-l-d. 

The  Young  Communist  League  organizers  taught  there — Mack 
Libby;  a  repulsive  female  by  the  name  of  Loretta  Starr — S-t-a-r-r — 
and  the  last 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  both  of  those  persons  attend  Young  Commu- 
nist League  meetings  at  which  you  were  present? 

Mr.  Marks.  Yes. 

The  last  Young  Communist  League  organizer  that  I  knew  was 
Dave  Grant.     I  have  no  idea  where  he  went. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  describe  in  general  the  activities  of  those 
persons  who  were  organizers,  including  Loretta  Starr? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  can  describe  what  I  saw  of  them.  They  were  inter- 
mediaries between  the  headquarters  in  New  York  on  the  one  hand  and 
the  local  Communist  Party  leadership  on  the  other  in  transmitting 
directives  to  the  Young  Communist  League  organizations  in  the  area. 

Incidentally,  a  side  point  just  occurred  to  me.  I  think  at  that  time 
the  Communist  Party  was  organized  into  districts  which  corre- 
sponded to 

Is  it  Army  districts  ?     Is  that  the  term  that  I  want  ? 

For  example,  Governor's  Island  is  the  headquarters  of  some  Army 
district. 

I  thirk  the  United  States  has  divided  up  into  districts  correspond- 
ing to  that. 

I  can  draw 

Mr.  Tavenner.  They  may  have  had  areas  instead  of  districts? 

Mr.  Marks.  It  simply  is  a  side  point,  which  occurs  to  me,  and  may 
have  no  value  whatever. 

The  activities  of  an  organizer  of  the  Young  Communist  League  were 
on  the  whole,  I  think  devoted  to  strengthening  and  extending  the  scope 
of  Communist  youth  activities.  This  involved  introducing  members 
of  the  Young  Communist  League  into  organizations  of  a  non-Commu- 
nist nature. 

Some  of  these  organizations  were,  in  effect,  sponsored  by  the  Com- 
munist Party  or  perhaps  the  word  "instigated"  or  "hatched"  may  be 
better,  such  as  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism.  In 
such  an  organization,  there  would  always  be  a  core,  a  fraction,  of 
young  Communists  if  this  organization  had  anything  to  do  with  youth. 

O.i  the  other  hand,  there  were  organizations  that  were  not  under 
Communist  influence,  such  as  the  YMCA,  and  the  YWCA,  and  simi- 
lar organizations.  Members  of  the  Young  Communist  League  were 
expected  to  enter  these,  to  join  in  their  various  activities  and  to  make 
friends  with  friends  with  people  who  were  of  their  age  and  in  these 
organizations.     The  object  was,  in  the  long  run,  to  influence  these 


COMMUNIST   METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION)     1855 

members  and,  if  poss:ble,  these  organizations,  so  that  at  national 
conferences,  if  it  was  possible  to  get  a  member  of  the  Young  Commu- 
nist League  elected  as  a  delegate  from  one  of  these  perfectly  inno- 
cent organizations  to  attend  a  national  gathering  of  an  organization 
which,  as  a  whole,  was  perfectly  innocent  and  in  the  clear,  it  might 
be  possible  to  influence  the  resolutions  of  such  an  organization  in 
such  a  way  as  to  lead  them  to  conform  to  some  immediate  objectives 
which  the  Communists  had  in  mind. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  in  the  1930's  the  Soviet  Union  was  weak — 
it  was,  therefore,  in  favor  of  peace;  since  they  had  little  in  the  way 
of  armament,  they  were  in  favor  of  disarmament — and  in  view  of. 
the  fact  that  the  vast  majority  of  the  American  people  have  been  in 
favor  of  peace  and  generally  have  been  loath  to  expend  vast  sums 
of  money  on  a  permanent  military  organization,  it  was  possible  for 
them  to  strike  an  echo  among  young  people  who  had  no  attachment 
to  communism,  who  did  not  identify  these  people  as  Communists  and 
who  would  presumably  have  spurned  them  had  they  known  who  they 
were. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Was  it  not  also  the  purpose  of  the  Communist  Party 
to  add  membership  to  the  Communist  Party  through  such  influences? 

Mr.  Marks.  Certainly.  If  it  was  possible  to  find  individuals  in 
these  innocent  organizations  who  appeared  to  be  interested  in  discus- 
sion, it  would  be  possible  to  organize  a  study  group  which  might  have 
no  overt  Communist  sponsorship  and  no  overt  Communist  direction, 
yet,  on  the  basis  of  study  and  the  assiduous  cultivation  of  personal 
friendships,  people  would  be  brought  closer  to  the  Communist  Party, 
perhaps  initially  enlisted  in  one  of  the  less  obvious  organizations,  and 
in  the  long  run  induced  to  join  the  Communist  Party,  if  they  could 
be  brought  to  take  the  full  dose. 

The  whole  procedure  was  particularly  perfidious  because  it  de- 
pended upon  exploiting  the  perfectly  admirable  ideals  which  many 
people  harbored  in  connection  with  anti-Fascist  feelings,  in  connec- 
tion with  a  desire  to  preserve  the  peace,  in  connection  with  a  desire 
to  provide  employment,  and  the  like;  and  what  the  Communists  did 
was  take  hold  of  these  ideas  and  pervert  them  to  their  own  ends. 

Mind  you,  I  don't  say  they  were  opposed  to  peace  in  1930;  but  this 
was  purely  coincidental  and  happened  to  match  the  interests  of  the 
Soviet  Union  at  that  time. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  this  Young  Communist  League  group  or  the 
Communist  Party  itself  endeavor  to  exert  its  influence  over  the  Amer- 
ican Youth  Congress,  to  your  knowledge? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  think  so. 

Let  me — could  you  refresh  my  memory  as  to  what  the  American 
Youth  Congress  was? 

Mr.  Cooper.  The  American  Youth  Congress,  Professor,  was  an 
organization  of  the  students  of  all  the  schools — that  is,  of  all  the 
young  college  students.  They  were  chartered,  and  one  of  their  first 
presidents  of  it  was  Cavin. 

Mr.  Marks.  Cavin? 

Mr.  Cooper.  Cavin — Joseph  Cavin — and  later  they  elected  Jack 
McMichael. 

Now,  I  will  ask  you  now :  Do  you  know  Jack  McMichael  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  Not  the  name.     I  never  heard  the  name,  as  I  recall. 


1856     COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Cooper.  When  the  American  Youth  Congress  would  hold  their 


meetings  or  their 

Mr.  Marks.  Conclaves. 

Mr.  Cooper.  Conclaves,  at  different  places,  always  there  were  cer- 
tain ones  of  the  Young  Communist  League  that  infiltrated  into  this 
meeting.    Among  those  was  a  man  by  the  name  of  Quill. 

Did  you  know  Michael  Quill? 

Mr.  Marks.  I've  read  about  him  in  the  newspapers  in  connection 
with  the  Transport  Workers'  Union  in  New  York. 

Mr.  Cooper.  You  say  you  have  never  heard  the  name  Jack  Mc- 
Michael  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  No. 

Mr.  Cooper.  Off  the  record. 

(Off  the  record.) 

Mr.  Cooper.  At  every  meeting  they  always  had  a  representative 
there  to  speak,  and  I  just  wondered  whether  you  had  any  knowledge, 
since  you  were  in  New  York  City  at  the  time,  at  the  time  this  was 
taking  place,  in  1939,  1940,  1941.  ' 

Mr.  Marks.  I  was  in  Staten  Island,  Mr.  Cooper. 

Have  you  ever  been  in  Staten  Island? 

Mr.  Cooper.  No  ;  I  haven't. 

Mr.  Marks.  Staten  Island,  where  I  lived,  was  about  as  far  from 
Times  Square  as  New  Haven. 

Mr.  Cooper.  Well,  I  meant,  though,  you  were  in  the  public  school 
there. 

Mr.  Marks.  Staten  Island  is  more  like  a  rural  community  than  a 
borough  of  the  city. 

I  was  unaware  of  any  of  these  things.  I  was  not  a  member  of  the 
Communist  movement  at  that  time. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  stated  earlier  in  your  testimony  that  while  a 
member  of  the  Communist  Party  you  worked  in  the  youth  movement 
by  attending,  by  lecturing  at  various  groups  throughout  the  Boston 
area.  Can  you  tell  the  committee  more  about  the  nature  of  those 
groups  which  you  addressed  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  As  I  recollect  them,  they  were  generally  neighborhood 
organizations.  That  is  to  say,  there  would  be  perhaps  2  or  3  organiza- 
tions in  Roxbury. 

One  of  the  great  griefs  that  the  Communists  had  at  that  time  was 
that  they  were  unable  to  get  a  foothold  among  the  employed  youth. 
They  would  have  liked  to  have  had  organizations  that  were  among 
young  people  who  were  employed  in  important  industries. 

Actually,  I  think  probably  employment  was  a  prophylactic  against 
Communist  membership. 

Among  the  unemployed,  therefore,  or  people  who  were  still  attend- 
ing school,  or  young  people  who  had  paper  routes,  casual  employment 
of  that  sort,  it  was  necessary  to  organize  them  on  a  neighborhood 
basis;  and,  consequently,  these  people  met,  I  think,  once  a  week  and 
there  would  be  an  agenda,  which  would  usually  have  some  item  con- 
cerning recruitment,  and  particularly  the  retention  of  members  who 
had  dropped  out.    The  turnover  was  tremendous. 

Then,  there  would  be  some  sort  of  political  discussion,  and  possibly 
an  outsider,  like  myself,  an  outsider  in  the  sense  of  not  being  a  mem- 
ber of  that  particular  outfit,  who  would  come  along,  prepared  to  dis- 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION)     1857 

cuss  some  point,  politics,  or  some  socialistic  theory,  or  something  of 
that  sort. 

Frankly,  it  must  have  been  terribly  dull  and  I  can  understand  why 
the  turnover  Avas  as  great  as  it  was,  although  at  the  time  it  seemed 
difficult  to  understand  because  the  Communists  were  convinced  that 
they  had  the  answers  to  all  problems.  These  answers  were  founded 
upon  the  positive  achievements  of  the  only  verifiable  social  science 
that  has  ever  existed — to  wit,  that  founded  by  Marx  and  Engels, 
perfected  by  Lenin  and  carried  on  by  Stalin. 

So,  those  of  us  who  were  imbued  with  this  emotional  orientation 
were  apt  to  be  totally  unaware  of  the  actual  interests  of  American 
young  people. 

The  effect  was,  actually,  trying  to  import  an  ideology  whose  ter- 
minology even  was  foreign — the  use  of  the  word  "fraction,"  as  I  have 
suggested,  instead  of  caucus;  the  attempt  to  appeal  to  the  toiling 
masses. 

Can  you  imagine  a  group  of  American  factory  workers  listening  to 
anyone  talking  to  them  about  the  toiling  masses? 

Mr.  Doyle.  But  it  appealed  to  you? 

Mr.  Marks.  Because  I  was  not  a  member  of  the  toiling  masses.  I 
was  a  student. 

Mr.  Doyle.  What  was  there  about  it  that  appealed  to  you  in  the 
emotional  orientation  that  you  speak  about  ?  Why  did  it  get  you  for 
a  time  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  That  seems  to  me  to  be  something  where  perhaps  I  can 
make  a  contribution  to  the  committee. 

Mr.  Doyle.  I  don't  mean  to  have  interrupted  your  line  of  ques- 
tioning. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  No ;  that  is  all  right. 

Mr.  Marks.  No  ;  I  think  perhaps  that  is  the  one  thing  where  I  can 
make  some  personal  observations. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you 

Mr.  Marks.  It  seems  to  me 

Mr.  Doyle.  Let  me  ask 

Mr.  Marks.  Certainly. 

Mr.  Doyle  (continuing) .  This,  to  see  if  I  am  correct.  You  by  this 
time  were  25  or  26  years  of  age  ? 

Mr.  M arks.  That's  right. 

Mr.  Doyle.  You  were  fairly  mature? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  was  older. 

Mr.  Doyle.  You  were  unusually  mature. 

Mr.  Marks.  I  would  say  older,  but  mature— I  wonder  in  retrospect. 

Mr.  Doyle.  But  your  brain  had  been  wonderfully  trained.  You  had 
been  to  Heidelberg.    You  had  been  to  Germany. 

Mr.  Marks.  That's  true. 

Mr.  Doyle.  You  had  gone  through  Harvard  College. 

Mr.  Marks.  That  is  true. 

Mr.  Doyle.  What  was  it  that  got  you,  with  all  that  fine  bram  train- 
ing, to  get  you  to  be  a  youth  leader  in  the  Communist  Party?  Why 
did  you  do  it? 

Mr.  Marks.  That  is— that's  the  central  issue. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Were  you  paid  for  it  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  No  ;  I  was  not  paid  for  it. 

Mr.  Doyle.  You  donated  your  time? 


1858    COMMUNIST   METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Marks.  Exactly. 

Mr.  Doyle.  And  your  transportation  expense 

Mr.  Marks.  That's  right. 

Mr.  Doyle.  If  you  went  any  place. 

Why  did  you  do  it? 

Mr.  Marks.  It  seems  to  me  one  of  the  things  we  have  to  recognize — 
and  I  say  this  as  a  person  who  is  in  contact  with  college  students  all 
the  time — one  of  the  things  we  have  to  recognize  is  the  extent  to  which 
young  people  are  accessible  to  ideals. 

Mr.  Doyle.  What  do  you  mean  by  "ideals"? 

Mr.  Marks.  One  of  the  things  that  the  Communists  have  done  over 
a  period  of  50  years  has  been  to  take  the  finest  ideals  of  western  civili- 
zation, use  the  words  that  are  used  in  the  Halls  of  Congress,  from 
pulpits,  in  the  finest  of  books,  the  same  words,  mind  you,  such  as 
"democracy",  and  pervert  them  to  their  own  ends. 

Now,  I  was  in  favor  of  democracy,  and  I  still  am ;  but  I  have  come 
to  understand  that  what  the  Communists  mean  when  they  say  democ- 
racy, is  its  opposite. 

I  was  in  favor  of  peace.    I  am  in  favor  of  peace  today. 

The  Communists  have  never  been  pacifists.  The  Communists  were 
in  favor  of  peace  in  the  situation  that  developed  in  the  1930's  when  it 
appeared  that  Russia  was  in  danger  both  in  the  east  and  in  the  west 
by  Japan  and  by  Germany.  Therefore,  they  were  in  favor  of  peace. 
It  was  purely  tactical,  as  we  can  see  today. 

They  were  opposed  to  fascism.  I  was  opposed  to  fascism.  Most  of 
the  American  people,  I  assume,  came  to  oppose  fascism — and  the  Sec- 
ond World  War  is  testimony  to  that  effect. 

I  wanted  answers  to  questions  on  philosophy,  economics. 

Remember  the  mid-1930's,  when  we  had  poverty  in  the  midst  of 
plenty.  There  was  a  great  deal  of  unemployment,  and  students  who 
were  not  directly,  themselves,  the  victims  of  the  depression  tended  to 
have,  perhaps  for  that  very  reason,  a  sense  of  guilt,  a  sense  of  respon- 
sibility. 

I  think  perhaps  it  might  be  comparable  to  the  feelings  which  moti- 
vated Russian  youth  in  the  1870's  to  undertake  conspiracies  against 
the  Czar.  They  were  the  sheltered  offspring  of  the  beneficiaries  of  an 
autocratic  system.  Their  minds  were  exposed  to  the  ideals  of  the  west. 
Consequently,  they  felt  a  feeling  of  guilt  at  enjoying  the  benefits  which 
they  had  received. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Did  you  feel  that? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  think  I  must  have  had  a  similar  feeling. 

Mr.  Doyle.  But  you  were  not  youth ;  you  were  a  man. 

Mr.  Marks.  All  the  more  reason,  I  think,  for  my  feeling.  I  must 
do  something  to  help  my  fellow  man. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Well,  you  said  you  were  seeking  the  answers. 

Mr.  Marks.  That's  right. 

Mr.  Doyle.  You  must  have  then  arrived  at  the  point  where  you 
felt  you  had  the  answers. 

Mr.  Marks.  I  certainly  did. 

Mr.  Doyle.  So  you  were  no  longer  seeking  for  the  answers. 

Mr.  Marks.  That's  right. 

Mr.  Doyle.  You  concluded  the  Communist  Party  had  the  answers. 

Mr.  Marks.  Absolutely. 

Mr.  Doyle.  So  you  were  no  longer  philosophizing. 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION)     1859 

Mr.  Marks.  That  is  precisely  the  point.  That's  what  makes  it 
deplorable. 

It  seems  to  me  if  you  overlook  the  appeal  which  the  Communists 
have,  based  upon  an  all-inclusive  philosophy,  if  you  want  to  call  it 
that,  although  it  debases  the  term  which  has  an  honorable  lineage,  then 
we  miss  one  of  the  points  which  explains  the  appeal  of  communism 
to  intellectuals.  They  have  a  coherent  and  superficially  plausible 
explanation  of  everything  from  causality  in  philosophy  to  genetics; 
they  have  their  own  cosmology;  they  have  their  own  theories  with 
respect  to  literature,  with  respect  to  music. 

To  people  who  are  baffled — to  people  who  want  a  coherent  outlook — 
this  is  plausible  precisely  because  they  use  so  many  of  the  terms  that 
we  use  in  a  democratic  society. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Well,  is  part  of  the  reason  why  men  like  you,  with  the 
brain  training  you  had,  adopt  communism  because  they  were  so  infe- 
rior that  you  couldn't  understand  it  and  therefore  you  encompassed  it? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  don't  think 

Mr.  Doyle.  Were  you  looking  for  an  escape  of  some  sort  in  your 
own  lack  of  comprehension  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  don't  think  you're  being  just  to  the  appeal  which 
Communists  have;  that  is  to  say,  it  is  much  more  plausible  if  you 
shut  your  mind  to  other  things.  If  you  shut  you  mind  to  critics,  if 
you  shut  your  mind  to  objective  analysis  of  what  the  Communists  are 
doing,  it  is  much  more  plausible. 

Mr.  Doyle.  But  these  younger  men,  much  younger  than  you, 
couldn't  comprehend  the  ultimate  of  communism.  They  were  not 
mature  enough,  were  they,  at  18? 

Mr.  Marks.  No. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Well,  what  was  it  about  communism  that  attracted 
them,  then  ?     Why  did  they  encompass  a  foreign  ideology  ? 

What  was  there  in  communism  that  democracy,  under  which  they 
were  born  and  raised,  didn't  have  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  Let  me  illustrate  the  thing  by  contrast :  In  the  1930's 
these  students  could  look  at  the  United  States  and  see  that  we  were  in 
the  throes  of  a  depression.  We  had  between  12  and  perhaps  15  million 
unemployed.  We  looked  at  the  Soviet  Union  and  they  told  us  that 
since  1931  there  had  been  no  unemployment.  They  had,  you  see, 
supposedly  a  rational  organization  of  their  economy. 

Now,  planned  economy  is  something  which  has  a  certain  appeal 
to  a  person  who  is  not  engaged  in  business  life,  who  has  no  job,  wbo 
sees  people  abstractly  as  students  are  apt  to  see  them. 

That's  one  reason  why  I  said  people  who  were  employed  were  in 
part  insulated  against  the  Communist  appeal  and,  consequently,  they 
were  not  in  the  position  to  feel  that  unless  the  system  were  changed 
radically  nothing  could  become  of  it. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Excuse  me. 

Mr.  Marks.  The  Communists  argued  you  couldn't  reform,  which, 
of  course,  we  have  disproven. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Excuse  me  for  interrupting,  Counsel.  That  is  some- 
thing that  just  occurred  to  me. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  That  is  quite  all  right. 

Mr.  Marks.  May  I  go  on  to  one  further  point? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes. 


1860    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Marks.  I  have  a  course  which  I  teach  in  the  history  of  Europe 
since  1918,  in  the  course  of  which  obviously  we  have  to  discuss  com- 
munism and  fascism.  In  the  last  2  or  .'5  lectures  in  the  course  1  devote 
to  a  comparison  of  communism  and  fascism,  and  I  point  out  to  the 
students  that  the  very  things  which  we  abhor  in  fascism  Ave  find 
•exempli  lied  in  the  Soviet  Union — almost  everything,  except  the  lingo. 

The  Fascists  openly  damned  democracy.  The  Communists  appro- 
priated the  term,  perpetrated  the  opposite  of  democracy  and  called 
it  democracy;  and  that  seems  to  me  to  be  the  particular  perfidious 
character  of  communism — that  it  takes  ideals  of  western  civiliza- 
tion, the  Judean-Christian  tradition,  and  makes  use  of  these  to  mis- 
lead people. 

Mr.  Doyle.  How  do  you  define  fascism,  as  you  used  the  term,  con- 
trasted with  communism  or  democracy? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  should  say  fascism  was  the  sort  of  social  system  that 
was  set  up  in  Italy,  in  Germany,  beginning  in  1922  in  Italy  and  19:5:5 
in  Germany,  in  which  a  rather  small  group  of  the  people,  consisting 
generally  of  the  military,  bureaucracy,  the  reactionary  landlords, 
some  of  the  biggest  representatives  of  big  business,  but  not  business  in 
general,  and  a  party  membership  which  consists  of  opportunists,  po- 
litical gangsters,  ne'er-do-wells,  and  the  like — this  coalition  ruling 
ruthlessly  over  the  vast  bulk  of  the  population,  exploiting  the  middle 
class,  exploiting  the  intellectuals,  exploiting  peasantry,  exploiting 
business  people  who  were  not  of  the  biggest  category. 

So  far  as  the  Communists  were  concerned,  they  had  done  away 
with  one  or  two  sections  of  the  groups  that  were  beneficiaries  of  fas- 
cism— that  is  to  say  big  landlords  of  prewar  Russia  and  the  old  class, 
the  capitalists.  In  their  place,  you  have  the  vast  bulk  of  the  popu- 
lation, exploited  fundamentally  by  a  new  bureaucracy,  which  is  just 
as  ruthless,  just  as  brutal,  just  as  fraudulent  in  its  ideology  as  the 
Fascists,  but  in  the  use  of  their  language  very  different  and,  conse- 
quently, I  think,  able  to  persuade  a  certain  number  of  people  for  a 
certain  length  of  time  that  there  is  a  profound  difference  between 
the  two. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Is  there  any  Fascist  movement  in  this  country  now 
that  you  would  identify? 

Mr.  Marks.  Well,  only  in  the  region  of  psychosomatics,  if  you  will 
permit  a  word,  is  near  a  crackpot  fringe.  I  would  say  it  does  not 
strike  me  as  being  serious. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Is  that  movement  subversive  in  the  same  manner,  sub- 
stantially the  same,  as  communism  is? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  would  say  subversive  in  the  sense  that  it  is  opposed  to 
the  general  outlook,  the  bulk  of  America,  but  dangerous,  I  doubt. 

They  don't  have  175  divisions  behind  them. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Thank  you. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  In  other  words,  one  chief  distinction  that  you  are 
making  between  communism  and  fascism  is  that  the  Communists  sub- 
verted many  of  the  terms  and  principles  used  in  a  democracy  to  a  pur- 
pose for  which  they  were  not  designed? 

Mr.  Marks.  Exactly,  and  let  me  add,  too.  that  we  have  the  weak- 
ness of  our  virtue  . 

It  seems  to  me  one  of  the  great  virtues  that  we  have  is  diversity, 
so  that  we  have  many  possible  answers  to  serious  questions. 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION)      1861 

Now,  the  Communists  have  one  answer,  and  to  some  people  that  is 
very  desirable.  They  want  to  be  embraced  in  some  enfolding  symbol. 
Stalin  was  an  illustration  of  that.  In  a  sense,  he  was  a  father  image, 
and  he  was  openly  cultivated  as  such. 

There  is  some  hope  now  that  the  disappearance  of  that  image  there 
may  bring  serious  dissension  within  the  Soviet  Union.  They  have 
not  been  able  to  replace  that  symbol  by  another. 

Mr.  Doyle.  You  said  you  were  teaching  in  classes  comparative 
fascism  and  democracy  and  communism.  What  is  your  appraisal  or 
evaluation  of  whether'or  not  the  young  people  in  your  classes,  any  of 
them,  became  attracted  to  communism  through  the  comparison  that 
you  taught? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  very  much  doubt  if  anyone  did. 

As  far  as  I  know,  I  have  had  one  Communist  in  my  classes.  He 
thought  he  was  a  Marxist.  He  took  this  particular  course,  incident- 
ally, and  he  did  a  term  paper  for  me.  I  forget  what  it  was  about, 
but  he  attempted  to  give  a  Marxist  analysis,  or  something  or  another, 
and  it  was  very  poor  Marxism.  He  subsequently  ran  for  some  State 
ofKee  on  some  third-party  ticket. 

Mr.  Doyle.  May  I  ask  one  more  question  here:  In  your  classes  do 
you  feel  there  is  a  sense  of  dissatisfaction  on  the  part  of  the  American 
students  with  democracy? 

Mr.  Marks.  Definitely  not. 

I  think  there  is  another  situation  which  some  people  have  found 
more  current  than  I.  Some  members  of  the  faculty  think  that  stu- 
dents, on  the  whole,  are  apathetic.  I  think  they  are  not  as  apathetic 
as  perhaps  would  be  alarming,  but  I  think  we've  got  to  appeal  to  their 
ideals. 

Mr.  Doyle.  But  you  were  dissatisfied,  you  and  the  rest  of  those  peo- 
ple who  were  young  Communists.  Was  that  because  of  conditions  at 
that  time  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  think  so. 

Mr.  Doyle.  If  those  conditions  recurred,  would  you  find  the  same 
interests  in  a  foreign  ideology  such  as  communism  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  don't  think  so. 

Don't  you  think  the  various  measures  which  we  have  adopted  to, 
in  the  first  place,  level  out  the  fluctuations  of  the  business  cycle  and, 
in  the  second  place,  to  cushion  the  impact  where  these  fluctuations 
occur  have  given  people  the  feeling  that  society  is  on  their  side? 

I  don't  think  there  would  be  very  much  feeling  of  exclusion  from 
society. 

I  think  that  one  of  the  things  which  is  important  is  that  people 
know — students,  young  people,  employed,  unemployed,  housewives, 
and  the  like — it's  important  that  these  people  know  that  they  are  of 
some  concern  to  other  people,  and  I  think  that  the  transformation  of 
the  United  States  in  the  last  15  or  20  years  has  given  people  that  feel- 
ing of  belonging. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Well,  excuse  me  for  interrupting  your  line  of  question- 
ing. 

Mr.  Tavenxer.  We  had  one  witness  who  appeared  before  this  wit- 
ness and  testified  as  to  his  prior  Communist  Party  membership,  and 
in  the  course  of  his  testimony  he  stated  if  he  had  been  taught  in  college 
a  proper  course  in  comparative  governments  he  probably  never  would 
have  joined  the  Communist  Party  because  he  didn't  understand  the 


1862    COMMUNIST   METHODS    OF   INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION) 

subject  in  the  proper  light,  in  a  comparative  way.  What  is  your 
judgment  about  that? 

Mr.  Makes.  I  don't  think  there  is  any  one  course  that  should  be 
required  of  everyone  in  order  to  inoculate  them  against  this  disease, 
but  it  does  seem  to  me  that  this  is  one  approach,  which  is  essential.  It 
seems  to  me  that  we  have  got  to  teach  young  people  about  communism. 
Now,  whether  it  is  done  on  a  comparative  basis,  which  is  in  a  sense 
what  I  do  in  this  history  course,  or  whether  it  is  done  in  another 
course — say  a  course  in  Russian  history — or  whether  it  is  done  in  a 
course  on  political  parties,  or  whether  it  is  done  in  a  course  of  music — 
presumably  you  could  deal  with  Communist  theories  about  music, 
which,  I  confess,  I  found  utterly  unintelligible 

Mr.  Doyle.  Or  art. 

Mr.  Marks.  Or  art  or  literature — any  one  of  those  things  I  think 
should  serve  toward  the  same  goal. 

But  I  want  to  express  this  point :  That  we  must  not  ignore  this  any 
more  than  we  must  ignore  cancer. 

I  think  that  analogy  was  one  which  Mr.  Conant  used  some  years 
back. 

We  must  study  it  and,  furthermore,  we  must  explain  it. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Beginning  at  what  grade  in  school  would  you  suggest 
it  be  studied  or  begin  to  be  taught  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  think  possibly  in  the  high  school.  I  don't  think  in 
the  grammar  school  age  you  get  very  much  attention  at  anything  of 
that  sort,  but  in  many  schools  throughout  the  country  there  is  a  9th 
or  10th  grade  course  in  civics.  It  seems  to  me  a  little  bit  could  be 
done  there,  quite  legitimately. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  That  brings  me  to  the  next  question  of  whether  or 
not  a  person  who  is  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  and  subject 
to  its  directives  and  subject  to  the  discipline  of  the  Communist  Party 
should  be  entrusted  with  the  teaching  of  that  subject  or  any  other 
subject? 

Mr.  Marks.  Mr.  Tavenner,  having  been  a  Communist  myself,  my 
feelings  on  this  question  are  a  bit  different  from  that  of  some  of  my 
colleagues  who  have  never  been  Communists.  Some  of  them  think 
that  being  a  Communist  merely  means  espousing  a  divergent  ideology, 
such  as  a  different  philosophy,  a  different  outlook,  a  different  political 
theory.  That  seems  to  me  to  be  dead  wrong.  A  Communist  is  a  per- 
son who  is  expected  to  dedicate  himself  to  a  movement,  the  center  of 
which  is  not  in  the  United  States. 

I  don't  mean  that  every  member  of  the  Communist  Party  is  fully 
aware  of  this,  and  I  have  merely  to  mention  my  own  experience.  It 
took  me  time  to  realize  this. 

Mr.  Doyle.  How  long  did  it  take  you  ?  When  did  you  wake  up  to 
the  fact?  J  F 

Mr.  Marks.  Well,  I  should  say  that,  in  the  first  place,  I  became  a 
non-Communist  before  I  became  an  anti-Communist. 

I  don't  think  during  the  war  I  was  anti-Communist.  It  would  have 
meant  opposing  our  ally ;  but  the  behavior  of  the  Soviet  Union  after 
the  war  was  not  only  impossible  to  square  with  any  of  their  own  state- 
ments of  ideals  and  objectives — my  own  feeling  about  Yalta  is  that 
the  difficulty  has  not  been  with  the  agreement,  but  with  the  execution 
thereof,  or  perhaps  we  should  have  been  more  sophisticated  and  real- 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION)     1863 

ized  there  wouldn't  have  been  any  possible  fulfillment  as  the  pledge 
of  free  elections. 

Mr.  Doyle.  In  other  words,  the  violation  of  it? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  think  so. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Well,  now,  what  year,  though,  did  you  come  to  a  reali- 
zation that  you  must  become  a  non-Communist? 

Mr.  Marks.  That  was  in  1938  or 

Mr.  Doyle.  And  what  year 

Mr.  Marks.  I  became  anti-Communist  after  the  war. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Let's  hear  about  it. 

Mr.  Marks.  Well,  I  would  say  it  was  a  gradual  process,  whereby 
I  shed  one  delusion  after  another;  and  the  experiences  which  the 
United  States  had  and  the  United  Nations  had  with  Communist  in- 
cursions in  Greece,  in  Iran;  the  attitude  of  the  Communists  toward 
the  Marshall  plan,  the  frustration  of  all  attempts  to  secure  the  fulfill- 
ment of  the  Yalta  pledges,  the  coups  in  the  satellite  countries,  one 
after  another — all  of  this  made  me  aware  that  it  was  not  enough  to  be 
non-Communist,  but  it  was  important  to  be  anti-Communist. 

Mr.  Doyle.  I  see. 

Mr.  Marks.  May  I 

Mr.  Doyle.  What  year  would  that  be? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  would  say  1947,  1948. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Why  didn't  you  look  up  this  committee  before  now  or 
some  other  Government  agency  and  help  us  in  this  fight  of  anticom- 
munism  if  you  have  felt  that  feeling  ever  since  1947  or  1948  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  Well,  to  tell  the  truth,  my  initial  feeling  about  these 
committees  was  very  dubious',  and  I  wondered  whether  or  not  the 
committee  was  proceeding  in  a  way  which  was  going  to  be  effective. 

I  think  there  has  been  a  change  in  attitude,  particularly  in  the  last 
6  months  in  the  academic  community.  I  think  the  general — may  I 
use  the  word  "professional" — approach  to  the  problem  which  this 
committee  has  exhibited  has  reassured  members  of  the  academic  com- 
munity, I  think. 

Now,  as  far  as  I,  myself,  am  concerned,  I  should  explain  this  as 
follows:  I  have  had  a  feeling  of  revulsion.  I  have  repressed  all  of 
this. 

Mr.  Cooper  presented  me  in  the  most  courteous  way  possible  with  a 
subpena,  and  I  didn't  feel  distressed.  He  was  reassuring  in  his  man- 
ner, and  I  had  something  in  the  neighborhood  of  3  weeks  to  go  prying 
around  in  my  subconscious  and,  believe  me,  it  wasn't  easy.  In  the 
first  place,  it  was  quite  apparent  that  I  was  not  very  bright  in  not  com- 
ing to  a  realization  as  early  as  I  should  have  of  the  actual  nature  of 
the  organization  to  which  I  had  belonged.  In  the  second  place,  I  had 
a  feeling  that  this  was  all  a  rather  revolting  thing,  which  lay  15  years 
in  the  past. 

