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COMMUNIST THREAT TO THE UNITED STATES
THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE TO D'YESTIGATE THE
ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY
ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS
OF THE
COMMITTEE OX THE JUDICIARY
UNITED STATES SENATE
EIGHTY-SIXTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
PART 7
MAY 2, 3, 4, 6, 1960
Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary
UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
43354 WASHINGTON : 1960
COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY
JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman
ESTES KEFAUVER, Tennessee ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin
OLIX D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, lUinois
THOMAS C. HENNLNQS, Jr., Missouri ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska
JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas KENNETH B. KEATING, New York
JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY, Wyoming NORRIS COTTON, New Hampshire
SAM J. ERVIN, Jr., North Carolina
JOHN A. CARROLL, Colorado
THOMAS J. DODD, Connecticut
PHILIP A. HART, Michigan
Subcommittee To In\^stigate the Administration of the Internal Security
Act and Other Internal Security Laws
JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman
THOMAS J. DODD, Connecticut, Vice Chairinan
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska
JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illmois
SAM J. ERVIN, Jr., North Carolina KENNETH B. KEATING, New York
NORRIS COTTON, New Hampshire
J. G. SouRwiNE, Cotinsel
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research
n
CONTENTS
Witness : Pag*
Aguirre, Rev. Eduardo 327
Carrillo. {See Ugalde.)
Diaz Balart, Rafael Lincoln 347
Diaz-Verson y Roderiguez, Salvador 423
O'Farrill, Rev. Juan Ramon 401
Perez, Rev. Rosario Maxilliano 345,363
Rivero-Aguero, Andres Jose 394
Tabernilla, Gen. Francisco J 420
Ugalde Carrillo, Col. Manuel Antonio 365,373,382
in
D
COMMUNIST THREAT TO THE UNITED STATES
THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
MOISTDAY, MAY 2, 1960
U.S. Senate,
Subcommittee To In\^stigate the
Administration or the Internal Security Act
AND Other Internal Security Laws,
OF THE Committee on the Judiciary,
Washingto?i, D.C
The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 1 :50 p.m., in room 2228,
Xew Senate Office Building, Senator Kenneth B. Keating presiding.
Also present: J. G. Sour wine, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, di-
rector of research; and Frank \V. Schroeder, chief investigator.
Senator Keating. The subcommittee will come to order.
I want to explain, for the benefit of the witnesses that have been
brought here from other areas, the situation under which w^e are labor-
ing today in the Senate.
We are considering the mutual security bill, and under the procedure
we are following, every amendment is subject to 10 minutes of debate,
5 minutes in favor of it and 5 against it. As a consequence of that,
every few minutes all afternoon there will be a rollcall vote.
It is anticipated that our debate on the bill will be completed by
this evening. I have conferred with other members of the committee
and with counsel, and we feel that the only feasible way to handle this
is to adjourn this hearing until tomorrow^ morning at 10 :30, when I
hope we can proceed with the witnesses.
Therefore, I direct that any witnesses who have been subpenaed ap-
pear tomorrow at 10 :30 a. m. Of course the witnesses who were or-
dered to appear today will have their expenses taken care of, since the
postponement is obviously no fault of theirs.
The committee will now stand adjourned until tomorrow morning
at 10 :30.
(Whereupon, at 1 :55 p.m., the committee adjourned, to reconvene
at 10 :30 a.m., Tuesday, May 3, 1960.)
325
C03IMUNIST THREAT TO THE UNITED STATES
THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
TUESDAY, MAY 3, 1960
U.S. Senate SuBCoarMixTEE
To Investigate the Adaiinistration
OF THE Internal Security Act
AND Other Internal Security Laws,
OF THE Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington. D.C .
The subcommittee met, pursuant to recess, at 10:45 a.m., in room
2228, New Senate Office Building, Senator Thomas J. Docld presiding.
Present : Senators Dodd, Kenneth B. Keating, and Norris Cotton,
Also present: J. G. Sourwine, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, di-
rector of research; and Frank W. Schroeder, chief investigator.
Senator Dodd. The committee will come to order. This hearing
this morning is a continuation of a series of hearings which this sub-
committee has been conducting concerning the internal security of the
United States as affected by events which have occurred and are oc-
curring in the Caribbean area.
Counsel, are you prepared to call your first witness ?
Mr. Sourwine. Yes, Mr. Chairman.
Might I respectfully suggest at the outset that some of the wit-
nesses today, at least, will be Spanish-speaking and we will question
them through an interpreter. The Chair might wish to swear our
interpreter at the outset of the hearing.
Miss Gomez?
Senator Dodd. "NA'ill you rise ? Raise your right hand. Do you sol-
emnly swear to truthfully translate the testimony to be given here to-
day before this committee?
Miss Gomez. I do.
Mr. Sourwine. The first witness is Father Eduardo Aguirre.
Senator Dodd. Come forward and take your place, please. Father,
do you want to be sworn ? Will you raise your right liand ?
Do you solemnly swear to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing
but the truth, so help you God ?
Father Aguirre. I do.
Senator Dodd. Take your seat.
TESTIMONY OF REV. FATHER EDUARDO AGUIRRE
Senator Dodd. Your name and address, please.
Mr. Sourwine. Your full name is Eduardo Aguin-e?
Father Aguirre. Eduardo x4.guirre.
Mr. Sourwine. And you are a priest of the Roman Catholic Church ?
327
328 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Father Aguirre. Did you say if I am what ?
Mr. SouRwiNE. You are a priest ?
Father Aguirre. I am a priest, a Catholic priest.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes. You were born in Camaguey Province?
Father Aguirre. In Camaguey Pro\ance, Cuba.
Senator Dodd. Do you have any trouble understanding English?
Would you prefer an interpreter?
Father Aguirre. No. I think I can understand.
Senator Dodd. If you have any trouble, tell us. That is what we
have an interpreter for.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You attended the University of Camilas ?
Father Aguirre. The University of Camilas, in Spain. Santander,
in Spain.
Senator Dodd. Try to keep your voice up, Father, if you can.
Mr. SouRWixE. You were ordained in Spain ?
Father Aguirre. I was ordained in Spain, July 24, 1950.
Mr. SouRwiNE. And what is your present assignment ?
Father Aguirre. I am assistant pastor at St. Patrick's Church,
Miami Beach, Fla.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Have you been connected with churches in other
cities in the United States ?
Father Aguirre. Yes. I was also assistant pastor in West Palm
Beach, St. Juliana Church in West Palm Beach. Fla., and Amarillo,
Tex.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you thereafter return to a church in Cuba ?
Father Aguirre. I was assigned pastor at Batabano, of Havana
Province, Cuba, when I returned to Cuba in January 1959.
Mr. SouRwixE. Now, tell us what you found when you returned
to Cuba. Was there a change in the atmosphere in Cuba?
Father Aguirre. Well, it was a change. It was the time for the
triumph of the revolution and every])ody was expecting the best for
Cuba, for the Cuban people, from the revolution, and I think that most
of the Cuban people were supporting and helping the revolution to
have a good change, a political stability, to have freedom, to finish the
troubles, some kind of civil war we have over there, and to improve
the progress and the economic situation of our country. I think that
by January the great majority, the large majority of the Cuban
people were happy with the revolution and were expecting the best
for Cuba by January when I returned to Cuba.
Mr. SouRwix'E. Were you in Cuba during the Batista regime?
Father Aguirre. Well, yes, some few years. I came to this country
in 1955. Now, not like a refugee, but anyway, I was speaking and
doing my best against the Batista regime.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You opposed the Batista regime ?
Father Aguirre. I did.
]Mr. SouRWiNE. And was that responsible for your departure from
Cuba?
Father Aguirre. Yes, it was partly responsible for my departure.
I didn't depart officially like a refugee but I have trouble in my town,
in my parisli, with some military men over tliere, with the lieutenant
in charge of the garrison, and then I decided and with the advice of
my own bishop to leave the counti-y, and to come to the United States.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 329
Senator Dodd. Just ^vhen did you leave ? I would like to make that
clear on the record. When was it you left Cuba ?
Father Aguirre. That was in xVugust 1955.
Senator Dodd. You said it was with the advice of your bishop ?
Father AouiRiiE. Yes, with the advice of my bishop.
Senator Dodd. Had there been complaints about you by the Batista
government ?
Father Aguirre. "Well, militar}- men of the Batista government,
there was a complaint.
Senator Dodd. Had you been criticizing the Batista administration ?
Father Aguirre, I was in some ways.
Senator Dodd. And this is why you left Cuba, is it ?
Father xVguirre. Yes. That is the reason I left Cuba.
Senator Dodd. All right.
Mr. SouRWiXE. Xow, after you returned to Cuba in January of
1959, did you thereafter engage in activities against the Communists
in Cuba ?
Father Aguirre. Yes, I did. "\^nien I
Mr. SouRwixE. Tell us when that began and how it came about?
Father AGU^RRE. "VYell, I was assigned pastor at Batabano on Feb-
ruaiy 10. As soon as I arrived to my parish — Batabano is a fishing
town in the west coast of Cuba opposecl to Havana City, and as soon
as I arrived to my town, I realized that the Communists had a big
power, almost a control over the town. I don't think that they did
much — they did very little for the triumph of the revolution, but they
were ready after the fall of Batista to take over, especially the miion,
workers' union in my town.
In my parish there is a maritime union with 1,200 men, and the
Communists in this union, there are no more than 60 or TO among
1,200 people.
Mr. SouRwixE. Are you saying that 60 or TO men took over a imion
of 1,200?
Father Aguirre. That is right. That is what happened in my town.
And then they didn't celebrate any election, you know, to appoint the
officials, the bosses of the union, and then they were trying, you know —
Batabano is a small town.
I was helping everybody. When they had some trouble, when they
wanted to go to Havana to get something from the Government, you
know, for the improvement of the town, they used to call me. I went
there, I talked for them, and I had influence, of course, like a priest,
like a pastor, and they considered myself also like a revolutionary.
I don't think the priest could be called exactly a revolutionary, but
anyway they thought this way and as soon as possible I realized the
big influence of the Communists over there, and I started immediately
to preach to big conferences, to write articles about the Communists,
the tenure of the Communists, about the Commmiist doctrine and
also with a group of friends belonging to the 26th of July Movement,
I tried to form a new staff, a new directive for the union, you know,
and I tried to get evei-ything through to get the celebration of new
elections in the union.
And I have a lot of trouble with these — fighting with the Conunu-
nists.
330 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
First of all, I went to the Labor Minister, to Havana, to get com-
pletely informed about the situation of the maritime union in Bata-
bano, and I went also to the CTC. This is the national confederation
of the workers, in Cuba, and I have the support of these two institu-
tions, the Labor Ministry and the National Confederation of Labor,
of the workers.
But anyway, they send three times inspectors to the union to fix
up everything and to prepare the union to have a new election.
So I was sure, if we could have an election, the Communists would
not be able to stay there any more because they were a small minor-
ity— 60 or 70 among 1,200 workers. And we have several incidents
with them. The inspector going to the union three times, they started
fighting and making trouble and shooting.
The last time, the inspector of the Labor Ministry was taken to
prison. He was fined $400 and then he went back to Havana after
3 days in prison and he went to the television, to the radio, and he
explained the very strange situation in Batabano. After a few days
he came back to Batabano to see me and told me, "Fatlier, I won't be
able to do anything else because the day after I talked by television,
I was called by Raul Castro and he told me that he didn't want to
hear any word, anything else about the Communists in Batabano
because in Cuba it is not possible to attack the communism."
That is what Raul Castro, Fidel's brother, told this gentleman.
He said, "I don't want you to say anything about this because here
you are not able — nobody is able — to attack, to oppose the Communist
doctrine, and after that this man kept the same position, the boss of
the union who was the boss of the Communist Party in Batabano.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Who was that ?
Father Agtjirre. His name is Manuel Rua Romano. He was try-
ing to get elected mayor in Batabano on two different occasions, and
he was always the boss of the Communist Party in Batabano. As
everybody knows, he was an open Communist, you know. And after
that, this man was assigned a general inspector of the maritime union
in Cuba. That is the price he got.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You mean he got a government job ?
Father Aguirre. That is right. More than he had in Batabano.
He was appointed general inspector of the labor, of the maritime
unions in Cuba, in all the islands, in the 43 maritime unions in Cuba.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Who replaced him as head of the union in Bata-
bano?
Father Aguirre. He stood over there also. I think he was working
the two jobs at the same time. And tliey have control. I couldn't say
anything else against the Communists. They used to accuse me for
being anti-Communist and they used to accuse me for being also pro-
American, because I know this country, the life, and the wonderful
things you have here, and I used to talk with my friends about the
United States, the organization, the freedom, the wonderful things
I knew myself in this country. And I was for this reason, especially
for these two reasons, for being anti-Communist, you know, speaking
openly against the Communists and speaking in favor of many wonder-
ful things you have here — I was accused of being counterrevolutionary.
Mr. Sourwine. Wlio accused you ?
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 331
Father Aguirre. Well, the people belonging to the 26th of July
Movement in Batabano — they were accusing me. They didn't greet
me any more. They used to be my friends. They used to go once in
a while to the church. They used to call me for everything important.
They had to consult me, to go with them to Havana to get something
from the government — and after that they didn't greet me any more
and they accused me of that.
They were spying on me even during the day, and also during the
night.
Mr. SoFRwixE. Do you know the meaning of the word "ostracism" ?
Father Aguirre. The meaning of
Mr. SouRwiXE. Ostracism.
Father Aguirre. Yes, I know.
Mr. SouRwixE. You mean to tell us it is cause for ostracism in Cuba
if you are pro- American ?
Father Aguirre. Oh, yes. I am sure. I was — I had to go through
this ostracism myself.
Mr. Sour^^t:xe. Go ahead.
Senator Keatix^g. May I inquire at this point, Mr. Chairman ?
You spoke of their spying on you. What form did that spying take ?
Father Aguirre. Well, they were spying on me from 12 in the night,
midnight, until the morning. They used to say in the town that I
was having conspiracy meetings. That was not the truth. I never
had in the night nor even in the day any conspiracy meetings with
nobody.
They were accusing me that I used to salute, to say "hello" to every-
body in town ; and they didn't want me or anybody else to say "hello"
to a person who used to have some contact, some relation with the
Batista regime; and that is against my priesthood condition. I was
a pastor,
I have the right and the obligation to attend everybody, to talk to
everybody, even to visit some of the families when they call me to pay
attention to a sick person or for something else because I was the pastor
for everybody, and they wanted me to keep away from all — any other
people who used to have some relation or contact with the Batista
regime.
Senator Keating. In other words, they asked you as a priest of the
church to stop any contact with anyone who did not have their political
principles ?
Father Aguirre. That is right. That is what they were trying to
do and I didn't go through this way because I was first a priest and
a pastor for all my parishioners. I could have any private sympathy
with the revolution, as I have, but I was a pastor for everybody and
I had the obligation to pay attention to everybody in my own parish.
Senator Cottox. May I ask one question, Mr. Chairman ?
Before you left Cuba the first time, because of the military members
of the Batista regime, were you in this same community, in this same
church ?
Father Aguirre, No, sir, I was in Camaguey Province in another
town, in some other parish, and when I came back to Cuba in 1959, I
went to the Havana Province and I was
Senator Cotton. I see.
332 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Father Aguirre. I was appointed to Batabano. It is a town of
Havana Province.
Senator Cotton. Now, when you said a moment a^o that those wlio
had been your friends before ceased to speak with you, to you— —
Father Aguirre. Yes.
Senator Cotton. You didn't mean that they had been your friends
back in the days when you were opposing Batista. You mean
Father Aguirre. No.
Senator Cotton. They were your friends when you first came to
this new parish ?
Father Aguirre. That is right. They were my friends when I
first came to this new parish because they knew that I was a very
good sympathizer of the revohition and I was helping the revokition
from here, from tlie United States, with the Cubans, you know, ad-
vising them and doing tlie best I could for the Cuban exiles.
Senator Cotton. I don't question that statement. But how did
they know it in this new parish that you came to? How did they
know of your previous opposition to the Batista regime ?
Father Aguirre.- Well, because through many people going there to
see me, you know, some of the top revolutionary men knew me from
here and they used to go there and, you know, they were talking with
other people.
Also there were some publications in the papers about me, you know.
There were several ways to know that.
Senator Cotton. Thank you.
Senator Dodd. The fact was quite well known that you were a sup-
porter of Castro ?
Father Aguirre. That is right. It was quite well known that I was
a supporter of the revolution — not only of Castro, because Castro is
not the revolution. I think that the revolution was — the big majority
of the Cuban people want to change the condition under the Batista
regime.
Senator Dodd. He was the leader of it, wasn't he ? Castro was the
leader?
Father Aguirre. Yes, that is right. Castro was the leader and I
think still a leader over there.
Mr. SouRwixE. "Why did you leave Cuba to come back to the United
States this last time?
Father Aguirre. "VYliy did I leave ?
Mr. Sourwine. Why did you leave ? Yes.
Father Aguirre. Well, I was complaining about all these conditions
and I was afraid — they were threatening me. I was afraid they could
get me involved in any conspiracy because they were taking several
prisoners in my to wii .
One time they took about 40 men. Many of them were my friends.
They used to talk to me and go to church and some of them didn't
belong to any Catholic association I had over there and I was very-
afraid because the ostracism you were talking about — they were im-
proving this ostracism.
For example, I had my car over there, my automobile, and I didn't
have a garage. I had to let it outside the church and I used to go to
Havana once a week and most of the tune when I go into Havana,
when I come back, there is a garrison in the entrance of town and they
COIVIMXJNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 333
were searcliing my car. They knew I was the priest, I was the pastor,
and they were searching my car, looking, I think, for weapons or for
antigovernment propaganda, something like that. I used to tell
them, ''AVliat for are you searching my car? I don't have — I never
used a weapon in my life and I don't have to have any weapons."
But anyway, I was afraid some day they were going to put some
weapons in the back of my car when I go to Havana in the morning
so they could search my car and find some weapons. I coukhi't give
any reason for that.
Mr. SouEwixE. I want to get this clear for the record. Are you
saying you were merely afraid of being threatened or are you saying
you were afraid because you had been threatened ? Were you in fact
threatened by anybody ?
Father xVguirke. Yes; I was in fact threatened by several people.
And I was — as I tell you, they would search my car. That was a
disrespect for me, you know. And they didn't trust me any more be-
cause when I was entering the town, or going away, they stopped
me and they were searching my car.
Mr. SouRwixE. Do you remember telling us in executive session that
there was a Communist campaign against you, personally ?
Father Aguirre. Yes. There was.
Mr. SouRwixE. Explain that, would you, please ?
Father Aguirre. Well, that was when we were preparing the elec-
tion in the labor union. The Communists, with all these ways they
have, you know, to get the thing they want — they didn't celebrate the
election. They did celebrate the election but by themselves, like they
do in the Communist countries. They didn't have any opposite party,
you know, for the election, the labor union, and they celebrate the
election I remember the 24th of ]\Iay 1959; and after the election
they got a mob in front of my church in the park of Batabano and
they were ciwing that they were going to burn the church and they
were cr\'ing, about 150 of them, that they are going to hang tlie
priests.
They said "We have to go in and we have to bring you here to the
park to hang them here in the public park." I was still afraid my-
self. I said, well, if they do it, everybody in the world is going to
know the real situation of the Communists in Cuba. The Com-
munists, they have to threaten anybody, even a priest, and I opened
the door of mv church — it was about 7 :30 in the night.
The sacristan, the man who is in charge of domg the things in the
church, he came and said, "Father, will we ring the bells for the
rosary?" We used to have the rosary every night. I said, "Yes, go
ahead, open the door and light the candles, have the light on, and ring
the bells," and then the policeman — they put two men with rifles in
the front of my church, in the front of the main door.
That means — I didn't ask for that but that means that they were
afraid, the authority, that the Communists meant it when they said
they are going to the church and they are going to burn it and are
going to do some damage to me — that they were afraid that they
wanted to do it. And then, after a while, I was inside and they were
crying, shouting, "Let's hang the priest and let's burn the church," and
there was a very real tension in town.
334 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
I have many friends with me around who would say, "Father, we
are ready to fight and to die if they dare to come into the church." But
after a while they went away and I went out and nothing happened.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Was it shortly after this that you decided to come
to the United States?
Fatlier Aguirre. Well, I was decided shortly after that. I was de-
cided to come to the United States, but anyway I was fighting that
the situation could change, you know, because the big majortty of
the Cuban people is Catholic— Christian. They like the freedom,
democracy, the respect for everybody, the law and the order. I think
that everything will be straightened out after a while.
We cannot go ahead with this situation, with the control of the
Communists everywhere, with the power they have, and I was expect-
ing until — I was supposed to come before November but we have a
wonderful congress, a great Catholic congress in Havana by the end
of November, and I wanted to stay there to see how the people would
manifest their faith because this congress was the public in a real
manifestation of about a million people, 1 million people, against the
Communists ; and that was the cry of the people in the congress.
"Democracy, yes; Communists, no." That was the public cry over
there. And then I came after the congress, immediately.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Father, did you come with the approval of your
bishop this time as you did the first time?
Father Aguirre. I did come with the approval of my own bishop
in Havana.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you remember tlie information you gave us about
the organization of juvenile patrols, boys of teen age ?
Father Aguirre. Tliat is right,
Mr. SouRwiNE. Tell us about that.
Father AGu^RRE. I remember.
Well, this organization is trying to introduce in the minds of the
young people — even the children 13, 10, 14 years old— the absolute
obligation to obey the party. I mean the leader, because when they
say "the party," they say "the leader, Fidel Castro."
And they try to influence their minds so that they will be devoted
completely to evei7/thing coming from the leader. And even though
they used to indoctrinate those children and young, very young peo-
ple, that they have to obey the government, theniovement, rather
than obey their own parents, their own church or anybody else. And
I am sure that this is a Communist and totalitarian doctrine, you
know, that they are trying to indoctrinate the young people with these
ideas, to obey without any doubt any suggestion of the leader.
"Maximo Lider," as they called him.
Also they are indoctrinated to spy in their family, their parish,
everybody around them.
Mr. SouRwiNE. To spy on their own family ?
Father Aguirre. Yes, and I know a case — I don't have the name.
The priest that came visiting from Cuba about 2 months ago, he gave
me the case, Avith the number, Avith the name, of one cliild who was
about 13 or 14 years old in Oriente Province and he accused his grand-
father of talking against the government, and then this grandfather
was sent to the prison. That was the effect of the indoctrination that
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 335
this grandchild accused liis gTandfather of hearing some talk against
the revolution or against the Government.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Did the Castro government ever attack the church?
Father Aguirre. Well, I think he did. As far as his going — as far
as he went away with these ideas
]Mr. SouRwixE. Pardon me, Father. Don't you remember telling
us in executive session that Castro never attacked the church?
Father Aguirre. Xever attacked
Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes.
Father Aguirre. Well, I said he never attacked openly. I mean he
didn't say never : "Well, we don't want to have the church any more.
We don't want to have any more priests." He didn't do it openly
because lie is smart to do that and he knows that most of the people,
the great majority have a good Christian sentiment, especially Cath-
olic because most of the people in Cuba are Catholic, and he never
attacked openly.
But he had been attacking the church several other ways, not
strictly openly. He has been attacking his priests, anyway, after
these declarations I told you, he has been attacking priests and even
bishops in the official newspaper. If there are any priests or any
bishops who would dare to say anything against the Government, it
would be considered like a criminal of war, like a man sold to the
American interest, like a Trujillista, like a nonpriest anymore. They
would call any priest, any bishop who would dare to say something
publicly in Cuba against the Government.
And about 2 weeks ago, one priest. Father Yasco Guevara, he used
to write for the paper- — some few articles about the socialization of
Cuba. He never attacked — I read all his articles. He never attacked
openly the Government but he was criticizing something, you know.
Mr. Sourwixe. Thank vou, Father.
Do you have any information respecting the intentions of thf Com-
munist Party in Cuba as regards the United States ?
Father Aguirre. Any intention about
Mr. Sourwixe. Do you have any information about what the Com-
munist Party in Cuba intends or how they regard the United States ?
Father Agihrre. Well, they regard — I think the Communist Party,
the policy, not only in Cuba but all Latin America, since 1956 is to dis-
credit the United States, to go to make trouble between the United
States and the Latin American countries, to raise the anti-American
sentiments, and that is the campaign that you should know, I am sure,
the '"Hate xVmerica" campaign they are getting in Cuba. You knovr,
eveiTthing wrong that happened in Cuba or happened in any other
coimtiy in Latin America, they will blame systematically the United
States. That is the campaign they have in Cuba.
The Government has that in Cuba. And that is the campaign of
the Communists in all Latin American countries.
Mr. Sourwixe. Father Aguirre, do you have any information about
the Prensa Latina, the Latin American press agency in Cuba?
Father Aguirre. Yes ; I had information that this Prensa Latina is
a Communist-controlled agency.
Mr. Sourwixe. From where do you get that information ?
Father Aguirre. Well, I got this information through one pei^on
inside the Prensa Latina, through another priest. You know that I
336 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
couldn't say his name, you kno^Y, because he is still in Cuba. He gave
me the names of the top officers, of the men running the Prensa Latina
and their relation to the Communist Party, all their background you
know, and this Prensa Latina is a Commvinist agency in complete con-
tact with Prague in Czechoslovakia.
They kept a relationship in cables and in code with Prague, receiv-
ing information and everything they want to say, you know. And the
general ]:)olicy of the Prensa Latina is to present all the news, even the
more insignificant ones, against the United States, and to present all
the troubles that there are in this country, like anywhere else. You
know, if there are racial troubles, discrimination, they want to make a
great propaganda about that, to discredit this country, in all the news,
even the more insignificant. That is the purpose of the Prensa Latina.
Mr. SouEwiNE. What were the names given you as the top Com-
munists in Prensa Latina ?
Father Aguirre. What?
Mr. SouRwiNE. You said that certain names were given to you as the
top Communists in Prensa Latina, if I understood you correctly.
What were those names ?
Father Aguirre. You want me to say the name ?
Mr. SotTiWixE. No. I understood you could not give the name of
your informer.
Father Aguirre. No.
Mr. Sourwine. You couldn't tell who told you ?
Father Aguirre. That is right.
Mr. SouRwiNE. But I understood you to say he had given you the
names of persons who were top Communists in Prensa Latina.
Father Aguirre. Yes.
Mr. SouRAViNE. Can you give us those names ?
Father Aguirre. I think I have it here. Let me see. I don't think
I have it. I gave it already.
Senator Dodd. You gave us the names of people who are not Cubans
who are in this Prensa Latina. The informer gave you that.
Father Aguirre. He didn't give the name.
Senator Dodd. Was the name Mazetti ?
Father Aguirre. Well
Senator Dodd. Do you know that?
Father Aguirre. He is the executive chief of the Prensa Latina.
Senator Dodd. Well, who is he? "W^io were you told he is?
Father Aguirre. Well, he is an Argentinian, Communist, Peronist.
He is the chief, I mean, the executive chief of the Prensa Latina, this
Mazetti.
Senator Dodd. You said you were told he was an Argentine Com-
munist ?
Father Aguirre. That is right. Peronist.
Senator Dodd. And he is now an official of the Latin Press Agency ?
Father Aguirre. That is right.
Senator Keating. Mr. Chairman, in other words, he was a sup-
porter of Peron ?
Father Aguirre. Of Peron.
Senator Keating. When Peron left he became an active Commu-
nist ?
Father Aguirre. That is correct.
coAcvruisriST threat to u.s. through the Caribbean 337
Mr, SouEwiNE. Do you know the name Moclica ?
Father Aguirre. Yes. He is one of the men also, the top men in
the Prensa Latina.
Senator Dodd. Tell us, who is he? ^Miat were you told about
Modica ?
Father Aguirre. "Well, I don't — I have a few of the more important
details, you know, that he was born — he was a Communist, but I
don't have the complete information about him, you know. I couldn't
tell you too many details. I think I give you already the details I
had.
Mr. Sour^\t:xe. Did you know a man named Padilla?
Father Aguirre. Padilla? Yes, I do.
]Mr. SouRwiNE. He is also with the Prensa Latina?
Father Aguirre. Yes, he is.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Was he also identified to you as a Commimist?
Father Aguirre. Yes.
]Mr. SouRwixE. Panamanian Commimist?
Father Aguirre. A Panamanian Communist.
]Mr. SouRwixE. Did you know the names Pastor Valdes, Jose Pardo,
Gabriel Molina, and Antonio Fernandes?
Father Aguirre. Yes.
JNIr. SouRwixE. Were they connected with Prensa Latina ?
Father Aguirre. They are.
JMr. Sourwixe. Were they identified to 3'ou as Cuban Communists?
Father Aguirre. Yes, they are.
Mr. Sourwixe. Do you know where the meeting place of the Com-
munist Party is, in Havana ?
Father Aguirre. They have, I think, the meeting in the building
of the Prensa Latina. The center of contact among all Communists
in Cuba. You know that there are many Communists, officers and
engineers and politicians, from China, Russia, Yugoslavia, in Cuba ;
Czechoslovakia. They used to have the meeting at the Prensa Latina
Building in Havana.
Senator Dodd. Father, let me ask you a couple of questions. Let
me ask you firet a general question.
Is it a fair summary of your testimony now, as I state it, that you
were a Catholic priest in Cuba ; you were opposed to Batista, and this
was well known under the Batista government? Is that right?
Father Aguirre. That is right.
Senator Dodd. So you had to leave Cuba and vou came to the United
States?
Father Aguirre. That is right.
Senator Dodd. You supported the Castro revolution from the
United States as well as you could ?
Father Aguirre. I did.
Senator Dodd. Before the takeover by Castro.
Father Aguirre. Yes, I did.
Senator Dodd. Thereafter vou returned to Cuba in Januarv of
1959?
Father Aguirre. Yes.
Senator Dodd. You found that Communists were very active in
Cuba?
43354— 60— pt. 7 2
338 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Father Aguirre. That is right.
Senator Dodd. They gave you a hard time, made it difficult for you
to carry on your priestly activities ?
Father Aguirre. You are riglit.
Senator Dodd. You observed their activities in labor unions?
Father Aguirre. That is right.
Senator Dodd. The Prensa Latina Agency, and where they indoctri-
nated the youngsters who had been spying on their parents and on
other people ■
Father Aguirre. That is right.
Senator Dodd. All right. And you have told us that you believe
and liave been informed that certain people in this press agency are
Communists?
Father Aguirre. Yes, I do.
Senator Dodd. Now, let me ask you a question. Do you laiow of
your own knowledge of any activities in Cuba at the present time that
are directed against the United States?
Father Aguirre. Well, I know the public activities, you know, the
propaganda that — you want to know if I know of some special ac-
tivities, but I don't really know if there is something special they are
trying to do to the United States. I don't really know.
Senator Dodd. Do you know of any Cuban Communist agents who
are operating in the United States ?
Father Aguirre. Well, I do. I think all the agents of Fidel Castro
in the United States are Communists.
Senator Dodd. Well, do you know who they are ?
Father Aguirre. Yes. Well, I think I know.
Senator Dodd. Can you tell us ?
Father Aguirre. The names ?
Senator Dodd. Yes.
Father Aguirre. I don't have the names in my mind now, I mean,
I know some things in Miami, you know, in Florida, but not here.
I know some of them in Cuba. I tliink that the agent for Manuel
Marquez — he is in charge of tourism in Cuba, and the chief of G-2
in Miami. He is in charge of all the agents, Communist agents,
Fidelista agents in Miami. He is the boss of t-liings, Manuel Marquez.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you know where he lives in Havana ?
Father Aguirre. Well, I don't remember. It is known in Miami,
you know. He has a tourist commission, Cuban Tourist Commission
in Miami.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you know his residence in Miami ?
Father Aguirre. I don't remember the address. I think I would
Icnow if I were there, but I don't remember exactly the address.
Senator Dodd. How would one go about locating him ?
Father Aguirre. About locating him ?
Senator Dodd. About finding him.
Father Aguirre. Well, I think it is very easy through the Immigra-
tion in Miami, easy to locate him.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Have you seen this man ?
Father Aguirre. I have seen him ; yes.
Mr. Sourwine. Would you describe him ?
Father Aguirre. Oh, yes. He is very well known in Miami.
Mr. Sourwine. Describe him. Is he a tall man, dark ?
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 339
Father Aguirre. He is a dark man, tall, like me, more or less, a
dark man, about 40 years old, something like that, 37, 38.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Is he clean shaven ?
Father Aguirre. Yes.
Mr. SouR^VINE. Does he have a moustache ?
Father Aguirre. No ; he doesn't have any moustache.
Senator Dodd. Did you observe any activity on the part of Chinese
Communists in Cuba ?
Father Aguire. Yes. There is a — they have a lot of activity. I
think they are imitating more — the Communist government in Cuba — ■
the Chinese than the Russian. They are always praising the Chinese
popular government, they call it ; and they have a radio now, a station,
an hour in Chinese language for the Chinese colony in Cuba ; and they
have a paper also, the Regla, in some town near Havana.
Senator Dodd. They have a newspaper ?
Father Aguirre. Yes, sir ; a newspaper for the Communist Chinese.
I have heard — I couldn't tell you the name, but several people, you
know, wlio have been in contact with the Government, they used to find
many foreigners there that are not American, because in Cuba if you
don't talk English — but everybody understands when somebody is
talking in English. They hear these same talking some other lan-
guage, but not English. That is Russian, Chinese — you can recog-
nize the Chinese through their face, you know, and Yugoslavian and
Czechoslovakian, and especially Chinese Communists. There are
many Chinese Communists in Cuba from China, even publicly.
They are always saying in the paper that they are receiving a mis-
sion of Chinese students, of the Chinese workers. They are alwa3"S.
And with this commission comes 20, 30 people. "Who knows who they
really are ? They say that they are representatives of the students
or the workers in China, but we don't know exactly who they are.
They know, of course.
Senator Keatixg. Can you tell us anything further. Father, about
the relation between the church and the Government? Have you
given us all the information you have with reference to the Govern-
ment's attitude toward the church?
Father Aguirre. Well. I think I didn't give you all the information
I have but I give some. "Well, I think that the relation, as I told you —
first of all, you knoAv that I am not talking in the name of the church
in Cuba. I am talking in my own name. I don't represent anybody
or any church in Cuba. I represent my own opinion.
And I think the relations are getting worse every day because it is
impossible to get along with the Communists, this indoctrination,
with these totalitarian ideas that there are in the propaganda, in the
radio, in the television, in the paper, everywhere, you know. They
are trying to make God a poor man, like Fidel. I think he is a poor
man. The propaganda are trying to make him a god and that is
against any religious sentiments, not only against the Catholic senti-
ments. And it is against God's idea to make a man God, and that is
what — I think the relations are getting worse every day.
There has been taken some property of the church.
Senator Keatixg. They have taken properties of the church?
Father Aguirre. They took already some properties of the church,
farms, a few farms, censers, ecclesiastical censers, that is the kind of
340 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
property the cliurch has over there. And they were making a big
propaganda to take over the Havana cemetery. The Havana cemetery
belongs to the diocese of Havana, to the church. The money they are
receiving for this property is to support the Seminary of Havana and
some other orphanage. And there has been making a lot of propaganda
through the radio to take over the cemetery. I think they will take it
pretty soon.
And, as far as I know, there are many — most of the priests, the great
majority, they are very, very disappointed with this situation in Cuba.
They are afraid to talk in public because if they talk in public against —
I wouldn't say against the Government. Nobody would dare to say
that over there.
But against communism, they won't be able to stay there. They
will have to get away from Cuba.
Like happened to me, you know. Like happened to some other
priests. If there is anybody talking publicly and frequently, with
some frequence, against the Communists, against this indoctrination,
the totalitarian Communist indoctrination to the young people, they
won't be able to stay there any more and that is what they don't dare to
talk in public but they talk in private, privately, with the other priests,
with the parishioners, some other person.
Senator Keating. Have you heard any officials of the Government
express anti- American sentiments?
Father Aguirre. Oh, yes. The Maximo Lider, Fidel Castro, he is
always expressing very anti-American sentiments. Always he is talk-
ing about the Americans and all the others, the official papers, the
Kevolucion, the official papers, and the other ministers, they are al-
ways blaming the United States for everything wrong in Cuba.
Senator Keating. That is the official Government doctrine, not
simply the Communists ?
Father Aguirre. No, no. Official Government. Official Govern-
ment doctrine, that is right.
