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Full text of "Communist training operations. Hearings before the Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, Eighty-sixth Congress, first[-second] session...July 21 and 22, 1959"

^ Vf/ 



HARVARD COLLEGE 
LIBRARY 




GIFT OF THE 

GOVERNMENT 
OF THE UNITED STATES 



us Doc 2.791 



Committee on Un-American Activities 
House 
86th Congress 



Table of Contents 

(Since these hearings are consecutively paged 
they are arranged by page number, instead of 
alphabetically by title) 



1. American National Exhibition, Moscow, ^n<^ 
July 1959 

2. Communist Training Operations, pt.l ^\u ' 

5. Testimony of Clinton Edward Jencks %l<^^ 

k. Testimony of Arnold Johnson, Legislative i^ji 
Director of the Communist Party, U.S.A. 

5-7 • Western Section of the Southern California . ^ 
District of the Communist Party, pt.1-5 

8. Issues Presented by Air Reserve Center "^I'J^ 
Training Manual 



9-10. Communist Training Operations, pt. 2-5 

11-12. Communist Activities Among Puerto Ricans in 
New York City and Puerto Rico, pt.1-2 



^h6 






COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

PART 2 

(Communist Activities and Propaganda Among 

Youth Groups) 

OS T)(ro:?,7^/ 

HEARINGS 

BEFORE THD 

COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

EIGHTY-SIXTH CONGRESS 

SECOND SESSION 



FEBRUARY 2 AND 3, 1960 



Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
(INDEX IN PART 3) 

(CORRECTED COPY) 




HA,;VARD COLLtiiE LIBRARY 

DEPOSITED BY THE 
IIMITD STATES GOVERNMENT 

UlJI 101960 

UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
51693 O WASHINGTON : 1960 



COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 
United States House of Representatives 

FRANCIS E. WALTER, Pennsylvania, Chairman 
MORGAN M. MOULDER, Missouri DONALD L. JACKSON, California 

CLYDE DOYLE, California GORDON H. SCHERER, Ohio 

EDWIN E. WILLIS, Louisiana WILLIAM E. MILLER, New York 

WILLIAM M. TUCK, Virginia AUGUST E. JOHANSEN, Michigan 

RiCHABD Arens, Staff Director 

n 



CONTENTS 



PART 2 

Far* 

Synopsis 1323 

February 2, 1960: Testimony of: 

Herbert A. Pliilbrick 1340 

Andrew Ilyinsky 1357 

February 3, 1960: Testimony of: 

Albert Gaillard 1367 

Jesse Gray 1386 

Hunter Pitts O'Dell 1390 

Benjamin Davis, Jr 1391 

Leroy Wolins 1394 

Jacob Rosen 1398 

Fred Jerome 1402 

Appendix 1404 

PART 3 

Synopsis (see part 2, p. 1323) 

February 4, 1960: Testimony of: 

Herbert Romerstein 1425 

Charles Wiley 1440 

February 5, 1960: Testimony of: 

Joseph Charles Jones 1451 

Paul Robeson, Jr 1462 

Alan Hugh McGowan 1467 

Joanne Alileen Grant 1471 

Julius Szentendrey 1480 

March 2, 1960: Testimony of: 

Marvin Markham 1487 

Afternoon session: 

Stephen Tyler 1493 

Index i 

in 



Public Law 601, 79th Congress 

The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities operates is Public Law 601, 79th Congress [1946], chapter 
753, 2d session, which provides : 

Be it enacted iy the Senate and House of Representatives of the United Statet 
of America in Congress assenibled, * * • 

PART 2— RULES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

Rule X 

SEC. 121. STANDING COMMITTEES 

17. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 

Rule XI 

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES 
******* 

(q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(A) Un-American activities. 

(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommit- 
tee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) the extent, 
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks 
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and 
(iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any neces- 
sary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such 
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, 
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or menlber. 

Rule XII 

LEGISLATIVE OVERSIGHT BY STANDING COMMITTEES 

Seo. 136. To assist the Congress in appraising the administration of the laws 
and in developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem neces- 
sary, each standing committee of the Senate and the House of Representatives 
shall exercise continuous watchfulness of the execution by the administrative 
agencies concerned of any laws, the subject matter of which is within the juris- 
diction of such committee; and, for that purpose, shall study all pertinent re- 
ports and data submitted to the Congress by the agencies in the executive branch 
of the Government. 



RULES ADOPTED BY THE 86TH CONGRESS 
House Resolution 7, January 7, 1959 

Rule X 

STANDING COMMITTEES 

1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Con- 
gress, 

(q) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 

Rule XI 

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES 
******* 

18. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommit- 
tee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (1) the extent, 
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United 
States, (2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American 
propaganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin 
and attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Con- 
stitution, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Con- 
gress in any necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations at it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times 
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has 
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and dociunents, and 
to take such testimony, at it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 

26. To assist the House in appraising the administration of the laws and in 
developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem necessary, 
each standing committee of the House shall exercise continuous watchfulness 
of the execution by the administrative agencies concerned of any laws, the sub- 
ject matter of which is within the jurisdiction of such committee; and, for that 
purpose, shall study all pertinent reports and data submitted to the House by 
the agencies in the executive branch of the Government. 

V 



SYNOPSIS 

The instant hearings on Communist Training Operations (Com- 
munist Activities and Propaganda Among Youth Groups), Parts 2 
and 3, are a continuation of hearings on the subject matter which were 
held on July 21 and 22, 1959.* 

In opening the hearings on the second part of Communist training 
operations, the chairman of the committee stated : 

In pursuing the general subject matter further in these 
current hearings which begin today, we shall explore first 
some of the history and background of Communist penetra- 
tion of youth groups. Then we shall survey typical Com- 
munist propaganda publications, which are entering this 
country destined to schools and colleges and other centers of 
learning with the objective of softening up and condition- 
ing the minds of youth. 

Tomorrow we shall receive the testimony of a witness who 
has recently broken from one of the Communist youth op- 
erations in the United States, from whom we expect to learn 
significant information on the current pattern of the Com- 
munist designs on youth. We will, likewise, tomorrow 
endeavor to elicit information, either directly or indirectly, 
from persons who, we have reason to believe, are currently 
ringleaders in Communist activities among certain youth 
groups. 

On Thursday and Friday we shall receive the testimony 
from three or four fine young Americans who attended the 
Communist-controlled Youth Festival held at Vienna this 
past summer. These young people attended the festival at 
considerable personal sacrifice and at some physical risk, in 
order to gain information which will be unfolded on our pub- 
lic record. We shall also interrogate a few of the youths who, 
we have information, attended the festival as part of their 
services to international communism. 

I know that this committee's investigation in this area 
will probably precipitate a barrage from the Communist 
press and from Communist sympathizers characterizing our 
work as an investigation of youth. The Communists know 
as well as we do that the overwhelming majority of the 
young people of this Nation are of unquestioned patriotism 
and dedication to all that is good and noble in our society. 
But by equating an investigation of Communist activities 
among youth with an investigation of youth itself, the Com- 
munists and their sympathizers hope to becloud the issues. 

•See "Communist Training Operations, Part 1," hearings before Committee on Un-Ameri- 
can Activities, July 21 and 22, 1959. 