I  didn't  remember  Johnny  Weber's  name  until  you  asked  me  the 
question  today,  but  I  have  been  turning  over  things  in  my  mind ;  and, 
consequently,  until  I  received  the  subpena,  I  had  put  this  so  far  from 
me  that — it  was  disgusting  to  me  to  think  about  it. 

May  I  show  you  these? 

For  a  time  in  1949  and  1950  I  received  some  books  to  review  for 
the  Hartford  Courant,  and  I  reviewed  three  books  concerning  the 
Soviet  Union,  in  which  I  think  my  point  of  view  is  quite  clear. 


1864     COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

May  I  show  them  to  you  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  In  these  book  reviews,  do  you  take  an  anti-Com- 
munist approach  to  the  subject? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  think  that  is  apparent  in  them;  yes. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  think  it  may  be  well 

Mr.  Doyle.  Can  these  be  filed  with  the  record,  or  do  you  have  other- 
copies? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  don't  have  any  other  copies. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  May  I  suggest,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  we  request  per- 
mission to  file  these  reviews  and  to  have  them  photostated  and  return 
the  originals  to  the  witness? 

Mr.  Marks.  That  will  be  agreeable. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  that  be  satisfactory? 

Mr.  Marks.  Certainly. 

Mr.  Doyle.  All  right;  that  will  be  done. 

Do  you  figure.  Professor,  your  going  through  the  processes  that  you 
did  could  be  multipled  by  a  majority  of  men  in  the  educational  field 
with  their  past  experiences? 

Mi-.  Marks.  No;  I  would  say  there  was  no  majority  that  has  gone 
throuch  this. 


'fee1 

Mr.  Doyle.  No  ;  no. 


Mr.  Marks.  You  mean  of  those  who  had  been  implicated? 

Mr.  Doyle.  Yes;  the  majority  of  the  men  who  had  been  in  the- 
Communist  Party. 

Mr.  Marks.  Well,  you  are  in  a  position  better  than  mine  to  answer 
that  question. 

Mr.  Doyle.  But  you  are  in  the  educational  field,  and  that  is  the 
limit  of  my  question — to  men  in  the  educational  field.  Would  you 
anticipate  that  they 

Mr.  Marks.  I  would  say — anticipate  that,  but  I  have  no  evidence. 

Mr.  Doyle.  No  ;  I  realize  that. 

Mr.  Marks.  I  should  think  so,  and  from  the  reports  I  have  read 
there  seems  to  be  a  fairly  widespread  phenomenon. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Off  the  record  just  a  moment. 

(Off  the  record.) 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Professor  Marks,  you  were  describing  to  the  com- 
mittee the  change  of  opinion  that  you  reached  regarding  the  Com- 
munist Party.  You  have  described  in  a  general  way  the  differences 
between  fascism  and  communism  and  how  communism  subverted 
many  of  the  phrases  of  democracy  and  principles  of  democracy  to 
their  own  purposes,  and  then,  finally,  how  you  had  concluded,  as  a 
result  of  subsequent  events,  that  such  subversion  had  taken  place, 
with  the  resulting  change  of  opinion  on  your  own  part  as  to  the  Com- 
munist Party  movement. 

Now,  do  you  have  anything  further  in  regard  to  that? 

Mi-.  Marks.  Well,  I  should  probably  go  into  the  part  which  is  per- 
sonally the  most  difficult  to  deal  with.  In  connection  with  ray  pass- 
ing the  examination  for  a  teacher  in  training  in  the  New  York  City 
high  schools,  my  name  must  have  appeared  in  a  list  published  in  the 
newspapers,  I  assume,  in  the  fall  of  1938,  as  the  recipient  of  such 
license. 

I  have  to  identify  ray  father  at  this  point. 

Mv  father  was  a  member  of  the  board  of  examiners  of  the  Board 
of  Education  of  the  City  of  New  York,  which  had  no  bearing,  of 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION)     1865 

■course,  upon  my  taking  the  examination,  but  I  received  a  letter  from 
him  early  in  January  1939,  in  which  he  described  how  a  colleague 
of  his  on  the  board  of  examiners,  subsequent  to  the  publication  of  the 
teacher-in-training  list,  had  received  an  anonymous  telephone  call, 
a  male  voice,  saying,  "You  have  Harry  Marks'  name  on  your  list  of 
teachers  in  training.  Do  you  know  that  Harry  Marks  is  a  Com- 
munist?" 

The  member  of  the  board  of  examiners  tried  to  find  out  who  this 
person  was  who  was  speaking  to  him  on  the  telephone.  He  simply 
hung  up ;  said  it  was  the  press,  or  some  such  thing. 

This  colleague  of  my  f ather's  mulled  the  thing  over  for  a  day  or  two 
and  then  asked  my  father  what  truth  there  was  to  it.  My  father  did 
not  know,  and  consequently  he  wrote  ine  this  letter  which,  as  I  say, 
I  received  in  the  early  part  of  January.  I  can  date  the  thing  because 
his  birthday  was  January  11,  and  I  remember  it  was  not  a  very 
happy  birthday  that  I  could  wish  him. 

This  was  the  point  when  the  roof  caved  in,  so  to  speak. 

Following  1936  my  activities  in  the  Communist  movement  had 
diminished  somewhat.  I  was  not  as  red  hot  as  I  had  been  2  or  3 
years,  2  years  prior,  and  I  considered  what  the  consequences  would 
be  if  I  answered  yes,  I  was  a  Communist.  The  effect  upon  my  father 
would  have  been  disastrous ;  the  effect  upon  my  family  would  have  been 
disastrous.  Consequently,  I  replied  that  I  had  been  a  Communist,  but 
that  I  had  dropped  out  in  1936.  This  was  the  jolt  which  effectively 
severed  organizational  ties  with  the  Communist  Party. 

I  went  to  New  York,  the  board  gave  me  a  hearing,  and  eventually 
they  granted  the  license,  that  is,  teacher  training.  I  went  to  New  York 
in  the  summer  of  1939.  I  never  had  any  organizational  connection 
with  the  Communist  Party  since. 

I  have  thought,  in  considerable  anguish,  during  the  past  2  or  3 
weeks  about  what  conceivable  effect  there  would  have  been  had  I  an- 
swered otherwise,  and  I  confess  I  am  appalled.  Either  way,  it  looked 
to  me  like,  in  retrospect,  disaster. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  So  you  have  had  no  organizational  connection  with 
the  Communist  Party  since  1938? 

Mr.  Marks.  That  is  correct,  or  perhaps  1939,  January,  there ;  I  do 
not  know. 

I  would  say  I  have  been  clear  and  free  for  14  years. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Have  they  tried  to  get  you  back  in  in  any  way  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  They  tried  in  1939,  but,  thanks  very  largely  to  the  en- 
couragement of  my  wife,  I  resisted. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Well,  if  it  became  to  repugnant  to  you,  why  did 

Mr.  Marks.  It  did  not  become  repugnant  to  me  as  much  as  it  later 
became. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Now,  I  hope  you  realize,  Professor,  when  I  ask  you  such 
a  blunt  question,  that  I  am  not  shooting  a  dart  at  you.  I  am  trying 
to  get 

Mr.  Marks.  Mr.  Doyle,  I- 


Mr.  Doyle.  I'm  trying  to  get  you  to  make  an  appraisal  of  whatever 
it  is  which  will  be  helpful  to  us  in  our  study. 

Mr.  Marks.  I  understand  that,  and  I  think  we're  on  the  same  side 
in  this  whole  issue. 

I  think  it's  important  to  understand  the  difficulty  of  an  intellectual 
once  you  are  really  involved  in  it. 


1866    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF   INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Doyle.  Does  that  enter  into  the  position  so  many  of  the  intel- 
lectuals take  before  our  committee,  for  instance,  and  plead  the  fifth 
amendment  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  have  tried  to  figure  out  why  they  do  it.  I  think  there 
are  probably  several  motives.  One  of  them  is  probably  this  feeling  of 
nausea,  which  came  over  me.  and  I  found  it  pretty  desperate,  so  I 
decided  the  only  thing  to  do  was  to  tell  the  whole  story,  including  this 
part  about  my  father,  which  is  not  easy  to  tell. 

I  think  that  is  one  explanation. 

I  think  another  explanation  lies  in  some  sort  of  quixotic  feeling 
that  there  is  something  dishonorable  in  mentioning  other  people's 
names,  and  frankly,  I  expect  various  of  my  colleagues  who  are  not 
Communists  on  the  campus  at  Storrs  will  think  very  poorly  of  me  for 
talking  to  you  this  way.  They  have  an  abstract  idea  of  what  a  Com- 
munist is.  I  know  better.  I  think  in  a  certain  sense  I  probably  know 
more  about  communism  than  I  would  possibly  have  known  in  any 
academic  way.  I  probably  am  able  to  explain  this  particular  point, 
which  I  mentioned  before,  of  the  way  in  which  the  Communists  per- 
vert ideals  better  than  people  who  have  not  been  through  this  miserable 
experience. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Well,  is  the  reason  they  have  this  quixotic  idea  of  what 
communism  is  because  they  do  not  know  enough  about  it  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  think  so. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Therefore  they  condemn  men  like  you  for  being 
friendly  to  this  committee  in  giving  names  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  think  they  would.  I  think  it  might  be  a  good  thing 
if  they  knew  more  about  the  committee. 

Mr.  Doyle.  You  have  given  two  reasons  there  in  answer  to  my  ques- 
tion as  to  why 

Mr.  Marks.  They  plead  the  fifth  amendment. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Yes,  and  what  other  reason  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  Well,  the  other  obvious  reason  is  that  they  are  afraid 
of  actually  incriminating  themselves  because  of  some  action  which 
they  may  have  done  in  the  past.  Conceivably  some  of  them  still  may 
be  Communists.    I  do  not  know. 

Mr.  Doyle.  When  you  say  some  action  in  the  past,  you  mean  the 
fact  they  joined  the  Communist  Party  is  the  action? 

Mr.  Marks.  Conceivably,  or  suppose  I  had  something  to  do  with 
Gene  Bronstein's  going  to  Spain,  and  had  thereby  violated  some  law. 
That  would  presumably  be  an  incriminating  act,  would  it  not? 

Mr.  Doyle.  Well,  I  am  thinking,  primarily,  for  instance,  of  men  of 
the  intellectual  field,  the  field  of  education.  There  would  not  be  many 
of  those  deliberately  violating  some  law  with  communism,  would 
there  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  No,  I  do  not  think  so.  I  think  probably  the  most  sig- 
nificant general  feeling  is  and  has  been  expressed  by  some  fairly 
notable  people,  including  Professor  Einstein,  that  this  committee  is 
an  inquisition,  that  is  attempting  to  interfere  with  academic  freedom. 

I  think  Einstein  is  dead  wrong.  I  think  the  editorial  of  the  New 
York  Times  that  day  or  the  next  day  fairly  well  answers  the  point. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Well,  I  would  say,  would  you  not,  Counsel,  if  the  pro- 
fessor were  in  a  public  session  instead  of  this  executive  session,  we 
would  have  asked  you  substantially  the  same  question.  Do  you  feel  the 
way 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION)     1867 

Mr.  Marks.  Mr.  Doyle- 


Mr.  Doyle.  Do  you  feel  the  way  we  have  questioned  you  is  any  inter- 
ference with  academic  freedom  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  No,  but  I  think  if  it  would  have  been  in  public,  it 
would  have  had  very  serious  effects. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Well,  I  realize  that,  sir.  I  am  only  getting  to  the  point 
of  Einstein  or  any  other  person  who  thought  we  were  trying  to  inter- 
fere with  academic  freedom.    We  certainly  are  not. 

Mr.  Marks.  That  I  can  see. 

Mr.  Doyle.  But  how  are  we  ever  going  to  get  at  our  assignment 
by  Congress  to  uncover  the  subversive  programs  and  elements  to  the 
daylight  of  patriotic  American  citizenship  unless  we  do  question 
people,  without  thought  of  academic  freedom  ?    In  other  words 

Mr.  Marks.  Well,  you  have  acquired  whatever  information  I  can 
give  you,  but  it  seems  to  me  that  the  university  would  be  subjected  to 
a  certain  amount  of  public  pressure. 

Mr.  Doyle.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Marks.  To  say  nothing  of  the  effects  on  my  family.  I  happen 
to  have  a  16-year-old  daughter  who  is,  at  this  moment,  attending  the 
Laurels  Girl's  State.  I  have  told  her  about  my  implications  in  the 
Communist  movement,  but  it  seems  to  me  it  would  be  a  shocking  ex- 
perience for  a  girl  like  that  to  have  this  testimony,  which  I  have  given 
this  committee,  made  public.    It  would  be  distressing. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Have  we  time  yet  where  I  can,  in  addition  to  your  ques- 
tions, ask  the  professor's  idea  about  the  question  I  usually  ask,  have 
you  any  recommendation  or  suggestion  as  to  our  procedure? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Off  the  record. 

(Discussion  off  the  record.) 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  do  not  think  you  completed  your  answer  to  a  ques- 
tion I  asked  you  earlier  in  your  testimony  about  the  advisability  of  a 
person  teaching  who  was  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party. 

Mr.  Marks.  I  started 

Mr.  Tavenner.  And  subject  to  its  directives  and  the  discipline  of 
the  party. 

Mr.  Marks.  We  have  had  long,  repeated,  and  serious  discussion  in 
the  University  of  Connecticut  Chapter  of  the  American  Association  of 
University  Professors,  on  this  issue.  I  have,  as  emphatically  as  I 
could,  presented  the  point  of  view  that  a  member  of  the  Communist 
Party  ought  not  to  teach. 

We  have  diverged  in  the  chapter  on  that  point,  and  I  have  gone 
along  with  the  endorsement  of  a  resolution  which  says  in  effect  that 
political  affiliation  alone  shall  not  constitute  grounds  for  dismissal, 
but  that  actions  alone  would  constitute  evidence  leading  to  dismissal. 

Now,  the  reason  for  my  feeling  that  there  is  no  contradiction  be- 
tween this  point  which  my  colleagues  have  been  feeling  strongly 
about  and  which  was  represented  in  the  Chicago  resolutions  of  the 
national  annual  meeting  of  the  AAUP  is  because  I  think  that  a  Com- 
munist must  be  active  and,  consequently,  presumably  disclose  himself. 
This  may  not  be  easy  to  demonstrate. 

Incidentally,  I  also  have  felt  again,  very  emphatically,  that  the 
board  of  trustees  of  the  University  of  Connecticut  acted  with  wisdom 
in  adopting  a  resolution  2  or  3  months  ago  which  said  very  simply,  if  I 
recall  its  wording,  something  like  this:  "We  shall  not  engage  anv 
Communist  as  a  teacher  nor  retain  any  Communist  as  a  teacher." 


1868    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

The  university  went  further  and  set  up  certain  kinds  of  procedure 
for  dealing  with  issues,  charges  that  may  be  raised  to  provide  for  a 
hearing,  which  seems  to  me  to  be  extremely  wise  and  well  thought  out. 

I  think  you  have  this  difficulty  also  in  this  problem.  There  is  some- 
thing to  be  said  for  the  point  of  view  that  some  people  present  when 
they  think  of  English  universities  with  people  like  Haldane  teaching, 
a  known  Communist,  and  these  people  say,  "Sure,  we  ought  to  have  a 
Communist  on  the  staff  teaching."  In  a  sense  I  think  that  might  not 
be  very  dangerous  if  someone  were  to  stand  up  and  openly  say,  "I  am 
a  Communist.     I  am  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party." 

Students  are  not  fools.  Students  can  make  allowances  there,  but 
this  leads  me  to  a  very  Quixotic  position  which  I  cannot  accept,  which 
can  be  stated  only  this  way :  That  you  should  remove  all  unknown 
Communists  and  permit  only  known  Communists  to  teach.  This  is 
ridiculous,  and  yet  I  can  see  the  point  of  enabling  students  to  identify 
a  Communist. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  But  the  Communist  Party  requires  its  members  to 
keep  their  membership  secret. 

Mr.  Marks.  I  suspect  on  the  basis  of  what  I  have  read  in  the  news- 
papers that  the  Communist  Party  probably  dissolved  memberships 
in  the  universities.    Don't  you  think  so? 

Mr.  Cooper.  No. 

Mr.  Marks.  So  there  would  be  no  direct  linkage.  You  don't  think 
so? 

Mr.  Cooper.  No. 

Mr.  Marks.  All  right. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  spoke  in  the  early  part  of  your  testimony  about 
the  tremendous  turnover  in  membership  of  the  Young  Communist 
League  and  the  work  that  was  being  done  to  indoctrinate  the  mem- 
bership in  Communist  ideology. 

Do  you  feel  that  a  question  of  indoctrination  is  a  necessary  part  of 
the  Communist  program  in  order  to  retain  individuals  as  members 
of  the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  think  so.  I  think  it  involves  also  an  emotional  in- 
doctrination.   It  is  not  purely  intellectual. 

It  is  the  sense  of  comradeship;  the  use  of  the  term  "comrade" 
probably  has  gone  out  of  style  since  my  day,  but  I  came  back  from 
Europe,  and  it  meant  something  for  me  to  have  friends  who  were  that 
close,  so  that  there  is  this  emotional  affiliation  which  is  not  to  be 
lost  sight  of. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  During  the  period  that  you  were  at  Harvard  Uni- 
versity there  was  an  organization  of  the  Communist  Party  within 
the  teaching  staff,  according  to  testimony  before  the  committee.  Were 
you  aware  of  the  existence  of  such  an  organization  while  you  were  at 
Harvard  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  do  not  think  so.  I  was  aware,  for  example,  that 
Granville  Hicks  came  to  Harvard,  but  I  never  met  him.  I  had  no 
idea  Avhat  he  did.  I  had  nothing  to  do  with  him.  I  was  not  teaching. 
I  suspect  that  organization  was  rather  rigidly  exclusive. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  hand  you  a  list  of  persons  who  have  been  identified 
as  having  been  members  of  the  Communist  Party  during  the  course  of 
our  investigation  in  this  field,  and  I  will  ask  you  to  examine  them  and 
state  which  of  them  were  known  to  you  to  be  members  of  the  Com- 
munist Party. 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION)     1869 

Mr.  Marks.  I  knew  that  Wendell  Furry  was  in  the  American 
League  Against  War  and  Fascism.  I  did  not  know  he  was  in  the 
Communist  Party.  I  did  not  know  that  Louis  Harap  was  in  the 
Communist  Party,  but  I  understood  that  he  was  very  close  to  it. 

Granville  Hicks  I  took  for  granted  as  a  member  of  the  party. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Now,  I  suggest  that  you  only  testify  as  to  those 
that  you  personally  knew  were  members  of  the  party. 

Mr.  Marks.  I  received  a  copy  of  the  testimony  of  Herbert  Robbins 
from  Mr.  Cooper.  I  knew  that  he  was  a  member  of  the  Young  Com- 
munist League.  I  could  not  say  that  I  knew  he  was  a  member  of  the 
Communist  Party. 

Boone  Schirmer  likewise  I  would  have  identified  with  the  YCL 
rather  than  with  the  party. 

I  did  not  know  most  of  these  people. 

Harry  Marks,  yes,  I  can  identify  him. 

Most  of  these  names  are  not  known  to  me,  I  am  sorry. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  you  acquainted  with  a  person  by  the  name 
of  Charles  Hendley  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  No,  sir. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Who  was  formerly  Cooper?  He  was  head  of  the 
public  schools  in  New  York  City. 

Mr.  Marks.  I  have  seen  his  name  in  connection  with,  I  think,  the 
Teachers'  Union,  but  I  never  knew  him,  never  met  him. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  you  a  member  of  the  Teachers'  Union? 

Mr.  Marks.  No,  sir. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  you  acquainted  with  a  person  by  the  name  of 
PaulR.  Zilsel? 

Mr.  Marks.  Yes,  sir.    He  is  a  neighbor  of  ours. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Was  he  known  to  you  to  be  a  member  of  the  Com- 
munist Party  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  No. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  When  you  spoke  of  having  appeared  before  various 
groups  in  the  Boston  area,  that  is,  groups  of  the  Communist  Party 

Mr.  Marks.  And  also  street  corners. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Can  you  identify  any  of  those  groups  by  any 
further  description? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  think  only  the  Young  Communist  League  organiza- 
tion and  perhaps  party  meetings,  but  I  do  not  think  I  spoke  at  any 
party  meetings.  I  did  not  attend  meetings  of  the  Y  or  similar 
organizations. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Can  you  identify  any  other  persons  affiliated  with 
the  Young  Communist  League  group  at  Harvard  other  than  those 
you  have  already  mentioned  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  have  been  trying  to  think  of  names,  and  I  think  I 
have  exhausted  my  memory. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  When  you  were  directed  to  appear  before  these 
various  groups,  did  you  receive  the  direction  from  persons  on  a  higher 
level  in  the  Communist  Party,  or  did  you  go  upon  invitation  of  the 
particular  group  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  think  it  was  probably  upon  the  direction  of  the  dis- 
trict organizer  of  the  Young  Communist  League. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  attend  any  fraction  meetings  of  the  organ- 
izers of  the  Young  Communist  League  in  the  Boston  area? 

30172— 53— pt.  6 3 


1870    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Marks.  I  can  only  say  probably,  without  being  able  to  recall 
a  name. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Can  you  recall  the  names  of  any  of  those  who  were 
known  to  yon  to  be  organizers  of  the  Communist  Party,  or  the  Young 
Communist  League,  other  than  those  you  have  already  mentioned? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  am  afraid  not. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Well,  your  work  with  the  Young  Communist 
League  at  Harvard  could  be  summarized  by  saying  thai  you  were 
engaged  in  recruiting  for  the  Young  Communist  League  and  that  you 
were  organizing  for  the  Young  Communist  League. 


Mr.  Marks.  I  think- 


Mr.  Tavenner.  Is  that  correct? 

Mr.  Marks.  That  Mould  be  correct,  regrettedly. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Have  you  engaged  in  the  work  of  distributing  leaf- 
lets and  material  at  the  direction  of  the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  Marks.  Yes;  I  did,  if  I  get  the  tense  of  that  correct.  It  would 
be  past. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes. 

Mr.  Marks.  Yes.  There  was  one  notable  occasion.  In  the  summer 
of  1934  or  1935,  when  there  was  a  strike  on  the  west  coast  among  the 
longshoremen,  perhaps  seamen,  or  both,  and  a  meeting  was  organized — • 
under  whose  auspices  I  have  no  notion  at  this  time — in  Boston  for  the 
purpose  of  discussing  a  sympathy  strike  in  the  port  of  Boston,  some- 
body got  in  touch  with  me  from  the  party  headquarters  and  asked 
me  to  take  part  in  the  distribution  of  leaflets  going  to  longshoremen 
on  their  way  to  this  particular  meeting. 

rI  ne  leaflets  asked  the  Boston  longshoremen  to  come  out  in  sympa- 
thy with  their  west  coast  brethren. 

I  showed  up  at  the  time,  received  my  bundle  of  leaflets,  rather 
nervously  stood  in  the  street  leading  to  the  hall  where  the  meeting 
was  to  be  held.  The  street  was  virtually  deserted.  I  may  have  given 
out  2  or  3  of  these  leaflets  when  a  Boston  police  cruiser  with  two  police- 
men in  it  came  along  and  arrested  me.  I  was  charged  with  having  lit- 
tered the  streets  under  an  antilitter  municipal  ordinance,  and  appeared 
in  court,  testified,  pleading  not  guilty,  and  was  convicted  and  sen- 
tenced, I  think,  to  pay  a  $5  fine. 

On  principle  I  appealed,  and  in  the  next  highest  court  eventually  a 
jury  trial  was  held,  at  which  time  I  was  appalled  to  hear  one  of  the 
policemen  testify  that  the  street  was  littered  and  was  virtually  white 
as  snow  with  the  leaflets;  and  on  the  basis  of  that  I  was  again  found 
guilty  and  sentenced  to  pay  a  $10  fine,  which  I  did,  and  then  suffered 
the  ironic  experience  of  coming  down  into  the  street  in  front  of  the 
justice  building  and  finding  that  a  rally  was  being  held  in  the  square 
there — it  may  well  have  been  for  Curley — and  there  was  a  good  deal 
of  trash,  leaflets,  and  the  like  that  had  been  distributed  and  thrown  on 
the  ground.  There  were  plenty  of  policemen  around,  and  nobody 
interfered  with  the  distribution  of  that  litter,  and  that  sort  of  experi- 
ence suggested,  it  seemed  to  me  at  the  time,  there  was  no  justice. 
Also  it  did  not  inculcate  a  too  high  respect  for  testimony  of  police- 
men, which  was  not  good. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  have  no  further  questions. 

Mr.  Doyle.  About  what  year  was  that  court  experience,  approxi- 
mately I 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION)     1871 

Mr.  Marks.  I  could  look  it  up  in  the  files  and  newspapers.  Either 
in  the  summer  of  1934  or  1935.  You  may  remember  there  was  a  good 
deal  of  hoopla  in  California. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Who  provided  your  attorney  on  your  appeal? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  was  my  own  attorney.  This  was  a  matter  of  prin- 
ciple. 

Mr.  Doyle.  And  how  many  others  distributed  leaflets  on  that  occa- 
sion ? 

Mr.  Marks.  Oh,  there  may  have  been  4  or  5.  I  do  not  know 
whether  any  of  the  others  were  picked  up. 

Mr.  Doyle.  In  view  of  your  statement,  you  were  busy  for  the  Com- 
munist Party,  you  were  recruiting  youth.  At  what  age  did  you  try  to 
recruit  youth  ?  How  tender  were  they  in  their  ages  ?  In  other  words, 
let  me  ask  you  this :  What  young  age  does  the  Communist  Party  first 
begin  to  try  to  inculcate  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  cannot  answer  the  question  with  precision  but  at  that 
time  they  began  with  children  of  tender  age  and  recruited  them  into 
the  Young  Pioneers,  which  was  molded  on  the  Russian  scale. 

I  think  they  even  tried  to  get  children  in  that  at  the  age  of  8  or  9, 
thereabouts.  I  think  the  Young  Communist  League  had  some  age 
requirement,  such  as  16  or  17. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Well,  do  they  go  from  Young  Pioneers  into  the  Young 
Communist  League? 

Mr.  Marks.  That  was  the  objective;  and  whether  they  did,  I  can- 
not  

Mr.  Doyle.  There  was  no  organization  between  the  Young  Pioneers 
and  the  Young  Communists  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  Not  that  I  recall. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Well,  what  sort  of  activities  did  they  carry  on  that 
would  attract  the — how  did  they  function  in  their  organization  to 
attract  children  into  Young  Pioneers,  let  us  say  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  think  they  attempted  to  set  up  a  Communist  parallel 
or  surrogate  for  the  organizations  which  are  comparable  to  Boy 
Scouts— which,  I  do  not  recall — and  the  Brownies.  I  know  the  girl 
side  of  it,  having  two  daughters. 

Mr.  Cooper.  Cub  Scouts. 

Mr.  Marks.  Cub  Scouts ;  that  is  right. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Well,  did  they 

Mr.  Marks.  And  I  think  they  attempt  to  have  some  sort  of  equiv- 
alent activities — games  and  so  forth. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Well,  did  they  have  professional  workers  emphasizing 
this  work? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  do  not  think  so. 

Mr.  Doyle.  All  voluntary  leadership  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  assume  so. 

Mr.  Doyle.  What  about  the  Young  Communist  League?  Did  they 
have  any  paid  workers? 

Mr.  Marks.  Yes;  the  district  organizer  was  paid,  when  he  got  paid. 

Mr.  Doyle.  And  did  you  ever  attend  any  national  convention  of 
the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  do  not  think  so.  I  did  go  to  New  York  on  one  oc- 
casion. I  think  that  was  for  the  National  Student  League,  though. 
There  was  a  national  meeting  of  that. 


1872    COMMUNIST   METHODS    OF   INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Doyle.  I  was  going  to  ask  you  if  you  were  ever  invited  to  at- 
tend any  national  conference  or  regional  conference  dealing  with 
youth  work  in  the  Communist  Party. 

Mr.  Marks.  I  cannot  think  of  anything  other  than  the  NSL,  al- 
though it  is  possible. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Well,  did  the  Communist  Party  pay  your  expenses  to 
go  to  that  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  Again  I  do  not  know,  but  I  would  assume  no.  There 
was  little  evidence  of  Moscow  gold  in  the  Communist  movement. 

Mr.  Doyle.  I  have  just  one  more  question — two  questions.  I  notice 
you  use  the  term  "the  emotional  affiliation." 

Mr.  Marks.  You  want  me  to  discuss  that? 

Mr.  Doyle.  Well,  that  emotional  affiliation,  though,  is  based  in  part, 
at  least,  on  secrecy — secret  names  and  secret  meetings? 

Mr.  Marks.  There  is  a  romantic  sort  of  aspect  to  it  there.  I  think 
you  are  right. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Well,  what  else  is  there  that  is  emotional  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  think  there  is  an  attempt  to  inculcate  members  in  the 
Communist  movement.  I  use  that  term  to  cover  more  than  just  the 
party,  a  feeling  of  absolute  loyalty  to  the  organization,  and  there  is  a 
strength  which  people  acquire  by  affiliation  to  organization,  whether 
that  be  to  a  church  or  to  a  professional  association  or  what  not.  It 
seems  to  me  they  tried  very  hard  to  create  this  feeling  of  belonging. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Well,  of  course  your  high-school  fraternities  and  sorori- 
ties, where  they  are  secret,  are  an  example  of  the  attractiveness.  Peo- 
ple join  something  secret. 

May  I  ask  you  this :  You  have  noticed — I  am  sure  you  have — the  con- 
viction the  other  day  in  the  court  of  Honolulu,  Hawaii,  of  these  several 
persons  there  who  were  charged  with  conspiracy,  and  again  a  jury 
down  there  found  them  guilty.  I  think  the  fact  is  every  American 
jury  in  the  continental  United"  States,  as  well  as  this  one  in  Honolulu, 
has  found  the  defendants  guilty  as  charged  in  the  indictments  which 
charge  them  with  violation  of  the  Smith  Act  in  a  Federal  statute 
referring  to  conspiracy  to  use  force  and  violence  to  overthrow  our 
Government. 

Have  you  any  comment  on  that?  Why  is  it  these  American  juries 
are  all  finding  all  of  these  defendants  guilty  as  indicted?  Because 
they're  charged  with  being  willing  to  or  advocating  the  use  of  force 
and  violence  ? 

Mr.  Marks.  Well,  my  own  feeling  in  the  matter  is  that  they  are  more 
apt  to  use  force  and  violence  in  a  negative  way.  I  do  not  think  there 
is  very  much  danger  of  our  being  ejected  from  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives Office  Building  by  Communists  taking  it  over  within  the 
foreseeable  future,  not  the  local  boys,  but  I  do  see  a  good  deal  of 
danger  in  the  possible  frustration  of  American  policy  by  Communist 
action. 

I  am  positive,  for  example,  as  positive  as  I  can  be,  that  if  the  Com- 
munists had  control  over  the  longshoremen's  unions  on  the  west  coast, 
they  would  long  ago  have  tried  to  stop  the  shipment  of  supplies  to 
Korea. 

Now,  that  is  negative.  It  is  injurious  to  the  United  States,  and  they 
might,  in  the  event  of  open  war  between  the  United  States  and  Russia, 
constitute  a  very  serious  obstacle  to  the  American  prosecution  of  the 


COMMUNIST   METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION)     1873 

war,  but  I  think  they  would  probably  only  have  a  hope  of  coming  into 
power  on  the  coattails  of  the  Red  army. 

Mr.  Doyle.  One  more  question. 

Mr.  Marks.  And  I  hope  that  never  happens. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Have  you  any  suggestion  to  make  to  this  committee 
as  to  our  processes  and  procedures  ?  You  know  what  our  assignment 
is,  under  Public  Law  601, 1  am  sure. 

Have  you  any  suggestion  to  make  as  to  our  procedures,  as  to  the 
methods  of  subpenaing  our  witnesses  and  our  interviews  with  alleged 
Communists  ? 

Have  you  any  suggestion  of  any  kind  to  make  to  us? 

Mr.  Marks.  I  have  various  observations  which  I  can  make  which 
you  will  weigh  as  you  see  fit. 

Let  me  start  out,  first  of  all,  by  saying  with  respect  to  the  subpena 
no  one  could  have  delivered  a  subpena  more  painlessly  and  in  a 
friendlier  spirit  than  Mr.  Cooper. 

This  is  not  an  experience  to  be  dreaded. 

The  second  point  is  that  it  seems  to  me  that  the  opportunity  to 
discourse  informally,  intimately  with  the  committee  on  the  basis 
which  you  have  afforded  me  is  going  to  produce  testimony  which  is 
much  less  inhibited  than  testimony  given  in  public. 

As  to  the  third  point,  I  think  that  probably  the  committee  has 
already  focused  the  attention  of  university  administrators  upon  the 
problem  and  I,  for  one,  think  the  statement  of  principals  that  was 
adopted  at  the  last  meeting  of  the  Association  of  American  Univer- 
sities was  correct. 