Senator Keating. You have spoken of the large number of Chinese
agents there. Are there Russian agents in Cuba ?
Father Aguirre. There are, too. Yes. But I think there are more
Chinese than Russian.
Senator Keating. And there are agents from other Communist
countries ?
Father Aguirre. Always. Especially from Yugoslavia and Czecho-
slovakia.
Senator Dodd. Senator Cotton ?
Senator Cotton. Father, did you observe exactly how 60 or 70 mem-
bers of that maritime union took over the control of 1,200 ? How did
they go about it ?
Father Aguirre. I didn't observe it because I wasn't there when they
took over, but I knew it because everybody knew it in the town.
Senator Cotton. How did they do it ?
Father Aguirre. In the 1st and 2d of January, the people, the
young people, the revolutionaries, were taking care of the public order
in the town, you know, and they were taking over the garrison and the
Communists wei-e taking care of the unions. They didn't do anything
else. And that is what they did in Batabano.
COMIMTJNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 341
The boss of the Communists at the 1st of January was in Havana.
He wasn't in Batabano and as soon as he knew the Batista regime was
out, it fell down, then he went to Batabano directly to the labor union
building, you know. And they brought — they came in and they took
power of the union.
Senator Cotton. When the Batista government was overthrown
Father Aguirke. Yes.
Senator Cottox. Did the revolutionary high command assign cer-
tain people in certain communities to take over certain functions ? In
other words, was it the revolutionary command that assigned certain
people to take over the police functions and then turned the Com-
munists loose on the unions, or did it just happen locally ?
Father Aguirre. Well, more or less I think there were some assign-
ments, but in general was a lot of confusion, and in this confusion the
only people who knew what they wanted were the Communists. They
went directly to the labor imion.
Senator Cottox. That is very clear. Thank you.
Father Aguirre. They were very clear what they were after.
Senator Cottox. Now let me ask you this : Did you know of the
existence of Communist cells or groups in Cuba while the Batista
regime was still in power ?
Father Aguirre. Yes. There were some Commmiist cells working
m Cuba.
Senator Cottox. Were they fairly strong ?
Father Aguirre. I don't think so. They were some by this time.
Senator Cottox. Were they Cubans, largely, or were they composed
largely of non-Cubans, people from the outside ?
Father Aguirre. At that time I think they were Cubans. They were
only Cubans most of the time, I think.
Senator Cottox. Was it only since the coming of the Castro govern-
ment that Argentine and Panamanian and Chinese and Russian Com-
munists have come into Cuba ?
Father Aguirre. That is right. That was after Castro took over,
not before.
Senator Cottox. Are the outside Communists effective in their
propaganda with Cubans? Do they exercise quite an influence with
Cubans ?
Father Aguirre. They do. They exercise — they are having key
positions, none very openly, you know, but in all the ministries there
are some outsiders, foreigners. Communists, in key positions.
Senator Cottox. And how have they obtained those key positions?
Father Aguirre. Well, I think because the Government is Commu-
nist, because Fidel Castro is Communist himself; that is a policy they
have. They have everything prepared this way, you know, to indoc-
trinate the other one, to control the minds and opinions of the other
people in those jobs, in those positions.
Senator Cottox. I am not familiar with either the Spanish or Latin
American languages, but is there a distinction or marked difference
between the language of a resident of Argentina and a Cuban, for
histance.
Father Aguirre. No. There is no essential distinction. For ex-
ample, like the distinction between the English the United States
342 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
speaks here and the English of England, you know. There are so
many
Senator CoTTO>r. Or the English of the South.
Father Aguirre. That is right. The North and the South. There
is the same language. We can understand, we speak the same lan-
guage in Argentina.
Senator Keating. Or New England.
Senator Cottox. So there is no handicap in other Latin Americans
coming in and seeking to convince and to win the Cubans to Com-
munism.
Father Agutree. No.
Senator Cotton. No handicap of language.
Father Aguirre. There is no handicap. We have one of the top
names in the Government, Guevara; he is an Argentine. He is one
of the most powerful men in Cuba.
Senator Cotton. How about the case of Europeans, or Asians, Rus-
sians, and Chinese ?
Father Aguirre. Some of them know Spanish very well. I think
they were all ready. They have a good knowledge of the language
and some don't know but they have interpreters.
Senator Cotton. But they have been given positions of power to
aid them and those positions have been given them by the Castro
government ?
Father Aguirre. The Government, that is right. You are right.
Senator Cotton. You are quite sure of that ?
Father Aguirre. I am quite sure of that.
Senator Keating. Have you actually observed, of your own knowl-
edge, instances of that?
Father Aguirre. No. I didn't see myself. Batabano, no other
town, I didn't see them myself. But many other people, very re-
sponsible people, even some priests have told me about this man.
Also, I tell you, for example, when they were in part of the Govern-
ment, taxes to the church — now the church has to pay taxes in Cuba.
They don't pay here and most of the countries, for the territory, for
the church, for the schools and so forth. And when they were paying,
they say the Treasury Ministry, they send a man to discuss with the
lawyer of the archbishop, the diocese of Havana, about this problem,
and the man with tlie power to discuss that was a Spaniard, a Com-
munist Spaniard, was no Cuban, was a Commu.nist in the civil war
in Spain, a Communist Spaniard. He was the man with all the
power and with the bishop and the lawyer of the diocese who was
asking him, it wasn't good, because tlie church in Cuba is poor more
or less. He said, "Well, why shouldn't you pay taxes when you receive
a stipend or an offering, for example, for a mass, like anybody else.
If you receive $2 for a stipend, j^ou should pay taxes like anybody
else." And he had all the power. This was a Spaniard Communist.
He was not a Cuban. I know especially this man myself.
Senator Cotton. Thank you.
Mr. Sourwine. No more questions, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Dodd. Thank you very much, Father. We appreciate the
fact you would come here and give us this testimony.
Mr. Sourwine. ^Ir. Chairman, I would like to call Father Juan
Ramon O'Farril. Is Father O'Farril here?
Mr. Schroeder, is the Father coming ?
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 343
Mr. ScHROEDER. The marshal in Miami notified us the day before
yesterday that he had received his subpena.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Would you check to see if he has reported in down-
stairs?
Mr. SCHROEDER. I will.
Mr. SouRWiXE. Mr. Chairman, while this check is beinf^ made, I
liave here somethino- for the record, anti-American propaganda of the
comic book type of publication. I mean, the format. There is nothing
comic about this publication, which is being widely circulated in Cuba.
I ofTer this for the file, for the record by reference, and I have here
a few excerpts from it.
Senator Keating. Before we do that, could we have counsel state
the source of it, the basis of his statement that it is widely circulated
in Cuba ?
Senator Dodd. Yes.
Mr. SouRwixE. The fact that it is widely circulated in Cuba is
documented in various American publications. It has been referred
to by name in, for instance. Life magazine, Time, the New York
Times, and others. This particular copy was purchased on a street
of Havana and it is on street corners, hawked on the corners, accord-
ing to the committee's information.
Senator Keatixg. Thank you.
Mr. SonRWix'E. The publisher's note in the first of this volume
reads ^ as follows :
Note of the editors : With this second pamphlet of "Notes for a True History
of Cuba" the Foundation of the Popular Book has gathered two illustrated
works of Jose Pardo Llada. One of them reveals, with a documentary pre-
cision, the episode of the explosion of the Maine, the "mysteries" of which come
afloat as if after 60 years from the tragedy we had extracted from the bottom
of the sea the remains of the famous battleship.
Another one — of present-day interest — tells in revolutionary prose of the
unforgettable burial of the victims of "La Coubre" and then tells in a fiery
statement all the Cuban reasons to determine the responsibilities of the United
States in the repeated aggressions to the National Sovereignty. Both works —
the same as the previous Pardo Llada work on Bartolome Maso and the First
American Intervention — represent serious contributions to establish the historic
truth of our relations with the United States.
And the excerpts show the nature of it, involving a charge that the
United States blew up the Maine to start the Spanish- American War,
that the United States blew up the ship in Havana Harbor.
Senator Dodd. Very well, that will be received and marked in the
record.
(The document referred to was received for the files of the com-
mittee. Additional excerj^ts ^ read as follows:)
The explosion of February 15. — While in Washington the representatives of
the nascent American economic imperialism (McKinley, Theodore Roosevelt,
Root, Long) were engaged in precipitating the intervention in the Cuban war,
with the intention of annexing the island, the Spaniards, preoccupied with iron-
ing out their differences with the already powerful Nation, were smoothing out,
with all kinds of explanations, the diplomatic relations between the two coun-
tries, placed in jeopardy by the imprudence of Ambassador Depuy de Lome.
*******
This was the state of affairs on February 15, at 9 :4.5 p.m., when almost
the entire crew of the SS Maine was aboard, icitli the exception of the ship's
officers, and a terrible explosion occurred which caused the death of 266 men.
^ As translated by Elizabeth Harunian of the Library of Congress.
344 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
The victims included 264 plain sailors — Negroes in their majority — and only
two low-ranking officers. Almost none of the officers were aboard at that time —
9 :45 p.m. — but were playing cards in distant residential homes in the Cerro, or
attending a show at the "Teatro Albizu."
Some eyewitnesses stated that, when the officers of the Maine heard the explo-
sion, they automatically looked at one another and called out: "It is the boat!"
Those who were at the "Teatro Albizu" rushed out seconds after the ex-
plosion, headed for the Caballeria Pier and cutting through Calle O'Reilly, cer-
tain that it was a disaster that had struck the unit to which they belonged.
iti 4i ii: ^ ^ ^ '^
As proved by these statements, the magnates of the American press and the
Washington pro-Colonialism leaders had very little interest in Cuba or in its
fight for Independence. They stated with brutal frankness that they needed
the war "in order to sell more newspapers", or to "make better business deals."
^ :)! :J; H= !i^ * *
Theodore Roosevelt, the great culprit. — The agitation initiated by the Ameri-
can press was followed by meetings and public acts promoted by the imperialistic
political groups, under the slogan: "Remember the Maine."
^ SfS ^ ^ ^ ^ 1*
The real culprits. — If it was not the Spaniards — as falsely stated in the Com-
mittee report — or the Cubans — as villainously claimed by Atkins — the question
remained : Who was responsible for the sinking of the Maine"}
Indubitably the waiynongerinff interests, which had incited the United States
to intervene in Cuba.
Is it not significant that [only] hours after the explosion and at a distance
of so many miles as between Havana and New York, the warmongering news-
papers were publishing the same conclusions — an underwater mine — at which
the Investigating Committee arrived a month later?
Is it not a piece of evidence that almost automatically, when the explosion of
the Maine occurred, Under Secretary of the Navy Roosevelt placed the entire
blame on the Spaniards and clamored for sending the entire fleet to Havana?
What was the reason for Theodore Roosevelt's insistent request, hours after
the explosion, that McKinley not make any investigation of the disaster of the
Maine?
What did the famous letter say that Capt. Sigsbee was writing, precisely to
Roosevelt, at the very moment of the explosion?
To save whom did Capt. Sigsbee say shortly before he died that he never had
stated his opinion as to who had destroyed the Maine?
*******
And once the evidence had been exhausted, with the skill that could have been
displayed only by the best lawyer, aided by the best expert in explosives — and
it so happens that Fidel is a lawyer and that, besides, he had to turn into an
expert on explosives in the Sierra Maestra — the tall, bearded man, at whom that
cold north was hammering away, alone on the platform, without losing his
composure and serenity in making his statement, was asking himself who might
have been the one, or the ones, having arranged that crime, and, through a series
of irrefutable deductions, even submitting such conclusive proof as the action
[reaction?] of the United States Consul at Amberes, to learning about the
shipment of arms to Cuba, established, clearly and courageously, the indubitable
responsibility of the United Slates for this monstrous crime.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Has Father O'Farril reported in downstairs?
Mr. SciiROEDER. No, sir ; and the word has gone to Miami to see what
happened.
Mr. SouRwiNE. We are informed, Mr. Chairman, that Father
O'Farril left Miami in response to his snbpena to come here. I don't
know why he has not arrived.
Senator Dodd. Have you notified the proper authorities?
Mr. SouRwiNE. I think perhaps that had better be done.
Senator Dodd. Wasn't he harmed once before ?
Mr. SouRwiNE. He was very badly beaten by Batista agents and
he was fearful there would be another attack.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 345
Senator Dodd. Is lie another one of the Catholic priests who returned
under Castro and had to leave again?
Mr. SouRWiNE. Yes, sir.
Senator Dodd. I tliink I would send out the word on that.
Senator Keating. Do we know when he left ?
Senator Dodd. Do we know when he left, Mr. Schroeder?
Mr. Schroeder. No; we don't.
Senator Dodd. You know he was served?
Mr. Schroeder. I know he was. The marshal notified him.
Senator Dodd. And you expected him here this morning.
Mr. Schroeder. Yes, sir.
Senator Dodd. "We ought to find out if he did leave. My recol-
lection was that he was one in particular that we wanted to hear.
Mr. Sourwine. Father Rosario Maxilliano Perez.
I understand Father Perez speaks only Spanish. "We will speak
with him through an interpreter.
Senator Dodd. "We will swear Father Perez. "Will you stand up
and raise your right hand, please ?
Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you give before this
subcommittee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the
truth, so help you God ?
Father Perez. I do.
TESTIMONY OF REV. FATHER ROSARIO MAXILLIANO PEREZ
(THROUGH AN INTERPRETER)
Senator Dodd. Give us you name and your address?
Father Perez. Maxilliano Perez Diaz.
Senator Dodd. Speak up, please.
Mr. Sourwine. You were educated at San Carlos and San Ambro-
sio Seminaries?
Father Perez. Yes.
Mr. Sourwine. You were ordained a Catholic priest in 1949 ?
Father Perez. Yes.
Mr. Sourwine. You were at one time imprisoned by the Batista
government?
Father Perez. Yes.
Mr. Sourwine. You had fought the Batista government for a pe-
riod of 7 years?
Father Perez. For 7 years.
Mr. Sourwine. "Will you tell us something of that fight against
the Batista government? And I respectfully suggest that for the
purposes of the record, the interpreter explain to the Father that if he
will speak a sentence, she can then translate it and then he may speak
another sentence and she will translate that.
Senator Dodd. Before he begins to tell us about his fight against
Batista, ask him tliis question :
"Wasn't your father killed by Batista?
Father Perez. Yes; in 1940.
Senator Dodd. "Wlien you are telling us about your struggle against
Batista, tell us the facts about your father's execution.
The Interpreter. This was during the election, during the election
time. This was during the Father's studies and the election of Ba-
346 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
tista ensued in 1940 when this look place. His father was a leader
of a certain movement which was a movement against Batista.
Father Perez is explaining that his father
Senator Dodd. You just tell us what he said. Never mind ex-
plaining. You interpret each word that he says in Spanish into that
microphone. That is all we want you to do. ^Yliat did he say?
The Interpreter. His father was a leader who was working against
the Batista government. His father was opposed to the repression
of that military unit.
Senator Dodd. I don't want you to think I am critical. Speak in
the first person. He must be saying: "My father," "I." Use those
pronouns wlien you interpret. Say just what he said. Don't say
what you think.
Father Perez. My father spoke against the government and in
speaking thus, he was assassinated by som.eone from the police force.
This is the activity of mj^ father as I have said it.
Senator Dodd. Tell us about your own experience with the Batista
government. Make it brief. Give us the essence of it.
Father Perez. Since I knew who Fulgencio Batista was, I knew
of the last months which were lacking in authority and there was
disorder in the country. But I knew and recognized Fulgencio Ba-
tista. He was disordered, and I knew of the bad consequences.
Senator Dodd. Were you part of any underground movement
against Batista in Cuba ?
Father Perez. Yes. I was involved in the Movement of July 26.
Senator Dodd. So you did everything you could to bring about
Batista's downfall, is that right ?
Father Perez. I did everything possible, even to the extent of
endangering my life.
Senator Dodd. Batista heard about this, did he not?
Father Perez. Yes, he did.
Senator Dodd. And as a result you had to leave Cuba ?
Father Perez. No. I did not leave.
Senator Dodd. You never left Cuba ?
Father Perez. No. Never.
Senator Dodd. Were you in any wise punished for your activities,
or restricted, I guess would be the better word? Were you restricted
in any way?
Father Perez. Yes, I was.
Senator Dodd. How? Tell us how?
Father Perez. They watched me constantly. They checked my
house very often. They would look for my brothers, with arms.
Senator Dodd. All right. Now, in any event, it is well established
here. You told us on the record that you did resist Batista. Now,
did you support the Castro movement when that started in Cuba?
Father Perez. Yes.
Is this at the present or before ?
Senator Dodd. I mean when it first started.
Father Perez. I served or approved of Castro until I discovered
he was a Communist. I was commissioned by the government for
15 days, commissioned mayor of the town by the government for 15
days.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 347
Senator Dodd. I think this is a good place to break off for the
recess. So we will recess until 2 :15.
(Whereupon, at 12 o'clock meridian, a recess was taken until 2 :15
p.m., the same day.)
AFTERNOON SESSION
The subcommittee reconvened at 2 :15 p.m., pursuant to recess.
(Present: Senators Dodd and Keating; Mr. Sour wine and Mr.
Mandel.)
Senator Dodd. Please come to order.
Because we have a witness who wishes to leave the city today, we
will interrupt the testimony of Father Perez, with Father Perez'
permission, and call instead Mr. Diaz Balart.
Representative Anfuso. Mr. Chairman, Senator Keating, it is my
very happy privilege this afternoon to introduce to this committee Dr.
Eafael Diaz Balart, a former Senator of Cuba, a man who studied
for many years in this country, who is a devoted citizen of his
country, a disciple of the famous hero of Cuba, Marti. He has been
a resident of the United States, which country he has always wor-
shiped because of its democratic principles, and it has always been
his idea to carry out those principles in his native land.
He knows a great deal about the present difficulties going on in
Cuba today. He feels deeply that the country is going communistic,
that it is being alienated from the United States, for which the people
of Cuba have always had a great love and admiration. He feels
deeply that the people of Cuba do not like the separation which their
dictator form of government is leading them to. He happens to be a
brother-in-law of the present ruler of Cuba, not by choice, but it is
something that happened.
And he is here, I am sure, to tell this committee the whole truth
about Cuba. And I can assure the committee that he will be very
cooperative, as he has been in the past with the staff of this committee,
and is indeed at your disposal. I thank you very much for this op-
portunity of being able to present him.
Senator Dodd. Raise your right hand, please.
Do you solemnly swear the testimony you will give before this sub-
committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the
truth, so help you God ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. I do.
TESTIMONY OF RAFAEL LINCOLN DIAZ BALART
Senator Dodd, Have a chair.
You speak English, I believe.
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir, a little bit.
Senator Dodd. If you need an interpreter, she will be present.
Mr. Diaz Balart. Thank you.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Your full name, sir ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Rafael Lincoln Diaz Balart.
Mr. SouRwiNE. And your residence ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. I live in New York.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You are a lawyer ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir.
348 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you a member of the bar of Cuba ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you a member of the bar of any State of the
United States?
Mr. Diaz Balart. No, sir.
Mr. SouRwixE. Where did you go to school ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Havana University, and University of Oriente.
Mr. SouRwiNE. When ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. From 1945, when I started Havana University.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you have a prominent dassmate in law school ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. I was a classmate of Premier Castro.
Mr. SouRWiNE. You were a classmate of Fidel Castro?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Were you formerly a member of the National Leg-
islature of Cuba^?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir.
Mr. SouRwiNE. How long- have you been in the United States?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Since January 15, 1959.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Why did you leave Cuba and come here ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. I left Cuba on December 20, 1958, to Europe, for
some professional business, and while there the Communist forces of
Castro arrived to power, so I remained there until January 15 when I
came here to the United States.
Senator Keaitng. May I inquire?
You mean that your relationship is that your wife is a sister of
Fidel Castro?
Mr. Diaz Balart. No, my sister was the wife of Castro.
Senator Keating. I see. Thank you.
Mr. Diaz Balart. I would like to ask Your Honor's permission to
read a veiy brief opening statement, if it is possible.
Senator Dodd. All right. Go ahead.
Mr. Diaz Balart. As a Cuban, and as a public person, I appreci-
ate the hospitality extended to me by this great brother country of
the United States of America. I am happy to i-espond to tlie subpena
of this distinguished committee to appear before it. I do so with the
same feeling of appreciation as I would if I were invited to come
before any other representative body of the other free comitries of
America in order to cooperate with my best knowledge towards
the understanding of our mutual problems, and for the better defense
of the democratic Christian principles that are fundamental in the
Americas. These principles are increasingly being threatened from
Alaska to the Rio Plata, by the subversive activities of imperialistic
and atheistic international Communists. Fulfilling this apj^earance,
which I have been requested to do by this honorable committee, I wish
to emphasize my profound faith in the moral resources of the Cuban
people.
I am sure that they know how to proceed in the straggle for the
total liberation from Communist tyranny and oppression that today
is ruling that coimti*y, and from their spreading hatred and provoca-
tion throughout the Western Hemisphere.
I wish also to give this committee and pul^lic opinion generally a
clear and definite assurance of my devotion to the friendship and
solidarity of the peoples of the American Continent. And I want
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 349
to express my respect and faith in the principle of nonintervention
in the internal affairs of the respective countries, which are funda-
mental principles of the Organization of the American States.
I shall always have profomid love for this great comitry of liberty
and brotherhood. Thank you very much.
Senator Dodd. All right, sir. Thank you.
Go ahead, ]Mr. Sourwine.
Senator Keatixg, Just one question. You are a citizen of Cuba?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir.
Senator Keating. Thank you.
Mr. Sourwine. Congressman Anfuso mentioned that you were
Fidel Castro's brother-in-law, and you said that your sister was Fidel
Castro's wife. I take it your use of the past tense means that she no
longer is his wife.
Mr. Diaz Balart. That is right.
Mr. SouRwixE. Is your sister still alive?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir.
Mr. Sourwine. She is then divorced from Fidel Castro ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. That is right.
Senator Keating. Is she living in Cuba ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes.
Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Diaz Balart, did you ever hold a position in the
Government of Cuba ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir.
Mr. Sourwine. ^Miat position ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. I was Under Secretary of Interior, before being
elected a congressman.
Mr. Sourwine. When was that ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. 1952.
Mr. Sourwine. Under Batista ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir.
Mr. Sourwine. Did you ever hold office under any President other
than Batista ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. 'Ko, sir.
Mr. Sourwine. "Were you, then, a pro-Batista Cuban? You were
part of the Batista government ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. I was pro-Batista before 1952, when the
party that he founded — he called it a new party, and he called the
Cuban youth to join that party in order to fight for order, for progress,
and for stability of the Cuban country. Aiid I liked those principles.
I joined him in the opposition. I was the leader of the youth party
in all the nation while we were in the opposition. And in 1952, when
the coup d'etat took place — in 1952, 10th of March — I continued with
Batista, because he promised to give the countiy progress and stability,
and I was very much concerned with the terrible situation of my coun-
try before those years when the life, the hmnan life didn't have any
value at all. And being a Christian, as I am, I have always thought
that it is not possible to think in any other human principle in any
country if you don't have before anything the guarantee of the human
life, and of the human dignity.
]Mr. Sourwine. When did you leave the Batista government ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. I Avas elected in 1954 a congressman, and I con-
tinued within the government of Batista with vei-y definite and
350 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
peculiar point of view, as head of the youth movement. We were
asking Batista in private and in public for honesty in the govern-
ment, for progress, for stability, for free elections, and there is a
matter of record, even in the U.S. magazine like Time, of that time,
when we asked in a big rally of more than 80,000 young men and
women all throughout the island headed by me, we asked Batista to
have free elections.
Mr. SonRWiNE. Did you ever break with Batista ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. I had a lot of struggle with Batista, and that is
also a matter of record in all the press of my country. After I was
elected in 1954, as the No. 1 of all the representatives of my province,
I denounced the corruption of those elections in my Oriente Province,
and I had trouble with Batista. After the big rally in 1953, I made
very clear in my speech before the Presidential Palace, that we didn't
agree with the politics of Batista, that we didn't agree with the cabinet
of Batista, and because of that I was out of the country for several
months.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you return ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. I returned, and I had a meeting with my organ-
ization, national organization, several times. We were making pres-
sure in the government of Batista for progress. We were asking for
a land reform, a constitutional land reform, and we were expecting
to make Batista to have some changes. After that, when the civil
war was working, and working in spite of our efforts, when Castro led
the attack to the Moncada barracks in 1953, before that there was not
a single death in the situation of Cuba. Castro provoked it, without
any reason in that moment — the attack on the Moncada barracks, with
80 men, knowing, as you can realize very easily, that he was not going
to fulfill. And besides that, that he had any chances to get the bar-
racks, he was not able to do anything with that. Then he just made
that attack in order to promote himself as a leader in his own party.
After that a civil war started. And we realized it, in meetings one
after another, in my organization, that then Fidel Castro, with the
backing of the internati onal machinery of the Communists, was going
to get the power if other sectors of the Cuban public life was fighting
openly against the Batista regime. So we had to choose between may-
be two evils at that moment, and we knew what it would mean to our
country that Fidel Castro and the Communists would get power.
That was the whole story of my attitude in that time.
Mr. SoTJRwiNE. You never supported Fidel Castro, then ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Not at all. I attacked him.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You never supported the 26th of July Movement?
Mr. Diaz Balart. No; I denoimced in the very beginning, in the
press of my country, when Eaul Castro, which I know very well per-
sonally, since he started to study the Communist doctrine, and he
started to be a Communist agent — I denounced that in the press of my
country, though I was in that moment a friend in a personal affair,
and I told the public opinion of my country the danger of believing
in the Castro movement, not only because they were above all Com-
munists, but also because I knew very well, as the public opinion of
Cuba knew, that Castro was nothing else than an opportunist and a
gangster, that had started his public life as a juvenile delinquent. And
that is a matter of record in the press of Cuba, also.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 351
Mr. SouRwiNE. We have a great many witnesses to hear, Mr. Diaz
Balart, and I don't want to cut you off at all, but I should like to
request, with the permission of the Chair, that you keep your answers
to the questions as short as you can. If you think you are being cut off
when you have information you want to give, just tell us.
Mr. Diaz Balart. Thank you very much.
Senator Dodd. Before you leave this question, I do not think it is
clear on the record — you opposed and criticized Batista at times, and
you opposed Castro. And you made the remark, "I left the country
for a few months." What year «
Mr. Diaz Balart. That was 1953, November.
Senator Dodd. When did you return ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. I returned 2 months after.
Senator Dodd. Two months ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Three months after.
Senator Dodd. In 1953 ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. That is right.
Senator Dodd. And you were in Cuba continuously from 1953 until
when ?
Mr. Dl\z Balart. Until December 20, 1958.
Senator Dodd. Then you went to Europe ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir.
Senator Dodd. Then you came to the United States from Europe ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. That is correct.
Senator Keating. May I ask one other question ? When you say
you left the coimtry, was that because Batista ordered you to leave?
]Mr. Diaz Balart. No, not exactly, no. I was a member of the
Government, but within the Government I led the youth movement.
We had a struggle within the Government, so I felt that it was better
to
Senator Dodd. Was it because of Batista or not ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. No ; I cannot say that.
Senator Dodd. You left on your own ?
Senator Keating. Did you leave under any pressure ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. No, not at all. It was moral pressure, because
Senator Keating. Any threats?
Mr. Diaz Balart. No, not at all. No threats. It was a question ot
moral and ideological point of view.
Mr. SouRwiNE. The youth movement you speak of would be called
in Engli sh the Youth of Action Progressive Party ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, it was a Youth of Action Unitarian Party
when we were in the opposition, and Action Progressive Party when
we were in the Government.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Now, you were opposed to Castro. Were you also
opposed to Prio ? , -r^ . -, t^ •
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, I was opposed to Prio when Prio was m
power.
Senator Keating. You were opposed to all these people ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes.
Senator Keating. Wlio were you for ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. I am for the liberty and progress of my country
Senator Keating. I mean you didn't have any particular individual ?
352 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Mr. Diaz Balart. No. In that time, I was in favor of Batista, be-
cause I thought, before 1952, that he was a solution for the Cuban
people. He had left the power in 1944, after 11 years being in power,
and having all the power in his hands — he lost an election, a general
election, and he left the power, he gave to his worst enemy the power,
and he visit all the countries of Latin America as a democratic hero.
So he was a real hope for the Cuban people — at least I thought that
that was the situation.
Senator Keating. But you became disillusioned about Batista in
what year?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Increasingly. I personally continued being his
friend, but increasingly I talked to him, and I told him publicly also
that he should give progress and another attitude to his government.
Senator Keating. Would it be fair to say that you were anti-Batista
when you left to-go to Europe ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Pardon me, sir ?
Senator Keating. Were you anti-Batista, against Batista, when
you left to go to Europe ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Ideologically, yes. But I cannot say politically
I was yet against Batista, because we were in a civil Avar, and I
thought, and my movement thought, that to oppose publicly and defi-
nitely to Batista would mean in that moment to help the Castro move-
ment, which had the weapons and had all the sources to get power.
And we knew that as soon as the power was out of the hands of Ba-
tista, by a violent means, not by a normal means, as we were expecting
to be, we knew that the only one that was going to get the power was
Fidel Castro, and the Communists. Not even Carlos Prio or any of
the other people.
Senator Keating. Now, let me ask you this. Do you consider the
Castro dictatorship worse than the Batista dictatorship ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. It is very different. The Batista dictatorship
was only a political dictatorship. The Castro dictatorship can only
be compared in America, I think, to Peron, and even much worse than
Peron, because the Castro dictatorship is a complete and a total dic-
tatorship. I think that is the first real example of absolute and com-
plete totalitarian government in the American Hemisphere. And,
besides that, and above all, is the hrst real Communist state in our
hemisphere.
Senator Keating. You consider it a Communist state?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Absolutelv. I don't think there is any doubt in
this moment in the minds of any that is a student of the Communist
tactics and the Communist struggle. The point is that, as I have
told several times — for instance, when they asked me is Castro a
Communist, I remember a professor that I had in the law school,
that always taught also when you are going to talk about a very
important matter you should start sharpening the terminology, and
it is important when somebody asks if Castro or is anybody a Commu-
nist, it IS important to know what do they mean by Communist.
Now, Castro is not a card holder of the Communist Party in Cuba,
never has been. But, at the same time, the card holder of the Social-
istic Party, or the Communist Party in Cuba, maybe a lot of them
are less dangerous and less important members of the Conununist
machinery.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 353
'\Vliat happens is that Castro is a member of the Third Interna-
tional, which they don't have a card never.
I want to affirm, with all my faitli and all my knowledge, that Fidel
Castro is the most important and most dangerous member in the
Western Hemisphere of the Communist International machinery since
the Russian revolution.
Senator Keating. You don't favor the return of Batista, do you?
Mr. Diaz Balart. We are very, very much opposed to that. We
formed a movement, an underground movement, which is working
very hard in Cuba, with two principal purposes — to overthrow the
dictatoi-ship of the Communists, and to prevent any possibility of the
retuni to power of Batista.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Is that organization the so-called Blanco Rosa, the
White Rose?
Mr. Diaz Balart, Yes, sir.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you hold a position in that organization?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir; I am the founder and the general
secret a ly.
Senator Dodd. Let me ask you a question. You said you thought
Castro succeeded because he overthrew Batista. Was there any third
place you could have looked for some decent element to control the
Government of Cuba ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. That is a very nice question. In that moment,
sir, with the civil war extended, we tried to have that third position,
or third possibility, several times.
Senator Dodd. Did you have a man who you thought would make
a good president of Cuba ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Not pei"Sonally I, but there was the possibility.
There was, for instance. Dr. Marcus Esterlin, who w^as a candidate
of the opposition in the election. But what happened is that Fidel
Castro had all the weapons, all the backing of the Communist ma-
chinery— money, weapons, propaganda, and at the same time, because
of the very intelligent propaganda of the Communist International
machinery, he got the help of the right men, and of the right person-
ality— even of the organization of the founder's rights. So Fidel
Castro had at this moment, because of the very intelligent Commmiist
propaganda, he had the help, the decisive help of the Communists and
of the enemies of the Communists. So in that moment practically to
anybody that studied the Cuban situation, in the middle of the civil
war, there was not any other possibility, and the history, the recent
history, has proved that we had.
Senator Dodd. Did you ever suggest to Batista he withdraw in
favor of a moderate candidate ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. We suggested to him to give free elections. We
suggested to him in 1956 that — after the amnesty that favored Fidel
Castro himself — we suggested a partial election of all the House of
Representatives, all the Senate, and (Tovernors, in order to have the
basis, in order to have a change of the (Tovernment in 1958. And we
were advocating that solution openly in the public opinion. And,
after that, the Congress had a mediation that didn't succeed be-
cause of the gangsterism, subversion of the Castro and the Communist
movement — that threatened any people, even in the opposition, that
43354 — 60 — pt. 7 3
354 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
were threatening the pressmen, since the Sierra Maestra, that were
threatening to kill anybody that were opposing the solution — the only
solution of the Communist Party mider the Fidelista movement was
having — that is silence in order to get power as they got.
Senator Keating. Let me ask you a question. You referred to
Fidel Castro as, I think you said, the most prominent member of the
Communist International movement in the Western Hemisphere but
probably or not a card-carrying Communist.
Now, were you in law school with Fidel Castro ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir.
Senator Keating. Can you tell us anything about his activities
there of a political character ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. Right when he started at the university, in
1945, it was very easy for him, and at the same time for the Commu-
nists that had and always have had a very powerful branch in the
University of Havana — it was very easy for both of them to get to
a very nice understanding, because Communists know— — ■
Senator Dodd. I think if you just answer the question — don't give
all the reasons why. Senator Keating may want to know them later.
But tell what he did and what he said.
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. About what?
Senator Keating. About his political activities when you were in
law school with him.
Mr. Diaz Balart. Well, he started, as I told you, as a juvenile de-
linquent, he started killing our fellow students, and united with the
Cormnunists, and going in any activity as a front man of the Com-
munists. He had a very well understanding with the Communist
movement, because they needed a front man, and Fidel needed them
to back him.
Senator Keating. Was he recognized by the other students as act-
ing in that capacity at the time ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Oh, yes. But he was always very much careful
not to appear. And also the Communist — in order not to appear as
a Communist.
Senator Dodd. How do you know he was a Communist when he was
a student ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. I knew that he started together with them, be-
cause I knew who were the Communists by name. They were open.
Senator Dodd. Were you told this by others ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. No, I knew that by myself.
Senator Dodd. You saw him associating with them. Do you know
he was a member ? How do you know that?
Mr. Diaz Balart. No, he Avas not in that moment a member. He
was just in that moment an opportunist leader that wanted to pro-
mote himself.
Senator Dodd. So your answer is he was associated with people
you think were Communists ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. No. In that moment he was associated with peo-
ple that I know were Communists, because they told to everybody.
Senator Dodd. He associated with them. Do you know any more
than that ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. And after that, in that procedure, was that when
they started to be very useful to each other. I know all the process,
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 355
beccause I had to leave the country in 1947 to come to the United
States, because I was opposed to Castro.
Senator Dodd. We know that. Tell us any more you know.
Mr. Diaz Balart. About his Communist activities ?
Senator Dodd. Yes, about Castro when he was a student at the
university. That is what Senator Keating asked you.
Mr. Diaz Balart. Exactly he told me that he was going to go with
the Communists because it was the best way for a younir leader that
wa^ thinking in the future to promote himself to the higliest rank.
Senator Dodd. Castro told you that ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes.
Senator Dodd. All right. That is an answer to the question. What
else?
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know Leonel Soto ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Was he a Communist ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, he was an open leader of the Commimist
movement.
Mr. SouRwiNE. ^^Hiat, if any, were Castro's dealings with him?
Mr. Diaz Balart. He was also always verv well connected to liim,
and to other Communists.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know Alfredo Guevara ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir.
Mr. SouRwixE. Is that the same as "Che" Guevara ?
Mr. Dla.z Balart. No, sir.
Mr. SouRwiXE. Will you identify Alfredo Guevara ?
:Mr. Dl\z Balart. Yes, he was a student leader of the Communist
braTich in Havana University, and of the intellectual branch, and now
he IS the head of the Anemotographic Institute in Cuba, and the head
of the indoctrination program of the Army forces.
Mr. SouRwixE. Is he related to "Che" due vara ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. I don't think so.
Mr. SouRwiXE. Was Castro associated with Alfredo Guevara?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir.
