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JULY 17, 1959 

Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 


43354 WASHINGTON : 1960 


JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 




JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY, Wyoming • NORRIS COTTON, New Hampshire 

SAM J. ERVIN, JR., North Carolina 
JOHN A. CARROLL, Colorado 
THOMAS J. DODD, Connecticut 
PHILIP A. HART, Michigan 

Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Securit-j 
Act and Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 
THOMAS J. DODD, Connecticut, Vice Chairman 
OLIN D JOHNSTON, South Carolina ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 


SAM J ERVIN, JR., North Carolina KENNETH B. KEATING, New York 

NORRIS COTTON, New Hampshire 

J. G. SouRWiNE, Counsel 
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 



Statement of Hon. Spruille Braden 244 

June 1, 1960. 

Resolved hy the Internal Security Suhcommittec of the Senate Committee on 
the Judiciary, That the testimony of Hon. Spruille Braden, given in executive 
session on July 17, 19.j9, with the consent of the witness, be printed and made 

James O. Eastland, Chairman. 

Thomas J. Dodd, Vice Chairman. 

Olin D. Johnston. 

John L. McClellan. 

Sam J. Ervin, Jr. 

Roman L. Hbuska. 

Everett McKinley Dirksen. 

Kenneth B. Keating. 

NoRRis Cotton. 



FRIDAY, JULY 17, 1959 

tU.S. Senate, 
Subcommittee to Investigate the 
Administration of the Ini'ernal Security Act 
AND Other Internal Security Laws, 
OF THE Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington^ D.G. 

W The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:10 p.m., in room 
2228, New Senate Office Building, Senator Olin D. Johnston 

Also present: J. G. Sourwine, chief counsel, and Benjamin Man- 
del, director of research. 

Il Senator Johnston. The committee will come to order. 
 Before calling the witness, I shall place m the record a statement 
by the chainnan of the subcommittee. Senator James O. Eastland. 
(The statement reads as follows :) 



In view of the threat to our national security implicit in recent 
events which have taken place in Cuba, 90 miles from our coastline, 
our subcommittee is privileged to present the views and comments 
of the Honorable Spruille Braden, former U.S. Ambassador to that 
country. Mr. Braden's distinguished diplomatic career has given 
him a deep insight into developments not only in Cuba but in Latin 
America as a whole. In 1933 he was the U.S. delegate to the Seventh 
International Conference of the American States held in Montevideo. 
In 1935 he served in a similar capacity at the Pan American Com- 
mercial Conference. Pie was chairman of the U.S. delegation, with 
the rank of Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary at the 
Chaco Peace Conference of 1935-39. Mr. Braden represented Pres- 
ident Roosevelt in 1939 as an arbitrator in the final settlement of the 
war between Bolivia and Paraguay. From 1939 to 1912 he served 
as American Ambassador to Colombia. In 1915, after 3 years' serv- 
ice in Cuba, he became Ambassador to Argentina, and, in that same 
year, was appointed Assistant Secretary of State for American He- 
public Affairs. 

^Miile there may be some difference of opinion regarding IMr. 
Braden's views and recommendations, there can be no doubt that, in 
the light of his broad and extended experience in Latin America, 



these views and recommeiidutions are entitled to the respect and 
careful study of his fellow Americans. 

Senator JoHNSTO]sr. Now, Mr. Braden, will you raise your right 
hand and take an oath. 

Do you swear that the evidence you give before this subcommittee 
will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help 
you God ? 

Mr. Braden. So help me God, I do. 

Senator Johnston. Have a seat. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. Your name is Spruille Braden. 

Mr. Braden. Spruille Braden. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You are former U.S. Ambassador to Cuba? 

Mr. Bradbn., Former U.S. Ambassador to the Chaco Conference, 
to Colombia, Cuba, Argentina, and Assistant Secretary of State. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, we have asked Ambassador Braden 
to come prepared to give us what information he believes would be 
helpful in connection with the subject of our study, which, in connec- 
tion with these hearings, is the Communist threat to the United States 
through the Caribbean. Instead of asking a number of specific ques- 
tions, if it is suitable to tlie chairman, I would suggest that the Am- 
bassador be told to go right ahead and tell us in his own words what 
he has in mind. 

Senator Johnston. Yes. You know how to proceed, knowing what 
the object of this committee is — to try to learn the facts and how to 
prevent the current unrest in the Caribbean from midermining our 
own Government, 

We would like to have facts and I think you know how to develop 
those facts. 

Mr. Braden. I took the liberty of preparing a brief statement. 

I am getting away for Chile next Friday so that I have been a little 
bit rushed in all of this but I have a brief statement if I could read 

Senator Johnston. You may proceed. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Before you start, sir, I would like to ask in connec- 
tion with your statement that you are leaving next Friday, if the 
committee desires to hear you in public session would you be avail- 
able some day next week, say Tuesday of next week ? 

Mr. Braden. It would be awfully hard. 

Mr. Sourwine. You would have no time for public session between 
now and that time ? 

Mr. Braden. It would be very difficult to get down from New York 
for it. As a matter of fact, Tuesday would be out. Thursday is out 
because I am sailing Friday morning. I am a trustee of the Dry Dock 
Savings Bank in New York and I have a meeting on Tuesday morning 
and a real estate committee meeting Thursday 

Mr. Sourwine. How long will you be gone ? 

Mr. Braden. I will be gone until the end of September. It would, 
be awfully hard for me to do it. I will do it if it is essential. 

Mr. Sourwine. If you couldn't come down here could we come 
to you ? 


Mr. Braden. That would be. much better if you could do that. 

Senator Joiixstux. We might have to do that. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I anticipate that this testimony might be very valu- 
able to the committee. 

(Discussion oti' the record.) 

Senator Joiixstox. Proceed. 

Mr. Bradex. I appreciate more than I can express adequately the 
invitation to appear before the Internal Security Subcommittee of 
the Senate, because not only has this committee through the years 
performed a great and patriotic service, but it has proven itself to be 
one of the best safeguards and defenses of the United States. 

In the interests of brevity and because already, in previous testi- 
mony before this committee, I have given details of my experiences 
in Latin America in diplomacy, business, and otherwise, I omit any 
cuiTiculum vitae now. 

Mr. SouRwixE. You testified before us in 1953 ? 

Mr. Bradex. And 195J:, yes. Perhaps as a chopping block leading 
to questions and discussion I best may summarize my opinion in 
respect of Cuba and the Caribbean area generally by saying that, 
in all of my many years of intimate contact since early childhood 
with Latin America, never have I seen the situation so dangerous as 
it is now for the defense of the United States. 

The principal threat to our security, of course, is commmiism 
and its ever present weapon — anti-Americanism. But this menace is 
aided and exacerbated by other iSIarxist influences, by socialism, mis- 
guided idealism, and unsound nationalisms, all of which, unless eradi- 
cated at an early date, will convert the Caribbean into a Red lake. 

So grave is the situation, that I pray with all my heart., body, and 
soul, that the Commmiists and their most useful tool to date, Fidel 
Castro, may be ejected from their control of Cuba. 

Unless this is done soon — very soon by the Cubans — the United 
States and other American Eepublics, for their own security, may 
be catapulted against their will into a most unfortunate intervention 
m Cuban aft'airs. 

This would be a major catastrophe for the inter- American system 
and the United States. It is precisely one of the Communists' ob- 

This committee will recall my testimony before it when on Decem- 
ber 22, 1953, and ^Slarch 25, 1954, I described how I had been able 
in Cuba, as Ambassador of the United States — 

(1) To destroy (with the approval of all my diplomatic colleagues 
in Havana, excepting only the Soviet representative but including the 
Cuban Foreign Minister) a Communist organization known as "El 
Frente Nacional Anti-Fascisti'' (National Anti-Fascist Front), and 
put an end to the public meetings they were staging each year on 
the Soviet holiday. (This incident I described fully in my 195-1 testi- 
mony before this committee.) 

(2) To block the machinations of Harry Dexter White, Assistant 
Secretary of Treasury of the LTnited States, and Lawrence Duggan, 
Adviser to the Secretaiy of State, in respect of an insidious scheme 
to establish a Central Bank and Cuban currency on such conditions 
as inevitably would have led to financial chaos in that country, thus 
opening the way for the Coimnunists to get a foothold there. 


In the aforementioned testimony, wliile expressing a high regard 
for the vast majority of the Career Foreign Service, their integi^ity 
and intelligence, I also detailed the infiltration of the Department 
of State by, as I then expressed it, relatively few Communists, a num- 
ber of Socialists, misguided idealists, and as I christened them, "Un- 
identifiable Theys." I described Alger Hiss' intervention in con- 
nection with our bases in Panama, and the attempt — which I blocked — 
to put over on the State Department an organization of 1,080 persons, 
under the name of "Office of Research and Intelligence." This plot 
hatched in Alger Hiss' office had extremely dangerous implications. 

In that testimony I gave docimientary evidence of the warnings 
about Communist infiltration in this hemisphere which repeatedly I 
had sounded from Havana, when I was Ambassador there, just as I 
had in "Top Secret" telegrams sent in July 1945 to the President and 
Secretary of State from Buenos Aires, where I was then Ambassador. 
These telegrams described the serious Communist threat to this hem- 
isphere and how Peron was working hand in glove with the Kremlin. 

I urged that President Truman and Churchill, at the Potsdam 
Conference, confront Stalin with these facts and demand that an end 
be put to these Moscow contrivings. So far as I have been able to 
ascertain, neither of these telegrams, sent "For the President and the 
Secretary of State of the United States," by a U.S. Ambassador, was 
ever delivered. 

It therefore does not surprise me when some of our Cuban and other 
Latin American friends are convinced that Castro and other anti-U.S. 
leaders are tipped off by friends within our own Government as to 
just how far they can go with impunity. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What do you think happened to those telegrams, 
Mr. Ambassador? 

Mr. Braden. There was another somew4iat similar incident later 
in the Department which makes me sure those cables were blocked in 
the State Department. They must have been, they were top secret 
and should have gone directlv to the President and Secretai-y of 

Jimmy Byrnes assured me that he never received those telegrams. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. He was Secretary of State at the time ? 

Mr. Braden. Secretary of State. I think they got to the State 
Department and somebody realized how vitally important they were 
and that they simply were stopped and never delivered. Conceivably 
they were destroyed by agents working inside the Department. 

Senator Johnston. Who was acting at that time as his secretary 
and adviser, do you recall ? 

Mr. Braden. The Under Secretary at that time was Dean Acheson. 

Senator Johnston. Dean Acheson ? 

Mr. Braden. Yes. You will find him referred to several times in 
my previous testimony. 

Senator Johnston. Jimmy Byrnes was what? 

Mr. BiL\DEN. Jimmy Byrnes was Secretary of State. 

Senator Johnston. Did Don Russell have anything in there ? 

Mr. Braden. Don Russell was Assistant Secretary in charge of 
Administration and I would like to make just as emphatic as I can 
that Don Russell was on the right side of these issues from start to 


Senator Johnston. So you don't think he got- 

Mr. Braden. Oh, no. Don Russell probably never knew of them. 

Senator Johnston. I don't think he ^Yould do anything Avrong, but 
what I was figuring on, he might keep Jim out of trouble there. 

Mr. Braden. I don't think so. Don would have realized how very 
important what I said was, because I recited chapter and verse and 
I referred to many dispatches I had sent from Havana in which I 
told of the Conmiunist situation there, and I am sure that Don would 
have had it go through to the Secretary. 

Senator Johnston. Do you know of any way for us to trace those 
telegrams, where it went to ? 

Mr. Braden. I testified on this in 1954. I have inquired in the 
State Department myself repeatedly, and they just disappeared off 
the face of the map apparently. 

Senator Johnston. Did you receive any answer ? 

Mr. Braden. I never received an answer from them. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. They were sent through departmental channels? 

Mr. Braden. Sent in code, in one of our top-secret codes from our 
Embassy to the Department of State. 

Mr. Sourwine. So that there would be no record of them anywhere 
except within the Department ? 

Mr. Braden. Within the Embassy and the Department of State. 
Subsequently, when I came back to Washington and became Assistant 
Secretary of State, I received some letters, but one case in particular 
that convinced me that there were Communists in the State Depart- 
ment was as follows: An Ambassador Leveller who had been the 
Argentine Ambassador in ]Mexico, and subsequently Uruguay, wrote 
me a letter and sent a memorandum with that letter. He got the let- 
ter over to Uruguay mailed from Montevideo. Maybe Peron had 
somebody in the Uruguayan Post Office, I don't know, but the letter 
came to my hands in the State Department. I drafted a reply and 
I sent it by pouch to the Embassy with instructions to the Embassy 
that one of the secretaries there was to call in Ambassador Leveller 
and deliver my letter to him by hand. I don't think Peron or his 
administration ever were smart enough to penetrate the State De- 
partment but the fact remains that Peron got hold of both Leveller's 
letter and memorandum to me and my reply to him and had them 
photostated and published in his newspaper. 

The only plausible explanation is that somewhere in the Depart- 
ment between my desk and going into the pouch there was a leak. 

Senator Johnston. Xow what was the approximate date of that? 

]\Ir. Braden. That correspondence I would say was the end of 

Mr, Sourwine. I diverted you, sir. 

Would you go on back to your statement ? 

Mr. Braden. I recited to this committee with documents, the oft- 
repeated instructions which I had given in my capacity as Assistant 
Secretary of State in Washington to my staff about the utter im- 
morality of communism and the perils we faced from it in the 

In short, gentlemen, time and time again I warned, with the citation 
of concrete cases, of the danger of communism to the security of the 
American Continents. 

43354— 60— pt. 5 2 


Similarly, I submitted to this committee a copy of a speech delivered 
by me at Dartmouth Colleoe on March 12, 1953, sounding the alarm 
in respect of Communist infiltration in Guatemala. 

Unfortunately, my many warnings were ignored, but subsequent 
events ])roved them to be absolutely accurate. 

Senator Jojinston. I wonder if we could get a copy of that speech. 

Mr. Mandel. We have put it in the record previously. 

Senator Johnston. That's fine. 

Mr. Bkaden. In early or mid-1957, I gaA^e an interview to Human 
Events, in which I told of certain activities of Fidel Castro — now 
Prime Minister of Cuba — activities in respect of the Communist-in- 
spired insurrections in Bogota during the Inter-American Conference 
held in that city in April 1948, and I declared that he was either a 
Connnunist or their tool, and that his victory would bring political 
and economic chaos and the tyranny of conunmiism to Cuba. 

(The interview as printed in Human Events of August IT, 1957, 
reads as follows:) 

Cuban Revolt 

Many on the Hill are beginning to say now : '"We ought to be worrying more 
abiHit the Coummnist menace in Latin America, on our very doorstep, tlian about 
communism in the faraway Middle East." What's really behind the revolt 
led by Fidel Castro against the Cuban Government, billed by the New York 
Times and the liberal press as a simple rel)ellion against dictatorship, comes 
into clearer focus from the following statement, obtained exclusively by the 
staff of Human Events from former U.S. Ambassador to Cuba Spruille Braden. 
This retired American diplomat has long qualitied as an expert not only on 
Cuba but also on all Latin America; having served in other posts south of 
the border, he has in recent years won recognition as a critical observer of 
the workings of the Communist apparatus in the Caribbean and South America. 

Mr. Braden says of Fidel Castro, leader of the fledgling Cuban revolt, that, 
according to oflicial documents he has seen, "He is a fellow traveler, if not a 
member of the Conimunist. Party and has been so for a long time. He was a 
ringleader in the bloody uprising in Bogota, Colombia, in April 1948, which 
(K'curred (and obviously was planned by the Kremlin) just at the time when 
the I'an American Conference was being held in that capital, with no less a per- 
son than Secretary of State (4eorge C. Marshall present. The uprising was 
engineered and staged by Comnmnists, and the Colombian Government and 
Colombia press subsecpiently published documentary evidence of Fidel Castro's 
role as a leader in the rioting which virtually gutted the Colombian capital. 
The appearance of this Cuban at the head of the recent uprising in his own 
country stamps the insurrection ;is another part of the developing Communist 
pattern of such subversion throughout Latin America — although a number of 
thoroughly decent and patriotic Cubans have been misled into sympathizing 
with, and in some cases supporting, the Fidel Castro movement.'* 

Mr. Braden. I am a trustee of the U.S. Council of the Inter- Ameri- 
can Coimcil of Connnerce and Production, an organization of im- 
portant businessmen throughout the Americas, members of some of the 
biggest firms in the United States. Because my earlier warnings had 
been futile, at a meeting of the U.S. Council Commerce and Produc- 
tion on October 4, 1957, where the main speaker was to be Mr. Terry 
B. Sanders, Director of the South American Division in the State De- 
l)artment, who had served under me in Colombia, I sent through him 
a most emphatic message to the higher echelons of the Department. 

I I'equested Terry — and I have a high regard for him as an honest 
and intelligent man and he later w-rote to me that he had followed my 
request — I requested Terry to tell all of the high officials, up to and 
including the Secretary of State, that : 


Tlie State Department was tlioroiiglily familiar with the fact that 
no Ambassador had ever had a more violent collision with a Chief of 
State than I had had with Fulgencio Batista, when I was in Cuba. 
Therefore, I had no preconceptions or delusions in respect of him. I 
knew his many bad points and I knew his good points. But I observed 
that when the United States, in the face of the solid support against 
the Soviet and communism given us by the Batista regime, refused to 
ship arms to that Goverimient (bought and paid for by it, frequently 
on the recommendations of our military, naval and air missions), it 
inevitably would convince the Cuban people that we were supporting 
Castro and opposed to Batista. I said that this interpretation would 
lead to Castro's victory, which would result in chaos throughout Cuba, 
which in turn would lead to Communist control of that island. 

This is exactly what happened. A Communist reign of terror now 
overwhelms Cuba. My message was delivered by Sanders to the 
higher echelons of the Department, but it was ignored. As a result, 
we now are reduced to the extremity of trying to close the barn door 
after the horse has been stolen. 

Practically every development in the Pearl of the Antilles since 
January 1, 1959, has confirmed the increasing domination by the Com- 
munists in government and every other sphere of life in that country, 
with the result that today the Government of Cuba is completely Com- 
munist-controlled, and every non-Communist citizen of that country 
fears for his own life and that of his loved ones. 

Of course, like every other Communist regime, they deny this fact, 
which can be proven readily by a series of incidents and events, as in 
their ])ublic declarations they pretend to be, as they call it, ''demo- 

I request that a speech which I gave before the Rotary Club of 
New York on April 9 and repeated before the Long Island Federation 
of Women's Clubs on April 10 be made a part of the record. 

I think it might be worthwhile, with your permission, to read you 
just a few paragraphs of that speech. 

It touches on communism in general, but particularly m Latin 

Mr. SouEwiNE. May the whole speech go in the record at this point ? 

Senator Johnstox. It shall go into the record at this point. 

(The text of the document referred to reads as follows:) 

Always it is a pleasure to find one's self in s'uch a cordial Rotarian atmosphere 
as tliis. It is inspiring to be with a group so devoted, with high ethical stand- 
ards, to service for their fellow men and the advancement of international friend- 
ship. I am honored by your invitation today. 

Because this is Pan American Week, I should have liked to restrict my re- 
marks to the more pleasant aspects of this hemisphere's affairs. But it is un- 
timely to do so when the 21 American Republics and Canada are threatened by 
the gravest peril ever to menace any civilization — that of Communist aggression 
and conquest. 

Under these circumstances, I feel in duty bound to discuss the woi-ldwide 
conditions underscoring the fact that an impregnable fortress must be made of 
the Americas. This hemisphere must be ready and able to repulse any and 
every attack from behind the Iron Curtain, whether it be by missiles, atom and 
hydrogen bombs, or conventional arms, or through subversion and espionage or 
other nefarious measures. 

It is a mortal sin to tolerate Communists anywhere. But above all, it is a 
sin to tolerate them or their fellowtravelers, and other misguided collaborators, 
in any American Government. Witness the statement by Lieutenant General 


Trucleau, the U.S. Army's Chief of Research and formerly of Intelligence, that 
the Soviet's rapid military advances reflected successful espionage within the 
U.S.A., rather than scientific powers within the U.S.S.R. 

In connection with the Berlin crisis, we are assured by President Eisenhower 
and his advisers that presently we are equipped to defend ourselves against a 
Soviet military attack. Some INIembers of Congress, challenging these assurances, 
propose to investigate the situation thoroughly. I pray that they will come up 
with the right answers. 

Not being a military expert, I shall not presume to analyze this phase of the 
Communist threat to the survival of the independent sovereign nations of the 
Western Hemisphere. 

Instead, I shall limit myself to three observations : 

(1) Allies will remain together only so long as their interests are parallel or 
of such a nature as to make it mutually worthwhile. Always, to count on allies 
when the chips go down is foolish sentimentality. The validity of George Wash- 
ington's Farewell advice remains unaltered by time, space, or science, because it 
rests on the facts of life and human nature. He counseled : "Tis our true policy 
to steer clear of permanent alliances, with any portion of the foreign world." 

(2) Everyone reSpects power, and nothing succeeds like success. If we will 
make the U.S.A. and this hemisphere so strong as possible spiritually, economi- 
cally, and militarily, other nations mil feel that their best interests will be 
served by being on our side, and to this end, will make themselves strong. This 
is the best way to get responsible partners. 

All of our World War I and II allies — not to mention West Germany — now 
are far wealthier and more prosperous, with larger populations than ever before. 
Yet the U.S.A. is supposed financially to support and help equip even their 
present relatively small armies, which numerically are only a fraction of what 
they previously put in the field. Do they lack the gumption to defend themselves? 
To me, as a layman, it just does not make sense that we should have to carry 
their burdens indefinitely. Parenthetically, it is pertinent to observe that Rome 
only fell after she began hiring foreign mercenaries for her defense. 

(3) Our attempts to buy allies through the so-called mutual security or foreign 
aid programs often have failed. 

Only last month, a House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee reported that nations 
with untrained soldiers demand and get from us modern equipment, which then 
remains unused ; that U.S. military deliveries by truck had to be canceled because 
the recipient governments did not provide gasoline and antifreeze ; that planes 
assigned for military use were turned over for the personal pleasure of govern- 
ment oflicials ; that supplies authorized for military construction had been dedi- 
cated to the erection of civilian apartment houses ; and that one motor pool had 
44 spare tires for each truck. Such things have been cropping up continually in 
every investigation by Congress or the General Accounting Office. 

Much more serious are the exposures by the House Committee on Government 
Operations, of many other shocking conditions surrounding what the Inter- 
national Cooperation Administration (ICA) has done. In January 1958, this 
committee, in an official report, asked : "How much of the $24 billion appropriated 
by the Congress for this (military aid) program has been wasted?" Never 
have I seen an answer to this question. Instead, the President and his assistants 
and advisers continue their demands for more billions to give away. 

In order that you may grasp what this one item of $24 billion really amounts 
to, let me say that it is a couple of billion dollars more than the assessed valua- 
tion of all the real and personal property in the city of New York including all 
five boroughs. 

As I told you at the outset, I shall leave the discussion of military matters to 
those who are better equipped for it than I. Instead, I wish to say that in my 
opinion, the most dangerous Soviet weapons are subversion and espionage. These 
are employed so deceitfully, slyly and insidiously that often we are unaware of 
them until the harm has been done. The vast majority of the peoples of this 
hemisphere, to whom such evil methods are repugnant, do not realize that every 
Communist, if needs be, will lie, torture and murder. The only thing the Reds 
understand or respect is greater power than theirs. This I know from firsthand 
experience. Either we destroy communisism or it will destroy us. 

Just as the world refused to believe that the Nazis and Hitler in "Mein 
Kampf," time after time meant what they said about their intentions for world f 
conquest, so now a majority of the people throughout the Americas ignore the 
plain but cumulative testimony of Marx, Lenin, Stalin, Khmshchev, Mao Tse- 


tung, and countless other Communist leaders, as to their real objectives. Their 
testimony has been confirmed by everything they have planned or done since 1917. 
Not a single decent or honest act ever has been recorded by them, except by 
sheer coincidence or to serve their own convenience. 

This ignorance of Communist real intent appears in all walks of life. For 
instance, Adm. Wolfgang Larrazabal, recently upon concluding his service as In- 
terim President of Venezuela, went to Chile as Ambassador. There, in a press 
conference, he made the following statement : 

"The Communist Party is a legal political party in Venezuela, which collabor- 
ates in a patriotic form toward the unity of the Venezuelan people. I received 
its support happily and gratefully, with the 150,000 votes which they disinter- 
estedly gave to my candidacy. Above everything, they are Venezuelans and de- 
sire the best for the people of which they are a part. They have an ideology, 
but equally they are disposed to die for their cause and have gained the respect 
of the Venezuelan nation." 

LarrazAbal undoubtedly is an honest Christian gentleman. Yet, as a military 
leader of top rank, who has served as chief magistrate of his country, he has 
been unbelievably hoodwinked and is abysmally ignorant of Communist objec- 
tives. If an appreciable number of Venezuelans share his opinion, that nation 
and the American Republics are in serious trouble. 

On the other hand, it would be entirely illogical for us too severely to criticize 
Admiral Lai-razabal, when we in the United States set such a bad example. How 
can we blame our neighbors to the south, if following in our footsteps, they visit 
and negotiate with the Soviet or indulge in cultural, scientific, artistic, economic, 
agricultural, and all kinds of interchanges with Iron Curtain enemy countries. 

Perhaps one of the worst U.S.A. blunders, which is building up the Communist 
regimes, and discouraging freedom-loving peoples everywhere — especially those 
enslaved behind the Iron and Bamboo Curtains — is that through mutual security 
and foreign aid, we finance and support Communist and Socialist regimes all 
over the world. 

We are saving Khrushchev the trouble of burying us, as he said he would do, 
by digging our own graves. We do this when we support communism, the anti- 
Christ, by giving billions to Tito, Gomulka, and other Marxist regimes. They 
may squabble a bit amongst themselves, but every one of them is dedicated to 
the annihilation of our faith, our Nation, and our independence ; and they have 
repeatedly and publicly said so. They will stop at nothing to enslave and 
debauch all mankind. 

Dostoyevsky, even before the days of Hitler or Lenin, of black or red totali- 
tarianism, knew that socialism inevitably leads to a cruel authoritarianism and 
foresaw what communism would be when he wrote : 

"The future kingdom of socialism will be a terrible tyranny of criminals and 
murderers. It will throw humanity into a true hell of spiritual suffering and 

Instead of naively talking about peace or coexistence with any Communist 
regime, it would be safer for us. North, South, and Central Americans, to recall, 
that like Hitler, a top Kremlin leader, Dmitri Z. Manuilsky, in 1931 called the 
Communist shots in advance to the students of the Lenin School of Political 
Warfare, when he said : 

"War to the hilt between communism and capitalism is inevitable. Today, of 
course, we are not strong enough to attack. Our time will come in 20 or 30 
years. To win, we shall need the element of surprise. The bourgeoisie will have 
to be put to sleep. 

