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Full text of "Communist threat to the United States through the Caribbean. Hearings before the Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Eighty-sixth Congress, first session .."

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MAY 2, 3, 4, 6, 1960 

Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 

43354 WASHINGTON : 1960 


JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 


THOMAS C. HENNLNQS, Jr., Missouri ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 



SAM J. ERVIN, Jr., North Carolina 
JOHN A. CARROLL, Colorado 
THOMAS J. DODD, Connecticut 
PHILIP A. HART, Michigan 

Subcommittee To In\^stigate the Administration of the Internal Security 
Act and Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 
THOMAS J. DODD, Connecticut, Vice Chairinan 
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 


SAM J. ERVIN, Jr., North Carolina KENNETH B. KEATING, New York 

NORRIS COTTON, New Hampshire 

J. G. SouRwiNE, Cotinsel 
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 



Witness : Pag* 

Aguirre, Rev. Eduardo 327 

Carrillo. {See Ugalde.) 

Diaz Balart, Rafael Lincoln 347 

Diaz-Verson y Roderiguez, Salvador 423 

O'Farrill, Rev. Juan Ramon 401 

Perez, Rev. Rosario Maxilliano 345,363 

Rivero-Aguero, Andres Jose 394 

Tabernilla, Gen. Francisco J 420 

Ugalde Carrillo, Col. Manuel Antonio 365,373,382 




MOISTDAY, MAY 2, 1960 

U.S. Senate, 
Subcommittee To In\^stigate the 
Administration or the Internal Security Act 

AND Other Internal Security Laws, 

OF THE Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washingto?i, D.C 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 1 :50 p.m., in room 2228, 
Xew Senate Office Building, Senator Kenneth B. Keating presiding. 

Also present: J. G. Sour wine, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, di- 
rector of research; and Frank \V. Schroeder, chief investigator. 

Senator Keating. The subcommittee will come to order. 

I want to explain, for the benefit of the witnesses that have been 
brought here from other areas, the situation under which w^e are labor- 
ing today in the Senate. 

We are considering the mutual security bill, and under the procedure 
we are following, every amendment is subject to 10 minutes of debate, 
5 minutes in favor of it and 5 against it. As a consequence of that, 
every few minutes all afternoon there will be a rollcall vote. 

It is anticipated that our debate on the bill will be completed by 
this evening. I have conferred with other members of the committee 
and with counsel, and we feel that the only feasible way to handle this 
is to adjourn this hearing until tomorrow^ morning at 10 :30, when I 
hope we can proceed with the witnesses. 

Therefore, I direct that any witnesses who have been subpenaed ap- 
pear tomorrow at 10 :30 a. m. Of course the witnesses who were or- 
dered to appear today will have their expenses taken care of, since the 
postponement is obviously no fault of theirs. 

The committee will now stand adjourned until tomorrow morning 
at 10 :30. 

(Whereupon, at 1 :55 p.m., the committee adjourned, to reconvene 
at 10 :30 a.m., Tuesday, May 3, 1960.) 



TUESDAY, MAY 3, 1960 

U.S. Senate SuBCoarMixTEE 
To Investigate the Adaiinistration 

OF THE Internal Security Act 
AND Other Internal Security Laws, 

OF THE Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington. D.C . 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to recess, at 10:45 a.m., in room 
2228, New Senate Office Building, Senator Thomas J. Docld presiding. 

Present : Senators Dodd, Kenneth B. Keating, and Norris Cotton, 

Also present: J. G. Sourwine, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, di- 
rector of research; and Frank W. Schroeder, chief investigator. 

Senator Dodd. The committee will come to order. This hearing 
this morning is a continuation of a series of hearings which this sub- 
committee has been conducting concerning the internal security of the 
United States as affected by events which have occurred and are oc- 
curring in the Caribbean area. 

Counsel, are you prepared to call your first witness ? 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes, Mr. Chairman. 

Might I respectfully suggest at the outset that some of the wit- 
nesses today, at least, will be Spanish-speaking and we will question 
them through an interpreter. The Chair might wish to swear our 
interpreter at the outset of the hearing. 

Miss Gomez? 

Senator Dodd. "NA'ill you rise ? Raise your right hand. Do you sol- 
emnly swear to truthfully translate the testimony to be given here to- 
day before this committee? 

Miss Gomez. I do. 

Mr. Sourwine. The first witness is Father Eduardo Aguirre. 

Senator Dodd. Come forward and take your place, please. Father, 
do you want to be sworn ? Will you raise your right liand ? 

Do you solemnly swear to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing 
but the truth, so help you God ? 

Father Aguirre. I do. 

Senator Dodd. Take your seat. 


Senator Dodd. Your name and address, please. 

Mr. Sourwine. Your full name is Eduardo Aguin-e? 

Father Aguirre. Eduardo x4.guirre. 

Mr. Sourwine. And you are a priest of the Roman Catholic Church ? 



Father Aguirre. Did you say if I am what ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You are a priest ? 

Father Aguirre. I am a priest, a Catholic priest. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes. You were born in Camaguey Province? 

Father Aguirre. In Camaguey Pro\ance, Cuba. 

Senator Dodd. Do you have any trouble understanding English? 
Would you prefer an interpreter? 

Father Aguirre. No. I think I can understand. 

Senator Dodd. If you have any trouble, tell us. That is what we 
have an interpreter for. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You attended the University of Camilas ? 

Father Aguirre. The University of Camilas, in Spain. Santander, 
in Spain. 

Senator Dodd. Try to keep your voice up, Father, if you can. 

Mr. SouRWixE. You were ordained in Spain ? 

Father Aguirre. I was ordained in Spain, July 24, 1950. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. And what is your present assignment ? 

Father Aguirre. I am assistant pastor at St. Patrick's Church, 
Miami Beach, Fla. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Have you been connected with churches in other 
cities in the United States ? 

Father Aguirre. Yes. I was also assistant pastor in West Palm 
Beach, St. Juliana Church in West Palm Beach. Fla., and Amarillo, 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you thereafter return to a church in Cuba ? 

Father Aguirre. I was assigned pastor at Batabano, of Havana 
Province, Cuba, when I returned to Cuba in January 1959. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Now, tell us what you found when you returned 
to Cuba. Was there a change in the atmosphere in Cuba? 

Father Aguirre. Well, it was a change. It was the time for the 
triumph of the revolution and every])ody was expecting the best for 
Cuba, for the Cuban people, from the revolution, and I think that most 
of the Cuban people were supporting and helping the revolution to 
have a good change, a political stability, to have freedom, to finish the 
troubles, some kind of civil war we have over there, and to improve 
the progress and the economic situation of our country. I think that 
by January the great majority, the large majority of the Cuban 
people were happy with the revolution and were expecting the best 
for Cuba by January when I returned to Cuba. 

Mr. SouRwix'E. Were you in Cuba during the Batista regime? 

Father Aguirre. Well, yes, some few years. I came to this country 
in 1955. Now, not like a refugee, but anyway, I was speaking and 
doing my best against the Batista regime. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You opposed the Batista regime ? 

Father Aguirre. I did. 

]Mr. SouRWiNE. And was that responsible for your departure from 

Father Aguirre. Yes, it was partly responsible for my departure. 
I didn't depart officially like a refugee but I have trouble in my town, 
in my parisli, with some military men over tliere, with the lieutenant 
in charge of the garrison, and then I decided and with the advice of 
my own bishop to leave the counti-y, and to come to the United States. 


Senator Dodd. Just ^vhen did you leave ? I would like to make that 
clear on the record. When was it you left Cuba ? 

Father Aguirre. That was in xVugust 1955. 

Senator Dodd. You said it was with the advice of your bishop ? 

Father AouiRiiE. Yes, with the advice of my bishop. 

Senator Dodd. Had there been complaints about you by the Batista 
government ? 

Father Aguirre. "Well, militar}- men of the Batista government, 
there was a complaint. 

Senator Dodd. Had you been criticizing the Batista administration ? 

Father Aguirre, I was in some ways. 

Senator Dodd. And this is why you left Cuba, is it ? 

Father xVguirre. Yes. That is the reason I left Cuba. 

Senator Dodd. All right. 

Mr. SouRWiXE. Xow, after you returned to Cuba in January of 
1959, did you thereafter engage in activities against the Communists 
in Cuba ? 

Father Aguirre. Yes, I did. "\^nien I 

Mr. SouRwixE. Tell us when that began and how it came about? 

Father AGU^RRE. "VYell, I was assigned pastor at Batabano on Feb- 
ruaiy 10. As soon as I arrived to my parish — Batabano is a fishing 
town in the west coast of Cuba opposecl to Havana City, and as soon 
as I arrived to my town, I realized that the Communists had a big 
power, almost a control over the town. I don't think that they did 
much — they did very little for the triumph of the revolution, but they 
were ready after the fall of Batista to take over, especially the miion, 
workers' union in my town. 

In my parish there is a maritime union with 1,200 men, and the 
Communists in this union, there are no more than 60 or TO among 
1,200 people. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Are you saying that 60 or TO men took over a imion 
of 1,200? 

Father Aguirre. That is right. That is what happened in my town. 
And then they didn't celebrate any election, you know, to appoint the 
officials, the bosses of the union, and then they were trying, you know — 
Batabano is a small town. 

I was helping everybody. When they had some trouble, when they 
wanted to go to Havana to get something from the Government, you 
know, for the improvement of the town, they used to call me. I went 
there, I talked for them, and I had influence, of course, like a priest, 
like a pastor, and they considered myself also like a revolutionary. 

I don't think the priest could be called exactly a revolutionary, but 
anyway they thought this way and as soon as possible I realized the 
big influence of the Communists over there, and I started immediately 
to preach to big conferences, to write articles about the Communists, 
the tenure of the Communists, about the Commmiist doctrine and 
also with a group of friends belonging to the 26th of July Movement, 
I tried to form a new staff, a new directive for the union, you know, 
and I tried to get evei-ything through to get the celebration of new 
elections in the union. 

And I have a lot of trouble with these — fighting with the Conunu- 


First of all, I went to the Labor Minister, to Havana, to get com- 
pletely informed about the situation of the maritime union in Bata- 
bano, and I went also to the CTC. This is the national confederation 
of the workers, in Cuba, and I have the support of these two institu- 
tions, the Labor Ministry and the National Confederation of Labor, 
of the workers. 

But anyway, they send three times inspectors to the union to fix 
up everything and to prepare the union to have a new election. 

So I was sure, if we could have an election, the Communists would 
not be able to stay there any more because they were a small minor- 
ity — 60 or 70 among 1,200 workers. And we have several incidents 
with them. The inspector going to the union three times, they started 
fighting and making trouble and shooting. 

The last time, the inspector of the Labor Ministry was taken to 
prison. He was fined $400 and then he went back to Havana after 
3 days in prison and he went to the television, to the radio, and he 
explained the very strange situation in Batabano. After a few days 
he came back to Batabano to see me and told me, "Fatlier, I won't be 
able to do anything else because the day after I talked by television, 
I was called by Raul Castro and he told me that he didn't want to 
hear any word, anything else about the Communists in Batabano 
because in Cuba it is not possible to attack the communism." 

That is what Raul Castro, Fidel's brother, told this gentleman. 
He said, "I don't want you to say anything about this because here 
you are not able — nobody is able — to attack, to oppose the Communist 
doctrine, and after that this man kept the same position, the boss of 
the union who was the boss of the Communist Party in Batabano. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Who was that ? 

Father Agtjirre. His name is Manuel Rua Romano. He was try- 
ing to get elected mayor in Batabano on two different occasions, and 
he was always the boss of the Communist Party in Batabano. As 
everybody knows, he was an open Communist, you know. And after 
that, this man was assigned a general inspector of the maritime union 
in Cuba. That is the price he got. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You mean he got a government job ? 

Father Aguirre. That is right. More than he had in Batabano. 
He was appointed general inspector of the labor, of the maritime 
unions in Cuba, in all the islands, in the 43 maritime unions in Cuba. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Who replaced him as head of the union in Bata- 

Father Aguirre. He stood over there also. I think he was working 
the two jobs at the same time. And tliey have control. I couldn't say 
anything else against the Communists. They used to accuse me for 
being anti-Communist and they used to accuse me for being also pro- 
American, because I know this country, the life, and the wonderful 
things you have here, and I used to talk with my friends about the 
United States, the organization, the freedom, the wonderful things 
I knew myself in this country. And I was for this reason, especially 
for these two reasons, for being anti-Communist, you know, speaking 
openly against the Communists and speaking in favor of many wonder- 
ful things you have here — I was accused of being counterrevolutionary. 

Mr. Sourwine. Wlio accused you ? 


Father Aguirre. Well, the people belonging to the 26th of July 
Movement in Batabano — they were accusing me. They didn't greet 
me any more. They used to be my friends. They used to go once in 
a while to the church. They used to call me for everything important. 
They had to consult me, to go with them to Havana to get something 
from the government — and after that they didn't greet me any more 
and they accused me of that. 

They were spying on me even during the day, and also during the 

Mr. SoFRwixE. Do you know the meaning of the word "ostracism" ? 

Father Aguirre. The meaning of 

Mr. SouRwiXE. Ostracism. 

Father Aguirre. Yes, I know. 

Mr. SouRwixE. You mean to tell us it is cause for ostracism in Cuba 
if you are pro- American ? 

Father Aguirre. Oh, yes. I am sure. I was — I had to go through 
this ostracism myself. 

Mr. Sour^^t:xe. Go ahead. 

Senator Keatix^g. May I inquire at this point, Mr. Chairman ? 

You spoke of their spying on you. What form did that spying take ? 

Father Aguirre. Well, they were spying on me from 12 in the night, 
midnight, until the morning. They used to say in the town that I 
was having conspiracy meetings. That was not the truth. I never 
had in the night nor even in the day any conspiracy meetings with 

They were accusing me that I used to salute, to say "hello" to every- 
body in town ; and they didn't want me or anybody else to say "hello" 
to a person who used to have some contact, some relation with the 
Batista regime; and that is against my priesthood condition. I was 
a pastor, 

I have the right and the obligation to attend everybody, to talk to 
everybody, even to visit some of the families when they call me to pay 
attention to a sick person or for something else because I was the pastor 
for everybody, and they wanted me to keep away from all — any other 
people who used to have some relation or contact with the Batista 

Senator Keating. In other words, they asked you as a priest of the 
church to stop any contact with anyone who did not have their political 
principles ? 

Father Aguirre. That is right. That is what they were trying to 
do and I didn't go through this way because I was first a priest and 
a pastor for all my parishioners. I could have any private sympathy 
with the revolution, as I have, but I was a pastor for everybody and 
I had the obligation to pay attention to everybody in my own parish. 

Senator Cottox. May I ask one question, Mr. Chairman ? 

Before you left Cuba the first time, because of the military members 
of the Batista regime, were you in this same community, in this same 
church ? 

Father Aguirre, No, sir, I was in Camaguey Province in another 
town, in some other parish, and when I came back to Cuba in 1959, I 

went to the Havana Province and I was 

Senator Cotton. I see. 


Father Aguirre. I was appointed to Batabano. It is a town of 
Havana Province. 

Senator Cotton. Now, when you said a moment a^o that those wlio 
had been your friends before ceased to speak with you, to you— — 
Father Aguirre. Yes. 

Senator Cotton. You didn't mean that they had been your friends 

back in the days when you were opposing Batista. You mean 

Father Aguirre. No. 

Senator Cotton. They were your friends when you first came to 
this new parish ? 

Father Aguirre. That is right. They were my friends when I 
first came to this new parish because they knew that I was a very 
good sympathizer of the revohition and I was helping the revokition 
from here, from tlie United States, with the Cubans, you know, ad- 
vising them and doing tlie best I could for the Cuban exiles. 

Senator Cotton. I don't question that statement. But how did 
they know it in this new parish that you came to? How did they 
know of your previous opposition to the Batista regime ? 

Father Aguirre.- Well, because through many people going there to 
see me, you know, some of the top revolutionary men knew me from 
here and they used to go there and, you know, they were talking with 
other people. 

Also there were some publications in the papers about me, you know. 
There were several ways to know that. 

Senator Cotton. Thank you. 

Senator Dodd. The fact was quite well known that you were a sup- 
porter of Castro ? 

Father Aguirre. That is right. It was quite well known that I was 
a supporter of the revolution — not only of Castro, because Castro is 
not the revolution. I think that the revolution was — the big majority 
of the Cuban people want to change the condition under the Batista 

Senator Dodd. He was the leader of it, wasn't he ? Castro was the 

Father Aguirre. Yes, that is right. Castro was the leader and I 
think still a leader over there. 

Mr. SouRwixE. "Why did you leave Cuba to come back to the United 
States this last time? 

Father Aguirre. "VYliy did I leave ? 

Mr. Sourwine. Why did you leave ? Yes. 

Father Aguirre. Well, I was complaining about all these conditions 
and I was afraid — they were threatening me. I was afraid they could 
get me involved in any conspiracy because they were taking several 
prisoners in my to wii . 

One time they took about 40 men. Many of them were my friends. 
They used to talk to me and go to church and some of them didn't 
belong to any Catholic association I had over there and I was very- 
afraid because the ostracism you were talking about — they were im- 
proving this ostracism. 

For example, I had my car over there, my automobile, and I didn't 
have a garage. I had to let it outside the church and I used to go to 
Havana once a week and most of the tune when I go into Havana, 
when I come back, there is a garrison in the entrance of town and they 


were searcliing my car. They knew I was the priest, I was the pastor, 
and they were searching my car, looking, I think, for weapons or for 
antigovernment propaganda, something like that. I used to tell 
them, ''AVliat for are you searching my car? I don't have — I never 
used a weapon in my life and I don't have to have any weapons." 

But anyway, I was afraid some day they were going to put some 
weapons in the back of my car when I go to Havana in the morning 
so they could search my car and find some weapons. I coukhi't give 
any reason for that. 

Mr. SouEwixE. I want to get this clear for the record. Are you 
saying you were merely afraid of being threatened or are you saying 
you were afraid because you had been threatened ? Were you in fact 
threatened by anybody ? 

Father xVguirke. Yes; I was in fact threatened by several people. 
And I was — as I tell you, they would search my car. That was a 
disrespect for me, you know. And they didn't trust me any more be- 
cause when I was entering the town, or going away, they stopped 
me and they were searching my car. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Do you remember telling us in executive session that 
there was a Communist campaign against you, personally ? 

Father Aguirre. Yes. There was. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Explain that, would you, please ? 

Father Aguirre. Well, that was when we were preparing the elec- 
tion in the labor union. The Communists, with all these ways they 
have, you know, to get the thing they want — they didn't celebrate the 
election. They did celebrate the election but by themselves, like they 
do in the Communist countries. They didn't have any opposite party, 
you know, for the election, the labor union, and they celebrate the 
election I remember the 24th of ]\Iay 1959; and after the election 
they got a mob in front of my church in the park of Batabano and 
they were ciwing that they were going to burn the church and they 
were cr\'ing, about 150 of them, that they are going to hang tlie 

They said "We have to go in and we have to bring you here to the 
park to hang them here in the public park." I was still afraid my- 
self. I said, well, if they do it, everybody in the world is going to 
know the real situation of the Communists in Cuba. The Com- 
munists, they have to threaten anybody, even a priest, and I opened 
the door of mv church — it was about 7 :30 in the night. 

The sacristan, the man who is in charge of domg the things in the 
church, he came and said, "Father, will we ring the bells for the 
rosary?" We used to have the rosary every night. I said, "Yes, go 
ahead, open the door and light the candles, have the light on, and ring 
the bells," and then the policeman — they put two men with rifles in 
the front of my church, in the front of the main door. 

That means — I didn't ask for that but that means that they were 
afraid, the authority, that the Communists meant it when they said 
they are going to the church and they are going to burn it and are 
going to do some damage to me — that they were afraid that they 
wanted to do it. And then, after a while, I was inside and they were 
crying, shouting, "Let's hang the priest and let's burn the church," and 
there was a very real tension in town. 


I have many friends with me around who would say, "Father, we 
are ready to fight and to die if they dare to come into the church." But 
after a while they went away and I went out and nothing happened. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Was it shortly after this that you decided to come 
to the United States? 

Fatlier Aguirre. Well, I was decided shortly after that. I was de- 
cided to come to the United States, but anyway I was fighting that 
the situation could change, you know, because the big majortty of 
the Cuban people is Catholic— Christian. They like the freedom, 
democracy, the respect for everybody, the law and the order. I think 
that everything will be straightened out after a while. 

We cannot go ahead with this situation, with the control of the 
Communists everywhere, with the power they have, and I was expect- 
ing until — I was supposed to come before November but we have a 
wonderful congress, a great Catholic congress in Havana by the end 
of November, and I wanted to stay there to see how the people would 
manifest their faith because this congress was the public in a real 
manifestation of about a million people, 1 million people, against the 
Communists ; and that was the cry of the people in the congress. 

"Democracy, yes; Communists, no." That was the public cry over 
there. And then I came after the congress, immediately. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Father, did you come with the approval of your 
bishop this time as you did the first time? 

Father Aguirre. I did come with the approval of my own bishop 
in Havana. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you remember tlie information you gave us about 
the organization of juvenile patrols, boys of teen age ? 

Father Aguirre. Tliat is right, 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Tell us about that. 

Father AGu^RRE. I remember. 

Well, this organization is trying to introduce in the minds of the 
young people — even the children 13, 10, 14 years old— the absolute 
obligation to obey the party. I mean the leader, because when they 
say "the party," they say "the leader, Fidel Castro." 

And they try to influence their minds so that they will be devoted 
completely to evei7/thing coming from the leader. And even though 
they used to indoctrinate those children and young, very young peo- 
ple, that they have to obey the government, theniovement, rather 
than obey their own parents, their own church or anybody else. And 
I am sure that this is a Communist and totalitarian doctrine, you 
know, that they are trying to indoctrinate the young people with these 
ideas, to obey without any doubt any suggestion of the leader. 

"Maximo Lider," as they called him. 

Also they are indoctrinated to spy in their family, their parish, 
everybody around them. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. To spy on their own family ? 

Father Aguirre. Yes, and I know a case — I don't have the name. 
The priest that came visiting from Cuba about 2 months ago, he gave 
me the case, Avith the number, Avith the name, of one cliild who was 
about 13 or 14 years old in Oriente Province and he accused his grand- 
father of talking against the government, and then this grandfather 
was sent to the prison. That was the effect of the indoctrination that 


this grandchild accused liis gTandfather of hearing some talk against 
the revolution or against the Government. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did the Castro government ever attack the church? 

Father Aguirre. Well, I think he did. As far as his going — as far 
as he went away with these ideas 

]Mr. SouRwixE. Pardon me, Father. Don't you remember telling 
us in executive session that Castro never attacked the church? 

Father Aguirre. Xever attacked 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes. 

Father Aguirre. Well, I said he never attacked openly. I mean he 
didn't say never : "Well, we don't want to have the church any more. 
We don't want to have any more priests." He didn't do it openly 
because lie is smart to do that and he knows that most of the people, 
the great majority have a good Christian sentiment, especially Cath- 
olic because most of the people in Cuba are Catholic, and he never 
attacked openly. 

But he had been attacking the church several other ways, not 
strictly openly. He has been attacking his priests, anyway, after 
these declarations I told you, he has been attacking priests and even 
bishops in the official newspaper. If there are any priests or any 
bishops who would dare to say anything against the Government, it 
would be considered like a criminal of war, like a man sold to the 
American interest, like a Trujillista, like a nonpriest anymore. They 
would call any priest, any bishop who would dare to say something 
publicly in Cuba against the Government. 

And about 2 weeks ago, one priest. Father Yasco Guevara, he used 
to write for the paper- — some few articles about the socialization of 
Cuba. He never attacked — I read all his articles. He never attacked 
openly the Government but he was criticizing something, you know. 

Mr. Sourwixe. Thank vou, Father. 

Do you have any information respecting the intentions of thf Com- 
munist Party in Cuba as regards the United States ? 

Father Aguirre. Any intention about 

Mr. Sourwixe. Do you have any information about what the Com- 
munist Party in Cuba intends or how they regard the United States ? 

Father Agihrre. Well, they regard — I think the Communist Party, 
the policy, not only in Cuba but all Latin America, since 1956 is to dis- 
credit the United States, to go to make trouble between the United 
States and the Latin American countries, to raise the anti-American 
sentiments, and that is the campaign that you should know, I am sure, 
the '"Hate xVmerica" campaign they are getting in Cuba. You knovr, 
eveiTthing wrong that happened in Cuba or happened in any other 
coimtiy in Latin America, they will blame systematically the United 
States. That is the campaign they have in Cuba. 

The Government has that in Cuba. And that is the campaign of 
the Communists in all Latin American countries. 

Mr. Sourwixe. Father Aguirre, do you have any information about 
the Prensa Latina, the Latin American press agency in Cuba? 

Father Aguirre. Yes ; I had information that this Prensa Latina is 
a Communist-controlled agency. 

Mr. Sourwixe. From where do you get that information ? 

Father Aguirre. Well, I got this information through one pei^on 
inside the Prensa Latina, through another priest. You know that I 


couldn't say his name, you kno^Y, because he is still in Cuba. He gave 
me the names of the top officers, of the men running the Prensa Latina 
and their relation to the Communist Party, all their background you 
know, and this Prensa Latina is a Commvinist agency in complete con- 
tact with Prague in Czechoslovakia. 

They kept a relationship in cables and in code with Prague, receiv- 
ing information and everything they want to say, you know. And the 
general ]:)olicy of the Prensa Latina is to present all the news, even the 
more insignificant ones, against the United States, and to present all 
the troubles that there are in this country, like anywhere else. You 
know, if there are racial troubles, discrimination, they want to make a 
great propaganda about that, to discredit this country, in all the news, 
even the more insignificant. That is the purpose of the Prensa Latina. 

Mr. SouEwiNE. What were the names given you as the top Com- 
munists in Prensa Latina ? 

Father Aguirre. What? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You said that certain names were given to you as the 
top Communists in Prensa Latina, if I understood you correctly. 
What were those names ? 

Father Aguirre. You want me to say the name ? 

Mr. SotTiWixE. No. I understood you could not give the name of 
your informer. 

Father Aguirre. No. 

Mr. Sourwine. You couldn't tell who told you ? 

Father Aguirre. That is right. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. But I understood you to say he had given you the 
names of persons who were top Communists in Prensa Latina. 

Father Aguirre. Yes. 

Mr. SouRAViNE. Can you give us those names ? 

Father Aguirre. I think I have it here. Let me see. I don't think 
I have it. I gave it already. 

Senator Dodd. You gave us the names of people who are not Cubans 
who are in this Prensa Latina. The informer gave you that. 

Father Aguirre. He didn't give the name. 

Senator Dodd. Was the name Mazetti ? 

Father Aguirre. Well 

Senator Dodd. Do you know that? 

Father Aguirre. He is the executive chief of the Prensa Latina. 

Senator Dodd. Well, who is he? "W^io were you told he is? 

Father Aguirre. Well, he is an Argentinian, Communist, Peronist. 
He is the chief, I mean, the executive chief of the Prensa Latina, this 

Senator Dodd. You said you were told he was an Argentine Com- 
munist ? 

Father Aguirre. That is right. Peronist. 

Senator Dodd. And he is now an official of the Latin Press Agency ? 

Father Aguirre. That is right. 

Senator Keating. Mr. Chairman, in other words, he was a sup- 
porter of Peron ? 

Father Aguirre. Of Peron. 

Senator Keating. When Peron left he became an active Commu- 
nist ? 

Father Aguirre. That is correct. 

coAcvruisriST threat to u.s. through the Caribbean 337 

Mr, SouEwiNE. Do you know the name Moclica ? 

Father Aguirre. Yes. He is one of the men also, the top men in 
the Prensa Latina. 

Senator Dodd. Tell us, who is he? ^Miat were you told about 
Modica ? 

Father Aguirre. "Well, I don't — I have a few of the more important 
details, you know, that he was born — he was a Communist, but I 
don't have the complete information about him, you know. I couldn't 
tell you too many details. I think I give you already the details I 

Mr. Sour^\t:xe. Did you know a man named Padilla? 

Father Aguirre. Padilla? Yes, I do. 

]Mr. SouRwiNE. He is also with the Prensa Latina? 

Father Aguirre. Yes, he is. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Was he also identified to you as a Commimist? 

Father Aguirre. Yes. 

]Mr. SouRwixE. Panamanian Commimist? 

Father Aguirre. A Panamanian Communist. 

]Mr. SouRwixE. Did you know the names Pastor Valdes, Jose Pardo, 
Gabriel Molina, and Antonio Fernandes? 

Father Aguirre. Yes. 

JNIr. SouRwixE. Were they connected with Prensa Latina ? 

Father Aguirre. They are. 

JMr. Sourwixe. Were they identified to 3'ou as Cuban Communists? 

Father Aguirre. Yes, they are. 

Mr. Sourwixe. Do you know where the meeting place of the Com- 
munist Party is, in Havana ? 

Father Aguirre. They have, I think, the meeting in the building 
of the Prensa Latina. The center of contact among all Communists 
in Cuba. You know that there are many Communists, officers and 
engineers and politicians, from China, Russia, Yugoslavia, in Cuba ; 
Czechoslovakia. They used to have the meeting at the Prensa Latina 
Building in Havana. 

Senator Dodd. Father, let me ask you a couple of questions. Let 
me ask you firet a general question. 

Is it a fair summary of your testimony now, as I state it, that you 
were a Catholic priest in Cuba ; you were opposed to Batista, and this 
was well known under the Batista government? Is that right? 

Father Aguirre. That is right. 

Senator Dodd. So you had to leave Cuba and vou came to the United 

Father Aguirre. That is right. 

Senator Dodd. You supported the Castro revolution from the 
United States as well as you could ? 

Father Aguirre. I did. 

Senator Dodd. Before the takeover by Castro. 

Father Aguirre. Yes, I did. 

Senator Dodd. Thereafter vou returned to Cuba in Januarv of 

Father Aguirre. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. You found that Communists were very active in 

43354— 60— pt. 7 2 


Father Aguirre. That is right. 

Senator Dodd. They gave you a hard time, made it difficult for you 
to carry on your priestly activities ? 

Father Aguirre. You are riglit. 

Senator Dodd. You observed their activities in labor unions? 

Father Aguirre. That is right. 

Senator Dodd. The Prensa Latina Agency, and where they indoctri- 
nated the youngsters who had been spying on their parents and on 
other people  

Father Aguirre. That is right. 

Senator Dodd. All right. And you have told us that you believe 
and liave been informed that certain people in this press agency are 

Father Aguirre. Yes, I do. 

Senator Dodd. Now, let me ask you a question. Do you laiow of 
your own knowledge of any activities in Cuba at the present time that 
are directed against the United States? 

Father Aguirre. Well, I know the public activities, you know, the 
propaganda that — you want to know if I know of some special ac- 
tivities, but I don't really know if there is something special they are 
trying to do to the United States. I don't really know. 

Senator Dodd. Do you know of any Cuban Communist agents who 
are operating in the United States ? 

Father Aguirre. Well, I do. I think all the agents of Fidel Castro 
in the United States are Communists. 

Senator Dodd. Well, do you know who they are ? 

Father Aguirre. Yes. Well, I think I know. 

Senator Dodd. Can you tell us ? 

Father Aguirre. The names ? 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 

Father Aguirre. I don't have the names in my mind now, I mean, 
I know some things in Miami, you know, in Florida, but not here. 
I know some of them in Cuba. I tliink that the agent for Manuel 
Marquez — he is in charge of tourism in Cuba, and the chief of G-2 
in Miami. He is in charge of all the agents, Communist agents, 
Fidelista agents in Miami. He is the boss of t-liings, Manuel Marquez. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you know where he lives in Havana ? 

Father Aguirre. Well, I don't remember. It is known in Miami, 
you know. He has a tourist commission, Cuban Tourist Commission 
in Miami. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you know his residence in Miami ? 

Father Aguirre. I don't remember the address. I think I would 
Icnow if I were there, but I don't remember exactly the address. 

Senator Dodd. How would one go about locating him ? 

Father Aguirre. About locating him ? 

Senator Dodd. About finding him. 

Father Aguirre. Well, I think it is very easy through the Immigra- 
tion in Miami, easy to locate him. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Have you seen this man ? 

Father Aguirre. I have seen him ; yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Would you describe him ? 

Father Aguirre. Oh, yes. He is very well known in Miami. 

Mr. Sourwine. Describe him. Is he a tall man, dark ? 


Father Aguirre. He is a dark man, tall, like me, more or less, a 
dark man, about 40 years old, something like that, 37, 38. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is he clean shaven ? 

Father Aguirre. Yes. 

Mr. SouR^VINE. Does he have a moustache ? 

Father Aguirre. No ; he doesn't have any moustache. 

Senator Dodd. Did you observe any activity on the part of Chinese 
Communists in Cuba ? 

Father Aguire. Yes. There is a — they have a lot of activity. I 
think they are imitating more — the Communist government in Cuba —  
the Chinese than the Russian. They are always praising the Chinese 
popular government, they call it ; and they have a radio now, a station, 
an hour in Chinese language for the Chinese colony in Cuba ; and they 
have a paper also, the Regla, in some town near Havana. 

Senator Dodd. They have a newspaper ? 

Father Aguirre. Yes, sir ; a newspaper for the Communist Chinese. 
I have heard — I couldn't tell you the name, but several people, you 
know, wlio have been in contact with the Government, they used to find 
many foreigners there that are not American, because in Cuba if you 
don't talk English — but everybody understands when somebody is 
talking in English. They hear these same talking some other lan- 
guage, but not English. That is Russian, Chinese — you can recog- 
nize the Chinese through their face, you know, and Yugoslavian and 
Czechoslovakian, and especially Chinese Communists. There are 
many Chinese Communists in Cuba from China, even publicly. 

They are always saying in the paper that they are receiving a mis- 
sion of Chinese students, of the Chinese workers. They are alwa3"S. 
And with this commission comes 20, 30 people. "Who knows who they 
really are ? They say that they are representatives of the students 
or the workers in China, but we don't know exactly who they are. 

They know, of course. 

Senator Keatixg. Can you tell us anything further. Father, about 
the relation between the church and the Government? Have you 
given us all the information you have with reference to the Govern- 
ment's attitude toward the church? 

Father Aguirre. Well. I think I didn't give you all the information 
I have but I give some. "Well, I think that the relation, as I told you — 
first of all, you knoAv that I am not talking in the name of the church 
in Cuba. I am talking in my own name. I don't represent anybody 
or any church in Cuba. I represent my own opinion. 

And I think the relations are getting worse every day because it is 
impossible to get along with the Communists, this indoctrination, 
with these totalitarian ideas that there are in the propaganda, in the 
radio, in the television, in the paper, everywhere, you know. They 
are trying to make God a poor man, like Fidel. I think he is a poor 
man. The propaganda are trying to make him a god and that is 
against any religious sentiments, not only against the Catholic senti- 
ments. And it is against God's idea to make a man God, and that is 
what — I think the relations are getting worse every day. 

There has been taken some property of the church. 

Senator Keatixg. They have taken properties of the church? 

Father Aguirre. They took already some properties of the church, 
farms, a few farms, censers, ecclesiastical censers, that is the kind of 


property the cliurch has over there. And they were making a big 
propaganda to take over the Havana cemetery. The Havana cemetery 
belongs to the diocese of Havana, to the church. The money they are 
receiving for this property is to support the Seminary of Havana and 
some other orphanage. And there has been making a lot of propaganda 
through the radio to take over the cemetery. I think they will take it 
pretty soon. 

And, as far as I know, there are many — most of the priests, the great 
majority, they are very, very disappointed with this situation in Cuba. 
They are afraid to talk in public because if they talk in public against — 
I wouldn't say against the Government. Nobody would dare to say 
that over there. 

But against communism, they won't be able to stay there. They 
will have to get away from Cuba. 

Like happened to me, you know. Like happened to some other 
priests. If there is anybody talking publicly and frequently, with 
some frequence, against the Communists, against this indoctrination, 
the totalitarian Communist indoctrination to the young people, they 
won't be able to stay there any more and that is what they don't dare to 
talk in public but they talk in private, privately, with the other priests, 
with the parishioners, some other person. 

Senator Keating. Have you heard any officials of the Government 
express anti- American sentiments? 