I  think  the  committee's  objective  probably  is  to  cooperate  with 
universities  and  university  administrations  in  general. 

I  think  the  easier  you  make  it  for  institutions  and  individuals 
to  contribute  whatever  information  they  have,  the  further  along  the 
committee,  the  individuals,  the  universities,  education  in  general 
will  be. 

As  for  legislation,  I  am  not  sure  that  I  can  imagine  what  kind  of 
legislation  would  be  effective  in  dealing  with  this  particular  problem. 
It  seems  to  me  that  the  alerting  of  the  university  administrations  has 
already  exercised  a  beneficial  influence  and  it  might  well  be  that 
this  is  the  limit  of  my  picture  of  the  possible  outcomes. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Thank  you  very  much. 

That  is  all  the  questions  I  have. 

Mr.  Marks.  Well,  may  I  thank  you  for  a  very  courteous  and  kind 
hearing  of  the  story  which  I  am  not  particularly  happy  to  relate, 
and  I  would  like  to  thank  the  chairman,  Mr.  Velde,  in  his  absence. 

Mr.  Doyle.  Well,  he  regretted  he  was  called  out. 

Those  things  happen,  and  we  can't  help  it. 

I  think  if  in  the  future  you  have  any  suggestions  or  observations 
to  make,  Professor,  that  you  feel  would  be  worthy  of  consideration,  in 
your  judgment,  by  the  committee,  you  should  submit  those  to  us. 

Mr.  Marks.  I  will  try. 

Mr.  Doyle.  In  other  words,  I  think  I  would  just  make  this  obser- 
vation to  you,  and  I  do  it  with  the  realization  that  you  can,  in  your 
vigilant,  vigorous  anti-Communist  approach  probably  do  much. 

Mr.  Marks.  I  was  going  to  say  I  think  on  the  operating  level  teach- 
ers, like  myself,  can  probably  help  a  certain  amount.  We  do  see  a 
few  hundred  students  every  year. 


1874    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Doyle.  You  think,  then,  the  universities,  generally  speaking, 
as  far  as  you  can  observe,  from  now  on  can  probably  police  their  own 
problem  with  reference  to  possible  subversive  people  'i 

Mr.  Marks.  I  should  hope  so. 

Mr.  Doyle.  And  so  should  I,  because  we  alone  can't  do  the  job,  and  it 
ought  to  be  done. 

Thank  you  very  much. 

Mr.  Marks.  Thank  you. 

(Thereupon,  at  5  p.  m.,  the  hearing  was  adjourned.) 


COMMUNIST  METHODS  OF  INFILTRATION 
(Education— Part  6) 


WEDNESDAY,   JUNE   24,    1953 

United  States  House  of  Representatives, 

Subcommittee  of  the  Committee  on 

Un-American  Activities, 

Washington,  D.  C. 

PUBLIC  HEARING 

The  subcommittee  of  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities 
met,  pursuant  to  call,  at  10:40  a.  m.,  in  the  Caucus  Room  of  the  House 
Office  Building,  Hon.  Donald  L.  Jackson  (acting  chairman)  presiding. 

Committee  members  present :  Representatives  Donald  L.  Jackson, 
Kit  Clardy,  Gordon  H.  Scherer,  Francis  E.  Walter  (appearance  noted 
in  transcript),  and  James  B.  Frazier,  Jr.  (appearance  noted  in  tran- 
script) . 

Staff  members  present :  Frank  S.  Tavenner,  Jr.,  counsel ;  George  E. 
Cooper,  investigator;  and  Thomas  W.  Beale,  Sr.,  chief  clerk. 

Mr.  Jackson.  The  committee  will  be  in  order. 

Who  is  your  witness,  Mr.  Tavenner? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  George  F.  Markham.  Will  you  come  forward, 
Mr.  Markham  ? 

Mr.  Jackson.  Will  you  raise  your  right  hand,  please  ? 

Do  you  solemnly  swear  that  in  the  testimony  you  are  about  to  give 
before  this  subcommittee  you  will  tell  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and 
nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  do. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Let  the  record  show  that  for  the  purposes  of  this 
hearing  the  chairman  has  appointed  a  subcommittee  consisting  of  Mr. 
Clardy,  Mr.  Scherer,  and  Mr.  Jackson  as  acting  chairman. 

TESTIMONY  OF  GEORGE  F.  MARKHAM,  ACCOMPANIED  BY  HIS 

COUNSEL,  HAROLD  CAMMER 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  is  your  name,  please  ? 
Mr.  Markham.  George  F.  Markham. 

Mr.  Tavenner.    Are  you  accompanied  by  counsel,  Mr.  Markham? 
Mr.  Markham.  I  am. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  counsel  please  identify  himself? 
Mr.  Cammer.    Harold  Cammer,  9  East  40th  Street,  New   York 
16,  N.  Y. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  When  and  where  were  you  born? 
Mr.  Markham.  Independence,  Wis.,  August  15,  1909. 

1875 


1876    COMMUNIST   METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Where  do  you  now  reside? 

Mr.  Markham.  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Mr.  Tavenner.   What  is  your  profession  or  occupation? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  am  educational  director  in  New  England  for  the 
International  Fur  and  Leather  Workers  Union. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  tell  the  committee,  please,  what  your 
formal  education  and  training  has  consisted  of? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  graduated  from  the  public  schools  in  Independ- 
ence, Wis. ;  a  B.  A.  from  the  University  of  Wisconson  with  honors  in 
1933. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  tell  the  committee,  please,  what  your 
record  of  employment  has  been  since  the  completion  of  your  educa- 
tional studies  in  1933  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  In  the  summer  of  1933,  in  July,  I  believe  it  was,  I 
went  to  work  for  the  Wisconsin  Rapids  Tribune,  Wisconsin  Rapids, 
Wis.,  as  a  reporter.  In  April  1934  I  went  to  work  for  the  Standard 
Times  in  New  Bedford,  Mass.  I  worked  on  the  copy  desk  as  a  reporter, 
and  finally  as  telegraph  editor. 

In  September  1936  I  went  to  work  for  the  Associated  Press  in  the 
Boston  bureau.  I  was  employed  there  until  December  1939,  when  I 
resigned  and  went  to  work  for  the  Newspaper  Guild  of  Boston,  Local 
33,  of  the  American  Newspaper  Guild. 

I  worked  for  them  until  August  of  1942  when  I  went  into  the  Navy. 
I  was  also  employed  part  time — I  am  a  little  uncertain  of  this  date — 
but  approximately  the  last  year  of  that  employment  I  was  employed 
also  part  time  as  legislative  agent  for  the  Massachusetts  State  CIO. 
1  divided  my  work  between  the  two  jobs. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  When  were  you  discharged  from  the  Navy  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  served  in  the  Navy,  active  service,  until  November 
1945,  I  believe  the  15th. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  was  your  employment  after  your  return  from 
service? 

Mr.  Markham.  Immediately  after  leaving  the  service  in  December 
of  1946 — no ;  1945 — I  went  to  work  for  the  Massachusetts  State  CIO 
as  legislative  agent.  I  was  employed  by  them  for  1  year.  At  the  end 
of  that  year  I  resigned. 

In  February  1947  I  took  up  my  present  occupation,  present  job,  as 
educational  director  for  the  New  England  district,  employed  by  the 
New  England  district,  of  the  International  Fur  and  Leather  Workers 
Union.    That  is  an  independent  union. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  tell  the  committee,  please,  just  what  the 
nature  of  your  work  was  while  employed  by  the  Newspaper  Guild 
in  Boston  from  1939  to  1942? 

(Representative  James  B.  Frazier,  Jr.,  entered  the  hearing  room  at 
this  point.) 

Mr.  Markham.  I  negotiated  contracts,  worked  on  organization  of 
unorganized  newspapers.  We  had  an  arrangement  that  while  I  was 
employed  by  the  Boston  guild  there  was  a  New  England  district  which 
had  extremely  limited  funds  that  would  pay  expenses,  and  their 
payment  of  expenses  would  finance  my  operation  outside  of  Boston 
where  occasionally,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Manchester,  N.  PL,  paper,  I 
went  out  and  conducted  an  organizing  campaign  and  organized  that 
at  the  time  it  was  owned  by  Colonel  Knox,  so  some  of  my  activities 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION)     1877 

were  outside  the  city  of  Boston.  I  negotiated  contracts  in  places  like 
Lynn,  Salem,  and  so  on  that  were  already  organized. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  you  stationed  in  San  Diego  during  a  part  of 
the  time  that  you  were  a  member  of  the  United  States  Navy  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  After  returning  from  my  first  tour  of  duty  I  had 
a  refresher  course  at  Quonset  Point,  and  then  before  being  assigned 
again — I  forget  the  dates  exactly,  but  it  was  in  the  fall  of  1944 — I  was 
assigned  to  Fleet  Air  Wing  14,  I  believe  it  was,  until  in  December  or 
along  in  there,  maybe  early  December  or  late  November,  somewhere  in 
there,  I  shipped  out  again  on  my  second  tour  of  duty. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  While  you  were  in  San  Diego  were  you  aware  of 
the  existence  of  a  newspaper  guild  in  that  area  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  cannot  truthfully  say  I  was.  I  assume  that  there 
was — I  know  that  there  was  in  Los  Angeles.  I  know  there  was  a  very 
active  newspaper  guild  in  Los  Angeles,  and  I  am  unfamiliar  with 
precisely  whether  the  San  Diego  paper  was  organized  or  not.  I  can- 
not recall  now.     I  may  have  been  aware  of  it  at  the  time. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  you  acquainted  with  Morgan  Hull  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  think  I  shall  decline  to  answer  that  question. 

Maybe  I  ought  to  consult  counsel. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Surely. 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Markham  conferred  with  Mr.  Cammer.) 

Mr.  Markham.  May  I  have  the  question  again  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  repeat  the  question,  please? 

(The  question  was  read  by  the  reporter.) 

Mr.  Tavenner.  In  California. 

Mr.  Markham.  My  answer  is  "Yes." 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  know  what  connection  he  had  with  the 
newspaper  guild  in  either  Los  Angeles  or  San  Diego  during  the  period 
of  time  that  you  were  acquainted  with  him  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  No,  sir ;  I  do  not.  I  met  Mr.  Hull  in  Boston  when 
I  was  working  for  the  guild.  He  was  international  representative  for 
the  Newspaper  Guild,  and  we  had  a  major  organizing  campaign  on  at 
the  Boston  Globe,  and  he  came  in  to  assist — if  I  am  not  mistaken,  he 
came  in  a  couple  of  times  for  a  period  of  a  week  or  more,  and  to  the 
best  of  my  recollection,  that  is  the  first  time  I  knew  him.  That  is 
where  I  became  acquainted  with  him. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  was  the  nature  of  your  association  with  him 
in  California  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  Well,  I  do  not  know  if  you  call  it  an  association. 
I  knew  him  as  a  guild  official  who  was  one  of  the  leaders  in  the  Cali- 
fornia area  previously.  I  do  not  know  whether  he  had  any  connec- 
tion with  the  guild  at  all  at  that  point. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Had  Mr.  Hull  occupied  a  position  as  a  national 
officer  of  the  Newspaper  Guild,  to  your  knowledge  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  Well,  I  say,  he  was  international  representative. 
They  had,  I  forget  how  many,  but  they  had  a  number,  and  he  was, 
I  guess,  sort  of  a  troubleshooter,  a  person  of  great  ability  who  was 
sent  around  in  difficult  situations  as  we  had  in  Boston  with  the  Boston 
Globe,  a  very  difficult  organizing  situation,  and  that  was  the  only 
reason  that  he  came  in.  In  ordinary  circumstances  in  the  district  he 
never  would  have  come  around. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  have  occasion  to  confer  with  him  at  any 
time  during  your  tour  of  duty  in  California? 


1878    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Markiiam.  I  would  not  sav  I  conferred  with  him.  I  met  him 
socially. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  )7ou  aware  of  the  existence  in  California  of 
a  cell  or  group  of  the  Communist  Party  organized  within  the  News- 
paper Guild? 

Mr.  Markiiam.  No,  sir. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Testimony  has  been  received  by  the  committee  that 
Mr.  Morgan  Hull  was  one  of  those  who  organized  a  cell  of  the  Com- 
munist Party  among  the  Newspaper  Guild  members  in  California, 
and  he  has  been  identified  as  having  been  a  member  of  the  Communist 
Party  group  in  that  area.  Did  you  have  occasion  while  in  California 
to  meet  William  Oliver? 

Mr.  Markiiam.  All  I  can  say 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Normally  referred  to  as  "Bill  Oliver." 

Mr.  Markiiam.  All  I  can  say  is  that  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge, 
this  is  the  first  time  I  have  heard  his  name. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  you  acquainted  with  Charles  Judson? 

Mr.  Markiiam.  I  cannot  say  I  was.  That  name  sounds  sort  of 
familiar,  but — you  know,  I  attended  national  conventions  of  the 
Newspaper  Guild  on  a  number  of  occasions.  I  met  people  from 
California  and  all  parts  of  the  country.  You  know  how  it  is  at  a 
convention,  and  whether  I  met  him  in  that  way  or  not,  I  would  not 
want  to  say  under  oath. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  you  acquainted  with  Urcel  Daniel  ? 

Mr.  Markiiam.  I  remember  meeting  her  at  at  least  one  guild  con- 
vention. I  remember  she.  was  somewhat  of  a  figure  in  the  California 
guild.  My  recollection  is  she  was  from  San  Francisco.  Maybe  it 
was  Los  Angeles,  I  do  not  know. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Urcel  Daniel  and  Charles  Judson  have  both  testi- 
fied before  the  committee  regarding  the  organization  of  the  Com- 
munist Party  composed  of  members  of  the  Newspaper  Guild  in  Cali- 
fornia and  the  activities  of  that  group.  Do  you  know  anything  of 
the  activities  of  that  group  of  Communist  Party  members  within  the 
guild,  Newspaper  Guild,  in  California? 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Markham  conferred  with  Mr.  Cammer.) 

Mr.  Markham.  May  I  have  the  question  again,  please  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  read  the  question  ? 

(The  question  was  read  by  the  reporter.) 

Mr.  Markham.  Well,  the  answer  is  "No." 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  have  knowledge  of  the  fact,  while  you  were 
in  California,  that  Morgan  Hull  was  president  of  the  San  Diego 
County  Communist  Political  Association  or  the  head  of  that  group? 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Markham  conferred  with  Mr.  Cammer.) 

Mr.  Markham.  Mr.  Tavenner,  I  have  answered  questions  here  re- 
garding the  fact  that  I  have  knowledge  of  some  sort  of  social  relation- 
ship with  Morgan  Hull  who,  as  I  said,  was  a  leader  in  the  organiza- 
tion that  I  had  belonged  to  prior  to  going  in  the  Navy,  but  you  are  now 
getting  into  a  realm  of  investigation  of  political  associations,  and  I 
would  like  to  say  very  briefly  to  the  committee  my  opinion  on  this 
sort  of  a  question,  and  the  statement  I  make  regarding  specifically 
this  question  will  apply  as  well  to  I  know  not  what  other  questions 
in  this  realm  you  or  the  members  of  the  committee  have  in  mind. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Mr.  Chairman,  may  I  suggest  that  the  witness  be  in- 
structed to  answer  the  question  before  he  makes  any  statement. 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION)     1879 

Mr.  Jackson.  Yes ;  it  is  the  general  custom  of  the  committee  that  the 
question  be  answered  first. 

Mr.  Makkham.  That  is  what  I  am  going  to  do. 

Mr.  Jackson.  The  witness  will  then  be  given  an  opportunity  to 
elaborate  or  explain  his  answer.  There  is,  however,  a  question  pend- 
ing at  the  moment.  The  Chair  directs  an  answer  to  that  question 
previous  to  any  statement  as  to  the  reasons  for  the  answer. 

Mr.  Markham.  That  is  what  I  wish  to  do,  and  while  it  will  take 
only  a  couple  of  minutes,  I  have  jotted  down  some  rather  specific  word- 
ing to  explain  my  answer. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Very  well.  Let  us  have  your  answer  then,  if  you 
will,  please,  and  then  proceed  to  explain  your  answer  in  any  manner 
you  see  fit. 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  to  answer  this  or  other  questions  regard- 
ing my  political  beliefs  and  associations  for  several  reasons :  First  of 
all,  I  do  not  recognize  the  right  of  Congress  to  question  me  in  this 
field.  Under  the  first  amendment  to  the  Constitution  I  am  protected 
in  my  exercise  of  free  speech,  freedom  of  assembly,  and  freedom  of 
religion.  Committees  such  as  this  are  spreading  fear  and  distrust  in 
this  great  land  of  ours  and  intimidating  people  in  their  use  of  their 
rights  under  the  first  amendment.  In  view  of  big  business  control  of 
the  Government,  the  press,  radio,  and  television,  this  fear  by  the  people 
to  speak  out  can  destroy  democracy  and  reduce  unions  to  the  status  of 
company  unions. 

I  cannot  as  a  patriotic  American  do  anything  to  assist  in  this  attack 
on  the  spirit  and  letter  of  the  Constitution. 

Secondly,  I  believe  this  committee  is  violating  the  Constitution  by 
usurping  the  powers  of  the  courts  and  the  police.  It  takes  over  the 
function  of  a  grand  jury.  It  condemns  and  punishes  people  whose 
views  it  does  not  like.  It  punishes  by  smears,  innuendo,  and  hearsay 
evidence.  It  does  not  confront  a  witness  with  accusers  who  can  be 
cross-examined.  All  this  is  contrary  to  the  letter  and  spirit  of  the 
Constitution. 

Finally,  I  decline  to  answer  this  question  and  others  like  it  because  it 
invades  my  rights  under  the  fifth  amendment,  which  says  that  no  per- 
son shall  be  compelled  to  be  a  witness  against  himself  nor  be  deprived 
of  life,  liberty,  or  property  without  due  process  of  law. 

I  use  this  constitutional  protection  in  full  recognition  that  it  is  a 
protection  for  the  innocent  as  well  as  the  guilty.  I  make  no  apologies 
for  anything  I  have  done.  The  members  of  my  union  and  my  friends 
are  well  able  to  judge  what  kind  of  a  citizen  I  have  been  and  am.  I  am 
proud  of  my  3%  years'  wartime  naval  record  in  the  service  of  my  coun- 
try, and  my  record  of  service  for  as  fine  a  group  of  union  men  and 
women  as  exist  anywhere  in  the  world.  I  am  aware  that  we  live  in  a 
period  of  hysteria  and  reaction,  a  happy  hunting  ground  for  paid  spies 
and  liars.  "Even  Justices  of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court  who 
express  their  honest  opinions  are  threatened  with  impeachment. 

I  also  know  that  my  union  is  a  powerful  one.  It  has  an  unprece- 
dented record  of  achievement.  Such  organizations  are  the  ones  which 
are  first  and  most  violently  attacked.  In  the  light  of  all  this  I  must 
invoke  my  rights  under  the  fifth  amendment  to  prevent  you  from 
forcing  me  to  make  statements  that  can  be  used  as  a  possible  link  in  a 
chain  of  evidence  to  subject  me  to  prosecution,  even  though  my  con- 
science is  clear,  and  I  feel  my  loyalty  to  this  country  runs  as  deep  and 
strong  as  that  of  any  Member  of  Congress. 


1880    COMMUNIST   METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION"    (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Jackson.  Very  well.  The  understanding  of  the  Chair  is  that 
you  decline  to  answer  on  the  grounds  of  the  first  and  fifth  amendment 
of  the  Constitution  ;  is  that  correct? 

Mr.  Markham.  The  secretary  has  the  reasons,  I  believe,  that  I  gave. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Very  well.    Proceed,  Mr.  Counsel. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  you  acquainted  with  the  existence  of  a  book- 
store in  San  Diego  known  as  the  Community  Book  Store  at  635  E 
Street? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  for  the  same  reason.  Shall  I  state  it  over 
again  each  time  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Subject  to  the  chairman's  ruling,  it  would  be  satis- 
factory, I  think,  to  say  on  the  same  grounds. 

Mr.  Jackson.  That  will  be  satisfactory. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  While  in  said  San  Diego  did  you  meet  a  person  by 
<  he  name  of  Robert  Minor  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  Did  I  know  a  person  by  the  name  of  Robert  Minor 
in  San  Diego  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes. 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Markham  conferred  with  Mr.  Cammer.) 

Mr.  Markham.  The  answer  is  "No." 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  attend  any  meeting  in  which  Robert 
Minor  either  presided  or  was  the  speaker,  while  in  California  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  am  not  aware  of  it,  sir. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  stated  that  you  knew  Mr. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Counsel,  let  me  interrupt  you.  I  am  not  sure  whether 
that  last  answer  means  he  did  not  attend  or  not.  I  wish  you  would 
press  that  a  little  further. 

Mr.  Markham.  It  is  a  long  time  ago.  I  want  to  say  just  flatly 
"No" ;  and  maybe  I  should  say  to  the  best  of  my  recollection,  no. 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  are  not  at  all  sure  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  do  not  remember  attending  any  meetings,  public 
meetings,  where  people  were  giving  speeches. 

Mr.  Jackson.  You  have  no  personal  recollection  of  having  attended 
such  a  meeting? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  certainly  do  not. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Very  well.    Proceed,  counsel. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  know  whether  Robert  Minor  held  any 
position  with  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  Well,  I  do  not  know  what  position,  but  I  have  read 
his  name  frequently  in  connection  with  the  Communist  Party.  I 
mean,  he  is  a  public  figure. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  attend  any  meeting,  either  a  public  meet- 
ing or  a  closed  meeting,  at  which  he  was  a  speaker  \ 

Mr.  Markham.  No,  sir.  I  am  relying  on  recollection  of  a  long 
time  ago,  but  I  know  how  tricky  questions  can  be,  when  you  are 
talking  about  something  a  long  time  ago,  and  I  would 

Mr.  Scherer.  Did  you  ever  meet  Robert  Minor  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  Not  to  my  recollection. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Did  you  ever  have  any  correspondence  with  him? 

Mr.  Markham.  No,  sir. 

Mr.  Clardy.  When  did  you  first  hear  of  him  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  There  you  got  me.  I  think  that  the  first  time  I 
heard  of  him  was  in  connection  with  activities  of  some  kind  in  the 
thirties.    I  do  not  know  if  it  was  unemployment  compensation  or  what 


COMMUNIST   METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION)     1881 

it  was.   His  name  I  remember  seeing  in  the  press.    I  would  say  roughly 
in  the  thirties  sometime  was  the  first  time  I  heard  his  name. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Where  were  you  at  that  time  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  do  not  know.  I  was  either  working  for  the  New 
Bedford  paper  or  the  Associated  Press.  I  must  have  seen  it  in  news 
stories  or  something.  It  is  conceivable  that  I  heard  his  name  before 
that,  but  that  is  just  my  guess  that  it  probably  was  along  there.  I  have 
heard  his  name  for  some  time. 

Mr.  Clardy.  When  did  you  first  learn  that  he  was  identified  with, 
the  Communist  Party  % 

Mr.  Markham.  I  do  not  know.     I  would  not  want  to  state  that. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Was  it  the  first  time  you  heard  of  him  or  at  some 
subsequent  date  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  honestly  cannot  say.  I  do  not  see  how  it  is  ger- 
mane here,  but  I  just — you  are  asking  me  to  recall — you  could  ask 
me  when  did  I  first  hear  the  name  Franklin  D.  Roosevelt,  and  I  could 
not  tell  you. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Are  you  sure  it  was  not  at  a  meeting  of  the  Communist 
Party? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  think  I  would  have  to  decline  that  just  because  of 
what  it  seems  to  imply. 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  do  not  have  to  decline  at  all.     Do  you  decline  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline. 

Mr.  Jackson.  You  do  decline  to  answer  for  the  reasons  previously 
stated. 

Mr.  Markham.  And  because  I  just  don't  remember  where  I  heard 
his  name  first. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Proceed,  Mr.  Counsel. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  stated  that  you  resigned  as  an  employee  of  the 
Associated  Press  in  1939  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  Yes,  December. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  was  the  purpose  of  your  withdrawing  from 
employment  with  the  Associated  Press  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  The  Newspaper  Guild  of  Boston  employed  a  full- 
time  person  as  executive  secretary.  That  person  left.  They  wanted  a 
person  who  could  take  over.  I  was  president  of  the  Guild,  and  there 
was  discussion  held  among  the  leadership,  the  executive  board  and  so 
on  of  the  Guild,  and  they  wanted  to  have  somebody  who  was  active  in 
the  Newspaper  Guild  in  Boston,  a  newspaper  man  from  that  area. 
The  previous  executive  secretary — I  do  not  know  where  he  came  from ; 
he  came  from  outside  of  Boston.  They  wanted  to  hire  somebody  from 
Boston,  so  I  was  eventually  decided  upon.  1  forget  how  the  reasoning 
went,  but  we  finally  decided  Iwould  take  it  over. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Have  you  read  any  of  the  testimony  presented  to  this 
committee  with  regard  to  the  activities  of  the  Communist  Party  within 
the  Newspaper  Guild  in  Los  Angeles  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  have,  but  cannot  recollect  what  it  was,  I  remember 
seeing  it  in  the  New  York  Times. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Well,  did  you  participate  in  any  organizational 
work  for  the  Communist  Party  or  any  other  activities  for  the  Com- 
munist Party  within  the  Newspaper  Guild  in  Boston  while  you  were 
employed  by  it  from  the  period  of  1939  to  1942  ? 


1882    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Markiiam.  I  think  you  are  off  on  that  same  business  again,  as 
I  stated  in  mjr  statement,  that  I  am  declining  to  answer,  and  I  will  de- 
cline again  for  the  same  reason. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Let  me  ask  you  if  you  were  aware  of  the  existence 
within  the  Newspaper  Guild  in  Boston  of  a  group  or  cell  of  the  Com 
munist  Party? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  would  decline. 

Mr.  ('lardy.  Counsel,  you  mean  at  the  time  he  was  acting 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes,  sir;  at  the  time  that  he  was  employed  by 
the  guild. 

Mr.  Markiiam.  The  answer  is  the  same. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  have  any  knowledge  of  the  existence  of 
a  group  or  cell  of  the  Communist  Party  within  the  Newspaper  Guild 
in  Boston  at  any  other  time,  that  is,  any  time  when  you  were  not 
employed  by  it  as  an  organizer  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  will  decline. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Have  you  engaged  in  any  occupation  since  1933 
until  the  present  time  which  you  have  not  described  to  us? 

Mr.  Marks  vm.  You  are  talking  about  any  job  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes.  That  does  not  necessarily  mean  a  job  for 
which  you  were  paid  compensation. 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Markham  conferred  with  Mr.  Cammer.) 

Mr.  Markham.  That  has  me  floored.    I  just  do  not 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Let  me  see  if  I  can  refresh  your  recollection.  Have 
you  taught  in  any  capacity  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  would  decline  for  the  same  reason. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Well,  you  apparently  did  know  of  some  other  occu- 
pation or  some  other  work  in  which  you  had  engaged  which  you  had 
not  told  us  about  if  you  decline  to  answer  that  question. 

Mr.  M  \rkham.  Well,  you  asked  me  my  employment  record.  To  the 
best  of  my  knowledge  I  gave  you  my  employment  record. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes;  but  you  stated  that  my  question  floored  you, 
when  all  the  while  you  had  in  mind  a  matter  which  you  were  unwill- 
ing to  tell  this  committee  about;  is  that  not  true? 

Mr.  Markham.  No;  this  last  question  you  were  asking  whether 
I  had  done  anything,  any  sort  of  work  other  than  my  employment, 
Whether  I  was  paid  or  not  paid. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes. 

Mr.  Markham.  That  is  a  different  thing.  You  are  not  asking  what 
my — I  gave  you  my  employment  record,  and  to  the  best  of  my  recol- 
lection it  was  accurate. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  you  employed  as  a  teacher  at  any  time  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  would  decline.  I  was  not — well,  I  do  not  know 
what 

Mr.  T  wenner.  You  were  not  what  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  cannot  recall  having  any  employment  as  such 
other  than  what  I  have  given  you. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  engage  in  teaching,  whether  for  compen- 
sation or  not  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  think  I  answered  that. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  is  your  answer  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  You  asked  me  whether  I  taught,  and  I  said  I  decline. 

Mr.  Jackson.  For  the  reasons  previously  given? 

Mr.  Markham.  That  is  correct. 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION)     1883 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  you  a  trustee  at  one  time  of  the  Samuel 
A  dams  School  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Do  3011  know  what  the  Samuel  Adams  School  is? 

Mr.  Markham.  Oh,  it  has  been  quite  prominently  displayed  in  the 
press  in  Boston,  at  least. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Your  answer  is  you  do  know,  then  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  know  there  was  such  a  thing.  It  is  public  knowl- 
edge. 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  know  all  about  it,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  do  you  not  ? 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Markham  conferred  with  Mr.  Cammer.) 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  to  answer  the  previous  question.  I 
think 

Mr.  Jackson.  Will  you  make  your  declination  complete  by  assign- 
ing your  reasons  on  each  occasion? 

Mr.  Markham.  All  right. 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  are  declining  to  answer  my  last  question,  I  take 
it? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  am  declining  to  answer  the  last  question  on  the 
grounds  previously  stated. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  conduct  any  course  of  training  or  teaching 
at  that  school  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  for  the  reasons  stated  previously. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  play  any  part  in  the  preparation  of  the 
printing  of  the  catalog  for  that  institution  or  that  school  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline,  same  reason. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  know  the  names  of  other  persons  who 
taught  or  any  person  who  taught  in  that  school  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  think  it  is  rather  obvious  that  for  the  reasons  pre- 
viously stated  I  shall  decline  any  questions  regarding  that  institution. 

Mr.  Jackson.  You  so  decline 

Mr.  Markham.  In  that  connection. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Do  you  so  decline  to  answer  the  last  question  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  do. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  There  has  been  testimony  presented  to  the  commit- 
tee that  there  was  in  existence  in  Boston,  in  Cambridge,  a  group  or 
cell  of  the  Communist  Party  made  up  from  time  to  time  of  members 
of  the  teaching  profession  at  Massachusetts  Institute  of  Technology, 
and  at  Harvard  University.  Did  you  ever  attend  a  meeting  of  a 
group  of  that  character? 

Mr.  Markham.  May  I  have  that  question  again  ? 

(The  question  was  read  by  the  reporter.) 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Markham  conferred  with  Mr.  Cammer.) 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  for  the  reasons  previously  stated. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Was  a  meeting  ever  held  in  your  home,  composed  of 
Communist  Party  members  who  were  teachers  either  in  Harvard  or 
the  Massachusetts  Institute  of  Technology  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  for  the  reasons  previously  stated.  You 
see,  Mr.  Tavenner,  what  I  meant  by  "innuendo." 

Mr.  Clardy.  This  proceeding  is  rather  amusing  to  you,  is  it  not, 
witness?    I  see  you  sit  there  with  a  smile  or  a  smirk  on  your  face. 

Mr.  Markham.  That  is  not  a  smirk,  Senator — Representative. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Proceed,  Mr.  Counsel. 


1884    COMMUNIST   METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Clardy.  I  just  want  him  to  know  I  do  not  regard  this  as  humor- 
ous, Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  Markiiam.  I  do  not  regard  this  as  humorous,  either. 

Mr.  Jackson.  The  committee  will  be  in  order.     Please  proceed. 

Mr.  Markham.  I  did  not  ask  to  come  down. 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  volunteered 

Mr.  Markiiam.  I  did  not. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Was  any  effort  made  by  any  party  to  interest  you 
in  the  work  of  publication  of  a  periodical  or  paper  in  behalf  of  the 
Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  for  the  reasons  previously  stated. 

Mr.  Clardy.  I  did  not  hear  that. 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  for  the  reasons  previously  stated. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  you  acquainted  with  Jesse  Prosten? 

(Representative  James  B.  Frazier,  Jr.,  left  the  hearing  room  at  this 
point.) 

Mr.  Markham.  I  was. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  know  whether  or  not  he  was  a  member  of 
the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  Markham.  You  are  getting  into  that  same  business  again.  I 
will  decline  for  the  reasons  previously  stated. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  The  committee  is  in  possession  of  information  in- 
dicating that  on  January  14,  1946,  a  Fannie  Hartman,  a  functionary 
of  the  Communist  Party,  was  at  the  Hotel  Touraine  in  Boston.  Did 
you  meet  Fannie  Hartman  on  that  occasion  ? 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Markham  conferred  with  Mr.  Cammer.) 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  for  the  reasons  previously  stated. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  you  acquainted  with  Fannie  Hartman  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  for  the  reasons  previously  stated. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  you  acquainted  with  a  person  by  the  name  of 
Otis  Hood? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  for  the  reasons  previously  stated. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  attend  a  meeting  at  any  time  in  September 
or  October  1946,  at  Communist  Party  headquarters  in  Boston? 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Markham  conferred  with  Mr.  Cammer.) 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  for  the  reasons  previously  stated. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  know  whether  Fannie  Hartman  was  inter- 
ested in  promoting*  the  political  activities  of  any  individual  in  the 
Boston  area  during  a  period  of  election  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  for  the  reasons  previously  stated. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  When  was  it  that  you  became  legislative  agent  in 
the  State  of  Massachusetts  for  the  CIO  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  Well,  I  stated  before  what  my  recollection  was.  I 
really  do  not  remember  the  dates,  but  I  went  to  work  for  the  Newspaper 
Guild  in  December  of  1939,  and  it  may  have  been  a  year  or  so  later 
than  that,  at  a  state  convention  of  the  Massachusetts  State  CIO  I  was 
elected  as  assistant  legislative  agent.  It  was  not  a  paid  job  and,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  the  legislative  agent  was  elected;  it  was  not  a  paid 
job.  They  were  not  too  active.  Then  at  some  time,  it  may  have  been 
the  1941  convention,  which  would  have  been,  I  think,  in  the  fall, 
November  or  December  of  1941,  and  this  is  just  to  the  best  of  my 
recollection,  I  was  elected  as  legislative  agent  for  the  State  CIO  and 
worked  part  time  on  that  and  part  time  for  the  Newspaper  Guild.  I 
was  paid  by  both.     My  salary  was  split  between  the  two. 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION)     1885 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Was  your  work  chiefly  that  of  lobbying  for  legisla- 
tion in  which  your  organization  was  interested  ? 