"So we shall begin by launching the most spectacular peace movement on 
record. There will be electrifying overtures and unheard of concessions. The 
capitalist countries, stupid and decadent, will rejoice to cooperate in their own 
destruction. They will leap at another chance to be friends. As soon as their 
guard is down, we shall smash them with our clenched fists." 

Twenty-eight of those 20 to 30 years have gone by. Too many people in- 
cluding too many political leaders are dozing or sound asleep. Moscow's peace 
overtures are being pressed. The storm signals are up. Summit and other 
conferences with Soviet leaders enhance their prestige, lower ours, and sadly 
discourage the enslaved peoples behind the Iron Curtain who pray for freedom. 
The United States, since the end of World War II, has been repeating the 
blunders made by Athenians in their conflict with Philip of Macedonia. 
Demosthenes, in his first Phillipic, sounded a sad but true warning, which is just 
as applicable today for the Americas, as it was for Athens when he gave it : 


"It is sliamoful to deceive one's self, and by delaying or putting aside what 
is disagreeable, always to take action too late, and to fail to miderstand that 
those who carry on a war must not follow events, but must anticipate and 
lead events * * * and * * * not finding themselves reduced to running after 
events already consiniimated. But you Atheniar.^. who have the greatest pow- 
er in the world * * * ships, heavily armed infantry, cavalry, and economic 
strength, up to the present hour have not taken advantage of many oppor- 
tunities. You are making war against Philip in the same way as a stupid 
lout trades blows ; that is. when a fool has been hit, he covers that part of 
his body which has l)een hurt : if he is punched somewhere else, his hands 
rapidly go to that point. These fools neither know how to lead with a blow 
nor how to protect themselves. They are amateurs against skilled boxers. 
You are the same. If you know that Philip is in Amphypolis, you send aid 

"If he is in Thermopylae, there you go. And if he is somewhere else, you 
go hither and yonder. You allow yourselves to be managed by him without 
taking any initiative of your own ; you make no decisions which will help 
the course of the war. Neither do you foresee events. You do not know what 
is happening until after it has happened. Up to now, perhaps you have been 
able to get away \vith this. But we are approaching the culminating moment 
when such tactics no longer will be possible." 

This is precisely what we have been doing as, with military or economic 
foreign aid, we have dashed from Greece and Turkey to Europe, to Berlin, 
on to Korea, then to Cairo, to ^'ietnam, back to the Near East, on to the Formosa 
Straits, Quemoy, and Matsu, and now back to Berlin. The Kremlin pipes the 
tune and we dance to it. 

Each time Moscow or one of the satellites feints or makes a menacing 
gesture, the Washingtcm bureaucrats immediately seize upon it as an excuse 
to disgorge more billions of the U.S. taxpayers' money in foreign "giveaways." 
Berlin is the current excuse ; although too few Americans realize that no part 
of the new foreign aid billi(ms presently being demanded for the next fiscal 
year, will be spent in the defense of Berlin. 

In the economic area, since 1946, both Democratic and Republican administra- 
ticms have been hopping hither and yon all over the globe, handing out upward 
of $80 billion in grants and loans. 

We advantageously could heed the experience of Byzantium. As Prof. George 
Peter INIurdock writes : 

"* * * the foreign policy of the Eastern Roman Empire sought always to 
impress less fortunate peoples with the wealth and prosperity of Constantinople, 
and used lavish foreign aid as its principal diplomatic instrument." To the 
Byzantine rulers, "The crudest, simplest, and most direct way of influencing 
foreign nations was by means of money. Money was always regarded by Byzan- 
tine diplomats as being an irresistible argument, in and out of season * * *. 
The squandering of resources and neglect of vital interests was more than once 
a matter of concern to observant and thoughtful men." ^ 

No more accurate description could be given of foreign aid as the cardinal 
principle in the Truman-Eisenhower foreign policy. I pray that before it 
becomes too late Washington will heed the tragic results in Byzantium; where 
"When the Turks threatened, friends purchased by money proved false friends, 
and tlie once resiJleudent Eastern Empire shrank to a hollow shell and ultimately 
collapsed without a struggle." ^ 

The President, on March 13, when urging an appropriation for foreign aid 
of nearly $4 billion, declared : "It is not the goal of the American people that the 
United States should be the richest nation in the graveyard of history." The 
Ileal danger, based on the experiences of Greece, Rome, Byzantium, and every 
other civilization which has peri-shed, is that the United States, if it continues 
to squander its wealth, will wind up as the poorest nation in the graveyard of 

To ignore both history and the commonsense proposition that one cannot 
buy friends would be foolhardy enough. But one of the greatest ironies of the 
20th century is that the United States foreign aid program is following Com- 
munist dictates to the letter : 

1 Charles Diehl. 

^ Prof. George Peter Murdock. 


1. It piles more billious on top of the already extravagantly bloated I'.S. 
budgets and deficits. It ac-c-ounts for nearly one-third of this years Federal 
deficit of .$12 billion. 

It aggravates inflation, lowers the purchasing power of the dollar, devalues 
the peoi>le"s savings, and brings on countless other economic evils and dis- 

It has taken the product of 600,000 workers in this country largely to give 
away abroad. This adds still more to inflation. By thus bankrupting our 
country, foreign aid adheres to Lenin's formula for defeating and destroying 
the capitalist nations by, as he said, "debauching their currencies." 

It likewise often causes inflation, economic and political upheavals in the 
recipient countries. 

2. Our foreign aid programs closely coincide with an old and basic Commu- 
nist policy set forth by Lenin and Stalin and which can be summarized by the 
latter's explanation that if communism were to succeed in conquering the 
world, the Western nations' rear guard, i.e.. their reserves in the dependent 
and colonial ai'eas, must be revolutionized. He said : 

'•That is why it is essential that the proletariat of the advanced countries 
should render real and prolonged aid to the backward nationalities in their 
cultural and economic development. 

"Unless such aid is forthcoming, it will be impossible to bring the various 
nations and peoples within a single world economic system that is so essential 
for the final triumph of socialism." 

On .January 3, the State Department — in all ill-disgui.sed attempt to frighten 
the public and Congress in order to get increased foreign aid appropriations — 
announced that the Soviet bloc, including China, is committed to provide $1.9 
billion of assistance to 10 less developed countries and that, therefore, the 
United States must greatly increase its aid and ease its terms. 

Actually, the entire Soviet bloc up to the end of 19.56, has extended about $2.8 
billion for economic and technical assistance, of which only $-W)0 million was 
spent outside the bloc. These figures are at the tourist exchange rate of 10 
rubles to the dollar: they would be much smaller at open market rates — merely 
peanuts compai'ed to our foreign giveaways. Moreover, they i»robably were 
exaggerated by the Kremlin statistician. Finally, the Communist bloc never 
gives something for nothing, as we do. 

In view of the basic Lenin-Stalin Commimist policy, it is astonishing that 
the Soviet bloc has been so stingy and lagged so far behind us. The explana- 
tion probably is that (a) as Stalin intended, we, the advanced Nation, have been 
doing a superb job for the Kremlin's benefit, and all for free; and (b) the 
Soviet group even on a trading basis cannot afford to deal in such vast sums as 
the United States has squandered on foreign aid. 

While the 21 American Republics always should be alert to and never permit 
themselves to be victimized by the U.S.S.R.'s economic warfare, it is infinitely 
more imiwrtant that Communist inspired and direc-ted subversion and espionage 
be uncovered and sununarily suppressed. This cannot be done effectively so 
long as the governmental and social structures of the American Republics too 
often are weakened and made timid by socialism or any other misguided 

It was just such weakness and timidity which at first prevented the United 
States from taking positive action to support Col. Castillo Armas, in his drive 
to overthrow the Arbenz Communist regime in Guatemala, to whom we had 
given foreign aid. Fortunatelj^ for all of us. President Somoza of Nicaragua 
courageously saved the day by supplying arms and planes to Castillo Armas. 
Later, a number of Latin American Ambassadors pointed out to the State 
Department that if the Communists continued to control Guatemala, similar 
regimes would crop up in other American countries, and that since we were 
being accused of intervention anyway, we might as well intervene by giving 
Castillo Armas support, thus saving the situation. At the Ambassador's behest, 
we added our help to wipe out the first modern Communist government estab- 
lished on this hemisphere. That was a narrow escape. It behooves all the 
hemispheres to see to it that we don't come so close to a debacle again. 

The tragic epilog is that the Communists, in due course, got their revenge 
through the assassinations of both. Castillo Armas and Somoza. 

Merely for the purpose of perpetuating the huge and growing ICA bureaucracy, 
or for any other reason it is dishonest to waste the U.S. taxpayers' money on 
foreign aid programs, which benefit neither the recipient countries nor the 


United States. Yet, that is precisely what we have been doing in Bolivia by 
donating $129 million in grants over the last 6 years. Reputedly this works 
out to more per capita than anywhere else in the world. 

Under Secretary of State C. Douglas Dillon admitted on January 29 speaking 
about Bolivia to the House Foreign Affairs Committee, "* * * but we can't 
see that even though we are making substantial contributions in economic aid, 
that the situation is improving." He blamed the worsening scale of living in 
Bolivia on lower metal prices and smaller production. Due to the INIarxist gov- 
ernment's confiscation of mines, its inefficiency and socialistic regimentation, 
it is true that production has dropped. But excepting for a very brief period 
since 1952, when the national revolutionary movement (MNR) and Commu- 
nists seized power in Bolivia, metal prices have averaged considerably higher 
than in any previously comparable period. 

What we have done in Bolivia, if anything, is more shocking than our financing 
of the Polish and Yugoslav Comnuinists, because we have kept alive a Marxist 
regime in the very center of what we have called the good neighborhood. 

In the March 23 issue of Time inagazine, Mr. Roger A. Freeman, vice presi- 
dent of the Institute for Social Science Research, makes the following state- 
ment : 

"I served as fiscal oflicer to the Bolivian Government on a special U.S. mission 
in 1956-57. I returned with the conviction that a continuation of U.S. aid 
policies would lead to further economic and social deterioration and disaster * * * 
the real power is in the hands of the armed and Communist led mineworkers' 
unions, who will not permit the steps necessary to economic recovery. U.S. 
aid policy has, for the past 6 years, been strengthening their hand." 

Juan Lechin, the Communist leader of the mineworkers, while serving as 
Minister of Mines, declared in a public speech that his Government was even 
more radical than that of the Chinese Communists (sic). I suggest that that is 
the ultimate in radicalism. Now this same Government which we support so 
lavishly, came to power by force, including imprisonment, torture and death 
for hundreds of opposition leaders and ordinary citizens, who did not happen to 
belong to the MNR or Communist Parties. Incidentally, its first President, Paz 
Estenssoro, during the Second World War, joined a Nazi-inspired conspiracy 
against the United States and its allies and was denounced ofl3cially therefor 
by the U.S. Government. Hundreds of responsible and reputable Bolivians, who 
through the years, have proven their friendship for the United States and their 
anticommunism, have been murdered and tortured, imprisoned and exiled, or 
compelled to flee for their lives. 

Because Time magazine recently claimed to quote a member of the U.S. 
Embassy Staff, renewing a suggestion previously made by several Latin Ameri- 
cans, that Bolivia l)e divided up by her neighbors, there were anti-U.S. riots 
in La Paz on March 2. Our Embassy was stoned and the U.S. Information 
Agency's reading rooms were wrecked. The 200 U.S. Government employees 
in La Paz had to take refuge outside the capital under the protection of armed 
guards. These riots were not spontaneous, but incited. So bad was the situa- 
tion, that proposed visits to La Paz by high State Department officers had to be 
canceled. President Siles Suazo, who because of our substantial aid, should be 
our friend, referred to the Time article as "refiecting the thought of inter- 
national capitalism." 

Clearly, the Communists activated these demonstrations, just as they did 
those last year against Vice President Nixon. But State Department and CIA 
ineptitude also have been factors, plus the waste, extravagance and corruption 
with which U.S. foreign aid has been handled. Also, all too frequently, tlie 
recipients of charity hate the giver. 

A leading newspaper. La Prensa, of Lima, Peru, sums up the situation as 
follows : 

"After 6 years of a 'progi-essive' government, Bolivia depends more than ever 
in its history on 'Yankee imperialism,' to the extreme of having practically a 
parasite economy. Misery is greater than ever and the dollar has gone higher in 
price than in any other country" (in these 6 years it has gone from 190 pesos to 
13,000 pesos to the dollar). 

Communists have been stirring up trouble on an increasing scale throughout 
the hemisphere. Witness the recent wildcat strike on the Mexican railroads, 
which that country's attorney general called a Communist plot. Instigating it 
were two officials of the U.S.S.R. Embassy, plus apparently another couple from 
a satellite diplomatic mission. Similar strikes on tramways, buslines, and in 


industry have been provoked in Colombia, Chile, Argentina, and elsewhere by 

As late as on March 22, Cuba's ne\^ Prime Minister, Fidel Castro, in a speech 
proclaimed his country's "neutralism" and protested against the United States 
continuing its naval base at Guantanamo. He declared that aggression against 
his country did not originate overseas — i.e., from Russia — and that Cuban vpomen 
and children should be armed to resist attacks which threatened from the 
beaches of Florida or the Dominican Republic. He observed that the selfishness 
and exploitation by the great trusts and interests (presumably from the United 
States) have killed more Cubans than "the Batista tyranny." 

It becomes relatively unimportant to argue whether Fidel Castro is merely a 
misguided idealist, an economic charlatan, or that most dangerous kind of 
dictator, one with a messianic complex. The overriding danger lies in the fact 
that so many of his words and actions strictly follow "the Communist line." 
Also, he allegedly is surrounded by Communists or fellow travelers, among 
whom have been mentioned his brother Raul and the Argentine, "Che" Guevara, 
who was active under Arbenz in Guatemala. 

It is to be hoped that we will not again be lured into the futile procedure of 
trying to buy Castro off by giving him foreign aid. 

In particular, I pray that we do not wake up some morning to find the 
Caribbean being converted into a Communist lake. In such an event, the other 
American Republics, including the United States, for their own protection, would 
be compelled to intervene with arms. This, of course, would be a major catastro- 
phe from the point of view of the friendship and solidarity of the Americas. 

Just as has happened elsewhere in the world, in recent years even in this 
hemisphere we have been compelled to turn our attention hither and yonder, 
from Guatemala under Arbenz, to Bolivia under MNR and Communist leader- 
ship, and now to Cuba under Castro. We do not foresee events, but only know 
wh;it has happened after it has happened. Like Byzantium, we try to influence 
foreign nations with money, not realizing the proven fact that foreign aid is no 
antidote for communism anywhere in the world. 

Any criticisms I have made about our Latin American neighbors being ignorant 
of the mortal danger of communism to their own survival and permitting them- 
selves to be infiltrated and uudermined by that evil, apply equally to the United 

While friendship and solidarity never can be bought by handouts, some of our 
neighbors to the south often are irked and feel neglected, as they see the United 
States doling out l)illions all over the globe as opposed to a relatively few hun- 
dreds of millions spent in this hemisphere. They have a point, because the de- 
fense and development of our two continents should be the first consideration, 
far more important to us than Eui'ope, Asia, or the Near East. 

Whether in or out of this hemisphere, under no circumstances should U.S. aid 
be given to : 

1. Communist states. 

2. Neutralist regimes. There is much truth in the old saying that "those 
who are not with me are against me." 

3. Countries possessing such wealth of their own as to require no help 
from abroad. 

4. Governments who are in economic difficulties, due to their own 
blunders or waste, extravagance or corruption. Mistakes ai-e the best 
teacher and there is no better way to avoid future mistakes than by being 
forced to pay for those we have made in the past. 

Since so-called U.S. foreign aid never has halted the spread of communism 
anywhere, what then are our best defense weapons to be used for the pro- 
tection of this hemisphere? In my opinion, they are: 

(a) The best defense is a good oiTense. Let's stop pretending that the 
Communists and the Soviet respect and understand anything other than power 
supei'ior to their own. Summit conferences and all talk of coexistence should 
be eliminated. Nor should our side keep proclaiming that never will it make 
the first moves. Some day our very survival may compel us to attack. 

(h) The maintenance of superior power in this hemisphere. In our self- 
interest we should be glad to have allies elsewhere, but never count on them 
too much. 

(c) For our common survival all the peoples of the Americas must educate 
themselves thoroughly on the Communist ideology and plans and Soviet 

43354— 60— pt. 5 3 


(d) Never must we forget that charity, well directed, begins at home. 

(c) As I have repeatedly recommended for more than 1.5 years, we should 
take advantage of the Latins' instinctive and wonderful sense of hmuor. There 
are dozens of cartoonists and humorists throughout the hemisphere whose ridi- 
cule would bring the world to join with us in laughing the Soviet and Commu- 
nist lies and tyrannies to scorn. 

(/) So soon as possible, all of us must end the wasteful, inefficient, and usu- 
ally futile foreign aid programs; which rarely help the recipient nations, as 
they simultaneously weaken, demoralize, and eventually will bankrupt the 
Government of the United States and all of its citizens. 

(^f) We must renew our adherence to the principles of constitutional repre- 
sentative government, as laid down by the Founding Fathers of our 21 sovereign 
and independent Republics. 

(h) Above all, we must reiuvigorate, redouble, and rededicate ourselves to 
our common faith. 

Mr. Braden (reading) : 

While the 21 American Republics always should l)e alert to and never permit 
themselves to be victimized by the U.S.S.R.'s economic warfare, it is infinitely 
more important that Communist inspired and directed subversion and espionage 
be uncovered and sunmmi'ily suppressed. This cannot be done effectively so 
long as the government ami social structures of the American Republics too 
often are weakened and made timid by socialism or any other misguided 

It was just such weakness and timidity which at first prevented the United 
States from taking positive action to support Col. Castillo Armas in his drive 
to overthrow the Arbenz Connnunist regime in Guatemala, to whom we had 
given foreign aid. Fortunately for all of us. President Somoza of Nicaragua 
courageously saved the day by supplying arms and planes to Castillo Armas. 

Let me inteipolate here that President Somoza, A\hen I was Assist- 
ant Secretary of State, pulled a coup to put himself back in power 
after he had been out for onl}^ a month and 1 refused to liave his 
regime recognized. Just as I had had difficulties with Batista when 
I was Ambassador in Cuba, so that there was no predilection on my 
])art in favor of Somoza. On the contrary, 1 had my run-ins with 
liim because I opposed any dictatorship of any kind. [Heading 

Later a number of Latin American Ambassadors pointed out to the State De- 
partment that if the Communists continued to control Guatemala, similar regimes 
would crop up in other American countries, and that since we were being 
accused of intervention anyway, we might as well intervene by giving Castillo 
Armas support, thus saving the situation. At the Ambassador's behest, we 
added our help to wipe out the first modem Communist government established 
on this hemisphere. That was a narrow escape. It l)ehooves all the hemisphere 
to see to it that we don't come so close to a debacle again. 

The tragic epilog is that the Communists, in due course, got their revenge 
through the assassinations of both Oustillo Armas and Somoza. 

Referring to Bolivia in this speech, I said : 

What we have done in Bolivia, if anything, is more shocking than our financing 
of the Polish and Yugoslav Communists, because we have kept alive a Marxist 
regime in the very center of what we have called the good neighborhood. 

Senator Johnston. I notice you say there you are not in favor of 
any dictatorship. Neither am I anywhere. But in some of tliose 
countries we have got to be on our guard also when we kick out a 
dictatorshi]) for fear that sontething much worse than just a dictator- 
ship cojnes into existence. That is what we have got to w^atch out foi*. 

Mr. Braden. I thoroughly agree with you. As a matter of fact, 
what I said about Batista proves how nmeh T agree. 


I had my difficulties with Batista, but Batista was, if you please, a 
bad boil or an ulcer, not a nialignancy of some kind. An ulcer is bad 
and disag-reeable but now you have a cancer that will kill Cuba. That 
is the dif erence then between the ulcer or boil and the cancer. 

I have said in tliis sfteech and elsewhere : 

.Tuiin Lecliin, the Communist leader of the mineworkers, while serving as 
Minister of Mines, declared in a public speech that his government was even 
more radical than that of the Chinese Communists [sic]. I suggest that that 
is the ultimate in radicalism. 

That is precisely what the new so-called agrarian reform law in 
Cuba is. It is worse than tlie Communists ever hoped to get. 

Now I observe there that Mr. Herbert Matthews of the New York 
Times in his article yesterday says it is completely non- Communist 
in Cuba and that Castro is not a Comniimist. Nevertheless he makes 
the same statement I have, viz : That the new Cuban agrarian reform 
law was so radical that even the Communists did not dare propose it. 
That is his defense of Castro, just the same kind of defense as Juan 
Lechin, the Communist leader — who is a Trotskyite, incidentally, not a 
Stalinist — made in Bolivia. Again reading from my speech : 

Now this same [Bolivian] Govenment which we support so lavishly, came to 
power by force, including imprisonment, torture, and death for hundreds of 
opposition leaders and ordinary citizens, who did not happen to lielong to the 
MNR or Communist parties. 

Incidentally its flrst President, Paz Estensoro. during the Second World War, 
joined a Nazi-inspired conspiracy against the United States and its allies and 
was denounced officially therefor by the U.S. Government. Hundreds of respon- 
sible and reputable Bolivians, who through the years, have proven their friend- 
ship for the United States and their anticommunism, have been murdered and 
tortured, imprisoned and exiled, or compelled to flee for their lives. 

Clearly, the Communists activated these demonstrations, just as the.v did 
those last year against Vice Pre.sident Nixon. But State Department and TCA 
ineptitude also have been factors, plus the waste, extravagance, and corruption 
with which U.S. foreign aid has been handled. 

Communists have been stirring up trouble on an increasing scale throughout 
the hemisphere. Witness the recent wildcat strike on the Mexican railroads, 
which that coimtry's attorney general called a Connnunist plot. Instigating it 
were two officials of the U.S.S.R. Embassy, plus apparently another couple from 
a satellite diplomatic mission. 

As late as on March 22 Cuba's new Prime Minister Fidel Castro in a speech 
proclaimed his country's neutralism and protested against the United States 
of America continuing its naval base at Guantanamo. He declared that aggi'es- 
sion against his coimtry did not originate overseas; i.e., from Russia, and that 
Cuban women and children should be armed to resist attacks that tlireatened 
from the beaches of P^lorida or the Dominican Republic. He observed that the 
selfishness and exploitation by the gi-eat trusts and interests (presumably from 
the United States) have killed more Cubans than the Batista tyranny. 

It becomes relatively unimportant to argue whether Fidel Castro is 
merely a misguided idealist, an economic charlatan, or that most dan- 
gerous kind of dictator, one with a Messianic complex. 

Senator Johnston. Why does he tie the Dominican Republic with 
tlielTuited States? 

Mr, Braden. He claims that we supply the arms. It is true we have 
got an observation base for our missile project in the Dominican Re- 
]:>ublic, and he says we are supporting them as he claims we supported 

I have speeches here just within the last week in the official papers 
there in which Fidel's brother refers to the bombs, the napalm bombs 
we supplied Batista to drop on his people. 


Mr. SouRWiNE. This is Raul, says we did. 

Mr. Bradex. Yes, Raul is saying that but Fidel has said the same 

Senator Johnston. Don't you think he is doing that for this reason : 

There is kind of a bitter feeling already between them and the 
Dominican Republic and then to add in the United States with 

Mr. Braden. I think it is far deeper than that. I think it is, and 
again I go back to this most recent statement 

Senator Johnston. Do you think communism is anywhere in there? 

Mr. Braden. I think communism is very dehnitely in it. 

I think that Castro's ambition is to be the leader of the entire hem- 
isphere, the American Hemisphere. Raul says just that in a speech he 
gave a few days ago, that they want to bring all of the Latin American 
countries together under his leadership. 

Mr. SoiRwiNE. We had a witness who testified very recently — and 
this man, whom you may have read about, was a former leader, the 
head of the Cuban Air Force, Maj. Diaz Lanz — that Cuba, especially, 
and many other "I^at in American countries, were strongly antidictator- 
ship in their public opinion, and that Castro was using this as a base 
for fulminating Communist activities throughout Latin America. 
Does this make sense to you ? 

Mr. Braden. Yes. I think it is partly his own ambition. As I have 
said, I am not 100 percent positive that Fidel himself is a Communist. 
That his brother is and that Fidel is surrounded by them, yes. 

I come to that very point in the next sentence here. 

Senator Johnston. I noticed by the papers in here that he is talking 
about an election down there. 

Mr. Braden. Not an election. The newspapers haven't had it in 
New York yet but the story that I got from Cuban sources was that. 
No. 1, he wants to go to this foreign ministers' conference in Santiago, 
Chile, between the 3rd and 10th, I think, of August, and in order to 
have himself named as Foreign Minister he says, "I will resign as 
Prime Minister." 

That also he has got all of these people coming in from the farms 
that he alleges he is helping by this agrarian reform act. 

Actually he isn't, but he has got them coming in, and he wants to 
get up and say "I am going to withdraw now" and then he will have 
them all well organized, and the Communists do organize very well 
indeed. They will, he hopes, roar their insistence that he stay on as 

I have seen them do things like this in Cuba. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is this your judgment as to why he resigned ? 

Mr. Braden. This is my judgment as to why he would come out with 
this hocus pocus of resignation. 

One, to go to Santiago. Two, to put on an act and have a great 
demonstration, with crowds yelling: "No; you can't abandon us." 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Chairman, I think the speech that Raul Castro 
made, to which the Ambassador has referred, is of sufficient interest 
that you might wish to order that an English langiiage translation of 
it be placed in this record. 

Senator Johnston. I order that to be done. 

Mr. Sourwine. Will you take care of that, Mr. Mandel? 

Mr. Braden. Well, I will get the speech for you later. Here it is. 
The parts I have marked in red. 


(A translation by the Libraiy of Congress of the Raul Castro speech 
reads as follows:) 

[Revolution, Havana, Cuba, June 30, 1959, pp. 16, 17] 

Speech of Raul Castro at the Opening of the First Forum on Land Reform 

Major Raul Castro Ruz : 

"Dear Friends and Comrades : 

"It is highly symbolical that the llrst National Forum on the Land Reform 
is being held in these halls which housed until the first of Jauuaiw that sem- 
blance of a I'arliauient, that intolerahle travesty of democracy that the Cnngress 
of the Tyranny had been. 