Mr. SouRwixE. Do you know General Pedraza ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Never I have talked with him.
Mr. SouRw^iXE. Do you have any knowledge respecting Castro's
association with General Pedraza, if any ?
Mr Diaz Balart. General Pedraza ?
Mr. SouRwixE. Yes.
Mr. Diaz Balart. No, I don't know.
Mr. SouRwixE. Did you know Mas Martin ?
Mr. Dla.z Balart. Yes.
Mr. SouRwixE. Wlio was he ?
Mr. Dl4z Balart. He was a leader of the Communist youth.
Mr. SouRwixE. Cormnunist youth ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes.
INIr. SouRwixE. "Wliere ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. In Cuba, Havana.
Mr. SouRwiXE. At the Havana University ?
Mr Diaz Balart. No, in Cuba.
Mr. SouRwiXE. While Castro was attending Havana University,
was he connected in any way with Mas Martin ?
356 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
]\Ir. Diaz Balart. Yes, in all his activities he was having the back-
ing of the youth movement of the Communist Party that Mas Martin
was one of the leaders.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know Flavio Bravo?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Was he a Communist ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, he was also a leader of the youth,
Mr. SouRwiNE. Was Castro associated with him ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir, also.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you know a Valdes Viveo ?
Mr, Diaz Balart. Valdes Viveo ? Yes ; he was also a well-known
Communist leader.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Was Castro associated with him ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Also.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know Fabio Grobart ?
Mr. Diaz B.^art. Not personally, I knew of his presence in Cuba.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Who was he ?
Mr, Diaz Balart, I think from what I heard, he was a commissar
of the Communist movement. Maybe the highest ranking repre-
sentative of the Third International in Cuba in that moment.
Mr. SouRWiis'E, Was Grobart a Cuban ?
Mr. Diaz Balart, I don't think so.
Mr. SouRwiNE. What was his nationality ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. I think Yugoslav, but I am not sure, because I
think that he used to use different names.
Mr. SouRA^TNE. Do you know where he is now ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. I don't laiow,
Mr. SouRWiNE, Was he ever associated with Castro, or vice versa ?
Mr, Diaz Balart, Well, I think through these other people that
you have
Mr. Sourwine. Please, not what you think. Do you know ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. No.
Mr. Sourwine. Did you know one Leonel Gomez ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes ; I know who he was.
Mv. SouRA\TNE. Who was he ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. He was the leader of the secondary institute of
Havana,
(At this point, Senator Keating withdrew from the hearing room.)
INIr. SouRwixE. Was he the president of the student body in Havana
No. 1 High School?
Mr. Diaz Balart. That is right,
]\Ir. Sourwine. Is he alive now ?
]\Ir. Dl\z Balart. Yes.
Mv. Sourwine. He is still alive ?
]Mr. Diaz Balart. He is still alive.
Mr. Sourwine. Do you recall that he was shot in 1947 on Ronda
Street in Havana ?
INIr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir.
Mr. SouRAViNE. Do you know who shot him ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir. Fidel Castro,
Mr. Sourwine. How do you know this ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Because Fidel Castro told me that. He invited
me to participate with him in the killing of that student, and I re-
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 357
fused, because I am a Christian, I am against killing, and besides that,
there was not any reason to.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Why did he want to kill Gomez ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Because he thought at that moment that Gomez,
being a personal friend of President JSIarti, at that moment the Presi-
dent of Cuba, he was going to be a big obstacle before the ambition of
Castro.
Mr. SouRw^iNE. "Was Gomez a Commmiist ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. No ; I do not think so.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Was he an anti-Communist ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. I think so.
Mr. SouR^viNE. Now, was Castro in your home immediately after
the shooting of Gomez ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir.
Mr. SouRWiNE. What was he doing there ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. He was trying to hide.
Mr. Sourwt;ne. He was there by your invitation ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. No ; he was there because he was my friend.
Mr, SouRwiNE. Did you know Manolo Castro ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Was he any relation to Fidel Castro ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. No ; no relation.
Mr. SouRwiNE. "V^Hio was Manolo Castro ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. He was the leader and president of the Federa-
tion of University Students of Havana University, a great leader of
the student body.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Is he alive ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. No ; he was killed by Castro.
Mr. SouRwiNE. By Castro?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Personally?
Mr. Diaz Balart. I think so.
Mr. SouRwiNE. How did he kill him?
Mr. Diaz Balart. It was in the middle of a street in Havana.
This was very much publicized by all the papers in Havana. And
Castro before, some weeks before, had told publicly in Havana Uni-
versity that he was going to kill Manolo Castro.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You told us that Fidel Castro had told you that he
had shot Leonel Gomez. Did he ever tell you anything about killing
Manolo Castro ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. No ; I was not in Havana then.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You did not see the murder ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. No.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Was Fidel Castro ever accused of this murder ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes ; very much. He had to go before the court.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Was he tried for the murder ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. No.
Mr. SouRWiNE. You said he had to go before the court. What did
you mean ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. In the preliminary procedures of the court — but
he did not continue with that. He went to Bogota at that moment.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Fidel Castro went to Bogota ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes.
358 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Mr. SouRWiNE. Did the court absolve him of the killing of Manolo
Castro?
Mr. Diaz Balart. No. I think that it was not held — the hearing
was not held.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you laiow Fernandez Caral ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes ; he was a sergeant of the police body of the
Havana University.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Is he still alive ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. No ; he was killed by Fidel Castro.
Mr. SouRwiNE. How do you know this ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Because Fidel Castro had told to all my friends
after he killed Castro that he was going to have to kill Fernandez
Caral, because the sergeant had told that he was going to put Fidel
in jail because of the previous killing,
Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you have any personal knowledge respecting the
killing of Caral?
Mr. Diaz Balart. No ; through my brothers, and through the other
friend — I was not in Havana.
Mr. SouRWiNE. You have no personal knowledge ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. No personal knowledge.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know Carlos Rafael Rodriguez?
Mr. Diaz Balart. I know who he is.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You do not know him personally ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. No.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Who is he ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. He is one of the biggest leaders of the Communist
Party in Cuba, in the intellectual branch.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Does he have any connection with Fidel Castro ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes; I think that he is a very close adviser of
Fidel Castro, and he is the editor of the newspaper Hoy, the official
newspaper of the Communist Party in Cuba today. Incidentally, he
was just given by the Government a position for the first time in
Havana University, an open Communist, a position of professor of
economics that was created by him especially.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know Raul Castro?
Mr. Dla.z Balart. Yes, sir.
Mr. SouRwiNE. He is Fidel Castro's brother ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you know whether he is a Comnumist?
Mr. Diaz Balart. He is a very well trained Communist agent.
Mr. SouRW^iNE. How do you loiow this ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Because he went to Prague, after he had already
become a member of the Communist movement, ideology — he was
trained there. When he came back, he was got by the police in the
airport with Communist propaganda, and when he was released from
the prison, he talked with my brother, Waldo, and he told to him
that he was in prison, but that he was ready not only to be in prison,
but to die for the Communist cause.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know how Raul Castro became a Com-
mmiist?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, because Fidel Castro put lihn in contact
with the intellectual machinery of the Coimnunist Party, being Raul
a very young man, and they indoctrinated him.
COMJVrUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 359
Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you remember telling us that Fidel Castro gave
his brother Raul copies of Marx's works?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. That was part of the indoctrination that
1 just told you.
Mr. SouEwiNE. How do you know he did ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Because I was there, and I knew both of them.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know how it came about that Raul Castro
met "Che" Guevara ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. I think that was in Mexico, through Raul Castro
and through other Communists, Cuban and Mexican.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know how this came about ? Not what you
think— do you know?
Mr. Diaz Balart. No, I was not in Mexico at that moment.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know Vera Lestovna de Zalka?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes.
Mr. SouRwiNE. "VVlio is she?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Not personally.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Not personally, AMio is she ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. I think she is a very high ranking member of
the Communist machinery in America, in Latin America, through the
diplomatic ways.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know this to be true?
Mr. Diaz Balart. I cannot as.sure you; I think. I have the im-
pression. To me it is sure, but not to tell officially to the committee.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Does she have diplomatic connections ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Pardon me ?
Mr. SouRwiNE. Does she have diplomatic connections ?
]Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes; I think she is the wife of a Hungarian
Ambassador in South America.
Mr. SouRwixE. Do you know what country ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. "I think this is in Argentina. All that story
has been published in the very well-known magazine, Vanguardia, by
one of the ranking Communist writers of South America, ]\ir. Ru-
dolfo Alvenas.
Mr. SouRwixE. Do you know of any connection between Fidel
Castro and this woman ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Not exactly. I know the connection of Fidel
Castro throughout Latin America. Maybe, I think that Fidel Castro
now is more important than any other agent in Latin iVmerica.
Mr. Sourwine. Do you recall giving us the names of two Russians
wliom you said arrived in Cuba in May 1959, to inaugurate a new
ty])e of labor movement in South America?
"^ Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, I recall that. That was almost a year ago.
Mr. SouRwaNE. '\^nio were those two Russians ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. I think the name Timofei, and another name I
do not recall, because I do not have a very good memory for Russian
names.
Mr. SouRWiNE. One name you gave us is Eremev Timofei ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. That is right.
Mr. SouRwiNE. And the other name you gave us is Ivan Arapov?
Mr. Diaz Balart. I think so ; yes.
Mr. SouRVkTENE. Did you or didn't you ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Pardon me?
360 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you give us those names ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes.
Mr. SouRwiNE. How did you know of the arrival of those two
Russians in Cuba ?
JNIr. Diaz Balart. I was informed by my miderground movement
that they were in a specific hotel, for one of the people that was serv-
ing them was a member of my movement.
Mr. SouRwaxE. Are you able to tell us how Fidel Castro was able
to get support and money for his revolution ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. I think there was something like a circle, work-
ing out above all through very nice propaganda. Of course, some
of the situation of the regime in that moment was, naturally, maybe
helping him. And through a very well — by a very well integrated
propaganda — for example, some articles by Herbert Matthews, of
the New York Times, that were helping him very much, was in the
Sierra Maestra at the beginning of Castro, and he published in the
New York Times" that he had seen personally hundreds and hundreds
of veiy well trained soldiers, was a high morale, anti- Communist, and
so forth.
And now the Castro people had publislied, after they got power,
and there is in the Cuban magazines, that in that moment they just
had about 12 or 13 men. And propaganda like this — you can see that
they were given the impression that they had already a very strong
movement, a very high moral movement, and so forth.
And I think that the Communists got the idea that there was an
opportunity to help that movement.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did the 26th of July ]\Iovement have support from
the United States before Castro's regime came to power ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. A lot of support.
Mr. SouRwiNE. "\^niere was that support centered, if you know ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Pardon me, sir?
Mr. SouRWiNE. Where was that support centered, if you know ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Well, I think that it was centered in New York
City, in Miami, and even they got some help from the naval base in
Guantanamo.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know wliere the headquarters of the 26th
of July Movement in New York City is ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Eight now it is in the Belvedere Hotel.
Mr. SouRWiNE. The Belvedere Hotel ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. The Belvedere ; ves, sir.
Mr. Sourwine. That is 319 West 49th Street, New York City?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, I think so. Yes, sir.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Can you name any of the persons in this country
who are presently working for Castro, outside of the Cuban Embassy ?
Mr. Dl\z Balart. Besides the people of the Embassy ?
Mr. SouRwiNE. Outside.
Mr. Diaz Balart. Outside, yes.
Although they are not any more registered in the Justice Depart-
ment, they represent the Cuban Government — they have had head-
quarters, as I told, in Hotel Belvedere.
There is a Secretary General called Mr. Jose Sanchez. They have
a link through a man called Jose Vazquez. And they give money
through the consulate and through the Cubaria Airlines. They have,
COMIVIUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 361
according to their own statement published in the newspaper — they
have what they call commando actions in New York City and Miami,
that they use in New York City and Miami, in order to threaten every
Cuban that is against Castro, that is not a Communist, and is not
pro-Castro.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have any information respecting the use of
violence by the 26th of July organization to break up a celebration
in Central Park in honor of Jose Marti in January of this year?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir.
Mr. SouRWixE. "Wliat do you know about that ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Pardon me ?
Mr. SocRwixE. What do you Iniow about the use of violence on that
occasion ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Well, the White Rose organization asked for a
permit to the Police Department of New York City in order to put a
wreath of flowers before the ]\Iarti monument in Central Park South,
and when we were arriving there having the vrreath, we were attacked
and the police of New York were attacked by them, by a bunch of
gangsters headed by a man named Hector Duarte, who is a cop killer,
that had arrived before with a diplomat passport. And the police of
New York, although they questioned him, was not able to act because
of the diplomatic passport. And they started attacking also with
irons and stones and so forth. And after that they published in the
Revolution newspaper the picture of the act and how these people
received orders from the conmiando action in order to attack violently
us. And in fact there was the intention to kill Colonel ]\Ielepsosa and
myself.
Mr. SouRWixE. Does the 26th of July ^Movement conduct fund-rais-
ing activities in the United States, to your Imowledge ?
Mr. Dlvz Balart. Yes. I have a card of one of the acts that they
had in 691 Columbus Avenue, between 93d and 94th Street in New
York, Saturday, 23d of April, for instance, where they are electing a
Queen of the Land Reform in New York — 50 cents every one of these
cards.
Mr. SouRWixE. Do you have any knowledge respecting a meeting
of the 26th of July Movement at 914 Prospect Avenue in the Bronx,
on April 22, 1960?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir. There was there talking the Consul
Rogelio Guillot and Mr. Jose Vazquez.
]\Ir. SoFRWixE. Do vou have any knowledge regarding a meeting
held in Union Square, New York City, May 1, I960 ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. At that meeting a special agent of the
Commimist movement in the labor organization of Cuba, Mr. Gustavo
Mas, arrived there to address in that meeting in Union Square on the
question of Negro unrest in the United States, and the question of the
independence of Puerto Rico, and other international and national
questions of the United States of America, in order to start a move-
ment that they have been organizing very well to provoke troubles
within the United States.
Mr. SouRWixE. Was this meeting in Union Square held under the
auspices of the 26th of July Movement ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. I am not sure what auspices, because I was al-
ready here in Washington. I think that was the 26th of July Move-
362 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
ment, or some American organization. I am not sure about that. I
know that Gustavo Mas was there and talked about these things.
Mr. SouKwiNE. Who is Gustavo Mas ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. He is a high-ranking labor leader of the Com-
munist movement in Cuba.
Mr. SouKwiNE. Do you know what Fidel Castro's aim is with re-
gard to the United States ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. I think^I mean I know that the Com-
munists, as any man that studies a little bit of the procedure of the
Communists, they know by elementary knowledge of the geopolitics
that it is not possible to have a common state here in the Western
Hemisphere. So it has been published very much, they have the
theory of what they call terra arras sol, that is to say, I think, the
theory of the complete destruction of the land, which is the theory of
Mao Tse-tmig, the Communist leader, which is one of the best theo-
retical minds of the Communist movement, and that is what they are
trying to do in Cuba, to destroy absolutely the land and to provoke
from Cuba a struggle within the United States, taking advantage of
some situations in the United States — taking advantage of some situa-
tion between the United States and other countries of Latin America,
and to promote a revolution, or if not a revolution at least a struggle,
a provocation, a big fighting, within the United States and in other
countries of Latin America.
Mr. SouRwiKE. Do I understand correctly that through your or-
ganization, the Wliite Rose, you have an information flow from Cuba
to you ? You get information from Cuba ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes ; quite often.
Mr. Sourwine. Does this information give you any knowledge re-
specting the aims of the Castro regime as against other countries in
Latin America ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. They have got already a very good base
in Cuba, which they are using as a center for the provocation in all
Latin America, and in the United States, and between the United
States and Latin America.
Mr. SouRwiNE. A provocation of what ?
Mr. Diaz Balart. Struggles, confusion, troubles. For instance,
there is a situation in the Negro problem in some of the United States,
that only those States maybe understand. Now, that has been having
a peculiar situation, and what would happen if — what would happen
if some provocateurs. Communist provocateurs, try to form mobs,
besides the natural feeling of those that I do not judge, because I am
not a citizen of this country.
Besides that is the very well-trained Commmiist agitator, go there
and start mobs, and that mob start, exercise violence, like they have
done in other countries, when it would be necessary to have one kill-
ing— that killing starts more violence and more bad feelings. And
that is the way that they work all throughout the world.
As an example — we have examples throughout the world now.
Mr. SouRWiNE. I have no further questions.
Senator Dodd, Very well. You may be excused. Thank you vei*y
much.
Mr. Dlaz Balart. Thank you very much.
Senator Dodd. Father Perez.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 363
PTJKTHER TESTIMONY OF EOSARIO MAXILUANO PEREZ
(THROUGH AN INTERPRETER)
Senator Dodd. You have already been sworn.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Father Perez, you have told us when you were on
the stand before how your father had been killed by Batista forces.
Is it true that other members of your family were molested or in-
jured by Batista forces?
Father Perez. I have one sister, brother-in-law — making a total of
three brothers and a brother-in-law who had been more or less mo-
lested or to some extent tortured.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know Fidel Castro when he was in the
Sierra Maestra ?
Father Perez. No ; I did not know him when he was in the Sierra
Maestra.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have any information respecting a proposal
to create a national church in Cuba?
Father Perez. Fidel Castro proposed to me in airplane the pro-
posal to start a national church.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Was he referring to making the Catholic Church
the national church of Cuba ?
Father Perez. lie proposed to establish a national church.
j\Ir. Sourw^ine. Xot the Catholic Church ?
Father Perez. A revolutionary church of the Government.
Senator Dodd. When did he tell you this proposition — where ?
Father Perez. Aboard an airplane flight from Cienfuegos to
Havana.
Senator Dodd. When ?
Father Perez. This was proposed the first part of August of 1959.
Mr. SouRwiNE. May I ask the interpreter, are you translating ver-
batim, that is word for word, what the witness says, or are you just
giving the sense of what he says, or the substance of it?
The Interpreter. I am trying to give the substance of it.
Mr. SouRwiNE. We would much prefer if you would attempt to
translate word for word. Perhaps if you would take just a moment
and explain to the witness that you are going to try to do this, let him
say as many words as you can remember, have a signal between you,
then translate that into English verbatim, and then let him say some-
thing else and go on that way. We will then get the record in his own
words.
(After a pause and colloquy between the interpreter and the wit-
ness.)
Is this now arranged ?
The Interpreter. Yes.
Mr. SouRWiNE. When Castro made you this oiTer, did he give you
any inducements, did he promise you anything if you would do this
for him ?
Father Perez. He asked me why I did not join him in starting this
church. He asked me to establish with him a church of the Govern-
ment.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did he offer to make you head of this church ?
Father Perez. Yes.
Mr. Sour-^vjne. Did you refuse this offer ?
364 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Father Perez. Profoundly ; yes.
Mr. Sot RwiNE. Did Castro threaten you in any way because of your
refusal ?
Father Perez. No ; not in any way.
Mr. SouR"\viNE. Do you know of any other effort to establish a na-
tional church in Cuba 'i
Father Perez. I personally do not know.
]\Ir. SoiiRwaNE, Do you have any knowledg:e respecting a treaty
between Raul Castro and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics ?
Father Perez. Yes.
Mr. Sotjrwine. What do you know^ about this ?
Father Perez. A document that President Batista passed through
the military establishments, where there was a photostatic copy of that
treaty.
Mr. Sotjrwine. Did you see this ?
Father Perez. I have seen it with my eyes.
Mr. Sourwine. .And what did this treat}^ provide, if you know ?
Father Perez. It related to a mutual help or aid — to accept mutual
aid from Russia. And it was a Russian who was sending to Raul
Castro instructions and Raul acce]')ted them as such.
Mr. SouEwaxE. What w-ere the instructions ?
Father Perez. I did not see all. I saw the photograph of Raul. I
saw the picture of Raul, and with that it was proof to prove that what
existed in Sierra Maestra was Communist.
Mr. Sourwine. I do not understand this. We were talking about a
documentary treaty. And now suddenly we are talking about a pic-
ture. Can you explain this ?
The Interpreter. He is trying to say that he had seen a photostatic
copy of a picture, with notations indicating that existed in Sierra
Maestra — Raul was in communication wath Russia. And Batista ob-
tained that document and passed it on to the military establishment.
Mr. Sourwine. And this is what he refers to as a treaty?
The Interpreter. It would just reflect an intimate relationship be-
tween Raul and the Communists.
Mr. Sourwine. Was there a treaty? A treaty is a pact between
governments. Was there a treaty involving Raul Castro and the
Soviet Union?
The Interpreter. No ; but relations — interrelations ; yes.
Mr. Sourwine. And the word "treaty" has been misused here ?
The Interpreter. Yes.
IMr. Sourwine. Do you know who Jose Santiago Cuba is?
Father Perez. Intimately.
Mr. SouRw^iNE. Who is he ?
Father Perez. He is president of the First Rical of Cuba.
Mr. SoiT^wiNE. What does that mean — the First Rical ?
Father Perez. One who has the supreme authority,
Mr. Sourwine. Is he a lawyer?
Father Perez. Yes.
Mr. Sourwine. Was he president of the lawyers' association of
Cuba?
Father Perez. I cannot say. I do not know.
Mr. SoiTiwiNE. Do you know whether he is a Communist?
Father Perez. He was the head of the party known as the Chivas.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 365
Mr. SouRwiNE. Is he now the attorney general of Cuba ?
Father Perez. Still referring to the same gentleman who is the pres-
ident of this organization of the Chivas — this gentleman went to
Russia and returned to Cuba to take up a position or a job with the
Cuban Government.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know what that position is ?
Father Perez. Well, it would be like a first deputy — to accept the
position of first dej^uty in the Government.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Were there Communists in the armed forces of
Cuba under the Batista regime ?
Father Perez. Several military men approached me speaking badly
of Batista, at the same time Batista was in power. Today they hold
positions of commanders under the revolutionary government.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know whether these men or any of them
were Communist or are Communists ?
Father Perez. It appears that they are, because they declared them-
selves to be left. For example. Captain Sierra, who is a commander.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Well, declaring themselves to the left is a rather
loose phrase. Did any of these commanders declare themselves to be
Communists ?
Father Perez. They declared themselves to the left, meaning they
were symbolizing the Communist salute. And they have saluted me
that way.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have any information respecting the objec-
tive of the Castro government as against other countries of Latin
America ?
Father Perez. From the military captain at Minoa, there were some
instructions to invade Santo Domingo, and they did it.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Is there any other information you have that you
care to give us ?
Father Perez. I was among people and heard of plans to invade
other countries.
Mr. SouRwiNE. What other countries ?
Father Perez. Paraguay, Panama, and some demonstrated hatred
against Guatemala.
Mr. SouRw^iNE. I have no more questions, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Dodd. Very well. Thank you. Father Perez, you are
excused.
Senator Dodd. Do you have any other witnesses ?
Mr. SouKwiNE. Yes, Mr. Chairman. I should like to inquire first
if Father O'Farril is here.
]\Iay we (after a pause) Mr. Chairman, call Colonel Carrillo ?
Senator Dodd. Yes. Kaise your right hand, please.
Do you solemnly svv'ear the testimony you give before this subcom-
mittee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth,
so help you God ?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes, I do.
TESTIMONY OF COL. MANUEL ANTONIO UGALDE CARRILLO
(THROUGH THE INTERPRETER)
Senator Dodd. Tell us your name and address ?
Colonel Carrillo. Manuel Antonio Ugalde Carrillo.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Where do you live ?
366 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Colonel Carrillo. 334 Aledo Avenue, Coral Gables, Fla.
Mr. SouR\\r[NE. You are a citizen of Cuba ?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You are a graduate of the Cuban Military Academy ?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes, I am a graduate.
Mr. SouEwiNE. You have been an officer in the Cuban Army. What
positions ?
Colonel Carrillo. I was an officer of the general army of Cuba,
not the present one.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Wliat position did you hold?
Colonel Carrillo. Full colonel.
Mr. SouRwiNE, Were you Chief of Military Intelligence at any
time for the Cuban Army ?
Colonel Carrillo. For 2 years.
Mr. SouRwiNE. AYliat years?
Colonel Carrillo. 1952 to the middle of 1954.
Mr. SouRwiiSTE. This was under Batista ?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes.
Mr. Sour WINE. For how many years altogether were you an officer
in the Cuban Army ?
Colonel Carrillo. I graduated in 1954.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Wlien ?
Colonel Carrillo. 1944 to 1958.
Senator Dodd. "^^riien did you graduate ?
Colonel Carrillo. 1944.
Mr. SouRWiNE. You were then an army officer under several presi-
dents ?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes.
Mr. SouEwiNE. Were you Chief of the Bureau of Kepression of
Communist Activities ?
Colonel Carrillo. For the 2 years that I was the Chief of the
Military Intelligence.
Mr. SouRwiNE. During that period you had access to the files of this
organization ?
Colonel Carrillo. To check them, to get them, and to prohibit — to
pursue those violators as provided by law.
Mr. SouRwiNE. The files of this organization were open to you?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes.
Mr. SouRWiNE. You were familiar with those files ?
Colonel Carrillo. Perfectly.
Mr. SouRwiNE. I will ask you shortly some questions about this file.
But first, when did you leave Cuba ?
Colonel Carrillo. January 1, 1959, at 4 p.m.
Mr. SouRWiNE. And you came to the United States ?
Colonel Carrillo. No, to the Dominican Eepublic.
Mr. SouRwiNE. When did you come to the United States ?
Colonel Carrillo. NovemJber 1959.
Mr. SouRwiNE. From the date of your departure one might assume
that you left Cuba when Batista fled and went with him to the Do-
minican Republic. Is that correct ?
Colonel Carrillo. No.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Were you a supporter of Batista up to the time that
he was overthrown?
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 367
Colonel Carrillo. Yes, I was, iTiitil lie was overthrown.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you take part in the fighting against the 26th
of July Movement?
Colonel Carrillo. Against, yes.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Were you a field commander?
Colonel Carrillo. Chief of the Military Intelligence Service.
Mr. SouRwixE. Did you command troops in the field against the
Castro forces ?
Colonel Carrillo. For 14 months.
Senator Dodd. What did you command? What do you call it —
a division, or hoAv do you describe it ?
Colonel Carrillo. An infantry division.
Senator Dodd. How many men are in a Cuban division, or how
many men Avere under your command ?
Colonel Carrillo. At the start of operations, 4,000. Later they in-
creased to 6,000 or 7,000.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Were these all of the troops in the field against
Castro?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You were then the commander in chief in the field
of all the troops against Castro ?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes, particularly, in the Sierra Maestra.
Senator Dodd. Well, were there any other trooj)s in the field against
him anywhere in Cuba ?
Colonel Carrillo. All military in Cuba, and the major part of the
Cuban people.
Senator Dodd. But you actually had command of the army, the
troops that were committed against liim, is that right ?
Colonel Capjjillo. Only in the Sierra Maestra area.
Senator Dodd. That is where Castro was all the time.
Colonel Carrillo. Yes.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You headed the expeditionary force against Castro ?
Colonel Carrillo. Those forces, for the 14 months, and the last one
was General Cantillo.
Senator Dodd. I think you told us 4,000 to 7,000. How many did
Castro have on the other side?
Colonel Carrillo. During the time that I was the chief, Castro only
had in the mountains of the Sierra ^Maestra where 50,000 families
reside, 700 to 800 men.
Mr. SouRwixE. How did 700 or 800 men defeat 4,000 to 6,000 ?
Colonel Cx\RRiLL0. It is a big error that the democratic world owes
to the Communist propaganda. The Communists of Cuba never broke
up the military forces of Cuba.
Senator Dodd. Did you ever fight a battle against them — your
troops ?
Colonel Carrillo. The forces of Castro never gave battle or at-
tacked regularly, only assassinated during the night soldiers travel-
ing from one side to another alone — or small portions of military
units.
Senator Dodd. How many men did you lose out of your 4,000 to
6,000 while you were in command ?
Colonel Carrillo. In 14 months, I do not recall well, but between
200 and 300 military men.
368 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Senator Dodd, And how many casualties or losses you think you
inflicted on Castro?
Colonel Carrillo. Very few Cubans — altofrether I believe that in
the 14 montlis in which I was chief, between 600 and 700.
Senator Dodd. That left only about 100 at that rate. Was he being
replenished all the time? You told us he had between 700 and 800.
You lost between 200 and 300. You think you gave him losses between
600 and 700. How do you account for this ?
Colonel Carrillo. I am speaking only of the time when I was
chief.
Senator Dodd. I understand that. That is all I was speaking of,
too. But did you leave him with only 100 men ?
Colonel Carrillo. In August of 1958 Castro personally was going
to ask — Castro asked to resig-n himself or give up.
Senator Dodd. "VYlien?
Colonel Carrillo. I do not recall, but it would be about August of
1958.
Senator Dodd. You are a professional army officer. You are a
graduate of a military school and in command of these troops in the
field, commanding a division. They must have more than 800 troops
in total during the time that you were in command, if you inflicted
casualties between 600 and 700. Perhaps we don't understand you.
Make that clear, could you, on the record ?
The Interpreter. Would you repeat that again, Senator? He is
not sure exactly if you mean Castro's side or his side.
Senator Dodd. Well, this is all confused now. You told us you
had between 4,000 and 6,000 troops while you were in command.
Colonel Carrillo. In round figures.
Senator Dodd. And Castro had between 700 and 800 men?
Colonel Carrillo. In the Sierra Maestra ; yes.
Senator Dodd. Well, that is all I am talking about. That is where
you were, that is where he was. Is that right?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes.
Senator Dodd. Now, you say you lost between 200 and 300 men
during these 14 months ?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes.
Senator Dodd. And vou tell us that you inflicted losses on Castro
between 600 and ^00 m the same period of time?
Colonel Carrillo. Castro's loss was between 400 and 600.
Senator Dodd. All right. Was he left with about 200 men when he
took Plavana, or took the country over?
Colonel Carrillo. I am spealdng of 5 months before Castro entered
Havana.
Senator Dodd. I see. And he got additional troops later. Is that
the idea?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes, perfectly.
Senator Dodd. "N^^iere did he get them from ?
Colonel Carrillo. In the cities and towns, where sympathizers were,
and the Socialist Party of Cuba.
Senator Dodd. You mean that for the losses he got replacements,
is that it?
Colonel Carrillo. Perfectly.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 369
Senator Dodd. Now, did you make an effort to capture or destroy
his forces?
Colonel Carrillo. For 14 months.
Senator Dodd. With 4,000 to 6,000 men.
Colonel Carrillo. Even 7,000.
Senator Dodd. You never could do it ?
Colonel Carrillo. Never. It is very important that you under-
stand the Sierra ]\Iaestra is a mountainous area, 200 miles long and
60 miles wide, and 6,000 feet elevation. Castro was always on the
mountains.
Senator Dodd. Did you ever have any plans to destroy or capture
him ?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes.
Senator Dodd. Why didn't they work ?
Colonel Carrillo. Because when Castro was going surrender, or
resign, Castro would surrender to the army. The President of the
Republic, Batista, designated Gen. Eulogio Cantillo, an official, being
an attorney, to confer with Castro concerning his surrender.
Senator Dodd. Wliat happened ?
Colonel Carrillo. The instructions that were given to General Can-
tillo, before me, to remain in the area of Bayamo City (near Sierra
Maestra), which was the center of operations, and to converse — con-
fer solely with Castro — the colonel, the lawyer — Neugart is the name
of this colonel. For 2 days they conferred regarding the surrender.
But they came to Fidel's side after 2 days — the Argentinian known
as "Che" Guevara — they did not permit that Fidel surrender. The
conference ended or terminated and they left the mountains to dis-
perse them all over Oriente Province, provocating with this, that they
unite sympathizers and principally the Socialist Popular Party, Com-
munist Party.
Senator Dodd. So the negotiations broke off, is that right ?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes, the conference ended "Che'' Guevara's in-
tervention.
Senator Dodd. Let me ask you a question and then I tliink we Avill
leave oft' until tomorrow. Do you think Batista really wanted to de-
feat Castro? You were in command in the field. You ought to be
able to give us an answer to that question. Did he support you, back
you up ? You said you had plans which would have brought about
Castro's defeat, in your judgment, but you never did it. Did you
think Batista really wanted to defeat him?
Colonel Carrillo. I believe so, but he did not help me with military
equipment and the necessary material.
Senator Dodd. He did not help you.
Colonel Carrillo. He did not help.
Senator Dodd. What makes you think he wanted you to be vic-
torious ?
Colonel Carrillo. I will explain that a little more.
Senator Dodd. You know what we mean in English when we say
maybe this was an inside job ? You know what that language means'?
Colonel Carrillo. The Armed Forces of Cuba never betrayed Ba-
tista. Some men of the army conspired against Batista. But that
does not mean that the Armed Forces in Cuba betrayed Batista.
43354— 60— pt. 7 4
370 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Senator Dodd. Who was the man who succeeeded you as commander
in the field? Cantillo?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes, sir.
Senator Dodd. Colonel or general ?
Colonel Carrillo. General.
Senator Dodd. What became of him ? He surrendered, didn't he ?
Colonel Carrillo. Cantillo surrendered to the forces of Castro.
Senator Dodd. How many men did he have when he surrendered?
Colonel Carrillo. More than 40,000.
Senator Dodd. What ?
Colonel Carrillo. 40,000.
Senator Dodd. In the field — 40,000? I thought you turned over
to him about 6,000 troops.
The Interpreter. He refers to the total number of the government
forces in Cuba, not just the Sierra Maestra.
Senator Dodd. How many troops that you had commanded did he
have under his command when he surrendered?
Colonel Carrillo. I left him 7,000 troops.
Senator Dodd. All right. Now, what became of General Cantillo ?
Where is he now?
Colonel Carrillo. He retreated the forces and permitted Fidel
Castro to organize a column with his brother, Raul Castro, and depart
for other new mountainous areas near Guantanamo — to the north of
Guantanamo.
Senator Dodd. What became of him after that ?
Colonel Carrillo. He was designated chief in the Santiago area.
Senator Dodd. Designated as what?
The Interpreter. Chief of Regiment No. 1 in Orients Province.
Senator Dodd. Who designated him?
Colonel Carrillo. Batista, w^ho commanded the whole army.
Senator Dodd. What did Castro do about that?
Colonel Carrillo. When Castro saw all these ways open, he became
emotional and dispersed himself all through the Oriente Province,
burning buses, public schools, and the sugar industry.
Senator Dodd. I did not understand. Is General Cantillo in prison
now?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes.
Senator Dodd. He was imprisoned by Castro; is that it?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes, Castro accused him of betrayal.
Senator Dodd. Do you mean after Castro took over ? I suppose you
mean — betrayal of what — Castro or somebody else? Did he become
a Castro follower? That is what I want to find out.
Colonel Carrillo. No, he was not a Castro follower before January
1, 1059. After January 1, 1059, General Cantillo sided with Castro.
Senator Dodd. He did side with him, after January 1, 1959 ?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes.
Senator Dodd. Very well.
Colonel Carrillo. Yes, he sided with Castro after January 1, 1959.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you saying that Cantillo joined Castro?
Senator Dodd. After January 1, 1959.
Colonel Carrillo. Yes.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 371
Senator Dodd. He did. I take it then from this answer you mean
lie went over to Castro after January 1, 1959. And was it later that
Castro charged him with betrayal, and if so, how much later?
Colonel Cakrillo. Castro imprisoned Cantillo, according to his own
story.
Senator Dodd. How long after January 1, 1959, was he imprisoned?
Just tell us that very simple thing.
Colonel Carrillo. I do not remember, but it was the early part of
January 1959.
Senator Dodd, We will suspend until tomorrow at 10 :30.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, before you recess, I would like to
say for the record that we now have word of Father O'Farril. He
has been located. He will be here tomorrow.
(Whereupon, at 4:20 p.m., the subcommittee recessed, to reconvene
tomorrow, Wednesday, May 4, 1960, at 10:30 a.m.)
COMMUNIST THREAT TO THE UNITED STATES
THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
WEDNESDAY, MAY 4, 1960
U.S. Senate,
Subcommittee To Investigate the
Administration of the Internal Security Act
AND Other Internal Security Laws,
OF the Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington^ D.G.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to recess, at 11 :35 a.m., in room
2228, New Senate Office Building, Senator Kenneth B. Keating,
presiding.
Present : Senators Keating and Dodd.
Also present: J. G. Sourwine, cliief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, di-
rector of research ; and Frank W. Schroeder, cliief investigator.