1323 



1324 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

This, of course, is an old trick which the Communists re- 
peatedly use. When this committee investigates Communist 
activities in defense plants, the smoke screen that the Com- 
munists use is that we are investigating organized labor. 
When we investigate Communist activities in an educational 
institution, it is protested by the Communists that we are in- 
vestigating education, I am sure that the overwhelming 
majority of the American people readily see through this 
fraud, and it shall not dissuade us from our task. 

A few moments ago I stated that the overwhelming ma- 
jority of the young people of this Nation are of unquestioned 
patriotism and dedication to all that is good and noble in our 
society. This fact, however, must not beguile us into feeling 
that because the Communist infiltrators among our youth are 
numerically in a minority, their threat is necessarily insignif- 
icant. Time and time again, our committee has pointed out 
that the strength of the Communist movement in any of its 
ramifications bears little relationship to the number of its 
members; that instead, its strength and effectiveness is, as 
I remarked previously, in direct ratio to the intensity of the 
efforts of the few who are trained and disciplined agents. 

Herbert A. Philbrick, of Rye Beach, New Hampshire, a former un- 
dercover agent of the Federal Bureau of Investigation serving in the 
Communist Party, testifying on the basis of his extensive experience 
in Communist activities among youth ^oups, stated that although 
youth has always occupied a top position as a target of the Com- 
munists, because of the so-called relaxations of tensions between the 
free and Communist worlds "the Reds feel that they are in a very 
favorable position for a new drive on young people." Mr. Philbrick 
asserted that the over- all purpose of Communist-front youth organ- 
izations "was to strengthen the position of the Soviet Union and to 
weaken the position of the United States, to break down, if possible, 
the loyalties of young people, their respect, their regard for their own 
nation, their own country, their own background, their own heritage." 

In discussing the role of a Communist-front organization as a trans- 
mission belt for Communist propaganda, Mr. Philbrick stated: 

* * * In other words, the Communists knew at that time 
that perhaps very few of the young people would be vulner- 
able to direct appeals by the Communist Party itself. 

They knew, for example, that if a leaflet or a booklet or a 
pamphlet were to be given to the young person and it was 
clearly and accurately labeled Communist Party, they might 
tend to disregard it or perhaps not to believe it. However, if 
they were to take the same propaganda written at Communist 
Party headquarters, take off the label "Communist Party" 
and put on a new label, such as "American Youth for Democ- 
rELcy," this, they hoped, would sufficiently disguise the sub- 
versive propaganda and the material would be accepted. The 
Communists called these organizations transmission belts. 
That is not my term. That is their term. 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1325 

"The number of actual Communist youth among the young people 
has always been a very tiny minority," Mr. Philbrick said. He con- 
tinued : 

For example, when I first joined the Cambridge Youth Coun- 
cil, I had no way, at that time, of knowing who the Com- 
munists were and who the dupes were. 

It later developed that the Communist criminal conspiracy 
controlled that organization, the Cambridge Youth Coun- 
cil, composed of 350 or more young people, controlled it com- 
pletely with only three secret members of the Communist 
apparatus. 
* * * * * 

* * * after I joined the Communist apparatus, I was specif- 
ically ordered and instructed by the Communist bosses not to 
reveal my membership to any of the young people with whom 
we were working. In fact, I was further ordered that if I were 
challenged as a Communist, if I were charged with being a 
member of the Communist apparatus, I was to deny that I 
was or ever had been a member of the Communist apparatus. 

In reggti'd to the techniques used by Communist agents working 
among youth, Mr. Philbrick testified : 

Well, they are able to create it first and foremost, of course, 
by the lack of information upon the part of the yoimg peo- 
ple themselves. As we said before, very few colleges, 
schools, or universities are providing our young people with 
any infonnation at all concerning communism or their ap- 
peals or their techniques. 

Secondly, the Communists know that young people have a 
high regard for free speech, for civil liberties, for all of the 
other great and wonderful things that this country stands 
for and certainly we can be proud of the fact that we live in 
a country which enjoys a greater measure of freedom than 
any other nation in the world. 

The Communists know, therefore, that our decent young 
people are sincerely concerned about the preservation of free 
speech, civil liberties, and our other guarantees under our 
Constitution. 

By propagandizing among the yoimg people, by telling 
them and by implying to them that this committee or other 
Government committees are a threat to their free speech, they 
know that immediately the young person is going to respond. 

Mr. Philbrick referred in his testimony to current articles in known 
Communist publications which reveal the present drive by the Com- 
munist conspiracy among youth. Mr. Philbrick likewise quoted ex- 
cerpts from a report delivered to the National Committee of the 
Communist Party in April 1959 by Hyman Liuner, educational di- 
rector of the party, respecting current designs of the Communists on 
American youth. 

The draft resolution of the National Committee of the Communist 
Party convention held in December 1959, Mr. Philbrick continued, 
gives further evidence of the Communist activity among youth. 



1326 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

Commenting on the Aesopian language of the Communist Party 
particularly in its efforts to pentrate youth groups, Mr. Pliilbrick 
testified : 

* * * When the Communists, for example, speak of the 
sharp struggle for peace, democracy, and security, what they 
really mean, of course, is the struggle on the part of the 
Soviet Union to win, to be victorious over the free world. 
The struggle for peace, democracy, and security, when trans- 
lated into ordinary language, means the struggle for the 
establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the 
United States. When they speak of the democratic move- 
ments of youth, they, of course, do not mean democratic 
movements. They mean a totalitarian movement. 

They say, again continuing with the quote, "Groups of 
youth interested in Marxist study and action have appeared 
m a number of cities among college students, teen-agers, and 
other youth." 

When they talk about Marxist study groups, thej mean, of 
course, Marxist indoctrination groups, and it is interesting 
to note that the Conmiunists are here bragging that these 
Marxist indoctrination groups have been formed amoilg col- 
lege students, teen-agers, and other young people. 

''But," they say, 'This new upsurge is still evidenced un- 
evenly, in a great variety of forms on a variety of issues and 
in a variety of geographical areas." Therefore, they go on 
throughout the resolution to urge ways and means to correct 
this '^even" work among the youth in this country and 
fijaally, they say : 

The incoming National Committee — 

(which would be the incoming National Committee of the 
Communist apparatus) — 

within a period of no more than 30 days after the adjournment of 
this convention, shall appoint a full-time director of youth affairs 
and establish a functioning national commission on youth affairs 
composed of youth and adult members. This commission, amongst 
other things, shall issue a regular national party youth bulletin. 
We urge that in a brief period of time those state committees which 
have not done so, shall establish i>olitical and organizational respon- 
sibility for youth affairs. 

In concluding his testimony, Mr. Philbrick, in recognition of the 
fact that the overwhelming majority of American youth are loyal and 
patriotic, expressed this word of advice : 

* * * I would, first of all, suggest that our loyal young 
people support this committee in its efforts to make the truth 
be known because there is one thing that the Communist 
Party fears more than anything else, and that is the truth. 
They know they cannot survive if the truth were known. 
Hence, it is important that this committee and other investi- 
gating committees constantly procure and obtain the truth 
and make known the facts about communism and Commu- 
nist activity in our country. Therefore, young people should 
support the work of this committee and of the congressmen 
who give so much of their time to it. 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1327 

Secondly, our young people should demand that their 
schools and colleges provide them with information about 
communism. This is not being done now. There are very 
few schools and colleges which have adequate courses con- 
cerning communism. This they should demand because it 
is impossible for them (or for anyone) to fight an enemy 
unless they know their enemy. Third, of course, our young 
people should not only be aware of the great crisis that we are 
in today, the worldwide crisis, the threat that communism 
poses against all of the free peoples and all of the free world, 
but they should also diligently study, learn, and come to ap- 
preciate the wonderful heritage, the great things of value 
which we have to protect and defend in this country. 