"Instead of the corrupt politicians who had debased the democratic representa- 
tion, there is assembled here tonight, under the roof of what should always be 
a true Palace of Justice, the genuine representation of the national interests. 
Convoked by the revolutionary organization, in which the chief authority was 
vested in the revolutionary process against the tyranny following the appeal 
of the ■26th of .July,' so weighted down with glory and responsibilities, there are 
assembled here representatives of the other revolutionary organizations, and 
there wi^ll assemble here persons from among the producing, technical, and 
intellectual classes to debate the most important problem of the Revolution : 
the Land Reform. Here are men of all ideological tendencies, susceptible of 
being coordinated for giving impulse to the revolution ; here are the urban 
workers, the rural workers, but not, like yesterday, the false 'leaders,' workers 
contriving to mock democracy of the trade unions, but authentic representatives 
of that trade union democracy, elected by the workers : not, like yesterday, a 
handful of big and powerful landholders who were speaking in the name of the 
rural workers, without the poor farmworkers, who constitute the enormous 
majority of the I'ural workers, being able to make themselves heard; but real 
farmers, men who made the land bear fruit through their direct effort and who 
yesterday, humiliated and mistreated, were living in the furrows, ousted from 
their homes by the Rural Guard [Police] and by Justice in the sei-vice of the 
traditional oppre.'isors : without land of their own, suffocated by abusively high 
rents, with their squalid wives and parasite-ridden children, and who today, as 
a fonoiidable symbol of the historic meaning of the revolution, have come here 
to the center of past corruption, ta install themselves in the seats yesterday 
occupied, many times, by the enemies of tlie people [who \\ere] the tools of 
lords and landholding companies. 

"the underprivileged have now become the focus of national attention 

"Nothing is more wonderful, Culians, than this .spectacle! who have 
always been underprivileged have now become the focus of national attention. 
Those who could not sjieak — in spite of the continuous, hypocritical talk of de- 
mocracy — can now, coming from the remotest parts, make their voices heard and 
speak out fully, freely, directly. The revolution ist.s, yesterday, persecuted like 
a pack of mongrels in the cities, searched out in the mountainous regions of 
Oriente, Las Villas, and Pinar del Rio, and having to defend, rifle in hand, their 
right to live, are here today as representatives of a revolution that gives liberty 
even to its enemies. The producing forces and the Revolution have [agreed to] 
combined [combine] their a.spirations and concerns. 

"And to bring the symbolic nature of this First Forum into even shar]>f'r 
focus, to define more completely the meaning of our Revolution, the representa- 
tives of those social sectors who have impugned the Land Reform, in its totality 
or in any of its parts, have also been invited to come here, with abundant rights. 
It was requested that, in debating the chief problem of the revolutionai-y pro- 
gram, those too .should be heard who think — although we do not accept their 
ideas — that this Reform may ent^ail injustices or inflict hami on the march of 
our eccmtmiy. The Revolution is sure of itself, of its planning, of the ideas 
which it sustains. And because of this certainty, it has agreed to debate, in 
full view of all the people of Cuba and of the whole world, to defend that pro- 
gram and objectives. The Revolution belongs to the people, but they do 
not use it to silence their critics: the Revolution has the might, but it does 
not need it to defend its laws it is attended by profound reascm ['its 
cause is just'] and that is enough; the Revolution has the Power, but it d(K's 


not exercise it unlawfully despite its being vested in the majority of [the people 
of] the country, as all investigations have shown and, above all, the very presence 
of those people at each revolutionary function ; it does not exercise it unlaw- 
fully, I repeat, so as to exclude from the debates those who have something to 
object to or something to oppose. 

"This function has also oth^r meanings which I would not wish to overlook. 

"we shall go to the elections [polls] when the people want them 

"Those who have liypocritically wanted to accu>«e the Revolution of its lack of 
'legality,' those who are calling out frantically for the revolutionary process to 
be 'institutionalized,' and who therefore would want the Revolution to dissolve 
on the very morrow its revolutionary organs and to return to the former politi- 
cal setup, said that is lacking now is what they call 'the august majesty of the 
Parliament.' Well. then, it is necessary to say, as our Commander-in-Chief and 
Leader, Fidel Castro Ruz, has said so many times, that, as soon as the people 
so want, the Revolution will organize the elections which give normal insti- 
tutional form to that enormous, historical transformation that we are bringing 
about ; but it is also necessary to tell the whole truth. And the whole truth is 
that in this siiniptuous Capitol, erected by an abominable tyranny for conceal- 
ment behind its marble walls, behind the solemn statutes, behind the gold and the 
pomp, there obtains the lack of the people's rights and liberties ; in this Par- 
liamentary Palace it has been necessary — and not in time of tyranny but in so- 
called normal times — that the Presidents of the Republic paid fabulous sums and 
granted inalterable prebends to attain the approval of a law that would benefit 
the nation. Today, in contrast thereto, we are meeting here, with abundant 
rights, to discuss the most profoundly beneficial of all of the laws approved 
under the Republic, and this law was made by men who, after exposing their 
lives to the hazardous conditions of clan-destine combat or mountain fighting, are 
giving the best of their abilities and of their skill, and the best of their con- 
sidered judgment, for the benefit and progress of the majorities, of the people, 
who are the true foundation of the Cuban nation. 

"With this spirit we are starting today the debates of the First Forum on 
Land Reform. 

"It has been said, and I have repeated it more than once, that the Land 
Reform is the fundamental law of the Revolution and, I must reiterate, the 
most important of the entire Republican process. 


"To demonstrate this is the purpose of this foium. Rut I would not wish, 
in opening the meeting, to refer again to questions which should be posed with- 
out letiip. to smash with the weight of the reason and serenity of our arguments, 
the many miserable calumnies, fallacies, and lies that are being spread by our 

"The eyes of the whole world — and we say this with pride but without boast- 
ing — have been fixed in recent months on our l)eautiful and small island. 

"First came the epic revolution, the wonderful process by which 12 lone men, 
with the support of an entire population, with the collaboration of workers, 
professi(mals, intellectuals, businessmen, who love their country, defied and 
destroyed what appeared an invincible Army with its abominable methods of 
crime and terror. 

"Afterwards, as of the first of January, the attention of the world focused 
on our country to observe the development of a revolution that had tackled the 
formidable tasks of transforming the economic backwardness into progress, 
wretchedness into social justice,, national subordination into independence. 

'•Comrade Fidel Castro defined this revolution by saying that 'it is as Cuban 
as the palm trees.' 

"And, truly, this revolution surges forth like the palm trees from [the soil of] 
our wounded land, from its needs ; and it rises like the palm trees to the limits of 
our limpid Cuban sky. 


"But the wretchedness is not Cuban [alone] ; it extends to almost all corners 
of the globe. 

"The social injustice is not Cuban [alone] ; it prevails in many parts of the 


"The concentration of land in the hands of a few is not Cuban [alone] ; unfor- 
tunately we encounter it in many parts of the world. 

"The tyranny is not Cuban [alone] ; it lodiies in many cubicles in more than 
one country of our continent. 

"It is not strange, therefore, that this Cuban revolution should be unfolding 
at the same time and under similar circumstances as many other arduous 
struggles of the peoples. 

"Precisely this is alluded to in the preamble to the Land [Reform] Act. It 
says there how the various United Nations studies have found [arrived at the 
conclusion] that in many cduntries the social and economic distribution of the 
land is a tremendous obstacle to economic progress, and so the phenomena of 
the economy and of the social life, although they have their specific and distinct 
peculiarities in each country, also have their inevitable concomitants. 

"In the economic terminology of the World War 11 postwar era a certain term, 
'underdeveloped countries,' has become fashionable. 

"Underdeveloped countries means a whole category of countries whose char- 
acteristics are economic backwardness, lack of industrialization, the predomi- 
nantly agrarian nature of their economies, dependence on foreign markets for 
[their] development as well as imports. 

"Almost all those countries also have one thing in common: not the free de- 
termination of the peoples, but the imposition of foreign factors has prevailed 
in them. Many times that foreign imposition has been [of a] direct, ostensible, 
indisputible [nature]. In their majority, the underdeveloped countries are col- 
onies, or old C(»louial countries unequivocally dominated by a foreign power for 
decades and sometimes for hundreds of years. 

"In other cases, the foreign denomination was effected covertly, by way of eco- 
nomic penetration, occupancy of the key post of the country's economy, control 
of the land, and of the banking and credit system. 

"Cuba, as we know full well, has been langiiishing under both kinds during 
the last fifty years. 

"In H)02, when the Lone-Star Flag was hoisted on the Morro for the first 
time, Ms'iximo Gomez and the veterans from the bottom of their hearts gave ex- 
pression to hope and expectation and said, 'We have arrived.' 

"But, unfortunately, they had not arrived. 

"Because Cuba was born under the symbol of dependenc.v. The patriots at- 
tending the Assembly of 1901 had been unable to prevent that a foreign power 
impo.sed on us the Amendment that impaired the extent of our sovereignty. 
But, in addition, at that very moment the economic i>enetration was being 
brought about that had been foreseen by Jose Marti. We began to depend on 
a single foreign market, and the territorial riches that are the basis of true 
independence began to slip out of our hands. 

"Then, under the umbrella of the Amendment, the misnamed Reciprocity Treaty 
of 1903 was made, by which our country, in exchange for exports of sugar, small 
quantities of tobacco, and a few other agricultural products, sacrificed — or was 
forced to sacrifice — all perspectives of economic development. 

"people who buy, command ; people who sell, obey 

"The fate of our country began to be sealed in a negative way. Jose Marti 
had said, 'A country that commits its future to a single product is a country of 
slaves.' ^ And to Cuba had been assigned a single product on which to build its 
future. Jose Marti had said, 'People who buy, command ; people who sell, obey.' 

"And in its relations with a neighbor, Avhom Maceo qualified already at cen- 
tury's end as 'powerful' Cuba was given the role of seller of its chief production, 
and thus tied to him by the strongest bonds of economic domination. 

"Therefore it is not strange that for more than half a century as a Republic, 
Cuba has found itself included among the countries falling into the general 
category of 'underdeveloped.' 

"And the underdevelopment, the backwardness, the impairment of sovereignty, 
are what have engendered in Cuba, as in the rest of Latin America and in other 
parts of the world, the revolutionary aspirations and also — as instruments of 
those who want to maintain their domination, their power, their oppression — 
the tyranny. 

^ Or, "People who . . . are a people of . . . " — Translator. 


"Jose Marti — the most farsighted leader and most inspired politician of the 
Americas during the second half of the last centnry — knew full well that behind 
what he called 'the lugubrious Paraguay of France and the frightened 'cattle' 
[slaves] of Ventimilla,' that is to say, liehind the American tyrannies, was the 
territorial feudalism, the domination of a few powerful landholders who were the 
American replica of European Feudalism in new circumstances [in a modern 

"Therefore, the Cuban patriots of 1895, under the leadership of Marti and 
Maceo, aspired to something more than liberation fr(»m Spain. They wanted to 
bring about economic and social changes here [in Cuba], in accord with the 
exigencies of the times. 

"Marti knew, and said so, that the concentration of land in the hands of a few 
not only engendered injustice, inequality, and distress, but that it also caused 
l)ermanent political upheavals. That is why Marti and Maceo wanted that Cuba, 
having been born with freedom and independence, should be born also without 
territorial feudalism. 

"We have not come here to make history. We shall not examine the [individ- 
ual] of the entire process that leads us to the present. 

"But it is an undeniable fact that the program of the revolution of 1895 could 
not be accomplished. We were born with 'half a freedom,' as has been repeated 
so many times by Comrade Fidel Castro. We were born with an economic rope — 
in Trade Agreement form — around our neck. And very quickly the Cuban 
economy became deformed [crippled]. 

"By denouncing these things, we men of this Revolution are registering, in 
reality, a denunciation which has been accumulating over the last thirty years. 

"By rolling up our sleeves to proceed to the necessary changes, we men of 
this Revolution are putting into practice an aspiration which has been sustained 
during the past few decades. 

"Fidel Castro said that the tenth of INIarch 10."i2 was not an historic accident, 
but an historic consequence. And that is the truth. 

''Batista fell upon the Power not only like an ambitious criminal but, also, 
as the implementor of a policy, the policy of those who saw with fear that the 
Cuban people could no longer stand the situation as it was developing and that 
they were ready to extricate themselves from the economic and social bonds of 
underdevelopment ; and that they would have to be given the complete independ- 
ence and sovereignty which they had not enjoyed heretofore. 

"Cuba wanted to do this in 1930 and couldn't finish what it had set out to do, 
just as it had been unable to do so in 1895. 

"But one cannot keep the road closed to the countries [forever]. 

"those who want to apply a brake to the revolution should 

DO some meditating 

"Those dreaming today of interrupting the revolutionary process, those will- 
ing to resort to every means to impede our country's liberty, those preparing 
expeditions, having recourse to dynamite and guntire, joining up with foreign 
tyrannies and preferring to have the land in which they were born destroyed 
rather than losing their unjust privileges, should meditate on the course of his- 
tory. In its pages they will learn that eventually the countries do find their 
way, no matter how many obstacles are placed in their path. In 1923, the first 
unrest, because of the backwardness and the lack of sovereignty of the coun- 
tries, emerged in the University and in the factories. It seemed to have been dis- 
pelled, but they reemerged, with renewed impetus, in 1930. Machado had 
pi-omised the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the North American investors that 
there coidd not be a single strike in Cuba ; Machado had already at that time 
raised the 'Conununist' spectre, to fight the workers and the people ; but he was 
unseated several years later by an uncontainable strike. 

"In 1935 the revolution seemed to have collapsed ; but in 1940 the inexorable 
revolutionary process wrote into the Constitution democratic and progressive 
principles which served our people as a means for pushing forward to the future. 

"Some believed that if many of the proposals of the 1930 revolution were 
removed from the Constitution, the revolutionary process would come to an end ; 
biit in 1952, in order to prevent the people from making headway, tyranny and 
crime had again to be resorted to; but neither the tyranny nor the crime sufficed 
to do the job ; in spite of the support from the outside, in spite of the 500 to 1,000 


pound bombs manufactured in the United States, in spite of the diplomacy and 
the double-cross, Cuba was with thousands of victims inexorably forging ahead 
on the road to the future. 

"And we are here today to debate on the program of the Revolution. 

"The Land Reform is its fundamental law. 

"nature and character of the land reform act 

"But if we look into the historic circumstances surrounding the evolution of 
this Revolution, we will understand its nature and its character. 

"Although we were bom in 1902 with a mutilated ['half an. .'] independence, 
and although, in spite of our patriotic zeal, we could never attain that inde- 
pendence definitively ; although Cuba's aspirations have always been interfered 
with; although foreign representatives [representatives of foreign countries] 
more than once have claimed the right to decide our destiny ; although they 
are talking in the United States Congress today as though the Piatt Amendment 
were still in existence and Cuba were an appendix of other countries — the first 
and noblest objective of this Revolution, as our Comrade Fidel Castro has said 
over and over again, is the definitive establishment of Cuba's sovereignty. 
Anyone who says that the Cuban Revolution is hostile to any nation of the 
world is falsifying the facts. Cuba wants the friendship of all countries. Cuba 
feels no enmity against any other country. Cuba aspires to live in fraternal 
understanding with all its neighbors — close and distant, powerful and weak, 
big and small. 

"But Cuba wants to do so as master of its own destiny, with equal rights 
and obligations. 

"As the Revolutionary Government said in the Note with which its Prime 
Minister, Dr. Roa, answered the objections of the U.S. State Department to 
the Land Reform, the determination on how the economy should be organized, 
how the wealth should be distributed, how our agriculture .should be [taken care 
of?] is entirely the concern of Cuba. We listen to everybody; we re.spect the 
interests of everybody, so long as they are legitimate and respectable. But tve 
make our oicn decisions, in accordance ivith our interests, icith the needs of 
Cuba ivith the consent of the Cuban people. 

"That is, I would say, the first and most important characteristic of our 

"So that the Revolution may be as we want it to be, it must be given our 
know-how, the vigor of our land sprung from the bowels of this earth of ours, 
carved into the world panorama, open to all tendencies (no country can live 
isolated). Cuba is now listening for the first time to the heartbeats of its people, 
to the needs of its people, to the decisions of its people. 

"But the independence of our country will never become complete unless it is 
based on economic liberation. And, in this modern world, economic freedom 
means agrarian diversification, industrialization, the breaking up of commercial 
monopolies — all that which prophetically had been forecast by the genius of 
Jose Marti ; all that which, in order to make it a reality, must be based in Cuba 
on a complete transformation of the land ownership system, on the Land Reform ; 
and, along with it, as point of departure, on the Reform of the Customs System 
that protects our incipient industries ; on the Tax Reform, shortly to be adopted 
liy the Government and geared to economic development ; and on the Reform of 
the P]ducational System, which will draw technicians, men and women cai)able 
of helping with their modern know-how and ability, toward that total trans- 
formation which will convert the backward Island into the country of progress, 
as expressed in Marti's motto, 'with all and for the good [welfare] of all.' 

"And that country could not be based on any other than the democratic form 
of government, be<:-ause democracy is in reality the government of the people 
and for the people. Democracy is not, as Fidel Castro pointed out on his trip 
to tlie United States, an empty word which serves the hypocrites as a protective 
sliield in order to exploit cheap manpower, to rob other people and other coun- 
tries. Democracy cannot mean wealth for a handful ['for the few'] and povei'ty 
for the largest number of people ["for the many']. Democracy cannot mean 
privileges for the men of one race, and inequality and oppression for the men 
and women whose skin is of a different color. Democracy cannot live in any 

43354— 60— pt. 5 4 


'anti-ism,' [sic] but must be based on the satisfaction of all the needs of the 
people, on all the rights of the people, on respect for all ideas, so long as those 
ideas are not an instrument for going, precisely, against the people, eiiuality and 
liberty ; because those who advocate the return to the old times, those who in 
the name of liberty make ready for the betrayal of liberty, those who stand on 
their supposed rights to abolish, later on, all the rights of others — those people 
cannot be democrats nor do they deserve to enjoy the protection of democracy. 

"our revolution is democratic, independent 

"Those who praise Hitler and defend Franco cannot rise up in the name of 
democracy to impugn the revolution, or to demand that the rights and freedoms 
of other groups and other individuals be impaired. 

"Therefore — democratic, independent, patriotic, designed to save our country 
from political enslavement and economic backwardness; designed to lift our 
citizens out of poverty and unemployment to fruitful work, nuide a reality, in 
addition, with the cooperation and common impulse of all those who want that 
program, urged on by the farmers [rural workers] who have come down with 
us from the Sierra, with the effort put forth by the [urban] workers who have 
always given us their courageous support, with the cooijeration of the profes- 
sionals, intellectuals, and artists, of the employees and of all those middle-class 
groups who in Cuba carry enormous political weight, and backed up, further- 
more, by the industrialists who will at last understand the needs of the nation 
and the meaning of our time — therefore, the Cuban revolution is 'by all [the 
people] and for the good of all [the people].' 

"This is the general framework which embraces the deep meaning of the Land 

"Why is it that the Revolution has considered the Land Reform the first and 
most important of its laws? 

"I believe that it is not anticipating the conclusions of this Forum, although 
it has become a generally accepted fact, when we answer this question by say- 
ing that, without this Land Reform, there would be no economic independence, 
110 industrial progress, no social well-being in our country. 

"The figures, with their cold logic, are so eloquent that nobody has dared to 
voice opposition against the Land Reform, and its merit is so evident that 
those who want to destroy it have found no other way of doing it than by 
pret/ending that they accept it, tampering with it, and then, by changing it 
here and there, making modifications which they call 'secondary,' dulling its 
keen edge, emasculating its content, eliminating its revolutionary spirit, in 
order thus to make it insipid. That is why Fidel has the support of all revo- 
lutionists, of all farmers [rural workers], of all the people, when he displays 
that firmness, which many want to portray as obstinacy, in his refusal to 
modify any of the principles on which the first, as to importance, of our 
revolutionary laws has been supported. 

"What does the language of figures convey? 

"The statistics clearly evidence the enormous land concentration which has 
up to now existed in our Island. 

"As the governments have heretofore been, precisely, in the hands of those 
landholders, the non-existence until today of even a single statistical table 
compiled on the basis of land ownership is available. But looking at how the 
farms are organized and the [number of] units under cultivation is enough to 
give us an approximate idea of the concenti-ation of land ownership, which is, 
however, more difficult. 

"figures of unfair land distribution 

"Of the alleged 159,000 farms in existence in Cuba, which approximate 
GTG.OOO caballerias " of land, 20 percent, or 32,000 farms, cover only a surface 
of 6,410 caballerias of land, or less than one percent of the total farm expanse. 
The average size of these 32,000 farms covers one-fifth caballeria of land. 

"There are another 30,000 farms, some 19 percent, comprising l.j,700 cabal- 
lerias, or 2.32 percent of the land under cultivation, none of which comprises 
as much as one caballeria of land. The average size is one-half caballeria of 
land per farm. 

- One "caballeria" equals 13.42 hectares (in Cuba). — Translator. 


"This means that 30 percent of all farms, or .52,500, occupy only 3.27 percent 
of the total farm area. The actual situation is even more clearly perceptible 
when we point out that 157,000 farms, or almost 99 percent of Cuba's farm 
total, cover only a surface of 359,000 caballerias of land, or 53 percent of the 
total area. 

"Let us now take a look at the other extreme of the distribution of the farms. 
There are in all of Cuba only 78S farms of between 75 and 372 caballerias of 
land, or one-half i)ercent of the total : this small number of farms, in turn, 
covers a surface of 107,000 caballenas of land, or 16 percent of the total. 

"But even more ominous is the fact that only 114 farms occupy among them- 
selves a total of 135,000 caballerias of land, or 20 percent of the total farm 
area ; 114 landholder estates have a larger acreage total than do 100,000 small 
farms; and one-third of the entire farm acreage is held by only 894 individu- 
als or companies. 

"But are, perchance, those tiny farms, those real 'minifundios,' on which 
nobody can make a living and which constitute a mortgage on the entire eco- 
nomic progress of the country, operated by landowners? 

"Absolutely not. Only 30 percent of the persons engaged in agricultural 
activities in Cuba are landowners. Very few of the rural workers are 

"When the Agricultural Act was put into effect, or to be exact, several years 
ago when the last census was taken, there were in our country : 
"46,000 tenant farmers 
"6,987 sub-tenant farmers 
"33,000 sharecroppers 
"13,000 squatters. 

"One hundred thousand persons engaged in agricultural activities had no 
land of their own. 

"This was, in general terms, the status of the Cuban land situation when 
the Revolution began its reform activities. 

"What were the social consequences of this situation, as reflected in the 
statistics? They could only be poverty in the social, and backwardness in the 
economic sector. 

"It has been said of Cuba, as of other countries, that along with people with- 
out land there was land without people. 

"Hundreds of thousands of farmers have not owned any land until now. 

"Additional tens of thousands, as has been seen, have so little land that it is 
not enough for the support of their families. 

"There was a group of Camaguey landholders who stated that the land that 
was left to them [by the landholders?] was not enough to be buried in. And I ask 
myself : If a hundred caballerias of land in some, and 30 caballerias in the 
worst cases, is not enough for those gentleman to be buried in, how are 1.50,000 
'guajiros' [tenant farmers, etc.] going to manage to live off a piece of land which, 
in the majority of cases, comprises not even half a caballeria of land? 

"That is why the standard of living of our farmers has been so wretched, so 
unreasonably low. 


"I am not going to describe here the extent of that poverty. Until the first 
of .January there were thousands of Cubans, city-dwellers, who had not been 
concerned, or who had not been taught to be concerned, over the atrocious state 
of our farmlands. Now it has become known how our 'guajiros' are actually 
living : those of us who have shared their fate, those of us who have received, 
under the gunfire of the Army of the Tyranny, or under the bombs dropped by 
the air force, which was done in order 'to save democracy,' protection by those 
generous Cuban farmers — we have made — and are fulfilling — the solemn pledge 
that the Revolution would not rest until it would bring to the fertile and beauti- 
ful fields of our Island the happiness of which they had been deprivetl by the 
landholders, by the foreign companies, and by the treacherous and anti-patriotic 

"Those who like to deal in conjectures have talked for years about our coun- 
try's progress, referring, as evidence thereof, to the increase in the 'per capita 
income' figures which, it appears, are higher in Cuba than in many [other Latin] 
American countries. 


"But economic statistics are one thing, and another, very different thing is 
tlie terrible reality of the facts. 

"The 'per capita' [income] in Cuba is said to be al)out 400 pesos [dollars]. 
Accordingly, a typical farm family — that is to say, a family of six — should re- 
ceive an annual income of 2,400 pesos [dollars]. And I ask anyone who has 
visited Cuba's interior whether he knows many i-ural families making more than 
800 pesos a year ; whether he does not know thousands of families who do not 
receive that income, taking into account, for instance, the prices at which the 
stores of the monoi)oly-holders sell to them, in exchange for the pittance paid to 
them for their tobacco or foodstuffs, the pieces of material [for clothing], the 
shoes, the vital necessities of family life. 

"The University's Catholic Youth has made a study of the average income of 
agricultural workers. I believe that nobody would accuse the University's 
young Catholic Youth of being 'Communists' — as is the custom in such cases. 
Well, then, the study shows that the average income of a family of six in those 
cases is 45 pesos a month, which includes all income ; that is to say, inclusive 
of — and accounted for — the foodstuffs which they themselves had grown. Thus 
we find that an agricultural worker has to eat, clothe, and feed himself, buy 
medicine for himself, go to the village, on only six pesos a month. Those of 
us who had been welcomed into the homes of those agricultural workers know 
what these figures -represent in terms of ixjverty, grief, humiliation, and sad- 
nes.s — humiliation and sadness reflected in the faces of their children, in the 
faded looks of their young girls, in the furrowed brow of the peasant mother. 

"That is why now, for the first time, we have seen a ray of hope in the faces 
of our country-folk. 

"The primary reason for making the Land Reform imperative is one of simple 
social justice. 

"the land reform is a cause of simple social justice 

"How is it possible to think of a revolutionary situation that would not correct 
such terrible social inequality? Do those who oppose the Land Reform, in that 
it tends to vindicate the farmer [rural worker, or peasant], in that it entails 
redistribution of wealth, think that the situation described won't be able to pros- 
per, even less that someday a giant outburst of rage would occur here? Do 
those gentlemen believe that the Cuban farmer is going to stand, passively 
and forever, for that inhuman penury which has converted him into a veritable 
sub-human beast, beyond the reach of civilization? What our Revolution is 
realizing in an orderly, peaceful manner, through laws and debates, would have 
been brought about by all those thousands, hundreds of thousands, of victims of 
intolerable underprivilege very shortly and in every way. 

"When I see the objections being made by the North American press against 
the Land Reform ; when I see and read that it calls it 'Communist' because it [the 
Reform] is going to disti-ibute the land to those who have none or who have 
some, and because it is going to deprive of the land (making compensation for 
it, of course) those who have too much and who do not make adequate use of 
it, I ask myself what those gentlemen are thinking of our [Latin] American 
countries ; because I see them concerned because there, in their own country, 
they have four million unemployed and seven million under-employed ; I see 
them concerned because the income of the workers has dropped there — and four 
million unemployed are not more than three percent of the population ; whereas 
here, 10 percent of the population are out of work, and almost 50 percent of the 
population, that is to say, the rural workers and their families, live in conditions 
worse than any unemployed urban worker of the United States. And I ask 
myself : Do the political leaders, the union leaders of organizations such as the 
AFofL of the United States, believe that they can continue to live in a world in 
which their own well-being [prosperity] the opulence of some of them, the 
social security of their country, is going to result in the backwardness, poverty, 
and insecurity of millions of men and women in Latin America who ai'e living 
enfeoffed on lands of the United Fruit Co., the American Sugar Co., the Fran- 
cisco Sugar Co., on Braden's mining properties, on Mr. Clayton's cotton lands, 
on the petroleum claims of the Standard Oil Co.? 