Father Aguirre. Oh, yes. The Maximo Lider, Fidel Castro, he is 
always expressing very anti-American sentiments. Always he is talk- 
ing about the Americans and all the others, the official papers, the 
Kevolucion, the official papers, and the other ministers, they are al- 
ways blaming the United States for everything wrong in Cuba. 

Senator Keating. That is the official Government doctrine, not 
simply the Communists ? 

Father Aguirre. No, no. Official Government. Official Govern- 
ment doctrine, that is right. 

Senator Keating. You have spoken of the large number of Chinese 
agents there. Are there Russian agents in Cuba ? 

Father Aguirre. There are, too. Yes. But I think there are more 
Chinese than Russian. 

Senator Keating. And there are agents from other Communist 
countries ? 

Father Aguirre. Always. Especially from Yugoslavia and Czecho- 

Senator Dodd. Senator Cotton ? 

Senator Cotton. Father, did you observe exactly how 60 or 70 mem- 
bers of that maritime union took over the control of 1,200 ? How did 
they go about it ? 

Father Aguirre. I didn't observe it because I wasn't there when they 
took over, but I knew it because everybody knew it in the town. 

Senator Cotton. How did they do it ? 

Father Aguirre. In the 1st and 2d of January, the people, the 
young people, the revolutionaries, were taking care of the public order 
in the town, you know, and they were taking over the garrison and the 
Communists wei-e taking care of the unions. They didn't do anything 
else. And that is what they did in Batabano. 


The boss of the Communists at the 1st of January was in Havana. 
He wasn't in Batabano and as soon as he knew the Batista regime was 
out, it fell down, then he went to Batabano directly to the labor union 
building, you know. And they brought — they came in and they took 
power of the union. 

Senator Cotton. When the Batista government was overthrown 

Father Aguirke. Yes. 

Senator Cottox. Did the revolutionary high command assign cer- 
tain people in certain communities to take over certain functions ? In 
other words, was it the revolutionary command that assigned certain 
people to take over the police functions and then turned the Com- 
munists loose on the unions, or did it just happen locally ? 

Father Aguirre. Well, more or less I think there were some assign- 
ments, but in general was a lot of confusion, and in this confusion the 
only people who knew what they wanted were the Communists. They 
went directly to the labor imion. 

Senator Cottox. That is very clear. Thank you. 

Father Aguirre. They were very clear what they were after. 

Senator Cottox. Now let me ask you this : Did you know of the 
existence of Communist cells or groups in Cuba while the Batista 
regime was still in power ? 

Father Aguirre. Yes. There were some Commmiist cells working 
m Cuba. 

Senator Cottox. Were they fairly strong ? 

Father Aguirre. I don't think so. They were some by this time. 

Senator Cottox. Were they Cubans, largely, or were they composed 
largely of non-Cubans, people from the outside ? 

Father Aguirre. At that time I think they were Cubans. They were 
only Cubans most of the time, I think. 

Senator Cottox. Was it only since the coming of the Castro govern- 
ment that Argentine and Panamanian and Chinese and Russian Com- 
munists have come into Cuba ? 

Father Aguirre. That is right. That was after Castro took over, 
not before. 

Senator Cottox. Are the outside Communists effective in their 
propaganda with Cubans? Do they exercise quite an influence with 
Cubans ? 

Father Aguirre. They do. They exercise — they are having key 
positions, none very openly, you know, but in all the ministries there 
are some outsiders, foreigners. Communists, in key positions. 

Senator Cottox. And how have they obtained those key positions? 

Father Aguirre. Well, I think because the Government is Commu- 
nist, because Fidel Castro is Communist himself; that is a policy they 
have. They have everything prepared this way, you know, to indoc- 
trinate the other one, to control the minds and opinions of the other 
people in those jobs, in those positions. 

Senator Cottox. I am not familiar with either the Spanish or Latin 
American languages, but is there a distinction or marked difference 
between the language of a resident of Argentina and a Cuban, for 

Father Aguirre. No. There is no essential distinction. For ex- 
ample, like the distinction between the English the United States 


speaks here and the English of England, you know. There are so 

Senator CoTTO>r. Or the English of the South. 

Father Aguirre. That is right. The North and the South. There 
is the same language. We can understand, we speak the same lan- 
guage in Argentina. 

Senator Keating. Or New England. 

Senator Cottox. So there is no handicap in other Latin Americans 
coming in and seeking to convince and to win the Cubans to Com- 

Father Agutree. No. 

Senator Cotton. No handicap of language. 

Father Aguirre. There is no handicap. We have one of the top 
names in the Government, Guevara; he is an Argentine. He is one 
of the most powerful men in Cuba. 

Senator Cotton. How about the case of Europeans, or Asians, Rus- 
sians, and Chinese ? 

Father Aguirre. Some of them know Spanish very well. I think 
they were all ready. They have a good knowledge of the language 
and some don't know but they have interpreters. 

Senator Cotton. But they have been given positions of power to 
aid them and those positions have been given them by the Castro 
government ? 

Father Aguirre. The Government, that is right. You are right. 

Senator Cotton. You are quite sure of that ? 

Father Aguirre. I am quite sure of that. 

Senator Keating. Have you actually observed, of your own knowl- 
edge, instances of that? 

Father Aguirre. No. I didn't see myself. Batabano, no other 
town, I didn't see them myself. But many other people, very re- 
sponsible people, even some priests have told me about this man. 
Also, I tell you, for example, when they were in part of the Govern- 
ment, taxes to the church — now the church has to pay taxes in Cuba. 
They don't pay here and most of the countries, for the territory, for 
the church, for the schools and so forth. And when they were paying, 
they say the Treasury Ministry, they send a man to discuss with the 
lawyer of the archbishop, the diocese of Havana, about this problem, 
and the man with tlie power to discuss that was a Spaniard, a Com- 
munist Spaniard, was no Cuban, was a Commu.nist in the civil war 
in Spain, a Communist Spaniard. He was the man with all the 
power and with the bishop and the lawyer of the diocese who was 
asking him, it wasn't good, because tlie church in Cuba is poor more 
or less. He said, "Well, why shouldn't you pay taxes when you receive 
a stipend or an offering, for example, for a mass, like anybody else. 
If you receive $2 for a stipend, j^ou should pay taxes like anybody 
else." And he had all the power. This was a Spaniard Communist. 
He was not a Cuban. I know especially this man myself. 

Senator Cotton. Thank you. 

Mr. Sourwine. No more questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator Dodd. Thank you very much, Father. We appreciate the 
fact you would come here and give us this testimony. 

Mr. Sourwine. ^Ir. Chairman, I would like to call Father Juan 
Ramon O'Farril. Is Father O'Farril here? 

Mr. Schroeder, is the Father coming ? 


Mr. ScHROEDER. The marshal in Miami notified us the day before 
yesterday that he had received his subpena. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Would you check to see if he has reported in down- 

Mr. SCHROEDER. I will. 

Mr. SouRWiXE. Mr. Chairman, while this check is beinf^ made, I 
liave here somethino- for the record, anti-American propaganda of the 
comic book type of publication. I mean, the format. There is nothing 
comic about this publication, which is being widely circulated in Cuba. 

I ofTer this for the file, for the record by reference, and I have here 
a few excerpts from it. 

Senator Keating. Before we do that, could we have counsel state 
the source of it, the basis of his statement that it is widely circulated 
in Cuba ? 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwixE. The fact that it is widely circulated in Cuba is 
documented in various American publications. It has been referred 
to by name in, for instance. Life magazine, Time, the New York 
Times, and others. This particular copy was purchased on a street 
of Havana and it is on street corners, hawked on the corners, accord- 
ing to the committee's information. 

Senator Keatixg. Thank you. 

Mr. SonRWix'E. The publisher's note in the first of this volume 
reads ^ as follows : 

Note of the editors : With this second pamphlet of "Notes for a True History 
of Cuba" the Foundation of the Popular Book has gathered two illustrated 
works of Jose Pardo Llada. One of them reveals, with a documentary pre- 
cision, the episode of the explosion of the Maine, the "mysteries" of which come 
afloat as if after 60 years from the tragedy we had extracted from the bottom 
of the sea the remains of the famous battleship. 

Another one — of present-day interest — tells in revolutionary prose of the 
unforgettable burial of the victims of "La Coubre" and then tells in a fiery 
statement all the Cuban reasons to determine the responsibilities of the United 
States in the repeated aggressions to the National Sovereignty. Both works — 
the same as the previous Pardo Llada work on Bartolome Maso and the First 
American Intervention — represent serious contributions to establish the historic 
truth of our relations with the United States. 

And the excerpts show the nature of it, involving a charge that the 
United States blew up the Maine to start the Spanish- American War, 
that the United States blew up the ship in Havana Harbor. 

Senator Dodd. Very well, that will be received and marked in the 

(The document referred to was received for the files of the com- 
mittee. Additional excerj^ts ^ read as follows:) 

The explosion of February 15. — While in Washington the representatives of 
the nascent American economic imperialism (McKinley, Theodore Roosevelt, 
Root, Long) were engaged in precipitating the intervention in the Cuban war, 
with the intention of annexing the island, the Spaniards, preoccupied with iron- 
ing out their differences with the already powerful Nation, were smoothing out, 
with all kinds of explanations, the diplomatic relations between the two coun- 
tries, placed in jeopardy by the imprudence of Ambassador Depuy de Lome. 

This was the state of affairs on February 15, at 9 :4.5 p.m., when almost 
the entire crew of the SS Maine was aboard, icitli the exception of the ship's 
officers, and a terrible explosion occurred which caused the death of 266 men. 

^ As translated by Elizabeth Harunian of the Library of Congress. 


The victims included 264 plain sailors — Negroes in their majority — and only 
two low-ranking officers. Almost none of the officers were aboard at that time — 
9 :45 p.m. — but were playing cards in distant residential homes in the Cerro, or 
attending a show at the "Teatro Albizu." 

Some eyewitnesses stated that, when the officers of the Maine heard the explo- 
sion, they automatically looked at one another and called out: "It is the boat!" 

Those who were at the "Teatro Albizu" rushed out seconds after the ex- 
plosion, headed for the Caballeria Pier and cutting through Calle O'Reilly, cer- 
tain that it was a disaster that had struck the unit to which they belonged. 

iti 4i ii: ^ ^ ^ '^ 

As proved by these statements, the magnates of the American press and the 
Washington pro-Colonialism leaders had very little interest in Cuba or in its 
fight for Independence. They stated with brutal frankness that they needed 
the war "in order to sell more newspapers", or to "make better business deals." 

^ :)! :J; H= !i^ * * 

Theodore Roosevelt, the great culprit. — The agitation initiated by the Ameri- 
can press was followed by meetings and public acts promoted by the imperialistic 
political groups, under the slogan: "Remember the Maine." 

^ SfS ^ ^ ^ ^ 1* 

The real culprits. — If it was not the Spaniards — as falsely stated in the Com- 
mittee report — or the Cubans — as villainously claimed by Atkins — the question 
remained : Who was responsible for the sinking of the Maine"} 

Indubitably the waiynongerinff interests, which had incited the United States 
to intervene in Cuba. 

Is it not significant that [only] hours after the explosion and at a distance 
of so many miles as between Havana and New York, the warmongering news- 
papers were publishing the same conclusions — an underwater mine — at which 
the Investigating Committee arrived a month later? 

Is it not a piece of evidence that almost automatically, when the explosion of 
the Maine occurred, Under Secretary of the Navy Roosevelt placed the entire 
blame on the Spaniards and clamored for sending the entire fleet to Havana? 

What was the reason for Theodore Roosevelt's insistent request, hours after 
the explosion, that McKinley not make any investigation of the disaster of the 

What did the famous letter say that Capt. Sigsbee was writing, precisely to 
Roosevelt, at the very moment of the explosion? 

To save whom did Capt. Sigsbee say shortly before he died that he never had 
stated his opinion as to who had destroyed the Maine? 


And once the evidence had been exhausted, with the skill that could have been 
displayed only by the best lawyer, aided by the best expert in explosives — and 
it so happens that Fidel is a lawyer and that, besides, he had to turn into an 
expert on explosives in the Sierra Maestra — the tall, bearded man, at whom that 
cold north was hammering away, alone on the platform, without losing his 
composure and serenity in making his statement, was asking himself who might 
have been the one, or the ones, having arranged that crime, and, through a series 
of irrefutable deductions, even submitting such conclusive proof as the action 
[reaction?] of the United States Consul at Amberes, to learning about the 
shipment of arms to Cuba, established, clearly and courageously, the indubitable 
responsibility of the United Slates for this monstrous crime. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Has Father O'Farril reported in downstairs? 

Mr. SciiROEDER. No, sir ; and the word has gone to Miami to see what 

Mr. SouRwiNE. We are informed, Mr. Chairman, that Father 
O'Farril left Miami in response to his snbpena to come here. I don't 
know why he has not arrived. 

Senator Dodd. Have you notified the proper authorities? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I think perhaps that had better be done. 

Senator Dodd. Wasn't he harmed once before ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. He was very badly beaten by Batista agents and 
he was fearful there would be another attack. 


Senator Dodd. Is lie another one of the Catholic priests who returned 
under Castro and had to leave again? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Yes, sir. 

Senator Dodd. I tliink I would send out the word on that. 

Senator Keating. Do we know when he left ? 

Senator Dodd. Do we know when he left, Mr. Schroeder? 

Mr. Schroeder. No; we don't. 

Senator Dodd. You know he was served? 

Mr. Schroeder. I know he was. The marshal notified him. 

Senator Dodd. And you expected him here this morning. 

Mr. Schroeder. Yes, sir. 

Senator Dodd. "We ought to find out if he did leave. My recol- 
lection was that he was one in particular that we wanted to hear. 

Mr. Sourwine. Father Rosario Maxilliano Perez. 

I understand Father Perez speaks only Spanish. "We will speak 
with him through an interpreter. 

Senator Dodd. "We will swear Father Perez. "Will you stand up 
and raise your right hand, please ? 

Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you give before this 
subcommittee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help you God ? 

Father Perez. I do. 


Senator Dodd. Give us you name and your address? 

Father Perez. Maxilliano Perez Diaz. 

Senator Dodd. Speak up, please. 

Mr. Sourwine. You were educated at San Carlos and San Ambro- 
sio Seminaries? 

Father Perez. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. You were ordained a Catholic priest in 1949 ? 

Father Perez. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. You were at one time imprisoned by the Batista 

Father Perez. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. You had fought the Batista government for a pe- 
riod of 7 years? 

Father Perez. For 7 years. 

Mr. Sourwine. "Will you tell us something of that fight against 
the Batista government? And I respectfully suggest that for the 
purposes of the record, the interpreter explain to the Father that if he 
will speak a sentence, she can then translate it and then he may speak 
another sentence and she will translate that. 

Senator Dodd. Before he begins to tell us about his fight against 
Batista, ask him tliis question : 

"Wasn't your father killed by Batista? 

Father Perez. Yes; in 1940. 

Senator Dodd. "Wlien you are telling us about your struggle against 
Batista, tell us the facts about your father's execution. 

The Interpreter. This was during the election, during the election 
time. This was during the Father's studies and the election of Ba- 


tista ensued in 1940 when this look place. His father was a leader 
of a certain movement which was a movement against Batista. 

Father Perez is explaining that his father 

Senator Dodd. You just tell us what he said. Never mind ex- 
plaining. You interpret each word that he says in Spanish into that 
microphone. That is all we want you to do. ^Yliat did he say? 

The Interpreter. His father was a leader who was working against 
the Batista government. His father was opposed to the repression 
of that military unit. 

Senator Dodd. I don't want you to think I am critical. Speak in 
the first person. He must be saying: "My father," "I." Use those 
pronouns wlien you interpret. Say just what he said. Don't say 
what you think. 

Father Perez. My father spoke against the government and in 
speaking thus, he was assassinated by som.eone from the police force. 
This is the activity of mj^ father as I have said it. 

Senator Dodd. Tell us about your own experience with the Batista 
government. Make it brief. Give us the essence of it. 

Father Perez. Since I knew who Fulgencio Batista was, I knew 
of the last months which were lacking in authority and there was 
disorder in the country. But I knew and recognized Fulgencio Ba- 
tista. He was disordered, and I knew of the bad consequences. 

Senator Dodd. Were you part of any underground movement 
against Batista in Cuba ? 

Father Perez. Yes. I was involved in the Movement of July 26. 

Senator Dodd. So you did everything you could to bring about 
Batista's downfall, is that right ? 

Father Perez. I did everything possible, even to the extent of 
endangering my life. 

Senator Dodd. Batista heard about this, did he not? 

Father Perez. Yes, he did. 

Senator Dodd. And as a result you had to leave Cuba ? 

Father Perez. No. I did not leave. 

Senator Dodd. You never left Cuba ? 

Father Perez. No. Never. 

Senator Dodd. Were you in any wise punished for your activities, 
or restricted, I guess would be the better word? Were you restricted 
in any way? 

Father Perez. Yes, I was. 

Senator Dodd. How? Tell us how? 

Father Perez. They watched me constantly. They checked my 
house very often. They would look for my brothers, with arms. 

Senator Dodd. All right. Now, in any event, it is well established 
here. You told us on the record that you did resist Batista. Now, 
did you support the Castro movement when that started in Cuba? 

Father Perez. Yes. 

Is this at the present or before ? 

Senator Dodd. I mean when it first started. 

Father Perez. I served or approved of Castro until I discovered 
he was a Communist. I was commissioned by the government for 
15 days, commissioned mayor of the town by the government for 15 


Senator Dodd. I think this is a good place to break off for the 
recess. So we will recess until 2 :15. 

(Whereupon, at 12 o'clock meridian, a recess was taken until 2 :15 
p.m., the same day.) 


The subcommittee reconvened at 2 :15 p.m., pursuant to recess. 

(Present: Senators Dodd and Keating; Mr. Sour wine and Mr. 

Senator Dodd. Please come to order. 

Because we have a witness who wishes to leave the city today, we 
will interrupt the testimony of Father Perez, with Father Perez' 
permission, and call instead Mr. Diaz Balart. 

Representative Anfuso. Mr. Chairman, Senator Keating, it is my 
very happy privilege this afternoon to introduce to this committee Dr. 
Eafael Diaz Balart, a former Senator of Cuba, a man who studied 
for many years in this country, who is a devoted citizen of his 
country, a disciple of the famous hero of Cuba, Marti. He has been 
a resident of the United States, which country he has always wor- 
shiped because of its democratic principles, and it has always been 
his idea to carry out those principles in his native land. 

He knows a great deal about the present difficulties going on in 
Cuba today. He feels deeply that the country is going communistic, 
that it is being alienated from the United States, for which the people 
of Cuba have always had a great love and admiration. He feels 
deeply that the people of Cuba do not like the separation which their 
dictator form of government is leading them to. He happens to be a 
brother-in-law of the present ruler of Cuba, not by choice, but it is 
something that happened. 

And he is here, I am sure, to tell this committee the whole truth 
about Cuba. And I can assure the committee that he will be very 
cooperative, as he has been in the past with the staff of this committee, 
and is indeed at your disposal. I thank you very much for this op- 
portunity of being able to present him. 

Senator Dodd. Raise your right hand, please. 

Do you solemnly swear the testimony you will give before this sub- 
committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I do. 


Senator Dodd, Have a chair. 

You speak English, I believe. 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir, a little bit. 

Senator Dodd. If you need an interpreter, she will be present. 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Thank you. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Your full name, sir ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Rafael Lincoln Diaz Balart. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. And your residence ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I live in New York. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You are a lawyer ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you a member of the bar of Cuba ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you a member of the bar of any State of the 
United States? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No, sir. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Where did you go to school ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Havana University, and University of Oriente. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. When ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. From 1945, when I started Havana University. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you have a prominent dassmate in law school ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. I was a classmate of Premier Castro. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You were a classmate of Fidel Castro? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Were you formerly a member of the National Leg- 
islature of Cuba^? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. How long- have you been in the United States? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Since January 15, 1959. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Why did you leave Cuba and come here ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I left Cuba on December 20, 1958, to Europe, for 
some professional business, and while there the Communist forces of 
Castro arrived to power, so I remained there until January 15 when I 
came here to the United States. 

Senator Keaitng. May I inquire? 

You mean that your relationship is that your wife is a sister of 
Fidel Castro? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No, my sister was the wife of Castro. 

Senator Keating. I see. Thank you. 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I would like to ask Your Honor's permission to 
read a veiy brief opening statement, if it is possible. 

Senator Dodd. All right. Go ahead. 

Mr. Diaz Balart. As a Cuban, and as a public person, I appreci- 
ate the hospitality extended to me by this great brother country of 
the United States of America. I am happy to i-espond to tlie subpena 
of this distinguished committee to appear before it. I do so with the 
same feeling of appreciation as I would if I were invited to come 
before any other representative body of the other free comitries of 
America in order to cooperate with my best knowledge towards 
the understanding of our mutual problems, and for the better defense 
of the democratic Christian principles that are fundamental in the 
Americas. These principles are increasingly being threatened from 
Alaska to the Rio Plata, by the subversive activities of imperialistic 
and atheistic international Communists. Fulfilling this apj^earance, 
which I have been requested to do by this honorable committee, I wish 
to emphasize my profound faith in the moral resources of the Cuban 

I am sure that they know how to proceed in the straggle for the 
total liberation from Communist tyranny and oppression that today 
is ruling that coimti*y, and from their spreading hatred and provoca- 
tion throughout the Western Hemisphere. 

I wish also to give this committee and pul^lic opinion generally a 
clear and definite assurance of my devotion to the friendship and 
solidarity of the peoples of the American Continent. And I want 


to express my respect and faith in the principle of nonintervention 
in the internal affairs of the respective countries, which are funda- 
mental principles of the Organization of the American States. 

I shall always have profomid love for this great comitry of liberty 
and brotherhood. Thank you very much. 

Senator Dodd. All right, sir. Thank you. 

Go ahead, ]Mr. Sourwine. 

Senator Keatixg, Just one question. You are a citizen of Cuba? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir. 

Senator Keating. Thank you. 

Mr. Sourwine. Congressman Anfuso mentioned that you were 
Fidel Castro's brother-in-law, and you said that your sister was Fidel 
Castro's wife. I take it your use of the past tense means that she no 
longer is his wife. 

Mr. Diaz Balart. That is right. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Is your sister still alive? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. She is then divorced from Fidel Castro ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. That is right. 

Senator Keating. Is she living in Cuba ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Diaz Balart, did you ever hold a position in the 
Government of Cuba ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. ^Miat position ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I was Under Secretary of Interior, before being 
elected a congressman. 

Mr. Sourwine. When was that ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. 1952. 

Mr. Sourwine. Under Batista ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you ever hold office under any President other 
than Batista ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. 'Ko, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. "Were you, then, a pro-Batista Cuban? You were 
part of the Batista government ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. I was pro-Batista before 1952, when the 
party that he founded — he called it a new party, and he called the 
Cuban youth to join that party in order to fight for order, for progress, 
and for stability of the Cuban country. Aiid I liked those principles. 
I joined him in the opposition. I was the leader of the youth party 
in all the nation while we were in the opposition. And in 1952, when 
the coup d'etat took place — in 1952, 10th of March — I continued with 
Batista, because he promised to give the countiy progress and stability, 
and I was very much concerned with the terrible situation of my coun- 
try before those years when the life, the hmnan life didn't have any 
value at all. And being a Christian, as I am, I have always thought 
that it is not possible to think in any other human principle in any 
country if you don't have before anything the guarantee of the human 
life, and of the human dignity. 

]Mr. Sourwine. When did you leave the Batista government ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I Avas elected in 1954 a congressman, and I con- 
tinued within the government of Batista with vei-y definite and 


peculiar point of view, as head of the youth movement. We were 
asking Batista in private and in public for honesty in the govern- 
ment, for progress, for stability, for free elections, and there is a 
matter of record, even in the U.S. magazine like Time, of that time, 
when we asked in a big rally of more than 80,000 young men and 
women all throughout the island headed by me, we asked Batista to 
have free elections. 

Mr. SonRWiNE. Did you ever break with Batista ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I had a lot of struggle with Batista, and that is 
also a matter of record in all the press of my country. After I was 
elected in 1954, as the No. 1 of all the representatives of my province, 
I denounced the corruption of those elections in my Oriente Province, 
and I had trouble with Batista. After the big rally in 1953, I made 
very clear in my speech before the Presidential Palace, that we didn't 
agree with the politics of Batista, that we didn't agree with the cabinet 
of Batista, and because of that I was out of the country for several 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you return ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I returned, and I had a meeting with my organ- 
ization, national organization, several times. We were making pres- 
sure in the government of Batista for progress. We were asking for 
a land reform, a constitutional land reform, and we were expecting 
to make Batista to have some changes. After that, when the civil 
war was working, and working in spite of our efforts, when Castro led 
the attack to the Moncada barracks in 1953, before that there was not 
a single death in the situation of Cuba. Castro provoked it, without 
any reason in that moment — the attack on the Moncada barracks, with 
80 men, knowing, as you can realize very easily, that he was not going 
to fulfill. And besides that, that he had any chances to get the bar- 
racks, he was not able to do anything with that. Then he just made 
that attack in order to promote himself as a leader in his own party. 

After that a civil war started. And we realized it, in meetings one 
after another, in my organization, that then Fidel Castro, with the 
backing of the internati onal machinery of the Communists, was going 
to get the power if other sectors of the Cuban public life was fighting 
openly against the Batista regime. So we had to choose between may- 
be two evils at that moment, and we knew what it would mean to our 
country that Fidel Castro and the Communists would get power. 

That was the whole story of my attitude in that time. 

Mr. SoTJRwiNE. You never supported Fidel Castro, then ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Not at all. I attacked him. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You never supported the 26th of July Movement? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No; I denoimced in the very beginning, in the 
press of my country, when Eaul Castro, which I know very well per- 
sonally, since he started to study the Communist doctrine, and he 
started to be a Communist agent — I denounced that in the press of my 
country, though I was in that moment a friend in a personal affair, 
and I told the public opinion of my country the danger of believing 
in the Castro movement, not only because they were above all Com- 
munists, but also because I knew very well, as the public opinion of 
Cuba knew, that Castro was nothing else than an opportunist and a 
gangster, that had started his public life as a juvenile delinquent. And 
that is a matter of record in the press of Cuba, also. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. We have a great many witnesses to hear, Mr. Diaz 
Balart, and I don't want to cut you off at all, but I should like to 
request, with the permission of the Chair, that you keep your answers 
to the questions as short as you can. If you think you are being cut off 
when you have information you want to give, just tell us. 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Thank you very much. 

Senator Dodd. Before you leave this question, I do not think it is 
clear on the record — you opposed and criticized Batista at times, and 
you opposed Castro. And you made the remark, "I left the country 
for a few months." What year « 

Mr. Diaz Balart. That was 1953, November. 

Senator Dodd. When did you return ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I returned 2 months after. 

Senator Dodd. Two months ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Three months after. 

Senator Dodd. In 1953 ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. That is right. 

Senator Dodd. And you were in Cuba continuously from 1953 until 

when ? 

Mr. Dl\z Balart. Until December 20, 1958. 

Senator Dodd. Then you went to Europe ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir. 

Senator Dodd. Then you came to the United States from Europe ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. That is correct. 

Senator Keating. May I ask one other question ? When you say 
you left the coimtry, was that because Batista ordered you to leave? 

]Mr. Diaz Balart. No, not exactly, no. I was a member of the 
Government, but within the Government I led the youth movement. 
We had a struggle within the Government, so I felt that it was better 


Senator Dodd. Was it because of Batista or not ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No ; I cannot say that. 

Senator Dodd. You left on your own ? 

Senator Keating. Did you leave under any pressure ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No, not at all. It was moral pressure, because 

Senator Keating. Any threats? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No, not at all. No threats. It was a question ot 
moral and ideological point of view. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The youth movement you speak of would be called 
in Engli sh the Youth of Action Progressive Party ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, it was a Youth of Action Unitarian Party 
when we were in the opposition, and Action Progressive Party when 
we were in the Government. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Now, you were opposed to Castro. Were you also 

opposed to Prio ? , -r^ . -, t^ • 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, I was opposed to Prio when Prio was m 

Senator Keating. You were opposed to all these people ? 
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. 
Senator Keating. Wlio were you for ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I am for the liberty and progress of my country 
Senator Keating. I mean you didn't have any particular individual ? 


Mr. Diaz Balart. No. In that time, I was in favor of Batista, be- 
cause I thought, before 1952, that he was a solution for the Cuban 
people. He had left the power in 1944, after 11 years being in power, 
and having all the power in his hands — he lost an election, a general 
election, and he left the power, he gave to his worst enemy the power, 
and he visit all the countries of Latin America as a democratic hero. 
So he was a real hope for the Cuban people — at least I thought that 
that was the situation. 

Senator Keating. But you became disillusioned about Batista in 
what year? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Increasingly. I personally continued being his 
friend, but increasingly I talked to him, and I told him publicly also 
that he should give progress and another attitude to his government. 

Senator Keating. Would it be fair to say that you were anti-Batista 
when you left to-go to Europe ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Pardon me, sir ? 

Senator Keating. Were you anti-Batista, against Batista, when 
you left to go to Europe ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Ideologically, yes. But I cannot say politically 
I was yet against Batista, because we were in a civil Avar, and I 
thought, and my movement thought, that to oppose publicly and defi- 
nitely to Batista would mean in that moment to help the Castro move- 
ment, which had the weapons and had all the sources to get power. 
And we knew that as soon as the power was out of the hands of Ba- 
tista, by a violent means, not by a normal means, as we were expecting 
to be, we knew that the only one that was going to get the power was 
Fidel Castro, and the Communists. Not even Carlos Prio or any of 
the other people. 

Senator Keating. Now, let me ask you this. Do you consider the 
Castro dictatorship worse than the Batista dictatorship ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. It is very different. The Batista dictatorship 
was only a political dictatorship. The Castro dictatorship can only 
be compared in America, I think, to Peron, and even much worse than 
Peron, because the Castro dictatorship is a complete and a total dic- 
tatorship. I think that is the first real example of absolute and com- 
plete totalitarian government in the American Hemisphere. And, 
besides that, and above all, is the hrst real Communist state in our 

Senator Keating. You consider it a Communist state? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Absolutelv. I don't think there is any doubt in 
this moment in the minds of any that is a student of the Communist 
tactics and the Communist struggle. The point is that, as I have 
told several times — for instance, when they asked me is Castro a 
Communist, I remember a professor that I had in the law school, 
that always taught also when you are going to talk about a very 
important matter you should start sharpening the terminology, and 
it is important when somebody asks if Castro or is anybody a Commu- 
nist, it IS important to know what do they mean by Communist. 

Now, Castro is not a card holder of the Communist Party in Cuba, 
never has been. But, at the same time, the card holder of the Social- 
istic Party, or the Communist Party in Cuba, maybe a lot of them 
are less dangerous and less important members of the Conununist 


'\Vliat happens is that Castro is a member of the Third Interna- 
tional, which they don't have a card never. 

I want to affirm, with all my faitli and all my knowledge, that Fidel 
Castro is the most important and most dangerous member in the 
Western Hemisphere of the Communist International machinery since 
the Russian revolution. 

Senator Keating. You don't favor the return of Batista, do you? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. We are very, very much opposed to that. We 
formed a movement, an underground movement, which is working 
very hard in Cuba, with two principal purposes — to overthrow the 
dictatoi-ship of the Communists, and to prevent any possibility of the 
retuni to power of Batista. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is that organization the so-called Blanco Rosa, the 
White Rose? 

Mr. Diaz Balart, Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you hold a position in that organization? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir; I am the founder and the general 
secret a ly. 

Senator Dodd. Let me ask you a question. You said you thought 
Castro succeeded because he overthrew Batista. Was there any third 
place you could have looked for some decent element to control the 
Government of Cuba ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. That is a very nice question. In that moment, 
sir, with the civil war extended, we tried to have that third position, 
or third possibility, several times. 

Senator Dodd. Did you have a man who you thought would make 
a good president of Cuba ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Not pei"Sonally I, but there was the possibility. 
There was, for instance. Dr. Marcus Esterlin, who w^as a candidate 
of the opposition in the election. But what happened is that Fidel 
Castro had all the weapons, all the backing of the Communist ma- 
chinery — money, weapons, propaganda, and at the same time, because 
of the very intelligent propaganda of the Communist International 
machinery, he got the help of the right men, and of the right person- 
ality — even of the organization of the founder's rights. So Fidel 
Castro had at this moment, because of the very intelligent Commmiist 
propaganda, he had the help, the decisive help of the Communists and 
of the enemies of the Communists. So in that moment practically to 
anybody that studied the Cuban situation, in the middle of the civil 
war, there was not any other possibility, and the history, the recent 
history, has proved that we had. 

Senator Dodd. Did you ever suggest to Batista he withdraw in 
favor of a moderate candidate ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. We suggested to him to give free elections. We 
suggested to him in 1956 that — after the amnesty that favored Fidel 
Castro himself — we suggested a partial election of all the House of 
Representatives, all the Senate, and (Tovernors, in order to have the 
basis, in order to have a change of the (Tovernment in 1958. And we 
were advocating that solution openly in the public opinion. And, 
after that, the Congress had a mediation that didn't succeed be- 
cause of the gangsterism, subversion of the Castro and the Communist 
movement — that threatened any people, even in the opposition, that 

43354 — 60 — pt. 7 3 


were threatening the pressmen, since the Sierra Maestra, that were 
threatening to kill anybody that were opposing the solution — the only 
solution of the Communist Party mider the Fidelista movement was 
having — that is silence in order to get power as they got. 

Senator Keating. Let me ask you a question. You referred to 
Fidel Castro as, I think you said, the most prominent member of the 
Communist International movement in the Western Hemisphere but 
probably or not a card-carrying Communist. 

Now, were you in law school with Fidel Castro ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir. 

Senator Keating. Can you tell us anything about his activities 
there of a political character ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. Right when he started at the university, in 
1945, it was very easy for him, and at the same time for the Commu- 
nists that had and always have had a very powerful branch in the 
University of Havana — it was very easy for both of them to get to 
a very nice understanding, because Communists know— —  

Senator Dodd. I think if you just answer the question — don't give 
all the reasons why. Senator Keating may want to know them later. 
But tell what he did and what he said. 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. About what? 

Senator Keating. About his political activities when you were in 
law school with him. 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Well, he started, as I told you, as a juvenile de- 
linquent, he started killing our fellow students, and united with the 
Cormnunists, and going in any activity as a front man of the Com- 
munists. He had a very well understanding with the Communist 
movement, because they needed a front man, and Fidel needed them 
to back him. 

Senator Keating. Was he recognized by the other students as act- 
ing in that capacity at the time ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Oh, yes. But he was always very much careful 
not to appear. And also the Communist — in order not to appear as 
a Communist. 

Senator Dodd. How do you know he was a Communist when he was 
a student ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I knew that he started together with them, be- 
cause I knew who were the Communists by name. They were open. 

Senator Dodd. Were you told this by others ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No, I knew that by myself. 

Senator Dodd. You saw him associating with them. Do you know 
he was a member ? How do you know that? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No, he Avas not in that moment a member. He 
was just in that moment an opportunist leader that wanted to pro- 
mote himself. 

Senator Dodd. So your answer is he was associated with people 
you think were Communists ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No. In that moment he was associated with peo- 
ple that I know were Communists, because they told to everybody. 

Senator Dodd. He associated with them. Do you know any more 
than that ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. And after that, in that procedure, was that when 
they started to be very useful to each other. I know all the process, 


beccause I had to leave the country in 1947 to come to the United 
States, because I was opposed to Castro. 

Senator Dodd. We know that. Tell us any more you know. 

Mr. Diaz Balart. About his Communist activities ? 

Senator Dodd. Yes, about Castro when he was a student at the 
university. That is what Senator Keating asked you. 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Exactly he told me that he was going to go with 
the Communists because it was the best way for a younir leader that 
wa^ thinking in the future to promote himself to the higliest rank. 

Senator Dodd. Castro told you that ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. All right. That is an answer to the question. What 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know Leonel Soto ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Was he a Communist ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, he was an open leader of the Commimist 

Mr. SouRwiNE. ^^Hiat, if any, were Castro's dealings with him? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. He was also always verv well connected to liim, 
and to other Communists. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know Alfredo Guevara ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Is that the same as "Che" Guevara ? 

Mr. Dla.z Balart. No, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiXE. Will you identify Alfredo Guevara ? 