If they come to truly understand the value of the heritage 
given to us, bequeathed to us, I am sure that then they will 
realize the vital importance of defending and maintaining 
the wonderful freedom we have in this Nation and to fight 
against the subversive activities of the Communist apparatus. 

Andrew Ilyinsky, of New York City, an employee of the Bureau of 
Customs of the United States Treasury Department, displayed to the 
committee samples of typical Communist propaganda periodicals 
published abroad and sent into the United States destined to student 
groups in schools and colleges. Mr. Ilyinsky stated that every school 
and college in the United States is directly or indirectly the recipient 
of some of these Communist propaganda publications. A spot check 
of the volume of Commimist propaganda destined to schools and 
colleges in the United States was made over a 12-month period in 
1959 by the Bureau of Customs, Mr. Ilyinsky stated. The result of 
the spot check showed that at least 300,000 packages of Conmiunist 
propaganda destined to schools and colleges in the United States 
were processed through the port of New Orleans during this 12-month 
period and that from 5 to 15 separate publications were contained 
m each package. Mr. Ilyinsky further stated that the port of New 
Orleans, where the spot check was made, is one of the lesser ports of 
entry from the standpoint of Communist propaganda and that a 
heavier volume of this material is coming into the United States via 
approximately 40 other ports of entry. 

There are two major international Communist-controlled youth 
organizations, the World Federation of Democratic Youth and the 
International Union of Students, Mr. Ilyinsk;^ stated. The World 
Federation of Democratic Youth was founded in London in Novem- 
ber 1945. It was convened, he continued, on the initiative of Com- 
munists and Communist-controlled delegations from 63 countries 
who allegedly represent 30 million people. 

The International Union of Students, Mr. Ilyinsky stated, was 
founded in Prague, Czechoslovakia, in August 1946. 

Both of these major international Conmiunist-controlled youth 
organizations publish at least 40 periodicals which are disseminated 
regularly in schools and colleges over the world, including the United 
States, Mr. Ilyinsky testified. None of these publications bears label- 
ing as Communist propaganda in accordance with the requirements of 
the Foreign Agents Registration Act, he stated. 

Mr. Ilyinsky concluded his testimony by observing that the Com- 
munists have devised a "pen pal movement" for the purpose of dis- 



1328 COMMUNIST TBAINING OPERATIONS 

seminating the Communst Party line on a person-to-person basis over 
the world. 

In addition to his testimony, Mr. Ilyinsky transmitted to the com- 
mittee a report, which appears in the appendix and which was prepared 
at the request of the Committee on Un-American Activities, entitled 
"The Communist-Directed International Youth Movement." 

Albert Gaillard, of New York City, 20 years of age, testified that 
from January 1957 until August 1959 he w^as a member of the Com- 
munist Party and served as president of the Harlem Youth Congress, 
which was established and controlled by Communists. Mr. Gaillard 
testified that, as a member of the Communist Party and as president 
of the Harlem Youth Congress, he collaborated with Jesse Gray, 
regional organizer of the Communist Party in Harlem ; Herbert Wil- 
liams, a member of the Communist Party ; Ben Davis, chairman of the 
New York State Communist Party ; and Hunter Pitts O'Dell, a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party. Mr. Gaillard also identified as persons 
known by him to be members of the Communist Party, Alan 
McGowan, Jacob Rosen, Freeman Robinson, Joanne Grant, Paul 
Robeson, Jr., Marvin Markman, and Carla Reeve. 

Mr. Gaillard detailed the activities of the Harlem Youth Congress 
and of Communists who worked in other youth groups in New York 
City. He described his experiences in an underground movement to 
organize Negro youth in the South. Mr. Gaillard, himself a Negro, 
testified respecting the deceit and duplicity of the Communist Party 
in its pretense to champion the interests of the Negro people as 
follows : 

When I first joined the Communist Party everyone knows 
mostly, the Negro people who have joined the Communist 
Party and after they find out about the party they finally 
break away from the party. I went into the party with the 
idea that the Communist Party was the solution to the Negro 
people's problem, but as my experience in the Communist 
Party I find out that the Communist Party wasn't a party 
for the Negro people, that the Communist Party have one of 
of the worst discriminations in their own party themselves. 

If the Communist Party can use the Negro people as a 
tool and use them for their own advantage, the Communist 
Party don't give a darn about the Negro people themselves, 
and I also witnessed discrimination in the party. If some- 
thing happened to the Negro people, the Communist Party 
they would be the first ones to jump up and say "We must 
do this and we must do that." And then if the Communist 
Party find out they see whereupon the Government of this 
country changed things around and worked the things in the 
favor of the Negro people, it seems like the Communist 
Party they get sad and they want to drop the issue alto- 
gether. In other words, the Communist Party want to see 
the things really keep on happening to the Negro people so 
they can use this as a weapon to try to rally the masses of the 
Negro people around the Communist Party. 

In the course of his testimony Mr. Gaillard stated that on the very 
morning on which he was to appear before the committee h« was 
approached by Jesse Gray, whom he had known as a member of the 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1329 

Communist Party, and that Jesse Gray urged him to invoke the fifth 
amendment and not to testify against the Communist Party; that 
Jesse Gray stated, "If you don't take the fifth you will be in pretty 
bad shape in the Harlem community, I will have leaflets out." 

eJesse (Jray, of New York City, who had V)een ideiitilied as a meni- 
ber of the Communist Party by Albert Gaillard, testified that his 
occupation was executive director of the Lower Harlem Tenants 
Council, When questioned respecting the comments which Mr. Gail- 
lard stated Mr. Gray had made to him on the morning of the hear- 
ings, he at first said, "I had no conversation with Mr. Gaillard," but 
thereafter he invoked the fifth amendment regarding the incident. 
Mr. Gray likewise invoked the fifth amendment when asked if he 
were a member of the Communist Party up to the morning of the 
hearing, but denied that he was a member of the Communist Party 
during the very moments of his testimony. 

Hmiter Pitts O'Dell, of New York City, who had been identified as 
a member of the Communist Party by Albert Gaillard, testified that 
his occupation was a life underwriter. He declined to answer all 
questions respecting his Communist Party membei*ship or activities 
on the ground that his answers might tend to incriminate him. 

Benjamin Davis, Jr., of New York City, who is national secretary 
of the Communist Party of the United States, and w'ho was identified 
by Albert Gaillard as the principal directing force of the Harlem 
Youth Congress, testified in response to a subpena which was served 
upon him. He refused to answer any questions respecting his activi- 
ties as a Communist by first vilifying the committee and then invok- 
ing the fifth amendment against self-incrimination. 

Leroy Wolins appeared in response to a subpena and stated that he 
lived in Chicago, Illinois, but he would not disclose his occupation 
on the ground, among others, that to do so would incriminate him. 
There were displayed to Mr. Wolins a series of passport applications 
signed by himself and articles respecting his participation in the 
Youth Festival in Moscow in 1957. Mr. Wolins was also confronted 
with committee infonnation that he had received approximately $500 
from the Soviet Embassy in Washington for the purpose of promot- 
ing the Youth Festival delegation which was sent to Vienna during 
the summer of 1959. He refused to answer all questions on the sub- 
ject matter, as well as whether he was currently a member of the 
Communist Party, on the ground, among others, that his answers 
might incriminate him. 