"To give the farmers the status of human dignity in a land in which Jos^ 
Marti wanted the first law of the Republic to be the respect for the full dignity 
of man : to transform the pariah into a person, that is why the Land Reform 
was made in the first place. 


"But you gentlemen attending this Forum, you know full well; you Com- 
rades, you know full well that the transcendence of the Land Reform does not 
stop here, because the social backwardness of the farm population has been 
translated into economic backwardness as regards the Republic, and for two 
main reasons, which are fully explained by the 'Whereases' of the Land 
[Reform] Act. 

"A country's industry needs markets — foreign markets for exports, or [and] 
domestic markets. 

"to facilitate the light industry bt expanding the domestic market 

"Cuba's export industries, sugar and tobacco, for example, hold their own in 
the foreign markets. If Cuba were to produce only the .350 tons that are con- 
sumed domestically, there would be no possibility here for a sugar industry ; 
but we cannot aspire to an industry geared solely to exports. Cuba's light indus- 
try must be, chiefly, an industry designed for domestic consumption. Cuban 
leather goods, Cuban textiles, the Cuban food industry, Cuban cigarettes, the 
Cuban soft drink industry, for example, cannot aspire, for the moment, to 
compete in foreign markets with industries with greater experience, higher 
technical levels, larger economic resources such as the North American, British, 
Czechoslovak, or German industries. 

"In order to develop its industries Cuba must have an internal [domestic], 
Cuban, market, and there can he no Cuban market if half the population of 
Cuba, that is to say, the small farmers [peasants] and agricultural workers, 
live in abject poverty. 

"For example, Cuba's present-day footwear industry has a production capacity 
of almost 30 million pairs of shoes of every type. Yet, it must be inactive 
much of the year and, because there is no market, only 14 to 16 million pairs of 
shoes are produced. 

""\^Tien, through the Land Reform, all Cuban farmers will have an adequate 
Income, the footwear industry, the cigar industry, the textile and garment in- 
dustry, the canning industry, all of these will prosper. Thousands of workers 
will go to work. This is how the Land Reform will help to fight unemployment, 
not only converting thousands of unemployed rural folk into land-owners, not 
only giving work to other thousands of rural workers, but also developing the 
industries and giving jobs in those industries to unemployed workers in the city. 

"And like a snow-ball, which grows by its own force, raising the standard of 
living in the cities will make it possible for the rural folk to receive better prices 
for their products, to sell more, to increase production. 

"This will be one of the formidable effects of the Land Reform, but that is 
not the end of its economic effects. 

"it will promote the increase of agricultural production in the country 

"Because, besides placing at the disjwsal of industry new agricultural raw 
materials, thereby saving foreign exchange, the [Land] Reform will aLso pro- 
mote the increase of our agricultural production, making it possible for Cuba 
to become self-sufficient in the food .sectors and saving us more than l.jO million 
dollars in foreign exchange which could be used in the future to expand the 
country's industrial structure, that is to say, to push the economic development. 

"If we were to believe the North American newspapers, there is enormous 
concern in the United States because owing to the Land Reform, Cuba's agri- 
cultural production is going to drop. 

"It is regrettable that the concern over Cuba's agricultural production did 
not start earlier, half a century ago, when the North American companies began 
to control the best Cuban lands, because Cuba's agricultural production on Janu- 
ary 1, 19.59, was in a lamentable state. 

"Though its soil is among the most fertile in the whole world, Cuba must 
import 5.5 million quintals of rice, 110 million lb. of potatoes, more than 10 million 
lb. of kidney beans. All that is costing us approximately 200 million dollars, 
when we include fats and oils. 

"Why is all this happening? Well, because the 'latifundio' [big landholders] 
has deformed [cripiiled] the Cuban economy, because the big companies and big 
'hitifundistas' [landholders] have not been concerned with what is best for our 
country, but that it produces for them what is most profitable for them. 


"Furtliermore, because the average poor peasant, impoverished by the land- 
holders, always threatened vpith evacuation, hounded for the payment of rent, 
has been unable to introduce agricultural improvements, one can well under- 
stand that a peasant is not much concerned over stepping up or diversifying 
his production, as he knows that the Rural Guards [police] may come at any 
moment to drive him oft' the farm without the owner paying him for the improve- 
ments that he may have introduced there. 

"One can also understand that the small farmer, who must give his landlord 
30, 40, and up to 50 percent of the harvest, has no interest in expanding it beyond 
certain limits — arguments which we remember also having read in the formidable 
brief prepared by the present Prime Minister Comrade Fidel Castro, [land read | 
in his discourse [plea] before a [military?] tribunal and compiled in a pamphlet 
entitled 'La Historia me absolvera' [History will acquit me]. 

"The devastating effects of 'latifundio' had already been stigmatized in the 
days of the Roman Empire, by Plinius. 

"In Cuba, historians, not radicals like Ramiro Guerra who is now looking 
for the 'Haws' in the Land Reform with the zeal of certain newspapers who are 
against the Reform, had denounced the evils of 'latifundism' over thirty years 


"It would be a good idea if those in the United States and Cuba who are now 
concerned over a possible drop in Cuba's 'agricultural productivity,' were to 
answer the following questions : 

"Why and how come that they were not concerned before, when the sugar 
industry kept over 100,000 caballerias of land inactive needed by our country 
for the diversification of its production? 

"Why and how come that they were not concerned over the average sugar 
cane output in Cuba's agriculture being not more than 40,000 arrobas^ per cabal- 
leria, when there are countries with twice and even three times that oiitput? 

"Why haven't they been concerned over the low cereals output? 

"How come that they did not make an effort to help Cuba so that, instead of 
using 296,000 caballerias of land for grazing land for four or five million head of 
livestock, with a ridiculous average of 13 head per cabaUeria, we would step up 
the productivity of the cattle-raising industry to come up to the levels of the 
United States, Uruguay, and other livestock-raising countries, whereby we might 
release another 100,000 caballerias for agricultural development? 

"It has to be suspected that all that sudden love, all that unexpected interest 
in Cuba's agricultural production, is a screen for concealing nothing else but 
their concern over the measures of the Government designed to take out of the 
hands which until now have had control, to the detriment of agricultural prog- 
ress, of the 250,000 caballerias of land which are henceforth going to increase 
our production. 

"And I believe that this laud [Reform] Forum, upon studying the problem 
of agricultural production, is going to agree with the Reform technicians and 
experts, that its consequence, far from causing a drop in our agi'icultural 
production, will be, very shortly, a general increase in Cuba's agricultural pro- 
duction. I know that the INRA leaders have already worked in that direction 
and with that spirit [objective]. I hope that they will demonstrate to the Forum, 
with their scientific education [know-how], what I am tracing only in general 
outlines insofar as my imperfect knowledge of those matters permits. 

"It is obvious that if some unlawfully keep the agricultural wealth [for them- 
selves], they take a mutinous attitude against the Reform and against the Gov- 
ernment ; that if those heretofore in charge of agricultural production make use 
of their positions to sabotage the Reform, to refuse to promote planting, not to 
clean the cane sugar or abandon the fields, to neglect the seeds, etc., a momen- 
tary drop [in production] could be caused which not only would do the country 
no good but which would be terrible for everybody. 

"However, that would not be a natural consequence of the Reform, but [an act 
of] sabotage and against such sabotage the Revolution has the possibility of tak- 
ing many economic, social and legal measures. For example, when the big 
livestock people of Camaguey were said to plan obscure [underhanded] maneu- 
vers to pi'event the consumption of meat from continuing its normal pace. Prime 
INIinister Fidel Castro ordered intervention [government control] on cattle 

3 One arroba equals one quarter or 11.5 kilograms; as a liquid measure, one arroba 
equals about four gallons. 


rauches covering a surface of over 100 caballerias. that is to say, [a total of] 
over 70.000 caballerias of land, and arrangements were made for meat cattle to 
be bronglit to those grazing lauds, to guarantee the population of our country, for 
its regular consumption, the meat to which it has a right. 


"The Revolution will also find the necessary means of preventing the pro- 
duction in other branches of agriculture from dropping, because of political rea- 
sons, because of resistance [opposition] to the fully justified Land Reform, which 
is supported and sustained by all the people of Cuba. 

"That faith in the possibility of maintaining and raising the level of agricul- 
tural productivity is what led our Comrade Fidel Castro, to offer, in the name 
of the Government, officially to the Government of the United States, eight 
million tons of sugar for the coming years : and we are sure that Cuba will not 
only maintain but also raise, at a more and more rapid pace, [the level of] 
its agricultural production. 

"We have said that the people support the Reform. But we don't have to 
say that the Reform has enemies. 

"I don't intend to make an exhaustive examination here into what the opposi- 
tion to the Land Reform consists of. precisely because this Forum, which we are 
inaugurating today, is being held in order to answer in depth the objections 
formulated in various camps against this law of the Revolution, which is of 
capital importance. But. nevertheless, I want to say something about that 
which has come to my mind in reading and hearing certain criticisms. 

"the cattlemen will not SUFFER BY THE LAND REFORM ACT 

"I have heard talk, for example, in the name of the cattlemen, against the 
Land [Reform] Act, and I have had to ask myself: What cattlemen could oppose 
the Act? Why? 

"I have gone over the livestock statistics — not in radical publications but in 
sources acceptable to even the most conservative elements — and found this, 
which I want to explain not only [sic] to the Forum — which, because of its com- 
position, I do not have to enlighten in matters of this kind — but to public opinion 
in Cuba. 

"In our country, thei-e are, officially, 89.934, i.e., some 90,000 cattle ranches 
[farms on which livestock is kept], 38.000 of which have less than nine head of 
cattle ; another 37,000 have less than 50 head of cattle ; another 7,.jOO have up 
to 100 head of cattle ; and another 5,000 have up to 250 head of cattle. 

"All these arms when added together total 87,000, out of a grand total of 
89,000. This means to say that 87.000 cattle ranches [or farms on which live- 
stock is kept], or 98 percent of all cattle ranches of the Republic, will in no 
way suffer by the Land Reform, from the viewpoint of their expansion. 

"Why? Well, because all of these 87,000 farms may, with 30 caballerias of 
land, include all the livestock they now have on their pastures and, greatly 
step up production. 

"As for the remaining 2.000 farms, it is possilile to state that almost all of 
them, save for fewer than 200, may be included in the exemption which permits 
[the use of] up to 100 caballerias of land for certain forms [types] of 

"This means to say that 88,000 of the 89,000 cattlemen [cattle ranchers] of 
Cuba should have nothing to say against the Land [Reform] Act, and should, 
indeed, have much to say in its favor. Because anyone who knows the agricul- 
ture of Cuba, knows only too well that many thousands of cattlemen, who have 
up to now been tenant farmers and sharecroppers are very shortly going to be 
transformed into [property] owners. 

"Who, then, are the operators opposing it? 

"To tell you the truth, barely a handful of big wheels in the cattle business. 

"We cannot take their right to oppose it away from them, but, as they said in 
the Brazilian Pax-liament, in courteous, parliamentarian language, thev might 
be told : 

"'Gentlemen, you have reason [to object?], but you don't have much reason, 
and the little you have isn't worth much.' 

"Because it is a selfish reason. 


"The cattlemen have always been the true foundation of the Cuban live- 
stf)ck industry. I believe that this matter will be examined in depth by the 

"The livestock men are the modest cattle ranchers, the 70-odd thousand who 
have less than 50 head of cattle each. 

"At the other extreme have been the all-powerful meat-cattle raisers. 

"The power and the concentration of these gn^"oups in the livestock industry 
can be appi'eciated when one know\s that, while 80,000 small cattlemen have, 
among them alone, a million head of cattle, 335 bis cattlemen have, among them- 
selves alone, six or five thousand [05 thousand?] head of cattle; or, 15 head per 
farm in one case, and 2,000 [200?] head per owner in the other. 

"If those figures reflect an economic advance on the part of large-scale cattle- 
raising, they would be defensible. 

"But what brought about the examination of the livestock industry is that the 
big cattlemen depend on the extensive, underdeveloped breed of cattle [or sub- 
standard cattle?], that they waste the Cuban soil, that, because of them and 
their landholdings, Cuba is using about 100,000 caballerias of land more than is 
needed for the present livestock production. 

"That is to say, not only is there wretched poverty for the majority of cattle- 
men but also backwardness for [underdevelopment of] the national economy. 

"What we said about the cattlemen we could repeat with respect to the [sugar] 

"It is true that the planters have, in this case, taken a more moderate and 
reasonable position than the cattlemen, which in large measure reflects the 
fact that, while the big planters of yesterday no longer dominate to the same 
extent as before the Association which represents the planters, in turn, thos'e 
who speak in the name of the cattle-raising industry are, as we can see, the big 
wheel cattlemen. 

"Logic, technical considerations, and justice recommend [are on the side of] 
the Land Reform which we have made a reality ; but it continues to be attacked. 

"Much has been .said already about the famous "poor widow.' Under the meas- 
ures promised by the Fidel, I don't believe anyone will continue to resort to that 
lacrimose demagogy. 

"Those generous gentlemen of today are comparable to that opulent Juan de 
Robres, big wheel exploiter of Old Spain, who, after bleeding the country folk 
white, built a hospital and ordered the following sign put up : 

" 'This hospital was made [built] by Mr. Juan de Robres,' below which some 
joker had written : 'And he also made the poor'. 

"We have many of the .Juan the Robres type who now weep with the poor whom 
they themselves had made poor. 

"Many who are moved by the poverty that they never knew how to prevent, 
and who are searching in the fine print of the law for some marginal disadvantage 
that it might entail for a hiunble person, exhibit it as example of the 'atrocious- 
ness' of this measure [Land Reform Act]. 

"The people distrust those belated [.Tohnny-come-lately] benefactors. 

"It so happens that, according to the North American press, there are sugar 
companies that would now be willing to put their idle lands into production. 
And we should ask ourselves : Why did they wait 50 years before they realized 
that this would have to happen? Really, it is difficult to believe in the good in- 
tentions of those proponents [people who make such propositiims]. 

"On the other hand, some also saw fit to attack the Act by saying that it goes 
against the right to [own] 'pi-operty' ; and that it is, in that .sense, a 'Communist' 

"These are strange combat tactics. 

"the united states press fights the law with pretexts, not reasons 

"All of a sudden I [happened to] read a number of the New York Times and 
found in it that the Law goes against the Communists because it makes [creates?] 
small landliolders. 

"The two arguments, devised by the same sectors, contradict each other. 

"Likewise, the big cattlemen have come out and accused the government of 
Iieing more radical than the Comnuniists. 

"Who can figure it out? 

"[The fact of the matter] is tluit they are not looking for reasons, but for 


"How is a law going to go [be directed] against property when it will turn 
250.000 Cubans, wlio never had anything, into owners of an equivalent of 
[approximately] two caballerias of land? 

"The law is neither Communist nor anti-Communist. 

"It is a law which satisfies the needs of the country. It is supported by the 
Communists : but it is also supported by Bishop Diaz and Father Biain. This 
does not make it either Communistic or Catholic. If the Catholics and the Com- 
munists coincide in giving it their approval, it [the reason] is because it must 
be very good for many ijeople. in very different camps. It must, therefore, be 
good for Cuba. It is made [directed] neither against the Americans nor against 
the Communists but, as Fidel Castro said some time ago and repeated again in 
Camaguey. 'against poverty.' 

"It would be wrong to say that, although the law will affect many rich people, 
this Revolution goes [is directed] against the rich people. 

"Fidel has made this clear, too, many times, in the name of the Revolution. 

"This Revolution is [has been] made a reality so that Cuba will advance. 

"Not all forms of wealth help Cuba to advance. 

"This has been said many times by those who have studied the Cuban problem 
from the economic or sociological viewpoint. 

"The wealth of landownership, the large holdings of Uvestock, are forms of 
wealth condemned already in the 1930's by all students [of the problem] ; it 
brings to mind the book, 'Problems of New Cuba,' published by the Foreign 
Policy Association ; nor has the 'Report on Cuba,' despite its conservatism, been 
able to approve those forms of wealth. 

"Usurious wealth has been condemned universally. 

"Every examination of Cuba's economic life has brought out criticism [of the 
circumstance] that the Cubans have invested the money that might go into 
industry, in apartment houses. 

"Our Revolution has gone, is going, and will go against those parasitic and 
backward forms of wealth ; but we do not oppose useful wealth ; and in Cuba's 
present historic stage, all wealth that helps our economic development is useful. 

"The Cuban industrialists have submitted to the government, through their 
Association, a study of [our] economic development. It is up to the Government 
to determine, through its technical instruments, the advantages and disadvantages 
of [inherent in] that plan. But the fact that the Association of Industrialists 
has made this type of recommendation, that it expresses its faith in our country, 
that it collaborates, from the viewpoint of [our] common interest, with the Revo- 
lution, merits the applause of all Cubans; and I, as a citizen, in opening this 
Forum, do not want to evade adding my own. 

"The Land Reform is a starting point for the progress of the Cuban industry ; 
and we are sure that there will be many wealthy Cubans, Cubans with useful 
wealth, who will see it [in this light] . 

"The Tariff Reform, which is being planned, contains a whole [new] system 
of protection for the national industries — big. medium, and small : and the fact 
that the Revolutionary Government has proposed these measures is a clear indi- 
cation of the objectives of this Revolution that is being sponsored by us. 

"protection fob the industry in the tariff act 

"The Tax [sic 'Tariff'] Reform is invested with distinct measures of protec- 
tion for the private investors who strive to develop the economy. Those who 
accuse the Revolution of being too radical should meditate on those things ; be- 
cause when the revolutionary program and the position of the Revolutionary Gov- 
ernment are viewed as a whole, there will be a better understanding of what it is 
that we want. We want, in peace as in war, the aggrandizement of Cuba. Our 
enemies are those only who oppose that aggrandizement. We are not stubborn 
sectarians, but patriots looking out for the future of our country. We are not 
turning a deaf ear to dialog. What we reject, definitively, is the mouolog in- 
dulged in here at all times by the mighty ; the imposition on us from the outside.* 

"We are opening this Forum at a time when [some of our] sister countries 
in Latin America have started a noble fight for their liberties [liberation or 
independence] . 

"Cuba has already declared its solidarity with all those who, in any part of 
the world, are seeking to obtain for their peoples a life free from tyranny. 

* Possibly, "intervention by foreign po^ve^s." — Translator. 
4.33.54—60 — pt. 5 5 


"In the recent past, when we Cubans were engaged in the terrible battle 
for ridding ourselves of Batista, the feeling of friendship of other countries 
of the world had served us as an incentive. Especially, the encouragement 
which had come to us from our sister countries in Latin America had served 
as an admirable stimulus for us. 

"Jose Marti, in speaking of the Antilles [Caribbean countries] 50 years ago, 
said that, 'They must save themselves together, or they are going to perish 
together.' Today, in view of the present world conditions, the countries of 
Latin America must also save themselves together [in togetherness], must 
unite, for the sake of their salvation [survival]. 

"The Revolutionary Government said, through the lips of its Prime Minis- 
ter and its Chancellor, that Cuba will not interfere in the affairs of any 
neighbor country. I also had occasion to give expression to this policy when, 
in the absence of our Commander Fidel Castro, I explained the movement of the 
Armed Forces in connection with the Panamanian problem. 

"But Cuba cannot be indifferent to the fate of our brothers [sister countries]. 

"If, right next to us, prisoners of war are killed, unarmed villages are machine- 
gunned, the woeful crime of genocide is committetl, Cuba cannot look impassively 
upon that horror. 'To look at a crime with calmness is to commit it,' the Apostle 
[Marti] said. 

"That is why, as. explained in the oflScial Note, Cuba has severed its rela- 
tions with the Dominican Republic. 

"But Cuba is working in peace and for peace. 

"This Forum is a good example thereof. The Chief of the Rebel Armed 
Forces, in response to an invitation which he accepted as an honor, is here 
debating on the Land Reform, engaged in a constructive task. 

"The military leaders are now collaborating toward improving the economy, 
and the rural workers — identified with the Revolution — have taken charge of 
watching our sky and our coasts. The country is a strong beachhead against 
any internal or external enemy. That is why we can work with serenity. 

"In one of their last meetings at Camaguey the farmers had chosen as their 
slogan : 'Land Reform or Death.' " 

]Mr. Braden. Goino; ahead with this [reading from his own speech 
of April 9, 1959]: 

The overriding danger lies in the fact that so many of his words and actions 
strictly follow the Communist line. 

Mr. SoTJRWiNE. Speaking of Castro, Fidel Castro ? 
Mr. Braden. Yes. 

Also he has been allegedly surrounded by Communists or fellow travelers,, 
among whom have been mentioned his brother Raul and the Argentine "Che" 
Guevara, who was active under Arbenz in Guatemala. 

There are many others that surromid them. For instance, Mr. 
Matthews in his article yesterday said there is no one in the Cabinet 
that is a Communist, Raul Eoa, who has been the representative in the 
Organization of American States, now has gone back and taken over 
from Agremonte as Foreign Minister — Minister of State as they call 
it there. When I was Ambassador in Cuba, I loiew of him as a rabid 
Communist, in his early days rather of a Trotskyite variety but cer- 
tainly after Stalin's death he switched to be fully in line with ISIos- 
cow — there is a lot of information confirming this. 

Then you have his brother as the head of the Army. His brother's 
wife was trained in sabotage behind the Iron Curtain. 

You have Hart, Minister of Education, who is known to be 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Armando Hart. 

Mr. Braden. Armando Hart, an extreme radical if not Communist 
and I think he is probably a Communist. Certainly his wife is. 

This fellow, David Salvador, who is the head of the labor organiza- 
tion, now says that he is not a Commmiist, but when I was Ambassador 
in Cuba he was on our list of leading Communists there. 


Aiid SO on down the line. Perhaps the most interesting two cases 
are the two men that are the director and deputy director of the new 
agrarian reform law. One of them was a Commmiist or qnasi-Com- 
munist professor who had written such a terribly Communist book 
that it had to be burned under the previous regime. 

I can give you his name in just a second. 

Senator Johnston. While you are looking for that, I would like to 
sa}' just for the record too that what you are testifying to at the 
present time just substantiates other evidence that we have received 
along his same line about these same men. 

Mr. Bradex. The head of the agrarian setup is a man Xunez 
Jimenez, who very definitely was a Connnunist. I have got some- 
where — maybe I can look that up and I will get you the other man's 

Mr. SouRAviNE. His deputy you say ? 

Mr. Bradex. Yes, his deputy. He has used two names. And from 
1043 during the last 2 years of my stay as Ambassador in Cuba, he was 
the editor of the agricultural colunni in the Communist newspaper 

Mr. Soi'RwixE. Let the record show you are speaking — and you will 
furnish that name later ? 

Mr. Bradex. Yes. 

Going back to my statement, the foregoing statement I hope will 
elicit questions not only to me but to such distinguished Cuban patri- 
ots as Emilio Nunez Portuondo, former Cuban Ambassador in the 
United Nations, and the most stanch defender of the United States 
and anti-Communist ever to appear in the meetings of that body; for- 
mer Prime Minister Jorge Garcia Montes; former Finance Minister 
Garcia Reyneri; the former Chief of Cuban Intelligence, Col. Mari- 
ano Paget; Dr. Mario Saladrigas, a Cuban businessman of highest 

I would like to say here, I don't know of anyone in Cuba who 
knows more about communism than Paget does. He is one of the 
finest intelligence officers that I have ever run across and I am sure 
that the FBI will certainly confirm this to you, and I have no doubt 
that the CIA also will. 

During the war he did a most outstanding job. He ran down a 
most dangerous spy. We got word from up here, about a German 
radio operating there and letters going out to a drop box in Argen- 
tina, and that is all we had; yet Mariano Paget, with such scant in- 
formation, was able to locate the man. He was captured and finally 

Incidentally that is perhaps an interesting story. I hope I don't 
wander too far afield as collateral thoughts occur to me. 

Batista has been accused of being terribly bloodthirsty. There is 
no question but what the people under him during the last couple of 
years have been bloodthirsty. 

They were murderers, torturers, and it was extremely bad. 

Nevertheless, I would say that in general it was a case of the pot 
calling the kettle black, because simultaneously the Fidelistas and 
Communists were leaving bombs in the Woolworth's store or El En- 
canto, which is the Sach's Fifth Avenue of Havana more or less. 
They were bombing cabarets and restaurants eveiy where. 


Fidel Castro has sriven his movement the name "26th of July" be- 
cause that was the date when he raided tlie Moncada Barracks near 
Santiago. They came up from back behind the guards, wliich I sup- 
pose is all right in that kind of thing, but having gotten into the bar- 
i"acks they went mto the hospital section and murdered soldiere sick 
in bed in cold blood, stabbed them to death. They were captured and 
Fidel and his brother were condemned to 15 years imprisonment. 
After about IS months Batista let them out. which is not so terribly 
bloodthii-sty considermg all that they had done. 

But there was cruelty on both sides. Going back to Batista, when 
we captured this German spy. and he was tried. The Cuban Consti- 
tution, under which Castro says he is now operating, prohibits the 
death penalty excepting in the event of war. 

Then mider martial law a man may be sentenced to death. Batista 
refused to make the decision whether this spy. Xazi spy, should be con- 
demned to life imprisonment under civilian law or whether to go to 
the death penalty mider martial law, and sent his Prime Minister 
over to see me as the American Ambassador, and I had to make the 
decision that he should be shot, Batista was not willing to do it. 

Another event : In 1942 when Batista was an invited guest of the 
President to visit "Washington. I came along on the trip. While we 
were away, some comedians in a local review ridiculed Batista and his 
wife. Some of Batista's henchmen took these comedians out, beat 
them up and gave them the famous castor oil treatment. TTlien Batista 
got back to Cuba, he was enraged and had his own people arrested and 
severely punished. Xow that is not the act of a bloodthirsty dictator. 

I tliink it is worthwhile to bring that point out because it is usually 
forgotten. Everybody says he was such a terrible person. But the 
killings now I believe are much closer to 3.500 to 4.000 than the ad- 
mitted total of 600. "What is more they are a typically Communist 

Latin Ajnerican revolutions sometimes in the past could be blood- 
tliirsty while they were fighting. They could do some pretty bad 
thin^. But once the fighting was over, they never went in for this 
shooting and all the cruelty now going on in Cuba. They would let 
the defeated people get out of the country. They would live abroad 
for years. Of course in due time they would come back and stage their 
own revolution and that is how it would go. 

But this shooting business is definitely Communist. 

Senator Johxstox. The treatment of Fidel Castro is a good illus- 
tration of that. 

[Mr. Bradex, Yes. 

Senator Johxstox. And his brother too. 