:Mr. Dl\z Balart. Yes, he was a student leader of the Communist 
braTich in Havana University, and of the intellectual branch, and now 
he IS the head of the Anemotographic Institute in Cuba, and the head 
of the indoctrination program of the Army forces. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Is he related to "Che" due vara ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I don't think so. 

Mr. SouRwiXE. Was Castro associated with Alfredo Guevara? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Do you know General Pedraza ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Never I have talked with him. 

Mr. SouRw^iXE. Do you have any knowledge respecting Castro's 
association with General Pedraza, if any ? 

Mr Diaz Balart. General Pedraza ? 

Mr. SouRwixE. Yes. 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No, I don't know. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Did you know Mas Martin ? 

Mr. Dla.z Balart. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Wlio was he ? 

Mr. Dl4z Balart. He was a leader of the Communist youth. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Cormnunist youth ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. 

INIr. SouRwixE. "Wliere ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. In Cuba, Havana. 

Mr. SouRwiXE. At the Havana University ? 

Mr Diaz Balart. No, in Cuba. 

Mr. SouRwiXE. While Castro was attending Havana University, 
was he connected in any way with Mas Martin ? 


]\Ir. Diaz Balart. Yes, in all his activities he was having the back- 
ing of the youth movement of the Communist Party that Mas Martin 
was one of the leaders. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know Flavio Bravo? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Was he a Communist ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, he was also a leader of the youth, 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Was Castro associated with him ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir, also. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you know a Valdes Viveo ? 

Mr, Diaz Balart. Valdes Viveo ? Yes ; he was also a well-known 
Communist leader. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Was Castro associated with him ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Also. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know Fabio Grobart ? 

Mr. Diaz B.^art. Not personally, I knew of his presence in Cuba. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Who was he ? 

Mr, Diaz Balart, I think from what I heard, he was a commissar 
of the Communist movement. Maybe the highest ranking repre- 
sentative of the Third International in Cuba in that moment. 

Mr. SouRWiis'E, Was Grobart a Cuban ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart, I don't think so. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What was his nationality ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I think Yugoslav, but I am not sure, because I 
think that he used to use different names. 

Mr. SouRA^TNE. Do you know where he is now ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I don't laiow, 

Mr. SouRWiNE, Was he ever associated with Castro, or vice versa ? 

Mr, Diaz Balart, Well, I think through these other people that 
you have 

Mr. Sourwine. Please, not what you think. Do you know ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you know one Leonel Gomez ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes ; I know who he was. 

Mv. SouRA\TNE. Who was he ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. He was the leader of the secondary institute of 

(At this point, Senator Keating withdrew from the hearing room.) 

INIr. SouRwixE. Was he the president of the student body in Havana 
No. 1 High School? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. That is right, 

]\Ir. Sourwine. Is he alive now ? 

]\Ir. Dl\z Balart. Yes. 

Mv. Sourwine. He is still alive ? 

]Mr. Diaz Balart. He is still alive. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you recall that he was shot in 1947 on Ronda 
Street in Havana ? 

INIr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir. 
Mr. SouRAViNE. Do you know who shot him ? 
Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir. Fidel Castro, 
Mr. Sourwine. How do you know this ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Because Fidel Castro told me that. He invited 
me to participate with him in the killing of that student, and I re- 


fused, because I am a Christian, I am against killing, and besides that, 
there was not any reason to. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Why did he want to kill Gomez ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Because he thought at that moment that Gomez, 
being a personal friend of President JSIarti, at that moment the Presi- 
dent of Cuba, he was going to be a big obstacle before the ambition of 

Mr. SouRw^iNE. "Was Gomez a Commmiist ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No ; I do not think so. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Was he an anti-Communist ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I think so. 

Mr. SouR^viNE. Now, was Castro in your home immediately after 
the shooting of Gomez ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. What was he doing there ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. He was trying to hide. 

Mr. Sourwt;ne. He was there by your invitation ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No ; he was there because he was my friend. 

Mr, SouRwiNE. Did you know Manolo Castro ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Was he any relation to Fidel Castro ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No ; no relation. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. "V^Hio was Manolo Castro ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. He was the leader and president of the Federa- 
tion of University Students of Havana University, a great leader of 
the student body. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is he alive ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No ; he was killed by Castro. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. By Castro? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Personally? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I think so. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. How did he kill him? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. It was in the middle of a street in Havana. 
This was very much publicized by all the papers in Havana. And 
Castro before, some weeks before, had told publicly in Havana Uni- 
versity that he was going to kill Manolo Castro. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You told us that Fidel Castro had told you that he 
had shot Leonel Gomez. Did he ever tell you anything about killing 
Manolo Castro ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No ; I was not in Havana then. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You did not see the murder ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Was Fidel Castro ever accused of this murder ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes ; very much. He had to go before the court. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Was he tried for the murder ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You said he had to go before the court. What did 
you mean ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. In the preliminary procedures of the court — but 
he did not continue with that. He went to Bogota at that moment. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Fidel Castro went to Bogota ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. 


Mr. SouRWiNE. Did the court absolve him of the killing of Manolo 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No. I think that it was not held — the hearing 
was not held. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you laiow Fernandez Caral ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes ; he was a sergeant of the police body of the 
Havana University. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is he still alive ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No ; he was killed by Fidel Castro. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. How do you know this ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Because Fidel Castro had told to all my friends 
after he killed Castro that he was going to have to kill Fernandez 
Caral, because the sergeant had told that he was going to put Fidel 
in jail because of the previous killing, 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you have any personal knowledge respecting the 
killing of Caral? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No ; through my brothers, and through the other 
friend — I was not in Havana. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You have no personal knowledge ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No personal knowledge. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know Carlos Rafael Rodriguez? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I know who he is. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You do not know him personally ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Who is he ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. He is one of the biggest leaders of the Communist 
Party in Cuba, in the intellectual branch. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Does he have any connection with Fidel Castro ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes; I think that he is a very close adviser of 
Fidel Castro, and he is the editor of the newspaper Hoy, the official 
newspaper of the Communist Party in Cuba today. Incidentally, he 
was just given by the Government a position for the first time in 
Havana University, an open Communist, a position of professor of 
economics that was created by him especially. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know Raul Castro? 

Mr. Dla.z Balart. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. He is Fidel Castro's brother ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you know whether he is a Comnumist? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. He is a very well trained Communist agent. 

Mr. SouRW^iNE. How do you loiow this ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Because he went to Prague, after he had already 
become a member of the Communist movement, ideology — he was 
trained there. When he came back, he was got by the police in the 
airport with Communist propaganda, and when he was released from 
the prison, he talked with my brother, Waldo, and he told to him 
that he was in prison, but that he was ready not only to be in prison, 
but to die for the Communist cause. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know how Raul Castro became a Com- 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, because Fidel Castro put lihn in contact 
with the intellectual machinery of the Coimnunist Party, being Raul 
a very young man, and they indoctrinated him. 


Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you remember telling us that Fidel Castro gave 
his brother Raul copies of Marx's works? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. That was part of the indoctrination that 
1 just told you. 

Mr. SouEwiNE. How do you know he did ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Because I was there, and I knew both of them. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know how it came about that Raul Castro 
met "Che" Guevara ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I think that was in Mexico, through Raul Castro 
and through other Communists, Cuban and Mexican. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know how this came about ? Not what you 
think— do you know? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. No, I was not in Mexico at that moment. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know Vera Lestovna de Zalka? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. "VVlio is she? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Not personally. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Not personally, AMio is she ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I think she is a very high ranking member of 
the Communist machinery in America, in Latin America, through the 
diplomatic ways. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know this to be true? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I cannot as.sure you; I think. I have the im- 
pression. To me it is sure, but not to tell officially to the committee. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Does she have diplomatic connections ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Pardon me ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Does she have diplomatic connections ? 

]Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes; I think she is the wife of a Hungarian 
Ambassador in South America. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Do you know what country ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. "I think this is in Argentina. All that story 
has been published in the very well-known magazine, Vanguardia, by 
one of the ranking Communist writers of South America, ]\ir. Ru- 
dolfo Alvenas. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Do you know of any connection between Fidel 
Castro and this woman ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Not exactly. I know the connection of Fidel 
Castro throughout Latin America. Maybe, I think that Fidel Castro 
now is more important than any other agent in Latin iVmerica. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you recall giving us the names of two Russians 
wliom you said arrived in Cuba in May 1959, to inaugurate a new 
ty])e of labor movement in South America? 
"^ Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, I recall that. That was almost a year ago. 

Mr. SouRwaNE. '\^nio were those two Russians ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I think the name Timofei, and another name I 
do not recall, because I do not have a very good memory for Russian 

Mr. SouRWiNE. One name you gave us is Eremev Timofei ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. That is right. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. And the other name you gave us is Ivan Arapov? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I think so ; yes. 

Mr. SouRVkTENE. Did you or didn't you ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Pardon me? 


Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you give us those names ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. How did you know of the arrival of those two 
Russians in Cuba ? 

JNIr. Diaz Balart. I was informed by my miderground movement 
that they were in a specific hotel, for one of the people that was serv- 
ing them was a member of my movement. 

Mr. SouRwaxE. Are you able to tell us how Fidel Castro was able 
to get support and money for his revolution ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I think there was something like a circle, work- 
ing out above all through very nice propaganda. Of course, some 
of the situation of the regime in that moment was, naturally, maybe 
helping him. And through a very well — by a very well integrated 
propaganda — for example, some articles by Herbert Matthews, of 
the New York Times, that were helping him very much, was in the 
Sierra Maestra at the beginning of Castro, and he published in the 
New York Times" that he had seen personally hundreds and hundreds 
of veiy well trained soldiers, was a high morale, anti- Communist, and 
so forth. 

And now the Castro people had publislied, after they got power, 
and there is in the Cuban magazines, that in that moment they just 
had about 12 or 13 men. And propaganda like this — you can see that 
they were given the impression that they had already a very strong 
movement, a very high moral movement, and so forth. 

And I think that the Communists got the idea that there was an 
opportunity to help that movement. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did the 26th of July ]\Iovement have support from 
the United States before Castro's regime came to power ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. A lot of support. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. "\^niere was that support centered, if you know ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Pardon me, sir? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Where was that support centered, if you know ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Well, I think that it was centered in New York 
City, in Miami, and even they got some help from the naval base in 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know wliere the headquarters of the 26th 
of July Movement in New York City is ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Eight now it is in the Belvedere Hotel. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. The Belvedere Hotel ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. The Belvedere ; ves, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. That is 319 West 49th Street, New York City? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, I think so. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Can you name any of the persons in this country 
who are presently working for Castro, outside of the Cuban Embassy ? 

Mr. Dl\z Balart. Besides the people of the Embassy ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Outside. 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Outside, yes. 

Although they are not any more registered in the Justice Depart- 
ment, they represent the Cuban Government — they have had head- 
quarters, as I told, in Hotel Belvedere. 

There is a Secretary General called Mr. Jose Sanchez. They have 
a link through a man called Jose Vazquez. And they give money 
through the consulate and through the Cubaria Airlines. They have, 


according to their own statement published in the newspaper — they 
have what they call commando actions in New York City and Miami, 
that they use in New York City and Miami, in order to threaten every 
Cuban that is against Castro, that is not a Communist, and is not 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have any information respecting the use of 
violence by the 26th of July organization to break up a celebration 
in Central Park in honor of Jose Marti in January of this year? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRWixE. "Wliat do you know about that ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Pardon me ? 

Mr. SocRwixE. What do you Iniow about the use of violence on that 
occasion ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Well, the White Rose organization asked for a 
permit to the Police Department of New York City in order to put a 
wreath of flowers before the ]\Iarti monument in Central Park South, 
and when we were arriving there having the vrreath, we were attacked 
and the police of New York were attacked by them, by a bunch of 
gangsters headed by a man named Hector Duarte, who is a cop killer, 
that had arrived before with a diplomat passport. And the police of 
New York, although they questioned him, was not able to act because 
of the diplomatic passport. And they started attacking also with 
irons and stones and so forth. And after that they published in the 
Revolution newspaper the picture of the act and how these people 
received orders from the conmiando action in order to attack violently 
us. And in fact there was the intention to kill Colonel ]\Ielepsosa and 

Mr. SouRWixE. Does the 26th of July ^Movement conduct fund-rais- 
ing activities in the United States, to your Imowledge ? 

Mr. Dlvz Balart. Yes. I have a card of one of the acts that they 
had in 691 Columbus Avenue, between 93d and 94th Street in New 
York, Saturday, 23d of April, for instance, where they are electing a 
Queen of the Land Reform in New York — 50 cents every one of these 

Mr. SouRWixE. Do you have any knowledge respecting a meeting 
of the 26th of July Movement at 914 Prospect Avenue in the Bronx, 
on April 22, 1960? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes, sir. There was there talking the Consul 
Rogelio Guillot and Mr. Jose Vazquez. 

]\Ir. SoFRWixE. Do vou have any knowledge regarding a meeting 
held in Union Square, New York City, May 1, I960 ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. At that meeting a special agent of the 
Commimist movement in the labor organization of Cuba, Mr. Gustavo 
Mas, arrived there to address in that meeting in Union Square on the 
question of Negro unrest in the United States, and the question of the 
independence of Puerto Rico, and other international and national 
questions of the United States of America, in order to start a move- 
ment that they have been organizing very well to provoke troubles 
within the United States. 

Mr. SouRWixE. Was this meeting in Union Square held under the 
auspices of the 26th of July Movement ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. I am not sure what auspices, because I was al- 
ready here in Washington. I think that was the 26th of July Move- 


ment, or some American organization. I am not sure about that. I 
know that Gustavo Mas was there and talked about these things. 

Mr. SouKwiNE. Who is Gustavo Mas ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. He is a high-ranking labor leader of the Com- 
munist movement in Cuba. 

Mr. SouKwiNE. Do you know what Fidel Castro's aim is with re- 
gard to the United States ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. I think^I mean I know that the Com- 
munists, as any man that studies a little bit of the procedure of the 
Communists, they know by elementary knowledge of the geopolitics 
that it is not possible to have a common state here in the Western 
Hemisphere. So it has been published very much, they have the 
theory of what they call terra arras sol, that is to say, I think, the 
theory of the complete destruction of the land, which is the theory of 
Mao Tse-tmig, the Communist leader, which is one of the best theo- 
retical minds of the Communist movement, and that is what they are 
trying to do in Cuba, to destroy absolutely the land and to provoke 
from Cuba a struggle within the United States, taking advantage of 
some situations in the United States — taking advantage of some situa- 
tion between the United States and other countries of Latin America, 
and to promote a revolution, or if not a revolution at least a struggle, 
a provocation, a big fighting, within the United States and in other 
countries of Latin America. 

Mr. SouRwiKE. Do I understand correctly that through your or- 
ganization, the Wliite Rose, you have an information flow from Cuba 
to you ? You get information from Cuba ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes ; quite often. 

Mr. Sourwine. Does this information give you any knowledge re- 
specting the aims of the Castro regime as against other countries in 
Latin America ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Yes. They have got already a very good base 
in Cuba, which they are using as a center for the provocation in all 
Latin America, and in the United States, and between the United 
States and Latin America. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. A provocation of what ? 

Mr. Diaz Balart. Struggles, confusion, troubles. For instance, 
there is a situation in the Negro problem in some of the United States, 
that only those States maybe understand. Now, that has been having 
a peculiar situation, and what would happen if — what would happen 
if some provocateurs. Communist provocateurs, try to form mobs, 
besides the natural feeling of those that I do not judge, because I am 
not a citizen of this country. 

Besides that is the very well-trained Commmiist agitator, go there 
and start mobs, and that mob start, exercise violence, like they have 
done in other countries, when it would be necessary to have one kill- 
ing — that killing starts more violence and more bad feelings. And 
that is the way that they work all throughout the world. 

As an example — we have examples throughout the world now. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I have no further questions. 

Senator Dodd, Very well. You may be excused. Thank you vei*y 

Mr. Dlaz Balart. Thank you very much. 

Senator Dodd. Father Perez. 



Senator Dodd. You have already been sworn. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Father Perez, you have told us when you were on 
the stand before how your father had been killed by Batista forces. 
Is it true that other members of your family were molested or in- 
jured by Batista forces? 

Father Perez. I have one sister, brother-in-law — making a total of 
three brothers and a brother-in-law who had been more or less mo- 
lested or to some extent tortured. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know Fidel Castro when he was in the 
Sierra Maestra ? 

Father Perez. No ; I did not know him when he was in the Sierra 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have any information respecting a proposal 
to create a national church in Cuba? 

Father Perez. Fidel Castro proposed to me in airplane the pro- 
posal to start a national church. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Was he referring to making the Catholic Church 
the national church of Cuba ? 

Father Perez. lie proposed to establish a national church. 

j\Ir. Sourw^ine. Xot the Catholic Church ? 

Father Perez. A revolutionary church of the Government. 

Senator Dodd. When did he tell you this proposition — where ? 

Father Perez. Aboard an airplane flight from Cienfuegos to 

Senator Dodd. When ? 

Father Perez. This was proposed the first part of August of 1959. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. May I ask the interpreter, are you translating ver- 
batim, that is word for word, what the witness says, or are you just 
giving the sense of what he says, or the substance of it? 

The Interpreter. I am trying to give the substance of it. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. We would much prefer if you would attempt to 
translate word for word. Perhaps if you would take just a moment 
and explain to the witness that you are going to try to do this, let him 
say as many words as you can remember, have a signal between you, 
then translate that into English verbatim, and then let him say some- 
thing else and go on that way. We will then get the record in his own 

(After a pause and colloquy between the interpreter and the wit- 

Is this now arranged ? 

The Interpreter. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. When Castro made you this oiTer, did he give you 
any inducements, did he promise you anything if you would do this 
for him ? 

Father Perez. He asked me why I did not join him in starting this 
church. He asked me to establish with him a church of the Govern- 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did he offer to make you head of this church ? 

Father Perez. Yes. 

Mr. Sour-^vjne. Did you refuse this offer ? 


Father Perez. Profoundly ; yes. 

Mr. Sot RwiNE. Did Castro threaten you in any way because of your 
refusal ? 

Father Perez. No ; not in any way. 

Mr. SouR"\viNE. Do you know of any other effort to establish a na- 
tional church in Cuba 'i 

Father Perez. I personally do not know. 

]\Ir. SoiiRwaNE, Do you have any knowledg:e respecting a treaty 
between Raul Castro and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics ? 

Father Perez. Yes. 

Mr. Sotjrwine. What do you know^ about this ? 

Father Perez. A document that President Batista passed through 
the military establishments, where there was a photostatic copy of that 

Mr. Sotjrwine. Did you see this ? 

Father Perez. I have seen it with my eyes. 

Mr. Sourwine. .And what did this treat}^ provide, if you know ? 

Father Perez. It related to a mutual help or aid — to accept mutual 
aid from Russia. And it was a Russian who was sending to Raul 
Castro instructions and Raul acce]')ted them as such. 

Mr. SouEwaxE. What w-ere the instructions ? 

Father Perez. I did not see all. I saw the photograph of Raul. I 
saw the picture of Raul, and with that it was proof to prove that what 
existed in Sierra Maestra was Communist. 

Mr. Sourwine. I do not understand this. We were talking about a 
documentary treaty. And now suddenly we are talking about a pic- 
ture. Can you explain this ? 

The Interpreter. He is trying to say that he had seen a photostatic 
copy of a picture, with notations indicating that existed in Sierra 
Maestra — Raul was in communication wath Russia. And Batista ob- 
tained that document and passed it on to the military establishment. 

Mr. Sourwine. And this is what he refers to as a treaty? 

The Interpreter. It would just reflect an intimate relationship be- 
tween Raul and the Communists. 

Mr. Sourwine. Was there a treaty? A treaty is a pact between 
governments. Was there a treaty involving Raul Castro and the 
Soviet Union? 

The Interpreter. No ; but relations — interrelations ; yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. And the word "treaty" has been misused here ? 

The Interpreter. Yes. 

IMr. Sourwine. Do you know who Jose Santiago Cuba is? 

Father Perez. Intimately. 

Mr. SouRw^iNE. Who is he ? 

Father Perez. He is president of the First Rical of Cuba. 

Mr. SoiT^wiNE. What does that mean — the First Rical ? 

Father Perez. One who has the supreme authority, 

Mr. Sourwine. Is he a lawyer? 

Father Perez. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Was he president of the lawyers' association of 

Father Perez. I cannot say. I do not know. 

Mr. SoiTiwiNE. Do you know whether he is a Communist? 

Father Perez. He was the head of the party known as the Chivas. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. Is he now the attorney general of Cuba ? 

Father Perez. Still referring to the same gentleman who is the pres- 
ident of this organization of the Chivas — this gentleman went to 
Russia and returned to Cuba to take up a position or a job with the 
Cuban Government. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know what that position is ? 

Father Perez. Well, it would be like a first deputy — to accept the 
position of first dej^uty in the Government. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Were there Communists in the armed forces of 
Cuba under the Batista regime ? 

Father Perez. Several military men approached me speaking badly 
of Batista, at the same time Batista was in power. Today they hold 
positions of commanders under the revolutionary government. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know whether these men or any of them 
were Communist or are Communists ? 

Father Perez. It appears that they are, because they declared them- 
selves to be left. For example. Captain Sierra, who is a commander. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Well, declaring themselves to the left is a rather 
loose phrase. Did any of these commanders declare themselves to be 
Communists ? 

Father Perez. They declared themselves to the left, meaning they 
were symbolizing the Communist salute. And they have saluted me 
that way. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have any information respecting the objec- 
tive of the Castro government as against other countries of Latin 
America ? 

Father Perez. From the military captain at Minoa, there were some 
instructions to invade Santo Domingo, and they did it. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is there any other information you have that you 
care to give us ? 

Father Perez. I was among people and heard of plans to invade 
other countries. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What other countries ? 

Father Perez. Paraguay, Panama, and some demonstrated hatred 
against Guatemala. 

Mr. SouRw^iNE. I have no more questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator Dodd. Very well. Thank you. Father Perez, you are 

Senator Dodd. Do you have any other witnesses ? 

Mr. SouKwiNE. Yes, Mr. Chairman. I should like to inquire first 
if Father O'Farril is here. 

]\Iay we (after a pause) Mr. Chairman, call Colonel Carrillo ? 

Senator Dodd. Yes. Kaise your right hand, please. 

Do you solemnly svv'ear the testimony you give before this subcom- 
mittee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, 
so help you God ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes, I do. 


Senator Dodd. Tell us your name and address ? 
Colonel Carrillo. Manuel Antonio Ugalde Carrillo. 
Mr. SouRwiNE. Where do you live ? 


Colonel Carrillo. 334 Aledo Avenue, Coral Gables, Fla. 

Mr. SouR\\r[NE. You are a citizen of Cuba ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You are a graduate of the Cuban Military Academy ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes, I am a graduate. 

Mr. SouEwiNE. You have been an officer in the Cuban Army. What 
positions ? 

Colonel Carrillo. I was an officer of the general army of Cuba, 
not the present one. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Wliat position did you hold? 

Colonel Carrillo. Full colonel. 

Mr. SouRwiNE, Were you Chief of Military Intelligence at any 
time for the Cuban Army ? 

Colonel Carrillo. For 2 years. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. AYliat years? 

Colonel Carrillo. 1952 to the middle of 1954. 

Mr. SouRwiiSTE. This was under Batista ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes. 

Mr. Sour WINE. For how many years altogether were you an officer 
in the Cuban Army ? 

Colonel Carrillo. I graduated in 1954. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Wlien ? 

Colonel Carrillo. 1944 to 1958. 

Senator Dodd. "^^riien did you graduate ? 

Colonel Carrillo. 1944. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You were then an army officer under several presi- 
dents ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes. 

Mr. SouEwiNE. Were you Chief of the Bureau of Kepression of 
Communist Activities ? 

Colonel Carrillo. For the 2 years that I was the Chief of the 
Military Intelligence. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. During that period you had access to the files of this 
organization ? 

Colonel Carrillo. To check them, to get them, and to prohibit — to 
pursue those violators as provided by law. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The files of this organization were open to you? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You were familiar with those files ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Perfectly. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I will ask you shortly some questions about this file. 
But first, when did you leave Cuba ? 

Colonel Carrillo. January 1, 1959, at 4 p.m. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. And you came to the United States ? 

Colonel Carrillo. No, to the Dominican Eepublic. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. When did you come to the United States ? 

Colonel Carrillo. NovemJber 1959. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. From the date of your departure one might assume 
that you left Cuba when Batista fled and went with him to the Do- 
minican Republic. Is that correct ? 

Colonel Carrillo. No. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Were you a supporter of Batista up to the time that 
he was overthrown? 


Colonel Carrillo. Yes, I was, iTiitil lie was overthrown. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Did you take part in the fighting against the 26th 
of July Movement? 

Colonel Carrillo. Against, yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Were you a field commander? 

Colonel Carrillo. Chief of the Military Intelligence Service. 

Mr. SouRwixE. Did you command troops in the field against the 
Castro forces ? 

Colonel Carrillo. For 14 months. 

Senator Dodd. What did you command? What do you call it — 
a division, or hoAv do you describe it ? 

Colonel Carrillo. An infantry division. 

Senator Dodd. How many men are in a Cuban division, or how 
many men Avere under your command ? 

Colonel Carrillo. At the start of operations, 4,000. Later they in- 
creased to 6,000 or 7,000. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Were these all of the troops in the field against 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You were then the commander in chief in the field 
of all the troops against Castro ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes, particularly, in the Sierra Maestra. 

Senator Dodd. Well, were there any other trooj)s in the field against 
him anywhere in Cuba ? 

Colonel Carrillo. All military in Cuba, and the major part of the 
Cuban people. 

Senator Dodd. But you actually had command of the army, the 
troops that were committed against liim, is that right ? 

Colonel Capjjillo. Only in the Sierra Maestra area. 

Senator Dodd. That is where Castro was all the time. 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You headed the expeditionary force against Castro ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Those forces, for the 14 months, and the last one 
was General Cantillo. 

Senator Dodd. I think you told us 4,000 to 7,000. How many did 
Castro have on the other side? 

Colonel Carrillo. During the time that I was the chief, Castro only 
had in the mountains of the Sierra ^Maestra where 50,000 families 
reside, 700 to 800 men. 

Mr. SouRwixE. How did 700 or 800 men defeat 4,000 to 6,000 ? 

Colonel Cx\RRiLL0. It is a big error that the democratic world owes 
to the Communist propaganda. The Communists of Cuba never broke 
up the military forces of Cuba. 

Senator Dodd. Did you ever fight a battle against them — your 
troops ? 

Colonel Carrillo. The forces of Castro never gave battle or at- 
tacked regularly, only assassinated during the night soldiers travel- 
ing from one side to another alone — or small portions of military 

Senator Dodd. How many men did you lose out of your 4,000 to 
6,000 while you were in command ? 

Colonel Carrillo. In 14 months, I do not recall well, but between 
200 and 300 military men. 


Senator Dodd, And how many casualties or losses you think you 
inflicted on Castro? 

Colonel Carrillo. Very few Cubans — altofrether I believe that in 
the 14 montlis in which I was chief, between 600 and 700. 

Senator Dodd. That left only about 100 at that rate. Was he being 
replenished all the time? You told us he had between 700 and 800. 
You lost between 200 and 300. You think you gave him losses between 
600 and 700. How do you account for this ? 

Colonel Carrillo. I am speaking only of the time when I was 

Senator Dodd. I understand that. That is all I was speaking of, 
too. But did you leave him with only 100 men ? 

Colonel Carrillo. In August of 1958 Castro personally was going 
to ask — Castro asked to resig-n himself or give up. 

Senator Dodd. "VYlien? 

Colonel Carrillo. I do not recall, but it would be about August of 

Senator Dodd. You are a professional army officer. You are a 
graduate of a military school and in command of these troops in the 
field, commanding a division. They must have more than 800 troops 
in total during the time that you were in command, if you inflicted 
casualties between 600 and 700. Perhaps we don't understand you. 
Make that clear, could you, on the record ? 

The Interpreter. Would you repeat that again, Senator? He is 
not sure exactly if you mean Castro's side or his side. 

Senator Dodd. Well, this is all confused now. You told us you 
had between 4,000 and 6,000 troops while you were in command. 

Colonel Carrillo. In round figures. 

Senator Dodd. And Castro had between 700 and 800 men? 

Colonel Carrillo. In the Sierra Maestra ; yes. 

Senator Dodd. Well, that is all I am talking about. That is where 
you were, that is where he was. Is that right? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. Now, you say you lost between 200 and 300 men 
during these 14 months ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. And vou tell us that you inflicted losses on Castro 
between 600 and ^00 m the same period of time? 

Colonel Carrillo. Castro's loss was between 400 and 600. 

Senator Dodd. All right. Was he left with about 200 men when he 
took Plavana, or took the country over? 

Colonel Carrillo. I am spealdng of 5 months before Castro entered 

Senator Dodd. I see. And he got additional troops later. Is that 
the idea? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes, perfectly. 

Senator Dodd. "N^^iere did he get them from ? 

Colonel Carrillo. In the cities and towns, where sympathizers were, 
and the Socialist Party of Cuba. 

Senator Dodd. You mean that for the losses he got replacements, 
is that it? 

Colonel Carrillo. Perfectly. 


Senator Dodd. Now, did you make an effort to capture or destroy 
his forces? 

Colonel Carrillo. For 14 months. 

Senator Dodd. With 4,000 to 6,000 men. 

Colonel Carrillo. Even 7,000. 

Senator Dodd. You never could do it ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Never. It is very important that you under- 
stand the Sierra ]\Iaestra is a mountainous area, 200 miles long and 
60 miles wide, and 6,000 feet elevation. Castro was always on the 

Senator Dodd. Did you ever have any plans to destroy or capture 
him ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. Why didn't they work ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Because when Castro was going surrender, or 
resign, Castro would surrender to the army. The President of the 
Republic, Batista, designated Gen. Eulogio Cantillo, an official, being 
an attorney, to confer with Castro concerning his surrender. 

Senator Dodd. Wliat happened ? 

Colonel Carrillo. The instructions that were given to General Can- 
tillo, before me, to remain in the area of Bayamo City (near Sierra 
Maestra), which was the center of operations, and to converse — con- 
fer solely with Castro — the colonel, the lawyer — Neugart is the name 
of this colonel. For 2 days they conferred regarding the surrender. 
But they came to Fidel's side after 2 days — the Argentinian known 
as "Che" Guevara — they did not permit that Fidel surrender. The 
conference ended or terminated and they left the mountains to dis- 
perse them all over Oriente Province, provocating with this, that they 
unite sympathizers and principally the Socialist Popular Party, Com- 
munist Party. 

Senator Dodd. So the negotiations broke off, is that right ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes, the conference ended "Che'' Guevara's in- 

Senator Dodd. Let me ask you a question and then I tliink we Avill 
leave oft' until tomorrow. Do you think Batista really wanted to de- 
feat Castro? You were in command in the field. You ought to be 
able to give us an answer to that question. Did he support you, back 
you up ? You said you had plans which would have brought about 
Castro's defeat, in your judgment, but you never did it. Did you 
think Batista really wanted to defeat him? 

Colonel Carrillo. I believe so, but he did not help me with military 
equipment and the necessary material. 

Senator Dodd. He did not help you. 

Colonel Carrillo. He did not help. 

Senator Dodd. What makes you think he wanted you to be vic- 
torious ? 

Colonel Carrillo. I will explain that a little more. 
Senator Dodd. You know what we mean in English when we say 
maybe this was an inside job ? You know what that language means'? 
Colonel Carrillo. The Armed Forces of Cuba never betrayed Ba- 
tista. Some men of the army conspired against Batista. But that 
does not mean that the Armed Forces in Cuba betrayed Batista. 

43354— 60— pt. 7 4 


Senator Dodd. Who was the man who succeeeded you as commander 
in the field? Cantillo? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes, sir. 

Senator Dodd. Colonel or general ? 

Colonel Carrillo. General. 

Senator Dodd. What became of him ? He surrendered, didn't he ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Cantillo surrendered to the forces of Castro. 

Senator Dodd. How many men did he have when he surrendered? 

Colonel Carrillo. More than 40,000. 

Senator Dodd. What ? 

Colonel Carrillo. 40,000. 

Senator Dodd. In the field — 40,000? I thought you turned over 
to him about 6,000 troops. 

The Interpreter. He refers to the total number of the government 
forces in Cuba, not just the Sierra Maestra. 

Senator Dodd. How many troops that you had commanded did he 
have under his command when he surrendered? 

Colonel Carrillo. I left him 7,000 troops. 

Senator Dodd. All right. Now, what became of General Cantillo ? 
Where is he now? 

Colonel Carrillo. He retreated the forces and permitted Fidel 
Castro to organize a column with his brother, Raul Castro, and depart 
for other new mountainous areas near Guantanamo — to the north of 

Senator Dodd. What became of him after that ? 

Colonel Carrillo. He was designated chief in the Santiago area. 

Senator Dodd. Designated as what? 

The Interpreter. Chief of Regiment No. 1 in Orients Province. 

Senator Dodd. Who designated him? 

Colonel Carrillo. Batista, w^ho commanded the whole army. 

Senator Dodd. What did Castro do about that? 

Colonel Carrillo. When Castro saw all these ways open, he became 
emotional and dispersed himself all through the Oriente Province, 
burning buses, public schools, and the sugar industry. 

Senator Dodd. I did not understand. Is General Cantillo in prison 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. He was imprisoned by Castro; is that it? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes, Castro accused him of betrayal. 

Senator Dodd. Do you mean after Castro took over ? I suppose you 
mean — betrayal of what — Castro or somebody else? Did he become 
a Castro follower? That is what I want to find out. 

Colonel Carrillo. No, he was not a Castro follower before January 
1, 1059. After January 1, 1059, General Cantillo sided with Castro. 

Senator Dodd. He did side with him, after January 1, 1959 ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. Very well. 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes, he sided with Castro after January 1, 1959. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you saying that Cantillo joined Castro? 

Senator Dodd. After January 1, 1959. 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes. 


Senator Dodd. He did. I take it then from this answer you mean 
lie went over to Castro after January 1, 1959. And was it later that 
Castro charged him with betrayal, and if so, how much later? 

Colonel Cakrillo. Castro imprisoned Cantillo, according to his own 

Senator Dodd. How long after January 1, 1959, was he imprisoned? 
Just tell us that very simple thing. 

Colonel Carrillo. I do not remember, but it was the early part of 
January 1959. 

Senator Dodd, We will suspend until tomorrow at 10 :30. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, before you recess, I would like to 
say for the record that we now have word of Father O'Farril. He 
has been located. He will be here tomorrow. 

(Whereupon, at 4:20 p.m., the subcommittee recessed, to reconvene 
tomorrow, Wednesday, May 4, 1960, at 10:30 a.m.) 



U.S. Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security Act 

AND Other Internal Security Laws, 

OF the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington^ D.G. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to recess, at 11 :35 a.m., in room 
2228, New Senate Office Building, Senator Kenneth B. Keating, 

Present : Senators Keating and Dodd. 

Also present: J. G. Sourwine, cliief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, di- 
rector of research ; and Frank W. Schroeder, cliief investigator. 

Senator I^ating. The subcommittee will come to order. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Chairman, we have a new interpreter this 
morning, JNIr. Romero-Saavedra. You might wish to swear the 
interpreter in. 

Senator Keating. Will you raise your right hand ? 

Do you solemnly swear that you will correctly translate and inter- 
pret the testimony given here this morning in this proceeding? 

Mr. Romero-Saavedra. I do. 

Mr. Sourwine, Col. Ugalde Carrillo was on the stand. Would you 
return, please? 

With the Chair's permission, so that there may be no misunder- 
standing about the procedure, I should like to ask the interpreter to 
make an explanation to the witness. 

You may sit down, sir. 



The Interpreter. I have explained the procedure to the witness. 

Mr. Sourwine. You have explained to the witness, have you not, 
Mr. Interpreter, that you will translate to him precisely the questions 
which are asked by the committee ; that you will translate to tl le com- 
mittee precisely the words he uses; that if he asks you a question, you 
will translate the question instead of answering it ; and that you are 
not going to ask him any questions of your own ? There will be no 
colloquy between you and the witness. You are only a conduit to 
transmit information from the committee to him and from liini to the 



The Interpreter. That I have explained. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. That has been explained. 