Jacob Rosen, of New York City, a student at the City College of 
New York, who had been identified as a member of the Communist 
Party by Albert Gaillard, appeared in response to a subpena. There 
w^as displayed to Mr. Rosen an article from the New York Times 
of July 30, 1957, respecting his participation in a youth festival in 
Moscow in which he was reported to have carried the United States 
flag and to have dipped it in salute to Nikita Khrushchev at the 
Lenin Stadium. In response to all questions, including a query re- 
garding his present membership in the Communist Party, Mr. Rosen 
invoked the fifth amendment against self-incrimination. 

Fred Jerome, of New York City, appeared in response to a subpena. 
He refused to give a direct answer to questions respecting his con- 
nection with a certain youth organization in New York Cit-"^ — in- 



1330 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

stead, Jerome launched into a typical Communist atttack upon the 
credibility of a preceding witness. 

Herbert Romerstein, of New York City, testified that from 1947 
to 1949 he was a member of the Communist Party ; that since his 
b^eak with the Communist Party he has maintained an interest in 
Communist activities among jrouth organizations ; and that in order 
to acquire information respecting Communist activities among youth 
groups, he attended the Vienna Youth Festival held in the summer 
of 1959 in Viennaj Austria. Mr. Romerstein testified that two inter- 
national Communist organizations, the World Federation of Demo- 
cratic Youth, with its offices in Hungary, and the International Union 
of Students, with its offices in Czechoslovakia, set up an International 
Preparatory Committee to run the Vienna Youth Festival. Llr. 
Romerstein stated that most of the "youth" in charge of the inter- 
national apparatus were in their forties and that the American rep- 
resentative to the International Preparatory Committee was Holland 
Roberts, a 60-year-old Communist "youth." 

Mr. Romerstein stated that there were two organizing committees in 
the United States for the Vienna Youth Festival. One was the 
"United States Festival Committee with headquarters in New York, 
which was run by Joanne Grant and Marvin Markman. The other 
was called American Youth Festival Organization with headquarters 
in Chicago. 

With regard to the festival itself in Vienna, Mr. Romerstein stated 
that the international Communist agents at no time allowed the Com- 
munist young people to have a voice ; that the delegates from behind 
the Iron Curtain and from Red China were carefully controlled and 
shepherded by the Communists in order that they would not be in 
direct contact with non-Communists from the free world; and that 
the young Communists from the free world spoke against the United 
States and distributed anti- American propaganda. 

Charles Wiley, of New York City, a research specialist on com- 
munism, who attended the Seventh World Youth Festival at Vienna 
in the summer of 1959, testified respecting the control exercised by 
international Communist agents at the festival and the violence in- 
flicted by Communist hoodlums on non-Communist youth partici- 
pants. Mr. Wiley stated that, with the exception of a very few of 
the American youth who attended the festival, even the non-Commu- 
nist Americans were out-maneuvered by the Communists because they 
were not trained to cope with Communist tactics. Mr. Wiley de- 
scribed his experiences in Soviet Russia, where he visited immediately 
after the adjournment of the Vienna Youth Festival and in which 
the delegation was taken on "guided tours." 

Joseph Charles Jones, a student at Johnson C. Smith University, 
Charlotte, North Carolina, testified that he attended the Seventh 
World Youth Festival in Vienna in the summer of 1959; that Paul 
Robeson, Jr., spoke at the festival, purporting to represent the Ameri- 
cans in attendance and pursued the Communist Party line, but did 
not reveal that he was a member of the Communist Party. 

Paul Robeson, Jr., of New York City, who had been identified as 
a member of the Communist Party by Albert Gaillard, appeared in 
response to a subpena. There was displayed to Mr. Robeson a 
photostatic reproduction of a passport application signed by him in 
1958 in which ne failed to answer questions regarding his Communist 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1331 

Party membership, but pursuant to which a passport was nevertheless 
issued to him. Mr. Kobeson was asked, "On the date on which you 
filed this application for a passport, which, according to this docu- 
ment which you have identified, was October 21, 1958, were you on 
that day a member of the Communist Party?" 
He replied : 

The Supreme Court ruled very clearly before then that the 
State Department or nobody has any right to ask on a pass- 
port application any questions about political associations or 
being a member of anything. So I was perfectly within my 
legal rights, and I thmk it is a disgrace to invade political 
beliefs on a passport application. 

* * * « * 

I am going to decline to answer that question on several 
grounds, and I want to state the grounds. 

In the course of his extensive declination, Mr. Kobeson refused to 
answer on the ground, among others, that his answer might incrimi- 
nate him. He likewise refused to affirm or deny the testimony of 
Albert Gaillard respecting his membership in the Communist Party 
and the testimony of other witnesses respecting his activities at the 
Youth Festival, basing his declination on the ground, among others, 
that his answer might incriminate him. 

Alan Hugh McGowan, of New York City, who had been identified 
by Albert Gaillard as a member of the Communist Party, appeared 
in response to a subpena and stated that he was a student at Brooklyn 
Polytechnic Institute. There were displayed to Mr. McGowan a 
number of photographs taken at the Vienna Youth Festival in which 
he appeared, and there was read to Mr. McGowan the testimony of 
Charles Wiley that an international Communist agent had directed 
McGowan "to break up the meeting and walk out" at Vienna, but Mr. 
McGowan refused to answer any questions on the subject matter or 
whether or not he was a current member of the Communist Party on 
the ground, among others, that his answers might incriminate him. 

Joanne Alileen Grant^ of New York City, who was identified as a 
member of the Commumst Party by Albert Gaillard, testified that she 
was a secretary working for the delegation of India to the United Na- 
tions. There were displayed to Miss Grant documents revealing that 
she had served as executive secretary of the United States Festival 
Committee in New York City. There was likewise displayed to Miss 
Grant an article from CALL, a publication of July 1959, revealing 
that the Beryozka dancers from Soviet Russia participated in some 
fund-raising aifairs in the United States to raise money to send people 
to the Vienna Youth Festival and that she had stated that Nocolai 
Burov, secretary of the Soviet U.N. Mission, aided in getting the 
dancers for the fund-raising affairs. Miss Grant was interrogated 
about the organization and control of the "Youth Against the House 
Un-American Activities Committee." In response to all questions re- 
specting the foregoing, Miss Grant declined to answer on the ground, 
amon^ others, that her answers might incriminate herself. 

Julius Szentendrey, secretary general of the Association of Hun- 
garian Students in North America, testified that he attended the 
Seventh World Youth Festival in Vienna in the summer of 1959 be- 
cause, as a former freedom fighter in the Hungarian revolution, he had 



1332 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

seen communism in action and wanted to help "by sharing my expe- 
rience with others, so that other naive people who came from the 
so-called non-Communist nations and did not have any firsthand 
experience with Soviet tactics could really be enlightened." 

Mr. Szentendrey stated that the Communist young people at the 
festival were not permitted to mingle freely with the anti-Commu- 
nists; that instead they were rigorously controlled by the hierarchy 
of the Communist apparatus. In the course of his testimony Mr. 
Szentendrey vividly portrayed the terror of communism in action as 
he had experienced it in his native Hungary before he was forced 
to flee immediately after the Hungarian revolution. In concluding 
his testimony, Mr. Szentendrey stated : 

I think I should say that communism has a face which it 
likes to show outside, and then it has its own practice of deal- 
ing with people and dealing with their countries it has 
occupied. In this second aspect it is very dangerous for all 
the human rights and the public freedoms — freedom of 
speech, religion, the church, and everything else. 