3Ir. Bradex. Exactly. 

Anything that has happened in respect of Commtmist penetration 
in the Far East or Xear East or elsewhere in the world from the point 
of view of the United States sinks into insignificance alongside this 
threat from the Caribbean. Unless smnmary action is taken promptly 
I dread to think of what may happen to these United States, 

Unless we take immediate and strong measures, Khrushchev may, 
as he has announced, bury tis. 

Tlie very life of the United States is at stake. 

I can't overemphasize how seriously I regard this matter. 


I would like to have as part of your record also this translation 
from '"Antecedents and Secrets of April 9," by Alberto Nino, ex-chief 
of security in Bogota, Colombia. This is a book he wrote after he 
was chief of police ; have you got that in your record so far ? 

Mr. SouRWixE. We would be very happy to have that translation. 

Mr. Bradex. This is a translation of a chapter headed "Communism 
and the Xinth Conference" in which he details how Fidel Castro ar- 
rived in Bogota just at the time of the Inter- American Conference — 
when General Marshall was presiding over the U.S. delegation. You 
will remember the Communist-incited and led mobs practically de- 
stroyed the city at that time. This chief of police tells how Castro 
and two other young Cubans participated in those riots actively. Also, 
I can add to that a confirmation given me by Guillermo Belt, who 
was formerly the Cuban Ambassador here, who was the head of the 
Cuban delegation at that conference when all of the destruction and 
killing was going on. Some of the Latin American delegations said, 
"We will pull out, go home.'' Aiid they called for their airplanes 
to come and get them. General Marshall said, "Nothing doing. We 
are not going to let the Communists destroy tliis conference." He 
won out and got them to stay. Wlien the two airplanes sent for the 
Cuban delegation and their luggage were about to fly back to Havana, 
back to Cuba, Guillermo Belt was approached by these three young 
Cubans — including Fidel. The Colombian police already had ar- 
rested them two or three times because they were active in the Com- 
munist insurrection. Whether true or not, Castro is said to have 
boasted he killed one or two or three priests. In any case Belt him- 
self has told me that he put them on the baggage plane and got them 
back to Cuba, he having no idea then what they had done. 

(The excerpt rec{uested by Mr. Braden. as translated from the 
Spanish by the Library of Congress, reads as follows:) 

(Source: Alberto Xino H. (former chief of security. '"Antecedentes y Sec- 
retos del 9 de Abril." Bogota, Colombia [1950?], pp. 26-2S.) 


National Communism, "sailing under foreign flags," was keenly interested in 
making tlie Pan American Conference of Bogota a failure. This was Polichinela's 
secret. To that effect, a meeting was called in the loft of the llazuera warehouse 
for the purpose of arriving at an understanding with Gaitan and organizing 
the sabotage of the Conference. The meeting was a failure because some of 
the leaders did not attend : but a commission was appointed by the chiefs to 
talk with Gaitan and explain the Communist plans to him. They thought it 
would be easy to exploit the illustrious politician's natural resentment of not 
having been included in the delegation to the Conference, but he did not want 
to listen to them and, when he found out about the sabotage plans, he reported 
them and quite openly ordered the Liberalists to refrain from participating in 
them and actually to oppose their realization. 


It was said [rumored] — it could neither be verified nor proved — that Augusto 
Duran then voiced a serious threat. The truth is that the press u'ave out the 
information and that, in spite of its enormous seriousness, it has not been 
corrected [confirmed either way] to this day. There would be nothing strange 
about this version : Duran is a sullen man, without conscience or morality. He 
has something of a Lombroso in him, and a lot about him is pathological. Cold 
and asocial like a pirate, he is capable of ordering at his "aulics" the committing 
of any kind of crime, without any display of emotion, because he is as cruel, 
rude, and cowardly as a Chinese bandit. On the Ninth of April he was hiding 


out, but from his hiding place he issued mimeographed orders for the assas- 
sinatiou of General Sanchez Amaya, Col. Barco, and others. He is also a traitor 
to his ideas because of his personal dislike of Vieira ; and capitalism, if he did 
not despise it as he does, covild find in him a spy and helpmate as efficacious 
as the amount of the remuneration offered to him. 

When Gaitan made his statement, I asked the Ministry of Justice to have a 
judge appointed to investigate that vibrant and authoritative denunciation, 
together with my own reports and data on the capture of arms and possible 
attacks against the public order, since as Chief of Security I did not have the 
legal resources for proceeding to a thorough investigation, but they did not 
listen to me. Nevertheless, I don't believe that National Communism par'ticipated 
directly and consciously in the assassination of Gaitan, inasmuch as its lack 
of unity prevented it from acting in absolute secrecy. However, a few days 
before the date of the Conference, a Communist meeting was held at the Odeon 
Theatre, at which Vieira spoke of the possibility that the Conference might agree 
to outlawing Communism, and at which he emphasized the need, in that event, 
for covering the Communist activities with a cloak of secrecy. He attacked Dr. 
Gaitan, but mentioned that it w^as indispensable for the Communists to infiltrate 
the Gaitiin movement in order to "copy" it. He warned that from now on the 
Communist Cells should not hold their meetings in the same place [twice], but 
in different parts [localities], in order to elude the vigilance of the police. 


The Communists, aggressively divided into two groups, were constantly 
meeting in different places in the city, in a kind of proselytist emulation of vio- 
lence. Vieira, a highly intellectual, cordial and weU-mannered man, an ener- 
getic, though sometimes apathetic, leader, headed one of the groups, the largest; 
Duran, asocial, an ignoramus and following a semi-eclectic method, headed the 
other. Vieira advocated opposition "without truce" and inunediate violent 
revolution ; Duran advised infiltration into all government organizations and 
peaceful propaganda inasmuch as, in his opinion, the Colombian labor move- 
ment had not yet attained the necessary revolutionary maturity for attempting 
to seize the power by violence [force] ; the former recommended penetration 
[infiltration] into "Gaitanisni," the latter, outright and open fight against 
Gaitan, whom he considered a dangerous counterrevolutionist, since by his 
thesis and activities he had revived the hopes of the people in the bourgeois 
and liberal systems. 

In this tug of war, the material [physical] clashes between the two groups 
have been frequent. Duran, weaker, sought out the support and backing of 
the authorities, and even of certain organizations to be qualified as reactionary. 
But in the campaigns waged by him he was more violent and radical than 
Vieira. Both exercised — and still do — notable and almost decisive influence 
over the syudical [trade union] organizations. The CTC has always been 
serving Communism and the Mexican CTAL which is controlled by Russia by 
way of Lombardo Toledano. 

Anyone within that group attempting to disengage himself from that exotic 
[foreign] influence, either to better serve the workers or to defend Liberalism, 
is expelled and liquidated, as had happened to Guillermo Rodriguez, Hernando 
Restrepo Botero, Bernardo Medina, Juan C. Lara, Rafael Castillo, and others. 
International or Russian Communism does not take onr bifrontal, ingenuous 
Communism seriously, and although it uses and directs it, without offering 
explanations, it is being looked down upon [by the Russians] without [their] 
making an attempt to conceal this fact. Antonio Garcia and Gerardo Molina 
were much closer to the Russian Embassy and the Moscow agents than were 
Vieira or Duran. Salvador Ocampo, Machado, Luis Fernandez Juan, Eugene 
Kerbaul. Milorad Pecic B., Francis McKinnon Damon, Bias Roca, Fid^l Alejan- 
dro Castro, Rafael Ltizaro del Pino, and other foreign Communists, who had 
much to do with the preparations for the Ninth of April, did not, during their 
visits to Colombia, bother with Vieira or Duran, but had talks with Gerardo 
Molina, Antonio Garcia, Luis Carlos Perez, Montana Cuellar, the almost un- 
known Jaime Rubio, and the CTC as [representative of] the Labor leadership. 

Mr. Braden. I think it is also interesting to have this translation 
of an article which appeared, and I have the original article here, but 
I think probably the translation would appeal to you more, of an 


article which appeared in La Republica on January 21, 1959, in Bo- 
gota, Colombia, in which they give the whole history of Castro during 
that so-called time of the "blood bath,"' and which has never been de- 
nied. They have had the representatives — 

Senator Johxstox. That will become a part of the record. 

( The article referred to, as translated from the Spanish by the Li- 
brary of Congress, reads as follows :) 

Fidel Castro Participated in the Events of April 9 [1948] 

distributed leaflets when ospina was president 

(By Mario Aeosta Hurtado) 

When all America and the whole western world were shocked by the "blood 
bath," patronized [sic] and ordered by Rebel Leader Fidel Castro, historic and 
transcendental documentary evidence surrounding the activities of the young 
Rebel leader in Colombia on the days preceding the 9th of April, was being 
brought to light. 

According to the investigations made by secret agents into that period, Fidel 
Castro was one of the most dangerous agitators who had, in the company of 
other comrades, engaged in clandestine activities which finally culminated in 
horrible bloodshed, looting, malicious burning of property, and chaos. 


Late in the evening of April 3, 1948, a public ceremony took place at the 
"Teatro Colon" of Bogota, which was attended by the most prominent members 
of society and Government, and present at which were, among others, the then 
President of the Republic, Dr. Mariano Ospina P^rez, and his wife, and Dr. 
Laureano Gomez ancl Mrs. Gomez. During one of the intermissions of the play 
that was being presented, some leaflets, which had been printed in Havana, Cuba, 
with a definite Communist flavor and attacking the colonialism exercised by 
the United States and Great Britain, were thrown from the upper part of the 
theatre — the gallery — into the orchestra pit. 

A secret agent who was present [stationed] inside the theatre climbed to the 
gallery and verified the fact that the leaflets had been thrown by two foreigners 
who had in their possession a goodly quantity of those flyers which they were 
continuing to distribute, in view hereof the detective apprehended them. They 
were subsequently identifled through their respective passports which had been 
issued in the names of Fidel Castro and Rafael del Pino. 

Castro and Del Pino were led out of the theatre by two secret agents who took 
them to the place where they said they were staying, i.e.. Room 33 of the 
Claridge Hotel, at the corner of Calle 16 and Carrera 5 of this city. Questioned 
by the detectives on the purpose of their coming to Colombia, they stated that 
they had been .sent by the ''Comite de la Union Estudiantil Americana," whose 
heaquarters are located in Havana. 

They also stated that they had entered Colombia at Medellln airport six 
days previously (March 29), and that the main purpose of their stay in Colombia 
was to arrange a series of talks among the students in Bogota, in the interest 
of closer cooperation among the students of Latin America, and in support of 
the anti-colonialism policy which several of the countries attending the Bogota 
Conference were going to propose. They showed the detectives a letter of recom- 
mendation written by Romulo Betancourt on behalf of Castro and Del Pino, as 
well as some Cuban and Venezuelan newspapers in which their pictures appeared 
as members of the student committee above referred to. 

In these circumstances, the detectives decided to take them immediately to the 
offices of the National Security Agency. They did so, having previously seized 
their passports and copies of the leaflets. The Security desk officer at that par- 
ticular time, Mr. Pablo Serrano, decided that it was not proper to keep them 
in custody and ordered their immediate release as well as the return to them of 
the passports and other papers which had been seized. However, one of the 
detectives notified them that they would have to appear the following Monday in 
the oflSce of the Chief of the Bureau for Aliens of the National Security Agency 


in order to make appropriate arrangements in regard to their papers and their 
stay in Colombia inasmuch as those that they were carrying were good only for 
a stay of 24 hours and had already expired. 

As they did not appear the following Monday — April .5 — the detective made 
a full report to the Chief of the Bureau for Aliens (at that time. Dr. Camilo 
Cortes Zapata) who decided to go with the detective to the residence of the 
Cubans, which occurred at 2 :30 p.m. of April 6. Dr. Cortes again seized the pass- 
ports and, together with the detective, searched the premises confiscating more 
leaflets (the remainder of those described in the theatre), photos of Dr. Jorge 
Eliecer Gaitan, leaflets [written] by him, foreign newspapers with pictures of 
Castro and Del Pino, a book autographed by Romulo Betancourt, and a cablegram 
reading: "Havana, Cuba, April 3, 1948. Fal-Pino. Bogota. Hotel Claridge. 
Sure, this tenth [or, "that city, 10 (o'clock)"?] on the dot. Iglesias." 

On April 7 the Cubans presented themselves at the Bureau for Aliens, where 
they were interrogated by the Chief of the Bureau concerning the business which 
had brought them to Colombia, and their explanations were similar to those 
which they had previously given to the detectives. 

Their identities were checked out and placed on record (these personal de- 
scriptions and records disappeared on April 9 because the building in which 
the Security Authority was housed had been set on fire and all the files had 
been burned). 

The Chief of the Bureau for Aliens informed them of their obligations as aliens 
with regard to the laws of Colombia and authorized them, [through visas] on 
their passports, to stay in the country as tourists. 

There is no report on the activities of the Cubans on April 9, 10, 11, and 12, 
as the SecTirity Agency had been "practically dissolved owing to the events of 
April 9." 

On the 1.3th. a group of detectives received orders to apprehend them and, in 
compliance with this order, they went to the Claridge Hotel where they were 
informed by the manager that on the morning of that day, after paying their bill, 
they had taken out their bags and gone to the Cuban Legion [sic — "Legation"?] 
in Bogota. During the night of the 9th they had arrived at the hotel armed 
with revolvers and rifles, the hotel manager added, and with the proceeds of 
the looting, and they had talked in English over the phone with several per- 
sons, among others with an Iglesias Mojica, an individual who had registered at 
the Granada Hotel of Bogota several days before and with whom the Cubans 
had maintained close relations. After the 9th of April, Castro and Del Pino 
obviously became worried, to the extent that they had asked the hotel manager 
to keep them hidden [or, "their presence secret"]. 

Citizen Guillermo Hoenigsberg, a guest at the hotel for several days, informed 
the detectives on the 13th that he had heard several conversations of the Cubans, 
in which they had been bragging about the success of the coup and their partici- 
pation in it. He also stated that in his opinion, if the Cubans were not the 
brains behind, they were at least accomplices in, the events that had occurred 
in Bogotd, as Communist agents. In support of his statements, Hoenigsberg 
handed the detectives a passbook with the photos of the Cubans, which passbook 
identified them as Grade One agents [agents of No. 1 rank?] in the Third Front 
of the USSR in South America. 

Detective No. 106 also said that the Cubans were not "students." inasmuch as 
in some papers that had been seized from them, their profession in Cuba appeared 
to be [in] "Arts and Crafts." 

The newspaper El Siglo in July 1948, reported the news relative to the Cubans 
in its Friday, July 2, 1948, number, page 1, in the following manner and under 
the headline: "R6mulo Betancourt headed plot against the Nacional [sic — • 
Nation?] on April ninth. Was prepared in the City of Havana. Tells how on the 
even of April 9 a group of delegates of the "Federacion Mundial de Juventudes" 
[World Youth Federation] (Communist organization) visited Colombia on the 
occasion of the Pan-American Conference meeting in Bogota, who had problems 
with the detectives stationed at the Techo airport, as some of them did not have 
regular [proper] identification papers." 

Mr. SouRwiNE. That is both of those translations. 
Senator Johnston. Both. 

(The second document referred to above reads as follows :) 

[El Tiempo, Caracas, Venezuela, January 21, 1959, p. 5] 
What Is It That a Revolution Is Made For? 

To make [set off] a revolution has always been easier than to organize a vic- 
tory. For the former, luck, courage, and faith are needed ; for the latter, the 
same, plus other, though less common, virtues such as austerity, sense of balance, 
justice, self-discipline and control over the natural excesses of the multitudes. 
That is what the victor of Cuba, Dr. Castro, bore in mind when he referred, as 
he spoke to the people for the first time after the overthrow of the dictator, to 
the beginnings of the most difficult stage of the "26th of July Movement." And in 
those days the evidence proved how right the valiant rebel leader was, whose 
laurels have unfortunately become stained with blood, defamed, in all probability, 
by that elemental justice of vengeance, but, also, by that undoubted loss of nioraL 
prestige for the Movement which had stirred up so much sympathy in the world. 

Because the age-old talion law responds to the most primitive forms of human 
culture, when it is applied to a civilized society, it necessarily leads to a form of 
barbarism which is no less so by the claim of its justification bec-ause of the — - 
undeniable — sins of the victims. The savagery of the dictatorships cannot be 
fought with other [another form of] savagery exercised by the democrats; pre- 
cisely as Christianity would not be a force of civilization today if it had responded 
to Nero with the crucification of the Roman legionnaires. Sometimes martyrs 
are necessary so that a noble cause may [be used to] cover up stupidity or wicked- 
ness : and generosity, a virtue so difiicult to find in those in power, is not only a 
moral value but also another form of politics. 

It would be impossible, in effect, to morally renew the Cuban country if, 
prompted by the incredible excesses of Batista's political police, these same 
excesses are committed by the revolutionary police. If revolutions are not made 
for the purpose of changing methods, doctrines, and systems of government, 
they cease to be revolutions and simply become substitutions for the tyrannies 
which have been overthrown. It may be argued, naturally, that the criminals 
executed at the time by virtue of siunmary trials had deserved their fate many 
times over, and that the death of an innocent man cannot be made up for by 
the execution of his tormentor. But that is not the point. The important 
factor is the validity of certain principles and procedures, vii-tually joined to- 
gether with political culture and democratic morality; the right, for example, 
to be tried under the due process of law, to have the assistance of counsel for 
his defense, and to be presumed innocent until proven guilty. And it is not 
easy to obsen^e those guarantees under the uncontrolled pressure of tlie public, 
of trials without counsel for the defense, and of sentences pronounced in the 
heat of most primitive reactions. 

The provisional President, Dr. Urrutia, who is a lawyer by profession, rose 
high among his fellow citizens precisely because of his courage to apply the 
principles of law under the rule of dictatorship. Those principles are precisely 
the ones which must be upheld after the dictator has been overthrown, because 
that is precisely what revolutions are made for. One should not lose sight of 
the fact that the dictatorship of the masses may be as blind and arbitrary as 
the worst of despotisms. 

Mr. Bradex. I mentioned the U.S. Council of the Inter- American 
Council to you before. I was asked by the Chairman of the Council 
not to include the memorandum that is attached to the Council's letter 
in any published testimony, I can leave it with you, but with the 
request that it not be published. 

Senator Johxstox. Make a special note and detail on that. 

IMr. SouRwiNE. Wliat the Ambassador has said is now a part of this 
record. If this goes into the executive record it would be something 
to be deleted in the event the record is made public. 

Mr. Bradex. However, I may say that the letter — I helped in 
drafting it — I think is of interest. 

It reads as follows and it is addressed to the Honorable Christian 
Herter, copies having been sent to Mr. Waugh of the Export-Im- 


port Bank, to the Secretary of Defense and I have forgotten who 
else, probably Commerce. It is addressed to Mr. Hei-ter : 

I enclose a statement of the views unanimously approved at a membership 
meeting of the U.S. Inter-American Council on June 12, 1959, in Chicago. 

On behalf of the Council, I have been asked to transmit the statement to you 
to call your attention respectfully to the fact that the new Cuban "agrarian 
refoi-m" law completely ignores not only recognized international law and usages 
but also the 1940 Cuban Constitution which has been accepted by the present 
regime in that country. That constitution and the constitutions of most Latin 
American naions provide that expropriation of private property can only be 
made for a dominating public purpose and upon payment of prior and just 
comi)ensation in cash. 

Unfortunately, these constitutional provisions have been violated not only in 
Cuba, but also in Brazil and Bolivia where private property of American citizens 
has been expropriated without prior and just compensation. The unsatisfac- 
tory Cuban situation is further aggravated by the fact that the constitutional 
right of appeal to the courts no longer is available since the courts are not operat- 
ing freely in that country. 

U is the view of the USIAC that, unless the U.S. Government forthwith takes 
effective measures to protect the rights of its citizens, many of them, and the 
corporations in which they have invested their savings will suffer irreparable loss 
and damage under the Cuban "agrarian reform" law, and other countries will 
be tempted to follow this outrageous Cuban precedent. 

Efficacious action now may save our Government from serious embarrassment 
and prevent its being forced to take more disagreeable measures subsequently. 

A strong stand by the United States in defense of its citizens and their rights 
also would enhance substantially and favorably our prestige and standing 
throughout Latin America and elsewhere. 

A secondary, but important, result might flow from such a public statement : 
citizens in all walks of life in every Latin American country seek to own and 
put their savings into land and real estate as a prime investment. The Cuban 
agrarian reform law therefore has attacked the very foundations of the indi- 
vidual wealth of all the Latin American people of every class. Even an indirect 
defense of their property rights by the U.S. Government on principle, in the 
opinion of the Council, would not be an intervention, but would have a strong 
appeal in winning the respect and friendship of these peoples. 

With expressions of high esteem, I am. 

Respectfully yours, 

William F. Combs, 
Executive Director. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. May the letter go in with the nnderstanding that 
the memorandum is also inserted but only for the executive record? 

Senator Johnston. That shall be done. 

Mr. Braden. I have here the transcript of my extemporaneous 
remarks at the June 12, 1959, meeting of the U.S. Inter- American 
Council, Inc. 

Senator Johnston. It will be included in the record. 

Extemporaneous Remarks by Hon. Spruille Braden Before June 12, 1959, 
Meeting of U.S. Inter-American Council, Inc., Chicago, III. 

What I propose to do, is to extemporize on my own experiences, as it were, 
reminisce a little bit. In this informal way, perhaps I can inform some of you 
about the things that have happened in the past in respect of communism. 
Things that only a very few of you can remember, whereas my accumulated 
years permit me to do so. In so doing, I should quote the old Spanish adage, 
""The devil knows more by reason of his age than by reason of being a devil." 

I follow this procedure because as I've gone around in this country, in busi- 
ness diplomacy, socially and every other wise, I find a shocking ignorance of 
what communism really is. I don't expect such lack of knowledge in this 
group. You're much better informed than the average; many of you have 
lived abroad and have had firsthand experience with the extreme left. But 
I do find elsewhere a most appalling ignorance and apathy. 


There is terrific confusion about what dialectic materialism is. Anybody 
trying to read about it can't understand the Soviet and the Communist inter- 
pretation of "materialism." It means something quite different to them than 
it does to us. The same thing is true with "democracy," "peace," "liberty" 
and a number of other words. I think we also add to that confusion. For 
instance, we talk about private enterprise. Even in this country, thanks to 
our leftwingers and Socialists, private enterprise has taken on a connotation 
of bigness, of big corporations and even of evil. The fact that the corporations, 
in most cases, are owned by a great number of very small stockholders, is 
entirely forgotten. All of this helps to create and increase general confusion. 

Many people don't know the difference between so-called international and 
national communism. Then, matters are complicated further when we get to 
Latin America, because there are a whole series of different gradations of 
Marxists in that area. You've got many leftwing groups. In Mexico, you have 
the Cardenistas ; in Costa Rica, the followers of Pepe Figueres ; in Venezuela, 
the AcciOn Democratica ; in Peru, the Apristas ; the MNR in Bolivia, and so on, 
all around the circle. I think these divergent leftist groups add tremendously 
to the confusion, because each differs from the other; although in the end, 
they are all Marxists, Socialists, or extreme radicals. 

Ravines, the former Peruvian Communist, liimps all of them together, in his 
latest book, as Justicialistas. He does not employ the word as Peron and his 
followers interpreted it. Instead, he simply puts all of these various kinds of 
Marxists and leftists into one broad classification. They form a melange which 
is extremely dangerous for us, since they at best are Socialists. Thus, they 
believe in state controls, oppose private ownership and enterprise and go all 
out for every radical, insane, and unworkable nostrum anyone happens to 

In a talk the other day, I went into some more detail as to how the Com- 
munists try to get the nationalists to join with them, how they emphasize anti- 
Americanism — anti-United Statesism — as a most important point. And that goes 
not only for the Stalinists and other Moscow-directed Communists, but for all 
these other groups to whom I have referred. 

In other words, the gi-eatest danger does not come alone from the Com- 
munist parties, but also from all these other groups who in effect become their 
allies, even though they often seem to oppose communism at least superficially. 
It is impressive to see the way the Communists are able to inveigle these So- 
cialists, nationalists, and other people into working with them. As a matter 
of fact, the commies frequently hide and camouflage the development of the 
real Communist Party by the Communists themselves joining other parties. 
I just had a case brought to my attention in Argentina : a mayor of a town in 
Mendoza, who was Communist, was registered as a member of the Radical Party ; 
but he was foolish enough to admit brazenly that he was a Communist. He got 
fired as mayor, and he also was fired out of the Communist Party, because as 
still another mayor, who was equally Communist, put it. he was just a damn 
fool to disclose himself as really being a Communist [sicj. 

Their policy, at least to begin with, is not to acquire power directly for the 
Communists, nor to take oflSce themselves, but to get into office these allies or 
stooges, people they know that they can handle whether it be a Castro or even 
some apparently respectable people who are not Communists. But these naive 
theorists and do-gooders often will follow that leftwing course which opens 
the way eventually for the Communists. 

We are terribly credulous in this country. I think one of the great Ameri- 
can virtues is that we are very prone to assign to others what we hope are our 
virtues of honesty and integrity, and of saying what we mean. We therefore 
believe and trust in others. We accept the statements by all these other groups, 
including Communists, in the same way as we expect our declarations to be 
accepted as truthful. 

Also, we are afflicted with apathy. We recently have heard statements — I 
won't quote them now — but just within the last 3 weeks, there have been state- 
ments by Adlai Stevenson and Adolf Berle. Adlai Stevenson's was completely 
down the Communist line, yet nobody has called him on it; Berle followed the 
Socialist line; and even Mr. Dillon, as Under Secretary of State, has made a 
statement recently which is disturbing from the point of view of anybody 
familiar with business. He urged private investment abroad even when the 
atmosphere was unsatisfactory. This kind of statement helps to mislead our 
public, and worse still, other peoples. Most harmful of all our attitudes are 


the bad examples that we give here in this country by ourselves accepting so 
much socialism and state interventionism. 

I said I was going to reminisce a bit. I'm like everybody else and I assume, 
so are most of you on the subject of communism. Because of our background, 
education, and experience, we mostly always have had a great distaste for com- 
munism. We did not and do not like it. Nevertheless, we really didn't know 
too much about it. 

I remember the IVVW, when as a boy of 17, I was working in the mines in 
Nevada. They were pretty bad, but they didn't seem any worse than HofEa 
or Reuther do today. God knows, that is bad enough. But the IWW was 
Anarcho-Commuiiist, or what, somewhat later, we called Bolsheviks. Then, 
as now, they did not hesitate at any crime, including murder. 

I remember in Chile, right after the First World War, the Chilean Government 
did something that apparently was cruel and inhuman. Actually, it was the 
only thing to do. Some Communists — Bolshevik! — began to activitate strikes 
and insurrections in Chile, very actively trying to stir up trouble. The Chilean 
Government had about five to seven of their leaders arrested and incarcerated in 
San Antonio and the newspapers, even El Mercurio and Diario Illustrado asked 
editorially, "Well, what are they holding these people down in San Antonio for?" 
(that is a port several miles south of Valparaiso) "what are they holding them 
there for?" Whereupon the Government replied, "The press is perfectly right. 
We'll send them up to Valparaiso." 