Colonel, you testified yesterday that you were thoroughly familiar 
with the records of military intelligence in Cuba during the period 
that you were chief of military intelligence, 1952 to 1954. Is that 
correct ? 

Senator Keating. Will the photographer please give his attention ? 
Will he kindly refrain from taking pictures, any other pictures, dur- 
ing this proceeding. Some of the witnesses are here under some sac- 
rifice to themselves. They have relatives in Cuba and we ask that no 
further pictures be taken during tlie proceeding. 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes. I was chief of the intelligence service. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is it true that you have given us in executive ses- 
sion the names of a number of persons who were identified. as Com- 
munists in the official files of Cuban military intelligence during the 
period 1952 to 1954 ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. I had, in the official military records 
of Cuba, the names. And these records were transferred later to the 
organization whose name is BEAC, Bureau of Eepression of Commu- 
nist Activities, which records, I understand by the Cuban press, were 
later destroyed by the Cuban Government, and Captain Castano, 
who was chief of that section in 1959, was murdered. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Now, because all communications must pass 
through the interpreter both ways, I shall, with the permission of the 
Chair, ask leading questions. It will save time. 

Would you explain, please, to the witness that I am going to ask 
him leading questions covering some of the testimony he has given in 
executive session. That is, I will ask him questions which he can an- 
swer very briefly with a "Yes" or a "No." 

Colonel Carrillo. I wanted to explain to Your Excellency at this 
time that I believe that some of my answers which I gave to you yes- 
terday were not properly transmitted to you and I would want to go 
over them. 

Mr. SouKwiNE. With the Chair's permission, I would respectfully 
suggest that an opportimity be offered the witness, with the aid of 
the interpreter, to go over the record of yesterday and to correct it. 
That would save the time of attempting to go back today. 

There was difficulty with the intei-preter yesterday. 

Senator Keating. We, of course, want the record accurate. That 
will be done. 

Mr. SouE^viNE. Will you tell the witness, please, he will have the 
opportunity to correct that record. You will be there to assist liim. 

Now, is it not true that you gave us a large number of names of 
persons whom the records of Cuban military intelligence and BEAC 
showed to have been members of the Communist Party ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes. 

Mr. SouEwiNE. Now, I will ask you about certain names and I want 
to know as I name each individual if you now remember that this 
was a person listed in the files as a Commimist and whose name you 
gave to the committee. 

Colonel Carrillo. That is perfectly all right. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Dr. Eaul Eoa? 

Colonel Carrillo. He is founder of the Commimist Party in Cuba. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. Presently Minister of State in Cuba? 

Colonel Carrillo, Exactly. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Raul Castro? 

Colonel Carrillo. Delegate and leader of the Communist Youth 
which was behind the Communist curtain. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Antonio Nunez Jimenez ? 

Colonel Carrillo. One of the few clear brains in the Cuban com- 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Senorita Pastoria 

Senator Iveating. And presently what is Jimenez in the Govern- 
ment ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Nunez Jimenez ? 

Senator I^jeating. Yes. 

Colonel Carrillo. Nico Jimenez, who is very well known in the 
popular masses, is at this time chief of the INRA, of the executive 
committee of INRA. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. That is the National Institute of Agrarian Reform ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. 

Senator Keating. Now, will you identify the present position of 
Raul Castro? 

Colonel Carrillo. A new ministry of war has been created where 
all the services use arms. I cannot give the name for the wliole unit 
because in Cuba there is no armed forces, technically speaking, which 
is known as a professional armed unit. 

Mr. SoTJRWiNE. Well, speaking generally, Raul Castro is chief of 
military defense for Cuba, is he not ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouR^viNE. Senorita Pastoria Nunez ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Senorita Pastoria, better known as Pastorita, is 
a militant Communist since the founding of the party in Cuba. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. She is presently in charge of the national lottery ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. 

Mr. SouR^viXE. Armando Hart ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Leader of the Communist Youth in Cuba. 

Mr. SouR^viNE. Presently Minister of Education ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. Minister of Education in Cuba and 
chief of a commission of a study of a reform of the schooling in Cuba 
where subjects have been introduced to explain the doctrine of com- 
munism in Cuba. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. David Salvador ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Leader of the labor movement, founder of the 
Communist Party in Cuba. 

Mr. SoTJRWiNE. Vilma Espin ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Presently married to Raul Castro, which romance 
started behind the Iron Curtain when both of them attended as dele- 
gates of the Cuban Youth Delegation. She is also a founder of the 
Cuban Communist Youth, feminine section. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Haydee Santamaria ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Also a leader in the feminine section of the Youth 
Movement of the Communist Party. Also participated in the pact to 
the Fortress of Moncada in 1953. 

Mr. Sourwine. Is she married to a prominent Cuban? 


Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. I don't remember his name at this 
moment. I know who he is. 

Mr, SouRwiNE. Celia Sanchez ? _ 

Colonel Carrillo. Also a leader within the feminine section of the 
University of Havana. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You gave us other names I will not ask about at 
this time. 

You told us in executive session of at least 15 Russians and approxi- 
mately 1,000 Chinese technicians who had come into Cuba and whom 
you said you believed to be Communists. Will you tell us about this 
in a little more detail for this record ? I want some detail about these 
technicians, how you know they are there, what they do. 

Colonel Carrillo. The technicians coming from Communist -China 
are natives of China. They have been secretly changed as the persons 
of the Chinese section of colony of Cuba. I want to explain this at 
this time because this information came to me directly from the Chi- 
nese colony in Cuba, not from the members of the Chinese colony, but 
from Cubans who are friends of the Chinese colony members. 

A Chinese disappears. In his place, with his documents, another 
Chinese appears. Tliat Chinese has been murdered and another Chi- 
nese appears, which Chinese was brought from China. 

Senator Keating. Wait a minute. How do you know that the first 
Chinese is murdered ? 

Colonel Carrillo. I do not know myself. I explained before that 
friends of mine wdio are Cubans, not members of the Chinese colony, 
gave nie this information. 

Senator Keating. The information came from Cubans, Cuban 
friends of yours, and was transmitted to them by members of the 
Chinese colony. Is that ri^ht? 

Colonel Carrillo. That is right. Very secretly, but horrified. 
They say that more than 1,000 Chinese have disappeared. This I 
can explain to you with an anecdote from a police officer from the 
street of tlie Chinese colony. 

A police officer comes to a group of Chinese playing games which 
are prohibited in the Chinese colony. He brings the group of 10 
and takes them to the police headquarters. 

On his way he loses four Chinese but as he goes by the Chinese 
colony, he tells other four Chinese, you get into the ranks, and he 
reaches the police office with 10 Chinese. 

Senator Keating. Does someone see that happening? 

Colonel Carrillo. Personally a Cuban citizen that saw me here in 
the United States, and he returned to Cuba, he swore to me by his 
honor and he asked me what could be done for those citizens which 
are honorable and the only crime they have committed in Cuba is 
to help that which they believe is good for their country, General 
Chiang Kai-shek of the island of Formosa. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you know of a Russian military advisory group 
in Cuba ? 

Colonel Carrillo. I do not understand the question. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. Yoli told us in executive session about a group of 
Russian officers housed on Medio-Dia Avenue. I want to know about 
tliis for the record. 

Colonel Carrillo. At the beginning of January of 1959, there 
started to arrive military assessors [inspectors] sent by Russia and 
Communist China to assess the Cuban army that was going to be 
formed ag-ain, in substitution to the American militarv missions which 
were then in Cuba. 

It is known that those American military missions withdrew, and 
while they are kept secret — as it is natural that they always do in the 
Commmiist comitries — the names of these technicians, they do exist. 

They live in a house which is behind the military camp of Colum- 
bia, known as the — in front of the Rotonda of Medio-Dia. That is 
a name, a personal name. From this point they always come out in 
helicopters to the building which was occupiecl by the general staff 
in the military camp. 

Mr. SouRwiXE. And how many of them are there? How many of 
these Russians and Chinese are there? 

Colonel Carrillo. In the military mission ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes, 

Colonel Carrillo. I was informed that at the beginning there ar- 
rived 7 military, but a superior committee of civilians, about 24 
technicians in the month of Januarv. Later, more of them have 

Senator Iveatikg. January, 1960 or 1959 ? 

Colonel Carrillo. In January of 1959. 

At this time that mission is all over the island, and principally 
there are now up to last Saturday in a hotel in Santa Clara in the 
center of the island four technicians, military engineers of an aspect 
of a Xorth American, blonde, green eyes, speaking perfect Spanish, 
and they were identified with a delegate of the INJRA, and they took 
a jeep to Cienega de Zapata. 

My informer took down the names perfectly of these Russians so 
that he could send it to me, but he could not get out of the hotel. He 
could only send a woman, and I don't know what happened to her. 

Senator Keatixg. These four are Russians, are they ? 
_ Colonel Carrillo. Perfectly. They have been identified as Rus- 
sians, wliite. 

Senator Keating. Who is this fellow with the green eyes that looks 
like a North American ? 

Colonel Carrillo. The commentary — I make it because the delegate 
of the INRA, when he talks to him, he tells him that he appears — 
looks like an American. He told him that he had been born in 
Ukraine, that he had lived quite many years in Spain before return- 
ing back to his country. 

Senator Keatikg. I want to show you a drawing. 

Colonel Carrillo. May I add this : that this man seemed to be about 
50 years old. 

Senator Keatixg. I want to show you a drawing (map A, p. 378) 
which you gave us. Will you tell us what that indicates and all 
about it? 


^as Villas 

'^ ^f Pines 

Cienfuegos Bay 

y^? A 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. The hotel that I have been talking 
about at this moment is exactly to the north a few miles from where 
this X appears at Cienega de Zapata. 

Senator Keating. Proceed. 

Colonel Careillo. Giving information in regard to this drawing? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Yes. This is the drawing which shows Cienega de 
Zapata, is it not ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. 

Senator Keating. Now, what do you know about what is going on 
at that place ? 

Colonel Carrillo. The Government of Cuba have spent quite a 
large sum of money in the Cienega de Zapata to make studies to see 
if it can be utilized, but all the plans have been discarded because of 
the high cost of the production in this zone. 

At present, although there are virgin grounds for production, 
plantation for rice, et cetera, they are taking the Cienega de Zapata to 
convert it into a cultivation ground. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you remember telling us in executive session 

Senator Keating. Do you remember anything further that you told 
us in executive session regarding this drawing ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. Can I go slowly, in order that I may 
explain to you more in detail ? 

Senator Keating. Yes. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. Please tell the witness we understand completely 
everything he has said so far. We simply want to know if he recalls 
having told us anything else other than what he has said now about 
the area shown in this map. 

Senator Keating. I want to add to that. If he has further informa- 
tion since he testified before us in executive session which throws 
doubt on the testimony which he then gave, we do not want it brought 
out here ; but if what he said to us in executive session about this area 
is still true, then we want him to tell us about it. 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. The new information that I have 
corroborates — reaffirms the information I previously have given you 
which caused me to draw this sketch. It is confirmed^ — all the items. 

Senator Keating. All right. Then you may proceed. 

Colonel Carrillo. Everything? 

Senator Keating. Everything that you told us in executive session 
which you still — which you say has been confirmed by later informa- 

Colonel Carrillo. It is confirmed a construction of an airplane 
landing strip in the center of Cienega de Zapata, with highways at 
high cost, the destruction of a country base at a cost of $1 million 
because the teclmical engineer about whom I was speaking previously, 
the Kussian, which belongs to the Technical Commission of the INEA, 
estimated that this country base was not constructed strongly enough 
for the project which they contemplated. 

I did not know that a grain of rice weighed so much. The truth is 
that there are in construction, secretly, bases which will be used by 
the union of Communist countries to attack the American democracy. 

Senator Keating. What kind of bases? 

Colonel Carrillo. I have not been able to obtain information from 
military technicians from our dissolved regular army, but from peas- 
ants and laborers which are not Communist and who are working in 
this Cienega. 

Senator Keating. You spoke of them as bases, and I would like to 
know what you mean by bases. Bases for what? 

Colonel Carrillo. I sent a message to these people so that they 
would see sketches which appeared in the Sunday photographic section 
of the Diario de la Marina and their low knowledge — little knowl- 
edge — that these laborers have; they explained that those matters 
did not exist there, but they saw blocks of concrete being made that 
could resist [support] those military machines that appear in those 
pictures that I sent. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What was in the picture ? 

Colonel Carrillo. The installations secretly that the Russians, 
through their technicians, pressmen in the Orient, that they sent to 
Cuba, and they were published in the Diario de la Marina. 

I had that photograph but I left it in Miami. I can get a copy of 
it and send it to you. 

Senator Keating. Well, are they planning — is the construction 
there something from which airplanes will take off? Is that what 
you mean ? 

Colonel Carrillo. It is so wide and so long that any type of airplane 
of jet propulsion can take off easily, inasmuch as they estimate it to 
be more than 20 kilometers in length ; and at its widest place it is over 


200 meters, which is easily observed from the air because it is a great 
contrast with the solitude of that place. 

Senator Keating. Do you remember anything else which you told 
us at executive session which is still — that you believe to be still 
accurate regarding this Cienega de Zapata? 

Colonel Carrillo. I don't remember anything more, other than that 
to the south of the island of Cienega de Zapata is the Isle of Pines. 

Mr, SouRwiNE. I want to be sure that I understand you correct- 
ly w^itli regard to the size of the concrete area. Are you describing 
a flat area of poured concrete 20 kilometers long and 200 meters 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. That is what was told to the laborers 
that worked there ; they were puzzled. 

Senator Keatixg. Well, that applies to this committee. 

Colonel Carrillo. Not to me, because I have lived within the Com- 
mimist monster, for a few times in the mountains, and I know what 
they can do. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. This is almost a superhighway ? Eighteen miles of 
highway ? 

Colonel Carrillo. That is the justification for it, that it is a high- 
way to cultivate rice. 

Senator Dodd (now presiding). How do you cultivate rice on a 
liighway ? 

Colonel Carrillo. This is what I am trying to investigate, myself. 
It is supposed to be a highway for the vehicles to go to the place at 
the Cienega [swamp], where they will cultivate the rice. 

At the present time, all that they have done is small houses where 
they will inaugurate — or I don't know whether it has been inau- 
gurated — the tourist center, most beautiful of the world — in accord- 
ance with the photo which appeared in the magazine. La Bohemia 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You say a tourist center ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Down in this part of Cuba ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. 

Mr. SouRWT^NE. That is swampland, isn't it ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Many, many mosquitoes ? 

Colonel Carrillo. No, because the jejenes eat them. 

Senator Keating. Are there any structures there beside the liigh- 

Colonel Carrillo. No. There are none, other than the small houses 
which are supposed to be the tourist center, and they talk about 
cultivating rice. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you have information respecting infiltration 
of the present Cuban Army by Communists ? 

Colonel Carrillo. No. In the present Cuban Army there is no 
Communist infiltration, because it is a Communist Army. You 
could talk about infiltration of the democracy into that army and I 
think we are offending the armies of the democracies by talking about 
an army of Cuba when the inmates of the jails because of drugs, 
murderers, and robbers, they are the majority of the officers of that 


Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you have information respecting the teaching of 
guerriUa warfare in Cuba ^ 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. 

JNIr. SouRWiNE. Tell us briefly what you know about that. 

Colonel Carrillo. Since Fidel Castro and his group arrived to the 
Sierra Maestra, each of those which remain alive or were not cap- 
tured during the landing, they formed themselves as trainers of the 
peasants or whatever other people united to its group to give military 
instruction and within that instruction one of the subjects was Com- 
munist theories, many of which pamphlets in military and political 
fields where it was shown that it was a Communist — they were sent 
to the President, Batista, so that he would let it be known to the demo- 
cratic world and especially to the Government of the United States. 

At the present time those military pamphlets are being used to 
give training to the present members and militiamen that form a part 
of his army. One of these pamphlets is translated by the named com- 
mander, "Che" Guevara, of Argentine nationality. 

Another pamphlet of this kind is signed by a man who calls him- 
self General Bayo, a Spanish Conununist. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you referring to Gen. Alberto Bayo ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have any information respecting any ac- 
tivities of the Chinese in helping to teach guerrilla tactics to Cubans? 

Colonel Carrillo. No ; I don't. I do have knowledge that they were 
used to be infiltrated, but I don't want to use that word. I will use 
that word when the democracy can infiltrate into the Communist gov- 
ernment of Cuba. They are assigned to INRA to teach how to culti- 
vate rice and give more production to the earth. There are some very 
few, nationals of Chile, in the air arm of that army. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Now, do you remember telling us of Communist 
indoctrination schools for the army located at Camp Columbia, 
Marianao ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Columbia, Marianao. Exactly. 

]\ir, SouRwiNE. Do you have any further information about this ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes; I do. This training has continued, but de- 
creasing in the military aspect in the number of men because they 
have been transferred to other places, and they have increased the 
number of children which go to that camp to receive instructions, 
turning it into a school center surrounded by bayonets and of hate 
in the heart of those children at the age of 8 until the age of 18. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Are you saying that Camp Columbia is now being 
used as an indoctrination school for youth groups, ages 8 to 18, where 
they are taught communism? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. 

Mr. SouRWixE. Do you have information respecting Prensa Latina ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. "VVliat do you know about that organization? 

Colonel Carrillo. We — and when I say "we" I refer to the serv- 
ices of investigation of Cuba^there was proof that Prensa Latina, 
that it is nothing more than an intelligence service of the Communist 
armies, of Communist China. 

Senator Keating. Does it have any affiliation with Tass ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. Well, you say the investigating agencies of Cuba 
had this information ? 

Colonel Carrillo. I did not hear your question. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you say the investigative agencies of Cuba had 
this information ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What investigative agencies? Do you mean the 
Agencies which now exist or the agencies wliich existed before Castro 
took over? 

Colonel Carrillo. I mean the ones before. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. AVell, when was Prensa Latina formed? When 
was it created ? 

Colonel Carrillo. You mean when it first started to operate in 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes. 

Colonel Carrillo. I don't know exactly. When I was chief of the 
Military Sei-vice of Cuba; I don't remember exactly. Later, when 
I was talking to chiefs about this, about the BR.AC, they told me 
about this. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Well, it is possible that committee counsel is mis- 
informed. I had had the idea that Prensa Latina was formed much 
more recently than this. Are we talking about the same thing? 
When you say Prensa Latina, what do you mean ? 

Colonel Carrillo. We are talking about the news agency, Prensa 
Latina, which is the part of the Tass agency. But persons will tes- 
tify before this committee about information which they do have 
about this Prensa Latina. 

Senator Dodd. I think this is a good time to recess. We will do so 
until 2 :15. 

(Thereupon, the hearing was recessed at 12:45 to reconvene at 2:15 


(The subcommittee reconvened at 2 :55 p.m., pursuant to recess.) 
Senator Keating. The subcommittee will come to order. 
Colonel, will vou resume the stand ? 



Senator ICeating. Proceed, Counsel. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, at the recess we were discussmg, or 
had begun to discuss, Prensa Latina. It seems to counsel that there 
may be some misunderstanding between the witness and the committee 
in the use of this term "Prensa Latina," inasmuch as the Prensa 
Latina, about which counsel asked, is an organization which, so far 
as we know, was formed in June of 1959. 

The witness was testifying about a Prensa Latina with respect to 
which he had knowledge in the early 1950's. I have taken the liberty 
of asking Mr. Mandel, our director of research, to assemble from our 
files some available material about Prensa Latina. With the Chair's 
permission, I would like to put that in the record so the record may 
show what we are talking about and then ask the witness to explain 
what he was talking about. 


JNIay that be clone ? 

Senator Keating. What is the source of this information ? 

Mr. Mandel. First of all, Editor and Publisher for November 28, 
1959, page 46, has an article entitled "Castro's News Service Hews 
Closely to Line." 

Senator I\JEATiNG. All right. What else? 

Mr. JVIandel. The Editor and Publisher of December 12 

Senator I^ating. Are all of these from Editor and Publisher ? 

Mr. Mandel. No. 

Senator Keating. Are they news items ? 

Mr. Mandel. No. The second is Editor and Publisher of December 
12, 1959, page 73, an answer from Prensa Latina giving their side of 
the question and U.S. News & World Report, May 2, 1960, pages 72 
and 74, on "How Castro Pushes 'Hate U.S.' All Over Latin America." 

And then two memorandums in the hands of the committee, one 
dated October 15, 1959, the other one April 14, 1960, which are 

Senator Keating. Well, those latter two memorandums, you say 
they are factual. If you can state on the record the source, please do 
so. If you cannot, we will advise the chairman 

Mr. Sourwine. It is my understanding, Mr. Chairman — I will ask 
Mr. Mandel if it is not correct — that this memorandmn which I hold, 
which is designated "Background Memo," dated October 15, 1959, is 
a memorandum prepared by a responsible agency of the Government 
of the United States as of that date. 

Senator Keating. As of what date ? 

Mr. Sourwine. October 15, 1959. 

Senator Keating. An agency of the Government ? 

Mr. Sourwine. Of the United States. 

Senator Keating. All right. 

Mr. Sourwine. The second memorandum is, if I understand it 
correctly, a memorandum prepared by the research staff of the com- 
mittee from all available sources. 

Senator Keating. We will receive them. 

(The documents referred to are identified as exhibits Nos. 2-6 and 

read as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 2 

[Editor and PubUsher, Nov. 28, 1959, p. 46] 
Castko's News Service Hews Closely to Line 

Havana. — Like Argentina's former dictator, Juan Peron, Cuba's strongman 
Fidel Castro has set up his own "news" service. Castro's device is called Prensa 
Latina, although, contrary to what some newsmen aver, it Is not written in pig 

Almost from the day he came to power early this year, Castro has been attack- 
ing U.S. wire services, publications, and newsmen. (Revolucion) has referred 
to Associated Press as "agency of deformation." 

Prensa Latina was officially founded in mid-April, with Jorge Ricardo Masetti, 
a 29-year-old Argentine newspaperman, as its head. Mr. Masetti came to Cuba 
last year to cover the civil war for an Argentine radio station. He trekked to 
the Sierra Maestra, interviewed Castro and returned to Argentina to write a book 
about the Castro movement, "Those Who Fight and Those Who Cry." He came 
back to Cuba when Castro overthrew the Batista regime. 



When PL was set up, it issued a press release saying: "Prensa Latina is a 
private company, created by the efforts, the resources, and the faith of a group 
of men of goodwill from various Latin American countries. * * * We will 
avoid everything that signifies political propaganda." 

Mr. Masetti claims that his agency is independent of the Castro regime, but 
facts indicate otherwise. Prensa Latina was permitted to bring its equipment 
into Cuba duty free. Prensa Latina does not run anything that is not in accord 
with the Fidelista line. When Air Force Chief Pedro Luis Diaz Lan'z deserted 
the Castro army, PL waited hours to release the news, delaying until the gov- 
ernment devised the official line. 

Recently there was a one-hour work stoppage in Cuba, aimed at showing sup- 
port for Castro. Prensa Latina joined, taking an hour off. 

Prensa Latina has correspondents in more than a dozen Latin American cities, 
as well as Washington. It hopes eventually to branch out to Europe and Asia. 


These plans may be delayed, however. The Cuban government has financial 
troubles, and Castro probably did not bother to figure out what operation of a 
news agency would- cost — particularly since it provides most of its "news" free 
of charge. One unconfirmed estimate is that the service is costing the govern- 
ment some $6,000,000 annually. 

Lately PL has appeared less interested in competing with AP and UPI on 
spot news coverage, and more interested in spreading the Castro line. This is 
done by two methods : (1) Carrying stories in accord with official Cuban policies 
(anti-American riots in Panama; unrest in the Dominican Republic), and (2) 
carrying statements by lesser Latin American figures praising Castro. 

Most Havana dailies, mainly serviced by AP and UPI, do lipservice by run- 
ning a token amount of PL stories daily. Lately there has been an ominous 
trend, however, with Revolucion attacking other dailies for running AP or UPI 
stories considered unfriendly to Castro. Presumably, to be safe, the papers are 
expected to rmi only PL material. 

Nevertheless, PL has readymade clients in Havana. Of Havana's 14 dailies, 
the Castro regime controls five (including Revolucion). and all of these use PL's 
sei-vices extensively, as does the Communist daily Hoy. It is often difficult to 
tell the difference between the PL line, the Fidelista line, and the Communist 


An abnormally large number of PL stories quote persons known to be Com- 
munists or Communist symiiathizers, without so identifying them, according to 
Stanley Ross, editor of El Diario de Nueva York, Spanish-language daily pub- 
lished in New York. He has watched the file for months. 

Gossip has it that the real power in the operation of the seiwice is exerted 
by Dr. Ernesto "Che" Guevara, an Argentine medical doctor, who was with the 
Guatemalan government during the Communist regime and who is believed now 
to have power ranking right after Fidel Castro and his brother, Raul. He has 
been made a Cuban citizen. 

The PL service in the United States is headed by Angel Boan, a Cuban, with 
headquarters in Washington. The New York office, with seven on the staff 
to cover the city and the United Nations, has as its chief, Francisco Portela, a 
Cuban who was never identified with political groups in Cuba and who for 20 
years was managing editor of La Prensa, Spanish-language daily published in 
New York. 

It is known that PL asked one newspaper $750 a month for the service and 
then cut the price down to $200 when the newspaper refused to pay the higher 
price, but is still supplying it with the daily reports on a free trial basis. 


News originating in New York or Washington is not distributed directly to 
client newspapers. It goes to the Havana headquarters for editing or censoring 
and then comes back to New York. Some of it does not come back. 

Example : On Nov. 10 leaders of the anti-Casti-o WHiite Rose movement held 
a press conference at the New York Advertising Club and announced that Dr. 


Domingo Gomez Gimevanez, Cuban scientist, a researcher at Columbia Univer- 
sity, will be its caniJklate for a Cuban provisional government if Castro is 

The story was played big with stories and pictures in New York. It is known 
that PL correspondents sent the story to Havana, but not a word of it came 
back to newspapers in the PL file. 


Mr. Ross said sports coverage by the service is particularly good, especially 
from Cuba and I'uerto Hica. El Diario uses baseliall and other sports stories 
extensively. I ittle of the remainder of the news report is used. 

The news report for one day was examined. It contained these stories : 

One from San Salvador about the welcoming of a foreign novelist at a uni- 
versity, without mention of his Communist record. 

One from Prague saying that Czechoslovakia wants to help underdeveloped 
countries of the world, without mention of the Communist regime. 

One from East Germany presenting the Soviet regime in good light. 

One from Mexico warning the government that anti-Castro men arriving 
th'^re are not refuLrees but "bandits and killers." 

One from ^Mexico rpioting a foreigner, known to l)e a fellow traveler for 
years, as having three heroes in Latin America — naming Fidel Castro and two 
men known to be Communists, without so designating them. 

Mr. Ross said the news service often quotes the Chinese News Agency of Com- 
nuiriist China, whi'-h has opened an office in Havana. Many stories he said, 
boost Japanese goods as cheaper than U.S. goods and increasing Japanese sales 
in Cuba often are x-eported. He added that almost every story contains at 
least one attacking the use of atomic weapons, [sic] 

Incidentally, El Diario de Nueva York supported Castro vigorously during 
till' revolution. Upon the invitation of the Castro regime. Editor Ross went to 
Havana last .January and stayed five days. He did not like what he saw de- 
veloping in the new government and El Diario became critical of Castro. 


Francisco Jose Cardona, editor of La Prensa, Spanish-language daily news- 
paper published in New York, said his paper discontinued the Prensa Latina 
service two weeks ago for economic reasons. 

"1 would not say that Prensa Latina played up pro-Communist news but it 
carried news from all over Latin America that was hostile to the United States," 
said Mr. Cardona. "For that reason we had to be careful what items we used 
(inriiig the last three weeks we had the service." 

Jules Dubois, the Chicago Tribune correspondent who is persona non grata 
in Cuba, has reported that PL's correspondents are mostly Communists and 
fellow travelers. One of the agency's executives, Baldomero Alvarez-Rins. re- 
cently was a delegate to the Communist-dominated Youth Festival in Vienna 
and then visited Moscow, Peiping, and other Iron Curtain capitals. 

Exhibit No. 3 

[Editor and Publisher, Dec. 12. 1959, p. 7.3] 

Prensa Latina Denies It's Castro Owned 

Prensa Latina, the new news service for Latin American newspapers, with 
headquarters in Havana, is not connected with or financed by the Castro re- 
gime in Cuba and it does not play up pro-Communist news or personalities, 
according to Jorge Ricardo Masetti, director-general of PL. 

Mr. Masetti, an Argentine newspaperman, prepared a statement in reply to a 
news story in Editor & Publisher (Nov. 28, page 46). Before the story was 
published, Mr. Masetti was asked for a statement to be published as part of the 
story. The request was sent by airmail Nov. 13. His brief, one-page letter in 
reply, denying that PL is financed by Cuba or that its news file favors Commu-, was received too late for inclusion in the November 28 story. 

After the publication of the E&P story, Mr. Masetti sent this more complete 
reply, dated November 30 : 

43354— 60— pt. 7 5 



•']. Ydur news .story seems to be foinposed f»f two parts. The first one is an 
undisguised repetition of a former story published in Time (.July 27). Even 
the same wording is used. 1 think you should have (juoted your source of your 
information, whieh is far from accurate. 

"2. The second part of your story seems to have been rigged by editor Staidey 
Ross. We do not think Stanley Ross is a qualified witness. lie was expelled 
from the Inter-American Press Association in October 1950, on the charge of 
being associated with Trujillo. Further, he has been a New York correspondent 
for the late Agenda Lr.tina, owned by former Argentine President .Juan Peron. 

"8. You seem to take it for granted that PI. is financed b.v the Cuban govern- 
ment. You cannot prove it (and you cannot prove it because it is not true). 

"4. Yoiir 'unconfirmed estimate' of what PL is costing (not the Cuban govern- 
ment, but the shareholders) is very flattering. You would not believe it, but 
the actual cost is five times less. Your estimate will be used as an argument 
before the shareholders. * * * 


"."). Mr. Ross" method of 'watching our files' is very curious. We are releasing 
from 160 to 200 stories daily. Among them, yoi; could conceivably find — as 
Mr. Ross does — five which seem favorable to the Communists. Y'ou could also 
find them in the AP or UPI service. You could even find them in Editor & 

"(5. Of course we do not identify anyone as a Communist, unless he is acting 
as a mend)er of the Communist Party. We do not identify Marilyn Monroe as a 
Republican or a Democrat, because we do not know" in which case she might 
feel insulted. We prefer the old-fashioned method of identifying people by 
their names. * * * The practice of labeling as a Communist or 'fellow-traveller' 
anyone who does not admit being one thing or the other, is equivalent to what 
your own Code of Ethics tei'ms 'expression of opinion.' 

"I think Mr. Ross (and by the way, Editor & Publisher) should reread Canon 
V, which deals with 'Impartiality' : 'Sound {iractice makes clear distinction be- 
tween news reports and expressions of opinion. News reports should be free 
from opinion or bias of any kind.' 


"7. According to your story '(PL) news originating in New York or Washing- 
ton is not distributed directly to client papers. It goes to Havana headquarters 
for editing or censoring and then comes back to New Y'ork. Some of it does not 
come back.' 

"Sure, this is almost true. But suppose we replace that statement by this 
one : 

•' "AP or UPI news originating in Havana (or Buenos Aires or Rio. or any other 
part of the world) is not distributed directly to client papers. It goes to New 
York or San Francisco headquarters for editing or censoring and then comes 
back to Havana. Some of it does not come back.' 

"So w'hat? Barring 'censorship,' which is not a PL practice, this is the normal 
procedure in all existing news services. 


"S. The Gomez Gimeranez story is utterly ridiculous. If 'Sir. Stanley Ross 
really has been 'watching our files." he should know that we are not sending 
back to New York any story originated in New York, as we are not sending 
back to Santiago de Chile or Caracas stories originating in Santiago or Caracas. 
The local newsmen are supposed to cover the local stories. This also is normal 
procedure. Even if we wanted to distribute Argentine news (for instance) in 
Biienos Aires, we wouldn"t lie able to do it: it is forbidden by law. For the 
same reasons we are not di.strihuting Cuban news in Cuba. But if there is any 
doubt left, you can ask AP or UPI. They know all about it. 

"9. Your article implies that we are Communists. We are not. Let me add 
that if we are Communists, our Conununism is a very strange one. For in- 
stance, our first columnist is a French Catholic writer, Nobel Prize winner, 
called Francois Mauriac. Our advisor in North African affairs is a Catholic 


priest, Father Alfred Bereuguer. Our coverage of the Catholic Congress re- 
cently held in Cuba is as wide as anyone. 

"In conclusion, let me say that your whole story can be torn to pieces, word 
by word. It is a shame to your tradition of seriousness and objectivity. It 
gives proof to those who hold that a great part of the American press sys- 
tematicallv thwarts and distorts Latin American facts." 

Exhibit No. 4 

[U.S. News & World Report, May 2, 1960] 

How Castko PUSI1E.S "Hate U.S." All Over Latin America 

It's a Red-patterned, well-organized "'hate U.S." campaign that 
Castro is conducting among U.S. neighbors to the south. 

Chief vehicle : A "news" service to peddle tlie Castro line. 

Investigation by "U.S. News & World Report" shows the scope 
of the operation, .spreading throughout Latin America. 

Reported from Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and Buenos Aires 

Fidel Castro's Government is waging the most ambitious campaign ever 
undertaken to turn all of Latin America against the United States. 

It is a campaign that employs the Communist tactics of propaganda, intrigue, 
and subversion, and it is making converts in a group of countries that tra- 
ditionally liuve been friendly to the I^S. 

In this pro-C(mimunist, anti-U.S. offensive, Castro is employing these princi- 
pal weapons : 

A "news" service, complete with bureaus, radio teletypewriters, and a 
farflung corps of correspondents. 

A radio network that utilizes 18 stations outside of Cuba. 
A flood of anti-American pamphlets and "news" releases distributed by 
Cuban diplomats and Castro's labor federation. 

Conspiracies by Castro's diplomats and secret agents, designed to stir 
up trouble for the U.S. and, in some cases, to overturn governments friendly 
to Washington. 

Editinrj the "'news." — Spearhead of this offensive is Castro's "news" service, 
Agenda Prensa Latina — usually called Prensa Latiua. Castro, irritated by 
the way U.S. news agencies reported his activities, discussed the problem a 
year ago with his chief "brain truster," Argentine-born Maj. Ernesto (Che) 
Guevara, and it was decided to establish an "independent" news service. 

An Argentine friend of Guevara's, Jorge Ricardo Masetti, was hired to .set 
up the operation. He was given an initial drawing account of $.32.5,000. Today, 
Prensa Latina is in the "news" business in a big way. 

Nerve center of Prensa Latina is its Havana headquarters, which occupies an 
entire floor in the skyscraper Edificio Medico, or Medical Building. Here, dis- 
patches radioed and cabled in by Latina's dozen bui'eaus and network 
of correspondents are screened and edited to bring out angles favorable to 
Castro and Communism and unfavorable to the U.S. 

Some stories are picked up from Cuban newspapers — which, with three ex- 
ceptions, are pro-Castro. Items received from the Soviet Tass and other Com- 
munist agencies are translated into Spanish and Portuguese by a special section 
of 12 linguists. 

All these items are blended into a "news" report that reads much like the 
line dispensed by Tass. It is sent by radio teletypewriters to Prensa Latina's 
bureaus for distribution to some 60 newspapers and a number of radio stations 
in Latin America. 

Portrait of U.S. — On a typical day, this "news" reiwrt contains stories under 
headings such as these: "Student leaders of Latin America visit Red China"; 
"Mexico criticizes U.S. policy on corn exports" ; "Youth problems in New York"; 
"How Soviet Russia brings prosperity to East Germany" ; "Brazilian state gov- 
ernment criticizes contract with American power company" ; "Land reform in 
Cuba" ; "Castro proclaims press freedom in Cuba" ; "Poland' wants to help under- 
developed countries of Latin America" ; "I'anama plans new moves against U.S. 
imperialism" ; "Hungary boosts output of consumer goods." 


When Senator .John F. Kennedy, c-iiniiai.iinhif; for tlie I'.S. presidentuil nomi- 
nation, declared recently that 3 7 million North Americans go to bed hnngry every 
night, Trensa Latina grabbed the item, and it got quite a play in Latin America, 
"lievolucion," Castro's semiofficial mouthpiece in IT:ivana, headlined the story: 
"The myth of prosperity in the ITnited States.'" 