Mr.  Markiiam.  As  far  as  my  work  with  the  State  CIO  was  con- 
cerned, that  is  true.  I  was  the  only  person  who  was  on  the  payroll  of 
the  State  CIO,  so  that  I  was  the  only  person  available  for  various 
jobs.  There  may  have  been  some  jobs  aside  from  strictly  lobbying 
activities  that  I  might  have  been  assigned  to,  but  that  would  have 
been  minor.  The  major  thing  was  lobbying  for  legislation  on  a  State 
and  national  level. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  other  labor  organizations  have  legislative  repre- 
sentatives charged  with  the  same  general  duties  that  you  were  charged 
with  ? 

Mr.  Markiiam.  The  A.  F.  of  L.  did,  and  the  Brotherhood  of  Rail- 
road Trainmen  did;  that  is,  regular  lobbyists,  not  people  who  came  up 
as  business  agents  or  something  of  that  sort  occasionally.  Whether 
there  were  more  than  that,  I  do  not  recall,  but  there  were  some  others. 
The  A.  F.  of  L.  representative  was  the  most  active  and  the  principal 
one  at  that  stage. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  recall  whether  or  not  the  International 
Fur  and  Leather  Workers  Union  had  such  a  representative  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  do  not  believe  that  they  did.  You  are  talking 
about  this  period  before  the  war? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  am  talking  about  the  period  while  you  were  legis- 
lative agent  for  the  CIO. 

Mr.  Markham.  Well,  I  do  not  recall  that  they  did  in  1946,  either. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  The  committee  has  heard  testimony  that  legislative 
representatives  of  various  organizations  on  national  level  here  in 
Washington  had  fraction  meetings;  in  other  words,  many  of  those 
legislative  representatives  were  members  of  the  Communist  Party, 
and  that  as  members  of  the  Communist  Party,  and  while  acting  as  leg- 
islative representatives  here  in  Washington,  they  caucused  and  met  as 
Communist  Party  members  here  in  the  District  of  Columbia  and 
planned  their  work.  Were  you  aware  of  the  existence  of  such  a  prac- 
tice among  legislative  representatives  in  Massachusetts  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  would  decline  to  answer  on  the  grounds  previous- 
ly stated. 

(Representative  Francis  E.  Walter  entered  the  hearing  room  at 
this  point.) 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  stated  that  you  served  in  the  Navy  from  1942 
to  the  end  of  1945.  What  was  the  general  nature  of  your  position  in 
the  Navy  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  was  an  air  combat  intelligence  officer,  and  I  served 
with  aircraft  squadrons  aboard  carriers  in  the  Pacific.  I  had  eight 
battle  stars,  and  I  have  had  a  number  of  citations. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  become  a  member  of  the  Naval  Reserve? 

Mr.  Markham.  Well,  on 

Mr.  Tavenner.  After  your  discharge? 

Mr.  Markham.  Not  after  my  discharge. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  When  were  you  a  member  of  the  Naval  Reserve? 

Mr.  Markham.  It  was  in  the  Navy  regulation,  automatic  business, 
that  when  an  officer  ceased  active  duty,  he  automatically  went  on  the 
inactive  list  of  the  Naval  Reserve,  and  that  is  what  I  did  in  Novem- 
ber, I  believe  the  15th,  of  1945. 

30172— 53— pt.  6 4 


1886    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Tavk.wki;.  How  long  did  you  remain  on  the  inactive  list  of 
rlie  Naval  Reserve? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  forget  the  date,  sir,  but  sometime  in  the  fall  of 
1952.    That  is  the  best  of  my  recollection. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  was  the  reason  for  your  leaving  the  list  of 
Naval  Reserve  officers? 

Mr.  Markham.  Well,  in  the  fall  of  1952  I  was  given  a  kangaroo- 
court  proceeding 

Mr.  T avknnkr.  Just  a  moment — kangaroo-court  proceeding?  It 
was  a  Loyalty  Review  Board  decision ;  was  it  not?  That  is  what  you 
refer  to  as  the  kangaroo  hearing? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  do  not  know  what  the  title  was.  It  was  a  hear- 
ing by  the  Navy.  It  was  not  by  the  Loyalty  Board.  It  was  a  hearing 
by  3  naval  officers. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Where  was  that  conducted? 

Mr.  Markham.  In  Boston. 

Mr.  Walter.  Were  you  represented  there? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  was,  sir. 

Mr.  Clardy.  What  was  the  date  of  that,  Counsel? 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Markham  conferred  with  Mr.  Cammer.) 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  have  not  finished. 

Mr.  Markham.  I  am  sorry ;  what  was  the  question  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  stated  there  was  a  hearing. 

Mr.  Markham.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  was  asking  you  the  reason  for  your  separation 
from  the  status  of  Reserve  Corps  officer,  and  you  were  telling  us  in 
1952  this  hearing  took  place.    What  was  the  result  of  the  hearing  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  At  that  hearing,  at  which  no  witnesses  were  pre- 
sented against  me,  a  series  of  statements  were  made,  generally  pretty 
wild,  and  at  the  conclusion  of  the  hearing  I  made  a  statement  to  the 
officers ;  I  put  myself  under  oath,  made  a  statement  to  the  officers.  I 
am  sure  that  this  comihittee  has  or  can  get  a  copy  of  that  statement 
and  a  copy  of  the  proceedings  of  that  hearing. 

While  I  was  told  that  it  was  only  a  hearing,  not  a  trial,  nothing  of 
the  sort,  after  the  hearing — I  forget  how  long — a  month,  6  weeks, 
something  like  that,  I  received  a  notification  from  the  Navy  that  I 
had  been  separated  from  the  service. 

Mr.  Scherer.  You  mean  the  first  time  you  knew  of  the  charges 
was  at  this  hearing  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  No,  sir. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Well,  you  said  a  number  of  wild  statements  were 
made;  in  fact  you  knew  of  the  charges  against  you  for  at  least  45  days 
prior  to  that  hearing. 

Mr.  Markham.  At  least  that  long.  What  I  said  was  that  a  series  of 
statements  were  made  by  the  Navy 

Mr.  Walter.  What  were  these  wild  statements  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  As  statements  of  fact. 

Mr.  Walter.  What  were  they  ? 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Markham  conferred  with  Mr.  Cammer.) 

Mr.  Markham.  Well,  I  will  give  you  an  illustration.  I  believe  it 
was  one  of  the  first  statements  made  in  this  long  statement,  which 
said  that  it  was  a  known  fact  that  I  had  attended  as  a  delegate  a  con- 
vention of  the  Communist  Party  in  Philadelphia  in  1948. 

Mr.  Walter.  Did  you  ? 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION)     1887 

Mr.  Markham.  I  did  not. 

Mr.  Walter.  Did  you  ever  attend  a  Communist  Party  convention  ? 

Mr.  Markiiam.  Let  me  finish  the  question. 

Mr.  Walter.  Answer  my  question. 

Mr.  Jackson.  There  is  a  question  pending.  Please  answer  the 
question. 

Mr.  Markham.  I  have  been  asked  a  question  here,  and  I  will  answer 
that  afterward. 

The  convention  that  they  referred  to,  fortunately  I  kept  my  alter- 
nate delegate's  credential,  was  a  convention,  nominating  convention, 
of  the  Progressive  Party  at  that  time.  Apparently  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Navy  activity  in  the  Progressive  Party  was  the  same  as  being  active 
in  the  Communist  Party. 

I  presented  this  piece  of  evidence  which,  as  I  say,  I  fortunately 
had  kept,  and  while  they  did  not  withdraw  the  charge,  if  you  have  the 
record  of  the  hearing,  you  will  see  there  is  some  hocus-pocus  wording 
that  they  in  effect  withdrew  that  charge,  but  that  was  the  kind  of 
thing  that  I  was  presented  with  at  that  hearing. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Were  you  asked  during  the  hearing  if  you  had  been 
a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  ? 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Markham  conferred  with  Mr.  Cammer.) 

Mr.  Markham.  I  do  not  recall  that — I  do  not  have  the  record  of 
that  hearing,  but  I  do  not  recall  that  that  question  was  asked.  As  I 
say,  I  put  myself — after  they  had  gone  through  this  whole  business  of 
reading  off  this  long  statement,  and  in  the  process,  just  automatically, 
practically,  of  withdrawing  some  of  the  things  that  they  said,  I  put 
myself  under  oath  and  stated  my  position,  and  the  recorder,  which  is 
comparable  to  a  prosecuting  attorney,  asked  no  further  questions, 
and  that  was  the  end  of  it. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Were  you  asked  if  you  had  ever  attended  a  meeting 
of  the  Cummunist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  Well,  in  this  statement  they  made  a  whole  series  of 
statements  about  Communist  Party,  about  various  organizations,  and 
soon. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Have  you  ever  attended  a  meeting  of  the  Communist 
Party  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  would  decline  to  answer  on  the  grounds  pre- 
viously stated. 

Mr.  Scherer.  The  fact  is  that  all  of  these  charges  that  were  pre- 
ferred against  you  by  the  Navy  at  that  time  dealt  with  communistic 
activities  on  your  part ;  did  they  not? 

Mr.  Markham.  They  may  have  dealt  with  what  they  thought  were. 

Mr.  Scherer.  I  am  not  asking  what  they  thought,  but  the  charges 
did  deal  with  Communist  activities,  whether  they  were  true  or  not. 
The  charges  dealt  with  that ;  did  they  not? 

Mr.  Markham.  Well,  I  do  not  like  the  wording  of  the  question.  I 
will  just  decline  to  answer  for  the  reasons  previously  stated. 

Mr.  Scherer.  All  right ;  you  decline. 

Mr.  Clardt.  Did  you  at  any  time  before  that  Board,  and  while  you 
were  under  oath,  unequivocably  state  that  you  were  not  and  never 
had  at  any  time  been  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  Markham.  Again  you  can  get  the  transcript. 


1888    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Clardy.  I  am  not  referring  to  that.  I  am  asking  you  whether 
as  a  matter  of  fact  you  did  make  such  a  statement.  Please  answer 
that. 

Mr.  Markham.  I  forget  just  what  I  said,  but  to  the  best  of  my 
knowledge  I  did  not  make  such  a  statement.  I  was  not  asked  such  a 
question. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Is  it  not  a  fact  that  the  charges  that  you  have  re- 
ferred to  and  have  described  were  to  the  effect  that  you  had  been  a 
member  of  the  Communist  Party  ? 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Markham  conferred  with  Mr.  Cammer.) 

Mr.  Markham.  In  general. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Well,  had  you  been  a  member  of  the  Communist 
Party  prior  to  that  date  in  1952  when  this  hearing  was  had? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  to  answer  on  the  grounds  previously 
stated. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  you  now  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  % 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  to  answer  on  the  grounds  previously 
stated. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Do  you  want  this  committee  to  believe  that  you  are 
not  now  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  Do  I  want  you  to  believe  that  ? 

Mr.  Clardy.  Yes. 

Mr.  Markham.  I  do  not  believe  that  it  is  the  province  of  this  com- 
mittee to  inquire  into  that. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Regardless  of  whether  that  is  your  belief  or  not,  will 
you  answer  the  question? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  am  responsible  to  a  group  of  workers  who  see  me 
day  in  and  day  out  and  know  exactly  the  kind  of  work  I  do,  and  it  is 
my  desire  to  serve  them  and  be  highly  regarded  by  them,  and  whether 
the  committee  here  thinks  one  thing  or  another  from  responses  I  make 
to  questions  here- 


Mr.  Scherer.  Do  you  not  think- 


Mr.  Clardy.  Pardon  me,  you  mean  you  do  not  care  what  your 
Government  thinks  about  your  belonging  to  or  not  belonging  to  the 
Communist  Party  ?     Is  that  what  you  mean  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  do  not  think  that  was  your  question. 

Mr.  Clardy.  I  am  putting  it  that  way  now.  Is  it  your  position 
that  you  do  not  care  how  your  Government  looks  upon  your  member- 
ship or  your  nonmembership,  whichever  it  may  be,  in  the  Communist 
Party? 

Mr.  Markham.  Well,  I  have  not  been  asked  by  my  Government 
what  I  think,  and  I  do  not  think  the  Government  is  going  to  ask  me 
what  I  think. 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  are  being  asked  that  by  your  Government  right 
now,  sir.     Will  you  answer  the  question? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  think  that  is  purely,  if  I  recall  the  question,  purely 
an  opinion. 

Mr.  Clardy.   Is  that  the  only  answer  you  care  to  give? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  just  do  not  care  to  discuss  the  opinion 

Mr;  Clardy.  That  is  your  answer.     Thank  you. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Do  you  not  think  these  workers  whom  you  represent 
are  entitled  to  know  whether  today  you  are  a  member  of  the  Commu- 
nist Party  or  not  ?     Do  you  not  think  they  are  entitled  to  know  ? 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION)     1889 

Mr.  Markham.  My  members  know  what  I  do.  They  can  judge  me 
by  my  acts,  and  they  see  me  day  in  and  day  out. 

Mr.  Scherer.  That  is  not  the  answer  to  my  question. 

Mr.  Markham.  And  I  would  be  willing  to  stand  before  them  any 
day  and  defend  my  record  before  them.  In  fact,  I  do  not  need  to  do  it. 
They  will  do  it  themselves. 

Mr.  Scherer.  I  understand  that ;  but  that  was  not  my  question.  Do 
you  not  think  the  workers  whom  you  represent  are  entitled  to  know 
whether  you  are  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party,  which  is  a  part 
of  a  Kremlin  conspiracy  in  this  country?  Do  you  not  think  your 
workers  are  entitled  to  know  that  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  If  they  want  to  know,  they  will  ask  me. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Is  that  the  only  answer  you  are  going  to  give  to  that 
question  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  think  it  is  a  good  one. 

Mr.  Walter.  If  they  did  ask  you,  what  would  your  answer  be  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  to  answer  that  on  the  grounds  stated. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Do  the}^  know  whether  you  are  or  are  not  a  member 
of  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  Again  you  are  asking  me  what  somebody  else  thinks. 

Mr.  Clardy.  What  does  a  wave  of  the  hand  and  a  shrug  of  the 
shoulders  mean  ?     Does  that  mean  you  refuse  to  answer  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  to  answer.     I  cannot  read  the  minds  of 

Mr.  Clardy.  I  know ;  but  I  wish  you  would  state  it.  Several  times 
you  have  waved  your  hand  rather  contemptuously  and  shrugged  your 
shoulders  and  not  said  anything,  and  I  want  to  be  sure  the  record 
correctly  reflects  your  willingness  or  refusal  to  answer. 

Now,  that  last  shrug  was  intended  to  be  a  declination? 

Mr.  Markham.  And  my  statement.  I  do  not  think  that  the  Con- 
gressman, who  is  a  servant  of  myself  and  the  rest  of  the  people  in  the 
country,  has  any  right  to  say  that  I  am  being  contemptuous,  because 
I  am  not. 

Mr.  Clardy.  We  have  heard  that  a  great  many  times,  and  we  heard 
it  when  you  said  it. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Very  well. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  referred  to  a  meeting 

Mr.  Scherer.  May  I  interrupt?  You  made  some  charges  about  this 
committee  at  the  opening  of  the  hearing  when  you  declined  to  answer 
the  first  question  tiiat  was  asked  you.  Do  those  same  charges  apply 
to  that  Navy  Loyalty  Review  Board  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  certainly  did  not  regard  that  I  was  given  any  sort 
of  a  trial,  if  you  want  to  call  it  that. 

Mr.  Scherer.  That  was  not  my  question,  Mr.  Witness.  My  ques- 
tion was,  Do  the  statements  that  you  made  with  reference  to  this  com- 
mittee and  its  activities,  do  those  same  statements  relate  to  the  Navy 
Loyalty  Review  Board  hearing? 

Mr.  Markham.  No;  no. 

Mr.  Clardy.  What  was  your  answer? 

Mr.  Markham.  No. 

Mr.  Clardy.  By  the  way,  what  was  the  rank  of  the  officers  making 
up  that  Board,  do  you  recall  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  My  recollection  is  that  1  was  a  captain,  and  2  were 
full  commanders. 

Mr.  Scherer.  You  did  say  that  it  was  a  kangaroo  hearing. 


1890    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Markiiam.  That  is  true. 

Mr.  Walter.  Did  you  appeal  from  the  decision  of  this  court  I 

Mr.  Markiiam.  No. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Were  you  represented  by  counsel  during  all  stages 
of  the  hearing  ? 

Mr.  Markiiam.  I  was. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Continue,  Mr.  Counsel. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Was  that  counsel  of  your  own  selection  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  It  was. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Markham,  you  referred  in  your  explanation  of 
what  occurred  at  this  hearing  to  a  meeting  of  the  Progressive  Party 
which  you  attended  as  a  delegate.    When  was  that  meeting  held  ? 

(Representative  Francis  E.  Walter  left  the  hearing  room  at  this 
point.) 

Mr.  Markham.  It  was  in  the  summer  of  1948,  the  nominating  con- 
vention in  Philadelphia.    Is  that  close  enough  ?    I  forget  the  dates. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  state  whether  or  not  you  were  aware  of  a 
decision  made  by  the  Communist  Party  that  it  would  work  within  the 
framework  of  the  Progressive  Party  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  to  answer  on  the  grounds  previously 
stated. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  take  part  in  any  {thinning  with  members 
of  the  Communist  Party  to  influence  or  control  the  action  of  the 
Progressive  Party  on  any  level  ( 

Mr.  Markiiam.  Well,  in  declining  f<>  answer  that  on  the  grounds 
previously  stated,  I  would  like  to  say  that  I  do  not  think  it  is  the  prov- 
ince of  this  committee,  in  my  opinion,  to  inquire  into  the  operations 
of  a  political  party  in  this  country. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Let  the  Chair  sua  in  answer  to  that  that  there  is  ade- 
quate testimony  in  the  record  from  a  number  of  witnesses  which  in- 
dicates beyond  any  perad venture  of  a  doubt  that  exactly  that  form  of 
planning  did  take  place,  so  it  is  a  matter  of  record.  The  question 
was  directed  as  to  whether  you,  yourself,  took  part  in  any  such  plan- 
ning. That  is  a  matter  quite  within  the  jurisdiction  of  this  com- 
mittee to  inquire  into,  as  to  the  nature  and  extent  of  Communist  infil- 
tration into  the  Progressive  Party,  which  infiltration,  I  think,  was 
best  testified  to  by  Mr.  Henry  Wallace  himself  when  he  left  the 
Progressive  Party. 

Proceed,  Mr.  Counsel. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Have  you  been  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party 
at  any  time  \ 

Mr.  Markham.  J  decline  to  answer  for  the  reasons  previously 
stated. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  have  no  further  questions,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Mr.  Clardy. 

Mr.  Clardy.  I  have  no  questions. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Mr.  Scherer. 

Mr.  Scherer.  You  have  stated  that  you  feel  that  this  committee 
has  no  right  to  inquire  into  your  political  beliefs  or  whether  you  were 
a  member  of  the  Communist  Party.  Do  you  feel  that  the  Navy 
Loyalty  Review7  Board  had  a  right  to  inquire  as  to  whether  you  were  a 
member  of  the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  Markham.  Well,  the}7  were  operating  under  a  specific  Execu- 
tive order. 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION)     1891 

Mr.  Scherer.  Do  you  think  they  had  such  a  right?  I  am  asking 
that  merely  because  you  described  it  as  a  kangaroo  hearing.  I  want 
to  know  whether  you  feel  that  the  board  had  a  right  to  inquire  as  to 
your  membership  and  activities  in  the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  Markiiam.  Well,  the  Navy — if  the  Navy  wants  to  say  that  to  be 
a  naval  officer  you  have  to  agree  that  the  world  is  flat,  and  if  you  do 
not  agree  with  that,  you  are  out  of  the  Navy,  I  suppose  they  have  a 
right  to  set  up  their  standards  as  to  that  nature  of  who  is  going  to  be 
in  the  Navy. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Do  you  believe  that  a  member  of  the  Communist 
Party  should  hold  a  commission  in  the  United  States  Navy? 

Mr.  Markiiam.  Well,  that  is  again  a  matter  of  opinion  I  am  not 
going  to  discuss. 

Mr.  Scherer.  You  mean  even  today,  when  we  are  at  war  with  the 
Communist-dominated  countries,  engaged  in  both  a  hot  and  cold  war, 
you  cannot  tell  us  whether  a  commissioned  officer  of  the  United  States 
Armed  Forces  should  be  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  am  not  running  the  Navy ;  I  am  not  running  the 
Army. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Obviously  not ;  thank  heavens. 

Mr.  Markham.  What  they  regard  as  a  sound  policy,  all  right ;  that 
is  their  business  to  set  the  policy  and  carry  it  out.  I  am  not  the  one 
to  do  that. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Let  me  say  that  the  holding  of  a  commission  in 
the  Armed  Forces  of  the  United  States  is  a  privilege  and  not  a  consti- 
tutional right.  No  one  has  a  right  to  a  commission.  He  gains  it  on 
merit,  and  he  holds  it  by  the  nature  of  the  work  that  he  does  and  his 
unquestioned  loyalty  to  the  institutions  of  this  Government. 

Certainly  the  Navy  or  any  other  agency  of  the  United  States  Gov- 
ernment quite  properly  removes  commissions  from  those  in  whom 
there  is  any  doubt  as  to  loyalty. 

Mr.  Counsel. 

Mr.  Markham.  May  I  say  something  on  that  ?  I  feel  that  if — after 
I  was  out  of  the  active  service  in  the  Navy  and  was  operating  as  a  pri- 
vate citizen,  I  believe  that  I  had  full  rights  to  act  as  long  as  I  was 
doing  what  I  felt  was  right  as  a  citizen,  and  that  I  did  not  consider 
that  the  standards  for  what  I  was  going  to  do  necessarily  had  to  be 
the  standards  of  the  Navy.  If  they  thought  that  a  person  who  was  in 
the  Inactive  Reserve  was  doing  things  they  did  not  like,  they  had  a 
perfect  right  to  say,  "Well,  look,  Markham,  we  do  not  think  that  a 
naval  officer  ought  to  be  doing  this  or  doing  that,"  if  they  had  any 
idea  or  any  suspicion  or  anything  else  that  I  was  doing  anything  they 
did  not  like. 

As  an  illustration,  in  1946  there  was  a  strike  on  of  the  railroad 
workers.  You  remember  the  President  seized  the  railroads ;  the  Army 
ran  the  railroads,  and  there  was  talk  at  that  moment  of  the  same  thing 
being  done  with  the  maritime  workers.  A  meeting  was  called  in  Bos- 
ton ;  the  meeting  was  presided  over  by  a  man  who  ran  for  Vice  Presi  - 
dent  of  the  United  States  at  one  time,  attorney  for  the  railroad,  and  a 
number  of  people  spoke  at  the  meeting.  They  invited  in  people  who 
had  been  in  one  branch  of  the  armed  service  or  another  as  some  of  the 
speakers  who  appeared,  and  I  was  one  of  them. 


1892    COMMUNIST   METHODS    OF   INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION) 

At  that  time  I  was  working  for  the  State  CIO.  Several  months 
after  that  meeting  I  received  a  notice  from  the  Navy,  "Contrary  to 
regulation  so-and-so,  you  had  attended  this  public  meeting  and  ad- 
dressed it  attired  in  naval  uniform." 

So  I  wrote  back  to  the  Navy  and  said  that  I  was  well  aware  of  regu- 
lation so-and-so,  that  I  had  not  addressed  this  meeting  attired  in  my 
naval  uniform,  which  I  never  wore  after  the  day  that  I  left  active 
service,  and  that  I  would  appreciate  knowing  why  any  such  a  charge 
was  made,  and  I  heard  nothing  from  them. 

Now,  that  was  the  kind  of  information  apparently  the  Navy  was 
getting  regarding  me.  I  suppose  you  would  say  if  I  had  been  smart  at 
that  time  I  would  have  offered  my  resignation. 

However,  I  felt  I  was  not  doing  anything  wrong,  and  I  did  not,  and 
1  took  no  action  to  do  so. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Again  let  me  call  your  attention  that  this  was  a  hear- 
ing before  a  Navy  Loyalty  Review  Board.  You  do  not  mean  to  say 
that  there  is  a  different  standard  of  loyalty  for  a  man  in  active  service 
and  one  in  the  inactive  service ;  do  you  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  Well,  as  far  as  I  know,  the  standards  that  they  set 
up  apply  whether  a  person  is  in  the  Active  or  Inactive  Reserve. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Witness,  despite  the  fact  that  the  whole  charge  against 
you  at  that  hearing  had  to  do  with  alleged  Communist  affiliations  on 
your  part,  you  have  told  me  here  today,  by  indirection,  at  least,  that 
you  did  not  deny  your  affiliations  at  any  time  during  the  course  of  that 
hearing. 

Now,  do  you  think  that  under  those  circumstances  this  kangaroo 
court  you  have  referred  to  acted  unfairly  and  unjustly  in  your  case? 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Markham  conferred  with  Mr.  Cammer.) 

Mr.  Markham.  I  made  responses  to  the  hearing,  to  the  Board,  on 
every  statement  that  they  made  where  they  presented  any  evidence 
whatsoever.  They  presented  no  witnesses.  But  where  they  presented 
any  evidence  whatsoever 

Mr.  Jackson.  I  believe  that  counsel  has  another  question  which  the 
witness  will  have  an  opportunity  to  answer.  Do  you  want  to  proceed, 
Mr.  Counsel  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Markham,  you  have  stated  to  the  committee  that 
you  refused  to  answer  the  question  as  to  whether  or  not  you  had  ever 
been  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party. 

Now,  I  think  I  should  present  to  you  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Herbert 
Philbrick  on  that  matter. 

Mr.  Philbrick  testified  on  June  17, 1953,  before  the  Subcommittee  to 
Investigate  the  Administration  of  the  Internal  Security  Act  and  Other 
Internal  Security  Laws  of  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary  of  the 
United  States  Senate.  Mr.  Philbrick  was  asked  the  question  by  Mr. 
Morris x : 

Did  you  know  a  Boston  couple  named  George  and  Helen  D.  Markham? 

Mr.  Puilhrick.  Yes. 

Mr.  Morris.  Who  was  George  Markham? 

Mr.  Philbrick.  George  Markham  I  knew  quite  well  as  a  feilow  party  member. 
He  was  the  educational  director  for  the  Fur  and  Leather  Workers  Union.  I  was 
a  member  of  the  educational  commission  of  the  Communist  Party,  again  working 
under  orders  from  the  Communist  Party,  and  I  worked  with  George  Markham  on 
projects  to  do  with  Communist  propaganda. 


1  Robert  Morris,  chief  counsel  to  named  subcommittee 


COMMUNIST   METHODS    OF   INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION)     1893 

Mr.  Morkis.  The  Fur  and  Leather  Workers  Union,  to  your  knowledge,  was 
virtually  an  open  Communist  union? 

Mr.  Philbrick.  It  was  pretty  well  dominated  and  controlled  by  the  Communist 
Party,  although  of  course  not  all  of  the  members  of  the  union  itself  were  party 
members. 

Was  Mr.  Philbrick  telling  the  truth  about  his  asosciation  with  you 
in  Communist  Party  work  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  Well,  I  would  decline  for  the  reasons  previously 
stated  to  discuss  any  relationship  that  I  might  have  had,  real  or  sup- 
posed, with  such  a  liar  and  perjurer. 

Mr.  Clardy.  May  I  interpose,  Mr.  Chairman  ?  What  was  your  rank 
when  you  were  in  the  Navy  ? 

Mr.  Markiiam.  I  went  in  as  a  lieutenant  (junior  grade) ,  and  I  came 
out  as  a  lieutenant  commander. 

Mr.  Scherer.  You  say  Philbrick  is  a  liar  and  a  perjurer? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  say  that  is  the  kind  of  person  he  is. 

Mr.  Jackson.  You  have  made  a  statement  that  Mr.  Philbrick  is  a 
liar  and  a  perjurer.  In  what  respect  and  in  what  testimony  that  he 
has  given  did  he  lie? 

Mr.  Markham.  Well,  there  is  a  very  good  political  axiom  that  it  is 
very  wise  never  to  get  into  any  kind  of  a  contest  with  a  skunk. 

Mr.  Jackson.  That  is  not  responsive  to  my  question. 
In  what  specific  instance  did  Mr.  Philbrick  lie? 

Mr.  Markham    Well,  there  is  enough  on  the  record 

Mr.  Jackson.  Very  well.  I  am  only  asking  you  to  quote  one  in- 
stance out  of  the  record  so  that  we  can  tie  it  down. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Mr.  Chairman,  may  I  suggest  to  you  that  inasmuch  as 
he  has  now  said  that  Mr.  Philbrick  committed  perjury  and  was  a  liar, 
he  has  lost  the  protection  of  the  fifth  amendment,  and  I  ask  that  he  be 
directed  to  answer  the  questions  in  all  particulars. 

Mr.  Jackson.  My  question  was  based  upon  that  fact. 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Markham  conferred  with  Mr.  Cammer.) 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  to  answer  on  the  grounds  previously  stated. 

Mr.  Jackson.  The  Chair  directs  that  you  answer  the  question. 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Markham  conferred  with  Mr.  Cammer.) 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  to  answer  on  the  grounds  previously 
stated. 

Mr.  Jackson.  In  what  respect  did  Mr.  Philbrick  perjure  himself 
in  any  way  in  any  of  the  testimony  he  has  given  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  to  answer  on  the  grounds  previously 
stated. 

Mr.  Jackson.  The  Chair  directs  that  you  answer  the  question. 
In  what  manner  and  in  what  place  did  Mr.  Philbrick  perjure  him- 
self in  his  testimony. 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  to  answer  on  the  grounds  previously 
stated. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Any  further  questions,  Mr.  Counsel  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Just  a  minute.  On  that  same  line,  did  he  lie  when 
he  said  you  were  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  to  answer  on  the  grounds  previously 
stated. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Proceed,  Mr.  Counsel. 


1894    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Philbrick  testified  that  he  worked  with  you 
on  many  projects  to  do  with  Communist  propaganda.  What  projects 
of  Communist  propaganda  did  you  work  on  with  Mr.  Philbrick? 

(At  this  point  Air.  Markham  conferred  with  Mr.  Cammer.) 

Mr.  Markham.  I  would  decline  to  answer  on  the  grounds  previously 
stated.    I  think  you  might  inquire  of  Mr.  Philbrick. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  suggest  that  the  witness  be  directed  to  answer. 

Mr.  Jackson.  The  witness  is  directed  to  answer  the  question  put 
by  counsel. 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  to  answer  on  the  grounds  previously 
stated. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  work  on  any  Communist  propaganda  mat- 
ters with  Mr.  Philbrick  or  any  other  person? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  to  answer  on  the  grounds  previously 
stated. 

Mr.  Clardy.  I  ask  that  he  be  directed  to  answer  that  question. 

Mr.  Jackson.  The  witness  is  directed  to  answer  the  question. 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  to  answer  on  the  grounds  previously 
stated. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  engage  in  any  Communist  Party  activities 
with  Mr.  Philbrick? 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  to  answer  on  the  grounds  previously 
stated. 

Mr.  Clardy.  May  he  be  directed  to  answer  that,  Mr,  Chairman? 

Mr.  Jackson.  Yes;  the  witness  is  directed  to  answer  the  question. 

Mr.  Markham.  I  decline  to  answer  on  the  grounds  previously 
stated. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Is  there  any  reason  why  the  witness  should  not  be 
excused  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  No,  sir. 

Mr.  Jackson.  The  witness  is  excused,  and  the  subcommittee  stands 
in  adjournment. 

(Whereupon,  at  12:  12  p.  m.,  the  hearing  was  adjourned.) 


COMMUNIST  METHODS  OF  INFILTRATION 
(Education— Part  6) 


MONDAY,   JUNE   29,    1953 

United  States  House  of  Representatives, 

Subcommittee  of  the  Committee 

on  Un-American  Activities, 

Washington,  D.  C. 

PUBLIC    HEARING 

The  subcommittee  of  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities 
met,  pursuant  to  call,  at  10 :  40  a.  m.,  in  caucus  room  362,  Old  House 
Office  Building,  Hon.  Donald  L.  Jackson  (acting  chairman)  presiding. 