So they put — I think there were seven of them, six or seven — they put these six 
or seven Bolsheviks in a rowboat, and tied the rowboat to a tug. This was in 
the wintertime, when the South Pacific can get pretty rough. When the tug 
got to Valparaiso, everyone was oh ! so disappointed ! The rowboat had upset 
and these Bolsheviks were missing. There was the quickest exodus from Chile 
you ever did see. Bolsheviks were practically scrambling over the Andes on 
their knees and hanging on with their nails going over Aconcagua to get out of 

As I say, everybody protested at that time. But let me assure you that is the 
only, I repeat only, type of action or language that a Communist understands and 
we must remember that whenever we have to deal with them. 

Later on in V.)'M, after Iliaiiez fell, the Almir ante La Torre, the Chilean dread- 
nought, was anchored in the bay at Coquimbo, and the Bolsheviks were able to 
infiltrate and start a mutiny — an insurrection on board the La Torre. The 
Chilean Army airplanes had to bomb their own battleship to put on end to the 
rioting. I was interviewed at that time in a front-page article in the New York 
Times. I displayed my complete ignorance of the operations of communism by 
saying. "You can never have communism in Chile because the Chilean roto is 
too much of an individualist, he won't stand for it." I was totally ignorant 
because I didn't realize the way the Communists — and it only takes a small 
number of them — get control is by terror, murder and every other kind of evil 
measures. They get ccmtrol of a situation by killing the individualists and 
patriots by hundreds, thousands or millions, as they may deem necessary. In 
this manner a mere handful of Communists have taken over millions upon 
millions of people in Russia, China, and elsewhere. 

I don't think that anybody in Washington, certainly not in the country as a 
whole, appreciated in 1932, when there was a Communist uprising in El Salvador, 
what was really happening there. Yet there were 20.000 people killed. Now 
the interesting thing in these instances is that even then, Moscow through the 
Communist groups and parties, was probing, trying out, to see where it could get 
its foot in the door to the Western Hemisphere. 

In 1933, I went to the Seventh International Conference of American States 
as a delegate with Cordell Hull. There were demonstrations against our dele- 
gation by the Communists — placards and everything else — all over Montevideo. 
As a matter of fact, while this was reported in the papers, it was exaggerated a 
bit because the official banquet by the President was delayed for 2 or 3 hours ; we 
didn't sit down at the table until 11 :30 p.m. The newspapers published that it 
was due to some vague Communist plot. Actually it wasn't, it was just the 
chief of protocol went to sleep, and didn't wake up in time. Nevertheless, there 
were the Commiuiists again, always "Johnny-on-the-spot" to make trouble. 

Then when I went on to the Chaco Peace Conference, settling the war between 
Bolivia and Paraguay. I still was innocent Cboth in the Latin and Anglo-Saxon 
sense of the word). Accusations were made against Bolivia, that she was sup- 
ported by the Standard Oil of New Jersey, and that Paraguay was supported 


by the Shell Oil Co., and that this was really a war between Standard Oil and 
Shell. Of course, that was pure balderdash ; as a matter of fact, the Standard 
Oil suffered very severely at the hands of the Bolivian Government during and 
after that war. But the Communists used this false propaganda with telling 

The first time that I really began to recognize what was happening, and the 
unvarying and inevitable double-faced nature of the Communists, was when 
I was Ambassador in Colombia. Colombia was being flooded with Nazi propa- 
ganda, most of it published in Buenos Aires, but some elsewhere in this hemis- 
phere; it was brought in and distributed in Colombia by the Communists, not 
by the Nazis — despite the fact that the Nazis had a big strong organization 
there — but this anti-American Nazi propaganda was given out by the Com- 

In the meantime, I had established in the Embassy an intelligence service of 
a kind. We had no money for it whatsoever, but organized it, thanks to a Ger- 
man priest and to two U.S. oil companies — the Texas Co. and the Richmond Oil 
Co. (Standard Oil of California) who put up the money to employ and pay the 
men that we were using for our intelligence service. The minute that Germany 
attacked Russia, I called our quasi-intelligence agents in and said, "Get in touch 
with the Communists immediately and we'll get the full list of who, among the 
Nazis, are the most dangerous enemies we have here in Colombia." We never 
got one iota of information from the Conmmnist.s — they wouldn't give it to us. 
I commented on that subsequently to Edgar Hoover, when I got back to Wash- 
ington. He laughed and observed, "That's identically my experience here in 
the United States." 

From Colombia I went on to Cuba in 1942 — early 1942. At that time, Batista 
was the first president in the hemisphere who liad a Communist Cabinet officer, 
Marinello. The Communists were in complete control of the labor federation 
through Lazaro Peiia and Bias Roca. The situation was so bad in respect of 
growing Communist influence, that I sent in a number of dispatches and tele- 
grams, and went to Washington myself on three different occasions, taking addi- 
tional memoranda with me. In all these communications, I emphatically ex- 
pressed my alarm as to the Communist infiltration in Cuba — and for that matter 
the rest of the hemisphere — at that time. The Communists were working 
through what they call the Frente Nacional Anti-Fascisti (National Anti-Fascist 
Front) . And there again, I was taught a valuable lesson. 

With what I had learned in Colombia, plus my natural antipatliy to them, I 
was shocked wiien I arrived in Cuba to find that each year, on the Soviet national 
holiday, they had induced Batista to give a terriffic show on the capitol steps in 
Havana, inviting all of the Cabinet officers, every ofBcial of any importance, all 
of the diplomatic corps — of course, by this time the Italians, the Germans, and 
Japanese were out — and then they woiild start the speechifying. 

I just couldn't bx'ing myself to go the first year I was there, so I arranged to 
be down the island, on a trip to Cienfuegos, much to the irritation of the Com- 
munists. I might say that I knew what would happen at these ceremonies, be- 
cause I'd been to some other relatively minor shows where there would be some 
applau.^e for Churchill and the British : a little more for Roo.sevelt and the United 
States : about the same for Chiang Kai-Shek and the Chinese ; and then, when 
Stalin or the Soviet or Russian Army were mentioned, they had their claques — 
they had perfect organizations, and the crowds, led by the commies, would 
just go wild, terrific applause, cheering and demonstrations. 

The .second year I'olled around, I realized I had to go to this ceremony; .so I 
prepared a speech, in which I said, "It's lamentable that there seems to be some 
rivalry between the Allied Powers as to who is contx'ibuting most to the war 
effort." (Of course, the Communists always whoopetl it np for the Red Army, 
how the Red Army was doing everything, with the implication that we and the 
British were cowards because we didn't go right into the second front.) I went 
on to say that "in the First World War, we had the same rivalry, everyone 
claiming full credit for the final victory : the Russians because of what they had 
done in the lake districts ; the French, for the resistance at Verdun ; the British 
because of their navy ; and we, because we came in to give the coup de grace. 
So each one claimed the victoi-y for themselves." I concluded, "Let's not have 
that again ; there is glory enough for all." 

Needless to say, my Soviet colleagues didn't like my remarks very much. 

The third year, I had decided, come hell or high water, I was going to break up 
this National Anti-Fascist Front and this annual show — and here was wheu 


I leanu'd a vahiable lesson. Groniyko had been sent to Cuba as Minister, the 
coldest eye I've ever seen iu a hiunau being, excepting for his second man, the 
charge d'affaires I had to deal with. I was invited to speak again on the c;ipi- 
t(»l steiis. I called in all my other colleagues (by this time, I was dean of the 
corps) — the ]'>ritisli, French, llrazilian, Chilean and so on down the line. I 
laid my program before them, which the.v approved. After the.v authorized me 
to speak for them, I called in the Russian charge d'affaires and said, "Look 
(this was only 10 days before the meeting), neither I nor any of my colleagues 
are going to your big show." 

Well, he threw a tit; he couldn't believe his ears at first. Then he began to 
pound my desk and shout at me in the most insulting fashion. He demanded that 
I go, and that all the other diplomats go or dire things would happen to us. 

I said, "No, we're not going." After he'd repeated his violent act of high rage 
several times — he was not red, but purple in the face — I calmly commented : 
"You haven't asked me why we not going." 

Very much startled, he said, "What is it?" 

I said, "We're not going," and I pulled out the drawer of my desk, "because here 
is the documentary evidence that your National Anti-Fascist Front has been 
blackmailing Cubans, Americans, all kinds of people in Cuba ; exacting money 
from them, threatening otherwise that they would see to it that they were put on 
the blacklist." I siiid. "That's sheer blackmail ; we won't have anything to do 
with such ;in organization." 

He completely turned around, he groveled, he practically got down on his 
knees, begging me to go. He said, "I'll go to anything that is given for the United 
States, the U.S. Army." 

I said, "r)(»n't you do that. <ltm't you go to anything having to do with the 
United States, unless I personally ask you." 

Then and there I learned, you should not ti-y to bluff" the Soviets; but if you 
have the goods and are tough, they'll back down. That, as I say, is the only 
language that they understand. 

I went on. in due course, to Argentina, where I soon found that Peron was 
playing hand in glove with the Communists; as a matter of fact, on the third 
floor of the Rosada, he had a number of Counnunists working every day. 
It was the Communists who directed and carried out the demonstrati(ms against 
me, the distribution of leaflet.s, the attacks and vilifications against me, because 
for instance, of a tragic fire in the Braden Copper Co. mine in Chile. Fortunately 
when I got into the diplomatic service, realizing that there might l)e complica- 
tions, I had sold all of my mining stocks — a considerable loss to me, I may say — 
but it was the only thing to do. 

But Peron and the Communists attacked me in great big placards, in 
pamphlets and in newspapers, saying that I was a criminal, who had murdered 
more than 400 men in the mine fire. They had these placards, as big as those 
panels over there on the wall, dripping with red ink, as blood : there were count- 
less photographs of the dead, the weeping widows, children, and mothers. Ap- 
palling pictures, and they covered Argentina with that defanuitory stuff. 

Fortunately, we had ol)tained copies of the telegrams the Peron government 
had sent to Chile in order to get these photographs. But the organization of 
that whole attack on me, and therefore, on the United States, was conceived and 
carried out by the Ct»mmunists. I'eron, iu this and otherwise, worked hand in 
glove with them. 

As a result of an incident at that time, I received a shock subsequently. It's 
in my April 6, 1054, testimony before the Senate Internal Security Subcounnittee. 
Because I became so convinced of Peron's playing with the Connniinists just be- 
fore the Potsdam Conference, I sent two top-secret cables — I can mention them 
now, because, as I say, it had to be brought out in my testimony — "For the 
President and the Secretary of State," in which I referred to all my many dis- 
patches, telegrams, etc. from Havana and Buenos Aires, in which I had reported 
how the Soviet was directing Conununist infiltration tlironghout the hemisphere, 
and particularly was agitating attacks against the United States. In .Tuly 
1945, in these cables, I urged in the strongest tenns that I*resident Truman and 
Churchill put it up to Stalin and say, "This is what's happening in the Western 
Hemisphere. It's got to stop, or else." 

I was always surprised that I never received any reply or comment on these 
two very important cables — and under State Department regulations, such cables, 
especially that of an Ambassador, are supposed to go directly to the President and 
the Secretary, and nobody else. The interesting thing is that later, I found that 


the Presideut and Secretary of State never received thase telegrams, which is a 
pretty good indication of what I've said : "There may be a few Communists in 
tlie State Department — I think they're rehitively few. It's the misguided ideal- 
ists, the do-gooders, and what I've coined the expression to call them, Un- 
identitiable Theys." Among those groups are the guilty ones, who could and did 
block delivery of top-secret cables from an Ambassador to the President and 
Secretary of State. 

Subsequently, I had further confirmations of this kind of treason, in con- 
nection with mail sent out by me to the Embassy in Buenos Aires for delivery by 
hand to, for instance, Ambassador Levilier. Peron was able to publish photo- 
static copies of the mail I had received and of the mail I had sent out, with 
every precaution taken. Peron was not clever enough to do it himself ; it was 
his playing with the Communists that enal>led him to get possession of those 
documents. The only place they, in turn, logically could have obtained them 
was in the Department. 

I have referred to Batista as having the first Communist Cabinet Minister, 
and playing with the Communists himself, just as Peron was. I think we've got 
to make some allowances in his case; we were the first ones to recognize the 
Soviet in that period — the Argentines and Uruguayans had recognized them be- 
fore and then broken relations. We not only had established diplomatic relations 
with the U.S.S.R., but when we got to the San Francisco Organization of the 
United Nations Conference, the Russians' Mr. Molotov said that they would 
not follow the wishes of the 21 American Republics, about bringing Argentina 
into the United Nations, unless we got those Republics to recognize the Soviet 
Union. Therefore, to that end, we sent one of the higher officers of the State 
Department around South America telling these Republics, '"You have got to 
recognize and establish diplomatic relations with the Soviet." Hence, I don't 
know that we can blame them too much for not appreciating fully the Com- 
munist-Soviet threat. 

When I liecame Assistant Secretary of State, I was impressed by the meetings 
that we had there — 15, 20, 2.> people — and since the word "Soviet," I believe, 
means "meeting," I began to refer to our State Department meetings as "young 
Soviets." A lot of those attending were leftwing, and tried to oppose any sound 
measures that I wanted to take. For instance, after the "intervention" of the 
U.S.-owned tramway lines in Cuba, I telephoned to Harry Norweb, my successor 
as Ambassador in Cuba. I said. "Please get out of the files copy of a note that, 
I wrote the Cuban authorities when I was Ambassador there in connection with 
the "intervention' of the Tinguaro siigar mill, of the American Sugar Co., and 
])ut in an identical note on the Tramway affair." He said, "Will you please con- 
firm this to me liy cable".''" Of course, tliat was the proi>er thing for me to do. 

I replied that the instruction would be confirmed by cable forthwith, since time 
was of the essence. 

That note, which I had delivered to the Cuban Government about Tinguaro, 
said, "If this intervention is tantamount in whole or part to an expropriation, 
then my Government exi)ects adequate, effective, and prompt compensation to 
be paid to this U.S. company." Very simple. 

Simple? Yes, but very effective in the case of the Tinguaro sugar mill (I 
won't go into other details of that story now). I immediately dictated a cable 
of instructions to Norweb. I didn't know about departmental procedure, but 
fortimately I happened to be in my office about 7 o'cloc-k that evening, when 
Blanche Halla — one of the finest departmental officers I ever knew and head of 
the Office of Coordination and Review called up and said, "Mr. Secretai-y, you 
can't send that telegram ; you must have seven or eight initials on it from all the 
interested divisions, and even the Department of Labor, and you haven't any but 
your own." 

I knew perfectly well — I had learned enough by that time — tliat it would take 
a week or more to send somebody around to get signatures in routine fashion. 
I might get the requisite initials in a couple of days, if I took somebody of im- 
portance. Ellis Briggs, for instance, and sent him around from person to person 
saying "I'retty please, give me your initials." The Labor Department initials 
were recpiired because the "intervention" resulted from a strike on the tramway 
company. So I pled with Mrs. Halla, "I'lease let it go out. I will take full 
responsibility." Thanks to Mrs. Halla's courageous cooperation it went out; 
Harry Xorweb put in the note, the strike and the intervention ended "in a flash, 
and the whole thing was fixed. I was very i)leased with myself. 


But. about a week later, Ellis Briggs and .Jim Wright, my two iirincipal as- 
sistants — I don't think Tom Mann was with me by that time — came in and said, 
"Good God, Hpruille, what have you done?" 

I asked, "What do you mean?" 

They replied, "Well, you've sent out this cable without getting all these 
necessary initials on it ; you've broken every regulation in the books ; you had 
no right to do it. They've got you cold, and they are all demanding a meeting 
and rectification" (whatever that meant). 

They all — about 2.5 of them — came to this meeting, every one of them; my 
office was filled. They sat in a great big circle, and started in on me. Thanks 
to the I^ord, they didn't make the issue on the lack of initials on the telegram. 
Instead, they charged that I had interfered with the rights of labor by putting an 
end to this intervention and strike in the manner that I had, and from there, 
they went on loudly and at length protesting my actions. 

Finally. I said, "Well, I want to tell you something. As long as I'm Assistant 
Secretary of State, I'm going to protect American property rights. All your 
talk about the strike and the rights of labor are so much hooey in this case. 
I never even mentioned labor or the strike in my telegram. I won't listen to you. 
Good afternoon." They were so taken aback that they got out, without even 
mentioning the initials. So I won the fight, but only by luck. The thing I want 
to impress on you, gentlemen, is that the majority of the group who called on me 
were just as lef twing as they could be. 

I had a number of other experiences in the Department, which I have recited 
in testimony before the Senate Committee on Internal Security, such as my 
experience with Alger Hiss in respect of the I'anama Canal. I have skipped 
over in Cuba, for instance, my experience with Harry Dexter White in connec- 
tion with the currency and the central bank. But those shocking and revealing 
experiences made me realize how deep' was the CommunLst penetration: how 
great their power was; and how real was the threat to our country. These, 
plus a number of other instances, really began to get me worried. If you are 
interested I suggest that you read my December 22, 1953, and April 6, 1954, 
testimony before the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee. 

.Just before I left the Department — 6 months before — Ellis Briggs, Tom Mann, 
.Jim Wi'ight, and I had a series of talks together because we were convinced 
that the Ninth International Conference of American States, to be held in 
Bogota, was going to face a very dangerous situation. We seriously debated 
taking steps to have that conference po.stponed, and when Norman Armour suc- 
ceeded me. I warned him about it. To have had it postponed would have been 
ve'--- difficult, so it was not canceled, and you all know what happened there. 

Today you have read about the situation in Ecuador. I might add that we 
know that the Communists' leader, a man named Pedro Saad, has declared that 
they are going to make trouble for the Conference in Quito next year. There 
are reports of up to 9,000 Communists now being infiltrated into the country — 
that's probably exaggerated — but certainly it is true some Cuban Communists 
have been sent there to make trouble. I think the hope that we might have 
in the case of Ecuador — and in a way. this is a sad hope to express, but it is 
a hope — is the illiteracy of the Indians, which prevents their being such apt 
pupils for the Communist.s. That may be the saving grace in Ecuador. 

Guatemala : There, as you all know, we had another very bad situation. 
Now the Guatemalan story has never, or very rarely been told as it actually 
developed through the gradual seizure of po\\er by Arevalo, Arbenz, and the 
Communists. However, in 19.")3 I became so worried that I gave a lecture at 
Dartmouth to sound an alarm about what was happening in Guatemala. 

Now. of cotirse. we've been blamed in Latin America for our so-called inter- 
vention in Giiatemala. Actually, what happened, and here you can accuse Tacho 
Samoza of being a dictator, or anything else you choose. l)ut thank God for 
T.u-ho. he had the courage to take his own money, get his Amba.ssador 
in Washington to go <mt and buy planes and erpiipment for Castillo Armas, 
and that was the way Castillo Armas got going. It was only when a group of 
the American Republic's Ambassadors came into the State Department and 
said, "You're being lilamed for intervention in Guatemala anywa.v. It doesn't 
matter what happens, or what the truth is, you're going to be the culprits 
accused (»f intervention, so you might as well help out now, if you don't, 
('astillo Armas will lose, Arbenz will win, and then you'll have these little Com- 
munist dictators cropi)ing up all over Central America. So you'd better take 
some action, and quick." 


It was only then that we gave support to Castillo Armas. Of course, there 
is the unfortunate sequel, that both Castillo Armas and Tacho Somoza were 
assassinated. And there is good reason to believe that Communists certainly 
had a hand in that. 

Just take a look around the Caribbean, to see where the Commies are. You 
will find .leddy Jegan in British Guiana ; the French islands, such as Martinque, 
with their representatives in the French Congress who are Communists ; Betan- 
court and at least a far left regime in Venezuela ; Panama weak ; Guatemala 
weakening ; I'epe Figueres hoping to return to power ; Nicaragua and the Do- 
minican Republic under severe attack ; and as for Cuba, it is the most dangerous 
spot in the Caribbean area. I will come back to it later, precisely because it is 
so alarming a situation. 

Rapidly glancing at South America, we find in Bolivia control seized in 1952 
by the MNR, which was Marxist. Paz Estenssoro, head of the MNR, openly 
boa.sted that he was a Marxist. There was Lechin, a most important leader and 
Cabinet Minister, who also was head of the Trotskyite Conmiunists I have 
mentioned. He boasted publicly in a speech that the Bolivian agrarian law 
was more radical than that of the the Chinese Communists. Now, that takes 
some doing, to be more Communist than Mao Tse-tung. Only recently in Bo- 
livia, there were riots because of an article in Time magazine. All U.S. citi- 
zens, including Embassy personnel, had to be given refuge under armed guards 
outside of La Paz. I've heard any number of people, through the years, make 
the statement — which Time attributed to one of our diplomats — about Bolivia 
being divided up by her neiglibor. As a matter of fact, Bolivar didn't want to 
have Sucre found Bolivia. He said, "It isn't viable country." 

This thought about Bolivia goes far back. 

During the Chaco Peace Conference, I remember we had a terrific time, 
because Saavedra Lamas, the Argentine Foreign Minister, wanted to make a 
deal— it was a very complicated deal — but the net of it was to divide Bolivia 
in four parts, and each of the adjoining countries take a slice — Brazil, Chile, 
Peru, and Argentina. In that connection, there was an amusing incident. The 
man whom Saavedra sent to talk with President Toro, of Bolivia, to discuss a 
possible partition, happened to be Captain Vaca. 

The Nixon riots — no use to comment on that. We know the Communist in- 
spiration there. 

Let me return to Cuba. This organization, the U.S. Council of the Inter- 
American Council on Commerce and Production, played a role, to an extent. I 
had given an interview in 1957 in which I referred to Castro being either a 
Communist or a Communist stooge — I didn't know which — but I also referred 
to the record of his having taken part in the Bogotazo. At our meeting, 2 years 
ago, on October 4, 1957, in that suite in the Savoy Plaza, our luncheon speaker 
was Terry Sanders, who is one of my old boys and splendid Foreign Service 
career officer of highest integrity, who worked for me in Colombia, now head 
of, I think, the South American division. I got Teri-y aside at that meeting 
and said, "Terry, I have just gotten the information — not as it was reported 
later in the press of April 1959 — that we have notified Batista that we are going 
to stop the shipment of all arms to him," That meant not only all the arms 
and munitions that his Government had bought and paid for, but including those 
that had been recommended by our military, air, and naval missions. I said, 
"For God's sake, don't do that. Please tell the higher echelons in the Depart- 
ment what I am saying to you. It is impossible for us to be neutral in this 
matter. The Cuban Government has been defending us in the United Nations, 
tooth and nail. They're a friendly government. We have forced them to buy 
many of these arms. But the thing that concerns me, knowing the Cuban i>eo- 
ple, is that they will interpret our stopping these shipments as meaning that 
we are for Castro and against Batista. If they do that, you're going to put 
Castro in power ; if you get Castro, you're going to get chaos, the Communists 
are going to capitalize on that chaos and take over Cuba." 

I added that the Department know of my head-on collisions with Batista ; 
that I knew his good and his bad points; his regime might be like having ulcers, 
but Castro and Communist control would be a painful and fatal cancer. 

Terry went to Washington and wrote me to say he had transmitted the mes- 
sage to Dick Rubottom and to others further up the line. Nevertheless, the fact 
remains that our Government has a tremendous responsibility for the situation 
which exists in Cuba today. Of course, it had some very able assists from 
Mr. Matthews and the New York Times, along with some of our other peri- 


I won't jio into the details of the Cuban agrarian reform law; it would take 
too long and already has been covered. Excepting, it is interesting to comment 
that according to the best information, it was drafted in IVlexico while Castro 
was over there training with his men iinder Colonel Bayo, the famous Spanish 
Red. Also it really does nothing for the poor guajiros. 

It is further intere.sting to comment that the new director to run this agrarian 
setup is Antonio Nunez Jimenez, a well known Communist professor whose books 
were destroyed by court order in Cuba ; the assistant director, Rafael Pino 
Santos, was a Communist, and while I was Ambassador in Cuba, he wrote under 
the name of .Torge I'iuo Veda in HOY, the Communist newspaper. He ran a 
coluiini daily under the heading, "Temas Agricolas," from ISNtS to 1947. Now 
those are the two men that liave been put in charge of the agrarian law. 

What are the other signs of communism in Cuba? There is Raul Castro, who 
is known to be a Communist ; his wife, even more violently a Communist, trained 
behind the Iron Curtain in sabotage. All of this they try to cover up. They're 
hiding the fact that David Salvador, when I was Ambassador in Cuba, was a well 
known Communist, and he now is the head of the labor federation. He now 
says, "No, I'm not, I'm no longer a Communist." Nevertheless, everything that 
he does or says is along the Communist line. I think the same thing ought to 
be said about Fidel Castro, himself. 

Whether Castro is a misguided idealist, an economic charlatan, or what I 
think he is, which is a dictator with a Messianic complex, doesn't matter— not 
even whether he is a Communist or not — because he surrounds himself with 
Communists, and every statement and every action that he takes is along that 

There was the Cuban inspired, equipped and manned attack on Panama. In 
my 19.54 Senate testimony, I mentioned Alger Hiss in connection with the State 
Department, when I was Assistant Secretary, and what he did in connection 
with trying to get Communists in on the Panama Canal. Now we have the 
Cuban Communist regime launching attacks on Panama, the Dominican Repub- 
lic and Nicaragua. 

Speaking of intervention, there are the resolutions passed by the Venezuelan, 
Salvadorean and Costa Rican Congresses, supporting these Cuban aggressions 
against neighboring republics. These are direct interventions. Lacayo Farfan, 
the Nicaraguan revolutionary leader, is living on the farm of Pepe Figueres. He 
is another one who hopes to make trouble. 

Nor should we forget that the Ministers of the Interior of Central America, 
on June 7, met in Guatemala to discuss how serious the Communist threat is. 

In Nicaragua, statements are made, pamphlets distributed, that anybody who 
sticks with the Somoza brothers is going to be shot in exactly the same way as 
the people — some 3,500 of these so-called war criminals — have been shot in 
Cuba. This is typical Communist procedure. In other words, Haiti, the 
Dominican Republic, Nicaragua and Paraguay, to an extent, are trying to oper- 
ate under these threats. It is practically impossible to run an economy or to 
run a government under such circumstances. In short, there is a real danger 
of the Caribbean becoming a Red lake. I have never in my life seen the situation 
so bad as it is today. 

Trying to wind up quickly, we find in Mexico, Argentina, Colombia and other 
countries, that the Communists are active. Both the Mexican and the Argentine 
Governments recently had to e.iect Soviet and satellite diplomats accredited in 
their capitals. Unfortunately, the most dangerous Commie in Buenos Aires is 
the wife of the Hungarian ambassador there; she has not been ejected yet. 