Senator I^ating. The subcommittee will come to order.
Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Chairman, we have a new interpreter this
morning, JNIr. Romero-Saavedra. You might wish to swear the
interpreter in.
Senator Keating. Will you raise your right hand ?
Do you solemnly swear that you will correctly translate and inter-
pret the testimony given here this morning in this proceeding?
Mr. Romero-Saavedra. I do.
Mr. Sourwine, Col. Ugalde Carrillo was on the stand. Would you
return, please?
With the Chair's permission, so that there may be no misunder-
standing about the procedure, I should like to ask the interpreter to
make an explanation to the witness.
You may sit down, sir.
TESTIMONY OF COL. MANUEL ANTONIO UGALDE CARRILLO—
Resumed
The Interpreter. I have explained the procedure to the witness.
Mr. Sourwine. You have explained to the witness, have you not,
Mr. Interpreter, that you will translate to him precisely the questions
which are asked by the committee ; that you will translate to tl le com-
mittee precisely the words he uses; that if he asks you a question, you
will translate the question instead of answering it ; and that you are
not going to ask him any questions of your own ? There will be no
colloquy between you and the witness. You are only a conduit to
transmit information from the committee to him and from liini to the
cormnittee.
373
374 COMIVIUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
The Interpreter. That I have explained.
Mr. SouRWiNE. That has been explained.
Colonel, you testified yesterday that you were thoroughly familiar
with the records of military intelligence in Cuba during the period
that you were chief of military intelligence, 1952 to 1954. Is that
correct ?
Senator Keating. Will the photographer please give his attention ?
Will he kindly refrain from taking pictures, any other pictures, dur-
ing this proceeding. Some of the witnesses are here under some sac-
rifice to themselves. They have relatives in Cuba and we ask that no
further pictures be taken during tlie proceeding.
Colonel Carrillo. Yes. I was chief of the intelligence service.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Is it true that you have given us in executive ses-
sion the names of a number of persons who were identified. as Com-
munists in the official files of Cuban military intelligence during the
period 1952 to 1954 ?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. I had, in the official military records
of Cuba, the names. And these records were transferred later to the
organization whose name is BEAC, Bureau of Eepression of Commu-
nist Activities, which records, I understand by the Cuban press, were
later destroyed by the Cuban Government, and Captain Castano,
who was chief of that section in 1959, was murdered.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Now, because all communications must pass
through the interpreter both ways, I shall, with the permission of the
Chair, ask leading questions. It will save time.
Would you explain, please, to the witness that I am going to ask
him leading questions covering some of the testimony he has given in
executive session. That is, I will ask him questions which he can an-
swer very briefly with a "Yes" or a "No."
Colonel Carrillo. I wanted to explain to Your Excellency at this
time that I believe that some of my answers which I gave to you yes-
terday were not properly transmitted to you and I would want to go
over them.
Mr. SouKwiNE. With the Chair's permission, I would respectfully
suggest that an opportimity be offered the witness, with the aid of
the interpreter, to go over the record of yesterday and to correct it.
That would save the time of attempting to go back today.
There was difficulty with the intei-preter yesterday.
Senator Keating. We, of course, want the record accurate. That
will be done.
Mr. SouE^viNE. Will you tell the witness, please, he will have the
opportunity to correct that record. You will be there to assist liim.
Now, is it not true that you gave us a large number of names of
persons whom the records of Cuban military intelligence and BEAC
showed to have been members of the Communist Party ?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes.
Mr. SouEwiNE. Now, I will ask you about certain names and I want
to know as I name each individual if you now remember that this
was a person listed in the files as a Commimist and whose name you
gave to the committee.
Colonel Carrillo. That is perfectly all right.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Dr. Eaul Eoa?
Colonel Carrillo. He is founder of the Commimist Party in Cuba.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 375
Mr. SouRwiNE. Presently Minister of State in Cuba?
Colonel Carrillo, Exactly.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Raul Castro?
Colonel Carrillo. Delegate and leader of the Communist Youth
which was behind the Communist curtain.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Antonio Nunez Jimenez ?
Colonel Carrillo. One of the few clear brains in the Cuban com-
munism.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Senorita Pastoria
Senator Iveating. And presently what is Jimenez in the Govern-
ment ?
Colonel Carrillo. Nunez Jimenez ?
Senator I^jeating. Yes.
Colonel Carrillo. Nico Jimenez, who is very well known in the
popular masses, is at this time chief of the INRA, of the executive
committee of INRA.
Mr. SouRWiNE. That is the National Institute of Agrarian Reform ?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly.
Senator Keating. Now, will you identify the present position of
Raul Castro?
Colonel Carrillo. A new ministry of war has been created where
all the services use arms. I cannot give the name for the wliole unit
because in Cuba there is no armed forces, technically speaking, which
is known as a professional armed unit.
Mr. SoTJRWiNE. Well, speaking generally, Raul Castro is chief of
military defense for Cuba, is he not ?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes, sir.
Mr. SouR^viNE. Senorita Pastoria Nunez ?
Colonel Carrillo. Senorita Pastoria, better known as Pastorita, is
a militant Communist since the founding of the party in Cuba.
Mr. SouRWiNE. She is presently in charge of the national lottery ?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly.
Mr. SouR^viXE. Armando Hart ?
Colonel Carrillo. Leader of the Communist Youth in Cuba.
Mr. SouR^viNE. Presently Minister of Education ?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. Minister of Education in Cuba and
chief of a commission of a study of a reform of the schooling in Cuba
where subjects have been introduced to explain the doctrine of com-
munism in Cuba.
Mr. SouRwiNE. David Salvador ?
Colonel Carrillo. Leader of the labor movement, founder of the
Communist Party in Cuba.
Mr. SoTJRWiNE. Vilma Espin ?
Colonel Carrillo. Presently married to Raul Castro, which romance
started behind the Iron Curtain when both of them attended as dele-
gates of the Cuban Youth Delegation. She is also a founder of the
Cuban Communist Youth, feminine section.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Haydee Santamaria ?
Colonel Carrillo. Also a leader in the feminine section of the Youth
Movement of the Communist Party. Also participated in the pact to
the Fortress of Moncada in 1953.
Mr. Sourwine. Is she married to a prominent Cuban?
376 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. I don't remember his name at this
moment. I know who he is.
Mr, SouRwiNE. Celia Sanchez ? _
Colonel Carrillo. Also a leader within the feminine section of the
University of Havana.
Mr. SouRWiNE. You gave us other names I will not ask about at
this time.
You told us in executive session of at least 15 Russians and approxi-
mately 1,000 Chinese technicians who had come into Cuba and whom
you said you believed to be Communists. Will you tell us about this
in a little more detail for this record ? I want some detail about these
technicians, how you know they are there, what they do.
Colonel Carrillo. The technicians coming from Communist -China
are natives of China. They have been secretly changed as the persons
of the Chinese section of colony of Cuba. I want to explain this at
this time because this information came to me directly from the Chi-
nese colony in Cuba, not from the members of the Chinese colony, but
from Cubans who are friends of the Chinese colony members.
A Chinese disappears. In his place, with his documents, another
Chinese appears. Tliat Chinese has been murdered and another Chi-
nese appears, which Chinese was brought from China.
Senator Keating. Wait a minute. How do you know that the first
Chinese is murdered ?
Colonel Carrillo. I do not know myself. I explained before that
friends of mine wdio are Cubans, not members of the Chinese colony,
gave nie this information.
Senator Keating. The information came from Cubans, Cuban
friends of yours, and was transmitted to them by members of the
Chinese colony. Is that ri^ht?
Colonel Carrillo. That is right. Very secretly, but horrified.
They say that more than 1,000 Chinese have disappeared. This I
can explain to you with an anecdote from a police officer from the
street of tlie Chinese colony.
A police officer comes to a group of Chinese playing games which
are prohibited in the Chinese colony. He brings the group of 10
and takes them to the police headquarters.
On his way he loses four Chinese but as he goes by the Chinese
colony, he tells other four Chinese, you get into the ranks, and he
reaches the police office with 10 Chinese.
Senator Keating. Does someone see that happening?
Colonel Carrillo. Personally a Cuban citizen that saw me here in
the United States, and he returned to Cuba, he swore to me by his
honor and he asked me what could be done for those citizens which
are honorable and the only crime they have committed in Cuba is
to help that which they believe is good for their country, General
Chiang Kai-shek of the island of Formosa.
Mr. Sourwine. Do you know of a Russian military advisory group
in Cuba ?
Colonel Carrillo. I do not understand the question.
COjMMUNIST threat to U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 377
Mr. SouRwiNE. Yoli told us in executive session about a group of
Russian officers housed on Medio-Dia Avenue. I want to know about
tliis for the record.
Colonel Carrillo. At the beginning of January of 1959, there
started to arrive military assessors [inspectors] sent by Russia and
Communist China to assess the Cuban army that was going to be
formed ag-ain, in substitution to the American militarv missions which
were then in Cuba.
It is known that those American military missions withdrew, and
while they are kept secret — as it is natural that they always do in the
Commmiist comitries — the names of these technicians, they do exist.
They live in a house which is behind the military camp of Colum-
bia, known as the — in front of the Rotonda of Medio-Dia. That is
a name, a personal name. From this point they always come out in
helicopters to the building which was occupiecl by the general staff
in the military camp.
Mr. SouRwiXE. And how many of them are there? How many of
these Russians and Chinese are there?
Colonel Carrillo. In the military mission ?
Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes,
Colonel Carrillo. I was informed that at the beginning there ar-
rived 7 military, but a superior committee of civilians, about 24
technicians in the month of Januarv. Later, more of them have
come.
Senator Iveatikg. January, 1960 or 1959 ?
Colonel Carrillo. In January of 1959.
At this time that mission is all over the island, and principally
there are now up to last Saturday in a hotel in Santa Clara in the
center of the island four technicians, military engineers of an aspect
of a Xorth American, blonde, green eyes, speaking perfect Spanish,
and they were identified with a delegate of the INJRA, and they took
a jeep to Cienega de Zapata.
My informer took down the names perfectly of these Russians so
that he could send it to me, but he could not get out of the hotel. He
could only send a woman, and I don't know what happened to her.
Senator Keatixg. These four are Russians, are they ?
_ Colonel Carrillo. Perfectly. They have been identified as Rus-
sians, wliite.
Senator Keating. Who is this fellow with the green eyes that looks
like a North American ?
Colonel Carrillo. The commentary — I make it because the delegate
of the INRA, when he talks to him, he tells him that he appears —
looks like an American. He told him that he had been born in
Ukraine, that he had lived quite many years in Spain before return-
ing back to his country.
Senator Keatikg. I want to show you a drawing.
Colonel Carrillo. May I add this : that this man seemed to be about
50 years old.
Senator Keatixg. I want to show you a drawing (map A, p. 378)
which you gave us. Will you tell us what that indicates and all
about it?
378 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
^as Villas
'^ ^f Pines
Cienfuegos Bay
y^? A
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. The hotel that I have been talking
about at this moment is exactly to the north a few miles from where
this X appears at Cienega de Zapata.
Senator Keating. Proceed.
Colonel Careillo. Giving information in regard to this drawing?
Mr. SouRWiNE. Yes. This is the drawing which shows Cienega de
Zapata, is it not ?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly.
Senator Keating. Now, what do you know about what is going on
at that place ?
Colonel Carrillo. The Government of Cuba have spent quite a
large sum of money in the Cienega de Zapata to make studies to see
if it can be utilized, but all the plans have been discarded because of
the high cost of the production in this zone.
At present, although there are virgin grounds for production,
plantation for rice, et cetera, they are taking the Cienega de Zapata to
convert it into a cultivation ground.
Mr. Sourwine. Do you remember telling us in executive session
Senator Keating. Do you remember anything further that you told
us in executive session regarding this drawing ?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. Can I go slowly, in order that I may
explain to you more in detail ?
Senator Keating. Yes.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 379
Mr. SouRwiNE. Please tell the witness we understand completely
everything he has said so far. We simply want to know if he recalls
having told us anything else other than what he has said now about
the area shown in this map.
Senator Keating. I want to add to that. If he has further informa-
tion since he testified before us in executive session which throws
doubt on the testimony which he then gave, we do not want it brought
out here ; but if what he said to us in executive session about this area
is still true, then we want him to tell us about it.
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. The new information that I have
corroborates — reaffirms the information I previously have given you
which caused me to draw this sketch. It is confirmed^ — all the items.
Senator Keating. All right. Then you may proceed.
Colonel Carrillo. Everything?
Senator Keating. Everything that you told us in executive session
which you still — which you say has been confirmed by later informa-
tion.
Colonel Carrillo. It is confirmed a construction of an airplane
landing strip in the center of Cienega de Zapata, with highways at
high cost, the destruction of a country base at a cost of $1 million
because the teclmical engineer about whom I was speaking previously,
the Kussian, which belongs to the Technical Commission of the INEA,
estimated that this country base was not constructed strongly enough
for the project which they contemplated.
I did not know that a grain of rice weighed so much. The truth is
that there are in construction, secretly, bases which will be used by
the union of Communist countries to attack the American democracy.
Senator Keating. What kind of bases?
Colonel Carrillo. I have not been able to obtain information from
military technicians from our dissolved regular army, but from peas-
ants and laborers which are not Communist and who are working in
this Cienega.
Senator Keating. You spoke of them as bases, and I would like to
know what you mean by bases. Bases for what?
Colonel Carrillo. I sent a message to these people so that they
would see sketches which appeared in the Sunday photographic section
of the Diario de la Marina and their low knowledge — little knowl-
edge— that these laborers have; they explained that those matters
did not exist there, but they saw blocks of concrete being made that
could resist [support] those military machines that appear in those
pictures that I sent.
Mr. SouRwiNE. What was in the picture ?
Colonel Carrillo. The installations secretly that the Russians,
through their technicians, pressmen in the Orient, that they sent to
Cuba, and they were published in the Diario de la Marina.
I had that photograph but I left it in Miami. I can get a copy of
it and send it to you.
Senator Keating. Well, are they planning — is the construction
there something from which airplanes will take off? Is that what
you mean ?
Colonel Carrillo. It is so wide and so long that any type of airplane
of jet propulsion can take off easily, inasmuch as they estimate it to
be more than 20 kilometers in length ; and at its widest place it is over
380 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
200 meters, which is easily observed from the air because it is a great
contrast with the solitude of that place.
Senator Keating. Do you remember anything else which you told
us at executive session which is still — that you believe to be still
accurate regarding this Cienega de Zapata?
Colonel Carrillo. I don't remember anything more, other than that
to the south of the island of Cienega de Zapata is the Isle of Pines.
Mr, SouRwiNE. I want to be sure that I understand you correct-
ly w^itli regard to the size of the concrete area. Are you describing
a flat area of poured concrete 20 kilometers long and 200 meters
wide?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. That is what was told to the laborers
that worked there ; they were puzzled.
Senator Keatixg. Well, that applies to this committee.
Colonel Carrillo. Not to me, because I have lived within the Com-
mimist monster, for a few times in the mountains, and I know what
they can do.
Mr. SouRWiNE. This is almost a superhighway ? Eighteen miles of
highway ?
Colonel Carrillo. That is the justification for it, that it is a high-
way to cultivate rice.
Senator Dodd (now presiding). How do you cultivate rice on a
liighway ?
Colonel Carrillo. This is what I am trying to investigate, myself.
It is supposed to be a highway for the vehicles to go to the place at
the Cienega [swamp], where they will cultivate the rice.
At the present time, all that they have done is small houses where
they will inaugurate — or I don't know whether it has been inau-
gurated— the tourist center, most beautiful of the world — in accord-
ance with the photo which appeared in the magazine. La Bohemia
Mr. SouRWiNE. You say a tourist center ?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Down in this part of Cuba ?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly.
Mr. SouRWT^NE. That is swampland, isn't it ?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Many, many mosquitoes ?
Colonel Carrillo. No, because the jejenes eat them.
Senator Keating. Are there any structures there beside the liigh-
way?
Colonel Carrillo. No. There are none, other than the small houses
which are supposed to be the tourist center, and they talk about
cultivating rice.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you have information respecting infiltration
of the present Cuban Army by Communists ?
Colonel Carrillo. No. In the present Cuban Army there is no
Communist infiltration, because it is a Communist Army. You
could talk about infiltration of the democracy into that army and I
think we are offending the armies of the democracies by talking about
an army of Cuba when the inmates of the jails because of drugs,
murderers, and robbers, they are the majority of the officers of that
anny.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 381
Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you have information respecting the teaching of
guerriUa warfare in Cuba ^
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly.
JNIr. SouRWiNE. Tell us briefly what you know about that.
Colonel Carrillo. Since Fidel Castro and his group arrived to the
Sierra Maestra, each of those which remain alive or were not cap-
tured during the landing, they formed themselves as trainers of the
peasants or whatever other people united to its group to give military
instruction and within that instruction one of the subjects was Com-
munist theories, many of which pamphlets in military and political
fields where it was shown that it was a Communist — they were sent
to the President, Batista, so that he would let it be known to the demo-
cratic world and especially to the Government of the United States.
At the present time those military pamphlets are being used to
give training to the present members and militiamen that form a part
of his army. One of these pamphlets is translated by the named com-
mander, "Che" Guevara, of Argentine nationality.
Another pamphlet of this kind is signed by a man who calls him-
self General Bayo, a Spanish Conununist.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you referring to Gen. Alberto Bayo ?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have any information respecting any ac-
tivities of the Chinese in helping to teach guerrilla tactics to Cubans?
Colonel Carrillo. No ; I don't. I do have knowledge that they were
used to be infiltrated, but I don't want to use that word. I will use
that word when the democracy can infiltrate into the Communist gov-
ernment of Cuba. They are assigned to INRA to teach how to culti-
vate rice and give more production to the earth. There are some very
few, nationals of Chile, in the air arm of that army.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Now, do you remember telling us of Communist
indoctrination schools for the army located at Camp Columbia,
Marianao ?
Colonel Carrillo. Columbia, Marianao. Exactly.
]\ir, SouRwiNE. Do you have any further information about this ?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes; I do. This training has continued, but de-
creasing in the military aspect in the number of men because they
have been transferred to other places, and they have increased the
number of children which go to that camp to receive instructions,
turning it into a school center surrounded by bayonets and of hate
in the heart of those children at the age of 8 until the age of 18.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Are you saying that Camp Columbia is now being
used as an indoctrination school for youth groups, ages 8 to 18, where
they are taught communism?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly.
Mr. SouRWixE. Do you have information respecting Prensa Latina ?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly.
Mr. SouRwiNE. "VVliat do you know about that organization?
Colonel Carrillo. We — and when I say "we" I refer to the serv-
ices of investigation of Cuba^there was proof that Prensa Latina,
that it is nothing more than an intelligence service of the Communist
armies, of Communist China.
Senator Keating. Does it have any affiliation with Tass ?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes.
382 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Mr. SouRwiNE. Well, you say the investigating agencies of Cuba
had this information ?
Colonel Carrillo. I did not hear your question.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you say the investigative agencies of Cuba had
this information ?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly.
Mr. SouRwiNE. What investigative agencies? Do you mean the
Agencies which now exist or the agencies wliich existed before Castro
took over?
Colonel Carrillo. I mean the ones before.
Mr. SouRwiNE. AVell, when was Prensa Latina formed? When
was it created ?
Colonel Carrillo. You mean when it first started to operate in
Cuba?
Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes.
Colonel Carrillo. I don't know exactly. When I was chief of the
Military Sei-vice of Cuba; I don't remember exactly. Later, when
I was talking to chiefs about this, about the BR.AC, they told me
about this.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Well, it is possible that committee counsel is mis-
informed. I had had the idea that Prensa Latina was formed much
more recently than this. Are we talking about the same thing?
When you say Prensa Latina, what do you mean ?
Colonel Carrillo. We are talking about the news agency, Prensa
Latina, which is the part of the Tass agency. But persons will tes-
tify before this committee about information which they do have
about this Prensa Latina.
Senator Dodd. I think this is a good time to recess. We will do so
until 2 :15.
(Thereupon, the hearing was recessed at 12:45 to reconvene at 2:15
p.m.)
AFTERNOON" SESSION
(The subcommittee reconvened at 2 :55 p.m., pursuant to recess.)
Senator Keating. The subcommittee will come to order.
Colonel, will vou resume the stand ?
TESTIMONY OF COL. MANUEL ANTONIO TJGALDE CARRILLO—
Resumed
Senator ICeating. Proceed, Counsel.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, at the recess we were discussmg, or
had begun to discuss, Prensa Latina. It seems to counsel that there
may be some misunderstanding between the witness and the committee
in the use of this term "Prensa Latina," inasmuch as the Prensa
Latina, about which counsel asked, is an organization which, so far
as we know, was formed in June of 1959.
The witness was testifying about a Prensa Latina with respect to
which he had knowledge in the early 1950's. I have taken the liberty
of asking Mr. Mandel, our director of research, to assemble from our
files some available material about Prensa Latina. With the Chair's
permission, I would like to put that in the record so the record may
show what we are talking about and then ask the witness to explain
what he was talking about.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 383
JNIay that be clone ?
Senator Keating. What is the source of this information ?
Mr. Mandel. First of all, Editor and Publisher for November 28,
1959, page 46, has an article entitled "Castro's News Service Hews
Closely to Line."
Senator I\JEATiNG. All right. What else?
Mr. JVIandel. The Editor and Publisher of December 12
Senator I^ating. Are all of these from Editor and Publisher ?
Mr. Mandel. No.
Senator Keating. Are they news items ?
Mr. Mandel. No. The second is Editor and Publisher of December
12, 1959, page 73, an answer from Prensa Latina giving their side of
the question and U.S. News & World Report, May 2, 1960, pages 72
and 74, on "How Castro Pushes 'Hate U.S.' All Over Latin America."
And then two memorandums in the hands of the committee, one
dated October 15, 1959, the other one April 14, 1960, which are
factual.
Senator Keating. Well, those latter two memorandums, you say
they are factual. If you can state on the record the source, please do
so. If you cannot, we will advise the chairman
Mr. Sourwine. It is my understanding, Mr. Chairman — I will ask
Mr. Mandel if it is not correct — that this memorandmn which I hold,
which is designated "Background Memo," dated October 15, 1959, is
a memorandum prepared by a responsible agency of the Government
of the United States as of that date.
Senator Keating. As of what date ?
Mr. Sourwine. October 15, 1959.
Senator Keating. An agency of the Government ?
Mr. Sourwine. Of the United States.
Senator Keating. All right.
Mr. Sourwine. The second memorandum is, if I understand it
correctly, a memorandum prepared by the research staff of the com-
mittee from all available sources.
Senator Keating. We will receive them.
(The documents referred to are identified as exhibits Nos. 2-6 and
read as follows:)
Exhibit No. 2
[Editor and PubUsher, Nov. 28, 1959, p. 46]
Castko's News Service Hews Closely to Line
Havana. — Like Argentina's former dictator, Juan Peron, Cuba's strongman
Fidel Castro has set up his own "news" service. Castro's device is called Prensa
Latina, although, contrary to what some newsmen aver, it Is not written in pig
Latin.
Almost from the day he came to power early this year, Castro has been attack-
ing U.S. wire services, publications, and newsmen. (Revolucion) has referred
to Associated Press as "agency of deformation."
Prensa Latina was officially founded in mid-April, with Jorge Ricardo Masetti,
a 29-year-old Argentine newspaperman, as its head. Mr. Masetti came to Cuba
last year to cover the civil war for an Argentine radio station. He trekked to
the Sierra Maestra, interviewed Castro and returned to Argentina to write a book
about the Castro movement, "Those Who Fight and Those Who Cry." He came
back to Cuba when Castro overthrew the Batista regime.
384 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
A PRIVATE COMPANY
When PL was set up, it issued a press release saying: "Prensa Latina is a
private company, created by the efforts, the resources, and the faith of a group
of men of goodwill from various Latin American countries. * * * We will
avoid everything that signifies political propaganda."
Mr. Masetti claims that his agency is independent of the Castro regime, but
facts indicate otherwise. Prensa Latina was permitted to bring its equipment
into Cuba duty free. Prensa Latina does not run anything that is not in accord
with the Fidelista line. When Air Force Chief Pedro Luis Diaz Lan'z deserted
the Castro army, PL waited hours to release the news, delaying until the gov-
ernment devised the official line.
Recently there was a one-hour work stoppage in Cuba, aimed at showing sup-
port for Castro. Prensa Latina joined, taking an hour off.
Prensa Latina has correspondents in more than a dozen Latin American cities,
as well as Washington. It hopes eventually to branch out to Europe and Asia.
ITS COST
These plans may be delayed, however. The Cuban government has financial
troubles, and Castro probably did not bother to figure out what operation of a
news agency would- cost — particularly since it provides most of its "news" free
of charge. One unconfirmed estimate is that the service is costing the govern-
ment some $6,000,000 annually.
Lately PL has appeared less interested in competing with AP and UPI on
spot news coverage, and more interested in spreading the Castro line. This is
done by two methods : (1) Carrying stories in accord with official Cuban policies
(anti-American riots in Panama; unrest in the Dominican Republic), and (2)
carrying statements by lesser Latin American figures praising Castro.
Most Havana dailies, mainly serviced by AP and UPI, do lipservice by run-
ning a token amount of PL stories daily. Lately there has been an ominous
trend, however, with Revolucion attacking other dailies for running AP or UPI
stories considered unfriendly to Castro. Presumably, to be safe, the papers are
expected to rmi only PL material.
Nevertheless, PL has readymade clients in Havana. Of Havana's 14 dailies,
the Castro regime controls five (including Revolucion). and all of these use PL's
sei-vices extensively, as does the Communist daily Hoy. It is often difficult to
tell the difference between the PL line, the Fidelista line, and the Communist
line.
COMMUNISTS NOT IDENTIFIED
An abnormally large number of PL stories quote persons known to be Com-
munists or Communist symiiathizers, without so identifying them, according to
Stanley Ross, editor of El Diario de Nueva York, Spanish-language daily pub-
lished in New York. He has watched the file for months.
Gossip has it that the real power in the operation of the seiwice is exerted
by Dr. Ernesto "Che" Guevara, an Argentine medical doctor, who was with the
Guatemalan government during the Communist regime and who is believed now
to have power ranking right after Fidel Castro and his brother, Raul. He has
been made a Cuban citizen.
The PL service in the United States is headed by Angel Boan, a Cuban, with
headquarters in Washington. The New York office, with seven on the staff
to cover the city and the United Nations, has as its chief, Francisco Portela, a
Cuban who was never identified with political groups in Cuba and who for 20
years was managing editor of La Prensa, Spanish-language daily published in
New York.
It is known that PL asked one newspaper $750 a month for the service and
then cut the price down to $200 when the newspaper refused to pay the higher
price, but is still supplying it with the daily reports on a free trial basis.
NEWS PROCESSED
News originating in New York or Washington is not distributed directly to
client newspapers. It goes to the Havana headquarters for editing or censoring
and then comes back to New York. Some of it does not come back.
Example : On Nov. 10 leaders of the anti-Casti-o WHiite Rose movement held
a press conference at the New York Advertising Club and announced that Dr.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 385
Domingo Gomez Gimevanez, Cuban scientist, a researcher at Columbia Univer-
sity, will be its caniJklate for a Cuban provisional government if Castro is
overthrown.
The story was played big with stories and pictures in New York. It is known
that PL correspondents sent the story to Havana, but not a word of it came
back to newspapers in the PL file.
SrOKTS COVERAGE
Mr. Ross said sports coverage by the service is particularly good, especially
from Cuba and I'uerto Hica. El Diario uses baseliall and other sports stories
extensively. I ittle of the remainder of the news report is used.
The news report for one day was examined. It contained these stories :
One from San Salvador about the welcoming of a foreign novelist at a uni-
versity, without mention of his Communist record.
One from Prague saying that Czechoslovakia wants to help underdeveloped
countries of the world, without mention of the Communist regime.
One from East Germany presenting the Soviet regime in good light.
One from Mexico warning the government that anti-Castro men arriving
th'^re are not refuLrees but "bandits and killers."
One from ^Mexico rpioting a foreigner, known to l)e a fellow traveler for
years, as having three heroes in Latin America — naming Fidel Castro and two
men known to be Communists, without so designating them.
Mr. Ross said the news service often quotes the Chinese News Agency of Com-
nuiriist China, whi'-h has opened an office in Havana. Many stories he said,
boost Japanese goods as cheaper than U.S. goods and increasing Japanese sales
in Cuba often are x-eported. He added that almost every story contains at
least one attacking the use of atomic weapons, [sic]
Incidentally, El Diario de Nueva York supported Castro vigorously during
till' revolution. Upon the invitation of the Castro regime. Editor Ross went to
Havana last .January and stayed five days. He did not like what he saw de-
veloping in the new government and El Diario became critical of Castro.
TOO HOSTILE TO UNITED STATES
Francisco Jose Cardona, editor of La Prensa, Spanish-language daily news-
paper published in New York, said his paper discontinued the Prensa Latina
service two weeks ago for economic reasons.
"1 would not say that Prensa Latina played up pro-Communist news but it
carried news from all over Latin America that was hostile to the United States,"
said Mr. Cardona. "For that reason we had to be careful what items we used
(inriiig the last three weeks we had the service."
Jules Dubois, the Chicago Tribune correspondent who is persona non grata
in Cuba, has reported that PL's correspondents are mostly Communists and
fellow travelers. One of the agency's executives, Baldomero Alvarez-Rins. re-
cently was a delegate to the Communist-dominated Youth Festival in Vienna
and then visited Moscow, Peiping, and other Iron Curtain capitals.
Exhibit No. 3
[Editor and Publisher, Dec. 12. 1959, p. 7.3]
Prensa Latina Denies It's Castro Owned
Prensa Latina, the new news service for Latin American newspapers, with
headquarters in Havana, is not connected with or financed by the Castro re-
gime in Cuba and it does not play up pro-Communist news or personalities,
according to Jorge Ricardo Masetti, director-general of PL.
Mr. Masetti, an Argentine newspaperman, prepared a statement in reply to a
news story in Editor & Publisher (Nov. 28, page 46). Before the story was
published, Mr. Masetti was asked for a statement to be published as part of the
story. The request was sent by airmail Nov. 13. His brief, one-page letter in
reply, denying that PL is financed by Cuba or that its news file favors Commu-
ni.sm, was received too late for inclusion in the November 28 story.
After the publication of the E&P story, Mr. Masetti sent this more complete
reply, dated November 30 :
43354— 60— pt. 7 5
386 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
.NOr A('C'UKATE
•']. Ydur news .story seems to be foinposed f»f two parts. The first one is an
undisguised repetition of a former story published in Time (.July 27). Even
the same wording is used. 1 think you should have (juoted your source of your
information, whieh is far from accurate.
"2. The second part of your story seems to have been rigged by editor Staidey
Ross. We do not think Stanley Ross is a qualified witness. lie was expelled
from the Inter-American Press Association in October 1950, on the charge of
being associated with Trujillo. Further, he has been a New York correspondent
for the late Agenda Lr.tina, owned by former Argentine President .Juan Peron.
"8. You seem to take it for granted that PI. is financed b.v the Cuban govern-
ment. You cannot prove it (and you cannot prove it because it is not true).
"4. Yoiir 'unconfirmed estimate' of what PL is costing (not the Cuban govern-
ment, but the shareholders) is very flattering. You would not believe it, but
the actual cost is five times less. Your estimate will be used as an argument
before the shareholders. * * *
CURIOUS METUOD
"."). Mr. Ross" method of 'watching our files' is very curious. We are releasing
from 160 to 200 stories daily. Among them, yoi; could conceivably find — as
Mr. Ross does — five which seem favorable to the Communists. Y'ou could also
find them in the AP or UPI service. You could even find them in Editor &
Publisher.
"(5. Of course we do not identify anyone as a Communist, unless he is acting
as a mend)er of the Communist Party. We do not identify Marilyn Monroe as a
Republican or a Democrat, because we do not know" in which case she might
feel insulted. We prefer the old-fashioned method of identifying people by
their names. * * * The practice of labeling as a Communist or 'fellow-traveller'
anyone who does not admit being one thing or the other, is equivalent to what
your own Code of Ethics tei'ms 'expression of opinion.'
"I think Mr. Ross (and by the way, Editor & Publisher) should reread Canon
V, which deals with 'Impartiality' : 'Sound {iractice makes clear distinction be-
tween news reports and expressions of opinion. News reports should be free
from opinion or bias of any kind.'
ALMOST TRUE
"7. According to your story '(PL) news originating in New York or Washing-
ton is not distributed directly to client papers. It goes to Havana headquarters
for editing or censoring and then comes back to New Y'ork. Some of it does not
come back.'
"Sure, this is almost true. But suppose we replace that statement by this
one :
•' "AP or UPI news originating in Havana (or Buenos Aires or Rio. or any other
part of the world) is not distributed directly to client papers. It goes to New
York or San Francisco headquarters for editing or censoring and then comes
back to Havana. Some of it does not come back.'
"So w'hat? Barring 'censorship,' which is not a PL practice, this is the normal
procedure in all existing news services.
UTTERLY RIDICULOUS
"S. The Gomez Gimeranez story is utterly ridiculous. If 'Sir. Stanley Ross
really has been 'watching our files." he should know that we are not sending
back to New York any story originated in New York, as we are not sending
back to Santiago de Chile or Caracas stories originating in Santiago or Caracas.
The local newsmen are supposed to cover the local stories. This also is normal
procedure. Even if we wanted to distribute Argentine news (for instance) in
Biienos Aires, we wouldn"t lie able to do it: it is forbidden by law. For the
same reasons we are not di.strihuting Cuban news in Cuba. But if there is any
doubt left, you can ask AP or UPI. They know all about it.
"9. Your article implies that we are Communists. We are not. Let me add
that if we are Communists, our Conununism is a very strange one. For in-
stance, our first columnist is a French Catholic writer, Nobel Prize winner,
called Francois Mauriac. Our advisor in North African affairs is a Catholic
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 387
priest, Father Alfred Bereuguer. Our coverage of the Catholic Congress re-
cently held in Cuba is as wide as anyone.
"In conclusion, let me say that your whole story can be torn to pieces, word
by word. It is a shame to your tradition of seriousness and objectivity. It
gives proof to those who hold that a great part of the American press sys-
tematicallv thwarts and distorts Latin American facts."
Exhibit No. 4
[U.S. News & World Report, May 2, 1960]
How Castko PUSI1E.S "Hate U.S." All Over Latin America
It's a Red-patterned, well-organized "'hate U.S." campaign that
Castro is conducting among U.S. neighbors to the south.
Chief vehicle : A "news" service to peddle tlie Castro line.
Investigation by "U.S. News & World Report" shows the scope
of the operation, .spreading throughout Latin America.
Reported from Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and Buenos Aires
Fidel Castro's Government is waging the most ambitious campaign ever
undertaken to turn all of Latin America against the United States.
It is a campaign that employs the Communist tactics of propaganda, intrigue,
and subversion, and it is making converts in a group of countries that tra-
ditionally liuve been friendly to the I^S.
In this pro-C(mimunist, anti-U.S. offensive, Castro is employing these princi-
pal weapons :
A "news" service, complete with bureaus, radio teletypewriters, and a
farflung corps of correspondents.
A radio network that utilizes 18 stations outside of Cuba.
A flood of anti-American pamphlets and "news" releases distributed by
Cuban diplomats and Castro's labor federation.
Conspiracies by Castro's diplomats and secret agents, designed to stir
up trouble for the U.S. and, in some cases, to overturn governments friendly
to Washington.
Editinrj the "'news." — Spearhead of this offensive is Castro's "news" service,
Agenda Prensa Latina — usually called Prensa Latiua. Castro, irritated by
the way U.S. news agencies reported his activities, discussed the problem a
year ago with his chief "brain truster," Argentine-born Maj. Ernesto (Che)
Guevara, and it was decided to establish an "independent" news service.
An Argentine friend of Guevara's, Jorge Ricardo Masetti, was hired to .set
up the operation. He was given an initial drawing account of $.32.5,000. Today,
Prensa Latina is in the "news" business in a big way.
Nerve center of Prensa Latina is its Havana headquarters, which occupies an
entire floor in the skyscraper Edificio Medico, or Medical Building. Here, dis-
patches radioed and cabled in by Pren.sa Latina's dozen bui'eaus and network
of correspondents are screened and edited to bring out angles favorable to
Castro and Communism and unfavorable to the U.S.