Committee  members  present :  Representatives  Donald  L.  Jackson 
and  Kit  Clardy. 

Staff  members  present:  Robert  L.  Kunzig,  counsel;  George  E. 
Cooper,  investigator ;  and  Thomas  W.  Beale,  Sr.,  chief  clerk. 

Mr.  Jackson.  The  committee  will  be  in  order,  please. 

For  the  purposes  of  the  record,  let  it  be  shown  that  the  chairman 
has  appointed  a  subcommittee  of  two,  consisting  of  Mr.  Clardy  and 
Mr.  Jackson  for  the  purpose  of  this  hearing. 

Will  you  call  your  witness,  Mr.  Counsel. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Yes,  sir. 

Dr.  Louis  Harap,  will  you  please  step  forward. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Mr.  Harap,  will  you  raise  your  right  hand,  sir? 

Do  you  solemnly  swear  that  in  the  testimony  you  are  about  to  give 
before  this  subcommittee  you  will  tell  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and 
nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God  ? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  do. 

TESTIMONY  OF  LOUIS  HARAP,  ACCOMPANIED  BY  HIS  COUNSEL, 

JOSEPH  FORER 

Mr.  Kunzig.  The  acoustics  are  very  bad  in  this  room,  Dr.  Harap, 
so  will  you  please  speak  as  clearly,  slowly,  and  distinctly  as  you  can. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Who  is  the  stranger  beside  him  ? 

Mr.  Kunzig.  His  counsel. 

Mr.  Forer.  Joseph  Forer,  711  14th  Street  NW.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Would  you  give  your  name  and  address  for  the  record, 
please,  sir? 

Mr.  Harap.  My  name  is  Louis,  L-o-u-i-s,  Harap,  H-a-r-a-p.  I  live 
at  83  Horatio,  H-o-r-a-t-i-o  Street,  New  York  City. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  a  statement  here  which  I  should  like  to  read 
before  the  committee. 

1895 


1896    COMMUNIST   METHODS    OF   INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Jackson.  The  statement  will  be  accepted  by  the  committee. 
However,  you  are  not  permitted  to  read  the  statement. 

Mr.  Harap.  May  I  ask  why  I  am  not  permitted  to  read  it  since  it  is 
relevant  to  my  testimony  ? 

Mr.  Jackson.  Yes.  That  is  the  standard  procedure  of  the  com- 
mittee and  has  been  for  a  long  time,  that  statements  are  not  permitted 
to  be  read.  However,  having  answered  a  question,  you  may  then 
elaborate  however  you  wish  on  your  answer,  giving  your  reasons  for 
your  answer,  if  you  so  desire. 

The  committee  will  receive  and  take  under  advisement  any  statement 
that  you  have. 

Mr.  Harap.  Well,  I  simply  want  to  register  an  objection  to  my  not 
being  permitted  to  read  the  statement,  because  it  is  relevant  to  my 
sentiments  about  the  committee,  about  the  activity  of  the  committee,, 
and  about  its  significance  for  the  American  people,  and  so  on. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Your  objection  is  noted  in  the  record. 

Mr.  Clardy.  I  think,  Witness,  we  can  pretty  well  anticipate  what 
you  have  said.     We  have  heard  it  many  times  before. 

Mr.  Harap.  It  doesn't  make  it  any  less  true,  sir. 

Mr.  Clardy.  We  shall  be  the  judge  of  that. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Would  you  give  the  committee  a  resume,  sir,  of  your 
educational  background  ? 

Mr.  Harap.  Yes.  I  graduated  from  Ethical  Culture  High  School 
in  New  York  City.  I  then  went  to  Antioch  College  for  a  few  years, 
transferred  to  Harvard  College  where  I  received  my  B.  A.  degree  in 
1928 ;  I  received  my  master's  degree  in  1930  and  my  Ph.  D.  in  philos- 
ophy in  1932. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Does  that  end  your  formal  education  ? 

Mr.  Harap.  That  ends  my  formal  education. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Now,  sir,  would  you  give  the  committee  a  resume  of 
your  employment  background? 

Mr.  Harap.  That  is  since  receiving  my  doctorate  ? 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Unless  you  had  any  employment  prior  to  that  time. 

Mr.  Harap.  No  ;  I  should  not  say  I  had  any. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Then  since  you  finished  3^our  studies. 

Mr.  Harap.  Since  receiving  my  degree  I  have  worked  as  a  writer 
and  I  have  done  editorial  work  for  the  entire  period  except  for  a 
period  of  just  about  3  years,  1912  to  1915,  when  I  was  in  the  Army 
during  the  war 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Harap  conferred  with  Mr.  Forer.) 

Mr.  Harap.  I  am  sorry,  I  beg  your  pardon.  Shortly  after  receiv- 
ing my  doctorate  I  was  appointed  librarian  of  the  philosophical  library 
at  Harvard  University  and  held  the  job  about — I  don't  know  exactly 
when  I  assumed  it — I  held  it  about — no;  precisety  until  the  end  of 
the  academic  term  of  1939,  and  I  came  to  New  York  City  after  that ; 
1  resigned  my  position  and  came  to  New  York  City,  and  since  1939  T 
have  worked  as  a  writer  and  have  done  editorial  work  except  for  the 
period  in  the  Army. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Would  you  state  where  you  have  been  a  writer  and 
where  you  have  done  editorial  work,  and  who  employed  you? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  have  written  for  various  publications,  and  I  will 
state  to  this  committee  some  of  the  publications  which  I  wrote;  some 
of  the  publications  I  will  not  state,  as  I  will  explain  soon,  and  applies 
to  my  work,  editorial  work. 


COMMUNIST   METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION)     1897 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Just  state  all  that  you  can. 

Mr.  Harap.  Yes.  I  have  written  for  a  number  of  learned  publica- 
tions, such  as  the  Journal  of  Philosophy,  Philosophical  Review,  Amer- 
ican Quarterly,  and  so  on,  a  number  of  these  publications. 

Those  are  all  the  publications  that  I  care  to  state  before  this  com- 
mittee. 

Mr.  Clardt.  What  was  your  answer,  all  that  you  care  to  state  ? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  am  sorry,  all  the  publications  that  I  am  willing  to 
state  before  this  committee.  As  for  any  other  publications  or  any 
editorial  work  which  I  have  done  or  the  employers  of — my  employers 
in  these  connections,  I  wish  to  refuse  to  answer  for  the  following 
reasons 

Mr.  Jackson.  May  I  suggest,  Mr.  Harap,  that  you  wait  until  the 
question  is  asked  before  you  refuse  to  answer,  and  then  give  your 
reasons  ? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  thought  I  was  asked  the  question. 

Mr.  Jackson.  No,  he  was  asking  for  clarification. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  I  had  intended  to  ask,  Mr.  Chairman,  and  I  will  now 
ask,  Will  you  please  state  for  the  record  all  the  publications  which 
you  have  written  for  in  these  last  years  which  you  are  just  describing? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  don't  understand.  I  have  stated  a  number  of  pub- 
lications for  which  I  have  written. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  That  is  right ;  I  am  asking  for  all. 

Mr.  Harap.  Then  I  proceeded  to  say  that  I  refuse  to  answer  further 
for  the  remaining  publications  for  the  following  reasons 

Mr.  Clardy.  May  I  interrupt  there  just  a  minute,  Mr.  Chairman? 

There  are  additional  publications  than  those  you  have  listed? 

Mr.  Harap.  Oh,  yes,  yes. 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Harap  conferred  with  Mr.  Forer.) 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  ask,  then,  that  the  witness  be  di- 
rected to  answer  the  question  and  list  the  other  publications  for  which 
he  has  written. 

Mr.  Harap.  Yes.    Well,  I 

Mr.  Jackson.  Just  a  minute,  Mr.  Harap.  The  Chair  is  of  the 
opinion  that  the  question  is  rather  general  in  nature,  and  I  believe 
that  it  would  be  better  if  the  questions  were  phrased  as  direct  ques- 
tions having  to  do  with  certain  publications. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Well,  we  will  come  to  that,  then,  Mr.  Chairman, 
later. 

Mr.  Clardt.  Let's  see  if  I  understand,  Counsel. 

Is  it  your  question  now  that  you  want  him  to  complete  the  listing 
and  to  include  those  which  he  seems  about  to  tell  us  he  will  refuse  to 
give  us? 

Mr.  Kunzig.  That  is  correct,  Mr.  Chairman.  I  cannot  see  that  it  is 
incriminating  before  this  committee  that  a  person  list  the  publications 
for  which  he  has  written.  Apparently  the  witness  feels  that  certain 
publications  may  incriminate  him. 

I  respectfully  request  that  he  be  ordered  to  answer  the  question  as 
to  listing  the  publications  for  which  he  has  written  since  he  graduated 
and  got  his  Ph.  D. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Is  this  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  the  occupa- 
tional background  of  the  witness? 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Yes,  Mr.  Chairman. 


1898    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Jackson.  Very  well.  The  witness  is  directed  to  answer  the 
question  as  to  all  of  the  publications  to  which  he  has  contributed. 

Mr.  Harap.  For  any  publications  which  I  have  not  stated  here  I 
refuse  to  answer  on  the  following  grounds : 

First,  I  refuse  to  answer  under  the  protection  of  the  first  amend- 
ment which  guarantees  the  freedom  of  the  press,  freedom  of  speech, 
freedom  of  thought,  and  academic  freedom,  and  I  believe  that  this 
committee  is  infringing  those  freedoms  and  putting  them  in  jeopardy, 
and  I  refuse  to  answer  in  the  first  place  on  that  ground. 

In  the  second  place,  I  refuse  to  answer  the  question  under  the  fifth 
amendment  which  gives  me  the  privilege  of  refusing  to  answer  on  the 
ground  that  no  person  can  be  compelled  to  be  a  witness  against  himself. 

Mr.  Clardy.  In  a  criminal  proceeding. 

Mr.  Harap.  Mr.  Clardy — I  believe  you  are  Mr.  Clardy? 

Mr.  Clardy.  That  is  right. 

Mr.  Harap.  I  believe  that  the  inference  which  you  are  trying  to 
draw  by  that  question 

Mr.  Clardy.  No  ;  I  am  just  giving  you  the  language. 

Mr.  Harap.  The  language  does  state,  on  the  other  hand,  that  ju- 
dicial decisions  have  provided  that  the  fifth  amendment  applies  not 
only  in  criminal  proceedings  but  also  in  such  investigations  as  this 
and  for  a  number  of  other  circumstances. 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  can  take  it  for  granted  I  am  familiar  with  the 
law ;  I  have  practiced  lawT  a  number  of  years. 

Mr.  Harap.  I  am  taking  this  procedure  because  I  don't  want  the 
inference  to  remain  that  my  application  of  the  fifth  amendment  here 
implies  in  any  sense  guilt  of  any  kind.  On  the  contrary,  the  fifth 
amendment  was  designed  specifically  to  protect  the  innocent,  and  so 
that  I  stand  on  the  fifth  amendment. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Proceed,  Mr.  Counsel. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  I  will  proceed,  sir.  I  do  think,  though,  that  we  ought 
to  clear  the  record  and  not  allow  the  last  statement  to  remain  un- 
challenged. 

Of  course,  Mr.  Clardy  was  absolutely  correct,  that  this  only  ap- 
plies— there  must  be  a  fear  of  involvement  in  a  criminal  prosecution, 
and  certainly  the  fifth  amendment  may  be  used  before  this  committee 
or  any  other  committee  in  a  judicial  proceeding,  but  it  must  arise 
because  of  fear  of  involvement  in  a  criminal  proceeding. 

That  is  the  law,  and  the  record  should  be  straight. 

Mr.  Harap.  On  the  other  hand,  a  criminal  proceeding — if  there  is 
involvement  in  a  criminal  proceeding  it  does  not  necessarily  mean 
the  one  involved  is  guilty,  necessarily. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Have  you  ever  been  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party 
at  any  time,  sir  ( 

Mr.  Harap.  I  refuse  to  answer  that  question  on  the  same  grounds 
that  I  previously  stated,  and  I  would  like  to  say  that  it  is  questions 
of  this  kind  which  are — and  the  activities  of  the  committee  relating  to 
questions  of  this  kind  which  are  throwing  the  country  into  a  hysteria 
and  miasma  of  fear  that  is  very,  very  dangerous  for  this  country  and 
threatens  our  democratic  freedoms.    Only  this  morning 

Mr.  Jackson.  Very  well. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  request  that  the  witness 

Mr.  Jackson.  The  question  has  been  answered  and  the  reasons 
for  refusal  to  answer  given. 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION)     1899 

Proceed. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Mr,  Harap,  there  has  been  testimony  given  by  Robert 
Gr.  Davis  before  this  committee  on  February  25,  195o.  I  shall  read 
briefly  the  important  parts  of  this  testimony  as  it  involves  you,  and 
then  ask  you  what  your  comment  is  on  this  testimony. 

Mr.  Tavenner,  counsel  for  the  committee,  asked : 

Were  both  of  the  persons  that  you  have  in  mind  persons  known  to  you  to  be 
members  of  the  Communist  Party? 
Mr.  Davis.  Yes. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Then  I  will  ask  you  to  give  the  names  of  both  of  them. 
Mr.  Davis.  Louis  Harap. 
Mr.  Tavenner.  Would  you  spell  the  last  name,  please? 

Mr.  Davis.  H-a-r-a-p. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  And  I  think  you  should  spell  the  first  name. 

Mr.  Davis.  L-o-u-i-s. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  If  you  know  what  his  subsequent  connection  was  with  the 
Communist  Party  I  think  you  should  tell  us.  That  is,  if  you  know  of  your  own 
knowledge  whether  he  has  remained  in  the  Communist  Party  for  any  definite 
period  of  time  or  whether  he  withdrew  from  the  party  at  any  time,  I  would  like 
vou  to  so  state. 

Mr.  Davis.  I  have  no  firsthand  knowledge.  I  have  read  writing  by  him  in 
recent  years  which  would  suggest  that  his  tendency  had  remained  the  same. 

Mr.  Kearney.  Is  he  a  professor  at  Harvard? 

Mr.  Davis.  No :  he  was  not.  He  was  employed  in  a  very  minor  capacity  as 
librarian,  I  believe,  of  the  philosophy  library. 

Mr.  Kearney.  Is  he  still  connected  in  that  position? 

Mr.  Davis.  No.    He  left  Harvard  many  years  ago. 

Mr.  Kearney.  Do  yoii  know  what  he  is  doing  now? 

Mr.  Davis.  I  believe  he  is  editor  of  a  magazine. 

Mr.  Kearney.  Do  you  know  the  name  of  the  magazine? 

Mr.  Davis.  It  is  the  Jewish  Affairs,  I  believe— some  such  magazine, 

Mr.  Velde.  Will  you  spell  that,  please? 

Mr.  Davis.  The  name  of  the  magazine? 

Mr.  Vei.de.  Yes. 

Mr.  Davis.  Yes.    J-e-w-i-s-h  A-f-f-a-i-r-s. 

Mr.  Kearney.  He  is  the  editor,  you  think? 

Mr.  Davis.  Yes.    I  think  he  is  editor. 

Mr.  Kearney.  Do  you  know  where  that  is  published? 

Mr.  Davis.  In  New  York. 

Mr.  Scherer.  I  believe  you  said,  Professor,  that  the  group,  party,  at  that  time 
opposed  anti-Semitism? 

Mr.  Davis.  Yes. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Today,  of  course,  you  know  it  is  as  anti-Semitic  as  the  Nazi 
Party? 

Mr /  Davis.  Yes.  That's  why  I  was  particularly  interested  in  the  position  of 
Louis  Harap. 

Mr.  Clardy.  I  don't  follow  you  there. 

Mr.  Davis.  Because,  as  editor  of  the  magazine,  whatever  it  may  be  called, 
Jewish  Affairs,  I  believe,  he  is  now  defending  the  Prague  trials,  contending  that 
they  are  not  anti-Semitic. 

Do  you  have  any  comment  on  that  identification  of  you  as  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  am  at  a  loss,  sir,  Mr.  Kunzig,  to  understand  why  you 
should  read  that  because  I  have  already  answered  that  I  refuse  to  an- 
swer that  question,  and  your  reading  that  lengthy  excerpt  is  merely 
a  restatement  of  the  same  question.  I  still  stand  on  my  refusal  for 
the  same  reasons  that  I  gave  before. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  All  right.  Dr.  Harap;  many,  people  who  take  the  view- 
point that  you  take  may  come  before  this  committee  and  say  that 
they  have  no  opportunity  to  answer.  They  prattle  about  the  United 
States  of  America,  that  they  have  no  opportunity  to  answer  what  is 


1900    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

said  about  them.  You  are  here  today  being  given  that  opportunity 
to  answer  what  three  separate  witnesses  under  oath  swearing  to  God 
have  testified  about  you. 

Now,  you  have  refused  to  answer  as  to  the  first.  I  shall  now  ask 
you  as  to  the  second.  Here  is  testimony  from  Granville  Hicks  of 
February  26, 1953 : 

Question,  by  Mr.  Tavenner : 

Do  you  recall  an  individual  by  name  of  Louis  Harap — H-a-r-a-p? 

Mr.  Hicks.  Yes. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  connection,  if  any,  did  he  have  with  this  Communist  Party 
group? 

Mr.  Hicks.  He  was  a  member  of  the  group. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  tell  how  the  directives  or  instructions  from  the  Com- 
munist Party  were  transmitted  to  your  group? 

Mr.  Hicks.  My  recollection  is  that  they  came  in  various  ways.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  I  have  often  carried  them  myself,  since  I  had — I  was  carrying  on  a 
rather  wide  range  of  Communist  propaganda  activities  and,  therefore,  was 
likely  to  go  into  Phil  Frankfeld's  office,  and  he  would  tell  me  things  he  wished 
our  group  would  discuss  or  would  do.  I  think  Harap  also  acted  as  a  kind  of 
go-between,  and  there  may  have  been  others.  It  was  pretty  informal  in  that 
particular  year. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  all  the  members  of  this  group  fairly  active  in  the  work 
of  the  party? 

Mr.  Hicks.  I  would  say  there  was  a  good  deal  of  variation.  Some  were  more 
active  than  others. 

Do  you  have  any  comment  on  the  testimony  of  Hicks  that  you  were 
a  member  of  this  Communist  Party  group? 

Mr.  Harap.  Well,  again,  Mr.  Kunzig,  the  same  applies,  that  is  to 
say,  you  are  merely  asking  the  same  question  which  I  have  several 
times  already  refused  to  answer,  and  I  may  say  that  my  refusal  to 
answer  is  based  upon  the  fact,  also,  that  as  a  Jew  I  believe  that  it  is  my 
obligation  as  a  Jew  and  as  an  American,  but  speaking  for  the  moment 
of  my  being  a  Jew,  it  is  my  obligation  not  to  cooperate  with  this 
committee  because,  in  my  view,  the  activities  of  this  committee  are 
tending  to  bring  this  country  into  the  same  condition  under  which 
6  million  Jews  were  murdered  and,  for  that  reason,  it  seems  to  me 
I  must  refuse  to  answer  and  refuse  to  cooperate  with  this  committee. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Do  you  shrink  with  the  same  horror  from  the  things 
that  the  Russian  Government  is  doing  to  the  Jewish  people? 

Mr.  Harap.  Well,  Mr.  Clardy,  I  will  be  very  glad 

Mr.  Clardy.  Answer  my  question. 

Mr.  Hahap.  I  am  answering  it,  Mr.  Clardy.  I  will  be  very  glad 
to  discuss  this  matter  with  you  because  I  think  that  the  implication, 
"Do  you  shrink  from  what  they  are  doing  to  the  Jewish  people"  is 
based  on  ignorance  of  what  the  status  of  the  Jewish  people  is  in  the 
Soviet  Union,  and  ignorance  of  the  way  in  which  in  the  Soviet  Union 
anti-Semitism  has  been  virtually  obliterated. 

I  know  that  in  the  Soviet  Union,  Jews — there  is  no  discrimination 
against  Jews  in  employment  or  in  any  activity,  vocational  activity. 
There  is  genuinely  a  free  avenue  to  Jews  in  every  activity  of  Soviet 
life,  and  there 

Mr.  Kunzig.  They  just  have  their  heads  chopped  off  if  they  dis- 
agree ;   that  is  the  only  discrimination. 

Mr.  Harap.  There  is  no  such  matter.  There  is  disagreement  on 
a  number  of  things  in  the  Soviet  Union,  but  there  is  no  chopping  of 
heads.    The  fact  of  the  matter  is  that  in  the  Soviet  Union  the  Jews 


COMMUNIST   METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION)     1901 

have  a  higher  degree  of  freedom  and  equality  than  they  have,  I  think, 
in  any  other  part  of  the  world,  and  this  is  a  matter  of  recorded  fact, 
Mr.  Clardy ;  this  is  a  matter  of  statistical  fact,  and  with  respect,  for 
instance,  to — I  suppose  you  refer  to  the  recent  events.  Now,  I  would 
like  to  point  out,  Mr.  Clardy,  that  when  it  was  discovered  in  the  Soviet 
Union  that  there  was  an  attempt  to  frame  up  Jewish  doctors,  that  the 
Soviet  Union  did  an  unprecedented  thing,  namely,  it  publicly  an- 
nounced to  the  world  that  this  attempt  existed,  and,  further,  it  went 
even  further  than  that ;  it  punished  those  who  made  the  attempt. 

Now,  I  submit,  Mr.  Clardy,  that  this  is  evidence  of  a  determination 
that  there  shall  be  no  anti-Semitism ;  it  should  not  be  tolerated  for 
a  moment  and,  furthermore,  this  is  associated,  also,  with  the  policy  of 
the  Soviet  Union  with  regard  to  all  nationalities,  nationality  antag- 
onism. No  nationality  antagonism  is  permitted,  and  if  it  is  perceived 
or  detected  in  any  way  it  is  summarily  dealt  with 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Mr.  Chairman 

Mr.  Jackson.  This  is  largely  extraneous  matter. 

Mr.  Clardy.  May  I  ask  one  more  question  ? 

Mr.  Jackson.  Yes. 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  admire  Russia  a  great  deal;  don't  you?  Now, 
what  is  the  source  of  the  knowledge  you  have  on  that  subject? 

Mr.  Haraf.  Mr.  Clardy,  I  am  a  serious  person.  The  world  is — 
many  serious  problems  are  facing  the  world,  and  I  have,  therefore, 
assumed  the  obligation  of  informing  myself  about  these  things,  and 
that  is  the  source  of  my  knowledge. 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  don't  disagree  with  me  when  I  say  you  have  a 
great  admiration  for  Russia,  though,  do  you  ? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  think  there  are  many  things  about  the  Soviet  Union 
which  register  an  advance  in  human  relations  and  in  social  relations ; 
yes. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Proceed,  Mr.  Counsel. 

Mr.  Jackson.  The  Chair  would  like  to  point  out  that  this  kindness 
to  Jews,  of  course,  in  the  Soviet  Union  and  elsewhere  resulted  in  the 
bombing  by  Jews  of  the  Soviet  Embassy  in  Israel  and  also  the  rupture 
of  relationships  between  Israel  and  the  Soviet  Union. 

Proceed,  Mr.  Counsel. 

Mr.  Harap.  Mr.  Jackson,  may  I  comment  ? 

Mr.  Kunzig.  There  is  no  question. 

Mr.  Jackson.  No;  I  think  the  entire  point  has  been  labored  far 
enough  by  all  concerned. 

Mr.  Harap.  But  I  would  like  to  indicate 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  respectfully  submit  that  there  is  no 
question  pending. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Yes.    Proceed  in  regular  order. 

Mr.  Clardy.  May  I  be  excused?  The  bell  just  rang  three  times, 
There  is  a  call — I  don't  want  to  miss  the  rollcall.1 

Mr.  Jackson.  Proceed,  Mr.  Counsel. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Now  I  will  go  into  the  third  identification,  involving 
the  testimony  of  Herbert  E.  Robbins  in  executive  session  on  March  25, 
1953.     He  was  asked : 

Was  Louis  Harap  at  the  time  you  were  a  member  of  the  Young  Communist 
League  a  student  at  Harvard? 


1  Call  to  the  floor  of  the  House  of  Representatives  for  a  rollcall  vote. 
30172— 53— pt.  6 5 


1902    COMMUNIST   METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Robbins.  I  believe  he  was. 

Question.  At  a  later  period  of  time  did  you  know  him  to  be  a  librarian  in  one 
of  the  buildings?     I  don't  recall  which. 

Mr.  Robbins.  Yes ;  he  was  a  part-time  librarian  in  Emerson  Hall,  which  is 
the  philosophy  department. 

That  is  the  total  testimony  involving  you  at  that  point. 

Do  you  have  any  comment  to  make  about  Mr.  Robbins'  testimony  ? 

Mr.  Harap.  No;  I  have  no  comment.  I  don't  think  there  is  any- 
thing very 

Mr.  Kunzig.  I  have  asked  you  whether  you  were  ever  at  any  time 
a  member  of  the  Communist  Party.  I  now  ask  you,  are  you  now  a 
member  of  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Harap.  That  is  the  same  question 

Mr.  Kunzig.  No ;  it  is  not  the  same  question. 

Mr.  Harap.  And  my  answer  is  the  same,  but  I  would  like  to  say  one 
thing,  Mr.  Jackson,  about  your  remark  before,  because 

Mr.  Kunzig.  I  ask  that  the  witness  not  be  permitted  to  speak 
further. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Do  you  now  decline  to  answer  the  question  ? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  do. 

Mr.  Jackson.  And  for  the  reasons 

Mr.  Harap.  For  the  reasons  previously  stated ;  yes. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Proceed. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Have  you  at  any  time  been  the  managing  editor  of 
Jewish  Life,  a  publication  issued  monthly  by  the  Morning  Freiheit 
Association  ? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  refuse  to  anwer  that  question  on  the  grounds  that  I 
have  previously  stated,  and  I  think  that  in  any  case  such  questions  are 
indicative  of  respect  for  freedom  of  the  press. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Well 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  since  Jewish  Life  is  a  publi- 
cation as  such  ? 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Yes,  Mr.  Clardy. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Then,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  ask  that  he  be  directed  to 
answer  it  because,  obviously,  in  my  opinion,  at  least  he  will  be  in 
contempt  of  the  subcommittee,  or  in  contempt  of  Congress  if  he  refuses 
to  answer  something  that  is  of  public  record. 

Mr.  Jackson.  The  witness  is  directed  to  answer  the  question. 

Mr.  Harap.  Mr.  Chairman,  what  question  am  I  directed  to  answer? 

Mr.  Jackson.  As  to  whether  or  not  you  are  the  editor — I  believe 
it  was  in  the  present  tense — whether  you  are  the  editor  of  a  magazine 
known  as  Jewish  Life. 

Mr.  Harap.  I  have  answered  that  question  under  the  privilege  of 
the  first  amendment  and  the  fifth  amendment,  as  I  previously  stated. 

The  Jackson.  The  Chair  has  directed  you  to  anwer  it. 

Mr.  Harap.  I  stand  on  my  privilege. 

Mr.  Jackson.  You  continue  to  refuse  to  answer  on  grounds  pre- 
viously stated? 
Mr.  Harap.  Yes,  I  do,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  Jackson.  I  am  sorry;  there  is  a  call  on  the  floor  and  the  mem- 
bers of  the  subcommittee  must  go  to  the  floor  briefly. 
The  hearing  is  recessed  until  11 :  45. 

(Whereupon,  at  11: 10,  the  hearing  was  recessed,  to  reconvene  at 
11 :  45  a.  m.) 


COMMUNIST   METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION)     1903 

Mr.  Kunzig.  I  have  just  been  advised  that  the  House  will  be  in 
session  on  a  rollcall  vote  and,  therefore,  the  hearing  will  be  adjourned 
until  2  o'clock  this  afternoon. 

(Thereupon,  at  11 :  46  a.  m.,  the  hearing  was  recessed,  to  reconvene 
at  2  p.  m.,  same  day.) 

AFTERNOON  SESSION 

(At  2  p.  m.,  same  day,  the  proceedings  were  resumed,  the  following 
committee  members  being  present :  Representatives  Harold  H.  Velde 
(chairman)  (appearance  noted  in  transcript),  Donald  L.  Jackson 
(presiding),  Kit  Clardy,  Gordon  H.  Scherer,  and  Francis  E.  Walter 
(appearance  noted  in  transcript). 

Mr.  Jackson.  The  committee  will  be  in  order. 

Let  the  record  show  that  the  members  of  the  appointed  subcom- 
mittee are  present  and,  in  addition,  Mr.  Scherer  is  here. 

I  am  sorry  for  any  inconvenience  that  may  have  been  caused  by 
virtue  of  the  call  to  the  floor. 

Proceed,  Mr.  Counsel. 

TESTIMONY  OF  LOUIS  HARAP,  ACCOMPANIED  BY  HIS  COUNSEL, 

JOSEPH  FORER— Resumed 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Dr.  Harap,  since  there  was  a  slight  break  here  in  the 
testimony  due  to  the  necessity  of  going  over  to  the  floor  of  Congress, 
I  would  like  to  ask  again,  so  that  the  record  is  clear.  I  am  asking  you 
whether  you  have  ever  been  a  managing  editor  of  a  publication  called 
Jewish  Life,  issued  monthly  by  the  Morning  Freiheit  Association? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  answered  that  question ;  that  is  to  say,  that  question 
was  put  before  the  recess  and  I  said  then,  and  I  say  now,  that  I  refuse 
to  answer  that  question  on  all  the  grounds  which  I  stated  before. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  since  the  Jewish  Life  is  a  publi- 
cation which  anyone  may  purchase  and  is  issued  monthly,  as  it  states  on 
its  own  masthead,  by  the  Morning  Freiheit  Association,  and  since  it  is 
published  right  on  that  masthead  that  the  editor  is  Louis  Harap,  I  can- 
not see  how  an  answer  can  incriminate  this  witness,  and  I  ask  you  to 
to  direct  the  witness  to  answer  the  question. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Yes,  I  believe  that  before  the  recess  the  witness  was 
requested  to  answer  the  question  and  declined.  However,"  I  will 
again  direct  that  the  witness  answer  the  question. 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Harap  conferred  with  Mr.  Forer.) 

Mr.  Harap.  I  refuse  to  answer  that  question  as  I  stated  before,  on 
the  grounds,  on  several  grounds  which  I  before  indicated. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  for  the  record,  I  want  to  state 
that  I  have  here  copies  of  several  issues  of  Jewish  Life  issued  monthly 
by  the  Morning  Freheit  Association — May  1940,.  April  1950;  here 
is  a  November  1040,  November  1048 — all  of  which  state  directly 
on  the  page  listing  the  editorial  board  the  name  Louis  Harap,  manag- 
ing editor. 

I  also  wish  to  state  for  the  record 

Mr.  Clardy.  Will  you  pause  right  there,  counsel  ? 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Clardy.  I  would  like  to  have  you  ask  one  question  concerning 
that.    Perhaps  I  can  ask  it. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  All  right. 


1904    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  have  heard  the  dates  read  by  counsel,  Witness. 
Were  you  in  fact,  as  the  masthead  indicates,  the  managing  editor  of 
that  magazine  during  the  period  covered  by  the  editions  identified? 

Mr.  Harap.  The  answer  is  the  same,  Mr.  Clardy.  I  refuse  to  answer 
on  the  grounds  stated. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  I  have  here,  also,  Mr.  Chairman,  a  copy  of  the  Daily 
Peoples  World  of  Tuesday,  January  29, 1952,  which  refers  to  an  article 
by  Louis  Harap  in  the  same  Jewish  Life,  and  also  one  Monday,  De- 
cember 1,  1952,  a  copy  of  the  Daily  People's  World,  which  again  re- 
fers to  an  article  by  the  same  Louis  Harap  in  the  December  issue 
of  the  progressive  monthly,  Jewish  Life. 

Now,  also,  for  the  record,  the  Morning  Freiheit  has  been  cited,  one, 
a  Communist  Yiddish  daily  by  Attorney  General  Francis  Biddle,  in 
the  Congressional  Record,  September  24,  1942 ;  the  Special  Committee 
on  Un-American  Activities,  March  29,  1944,  said  "The  Freiheit  has 
been  one  of  the  rankest  organs  of  Communist  propaganda  in  this 
country  for  almost  a  quarter  of  a  century."  It  has  also  been  cited 
by  the  California  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  and  the 
Massachusetts  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities. 

The  Daily  People's  World  has  been  cited  by  the  Special  Committee 
on  Un-American  Activities,  March  29,  1944,  as  the  official  organ  of 
the  Communist  Party  on  the  West  Coast;  also  cited  by  the  California 
Committee  on  Un-American  Activities. 

Mr.  Harap.  I  would  like  to  say  that — — 

Mr.  Kunzig.  There  is  no  question  before  the  witness. 

Now,  I  have  here  in  front  of  me  a  copy  of  the  Daily  Worker,  New 
York,  Thursday,  February  5,  1953,  and  I  ask  you  if  you  were  the 
Louis  Harap  who  wrote  an  article  therein  entitled 

(Representative  Harold  H.  Velde  entered  the  hearing  room  at  this 
point.) 