The Soviet now busily is inviting the youths of this hemisphere to the Vienna 
conference this year. Fourteen hundred of them, as opposed to 500 in 1956. I 
won't take the time to give you all the numbers, but Brazil is sending the most 
with 250. Argentina 170, Venezuela 150. 

Going back to our friend, Agustin Navarro, I received a letter from him, de- 
scribing his recent tour around Latin America. He said the thing that impressed 
him most — it was a very rapid tour by air — was that as he left Buenos Aires, 
he skipped over Santiago, got to Peru, went on to Colombia, but in each place 
that he arrived, the pattern was identical. It was identical in that all three 
places had had bank strikes. The identical feature existed on the tramways 
and transportation — Communist inspired strikes. He said the pattern was the 
same right aroiuid the entire hemisphere. 

There already has been some comment on Brazil, but there is a very alarming 
dispatch in the New York Times on June 6. I won't take time to read it to you 


now, but it implied that $16 million had been sent from the Soviet to support 
the Communists there. 

Anti-Americanism, of course, is the main Communist objective. They don't 
expect to take over fully for a long time, excepting as they do it through a Castro 
or somebody like that. They don't want the control of government, unless it 
would force us to the extreme of an armed intervention. That they want very 
much indeed. Meanwhile they prefer to pile harassment on harassment and 
humiliation on humiliation for us. 

I may say, in passing, that we needn't hope for any help from the Organization 
of American States when it comes to defending the hemisphere against Com- 
mimist infiltration, by armed intervention or otherwise. The OAS simply hasn't 
the courage or ability to take any firm stand against communism or socialism. 

What are we going to do? I don't know. What do you do when the horse has 
been stolen and the barn burned down':' I have some recommendations in mind. 
But it would take too much time to go into them now, since I believe luncheon is 
ready. I hope my recitation of the way I have learned about communism and 
my alarm that today the worst situation I have ever seen exists in this hemi- 
sphere, will suffice for the moment. 


What I endeavored to do this morning was to offer a chopping block for dis- 
cussion — a discussion which might develop some solutions. 

However, since evidently we will not have the opportunity for this discussion, 
I take the liberty of submitting the following : 

(a) The best defense is a good olfense. Let's stop pretending that the Com- 
munists and the Soviet respect and understand anything other than power 
superior to their own. Summit conferences and all talk of coexistence should be 
eliminated. Nor should our side keep proclaiming that never will it nuxke the 
first move. Some day, our very survival may compel us to attack. 

(b) The maintenance of superior power in this hemisphere. In our self- 
interest we should be glad to have allies elsewhere, but never count on them too 

(c) For our common survival, all the peoples of the Americas must educate 
themselves thoroughly on the Communist ideology and plans and Soviet strategy. 

(d) As I have repeatedly recommended for more than 15 years, we should take 
advantage of the Latins' instinctive and wonderful sense of humor. There are 
dozens of cartoonists and humorists throughfiut the hemisphere whose ridicule 
would Vtring the world to join with us in laughing the Soviet and C<jmmunist 
lies and tyrannies to scorn. 

(e) Never must we forget that charity, well directed, begins at home. 

(/) So soon as possible, all of us must end the wasteful, inefiicient and usually 
futile foreign aid progTams ; which rarely help the recipient nations, as they 
simultaneously weaken, demoralize and eventually will bankrupt the (Government 
of the United States and all its citizens. 

ig) We must renew our adherence to the principles of constitutional repre- 
sentative government, as laid down by the Founding Fathers of our 21 sovereign 
and independent republics. 

(Ji) Above all, we must reinvigorate, redouble and rededicate ourselves to our 
common faith. 

Mr. Bradex. In connection witli the agrarian reform law I think it 
is pertinent and you very likely have already been told this, that in 
the regulations that have come out, and I have them here, the ''poor 
dovrntrodden peasants'' that Castro is always talking- about and how 
he is going to helj) them to get their land, never actually own the land. 

The^v cannot sell tlie land. They can transfer it by inheritance only 
with the approval of this organization (INRA) that is set up to 
run it. 

The peasant only receives 30 percent of the product that comes from 
that land. And in this regulation he is compelled to do many things 
(they have a long series of regulations) . He must be on time, he must 
report any defects that he sees in anv of the other workers. His work 
must be satisfactory. It is a completely communistic setup. 


Mr. SouRWiNE. As Major Diaz said, these people are slaves on the 
hind, not the owners. In legal contemplation it is a form of indentured 
servitude entailed from father to son. 

Mr. Braden. Exactly. I haven't seen it in the press, but my Cuban 
friends tell me that recently in connection with that law somebody was 
talking- to Castro and said, "Well why have you left out of your revised 
constitution the reference to God" which was put in the 1002 orioinal 
constitution, and was reiterated, despite the fact that there are a lot of 
leftwingers, in 19J:0 when the new constitution was drafted. 

Again dependence on God was restated. 

"Now you have left it out. What is your answer ? " 

This was over the radio. His answer was that the new Cuban 
agrarian reform law w^as much more impoitant than God. 

Senator Johnston. Let's talk about something more important. 

Mr. Braden. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. INIr. Ambassador, do you have a copy of the regula- 
tions you speak of ^ The agrarian reform regulations? 

Mr. Braden. I have a copy of the law, and then here I have the 
description of the regulations that are published in their own paper. 

Mr. Sourwine. I think those w^ould be useful in our record, Mr. 

Senator Johnston. That is in Spanish, isn't it ? 

Mr. Braden. Yes. 

Mr. SouRAViNE. Do you wish them ordered translated and inserted 
in our records ? 

Senator Johnston. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Will you take care of that, Mr. Mandel ? 

(The agrarian reform law is printed on pages 77 to 88, part I of the 
subcommittee's series of hearings entitled "Communist Threat to the 
United States Through the Caribbean," of which the instant hearing 

Mr. Braden. I think, in connection with the signs of communism in 
Cuba, some of the following points may be of interest : 

There is the recent announcement by the Chinese Communists of 
their establishing a Chinese Communist newspaper on the island. It 
would be a long list of Communist activities if we went back to the 
beginning. I jotted a few down at random and I have undoubtedly 
left out a great many others : The incitation of the people against the 
United States, which Castro indulges in and has continuously indulged 
in at every opportunity, excepting only during his actual visit here in 
the ITnited States when he did not insult us and kick us around. 

But otherwise he continuously does so. That is terrifically impor- 
tant, along with the removal of English from teaching in all of the 
schools in Cuba. They are changing the history of Cuba in order to 
bring out that we went into the Spanish-American War not to help 
Cuba but simply for our own selfish ends. 

There is a statement by Castro, that we actually delayed the winning 
of that war by the Cuban ])atriots. In the instruction of the army, 
which is being carried on by the Comnnniists, everything that they 
do is pro-Communist and anti-United States. There is one of Castro's 
speeches that goes on for about five or six full newspaper pages here, 
because he talks for 3, 4, or 5 hours, but all the way through, if it is 
not direct accusations against the United States, it is by innuendo. 


For instance, President Eisenhower's statement that this matter should 
be liandled by the OAS, the Oro-anization of American States, is 
attacked as an act of intervention by United States. That is creating 
a hatred of the American people. It isn't that this hatred existed 
before nor is it that the Cubans had that feeling at all, as Mr. Mat- 
thews alleges in his articles. On the contrary, never in any place in 
Latin America, and I have been in every one of the countries and I 
have lived in many of them, have I encountered the genuine friendship 
for the United States that there was in Cuba. 

They had an organization there called La Cera del Louvre, which 
used to come out with statements which were really embarrassing to 
me as the U.S. Ambassador because they were so excessively friendly. 
They were almost too saccharine. That attempt to destroy friendship 
for the United States very definitely is a part of the whole Communist 
program just as it was in Guatemala and as it has been other places 
in the Caribbean. 

In a printing plant in Havana before Batista fell, they found a 
common plant, both Castro propaganda and Communist propaganda 
were being printed in the same place. There are reports of arms 
supplied to Castro back before he won, by the U.S.S.R. Whether this 
can be proven or not I don't know. Versus that you have the state- 
ment to me by the consul general of Nicaragua that the Cubans that 
landed there and tried to provoke a revolution in Nicaragua, were 
supplied with arms that had the markings of the Castro 26tli of July 

Fidel's membership — he belonged to a Communist youth movement 
in his early days when he was a student in Havana, and tliere is quite 
a record there, because there was another Castro — Manolo Castro — 
who was assassinated at Fidel Castro's instance in order for the latter 
to gain control of the student federation. 

Castro's former brother-in-law, who was a student at the same time 
with him, told me of one meeting where they had 200 special seats 
arranged in the front of the hall and Castro was going to speak at 
this meeting. The brother-in-law said, '"You are not going to get 200 
people at this meeting." 

Castro replied : "Oh, don't you worry, I have got the people and it 
will look fine in the photographs because all the Communists are com- 
ing out for this meeting. I don't have to worry about getting anybody 

Mr. SoumviNE. What is the name of this brother-in-law? 

Mr. Bradex. I will have to go back to my records. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is he in the United States now ? 

Mr. Bradex. I think so, probably in ISIiami. 

Senator Johxstox. You can furnish us that name ? 

]\Ir, Bradex. Yes, sir. I can get that for you. 

Of course, Mr. Matthews excuses Fidel's membership in the Com- 
munist movement as just being "'the exuberance of youth.'' Matthews 
admits that more than 10 years ago Castro participated in the Bogo- 
tazo in Colombia, a Communist uprising. Again this criminal action 
is excused as "the exuberance of youth." 

Castro in some of these newspapers I have here — I am not sure 
whether it is Fidel or his brother Kaul — says that of course they re- 
spect Russian rights. He asks why should anybody be critical of the 


Communists? He says lie is not a Communist but they have got to 
have their political riii-hts the same as anyl)0(ly else. 

I think the hija('kiii<>- of the planes l>efore lialista's fall is a pretty 
good example of Connnie tactics, the kidnaping of American citizens 
also is good evidence of usual Communist tactics. 

The first thing they did when they took over was to eject the U.S. 
military, naval, and air missions, which would be a Communist- 
inspired action. 

In their attacks on the United States they repeatedly refer to the 
atomic bomb, the use of the bomb in Japan, and advocate a declara- 
tion of neutrality foi- C^uba between the Soviet and the United States. 
They have eliminated all of the Army, the Navy, and the police to be 
re])laced by Castro's own militia. Here is a pictui-e of small boys 
beino' trained for a youth militia. There is also an article here which 
refers to the president of the students federation m odontology at the 
university requesting that university students be incorporated into a 
militia. Well, tiiose militia, just as in Guatemala, Bolivia, and in 
China, are typical of the Communist movement. 

Senator Johnston. They like to get in and work then with the 
youth ? 

Mr. Braden. Yes. I mentioned "Che" Guevara, the Aigentine, 
who is a well-known Communist. There also is Alfredo Guevara 
who is no relative of "Che" Guevara. He is in charge of instiiicting 
the Castro troops in communism. The same with Camilo Cienfuegos, 
he is a Communist, Candido Gonzales, Santiago Diaz Gonzales, a 
whole bunch of them there. 

I mentioned Colonel Faget, Mariano Faget. He had a very excel- 
lent assistant by the name of Captain Castafio who w^as his deputy. 
Castaho was captured and was thrown into the Caliana fortress as a 
l)risoner. He had worked so eft'ectively against conmumism that he 
had been sent to the Ignited States for special training. 

I am told this from a good source but probably you may want to 
check it with the State Department or somebody in the FBI or CIA, 
if you can. 

Castaiio, because he was sent up here for a coui'se of training in 
anti-Communist intelligence work, was thrown into the jug there. 
Someone connected, I assume, with the Fmbassy said to Fidel Castro: 
"Look, this man is not a war criminal. He has not done anythiiig 
against you. He has merely been anti-Communist. Will you please 
get him out?" 

The INIinister of Agriculture who since has resigned, was with 
Castro at the time and Castro said, "You go over and talk to Che 
Guevara and to my brotlier Raul." 

"Che" Guevara and Raul came back and spoke to Castro. They 
went back to La Cabana and Castano was shot. 

That is what happened to him, lickety-split, despite presumably a 
request from the Embassy. Whether that is true about the request 
from the Embassy I don't know but I got it from a good source and 
you may want to follow through on that. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman, I note that the Ambassador is refer- 
ring to a number of his papers in there. Might I ask that the Chair 
instruct that the Ambassador mav offer for the record and there ]nay 


be inserted in tlie record any of the documents that he has there which 
he deems pertinent ? 

Mr. Bradex. This is just a memorandum that I drafted. I could 
probably best send you down a copy of this, have it made up in a fresh 
copy because it has got my own scrawl all over it. 

The war crimes trials I have already covered as I have the teaching 
of Marxism and having the Cuban Constitution canceled out. Bishop 
]\Iartinez Dalmau, who is the Catholic bishop of Cienfuegos, has been 
forced to leave the country. 

I know that the cardinal, Monsignor Arteaga, is none too happy with 
the situation. 

Senator Johnston. He had to leave the country. Where did he go 

Mr. Braden. He went to Europe somewhere. 

The BRAC was the government's anti-Communist organization. 
Of course, the revolutionaries seized immediately all of the BRAC 
documents and everything that they had in their files, including lists 
of Communists. Everything was promptly destroyed. 

That was one of the very first things that they did. I am reliably 
informed that there are two Soviet labor experts presently in Cuba. 
There are also stories about some of the Soviet emissaries coming over 
there as early as January 7 or 8. Immediately they opened Hoy, and 
the Communist radio and TV stations, immediately that Castro got in 
power, wliicli doesn't sound as if he was too aiiti-Commmiist. 

There is a curious nuance in all of this. One has to know Spanish 
to get it ; I didn't realize it until the owner and publisher of La Prensa 
called to my attention how Peron was changing from Nazi or Fascist 
expression to Communist expressions, and he cited some of them. 

It is interesting to note in Fidel's speeches that he frequently uses 
expressions that are typically Communist, the attacks on imperialism 
and so forth. It is a rote that they follow. 

It is interesting to note also that Castro praised and had consulta- 
tion with Albizo Campos, the Puerto Rican agitator who wants inde- 
pendence. This just recently appeared in one of the papers; I haven't 
it here, I think I probably threw it away. There was a speech by 
Castro in which he was whooping it up for Puerto Rican independ- 
ence. He doesn't give a darn about Puerto Rican independence. It 
is just simply more agitation against the United States. 

I have referred to the teaching of English in primary schools ; it is 
being cut out. There are cultural organizations, for instance Xues- 
tro Tiempo, which push the Red line in study clubs, lectures, and little 
theater groups. 

In other words, you find typically Communist activities and pro- 
cedures as you go down a long list of things. Practically every day 
there is something new coming up in connection with these Commu- 
nist tactics. 

Here is the copy of the agrarian law I was looking for. It is in 
Spanish. I don't know whether you would like that or not. 

Senator Johnston. We will have that translated into English. 

Mr. SouKwiNE. Mr. Ambassador, I am informed that the name of 
Castro's brother-in-law is Rafael Diaz Balart. Is that correct? 

Mr. Braden. Yes, I think that is it. This you may like to have a 
copy of. I haven't finished reading tliis myself. I only got it a few 


days ago and I have been so rushed I didn't have a chance to. But 
this is a description that lias been gotten out on the Communist nature 
of the whole movement. This was printed in Mexico. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. May that publication be an exhibit for this record 
rather than being inserted physically in the record ? 

Senator Johnston. I think that would be best. 

Mr. Braden. I apologize for this unorderly presentation, but 1 
have been so rushed getting ready to sail for Chile. 

Senator Johnston. We are glad to have this information. 

Mv. Bradiin. Some of the other documents, when you are (liroiigh 
with them, I would like to get back for my tiles. 

For instance, this is a translation made at Columbia University of 
tlie Russian newspaper Pravda on January ;>, giving an orientation 
of the Communist line insofar as Cuba is concerned. That is trans- 
lated into English. 

Mr. Sourwine. May that be received for the record, Mr. Chairman ? 

Senator Johnston. It will be received. 

(The document referred to, from p. oO, vol. XI, No. 1, of "The 

Current Digest of tlie Soviet Press" for Feb. 11, 1959, reads as 


Western Hemisphere 


Cubu Is Fighting, Cuba Will Win (by V. Levin, Pravda, January 3, p. 5, 
1,400 words. Condensed text.) New Year's Day has brought a sharp change in 
the situation in Cuba, where the people have been fighting a selfless struggle 
against the bloody dictatorial regime headed by General Batista. On January 
1, 1959, the dictatorship of this henchman of America collapsed under the 
blows of the rebel movement. Batista and his cohorts fled the country. The 
fight in Cuba, which has become extremely intense in these days, still goes on, 
but the scales are tipping more and more in the direction of the patriotic forces, 
as foreign commentators unanimously state. * * * 

The inglorious end of the Batista government attests to the increasing power 
of the Latin American people's struggle against the oppression of the Yankee 
imperialists, their struggle for freedom and national indeijcndence. * * * 

Americans control more than one-half of Cuban sugar production and almost 
all electric power, communications, oil extraction and refining, nickel and iron 
ore. Batista was installed as Cuba's President as a loyal guard over Amer- 
ican capital investments. 

Those who stood behind the dictator were not mistaken in their calculations. 
American private capital, encouraged by the ruling clique, flooded the country. 
In August 1957, the Government abolished the taxes on the profits the monopolies 
were taking out of the country. A new trade agreement between Cuba and 
America was concluded which, in the words of Diario de la Marina, "encouraged 
increased capital investments from the United States." Cuba moved into third 
place in Latin America in total American pi-ivate investments. In the words 
of Francis Segrue, correspondent of the New York Herald Tribune. Batista pro- 
vided excellent terms for foreign investors. According to data of the National 
Bank of Cuba, new foreign capital investments came to .$800 million during 
the 6 years of Batista's rule, and at present American capital investments total 
more than .$1 billion. It is understandable why an overly frank American busi- 
nessman declared : "You can do business with Batista." 

One hand washes the other, and the American businessmen did not neglect 
their obligations. Some of their profits went into the strongboxes of the 
dictator and his cohorts. P^veu the American weekly the New York Times 
magazine was forced to admit that the Batista regime was "noted for its 

The imperialists and their local stewards amassed untold wealth while the 
Cuban people were gradually impoverished. * * * 


Batista transformed the country into a dark realm of terror and bloody 
repression. In the words of the New York Times, any evidence of dissatis- 
faction was crushed with cruelty "luiprecedented even in Cuba's turbulent his- 
tory." Constitutional guarantees were abolished in the country, freedom of 
speech and freedom of tlie press were eliminated, and opposition parties were 

The Cuban working class raised the banner of struggle against the hateful 
tyranny by organizing a series of large-scale strikes. The peasantry, a large 
part of the intelligentsia and representatives of business circles joined in this 
struggle. Armed resistance to the dictatorship regime came from the rebel 
movement headed by a leader of Cuban young i>eople, Fidel Castro, who is now 
making decisive gains. 

The resistance movement is being actively supported by the Popular Socialist 
I'arty of Cuba — the advance detachment of the Cuban working class. It sees 
the rebels tirst of all as patriots who have set as their goal the revival of demo- 
cratic freedoms in the country, the transformation of its backward economy, 
the implementation of land reform and the liquidation of illiteracy. The 
Popular Socialist Party of Cuba is fighting stanchly for the unity and solidarity 
of all patriotic forces and for a real popular liberation movement. 

The ruling circles of the United States are following the development of 
events in Cuba with growing alarm. The first distress signal was sounded by 
the American companies set up in the country. Bigart, correspondent of the 
New York Times, cabled from Havana that business circles did not want Batista 
to fall because "they think this will have an effect on the concessions they have 

The American imperialists have been generous in supplying their agents with 
arms. Planes, tanks, guns, and ammunition were openly supplied to the Cuban 
dictator on the basis of the agreement on "mutual defense of the Western 

Military aid to the dictator's regime evoked such indignation among Cubans 
and the entire world public that the U.S. Government was obliged to make a 
statement about stopping arms deliveries. However, the Diario de las Americas 
pointed out that despite this statement, arms continued to arrive secretly. These 
ai'ms were sent from the Dominican Republic and Nicaragua, which received 
them free from the United States under the terms of the mutual defense agree- 
ment. In addition, the United States turned over some of its former obligations 
to Batista to its allies in the NATO military bloc. Britain, France, and Italy 
have delivered large shipments of arms and ammunition to Cuba. 

The U.S. Army, Navy, and Air Force missions directed the purchase and 
local distribution of weapons. They also trained the Cuban Army. 

In the summer of 1958, the United States landed its marines near Guantanamo 
Naval Base. This gross act, allegedly motivated by the increasing need to guard 
a water pipeline, was actually brought on by the collapse of the June offensive 
of Batista's army. As Fidel Castro stated, Batista and Smith, the American 
Ambassador, hoped in this w^^y to provoke a "clash between the North American 
Mai'ines and the rebels." The brazen schemes of the imperialists met with a 
stern rebuff. 

Very recently, Washington again attempted to find a new excuse for U.S. 
interference in Cuba's Internal affairs. Tliis was the Cuban people's appraisal 
of a recent statement of the U.S. State Department. This statement made an 
unsubstantiated reference to the kidnaping of two American citizens ; it was 
virtually an ultimatum to the rebels. It demanded in an insulting tone that 
they stop damaging American property and threatened that certain measures 
would be taken if there was no compliance. 

But neither Washington's threats to the rebels nor the abundant military aid 
he received helped Batista to hold on to the presidential throne. He left the 
country in fear of the wrath of the people. 

.Judging by news agency reports, local reaction and its Washington patrons 
are now making feverish efforts to maintain in power the military junta, which 
suits them and which would actually like to continue Batista's antipopular 
policy. * * * 

The Cuban people have drunk the dregs of bitter suffering and they cannot 
be cheated or frightened off. The patriots have the firm intention of carrying 
the liberation through to the end. "If the American Marines land in Cuba," 
declared the insurgent radio, "we will fight them as we fought Batista's soldiers." 


The heroic Cuban people are not alone in their just struggle. The sympathy 
and support of all freedom-loving peoples in the world are on their side. 

IVIr. Sot RAVINE. We will have it photostated, sir, and return it to 
Mr. Bra den. 

Mr. Bradex. They have changed the name of Camp Colmnbia, the 
military headquarters, to Camp Liberty. They put in a theater and 
called it Charlie Chaplin because they thinly we don't like Charlie 

Senator Johnston. If they are successful in setting up in Cuba a 
communistic-controlled government, what do you think will be the 
results then with the other islands ? 

Mr. Braden. Not only the other islands, you have to take the whole 
Caribbean into account. There you have got a very complicated sit- 
uation because this leftwing movement, as I said, consists not only 
of the Communists— that is the Stalinist international-type Commu- 
nist — there also. are all kinds of gradations of Marxists, including 
Trotskyites. There are Socialists, some misguided idealists and 
others that go along with them and are their dupes. 

I made the mistake the first time I met Arevalo, when I was sent 
to his inauguration as special Ambassador in 1945, in thinking he 
was a misguided idealist professor type. But I got over it when I 
came to have a real talk with him. I then realized he w^as a very 
astute and very clever Communist. 

You have Arevalo now in Venezuela purportedly going back to 
Guatemala again fairly soon. He is said to be very active in this 
new news agency that has been established with headquarters in 
Havana and presumably under the aegis of Castro. 

It has some Mexican' stockholders mixed up in it. You have Are- 
valo and Arbenz and the Communists that were in Guatemala. Due 
to conditions in Guatemala there always is the possibility of their 
coming back to power by working through the Socialists and leftwing 


Salvador seems to be all right, altliough I think we have got to 
go back and remember that in 1032, and at that time we did not ap- 
preciate the dangers of it, there was a Communist revolution in El 
Salvador in which 20,000 people were killed. That is how bad it 


Nicarao-ua— Somoza's two sons are now running the country— is 
somewhat in the position that the Dominican Republic is under 
Trujillo. They are still strong but there is a continual pecking at 
them going on by all the rest of the people around the Caribbean with 
the exception of Colombia and Panama. It is pretty hard to run a 
business organization or a government when one has such people con- 
tinually going after them in that aggressive fashion. Hence, I am 
nervous about that situation. 

In 1945 I found out tliat Trujillo had made a deal— that is at the 
end of 1945— with the Communists on the basis that the Communists 
would stop attacking him throughout the hemisphere, and he would 
let them organize their partv and operations in the Dominican Ee- 
public. However, the Comniunists took him seriously and started to 
oro-anize effectively, whereupon he just threw them right out on their 


He wanted to have the attacks on him stopped, but he wasn't willing 
to pay the price for it. 


Aiicl so he tlirew them out. After he threw them out, his Ambas- 
sador came to see me here in Washington to ask if I would like to get 
some information on Communists. I replied, "By all means."' But 
he never was able to give me any information that was worthwhile; 
tliere wasn't any real value to it. Since then there is no question, 
Trujillo has been strongly anti-Gommmiist and has been a bulwark 
against them throughout that whole area. Of course, he has got a lot 
of defects himself. 

He got quite fresh when I was first named Assistant Secretary, and 
sent in to his Congress, which he controls completely, a bill to change 
the name of Dajabon to "President Franklin D, Roosevelt." That 
was where they had a terriffic massacre of Haitians, from 10,000 to 
15,000 of them. 

So I called in his Ambassador and sent instructions to our Am- 
bassador and said, "You are not going to change the name of Dajabon 
to President Franklin D. Roosevelt or to the name of any other Amer- 
ican citizen because if jon do I will publicly denounce you." 

That put an end to that scheme. Trujillo didn't like it, so then he 
wanted to get a lot of arms from us, and I said, "I don't see why you 
should have the arms. The war is over. You have got plenty of arms 
as it is, and they can only be used against your own people or against 
neighboring countries, the Haitians. So we don't propose to give you 
arms. We have a firm policy here in the Department, which is that 
we have a greater desire for friendship and cooperation with those 
governments who are freeh' and periodically elected M'ith the consent 
of the governed. These conditions do not apear to exist in the Domini- 
can Republic. Also the war is over; therefore, we are not disposed to 
give you arms." 

Trujillo did not like it, so he had a book written entitled "I Accuse 
Braden." The first part was in very bad Spanish. The second part 
was a still worse translation into English. Since then he seems to have 
gotten over his hatred for me. In fact, last year he sent his Am- 
bassador to call on me in Xew York and ask if I would not come down 
as a guest of honor of the Republic. When I visited the northern coast 
of the Dominican Republic a couple of years ago, he had the Governor 
of the Province greet me with all courtesy. He got over his grudges. 
This illustrates the value of a firm and correct policy. The last part 
of this story may not be important for the record but I thought the 
Communist end would interest you. 

Mr. SouKWixE. Have you heard of the admission of thousands of ci- 
vilian veterans into South American countries including a number of 
Commimists ? 

Mr. Braden. I heard of of it, but I have no evidence. 

Senator Joiinstox. If they are successful in knocking out Tnijillo 
in tlie Dominican Republic, what would be the result? 