For Communist, leftist, and vdtranationalist editors. Prensa Latina is an 
invaluable aid. It provides them with ammunition to use in discrediting the 
U.S. while picturing the Castro-Communist tie-up as an ideal partnership for 

TJic Red sJaut. — Most of the members of Prensa Latina's staff are (jld hands at 
spotting stories that can be given an anti-U.S. twist. Masetti had years of ex- 
perience with a similar service financed by dictator Juan D. Peroii of Argentina. 

Many other members of the staff are fellow travelers or Commimists. Still 
others are leftist-nationalists who favor neutralism. 

Now, some of these nationalists are turning sour on Prensa Latina, for they 
find that what they expected to be a genuine news agency is merely a propaganda 
arm of the Cuban Government. In protest, I'aul de Castro, a Brazilian, has 
resigned a responsible position with the agency. 

De Castro, as head of the Prensa Latina bureau in Rio de Janeiro, became 
disillusioned with the organization and the kind of "news" it was handling. He 
became aware, also, that his office was being used as an espionage center. 

"The directors of Prensa Latina,"' De Castro said, "are men of totalitarian 
backgrounds, regarding the U.S. with a blind hate due to the Peronist and Stalin- 
ist backgrounds they share. Cuba is their only concern, and Latin America is 
so only to the extent that it serves the interests of Cuba. Little by little, it 
became evident to me that this was a Cnl>an ag"ncv serving tlie Government 

"If one may .judge by Prensa Latina.'" he added, "the Cuban revolution has 
taken a grave turn toward a police state, with tyranny and indifference to truth 
as its method and system." 

Wlio poi/.s the hills? — I'rensa I>ntina"s oper.itin;;' expenses are estimated b.y 
news-service men to run from .$1.")0,0(M) to .$200,000 a month, at a minimum. It is 
not clear where much of the money comes from. Revenue from the sale of the 
service is negligible, for most clients receive it free. The Cuban Government 
is believed to pick up ,$60,000 of the tab each month. Some believe the rest of the 
mone.v conies from a source behind the Iron Cxirtain. 

Prensa Latina has its radio counterpart in a newly established network called 
Cadena Latinoamericana — Latin-American Chain. Key station of the chain is 
Radio I'nion. in Havana, owned by the Cuban Confederation of Labor — CTC — 
and staffed principally by Communists and fellow travelers. 

Radio Union broadcasts each night b.v shortwave to two rela.v stations — one 
in Venezuela and one in Argentina. The programs are rebroadcast to 10 stations 
in Argentina, Uruguay, Brazil, Chile, Venezuela, Costa Rica, and Guatemala. 
Billed as "news," the programs consist of propaganda. Among their listeners are 
millions of I>atin Americans who do not read newspapers. 

These broadcasts, now beamed onl.v to Latin America, are soon to be extended. 
The Government in Havana has announced that a high-i)owered station, under 
construction in Cuba, will carry the Castro-Communist message, in several lan- 
guages, to the whole world. 

The CTC, besides lending Radio Union to the Castro cause, is engaged in 
propanranda activities on its own account. Every month, it mails two violently 
anti-U.S. magazines — "Vanguardia" and "Noticiero Sindical de la CTC" — to a 
long list of editors and lal)or leaders in Latin America. It also distributes "news" 
releases and some of the many anti-U.S. pamphlets now being published in 

Einhansk's — and espionage. — Cuban diplomats also_ are pushing Castro's anti- 
U.S., pro-Communist line throughout the world, witli special attention to Latin 
America. Many of these are young firebrands without diplomatic experience 
who devote most of their time to distributing propaganda designed to show that 
the U.S. is the real enemy of Latin America. 

"Working closely with Communists and with Castro's secret agents, several 
Cuban diplomats have meddled in local affairs to the point where they have worn 
out their welcomes in their host countries. This was the ease with Salvador 
Massip. Cuban Ambassador to Mexico. 

Massip. a boon comjjanion of the Soviet Ambassador, was suspected by Mexican 
officials of receiA-ing instructions from him. The Cuban Embassy issued false 
passjiorts to Soviet and Czech agents to facilitate their travels in Latin America, 


Mexican sources said. A member of Massip's staff traveled secretly through 
Central America a few weeks ago, reportedly laying the groundwork for a 
series of revolutions intended to overturn governments friendly to the U.S. 
and replace them with governments oriented toward Havana and Moscow. 

After finally falling into disfavor in Mexico, Massip was recalled and replaced 
by Jos6 A. Portuondo, described by anti-Castro newspapers as a Marxist. 

Another ambassador who wore out his welcome was Rene Rayneri, in El Sal- 
vador. His pro-Communist activities were so flagrant that the Salvadoran Gov- 
ernment asked for his recall. His successor is Francisco Pividal Padron — a man 
whose pro-Communist meddling as Ambassador to Venezuela was so blatant 
that the Caracas Government declared him persona non grata. 

In Guatemala, Ambassador Antonio Rodriguez narrowly avoided expulsion 
recently for similar activities. Neighboring Honduras expelled a Cuban diplomat, 
Victor A. Mirabal Aeebal, on February 16 for subversion and mixing into local 

In Colombia, Communists and other leftists staged an anti-U.S. demonstration 
on March 7 and distributed leaflets blaming the U.S. for the explosion of the 
French munitions ship La Coubre in Havana harbor a few days earlier. Co- 
lombians believe the Cuban Ambassador, Adolfo Rodriguez de la Vega, inspired 
the demonstrations and the leaflets. 

In Uruguay, the Cuban Embassy and the Soviet Legation instigated an attempt 
by university students to disrupt President Eisenhower's ride through Monte- 
video early in March. Cuba's Ambassador to Panama, Jose A. Cabrera, is 
trying to make common cause with the Panamanians in their difficulties with 
the U.S. over the Canal Zone. 

Coming: more trouhlemaking. — This is the pattern of propaganda, meddling, 
and subversion that Cuban diplomats are following in Latin America. Now, an 
increase in subversion is expected, as a result of the Havana Government's 
decision to assign a new officer, called a consular attach^, to each embassy. 
Each consular attach^, it is understood, will be an intelligence agent who will 
outrank the ambassador and will be well supplied with funds to finance 
subversion and agitation. 

Castro's Government, thus, is going all-out to stir up trouble and turn the 
countries of Latin America against the United States. 

Exhibit No. 5 

Background Memo, Dated Oct. 15, 1959 

agencia prensa latina (pl) 

Prensa Latina, a Latin American wire service formally launched at a cere- 
monial dinner in Havana on June 9, was founded in response to the dissatis- 
faction frequently expressed by Fidel Castro with the news carried by U.S. 
wire services concerning Cuba. Its administrative headquarters has ostensibly 
been established in Mexico City, and the president of the agency is Guillermo 
Castro Ulloa, a Mexican industrialist. Bureau headquarters, however, are in 
Havana under the supervision, as Director-General, of Jorge Ricardo Masetti, 
an Argentine and reportedlv former chief of the old Agenda Latina de Noticias 
(ALN), a Peronista mouthpiece. The Havana office is said to have a staff of 60. 

Prensa Latina stories are now appearing in the press and on the radio in 
Bogota, Buenos Aires, Caracas, Havana, La Paz, Lima, and Mexico City, 
and is reported to have agencies in Montevideo, Panama, Rio de Janeiro, San 
Jose, and Santiago. In the United States, La Prensa, of New York, and Diario 
de Nueva York are using PL stories. 

PL maintains offices in New York, Washington, and Chicago, and plans to 
open offices in San Francisco and other U.S. cities. Leo Aragon and Angel 
Boan Acosta are in the Washington office. 

It appears that the overwhelming majority of those publications utilizing 
the PL service are receiving that service on a free, trial basis. How long PL 
can maintain that free service is dependent on PL's money source, as yet un- 
identified. However, the manner in which PL operates would indicate that PL 
is not limited by a lack of funds. 

43354— 60— pt. 7- 


Prensa Latina is reported to have signed an agreement with the Middle East 
News Agency and the New China News Agency, providing for an exchange of 

Various Cuban leaders have expressed their support for PL. Revolucion, the 
26th of July organ, has warmly welcomed PL and carries many PL stories. 
Raul Castro was quoted, when recently in Lima, as stating that "the only re- 
ports the Cuban people can believe are written by Prensa Latina — all else is 

PL seems to have a proclivity for reporting anti-U.S. statements made by 
various student or political leaders throughout Latin America, statements which 
do not seem newsworthy enough for other wire services to carry. PL also 
seems to carry more news about agreements, sales, etc., between Latin American 
countries and the Soviet bloc than do other wire services. 

Both Radio Moscow and the New China News Agency occasionally repeat PL 
stories, when those stories have an anti-U.S. twist. PL carries a large number 
of short news briefs. 

Ruby Hart Phillips, in the New York Times of August 24, states that both 
foreign and Cuban newsmen in Havana complain of the extraordinary facilities 
being granted to PL, and that PL manages to get exclusive interviews and 
reports denied to other newsmen. 

There is as yet no definite evidence regarding the financial connection be- 
tween PL and the Cuban Government. There is no doubt, however, that PL 
is pro-Castro. PL has yet to carry any news which could be viewed as not 
sympathetic to the Cuban Government. There have, however, been only one 
or two stories favorable to the United States. 

Exhibit No. 6 

April 14, 1960. 

Agencia Informativa Latinoamericana (Prensa Latina) 

Prensa Latina (PL) was inaugurated in June 19.59 as a wire service devoted 
primarily to coverage of Latin American news. It is reported that Fidel Castro, 
in an attempt to propagandize his revolution through means other than the 
U.S. news services, which he believes are very biased, provided $800,000 
financial backing to get the PL started. He is now subsidizing PL out of Gov- 
ernment funds. The central administrative office is located in Mexico City (to 
give the impression that this is an independent news service), but the editorial 
oflaces are in Havana. 

The Director General of PL, and the man who controls the editorial policies 

of the service, is Ricardo Masetti, an Argentine who was the former head of 

Peron's Agencia Latina, and a close friend of Ernesto "Che" Guevara, head 

of the Cuban National Bank. Heads of PL outside of Cuba include the following : 

a Hermann Konche — Uruguayan — Prensa Latina representative in Rio de 

Janeiro. Konche is a close personal friend of Ricardo Masetti. 

b. Rogelio Garcia Lupo — heads the Prensa Latina office in Santiago de 
Chile — Argentine friend of Masetti. 

c. Plinio Apuleyo Mendoza — leftist liberal with commie connections — • 
heads the Prensa Latina office in Bogota, Colombia. 

d. Carlos Enrique Aguirre — Argentine — head of Prensa Latina office in 

e. Oscar Edmundo Palma — a Communist attorney — heads the Prensa 
Latina office in Guatemala. 

f. Ernesto Glachetti — An Argentine — heads Prensa Latina in Lima. 

g. Efraim Rodriguez Venegas serves as Prensa Latina agent in San Jose. 
He is a former Nicaraguan citizen and is reputed to be a member of the 
Costa Rican Communist Party. 

Prensa Latina maintains offices in the following cities, with stringers in many 
others : Washington, New York, Havana, Guatemala City, Mexico City, Buenos 
Aires, La Paz, Rio de Janeiro, and probably Sao Paulo, Santiago (Chile), 
Bogota, San Salvador, San Jose (Costa Rica), Lima, Montevideo, and Caracas. 
PL is also attempting to open offices in Europe and Asia. 

Prensa Latina's coverage of Latin American news is far better than any 
other service, and the material reported is usually objective and factual. The 
news carried is not openly propagandistic in nature, nor does it reflect the trade- 
mark of the Communist line. However, PL's anti-American slant is shown by 
the selection of news rather than by editorializing or distorting. It generally 


reports overt Communist activity in LA much like any other routine news and 
without an "anti" slant. Any news which is anti-Commie or Anti-CASTRO is 
either completely ignored or given very little coverage, whereas statements 
which are anti-American or pro-Communist receive widespread distribution. 
For example, a statement by a government official of a Latin American country 
which is pro-Soviet or anti-American is reported widely, and in such a way that 
it appears that such is the popular view of the Government in that country. 
U.S. military movements in the Caribbean are widely publicized, as in the case 
of the shore leave of ^Marines in the Dominican Republic, which was construed 
as a pro-Trujillo show of force. 

Since the I'L news service is free to using newspapers, radio, and TV stations 
(except in Venezuela), many small papers and left-wing papers use PL material 
heavily. Up to now, the large newspapers use the service only occasionally, 
and then with reservation. However, since PL has no competitor in its coverage 
of Latin American events, the number of subscribers is growing rapidly. 
[ For non-LA news PL has used the services of TASS and New China News 
Agency (which occupies the same building as PL in Havana), as well as the 
Czech news service CETEKA, with which it maintains teletype service. Radio 
Peking has used PL stories in its broadcasts. At a news agency conference 
held in Havana from 12-30 January, which was sponsored by Prensa Latina, 
representatives of the following bloc news services were in attendance and later 
signed bilateral pacts with PL: TASS, CETEKA, Hsin Hua (XCNA), Tanjuc 
of Yugoslavia, Polish Press Agency (PAP), and Agence Telegraphic Bulgare of 
Bulgaria. This conference stimulated many resignations from PL employees 
who could see the Communist orientation of PL. 

Mr. Mandel. And finally there is a clipping from the Daily Worker 
on Prensa Latina dated April 24, 1960, page 7. 
Senator Keating. It will be received also. 
(The clipping was marked "Exhibit No. 7" and reads as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 7 
[Worker, Apr. 24, 1960, p. 7] 

Jorge Ricardo Masetti, head of "Prensa Latma", a wire service covering all 
news in Latin America, speaking to the students of the University of La Plata 
in Argentina, declared, when asked about Cuba : 

"I ask you to think that while we are here speaking about this question, there 
is a Latin-American country that is being bombed every day ; that every day 
this country is being subjected to the scientifically organized and disseminated 
lies of the news trust in the U.S.A. ; a country which every day sees the plans 
to occupy its territory through violence and murder being surreptitiously de- 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I might also call attention by reference to the testi- 
mony before this committee respecting Prensa Latina by General 
Cabell, the Deputy Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, on 
November 5, 1959. 

I will read just one sentence from this memorandum : 

Prensa Latina was organized with headquarters in Cuba in early 1959. 

Now, I ask the witness, with the understanding that we are talking 
about and asked you about an organization which we are informed was 
founded in Cuba in June of 1959, how do you account for your answer 
that you knew of this organization in the early 1950's? 

Colonel Carrillo. I believe I was under a confusion when I tried 
to explain my knowledge about Prensa Latina and I should explain 
it now. 


I know three matters about Prensa Latina. They are not too strong. 
They are poor. But other persons I believe will testify who will have 
better and more knowledge about this matter. But I know that during 
World War II, there was formed, in Argentina, Prensa Latina, wliich 
later disappeared. 

During the year 1945 to the year 1950 there appeared in Cuba a 
pamplilet of information that was edited or formed by the party, the 
Socialist Communist Party of Cuba, and it had in small lettering as 
a title, "Information For," in large lettering, "Prensa Latina." 

During that period the corps of investigation worked upon this 
matter. I did not participate at that time as an officer of an investi- 
gation unit, but simply as an army officer. 

But in the records in the archives, when I reached it in 1952, 1 found 
this type of information by the way of pamphlets in the manner which 
I have described. 

Now, in the year of 1959 it appears again the name of Prensa Latina 
in Cuba. 

That is all. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do I understand correctly that when you referred 
to Prensa Latina this morning as an organization formed auxiliary 
to Tass and connected with the Chinese News Service, you were re- 
ferring to the earlier Prensa Latina about which you knew ? 

Colonel Carrillo. I believe it is the same organization because in 
1952 1 found that these pamphlets were supposed to be secured [seized] 
because they gave information which was nothing more than Com- 
munist propaganda. 

Senator Keating. That was back before Castro came to power. 

Colonel Carrillo, Exactly. 

Senator Keating. In other words, what you are saying to this com- 
mittee is that, in your judgment, Prensa Latina had a connection with 
Tass way back since 1952 on ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. This type of Prensa Latina which we 
are talking of now is the same organization that appeared in the 

Mr. Sourwine. This is your opinion. 

Colonel Carrillo. It is my opinion and based on what I read in 
the archives. 

Senator Keating. The archives of BRAC ? 

Colonel Carrillo. They were transferred later to BRAC. At that 
time it was known as the Intelligence Service. 

Senator Keating. Proceed. 

Mr. Sourwine. I think that clears up at least what the witness is 
talking about for the record. 

Now, one more point to clear up. It has come to me that during the 
luncheon hour you expressed an opinion with respect to the use or 
intended use of the concrete installations about which you testified. 

If this report is correct, and you have expressed privately an opin- 
ion about the use or intended use of this installation which you have 
not told the committee, I want you to tell us now what your opinion is 
with regard to this. 

Senator Keating. Just hold that question a minute. 

Let us withdraw that question and let me ask another question pre- 
liminary to that. 


Have you, since the recess, given information to members of the 
press or others with reference to your opinion regarding the use of 
this concrete strip about which you testified this morning? 

Colonel Carrillo. During recess ? 

Senator Keating. Since we recessed this morning, yes. I don't 
want his answer to this. All I am asking for is, have you given this 
information to others yourself ? 

I don't want the information yet. 

Colonel Carrillo. I did not give the information. I solely dis- 
cussed on the basis of the drawing where it appeared in the news- 
paper, the Diario de la Marina, information about directed missiles. 
Not in Cuba, but in the Caspian or in an ocean near that place. 

Senator Keating. Caribbean. 

Colonel Carrillo. Your Honor, will you permit me a declaration, a 
statement ? 

Senator Kj:ating. Yes. 

Colonel Carrillo. In relation to what we were talking before, I 
have been looking at the drawing which I drew myself and which 
was — which I hold in my hand here, and I wish to explain something 
which I did not quite explain before about concrete f omiclations which 
I talked about before. 

Senator Keating. Very well. 

Colonel Carrillo. There are two highways which go to the place 
of Cienega de Zapata. They first started to be constructed at the 
beginnings of 1959. 

One starts at the capital of the province, runs southward toward 
Cienega de Zapata. One starts east of Cienega de Zapata at the city 
of Parada de Pasejero which runs east to west and which leads into 
Cienega da Zapata. During few stretches of this highway, they are 
about 4 to 6 meters wide. When they are about to reach the center of 
Cienega de Zapata, near the Laguna del Tesoro — the Laguna del 
Tesoro is within Cienego de Zapata — this highway widens. There is 
where it starts a type of landing, aircraft strip, aircraft landing strip, 
where also there are certain powerful concrete bases and where they 
have informed me that there are still in construction similar bases in 
that area and which causes me to send a message asking them to pay 
attention to the information appearing in the Diario de la Marina, to 
know what was there. 

If those bases could be used for military armaments, like the di- 
rected missiles, or launching pads for missiles, et cetera, all that may 
be required for a heavy base, they informed me — they who have no 
mental technical capacity — they believe that something of that sort 
was happening there. 

Now, it is my opinion in elaborating all the information brought to 
me that it can be used for directed missiles, for launching pads, for a 
type of use which is military and not agricultural, nor tourist as they 
are made to appear to be. Clearly I have not the means to take the 
pictures and be able to study this matter further. 

What I have received, like the width of the highway, the depth of 
the concrete of the highway, the width of the bases, which fluctuate 
between 10 and 15 meters 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You have not given us the depth of the concrete. 
What is that figure ? 


Colonel Carrillo. The highway when it starts at the town, it is an 
ordinary highway when it goes in much firmer ground, but as it enters 
into the mountains — I meant as it enters the Cienega (not the Sierra) 
it is much heavier. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman, this clears up, I think, the two points 
which were left hanging at the recess. I want to apprise tlie Chair 
that we have a request from Mr. Andres Jose Rivero-Aguero, who is 
here, intended to be a witness, to try to get his testimony today so he 
may return and keep a commitment. 

If the Chair pleases, we might let the present witness stand down 
and call Seiior Rivero-Aguero. 

Senator Keating. Will you tell the colonel he may step aside ? We 
would like to call another witness. We would like to call him back 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Rivero-Aguero. 

Senator Keating. Would you raise your right hand, Mr. Rivero- 
Aguero ? Do you solemnly swear that the evidence which you give in 
this proceeding will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help you God ? 

Do you speak English ? Do you understand English ? 


Mr. Rivero-Aguero. No, sir, to both questions. 

Senator Keating (to the interpreter). Then I want you to repeat 
the oath to him in Spanish. I want him to know what he is swearing 

Do you solemnly swear that the evidence which you ^ive in this 
proceeding will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. I do. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You are a native of Cuba ? 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Native. 

Senator Keating. I want to ask the witness, does it disturb the 
witness to have photographers taking his picture while he is speak- 
ing ? If it does, we will have them take them now and then leave. 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. No ; I am not bothered. 

Senator Keating. He has been in political life, so I guess he 

All right, proceed. Counsel. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You are a graduate of the University of Havana ? 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You have been a lawyer and a professor of philos- 
ophy ? 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Doctor of Philosophy and Letters and of Law. 

]\Ir. SouRAviNE. You have been a professor ? 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Yes, sir ; I have been also a professor. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You were elected to the Cuban House of Representa- 
tives ? 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Yes, sir ; I was a senator. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. In what year ? 


Mr. Kivero-Aguero. From 1954 until 1958 I was elected senator 
in Cuba. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you a former Minister of Agriculture of Cuba ? 

Mr. Riv-ero-Aguero. In 1940. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Are you a former Minister to the President of 

Mr. RivERO- Aguero. Was I a Minister ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Were you ever in the President's Cabinet, in the 
Cabinet of the President of Cuba ? 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. I was Minister of Agriculture and Prime 

Mr. Sourwine. Prime Minister. When was that ? 

Mr. Ri%t:ro- Aguero. From 1957 until 1958. 

Mr. Souravine. This was under Batista? 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Yes, while Batista was President. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you run for the Presidency of Cuba? 

Mr. RrvERO- Aguero. During the year of 1958 I was a candidate 
for the Presidency of Cuba. 

Mr. Sourwine. Were you a candidate of the Bastista party? 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. I was a candidate for the four parties of the 
government at that time. 

Mr. Sourwine. Were you supported by the Batista party? 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. Were you elected ? 

Mr. Ri'\t:ro-Aguero. Yes. In the elections of November 3, 

Mr. Sourwine. What year ? 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. 1958. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you ever take office ? 

Mr. Ri\'ero-Aguero. In accordance with the constitution, I was sup- 
posed to take office on February 24, and the Government fell on Janu- 
ary 1, the 1st of January of 1959. 

Mr. Sourwine. Are you still a supporter of Batista? 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. I support him in what sense? 

Senator Keating. Would you like to see Batista returned to power 
in Cuba ? 

Mr. Ri\t:ro-Aguero. I don't think that the history repeats itself. I 
think history will try to improve itself. 

Senator Keating. Well, that is a very well-worded answer but I am 
very interested to know whether you are in favor of tlie return of 
Batista to power in Cuba ? 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. What I am against is that Fidel Castro stay 
in power. 

Mr. Sourwine. You are against Castro but you are not agamst 
Batista. Is that a fair statement ? 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. My position is that I am militant or I militate 
in those parties which at that time supported Bastista, and I still 
maintain that same ideology because I cannot support the ideology of 
Castro because at this time Castro is accusing the U.S. Government 
that they are calling to testify before this committee war criminals 
and not only do I not accept the qualification but to who I accuse 
to be a murderer is Castro and for he to explain to the Cuban people 
why he murders my brother, that he was but a mere laborer in a 


Senator Keating. I can understand your concern over what has 
happened to your own family. These questions are put to you for the 
purpose of weighing your testimony. 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Is it in respect to the government of Castro? 

Senator Keating. I have no further questions at this point. I 
sought this information in order to know what weight should be 
given to the testimony of this witness. 

The Interpreter. Should I translate that ? 

Senator ICeating. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know the present President of Cuba, Dr. 
Dorticos ? 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Personally, no. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know him as a public figure in 1948 ? 

Mr, Rivero-Aguero. They told me that he was a candidate for the 
Communist Party in 1948. 

Mr. Sourwine. Wliom do you mean by "they" ? 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. That he was militant with the Communist 

Mr. Sourwine. No. Who told you that Dorticos ran on the Com- 
munist Party ticket? 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Nobody told me. It was a matter of public 
fact that he was militant with the Communist Party and ran for 
Presidency in 1948. 

Senator Keating. Then you know that. You were not told by 
someone else. You were told that to be a fact. 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. I have never formed part of an investigation 
unit, but it is common knowledge in Cuba that Dr. Dorticos was a 
militant within the Communist Party. 

Mr. SouRAViNE. Do you remember testifying in executive session 
before this committee? 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Yes, I remember. 

Mr. SouR^vINE. Did you tell us that Fidel Castro had declared he 
would not hold elections in Cuba until all Cubans are literate ? 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero, Exactly ; I do. If you permit me to go into 
more explanation, I will. 

Senator Keating. Proceed. 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. For me to evaluate this information, I simply 
take the speech of Fidel Castro of the 1st of May of this year in 
which he stated that the Cuban democracy, he say, direct democracy, 
which is exercised by laborers, farmers, and professionals, that it is 
the same system which exists in the Communist regimes. Besides, 
Castro alleged that a president — he didn't mention him but it was 
President Betancourt of Venezuela — that had referred recently to the 
democratic governments that have no other origin but to make them 
representative governments, and Castro answering to this pronuncia- 
tion of Dr. Betancourt of Venezuela and the Congress that was cele- 
brated in proper Venezuela in the sense of the free world, where it 
appeared ex-President Figueres, Governor Marin — Cuba was repre- 
sented by Drs, Sanchez Arango and Antonio Barona, to find a demo- 
cratic out to the Cuban problem. 


Castro took advantage of the speech of May 1, the 1st of May, 
Labor's Day, to state that the democratic government is that which is 
exercised directly by the laborers and farmers without having to go 
to the elected government and then he states that the elections and the 
consequences of the elections and the representatives of the elections 
are not but mere maneuvers to make a fraud upon the people. 

I would like to add something more. 

Senator Keating. Well, we have a lot of witnesses to call and we 
know that there are differences in ideology between this witness and 
Mr. Castro, but that is incidental in this proceeding. We are after 
some facts in this proceeding. 

Mr. Kivero-Aguero. I would like to add something, or I would 
like you to ask me for facts. 

Senator Keating. Proceed. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you know what proportion of the people of 
Cuba are literate today ? 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Literate? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Literate. What proportion of the people of Cuba 
can read and write? 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero, Cuba occupies the fifth place of the continen- 
tal alphabetization. The first place is kept by the United States. 
Second is Uruguay. Third is Costa Rica. Fourth is Argentina. In 
figures they indicate IT percent that do not write or read and 83 per- 
cent that can write and read. 

Senator Keating. Were those the figures that you gave in the 
executive session? 

]\Ir. Riat:ro-Aguero. No, no, because then I don't understand what 
is the exact question. 

Senator Keating. Proceed, counsel. 

Mr. Sourwine. The record will speak on this. 

Do you have knowledge respecting prominent persons in Cuba who 
are known to be Communists ? 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Yes. 

Mr. Sour\vine. You named certain persons to the committee in 
executive session whom you said were militant Communists. 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Yes. 

Mr, Sourwine. Did you tell us that of your own knowledge or were 
you spealring of what you have here called general public knowledge ? 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. I just said it in the general sense because 
really I have no means of information myself. If they were to ask 
me for the card, Communist card, for the people governing now Cuba, 
I will have to say that they don't carry a card. 

Senator Keating. Proceed to something else. 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes. We will proceed to something else. 

Do you have information respecting repression of the church in 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. Well, I know because some of the members of 
the Catholic Church are now here in the United States, but it is also 
a universal knowledge that Communists cannot exist or coexist with 
the Catholic Church. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. Specifically, have Catholic schools, or universities, 
been closed by order of the Government ? 

Mr. Eivero-Aguero. I have no such knowledge. I believe that the 
fathers who are here, they are better qualified to testify. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. If the witness disqualifies himself, I am not going to 
ask any more questions on that point. 

I have no more questions. 

Senator Keating. The witness is excused. 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. I would like to say just a couple of words, if 
I may. Two words. 

Senator Keating. We want to have it if it is factual. We don't 
want any political speeches here because that is not the purpose of 
this committee. 

Mr. Rivero-Aguero. No. I wish to state that I am now testifying 
before the U.S. Senate because I believe that there is a Commmiist 
government in my country. Otherwise I would not be here. 

Senator Keatin^. We appreciate that. 

Thank you very much. 

Colonel, will you resume the stand, please ? 

I remind the colonel that the oath which he previously took is still 
in full force and effect. 



Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have information respecting the shipment of 
Communist propaganda into Cuba? 

Colonel Carrillo. What year ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I can't ask for the year because I am asking you 
if you have information. 

Let me say this to you : If you have information about the shipment 
of Communist propaganda into Cuba at any time, we want you to tell 
us about it. 

Colonel Carrillo. Cuba has always been a center of distribution of 
Communist propaganda, international communism. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Where does this propaganda originate ? 

Colonel Carrillo. A lot of it was printed in Cuba secretly when it 
was persecuted by those governments which were not in accord with 
communism. Now it is published openly. During the previous 
governments, the publication. Hoy, was closed and the radio station. 
Mil Diez. Presently the Communist Party publishes the Hoy and tlie 
radio stations air, transmit the political speeches of the party. Socialist 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman, w^e are moving very slowly. Would 
it be satisfactory to the Chair if counsel puts the questions m summary 
of the testimony which has been given in executive session and asks 
the witness whether this is a correct summary of the testimony pre- 
viously given ? Or should we proceed with direct questions ? 


Senator Keating. Let us try that course and see how we get along. 

Mr, SouRwiNE. Did you testify in executive session that more than 
12,000 manufacturing plants and bases have been nationalized by the 
Castro government ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Plants or plantations ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Plants or plantations? The question I asked was 
manufacturing plants and bases. 

Colonel Carrillo. By this time they should exceed 15,000. They are 
in the records of all the newspapers of Cuba. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you testify in executive session, and is it true, 
that the Communists have infiltrated the Catholic youth movement in 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you testify, and is it true, that Russian sub- 
marines had been seen in the Cienega de Zapata and in the Sierra 
Maestra also ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Will you permit me, before I answer this ques- 
tion, to answer the previous one so that it would not be incomplete ? 

Senator Keating. Yes. 

Colonel Carrillo. The information given to me about the Com- 
munist infiltration into the Catholic Action, Accion Catolica, in 1952 
and 1953, is in the archives which they have not burned of the regency 
of the church in Havana, addressed to Cardinal Arteaga. 

Now, I can continue with the second question. x 

Senator Keating. Do you remember what the second question was? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes. 

Senator Keating. Please answer it. 

Colonel Carrillo. I have an information about the Sierra Maestra 
when I was Chief of Military Operations given by the Military In- 
telligence Service within the military operational zone that a sub- 
marine, without identifying it, had landed near the end of the river 
of La Plata, south of Sierra Maestra, and for Fidel Castro. We used 
rubber dinghies. It is a rubber conch shell used for two or three per- 
sons at sea, and in a battle which took place recently arms were used 
which were manufactured in Czechoslovakia. And all that proof was 
sent to the President of the Eepublic who told me that they would be 
investigated by the American military missions to identify the origin 
of that proof that had been sent. 

The opinion recovered from that area which is supposed where the 
submarine was, is that it was a Russian submarine because the Ameri- 
can submarines have identifications, and this one was all black without 
any marking, and only large powers could transit in the ocean this 
type of transport. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I show you a duplication of a sketch and ask if 
this is a sketch which you drew for the committee ? 




Colonel Carrillo. This is to the south of the island of Los Pinos, 
where there was a landing secretly in the same form, the same days, 
for it appeared in the world press that there was a mysterious sub- 
marine to the south of Argentine. 

This submarine approached the southern coast of Isle de los Pinos, 
and my informer personally saw 14 trucks loaded with heavy equip- 
ment covered with tarpaulins of dark color, and when he approached 
these trucks as they neared the coast he noticed that there were no 
boats around. The trucks left at the beach. It seemed they had 
dragged heavy equipment on the sand, and he alleges, assures, that 
it was a submarine. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you tell us in executive session that in your 
opinion Batista had no will to fight Castro and was more interested 
in money than in saving the Kepublic of Cuba ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. 

Mr. SoTJRwiNE. You still believe that to be true ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you testify, and is it true, that Batista had 
provided $300 million for public works, but no money for military 
purposes, during the height of the insurrection ? 

Colonel Carrillo. I think it is more than $300 million that he dedi- 
cated for public works and very little for the military opposition to 

Mr. SouRwiNE. There is another witness who needs to be heard 
briefly today. 

We will ask you to step aside at this point. 

We will hear you further at the next session of the committee. 

I call Father O'Farril. 

Senator Keating. Father, do you speak and understand English? 

Father O'Farril. I understand a little. 

Senator Keating. Do you solemnly swear that the evidence you 
give in this proceeding will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing 
but the truth, so help you God ? 

Father O'Farril (through interpreter). I do. 


Mr. SouKwiNE. What is your full name? 
Father O'Farril. Juan Eamon O'Farril. 
Mr. SouRwiNE. You are a Catholic priest ? 
Father O'Farril. I believe so. 
Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you a native of Cuba ? 
Father O'Farril. Yes, sir; I am. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You were educated in France and in Havana ? 
Father O'Farril. Yes, sir; in Paris and in Havana. 
Mr. SouRwiNE. You attended the Seminary of San Carlos in 

Father O'Farril. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You were ordained in 1945 ? In the year 1945 ? 

Father O'Farrill. No, sir. In the year of 1945. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. That is what I thought I asked. 


You were opposed to the Batista government? 

Father OTarril. Smce 1933. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Why? 

Father O'Farril. The first traitorship of Batista when he was mere- 
ly a sergeant, he displaced the career officers and the second treason 
was during 1952 w'hen with a group of corrupted officers 

Colonel Carrillo. Excuse me. 

Senator Keating. The meeting will suspend temporarily. 

The Interpreter. His (Carrillo's) question is, Can I go out tem- 
porarily? Momentarily can I leave the committee room until the 
testimony is over ? 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes. 

Proceed, Father. 

The Interprei-er. The question was 

Mr. Sourwine. I was asking you why you opposed the Batista gov- 
ernment and you were telling us. 

Father O'Farril. Because at that time we had a democracy. In 
March, democracy suffered a blow that kept us in a dictatorship for 7 
years, one of the worst dictatorships suffered in America. 

Mr. Sourwine. Were you yourself ever arrested by the national 
police under Batista? 

Father O'Farril. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. You were released because of the intervention of 
the Cardinal of Havana? 

Father O'Farril. Yes, sir; due to the intervention of the church. 

Mr. Sourwine. You were beaten by agents of Batista? 

Father O'Farril. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. You were sent to Canada to recuperate from your 

Father O'Farril. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. You joined the followers of Castro to assist those 
who had been persecuted and imprisoned by Batista ? 

Father O'Farril. No; I joined the ^roup of Carlos Prio Socarras 
who was the constitutional President of Cuba. 

Mr. Sourwine. Were you ever a follower of Castro ? 

Father O'Farril. I helped Castro's group. 

Mr. Sourwine. You helped the revolution against Batista? 

Father O'Farril. Yes, sir ; against Batista. 

Mr. Sourwine. You took part in the Caracas Pact, a revolutionary 
movement against Batista ? 

Father O'Farril. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. "Wlien did you break with the Castro movement ? 

Father O'Farril. As soon as I arrived at Cuba, the 6th of January. 

Mr. Sourwine. What year ? 

Father O'Farril. In 1959, when Batista's government fell. 

Mr. SouRAViNE. Why did you break with Castro ? 

Father O'Farril. Because of the treason of Castro to our revolu- 

Mr. Sourwine. What do you mean by that ? 

Father O'Farril. In trying to force us into communism. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you have any loiowledge respecting Communists 
in the Castro government ? 


Father O'Farril. Merely to observe the laws of the revolutionary 
government; the acts of the government and its legislation. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Were you arrested or ordered arrested by the Castro 
government ? 

Father O'Farril. Yes ; there was an order of arrest. 

Mr. Sourwine. Why ? 

Father O'Farril. Because I was in contact with elements who 
conspired against. 

Mr. Sourwine. How did you escape arrest ? 