Mr.  Kunzig  (continuing).  "The  Evidence  Against  Zionist  Leaders, 
the  Truth  About  the  Prague  Trial"? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  refuse  to  answer  that  question  on  the  same  grounds 
as  I  stated  before,  and  I  might  say  I  think  this 

Mr.  Kunzig.  He  refuses  to  answer  the  question.  I  don't  think 
there  is  any  necessity  to  have  further  comments. 

Mr.  Vei.de.  No.  If  you  answer  the  question,  I  think,  certainly,  it 
has  been  the  rule  of  the  acting  chairman  that  you  would  be  allowed 
to  explain  and  make  further  statements,  but  upon  refusing  to  answer 
the  question  I  see  no  reason  to  be  bothered  with  further  harangue. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  I  have  a  copy  of  the  Daily  Worker,  Monday,  Febru- 
ary 16,  1953,  in  which  there  is  an  article  entitled  "The  Truth  About 
the  Prague  Trial,  Number  Ten,"  and  the  heading  is  "United  States  In- 
telligence Used  Nazi  Gestapo  List  to  Recruit  Spies  in  East  Europe," 
an  article  written  by  Louis  Harap. 

Are  you  the  Louis  Harap  that  wrote  that  article? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  refuse  to  answer  that  question  on  the  same  grounds. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Did  you  attend  the  Prague  trials  on  which  you  base 
this  knowledge? 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Harap  conferred  with  Mr.  Forer.) 

Mr.  Harap.  No. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Where  did  you  get  the  story  on  which  basis  the  article 
is  written  ? 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION)     1905 

Mr.  Harap.  I  have  read  everything ;  I  am  very  much  interested  in 
that,  as  we  explained  this  morning,  and  I  read  whatever  I  could  get 
my  hands  on  relating  to  the  Prague  trial. 

Mr.  Ktjnzig.  So  you  did  write  the  article? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  didn't  say  I  wrote  the  article,  Mr.  Kunzig.  I  said 
I  was  interested  in  these  articles,  as  I  expressed  this  morning,  and 
did  in  fact  study  the  Prague  trial. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  In  the  Daily  Worker,  February  12,  1953,  there  is  an 
article  called  "The  Truth  About  the  Prague  Trial,  Number  Nine," 
entitled  "The  Defendants  and  Their  Crimes,"  written  by  Louis  Harap, 
and  it  lists  here  that  Dr.  Louis  Harap  is  managing  editor  of  Jewish 
Life,  as  stated  in  each  of  the  articles. 

Are  you  the  person  who  wrote  that  article  in  the  February  12  is- 
sue, 1953? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  refuse  to  answer  on  the  same  grounds. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  There  is  an  advertisement  in  the  February  5,  1953, 
issues  as  follows : 

Pamphlet  Tells  Truth  About  Prague  Trial 

An  examination  of  the  charge  of  anti-Semitism  and  the  Zionist  involvement 
in  the  recent  Prague  trial  of  the  Slansky  group,  as  well  as  details  of  the  trial 
itself  are  contained  in  a  comprehensive  pamphlet,  the  truth  about  the  trial, 
issued  by  Jewish  Life,  progressive  monthly.  Author  of  the  pamphlet  is  Louis 
Harap,  managing  editor  of  the  magazine;  pamphlet  sells  for  10  cents.  Bundle 
orders — 

and  so  forth — 

can  be  obtained. 

Are  you  the  Dr.  Louis  Harap  who  wrote  the  Truth  About  the 
Prague  Trial? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  refuse  to  answer  on  the  grounds  stated  before,  and 
I  think  this  is  an  inquisition  into  the  press,  and  I  don't  see  what  the 
committee  is  inquisiting  the  press  for. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  At  this  stage  we  usually  put  the  citation  of  the  organi- 
zation we  are  discussing.  I  think  there  is  no  need  to  quote  the  cita- 
tion of  the  Daily  Worker. 

Mr.  Jackson.  No. 

Mr.  Clardy.  I  move  that  he  be  directed  to  answer  the  question 
because,  again,  it  is  the  same  problem  presented  by  refusal  to  answer 
prior  questions  concerning  this  Jewish  Life. 

Mr.  Jackson.  I  think  the  direction  is  probably  redundant,  but  I 
will  direct  that  the  witness  answer  the  question. 

Mr.  Harap.  I  refuse  to  answer,  as  I  have  before,  on  the  same 
grounds. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Very  well. 

Proceed,  Mr.  Counsel. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Dr.  Harap,  did  you  ever  write  for  a  publication  en- 
titled "Soviet  Russia  Today,"  specifically,  in  the  1937  November 
edition? 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Harap  conferred  with  Mr.  Forer.) 

Mr.  Forer.  Do  you  have  the  edition  there  so  we  can  check  ? 

Mr.  Kunzig.  November  27;  certainly.  I  will  be  glad  to  point  it 
out  to  you  so  you  can  see  exactly  what  you  wrote. 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Harap  conferred  with  Mr.  Forer.) 

Mr.  Harap.  Yes ;  I  wrote  that  article. 


1906    COMMUNIST   METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Clardt.  What  article  is  this  again  ? 

Mr.  Kunzig.  An  article  entitled  "Where  Philosophy  Counts."  It  is 
discussing  philosophy  in  the  Soviet  Union,  and  so  forth. 

The  purpose  of  presenting  this,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  that  Soviet  Russia 
Today,  the  magazine  in  which  this  was  printed — this  article — has  been 
cited  as  a  Communist  front  by  the  Special  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities,  March  29,  1944;  also  in  1942.  That  is,  of  course,  several 
years  after  the  time  this  article  appeared,  but  it  was  because  of  the 
articles  and  such  articles  that  appeared  in  that  publication  that  the 
publication,  of  course,  was  cited. 

Mr.  Jackson.  The  Chair  would  like  to  ask  a  question  at  that  point. 

Upon  whose  solicitation  was  that  article  written  ? 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Harap  conferred  with  Mr.  Forer.) 

Mr.  Harap.  Well,  I  tell  you,  it  was  really  a  long  time  ago.  My 
memory  is  very  hazy  about  this.     I  don't  remember  a  great  deal. 

Mr.  Clardy.  What  year  was  it  ? 

Mr.  Kunzig.  1937,  Mr.  Clardy. 

Mr.  Jackson.  You  don't  recall  whether  or  not  the  article  was  so- 
licited or  whether  you  offered  it  to  the  publication  for 

Mr.  Harap.  I  don't  recall ;  it  is  all  very  hazy  in  my  mind. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Are  you  the  Louis  Harap  who  wrote  an  article  in 
Science  and  Society,  fall  of  1950? 

Mr.  Forer.  Could  we  check  that  ? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  refuse  to  answer  that  question  on  the  same  grounds 
as  I  have  previously  stated. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Science  and  Society,  for  the  record,  has  been  cited  as 
a  Communist  publication  by  the  Special  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities,  March  29,  1944;  it  has  also  been  cited  by  the  California 
and  the  Massachusetts  Committees  on  Un-American  Activities. 

Mr.  Jackson.  May  1  ask,  Dr.  Harap,  did  you  write  any  other 
articles  for  Soviet  Russia  Today  ? 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Harap  conferred  with  Mr.  Forer.) 

Mr.  Harap.  Yes ;  I  don't  recall  any  other  articles  that  I  wrote  for 
that  publication. 

Mr.  Jackson.  That  is  the  only  one  that  you  recall  ? 

Mr.  Harap.  So  far  as  I  can  remember,  that  is  the  only  one. 

Mr.  Scherer.  May  I  interrupt  a  minute,  Mr.  Counsel  and  Chair- 
man? 

Mr.  Jackson.  Mr.  Scherer. 

Mr.  Scherer.  I  have  before  me  this  issue  of  Jewish  Life  dated  May 
1949,  to  which  Mr.  Kunzig,  the  counsel,  referred  just  a  few  minutes 
ago  in  which  the  witness  appears  as  the  managing  editor. 

It  does  not  say  who  wrote  the  following  article  which  I  am  going 
to  quote  from,  but  I  am  going  to  ask  whether  or  not  you  wrote  this 
yourself  or  if  you  know  who  wrote  it. 

It  says : 

Tbagi-Comedy  on  Foley  Square 

While  Judge  Harold  Medina  smugly  presides  over  the  case  of  the  11  Com- 
munist leaders  on  trial  in  Foley  Square,  the  structure  of  American  liberties  dis- 
integrates rapidly.  Every  day  brings  news  of  the  violation  of  traditional  demo- 
cratic rights  in  this  city,  in  that  college,  in  that  State,  North,  South,  East,  West. 
In  Maryland,  a  hysterical  legislature  outlaws  the  Communist  Party  in  the  most 
Fascist-like  legislative  act  since  hysteria  first  struck  this  country. 

Did  you  write  that  article? 


COMMUNIST   METHODS    OF   INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION)     1907 

Mr.  Harap.  I  refuse  to  answer  that  question  on  the  grounds  pre- 
viously stated. 
Mr.  Suherer.  Do  you  approve  of  that  statement  now  as  I  read  it? 
(At  this  point  Mr.  Harap  conferred  with  Mr.  Foley.) 
Mr.  Harap.  Yes ;  I  think  that  is  fairly  accurate.     I  would  say  that 
there  are  many  people  now,  more  people  than  at  the  time  that  article 
was  written,  who  agree  that  this  disintegration  of  our  civil  liberties 
has  extended  pretty  far,  and  I  think  that  that  is  a  true  statement. 

Mr.  Scherer.  With  reference  to  Judge  Medina  presiding  over  the 
trial  of  11  Communists;  do  you  think  that  is  a  true  statement? 
Mr.  Harap.  Yes ;  I  think  it  is  a  true  statement. 
Mr.  Kunzig.  Do  you  know  Albert  Maltz,  M-a-1-t-z  ? 
(At  this  point  Mr.  Harap  conferred  with  Mr.  Forer.) 
Mr.  Harap.  I  refuse  to  answer  that  question  on  the  same  grounds. 
Mr.  Kunzig.  Albert  Maltz,  Mr.  Chairman,  for  the  record,  was  one 
of  the  Hollywood  Ten  who  refused  to  answer  questions  of  this  com- 
mittee in  1947  and  who  subsequently  were  cited  for  contempt,  indicted 
by  a  grand  jury  on  December  5,  1947,  and  sentenced  to  1  year  and 
$1,000  fine. 

Were  you,  Dr.  Harap,  associated  together  with  this  Albert  Maltz 
in  the  management  of  the  Jewish  Survey,  a  magazine  of  which  I  have 
a  copy,  December  1942,  in  my  hand  at  this  moment  ? 
Mr.  Harap.  I  decline  to  answer  that  question  on  the  same  grounds. 
Mr.  Kunzig.  Did  you  take  part  in  a  meeting  on  Wednesday,  April 
16,  1952,  entitled  "A  Tribute  to  the  Warsaw  Ghetto  Fighters,"  pre- 
sented by  Jewish  Life,  the  same  publication  already  mentioned  as 
coming  from  the  Morning  Freiheit,  together  with  Morris  Carnovsky 
and  Morris  Schappes,  S-c-h-a-p-p-e-s? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  refuse  to  answer  that  question  on  the  grounds  already 
stated. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Do  you  know  Morris  Carnovsky,  who  is  listed  in  this 
handbill  as  having  appeared  in  the  grand  ballroom  of  the  Hotel 
Diplomat  together  with  you  on  Wednesday,  April  16,  1952  ? 
(At  this  point  Mr.  Harap  conferred  with  Mr.  Forer.) 
Mr.  Harap.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  refuse  to  answer  on  the  grounds  pre- 
viously stated. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  For  the  record,  Morris  Carnovsky  has  been  identified 
as  a  Communist  before  this  committee  by  Marc  Lawrence,  April  24, 
1951 ;  Leo  Townsend,  September  18,  1951 ;  Charles  Daggett,  January 
21,  1952,  and  also  by  others  in  executive  session. 

Morris  Schappes  has  been  identified  as  a  Communist  by  Harvey 
Matusow,  former  member  of  the  Communist  Party,  New  York,  prin- 
cipally in  youth  groups,  and  identified  by  Schappes  in  public  session, 
February  6,  1952. 

Did  you  write  in  the  Worker  of  May  21,  1950,  a  review  of  a  book 
by  A.  B.  Magil,  entitled  "Israel  in  Crisis"? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  refuse  to  answer  that  question  on  the  grounds  already 
stated. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  This  is  a  review  of  Israel  in  Crisis,  a  book  written  by 
A.  B.  Magil,  who  has  been  identified  as  a  Communist  by  Granville 
Hicks,  June  16,  1952,  before  this  committee,  and  the  review  is  written 
in  the  Worker,  and  I  believe  there  is  no  necessity  to  go  into  citations  of 
that  publication. 


1908    COMMUNIST   METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION) 

Did  you,  Dr.  Harap,  ever  teach  or  give  any  lectures  at  the  School 
of  Jewish  Studies,  575  Sixth  Avenue,  Jefferson  School  Building,  Room 
301,  New  York? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  refuse  to  answer  that  question  on  the  same  grounds. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Did  you  lecture  there  with  Mike  Gold,  Howard  Fast, 
Morris  Schappes,  and  others? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  refuse  to  answer  the  question  on  the  same  grounds. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  The  School  of  Jewish  Studies  has  been  cited  as  an 
adjunct  in  New  York  City  of  the  Communist  Party  by  Attorney 
General  Tom  Clark  in  1947. 

This  school  and  lecture  series  listing  the  name  of  Louis  Harap  is  in 
the-Daily  Worker  of  Tuesday,  April  18,  1950. 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Harap  conferred  with  Mr.  Forer.) 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Did  you  ever  write  any  articles  for  the  New  Masses, 
Dr.  Harap  ? 

Mr.  Harap.  This  strikes  me  as  the  kind  of  inquisition 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Just  answer  the  question. 

Mr.  Harap.  About  publications 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Did  you  or  did  you  not  ever  write  any  articles  for  the 
publication  New  Masses? 

Mr.  Jackson.  The  charge  laid  upon  the  committee  is  to  investigate 
the  nature  and  extent  of  Communist  and  other  propaganda  activity. 
Obviously,  the  written  word  is  one  of  the  chief  weapons  of  the  Com- 
munist Party.  Therefore,  the  questions  which  relate  to  your  articles 
or  articles  which  you  are  alleged  to  have  written  are  certainly  relevant 
and  material  as  far  as  this  interrogation  is  concerned. 

Proceed,  Mr.  Counsel. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  in  my  hand  a  copy  of  the  New 
Masses,  October  7, 1947,  in  which  there  is  an  article  by  one  Louis  Harap. 
New  Masses  has  been  cited  as  a  Communist  periodical  by  Attorney 
General  Francis  Biddle,  Congressional  Record,  September  24,  1942. 
It  is  cited  as — 

A  nationally  circulated  weekly  journal  of  the  Communist  Party  whose  owner- 
ship was  vested  in  the  American  Fund  for  Public  Service — 

by  the  Special  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities,  March  29,  1944. 
It  has  also  been  cited  by  the  California  and  Massachusetts  Committees 
on  Un-American  Activities. 

Did  you  ever  write  an  article,  Dr.  Harap,  for  a  publication  entitled, 
"Masses  and  Mainstream"  ? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  refuse  to  answer  that  question  on  the  same  grounds 
and,  Mr.  Chairman,  you  said  before  that — it  seems  to  me  that  my 
understanding  was  that  the  function  of  this  committee  is  to  investigate 
un-American  activities.  Now,  there  are  many,  many  un-American 
activities,  genuine  un-American  activities,  in  the  sense  that  they  are 
against  the  welfare  and  the  civil  liberties  of  the  United  States,  like 
anti-Semitism  and  Fascist  activities,  and  so  on,  which  this  committee 
apparently  is  not  interested  in. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Dr.  Harap,  I  will  remind  you  that  you  are  here  today 
because  you  have  been  identified  on  several  occasions  as  a  member  of 
the  Communist  Party.  That  is  the  only  reason  you  are  called.  That 
is  the  only  phase  we  are  investigating  at  this  time. 

Mr.  Harap.  Have  there  been  any  other  matters  the  committee  has 
investigated  ? 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION)     1909 

Mr.  Jackson.  Yes;  we  have  investigated  thoroughly  into  the  Ger- 
man-American Bund. 

Mr.  HARAr.  That  was  many  years  ago. 

Mr.  Jackson.  The  finding  of  the  highest  court  in  the  land  is  that 
the  clear  and  present  danger  is  the  Communist  Party.  For  that  reason 
we  are  presently  engaged  in  an  investigation  of  the  Communist  Party. 
It  may  very  well  be  that  other  activities  will  be  investigated  by  this 
committee.  The  questions  being  asked  you  regarding  Communist 
Party  activities  are  directly  related  to  articles  written  by  you  and 
having  to  do  with  Communist  propaganda.  That  is  the  phase  we  are 
investigating  today. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  I  have  a  copy  in  my  hands  of  Masses  and  Mainstream 
of  April  1950,  in  which  there  is  an  article  signed  by  Louis  Harap, 
one  Louis  Harap,  and  Masses  and  Mainstream  is  listed  as  a  Marxist 
quarterly  launched  by  the  Communist  Party  in  January  1947  for 
the  avowed  purpose  of  stimulating  Marxist  thinking  in  literature 
and  the  creative  arts.  It  later  merged  with  New  Masses,  the  weekly 
journalistic  voice  of  the  Communist  Party,  and  it  was  so  cited  by 
the  California  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities. 

Masses  and  Mainstream  has  also  been  cited  by  this  committee  as 
a  successor  to  New  Masses,  a  Communist  magazine,  on  April  26, 
1950. 

Mr.  Harap.  I  refuse  to  answer  that  question  on  the  same  grounds. 

Mr.  Forer.  It  wasn't  a  question. 

Mr.  Harap.  I  am  sorry. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  It  was  not  a  question,  but  I  realize  it  is  virtually 
automatic. 

Mr.  Jackson.  There  is  no  question  pending  at  the  moment. 

Mr.  Clardy.  No  answer,  either,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Turning  back  for  the  moment  to  the  trial  of  11  Com- 
munists, otherwise  known  as  the  Medina  famous  trial  conducted  by 
Judge  Medina,  were  you  a  member  of  a  delegation  which  is  listed 
here  as  Louis  Harap,  member  of  a  delegation  to  Judge  Medina  to 
protest  the  handling  of  the  trial  ? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  refuse  to  answer  that  on  the  same  grounds,  and  I 
might  say  that  Mr.  Jackson's  statement  that  the  Communist  Party 
is  a  clear  and  present  danger  is,  of  course,  a  decision  of  the  majority, 
but  there  is  a  decision  of  the  minority  which  dissented,  and  I  think 
it  is  the  privilege  of  the  chairman  to  stress  that  majority  decision, 
but  it  has  been  proved  in  the  past  that  many  of  the  most  crucial  ones 
became  the  majority  opinion. 

Mr.  Sciierer.  Aren't  we  fighting  Communists  on  the  hills  of 
Korea?  Aren't  they  shooting  Americans  at  this  very  moment?  So 
you  say  communism  isn't  a  present  danger.    How  can  we  be  so  dumb  ? 

Mr.  Harap.  There  is  shooting  going  on  on  both  sides,  and  what  we 
want  now  is  to  stop  shooting. 

Mr.  Scherer.  I  say,  a  Communist  in  this  country  is  considered 
to  be  more  dangerous  than  a  thousand  of  them  shooting  boys  openly 
on  the  battlefields  of  Korea. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Let  the  Chair  say  this  is  no  question  of  a  right  to 
dissent.  You  have  by  your  answers  today,  or,  more  properly  speaking, 
failure  to  answer,  dissented  in  many  instances.  That  hasn't  been 
brought  into  question.     Your  constitutional  right  to  dissent  hasn't 

30172—  53— pt.  6 6 


1910    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

been  questioned,  nor  has  your  refusal  to  answer  been  questioned  by 
any  member  of  the  committee.  The  matter  of  your  right  to  dissent  is 
quite  well  protected,  I  think,  by  the  committee. 

Mr.  Haraf.  I  think  the  activities  of  the  committee 

Mr.  Clardy.  May  I  make  an  observation  ? 

Mr.  Jackson.  Mr.  Clardy. 

Mr.  Clardy.  May  I  point  out  to  the  witness  that  until  the  minority 
opinion  of  the  Supreme  Court  becomes  the  majority  it  is  the  duty  of 
good,  law-abiding  citizens  to  abide  by  the  decision  of  the  majority  of 
the  court,  and  what  you  are  suggesting  and  proposing,  sir,  is  that  you 
disregard  the  law  as  established  by  the  majority  because  you  wish 
your  will  to  triumph. 

That  is  all  I  wish  to  say. 

Mr.  Harap.  I  don't  wish  to  triumph  at  all. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Very  well. 

Counsel,  proceed. 

(At  this  point  Mr.  Harap  conferred  with  Mr.  Forer.) 

Mr.  Kunzig.  To  finish  that  statement  on  which  I  had  just  started 
asking  questions,  I  have  a  copy  of  the  Daily  Worker,  New  York,  Fri- 
day, August  5,  1949,  which  has  a  lengthy  article  about  delegates  to 
Judge  Medina  protesting,  and  so  forth,  against  the  judge's  action  in 
jailing  leaders  of  the  Communist  Party,  and  one  of  those  in  attend- 
ance, according  to  the  Daily  Worker,  is  Louis  Harap. 

Mr.  Scherer.  I  don't  like  to  comment  too  much,  Mr.  Chairman,  but 
the  witness  has  objected  to  the  procedures  of  this  committee,  objected 
to  the  Medina  trial,  and  here  in  his  publication  he  also  says  this  about 
another  trial : 

The  death  house  at  the  State  prison  at  Trenton,  N.  J.,  seals  off  from  the  world 
six  men  to  die  in  the  electric  chair  for  the  crime  of  being  Negroes.  Six  thousand 
ijages  of  their  trial  record  reveal  one  of  the  most  startling  cases  of  legal  lynch- 
ing on  the  books. 

So  I  don't  know  what  trial  in  American  courts  he  agrees  with. 

Mr.  Jackson.  That  is  what  is  generally  known  as  freedom  of  speech. 

Mr.  Scherer.  I  understand  that,  but  I  think  we  have  a  right  to 
point  out  what  a  man  does  say  and  what  a  man  does  say  and  what 
a  man  does  believe  in  view  of  his  statement  about  this  committee. 

Mr.  Jackson.  That  is  correct. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Mr.  Harap,  did  you  speak  at  an  open  forum  on  chau- 
vinism and  culture,  Friday  evening,  August  13,  1948,  before  the 
siudent  section  of  the  Communist  Party  itself  as  listed  in  the  Daily 
Worker  of  Wednesday,  August  11, 1948? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  decline  to  answer  that  on  the  same  grounds. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Did  you  speak  before  the  Communist  Party  of  Browns- 
ville on  Thursday,  April  28,  1949,  as  listed  in  the  Daily  Worker  of 
that  day,  listing  Louis  Harap,  managing  editor  of  Jewish  Life? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  decline  to  answer  on  the  same  grounds. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Now,  perhaps  of  more  current  interest,  Dr.  Harap, 
did  you  write  an  article  in  the  Worker  of  January  20,  1952,  entitled 
"Anti-Semitism  and  the  Rosenbergs,"  the  effect  of  which  article  was 
to  make  it  clear,  or  suggest  very  strongty,  that  the  only  reason  for 
the  death  sentence  of  the  Rosenbergs  was  because  of  anti-Semitism  ? 

Are  you  the  Louis  Harap  who  wrote  that  article  in  the  January  20 
issue,  1952,  of  the  Worker? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  decline  to  answer  the  question  on  the  same  grounds. 


COMMUNIST   METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION)     1911 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Did  you  on  Thursday,  June  26,  1952,  in  the  Daily 
Worker,  write  an  article  entitled  "The  Ominous  Aspect  of  the  Rosen- 
berg Death  Sentence,"  by  Louis  Harap  ?     Are  you  the  Louis  Harap  ? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  decline  to  answer  the  question  on  the  same  grounds. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Did  you,  in  the  Daily  People's  World  of  Friday,  March 
21,  1952,  write  another  article  entitled  "Anti-Semitism  in  the  Rosen- 
berg Spy  Case,"  by  Louis  Harap?  Are  you  the  Louis  Harap  who 
wrote  that  article  ? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  decline  to  answer  on  the  same  grounds. 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Mr.  Chairman,  there  is  much  other  material  here 
indicating  articles  written  from  the  Marxist  viewpoint  of  art,  articles 
in  the  Daily  Worker,  articles  in  various  other  publications  here.  I 
think  it  is  rather  apparent  that  the  witness  is  going  to  take  the  fifth 
amendment  as  to  any  and  all  of  these  articles  and,  therefore,  I  respect- 
fully suggest  that  there  is  perhaps  no  further  reason  in  citing  them 
in  addition. 

Mr.  Jackson.  The  Chair  has  one  question.  The  science  pam- 
phlet— may  I  see  that? 

Is  it  my  understanding  that  this  pamphlet  has  been  cited  and  appears 
in  the  Guide  to  Subversive  Organizations? 

Mr.  Kunzig.  Yes ;  I  think  we  listed  that ;  if  not 

Mr.  Jackson.  May  I  ask,  Dr.  Harap,  what  distinction  you  make 
between  answering  to  a  question  having  to  do  with  an  article  in  Soviet 
Russia  Today,  and  refusing  to  answer  the  same  question  having  to 
do  with  an  article  appearing  in  Science  and  Society 

(Representative  Francis  E.  Walter  entered  the  hearing  room  at  this 
point.) 

Mr.  Jackson  (continuing).  Both  of  which  publications  have  been 
cited  by  the  committee  or  by  the  Attorney  General  of  the  United 
States? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  decline  to  answer  that  on  the  grounds  previously 
stated. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Did  you  know  that  Science  and  Society  had  been 
cited? 

Mr.  Harap.  I  wasn't  sure ;  no. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Did  you  know  Soviet  Russia  Today  had  been  cited? 

Mr.  Harap.  Well,  so  many  publications  are  cited  that  one  can't  keep 
up  with  it.  I  wouldn't  be  able  to  say  for  certain  about  any  of  these 
things. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Do  you  have  any  questions,  Mr.  Clardy  ? 
Mr.  Clardy.  No. 
Mr.  Jackson.  Mr.  Scherer? 
Mr.  Scherer.  No. 
Mr.  Jackson.  Mr.  Walter? 
Mr.  Walter.  No  questions. 

Mr.  Jackson.  Is  there  any  reason  why  the  witness  should  not  be 
excused  ? 

Mr.  Kunzig.  No,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  Jackson.  The  subcommittee  stands  in  adjournment. 

(Whereupon,  at  2 :  35  p.  m.,  the  hearing  was  adjourned.) 


COMMUNIST  METHODS  OF  INFILTRATION 
(Education— Part  6) 


WEDNESDAY,  JULY   1,   1953 

United  States  House  of  Representatives, 

Committee  on  Un-American  Activities, 

Washington,  D.  G. 

PUBLIC  HEARING 

The  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  met,  pursuant  to  call, 
at  10 :  42  a.  m.,  in  the  Caucus  Room,  362,  Old  House  Office  Building, 
Hon.  Harold  H.  Velde  (chairman)  presiding. 

Committee  members  present  :#  Representatives  Harold  H.  Velde,  Kit 
Clardy,  Gordon  H.  Scherer,  Francis  E.  Walter,  and  Clyde  Doyle. 

Staff  members  present :  Frank  S.  Tavenner,  Jr.,  counsel ;  Louis  J. 
Russell,  chief  investigator;  Thomas  W.  Beale,  Sr.,  chief  clerk;  George 
E.  Cooper  and  James  Andrews,  investigators. 

Mr.  Velde.  The  meeting  will  come  to  order. 

Let  the  record  show  that  present  are  Mr.  Clardy,  Mr.  Scherer,  Mr. 
Walter,  Mr.  Doyle,  and  Mr.  Velde  as  chairman.  There  is  a  quorum 
of  the  full  committee. 

Before  proceeding  with  the  next  witness,  Mr.  Counsel,  I  want  to 
read  into  the  record  a  letter  and  two  resolutions  which  refute  some  of 
the  statements  made  by  the  witness  we  had  yesterday,  Dr.  Louis  Harap. 

The  letter  is  on  the  stationery  of  the  American  Jewish  Committee, 
and  reads  as  follows : 

The  American  Jewish  Committee 

New  York  16,  N.  Y. 

(Washington  Counsel,  Marcus  Colin,  Washington  6,  D.  C.) 

June  30, 1953. 
Hon.  Harold  H.  Velde, 

House  of  Representatives,  Washington,  D.  G. 

Dear  Mr.  Velde:  The  false  statements  made  yesterday  (June  29)  to  an  open 
session  of  your  committee  by  Louis  Harap  prompts  us  to  place  before  you  our 
views  exposing  the  Communist  propaganda  employed  by  him. 

The  American  Jewish  Committee,  as  a  nationwide  organization  which  has 
pioneered  in  fighting  anti-Semitism  the  world  over  and  in  advancing  human 
rights,  believes  that  through  this  statement  to  you  it  can  express  some  measure 
of  the  outrage  which  American  Jews,  like  so  many  of  their  fellow  citizens  of  all 
faiths,  must  feel  at  Harap's  attempt  to  exploit  your  committee's  platform  to 
impugn  American  democracy  and  its  treatment  of  the  diverse  groups  constituting 
our  population. 

Louis  Harap  speaks  for  himself  and  for  Communists.  He  is  no  more  a  spokes- 
man for  the  religious  group  he  seeks  to  exploit  than  for  the  democracy  he  pro- 
fesses to  support,  for  Judaism  and  communism  are  utterly  incompatible.  His 
injection  of  the  false  charge  of  anti-Semitism  into  your  committee's  investigation 
of  Communists  is  a  studied  Communist  maneuver  in  the  long-standing  attempt  to 

1913 


1914    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

besmirch  American  treatment  of  its  religious  and  racial  groups  while  praising 
the  Soviet  Union.  As  such  this  maneuver  should  be  exposed  as  a  brazen  design 
to  hide  from  the  world  communism's  long  standing  campaign  against  minority 
groups,  their  religions  and  culture. 

We  share  what  must  be  a  common  concern  among  your  fellow  Congressmen 
and  among  all  thoughtful  Americans  about  Harap's  use  of  your  committee  as  a 
platform  for  the  worldwide  circulation  of  Communist  propaganda.  To  help  defeat 
these  distortions  we  shall  be  glad  to  place  at  your  disposal  all  our  published 
findings  on  the  treatment  of  minorities  behind  the  Iron  Curtain  including  advance 
galleys  of  our  forthcoming  book,  the  Jews  in  the  Soviet  Satellite.  Compiled  by 
experts  and  based  upon  personal  documents  and  eye-witness  accounts,  it  exposes 
Communist  treatment  of  Jews  in  Czechoslovakia,  Poland,  Hungary,  Rumania,  and 
Bulgaria.  This  companion  volume  to  the  Jews  in  the  Soviet  Union  (the  latter 
was  published  in  1951  and  is  being  transmitted  to  you  under  separate  cover)  is 
but  the  latest  carefully  documented  study  in  a  series  which  the  American  Jewish 
Committee  has  published  since  194S  on  Communist  assaults  on  Jewish  life  abroad. 

For  the  benefit  of  the  American  people  and  to  help  maintain  America's  rightful 
place  as  a  leader  in  the  promotion  of  human  rights  and  better  interfaith  under- 
standing we  ask  that  you  (1)  include  this  statement  and  the  attached  resolutions 
in  your  committee's  record  and  (2)  make  this  statement  exposing  Harap's 
slanders  available  to  the  American  public. 
With  appreciation, 

Irving  M.  Engel, 
Chairman,  Executive  Committee. 

The  resolution  entitled  "Declaration  of  Communist  Anti-Semitism 
Adopted  at  the  46th  Annual  Meeting, of  the  American  Jewish  Com- 
mittee, January  30,  February  1, 1953,"  is  as  follows : 

Anti-Semitism  has  long  been  present  in  the  internal  policies  of  Moscow  and  its 
subjugated  countries.  The  injection  of  anti-Semitism  into  the  trial  of  renegade 
Jews,  who  had  espoused  communism,  is  renewed  evidence  that  the  anti-Semitism 
of  Stalin  is  similar  to  the  anti-Semitism  of  Hitler. 

The  Jews  are  not  the  first  to  suffer.  The  doctrine  of  group  guilt  and  group 
annihilation  has  long  been  ruthlessly  applied  by  the  Soviet  masters  to  social 
classes,  ethnic  minorities,  and  religious  groups.  Members  of  all  religious  groups 
have  been  persecuted  and  their  churches  destroyed.  The  Catholic  Church  has 
been  the  object  of  special  persecution,  culminating  in  the  recent  infamous 
imprisonment  and  execution  of  Catholic  priests. 

Communism  has  long  done  its  utmost  to  destroy  the  spiritual  life  of  all  groups, 
like  the  Jews,  who  by  reason  of  their  religious  belief  or  cultural  heritage  do  not 
yield  to  its  total  domination.  Now,  the  Jews,  like  others,  face  the  threat  of 
imprisonment,  starvation,  exposure,  and  execution. 