Some stories are picked up from Cuban newspapers — which, with three ex-
ceptions, are pro-Castro. Items received from the Soviet Tass and other Com-
munist agencies are translated into Spanish and Portuguese by a special section
of 12 linguists.
All these items are blended into a "news" report that reads much like the
line dispensed by Tass. It is sent by radio teletypewriters to Prensa Latina's
bureaus for distribution to some 60 newspapers and a number of radio stations
in Latin America.
Portrait of U.S. — On a typical day, this "news" reiwrt contains stories under
headings such as these: "Student leaders of Latin America visit Red China";
"Mexico criticizes U.S. policy on corn exports" ; "Youth problems in New York";
"How Soviet Russia brings prosperity to East Germany" ; "Brazilian state gov-
ernment criticizes contract with American power company" ; "Land reform in
Cuba" ; "Castro proclaims press freedom in Cuba" ; "Poland' wants to help under-
developed countries of Latin America" ; "I'anama plans new moves against U.S.
imperialism" ; "Hungary boosts output of consumer goods."
388 COMIVIUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
When Senator .John F. Kennedy, c-iiniiai.iinhif; for tlie I'.S. presidentuil nomi-
nation, declared recently that 3 7 million North Americans go to bed hnngry every
night, Trensa Latina grabbed the item, and it got quite a play in Latin America,
"lievolucion," Castro's semiofficial mouthpiece in IT:ivana, headlined the story:
"The myth of prosperity in the ITnited States.'"
For Communist, leftist, and vdtranationalist editors. Prensa Latina is an
invaluable aid. It provides them with ammunition to use in discrediting the
U.S. while picturing the Castro-Communist tie-up as an ideal partnership for
jjrogress.
TJic Red sJaut. — Most of the members of Prensa Latina's staff are (jld hands at
spotting stories that can be given an anti-U.S. twist. Masetti had years of ex-
perience with a similar service financed by dictator Juan D. Peroii of Argentina.
Many other members of the staff are fellow travelers or Commimists. Still
others are leftist-nationalists who favor neutralism.
Now, some of these nationalists are turning sour on Prensa Latina, for they
find that what they expected to be a genuine news agency is merely a propaganda
arm of the Cuban Government. In protest, I'aul de Castro, a Brazilian, has
resigned a responsible position with the agency.
De Castro, as head of the Prensa Latina bureau in Rio de Janeiro, became
disillusioned with the organization and the kind of "news" it was handling. He
became aware, also, that his office was being used as an espionage center.
"The directors of Prensa Latina,"' De Castro said, "are men of totalitarian
backgrounds, regarding the U.S. with a blind hate due to the Peronist and Stalin-
ist backgrounds they share. Cuba is their only concern, and Latin America is
so only to the extent that it serves the interests of Cuba. Little by little, it
became evident to me that this was a Cnl>an ag"ncv serving tlie Government
itself."
"If one may .judge by Prensa Latina.'" he added, "the Cuban revolution has
taken a grave turn toward a police state, with tyranny and indifference to truth
as its method and system."
Wlio poi/.s the hills? — I'rensa I>ntina"s oper.itin;;' expenses are estimated b.y
news-service men to run from .$1.")0,0(M) to .$200,000 a month, at a minimum. It is
not clear where much of the money comes from. Revenue from the sale of the
service is negligible, for most clients receive it free. The Cuban Government
is believed to pick up ,$60,000 of the tab each month. Some believe the rest of the
mone.v conies from a source behind the Iron Cxirtain.
Prensa Latina has its radio counterpart in a newly established network called
Cadena Latinoamericana — Latin-American Chain. Key station of the chain is
Radio I'nion. in Havana, owned by the Cuban Confederation of Labor — CTC —
and staffed principally by Communists and fellow travelers.
Radio Union broadcasts each night b.v shortwave to two rela.v stations — one
in Venezuela and one in Argentina. The programs are rebroadcast to 10 stations
in Argentina, Uruguay, Brazil, Chile, Venezuela, Costa Rica, and Guatemala.
Billed as "news," the programs consist of propaganda. Among their listeners are
millions of I>atin Americans who do not read newspapers.
These broadcasts, now beamed onl.v to Latin America, are soon to be extended.
The Government in Havana has announced that a high-i)owered station, under
construction in Cuba, will carry the Castro-Communist message, in several lan-
guages, to the whole world.
The CTC, besides lending Radio Union to the Castro cause, is engaged in
propanranda activities on its own account. Every month, it mails two violently
anti-U.S. magazines — "Vanguardia" and "Noticiero Sindical de la CTC" — to a
long list of editors and lal)or leaders in Latin America. It also distributes "news"
releases and some of the many anti-U.S. pamphlets now being published in
Havana.
Einhansk's — and espionage. — Cuban diplomats also_ are pushing Castro's anti-
U.S., pro-Communist line throughout the world, witli special attention to Latin
America. Many of these are young firebrands without diplomatic experience
who devote most of their time to distributing propaganda designed to show that
the U.S. is the real enemy of Latin America.
"Working closely with Communists and with Castro's secret agents, several
Cuban diplomats have meddled in local affairs to the point where they have worn
out their welcomes in their host countries. This was the ease with Salvador
Massip. Cuban Ambassador to Mexico.
Massip. a boon comjjanion of the Soviet Ambassador, was suspected by Mexican
officials of receiA-ing instructions from him. The Cuban Embassy issued false
passjiorts to Soviet and Czech agents to facilitate their travels in Latin America,
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 389
Mexican sources said. A member of Massip's staff traveled secretly through
Central America a few weeks ago, reportedly laying the groundwork for a
series of revolutions intended to overturn governments friendly to the U.S.
and replace them with governments oriented toward Havana and Moscow.
After finally falling into disfavor in Mexico, Massip was recalled and replaced
by Jos6 A. Portuondo, described by anti-Castro newspapers as a Marxist.
Another ambassador who wore out his welcome was Rene Rayneri, in El Sal-
vador. His pro-Communist activities were so flagrant that the Salvadoran Gov-
ernment asked for his recall. His successor is Francisco Pividal Padron — a man
whose pro-Communist meddling as Ambassador to Venezuela was so blatant
that the Caracas Government declared him persona non grata.
In Guatemala, Ambassador Antonio Rodriguez narrowly avoided expulsion
recently for similar activities. Neighboring Honduras expelled a Cuban diplomat,
Victor A. Mirabal Aeebal, on February 16 for subversion and mixing into local
politics.
In Colombia, Communists and other leftists staged an anti-U.S. demonstration
on March 7 and distributed leaflets blaming the U.S. for the explosion of the
French munitions ship La Coubre in Havana harbor a few days earlier. Co-
lombians believe the Cuban Ambassador, Adolfo Rodriguez de la Vega, inspired
the demonstrations and the leaflets.
In Uruguay, the Cuban Embassy and the Soviet Legation instigated an attempt
by university students to disrupt President Eisenhower's ride through Monte-
video early in March. Cuba's Ambassador to Panama, Jose A. Cabrera, is
trying to make common cause with the Panamanians in their difficulties with
the U.S. over the Canal Zone.
Coming: more trouhlemaking. — This is the pattern of propaganda, meddling,
and subversion that Cuban diplomats are following in Latin America. Now, an
increase in subversion is expected, as a result of the Havana Government's
decision to assign a new officer, called a consular attach^, to each embassy.
Each consular attach^, it is understood, will be an intelligence agent who will
outrank the ambassador and will be well supplied with funds to finance
subversion and agitation.
Castro's Government, thus, is going all-out to stir up trouble and turn the
countries of Latin America against the United States.
Exhibit No. 5
Background Memo, Dated Oct. 15, 1959
agencia prensa latina (pl)
Prensa Latina, a Latin American wire service formally launched at a cere-
monial dinner in Havana on June 9, was founded in response to the dissatis-
faction frequently expressed by Fidel Castro with the news carried by U.S.
wire services concerning Cuba. Its administrative headquarters has ostensibly
been established in Mexico City, and the president of the agency is Guillermo
Castro Ulloa, a Mexican industrialist. Bureau headquarters, however, are in
Havana under the supervision, as Director-General, of Jorge Ricardo Masetti,
an Argentine and reportedlv former chief of the old Agenda Latina de Noticias
(ALN), a Peronista mouthpiece. The Havana office is said to have a staff of 60.
Prensa Latina stories are now appearing in the press and on the radio in
Bogota, Buenos Aires, Caracas, Havana, La Paz, Lima, and Mexico City,
and is reported to have agencies in Montevideo, Panama, Rio de Janeiro, San
Jose, and Santiago. In the United States, La Prensa, of New York, and Diario
de Nueva York are using PL stories.
PL maintains offices in New York, Washington, and Chicago, and plans to
open offices in San Francisco and other U.S. cities. Leo Aragon and Angel
Boan Acosta are in the Washington office.
It appears that the overwhelming majority of those publications utilizing
the PL service are receiving that service on a free, trial basis. How long PL
can maintain that free service is dependent on PL's money source, as yet un-
identified. However, the manner in which PL operates would indicate that PL
is not limited by a lack of funds.
43354— 60— pt. 7-
390 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Prensa Latina is reported to have signed an agreement with the Middle East
News Agency and the New China News Agency, providing for an exchange of
news.
Various Cuban leaders have expressed their support for PL. Revolucion, the
26th of July organ, has warmly welcomed PL and carries many PL stories.
Raul Castro was quoted, when recently in Lima, as stating that "the only re-
ports the Cuban people can believe are written by Prensa Latina — all else is
false."
PL seems to have a proclivity for reporting anti-U.S. statements made by
various student or political leaders throughout Latin America, statements which
do not seem newsworthy enough for other wire services to carry. PL also
seems to carry more news about agreements, sales, etc., between Latin American
countries and the Soviet bloc than do other wire services.
Both Radio Moscow and the New China News Agency occasionally repeat PL
stories, when those stories have an anti-U.S. twist. PL carries a large number
of short news briefs.
Ruby Hart Phillips, in the New York Times of August 24, states that both
foreign and Cuban newsmen in Havana complain of the extraordinary facilities
being granted to PL, and that PL manages to get exclusive interviews and
reports denied to other newsmen.
There is as yet no definite evidence regarding the financial connection be-
tween PL and the Cuban Government. There is no doubt, however, that PL
is pro-Castro. PL has yet to carry any news which could be viewed as not
sympathetic to the Cuban Government. There have, however, been only one
or two stories favorable to the United States.
Exhibit No. 6
April 14, 1960.
Agencia Informativa Latinoamericana (Prensa Latina)
Prensa Latina (PL) was inaugurated in June 19.59 as a wire service devoted
primarily to coverage of Latin American news. It is reported that Fidel Castro,
in an attempt to propagandize his revolution through means other than the
U.S. news services, which he believes are very biased, provided $800,000
financial backing to get the PL started. He is now subsidizing PL out of Gov-
ernment funds. The central administrative office is located in Mexico City (to
give the impression that this is an independent news service), but the editorial
oflaces are in Havana.
The Director General of PL, and the man who controls the editorial policies
of the service, is Ricardo Masetti, an Argentine who was the former head of
Peron's Agencia Latina, and a close friend of Ernesto "Che" Guevara, head
of the Cuban National Bank. Heads of PL outside of Cuba include the following :
a Hermann Konche — Uruguayan — Prensa Latina representative in Rio de
Janeiro. Konche is a close personal friend of Ricardo Masetti.
b. Rogelio Garcia Lupo — heads the Prensa Latina office in Santiago de
Chile — Argentine friend of Masetti.
c. Plinio Apuleyo Mendoza — leftist liberal with commie connections — •
heads the Prensa Latina office in Bogota, Colombia.
d. Carlos Enrique Aguirre — Argentine — head of Prensa Latina office in
Montevideo.
e. Oscar Edmundo Palma — a Communist attorney — heads the Prensa
Latina office in Guatemala.
f. Ernesto Glachetti — An Argentine — heads Prensa Latina in Lima.
g. Efraim Rodriguez Venegas serves as Prensa Latina agent in San Jose.
He is a former Nicaraguan citizen and is reputed to be a member of the
Costa Rican Communist Party.
Prensa Latina maintains offices in the following cities, with stringers in many
others : Washington, New York, Havana, Guatemala City, Mexico City, Buenos
Aires, La Paz, Rio de Janeiro, and probably Sao Paulo, Santiago (Chile),
Bogota, San Salvador, San Jose (Costa Rica), Lima, Montevideo, and Caracas.
PL is also attempting to open offices in Europe and Asia.
Prensa Latina's coverage of Latin American news is far better than any
other service, and the material reported is usually objective and factual. The
news carried is not openly propagandistic in nature, nor does it reflect the trade-
mark of the Communist line. However, PL's anti-American slant is shown by
the selection of news rather than by editorializing or distorting. It generally
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 391
reports overt Communist activity in LA much like any other routine news and
without an "anti" slant. Any news which is anti-Commie or Anti-CASTRO is
either completely ignored or given very little coverage, whereas statements
which are anti-American or pro-Communist receive widespread distribution.
For example, a statement by a government official of a Latin American country
which is pro-Soviet or anti-American is reported widely, and in such a way that
it appears that such is the popular view of the Government in that country.
U.S. military movements in the Caribbean are widely publicized, as in the case
of the shore leave of ^Marines in the Dominican Republic, which was construed
as a pro-Trujillo show of force.
Since the I'L news service is free to using newspapers, radio, and TV stations
(except in Venezuela), many small papers and left-wing papers use PL material
heavily. Up to now, the large newspapers use the service only occasionally,
and then with reservation. However, since PL has no competitor in its coverage
of Latin American events, the number of subscribers is growing rapidly.
[ For non-LA news PL has used the services of TASS and New China News
Agency (which occupies the same building as PL in Havana), as well as the
Czech news service CETEKA, with which it maintains teletype service. Radio
Peking has used PL stories in its broadcasts. At a news agency conference
held in Havana from 12-30 January, which was sponsored by Prensa Latina,
representatives of the following bloc news services were in attendance and later
signed bilateral pacts with PL: TASS, CETEKA, Hsin Hua (XCNA), Tanjuc
of Yugoslavia, Polish Press Agency (PAP), and Agence Telegraphic Bulgare of
Bulgaria. This conference stimulated many resignations from PL employees
who could see the Communist orientation of PL.
Mr. Mandel. And finally there is a clipping from the Daily Worker
on Prensa Latina dated April 24, 1960, page 7.
Senator Keating. It will be received also.
(The clipping was marked "Exhibit No. 7" and reads as follows:)
Exhibit No. 7
[Worker, Apr. 24, 1960, p. 7]
Jorge Ricardo Masetti, head of "Prensa Latma", a wire service covering all
news in Latin America, speaking to the students of the University of La Plata
in Argentina, declared, when asked about Cuba :
"I ask you to think that while we are here speaking about this question, there
is a Latin-American country that is being bombed every day ; that every day
this country is being subjected to the scientifically organized and disseminated
lies of the news trust in the U.S.A. ; a country which every day sees the plans
to occupy its territory through violence and murder being surreptitiously de-
veloped."
Mr. SouRwiNE. I might also call attention by reference to the testi-
mony before this committee respecting Prensa Latina by General
Cabell, the Deputy Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, on
November 5, 1959.
I will read just one sentence from this memorandum :
Prensa Latina was organized with headquarters in Cuba in early 1959.
Now, I ask the witness, with the understanding that we are talking
about and asked you about an organization which we are informed was
founded in Cuba in June of 1959, how do you account for your answer
that you knew of this organization in the early 1950's?
Colonel Carrillo. I believe I was under a confusion when I tried
to explain my knowledge about Prensa Latina and I should explain
it now.
392 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
I know three matters about Prensa Latina. They are not too strong.
They are poor. But other persons I believe will testify who will have
better and more knowledge about this matter. But I know that during
World War II, there was formed, in Argentina, Prensa Latina, wliich
later disappeared.
During the year 1945 to the year 1950 there appeared in Cuba a
pamplilet of information that was edited or formed by the party, the
Socialist Communist Party of Cuba, and it had in small lettering as
a title, "Information For," in large lettering, "Prensa Latina."
During that period the corps of investigation worked upon this
matter. I did not participate at that time as an officer of an investi-
gation unit, but simply as an army officer.
But in the records in the archives, when I reached it in 1952, 1 found
this type of information by the way of pamphlets in the manner which
I have described.
Now, in the year of 1959 it appears again the name of Prensa Latina
in Cuba.
That is all.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do I understand correctly that when you referred
to Prensa Latina this morning as an organization formed auxiliary
to Tass and connected with the Chinese News Service, you were re-
ferring to the earlier Prensa Latina about which you knew ?
Colonel Carrillo. I believe it is the same organization because in
1952 1 found that these pamphlets were supposed to be secured [seized]
because they gave information which was nothing more than Com-
munist propaganda.
Senator Keating. That was back before Castro came to power.
Colonel Carrillo, Exactly.
Senator Keating. In other words, what you are saying to this com-
mittee is that, in your judgment, Prensa Latina had a connection with
Tass way back since 1952 on ?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. This type of Prensa Latina which we
are talking of now is the same organization that appeared in the
archives.
Mr. Sourwine. This is your opinion.
Colonel Carrillo. It is my opinion and based on what I read in
the archives.
Senator Keating. The archives of BRAC ?
Colonel Carrillo. They were transferred later to BRAC. At that
time it was known as the Intelligence Service.
Senator Keating. Proceed.
Mr. Sourwine. I think that clears up at least what the witness is
talking about for the record.
Now, one more point to clear up. It has come to me that during the
luncheon hour you expressed an opinion with respect to the use or
intended use of the concrete installations about which you testified.
If this report is correct, and you have expressed privately an opin-
ion about the use or intended use of this installation which you have
not told the committee, I want you to tell us now what your opinion is
with regard to this.
Senator Keating. Just hold that question a minute.
Let us withdraw that question and let me ask another question pre-
liminary to that.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 393
Have you, since the recess, given information to members of the
press or others with reference to your opinion regarding the use of
this concrete strip about which you testified this morning?
Colonel Carrillo. During recess ?
Senator Keating. Since we recessed this morning, yes. I don't
want his answer to this. All I am asking for is, have you given this
information to others yourself ?
I don't want the information yet.
Colonel Carrillo. I did not give the information. I solely dis-
cussed on the basis of the drawing where it appeared in the news-
paper, the Diario de la Marina, information about directed missiles.
Not in Cuba, but in the Caspian or in an ocean near that place.
Senator Keating. Caribbean.
Colonel Carrillo. Your Honor, will you permit me a declaration, a
statement ?
Senator Kj:ating. Yes.
Colonel Carrillo. In relation to what we were talking before, I
have been looking at the drawing which I drew myself and which
was — which I hold in my hand here, and I wish to explain something
which I did not quite explain before about concrete f omiclations which
I talked about before.
Senator Keating. Very well.
Colonel Carrillo. There are two highways which go to the place
of Cienega de Zapata. They first started to be constructed at the
beginnings of 1959.
One starts at the capital of the province, runs southward toward
Cienega de Zapata. One starts east of Cienega de Zapata at the city
of Parada de Pasejero which runs east to west and which leads into
Cienega da Zapata. During few stretches of this highway, they are
about 4 to 6 meters wide. When they are about to reach the center of
Cienega de Zapata, near the Laguna del Tesoro — the Laguna del
Tesoro is within Cienego de Zapata — this highway widens. There is
where it starts a type of landing, aircraft strip, aircraft landing strip,
where also there are certain powerful concrete bases and where they
have informed me that there are still in construction similar bases in
that area and which causes me to send a message asking them to pay
attention to the information appearing in the Diario de la Marina, to
know what was there.
If those bases could be used for military armaments, like the di-
rected missiles, or launching pads for missiles, et cetera, all that may
be required for a heavy base, they informed me — they who have no
mental technical capacity — they believe that something of that sort
was happening there.
Now, it is my opinion in elaborating all the information brought to
me that it can be used for directed missiles, for launching pads, for a
type of use which is military and not agricultural, nor tourist as they
are made to appear to be. Clearly I have not the means to take the
pictures and be able to study this matter further.
What I have received, like the width of the highway, the depth of
the concrete of the highway, the width of the bases, which fluctuate
between 10 and 15 meters
Mr. SouRwiNE. You have not given us the depth of the concrete.
What is that figure ?
394 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Colonel Carrillo. The highway when it starts at the town, it is an
ordinary highway when it goes in much firmer ground, but as it enters
into the mountains — I meant as it enters the Cienega (not the Sierra)
it is much heavier.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman, this clears up, I think, the two points
which were left hanging at the recess. I want to apprise tlie Chair
that we have a request from Mr. Andres Jose Rivero-Aguero, who is
here, intended to be a witness, to try to get his testimony today so he
may return and keep a commitment.
If the Chair pleases, we might let the present witness stand down
and call Seiior Rivero-Aguero.
Senator Keating. Will you tell the colonel he may step aside ? We
would like to call another witness. We would like to call him back
later.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Rivero-Aguero.
Senator Keating. Would you raise your right hand, Mr. Rivero-
Aguero ? Do you solemnly swear that the evidence which you give in
this proceeding will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the
truth, so help you God ?
Do you speak English ? Do you understand English ?
TESTIMONY OF ANDRES JOSE RIVEEO-AGUERO
(THROUGH INTERPRETER)
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. No, sir, to both questions.
Senator Keating (to the interpreter). Then I want you to repeat
the oath to him in Spanish. I want him to know what he is swearing
to.
Do you solemnly swear that the evidence which you ^ive in this
proceeding will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the
truth, so help you God ?
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. I do.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You are a native of Cuba ?
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Native.
Senator Keating. I want to ask the witness, does it disturb the
witness to have photographers taking his picture while he is speak-
ing ? If it does, we will have them take them now and then leave.
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. No ; I am not bothered.
Senator Keating. He has been in political life, so I guess he
wouldn't.
All right, proceed. Counsel.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You are a graduate of the University of Havana ?
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Yes, sir.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You have been a lawyer and a professor of philos-
ophy ?
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Doctor of Philosophy and Letters and of Law.
]\Ir. SouRAviNE. You have been a professor ?
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Yes, sir ; I have been also a professor.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You were elected to the Cuban House of Representa-
tives ?
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Yes, sir ; I was a senator.
Mr. SouRWiNE. In what year ?
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 395
Mr. Kivero-Aguero. From 1954 until 1958 I was elected senator
in Cuba.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you a former Minister of Agriculture of Cuba ?
Mr. Riv-ero-Aguero. In 1940.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Are you a former Minister to the President of
Cuba?
Mr. RivERO- Aguero. Was I a Minister ?
Mr. SouRwiNE. Were you ever in the President's Cabinet, in the
Cabinet of the President of Cuba ?
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. I was Minister of Agriculture and Prime
Minister.
Mr. Sourwine. Prime Minister. When was that ?
Mr. Ri%t:ro- Aguero. From 1957 until 1958.
Mr. Souravine. This was under Batista?
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Yes, while Batista was President.
Mr. Sourwine. Did you run for the Presidency of Cuba?
Mr. RrvERO- Aguero. During the year of 1958 I was a candidate
for the Presidency of Cuba.
Mr. Sourwine. Were you a candidate of the Bastista party?
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. I was a candidate for the four parties of the
government at that time.
Mr. Sourwine. Were you supported by the Batista party?
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Yes, sir.
Mr. Sourwine. Were you elected ?
Mr. Ri'\t:ro-Aguero. Yes. In the elections of November 3,
Mr. Sourwine. What year ?
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. 1958.
Mr. Sourwine. Did you ever take office ?
Mr. Ri\'ero-Aguero. In accordance with the constitution, I was sup-
posed to take office on February 24, and the Government fell on Janu-
ary 1, the 1st of January of 1959.
Mr. Sourwine. Are you still a supporter of Batista?
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. I support him in what sense?
Senator Keating. Would you like to see Batista returned to power
in Cuba ?
Mr. Ri\t:ro-Aguero. I don't think that the history repeats itself. I
think history will try to improve itself.
Senator Keating. Well, that is a very well-worded answer but I am
very interested to know whether you are in favor of tlie return of
Batista to power in Cuba ?
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. What I am against is that Fidel Castro stay
in power.
Mr. Sourwine. You are against Castro but you are not agamst
Batista. Is that a fair statement ?
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. My position is that I am militant or I militate
in those parties which at that time supported Bastista, and I still
maintain that same ideology because I cannot support the ideology of
Castro because at this time Castro is accusing the U.S. Government
that they are calling to testify before this committee war criminals
and not only do I not accept the qualification but to who I accuse
to be a murderer is Castro and for he to explain to the Cuban people
why he murders my brother, that he was but a mere laborer in a
factory.
396 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Senator Keating. I can understand your concern over what has
happened to your own family. These questions are put to you for the
purpose of weighing your testimony.
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Is it in respect to the government of Castro?
Senator Keating. I have no further questions at this point. I
sought this information in order to know what weight should be
given to the testimony of this witness.
The Interpreter. Should I translate that ?
Senator ICeating. Yes.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know the present President of Cuba, Dr.
Dorticos ?
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Personally, no.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know him as a public figure in 1948 ?
Mr, Rivero-Aguero. They told me that he was a candidate for the
Communist Party in 1948.
Mr. Sourwine. Wliom do you mean by "they" ?
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. That he was militant with the Communist
Party?
Mr. Sourwine. No. Who told you that Dorticos ran on the Com-
munist Party ticket?
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Nobody told me. It was a matter of public
fact that he was militant with the Communist Party and ran for
Presidency in 1948.
Senator Keating. Then you know that. You were not told by
someone else. You were told that to be a fact.
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. I have never formed part of an investigation
unit, but it is common knowledge in Cuba that Dr. Dorticos was a
militant within the Communist Party.
Mr. SouRAViNE. Do you remember testifying in executive session
before this committee?
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Yes, I remember.
Mr. SouR^vINE. Did you tell us that Fidel Castro had declared he
would not hold elections in Cuba until all Cubans are literate ?
Mr. Rivero-Aguero, Exactly ; I do. If you permit me to go into
more explanation, I will.
Senator Keating. Proceed.
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. For me to evaluate this information, I simply
take the speech of Fidel Castro of the 1st of May of this year in
which he stated that the Cuban democracy, he say, direct democracy,
which is exercised by laborers, farmers, and professionals, that it is
the same system which exists in the Communist regimes. Besides,
Castro alleged that a president — he didn't mention him but it was
President Betancourt of Venezuela — that had referred recently to the
democratic governments that have no other origin but to make them
representative governments, and Castro answering to this pronuncia-
tion of Dr. Betancourt of Venezuela and the Congress that was cele-
brated in proper Venezuela in the sense of the free world, where it
appeared ex-President Figueres, Governor Marin — Cuba was repre-
sented by Drs, Sanchez Arango and Antonio Barona, to find a demo-
cratic out to the Cuban problem.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 397
Castro took advantage of the speech of May 1, the 1st of May,
Labor's Day, to state that the democratic government is that which is
exercised directly by the laborers and farmers without having to go
to the elected government and then he states that the elections and the
consequences of the elections and the representatives of the elections
are not but mere maneuvers to make a fraud upon the people.
I would like to add something more.
Senator Keating. Well, we have a lot of witnesses to call and we
know that there are differences in ideology between this witness and
Mr. Castro, but that is incidental in this proceeding. We are after
some facts in this proceeding.
Mr. Kivero-Aguero. I would like to add something, or I would
like you to ask me for facts.
Senator Keating. Proceed.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know what proportion of the people of
Cuba are literate today ?
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Literate?
Mr. SouRwiNE. Literate. What proportion of the people of Cuba
can read and write?
Mr. Rivero-Aguero, Cuba occupies the fifth place of the continen-
tal alphabetization. The first place is kept by the United States.
Second is Uruguay. Third is Costa Rica. Fourth is Argentina. In
figures they indicate IT percent that do not write or read and 83 per-
cent that can write and read.
Senator Keating. Were those the figures that you gave in the
executive session?
]\Ir. Riat:ro-Aguero. No, no, because then I don't understand what
is the exact question.
Senator Keating. Proceed, counsel.
Mr. Sourwine. The record will speak on this.
Do you have knowledge respecting prominent persons in Cuba who
are known to be Communists ?
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Yes.
Mr. Sour\vine. You named certain persons to the committee in
executive session whom you said were militant Communists.
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Yes.
Mr, Sourwine. Did you tell us that of your own knowledge or were
you spealring of what you have here called general public knowledge ?
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. I just said it in the general sense because
really I have no means of information myself. If they were to ask
me for the card, Communist card, for the people governing now Cuba,
I will have to say that they don't carry a card.
Senator Keating. Proceed to something else.
Mr. Sourwine. Yes. We will proceed to something else.
Do you have information respecting repression of the church in
Cuba?'
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Well, I know because some of the members of
the Catholic Church are now here in the United States, but it is also
a universal knowledge that Communists cannot exist or coexist with
the Catholic Church.
398 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Mr. SouRwiNE. Specifically, have Catholic schools, or universities,
been closed by order of the Government ?
Mr. Eivero-Aguero. I have no such knowledge. I believe that the
fathers who are here, they are better qualified to testify.
Mr. SouRwiNE. If the witness disqualifies himself, I am not going to
ask any more questions on that point.
I have no more questions.
Senator Keating. The witness is excused.
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. I would like to say just a couple of words, if
I may. Two words.
Senator Keating. We want to have it if it is factual. We don't
want any political speeches here because that is not the purpose of
this committee.
Mr. Rivero-Aguero. No. I wish to state that I am now testifying
before the U.S. Senate because I believe that there is a Commmiist
government in my country. Otherwise I would not be here.
Senator Keatin^. We appreciate that.
Thank you very much.
Colonel, will you resume the stand, please ?
I remind the colonel that the oath which he previously took is still
in full force and effect.
TESTIMONY OF COL. MANUEL ANTONIO UGALDE CARRILLO—
Resumed
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have information respecting the shipment of
Communist propaganda into Cuba?
Colonel Carrillo. What year ?
Mr. SouRwiNE. I can't ask for the year because I am asking you
if you have information.
Let me say this to you : If you have information about the shipment
of Communist propaganda into Cuba at any time, we want you to tell
us about it.
Colonel Carrillo. Cuba has always been a center of distribution of
Communist propaganda, international communism.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Where does this propaganda originate ?
Colonel Carrillo. A lot of it was printed in Cuba secretly when it
was persecuted by those governments which were not in accord with
communism. Now it is published openly. During the previous
governments, the publication. Hoy, was closed and the radio station.
Mil Diez. Presently the Communist Party publishes the Hoy and tlie
radio stations air, transmit the political speeches of the party. Socialist
Popular.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman, w^e are moving very slowly. Would
it be satisfactory to the Chair if counsel puts the questions m summary
of the testimony which has been given in executive session and asks
the witness whether this is a correct summary of the testimony pre-
viously given ? Or should we proceed with direct questions ?
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 399
Senator Keating. Let us try that course and see how we get along.
Mr, SouRwiNE. Did you testify in executive session that more than
12,000 manufacturing plants and bases have been nationalized by the
Castro government ?
Colonel Carrillo. Plants or plantations ?
Mr. SouRwiNE. Plants or plantations? The question I asked was
manufacturing plants and bases.
Colonel Carrillo. By this time they should exceed 15,000. They are
in the records of all the newspapers of Cuba.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you testify in executive session, and is it true,
that the Communists have infiltrated the Catholic youth movement in
Cuba?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you testify, and is it true, that Russian sub-
marines had been seen in the Cienega de Zapata and in the Sierra
Maestra also ?
Colonel Carrillo. Will you permit me, before I answer this ques-
tion, to answer the previous one so that it would not be incomplete ?
Senator Keating. Yes.
Colonel Carrillo. The information given to me about the Com-
munist infiltration into the Catholic Action, Accion Catolica, in 1952
and 1953, is in the archives which they have not burned of the regency
of the church in Havana, addressed to Cardinal Arteaga.
Now, I can continue with the second question. x
Senator Keating. Do you remember what the second question was?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes.
Senator Keating. Please answer it.
Colonel Carrillo. I have an information about the Sierra Maestra
when I was Chief of Military Operations given by the Military In-
telligence Service within the military operational zone that a sub-
marine, without identifying it, had landed near the end of the river
of La Plata, south of Sierra Maestra, and for Fidel Castro. We used
rubber dinghies. It is a rubber conch shell used for two or three per-
sons at sea, and in a battle which took place recently arms were used
which were manufactured in Czechoslovakia. And all that proof was
sent to the President of the Eepublic who told me that they would be
investigated by the American military missions to identify the origin
of that proof that had been sent.
The opinion recovered from that area which is supposed where the
submarine was, is that it was a Russian submarine because the Ameri-
can submarines have identifications, and this one was all black without
any marking, and only large powers could transit in the ocean this
type of transport.
Mr. SouRwiNE. I show you a duplication of a sketch and ask if
this is a sketch which you drew for the committee ?
400 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
(V.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 401
Colonel Carrillo. This is to the south of the island of Los Pinos,
where there was a landing secretly in the same form, the same days,
for it appeared in the world press that there was a mysterious sub-
marine to the south of Argentine.
This submarine approached the southern coast of Isle de los Pinos,
and my informer personally saw 14 trucks loaded with heavy equip-
ment covered with tarpaulins of dark color, and when he approached
these trucks as they neared the coast he noticed that there were no
boats around. The trucks left at the beach. It seemed they had
dragged heavy equipment on the sand, and he alleges, assures, that
it was a submarine.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you tell us in executive session that in your
opinion Batista had no will to fight Castro and was more interested
in money than in saving the Kepublic of Cuba ?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly.
Mr. SoTJRwiNE. You still believe that to be true ?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you testify, and is it true, that Batista had
provided $300 million for public works, but no money for military
purposes, during the height of the insurrection ?
Colonel Carrillo. I think it is more than $300 million that he dedi-
cated for public works and very little for the military opposition to
Castro.
Mr. SouRwiNE. There is another witness who needs to be heard
briefly today.
We will ask you to step aside at this point.
We will hear you further at the next session of the committee.
I call Father O'Farril.
Senator Keating. Father, do you speak and understand English?
Father O'Farril. I understand a little.
Senator Keating. Do you solemnly swear that the evidence you
give in this proceeding will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing
but the truth, so help you God ?
Father O'Farril (through interpreter). I do.
TESTIMONY OF REV. JTJAN EAMON OTARRIL
(THROUGH INTERPRETER)
Mr. SouKwiNE. What is your full name?
Father O'Farril. Juan Eamon O'Farril.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You are a Catholic priest ?
Father O'Farril. I believe so.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you a native of Cuba ?
Father O'Farril. Yes, sir; I am.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You were educated in France and in Havana ?
Father O'Farril. Yes, sir; in Paris and in Havana.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You attended the Seminary of San Carlos in
Havana?
Father O'Farril. Yes, sir.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You were ordained in 1945 ? In the year 1945 ?
Father O'Farrill. No, sir. In the year of 1945.
Mr. SouRwiNE. That is what I thought I asked.
402 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
You were opposed to the Batista government?
Father OTarril. Smce 1933.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Why?
Father O'Farril. The first traitorship of Batista when he was mere-
ly a sergeant, he displaced the career officers and the second treason
was during 1952 w'hen with a group of corrupted officers
Colonel Carrillo. Excuse me.
Senator Keating. The meeting will suspend temporarily.
The Interpreter. His (Carrillo's) question is, Can I go out tem-
porarily? Momentarily can I leave the committee room until the
testimony is over ?
Mr. Sourwine. Yes.
Proceed, Father.
The Interprei-er. The question was
Mr. Sourwine. I was asking you why you opposed the Batista gov-
ernment and you were telling us.
Father O'Farril. Because at that time we had a democracy. In
March, democracy suffered a blow that kept us in a dictatorship for 7
years, one of the worst dictatorships suffered in America.
Mr. Sourwine. Were you yourself ever arrested by the national
police under Batista?
Father O'Farril. Yes, sir.
Mr. Sourwine. You were released because of the intervention of
the Cardinal of Havana?
Father O'Farril. Yes, sir; due to the intervention of the church.
Mr. Sourwine. You were beaten by agents of Batista?
Father O'Farril. Yes, sir.
Mr. Sourwine. You were sent to Canada to recuperate from your
injuries?
Father O'Farril. Yes, sir.
Mr. Sourwine. You joined the followers of Castro to assist those
who had been persecuted and imprisoned by Batista ?
Father O'Farril. No; I joined the ^roup of Carlos Prio Socarras
who was the constitutional President of Cuba.
Mr. Sourwine. Were you ever a follower of Castro ?
Father O'Farril. I helped Castro's group.