Father O'Farril. Because there was a counterorder on the part of 
Fidel that I should not be detained. Fidel stated on the radio that 
he did not want at this time problems with the church. 

Mr. Sourwine. You have stated to the committee, have you not, 
that the original Cuban revolution in 1958 was not a Communist 
revolution ; is that correct ? 

Father O'Farril. Our revolution was not Communist. Only Fidel 
with a group of collaborators have treasoned the revolution. 

Mr. Sourwine. Have you information with respect to the inten- 
tions of the Castro government as regards the United States ? 

Father O'Farril. It is not a secret that Castro is an element of 
trouble in America. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you have any specific information on this point ? 

Father O'Farril. No, sir; I have no specific information but it is 
clearly seen. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you remember telling the committee that you 
feared the return under the Castro regime of various persons who were 
in power under the Batista government ? 

Father O'Farril. No; I do not fear the return of Batista. What is 
damaging is the restoration of the regime of Batista again in Cuba, 
but I don't think that ever the past regime wall come again to assert 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you have any knowledge respecting any persons 
who were officials under the Batista regime who are back in power 
under Castro ? 

Father O'Farril. No, sir ; I have no knowledge. 

Mr. SouRw^iNE. I have no more questions of this witness, Mr. Chair- 

Senator Keating. The subcommittee will take evidence in execu- 
tive session toworrow. This proceeding will be adjourned until 10 :30 
on Friday morning. 

Father O'Farril. The witness states that he wishes to apologize for 
the incident caused at the beginning of his testimony. 

Senator Keating. This committee has become very accustomed to 
incidents. He need offer no apologies whatever, and he is excused. 

The other witnesses are directed to return on Friday morning. The 
subcommittee stands adjourned. 

(Whereupon, at 4:15 p.m., the subcommittee I'ecessed, to reconvene 
Friday, May 5, 1960, at 10 ;30 a.m.) 


FRIDAY, MAY 6, 1960 

U.S. Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Administration of the Internal Security Act 

AND Other Internal Security Laws, 

of the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington^ D.C. 
The subcommittee met, pursuant to recess, at 10:55 a.m., in room 
2228, New Senate Office Building, Senator Thomas J. Dodd presiding. 
Present : Senators Dodd and Keating. 

Also present: J. G. Sourwine, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, 
director of research ; and Frank W. Schroeder, chief investigator. 
Senator Dodd. The committee will be in order. 
We will resume our hearings, Mr. Sourwine. 
Mr. Sourwine. Colonel Carrillo is on the stand. 
Senator Dodd. Colonel, will you come forward ? 
You have already been sworn; take your place, please. 


Mr. Sourwine. Colonel, you remember telling us about Chilean and 
Communist Chinese pilots sent to Cuba as instructors ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. 

Mr. Sourwine. Will you tell us briefly what the facts were with 
regard to that ? 

Colonel Carrillo. I had information directly from Cuba of persons 
within the air force, that men of Chinese nationality were arriving 
but with residence in Chile, with other technicians of nationality of 
Chile, to the air force of Fidel Castro at Havana, coming from Chile. 

Mr. Sourwine. This is all you know about this. 

Colonel Carrillo. That is all I can remember at this time. 

Mr. Sourwine. In executive session you told us about a connection 
between William Morgan, an American, and Guitierez Menocal, an 
international Communist. Will you tell us what you know about 

Colonel Carrillo. The second name that you mentioned, if it is 
Guitierez Menoyo. 

Mr. Sourwine. It is entirely possible that I have the name in error. 
I am asking for the testimony of the man who told us about it in 
executive session, and that is you, so you tell us what you know about 
the connection of William Morgan with an international Communist. 


43354— 60— pt. 7 7 


Colonel Carrillo. Exactly, we were talking about Guitierez Me- 
iioyo, a Spanish Communist that fought in the Spanish War and that 
had been living in Cuba for quite a time, previous to Fidel Castro 
coming into power. 

Guitierez Menoyo distinguished himself in Cuba because of his 
Communist activities. For that reason the police services had him as 
a militant Communist. He associated himself with a recent con- 
spiracy with William Morgan, commander of Fidel Castro's army, of 
American nationality, to try to work over an idea of a revolution 
against Fidel Castro, and thus discover those who were not in accord 
with Fidel Castro, but always obeying the orders of Fidel Castro. 
Once the conspiracy was discovered, there were some deaths and others 
are in jail. The press gave plenty of publicity to this fact. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Colonel, do you know Gen. Alberto Bayo ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Not in person, but his history I do. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have knowledge respecting General Bayo's 
activity in the teaching of guerrilla warfare in Cuba ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Tell us. 

Colonel Carrillo. At this time he is instructor of the new forces, 
the militia forces which are being formed, and sometimes he gives 
military instruction at the Colombia, and on other occasions on the 
coast, on the beaches which are near Boca Chica, Tarara, where there 
is a provisional military camp to train men. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Is General Bayo a Commimist ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Active, an active Communist, of Spanish na- 

Mr. Sourwine. Will you tell us for the record here what you have 
already told us in executive session about the conversion of portions 
of the Isle of Pines into a military and naval base? 

Colonel Carrillo. In reference to the activities of the Communists 
or of who ? 

Mr. Sourwine. I will start again. Do you have information re- 
specting the conversion of part of the Isle of Pines into a military and 
naval base? 

Colonel Carrillo. To convert it, to change it from one thing to 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes. 

Colonel Carrillo. The Isle of Pines has changed considerably since 
Castro came into power changing the highways into military^ — south- 
ward to the island, where it crosses some swamps, and that highway 
reappears again near the ocean, where I informed previously, that they 
had unloaded heavy equipment without knowing what the equipment 
was, but there were plenty of trucks. 

Mr. Sourwine. Have you now given the committee on the public 
record all the information that you have about this ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Are you talking about the Isle of Pines 
solely ? 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes. 

Colonel Carrillo. I remember I have said something else about this 
Isle of Pines about an informer who was personally there in the island 
when there was a reunion in the house of the engineer who constructed 
the highway toward Baya Rojo in the island during the govermnent of 


Batista. In tliat house, there was a reunion of Fidel Castro, '^Che" 
Guevara, and Mikoyan. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You mean Anastas Mikoyan, the Russian? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly, the Russian who was here and then he 
went to Cuba. I don't know his name. I don't remember how to write 

his name. . 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You say Mikoyan and Castro had a meeting on the 

Isle of Pines in this house '^ . 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. I want to underetand that this is the 
same person that— the Russian leader, who was recently m Cuba. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. This was on the occasion of this recent visit to 


Colonel Carrillo. Yes, sir. The recent visit that was made to in- 
augurate, by that Russian. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Who else was present, if you know ? 

Colonel Carrillo. I am informed at that meeting, which was secret, 
there was no publicity made. However, the Cuban press made a de- 
tailed mformation of the visits to the various centers, of labor and 
cooperatives of Cuba, but of this visit to the Isle of Pines there 
was no publicity. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Well, who was present in the house when Castro 
and Mikoyan met? 

Colonel Carrillo. There were sometime, I had this information, 
but, Fidel Castro, Raul Castro, "Che" Guevara, there was one more 
person that I don't remember, just about four unportant persons. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. How do you know about this meeting ? 

Colonel Carrillo. From a person who had been in the island, by a 
person who was near the house talking to the persons that were in 
there, in the interior of the house. I cannot — I have to reserve the 
name of that person, informant — because he still remains in Cuba. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Chairman, this is a little difficult to explain. 
We went over it m great detail in executive session. With the Chair's 
permission I should like to ask a leading question here which may 
help to clarify this situation. 

Is this correct: You had an informant whom you ti^ust as re- 
liable, wliose name you cannot give us because you have to protect 
him? This man was not himself present in the room where Castro 
and Mikoyan met ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Not inside the room, no. He was not in, but 
outside in the area where the reunion took place. 

Mr. Sourwine. He was in another part of the house. 

Colonel Carrillo. Not in the room but within the house, yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes. Now, in order to keep their conversations 
secret from the people who were aromid them, you told us, Mikoyan 
and Castro spoke in English. 

Colonel Carrilo. The informer says that he heard the voice- — 
not speaking in Spanish — of Fidel. He said "Let's talk in English." 
I don't think Fidel talks very gootl English but he can understand 
by talking slowly, because of his culture which he has, he has lived 
here in the United States. 

But the important thing about this that there was an interpreter, 
that he is the official interpreter of Mikoyan, who talks Spanish and 
English, both. 


And on some occasions they talked in Spanish and in English 

Mr. SooRwiNE. You told us, did you not, that an aide in the kitchen, 
who was back and forth into the room where the meeting took place, 
understood English as well as Spanish and that he was reporting to 
the people in the kitchen what was going on in the room where 
Mikoyan and Castro were present ? 

Colonel Carrillo. I wish to state that from this time on, I cannot, I 
should not wish this to be published because that is the means of 
identifying this person. He is going to be immediately identified in 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Anything you say here, of course, is entirely public. 
If there is anything which you feel should not be made public, don't 
say it here. 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Wliat I am attempting to determine is whether the 
information about this conference between Castro and Mikoyan 

Senator Dodd. I suggest you just ask him if he got information 
from a source that he considers to be extremely reliable, he can tell us 
"Yes" or "No" and what the information is. End it at that. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Very good, sir. 

Senator Dodd. I don't think you ought to go into detail whether it 
was in the kitchen or parlor or anywhere else. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have information 

Colonel Carrillo. I didn't understand the question you asked. 

Senator Dodd. There was not any question to you ; I was talking to 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you have information respecting this meeting 
of Castro and Mikoyan from a source which you consider to be highly 

Colonel Carrillo. All right. 

Senator Dodd. I think we have already on the record that he does 
so consider this person, and that this person has given him this in- 
formation ; I suggest you ask him what the information is and get that 
on the record. 

Mr. Sourwine. What is the information that was given to you by 
this informant that you consider reliable ? 

Senator Dodd. Isn't the statement itself on the record that the wit- 
ness says if he discloses his name or identifies him it will put him in 
jeopardy ? That is sufficient, I think, to warrant no further informa- 

Colonel Carrillo. I consider the information of this person reliable 
because all the information we had up to this time from Cuba is from 
persons who risk their lives to give this information in order that it 
may be known abroad. 

Senator Dodd. We are satisfied about that. Let's get the informa- 

Colonel Carrillo. I have no proof, I cannot present any proof, but, I 
vouch for the good faith of that person. 

Mr. Sourwine. All right, what is the information ? 

Colonel Carrillo. One of the matters which my informant thought 
was important was that Fidel was advised that he should not maintain 
a press attack constantly, systematically against the United States. 
That it should be made by chapters. 


Mr. SouRwi]snE. By what? 

Colonel Carrillo.' Chapters by episodes, serial. That on some occa- 
sions, I mean, that it should be calmed in order that the matters be 
estimated and when the diplomatic relations be then calmed they 
should again start another measure. We have already taken over the 
American properties in Cuba. The publicity about the American 
Embassy in Cuba, and we know about this publicity, information 
about culture, that we are accustomed to receive. I understand that 
they are trying to avoid that this publicity, like movies, pictures, 

Senator Dodd. Tell us just what Mikoyan told Castro and this 
will help us a great deal, what he is alleged to have told him. That 
is what we want to have on the record. It is of interest to us, just stick 
to that, tell us what was heard or what he allegedly overheard ? 

Colonel Carrillo. The matters which I just mentioned, that the 
attack against the United States should not be kept on systematically. 
We know that it is known that that is systematic ; that, mainly, daily 
it is increasing. 

Senator Dodd. We know that too. Tell us the conversation, who 
said it, is there anything else ? 

Colonel Carrillo. This is conversation which is going on in a room 
where there are several persons, and the advice goes back and forth 
to Castro. 

Senator Dodd. All right. 

Mr. SotiRwiNE. Proceed. 

Colonel Carrillo. They also talked about military matters, but this 
information reached me quite weakened. And they talked about the 
visit that he was going to make to Cienega de Zapata, the place where 
I testified previously where they were building highways which could 
be transformed or used for airstrip. He was there, too. The Cuban 
press published some photos of Mikoyan fishing in a small boat with 
Fidel Castro. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Before we get away from this conference you are 
telling us that this conference took place before Mikoyan went to 
Zapata ? Is this correct ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly, he was there before, because — — _ 

Mr. SouRwiNE. All right. You told us some of what was discussed. 
Through your informant do you know of anything else that was 
discussed by Mikoyan and Castro ? 

Colonel Carrillo. I know that there is more about this conversa- 
tion, a lot of it, much more conversation was made, but at this moment, 
I cannot just state it. In this drawing appears the house where the 
conference was held. 

Mr. SoTTRwiNE. Yes, that drawing is already in the record. 

Do you have anywhere a record or memorandum of what was re- 
ported to you about this conversation ? 

Senator Dodd. Anything that will help you refresh your memory. 

Colonel Carrillo. Are you making reference to the notes and memo- 
randum that I wrote which I made available to you ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes. 

Colonel Carrillo. I had all that memorandum for you, and when 
I gave it to you, I understand it was destroyed. All the information, 
all the notes I destroyed, but I can rewrite them again, what I know. 


Mr. SouRWiNE. I am trying to find out whether when you got from 
your informant the news of, about the conference between Mikoyan 
and Castro you wrote down any part of that news or any notes regard- 
ing it and kept what you had written down ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. My informer came here. I wrote them 
here, not over there. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you still have those notes ? 

Colonel Carrillo. No, all those notes, once I gave them to you they 
were destroyed. There were too many notes and I didn't want to keep 
them around. It is not my mission now to keep archives, but the same 
persons, I can question tliem and they can inform me. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Mr. Chairman, I ask that we pass this point and that 
consideration be given to getting committee approval to insert at this 
point an excerpt from the executive testimony which will cover the 
point fully as testified to w^ith his notes at hand. 

Senator Dodd. That is all right. It will probably save time. It is 
the type of hearing where we cannot strictly follow rules of evidence 
without refreshing his memory. If he has given information, and does 
not now recall it, make the suggestion to him and see if he remembers 
it now. Or if you want to go by that and put in the executive session 
I think that is all right. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. All right, Mr. Chairman. 

(Following is the pertinent portion of Colonel Carrillo's testimony 
in executive session:) 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Now if you will go ahead in your own words and 
tell us whatyou want the committee to know. 

Colonel Carrillo. In the first place I want to talk about the security 
of the Americas, in connection with the brief information I already 

This is the Isle of Pines [pointing to map he has sketched] . We can 
say between Cuba and the Panama Canal. In the south of the island, 
between swamps, there is a highway being built— from the north to 
the soutli of the island. At the south coast at the end of the island 
there are great depths in the sea where the undercraf t can very easily 
maneuver. It is almost below the Swamp of Zapata. 

In the days when the great publicity was made about the submarines 
tliat were supposed to be in the Gulf of Nueva in Argentina — in those 
same days — about 10 or 15 big trucks of the anny were moving in that 
new highway to the southern part of the Isle of Pines. They have 
built at the end of the island at the southern part an airfield. At 
night the trucks went empty and came back loaded and they were 
completely covered. 

The person who saw that informed me that he does not know what 
they contained— what the cargo was. He tried to search and went 
near the seashore — he saw no ships, no aircraft. 

At night the aircraft cannot land — no lights. He thinks that a sub- 
marine unloaded something that day. That's what he tliinks. 

]Mr. SouRAViNE. Can you tell us who the man was ? 

Colonel Carrillo. I am sori-y. I cannot mention his name because 
he will be in danger. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Can you tell us something about him? Is he edu- 
cated ? Is he reliable ? 


Colonel Carrillo. Yes. He is an educated man. He is completely 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Does your informant know that the trucks were 
loaded at the beach ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What else do you have to tell us ? 

Colonel Carrillo. The search of these two informants. 

There are two things in my personal opinion that I want to point 
out to you. The first is — This was going to be an auxiliaiy base of 
Zapata; or this will be a base for an attack on a Central American 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Or both ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Perhaps. 

Mr. Mandel. You are familiar with that base — the one you are 
talking about — through your own loiowledge? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes. I have been there on many occasions — by 
air and many other ways — including, I built a hut there and installed 
microwave equipment. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did you have other facts that you wanted to tell 
us about 'i 

Colonel Carrillo. This is the first part as far as security is con- 
cerned. Now the second part is the political part. 

Mr. Sourwine. This is a map which you drew ? 

Colonel Carrillo. I just drew that from my own mind. 

Mr. Sourwine. Let's put that in the record at this time. 

Mikoyan and Castro have the meeting there [pointing at map] in 
this house 

Mr. Sourwine. The house marked with red ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes. 

Mr. Sourwine. When was this meeting ? 

Colonel Carrillo. The week that Mikoyan was in Havana. 

Mr. Sourwine. You learned this the same way you got the other 
information ? 

Colonel Carrillo. No ; it was from another source. 

Mr. Sourwine. Was this other source reliable ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes ; I was for a year Chief of Intelligence. 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes ; we know that. 

Colonel Carrillo. That is why I have reliable sources of informa- 

Mr. Sourwine. You have reliible sources of information in various 
parts of Cuba? 

Colonel Carrillo. All par ts. 

Mr. Sourwine. You know ttat Mikoyan visited the Isle of Pines 
while he \^ as in Cuba ? 

Colonel Carrillo. I did not have any information that he was 
there, but the person who saw him there told me he was there. 

Mr. Soirwine. We know this, but we did not know that he visited 
the Isle of Pines, and I want the record to be clear whether he visited 
the Isle of Pines and while there met Castro at this house. 

Colonel Carrillo. The meeting was secret. The people around 
there had rumors. The person who told me — he saw it. 

Mr. Sourwine. He saw Casti o and Mikoyan ? 


Colonel Carrillo. Yes; he identified them — Mikoyan and Castro. 
There was a picture of them. 

(The map is reproduced at p. 400.) 

Colonel Carrillo. It is by hand. It is not exact. 

As far as the political question is concerned, in that meeting — the 
Isle of Pines — it was agreed, or it was discussed very much, about 
the United States. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You are talking about the meeting between Castro 
and Mikoyan. 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. And you base this on information received from an 
individual who was there ? 

( Discussion off the record. ) 

Colonel Carrillo. The meeting took place in English. He [in- 
formant] could not miderstand English. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Castro and Mikoyan spoke in English? 

Colonel Carrillo. Mikoyan had an interpreter. Castro made order 
to speak in English. The interpreter spoke to Mikoyan in Russian ; 
to Castro in English. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Castro speaks English ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Broken but understandable. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Then how do we loiow what they were talking 
about ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Now that is the question. 

The people who were there in the meeting place: there was one 
who was in the confidence of Castro. He was in charge of the kitchen, 
bringing vodka and coffee and everything. When he went to the 
kitchen he would tell what was discussed to the others — other aides 
of Castro. 

Mr, SouRWiNE. Actually, what you are reporting is what one of 
Castro's officers told other Castro people in the kitchen ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes; he went back and forth from the kitchen. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What did he tell them Castro was discussing? 

Colonel Carrillo. I am explaining so, so you will believe what I 
am explaining. That is what I am going to explain now. 

This aide of Castro was indicating while the others were listen- 
ing — "Now we are going to be strong. Now we will have all the help, 
all the military aid. We will have planes, tanks." 

And they used very derogatory language against this countiy when 
they said they would have tanks and aircraft from the Soviet Union. 

Another time, when he went where Castro and Mikoyan were 
meeting, he was telling the others that Mikoyan was advising Castro 
that he should not use systematic attacks against the United States, 
and I have been able to coiToborate that because every day I listen to 
the radio stations from Cuba. Sometimes they use bitter attacks. 
Sometimes they are silent. In other words they do not use "propa- 
ganda." So they are using that tactic because now they want to get 
better relations so that they can prepare another attack some place 

Mr. SouRWiNE, This is what Castro said, or what Mikoyan said ? 

Colonel Carrillo. This man who was coming back and forth from 
the kitchen. He was drinking and it was not preparation for keep- 
ing secrets. 


Mr. SouKWiNE. Now, I want to go over this phrase by phrase. 

It is my understanding that the man who came into the kitchen, 
came into the kitchen several times, and each time he said somethmg 
else about what was going on. 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. On one occasion he said they are using bad lan- 
guage about the United States? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. On another occasion he told Castro that he was 
not supposed to attack the United States publicly. 

Colonel Carrillo. Systematically. 

Mr. SouRw^iNE. What other occasions ? 

Coionel Carrillo. In the meeting Mikoyan advised Castro that he 
should not attack the United States personally, but let his aides do so. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. All right ; what else ? 

Colonel Carrillo. This man that went back and forth — he came to 
the kitchen and said — "I have told many times to Castro he should 
let his assistants do that so he would not be on the spot. They can 
use radio, press, and so forth, that he controls." 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I want to determine if anything else was said by 
the man who came back to the kitchen. 

Colonel Carrillo. Now, sir, that is the conclusion 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Never mind the conclusion. I want to know if you 
know anything else that was said at the meeting. 

Colonel Carrillo. As you know, sir, I have not all this on record, 
but I have it in my mind. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I want to be sure you have told us all that hap- 
pened at the meeting so far as you know it. 

Colonel Carrillo. Now I am going to make a recollection in my 
mmd to see if I have everything. 

In this meeting, I think it seems to me that they only talk about the 
relation of Cuba with this coimtry. 

The men that were chosen after this meeting — the men that will 
be needed to come here to have a meeting for better relations — this is 
what this man told in the kitchen. This man was discussing in the 
kitchen the men who will be members of that commission. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. That was before anything was said to the United 
States about such a meeting? 

Colonel Carrillo. Oh, yes. When Mikoyan was in Cuba. That is 
why I have given so much importance to this meeting because I have 
seen that the evidence is coming to be true. 

Kaul Roa — foreign minister of Cuba — is the strong ann of the 
Communist Party in Cuba. Now this is about politics, about Castro. 
Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you through now telling us everything that 
took place at the meeting ? 

Colonel Carrillo. I have already told you about that. 
Mr. SouRwiNE. Before you go to something else, Mr. Mandel wants 
to ask a question. 

Mr. Mandel. Is it important to know the names of any other im- 
portant Cubans who were also present? Eaul Castro, Che Gue- 

Colonel Carrillo. He told me about the most important officials, 
and I ask him if Che Guevara was there or Raul. 


Mr. SouRWiNE. Did he say that Che Guevara was there? Was 
Raul there? 

Colonel Carrillo. By his features — he was able to tell from pictures 
in the press — Raul Roa was at the meeting. 

Che Guevara was at the Zapata Swamp when Mikoyan was there. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you know the names of any other persons who 
were at the meeting ? 

Colonel Carrillo. His recollection was that only three Cubans that 
he knew. The rest were foreigners. Of the important officials —  
three — the rest were foreigners. Fidel, Raul Roa, the third person 
he was not able to recognize. There are newcomers in the regime. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did he say he only knows the names of three, or 
that only three Cubans were there? 

Colonel Carrillo. In the place where they had the meeting — in 
that mansion — there were many persons. At the meeting seven — 
three Cubans, four foreigners. Fidel, Raul Roa only could he identify. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Then there was (1) Fidel; (2) Raul Roa; (3) 
Mikoyan; (4) tlie interpreter ; (5) another Cuban ; and the other two 
were foreigners. Right ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Who was the man coming out for coffee ? 

Colonel Carrillo. A trusted man of Castro's. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. He was in the meeting ? 

Colonel Carrillo. No ; he was coming back and forth. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. He said, if I understand, that the negotiators to 
come to the United States were to be chosen by those at the meeting, 
is that right ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Of course my belief is that one of the members 
of the commission will be Raul Roa. But he might not 

Mr. Sour WINE. Did you not tell us earlier that the man who came 
to the kitchen said it had been stated that the men who were to 
come to the United States were to be chosen by the men at the 
meeting ? 

Colonel Carrillo. In the meeting they were talking about the ones 
that they would choose to be members of the commission. They 
were making a list. They were already planning for the commission. 
But he did not say that those members of the commission would be 
chosen by those at the meeting. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The question of who was to come to the United 
States was discussed at the meeting? 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes. 

Mr. SoiTRwiNE. I just wanted to get that clear. 

Now what else is there that you wanted to tell us, Colonel? 

Colonel Carrillo. Now we have already concluded with this part. 

The second part is in connection with politics. 

They are doing a double play with Fidel. Even though they are 
the ones who are strong and have control they know that they cannot 
maintain that for too long in Cuba. 

This branch is tiying to attach the Communists to their side so the 
Communists who are today with Castro may be put out but this 
opposite branch will be with Castro. 

Of course this will bring about some confusion about what we are 
talking about. 

Communist thUeat to u.s. through the Caribbean 415 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you saying that the Communists do not trust 

d^ Colonel Carrillo. No. I am trying to say that the Communists 
are very smart. They know that the Cuban people do not like Com- 
munists and they do not want to go togetlier with Castro. Well, the 
idea is that even if Castro falls they will continue as an organized 
Communist Party in Cuba. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. "What specifically are they doing to carry out this 
idea ? 

Colonel Carrillo. They are having, you know, secret meetings — 
with the blessing of Dr. Barona and Prio, the former President of 
Cuba. The one that is taking care of the meetings is an old Commu- 
nist. The man who is in charge of all these meetings is Aurelio 
Sanchez Arango. I discovered this even though I am in a passive 
investigation. Even though, I was surprised about the silence in 
regard to Sanchez Arango. That is why I started to dig and found 
that he is directing this meeting. 

Mr. SouRAViNE. Are you trying to tell us that the Communists are 
preparing a second echelon to take over if Castro goes out of power? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. 

Mr. SouRAViNE, In other words, the Communists feel that if Castro 
goes out, Raul, Raul Roa, Che Guevara, etc., will go out. 

Colonel Carrillo. They will do this: Raul, Che, will stay; but 
they will purge Antonio Nunez Jimenez, and others, that are not 
reliable to international Communists. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Are you saying they are planning on a people's 
government which is wholly Communist to replace the Castro regime? 

Colonel Carrillo. The people's republic is already organized.^ The 
state has taken over all the property, all the land, all the industry. 
In the schools they are teaching all the Communist doctrines. They 
have organized militias. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. "Wlio is to head this regime which will succeed 

Colonel Carrillo. In my opinion, within this new group that is 
headed by Tony Barona and Sanchez Arango. They will have a 

'^ Undersecretary of State Doug-las Dillon commented as follows on the Cuban situation 
during a recent colloquy with Senator Keating on a television program : 

"Keating. Do you think that Cuba is becoming a Communist satellite on our doorstep 

"Dillon. Certainly it's true that the Cuban Government — and I differentiate between 
the Government and the people of Cuba — in the last year has become increasingly in- 
filtrated by either Communists or close followers of the Communist Party line. And 
looking at it from the other side, Mr. Khrushchev has announced that the Cuban revolu- 
tion is the kind of revolution that he likes and the Soviet Union likes and that they want 
to see used as a model all over the world — and not only in Latin America. They make no 
bones about saying that Cuba is an ideological satellite of the Soviet Union. It certainly 
is as far as the Government of Cuba and its leaders are concerned. Now all the same, 
this is happening. It is developing in the economic field. It's a most regrettable situation. 

"Keating. Is there anything that we can do to protect ourselves against this danger? 

"Dillon. Well, there are plenty of things that we can do. I would not like to talk 
about them in detail before we do them, but one thing that's happening is that there has 
been a great change in the past year in the attitude generally in the other Americas. They 
now understand much better than they did before the nature of Castro's government in 

"Keating. Do you think that U.S. approval, or its attitude with regard to the over- 
throw of the Korean President, Mr. Rhee, had anything to do at all with events in Turkey 
and in Japan? 

"Dillon. No. I don't think they had any connection at all in Korea, although Korean 
people objected to the dictatorial way in which Rhee had run the country and so there's 
a new government. This new government is working very closely with us. You saw what 
happened in Turkey. The new Turkish Government has no problem of foreign policy or 
American relationship. It is a purely internal question. Now the Japanese thing was 
quite different. That was a Communist riot that was inspired." 


smokescreen to cover before the eyes of this country. They will get 
rid of Communists so as to be able to propagandize that they will 
have democratic elections in Cuba. But it is only going to be a 

I came to this conclusion because of the silence of Sanchez Arango 
when my reliable investigator told me there was something big about 
Sanchez Arango. 

So this same week they have reported to me the movement and 
what Sanchez Arango is about to do. This includes secret meetings 
between Communists, Sanchez Arango, and Tony Barona in Miami 

Mr, SouKwiNE. Is it your understanding that the Communists plan 
to displace Castro, or that they are getting ready for what they con- 
sider to be his inevitable fall ? 

Colonel Carrillo. To me, this will be a Communist purge. 

Mr. SouRwiNE, Who else will be purged ? Do you know ? 

Colonel Carrijxo. Well, to this j^oint I do not know too much 
more, but I am continuing to investigate. Last week came a dele- 
gate from Sanchez to establish contact for a meeting which will take 
place between Communists and a new pro-Communist group. It will 
take place in Miami. I think he left last Sunday or at the beginning 
of this week for Havana. I have no information yet whether the 
delegate who came here was successful in making arrangements for 
the meeting. 

Mr. SouR^viNE. Will you know when this meeting is to be held? 

Colonel Carrillo. I do not know exactly when that meeting will 
take place, but I am trying to find out. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Wliere will the Communists who attend that meet- 
ing come from ? 

Colonel Carrillo. One of the things I am trying to find out is if 
they are in this comitry or if they are coming from Cuba. But I be- 
lieve that at this moment there is a very important man in Miami, 
because the delegate who came to Miami, he was able to talk to that 

Mr. SoTTRwiNE. Do you know who this man is ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Well, you see, it is hard to tell because I am try- 
ing to find out — it could be my neighbor. 

Mr. Sourwine. At this moment you don't know? 

Colonel Carrillo. The only information I have at the moment is 
that the delegate was able to talk to this other high person in Miami. 

Mr. Sourwine. Is there any other subject you want to talk about? 

Colonel Carrillo. Well, you see, sir, the other one I would like to 
discuss— -I was 14 months there fighting against the Communists in the 
mountains. That is why I know what is going on and what will 
happen before. Before Castro seized power from Batista documents 
fell into my hands that pointed out what they would do. One by one 
I have been able to prove that it is being the same way that they 
said. All the proof, I send it to the chief of the army in Havana. 
Everything that is now happening was planned in the program of 
Castro. The seizure of the land belonging to Americans and others ; 
the relation to the church ; the diplomatic relation with countries be- 
hind the Iron Curtain ; dissolution of the army. 

(End executive session insert.) 


Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you recall telling us in executive session that 
the Communists were doubledealing with Fidel Castro ? 

Colonel Carrillo. You mean doubledealing; what do you mean? 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Doubledealing. It isn't what I mean ; I am asking 
if you remember that you told us anything along that line in executive 
session ? 

Colonel Carrillo. It means, I don't know, the phrase in Spanish, 
doubledealing ; you mean purge ? 

Senator Dodd. We have a language problem here all the time. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you remember telling us that the Communists 
were not wholeheartedly supporting Castro but were privately mak- 
ing plans for what they were going to do when the Castro government 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly; yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Well, now, will you tell us about that ? 

Colonel Carrillo. The Communists are already prepared in case 
Castro fails, a second movement known as the purge; when a leader 
is burned in the public mind he disappears as a leader, and some other 
chief, leader, is put in his stead. That is exactly what I have informa- 
tion is occurring in Cuba. To avoid that, the Communist Party may 
be surprised in a collapse that it may suffer, the person of Fidel Castro, 
but he is not separated from this maneuver, nor Raul Castro, his 
brother, and "Che" Guevara, the second man in command, and Nunez 
Jimenez. But they are trying, these persons, that I have just men- 
tioned, in combination with the Socialist Popular Party of Cuba, to 
find persons, political Cubans, that are not mixed in or members of 
the Socialist Party, So in case of a political collapse they can form 
a government which may not appear to be so much to the left but 
that serves their interest. 

Senator Dodd. We will have to recess, we have a roUcall. We will 
convene within 30 minutes. 

(Brief recess.) 

Senator Dodd, The committee will resume its hearing. 

Mr. SouRwi]srE. Colonel, do you have information respecting secret 
meetings of the Communist Party involving one Aureliano Sanchez 
Arango ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. What does he have to do with those meetings ? 

Colonel Carrillo. I have from Havana that Aureliano Sanchez 
Arango, who was one of the founders of the Conmiunist Party in Cuba, 
later infiltrated into the political party of the authentic revolutionary 
party of Cuba. He had a conversation with some members of the 
Socialist Popular Party Communists in which he referred to a future 
purge in the present Communist Cuban movement. 

My informant believes in view of the data that they have, that what 
the Socialist Party is trying to do, is to put Aureliano Sanchez 
Arango, whom they swear is not a Communist, that he is authentic, 
that he is a democrat, in order that when the collapse happens on one 
of the persons, to substitute, to put the figure of Aureliano in power in 
Cuba. There is something more. My informant says, and that I 
could confirm with another report from this country, that Aureliano 
Sanchez sent a delegate to Miami to have a conference with important 
people, that were carrying out this purge. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. He was to have a meeting in Miami. 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. With whom, if you know ? 

Colonel Carrillo. The delegate came to contact important people 
in Miami to hold this meeting- 
Mr. SouRWiNE. You mean important people, important Cubans or 
important Americans ? 

Colonel Carrillo. The persons that worked together, my informant 
that worked together on this matter informed me that they were im- 
portant Cuban people, and it seems that they have singled out a place 
outside of Miami for this purpose. 

Mr. SouRWiNE, Do you know where this place is ? 

Colonel Carrillo. No, I don't know it now. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you laiow whether this meeting has been held or 
Avhether any such meeting has been held ? 

Colonel Carrillo. I understand, I believe, upon the basis of the in- 
formation that I have that this meeting has not yet taken place. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you know when that is to take place ? 

Colonel Carrillo. This conference was supposed to have taken 
place on the 1st of May but upon infonnation received in the middle 
of last month I understand that it has been postponed, but they do 
have the will to take place. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you understand that what is contemplated here 
is a meeting between a leading Cuban Communist and American Com- 
munists? Or is this a meeting between a leading Cuban Communist 
and persons in America who are not Communists ? 

Colonel Carrillo. My informers have declared, upon infonnation 
which they have received from Cuba, which is true, they are men of 
the Communist Party of Cuba, and men of Fidel Castro which have 
infiltrated into places and into organizations, Cubans, like the Cath- 
olic Action, Lions, Eotarians, clubs which are in the public 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You mean in this country ? 

Colonel Carrillo. In Cuba. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. And they are coming to Miami for this meeting. 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. But I want to point out that they are 
not known people that I could — that anybody could point them out. 
But they tell me that one of the most important and wlio was going 
to assist that meeting is probably Aureliano Sanchez. He has entered 
many times surreptitiously into the United States when he was making 
a revolution against Batista, because personally, I made a report of 
an entry that he made through NeAv Orleans, with the name of false 
passport-s, on one day he M^as arrested there by the name of Jose Sanchez 
of nationality which I don't remember at this time, whether it was 
Mexican or Guatemalan. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. We are considerably afield from where we started 
with this question. 

You have identified the nature at least of the Cubans who expect 
to come to Miami for this meeting. What can you tell us about the 
people now in the United States who will attend this meeting? Are 
they Communists or non-Communists, are they Castro people, what 
are they ? 

Colonel Carrillo. My informant says that he personally spoke to 
the delegate sent by Aureliano Sanchez Arango to Miami and he tells 


me that that conference is completely controlled by the Communists. 
And the concept of the people who talked there in Miami are Com- 

Mr SouRwiNE. This is then a meeting to be attended by Cuban 
Communists and American Communists ? 

Colonel Carrillo. No, he understands that they are going to be 
strictly Cuban Communists. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Cuban Communists from Cuba and Cuban Commu- 
nists from this country ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Cuban Communists which reside in Cuba, and 
Cuban Communists w^hich reside in this country. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. All right. Now, you have told us at some length 
about a concrete construction. Do you have information about a 
similar construction in the mountains of Grande Piedra in Santiago de 

Colonel Carrillo. Yes, that is what it is. 

In this place of Grande Piedra in Santiago de Cuba they are con- 
structing a tourist zone. You understand all these movements they 
are doing are camouflaged as for tourists or for agricultural activities, 
but they are also constructing, in this Grande Piedra, houses for 
tourists and a highway and bases, concrete bases where telescopes will 
be placed to observe the mountains around and its valleys, but that it 
attracts very much the attention of my informers [who think] that a 
mere wooden platform would be sufficient for that, and they are making 
solid bases and deep, that they are covered by picturesque houses; 
that through the windows they show telescopes to see the scenery 
around. That is all the information I have about that place now. 