The Communist dictatorship is a dictatorship by a small 
minority of the people over the whole nation, and they do not 
have any contact. They have allegiance only to the Commu- 
nists and the Communist Party. 

Marvin Markman, of New York City, who had been identified as 
a member of the Communist Party by Albert Gaillard, appeared in 
response to a subpena. There were displayed to Mr. Markman a 
copy of a letterhead in which his name appears as chairman of the 
United States Festival Committee for the Seventh World Youth 
Festival and a copy of a passport application executed by him in 
October of 1958 in which he failed to answer questions respecting 
membership in the Communist Party. Mr, Markman was also con- 
fronted with the testimony of Mr. Charles Wiley, Herbert Romer- 
stein, and Joseph Charles Jones respecting his activities and contacts 
in Vienna with international Communist agents. In response to all 
questions, Mr. Markman refused to answer on the ground, among 
others, that his answers might incriminate him. 

Stephen Tyler, of New York City, testified that he is a free-lance 
writer who attended the Youth Festival in Moscow in 1957. Mr. 
Tyler described the use made by the Communists for propaganda 
purposes of the festival and the use made by the Communists of 
festivals for the purpose of converting non-Communists to com- 
munism, Mr. Tyler also detailed his experiences in Red China, where 
he visited as part of a youth delegation under Communist auspices 
in 1957. He stated that the delegation was conducted on guided tours 
but that he was able to perceive the absolute control exercised by the 
Communist apparatus over the lives of its subjects. 

COMMITTEE FINDINGS 

It is clear from the testimony that the Harlem Youth Congress and 
the Youth Against the House Un-American Activities Committee 
are organizations created and controlled by the Communist Party for 
the purpose of carrying on the Communist program among youth. 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

Part 2 

(Communist Activities and Propaganda Among Youth Groups) 



TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 1960 

United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington^ D.C. 
public hearings 

A subconmiittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, 
pursuant to call, at 10 :00 a.m., in the Caucus Room, Old House Office 
Building, Washington, D.C., Hon. Francis E. Walter (chairman) 
presiding. 

Subcommittee members : Representatives Francis E. Walter, chair- 
man, Pennsylvania ; Clyde Doyle, California ; Edwin E. Willis, Loui- 
siana; Donald L. Jackson, California; and Gordon H. Scherer, Ohio. 

Committee members present during hearings : Representatives Wal- 
ter; Doyle; Moulder, Missouri; Willis; Tuck, Virginia; Scherer; 
Miller, New York ; and Johansen, Michigan. (Appearances as noted.) 

Staff members present: Richard Arens, staff director; Donald T. 
Appell and Robert H. Goldsborough, investigators. 

The Chairman. The committee will be in order. 

Are you ready to proceed, Mr. Arens ? 

Mr. Arens. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. In opening these hearings on Communist activities 
and propaganda among youth groups, I should like to make a brief 
background statement. Last July this committee conducted public 
hearings here in Washington on Communist training operations.^ In 
opening those hearings, I stated that the success of the Communist 
conspiracy in any of its operations is in direct ratio to the intensity 
of the efforts by trained, disciplined Communist agents who, com- 
pared to the number of free people, are always relatively few, though 
they now number a worldwide fifth column of some 33,000,000. At 
that time I pointed out that a first step in making a dedicated Com- 
munist is often the subtle indoctrination of students by individual 
Communists who are employed as teachers in non-Communist educa- 
tional institutions; that beyond this, the Communist conspiracy has 
two principal organized training operations, the first of which con- 
sists of schools, foi-ums and courses designed to soften up and con- 
dition the students. The second of these operations is the training 
program of the hard-core cadre. 

During the hearings last July, we received the testimony of a former 
top-ranking member of the Communist Party, Frank S. Meyer, who 
had served for a number of years in Communist educational work. 

^ See "Communist Training Operations, Part 1," hearings before the Committee on 
Un-American Activities, July 21 and 22, 1959. 

51(!93 O— GO— pt. 2 2 1333 



1334 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

Mr. Meyer carefully traced what lie described as three phases of Com- 
munist training ; namely, public agitation and propaganda, the mold- 
ing of hard-core Conmiimists, and interparty training schools. Dur- 
ing the course of the hearings, we received evidence clearly revealing 
current Communist training operations in each of these three phases. 

In pursuing the general subject matter further in these current 
hearings which begin today, we shall explore first some of the history 
and background of Communist penetration of youth groups. Then 
we shall survey typical Communist propaganda publications, which 
are entering this country destined to schools and colleges and other 
centers of learning with the objective of softening up and condition- 
ing the minds of youth. 

(At this point, Mr. Doyle entered the hearing room.) 

The Chairman. Tomorrow we shall receive the testimony of a wit- 
ness who has recently broken from one of the Communist youth opera- 
tions in the United States, from whom we expect to learn significant 
information on the current pattern of the Communist designs on 
youth. We will, likewise, tomorrow endeavor to elicit information, 
either directly or indirectly, from persons who, we have reason to be- 
lieve, are currently ringleaders in Communist activities among certain 
youth groups. 

On Thursday and Friday we shall receive the testimony from three 
or four fine young Americans who attended the Communist-controlled 
Youth Festival held at Vienna this past summer. These young people 
attended the festival at considerable personal sacrifice and at some 
physical risk, in order to gain information which will be unfolded 
on our public record. We shall also interrogate a few of the vouths 
who, we have information, attended the festival as part of their 
services to international communism. 

I know that this committee's investigation in this area will prob- 
ably precipitate a barrage from the Communist press and from Com- 
munist sympathizers characterizing our work as an investigation of 
youth. The Communists know as well as we do that the over- 
whelming majority of the young people of this Nation are of un- 
questioned patriotism and dedication to all that is good and noble 
in our society. But by equating an investigation of Communist 
activities among youth with an investigation of youth itself, the 
Communists and their sympathizers hope to becloud the issues. This, 
of course, is an old trick which the Communists repeatedly use. When 
this committee investigates Communist activities in defense plants, 
the smoke screen that the Communists use is that we are investigating 
organized labor. When we investigate Communist activities in an 
educational institution, it is protested by the Communists that we are 
investigating education. 

(At this point, Mr. Willis entered the hearing room.)_ 

The Chairbian. I am sure that the overwhelming majority of the 
American people readily see through this fraud, and it shall not dis- 
suade us from our task. 

In that connection, I have here circulars which have been distributed 
by the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee. 

The first circular concerns the appropriation made by the Congress 
to this committee. 