Anti-Semitism  is  for  the  Communist  rulers  not  an  end  in  itself,  but  a  tactic. 
It  is  not  the  Jews  only  they  seek  to  destroy.  Stalin's  attack  upon  the  Jews  is  a 
bid  for  support  from  all  Fascist  forces  in  Germany,  in  Western  Europe,  in  the 
Near  East,  and  in  Latin  America,  looking  ultimately  to  the  conquest  of  America 
and  the  entire  free  world.  As  with  Hitler,  anti-Semitism  is  again  being  used 
to  unite  the  enemies  of  democracy. 

The  American  Jewish  Committee  appeals  to  free  men  the  world  over  to 
denounce  this  new  threat  to  humanity. 

The  second  resolution  issued  by  the  American  Jewish  Committee  is 
on  the  subject  of  anti-Semitism  and  religious  persecution,  adopted  by 
the  executive  committee  May  3,  1953,  and  reads  as  follows : 

In  an  open  confession  of  guilt  the  new  regime  in  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  has  quashed 
the  patently  fabricated  case  against  the  Moscow  doctors  and  has  acknowledged 
that  it  was  designed  to  promote  anti-Semitism. 

This  case  has  produced  a  profound  revulsion  in  world  public  opinion  since  the 
world  has  learned  from  the  Nazis  what  an  official  program  of  anti-Semitism 
portends  to  all  religious  and  ethnic  minorities. 

The  American  Jewish  Committee  points  out  that  although  the  fantastic  case 
against  the  doctors  has  been  dropped,  there  is  no  evidence  of  the  abandonment  of 
the  discriminatory  and  repressive  policies  pursued  for  many  years  by  the  Soviet 
Union  and  its  satellites  against  Jews  and  other  religious  and  ethnic  groups. 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION)     1915 

In  Poland,  Hungary,  and  other  satellite  countries,  purges  of  the  few  remaining 
Jewish  institutions  continues.  Absurd  charges  against  Jews  and  Jewish  organi- 
zations continue  to  be  hurled  by  the  Soviet  bloc  representatives  in  the  United 
Nations  and  in  the  Soviet  and  satellite  press.  The  policy  of  suppressing  Jewish 
coinrnunal  and  cultural  organizations  initiated  a  number  of  years  ago  remains 
in  effect.  Immigration  from  satellite  countries  has  been  completely  stopped. 
In  short,  the  fundamental  policies  and  attitudes  of  the  Soviet  Union  and  tbe 
satellite  countries  towards  Jews  and  Judaism  have  not  changed. 

Recent  reports  from  some  of  the  satellite  countries,  particularly  East  Germany, 
indicate  that  the  equally  abhorrent  persecution  of  the  Protestant  and  Catholic 
religious  leadership  is  actually  being  intensified. 

Until  all  groups  under  the  Soviet  Union  and  its  satellites  are  given  religious 
freedom  and  full  protection  of  their  individual  human  rights,  the  American 
Jewish  Committee  will  continue  unabated  its  efforts  to  expose  the  striking 
variance  between  the  Soviet  Union's  professed  opposition  to  racial  and  religious 
discrimination  and  its  actual  practices. 

I  believe  that  these  resolutions  and  the  letter  express,  of  course, 
an  opinion,  but  a  great  majority  of  the  people  who  adhere  to  the 
Jewish  faith  here  in  the  United  States  and  Americans,  if  called  to 
testify,  if  we  were  able  to  call  all  the  members  of  this  committee  and 
other  organizations  of  the  Jewish  faith,  we  would  be  able  to  definitely 
prove  the  statement  I  have  just  made. 

Mr.  Walter.  You  might  be  interested  in  knowing  that  several 
weeks  ago  we  were  having  some  hearings  on  an  immigration  matter 
and  the  spokesman  for  various  Jewish  groups  was  asked  the  question 
by  me  because  of  the  charge  that  the  immigration  act  is  anti-Semitic 
and  the  question  was  asked  wherein  it  was  anti-Semitic.  He  said  it 
wasn't,  but  these  charges  are  made  by  the  same  kind  of  people,  the 
same  Jews. 

Mr.  Velde.  I  am  sure  that  the  gentleman  is  correct  in  his  inter- 
pretation of  the  Jewish  opinion  regarding  the  McCarran-Walter  bill. 

Proceed,  Mr.  Counsel. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  We  have  as  a  witness  this  morning,  Mr.  George 
Mayberry. 

Mr.  Velde.  In  the  testimony  you  are  about  to  give  before  this  com- 
mittee, do  you  swear  that  it  will  be  the  truth,  the  whole  truth  and 
nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  do. 

TESTIMONY  OF  GEORGE  BEACH  MAYBERRY 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  is  your  name,  please,  sir? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  George  Beach  Mayberry.  I  have  dropped  the 
Beach  in  the  last  20  years  because  it  confused  my  father  and  myself. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Are  you  accompanied  by  counsel,  Mr.  Mayberry  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No  ;  I  am  not. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  It  is  the  practice  of  the  committee  to  explain  to 
every  witness  that  he  has  the  right  to  counsel  at  any  time  during  the 
course  of  the  hearing  and  if  there  should  be  an  occasion  when  you 
desire  to  consult  counsel,  an  opportunity  will  be  given  you  to  do  so. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Surely.     I  hope  no  opportunity  will  arise. 

Mr.  Clardy.  May  I  make  a  slight  correction  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Clardy.  He  has  the  privilege  of  having  counsel  not  as  a  matter 
of  constitutional  right. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  That  is  correct, 

When  and  where  were  you  born,  Mr.  Mayberry  ? 


1916    COMMUNIST   METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  was  born  in  East  Orange,  N.  J.,  on  July  29,  1913. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Where  do  you  now  reside  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  At  369  North  Grove  Street,  East  Orange,  N.  J. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  is  your  occupation? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  am  a  free  lance  editor  and  writer. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  tell  the  committee,  please,  what  your  for- 
mal educational  training  has  been? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  The  East  Orange  high  schools;  at  Williams  College 
from  1930  to  1932 ;  Princeton  University,  1932  to  1934,  and  Harvard 
University  from  1935  to,  I  think  it  was  1942.  You  can  check  on  that 
in  the  record,  when  I  got  my  doctor's  degree  from  Harvard,  because 
I  am  not  sure  myself. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  When  did  you  begin  your  graduate  studies  at 
Harvard? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  In  1936. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  tell  the  committee,  please,  what  your 
record  of  employment  has  been? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Well,  let  me  see,  starting  in  the  year  1936  or  1937, 
I  became  an  instructor  at  Harvard,  not  on  the  faculty.  That  is  a  dif- 
ferent system.  They  have  part-time  instructors  who  are  not  on  the 
faculty,  and  as  a  matter  of  fact,  in  all  my  career  at  Harvard  I  was 
never  on  the  faculty,  but  I  was  a  part-time  instructor  at  Harvard. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  In  what  field  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  In  English  literature.  But  the  following  year, 
which  was  1938 — and  you  will  have  to  correct  me  on  that — in  1938  I 
became  a  tutor  at  Harvard,  tutor  and  assistant.  I  assisted  in  various 
departments. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Was  that  a  new  plan  just  put  into  effect  at  Harvard 
at  that  time  known  as  the  tutor  system? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Oh,  no;  the  tutor  system  had  been  there  for  a  long 
time. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Was  there  some  phase  or  branch  of  that  work  which 
was  put  into  effect  for  the  first  time  in  1938? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Oh,  no.  It  had  been  there  for  a  long  time.  I  think 
it  started  when  Charles  W.  Eliot  was  president,  and  he  was  dead 
long  before  I  got  there. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  long  did  you  engage  in  work  as  tutor  and  as- 
sistant at  Harvard  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Either  1941  or  1942,  and  you  can  look  up  the  dates 
to  get  them  right,  because  I  am  very  bad  on  dates. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  were  you  employed  after  1942? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Well,  in  1942  I  was  unemployed,  either  late  in  1942 
or  early  in  1943,  and  again  you  can  check  to  find  out,  I  went  to  work  in 
New  York  for  the  New  Republic  magazine.  I  remained  there  until, 
I  think,  about  1948.  As  I  said  before,  since  then  I  have  been  a  free- 
lance editor  and  writer. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  WThat  has  been  the  general  nature  of  your  work  as 
a  free-lance  writer? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Mainly  book  reviews  for  the  New  York  Times  and 
also  editing  those  25-cent  pocket  books.  I  have  done  four  of  them  and 
am  working  on  one  now. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  long  have  you  engaged  in  making  book  reviews 
for  the  New  York  Times?     Over  what  years? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  The  last  3  years. 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION)     1917 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Mr.  Mayberry,  during  the  period  of  time  that  you 
were  at  Harvard  University  either  as  an  undergraduate 

Mr.  Mayberry.  T  was  not  an  undergraduate. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  were  not  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No,  sir. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  While  at  Harvard  University  between  1935  and 
1912,  were  you  aware  of  the  existence  of  a  Communist  Party  group 
or  cell  located  either  within  the  student  body  or  within  the  graduate 
group  or  the  faculty  of  Harvard  University '( 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Now  you  have  given  me  three  choices  there. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes ;  three  choices. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  will  say  "yes"  to  all. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes  to  all  three? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Velde.  Let  me  get  this  straight.  In  what  capacity  were  you 
serving  during  those  years  from  1935  to  1942? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  was  a  part-time  graduate  student  and  at  the  same 
time  teaching,  not  on  the  faculty  but  as  an  assistant  to  members  of  the 
faculty.     I  think  that  is  as  clear  as  I  can  make  it. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  believe  you  told  us  that  you  were  an  instructor  in 
1936  and  then  in  1938  became  a  tutor  and  assistant? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No;  I  think  you  have  those  dates  wrong  there. 
Maybe  I  stated  them  wrong.  I  became  a  tutor  in  1936.  I  may  have 
given  you  the  wrong  information. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  tell  us  just  what  you  consider  to  be  correct  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  As  nearly  as  I  can  remember,  let  me  see,  there  was  a 
year  completely  out  of  my  life  where  I  was  unemployed  and  went  to 
Europe  for  a  while,  and  that  was  in  1935,  and  in  the  fall  of  1936  I 
went  to  Harvard,  and  at  first  I  was  a  graduate  assistant  in  English,  so 
it  was  in  the  fall  of  1936  that  I  was  given  an  assistantship  and  also  made 
a  tutor  at  the  Leverett  House. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  tell  the  committee,  please,  the  nature  of 
your  awareness  of  the  existence  of  a  Communist  Party  group  at  Har- 
vard, your  first  awareness  of  that  matter  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Well,  I  knew  very  well  it  existed,  because  of  my  left- 
wing  activity  in  the  Teachers'  Union.  I  was  approached  by  the 
Communist  Party  to  join  the  group,  which  I  did,  as  far  as  I  know. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  year  was  that,  please  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  would  say  that  was  1936,  but  I  am  not  sure. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  At  the  time  that  you  were  approached  by  the  Com- 
munist Party  to  become  a  member,  did  you  hold  any  official  position 
in  the  Teachers'  Union  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Not  that  I  know  of.  At  one  time  or  another  I  was 
a  member  of  the  executive  board  of  the  Teachers'  Union. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  But  not  at  the  time  that  you  were  requested  to  be- 
come a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  don't  know.    I  frankly  don't  know. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Who  approached  you  and  asked  you  to  become  a 
member  of  the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  hate  to  say  it,  but  it  was  a  guy  named  Louis 
Harap. 

Mr.  Scherer.  What  was  that  name? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Harap. 


1918    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  proceed  to  describe  how  you  became  a 
member  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  As  nearly  as  I  can  remember,  and  as  I  say  this  is 
16  or  17  years  ago,  Harap  and  I  were  walking  back  from  an  afternoon 

£arty  at  somebody's  place,  whose  name  I  cannot  remember  at  all,  and 
lOuis  said,  "You  seem  to  vote  within  the  Teachers'  Union  the  way  we 
vote,  and  I  understand  that  you  have  very  strong  leftwing  sympa- 
thies.    How  about  coming  around  to  a  meeting?" 

And  that  is  all  there  was  to  it. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  attend  the  meeting? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  attended  the  meeting. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Where  was  the  meeting  held  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  At  the  apartment  of  Robert  Gorham  Davis.  The 
address  I  cannot  remember  right  now,  but  you  can  check  that  too. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  long  did  you  remain  a  member  of  that  group 
of  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Until  the  spring  of  1938. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  tell  the  committee,  please,  during  that 
period  of  time  what  was  the  main  objective  of  this  group  of  the 
Communist  Party? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Well,  without  going  into  a  long  historical  back- 
ground of  radicalism  in  Cambridge,  Mass.,  I  will  try  to  narrow  it 
down  to  this  simple  thing;  we  were  to  work  in  mass  organization  and 
our  immediate  mass  organization  was  the  Harvard  Teachers'  Union 
which  had  different  names  at  different  times.  At  one  time  it  was  the 
Cambridge  Teachers'  Union,  and  we  were  to  get  our  point  across  as 
well  as  we  could. 

Outside  of  that  the  one  thing  we  did  and  did  effectively,  and  I  am 
very  proud  of  it  still,  we  published  a  pamphlet  on  anti-Semitism. 
Anyone  reading  it  today  would  never  detect  that  that  was  a  Com- 
munist document,  but  it  was.  We  did  that.  Of  course,  I  am  talking 
in  the  frame  of  reference  as  a  popular  front,  and  that  was  why  I  left 
the  Communist  Party.  When  the  Communist  Party  dropped  out 
of  the  People's  Front  I  dropped  out  too. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  will  ask  you  presently  about  your  reasons  for 
leaving  the  Communist  Party. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  At  this  point  I  want  to  find  out  just  what  it  was 
that  the  Communist  Party  was  interested  in  achieving  at  Harvard 
University  and  the  method  they  used  to  achieve  their  objectives. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  It  was  all  working  within  the  Teachers'  Union. 
There  were  other  things,  but  very  peripheral.  There  was  a  bookshop, 
the  Holyoke  Book  Shop,  and  I  don't  know  where  the  money  came 
from,  but  it  was  obviously  a  Communist  bookshop. 

Then  I  voluntarily  taught  one  semester  at  the  Boston  Central  La- 
bor School,  which  I  understand  has  also  since  then  gone  under  various 
names.  I  taught  a  very  innocuous  course  on  modern  American  litera- 
ture. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Returning  now  to  the  American  Federation  of 
Teachers,  did  you  continue  to  be  active  in  this  organization  after  you 
became  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes;  I  must  have,  yes;  the  year  I  left  Harvard 
was  1941  and  I  think  I  must  have  paid  my  dues  up  to  that  time,  al- 
though I  think  it  ceased  to  be  the  A.  F.  of  L. 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION)     1919 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  describe  to  the  committee,  please,  just 
how  the  Communist  Party  functioned  in  its  effort  to  infiltrate  the 
Teachers'  Union  and  to  influence  its  action? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Let  me  narrow  it  down  to  one  case  and  if  you  want 
more  I  can  give  you  more,  and  I  think  this  kind  of  thing  is  what  you 
are  interested  in  and  what  I  am  interested  in. 

In  the  late  fall  of  1939  I  had  ceased  going  to  Communist  meetings 
and  dropped  out  of  it,  but  in  1939  there  was  a  token  bid  by  the  Com- 
munists to  pledge  $5  to  the  Harvard  undergraduate  fight  against 
arms  to  England.  And  at  that  Teachers'  Union  meeting  I  know  a 
few  people  by  that  time  left,  and  there  must  have  been  very  few  who 
were  in  favor  of  giving  the  undergraduates  $5  to  continue  their  cam- 
paign against  arms  to  Britain. 

I  went  to  that  meeting  and  of  course  naturally  by  that  time  I  was 
through  with  the  Communists  and  also,  I  hate  to  say  this  as  an  Irish- 
man, but  I  was  also  in  favor  of  arms  to  Britain  as  I  had  always  been 
ever  since  that  campaign  started. 

The  remnants  of  the  Communist  Party  in  Cambridge  obviously 
were  working  there.  They  probably  had  a  caucus  beforehand  and 
they  had  gotten  out  everybody  they  could  get  for  whatever  reasons 
to  try  to  get  this  $5  committed  to  the  students.  That  was  the  way  they 
worked  on  any  number  of  issues. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  At  the  Communist  Party  group  within  the  Ameri- 
can Federation  of  Labor  through  various  advance  caucuses,  they  en- 
deavored to  control  the  action  of  the  Teachers'  Union  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Exactly.  That  is  standard  practice  in  American 
politics,  union  politics.  I  am  not  defending  it,  but  as  a  historian  I 
am  trying  to  explain  that  that  is  standard  practice.  That  is  what 
they  did. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  the  Communist  Party,  by  the  same  method, 
endeavor  to  control  the  election  of  officers  of  the  American  Federation 
of  Teachers  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Of  course.  All  the  other  groups  at  the  union  did, 
too. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  they  successful  to  any  material  extent  in  the 
decision  as  to  who  should  be  elected  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  think  they  lost  every  time. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  they  caucus  in  the  same  manner  and  for  the 
purpose  of  determining  who  should  be  delegates  to  the  State  and 
national  conventions? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  ever  attend  a  national  or  a  State  convention 
at  any  time? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No.  I  think  in  fairness  let  us  get  this  clear.  I  was 
a  known  Communist  and  everybody  who  knew  me  knew  I  was  a 
Communist  during  these  2y2  years  and  the  Communists  are  not  so 
stupid  that  they  would  send  me  to  a  national  convention.  But  so  far 
as  I  know  they  never  got  anyone  they  really  wanted  to  go  to  get  elected 
to  the  convention. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  other  mass  organizations  did  the  Communist 
Party  become  active  in  at  Harvard? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Now,  let  me  see,  there  was  an  organization — and 
you  will  have  to  check  on  this,  too,  because  I  never  can  remember 
those  things — it  may  have  been  called  Friends  of  the  Spanish  Republic. 


1920    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION) 

I  know  I  worked  for  that  quite  hard.    It  was  not  quite  Friends  of  the 
Spanish  Republic,  but  you  will  have  to  check  on  it. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  tell  the  committee,  please,  the  nature  of 
the  work  that  the  Harvard  Communist  group  did? 

Mr.  Mayberuy.  To  raise  money  for  ambulances  for  the  Spanish 
Republic. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Was  any  effort  made  to  recruit  members  for  the 
war  in  Spain? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes ;  there  was. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  tell  the  committee  about  that,  please? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  was  asked,  for  example,  if  I  would  go  to  Spain, 
and  I  said  "No,"  because  I  had  family  obligations,  and  I  was  excused 
on  those  grounds  by  the  party. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  tell  us  more  in  detail  how  the  decisions 
were  made  to  endeavor  to  recruit  you  for  the  war  in  Spain? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Well,  I  guess  either  Bob  Davis  or  Louis  Harap, 
and  I  don't  know  which,  and  maybe  it  was  another  person  asked  me, 
"How  do  you  feel  about  it  ?" 

I  said  I  would  be  willing  to  go,  but  I  would  have  to  have  clearance 
from  my  own  family,  because  my  family  comes  first  before  the  party. 
Beyond  that  I  cannot  remember  the  details,  if  there  were  any  details. 
That  just  dropped.    And  when  I  was  asked  I  said  temporarily  no. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  tell  the  committee,  please,  of  any  other 
work  that  this  Communist  Party  cell  was  engaged  in  that  you  can 
recall ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Well,  I  told  you  about  the  Boston  Labor  School  at 
which  I  taught. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  was  the  connection  of  the  Communist  Party 
group  in  Harvard  with  the  Boston  Labor  School  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Well,  there  was  one  year  there  when  Philip  Frank- 
feld  was  the  head  of  the  Communist  Party  in  New  England  or  maybe 
just  Massachusetts,  I  don't  know,  and  it  was  suggested  that  they  have 
a  course  in  modern  American  literature,  and  I  don't  know  who  asked 
me,  probably  Davis  because  Davis  did  not  want  to  appear  publicly 
because  he  was  not  known  to  be  a  Communist  on  the  campus,  whereas 
I  was  known  to  be  a  Communist  to  everybody.  It  was  no  skin  off  my 
behind  to  go  over  to  Boston  and  teach. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  other  names  has  that  school  had,  to  your 
knowledge  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  think  later  it  was  called  the  Samuel  Adams 
School. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Can  you  give  us  the  names  of  any  other  persons 
who  taught  there  while  you  were  teaching  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No,  I  cannot;  but  you  could  very  easily  find  out 
because  they  had  a  printed  prospectus  with  the  names  of  the  teachers. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  recall  whether  George  Markham  taught 
there  at  that  time  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  don't  recall  the  name  at  all. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  meet  any  Communist  Party  groups  at  the 
school  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No;  I  just  went  there  and  gave  my  lecture  and  a 
one-half  hour  talk  afterward,  but  I  wouldn't  know  any  names  at  all. 
That  is  the  honest  to  God's  truth  there,  as  elsewhere  in  my  whole 
testimony.  i 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION)     1921 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  spoke  of  the  bookshop  in  Cambridge.  Do  you 
recall  who  operated  the  bookshop  % 

Mr.  Maybeery.  There  was  a"  little  girl,  there;  you  probably  have 
her  name  there  somewhere. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Was  it  Margot  Clark  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes ;  Margot  Clark,  yes. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  knowledge  did  you  have  of  the  connection  of 
the  Communist  Party  with  that  bookshop  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Well,  I  knew  the  Communists  were  very  much  in- 
terested in  it  and,  well,  do  you  want  me  to  skip  ahead  of  my  testimony, 
because  this  is  very  important  as  to  why  I  left  the  Communist  Party. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  This  is  a  good  place  to  develop  that  point,  so  just 
proceed. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  don't  know  whether  Margot  Clark  was  a  Commu- 
nist ornot,  but  I  knew  very  well  it  was  a  left-wing  bookshop,  Com- 
munist or  otherwise,  and  I  hope  to  make  clear  in  my  testimony  that 
there  are  many  brands  of  left-wing  Americanisms  which  are  not 
Communist. 

Margot  Clark  seemed  to  run  the  bookshop  and  I  never  saw  her  at 
any  Communist  meeting  or  activities,  but  I  more  or  less  assumed 
that  she  probably  belonged  either  completely  or  as  a  fellow  traveler 
within  the  Communist  group. 

I  was  asked  to  help  out  and  select  the  books  to  sell  at  the  bookshop. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  were  asked  by  whom  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  By  Robert  Davis  and  Louis  Harap,  if  I  would  kind 
of  drop  by  and  tell  Margot  what  books  to  buy  and  what  books  to  push, 
which  I  thought  was  very  stupid  and  no  reason  to  it  at  all  because  it 
was  an  open  bookshop. 

But  one  day  a  very  good  friend  of  mine  dropped  by  and  tried  to 
get  a  copy  of  a  book  which  he  had  seen  the  day  before  in  the  front 
window  of  the  bookshop.  Margot  or  one  of  the  girls  at  the  bookshop 
told  him  they  were  out  of  the  book.  So  I  went  up  to  the  bookstore 
and  I  got  hold  of  Margot  and  I  said  "Margot,  why  isn't  that  book  in 
the  window?"  She  said  "He  is  now  an  anti-Communist.  We  won't 
sell  the  book." 

Mr.  Tavenner.  That  the  author  of  the  book  was  an  anti-Commu- 
nist ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes ;  the  author  of  the  book  was  Ignazio  Silone,  and 
the  title  of  the  book  is  Fontmara. 

Mr.  Clardy.  May  I  ask  a  question,  Mr.  Chairman  ? 

Mr.  Velde.  Yes. 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  mentioned  Louis  Harap's  name  as  one  of  the  two 
that  you  had  consulted  with,  or  one  of  the  two  who  asked  you  to  op- 
erate in  the  selection  of  the  books.  In  doing  that,  in  what  capacity 
was  he  acting?  What  gave  him  any  authority  to  put  you  on  that  job. 
so  to  speak  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Well,  I  was  a  frequenter  of  the  bookstore  even 
before  I  knew  that  it  was  a  Communist  or  fellow  traveler  bookstore 
and  I  was  friendly  with  the  people  in  the  bookstore.  It  was  either 
Harap  or  Davis,  and  I  am  talking  about  things  that  happened  16 
years  ago. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Yes.  They  must  have  had  some  Communist  Party 
position  of  some  sort  that  would  have  given  them  the  necessary  au- 
thority to  delegate  this  unofficial  job  to  you. 


1922    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

What  I  am  trying  to  get  at  is,  What  position  did  Harap  occupy  that 
would  give  him  that  authoriy  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Well,  if  I  were  an  American  businessman  running 
an  organization  I  would  certainly  have  to  condemn  the  Communist 
Party  as  it  acted  at  Cambridge  as  being  thoroughly  ineffective.  We 
never  had  any  chairman  at  the  meetings.  It  was  just  like  a  college 
bull  session. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Everybody  was  sort  of  like  a  committee  of  one,  more 
or  less. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes ;  and  usually  the  more  dominant  person  would 
take  charge  and  at  the  time  that  I  was  there  and  the  one  year  that 
Granville  Hicks  was  there,  Granville  more  or  less,  by  seniority,  took 
over.  Otherwise  Davis  who  was  I  think  probably  the  oldest  of  us  and 
had  a  very  keen,  quick  mind,  and  the  rest  of  the  fellows  were  like 
myself,  sloppy,  casual  individuals. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Harap  was  apparently  pretty  high  up  on  the  chain 
of  command  and  when  the  others  were  not  there  he  took  over  the 
responsibility  of  dominating  the  group? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  He  is  that  kind  of  a  fellow,  a  little  fellow  who 
quite  often  reacts  in  that  way  because  of  his  size. 

Mr.  Clardy.  We  have  heard  him,  and  I  know  what  you  mean. 

He  was  active  in  the  Communist  Party  and  could  assert  himself 
and  could  delegate  this  job  to  you  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  He  could  ask  me  to  do  it. 

Mr.  Clardy.  That  is  what  I  meant.  He  had  the  authority,  whether 
he  seized  it  or  not. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  He  asked  me.  It  was  either  he  or  Davis,  but  it 
was  probably  Harap. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Thank  you. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  As  a  result  of  those  instructions  you  became  aware 
of  this  incident  which  you  have  just  described  when  Margot  Clark 
refused  to  sell  a  book  because  the  author  had  become  anti-Communist? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  That  is  right.  She  did  not  refuse.  She  just  took 
the  book  or  books  and  put  them  in  the  back  room  of  the  bookshop. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  know  of  any  other  efforts  of  the  Commu- 
nist group  to  censor  books  and  publications  in  this  bookshop? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes;  I  had  a  very  hard  time  to  persuade  either 
Margot  or  the  girl  who  worked  with  her,  whose  name  I  cannot  re- 
member, to  get  me  any — because  I  wanted  them  to  get  the  profit  of 
the  sale — a  copy  of  Charles  Beard's  The  Rise  of  American  Civiliza- 
tion.   It  took  them  about  a  day  to  find  they  had  a  copy  in  the  backroom. 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  mean  they  did  not  want  to  sell  that  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  They  put  it  in  the  backroom. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Why? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Because  Charles  Beard  was  a  violent  anti- 
Communist. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  Margot  Clark  advise  you  as  to  the  source  of 
her  directions  about  the  sale  of  anti-Communist  literature  and  books? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No.    I  don't  know  where  that  came  from. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  have  any  conferences  with  Louis  Harap  on 
the  subject? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No.  He  talked  to  me  about  one  matter  which  I 
hope  we  will  get  to  later. 


B 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION)     1923 

Mr.  Clardy.  Were  there  any  other  incidents  of  that  kind  in  which 
they  would  snatch  a  book  off  the  shelf  as  soon  as  they  discovered  the 
author  had  become  anti-Communist? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  There  was  a  book  by  Andre  Malraux.  I  have  for- 
gotten which  of  his  books  it  was,  but  it  was  at  the  time  that  Malraux 
ceased  being  a  Communist  in  France.  He  just  became  nothing.  He 
became  anti-Communist. 

Mr.  Clardy.  And  as  soon  as  that  happened  they  automatically 
crossed  him  off  the  list? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Clardy.  They  have  a  little  bit  of  a  blacklist  of  their  own. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Evidently. 

Mr.  Clardy.  And  they  use  it. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes;  in  their  own  stores.  I  am  saying  that  that 
was  one  of  the  first  steps  of  why  I  left  the  Communist  Party. 

Mr.  Clardy.  You  finally  began  to  tumble  to  the  fact  that  this  thing 
called  academic  freedom  did  not  exist  in  the  Communist  world  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Exactly. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  was  the  attitude  of  this  particular  Commu- 
nist Party  group  with  regard  to  recruiting  new  members? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Well,  we  always  tried  our  best. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  During  the  period  of  your  membership  in  it,  did 
you  acquire  information  as  to  when  it  was  first  organized  at  Harvard? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No;  I  never  knew.  It  was  in  existence  in  a  very 
small  way.  Of  course  it  was  always  a  very  small  organization.  It 
was  a  very  small  minority  group. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  This  was  the  same  group  of  which  Robert  Gorham 
Davis,  Granville  Hicks,  Daniel  J.  Boorstin,  and  Wendell  Furry  were 
members  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  That  is  right,  and  myself,  of  course. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  was  the  latest  knowledge  that  you  bad  of 
the  existence  of  that  group  at  Harvard  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  would  say  somewhere  in  1938. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Is  that  the  time  that  you  severed  your  connections 
with  it? 

Mr.  Maybery.  Yes.     When  I  stopped  going  to  meetings. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  You  do  not  know,  however,  whether  it  went  out  of 
existence  at  that  time  or  whether  it  continued  for  a  longer  period  of 
time  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  would  guess  it  kept  going,  but  I  could  only  guess 
because  I  was  not  there  and  didn't  see. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Was  there  any  connection  between  this  group  and 
the  student  body  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  During  my  time  only  indirectly.  That  incident  I 
described  to  you  when  the  Teachers'  Union  was  asked  to  give  a  token 
sum  of  $5  to  the  American  Student  Union  which  then  had  been  cap- 
tured, as  far  as  I  could  find  out,  by  the  American  Communist  Party 
because  they  get  there  first  and  stay  longer,  as  you  know,  and  they 
work  hard.  I  would  guess  then  that  the  impulse  to  try  to  get  the  $5 
for  the  student  group  came  from  whatever  was  left  of  the  Communist 
core  within  the  Teachers'  Union.  As  I  say,  I  don't  know  because  I 
believe  that  time  I  was  out  and  I  spoke  long  and  violently  against 
giving  that  $5. 


1924    COMMUNIST   METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Had  the  Communist  Party  at  that  time  secured  a 
foothold  in  the  student  union  at  Harvard? 

Mr.  Mayberrt.  That  I  would  guess  to  be  correct,  but  I  don't  know 
because  I  had  lost  contact  completely.  When  I  got  disillusioned  with 
communism  I  did  not  have  anything  to  do  with  them  any  more  except 
for  Davis  who  was  a  personal  friend  of  mine  and  also  a  colleague. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  tell  the  committee,  please,  whether  this 
group  of  the  Communist  Party  was  visited  from  time  to  time  by  func- 
tionaries on  a  higher  level  in  the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Well,  now,  I  don't  know  whether  Granville  Hicks 
would  have  been  considered  a  functionary  or  not.  but  when  he  came  to 
Cambridge  that  one  year  he  taught  as  a  guest  lecturer.  He  came  and 
in  fact  took  over  the  small  unit.  We  were  visited  once,  at  our  request, 
by  Philip  Frankfeld  who  had  just  been  appointed  the  general — what- 
ever title  they  have — of  Massachusetts. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  was  the  occasion  for  inviting  him  before  your 
group? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Just  for  a  chat  and  to  make  ourselves  acquainted 
with  the  great  Phil  Frankfeld.  There  were  no  directives  handed  down 
as  far  as  I  know. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  are  Communist  Party  directives  transmitted 
to  your  group  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  This  is  very  complicated.  We  were  regarded  as  a 
kind  of  an  elite  group  of  scholars  and  intelligent  men  and  we  made 
our  own  decisions.  I  cannot  recall  of  any  directive  coming  down,  with 
one  exception,  and  I  would  like  to  reserve  that  for  later — or  do  you 
want  me  to  tell  you  now? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  believe  it  would  be  better  to  tell  us  at  this  time. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  We  were  asked,  and  by  whom  I  don't  know,  that  we 
should  all  buy  and  read  a  copy  of  the  history  of  the  Communist  Party 
in  the  Soviet  Union. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  you  ever  asked  to  read  any  historical  works  on 
the  United  States? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No;  we  did  that  as  a  matter  of  course. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  But  you  were  asked  to  buy  and  to  read 

Mr.  Mayberry.  A  copy  of  the  history  of  the  Communist  Party  in 
the  Soviet  Union,  and  when  I  read  it  I  was — it  was  the  most  distorted 
version  of  what  happened  in  Kussia  between  the  years  1917  and  1935 
that  I  have  ever  read. 

Mr.  Clardy.  Who  authored  that  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  It  was  edited  by  a  man  named  Joseph  Stalin.  Who 
wrote  it,  I  don't  know.     It  was  edited  by  Stalin. 