Mr. Sourwine. You helped the revolution against Batista?
Father O'Farril. Yes, sir ; against Batista.
Mr. Sourwine. You took part in the Caracas Pact, a revolutionary
movement against Batista ?
Father O'Farril. Yes, sir.
Mr. Sourwine. "Wlien did you break with the Castro movement ?
Father O'Farril. As soon as I arrived at Cuba, the 6th of January.
Mr. Sourwine. What year ?
Father O'Farril. In 1959, when Batista's government fell.
Mr. SouRAViNE. Why did you break with Castro ?
Father O'Farril. Because of the treason of Castro to our revolu-
tion.
Mr. Sourwine. What do you mean by that ?
Father O'Farril. In trying to force us into communism.
Mr. Sourwine. Do you have any loiowledge respecting Communists
in the Castro government ?
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 403
Father O'Farril. Merely to observe the laws of the revolutionary
government; the acts of the government and its legislation.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Were you arrested or ordered arrested by the Castro
government ?
Father O'Farril. Yes ; there was an order of arrest.
Mr. Sourwine. Why ?
Father O'Farril. Because I was in contact with elements who
conspired against.
Mr. Sourwine. How did you escape arrest ?
Father O'Farril. Because there was a counterorder on the part of
Fidel that I should not be detained. Fidel stated on the radio that
he did not want at this time problems with the church.
Mr. Sourwine. You have stated to the committee, have you not,
that the original Cuban revolution in 1958 was not a Communist
revolution ; is that correct ?
Father O'Farril. Our revolution was not Communist. Only Fidel
with a group of collaborators have treasoned the revolution.
Mr. Sourwine. Have you information with respect to the inten-
tions of the Castro government as regards the United States ?
Father O'Farril. It is not a secret that Castro is an element of
trouble in America.
Mr. Sourwine. Do you have any specific information on this point ?
Father O'Farril. No, sir; I have no specific information but it is
clearly seen.
Mr. Sourwine. Do you remember telling the committee that you
feared the return under the Castro regime of various persons who were
in power under the Batista government ?
Father O'Farril. No; I do not fear the return of Batista. What is
damaging is the restoration of the regime of Batista again in Cuba,
but I don't think that ever the past regime wall come again to assert
itself.
Mr. Sourwine. Do you have any knowledge respecting any persons
who were officials under the Batista regime who are back in power
under Castro ?
Father O'Farril. No, sir ; I have no knowledge.
Mr. SouRw^iNE. I have no more questions of this witness, Mr. Chair-
man.
Senator Keating. The subcommittee will take evidence in execu-
tive session toworrow. This proceeding will be adjourned until 10 :30
on Friday morning.
Father O'Farril. The witness states that he wishes to apologize for
the incident caused at the beginning of his testimony.
Senator Keating. This committee has become very accustomed to
incidents. He need offer no apologies whatever, and he is excused.
The other witnesses are directed to return on Friday morning. The
subcommittee stands adjourned.
(Whereupon, at 4:15 p.m., the subcommittee I'ecessed, to reconvene
Friday, May 5, 1960, at 10 ;30 a.m.)
COMMUNIST THREAT TO THE UNITED STATES
THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
FRIDAY, MAY 6, 1960
U.S. Senate,
Subcommittee To Investigate the
Administration of the Internal Security Act
AND Other Internal Security Laws,
of the Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington^ D.C.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to recess, at 10:55 a.m., in room
2228, New Senate Office Building, Senator Thomas J. Dodd presiding.
Present : Senators Dodd and Keating.
Also present: J. G. Sourwine, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel,
director of research ; and Frank W. Schroeder, chief investigator.
Senator Dodd. The committee will be in order.
We will resume our hearings, Mr. Sourwine.
Mr. Sourwine. Colonel Carrillo is on the stand.
Senator Dodd. Colonel, will you come forward ?
You have already been sworn; take your place, please.
TESTIMONY OF MANUEL ANTONIO UGALDE CAREILLO— Resumed
Mr. Sourwine. Colonel, you remember telling us about Chilean and
Communist Chinese pilots sent to Cuba as instructors ?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly.
Mr. Sourwine. Will you tell us briefly what the facts were with
regard to that ?
Colonel Carrillo. I had information directly from Cuba of persons
within the air force, that men of Chinese nationality were arriving
but with residence in Chile, with other technicians of nationality of
Chile, to the air force of Fidel Castro at Havana, coming from Chile.
Mr. Sourwine. This is all you know about this.
Colonel Carrillo. That is all I can remember at this time.
Mr. Sourwine. In executive session you told us about a connection
between William Morgan, an American, and Guitierez Menocal, an
international Communist. Will you tell us what you know about
this?
Colonel Carrillo. The second name that you mentioned, if it is
Guitierez Menoyo.
Mr. Sourwine. It is entirely possible that I have the name in error.
I am asking for the testimony of the man who told us about it in
executive session, and that is you, so you tell us what you know about
the connection of William Morgan with an international Communist.
405
43354— 60— pt. 7 7
406 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly, we were talking about Guitierez Me-
iioyo, a Spanish Communist that fought in the Spanish War and that
had been living in Cuba for quite a time, previous to Fidel Castro
coming into power.
Guitierez Menoyo distinguished himself in Cuba because of his
Communist activities. For that reason the police services had him as
a militant Communist. He associated himself with a recent con-
spiracy with William Morgan, commander of Fidel Castro's army, of
American nationality, to try to work over an idea of a revolution
against Fidel Castro, and thus discover those who were not in accord
with Fidel Castro, but always obeying the orders of Fidel Castro.
Once the conspiracy was discovered, there were some deaths and others
are in jail. The press gave plenty of publicity to this fact.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Colonel, do you know Gen. Alberto Bayo ?
Colonel Carrillo. Not in person, but his history I do.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have knowledge respecting General Bayo's
activity in the teaching of guerrilla warfare in Cuba ?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Tell us.
Colonel Carrillo. At this time he is instructor of the new forces,
the militia forces which are being formed, and sometimes he gives
military instruction at the Colombia, and on other occasions on the
coast, on the beaches which are near Boca Chica, Tarara, where there
is a provisional military camp to train men.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Is General Bayo a Commimist ?
Colonel Carrillo. Active, an active Communist, of Spanish na-
tionality.
Mr. Sourwine. Will you tell us for the record here what you have
already told us in executive session about the conversion of portions
of the Isle of Pines into a military and naval base?
Colonel Carrillo. In reference to the activities of the Communists
or of who ?
Mr. Sourwine. I will start again. Do you have information re-
specting the conversion of part of the Isle of Pines into a military and
naval base?
Colonel Carrillo. To convert it, to change it from one thing to
another.
Mr. Sourwine. Yes.
Colonel Carrillo. The Isle of Pines has changed considerably since
Castro came into power changing the highways into military^ — south-
ward to the island, where it crosses some swamps, and that highway
reappears again near the ocean, where I informed previously, that they
had unloaded heavy equipment without knowing what the equipment
was, but there were plenty of trucks.
Mr. Sourwine. Have you now given the committee on the public
record all the information that you have about this ?
Colonel Carrillo. Are you talking about the Isle of Pines
solely ?
Mr. Sourwine. Yes.
Colonel Carrillo. I remember I have said something else about this
Isle of Pines about an informer who was personally there in the island
when there was a reunion in the house of the engineer who constructed
the highway toward Baya Rojo in the island during the govermnent of
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 407
Batista. In tliat house, there was a reunion of Fidel Castro, '^Che"
Guevara, and Mikoyan.
Mr. SouRWiNE. You mean Anastas Mikoyan, the Russian?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly, the Russian who was here and then he
went to Cuba. I don't know his name. I don't remember how to write
his name. .
Mr. SouRWiNE. You say Mikoyan and Castro had a meeting on the
Isle of Pines in this house '^ .
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. I want to underetand that this is the
same person that— the Russian leader, who was recently m Cuba.
Mr. SouRWiNE. This was on the occasion of this recent visit to
Cuba?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes, sir. The recent visit that was made to in-
augurate, by that Russian.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Who else was present, if you know ?
Colonel Carrillo. I am informed at that meeting, which was secret,
there was no publicity made. However, the Cuban press made a de-
tailed mformation of the visits to the various centers, of labor and
cooperatives of Cuba, but of this visit to the Isle of Pines there
was no publicity.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Well, who was present in the house when Castro
and Mikoyan met?
Colonel Carrillo. There were sometime, I had this information,
but, Fidel Castro, Raul Castro, "Che" Guevara, there was one more
person that I don't remember, just about four unportant persons.
Mr. SouRwiNE. How do you know about this meeting ?
Colonel Carrillo. From a person who had been in the island, by a
person who was near the house talking to the persons that were in
there, in the interior of the house. I cannot — I have to reserve the
name of that person, informant — because he still remains in Cuba.
Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Chairman, this is a little difficult to explain.
We went over it m great detail in executive session. With the Chair's
permission I should like to ask a leading question here which may
help to clarify this situation.
Is this correct: You had an informant whom you ti^ust as re-
liable, wliose name you cannot give us because you have to protect
him? This man was not himself present in the room where Castro
and Mikoyan met ?
Colonel Carrillo. Not inside the room, no. He was not in, but
outside in the area where the reunion took place.
Mr. Sourwine. He was in another part of the house.
Colonel Carrillo. Not in the room but within the house, yes.
Mr. Sourwine. Yes. Now, in order to keep their conversations
secret from the people who were aromid them, you told us, Mikoyan
and Castro spoke in English.
Colonel Carrilo. The informer says that he heard the voice- —
not speaking in Spanish — of Fidel. He said "Let's talk in English."
I don't think Fidel talks very gootl English but he can understand
by talking slowly, because of his culture which he has, he has lived
here in the United States.
But the important thing about this that there was an interpreter,
that he is the official interpreter of Mikoyan, who talks Spanish and
English, both.
408 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
And on some occasions they talked in Spanish and in English
loud.
Mr. SooRwiNE. You told us, did you not, that an aide in the kitchen,
who was back and forth into the room where the meeting took place,
understood English as well as Spanish and that he was reporting to
the people in the kitchen what was going on in the room where
Mikoyan and Castro were present ?
Colonel Carrillo. I wish to state that from this time on, I cannot, I
should not wish this to be published because that is the means of
identifying this person. He is going to be immediately identified in
Cuba.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Anything you say here, of course, is entirely public.
If there is anything which you feel should not be made public, don't
say it here.
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Wliat I am attempting to determine is whether the
information about this conference between Castro and Mikoyan
Senator Dodd. I suggest you just ask him if he got information
from a source that he considers to be extremely reliable, he can tell us
"Yes" or "No" and what the information is. End it at that.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Very good, sir.
Senator Dodd. I don't think you ought to go into detail whether it
was in the kitchen or parlor or anywhere else.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have information
Colonel Carrillo. I didn't understand the question you asked.
Senator Dodd. There was not any question to you ; I was talking to
counsel.
Mr. Sourwine. Do you have information respecting this meeting
of Castro and Mikoyan from a source which you consider to be highly
reliable.
Colonel Carrillo. All right.
Senator Dodd. I think we have already on the record that he does
so consider this person, and that this person has given him this in-
formation ; I suggest you ask him what the information is and get that
on the record.
Mr. Sourwine. What is the information that was given to you by
this informant that you consider reliable ?
Senator Dodd. Isn't the statement itself on the record that the wit-
ness says if he discloses his name or identifies him it will put him in
jeopardy ? That is sufficient, I think, to warrant no further informa-
tion.
Colonel Carrillo. I consider the information of this person reliable
because all the information we had up to this time from Cuba is from
persons who risk their lives to give this information in order that it
may be known abroad.
Senator Dodd. We are satisfied about that. Let's get the informa-
tion.
Colonel Carrillo. I have no proof, I cannot present any proof, but, I
vouch for the good faith of that person.
Mr. Sourwine. All right, what is the information ?
Colonel Carrillo. One of the matters which my informant thought
was important was that Fidel was advised that he should not maintain
a press attack constantly, systematically against the United States.
That it should be made by chapters.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 409
Mr. SouRwi]snE. By what?
Colonel Carrillo.' Chapters by episodes, serial. That on some occa-
sions, I mean, that it should be calmed in order that the matters be
estimated and when the diplomatic relations be then calmed they
should again start another measure. We have already taken over the
American properties in Cuba. The publicity about the American
Embassy in Cuba, and we know about this publicity, information
about culture, that we are accustomed to receive. I understand that
they are trying to avoid that this publicity, like movies, pictures,
pamphlets
Senator Dodd. Tell us just what Mikoyan told Castro and this
will help us a great deal, what he is alleged to have told him. That
is what we want to have on the record. It is of interest to us, just stick
to that, tell us what was heard or what he allegedly overheard ?
Colonel Carrillo. The matters which I just mentioned, that the
attack against the United States should not be kept on systematically.
We know that it is known that that is systematic ; that, mainly, daily
it is increasing.
Senator Dodd. We know that too. Tell us the conversation, who
said it, is there anything else ?
Colonel Carrillo. This is conversation which is going on in a room
where there are several persons, and the advice goes back and forth
to Castro.
Senator Dodd. All right.
Mr. SotiRwiNE. Proceed.
Colonel Carrillo. They also talked about military matters, but this
information reached me quite weakened. And they talked about the
visit that he was going to make to Cienega de Zapata, the place where
I testified previously where they were building highways which could
be transformed or used for airstrip. He was there, too. The Cuban
press published some photos of Mikoyan fishing in a small boat with
Fidel Castro.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Before we get away from this conference you are
telling us that this conference took place before Mikoyan went to
Zapata ? Is this correct ?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly, he was there before, because — — _
Mr. SouRwiNE. All right. You told us some of what was discussed.
Through your informant do you know of anything else that was
discussed by Mikoyan and Castro ?
Colonel Carrillo. I know that there is more about this conversa-
tion, a lot of it, much more conversation was made, but at this moment,
I cannot just state it. In this drawing appears the house where the
conference was held.
Mr. SoTTRwiNE. Yes, that drawing is already in the record.
Do you have anywhere a record or memorandum of what was re-
ported to you about this conversation ?
Senator Dodd. Anything that will help you refresh your memory.
Colonel Carrillo. Are you making reference to the notes and memo-
randum that I wrote which I made available to you ?
Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes.
Colonel Carrillo. I had all that memorandum for you, and when
I gave it to you, I understand it was destroyed. All the information,
all the notes I destroyed, but I can rewrite them again, what I know.
410 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Mr. SouRWiNE. I am trying to find out whether when you got from
your informant the news of, about the conference between Mikoyan
and Castro you wrote down any part of that news or any notes regard-
ing it and kept what you had written down ?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. My informer came here. I wrote them
here, not over there.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you still have those notes ?
Colonel Carrillo. No, all those notes, once I gave them to you they
were destroyed. There were too many notes and I didn't want to keep
them around. It is not my mission now to keep archives, but the same
persons, I can question tliem and they can inform me.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, I ask that we pass this point and that
consideration be given to getting committee approval to insert at this
point an excerpt from the executive testimony which will cover the
point fully as testified to w^ith his notes at hand.
Senator Dodd. That is all right. It will probably save time. It is
the type of hearing where we cannot strictly follow rules of evidence
without refreshing his memory. If he has given information, and does
not now recall it, make the suggestion to him and see if he remembers
it now. Or if you want to go by that and put in the executive session
I think that is all right.
Mr. SouRWiNE. All right, Mr. Chairman.
(Following is the pertinent portion of Colonel Carrillo's testimony
in executive session:)
Mr. SouRwiNE. Now if you will go ahead in your own words and
tell us whatyou want the committee to know.
Colonel Carrillo. In the first place I want to talk about the security
of the Americas, in connection with the brief information I already
referred.
This is the Isle of Pines [pointing to map he has sketched] . We can
say between Cuba and the Panama Canal. In the south of the island,
between swamps, there is a highway being built— from the north to
the soutli of the island. At the south coast at the end of the island
there are great depths in the sea where the undercraf t can very easily
maneuver. It is almost below the Swamp of Zapata.
In the days when the great publicity was made about the submarines
tliat were supposed to be in the Gulf of Nueva in Argentina — in those
same days — about 10 or 15 big trucks of the anny were moving in that
new highway to the southern part of the Isle of Pines. They have
built at the end of the island at the southern part an airfield. At
night the trucks went empty and came back loaded and they were
completely covered.
The person who saw that informed me that he does not know what
they contained— what the cargo was. He tried to search and went
near the seashore — he saw no ships, no aircraft.
At night the aircraft cannot land — no lights. He thinks that a sub-
marine unloaded something that day. That's what he tliinks.
]Mr. SouRAViNE. Can you tell us who the man was ?
Colonel Carrillo. I am sori-y. I cannot mention his name because
he will be in danger.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Can you tell us something about him? Is he edu-
cated ? Is he reliable ?
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 411
Colonel Carrillo. Yes. He is an educated man. He is completely
reliable.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Does your informant know that the trucks were
loaded at the beach ?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes.
Mr. SouRwiNE. What else do you have to tell us ?
Colonel Carrillo. The search of these two informants.
There are two things in my personal opinion that I want to point
out to you. The first is — This was going to be an auxiliaiy base of
Zapata; or this will be a base for an attack on a Central American
countiy.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Or both ?
Colonel Carrillo. Perhaps.
Mr. Mandel. You are familiar with that base — the one you are
talking about — through your own loiowledge?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes. I have been there on many occasions — by
air and many other ways — including, I built a hut there and installed
microwave equipment.
Mr. Sourwine. Did you have other facts that you wanted to tell
us about 'i
Colonel Carrillo. This is the first part as far as security is con-
cerned. Now the second part is the political part.
Mr. Sourwine. This is a map which you drew ?
Colonel Carrillo. I just drew that from my own mind.
Mr. Sourwine. Let's put that in the record at this time.
Mikoyan and Castro have the meeting there [pointing at map] in
this house
Mr. Sourwine. The house marked with red ?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes.
Mr. Sourwine. When was this meeting ?
Colonel Carrillo. The week that Mikoyan was in Havana.
Mr. Sourwine. You learned this the same way you got the other
information ?
Colonel Carrillo. No ; it was from another source.
Mr. Sourwine. Was this other source reliable ?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes ; I was for a year Chief of Intelligence.
Mr. Sourwine. Yes ; we know that.
Colonel Carrillo. That is why I have reliable sources of informa-
tion.
Mr. Sourwine. You have reliible sources of information in various
parts of Cuba?
Colonel Carrillo. All par ts.
Mr. Sourwine. You know ttat Mikoyan visited the Isle of Pines
while he \^ as in Cuba ?
Colonel Carrillo. I did not have any information that he was
there, but the person who saw him there told me he was there.
Mr. Soirwine. We know this, but we did not know that he visited
the Isle of Pines, and I want the record to be clear whether he visited
the Isle of Pines and while there met Castro at this house.
Colonel Carrillo. The meeting was secret. The people around
there had rumors. The person who told me — he saw it.
Mr. Sourwine. He saw Casti o and Mikoyan ?
412 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Colonel Carrillo. Yes; he identified them — Mikoyan and Castro.
There was a picture of them.
(The map is reproduced at p. 400.)
Colonel Carrillo. It is by hand. It is not exact.
As far as the political question is concerned, in that meeting — the
Isle of Pines — it was agreed, or it was discussed very much, about
the United States.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You are talking about the meeting between Castro
and Mikoyan.
Colonel Carrillo. Yes.
Mr. SouRwiNE. And you base this on information received from an
individual who was there ?
( Discussion off the record. )
Colonel Carrillo. The meeting took place in English. He [in-
formant] could not miderstand English.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Castro and Mikoyan spoke in English?
Colonel Carrillo. Mikoyan had an interpreter. Castro made order
to speak in English. The interpreter spoke to Mikoyan in Russian ;
to Castro in English.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Castro speaks English ?
Colonel Carrillo. Broken but understandable.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Then how do we loiow what they were talking
about ?
Colonel Carrillo. Now that is the question.
The people who were there in the meeting place: there was one
who was in the confidence of Castro. He was in charge of the kitchen,
bringing vodka and coffee and everything. When he went to the
kitchen he would tell what was discussed to the others — other aides
of Castro.
Mr, SouRWiNE. Actually, what you are reporting is what one of
Castro's officers told other Castro people in the kitchen ?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes; he went back and forth from the kitchen.
Mr. SouRwiNE. What did he tell them Castro was discussing?
Colonel Carrillo. I am explaining so, so you will believe what I
am explaining. That is what I am going to explain now.
This aide of Castro was indicating while the others were listen-
ing— "Now we are going to be strong. Now we will have all the help,
all the military aid. We will have planes, tanks."
And they used very derogatory language against this countiy when
they said they would have tanks and aircraft from the Soviet Union.
Another time, when he went where Castro and Mikoyan were
meeting, he was telling the others that Mikoyan was advising Castro
that he should not use systematic attacks against the United States,
and I have been able to coiToborate that because every day I listen to
the radio stations from Cuba. Sometimes they use bitter attacks.
Sometimes they are silent. In other words they do not use "propa-
ganda." So they are using that tactic because now they want to get
better relations so that they can prepare another attack some place
else.
Mr. SouRWiNE, This is what Castro said, or what Mikoyan said ?
Colonel Carrillo. This man who was coming back and forth from
the kitchen. He was drinking and it was not preparation for keep-
ing secrets.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 413
Mr. SouKWiNE. Now, I want to go over this phrase by phrase.
It is my understanding that the man who came into the kitchen,
came into the kitchen several times, and each time he said somethmg
else about what was going on.
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly.
Mr. SouRWiNE. On one occasion he said they are using bad lan-
guage about the United States?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes.
Mr. SouRwiNE. On another occasion he told Castro that he was
not supposed to attack the United States publicly.
Colonel Carrillo. Systematically.
Mr. SouRw^iNE. What other occasions ?
Coionel Carrillo. In the meeting Mikoyan advised Castro that he
should not attack the United States personally, but let his aides do so.
Mr. SouRWiNE. All right ; what else ?
Colonel Carrillo. This man that went back and forth — he came to
the kitchen and said — "I have told many times to Castro he should
let his assistants do that so he would not be on the spot. They can
use radio, press, and so forth, that he controls."
Mr. SouRwiNE. I want to determine if anything else was said by
the man who came back to the kitchen.
Colonel Carrillo. Now, sir, that is the conclusion
Mr. SouRwiNE. Never mind the conclusion. I want to know if you
know anything else that was said at the meeting.
Colonel Carrillo. As you know, sir, I have not all this on record,
but I have it in my mind.
Mr. SouRwiNE. I want to be sure you have told us all that hap-
pened at the meeting so far as you know it.
Colonel Carrillo. Now I am going to make a recollection in my
mmd to see if I have everything.
In this meeting, I think it seems to me that they only talk about the
relation of Cuba with this coimtry.
The men that were chosen after this meeting — the men that will
be needed to come here to have a meeting for better relations — this is
what this man told in the kitchen. This man was discussing in the
kitchen the men who will be members of that commission.
Mr. SouRWiNE. That was before anything was said to the United
States about such a meeting?
Colonel Carrillo. Oh, yes. When Mikoyan was in Cuba. That is
why I have given so much importance to this meeting because I have
seen that the evidence is coming to be true.
Kaul Roa — foreign minister of Cuba — is the strong ann of the
Communist Party in Cuba. Now this is about politics, about Castro.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you through now telling us everything that
took place at the meeting ?
Colonel Carrillo. I have already told you about that.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Before you go to something else, Mr. Mandel wants
to ask a question.
Mr. Mandel. Is it important to know the names of any other im-
portant Cubans who were also present? Eaul Castro, Che Gue-
vara
Colonel Carrillo. He told me about the most important officials,
and I ask him if Che Guevara was there or Raul.
414 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Mr. SouRWiNE. Did he say that Che Guevara was there? Was
Raul there?
Colonel Carrillo. By his features — he was able to tell from pictures
in the press — Raul Roa was at the meeting.
Che Guevara was at the Zapata Swamp when Mikoyan was there.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you know the names of any other persons who
were at the meeting ?
Colonel Carrillo. His recollection was that only three Cubans that
he knew. The rest were foreigners. Of the important officials — ■
three — the rest were foreigners. Fidel, Raul Roa, the third person
he was not able to recognize. There are newcomers in the regime.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did he say he only knows the names of three, or
that only three Cubans were there?
Colonel Carrillo. In the place where they had the meeting — in
that mansion — there were many persons. At the meeting seven —
three Cubans, four foreigners. Fidel, Raul Roa only could he identify.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Then there was (1) Fidel; (2) Raul Roa; (3)
Mikoyan; (4) tlie interpreter ; (5) another Cuban ; and the other two
were foreigners. Right ?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Who was the man coming out for coffee ?
Colonel Carrillo. A trusted man of Castro's.
Mr. SouRwiNE. He was in the meeting ?
Colonel Carrillo. No ; he was coming back and forth.
Mr. SouRwiNE. He said, if I understand, that the negotiators to
come to the United States were to be chosen by those at the meeting,
is that right ?
Colonel Carrillo. Of course my belief is that one of the members
of the commission will be Raul Roa. But he might not
Mr. Sour WINE. Did you not tell us earlier that the man who came
to the kitchen said it had been stated that the men who were to
come to the United States were to be chosen by the men at the
meeting ?
Colonel Carrillo. In the meeting they were talking about the ones
that they would choose to be members of the commission. They
were making a list. They were already planning for the commission.
But he did not say that those members of the commission would be
chosen by those at the meeting.
Mr. SouRwiNE. The question of who was to come to the United
States was discussed at the meeting?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes.
Mr. SoiTRwiNE. I just wanted to get that clear.
Now what else is there that you wanted to tell us, Colonel?
Colonel Carrillo. Now we have already concluded with this part.
The second part is in connection with politics.
They are doing a double play with Fidel. Even though they are
the ones who are strong and have control they know that they cannot
maintain that for too long in Cuba.
This branch is tiying to attach the Communists to their side so the
Communists who are today with Castro may be put out but this
opposite branch will be with Castro.
Of course this will bring about some confusion about what we are
talking about.
Communist thUeat to u.s. through the Caribbean 415
Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you saying that the Communists do not trust
Castro?
d^ Colonel Carrillo. No. I am trying to say that the Communists
are very smart. They know that the Cuban people do not like Com-
munists and they do not want to go togetlier with Castro. Well, the
idea is that even if Castro falls they will continue as an organized
Communist Party in Cuba.
Mr. SouRwiNE. "What specifically are they doing to carry out this
idea ?
Colonel Carrillo. They are having, you know, secret meetings —
with the blessing of Dr. Barona and Prio, the former President of
Cuba. The one that is taking care of the meetings is an old Commu-
nist. The man who is in charge of all these meetings is Aurelio
Sanchez Arango. I discovered this even though I am in a passive
investigation. Even though, I was surprised about the silence in
regard to Sanchez Arango. That is why I started to dig and found
that he is directing this meeting.
Mr. SouRAViNE. Are you trying to tell us that the Communists are
preparing a second echelon to take over if Castro goes out of power?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly.
Mr. SouRAViNE, In other words, the Communists feel that if Castro
goes out, Raul, Raul Roa, Che Guevara, etc., will go out.
Colonel Carrillo. They will do this: Raul, Che, will stay; but
they will purge Antonio Nunez Jimenez, and others, that are not
reliable to international Communists.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you saying they are planning on a people's
government which is wholly Communist to replace the Castro regime?
Colonel Carrillo. The people's republic is already organized.^ The
state has taken over all the property, all the land, all the industry.
In the schools they are teaching all the Communist doctrines. They
have organized militias.
Mr. SouRwiNE. "Wlio is to head this regime which will succeed
Castro?
Colonel Carrillo. In my opinion, within this new group that is
headed by Tony Barona and Sanchez Arango. They will have a
'^ Undersecretary of State Doug-las Dillon commented as follows on the Cuban situation
during a recent colloquy with Senator Keating on a television program :
"Keating. Do you think that Cuba is becoming a Communist satellite on our doorstep
here?
"Dillon. Certainly it's true that the Cuban Government — and I differentiate between
the Government and the people of Cuba — in the last year has become increasingly in-
filtrated by either Communists or close followers of the Communist Party line. And
looking at it from the other side, Mr. Khrushchev has announced that the Cuban revolu-
tion is the kind of revolution that he likes and the Soviet Union likes and that they want
to see used as a model all over the world — and not only in Latin America. They make no
bones about saying that Cuba is an ideological satellite of the Soviet Union. It certainly
is as far as the Government of Cuba and its leaders are concerned. Now all the same,
this is happening. It is developing in the economic field. It's a most regrettable situation.
"Keating. Is there anything that we can do to protect ourselves against this danger?
"Dillon. Well, there are plenty of things that we can do. I would not like to talk
about them in detail before we do them, but one thing that's happening is that there has
been a great change in the past year in the attitude generally in the other Americas. They
now understand much better than they did before the nature of Castro's government in
Cuba.
"Keating. Do you think that U.S. approval, or its attitude with regard to the over-
throw of the Korean President, Mr. Rhee, had anything to do at all with events in Turkey
and in Japan?
"Dillon. No. I don't think they had any connection at all in Korea, although Korean
people objected to the dictatorial way in which Rhee had run the country and so there's
a new government. This new government is working very closely with us. You saw what
happened in Turkey. The new Turkish Government has no problem of foreign policy or
American relationship. It is a purely internal question. Now the Japanese thing was
quite different. That was a Communist riot that was inspired."
416 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
smokescreen to cover before the eyes of this country. They will get
rid of Communists so as to be able to propagandize that they will
have democratic elections in Cuba. But it is only going to be a
smokescreen.
I came to this conclusion because of the silence of Sanchez Arango
when my reliable investigator told me there was something big about
Sanchez Arango.
So this same week they have reported to me the movement and
what Sanchez Arango is about to do. This includes secret meetings
between Communists, Sanchez Arango, and Tony Barona in Miami
Beach.
Mr, SouKwiNE. Is it your understanding that the Communists plan
to displace Castro, or that they are getting ready for what they con-
sider to be his inevitable fall ?
Colonel Carrillo. To me, this will be a Communist purge.
Mr. SouRwiNE, Who else will be purged ? Do you know ?
Colonel Carrijxo. Well, to this j^oint I do not know too much
more, but I am continuing to investigate. Last week came a dele-
gate from Sanchez to establish contact for a meeting which will take
place between Communists and a new pro-Communist group. It will
take place in Miami. I think he left last Sunday or at the beginning
of this week for Havana. I have no information yet whether the
delegate who came here was successful in making arrangements for
the meeting.
Mr. SouR^viNE. Will you know when this meeting is to be held?
Colonel Carrillo. I do not know exactly when that meeting will
take place, but I am trying to find out.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Wliere will the Communists who attend that meet-
ing come from ?
Colonel Carrillo. One of the things I am trying to find out is if
they are in this comitry or if they are coming from Cuba. But I be-
lieve that at this moment there is a very important man in Miami,
because the delegate who came to Miami, he was able to talk to that
man.
Mr. SoTTRwiNE. Do you know who this man is ?
Colonel Carrillo. Well, you see, it is hard to tell because I am try-
ing to find out — it could be my neighbor.
Mr. Sourwine. At this moment you don't know?
Colonel Carrillo. The only information I have at the moment is
that the delegate was able to talk to this other high person in Miami.
Mr. Sourwine. Is there any other subject you want to talk about?
Colonel Carrillo. Well, you see, sir, the other one I would like to
discuss— -I was 14 months there fighting against the Communists in the
mountains. That is why I know what is going on and what will
happen before. Before Castro seized power from Batista documents
fell into my hands that pointed out what they would do. One by one
I have been able to prove that it is being the same way that they
said. All the proof, I send it to the chief of the army in Havana.
Everything that is now happening was planned in the program of
Castro. The seizure of the land belonging to Americans and others ;
the relation to the church ; the diplomatic relation with countries be-
hind the Iron Curtain ; dissolution of the army.
(End executive session insert.)
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 417
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you recall telling us in executive session that
the Communists were doubledealing with Fidel Castro ?
Colonel Carrillo. You mean doubledealing; what do you mean?
Mr. SouRWiNE. Doubledealing. It isn't what I mean ; I am asking
if you remember that you told us anything along that line in executive
session ?
Colonel Carrillo. It means, I don't know, the phrase in Spanish,
doubledealing ; you mean purge ?
Senator Dodd. We have a language problem here all the time.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you remember telling us that the Communists
were not wholeheartedly supporting Castro but were privately mak-
ing plans for what they were going to do when the Castro government
fell?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly; yes.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Well, now, will you tell us about that ?
Colonel Carrillo. The Communists are already prepared in case
Castro fails, a second movement known as the purge; when a leader
is burned in the public mind he disappears as a leader, and some other
chief, leader, is put in his stead. That is exactly what I have informa-
tion is occurring in Cuba. To avoid that, the Communist Party may
be surprised in a collapse that it may suffer, the person of Fidel Castro,
but he is not separated from this maneuver, nor Raul Castro, his
brother, and "Che" Guevara, the second man in command, and Nunez
Jimenez. But they are trying, these persons, that I have just men-
tioned, in combination with the Socialist Popular Party of Cuba, to
find persons, political Cubans, that are not mixed in or members of
the Socialist Party, So in case of a political collapse they can form
a government which may not appear to be so much to the left but
that serves their interest.
Senator Dodd. We will have to recess, we have a roUcall. We will
convene within 30 minutes.
(Brief recess.)
Senator Dodd, The committee will resume its hearing.
Mr. SouRwi]srE. Colonel, do you have information respecting secret
meetings of the Communist Party involving one Aureliano Sanchez
Arango ?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly.
Mr. SouRWiNE. What does he have to do with those meetings ?
Colonel Carrillo. I have from Havana that Aureliano Sanchez
Arango, who was one of the founders of the Conmiunist Party in Cuba,
later infiltrated into the political party of the authentic revolutionary
party of Cuba. He had a conversation with some members of the
Socialist Popular Party Communists in which he referred to a future
purge in the present Communist Cuban movement.
My informant believes in view of the data that they have, that what
the Socialist Party is trying to do, is to put Aureliano Sanchez
Arango, whom they swear is not a Communist, that he is authentic,
that he is a democrat, in order that when the collapse happens on one
of the persons, to substitute, to put the figure of Aureliano in power in
Cuba. There is something more. My informant says, and that I
could confirm with another report from this country, that Aureliano
Sanchez sent a delegate to Miami to have a conference with important
people, that were carrying out this purge.
418 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Mr. SouRwiNE. He was to have a meeting in Miami.
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly.
Mr. SouRwiNE. With whom, if you know ?
Colonel Carrillo. The delegate came to contact important people
in Miami to hold this meeting-
Mr. SouRWiNE. You mean important people, important Cubans or
important Americans ?
Colonel Carrillo. The persons that worked together, my informant
that worked together on this matter informed me that they were im-
portant Cuban people, and it seems that they have singled out a place
outside of Miami for this purpose.
Mr. SouRWiNE, Do you know where this place is ?
Colonel Carrillo. No, I don't know it now.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you laiow whether this meeting has been held or
Avhether any such meeting has been held ?
Colonel Carrillo. I understand, I believe, upon the basis of the in-
formation that I have that this meeting has not yet taken place.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you know when that is to take place ?
Colonel Carrillo. This conference was supposed to have taken
place on the 1st of May but upon infonnation received in the middle
of last month I understand that it has been postponed, but they do
have the will to take place.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you understand that what is contemplated here
is a meeting between a leading Cuban Communist and American Com-
munists? Or is this a meeting between a leading Cuban Communist
and persons in America who are not Communists ?
Colonel Carrillo. My informers have declared, upon infonnation
which they have received from Cuba, which is true, they are men of
the Communist Party of Cuba, and men of Fidel Castro which have
infiltrated into places and into organizations, Cubans, like the Cath-
olic Action, Lions, Eotarians, clubs which are in the public
Mr. SouRWiNE. You mean in this country ?
Colonel Carrillo. In Cuba.
Mr. SouRwiNE. And they are coming to Miami for this meeting.
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. But I want to point out that they are
not known people that I could — that anybody could point them out.
But they tell me that one of the most important and wlio was going
to assist that meeting is probably Aureliano Sanchez. He has entered
many times surreptitiously into the United States when he was making
a revolution against Batista, because personally, I made a report of
an entry that he made through NeAv Orleans, with the name of false
passport-s, on one day he M^as arrested there by the name of Jose Sanchez
of nationality which I don't remember at this time, whether it was
Mexican or Guatemalan.
Mr. SouRWiNE. We are considerably afield from where we started
with this question.