It is very significant to note that the appropriation was made with- 
out a dissenting vote. Not one single memoer of the Congress opposed 
the appropriation. 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 



1335 



Then the second circular that this Communist-front is circulating 
has to do with these hearings. 
(The circulars follow :) 



GoMinniae Exhibit No. 1 



CONGRESS 
RIGHTS 



AND YOUR 




Tbii infonoation ia lent to yoa by the Emergencr Gnl Liberties ComnrfttM 
Send 7011T newB and suggestions to either 421 Serentb ATcnoe, 
New York 1. N.Y. or Box 1275, Washington 13, D.C 



Vol, II Ho. 1 



January 4, 1960 



TM.B week the second session of the 86th Congress 
begaa. Umy threatening bills made headimy in the 
first session* and there will be a serious attempt 
to tuini them into law during the next few months* 

ALL OF US lillHO BELIEVE IN FREEDOM MUST BE ALERT 

AHD ACT I 1 

One of the first matters to be considered in the 
Bouse of Representatives will be the annual request 
for over ♦300,000, by the Un-American Activities 
Oosa&ittee, 

Last year a few Congressmen had the courage to 
oppose that appropriation, 

LET YOUR CONGRESSMAN HEAR FROM YOU SOON. 

During 1959, the Committee held nine hearings, and 
learned nothing that could be useful for legislative 
purposes. Their chief activity was blacklisting, 
TiMoh they have no constitutional right to do, as 
you will see from the enclosed copy of a very fine 
pamphlet by Irving Brant - "Congressional Investi- 
gations and Bills of Attainder." 

Yours sincepaly, 

Clark Forfman 
Direptor^ 



CFifl 
enjxleeure 



• ' ,f 



1336 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

COMMITTBB BXHIBXT NO. 2 

CONGRESS 
RIGHTS 



AND YOUR 




This information is sent to you by the Emergency Gvil Liberties Committee 
Send your news and suggestions to either 42^>eifenlh Avenue, 
New York 1, N.Y. or Box 1275. WaihiDg(«a 13. D.C 



Vol. II No. 3 



January 21, 1960 



1327,000.00 M B E : I 



As feared, the Administration Comnittee pushed through a reoommendatlon 
of $327,000. for the Un-American Activities Committee on Wednesday 
morning, January 20th, and that very afternoon, as an "emergency 
measure", in a surprise move got unanimous consent in the House and 
passed the appropriation. 

The "emergency" was evidently the pressure from the country not to 
grant the appropriation. 



The committee's first raid on your rights in this session of Congress 
waiiue aiftmlml al btUlleuLawl iu alluiiaea Vouth festivals l%sF~ 
summer or the summer Delore. The dates, February 2, 3 and 4th in 
Washington, have appariSklLly been selected to make it as difficult 
£is possible for students to organize resistance - because of exams 
and end of semester recess. 

The Emergency Civil Liberties Committee has issued a press release 
on the situation, and has sent the follovdng telegram to Speaker 
Sam Rayburn; 

"Urgently request you to cancel hearings announced for 
February in V/ashington by Un-American Activities Committee 
in vrtiich students triio attended youth festivals abroad will 
be subjected to harassment and blacklisting. Such 
treatment of our youth threatens their interest in peace, 
jeopardizes their education and violates their oonstitutionnl 
rights." 



TI»E URGE YOU TO GIVE ALL POSSI BLE HELP TO T^ STUDENTS 
WHO ARE BEING SUBJECTED TO THIS UNCONSTITUTIONAL 
HARASSMENT BY THE UN- AMERICAN ACTIVITIES COMMITTEE 



. .oooOooo. 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1337 

The Chairman. J. Ed^ar Hoover, Director of the Federal Bureau 
of Investigation, commented recently respecting the proceedings of 
the I7th National Convention of the United States Communist Party 
held in New York City, December 10-13, 1959, as follows: 
Youth 

If for a momeut any American considers the Communists to be blind to oppor- 
tunity, let him consider this vile tactic which came out of the 17th national con- 
vention : 

It is obvious to the Communists that, if its party is to survive, it must attract 
the youth of this Nation. As newspapers and other media reveal almost daily, 
many of America's juveniles are in a state of upheaval — adult authority and 
morality have been spurned to the point where juvenile arrests in this country in 
1958 increased 8 percent over the preceding year. 

During the convention, an Illinois Communist took note of the juvenile de- 
linquency situation and proposed that if "we" provide them with a place to go 
and with activities, they will not be so delinquent; "we" [the Communists] can 
move them in a positive direction. 

What can be more despicable or dangerous to our democracy than this sort of 
Red Pied Piper trickery? 

Education 

Discussing the role of the Communist Party in formal education, 
Mr. Hoover added : 

The Communist Party remains deeply intei'ested in the American college stu- 
dent. At a press conference, Gus Hall was asked if the party had made any 
inroads among college students. He replied that the party had made gains in 
this field, adding that there has been a change in the thinking of college students 
toward "nonconformity." Hall added that he based this comment on the fact 
that a number of requests have been received from colleges for speakers. 

A few moments ago I .stated that the overwhelming majority of the 
young people of this Nation are of unquestioned patriotism and dedi- 
cation to all that is good and noble in our society. This fact, however, 
must not beguile us into feeling that because the Communist infiltra- 
tors among our youth are numerically in a minority, their threat is 
necessarily insignificant. Time and time again, our committee has 
pointed out that the strength of the Communist movement in any of 
its ramifications l^ears little relationship to the number of its mem- 
bers; that instead, its strength and effectiveness is, as I remarked 
previously, in direct ratio to the intensity of the efforts of the few 
who are trained and disciplined agents. 

At this point in our proceedings today, let there be inserted in the 
record the resolution of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
authorizing and directing the holding of these hearings, together with 
the designation of the members, by myself as chairman, who shall con- 
stitute the subcommittee for the purpose of conducting this hearing. 

(The resolution and designation follow :) 

January 13, 1960. 

It was unanimously agreed that hearings by the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or a subcommittee thereof, be held in Washington, D.C., or at such 
other places as the Chairman may determine, and on such date or dates as the 
Chairman may fix, including the conduct of investigations deemed necessary by 
the staff in preparation therefor, relating to : 

(A) Communist propaganda and techniques used in influencing youth and 
youth organizations on local, national, and international levels, with special 
reference to propaganda material entering this country from Soviet bloc coun- 
tries, events leading up to and occurring during the Seventh World Youth Fes- 
tival held at "Vienna, in July 1959, and Communist Party activities among youth 
and youth organizations. 



1338 COMMUNIST TRAESTLNG OPERATIONS 

The legislative purposes relating to the foregoing subjects of inquiiry are : 

(1) Committee consideration of amendments to the Foreign Agents Registra- 
tion Act as contained in H.R. 2232, introduced on January 12, 1959, and referred 
by the House of Representatives to the Committee on Un-American Activities; 

(2) Committee consideration of amendments to section 215 of the Immigra- 
tion and Nationality Act as contained in Title IV — Immigration and Passport 
Security — of H. R. 2232, introduced on January 12, 1959, and referred by the 
House of Representatives to the Committee on Un-American Activities; 

(3) Consideration of the advisability of recommending legislation designed 
to strengthen by amendment, the registration provisions of the Internal Security 
Act of 1950, relative to the activities of Communist Party members within youth 
organizations ; and 

(4) To obtain additional information for use by the committee in considera- 
tion of a proposed amendment to section 4 of the Communist Control Act of 
1954, prescribing a penalty for knowingly and willfully becoming or remaining 
a member of the Commimist Party with knowledge of the purpose or objectives 
toereof, and to add to the committee's overall knowledge on the subject so that 
the Congress may be kept informed and thus prepared to enact remedial legisla- 
tion in the national defense and for internal security. 

(13) The execution by the administrative agencies concerned of all laws and 
regulations relating to the Internal Security Act, the Communist Control Act, the 
Foreign Agents Registration Act, Passport Regulations, and all other laws, the 
subject matter of which is within the jurisdiction of the committee, the legisla- 
tive purpose being to exercise continuous watchfulness over the execution of 
these laws, to assist the Congress in appraising their administration, and in 
developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem necessary. 