Mr SouRwiNE. All right. 

Do you know whether Camilo Cienfuegos is dead? 

Colonel Carrillo. That is very difficult to assure in Cuba, if he is 
dead or alive. But the majority of the people in Cuba, whether they 
are pro-Castro or against Castro, they publicly discuss that he was 
killed before he boarded the airplane where he had the accident. And 
the fact of the suicide. 

An employee of the control tower of Camaguey, because he knew 
here something about this, in the same manner, his assistant died, 
Commandante Naranjo, that he dies in the confusion when they asked 
him about his card to enter into the military camp in that the gate 
guards opened fire and killed him. 

And men that supposedly were to go with him in the mountains, 
and they knew each other, Naranjo was killed by an officer of their 
army that answers to the name of Beaton. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is this the same Beaton who is supposed to be leading 
a guerrilla force against Castro in Sierra ? 

Colonel Carrillo. Exactly. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I have no further questions of this witness, Mr. 

Senator Dodd. I think this would be a good point at which to recess. 

We will recess until 2:15. 

(Whereupon, at 12 :30 p.m., the hearing was recessed until 2 :15 p.m. 
of the same day.) 



(Hearing resumed at 2:25 p.m. pursuant to adjournment.) 

Senator Keating. Will you call the first witness ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Gen. Francisco J. Tabernilla. 

Senator Keating. Will you raise your right hand, please? 

Do you solemnly swear that the evidence you will give in this pro- 
ceeding will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, 
so help you God? 

General Tabernilla. I do. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. Your full name, sir. 

General Tabernilla. Francisco Tabernilla. 

Mr. SouR^^^:NE.• You are a former Chief of Staff of the Cuban Army ? 

General Tabernilla. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you speak English, General? 

General Tabernilla. Well, I speak some English. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. We can conduct this in English if the Chair pleases 
and use the interpreter if his services seem to be needed. 

General Tabernilla. Thank you. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Would you sit there, Mr. Interpreter ? 

If the general feels the need of having a question interpreted, he 
can indicate and you can interpret it. 

General, you are a graduate of the Cuban Military Academy ? 

General Tabernilla. Yes, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. In what year ? 

General Tabernilla. 1917. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You are then a career soldier ? 

General Tabernilla. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You have spent your life in the army of Cuba? 

General Tabernilla. More than 40 years. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. How many governments of Cuba did you serve 
under. General ? 

General Tabernilla. About five. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Five. You were Chief of Staff of the Cuban Army 
at the time the Batista government was overthrown ? 

General Tabernilla. I was Joint Chief of the General Staff. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you remember telling us in executive session 
about what you referred to as Batista's betrayal of the Cuban people ? 

General Tabernilla. I explained about the way he left Cuba. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Will you tell us about that now, please ? 

General Tabernilla. Yes. 

On the 31st of December 1958, I was at home, and one of his aides 
called by telephone to my house inviting me to be at General Batista's 
house in Camp Columbia at half past 11 with my wife to have coffee 
for the New Year. 

So I went there at half past 11. He got in about 10 minutes to 12. 
And after 1 o'clock, 10 minutes past 1, I think, he called us into his 
office down there, and he read a paper, and he was resigning as Presi- 
dent of the Republic on account of he didn't want any more bloodshed 
among the Cuban people. And he asked us to resign also our posts. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. He asked you to resign ? 

General Tabernilla. Yes. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. That is, you, his officers ? 

General Tabernilla. Myself and all the generals, too, that were 
present at that meeting at his office. And he told us that we had to 
take a plane, I think it was around 3 in the morning. And he had 
previously given the name to his aide what plane I should take with 
my family, and all the generals, too. 

We came here to the United States, we arrived at Jacksonville the 
1st day of January. And he went to Santo Domingo, the Dominican 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Could the Cuban Army have resisted successfully 
the march on Havana if it had been ordered to do so ? 

Could Castro's march on Havana have been successfully resisted if 
the army had been ordered to resist it ? 

General Tabernilla. You mean the 1st day of January ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Yes, sir. 

General Tabernilla. No; General Cantillo — General Batista 
named General Cantillo in charge of the Government. He said a 
junta — a junta is three or four — and he named Cantillo. 

Senator Keating. You had better use the interpreter. I don't 
think he understands the question. 

Mr, SouRwiNE. Interpret my question, please. The question is, 
General, could the march on Havana have been successfully resisted 
if the army had been ordered to resist it ? 

General Tabernilla. It could, but not for a long time, because by 
that time the people of Cuba were already against the regime of 
Batista, and there is no army, once the people get up in arms, that 
can suppress it. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. The people themselves supported this revolution, 
did they not ? 

General Tabernilla. Completely. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. And that is why the revolution succeeded ? 

General Tabernilla. Exactly. 

Senator Keating. Could the Castro forces, the so-called rebels, have 
been eliminated if the order had been given earlier to wipe them out? 

General Tabernilla. Yes, certainly, it could have been done if, at 
the time Castro landed, the proper orders were given to suppress him ; 
there is no doubt that it could have been done, 

Mr. SouRwiNE. General, are you acquainted with the present chief 
police of Havana ? 

General Tabernilla. No, sir. 

Mr. SotJRwiNE. Do you know who he is ? 

General Tabernilla. No, sir. 

I know by the papers, his name is Almejeiras, but I don't know him 
personally and never heard of him. 

Mr. Sourwine. Was your brother Minister to Colombia during the 
Bogota riots? 

General Tabernilla. Yes, sir ; he was Minister of the Legation in 
Cuba ; he was Minister there in the Legation in Cuba. 

Mr. Sourwine. In the Colombian Legation ? 

General Tabernilla. No, the Cuban Legation in Colombia. 

43354—60 — pt. 7 8 


Mr. SouRwiNE. And he was in Bogota ? 

General Tabernilla, Bogota, the capital ; yes. 

Mr. Sour WINE. Was Raul Castro there ? 

General Tabernilla. I don't know. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Was Fidel Castro ? 

General Tabernilla, Fidel was there. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What do you know about that ? 

General Tabernilla. The only thing I know is that he took part 
in the big riot they had there, and he bragged of killing himself sev- 
eral persons. 

Mr. Sourwine. You have this from your brother ? 

General Tabernilla. I got that from my brother, and he is dead. 

Mr. Sourwine. Would you tell us. General, about the indoctrina- 
tion of the Cuban Army with Communist propaganda? 

General Tabernilla. Now you mean, the indoctrination now ? 

Mr. Sourwine. No; what do you know about indoctrination of the 
army with communism at any time. 

General Tabernilla. Not during the time of the regime of Gen- 
eral Batista, not then. There is now. But I don't know about it 
other than what I read in the papers. 

Senator Keating. There was no Communist infiltration in the army 
during the regime of Batista ? 

General Tabernilla. None. 

Mr. Sourwine. What effect, if any, did Communist propaganda 
have on the army under Batista and before Castro took over? 

General Tabernilla. The Communist propaganda was sent by 
Fidel Castro himself to the chiefs of the armed services to the line 
troops, the fighting troops that were in the field. He would write 
them in their own handv/riting making propositions that the war 
was not against the army but it was against the Batista regime, that 
we were all but brothers. 

Mr. Sourwine. Was this propaganda successful in causing defec- 
tions of Batista officers and troops? 

General Tabernilla. There were two cases. 

Mr. Sourwine. Only two ? 

General Tabernilla. Two, sir, that went over to the enemy, and a 
battalion that fought for 11 days and then surrendered. 

Mr. Sourwine. During the fighting against the Castro forces, 
were there requests by field commanders to General Batista for more 
troops and supplies ? 

General Tabernilla. Yes, sir. There were requests for personnel 
and munitions. 

Mr. Sourwine. Were these requests granted ? 

General Tabernilla. Some of them, the majority were not. 

Mr. Sourwine. Did the failure to grant these requests have any- 
thing to do with the success of the Catsro forces? 

General Tabernilla. One of the reasons. 

Mr, Sourwine. Do you have any knowledge, General, respecting the 
intentions of Fidel Castro as regards the United States? 

Senator Keating. Wait a minute. 

I would like to ask a question before that question is answered. 

Do you favor the return of Batista in power to Cuba ? 

General Tabernilla. I don't think he has any chance at all. 


Senator Keating. Do you personally favor it ? 

General Tabernilla. No. Pie was my friend and commander until 
the 31st of December 1958. Since, no more; I have nothing to do with 
General Batista. 

Senator Keating. Do you think it would be a mistake for him to 
return to Cuba ? 

General Tabernilla. Why, sure. 

Senator Keating. You tliink that his return to Cuba would not be 
in the interest of the Cuban people ? 

General Tabernilla. The Cuban people would not take Batista any 
more ; I am sure of that. 

Senator Keating. I am quite sure of that, too, but my question is, 
Do you think his return would be in the interest of the Cuban people ? 

General Tabernilla. No, sir. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you have any knowledge respecting the inten- 
tions of Fidel Castro as regards the United States ? 

General Tabernilla. I know nothing personally about him other 
than what I read in the newspapers. From what I read that is hap- 
pening, it is clear that he is an enemy of the United States. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I have no more questions, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator Keating. No further questions. 

Mr. Sourwine. Salvador Diaz-Verson y Rodriguez. 

Senator Dodd (now presiding). Will you raise your right hand? 

Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you will give before this 
committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the 
truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Rodriguez. I imderstand. 


Senator Dodd. Will you take the chair and give your name and 
address ? 

Mr. Sourwine. What is your full name ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Salvador Diaz-Verson y Rodriguez. 

Mr. Sourwine. What is your business or profession ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. New^spaperman and writer. 

Mr. Sourwine. Were you ever in the aiTuy ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. I was Chief of Military Intelligence from the 
year of 1948 until March 10, 1952. 

Mr. Sourwine. Were you ever Chief of Criminal Investigations 
and the investigation of communism in Cuba ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir; in the year of 1933 for the first time, 
and in 1948 until 1952 in an official capacity, although since the year 
of 1928 I have dedicated myself to study to investigate Communist 
activities in America. 

Senator Keating. Since what year ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. 1928 on. 

Mr. Sourwine. Were you a supporter of Batista ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Since the 10th of March of 1952 when Batista 
had the coup d'etat, I lived for 2 yeare in Miami as an exile. 

Mr. Sourwine. During Batista's regime ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir. 


Mr. SouRWiNE. Were you ever a supporter of the Castro move- 
ment, the 26th of July movement ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Never. I was a member of the Carlos Prio 
movement, and I also refused to participate in any meeting with Fidel 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Is it true that the Castro regime destroyed files on 
Cuban Communists ? 

Senator Keating. Just one minute before you answer that. 

You have never been at any time a supporter of Batista, is that 
correct ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir. 

In 1933, when Batista took the power, a group of revolutionaries 
that had joined, we joined the 4th of September movement, of which 
movement Batista himself was a member. But that reunion did not 
last but 5 months and 22 days. We immediately opposed him. 

Senator Keating. And that was in what year ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. 1934. 

Senator Keating. And you have ever since 1934 opposed Batista; 
IS that correct ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. When Batista first established his first con- 
nection with the Communists in 1934, 1 opposed him. 

Senator Keating. Have you always since that time opposed him ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir, affirmatively. 

Senator Keating. And you think that any efforts of his to return 
to Cuba would not be in the interest of the Cuban people; is that 
correct ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. You make reference to the present time ? 

Senator Keating. Yes. 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Negatively. The Cuban people would never 
support the Batista regime again. 

,-' Senator Keating. And you personally would never support it 
again ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. No, sir. 

Senator Keating. I want to make a comment. 

I think that we should make it very clear at the outset of testimony 
that we do not want to call any witness who is a supporter of Batista 
or who feels that his return to Cuba would be of interest to the Cuban 

One or two of the other witnesses have been rather equivocal in that 
matter. I think we should avoid calling witnesses in this proceeding 
that are not ready to testify under oath unequivocally that they are 
opposed to the Batista regime. 

We have plenty of evidence, I believe, without calling such wit- 
nesses — I do not think that they add anything to the proceedings, 
because they could well be shown to have a bias. And I think the 
testimony of this witness has been made considerably more weighty 
by his unequivocal testimony that he is opposed to the return of 
Batista in any shape or form. 


Mr. SouRwiNE. Is it true that the Castro forces destroyed files on 
Cuban Communists ? 

Mr. Diaz- Verson. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. How many such files ? 


Mr. Diaz-Verson. I had privately an archive which comprised 
250,000 cards of Latin American Communists and 943 personal rec- 
ords. This was the result of my trips all over Latin America visiting 
country by country, what were the conditions of communism, and 
what numbers of Communists there were in each place. That archive 
was stolen and destroyed by the Communists on January 26, 1959. 

Senator Iveating. When you say stolen and destroyed by the Com- 
munists, can you be more specific ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Do you want the name of the persons that went 
there, the ones that did it ? 

Senator Keating. Were you there at the time ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. No ; I was not present at that moment. I had an 
employee who took care of the archives. A group of foiu: men armed 
with machineguns arrived. 

Senator Iveating. When was this ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. January 26, 1959. They gagged the employee, 
they destroyed the furniture, and they took what was inside the metal 
files. The neighbors, because it was an apartment house, saw from 
the balconies that it was a truck of the 7th military regiment. They 
testified, and it was published in the newspapers of January 27 of 
1959 in Havana. 

Senator Keating. Wliere were you then ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. I was working at that time in the newspaper 
Excelsior, where I was in charge of redaction, of writing. 

Senator Keating. Wlien did you come to this country ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. The 19th of March of 1959. 

Mr. Sourwine. I show you a list of names which you gave the com- 
mittee, and I ask if you can, of your own knowledge, state that each 
of the individuals here listed has been indicated in the official files 
as Communists? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir; all of these names represent persons 
well known by me to be Communists with a long history, but I wish 
to request permission of the Senators to state that from this date that 
I gave his report to the present time, the situation in Cuba has changed 
extraordinarily, and new situations have been created. 

If you will permit me briefly, I will make an explanation. 

We, the investigators of social problems of the Communists, have 
already established that Cuba is now a socialistic Soviet republic. 
And we haven't established this capriciously, but because the Com- 
munists have a bible, which is a book entitled "Leninismo," written by 
Stalin, which is a consulting book to all the Commmiists in the world 
to establish socialist regimes. It appears here that there are two types 
of revolutions, a bourgeois revolution and a socialist revolution, and 
Stalin stated perfectly which was one type and which is the other 

In accordance with those studies, through investigations which are 
not mistaken, because they are laboratoiy studies, a professional 
group, as specialists in this study of conununism, we have arrived at 
the total conclusion that in Cuba there now exists a regime socialist 
Soviet. And I have written, compiled a booklet of sociology that I 
am mailing to all the universities in Latin America where, after I 
have explained the technical studies of the Communists, I explain 


in sketches how the Soviet regime operates now in Cuba. I can leave 
the Senators a copy. It is written in Spanish. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Mr. Chairman, I ask that this be received, subject 
to the lulling that its printing be withheld subject to the committee's 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 
(Booklet referred to was placed in the subcommittee files for 


Mr. SouRwiNE. In regard to this list, at the time you gave it to the 
committee, it was secret and we accepted it with that classification. 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. I can repeat it publicly — I can repeat them now 
if you so desire, Senators. 

Mr. SoTHWiNE. I don't think it is necessary for the witness to repeat 
them. I just want to know if the witness has any reason why the list 
should not be printed in the public press ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. I have not. I will be satisfied if it is published. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I ask that this list go in the record, then. 

Senator DoDD. It may go in. 

(The list referred to with the explanation made by the witness at the 

time, is as follows:) 

Exhibit No. 8 

Present Image of the Official Leadership of the Communist Party in Cuba 

The Communists have everywhere two images of leadership: One that they 
show to the public, and the other that acts underground [or — "one visible ; the 
other invisible"]. 

The "underground" is the one that operates at La Cabana [prison], with Che 
Guevara, Carlos Rafael Rodriguez, Raul Castro, and others. The public and 
official one is the following : 

Juan Marinello 

Bias Roca Calderio 

Anibal Escalante Dellunde 

Manuel Luzardo 

Joaquin OrdoquI 

Ldzaro Peiia 

Carlos Rafael Rodriguez 

Ladislao Gonzalez Carvajal 

Ursinio Rojas 

Salvador Garcia Agiiero 

Nicolfis Guillen 

Arnaldo Milian 

Felipe Torres 

Ramon Calcine 

Silvio Quintana 

Romerico Cordero 

Jos6 Luis Gonzalez 

Vicente Valdes 
Edith Garcia Buchaca 
Leonides Calderio 
Cesar Escalante Dellunde 
Flavio Bravo 
Osvaldo Sanchez 
Maria Nunez 
Clementina Serra 
Jacinto Torres 
Mirta Aguirre 
Ram6n Nicolau 
Felipe Carneado 
Oscar Ortiz 
ilonorio Ntinez 
Leon el Soto 
Joel Domenech 
Virgilio Zaldivar 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. If you will please permit me, I am about to 

Twenty-four hours ago there was constituted in Havana the First 
International Communist Anti-American, the official newspaper for 
the Communist Party. It says : 

The Cuban revolution starts a new era with the liberation of the people of 

The names appear of the delegates of all the Latin American coun- 
tries that attended that meeting, and the text of the call wluch is being 
made to all the people of America to destroy the democracies ot 


I can also deliver to the Senators this copy, which is a copy of an 
official newspaper of the Government of Cuba dated yesterday. This 
new International has as its objective to have all the people of Amer- 
ica be against America. At this time in Havana is operated an office 
to which I made reference in the executive session, where there were 
delegates of all the Latin American countries and some of Europe and 
Asia. Now that organization turns out to be an international entity 
to organize the student body, laborers, intellectuals, farmers, and 
politicians against North America. 

The basic objective of this movement and the strategic object of the 
revolution in Cuba is to call up the people of America, and I can guar- 
antee, Senators, that on my last trip through Latin America I found a 
lot of propaganda and agitation against the United States. 

The Soviet Union is fundamentally preoccupied with the propa- 
ganda because it is the first weapon at the present time. The tele- 
vision and radio have wrought a psychological revolution to our coun- 
tries, and the Soviet Union is taking good advantage to set the people 
of Latin America against North America. 

Within the United Statues, in each capital, in each city, there is a 
movement under the name of "26th of July," by agents of the Com- 
munists, and enemies of the United States. 

In Miami money is collected to buy weapons for Castro, stating 
that it is to attack the United States. 

At a baseball game where I was two Sundays ago, they discussed the 
members of the "26th of July" publicl}^. 

Senator Keating. Wlio discussed it and where was the baseball 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Orange Bowl, Miami, in the bleachei-s. 

Senator Keating. Was it where Havana was playing in the Inter- 
national League ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. No; they are not official baseball games, amateur 
games. A group of members of the "26th of July" discussed that in 
case of war between Kussia and the United States, they would be with 

Senator Keating. Were they U.S. citizens or Cuban citizens? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Cubans, residents in the United States. 

In this same newspaper 

Senator Keating. Are they in this country for permanent resi- 
dence ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Many of them, a great majority of them. 

Senator Keating. Were you present at tliat time ? 

Mr. Diaz- Verson. Yes, sir ; I heard it. 

Senator Keating. State their names. 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. I do not know them personally. I went to the 
game because of my brother-in-law, Manuel Perez, that plays as a 
catcher, and he discussed with the group of the "26th of July." I 
heard the loudness in their voices and so I approached them. 

Senator Keating. Wlien was this, 2 weeks ago ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir ; 2 weeks ago. 

Then I reported this to the Federal Bureau in Miami. 

Senator Keating. I did not hear the answer. 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. And I reported this to the Federal Bureau in 
Miami, and I reported to Immigration that there was a great group 


of Cubans that were going to parade on the 1st of May in Havana in 
a demonstration against the United States. In this paper there is a 
photograph of Miami, of the chib "26th of July" collecting money for 
weapons for Fidel. And that is being done in many cities in the United 

Senator Keating. Do you Imow how these people got here ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Many of those persons are Cuban immigrants 
that came many years ago or some years ago that left because of the 
political problems in Cuba. But when Fidel came to the United 
States, copying what was done by Marti, he went to look at the immi- 
grant groups. He organized them in clubs. He sent them pamphlets, 
books, and other propaganda. He hypnotized them, suggested to them 
in the same manner that the Senators may recall Hitler used in the last 
war to push the movement of propaganda, that they were against the 
United States. 

In the newspaper Hoy, official organ of the Communist Party in 
Cuba, a communication dated in Miami, signed by Alberto Lopez y 
Lopez, under the name of a maritime federation, Latin America, where 
he ratifies to the Confederation of Laborers of Cuba his membership 
in the union to them. 

This is proof of how, within the United States, there are groups 
working in favor of the Communists and against the United States. 

This is briefly what I wanted to say. If the Senators wish to 
question me 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What is this newspaper that you showed us first? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson". Revolucion. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. I do not want to offer the newspapers for the record, 
but I think they should be left with the committee and the committee 
can decide later. 

Senator Dodd. Very well. 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Can I ask permission in relation to this news- 
paper to say 2 days ago there was here a Communist photographer 
who sent information injurious to the Senators. For instance, it 
says Senator Eastland said that he would give $35 to each of us, and 
he called us a word "Esbirro" which in Cubia is an offiensive word, and 
he prepared false combinations of photography 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Wait a minute. 

Who is "he," who prepared anything false ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. The photographer that was here working for 

Senator Dodd. Is he here at the hearings ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The headline says "Criminals in the United States." 

Senator Keating. Which one does he refer to there ? 

Mr. SouRwiNE. The headline says "Criminals in the United States," 
does it not ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yankees. The photography showed persons 
who have appeared before this committee to testify. 

Senator Keating. Does he call Senator Eastland a Yankee in there ? 

Is that the word you meant, the dirty word ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Composite photography shows Cubans have 
testified who belong to the Batista regime, and persons who are against 
Batista. They put them together in a composite picture to make it 
appear that they were all in accord. 


The newspaper pictures speak for themselves. I can leave them 


Mr. SouRWiNE. If you would, leave the papers with the committee. 

Senator Kj:ating. And we want to warn these photographers that 
we don't want any more of these composite pictures. 

Mr. Diaz- Verson. The newspaper Hoy announces the expropriation 
of land of Americans in Cuba. When this news was publislied— 
when this information was published, the United Fruit did not know 
then that they had taken their lands away, and Dr. Galdos Marino, 
who is the intellectual director of the expropriation of American prop- 
erty in Cuba, is now in Washington, D.C., in a conference of agricul- 
tural reform, and several known Communists in Cuba have recently 
obtained permission to come to or to live in the United States. 

In the days of Galdos Marino — he is one of the Cuban Communists, 
well-known in his fight against America. He publishes articles 
mostly every day against the United States. However, he obtained a 
visa, and he is in Washington now. 

Senator Keating. Is he here in an official capacity ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Possibly ; yes. 

Senator Keating. Representing the Government of Cuba ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Undoubtedly he is. 

Senator Keating. Is he one of the delegates who is attending a con- 
ference here ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir. 

Senator Keating. He is representing the Government of Cuba and 
is a known Communist in Cuba ; is that right ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir ; affirmatively. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Are you going to let us have that newspaper, Hoy ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes. 

One of the matters which I wish to just mention briefly is Prensa 
Latina, which has been spoken about here. 

I am president of the Inter- American Organization of Newspaper- 
men Against An ti- Communism, which has its headquarters in Lima, 
Peru, and has a membership of 826. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You translated that as "Newspapermen Against 
Anti- Communism." Perhaps he meant newspapermen against com- 
munism ? 

It seems from the witness' testimony so far that he would hardly 
be a member of a group of newspapermen against anticommunism. 

The Interpreter. I am requesting the witness to write the name of 
the organization. 

He wrote "Inter- American Organization of Anti-Communist News- 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Thank you. 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. It has a membership of 826 members in Latin 
America. And it was established when we knew that in Havana they 
were going to establish Prensa Latina in the month of June of 1959. 

We investigated who were going to be the correspondents in all the 
countries of America, and we found that there were Communists in 72 
percent of their number. 

Later the agency Prensa Latina has followed totally the newspaper 
code written by Tass. That says no information can be made without 
any political objective and that propaganda should be directed always 
toward an objective. 


Prensa Latina organized in March of 1960 a congress of Soviet 
newspapermen in Havana which was participated in by delegates 
of all the news agencies from behind the Iron Curtain, including 

While this congress was taking place, they inaugurated a 4-hour 
daily program of radio in Spanish toward Latin America. And now 
there are 14 shortwave stations transmitting from between noon to 
2 a.m. from Havana propaganda in favor of the Communists and 
against North America. And you can hear it in an extraordinary 
way, because the Communists give it to clubs and reunion groups; 
they put it on the radio, and thus they make certain that the other 
non-Communists must hear the program, too, and the propaganda. 

In the propaganda the Communists have advanced much more than 
the United Sattes. And with this I am extraordinarily preoccupied. 

Senator Keating. Preoccupied means worried, does it not? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. I am worried, because during the 32 years I have 
studied Communists I have been able to confirm how communism 
advances while our countries do not wake up. 

Within 48 hours from next Sunday there are going to be elections in 
Panama. And it is quite sure that the Communist Party in Panama 
will win the elections. And there is panic now in Panama between 
the persons who are non-Communists, thinking that on Sunday, when 
the success of the Communist Party in Panama may be known, that 
there may be grave disorders. 

And that is a worry, too, of the people of Guatemala. 

And that is the woriy of Honduras, where the active members got 
together, and they asked the President, Dr. Ramon Villeda Morales, 
for arms to defend themselves against Communists, because the prop- 
aganda of the Conununists is covering all over Latin America. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. It should also be emphatically the worry of the 
United States? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. We, the democrats of America, we see the United 
States as the leader of the democracies in the Western Hemisphere. 
And when we see that here within the countiy the Communists in- 
crease, and letters are published like the one yesterday which was 
published by the Washington Post from an alleged Communist, that 
says that in the United States there are lynchings, liberty is restricted, 
and talks in favor of Castro, creating confusion, I see that there is 
an underground movement working all over this country, while we, 
the democrats and the anti-Communists, we are inferior. 

Senator I^ATiNG. Inferior? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir. 

Senator Keating. Wliat do you mean by "inferior" ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. There is no organization in the United States 
nor in Latin America which is dedicated to the defense of the demo- 
cratic regime, to educate the child in school that he is living in liberty, 
and that the capitalist regime is the only economic system that already 
has its own revolution, like the system of corporations. There is no 
feudal capitalism now. However, there are newspapers, books, tele- 
vision, conferences at universities against the democracy, against the 
capitalist system, against the liberty wliicli the Western Hemisphere 
is enjoying, while in Cuba the propaganda is controlled by the Gov- 
ernment, and it is brainwashing the brains of the Cubans, And the 


Cuban, when he doesn't hear things about Cuba, can hear foreign 
matters, communism, because the radio channels of 16, 19, 25, and 31 
meters are covered by Communist programs. 

We, the democrats, we have no means to counteract this campaign 
and take the poison which is being put into the Cuban brain. That 
is why I said that we are inferior. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Did you know Carlos Rafael Rodriguez ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Carlos Rafael Rodriguez was the brains behind 
the Communist Party, and at the present time he is professor of the 
University in Havana. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Was he connected with the 26th of July movement? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Two months after Castro was in the Sierra 
Maestra — he went to the Sierra Maestra, and he was the one that made 
the first agrarian reform that was dictated by Fidel Castro while at 
Sierra Maestra. And he is one of the most influential personalities 
presently in the Soviet Republic of Cuba. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. What can you tell us about American Communists 
visiting Cuba since Castro took over? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. There is a great interchange of North American 
Communists visiting Havana. In that newspaper that I gave you 
there is a delegation of North Americans participating in that which 
I have called the first American Internationale. 

Senator Keating. They are listed in this newspaper, the Americans 
that were attending this ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir; affirmatively. 

Senator Keating. Is this a Communist meeting ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir, a Communist, to such an extent that the 
great majority of the delegates at the time of being identified — it says 
president, secretary of such a country. 

Senator Keating. Should we not have their names in the record? 

Senator Dodd. Wliich paper do you refer to ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. I am making reference to the newspaper Revolu- 
cion. I will mark them myself. 

Senator Dodd. Verv good. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Read the names. 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Here it says Waldo Frank. This is the only 
name that appears in this. 

Senator Dodd. Did you say Waldo Frank ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir. 

Senator Keating. Is he the one who wrote the article? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Waldo Frank was delegated for the United 
States to this Communist meeting. 

Senator Dodd. When was this meeting ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. On the 4th of May, 2 days ago. There partici- 
pated all the important Communist figures in America. 

Senator Dodd. Does it appear there that he is chairman of the 
committee known as "Fair Play for Cuba in the United States" ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. No, sir ; it doesn't appear like that. 

Senator Dodd. I think it ought to appear in the record that they 
recently had a one-page advertisement in the New York Times, and 
among many other names was the name of Waldo Frank as chairman 
of a Committee for a Fair Deal in Cuba. 


Senator Keating. If it is the same Waldo Frank, which I assume. 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Before this congress, there were formed in all 
the Latin American countries, including the United States, a Com- 
mittee of Friends of the Cuban Kevolution, which were the advance 
committees of this congress, which took place 48 hours ago. Waldo 
Frank represented in New York the organization Friends of the 
Cuban Revolution. 

Senator Keating. Is Waldo Frank the only representative of the 
United States at this conference ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. In this organization, yes. But I can assure you, 
Senators, that when I reach Miami, I will send you the complete re- 
port of my records of the North Americans which are in coimection 
with and working with Fidel Castro, the names that I know. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. I think the committee would like to have that. 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. And we should have that in the record if it can be 

Senator Dodd. By all means. 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. I solemnly promise to send it to you. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you know about visits to Cuba, since Castro 
took over, by open leaders of the Communist Party in the United 
States, such as William Foster ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir ; I know. But I would not risk at this 
time giving you the names without having in mind the history. 

I know, for instance, the movement which is taking place now in 
Cuba among the American Negroes, and I am compiling the data of 
the invitations that Castro is making to the American groups in the 
United States to go to Cuba with their expenses paid. And I have 
the names of several known American Communists that have gone to 
Cuba, but I don't have them with me and I don't want to rely merely 
on my memoiy. 

Mr. Sourwine. Will you furnish those names to the committee ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir; I promise to send them to you as soon 
as I reach Miami. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you have information about Soviet propaganda 
published in New York and shipped to Cuba ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. No, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. Wliat can you tell us about the shipment of prop- 
aganda ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. I have no knowledge of propaganda, I don't 
remember of propaganda from New York to Cuba. 

Mr. Sourwine. ^Vliat can you tell us about Soviet propaganda 
coming into Cuba from anywhere ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Havana is invaded by Communist propaganda. 
It comes from Mexico. It comes from Mexico and it comes from 
Moscow, in proper Spanish, and books like this one from a common 
library. It costs $5, but they sell it for 50 cents, because the idea is 
that a lot of people can buy it. 

Mr. Sourwine. Wlio is Lazaro Pena Gonzales ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Lazaro Pena Gonzales was a long-time member 
of the Communist Party. He was secretary of the Federation of 
Laborers of Cuba, and is presently vice president of the World Syndi- 
cal Union (World Federation of Trade Unions). 


Mr. SouRwiNE. Did he make a recent trip to Russia ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson". He lias traveled iii recent years frequently to 

Mr. SouEwiNE. What is the connection with the Castro government ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Publicly, none. Castro's new Communist sys- 
tem in Cuba has eliminated from the first plane many of those old- 
time figures of communism, substituting for them persons who are 
not so worn. 

Mr. SouR^VINE. AVho is David Salvadore? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. David Salvadore is a member of the Commmiist 
Party. He participated within the Communist Party, and he was 
supported by the Commmiist Party to own the Federation of Cuban 
Labor. But presently he has a crisis. 

Mr. Souravine. I did not get the last word, presently what ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, he has a crisis. He has lost much of the 
faith that the Commimist Party had in him, and he has been dis- 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Who is Antonio Nunez Jimenez ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. He is one of the five supreme Soviets in Cuba. 
He is the director of the agrarian reform, m Communist talk, the 
supreme Soviet of the central government. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What can you tell us about an organization known 
as the American- Caribbean Junta ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. The Soviet Union created in 1946 at the end of 
the last war, an organization which was named "Junta of Latin 
America Liberation," which had its headquarters in Prague, and 
which had a delegate from each of the Latin American comitries. 
Later it was divided. There was created a jmita or council of the 
Central American and the Caribbean with headquarters in Mexico, 
and presently it now functions in Havana. At the same time they 
created a Comicil of Liberation of South America, which was divided 
into the Pacific zone and the Atlantic zone. That Comicil of Libera- 
tion of Central America and the Caribbean is what took the place 
of the old Secretariat of the Caribbean which was owned by the Com- 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do you say that this Junta of Liberation, which was 
formed and controllecl by Moscow, was responsible for placing "Che" 
Guevara next to Castro ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. "Che" Guevara was put in by the junta, and the 
importance of "Che" Guevara in the Castro government reveals that 
it has a great protection from outside. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you know of any connection that "Che" Guevara 
had with a radio station under the name of "Red Star" ? 

Mr. Diaz-Versox. The Red Star had a very brief life. It came into 
life in Santa Clara, Cuba, on the 2Cth of December of 1958, and it 
closed the 2d of January of 1959. Through the station "Che" Guevara 
spoke from Santa Clara on a 20 meter frequency and, at Havana, 
Carlos Franovi, who is now the director of the Revolucion newspaper. 

Mr. Sourwine. Carlos Franovi also spoke ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. He was the person responsible for the Red Star 
in Havana. I have the tape, I can give you the tape now of his 


Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you have infoiTnation respecting* a file on Raul 
Castro which was in the rexiords of the Cuban Intelligence Service? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Of Raul Castro, no, sir. I remember from all 
the investigation that he was a Communist agent. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. Do you remember telling us in executive session 
about the three steps toward communism in Latin America? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir. That is why, when I first started to 
speak, I explained that that step had already been advanced, 

Mr. Sourwine. Now, in executive session you told us about Com- 
munist control in the armed forces of Cuba. 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. The armed forces of Cuba are not Cuban, they 
are Communist. 

Cuba has no army now, and it has to be outside of the mutual de- 
fense pact, because the armed man will answer to communism and 
not to the Cuban security. 

Mr. Sourwine. Are you saying there are no non-Communists in 
the Cuban armed forces today? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Everything is Communist in Cuba. The army 
receives indoctrination, fihns, Communist films, Communist books, 
professors of Marxism, so that that army is completely Communist. 

Mr. Sourwine. Wliat can you tell us about Communist control in 
the civil government of Cuba ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. The Government, what is known as the Govern- 
ment in all democratic ways, the President and the Council of Minis- 
ters, Secretaries, are dependent on the supreme Soviet. They change 
a president, they remove a minister, they remove the whole govern- 
ment, because of the orders of the supreme Soviet. It is a government 
by front, where there is no legislative power, nor executive power, 
it has not sufficient power, and the judicial power has been annulled 
by the courts of the revolution. 

Mr. Sourwine. Are you going so far as to say that there are no 
persons in official positions in the civil government of Cuba except 
Communists ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. There ai-e none. The last one that was there 
was the minister of credit, and a month ago he was thrown out of 

Mr. Sourwine. Is there Communist control of labor in Cuba today ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Completely. 

Mr. Sourwine. How strong is Communist influence among the 
campesinos, the farmers? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. It was veiy strong, because the Communists ex- 
pected [promised] that they were going to receive the land. But as 
the months went by there has been disappointment among certain sec- 
tions of the farmers. Now there is in Cuba — the laborer, intellec- 
tuals, farmers, all of them are apparently satisfied with Castro, 
because he who is not is accused of being counterevolutionary, and 
they will take his property away, and jail him. 

In my case I was against Batista, and I am well-known in Cuba 
as a person who was against Batista. The mere fact of protesting 
the Communist presence provoked them to take all my property 
away. They took my home. They took my passport. And I have 
been a man without a country, because they accused me of being 
antirevolutionary, because I attacked communism. 


So then there is terror in all the social planes of Cuba. Yesterday 
they called me by telephone from Miami to inform me that the family 
of my wife that resided in Havana were jailed in venjreance because 
I had come to testify before the U.S. Senate. And at this time I 
don't know what has happened to them. 