Mr.  Sciierer.  Should  I  save  my  time  in  reading  it? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  You  will  not  learn  any  history. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Isn't  it  a  fact  that  the  Communist  Party  put  much 
stress  on  the  study  in  their  study  courses  of  the  history  of  the  Soviet 
Union,  much  more  so  than  any  other  publication  or  any  other  part  of 
the  Communist  Party  literature? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Actually  in  my  time  the  stress  was  on  American 
history. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  do  you  mean  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Studying  American  history,  and  of  course,  drawing 
the  Marxist-Lenin  lessons  from  American  history,  which  I  could  not 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION)     1925 

draw  because  they  do  not  apply.     I  found  that  out  as  a  historian  and 
if  I  can  expand  just  for  a  minute  on  that. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  There  is  a  great  deal  of  Marxism,  a  great  deal  to  it 
when  it  applies  itself  to  facts.  It  brings  out  facts  that  the  ordinary 
historians  do  not  see;  but  when  it  sets  itself  on  theory  to  be  applied 
back  to  the  facts,  then  as  a  historian  I  had  to  reject  it,  and  that  is  one 
of  the  reasons  why  I  had  to  quit  the  party  because  their  reading  of 
history  didn't  make  any  sense. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Now,  you  were  telling  us  you  were  directed  to  buy 
and  to  read  this  particular  document. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  That's  right. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  The  History  of  the  Soviet  Union. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  was  that  directive  handed  down  to  you  in 
your  group  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  arrived  at  Bob  Davis'  apartment  one  afternoon, 
and  about  6  or  7  copies  of  the  book  were  there;  and,  now,  whether 
Harap  or  someone  else  brought  them  beforehand  I  don't  know.  At 
any  rate,  the  books  were  there,  and  we  were  told  to  take  them  and 
read  them,  and  also  to  try  to  persuade  friends  of  ours  to  read  them. 
Of  course,  I  read  the  book.  It  is  not  a  very  long  book.  I  read  it 
maybe  in  an  evening,  and  I  was  ashamed  to  show  it  to  any  friend  of 
mine. 

Mr.  Sciierer.  I  didn't  hear  that  last  statement. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  said  I  was  afraid  to  show  it  to  any  friend  of  mine. 

(Representative  Kit  Clarcly  left  the  hearing  room  at  this  point.) 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  there  any  other  instances  that  you  can  recall 
when  directives  were  handed  down  from  higher  levels  of  the  Com- 
munist Party  to  your  group 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Or  higher  functionaries  appeared  before  your 
group  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No. 

(Representative  James  B.  Frazier,  Jr.,  left  the  hearing  room  at  this 
point.) 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  you  asked  at  any  time  to  visit  other  groups  of 
the  Communist  Party? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  attend  any  Communist  Party  group  meet- 
ings among  the  undergraduates  at  Harvard  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No.  That  was  something  that  was  strictly  for- 
bidden. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  By  whom? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  By  ourselves — not  to  get  mixed  up  with  under- 
graduates. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  was  the  reason  for  that? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Probably — well,  again  I  have  to  guess — probably 
it  was  better  to  leave  the  undergraduates  alone  and  not  let  them  know 
that  certain  members  in  the  faculty  group  were  members  of  the  party. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  It  was,  then,  principally  a  security  matter? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  As  far  as  I  know ;  yes. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  tell  the  committee  where  your  meetings 
were  held  ? 

30172 — 53— pt.  6 7 


1926    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Mayberry.  At  the  apartment  of  Robert  Gorham  Davis.  The 
street  number  I  wouldn't  know,  and  the  street  address. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  any  of  the  meetings  held  in  your  apartment  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes;  there  was  a  meeting  in  my  apartment. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Who  attended  the  meeting  in  your  apartment? 

Mr.  Mayberby.  Davis,  Boorstin,  and  Harap  may  have  been  there, 
but  I  can't  remember.  This  was  on  a  very  special  thing.  It  was  a 
pamphlet  that  we  wrote  and  distributed. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Can  you  recall  the  names  of  others? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  At  that  meeting? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No  ;  I  think  that  is  all. 

I  think  maybe  Harap  was  there. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  How  many  composed  the  group  while  you  were 
there — approximately  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Oh,  between  7  and  9. 

I  am  trying  to  think  of  the  size  of  Davis'  apartment.  It  was  a  very 
small  one. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  give  us  the  names  of  others  who  were  mem- 
bers of  this  group,  whose  names  you  can  recall  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes,  I  can;  but  some  of  them  you  have  to  put  a 
question  mark  alongside  of  because,  as  I  say,  this  was  more  or  less 
in  the  nature  of  a  college  bull  session. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Well,  now,  we  don't  want  you  to  give  us  the  names 
of  any  that  there  should  be  a  question  mark  beside. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  We  had  no  membership  cards.  Dues  were  just 
paid  cash  out  of  hand. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  All  right ;  let  me  ask  you  this :  To  whom  did  you 
pay  dues  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  don't  know  wrho  picked  the  money  up.  I  think 
probably  either  Harap  or  Davis. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  collect  dues  at  any  time  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Not  that  I  can  remember.  I  may  have  but  if  I  did 
I  would  have  turned  it  over  at  the  end  of  the  meeting  to  either  Bob 
or  Harap. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  tell  the  committee,  please,  what  led  to 
your  severance  of  your  Communist  Party  connections  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  think  most  of  that  information  you  have  al- 
ready, but  to  go  over  it  again:  One  was  the  interference  with  the 
bookshop.     Another  was  when  Harap 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Now,  just  a  moment. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  What  was  the  seriousness  in  your  mind  of  the  Com- 
munist Party  interference  with  the  operation  of  the  bookshop? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  don't  like  any  form  of  thought  control,  never 
have,  and  I  hope  I  never  will. 

Mr.  Scherer.  I  didn't  hear  that  answer. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  He  does  not  approve  of  any  form  of  thought  con- 
trol. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Whether  by  Communists  or  other  groups. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  In  other  words,  you  considered  that  the  Commu- 
nist Party  was  endeavoring 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Some  of  them. 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION)     1927 

Mr.  Tavenner.  To  restrict- 


Mr.  Mayberry.  I  can't  say  it  was  the  Communist  Party,  but  some- 
one was  trying  to  influence  the  policy  of  that  bookshop,  and  I  felt  it 
should  be  a  free  and  open  bookshop. 

And  shortly  after  that  Harap  came  to  me  and  he  asked  me  to  use 
my  influence  with  my  literary  friends  not  to  write — pardon  my  syn- 
tax— not  to  write  for  a  magazine  called  Partisan  Review,  which  had 
been  started  back,  oh,  about  1932  by  the  then  Communists  and  had 
been  captured  in  about  193G  by  the  non-Communists. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Well,  now,  what  was  the  seriousness  in  your  mind 
of  that  situation? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Well,  I  was  asked  to  go  and  talk  to  3  or  4  of  my 
friends  who  were  willing  to  write  for  the  new  Partisan  Review,  the 
new  non-Communist  Partisan  Review,  and  I  was  supposed  to  go  and 
explain,  according  to  Louis  Harap — I  was  supposed  to  go  and  explain 
to  them  they  would  be  betraying  the  working  class,  and  all  that 
rubbish,  by  writing  for  this  publication. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Betraying  the  working  class. 

In  other  words,  this  was  a  form  of  boycotting 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Exactly. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Or  blacklisting 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  A  publication  which  had  ceased  to  be  a  Communist 
publication? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Exactly. 

And  again  I  can't  use  the  language  that  I  told  Louis  when  he  asked 
me  that,  and 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Well,  did  you  refuse  to  comply  with  his  request? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  certainly  did. 

At  that  time  I  was  already  not  going  to  meetings. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  any  other  occurrence  take  place  which  influ- 
enced you  in  your  decision  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Well,  not  within  this  country,  but  in  Russia  the 
evidence  of  the  purge  trials  in  1937. 

Mr.  Scherer.  The  evidence  of  what  trials? 

Mr.  M  vybkrry.  Of  the  purge  trials  in  Russia  in  1937. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Let  me  ask  you  at  that  point 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Naturally,  at  that  time  I  couldn't  believe  them,  but, 
as  I  mulled  them  over,  it  became  obvious  they  were  pretty  damningly 
true. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Let  me  ask  you  at  this  point 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Surely. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Have  you  been  to  Russia  at  any  time? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes;  I  have. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  tell  the  committee  when  that  trip  oc- 
curred ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  In  1937 — the  summer  of  1937 — I  would  say  early 
in — either  late  in  July  or  early  in  August. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  obtain  any  information  in  Russia  regard- 
ing the  purge  trials? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No;  I  didn't.  The  purge  took — the  major  part  of 
the  purge  took  place  after  I  left  Russia.  I  was  in  Russia  completely 
as  a  tourist. 


1928    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Completely  as  a  tourist. 

How  long  were  you  in  Russia? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Two  weeks. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  the  Communist  Party  have  anything  to  do  with 
your  engaging  in  that  travel? 

Mr.  Mayberrt.  No;  and — keep  this  on  the  record  or  off,  but  this 
is  my  joke  for  the  day :  When  I  was  leaving  Cambridge  in  June  of  that 
year,  I  ran  into  Harap  on  the  street  and  he  said,  "George,  what  are 
you  doing  this  summer?" 

I  said,  "Well,  I'm  going  to  Europe." 

He  said,  "Did  you  tell  the  party?" 

I  said,  "No.    My  vacation  time  is  my  own,  isn't  it  ?" 

He  said,  "Oh,  but  you  ought  to  tell  the  party  when  you're  on  vaca- 
tion so  they  can  keep  in  touch  with  you  all  the  time." 

As  I  said,  by  that  time  I  was  practically  out  of  it,  and  that  kind  of 
attitude  is  something  I  can't  stand. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  go  alone  on  this  trip 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Or  were  you  accompanied  by 

Mr.  Mayberry.  My  brother  was  with  me. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  any  other  members  or  any  members  of  the 
Communist  Party  other  than  yourself  in  the  party  or  group  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No;  no;  no.    John  and  I  were  completely  alone. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  you  acquainted  with  Edwin  Blaisdell? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  don't  know  the  name. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Now,  I  interrupted  you  in  your  description  of  the 
occurrences  that  took  place  in  Russia  which  had  a  bearing  on  your 
decision 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No;  no;  no. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  To  leave 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No;  no. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  The  Communist  Party. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No  ;  from  what  I  read. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Well,  I  understand. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes. 

I  didn't  see  a  thing  in  Russia  that  would  bear  on  my  attitude  at  all, 
except  for  the  subway.    It  looked  like  the  backside  of  Brooklyn. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  I  am  not  certain  whether  you  have  completed  your 
testimony  as  to  the  occurrences  that  took  place  in  Russia 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Well,  what  happened 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Which  affected  your  decision. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Oh,  yes;  sure.  I  would  be  glad  to  expand  on 
that, 

The  Russian  revolution,  the  Bolshevik  revolution,  as  with  all  revo- 
lutions, amalgamated  many  different  people,  and  some  of  them  were 
the  greatest  and  finest  minds  who  had  been  fighting  the  Czarist  gov- 
ernment for  years.  I  think  the  two  outstanding  ones  were  Maxim 
Gorky  and  Lunacharsky,  and  the  younger  disciples — men  like  Karl 
Radek  and  Nieholai  Bukharin.  The  old  men — they  died  off,  and  the 
young  men — at  least  some  comparatively  young — were  purged  in  1937 
and  1938,  and  finally  the  real  tough  boys  like  Stalin  came  in. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Finally  what? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Finally  the  real  tough  boys  like  Stalin  had  a  free 
hand,  because  men  like  Lunacharsky,  one  of  the  greatest  educators, 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION)     1929 

and  men  like  Gorky,  one  of  the  greatest  novelists  of  our  time — they 
were  dead,  and  they  got  rid  of  Radek  and  those  with  a  flexible,  sensi- 
tive mind.  They  got  rid  of  them,  and  Stalin  and  his  goose-stepping 
boys  were  in  complete  power — and  that  was  not  the  Communist  Party 
I  joined,  and  I  was  glad  to  get  out  of  it. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  tell  us  what  the  date  of  your  last  asso- 
ciation with  the  Communist  Party  was? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  It  would  be  somewhere  in  1938;  when,  exactly,  I 
don't  know. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Was  any  effort  made  by  members  of  the  Communist 
Party  to  get  you  back  into  the  party  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No;  I  think  they  were  so  fed  up  with  me,  because 
in  their  minds  I  had  never  been  a  real  Communist.  I  was  more  or 
less  a  showpiece. 

Mr.  Scherer.  A  what  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  was  more  or  less  a  showpiece,  and  I  was  very 
effective  moving  on  the  campus  as 

Mr.  Scherer.  You  indicated  by  your  testimony  that  you  felt  Com- 
munist philosophy  in  some  respects  was  rather  attractive;  did  you 
not? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  That's  roughly  fair ;  yes. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Well,  I  don't  say  I  disagree  with  you  on  that,  but 
isn't  it  a  fact  that  this  philosophy  was  only  used  to  attract  people  to 
the  Soviet  cause? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Well,  now,  I  would  say  that  you're  young  enough  to 
have  been  in  the  depression. 

Mr.  Scherer.  What? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  would  say  you  are  young  enough  to  have  been  in 
the  depression,  and  you  saw  what  it  was  like. 

Mr.  Velde.  Old  enough,  you  mean,  to  have  been  in  the  depression  ? 

Mr.  Scherer.  Oh,  yes ;  I  started  to  practice  law  a  week  before  the 
depression. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  don't  know  what  more  to  say  on  that  point. 

Mr.  Velde.  Well,  do  you  make  a  distinction  between  communism 
in  theory,  or  Marxism  in  theory,  and  Marxism  and  communism  in 
practice  ? 

Mr  Mayberry.  I  certainly  do. 

Mr.  Velde.  Yes. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  mean,  I  regard  myself  as  being  still — it  would 
be  hard  to  figure  out  the  percentage,  but  say  75  percent  a  Marxist,  as 
a  historian,  because  it  still  makes  a  great  deal  of  sense,  as  you  study 
history  and  as  you  study  economics.  The  practice,  though,  of  the 
American  Communist  Party 

Mr.  Scherer.  What  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  object  to  openly  and  violently. 

Mr.  Velde.  But  don't  you  agree,  Doctor,  that  this  idea  of  sharing 
the  wealth  is  a  good  propaganda  piece  to  get 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Sure. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Converts? 

Mr.  Velde.  Converts 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Sure;  it  is. 

Mr.  Velde.  To  Marxism  or  communism  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Sure. 


1930    COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Scherer.  The  present  leaders  of  the  Kremlin  are  using  this 
somewhat  attractive  philosophy,  are  they  not,  to  ensnare  the  masses 
to  their  cause? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  suppose  they  are.  All  I  know  is  what  I  read  in 
the  newspapers.     I  am  completely  out  of  the  situation. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Well,  I  understand  that;  but  you  certainly — — 

Mr.  Mayberry.  It  is  a  very  powerful  appeal,  and  I'm  sure  that — 
well,  I'm  here  to  answer  questions,  not  to  make  speeches,  but 

Mr.  Scherer.  I  am  asking  you  to  speak  on  that  question. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  We  have  lost  our  cause  in  Asia  and  probably  most 
of  Africa  by  not  getting  in  there  first  and  fighting  the  terrific  appeal 
the  Communists  have.  After  all,  the  Russian  Revolution  was  run 
by  Lenin  on  the  simple  slogan  of  bread  and  land.  That's  all  he 
offered  them — bread  and  land.  I  don't  know  whether  they  ever  got 
it  or  not. 

Mr.  Scherer.  I  say  the  present  leaders  of  the  Kremlin  are  using 
this 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Sure;  they  are. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Philosophy  which  you  talk  about 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  assume  they  are. 

Mr.  Scherer.  To  attract  people  in  the  cause  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  assume  so. 

Mr.  Scherer.  They  actually  don't  believe  in  it,  as  you  indicatedT 
do  they?     They  don't  believe  in  the  idealism  that  they  teach? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  think,  as  I  say,  the  idealism  died — probably  the 
tail  end  of  it  was  in  1937  when  they  finally  got  rid  of  Radek  and 
Bukharin.  They  were  the  last  ones  left  who  were  really  old-fashioned 
revolutionaries,  as  I  was  an  old-fashioned  revolutionary. 

Mr.  Scherer.  The  thing  that  motivates  the  leaders  of  the  Kremlin 
today  is  the  thing  that  motivated  all  conquerors  and  dictators — and 
that  is  power  and  dominations — isn't  it 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Power. 

Mr.  Scherer.  And  they  will  use  any  means,  even  this  so-called 
attractive  philosophy  of  communism,  to  gain  converts? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Is  that  a  correct  statement? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  think  that  is  absolutely  right. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Would  you  agree  with  the  contents  of  the  letter  you 
heard  read  from  the  American  Jewish  Committee  here  this  morning  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Almost  entirely.  I'd  have  some  reservations  about 
some  of  the  adjectives. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Some  of  the  what  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Some  of  the  adjectives  there.  It  was  getting  a  little 
purjorative. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Getting  what? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Getting  a  little  purjorative.    It  was  pushing. 

But  the  gist  of  the  statement  I  would  agree  with  entirely,  and  the 
only  time  I  have  read  the  Daily  Worker  in  the  last  5  years  was  because 
someone  told  me  about  these  articles  by  Harap — and  for  a  mild,  in- 
offensive, little  fellow,  Louis  Harap — the  utter  nonsense  that  he  was 
spouting 

Mr.  Scherer.  You  do  agree  with  the  conclusion  they  reached — 
that  the  Soviet  Party  today  in  Russia  is  as  anti-Semitic  as  Hitler  ever 
was? 


COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION)     1931 

Mr.  Maybkrry.  That  I  don't  know.  I  don't  know.  I  mean,  I 
haven't  been 

Mr.  Sciierer.  That  is  the  conclusion 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes. 

Mr.  Sciierer.  That  is  reached  by  the  committee,  as  indicated  by  the 
letter. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  From  reading  the  concrete  reports  of  the  New  York 
Times  and  the  Herald-Tribune,  the  evidence  is  pretty  much  to  that 
effect. 

Mr.  Sciierer.  Is  what? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Is  pretty  much  to  that  effect — that  the  practice  of 
the  Kremlin  is  anti-Semitic — but  until  I  was  there,  I  mean,  I  wouldn't 
know. 

Mr.  Scheker.  We  have  had  any  number  of  highly  educated  indi- 
viduals say  under  oath  that  the  Communist  Party  today  in  Russia  is 
anti-Semitic. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  But  I  don't  know  of  any  gluten  bowls  in  Russia, 
because  I  haven't  been  there  in  recent  years. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Well,  all  any  of  us  know 

Mr.  Mayberry.  All  1  can  do  is  tell  3^011  what  I  read  in  the  New  York 
Times. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Well,  you  read  other  papers? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Oh,  sure.    My  job — I  read  five  papers  a  day. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  you  acquainted  with  any  other  functionaries 
in  the  Communist  Party  in  addition  to  Philip  Frankfeld? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Well,  I  met  Earl  Browder  once  at  a  cocktail  party. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  become  acquainted  with  Otis  A.  Hood  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Not  acquainted.  I  went  to  meetings  at  which  he 
spoke  when  he  was  running,  as  he  always  runs,  every  year,  for  Gover- 
nor of  Massachusetts,  or  whenever  the  year  occurs. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  become  acquainted  with  Daniel  Boone 
Schirmer? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Will  you  tell  us  what  you  know  of  his  connection 
with  the  Communist  Party  or  his  activities  in  the  Communist  Party  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Well,  he  was  an  undergraduate  of  Harvard  when 
I  first  was  teaching  there,  and  he  was  in  the  American  Student  Union, 
and  I  gathered  from  the  violence  of  his  speeches  that  he  was  in  the 
Communist  wing.  See,  the  American  Student  Union  at  that  time — 
I  don't  know  what  ever  happened  to  it — was  not  a  Communist  organ- 
ization, but  had  a  very  powerful  minoritv  of  Communists  in  it,  and 
from  the  way  that — at  that  time  he  was  known  just  as  Boone  Schir- 
mer— Boone  always  followed  whatever  the  party  line  was  at  the  time, 
and  then  later  he  came  back  to  Harvard  when  he  was  running  for 
Governor  of  either  Vermont  or  New  Hampshire.  I  would  have  to 
check  on  that,  because  I  am  not  sure.     My  geography  is  very  feeble. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  know  where  he  is  today  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  haven't  the  faintest  idea. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Did  you  become  acquainted  with  Jack  Rackliffe? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  have  known  Jack  Rackliffe  from — for  at  least  15 
years. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Was  he  a  member  of  this  group  of  the  Communist 
Party  of  which  you  were  a  member? 


1932     COMMUNIST    METHODS    OF    INFILTRATION     (EDUCATION) 

Mr.  Mayberry.  He  came  to  meetings.  Now,  whether  he  was  a 
member  or  not,  I  don't  know.     I'm  not  saying  that  in  a  legal  way,  but 

1  just  don't  know,  because  we  had  no  records  of  membership. 
Mr.  Tavenner.  Over  what  period  of  time  did  he  attend  meetings? 
Mr.  Mayberry.  Well,  I  think  he  came  to  the  last  meeting  I  attended, 

and  I  never  went  to  any  more  meetings ;  but  I  knew  Jack  for  the  next 

2  years  that  I  was  in  Cambridge  and  I  have  known  Jack  on  and  off. 
Mr.  Tavenner.  How  long  had  he  attended  meetings  prior  to  the 

last  meeting  you  attended  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  think  he  attended  the  last  meeting  I  attended. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Yes ;  but  for  how  many  meetings  prior  to  that  had 
he  been  attending  meetings? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  don't  know.  I  don't  think  he  was  there.  I  think 
I  just  saw  him  once  at  a  meeting  at  Davis'  house. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Do  you  know  how  he  is  employed  today  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I  don't.  I  know  lie's  doing  free-lance  work,  the  same 
as  I  am. 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Were  you  acquainted  with  Abe  Gelbart 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Who? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  G-e-1-b-a-r-t  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No  ;  I  don't  know  the  name. 

What  is  the  first  name  ? 

Mr.  Tavenner.  Abe. 

I  have  no  further  questions,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  Velde.  Doctor,  I  just  have  1  or  2  questions. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Sure. 

Mr.  Velde.  At  the  present  time  I  understand  you  are  a  free-lance 
writer  and  you  do  some  book  reviews  for  the  New  York  Times? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes. 

Mr.  Velde.  There  has  been,  as  you  have  probably  read  in  the  papers, 
quite  a  controversy  as  to  the  use  of  Communist  publications  in  our 
American  libraries,  as  well  as  our  overseas  libraries.  I  think  as  a 
writer  and  as  a  former  Communist  you  should  have  an  opinion  regard- 
ing the  placing  of  Communist  publications,  books,  authored  by  Com- 
munists or  former  Communists,  in  our  American  libraries,  both  here 
in  the  United  States  and  overseas.  Would  you  care  to  express  an 
opinion  regarding  that? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  I'll  be  glad  to,  since  one  of  my  books  is  in  the  State 
Department  libraries  both  in  this  country  and  overseas.  This  is  a  plug 
for  my  book. 

Mr.  Velde.  Well,  give  us  the  name,  then,  too. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  A  Little  Treasury  of  American  Prose,  published  by 
Charles  Scribner  &  Sons,  and  it  was  edited  entirely  during  the  time 
that  I  was  a  non-Communist. 

On  the  general  point,  though,  I  would  say  wouldn't  it  be  wiser  to 
set  up  a  panel  of  about  10  American  publishers,  editors,  and  critics  and 
let  them  decide  the  books  to  go  over  ? 

Someone  said  the  other  day — maybe  Mrs.  Roosevelt — there's  no 
point  in  taking  Communist  books  off  the  shelf  because  the  Communists 
will  get  them  in,  in  their  way.  I  mean,  let  us — we're  not  afraid  of 
Communist  ideas.  I  hope  to  heaven  I  am  a  living  example  of  a  person 
who  got  a  good  strong  smell  of  communism  and  couldn't  stand  it,  and 
I  think  almost  any  intelligent  American  would  have  the  same  reaction. 


COMMUNIST   METHODS    OF   INFILTRATION    (EDUCATION)     1933 

Now,  for  example,  a  very  minor  point :  Taking  Howard  Fast's  books 
off  the  shelf — and  Howard  Fast's  books  are  not  Communist.  He  is  a 
Communist,  but  his  books  very  carefully  skirt  the  question  of  commu- 
nism. I'd  take  them  off  the  shelf  because  they're  so  badly  written. 
They're  clumsy. 

Mr.  Scherer.  They  are  what? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  They  are  clumsy  and  stupid — the  Howard  Fast 
books. 

I  think  we  make  ourselves  look  very  silly  when  we  take  Dashiell 
Hammett's  books  off  the  shelf.  There's  no  communism  at  all  in  the 
Sam  Spade  stories. 

Mr.  Velde.  I  have  always  had  the  feeling  that  Communist  books — 
that  is,  books  or  any  literature  written  by  members  of  the  Communist 
Party — should  be  read  by  American  students  and  American  citizens, 
but  I  also  feel  they  should  know  what  they  are  reading;  and,  therefore, 
if  there  were  some  way  we  could  show  on  the  cover  of  the  book,  or 
otherwise,  that  it  was  authored  by  a  Communist  Party  member,  give 
his  history  as  a  Communist  Party  member 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes. 

Mr.  Velde.  As  developed  by  this  committee  and  other  commit- 
tees  

Mr.  Mayberry.  If  there  is  any  way  of  doing  that,  I  would  agree  with 
you — it  would  be  a  very  good  thing. 

Mr.  Velde.  That  is  a  difficult  proposition,  of  course. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Well,  wouldn't  it  be  somewhat  of  a  threat  to  academic 
freedom  even  if  we  took  books  off  the  shelf,  as  you  said,  by  Fast,  which 
were  clumsy  and  poorly  written  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Yes.  I  mean,  I  don't  know  where  you  would  stop. 
I  mean,  let  the  people  read  them  all.  The  good  judgment  of  the 
people  I  think  in  the  long  run  works  out. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Were  you  asking  him  about  the  books  in  our  Informa- 
tion Service? 

Mr.  Velde.  Yes. 

Do  you  have  anything  further  to  add  to  that,  Doctor  ? 

Mr.  Mayberry.  No  ;  I  haven't. 

Mr.  Velde.  Do  you  have  any  other  questions,  Mr.  Scherer? 

Mr.  Scherer.  No. 

Mi'.  Mayberry.  Any  more  I  can  add — I  would  like  to,  but  I  can't 
think  of  anything  I  haven't  said. 

Mr.  Velde.  The  committee  appreciates  the  information  you  have 
given  here  this  morning,  Doctor,  and  if  there  is  nothing  further  this 
witness  is  dismissed  with  the  committee's  thanks. 

Mr.  Mayberry.  Thank  you. 

Mr.  Scherer.  Thank  you,  Doctor. 

Mr.  Velde.  The  hearing  is  adjourned. 

(Whereupon,  at  12:06  p.  m.,  the  hearing  was  adjourned.) 


INDEX 


Individuals 

Page 

Beard,    Charles 1922 

Blaisdell,    Edwin 1928 

Bloomfield,    Sidney 1854 

Boorstin,  Daniel   J 1923, 1926 

Bronstein,  Eugene  (Gene) 1851,1866 

Browder,    Earl 1931 

Burton,  William  H 1845 

Cammer,   Harold 1875-1894 

Carnovsky,    Morris 1907 

Cavin,  Joseph 1855 

Clark,  Margot 1921,  1922 

Clark,  Tom 1908 

Conn,  Marcus 1913 

Conant,   Mr 1862 

Cooper,  Charles   (Hendley) 1869 

Daggett,   Charles 1907 

Daniel,   Ureel 1878 

Davis,    Robert    Gorham 1899, 1918, 1920-1926, 1932 

Einstein,  Albert 1866 

Eliot,    Charles    W 1916 

East,  Howard 1908, 1933 

Eorer,  Joseph 1835-1911 

Erankfeld,  Philip 1900, 1920, 1924, 1931 

Friedburg,   Saul 1850 

Furry,    Wendell 1869, 1923 

Gelbart,  Abe 1932 

Gold,    Mike 1908 

Haldane,    Mr 1868 

Hammett,  Dashiell 1933 

Hanfstaengel,    Ernst 1849 

Harap,  Louis 1869,  1895-1911   (testimony), 

1913, 1914, 1917, 191S, 1920-1922, 1925-1928, 1930 

Hartman,    Fannie . 1884 

Hendley,  Charles 1869 

Hicks,   Granville 1868, 1869, 1900, 1907, 1022-1924 

Hood,  Otis  A 1884,  1931 

Hull,    Morgan 1877,    1878 

Judson,  Charles , 1878 

Lamont,  Corliss 1848 

Lawrence,  Marc 1907 

Levy,    Larry 1850 

Libby,  Mack 1847,  1854 

Magil,    A.    B 1907 

Malraux,  Andre 1923 

Maltz,    Albert 1907 

Markham,  George  F 1875-1894  (testimony),  1920 

Markham,  Helen  D 1892 

Marks,  Harry  J 1843-1874  (testimony) 

Matusow,    Harvey 1907 

Mayberry,  George  Beach 1915-1933    (testimony) 

Mavberry,    John , 1028 

McMichael,  Jack 1855,  1856 

1935 


1936  INDEX 

Fags 

Minor,  Robert , 1880 

Oliver,  William  (Bill) 1S78 

Philbrick,  Alan 1850 

Philbrick,    Herbert 1850,  1892-1894 

Prosten,   Jesse 1884 

Quill,    Michael 1S56 

Rackliffe,  Jack 1931,  1932 

Bobbins,  Herbert  E 1S50, 1869, 1901, 1902 

Rosenberg,  Etliel 1910 

Rosenberg,   Julius 1910 

Scbappes,  Morris 1907, 1908 

Sehirmer,  Daniel  Boone 1849, 18G9, 1931 

Si  lone,    Ignazio 1921 

Sparks,  Nehemiah  (Neramy;  Ned) 1853,1854 

Starr,    Loretta 1854 

Townsend,  Leo 1907 

Wallace,   Henry 1890 

Weber,    Johnny 1848, 1853, 1S63 

Zilsel,  Paul  R 1809 

Organizations 

American  Association  of  University  Professors 1867 

American  Federation  of  Labor 18S5, 1918, 1919 

American  Federation  of  Teachers 1918,1919 

American  Fund  for  Public  Service 1908 

American    Jewish    Committee 1913. 1914, 1930 

American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism 1848, 1S54, 1869 

American  Newspaper  Guild 1876-1878 

American   Student  Union 1923, 1931 

American  Youth  Congress 1855, 1856 

Antioch   College 1806 

Associated  Press,  Boston 1876 

Association  of  American  Universities 1873 

Boston  Central  Labor  School 1918 

Boston  Labor  School 1920 

Brotherhod  of  Railway  Trainmen 1885 

Cambridge   Teachers'    Union 1918 

City  College  of  New  York 1844, 1851 

Columbia  University  Teachers'  College 1844 

Community  Book   Store,  San  Diego 1880 

Congress  of  Industrial  Organizations 1885 

German-American   Bund 1909 

Harvard  College 1844,  1S57,  1S96 

Harvard  Graduate  School  of  Education 1844, 1S45 

Harvard  Teachers'  Union 1918 

Harvard  University 1845-1S51, 

1S6S-1S70,  1SS3,  1S96, 1S99,  1901,  1916-1920,  1923-1925,  1931 

Hoi  yoke  Book  Shop 1918 

International  Fur  and  Leather  Workers  Union 1S76,  1S85,  1892,  1893 

Jefferson  School  of  Social  Science 1908 

Massachusetts  Institute  of  Technology 1847, 1883 

Massachusetts  State  CIO 1876, 1884, 1885, 1S92 

Massachusetts  State  College 1S45 

Morning  Freiheit  Association 1902-1904,  1907 

National  Student  League 1846-1S48, 1871, 1S72 

Newspaper  Guild,  Boston 1881, 1SS2 

Newspaper  Guild,  Los  Angeles . 1SS1 

New  York  City  Board  of  Education 1845, 1864 

New  York  University 1844 

Progressive  Party 18S7, 1890 

Rhodes    School 1845 

Samuel  Adams  School 1883,1920 

School  of  Jewish  Studies 1908 

Teachers'  Union 1869, 1917-1919, 1923 

Transport  Workers'  Union 1856 


INDEX  1937 

Page 

University  of  Berlin 1S44 

University   of   Connecticut 1S67 

University  of  Heidelberg 1844 

University  of  Massachusetts 1845 

University  of  Wisconsin 1876 

Williams  College 1916 

Works  Progress  Administration 1844 

Young  Communist  League 1S54, 1869, 1871 

Young   Pioneers 1871 

Publications 

American   Quarterly 1897 

Daily  Peoples  World 1904, 1911 

Daily  Worker 1848,  1851,  1904,  1905,  1907,  1908,  1910,  1911,  1930 

Hartford   Courant 1863 

Jewish   Affairs 1S99 

Jewish  Life 1902,  1903-1907,  1910 

Jewish   Survey 1907 

Journal  of  Philosophy 1897 

Masses  and  Mainstream 1908, 1909 

New  Masses 1908, 1909 

New  Republic 1916 

New  York   Herald-Tribune 1931 

New  York  Times 1866,  1881,  1916,  1931, 1932 

Partisan    Review 1927 

Philosophical   Review 1897 

Science  and  Society 1906, 1911 

Soviet  Russia  Today 1905, 1906, 1911 

X