Mr. Bradex. I think you would get the identical situation that you 
have in Cuba. One of the opinions recently expressed is pertinent. 
One of the anti-Connnunist Cubans that I have talked with said that a 
man named Rodriguez had declared that the next to the last country, 
i.e., the penultimate, would be Trujillo and the Dominican Republic. 
A'VTien asked, "Why do you say the penultimate one ? Isn't it going 
to be the last?" 

He replied, "No, the United States is the last." 


Not alone in their public speeches but in the general conversations 
of the Fidelistas and the Communists, the whole program is directed 
against the United States. 

Mr. SoTjRWiNE. Who is this Rodriguez you speak of ? 

You are not sj^eaking of Dr. Carlos Hodriguez, are you ? 

Mr. Braden. No; I will find you his name. Let me go on while 1 
have this train of thought. 

Then there is Panama where the Fidelista Cubans landed recently. 
If you will take a map and see where they landed and where they 
seemed to be aiming, you will observe it was toward the Madden 

If they were able to knock out the Madden Dam, it would destroy 
the Panama Canal because it would get rid of all the water. But the 
general thought is that the Cuban invaders had no idea they Avould be 
able to do that. Rather, their plan was that it would draw out our 
troops in protection of the Madden Dam, and so that our troops 
would be involved in killing Cubans. 

That is the theory there. In Venezuela you have Betancourt as 
Pi'esident. Betancourt personally assured me tha/t he had abandoned 

Senator Johnston. At one time he was pretty well mixed up ? 

Mr. Braden. He admitted frankly that he was a Communist at one 
time, but claims that he has left it. 

Senator Johnston. He wrote a book. 

Mr. Braden. Yes. 

Senator Johnston. At that time he said he was going to take the 
lands and everything and give it to the people. 

Mr. Braden. He then was completely an all-out Communist. 

Senator Johnston. Don't you think he would go with the winds? 

Mr. Braden. He would go with the w4nd if it was blowing left, I 
don't think he would go with a right-blowing wind. But the menacing 
net of all this becomes apparent wdien you put that Accion Demo- 
cratica group (Betancourt's party) together with the followers 
of Lazaro Cardenas in Mexico, and with other groups. Cardenas is 
getting on in years but I consider him one of the most dangerous men 
m this hemisphere ; a former President. 

Senator Johnston. What is his age ? 

Mr. Braden. I think he is somewhere between 63 and 68. I am 
pretty sure it is in that range. 

Senator Johnston. I imagine it is nearer 68. 

Mr. Braden. I don't think he is as active as he used to be but just 
this last year he visited Moscow and Peiping. He called on the 
Chinese and all the satellite Communists. He is scheduled to go to 
Venezuela because of Betancourt's election. 

I don't think he has gone yet but the invitation is out for him to go. 
He has a following in Mexico, typified by Lombardo Toledano, who 
fortunately has lost power as a labor leader. 

Arbenz is in Urug-uay but I am told he is planning to come up to 
Venezuela with a view to getting back into Guatemala again. You 
could have an upset in Nicaragua. The Commies have tried to attack 
in Panama and Venezuela. Cuba, as it is in the center, is w^orking 
closely with Venezuela and both countries bombarding the Dominican 
Republic with radio programs. 


Senator Joiinstox. So they are all after that little country', aren't 
they ? 

Mr. Braden. Yes. You have the chance of another Cuba in the 
Dominican Republic. If that does go, Haiti goes completely. That 
poor little country is defenseless anyway, but you have the Negro 
population there ^Yhich under Communist domination would be very 

In the French Islands, Martinique and the others. Communists 
have been elected to the French Assembly. There is Jagan in British 
Guiana, so that right around the Caribbean there are Communist 
links which could be very bad for the Untied States. 

Senator Johnstox. We have got Haiti too ; it would just be a matter 
of time — the Virgin Islands. 

Mr. Braden. Haiti would go right with it. The Virgin Islands — I 
suppose we would defend them. 

Senator Johnston. We would defend them but then at the same 
time communism would thrive. It would just blow right in there. 

Mr. Braden. I was talking about Herbert Mattliews and the New 
York Times. I think it a most disturbing thing; you undoubtedly 
read his article yesterday in which he was defending this Cuban 
situation. I think that article shows the degree of infiltration we have 
in this country; when the New York Times publishes on the front 
page an article declaring that Castro is not a Communist and it is all 
"lovey-dovey" and eveiything is fine down there, and moreover, tlie 
New York Times radio in New York, while I was gettmg dressed 
yesterday morning, twice I heard it booming out "Read the New York 
Times today. jMatthews tells you all about Cuba and that Castro is 
not a Commmiist." 

I don't know if you know my experience with the New York Times 
after I testified here, which is interesting. I know of two such in- 
stances. No. 1, back in 1951 Matthews wrote an article about my 
sojourn in Argentina as Ambassador, which was completely mistaken. 
I wrote him a very nice polite letter and I said, "You are wrong on 
this and I suggest that you check with your own representative who 
preceded you as the New York Times correspondent in Argentina 
and with such distinguished Argentine journalists as Tito Gainza 
Paz of La Prensa. 

I never got a reply, much less a correction. 

I let that go until I saw and protested to Matthews 2 or 3 years 
later. He just shuffled it off as something that was unimportant, 
althougli he lied about me. Then when I testified before this com- 
mittee I made the same statement that I made today about my high 
regard for the career Foreign Service as a general group, admitting 
that they have some bad eggs in that number of men necessarily, but 
that by and large they compared favorably with any other group of 
men I have ever run across in business, education, or otherwise. My 
statement was so favorable to the career Foreign Service tliat Joe 
Grew, who is sort of the dean of the career group of diplomats, came 
to the Mayflower Hotel to thank me the next day after my testimony 
for the statement I had made. 

I testified on Thursday, took the Congressional to New York on 
Friday afternoon, and sandwiched away in about the 15th page was 


an article where the headline said that I had viciously attacked the 
Foreign Service of the United States. 

The rest of the article was equally 180° away from what my 
testimony had been. So on Saturday I called Sulzberger and Gen- 
eral Adler. They were not in so I telephoned young Dreyfus who 
is now the president of the New York Times and Sulzberger's son- 
in-law. ^Vlien I told him what had happened he couldn't have been 

He said, "I will see that that is fixed if you are willing to give some 
time to one of my reporters ; I will have him get in touch with you 
this afternoon and we will put in the proper article giving the correct 

So the reporter got ahold of me and I spent some time giving him 
the correct statement. He went off, called back in a couple of hours 
and said, "I finished the article, but I am very sorry we can't publish 
it." I said, "Why can't you publish it?" 

Well, he said," "We didn't have our own man at the hearing of the 
Senate committee so we had to take the AP version and we can't 
change the AP." 

I said, "What are you talking about ? AP didn't write the headline 
which was as bad as the article." 

He said, ''No, they didn't write the headlines but we can't change 
anything. The editor won't publish anything on it." 

I said, "Mr. Dreyfus, your vice president, told me you were going 
to publish a full rectification." 

Nothing doing. It couldn't be done. 

Senator Johnston. The headline is written right there in their own 

Mr. Braden. Exactly, but they wouldn't change anything. I said, 
"Do you mean to tell me if AP mistakenly sends in a notice to you 
that I am dead, that you won't rectify that? I call you up and say 
look, this is very embarrassing. I am not dead I wish you would 
correct that. Because AP lias said it, you won't change it?" 

Well, that kind of put him on the spot so finally he said, "You call 
AP". I said, "I won't call AP. I don't know what their dispatch 

So finally, only because I had gone to the top in the person of Mr. 
Dreyfus, he said, "We will call AP." 

He got a man named Wallace at AP whom I had known and he 
immediately got tlieir Washington correspondent on the wire. They 
did get in a correction of sorts on Sunday. Arthur Krock down here 
who didn't know about all this going on in New York, in his column 
without consulting with me or anybody, came out on Tuesday and 
said, "Former Ambassador Braden was completely misquoted by the 
j^ress in his statements before the Internal Security Committee." 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You speak of a letter you wrote to Matthews. 
Could you give us that for our records here? 

Mr. Braden. Yes, this was April 13, 1951, and I said: "I refer to 
the statement in your dispatch of March 22 from Buenos Aires". 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you have the clipping also of his news story? 

Mr. Braden. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Could vou oiler them both for our records? 


Mr. Braden. Yes. Those I would like to get back too. In fact 
could you just make a notation that everything except that little 
pamphlet, I ^yould like to get back if I could. 

Mr. SotTRwiXE. If I don't interrupt a train of thought, you have 
mentioned the name Rodriguez and I ask you if you meant Carlos 
Eodriguez and you said "No." Have you heard of Carlos Rodriguez ? 

Mr. Braden. I am not sure. Rodriguez is like Smith. I am not 
sure. I don't think it is Carlos. 

I think I have the right name here. It is in a clipping I have 
underlined in blue, that you may want to put in the record. This 
was given to me by Faget and it speaks of the Fidelistas as sending up 
two groups of students from Cuba, one group for the North going 
all tlie way from the University of South Carolina to Hai-vard and 
then a group to visit the South, going to the Universities of Texas, 
Miami, and so forth. 

And they are supposed to put over this Fidelista — Castro — Com- 
munist program on the students at these universities and then invite 
back to Cuba some of the students from up here with all expenses paid 
and the best hotel rooms. 

I think you may be interested to have that in liere. 

]\Ir. SouRWixE. Do you think there has been an organized propa- 
ganda campaign in the United States in behalf of Castro ? 

Senator Johnston. Is that what that was ? 

Mr. Braden, IVliether it is organized or not I am not competent to 
say. But there certainly has been a campaign, and in the press, the 
way they went for it at the beginning, it was quite shocking. Now, 
in contrast, this fellow jMatthews and several of the others have said, 
''We should have reported more fully on Cuba before Batista fell and 
we fell down in not doing so.'' 

But they are not reporting anywhere near as fully now as they did 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you think the American people have been misled 
with regard to Fidel Castro ? 

Mr. Braden. No question in my mind about it. I had an experience 
yesterday morning. As a trustee of the Dry Dock Savings Bank, I 
attended a real estate committee meeting. The senior vie© president 
of the bank turned to me and said, "Good Lord, this Matthews article 
that came out the day before yesterday, it is perfectly terrible." 

I said, "What about it; what makes you think it is so terrible?" 
He said, "I had some friends in the night before last and they were 
all for Castro, and I was telling them that they shouldn't be, that he 
was a Communist and I was repeating what you had told me. 

He said, "Now they pick up the morning Times and read this. 
They are going to think either I was lying or a fool." 

]Mr. Soitrwine. Do you think this is to the detriment of this country 
that the people have been misled about Castro ? 

Mr. Braden. No question about it. 

Senator Johnston. Isn't the great trouble too that proljably he has 
a great many of the people in Cuba fooled because he is kind of a hero 
in getting Batista out and giving them something, so to speak, when 
in reality he has given them nothing? 

Mr. Braden. That's right. It is the change, as I said, from the bad 
boil or ulcer to cancer. But our people don't think that. They have 


been fed the story that Batista was a cruel bloodthirsty tyrant, and 
that the people were downtrodden. Well they weren't downtrodden. 
There were some very grave cases of poverty in Cuba, sure, just as we 
have them in tliis coimtry. But by and large the living standards 
and other conditions in Cuba were superior to the rest of the 

It is an island. If it had not been so fraught with graft and cor- 
ruption; if they just had the ordinary 5 or 10 percent cut we some- 
times see in this country, instead of the terrific cuts of 40, 50, or 60 
percent they had, why Cuba would be a world financial power today. 
But I don't think the average man in the street in this comitry appre- 
ciates all of this. 

I think that Castro's trip up here, his putting his hand into the 
lion's cage or whatever it was and some of his stunts that way dis- 
gusted people a bit. 

It was too hammy. 

Senator Johnston. Who are the main ones that got him to make 
that trip up here, at least initially ? 

Mr. Braden. I think it was just a darn fool move by some news- 
paper people. He was a spectacular figure and they wanted a show 
to write about. 

I think you might like to have this on the record. It was given to 
me by the consul general of Nicaragua ; the commies have threatened 
that eveiybody who cooperated with the Somozas in the present Gov- 
ernment in Nicaragua when they, the commies, take over will be shot 
just the way they were shot in Cuba. 

Mr. Braden. Then apropos of your question on the misleading by 
the press, we have groups up here, inter- American — what is the name 
of it? Frances Grant is the woman who really runs it. They have 
an organization with it, and they whoop it up in great style for Castro 
and they get out in the universities and pretend to be quite cultural 
about it all. 

I don't think Congressman Porter has helped things very much. 

Mr. Sourwine. Have you heard of a Dr. Carlos Rafael Rodriguez, 
sometimes spoken of as being a power behind Castro ? 

Mr. Braden. The name comes to me. Wait a minute, when you 
speak of his being a power, yes, somebody told me, a Cuban — I don't 
know him. I couldn't say whether he is the real Communist power or 
not but I was told tliat he was as editor of Hoy. Now that you refresh 
my memory on that ; yes. 

I think one man you want to keep in mind is the Spanish Com- 
munist, General Bayo. 

Mr. Sourwine. Alberto Bayo. 

Mr. Braden. Yes ; he has been very active. 

Now I remember the name of the assistant director of the Agricul- 
tural Reform Organization (INRA). The new director is Antonio 
Nunez Jiminez, who is a Communist or fellow traveler professor. The 
assistant director is Rafael Pino Santos, but as the writer of Temas 
Agricolas in the Communist paper Hoy, from 1943 to 1947, he used 
the pen name of Jorge Pino Vegas. ^Vliy he changed from Rafael 
Pino Santos to this name I don't know. 

I suppose no one can ever tell why a Communist uses different 
names, except as a cover. 


The other Kodrigiiez that I referred to— and you may want to talk 
to hmi — I am not 100 percent sure but some of the Cubans thiiik that 
he might have been sent up here as an espionage agent by Castro. He 
came along with the first Captain Rodriguez, you remember the first 
bearded one that came up here in a uniform as protestor against Castro. 
He and his cousin Rodriguez ran a series of articles in the El Diario 
De Nueva York. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. We have the articles I believe. 

Mr. Braden. The one who wrote those articles is D. Francisco 
Rodriguez Conciero, and his address is 1325 Southwest 13th Avenue, 
in Miami, Fla. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Would this be Francis Rodriguez Conciero ? 

Mr. Braden. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. That is more a Brazilian name than a Spanish 

Mr. Braden. Yes, but he is a Cuban. He makes a pretty good im- 
pression except for a flabby handshake. Some of the Cubans think 
he is all right and some of them distinctly not. AVliat he is I don't 
know. He was talking, I was rather interested, he came to see me 
a few weeks ago and he talked about Carlos Marques Sterlmg, the 
son of a former Ambassador here in Washington who has been a polit- 
ical leader and was a candidate for the last elections for the presi- 
dency. He has now been forced to take refuge in one of the embassies 
in Havana and undoubtedly will get out of the country. 

I think you might find that Marques Sterling will wind up here, and 
if he does he will be an interesting witness. He ought to be, although 
he is a bit on the reserv^ed side. During the last change in the decree 
laws in Cuba, the death penalty was inserted. It definitely had been 
excluded from the constitution which the Castro gang declared they 
had accepted. It may be exercised against anybody who is an anti- 
revolutionist. Anybody who does anything economically that would 
hurt the country, and anybody who gives any information to any 
foreigner about Cuba is subject to the death penalty, so that all of 
these people that I have mentioned I am sure are perfectly willing 
to testify. 

I think probably excepting for any questions you have, I have 
about covered it. 

I have given you all the names that were lacking I think. 

Mr. Sourwine. You have mentioned the names of a number of per- 
sons whom you thought miglit be witnesses for us. Have you any 
others to suggest ? 

Mr. Braden. No; those are the best ones, the most responsible and 
the best type of men to do it. 

Mr. Sourwine. How could we best check on the reliability of Dr. 
Rodriguez Conciero? 

Mr. Braden. I have been trying to do tliat myself and I have not 
reached a conclusion yet. I think tliat probably he is all riglit, but 
I am not sure and would be veiy cagey about anything I said when 
he was around. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

Senator Johnston. Aren't they a little fearful not to help him 
under the circumstances? 
Mr. Braden. That is one of the problems that arises there. 


Senator ,I(Hinston. JI" tlu>y (lon't lu^lp liiiii n little bit. ho won't 
lot tlioni exist. 

Ml". Hkadkx. Yes. l^iit. Nnnoz l\)rtu<)n(l<) or Faiiot or (inrcia Moii- 
tez, niou like that or (Tarcia Roynoi-i, those men 1 will ])ut my hand 
in the Hre for, they are all riiiht.. The same thing' with Cajigas, a 
A-ory high class bnsinessman without question. 

Senator floiixsTON. ^\'hat line of business does he do mostly? 

Mr. Bkaokx. lie had big farming properties in Cuba and then he 
had numg'anose mines in Oriente Province in the Sierra where all 
of this Castro business started, and everything that he had has 
been taken aAvay from him. everything, every bit of i)roperty he had. 

Senator Joiinstox. Will they be able to sell the products even if 
they make them ? 

Mr. Braden. They won't know how to sell the sugar 

Senator Johnstox'^. That is what I mean. 

Mr, Braden. And molasses and alcohol on the ^^•orld markets. The 
beef they have confiscated they kill and they are distributing the 
meat in Cuba now. They will wind up in economic chaos. 

]Mr. SouRWix'^E. "What has our subsidy to Cuban sugar per year been 

Mr. Bradex^. I don't know the figures. We bought sugar during the 
war on a govornment-to-government basis, and of course I was active 
in the negotiations at that time. I got in wrong with a lot of the sugar 
people there because I refused to raise the price for sugar. I said, 
"No, 3'ou are getting a sufficiently high price." 

Senator Joiix^stoX'. For your information, what we do, we give a 
certain percent to the dili'erent sugargrowing countries, and in recent 
years we have been giving Cuba and Puerto Rico and some of 
the others — of course, they come in directly down there^lNIexico, a 
little bit nuiro, and have cut down on some other countries. 

AVe cut down on the Dominican Republic and gave it to some of these 
other countries like Cuba. 

Mr. SouRwix^E. We are giving Cuba 5 cents and the world market 
price is about 2 cents — 2, 3, or 4 now T think. 

Senator Johnstox^. I was talking about a quota. That is what I 
was speaking of. 

Mr. Bradex^. During the war we of course had to have all the sugar 
and molasses and alcohol that they could produce. 

That is one of the principal dangers that I see in tliis whole situa- 
tion ; if the Communists are able to create this chaos we can't get the 
sugar, molasses, or alcohol from Cuba : we can't get the petroleum from 
Venezuela, and we could not tight a war without those things. 

Senator Joiixsiox'. Coii'ee. 

Mr. Bradex. Well, I sujijiose we could fight a war without coffee, 
but we wouldn't like to. We could. 

Mr. Sorinvix'^E. Would you say in view of this Communist threat in 
Cuba it might be a good idea for the United States to start expanding 
sugar ]5roduction in this country? 

Mr. Beadex'. I think that is the one present way of bringing any 
reason to them at all. 

INIr. SouRWixE. For our own sake. 

Senator Jotix^stox. Off the record. 


(Discussion off the record.) 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I have no more questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator Jouxstox. "We certainly appreciate your coming down. 
"We can take this and of course we would not make this an open record 
until we had studied it and also got in touch with you. 

"We certainly appreciate your coming here today and giving us this 
valuable information because we feel you know very well the situation 
that we are facing. 

Mr. Bradex. I am very glad to do it. It is a patriotic duty to do it. 

("Whereupon, at 4 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.) 


Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance 
to the mere fact of the appearance of the name of an individixal or an organiza- 
tion in tliis index. 



Accion Democratica group (Betancourt's party) 281, 298 

Acheson, Dean 246 

Acosta Hurtado, Mario 277 

Adler, General 300 

A.F. of L 266 

Agrarian reform law 290 

Agremonte 272 

Agricultural Act 265 

Agricultural Reform Organization (INRA) 268, 289, 302 

American Sugar Co 266 

Antilles (Carribbean countries) 272 

AP 300 

Apristas 281 

Arbenz 255, 272, 286, 296, 298 

Arevalo 286, 296 

Argentina 273, 299 

Armas, Col. Castillo 253, 256, 286, 287 

Armour, Norman 286 

Arteaga, Monsignor 293 

Association of Industrialists 271 

Barco, Colonel 276 

Batista 249, 257, 262, 272-274, 279, 285, 287, 29i, 302 

Bayo, Colonel 288 

Bayo, Gen. Alberto 302 

Belt, Guillermo 275 

Berle, Adolf 281 

Betancourt, Romulo—. . 277, 278, 287, 298 

Biain, Father 271 

Bigart 295 

Bogotazo (Communist uprising in Colombia) 287, 291 

Bolivar 287 

BRAC (organization) 293 

Braden, Hon. Spruille 243 

Testimony of 244r-305 

1933, U.S. delegate to 7th International Conference of American 

States 243 

Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary at Chaco Peace 

Conference (1935-39) 243 

American Ambassador to Colombia 243 

Ambassador to Argentina 243 

Assistant Secretary of State for American Republic Affairs 243 

Braden's mining properties 266 

Briggs, Ellis 285, 286 

British Guiana 299 

Buenos Aires 300 

Bureau for Aliens (Bogota) 277, 278 

Byrnes, Jimmy 246 


K Page 

Kerbaul, Eugene 276 

Krock, Arthur 300 

La Cabana 292 

La Cera del Louvre (organization) 291 

La Prensa (newspaper) 254, 293, 299 

Lamas, Saavedra 287 

Land Reform 263, 264, 266-269, 271, 272 

First Forum on 259, 260, 268, 270, 271 

Land Reform Act 261, 269, 270 

"Land Reform or Death" slogan 272 

Lara, Juan C 276 

Larrazabal, Adm. Wolfgang 251 

Las Villas region 259 

Lazaro del Pino, Rafael 276 

Leehin, Juan 254, 257, 287 

Levelier, Ambassador (Argentine Ambassador in Mexico and 

Uruguay) 247, 285 

Levin, V 294 

Lombroso 275 

Long Island Federation of Women's Clubs, speech before on April 10 249-256 


Maceo 261, 262 

Machado 262, 276 

Madden Dam 298 

Mandel, Benjamin 243 

Mann, Tom 286 

Mao Tse-tung 287 

Marques Sterling, Carlos 303 

Marshall, General 275 

Marti, Jose 261-263, 266, 272 

Martinique 299 

Matthews, Mr 272, 287, 291, 300, 301 

Matthews, Herbert 257, 299 

Maximo, Gomez 261 

Medina, Bernardo 276 

Mendoza 281 

Mercurio, El (newspaper) 282 

Mexican CTAL 276 

Mexico 294, 298 

Mojica, Iglesias 278 

Molina, Gerardo 276 

Molotov 285 

Monies, Prime Minister Jorge Garcia 273 

Morro, the 261 

Moscow 272 

MNR (in Bolivia) 281, 287 

Murdock, Prof. George Peter 252 

National Bank of Cuba 294 

National Security Agency (Colombia) 277 

New York Herald Tribune 294 

New York Times 257, 270, 287, 295, 299-301 

New York Times magazine 

Nicaragua 291, 295, 296, 298, 302 

Nino. Alberto 275 

Ninth International Conference of American States 286 

Norweb, Harry 285 

Nuestro Tiempo (organization) 293 

Nunez Jimenez. Antonio. (See Jimenez, Antonio Nunez.) 

Nunez Portuondo, Emilio 273, 304 



OAS. (/See Organization of American States.) Page 

Ocampo, Salvador 276 

"Office of Research and Intelligence" 246 

Organization of American States 272, 289, 291 

Oriente Province 304 

Oriente region 259 

Ospina Perez, Dr. Mariano 277 

Panama 296, 298 

Panama Canal 298 

Pan American Conference of Bogota 275 

Pecic B., Milorad 276 

Pena, Lazaro 283 

Perez, Luis Carlos 276 

Peron 247, 281, 284, 285, 293 

Pinar del Rio region 259 

Pino Santos, Rafael (used pen name Jorge Pino Vegas) 288, 302 

Pino Veda, Jorge 288 

Pino Vegas, Jorge (pen name used by Rafael Pino Santes) 302 

Piatt amendment 263 

Polichinela 275 

Popular Socialist Party of Cuba 295 

Porter, Congressman 302 

Potsdam Conference 246 

Pravda 294 

Problems of New Cuba (book) 271 


Ravines (former Peruvian Communist) 281 

Rebel Armed Forces (of Cuba) 272 

Reciprocity Treaty of 1903 261 

Restrepo Botero, Hernando 276 

Revolution (Cuban) 259, 260, 263-265, 269, 271 

Reyneri, Finance Minister Garcia 273 

Roa, Dr 263 

Roa, Raul 272 

Roca, Bias 276, 283 

Robres, Juan de 270 

Rodriguez, Captain 303 

Rodriguez, Dr. Carlos 298, 301, 302 

Rodriguez Conciero, Francis 303 

Rodriguez Conciero, D. Francisco 303 

Rodriguez, Guillermo 276 

Roosevelt, President Franklin D 297 

Rotary Club, speech before on April 9 249-256 

Rubio, Jaime 276 

Rubottom, Dick 287 

Rural Guard (police) 259, 268 

Russell, Don 246 

Ruz. (See Fidel Castro.) 


Saad, Pedro 286 

Saladrigas, Dr. Mario 273 

Salvador, David 272, 288 

Sanchez Amaya, General 276 

Sanders, Terry B 248, 287 

Santiago, Chile 258 

Segrue, Francis 294 

Serrano, Pablo 277 

Seventh International Conference of American States 282 

Sierra 264, 265, 304 

Siglo, El (newspaper) 278 



Kniith, American Ambassador 295 

Social Science Research 254 

Somoza — 296 

Somoza brothers 288, 302 

Somoza, President (of Nicaragua) 253,256 

Somoza, Tacho 286, 287 

Sourwine, J. G 243 

Spain 262 

Spanish-American War 290 

Stalin 272,284 

Standard Oil Co 266 

State Department 247-249, 254, 263 

Stevenson, Adlai 281 

Suazo, President Siles 254 

Sucre 287 

Sulzberger 300 


Tariff reform 271 

Tax reform 263, 271 

Temas Agricolas 302 

Tiempo, El (Caracas) 279 

Time magazine 254 

Toledano, Lombardo 276, 298 

Toro, President 287 

Trotskyite 272 

Trudeau, Lt. Gen 249, 250 

Trujillo 296,297 

Truman, President 284 


United Fruit Co 266 

United Nations 273 

U.S. Information Agency 254 

U.S. Inter-American Council (USIAC) 280,287 

University's Catholic Youth, The 266 

Urrutia, Dr , 279 

Uruguay 268,298 


Vaca, Captain 287 

Venezuela. 296, 29S 

Veiitimilla 262 

Vieira 276 

Virgin Islands 299 


Wallace 300 

Waugh, Mr 279 

White, Harry Dexter 245,286 

World War II 261 

Wright, Jim 286 



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