Senator Dodd. "\^^lo did you say this was, your wife's family ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Brothers and uncles of my wife, that had nothing 
to do with me. 

Mr. SouRWiNE. You say they live in Havana ? 

Mr. Diaz- Verson. Yes, sir ; they do. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. And they have been arrested and put in jail since 
you came to testify before this committee ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir; as soon as my name appeared in the 
newspaper Revolucion that I was here. 

Senator Dodd. I suppose that the intention was to get you not to 
testify any further, and I think you should be commended for going 
ahead witli your testimony. And I know I speak for all the members 
of the subcommittee when I say we are grateful to you for continuing 
and appearing here today. 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Thank you, sir. 

Mr. SouRwaNE. What can you tell us about Communist control over 
student groups in Cuba ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Some years back the Communists changed the 
tactic of having the laborers as an advance, and now they use the 
students. At the University of Havana they have an executive power, 
because the federation which controls the students is in the hands of 
the Communists to such an extreme that courts have been created 
locally within the university to judge and purge the students that rnay 
act anti-Communist. They accuse them of being antirevolutionaries, 
and then expel them from the university, and then they are delivered 
to the outside courts to be tried. 

This is not a mere supposition, this is now. There have been judged 
and expelled seven students, and they are now in jail in military forts 
in Havana. 

Tliey celebrated during the month of February this year an inter- 
national congress of Cuban youth in Havana, and on the 19th of June 
of this year they have earmarked another big congress where there 
Avill participate youth from Asia and from Africa. The youth is the 
advance of the Communists now into all Latin America. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Do I understand correctly that you stated that 
seven students were thrown out of the University of Havana and put 
in jail for no other offense than being anti-Communists ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir ; that is correct. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you remember referring to what you called the 
armed Communist brigade? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir. But after that the militia men surged 
forward, and they are all over the country now. 

Mr. Sourwine. What can you tell us about Communist control of 
the press in Cuba ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. That is one of the matters of most interest in the 
history of Cuba. 


In Cuba now there is only one newspaper that defends the demo- 
cratic system, which is the Diario de la Marina. There are two news- 
papers which are not yet government owned but which have been 
cowed greatly, which are Prensa Libre and Crisol. The rest of the 
newspapers are under the power of the Government. And in Cuba 
everything which is done by newspapermen is propaganda, it is not 
information. There is no information as to what is going on ; there 
is propaganda of what the Government wants. 

The same thing happens with the television, and the same happens 
with the radio. 

The Diario de la Marina, when it publishes an editorial giving its 
opinion, if the opinion is not in favor of Castro, they place below a 
marginal note where they say, "What appears written above is not 
the truth." 

When President Eisenhower had a news conference with reference 
to Cuba just a few weeks ago, the AP cable had 3 inches, and the 
marginal note against the cable was 14 inches. There are articles 
against the cables and the opinion in favor of democracy. Besides, 
there is a law which punishes by 1 to 10 years the newspaper which 
says anything against the revolution. 

And there is another law that specifies that all who have been con- 
victed of antirevolutionary activities will lose all their property, in- 
cluding their wearing apparel. There are very few newspapermen 
who are brave enough to say anything. 

In Miami there are 82 newspapermen and in New York there 
must be 6 or 8. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. You mean Cuban newspapermen ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Yes, sir ; Cuban newspapermen. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. What can you tell us about Ernesto de la Fe ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Ernesto de la Fe is in jail, the big subject of 
torture. Ultimately we knew that he had been wounded on the head, 
and his family has not been able to see him since November of 1959. 
There is a great hate against Ernesto, like the one that existed 
against Lieutenant Castana who was shot, and against me, who was 
able to escape with life. 

Mr. SouRwiNE. Is there anything that you feel would be of interest 
to the committee that you want to tell us before you go ? 

I want to explain that the committee's interest is in what this 
means to the United States, what does this situation portend for our 
own country? 

Is there anything else that you want to tell us that we have not 
asked you about ? 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. Well, I believe that the United States, its people 
and its Government, have not yet comprehended that we are at war 
now, where the propaganda has made Russia advance, and we have 
lost democratic force. And the only hope of the Latin American 
countries is the activity of the United States of America, because the 
problem of Cuba is not now a local problem of a people, it is a con- 
tinental problem, I would say world problem. And the same thing 
that is affecting Cubans now, the empire of the Communists in Cuba, 
should affect the people of North America within a very few years, 
if measures are not taken in due time. That is my belief and the 
product of my last 32 years of study of the Communists in America. 


Senator Dodd. Mr. Diaz-Verson, I want to say to you that the com- 
mittee is grateful to you for appearing here. We understand that it is 
not easy for one who has friends and relatives in Cuba, and undoubt- 
edly some retaliation will be visited on them. You have already told 
us the news that members of your wife's family have received retalia- 
tory treatment. And so we appreciate the fact that you have come 
here and given us the benefit of your knowledge about present condi- 
tions in Cuba. 

I might say for the record that the purpose of these hearings, which 
we have explained, and I think it might be well to explain again, is to 
make a public record of the information that has come to the attention 
of the subcommittee. 

We want to get it on the public record so that it will help the Con- 
gress from a legislative standpoint, and that is the purpose of holding 
these hearings. 

Mr. Diaz-Verson. I feel very proud to be able to participate in the 
investigation and the record to be used for legislative purposes. 

Senator DoDD. Thank you. 

You may be excused. 

Mr. Diaz-Verson". Thank you. 

(The following communication from Mr. Diaz-Verson was later 
received by the subcommittee and ordered translated from the Span- 
ish and printed in the record :) 

[Translation by the Library of Congress] 


To the Internal Security Subcommittee of the Senate of the United States of 
America, Washington, D.C.: 

Sirs : In accordance with the promise given to your subcommittee to appear 
before it to testify in public hearing on the 6th of this month of May, and un- 
der the oath rendered by me, I am hereby complementing the data which I 
could not supply during my testimony because they were not at that time prop- 
erly fixed in my recollection. 

Following an inflexible law of Leninism, when the proletarian regime of Cuba 
was established, measures were taken so as not to confine that social, political, 
and economic movement to a single country, but to extend it to the other coun- 
tries of the Western Hemisphere. And this is how we saw Havana become 
transformed into a city of international agitation, while committees, groups, 
and representatives of all Communist Parties of the world were being installed 

As early of February 10, 1959, Eugene Dennis and Robert Thompson dispatched 
to the Communist regime of Fidel Castro a message from the Communist Party 
of the United States of North America, notifying it of its endorsement and 
solidarity, which was published by the Red press throughout America [the 
American Continent]. Later, on the 26th of that same month of February, 
Jack Williams wrote, on behalf of the Communist Youth of the United States, 
to the Cuban Communists, notifying them of his [their] identification and union ; 
and on June 16, in joint meeting, the Committees of the Communist Party of 
the United States again confirmed, in writing, to Fidel Castro their endorse- 
ment and solidarity, which [agreement] was published by the Red press of the 
American Continent. 

And so, during all of 1959, the visits of Communist delegates of the United 
States and the communications and relations between the two homogenous 
groups were repeated [continued]. 

On April 2, 1960, a meeting took place at the Ci;ban Consulate in New York of 
75 North American Communists, according to the Prensa Latina, to sign a pact 
of unity between North American and Cuban Communists. 

Prior thereto, in December 1959, the Communist regime of Fid^l Castro ap- 
pointed as Director General of Tourism the Cuban Communist leader Baudilio 
Castellanos, who initiated contacts with Negro groups of the United States 

43354— 60— pt. 7 9 


asking them to come to Cuba as tourists and commissioning the former boxing 
champion of the world, Joe Louis, and William Rowen, former Assistant 
Police Commissioner of New York, to agitate among the Negroes of the United 
States and to invite them to go to Cuba. The press throughout the world pub- 
lished on .January 4, 1!)60, AP cables, with a Havana dateline, reporting this 
action taken by the Castro regime designe<l to promote Negro tourism [tourist 
travel] to Havana in order to indoctrinate these people in revolutionary activi- 
ties against the government of this nation. 

The unification between the Cuban and North American Communists is not a 
secret, since it has been published throughout the Communist press of the Amer- 
ican Continent and the Socialist countries. 

Recently, on April (5, the Communist Youth of North America [USA] met in 
Philadelphia and appointed a committee to go to Cuba and to deliver to their 
Cuban comrades a song recorded in the English language and 100 medical books, 
according to Havana's Red newspaper, Hoy, of April 8, p. 4, col. 8. 

But the same thing has been happening all over America. Communists of the 
entire Western Hemisphere are living in Havani, together with Communists 
from Asia, Africa, and Europe ; and all activities of these delegates, and of 
their agents in their respective countries, were concentrated, as a firm and uni- 
fied scheme, attacking and discrediting the United States of North America. 

The treacherous joint work of International Communism against the United 
States has already "produced a strong loss of face and a broad wave of disre- 
spect for the country of Washington. 

During the past 30 years, while traveling and studying all over Latin America, 
I felt certain that the United States was being feared and respected in every 

"The United States cannot permit a Communist regime in America," millions 
of people were crying out. "The United States cannot permit anybody to harass 
it." "The United States will crush anyone daring to it" — was what the 
people of South, North, and Central America were rei>eating over and over again. 

But all this has been wiped out. Those words are no longer being repeated, 
because respect for North America has been lost due to the constant and never- 
ending work of the Communists, because they see how the Colossus of the North 
is being insulted in Cuba, without anything being done ; because they see how 
a North American Ambassador (Mr. Bonsai) is being harassed and mistreated, 
without anything being done ; because they see how our good friends can be at- 
tacked without receiving the punishment which they deserve. 

And that which has up to now been provoking the of respect for the 
United States, will also provoke, within a short time, the loss of all land, busi- 
ness, and money invested by the North Americans in Latin America. 

As the Soviet Union knows that its only great opponent in the struggle for 
world domination is North America alone, it has mobilized all its resources for 
the purpose of weakening its moral and ethical [sic] forces, discrediting it in 
Latin America ; but, bearing in mind that there is a Mutual Military Aid pact, 
the Soviet Union has proceeded to the destruction of the professional armies of 
the entire Continent. Thus it has managed to destroy the armies of Bolivia and 
Cuba, and is now acting to destroy the armies of Venezuela and of the remain- 
ing countries of America. In Brazil, Argentina, and other countries, large Com- 
munist cells have been discovered in the ranks of the military. 

From the Russian base of the Caribbean — that is what the Island of Cuba 
now is — only 90 miles from the coasts of North America, .slogans [or, badges,] 
arms, and money are being .shipped to the rest of the Continent for the purpose 
of promoting agitation against the United States, while, under the pretext of 
commercial [exploitation], work is already being done in the field of nuclear 

Inside the United States, 500,000 Latin Americans, their majority being 
Cubans, are making up the Fifth Column, which attacks the United States, aids 
in discrediting it, and collaborates with the enemies of Democracy, and this is 
being done in full view of everybody, without any attempt to hide, because they 
speak Spanish which the majority of the North Americans do not understand. 

And while this is going on, bellicose preparations are made to promote in 
Havana, among other things, an anti-U.S. revolution in Puerto Rico by making 
use of the Puerto Rican Communist leaders Enamorado Cuesta, Ramon Mirabal, 
and Carmen Rivera. 

Hundreds of Communists coming from Cuba visit luiiversities, labor centers, 
farm groups, and professional and intellectual organizations all over America, 
inviting them to unite with Cuba against North America. 


But the fight is going even beyond that. In 1942, the Academy of Sciences of 
the U.S.S.R., upon orders of the Supreme Soviet, designated Professors Kotov- 
slii, Miroshevski, and Rubzov to manufacture a new History of the Colonial and 
Dependent Countries of Latin America ; it was printed in the Spanish language 
and is being used as textbook in many of our countries. 

In Cuba, the Communists Carlos Rafael Rodriguez, Sergio Aguirre, and Jorge 
Castellanos wrote a new "History of Cuba," which is now also being used as 
textbook in that country. 

At the University of Quito [Ecuador] courses in Marxism are given based on 
the text of Manuel Augustin Aguirre, professor of economics, and in all our 
universities, including those of North America, classes are being given in So- 
cialism and Marxism, without balancing them with [classes in] democratic 

In fact, we are already in World War III ; but neither the United States nor 
the democracies of America have as yet comprehended that this is a conflict 
that is different from the previous ones, and that, rather than the atomic bomb 
and guided missiles, it is propaganda which is going to conquer and dominate 
the human beings of the free countries. 

Formerly there was neither radio nor television, and the armed forces had to 
resort to violence in order to impose their objectives by force. Now, under the 
leadership of experts and intellectuals, invisible armies are going to intrude into 
the homes, speaking to the human beings and conquering them without firing 
bullets or resorting to appreciable acts of violence. And man is going to cease 
being free, to be transformed into a slave through a complicated psychological 
machinery, the product of propaganda. 

But while every night all of Latin America is listening on the 16, 19, 25, 31, 
42, 46, and 60 meter bands [channels] to Spanish-language broadcasts from 
Peking, Radio Poland, Radio Moscow, Radio Prague, and other stations from 
behind the Iron Curtain, and sees on its television screens local programs imbred 
with Communist ideologies, and hears local radio programs with "Red" Hours, 
It has not at any time an opportunity to hear radio broadcasts or view television 
programs designed to wipe out the effects of Communism and to reestablish the 
truth about democracy, freedom, and our social and economic system. 

[Soviet] Russia gives to its agents powerful assistance. It gives them pass- 
ports when theirs are seized. It gives them money when they need it. It gives 
them arms when they require them. They are being defended and aided in all 
their activities that follow strictly the ironclad Communist line [of policy]. 
However, we Democrats, we true anti-Communists, we get no protection from 
any power or from any group ; and take my own case, for instance, in which the 
Red dictatorship of Cuba seized my passport and turned me into a man with- 
out a country and deprived me of the ability to travel and to attend anti- 
Communist congresses — I get no assistance whatever, and under the laws of the 
United States, which is the only free and democratic country and the hope of 
the Free World, my deportation has been ordered because I have no passport, 
and, meanwhile, in Mexico City, Lima, Buenos Aires, and other capitals of the 
Ajuerican continent, groups of anti-Communist newspapermen, intellectuals, and 
professional men are becoming desiderate because they see how Communism is 
making progress and they are vmable to detain it, as nobody helps or protects 
us, while Communism is gaining strength day by day. 

The language difference, and the ignorance on the part of North American 
officials of our people's psychology, have aided [Soviet] Russia's progress in 
America ; and today the situation is grave, difficult, and complex. That is why 
it is necessary to act with speed, without losing time, in order to prevent our 
children, yours and ours, from becoming slaves of Soviet Russia's imperialism. 

If your couunittee should desire further information on any of the points 
which I have made here, I am ready to supply it and to collaborate in whatever 
may be useful in serving the cause of freedom and democracy of America. 


Salvador DfAz-VERsoN. 

Mr. SomnviNE. There has come to the committee a statement issued 
by the AFI^CIO Executive Council on May 4 on the subject of 
Cuba. And it is suggested that it might be offered for the record if 
the Chair pleases. 


Senator Dodd. Yes, I have read it, I think it should be in the rec- 
ord, and it is so ordered and will be made a part of the record. 

(The statement of AFL-CIO Executive Council was marked "Ex- 
hibit No. 10" and reads as follows :) 

Exhibit No. 10 

Statement on Cuba by the AFL-CIO Executive Council, May 4, 1960, 

Washington, D.C. 

Since the fall of the Batista dictatorship in Cuba, the AFL-CIO has ex- 
pressed in several occasions its complete siipport of the Cuban people's efforts to 
rebuild the political and economic structure of their country on the basis of 
social justice, freedom, civic morality, and human rights. We have also offered 
our cooperation to the Cuban labor movement in whatever action might be 
required to maintain it truly independent and democratic, free of Communist 
influence, and solely responsible to the will of its members. 

In the early months of the Fidel Castro regime, we shared with other true 
friends of Cuban democracy the misgivings caused by the initial excesses of 
the revolution; biit we also shared the hope that democratic processes would 
soon be restored, so that the many, long-overdue economic reforms would get 
underway. The Cuban people could then utilize the resources of their country 
for improving their social and economic conditions and strengthening their 
democratic institutions. 

Events in Cuba have taken, however, quite a different turn. The latest 
manifestations of the Castro regime have revealed unmistakable signs of a 
definite trend toward a totalitarian state. This is based upon the technique of 
regimentation and militarization of the masses to a degree comparable to the 
practices prevailing under Fascist or Communist regimes. 

The Cuban Confederation of Labor has become a mere appendage of the 
Government under complete control of pro-Communist elements imposed from 
above without consideration of the will of the rank and file. 

Loyalty to democratic principles and opposition to communism has been 
branded by the Castro government as synonymous with counterrevolutionary 
activity, punishable with discharge from the job, immediate arrest, and loss of 

The right of collective bargaining has been abolished. As in countries behind 
the Iron Curtain, Cuban workers are no longer free to change jobs without 
Government approval. Hiring and firing have become the prerogative of the 
Government. The quest for economic improvement, a legitimate trade-union 
activity, has been banned. 

Cuban Government spokesmen have asserted that the people will not be given, 
in the foreseeable future, the right to choose their leaders through the process 
of democratic elections. The courts have been submitted to the arbitrary vnll 
of the executive. The right of habeas corpus has been indefinitely suspended, 

The Communist party is the only political party which is free to operate 
today in Cuba. Oppo.sition newspapers have been forced to close. Democratic 
journalists, who distinguished themselves in opposition to the Batista regime, 
have been forced into exile for insisting upon their right to criticize the pro- 
Communist policy of the present Government. 

These actions on the part of the Castro regime in Cuba have shocked the 
democratic public opinion of the Western Hemisphere, particularly those sectors 
which rejoiced over the victory of the revolutionary forces in January 1959, 
and have consistently supported the economic reforms and other social objec- 
tives once proclaimed by the revolution. 

The Cul)ans, our traditional friends, are being subjected to an intensive 
violent campaign of hatred and scorn against the United States. This propa- 
ganda of hate, organized with the oflScial sanction of the Castro government, 
has been extended to other countries of Latin America with the obvious purpose 
of causing suspicion and enmity toward the United States. This has been ag- 
gravated by the repudiation, on the part of the Castro regime, of the treaties 
which are the foundation of our inter-American system. These treaties bind 
the countries of the Western Hemisphere to respect each other's sovereignty 
and pledge them to unite against external aggression and internal Communist 


The disruptive activities of the Cuban Government can no longer be lightly 
dismissed as outbursts of inexperienced, youthful leaders swept by the upsurge 
of economic nationalism. They have all the earmarks of a well-planned strategy 
designed to make Cuba an advanced outpost of the Soviet Union's drive to in- 
filtrate the New World. 

The AFL-CIO has consistently advocated that dictatorships have no place 
in the world and particularly in our inter-American system. We have conse- 
quently urged, time and time again, the Organization of American States 
(OAS) to isolate the dictatorship of the Dominican Republic and similar re- 
gimes which do not emanate from the freely expressed will of the people. We 
have also urged the OAS to take firm steps to prevent these dictatorships from 
endangering the peace of the Americas with their constant subversive plots 
against neighboring democratic regimes. 

We now believe that with its repudiation of the existing inter-American trea- 
ties and its purposeful, violent, and slanderous anti-U.S. campaign, tailored on 
the Communist pattern, the Castro government is endangering the peace of the 
Western Hemisphere. 

We call upon the Ajnerican family of nations, through the instrumentality 
of the OAS, to be alert to the danger that the Castro regime and other dictator- 
ships represent to democratic stability and the peace and progress of the Amer- 
icas. The OAS has in its charter suflacient provisions to enable it to take col- 
lective measures to protect the peaceful democracies from the aggresive designs 
of the dictators and from the subversive actions of international commimism. 

The AFL-CIO sends the Cuban people renewed expressions of support for 
their aspirations of economic reforms capable of bringing higher standards of 
living, social justice, national economic independence, and democratic freedoms. 

We also send fraternal assurance of solidarity to the free trade unionists of 
Cuba, now fighting to rescue their labor movement from the presently imposed, 
pro-Communist, totalitarian control. We are with them with the same spirit 
and determination that has inspired the AFL-CIO to oppose dictatorship and 
totalitarian rule of every color and kind, in every part of the world. 

Senator Dodd. The witnesses that have not been heard will come 
back Monday at 10 :30 a.m. 

(Wliereupon, at 4:35 p.m., the committee adjourned, to recon- 
vene at 10 :30 a.m., Monday, May 9, 1960.) 


Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance 
to the mere fact of the appearance of the name of an individual or an organiza- 
tion in this index. 

A Page 

Academy of Sciences of the U.S.S.R , 439 

AFL-CIO Executive Council 439, 440 

Agence Telegraphic Bulgare of Bulgaria 391 

Agenda Latina 3S6 

Agenda Latina de Noticias (ALN) 389 

Agenda Prensa Latina (see also Prensa Latina) 387,389 

Aguirre, Carlos Enrique 390 

Aguirre, Rev. Eduardo, testimony of 327-342 

Aguirre, Manuel Augustin 439 

Aguirre, Mirta 426 

Aguirre, Sergio 4.39 

Almejeiras 421 

Alvarez-Rios, Baldomero 3S5 

Alvenas, Rudolf o 359 

Amarillo, Texas 328 

American-Caribbean Junta (organization) 4.33 

American Embassy in Cuba 409 

Anfuso, Representative 347, 349 

Anti-American propaganda 343 

Apuleyo Mendoza, Plinio 390 

Aragon, Leo 389 

Arango, Dr. Sanchez. {See Sanchez.) 

Arapov, Ivan 359 

Argentine Communist 336, .341 

Armed Forces, Cuba 369 

Arteaga, Cardinal 399 

Barona, Dr. Antonio 396,415 

Barona, Tony 415, 416 

Batabauo 328-332, 340-342 

Batista 328, 329, 332, 337, 340, 344-346, 

349-353, 363-366, 368, 370, 381, 383, 395, 401-403, 416, 420-423, 428, 434, 440 

Batista, Fulgencio ^ 346 

Bayamo City 369 

Bayo, Gen. Alberto 381, 406 

Beaton 419 

Belvedere Hotel 360 

Berenguer, Father Alfred 387 

Betancourt, President (of Venezuela) 396 

Blanco Rosa 353 

Boan Acosta, Angel 348,389 

Bogota 357 

Bogota riots 421 

Bonsai, Ambassador 438 

BRCA, Bureau of Repression of Communist Activities 366, 374, 382, 392 

Bravo, Flavio ,356, 426 


C Page 

Cabell, General 391 

Cabrei'a, Jose A 389 

Cadeiia Latinoamericana — Latin-American Chain (radio network) 388 

Calcine, Ramon 426 

Calderio, Leonides 426 

Camaguey Province 331, 328 

Camp Columbia, Marianao 381 

Cantillo, Gen. Eulogio 367,369-371,421 

Caracas Pact 402 

Caral, Fernandez 358 

Carrillo. (Sec Ugalde Carrillo, Col. Manuel Antonio.) 

Carneado, Felipe 426 

Castano, Captain 374 

Castellanos, Baudilio 437 

Castellanos, Jorge 439 

Castro, Fidel 330, 332. 334, 335, 338-342, 344, 346, 34S-360, 362-364, 367-371, 

381-385, 389, 396, 399, 401, 403, 405-^14, 417, 419, 422, 423, 427, 428, 431-433, 
437, 440, 441 

Castro, Manolo 357, 358 

"Castro's News Service Hew^s Closely to Line" (article from Editor and 

Publisher) 383-385 

Castro, Raul___ 330, 350, 358, 359, 364, 370, 375, 384, 390, 407, 413, 415, 417, 422, 433 

Castro Ulloa, Guillermo 389 

Catholic Church 363, 397 

Catholic Action (Accion Catolica) 399 

Catholic Congress 387 

Central Intelligence Agency 391 

Central Park 361 

Chiang, Gen. Kai-shek 376 

Chile 381 

China 337 

China, Communist 376, 377, 381, 385 

Chinese agents 340 

Chinese Communists 339, 341 

Chinese News Agency 385 

Chinese News Service 392 

Chinese technicians 376 

Chivas 364,365 

Cienega de Zapata 377-380, 393, 399, 409 

Cienfuegos 363 

Cienfuegos, Camilo 419 

Committee for a Fair Deal in Cuba 431 

Committee of Friends of the Cuban Revolution 432 

Communist International 353, 354 

Communist Party : 

Batabano 830 

Costa Rican 390 

Communist propaganda 398, 422 

Communist Youth 375 

Coral Gables, Fla 366 

Cordero, Romerico 426 

Council of Liberation of South America 433 

Crisol (newspaper) 436 

CTC (National Confederation of Labor) 330 

Cuban Army 366, 380 

Cuban Communists 337, 338 

Cuban Confederation of Labor (CTC) 388,440 

Cuban Embassy 360 

Cuban Intelligence Service 434 

Cuban Legation in Colombia 421 

Cuban Military Academy 366 

Cuban Tourist Commission 338 

Cuban Youth Delegation 375 

Cuban Airlines 360 

Czech news service (CETEKA) 391 

Czechoslovakia 336, 337, 340 


D Page 

Daily Worker 390 

de Castro, Paul 388 

de la Fe, Ernesto 436 

Dennis, Eugene 437 

Diario de la Marina (newspaper) 379,393,436 

Diaz Balart, Rafael Lincoln, testimony of 347-362 

Diaz Lanz, Air Force Chief Pedros Luis 384 

Diaz-Verson y Rodriguez, Salvador : 

Testimony of 423-437 

Letter from 437^39 

Dillon, Douglas 415 

Dodd, Senator Thomas J 405 

Domenech, Joel 426 

Dominican Republic 366 

Dorticos, Dr 396 

Duarte, Hector 361 

DuBois, Jules 385 


Editor and Publisher 383,385,386 

Education, Minister of 375 

Eisenhower, President 436 

El Diario 385 

El Diario de Nueva York 385 

Escalante Dellunde, Anibal 426 

Esealante Dellunde, Cesar 426 

Espin. Vilma 375 

Bsterlin, Dr. Marcus 353 

Exhibit 1, map A 378 

Exhibit 2 : Article from Editor and Publisher, November 28, 1959, "Cas- 
tro's News Service Hews Closely to Line" 383-385 

Exhibit 3 : Article from Editor and Publisher, December 12, 1959, "Prensa 

Latina Denies It's Castro Owned" 385-387 

Exhibit 4: U.S. News & World Report, May 2, 1960, "How Castro Pushes 

'Hate U.S.' All Over Latin America" 387-389 

Exhibit 5: Re Agenda Prensa Latina (PL) 389, 390 

Exhibit 6: Agenda Informativa Latinoamericana (Prensa Latina) 390, 391 

Exhibit 7: Re Masetti and Cuba 391 

Exhibit 8, map B 400 

Exhibit 9 : Present Image of the Official Leadership of the CP in Cuba__ 426 
Exhibit 10: Statement on Cuba by AFL-CIO Executive Council 440-441 


"Fair Play for Cuba in the United States" (committee) 431 

Federation of Cuban Labor 433 

Federation of Laborers of Cuba 432 

Federation of University Students, Havana 357 

Fernandes, Antonio 337 

Figueres, President 396 

First International Communist Anti-American (Cuban newspaper) 426 

First Rical 364 

Formosa 376 

Fortress of Moncada 375 

Foster, William 432 

Frank, Waldo 431, 432 

Franovi, Carlos 433 


Garcia Aguero, Salvador 426 

Garcia Buchaca, Edith 426 

Garcia Lupo, Rogelio 390 

Giachetti, Ernesto 390 

Gomez, Leonel 356, 357 


Gomez, Miss (interpreter) 327-372 

Gomez Gimeranez, Dr. Domingo 385, 386 

Gonzalez, Jose Luis 426 

Gonzalez Carvajal, Ladislao 426 

Grande Piedra in Santiago de Cuba 419 

Grobart, Fabio 356 

Guantanamo 360, 370 

Guatemala 365 

Guevara, Alfredo 355 

Guevara, Maj. Ernesto "Che" 342, 

355, 359, 369. 381. 384. 387. 390. 407. 413-415. 417, 426, 433 

Guevara, Father Vasco 335 

Guillen, Nicholas 426 


Hart, Armando 375 

Havana 330-333, 338-340, 342, 343, 355-358, 363, 384, 385 

Havana cemetery 340 

Havana City 329 

Havana Harbor 343 

Havana No. 1 High School 356 

Havana Province, Cuba 328, 331, 332 

Havana University 348, 354, 355, 357, 358, 376 

Hsin Hua (NCNA) (news service) 391 

Hoy (publication) 358, 398, 428, 429, 438 

Hungarian Ambassador 359 


Immigration 338 

INRA (National Institute of Agrarian Reform), Technical Commission 

of 377, 379, 381 

Inter-American Organization of Anti-Communist Newspapermen 429 

Inter-American Press Association 386 

Iron Curtain 375 

Isle of Pines 380, 401, 406, 410, 411 


Jimenez, Nico 375 

Jimenez, Nunez 417 

Jose Cardonia, Francisco 385 

Junta of Latin America Liberation (organization) 433 

Justice Department 360 


Keating, Senator 405, 415 

Kennedy, Senator John F 388 

Khrushchev 415 

Konche, Hermann 390 

Kotovski, Professor ^ 439 

La Bohemia 1 380 

IjO, Coubre (French munitions ship) 343, 389 

La Prensa 384, 385 

Labor Ministry 330 

Latin Press Agency 336 

Launching pads 393 

"Leninismo" (book) 425 

Lestovna de Zalka, Vera 359 

Letter from Mr. Diaz-Verson 437 

Lopez y Lopez, Alberto 428 

Los Pinos. (See Isle of Pines.) 

Louis, Joe 438 

Luzardo, Manuel 42fi 


M Page 

Maine 343, 344 

Mandel, Benjamin 405 

Mao Tse-tung 362 

Map A 378 

Marin, Governor 396 

Marinello, Juan 426 

Marino, Dr. Galdos 429 

Marquez, Manuel 338 

Marti, President 357 

Marti, Jose 361 

Marti monument 361 

Martin, Mas 355, 356 

Mas, Gustavo 361, 362 

Masetti, Jorge Ricardo 383-385, 387-391 

Maso, Bartolome 343 

Massip, Salvador 388, 389 

Matthews, Herbert 360 

"Maximo Lider" 334,340 

Mauriae, Francois 386 

Mazetti 336 

Medio-Dia Avenue 377 

Meleposa, Col 361 

Menocal, Guitierez 405 

Menoyo, Guitierez 405, 406 

Mexico 359 

Miami 338, 343, 344, 360 

Miami Beach, Fla 328 

Middle East News Agency 390 

Mikoyan, Anastas 407-414 

Mil Diez (radio station) 398 

Milian, Arnaldo 426 

Military camp of Columbia 377 

Military Intelligence 366, 367 

Military Intelligence, Cuban 374 

Minister of State in Cuba 375 

Minoa 365 

Mirabal Acebal, Victor A 389 

Miroshevski, Prof 439 

Modica 337 

Molina, Gabriel 337 

Moncada barracks 350 

Monroe, Marilyn 386 

Morgan, Wm 405 


Naranjo, Commandante 419 

National Legislature of Cuba 348 

Neugart 369 

New China News Agency 390, 391 

New York Advertising Club 384 

New York Times 360 

Nicolau, Ramon 426 

Nunez, Honorio 426 

Nunez, Maria 426 

Nunez, Senorita Pastoria 375 

Nunez Jimenez, Antonio (Nico) 375,415,417,433 


O'Farril, Rev. Juan Ramon 842, 344, 371 

Testimony of 401-403 

Ordoqui, Joaquin 426 

Organization of American States (OAS) 349.441 

Orients Province 334, 350, 369, 370 

Ortiz, Oscar 426 


P Page 

Padilla 337 

Palma, Oscar Edmundo 390 

Panama 365 

Panamanian Communist 337, 341 

Parada de Pasejero (city) 393 

Paraguay 365 

Pardo, Jose 337 

Pardo Llada, Jose 343 

Pastoria, Senorita 375 

Pedroza 355 

Pena, Lazaro 426 

Pena Gonzales, Lazaro 432 

Perez Diaz, Father Rosario Maxilliano, testimony of 345-347, 362-365 

Peron, Argentine President Juan 336,352,383,386,390 

Plaillips, Ruby Hart 390 

Pividal Padron, Francisco 389 

Police Department, New York City 361 

Polish Press Agency (PAP) 391 

Popular Book 343 

Portela, Francisco__^ 384 

Portuondo, Jose A 389 

Prague 336, 358 

Presna Latina (see also Agenda Presna Latina) 335-338, 

381-385, 388, 390-392, 429, 430 

"Prensa Latina Denies It's Castro Owned" 385 

Prensa Libre (newspaper) 436 

Presidential Palace 350 

Prio 351, 415 

Prio Socarras, Carlos 352, 402, 424 

Puerto Rico 361 


Queen of the Land Reform 361 

Quintana, Silvio 426 


Radio Moscow 439 

Radio Peking 391 

Radio Poland 439 

Radio Prague 439 

Radio Union (in Havana) 388 

Rayneri, Rene 389 

"Red Star" (radio station) 433 

Regla (newspaper) 339 

Revolucion (publication) 340, 383, 390, 428, 431, 433, 435 

Rhee 415 

Rivero-Aguero, Andres Jose, testimony of 394-398 

Roa, Raul 374, 413-415 

Roca Calderio, Bias 420 

Rodriguez, Ambassador Antonio 389 

Rodriguez, Carlos Rafael 358, 426, 431, 439 

Rodriguez de al Vega, Adolfo 389 

Rodriguez Venegas, Efraim 390 

Rojas, Ursinio 426 

Roman Catholic Church 327 

Romero-Saavedra (interpreter) 373 

Ronda Street 356 

Ross, Stanley 385, 386 

Rotonda of Medio-Dia 377 

Rowen, William 438 

Rua Romano, Manuel 330 

Rubzov, Professor 439 

Russia 337 

Russian agents 340 



Russian Communists 341 

Russian submarines 399 

Russian technicians 376 


St. Juliana Church 328 

St. Patrick's Church 328 

Salvador, David 375, 433 

San Ambrosio Seminary 345 

San Carlos Seminary 345 

Sanchez, Celia 376 

Sanchez, Jose 360, 418 

Sanchez, Osvaldo 426 

Sanchez Arango, Aureliano (Aurelio) 415-418 

Santa Clara 377 

Santamaria, Haydee 375 

Santander 328 

Santiago Cuba, Jose 364 

Santo Domingo 365 

Seminary of Havana 340 

Serra, Clementina 426 

Sierra, Captain 365 

Sierra Maestra 344, 354, 360, 

363, 364, 367-370, 381, 383 

Socialistic Party 352 

Socialist Party 368 

Socialist Popular Party (Communist Party) 369 

Soto, Leonel 355, 426 

Spain 377 

Spaniard Communist 342 

Spanish-American War 343 

Stalin 425 

Submarines 399, 401, 410 


Tabernilla, Gen. Francisco J., testimony of 420-423 

Tanjuc of Yugoslavia (news service) 391 

Tass 381, 382, 391, 392, 429 

Third International 353 

Thompson, Robert 437 

"Those Who Fight and Those Who Cry" (book) 383 

Timofei, Eremev 359 

Torres, Felipe 426 

Torres, Jacinto 426 

Treasury Ministry 342 

26th of July Movement 329, 331, 346, 

350, 360, 361, 367, 390, 424, 427, 428, 431 


Ugalde Carrillo, Col. INIanuel Antonio, testimony of 365-382, 398-401, 405-419 

Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 364 

United Fruit 429 

University of Camilas, Spain 328 

University of Havana 435 

University of Oriente 348 


Valdes, Pastor 337 

Valdes, Vicente 426 

Vanguardia 359 

Vazquez, Jose 360 

Villeda Morales, Dr. Ramon 430 

Viveo, Valdes 356 


W Page 

Washington Post 430 

West Palm Beach 328 

White Rose 353, 361, 362, 384 

Williams, Jack 437 

World Syndical Union (World Federation of Trade Unions) 432 


Youth of Action Progressive Party 351 

Youth of Action Unitarian Party 351 

Youth Delegation, Cuban 375 

Youth Festival in Vienna 385 

Yugoslavia 337,340 


Zaldivar, Virgllio 426 



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