You have identified the nature at least of the Cubans who expect
to come to Miami for this meeting. What can you tell us about the
people now in the United States who will attend this meeting? Are
they Communists or non-Communists, are they Castro people, what
are they ?
Colonel Carrillo. My informant says that he personally spoke to
the delegate sent by Aureliano Sanchez Arango to Miami and he tells
COIVlJVrUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 419
me that that conference is completely controlled by the Communists.
And the concept of the people who talked there in Miami are Com-
munists.
Mr SouRwiNE. This is then a meeting to be attended by Cuban
Communists and American Communists ?
Colonel Carrillo. No, he understands that they are going to be
strictly Cuban Communists.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Cuban Communists from Cuba and Cuban Commu-
nists from this country ?
Colonel Carrillo. Cuban Communists which reside in Cuba, and
Cuban Communists w^hich reside in this country.
Mr. SouRWiNE. All right. Now, you have told us at some length
about a concrete construction. Do you have information about a
similar construction in the mountains of Grande Piedra in Santiago de
Cuba?
Colonel Carrillo. Yes, that is what it is.
In this place of Grande Piedra in Santiago de Cuba they are con-
structing a tourist zone. You understand all these movements they
are doing are camouflaged as for tourists or for agricultural activities,
but they are also constructing, in this Grande Piedra, houses for
tourists and a highway and bases, concrete bases where telescopes will
be placed to observe the mountains around and its valleys, but that it
attracts very much the attention of my informers [who think] that a
mere wooden platform would be sufficient for that, and they are making
solid bases and deep, that they are covered by picturesque houses;
that through the windows they show telescopes to see the scenery
around. That is all the information I have about that place now.
Mr SouRwiNE. All right.
Do you know whether Camilo Cienfuegos is dead?
Colonel Carrillo. That is very difficult to assure in Cuba, if he is
dead or alive. But the majority of the people in Cuba, whether they
are pro-Castro or against Castro, they publicly discuss that he was
killed before he boarded the airplane where he had the accident. And
the fact of the suicide.
An employee of the control tower of Camaguey, because he knew
here something about this, in the same manner, his assistant died,
Commandante Naranjo, that he dies in the confusion when they asked
him about his card to enter into the military camp in that the gate
guards opened fire and killed him.
And men that supposedly were to go with him in the mountains,
and they knew each other, Naranjo was killed by an officer of their
army that answers to the name of Beaton.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Is this the same Beaton who is supposed to be leading
a guerrilla force against Castro in Sierra ?
Colonel Carrillo. Exactly.
Mr. SouRWiNE. I have no further questions of this witness, Mr.
Chairman.
Senator Dodd. I think this would be a good point at which to recess.
We will recess until 2:15.
(Whereupon, at 12 :30 p.m., the hearing was recessed until 2 :15 p.m.
of the same day.)
420 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
AFTERNOON SESSION
(Hearing resumed at 2:25 p.m. pursuant to adjournment.)
Senator Keating. Will you call the first witness ?
Mr. SouRwiNE. Gen. Francisco J. Tabernilla.
Senator Keating. Will you raise your right hand, please?
Do you solemnly swear that the evidence you will give in this pro-
ceeding will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth,
so help you God?
General Tabernilla. I do.
TESTIMONY OF GEN. FRANCISCO J. TABERNILLA
(THROUGH AN INTERPRETER)
Mr. SouRwiNE. Your full name, sir.
General Tabernilla. Francisco Tabernilla.
Mr. SouR^^^:NE.• You are a former Chief of Staff of the Cuban Army ?
General Tabernilla. Yes, sir.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you speak English, General?
General Tabernilla. Well, I speak some English.
Mr. SouRwiNE. We can conduct this in English if the Chair pleases
and use the interpreter if his services seem to be needed.
General Tabernilla. Thank you.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Would you sit there, Mr. Interpreter ?
If the general feels the need of having a question interpreted, he
can indicate and you can interpret it.
General, you are a graduate of the Cuban Military Academy ?
General Tabernilla. Yes, sir.
Mr. SouRwiNE. In what year ?
General Tabernilla. 1917.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You are then a career soldier ?
General Tabernilla. Yes.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You have spent your life in the army of Cuba?
General Tabernilla. More than 40 years.
Mr. SouRwiNE. How many governments of Cuba did you serve
under. General ?
General Tabernilla. About five.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Five. You were Chief of Staff of the Cuban Army
at the time the Batista government was overthrown ?
General Tabernilla. I was Joint Chief of the General Staff.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you remember telling us in executive session
about what you referred to as Batista's betrayal of the Cuban people ?
General Tabernilla. I explained about the way he left Cuba.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Will you tell us about that now, please ?
General Tabernilla. Yes.
On the 31st of December 1958, I was at home, and one of his aides
called by telephone to my house inviting me to be at General Batista's
house in Camp Columbia at half past 11 with my wife to have coffee
for the New Year.
So I went there at half past 11. He got in about 10 minutes to 12.
And after 1 o'clock, 10 minutes past 1, I think, he called us into his
office down there, and he read a paper, and he was resigning as Presi-
dent of the Republic on account of he didn't want any more bloodshed
among the Cuban people. And he asked us to resign also our posts.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 421
Mr. SouRwiNE. He asked you to resign ?
General Tabernilla. Yes.
Mr. SouRwiNE. That is, you, his officers ?
General Tabernilla. Myself and all the generals, too, that were
present at that meeting at his office. And he told us that we had to
take a plane, I think it was around 3 in the morning. And he had
previously given the name to his aide what plane I should take with
my family, and all the generals, too.
We came here to the United States, we arrived at Jacksonville the
1st day of January. And he went to Santo Domingo, the Dominican
Republic.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Could the Cuban Army have resisted successfully
the march on Havana if it had been ordered to do so ?
Could Castro's march on Havana have been successfully resisted if
the army had been ordered to resist it ?
General Tabernilla. You mean the 1st day of January ?
Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes, sir.
General Tabernilla. No; General Cantillo — General Batista
named General Cantillo in charge of the Government. He said a
junta — a junta is three or four — and he named Cantillo.
Senator Keating. You had better use the interpreter. I don't
think he understands the question.
Mr, SouRwiNE. Interpret my question, please. The question is,
General, could the march on Havana have been successfully resisted
if the army had been ordered to resist it ?
General Tabernilla. It could, but not for a long time, because by
that time the people of Cuba were already against the regime of
Batista, and there is no army, once the people get up in arms, that
can suppress it.
Mr. SouRWiNE. The people themselves supported this revolution,
did they not ?
General Tabernilla. Completely.
Mr. SouRWiNE. And that is why the revolution succeeded ?
General Tabernilla. Exactly.
Senator Keating. Could the Castro forces, the so-called rebels, have
been eliminated if the order had been given earlier to wipe them out?
General Tabernilla. Yes, certainly, it could have been done if, at
the time Castro landed, the proper orders were given to suppress him ;
there is no doubt that it could have been done,
Mr. SouRwiNE. General, are you acquainted with the present chief
police of Havana ?
General Tabernilla. No, sir.
Mr. SotJRwiNE. Do you know who he is ?
General Tabernilla. No, sir.
I know by the papers, his name is Almejeiras, but I don't know him
personally and never heard of him.
Mr. Sourwine. Was your brother Minister to Colombia during the
Bogota riots?
General Tabernilla. Yes, sir ; he was Minister of the Legation in
Cuba ; he was Minister there in the Legation in Cuba.
Mr. Sourwine. In the Colombian Legation ?
General Tabernilla. No, the Cuban Legation in Colombia.
43354—60 — pt. 7 8
422 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Mr. SouRwiNE. And he was in Bogota ?
General Tabernilla, Bogota, the capital ; yes.
Mr. Sour WINE. Was Raul Castro there ?
General Tabernilla. I don't know.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Was Fidel Castro ?
General Tabernilla, Fidel was there.
Mr. SouRwiNE. What do you know about that ?
General Tabernilla. The only thing I know is that he took part
in the big riot they had there, and he bragged of killing himself sev-
eral persons.
Mr. Sourwine. You have this from your brother ?
General Tabernilla. I got that from my brother, and he is dead.
Mr. Sourwine. Would you tell us. General, about the indoctrina-
tion of the Cuban Army with Communist propaganda?
General Tabernilla. Now you mean, the indoctrination now ?
Mr. Sourwine. No; what do you know about indoctrination of the
army with communism at any time.
General Tabernilla. Not during the time of the regime of Gen-
eral Batista, not then. There is now. But I don't know about it
other than what I read in the papers.
Senator Keating. There was no Communist infiltration in the army
during the regime of Batista ?
General Tabernilla. None.
Mr. Sourwine. What effect, if any, did Communist propaganda
have on the army under Batista and before Castro took over?
General Tabernilla. The Communist propaganda was sent by
Fidel Castro himself to the chiefs of the armed services to the line
troops, the fighting troops that were in the field. He would write
them in their own handv/riting making propositions that the war
was not against the army but it was against the Batista regime, that
we were all but brothers.
Mr. Sourwine. Was this propaganda successful in causing defec-
tions of Batista officers and troops?
General Tabernilla. There were two cases.
Mr. Sourwine. Only two ?
General Tabernilla. Two, sir, that went over to the enemy, and a
battalion that fought for 11 days and then surrendered.
Mr. Sourwine. During the fighting against the Castro forces,
were there requests by field commanders to General Batista for more
troops and supplies ?
General Tabernilla. Yes, sir. There were requests for personnel
and munitions.
Mr. Sourwine. Were these requests granted ?
General Tabernilla. Some of them, the majority were not.
Mr. Sourwine. Did the failure to grant these requests have any-
thing to do with the success of the Catsro forces?
General Tabernilla. One of the reasons.
Mr, Sourwine. Do you have any knowledge, General, respecting the
intentions of Fidel Castro as regards the United States?
Senator Keating. Wait a minute.
I would like to ask a question before that question is answered.
Do you favor the return of Batista in power to Cuba ?
General Tabernilla. I don't think he has any chance at all.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 423
Senator Keating. Do you personally favor it ?
General Tabernilla. No. Pie was my friend and commander until
the 31st of December 1958. Since, no more; I have nothing to do with
General Batista.
Senator Keating. Do you think it would be a mistake for him to
return to Cuba ?
General Tabernilla. Why, sure.
Senator Keating. You tliink that his return to Cuba would not be
in the interest of the Cuban people ?
General Tabernilla. The Cuban people would not take Batista any
more ; I am sure of that.
Senator Keating. I am quite sure of that, too, but my question is,
Do you think his return would be in the interest of the Cuban people ?
General Tabernilla. No, sir.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have any knowledge respecting the inten-
tions of Fidel Castro as regards the United States ?
General Tabernilla. I know nothing personally about him other
than what I read in the newspapers. From what I read that is hap-
pening, it is clear that he is an enemy of the United States.
Mr. SouRwiNE. I have no more questions, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Keating. No further questions.
Mr. Sourwine. Salvador Diaz-Verson y Rodriguez.
Senator Dodd (now presiding). Will you raise your right hand?
Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you will give before this
committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the
truth, so help you God ?
Mr. Rodriguez. I imderstand.
TESTIMONY OF SALVADOR DIAZ-VERSON Y RODRIGUEZ
(THROUGH AN INTERPRETER)
Senator Dodd. Will you take the chair and give your name and
address ?
Mr. Sourwine. What is your full name ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Salvador Diaz-Verson y Rodriguez.
Mr. Sourwine. What is your business or profession ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. New^spaperman and writer.
Mr. Sourwine. Were you ever in the aiTuy ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. I was Chief of Military Intelligence from the
year of 1948 until March 10, 1952.
Mr. Sourwine. Were you ever Chief of Criminal Investigations
and the investigation of communism in Cuba ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir; in the year of 1933 for the first time,
and in 1948 until 1952 in an official capacity, although since the year
of 1928 I have dedicated myself to study to investigate Communist
activities in America.
Senator Keating. Since what year ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. 1928 on.
Mr. Sourwine. Were you a supporter of Batista ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Since the 10th of March of 1952 when Batista
had the coup d'etat, I lived for 2 yeare in Miami as an exile.
Mr. Sourwine. During Batista's regime ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir.
424 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Mr. SouRWiNE. Were you ever a supporter of the Castro move-
ment, the 26th of July movement ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Never. I was a member of the Carlos Prio
movement, and I also refused to participate in any meeting with Fidel
Castro.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Is it true that the Castro regime destroyed files on
Cuban Communists ?
Senator Keating. Just one minute before you answer that.
You have never been at any time a supporter of Batista, is that
correct ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir.
In 1933, when Batista took the power, a group of revolutionaries
that had joined, we joined the 4th of September movement, of which
movement Batista himself was a member. But that reunion did not
last but 5 months and 22 days. We immediately opposed him.
Senator Keating. And that was in what year ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. 1934.
Senator Keating. And you have ever since 1934 opposed Batista;
IS that correct ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. When Batista first established his first con-
nection with the Communists in 1934, 1 opposed him.
Senator Keating. Have you always since that time opposed him ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir, affirmatively.
Senator Keating. And you think that any efforts of his to return
to Cuba would not be in the interest of the Cuban people; is that
correct ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. You make reference to the present time ?
Senator Keating. Yes.
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Negatively. The Cuban people would never
support the Batista regime again.
,-' Senator Keating. And you personally would never support it
again ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. No, sir.
Senator Keating. I want to make a comment.
I think that we should make it very clear at the outset of testimony
that we do not want to call any witness who is a supporter of Batista
or who feels that his return to Cuba would be of interest to the Cuban
people.
One or two of the other witnesses have been rather equivocal in that
matter. I think we should avoid calling witnesses in this proceeding
that are not ready to testify under oath unequivocally that they are
opposed to the Batista regime.
We have plenty of evidence, I believe, without calling such wit-
nesses— I do not think that they add anything to the proceedings,
because they could well be shown to have a bias. And I think the
testimony of this witness has been made considerably more weighty
by his unequivocal testimony that he is opposed to the return of
Batista in any shape or form.
Proceed.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Is it true that the Castro forces destroyed files on
Cuban Communists ?
Mr. Diaz- Verson. Yes, sir.
Mr. Sourwine. How many such files ?
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 425
Mr. Diaz-Verson. I had privately an archive which comprised
250,000 cards of Latin American Communists and 943 personal rec-
ords. This was the result of my trips all over Latin America visiting
country by country, what were the conditions of communism, and
what numbers of Communists there were in each place. That archive
was stolen and destroyed by the Communists on January 26, 1959.
Senator Iveating. When you say stolen and destroyed by the Com-
munists, can you be more specific ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Do you want the name of the persons that went
there, the ones that did it ?
Senator Keating. Were you there at the time ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. No ; I was not present at that moment. I had an
employee who took care of the archives. A group of foiu: men armed
with machineguns arrived.
Senator Iveating. When was this ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. January 26, 1959. They gagged the employee,
they destroyed the furniture, and they took what was inside the metal
files. The neighbors, because it was an apartment house, saw from
the balconies that it was a truck of the 7th military regiment. They
testified, and it was published in the newspapers of January 27 of
1959 in Havana.
Senator Keating. Wliere were you then ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. I was working at that time in the newspaper
Excelsior, where I was in charge of redaction, of writing.
Senator Keating. Wlien did you come to this country ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. The 19th of March of 1959.
Mr. Sourwine. I show you a list of names which you gave the com-
mittee, and I ask if you can, of your own knowledge, state that each
of the individuals here listed has been indicated in the official files
as Communists?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir; all of these names represent persons
well known by me to be Communists with a long history, but I wish
to request permission of the Senators to state that from this date that
I gave his report to the present time, the situation in Cuba has changed
extraordinarily, and new situations have been created.
If you will permit me briefly, I will make an explanation.
We, the investigators of social problems of the Communists, have
already established that Cuba is now a socialistic Soviet republic.
And we haven't established this capriciously, but because the Com-
munists have a bible, which is a book entitled "Leninismo," written by
Stalin, which is a consulting book to all the Commmiists in the world
to establish socialist regimes. It appears here that there are two types
of revolutions, a bourgeois revolution and a socialist revolution, and
Stalin stated perfectly which was one type and which is the other
type.
In accordance with those studies, through investigations which are
not mistaken, because they are laboratoiy studies, a professional
group, as specialists in this study of conununism, we have arrived at
the total conclusion that in Cuba there now exists a regime socialist
Soviet. And I have written, compiled a booklet of sociology that I
am mailing to all the universities in Latin America where, after I
have explained the technical studies of the Communists, I explain
426 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
in sketches how the Soviet regime operates now in Cuba. I can leave
the Senators a copy. It is written in Spanish.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman, I ask that this be received, subject
to the lulling that its printing be withheld subject to the committee's
determination.
Senator Dodd. Yes.
(Booklet referred to was placed in the subcommittee files for
reference.)
Mr. SouRwiNE. In regard to this list, at the time you gave it to the
committee, it was secret and we accepted it with that classification.
Mr. Diaz-Verson. I can repeat it publicly — I can repeat them now
if you so desire, Senators.
Mr. SoTHWiNE. I don't think it is necessary for the witness to repeat
them. I just want to know if the witness has any reason why the list
should not be printed in the public press ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. I have not. I will be satisfied if it is published.
Mr. SouRWiNE. I ask that this list go in the record, then.
Senator DoDD. It may go in.
(The list referred to with the explanation made by the witness at the
time, is as follows:)
Exhibit No. 8
Present Image of the Official Leadership of the Communist Party in Cuba
The Communists have everywhere two images of leadership: One that they
show to the public, and the other that acts underground [or — "one visible ; the
other invisible"].
The "underground" is the one that operates at La Cabana [prison], with Che
Guevara, Carlos Rafael Rodriguez, Raul Castro, and others. The public and
official one is the following :
Juan Marinello
Bias Roca Calderio
Anibal Escalante Dellunde
Manuel Luzardo
Joaquin OrdoquI
Ldzaro Peiia
Carlos Rafael Rodriguez
Ladislao Gonzalez Carvajal
Ursinio Rojas
Salvador Garcia Agiiero
Nicolfis Guillen
Arnaldo Milian
Felipe Torres
Ramon Calcine
Silvio Quintana
Romerico Cordero
Jos6 Luis Gonzalez
Vicente Valdes
Edith Garcia Buchaca
Leonides Calderio
Cesar Escalante Dellunde
Flavio Bravo
Osvaldo Sanchez
Maria Nunez
Clementina Serra
Jacinto Torres
Mirta Aguirre
Ram6n Nicolau
Felipe Carneado
Oscar Ortiz
ilonorio Ntinez
Leon el Soto
Joel Domenech
Virgilio Zaldivar
Mr. Diaz-Verson. If you will please permit me, I am about to
Twenty-four hours ago there was constituted in Havana the First
International Communist Anti-American, the official newspaper for
the Communist Party. It says :
The Cuban revolution starts a new era with the liberation of the people of
America.
The names appear of the delegates of all the Latin American coun-
tries that attended that meeting, and the text of the call wluch is being
made to all the people of America to destroy the democracies ot
America.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 427
I can also deliver to the Senators this copy, which is a copy of an
official newspaper of the Government of Cuba dated yesterday. This
new International has as its objective to have all the people of Amer-
ica be against America. At this time in Havana is operated an office
to which I made reference in the executive session, where there were
delegates of all the Latin American countries and some of Europe and
Asia. Now that organization turns out to be an international entity
to organize the student body, laborers, intellectuals, farmers, and
politicians against North America.
The basic objective of this movement and the strategic object of the
revolution in Cuba is to call up the people of America, and I can guar-
antee, Senators, that on my last trip through Latin America I found a
lot of propaganda and agitation against the United States.
The Soviet Union is fundamentally preoccupied with the propa-
ganda because it is the first weapon at the present time. The tele-
vision and radio have wrought a psychological revolution to our coun-
tries, and the Soviet Union is taking good advantage to set the people
of Latin America against North America.
Within the United Statues, in each capital, in each city, there is a
movement under the name of "26th of July," by agents of the Com-
munists, and enemies of the United States.
In Miami money is collected to buy weapons for Castro, stating
that it is to attack the United States.
At a baseball game where I was two Sundays ago, they discussed the
members of the "26th of July" publicl}^.
Senator Keating. Wlio discussed it and where was the baseball
game?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Orange Bowl, Miami, in the bleachei-s.
Senator Keating. Was it where Havana was playing in the Inter-
national League ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. No; they are not official baseball games, amateur
games. A group of members of the "26th of July" discussed that in
case of war between Kussia and the United States, they would be with
Kussia.
Senator Keating. Were they U.S. citizens or Cuban citizens?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Cubans, residents in the United States.
In this same newspaper
Senator Keating. Are they in this country for permanent resi-
dence ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Many of them, a great majority of them.
Senator Keating. Were you present at tliat time ?
Mr. Diaz- Verson. Yes, sir ; I heard it.
Senator Keating. State their names.
Mr. Diaz-Verson. I do not know them personally. I went to the
game because of my brother-in-law, Manuel Perez, that plays as a
catcher, and he discussed with the group of the "26th of July." I
heard the loudness in their voices and so I approached them.
Senator Keating. Wlien was this, 2 weeks ago ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir ; 2 weeks ago.
Then I reported this to the Federal Bureau in Miami.
Senator Keating. I did not hear the answer.
Mr. Diaz-Verson. And I reported this to the Federal Bureau in
Miami, and I reported to Immigration that there was a great group
428 COMMXTNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
of Cubans that were going to parade on the 1st of May in Havana in
a demonstration against the United States. In this paper there is a
photograph of Miami, of the chib "26th of July" collecting money for
weapons for Fidel. And that is being done in many cities in the United
States.
Senator Keating. Do you Imow how these people got here ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Many of those persons are Cuban immigrants
that came many years ago or some years ago that left because of the
political problems in Cuba. But when Fidel came to the United
States, copying what was done by Marti, he went to look at the immi-
grant groups. He organized them in clubs. He sent them pamphlets,
books, and other propaganda. He hypnotized them, suggested to them
in the same manner that the Senators may recall Hitler used in the last
war to push the movement of propaganda, that they were against the
United States.
In the newspaper Hoy, official organ of the Communist Party in
Cuba, a communication dated in Miami, signed by Alberto Lopez y
Lopez, under the name of a maritime federation, Latin America, where
he ratifies to the Confederation of Laborers of Cuba his membership
in the union to them.
This is proof of how, within the United States, there are groups
working in favor of the Communists and against the United States.
This is briefly what I wanted to say. If the Senators wish to
question me
Mr. SouRwiNE. What is this newspaper that you showed us first?
Mr. Diaz-Verson". Revolucion.
Mr. SouRWiNE. I do not want to offer the newspapers for the record,
but I think they should be left with the committee and the committee
can decide later.
Senator Dodd. Very well.
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Can I ask permission in relation to this news-
paper to say 2 days ago there was here a Communist photographer
who sent information injurious to the Senators. For instance, it
says Senator Eastland said that he would give $35 to each of us, and
he called us a word "Esbirro" which in Cubia is an offiensive word, and
he prepared false combinations of photography
Mr. SouRwiNE. Wait a minute.
Who is "he," who prepared anything false ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. The photographer that was here working for
days.
Senator Dodd. Is he here at the hearings ?
Mr. SouRwiNE. The headline says "Criminals in the United States."
Senator Keating. Which one does he refer to there ?
Mr. SouRwiNE. The headline says "Criminals in the United States,"
does it not ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yankees. The photography showed persons
who have appeared before this committee to testify.
Senator Keating. Does he call Senator Eastland a Yankee in there ?
Is that the word you meant, the dirty word ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Composite photography shows Cubans have
testified who belong to the Batista regime, and persons who are against
Batista. They put them together in a composite picture to make it
appear that they were all in accord.
COMMUNIST THREAl' TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 429
The newspaper pictures speak for themselves. I can leave them
here.
Mr. SouRWiNE. If you would, leave the papers with the committee.
Senator Kj:ating. And we want to warn these photographers that
we don't want any more of these composite pictures.
Mr. Diaz- Verson. The newspaper Hoy announces the expropriation
of land of Americans in Cuba. When this news was publislied—
when this information was published, the United Fruit did not know
then that they had taken their lands away, and Dr. Galdos Marino,
who is the intellectual director of the expropriation of American prop-
erty in Cuba, is now in Washington, D.C., in a conference of agricul-
tural reform, and several known Communists in Cuba have recently
obtained permission to come to or to live in the United States.
In the days of Galdos Marino — he is one of the Cuban Communists,
well-known in his fight against America. He publishes articles
mostly every day against the United States. However, he obtained a
visa, and he is in Washington now.
Senator Keating. Is he here in an official capacity ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Possibly ; yes.
Senator Keating. Representing the Government of Cuba ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Undoubtedly he is.
Senator Keating. Is he one of the delegates who is attending a con-
ference here ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir.
Senator Keating. He is representing the Government of Cuba and
is a known Communist in Cuba ; is that right ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir ; affirmatively.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Are you going to let us have that newspaper, Hoy ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes.
One of the matters which I wish to just mention briefly is Prensa
Latina, which has been spoken about here.
I am president of the Inter- American Organization of Newspaper-
men Against An ti- Communism, which has its headquarters in Lima,
Peru, and has a membership of 826.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You translated that as "Newspapermen Against
Anti- Communism." Perhaps he meant newspapermen against com-
munism ?
It seems from the witness' testimony so far that he would hardly
be a member of a group of newspapermen against anticommunism.
The Interpreter. I am requesting the witness to write the name of
the organization.
He wrote "Inter- American Organization of Anti-Communist News-
papermen."
Mr. SouRwiNE. Thank you.
Mr. Diaz-Verson. It has a membership of 826 members in Latin
America. And it was established when we knew that in Havana they
were going to establish Prensa Latina in the month of June of 1959.
We investigated who were going to be the correspondents in all the
countries of America, and we found that there were Communists in 72
percent of their number.
Later the agency Prensa Latina has followed totally the newspaper
code written by Tass. That says no information can be made without
any political objective and that propaganda should be directed always
toward an objective.
430 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Prensa Latina organized in March of 1960 a congress of Soviet
newspapermen in Havana which was participated in by delegates
of all the news agencies from behind the Iron Curtain, including
China.
While this congress was taking place, they inaugurated a 4-hour
daily program of radio in Spanish toward Latin America. And now
there are 14 shortwave stations transmitting from between noon to
2 a.m. from Havana propaganda in favor of the Communists and
against North America. And you can hear it in an extraordinary
way, because the Communists give it to clubs and reunion groups;
they put it on the radio, and thus they make certain that the other
non-Communists must hear the program, too, and the propaganda.
In the propaganda the Communists have advanced much more than
the United Sattes. And with this I am extraordinarily preoccupied.
Senator Keating. Preoccupied means worried, does it not?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. I am worried, because during the 32 years I have
studied Communists I have been able to confirm how communism
advances while our countries do not wake up.
Within 48 hours from next Sunday there are going to be elections in
Panama. And it is quite sure that the Communist Party in Panama
will win the elections. And there is panic now in Panama between
the persons who are non-Communists, thinking that on Sunday, when
the success of the Communist Party in Panama may be known, that
there may be grave disorders.
And that is a worry, too, of the people of Guatemala.
And that is the woriy of Honduras, where the active members got
together, and they asked the President, Dr. Ramon Villeda Morales,
for arms to defend themselves against Communists, because the prop-
aganda of the Conununists is covering all over Latin America.
Mr. SouRwiNE. It should also be emphatically the worry of the
United States?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. We, the democrats of America, we see the United
States as the leader of the democracies in the Western Hemisphere.
And when we see that here within the countiy the Communists in-
crease, and letters are published like the one yesterday which was
published by the Washington Post from an alleged Communist, that
says that in the United States there are lynchings, liberty is restricted,
and talks in favor of Castro, creating confusion, I see that there is
an underground movement working all over this country, while we,
the democrats and the anti-Communists, we are inferior.
Senator I^ATiNG. Inferior?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir.
Senator Keating. Wliat do you mean by "inferior" ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. There is no organization in the United States
nor in Latin America which is dedicated to the defense of the demo-
cratic regime, to educate the child in school that he is living in liberty,
and that the capitalist regime is the only economic system that already
has its own revolution, like the system of corporations. There is no
feudal capitalism now. However, there are newspapers, books, tele-
vision, conferences at universities against the democracy, against the
capitalist system, against the liberty wliicli the Western Hemisphere
is enjoying, while in Cuba the propaganda is controlled by the Gov-
ernment, and it is brainwashing the brains of the Cubans, And the
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 431
Cuban, when he doesn't hear things about Cuba, can hear foreign
matters, communism, because the radio channels of 16, 19, 25, and 31
meters are covered by Communist programs.
We, the democrats, we have no means to counteract this campaign
and take the poison which is being put into the Cuban brain. That
is why I said that we are inferior.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know Carlos Rafael Rodriguez ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Carlos Rafael Rodriguez was the brains behind
the Communist Party, and at the present time he is professor of the
University in Havana.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Was he connected with the 26th of July movement?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Two months after Castro was in the Sierra
Maestra — he went to the Sierra Maestra, and he was the one that made
the first agrarian reform that was dictated by Fidel Castro while at
Sierra Maestra. And he is one of the most influential personalities
presently in the Soviet Republic of Cuba.
Mr. SouRWiNE. What can you tell us about American Communists
visiting Cuba since Castro took over?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. There is a great interchange of North American
Communists visiting Havana. In that newspaper that I gave you
there is a delegation of North Americans participating in that which
I have called the first American Internationale.
Senator Keating. They are listed in this newspaper, the Americans
that were attending this ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir; affirmatively.
Senator Keating. Is this a Communist meeting ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir, a Communist, to such an extent that the
great majority of the delegates at the time of being identified — it says
president, secretary of such a country.
Senator Keating. Should we not have their names in the record?
Senator Dodd. Wliich paper do you refer to ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. I am making reference to the newspaper Revolu-
cion. I will mark them myself.
Senator Dodd. Verv good.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Read the names.
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Here it says Waldo Frank. This is the only
name that appears in this.
Senator Dodd. Did you say Waldo Frank ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir.
Senator Keating. Is he the one who wrote the article?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Waldo Frank was delegated for the United
States to this Communist meeting.
Senator Dodd. When was this meeting ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. On the 4th of May, 2 days ago. There partici-
pated all the important Communist figures in America.
Senator Dodd. Does it appear there that he is chairman of the
committee known as "Fair Play for Cuba in the United States" ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. No, sir ; it doesn't appear like that.
Senator Dodd. I think it ought to appear in the record that they
recently had a one-page advertisement in the New York Times, and
among many other names was the name of Waldo Frank as chairman
of a Committee for a Fair Deal in Cuba.
432 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Senator Keating. If it is the same Waldo Frank, which I assume.
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Before this congress, there were formed in all
the Latin American countries, including the United States, a Com-
mittee of Friends of the Cuban Kevolution, which were the advance
committees of this congress, which took place 48 hours ago. Waldo
Frank represented in New York the organization Friends of the
Cuban Revolution.
Senator Keating. Is Waldo Frank the only representative of the
United States at this conference ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. In this organization, yes. But I can assure you,
Senators, that when I reach Miami, I will send you the complete re-
port of my records of the North Americans which are in coimection
with and working with Fidel Castro, the names that I know.
Mr. SouRwiNE. I think the committee would like to have that.
Senator Dodd. Yes.
Mr. SouRWiNE. And we should have that in the record if it can be
supplied.
Senator Dodd. By all means.
Mr. Diaz-Verson. I solemnly promise to send it to you.
Mr. Sourwine. Do you know about visits to Cuba, since Castro
took over, by open leaders of the Communist Party in the United
States, such as William Foster ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir ; I know. But I would not risk at this
time giving you the names without having in mind the history.
I know, for instance, the movement which is taking place now in
Cuba among the American Negroes, and I am compiling the data of
the invitations that Castro is making to the American groups in the
United States to go to Cuba with their expenses paid. And I have
the names of several known American Communists that have gone to
Cuba, but I don't have them with me and I don't want to rely merely
on my memoiy.
Mr. Sourwine. Will you furnish those names to the committee ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir; I promise to send them to you as soon
as I reach Miami.
Mr. Sourwine. Do you have information about Soviet propaganda
published in New York and shipped to Cuba ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. No, sir.
Mr. Sourwine. Wliat can you tell us about the shipment of prop-
aganda ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. I have no knowledge of propaganda, I don't
remember of propaganda from New York to Cuba.
Mr. Sourwine. ^Vliat can you tell us about Soviet propaganda
coming into Cuba from anywhere ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Havana is invaded by Communist propaganda.
It comes from Mexico. It comes from Mexico and it comes from
Moscow, in proper Spanish, and books like this one from a common
library. It costs $5, but they sell it for 50 cents, because the idea is
that a lot of people can buy it.
Mr. Sourwine. Wlio is Lazaro Pena Gonzales ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Lazaro Pena Gonzales was a long-time member
of the Communist Party. He was secretary of the Federation of
Laborers of Cuba, and is presently vice president of the World Syndi-
cal Union (World Federation of Trade Unions).
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 433
Mr. SouRwiNE. Did he make a recent trip to Russia ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson". He lias traveled iii recent years frequently to
Eussia.
Mr. SouEwiNE. What is the connection with the Castro government ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Publicly, none. Castro's new Communist sys-
tem in Cuba has eliminated from the first plane many of those old-
time figures of communism, substituting for them persons who are
not so worn.
Mr. SouR^VINE. AVho is David Salvadore?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. David Salvadore is a member of the Commmiist
Party. He participated within the Communist Party, and he was
supported by the Commmiist Party to own the Federation of Cuban
Labor. But presently he has a crisis.
Mr. Souravine. I did not get the last word, presently what ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, he has a crisis. He has lost much of the
faith that the Commimist Party had in him, and he has been dis-
carded.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Who is Antonio Nunez Jimenez ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. He is one of the five supreme Soviets in Cuba.
He is the director of the agrarian reform, m Communist talk, the
supreme Soviet of the central government.
Mr. SouRwiNE. What can you tell us about an organization known
as the American- Caribbean Junta ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. The Soviet Union created in 1946 at the end of
the last war, an organization which was named "Junta of Latin
America Liberation," which had its headquarters in Prague, and
which had a delegate from each of the Latin American comitries.
Later it was divided. There was created a jmita or council of the
Central American and the Caribbean with headquarters in Mexico,
and presently it now functions in Havana. At the same time they
created a Comicil of Liberation of South America, which was divided
into the Pacific zone and the Atlantic zone. That Comicil of Libera-
tion of Central America and the Caribbean is what took the place
of the old Secretariat of the Caribbean which was owned by the Com-
mimists.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you say that this Junta of Liberation, which was
formed and controllecl by Moscow, was responsible for placing "Che"
Guevara next to Castro ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. "Che" Guevara was put in by the junta, and the
importance of "Che" Guevara in the Castro government reveals that
it has a great protection from outside.
Mr. Sourwine. Do you know of any connection that "Che" Guevara
had with a radio station under the name of "Red Star" ?
Mr. Diaz-Versox. The Red Star had a very brief life. It came into
life in Santa Clara, Cuba, on the 2Cth of December of 1958, and it
closed the 2d of January of 1959. Through the station "Che" Guevara
spoke from Santa Clara on a 20 meter frequency and, at Havana,
Carlos Franovi, who is now the director of the Revolucion newspaper.
Mr. Sourwine. Carlos Franovi also spoke ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. He was the person responsible for the Red Star
in Havana. I have the tape, I can give you the tape now of his
broadcasting.
434 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you have infoiTnation respecting* a file on Raul
Castro which was in the rexiords of the Cuban Intelligence Service?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Of Raul Castro, no, sir. I remember from all
the investigation that he was a Communist agent.
Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you remember telling us in executive session
about the three steps toward communism in Latin America?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir. That is why, when I first started to
speak, I explained that that step had already been advanced,
Mr. Sourwine. Now, in executive session you told us about Com-
munist control in the armed forces of Cuba.
Mr. Diaz-Verson. The armed forces of Cuba are not Cuban, they
are Communist.
Cuba has no army now, and it has to be outside of the mutual de-
fense pact, because the armed man will answer to communism and
not to the Cuban security.
Mr. Sourwine. Are you saying there are no non-Communists in
the Cuban armed forces today?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Everything is Communist in Cuba. The army
receives indoctrination, fihns, Communist films, Communist books,
professors of Marxism, so that that army is completely Communist.