(C) Any other matter within the jurisdiction of the committee which it, or 
any subcommittee hereof, appointed to conduct these hearings may designate. 



Januaey 21, 1960. 
To: Mr. Richard Arena, Staff Director, House Committee on Un-American 
Activities. 
Pursuant to the provisions of the law and the rules of this committee, I hereby 
appoint a subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities, consisting 
of Representatives Clyde Doyle, Edwin E. Willis, Donald L. Jackson, and Gor- 
don H. Scherer, as associate members, and myself, Francis E. Walter, as chair- 
man, to conduct hearings in Washington, D.C., Tuesday through Friday, Feb- 
ruary 2 through 5, 1960, at 10:00 a.m., on subjects under investigation by the 
committee and take such testimony on said days or succeeding days, as it may 
deem necessary. 
Please make this action a matter of committee record. 
If any Member indicates his inability to serve, please notify me. 
Given under my hand this 21st day of January 1900. 

(Signed) Fkancis E. Walter, 
Chairman, Committee on Un-American Activities. 

Mr. JoHANSEisr. Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. JoHANSEN. I wonder if I may make a brief statement before 
we hear the first witness ? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. JoHANSEN. On yesterday afternoon, I had delivered to me a 
letter purported to come from a Mr. Nelson Burstein for the Execu- 
tive Committee of the Young Eepublican Club of Oberlin College, 
Oberlin, Ohio. This letter was delivered to me by two young men 
who stated that they were students at Oberlin College, Mr. Leonard 
West and Mr. Austin Spencer. 

I ask permission to include this letter in the record and then I 
should like to make one comment re<^arding it. 

The Chairman. Let the letter be made a part of the record. 




COMMUNIST TRAINENG OPERATIONS 1339 

Committee Exhibit No. 3 

Olierlin Colle^ 

Young Republican Clun 

OBBRUN, OHIO 

Jaauary 30, 19«0 



C«s(r«taaui Au(uet X. Johantan 
Heat* Offle* Building 
WiiahingtoB» D*C« 



DMT Owi y — >■ J«hajw«M 

Ob Tuesday, fabniary 2nd, the House Ua-Aaerieaa AetlTltlea CoMidttaa 
opaaa u> loqulry into Aaericaa etudent partioipatloD at the Viaozui 
Tovth rertivBl* The student council of Oberlla College haa Toted 
t* aend a dalagation of aeven atudenta te Waahingtea to obaerve the 
haaringa and to aolleet pertinent iaformatioa on the leauea iaTOlTvA* 
Va will not realat the holding of the hearinga ainca «e beliera thai 
Aaarloaa college student* hcve nothing to hide froio aueh aa inquiry* 
Oar eoaaem ia that the inquiry should attempt to diaeoTer the fsicta 
iaTOlved aad that it vill not develop into a HLsaiTe invest igatioa 
lato aaerlcAa youth and the aeadoTiic eooBunity with the reaultant 
•onfuaioB ftnd l«ae of perapactiae* 

Va B&daraiand that the inquiry ia being held under the invAstigatioa 
•f pertievlar Deaocrstie eoBcreasniaB* Te feel the Republiean Party 
MB earn the adairation and thanks of the academic ceaaninity If the 
four RepublicaB membera of the House Ca«ABerie«La ActiTitiea Cooadtta* 
■aka a atron( piablle attaapt to Inrjre that the hearinga ahould b« 
fair to all those questioned and should be addressed to the point 
and not become a general Indictment of amerlcan youth* 

We believe hare ia the opportunity for th* Ilapublican Party X» 
aarraet Jnany of the ^BiauBdaretendlnge that exist batweer. Itself 
and the "latelleetuala". Ve vould appreciate your keeping ua 
iafenaad ott the prograas of the heariaga and alae haTing your 
oorMaarta* 



84aeeraly youra, 



NalBOB Burataia 

Tor -th* SkaeutlT* Coaaiiia« 

of the Tooag Rapublioaa Clu^ 



•Ai 



(At this point, Mr. Tuck entered the hearing room.) 
Mr. JoHANSEN. This letter among other things attempts to make 
a partisan issue of these hearings and invites me, because of mj 
party affiliation, to diligently keep these hearings on a sound basis 
■with respect to the efforts of the Democrats on the committee. 

I want the record to show that, in response to this letter and in my 
conversation with these two men, I told them, in no uncertain terms, 



1340 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

that as far as this committee is concerned, there are neither Democrats 
nor Republicans, that this committee has acted consistently on the sole 
basis of fulfilling its mandate from the Congress. I therefore wanted 
the record clear on that and asked permission to include the letter. 

The Chairman. Will you call your first witness, Mr. Arens. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Herbert Philbrick, please stand while the chair- 
man administers an oath. 

The Chairman. Do you swear that the testimony you are about 
to give is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so 
help you God? 

Mr. Philbrick. I do. 

The Chairman. Be seated, please. 

TESTIMONY OF HERBERT A. PHILBRICK 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Philbrick, realizing that you have testified for 
the GoV'ernment on many occasions as a former undercover agent of 
the Federal Bureau of Investigation serving in the Communist Party, 
I shall not ask you this morning to go into any great detail with 
respect to your background with the Communist Party. I should, 
however, like to ask just a few questions for the purpose of identify- 
ing you on this particular record. 

Would you kindly give us, then, a word about your pei-sonal back- 
ground, your education, and your present occupation ? 

Mr. Philbrick. Yes, sir. I was born and brought up in Boston, 
Massachusetts, and its surburbs, and graduated from Somerville High 
School. I went to college in Boston and then went into the adver- 
tising profession. 

My business now is that of owning and operating a country general 
store in Rye Beach, New Hampshire. 

Mr. Arens. Have you, since testifying for the Government as an 
undercover agent of the FBI in the Communist Party, maintained 
a keen interest in the activities of the Communist conspiracy ? 

Mr. Philbrick. Yes. sir, I have. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Philbrick, the record of the committee reflects that 
you operated for years within the party at the request of the Federal 
Bureau of Investigation. 

This morning, for the purpose of background in the general ex- 
ploration of this committee into Communist activities among youth, 
we would like to ask if you could give us an appraisal and the im- 
portance of youth to the Communist conspiracy. 

Mr. Philbrick. Well, in their campaign of aggression against the 
free world, of course, the Soviet Union and its Communist agents 
in this country are very busy on many fronts. 

(At this point, Mr. Scherer left the hearing room.) 

Mr. Philbrick. Over the years, the record shows, however, that 
youth particularly as a target of the Communists has always occu- 
pied a top position on the agenda and the attention of the Communist 
apparatus. 

In Communist infiltration of labor groups, for example, or church 
or peace movements in schools or colleges, the Communist always and 
constantly keeps an eye on the young people within those organiza- 
tions. I think the reasodis are obvious. 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1341 

Fii-st of all, if the Coniiriunist Party is to build membership and 
maintain membership and to secure recruits for its Soviet apparatus 
in this country, of course, it must do so among youn^ people. 

Secondly, the Reds have found the youth of America vulnerable to 
their attacks, vulnerable to their appeals. 

The Commmiist youth movement offers them excitement. It offers 
them activity, a sense of belonging to a worldwide organization of 
great impact and with much going on. 