Mr. Sourwine. Wliat can you tell us about Communist control in
the civil government of Cuba ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. The Government, what is known as the Govern-
ment in all democratic ways, the President and the Council of Minis-
ters, Secretaries, are dependent on the supreme Soviet. They change
a president, they remove a minister, they remove the whole govern-
ment, because of the orders of the supreme Soviet. It is a government
by front, where there is no legislative power, nor executive power,
it has not sufficient power, and the judicial power has been annulled
by the courts of the revolution.
Mr. Sourwine. Are you going so far as to say that there are no
persons in official positions in the civil government of Cuba except
Communists ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. There ai-e none. The last one that was there
was the minister of credit, and a month ago he was thrown out of
power.
Mr. Sourwine. Is there Communist control of labor in Cuba today ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Completely.
Mr. Sourwine. How strong is Communist influence among the
campesinos, the farmers?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. It was veiy strong, because the Communists ex-
pected [promised] that they were going to receive the land. But as
the months went by there has been disappointment among certain sec-
tions of the farmers. Now there is in Cuba — the laborer, intellec-
tuals, farmers, all of them are apparently satisfied with Castro,
because he who is not is accused of being counterevolutionary, and
they will take his property away, and jail him.
In my case I was against Batista, and I am well-known in Cuba
as a person who was against Batista. The mere fact of protesting
the Communist presence provoked them to take all my property
away. They took my home. They took my passport. And I have
been a man without a country, because they accused me of being
antirevolutionary, because I attacked communism.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 435
So then there is terror in all the social planes of Cuba. Yesterday
they called me by telephone from Miami to inform me that the family
of my wife that resided in Havana were jailed in venjreance because
I had come to testify before the U.S. Senate. And at this time I
don't know what has happened to them.
Senator Dodd. "\^^lo did you say this was, your wife's family ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Brothers and uncles of my wife, that had nothing
to do with me.
Mr. SouRWiNE. You say they live in Havana ?
Mr. Diaz- Verson. Yes, sir ; they do.
Mr. SouRwiNE. And they have been arrested and put in jail since
you came to testify before this committee ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir; as soon as my name appeared in the
newspaper Revolucion that I was here.
Senator Dodd. I suppose that the intention was to get you not to
testify any further, and I think you should be commended for going
ahead witli your testimony. And I know I speak for all the members
of the subcommittee when I say we are grateful to you for continuing
and appearing here today.
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Thank you, sir.
Mr. SouRwaNE. What can you tell us about Communist control over
student groups in Cuba ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Some years back the Communists changed the
tactic of having the laborers as an advance, and now they use the
students. At the University of Havana they have an executive power,
because the federation which controls the students is in the hands of
the Communists to such an extreme that courts have been created
locally within the university to judge and purge the students that rnay
act anti-Communist. They accuse them of being antirevolutionaries,
and then expel them from the university, and then they are delivered
to the outside courts to be tried.
This is not a mere supposition, this is now. There have been judged
and expelled seven students, and they are now in jail in military forts
in Havana.
Tliey celebrated during the month of February this year an inter-
national congress of Cuban youth in Havana, and on the 19th of June
of this year they have earmarked another big congress where there
Avill participate youth from Asia and from Africa. The youth is the
advance of the Communists now into all Latin America.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Do I understand correctly that you stated that
seven students were thrown out of the University of Havana and put
in jail for no other offense than being anti-Communists ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir ; that is correct.
Mr. Sourwine. Do you remember referring to what you called the
armed Communist brigade?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir. But after that the militia men surged
forward, and they are all over the country now.
Mr. Sourwine. What can you tell us about Communist control of
the press in Cuba ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. That is one of the matters of most interest in the
history of Cuba.
436 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
In Cuba now there is only one newspaper that defends the demo-
cratic system, which is the Diario de la Marina. There are two news-
papers which are not yet government owned but which have been
cowed greatly, which are Prensa Libre and Crisol. The rest of the
newspapers are under the power of the Government. And in Cuba
everything which is done by newspapermen is propaganda, it is not
information. There is no information as to what is going on ; there
is propaganda of what the Government wants.
The same thing happens with the television, and the same happens
with the radio.
The Diario de la Marina, when it publishes an editorial giving its
opinion, if the opinion is not in favor of Castro, they place below a
marginal note where they say, "What appears written above is not
the truth."
When President Eisenhower had a news conference with reference
to Cuba just a few weeks ago, the AP cable had 3 inches, and the
marginal note against the cable was 14 inches. There are articles
against the cables and the opinion in favor of democracy. Besides,
there is a law which punishes by 1 to 10 years the newspaper which
says anything against the revolution.
And there is another law that specifies that all who have been con-
victed of antirevolutionary activities will lose all their property, in-
cluding their wearing apparel. There are very few newspapermen
who are brave enough to say anything.
In Miami there are 82 newspapermen and in New York there
must be 6 or 8.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You mean Cuban newspapermen ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir ; Cuban newspapermen.
Mr. SouRwiNE. What can you tell us about Ernesto de la Fe ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Ernesto de la Fe is in jail, the big subject of
torture. Ultimately we knew that he had been wounded on the head,
and his family has not been able to see him since November of 1959.
There is a great hate against Ernesto, like the one that existed
against Lieutenant Castana who was shot, and against me, who was
able to escape with life.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Is there anything that you feel would be of interest
to the committee that you want to tell us before you go ?
I want to explain that the committee's interest is in what this
means to the United States, what does this situation portend for our
own country?
Is there anything else that you want to tell us that we have not
asked you about ?
Mr. Diaz-Verson. Well, I believe that the United States, its people
and its Government, have not yet comprehended that we are at war
now, where the propaganda has made Russia advance, and we have
lost democratic force. And the only hope of the Latin American
countries is the activity of the United States of America, because the
problem of Cuba is not now a local problem of a people, it is a con-
tinental problem, I would say world problem. And the same thing
that is affecting Cubans now, the empire of the Communists in Cuba,
should affect the people of North America within a very few years,
if measures are not taken in due time. That is my belief and the
product of my last 32 years of study of the Communists in America.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 437
Senator Dodd. Mr. Diaz-Verson, I want to say to you that the com-
mittee is grateful to you for appearing here. We understand that it is
not easy for one who has friends and relatives in Cuba, and undoubt-
edly some retaliation will be visited on them. You have already told
us the news that members of your wife's family have received retalia-
tory treatment. And so we appreciate the fact that you have come
here and given us the benefit of your knowledge about present condi-
tions in Cuba.
I might say for the record that the purpose of these hearings, which
we have explained, and I think it might be well to explain again, is to
make a public record of the information that has come to the attention
of the subcommittee.
We want to get it on the public record so that it will help the Con-
gress from a legislative standpoint, and that is the purpose of holding
these hearings.
Mr. Diaz-Verson. I feel very proud to be able to participate in the
investigation and the record to be used for legislative purposes.
Senator DoDD. Thank you.
You may be excused.
Mr. Diaz-Verson". Thank you.
(The following communication from Mr. Diaz-Verson was later
received by the subcommittee and ordered translated from the Span-
ish and printed in the record :)
[Translation by the Library of Congress]
[Undated]
To the Internal Security Subcommittee of the Senate of the United States of
America, Washington, D.C.:
Sirs : In accordance with the promise given to your subcommittee to appear
before it to testify in public hearing on the 6th of this month of May, and un-
der the oath rendered by me, I am hereby complementing the data which I
could not supply during my testimony because they were not at that time prop-
erly fixed in my recollection.
Following an inflexible law of Leninism, when the proletarian regime of Cuba
was established, measures were taken so as not to confine that social, political,
and economic movement to a single country, but to extend it to the other coun-
tries of the Western Hemisphere. And this is how we saw Havana become
transformed into a city of international agitation, while committees, groups,
and representatives of all Communist Parties of the world were being installed
there.
As early of February 10, 1959, Eugene Dennis and Robert Thompson dispatched
to the Communist regime of Fidel Castro a message from the Communist Party
of the United States of North America, notifying it of its endorsement and
solidarity, which was published by the Red press throughout America [the
American Continent]. Later, on the 26th of that same month of February,
Jack Williams wrote, on behalf of the Communist Youth of the United States,
to the Cuban Communists, notifying them of his [their] identification and union ;
and on June 16, in joint meeting, the Committees of the Communist Party of
the United States again confirmed, in writing, to Fidel Castro their endorse-
ment and solidarity, which [agreement] was published by the Red press of the
American Continent.
And so, during all of 1959, the visits of Communist delegates of the United
States and the communications and relations between the two homogenous
groups were repeated [continued].
On April 2, 1960, a meeting took place at the Ci;ban Consulate in New York of
75 North American Communists, according to the Prensa Latina, to sign a pact
of unity between North American and Cuban Communists.
Prior thereto, in December 1959, the Communist regime of Fid^l Castro ap-
pointed as Director General of Tourism the Cuban Communist leader Baudilio
Castellanos, who initiated contacts with Negro groups of the United States
43354— 60— pt. 7 9
438 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
asking them to come to Cuba as tourists and commissioning the former boxing
champion of the world, Joe Louis, and William Rowen, former Assistant
Police Commissioner of New York, to agitate among the Negroes of the United
States and to invite them to go to Cuba. The press throughout the world pub-
lished on .January 4, 1!)60, AP cables, with a Havana dateline, reporting this
action taken by the Castro regime designe<l to promote Negro tourism [tourist
travel] to Havana in order to indoctrinate these people in revolutionary activi-
ties against the government of this nation.
The unification between the Cuban and North American Communists is not a
secret, since it has been published throughout the Communist press of the Amer-
ican Continent and the Socialist countries.
Recently, on April (5, the Communist Youth of North America [USA] met in
Philadelphia and appointed a committee to go to Cuba and to deliver to their
Cuban comrades a song recorded in the English language and 100 medical books,
according to Havana's Red newspaper, Hoy, of April 8, p. 4, col. 8.
But the same thing has been happening all over America. Communists of the
entire Western Hemisphere are living in Havani, together with Communists
from Asia, Africa, and Europe ; and all activities of these delegates, and of
their agents in their respective countries, were concentrated, as a firm and uni-
fied scheme, attacking and discrediting the United States of North America.
The treacherous joint work of International Communism against the United
States has already "produced a strong loss of face and a broad wave of disre-
spect for the country of Washington.
During the past 30 years, while traveling and studying all over Latin America,
I felt certain that the United States was being feared and respected in every
country.
"The United States cannot permit a Communist regime in America," millions
of people were crying out. "The United States cannot permit anybody to harass
it." "The United States will crush anyone daring to oppo.se it" — was what the
people of South, North, and Central America were rei>eating over and over again.
But all this has been wiped out. Those words are no longer being repeated,
because respect for North America has been lost due to the constant and never-
ending work of the Communists, because they see how the Colossus of the North
is being insulted in Cuba, without anything being done ; because they see how
a North American Ambassador (Mr. Bonsai) is being harassed and mistreated,
without anything being done ; because they see how our good friends can be at-
tacked without receiving the punishment which they deserve.
And that which has up to now been provoking the lo.ss of respect for the
United States, will also provoke, within a short time, the loss of all land, busi-
ness, and money invested by the North Americans in Latin America.
As the Soviet Union knows that its only great opponent in the struggle for
world domination is North America alone, it has mobilized all its resources for
the purpose of weakening its moral and ethical [sic] forces, discrediting it in
Latin America ; but, bearing in mind that there is a Mutual Military Aid pact,
the Soviet Union has proceeded to the destruction of the professional armies of
the entire Continent. Thus it has managed to destroy the armies of Bolivia and
Cuba, and is now acting to destroy the armies of Venezuela and of the remain-
ing countries of America. In Brazil, Argentina, and other countries, large Com-
munist cells have been discovered in the ranks of the military.
From the Russian base of the Caribbean — that is what the Island of Cuba
now is — only 90 miles from the coasts of North America, .slogans [or, badges,]
arms, and money are being .shipped to the rest of the Continent for the purpose
of promoting agitation against the United States, while, under the pretext of
commercial [exploitation], work is already being done in the field of nuclear
[energy].
Inside the United States, 500,000 Latin Americans, their majority being
Cubans, are making up the Fifth Column, which attacks the United States, aids
in discrediting it, and collaborates with the enemies of Democracy, and this is
being done in full view of everybody, without any attempt to hide, because they
speak Spanish which the majority of the North Americans do not understand.
And while this is going on, bellicose preparations are made to promote in
Havana, among other things, an anti-U.S. revolution in Puerto Rico by making
use of the Puerto Rican Communist leaders Enamorado Cuesta, Ramon Mirabal,
and Carmen Rivera.
Hundreds of Communists coming from Cuba visit luiiversities, labor centers,
farm groups, and professional and intellectual organizations all over America,
inviting them to unite with Cuba against North America.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 439
But the fight is going even beyond that. In 1942, the Academy of Sciences of
the U.S.S.R., upon orders of the Supreme Soviet, designated Professors Kotov-
slii, Miroshevski, and Rubzov to manufacture a new History of the Colonial and
Dependent Countries of Latin America ; it was printed in the Spanish language
and is being used as textbook in many of our countries.
In Cuba, the Communists Carlos Rafael Rodriguez, Sergio Aguirre, and Jorge
Castellanos wrote a new "History of Cuba," which is now also being used as
textbook in that country.
At the University of Quito [Ecuador] courses in Marxism are given based on
the text of Manuel Augustin Aguirre, professor of economics, and in all our
universities, including those of North America, classes are being given in So-
cialism and Marxism, without balancing them with [classes in] democratic
objectives.
In fact, we are already in World War III ; but neither the United States nor
the democracies of America have as yet comprehended that this is a conflict
that is different from the previous ones, and that, rather than the atomic bomb
and guided missiles, it is propaganda which is going to conquer and dominate
the human beings of the free countries.
Formerly there was neither radio nor television, and the armed forces had to
resort to violence in order to impose their objectives by force. Now, under the
leadership of experts and intellectuals, invisible armies are going to intrude into
the homes, speaking to the human beings and conquering them without firing
bullets or resorting to appreciable acts of violence. And man is going to cease
being free, to be transformed into a slave through a complicated psychological
machinery, the product of propaganda.
But while every night all of Latin America is listening on the 16, 19, 25, 31,
42, 46, and 60 meter bands [channels] to Spanish-language broadcasts from
Peking, Radio Poland, Radio Moscow, Radio Prague, and other stations from
behind the Iron Curtain, and sees on its television screens local programs imbred
with Communist ideologies, and hears local radio programs with "Red" Hours,
It has not at any time an opportunity to hear radio broadcasts or view television
programs designed to wipe out the effects of Communism and to reestablish the
truth about democracy, freedom, and our social and economic system.
[Soviet] Russia gives to its agents powerful assistance. It gives them pass-
ports when theirs are seized. It gives them money when they need it. It gives
them arms when they require them. They are being defended and aided in all
their activities that follow strictly the ironclad Communist line [of policy].
However, we Democrats, we true anti-Communists, we get no protection from
any power or from any group ; and take my own case, for instance, in which the
Red dictatorship of Cuba seized my passport and turned me into a man with-
out a country and deprived me of the ability to travel and to attend anti-
Communist congresses — I get no assistance whatever, and under the laws of the
United States, which is the only free and democratic country and the hope of
the Free World, my deportation has been ordered because I have no passport,
and, meanwhile, in Mexico City, Lima, Buenos Aires, and other capitals of the
Ajuerican continent, groups of anti-Communist newspapermen, intellectuals, and
professional men are becoming desiderate because they see how Communism is
making progress and they are vmable to detain it, as nobody helps or protects
us, while Communism is gaining strength day by day.
The language difference, and the ignorance on the part of North American
officials of our people's psychology, have aided [Soviet] Russia's progress in
America ; and today the situation is grave, difficult, and complex. That is why
it is necessary to act with speed, without losing time, in order to prevent our
children, yours and ours, from becoming slaves of Soviet Russia's imperialism.
If your couunittee should desire further information on any of the points
which I have made here, I am ready to supply it and to collaborate in whatever
may be useful in serving the cause of freedom and democracy of America.
Respectfully,
Salvador DfAz-VERsoN.
Mr. SomnviNE. There has come to the committee a statement issued
by the AFI^CIO Executive Council on May 4 on the subject of
Cuba. And it is suggested that it might be offered for the record if
the Chair pleases.
440 COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN
Senator Dodd. Yes, I have read it, I think it should be in the rec-
ord, and it is so ordered and will be made a part of the record.
(The statement of AFL-CIO Executive Council was marked "Ex-
hibit No. 10" and reads as follows :)
Exhibit No. 10
Statement on Cuba by the AFL-CIO Executive Council, May 4, 1960,
Washington, D.C.
Since the fall of the Batista dictatorship in Cuba, the AFL-CIO has ex-
pressed in several occasions its complete siipport of the Cuban people's efforts to
rebuild the political and economic structure of their country on the basis of
social justice, freedom, civic morality, and human rights. We have also offered
our cooperation to the Cuban labor movement in whatever action might be
required to maintain it truly independent and democratic, free of Communist
influence, and solely responsible to the will of its members.
In the early months of the Fidel Castro regime, we shared with other true
friends of Cuban democracy the misgivings caused by the initial excesses of
the revolution; biit we also shared the hope that democratic processes would
soon be restored, so that the many, long-overdue economic reforms would get
underway. The Cuban people could then utilize the resources of their country
for improving their social and economic conditions and strengthening their
democratic institutions.
Events in Cuba have taken, however, quite a different turn. The latest
manifestations of the Castro regime have revealed unmistakable signs of a
definite trend toward a totalitarian state. This is based upon the technique of
regimentation and militarization of the masses to a degree comparable to the
practices prevailing under Fascist or Communist regimes.
The Cuban Confederation of Labor has become a mere appendage of the
Government under complete control of pro-Communist elements imposed from
above without consideration of the will of the rank and file.
Loyalty to democratic principles and opposition to communism has been
branded by the Castro government as synonymous with counterrevolutionary
activity, punishable with discharge from the job, immediate arrest, and loss of
property.
The right of collective bargaining has been abolished. As in countries behind
the Iron Curtain, Cuban workers are no longer free to change jobs without
Government approval. Hiring and firing have become the prerogative of the
Government. The quest for economic improvement, a legitimate trade-union
activity, has been banned.
Cuban Government spokesmen have asserted that the people will not be given,
in the foreseeable future, the right to choose their leaders through the process
of democratic elections. The courts have been submitted to the arbitrary vnll
of the executive. The right of habeas corpus has been indefinitely suspended,
The Communist party is the only political party which is free to operate
today in Cuba. Oppo.sition newspapers have been forced to close. Democratic
journalists, who distinguished themselves in opposition to the Batista regime,
have been forced into exile for insisting upon their right to criticize the pro-
Communist policy of the present Government.
These actions on the part of the Castro regime in Cuba have shocked the
democratic public opinion of the Western Hemisphere, particularly those sectors
which rejoiced over the victory of the revolutionary forces in January 1959,
and have consistently supported the economic reforms and other social objec-
tives once proclaimed by the revolution.
The Cul)ans, our traditional friends, are being subjected to an intensive
violent campaign of hatred and scorn against the United States. This propa-
ganda of hate, organized with the oflScial sanction of the Castro government,
has been extended to other countries of Latin America with the obvious purpose
of causing suspicion and enmity toward the United States. This has been ag-
gravated by the repudiation, on the part of the Castro regime, of the treaties
which are the foundation of our inter-American system. These treaties bind
the countries of the Western Hemisphere to respect each other's sovereignty
and pledge them to unite against external aggression and internal Communist
subversion.
COMMUNIST THREAT TO U.S. THROUGH THE CARIBBEAN 441
The disruptive activities of the Cuban Government can no longer be lightly
dismissed as outbursts of inexperienced, youthful leaders swept by the upsurge
of economic nationalism. They have all the earmarks of a well-planned strategy
designed to make Cuba an advanced outpost of the Soviet Union's drive to in-
filtrate the New World.
The AFL-CIO has consistently advocated that dictatorships have no place
in the world and particularly in our inter-American system. We have conse-
quently urged, time and time again, the Organization of American States
(OAS) to isolate the dictatorship of the Dominican Republic and similar re-
gimes which do not emanate from the freely expressed will of the people. We
have also urged the OAS to take firm steps to prevent these dictatorships from
endangering the peace of the Americas with their constant subversive plots
against neighboring democratic regimes.
We now believe that with its repudiation of the existing inter-American trea-
ties and its purposeful, violent, and slanderous anti-U.S. campaign, tailored on
the Communist pattern, the Castro government is endangering the peace of the
Western Hemisphere.
We call upon the Ajnerican family of nations, through the instrumentality
of the OAS, to be alert to the danger that the Castro regime and other dictator-
ships represent to democratic stability and the peace and progress of the Amer-
icas. The OAS has in its charter suflacient provisions to enable it to take col-
lective measures to protect the peaceful democracies from the aggresive designs
of the dictators and from the subversive actions of international commimism.
The AFL-CIO sends the Cuban people renewed expressions of support for
their aspirations of economic reforms capable of bringing higher standards of
living, social justice, national economic independence, and democratic freedoms.
We also send fraternal assurance of solidarity to the free trade unionists of
Cuba, now fighting to rescue their labor movement from the presently imposed,
pro-Communist, totalitarian control. We are with them with the same spirit
and determination that has inspired the AFL-CIO to oppose dictatorship and
totalitarian rule of every color and kind, in every part of the world.
Senator Dodd. The witnesses that have not been heard will come
back Monday at 10 :30 a.m.
(Wliereupon, at 4:35 p.m., the committee adjourned, to recon-
vene at 10 :30 a.m., Monday, May 9, 1960.)
INDEX
Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance
to the mere fact of the appearance of the name of an individual or an organiza-
tion in this index.
A Page
Academy of Sciences of the U.S.S.R , 439
AFL-CIO Executive Council 439, 440
Agence Telegraphic Bulgare of Bulgaria 391
Agenda Latina 3S6
Agenda Latina de Noticias (ALN) 389
Agenda Prensa Latina (see also Prensa Latina) 387,389
Aguirre, Carlos Enrique 390
Aguirre, Rev. Eduardo, testimony of 327-342
Aguirre, Manuel Augustin 439
Aguirre, Mirta 426
Aguirre, Sergio 4.39
Almejeiras 421
Alvarez-Rios, Baldomero 3S5
Alvenas, Rudolf o 359
Amarillo, Texas 328
American-Caribbean Junta (organization) 4.33
American Embassy in Cuba 409
Anfuso, Representative 347, 349
Anti-American propaganda 343
Apuleyo Mendoza, Plinio 390
Aragon, Leo 389
Arango, Dr. Sanchez. {See Sanchez.)
Arapov, Ivan 359
Argentine Communist 336, .341
Armed Forces, Cuba 369
Arteaga, Cardinal 399
Barona, Dr. Antonio 396,415
Barona, Tony 415, 416
Batabauo 328-332, 340-342
Batista 328, 329, 332, 337, 340, 344-346,
349-353, 363-366, 368, 370, 381, 383, 395, 401-403, 416, 420-423, 428, 434, 440
Batista, Fulgencio ^ 346
Bayamo City 369
Bayo, Gen. Alberto 381, 406
Beaton 419
Belvedere Hotel 360
Berenguer, Father Alfred 387
Betancourt, President (of Venezuela) 396
Blanco Rosa 353
Boan Acosta, Angel 348,389
Bogota 357
Bogota riots 421
Bonsai, Ambassador 438
BRCA, Bureau of Repression of Communist Activities 366, 374, 382, 392
Bravo, Flavio ,356, 426
II INDEX
C Page
Cabell, General 391
Cabrei'a, Jose A 389
Cadeiia Latinoamericana — Latin-American Chain (radio network) 388
Calcine, Ramon 426
Calderio, Leonides 426
Camaguey Province 331, 328
Camp Columbia, Marianao 381
Cantillo, Gen. Eulogio 367,369-371,421
Caracas Pact 402
Caral, Fernandez 358
Carrillo. (Sec Ugalde Carrillo, Col. Manuel Antonio.)
Carneado, Felipe 426
Castano, Captain 374
Castellanos, Baudilio 437
Castellanos, Jorge 439
Castro, Fidel 330, 332. 334, 335, 338-342, 344, 346, 34S-360, 362-364, 367-371,
381-385, 389, 396, 399, 401, 403, 405-^14, 417, 419, 422, 423, 427, 428, 431-433,
437, 440, 441
Castro, Manolo 357, 358
"Castro's News Service Hew^s Closely to Line" (article from Editor and
Publisher) 383-385
Castro, Raul___ 330, 350, 358, 359, 364, 370, 375, 384, 390, 407, 413, 415, 417, 422, 433
Castro Ulloa, Guillermo 389
Catholic Church 363, 397
Catholic Action (Accion Catolica) 399
Catholic Congress 387
Central Intelligence Agency 391
Central Park 361
Chiang, Gen. Kai-shek 376
Chile 381
China 337
China, Communist 376, 377, 381, 385
Chinese agents 340
Chinese Communists 339, 341
Chinese News Agency 385
Chinese News Service 392
Chinese technicians 376
Chivas 364,365
Cienega de Zapata 377-380, 393, 399, 409
Cienfuegos 363
Cienfuegos, Camilo 419
Committee for a Fair Deal in Cuba 431
Committee of Friends of the Cuban Revolution 432
Communist International 353, 354
Communist Party :
Batabano 830
Costa Rican 390
Communist propaganda 398, 422
Communist Youth 375
Coral Gables, Fla 366
Cordero, Romerico 426
Council of Liberation of South America 433
Crisol (newspaper) 436
CTC (National Confederation of Labor) 330
Cuban Army 366, 380
Cuban Communists 337, 338
Cuban Confederation of Labor (CTC) 388,440
Cuban Embassy 360
Cuban Intelligence Service 434
Cuban Legation in Colombia 421
Cuban Military Academy 366
Cuban Tourist Commission 338
Cuban Youth Delegation 375
Cuban Airlines 360
Czech news service (CETEKA) 391
Czechoslovakia 336, 337, 340
INDEX in
D Page
Daily Worker 390
de Castro, Paul 388
de la Fe, Ernesto 436
Dennis, Eugene 437
Diario de la Marina (newspaper) 379,393,436
Diaz Balart, Rafael Lincoln, testimony of 347-362
Diaz Lanz, Air Force Chief Pedros Luis 384
Diaz-Verson y Rodriguez, Salvador :
Testimony of 423-437
Letter from 437^39
Dillon, Douglas 415
Dodd, Senator Thomas J 405
Domenech, Joel 426
Dominican Republic 366
Dorticos, Dr 396
Duarte, Hector 361
DuBois, Jules 385
E
Editor and Publisher 383,385,386
Education, Minister of 375
Eisenhower, President 436
El Diario 385
El Diario de Nueva York 385
Escalante Dellunde, Anibal 426
Esealante Dellunde, Cesar 426
Espin. Vilma 375
Bsterlin, Dr. Marcus 353
Exhibit 1, map A 378
Exhibit 2 : Article from Editor and Publisher, November 28, 1959, "Cas-
tro's News Service Hews Closely to Line" 383-385
Exhibit 3 : Article from Editor and Publisher, December 12, 1959, "Prensa
Latina Denies It's Castro Owned" 385-387
Exhibit 4: U.S. News & World Report, May 2, 1960, "How Castro Pushes
'Hate U.S.' All Over Latin America" 387-389
Exhibit 5: Re Agenda Prensa Latina (PL) 389, 390
Exhibit 6: Agenda Informativa Latinoamericana (Prensa Latina) 390, 391
Exhibit 7: Re Masetti and Cuba 391
Exhibit 8, map B 400
Exhibit 9 : Present Image of the Official Leadership of the CP in Cuba__ 426
Exhibit 10: Statement on Cuba by AFL-CIO Executive Council 440-441
F
"Fair Play for Cuba in the United States" (committee) 431
Federation of Cuban Labor 433
Federation of Laborers of Cuba 432
Federation of University Students, Havana 357
Fernandes, Antonio 337
Figueres, President 396
First International Communist Anti-American (Cuban newspaper) 426
First Rical 364
Formosa 376
Fortress of Moncada 375
Foster, William 432
Frank, Waldo 431, 432
Franovi, Carlos 433
G
Garcia Aguero, Salvador 426
Garcia Buchaca, Edith 426
Garcia Lupo, Rogelio 390
Giachetti, Ernesto 390
Gomez, Leonel 356, 357
IV INDEX
Page
Gomez, Miss (interpreter) 327-372
Gomez Gimeranez, Dr. Domingo 385, 386
Gonzalez, Jose Luis 426
Gonzalez Carvajal, Ladislao 426
Grande Piedra in Santiago de Cuba 419
Grobart, Fabio 356
Guantanamo 360, 370
Guatemala 365
Guevara, Alfredo 355
Guevara, Maj. Ernesto "Che" 342,
355, 359, 369. 381. 384. 387. 390. 407. 413-415. 417, 426, 433
Guevara, Father Vasco 335
Guillen, Nicholas 426
H
Hart, Armando 375
Havana 330-333, 338-340, 342, 343, 355-358, 363, 384, 385
Havana cemetery 340
Havana City 329
Havana Harbor 343
Havana No. 1 High School 356
Havana Province, Cuba 328, 331, 332
Havana University 348, 354, 355, 357, 358, 376
Hsin Hua (NCNA) (news service) 391
Hoy (publication) 358, 398, 428, 429, 438
Hungarian Ambassador 359
I
Immigration 338
INRA (National Institute of Agrarian Reform), Technical Commission
of 377, 379, 381
Inter-American Organization of Anti-Communist Newspapermen 429
Inter-American Press Association 386
Iron Curtain 375
Isle of Pines 380, 401, 406, 410, 411
J
Jimenez, Nico 375
Jimenez, Nunez 417
Jose Cardonia, Francisco 385
Junta of Latin America Liberation (organization) 433
Justice Department 360
K
Keating, Senator 405, 415
Kennedy, Senator John F 388
Khrushchev 415
Konche, Hermann 390
Kotovski, Professor ^ 439
La Bohemia 1 380
IjO, Coubre (French munitions ship) 343, 389
La Prensa 384, 385
Labor Ministry 330
Latin Press Agency 336
Launching pads 393
"Leninismo" (book) 425
Lestovna de Zalka, Vera 359
Letter from Mr. Diaz-Verson 437
Lopez y Lopez, Alberto 428
Los Pinos. (See Isle of Pines.)
Louis, Joe 438
Luzardo, Manuel 42fi
INDEX V
M Page
Maine 343, 344
Mandel, Benjamin 405
Mao Tse-tung 362
Map A 378
Marin, Governor 396
Marinello, Juan 426
Marino, Dr. Galdos 429
Marquez, Manuel 338
Marti, President 357
Marti, Jose 361
Marti monument 361
Martin, Mas 355, 356
Mas, Gustavo 361, 362
Masetti, Jorge Ricardo 383-385, 387-391
Maso, Bartolome 343
Massip, Salvador 388, 389
Matthews, Herbert 360
"Maximo Lider" 334,340
Mauriae, Francois 386
Mazetti 336
Medio-Dia Avenue 377
Meleposa, Col 361
Menocal, Guitierez 405
Menoyo, Guitierez 405, 406
Mexico 359
Miami 338, 343, 344, 360
Miami Beach, Fla 328
Middle East News Agency 390
Mikoyan, Anastas 407-414
Mil Diez (radio station) 398
Milian, Arnaldo 426
Military camp of Columbia 377
Military Intelligence 366, 367
Military Intelligence, Cuban 374
Minister of State in Cuba 375
Minoa 365
Mirabal Acebal, Victor A 389
Miroshevski, Prof 439
Modica 337
Molina, Gabriel 337
Moncada barracks 350
Monroe, Marilyn 386
Morgan, Wm 405
N
Naranjo, Commandante 419
National Legislature of Cuba 348
Neugart 369
New China News Agency 390, 391
New York Advertising Club 384
New York Times 360
Nicolau, Ramon 426
Nunez, Honorio 426
Nunez, Maria 426
Nunez, Senorita Pastoria 375
Nunez Jimenez, Antonio (Nico) 375,415,417,433
O
O'Farril, Rev. Juan Ramon 842, 344, 371
Testimony of 401-403
Ordoqui, Joaquin 426
Organization of American States (OAS) 349.441
Orients Province 334, 350, 369, 370
Ortiz, Oscar 426
VI INDEX
P Page
Padilla 337
Palma, Oscar Edmundo 390
Panama 365
Panamanian Communist 337, 341
Parada de Pasejero (city) 393
Paraguay 365
Pardo, Jose 337
Pardo Llada, Jose 343
Pastoria, Senorita 375
Pedroza 355
Pena, Lazaro 426
Pena Gonzales, Lazaro 432
Perez Diaz, Father Rosario Maxilliano, testimony of 345-347, 362-365
Peron, Argentine President Juan 336,352,383,386,390
Plaillips, Ruby Hart 390
Pividal Padron, Francisco 389
Police Department, New York City 361
Polish Press Agency (PAP) 391
Popular Book 343
Portela, Francisco__^ 384
Portuondo, Jose A 389
Prague 336, 358
Presna Latina (see also Agenda Presna Latina) 335-338,
381-385, 388, 390-392, 429, 430
"Prensa Latina Denies It's Castro Owned" 385
Prensa Libre (newspaper) 436
Presidential Palace 350
Prio 351, 415
Prio Socarras, Carlos 352, 402, 424
Puerto Rico 361
Q
Queen of the Land Reform 361
Quintana, Silvio 426
R
Radio Moscow 439
Radio Peking 391
Radio Poland 439
Radio Prague 439
Radio Union (in Havana) 388
Rayneri, Rene 389
"Red Star" (radio station) 433
Regla (newspaper) 339
Revolucion (publication) 340, 383, 390, 428, 431, 433, 435
Rhee 415
Rivero-Aguero, Andres Jose, testimony of 394-398
Roa, Raul 374, 413-415
Roca Calderio, Bias 420
Rodriguez, Ambassador Antonio 389
Rodriguez, Carlos Rafael 358, 426, 431, 439
Rodriguez de al Vega, Adolfo 389
Rodriguez Venegas, Efraim 390
Rojas, Ursinio 426
Roman Catholic Church 327
Romero-Saavedra (interpreter) 373
Ronda Street 356
Ross, Stanley 385, 386
Rotonda of Medio-Dia 377
Rowen, William 438
Rua Romano, Manuel 330
Rubzov, Professor 439
Russia 337
Russian agents 340
INDEX vn
Page
Russian Communists 341
Russian submarines 399
Russian technicians 376
S
St. Juliana Church 328
St. Patrick's Church 328
Salvador, David 375, 433
San Ambrosio Seminary 345
San Carlos Seminary 345
Sanchez, Celia 376
Sanchez, Jose 360, 418
Sanchez, Osvaldo 426
Sanchez Arango, Aureliano (Aurelio) 415-418
Santa Clara 377
Santamaria, Haydee 375
Santander 328
Santiago Cuba, Jose 364
Santo Domingo 365
Seminary of Havana 340
Serra, Clementina 426
Sierra, Captain 365
Sierra Maestra 344, 354, 360,
363, 364, 367-370, 381, 383
Socialistic Party 352
Socialist Party 368
Socialist Popular Party (Communist Party) 369
Soto, Leonel 355, 426
Spain 377
Spaniard Communist 342
Spanish-American War 343
Stalin 425
Submarines 399, 401, 410
T
Tabernilla, Gen. Francisco J., testimony of 420-423
Tanjuc of Yugoslavia (news service) 391
Tass 381, 382, 391, 392, 429
Third International 353
Thompson, Robert 437
"Those Who Fight and Those Who Cry" (book) 383
Timofei, Eremev 359
Torres, Felipe 426
Torres, Jacinto 426
Treasury Ministry 342
26th of July Movement 329, 331, 346,
350, 360, 361, 367, 390, 424, 427, 428, 431
U
Ugalde Carrillo, Col. INIanuel Antonio, testimony of 365-382, 398-401, 405-419
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 364
United Fruit 429
University of Camilas, Spain 328
University of Havana 435
University of Oriente 348
V
Valdes, Pastor 337
Valdes, Vicente 426
Vanguardia 359
Vazquez, Jose 360
Villeda Morales, Dr. Ramon 430
Viveo, Valdes 356
Vni INDEX
W Page
Washington Post 430
West Palm Beach 328
White Rose 353, 361, 362, 384
Williams, Jack 437
World Syndical Union (World Federation of Trade Unions) 432
Y
Youth of Action Progressive Party 351
Youth of Action Unitarian Party 351
Youth Delegation, Cuban 375
Youth Festival in Vienna 385
Yugoslavia 337,340
Z
Zaldivar, Virgllio 426
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