The Keds also, of course, know that our young people lack the 
knowledge and the experience of adults to weigh or to judge or to 
detect Communist propaganda appeals and so they know that they are 
vulnerable to that kind of an appeal. 

The Commmiists are always very quick to seize targets of oppor- 
tunity. Right now the Reds feel that they are in a very favorable 
position for a new drive on young people. The reason, they say, is that, 
first of all, we are now in a period of so-called relaxation of tensions 
and there is much favorable response to the appeals and to the state- 
ments of the Soviet leaders to the world. Secoiidly, the Communists, 
of course, always maintain a constant threat of Avar against this coun- 
try and the free world. They know that young people are interested 
in preserving peace and so, by first posing the threat and then second 
offering a supposed solution to this threat, offering young people a 
phony answer, a solution, a means whereby they can secure peace, they 
know that young people are anxious to look for those answers. 

(At this point, Mr. ^liller entered the hearing room.) 

Mr. Philbrick. Third, the Communists know that our young people 
lack training and lack education concerning communism. They 
know that schools and colleges generally are providing very little if 
any information to our young people concerning communism. Hence, 
again they know- that young people are vulnerable to their attacks. 
In other words, the Communists know that, if they can weaken or if 
they can destroy the loyalty of our young people in our country' and 
all that it stands for, they will be a long way toward eventual victory 
over the United States and the free world. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Philbrick, we would like to have the benefit of your 
experiences in youth groups. We know, of course, of your activity in 
a number of the principal Communist controlled youth organizations. 

With that in mind, would you tell us how you first became involved 
in the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Philbrick. One of the reasons I have maintained a continuing 
interest in the matter of Communist subversive activities among young 
people is because I happen to be one of the victims of the Com- 
munists, specifically in this area. 

As a young person, I was victimized and duped into joining a sup- 
posedly legitimate youth organization. It was an organization called 
the Cambridge Youth Council of Cambridge, Massachusetts. I joined 
the group at that time, a sincere young person interested in world 
peace, and the appeal of the Cambridge Youth Council was that of 
world peace. I was not the only one who joined it, incidentally; there 
were some 350 to 400 other young people who joined that organization, 
too. 

After joining it, however, I began to discover that something was 
rather wrong with the organization and within six months had de- 



1342 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

tected that the organization was not a legitimate youth organization at 
all, it was a complete phony, it was a fraud and, furthermore, it 
was dominated and controlled by persons I suspected to be members of 
the Communist criminal conspiracy. 

Mr. Arens. What did you do about it ? 

Mr. Philbrick. At that time, I decided to do two things. 

Number 1, I decided to quit, to get out from an organization that 
was not a legitimate group. I also decided that someone should know 
that a vicious racket was being perpetrated against the young people 
and, therefore, decided to report those facts to the Federal Bureau of 
Investigation. 

Mr. Arens. Would you proceed with what happened next ? 

Mr. Philbrick. After talking to the FBI, they suggested to me that 
I might stay on in the youth group, the Cambridge Youth Council, in 
order to learn more about what the Communists were doing in that 
organization, and I agreed to do so. 

Mr. Arens. Then following your experience with this Cambridge 
Youth Council, did you have similar experiences with other organiza- 
tions geared to the demands of youth which were likewise Communist- 
infiltrated or controlled? 

Mr. Philbrick. Yes. Indeed, it was a shock to me to discover the 
extent of Communist activity among young people. I was astonished 
to learn that not only were the Communists active in the Cambridge 
Youth Council but that they were also active in many other youth 
organizations and, upon their request and their invitation, I joined a 
great many similar Communist front youth organizations, groups 
such as, for example, Youth for Victory, the American Student Union, 
the National Youth Lobby, the American Youth Congress, the Young 
Progressives, Youth for Wallace. The list itself would be very long. 

All of this was an awakening to me as someone who at that time 
knew very little about communism, an awakening and realization of 
the tremendous amount of activity and time and effort the Commu- 
nists were putting in among the young people of this country. 

Mr. Arens. Did your association with these numerous organiza- 
tions lead you into any connection with the parent organization, the 
Young Communist League ? 

Mr. Philbrick. Yes. After working within the Communist front 
organizations for a period of time, the Communists then invited me to 
join the Young Communist League and I did so, again after checking 
with the Federal Bureau of Investigation. 

Mr. Arens. How did these various organizations which you have 
described briefly, such as the Cambridge Youth Council, differ from 
the Young Communist League itself? 

Mr. Philbrick. Well, the purposes of the Cambridge Youth Coun- 
cil and the other Communist front organizations as front organiza- 
tions were several fold. First of all, of course, the over-all purpose of 
the Communist front youth organizations was to strengthen the posi- 
tion of the Soviet Union and to weaken the position of the United 
States ; to break down, if possible, the loyalties of yoimg people, their 
respect, their regard for their own nation, their own country, their 
own background, their own heritage. This was done, incidentally, 
over most of the period of time in the guise of peace propaganda. 

The second major purpose of the Communist front organization 
was to serve as a transmission belt for Communist propaganda. In 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1343 

other words, the Communists knew at that time that perhaps very few 
of the young people would be vulnerable to direct appeals by the 
Communist Party itself. 

They knew, for example, that if a leaflet or a booklet or a pamphlet 
were to be given to the young person and it was clearly and accurately 
labeled Communist Party, they might tend to disregard it or perhaps 
not to believe it. However, if they were to take the same propaganda 
written at Communist Party headauarters, take off the label "Com- 
munist Party" and put on a new laoel, such as "American Youth for 
Democracy," this, they hoped, would sufficiently disguise the subver- 
sive propaganda and the material would be accepted. The Com- 
munists called these organizations transmission belts. That is not my 
term. That is their term. 

Third, the front organizations served as recruiting grounds for the 
Communist Party itself. It was here that the Communists looked for 
their future members in the Communist criminal conspiracy. 

Out of the many young people who joined and participated in the 
Communist front organizations, the Communists very carefully 
selected the most promising, they felt, future members of the Com- 
munist Party, who were then invited to join the Young Communist 
League. 

In the Young Communist League, the purpose there was specifically 
to serve as a training ground for eventual membership in the Com- 
munist Party itself. Hence, it duplicated the Communist apparatus 
in the form of its organization, in the nature of its meetings. 

The meetings were held secretly. They were held every other week 
as Communist cell meetings are held. 

The organizational structure pretty much copied and duplicated 
that of the Communist Party itself; thereby the young people were 
trained to be future members of the Communist apparatus. 

The Yoimg Communist League in fact called itself the "vanguard 
of the youth movement." 

Mr. Arens. Did the Communist Party find it necessary from the 
standpoint of the impact on the mind of youth to disband the Young 
Communist League and create in its stead an organization with the 
same objectives and same purposes but with a different facade or 
front? 

Mr. Philbrick. Yes, it did. 

Mr. Arens. When was that, please? 

Mr. Philbrick. That was back in 1943. 

Mr. Arens. What was the successor organization ? 

ISIr. Philbrick, The organization which succeeded the Young Com- 
munist League was called American Youth for Democracy. 

Mr. Arens. How did the American Youth for Democracy differ 
from the Young Communist League ? 

Mr. Philbrick. It differed only in that it offered a much wider 
membership than the restricted membership of the Young Communist 
League. The reason was that at that time the Communists were 
anxious to involve, to recruit as many American young people as pos- 
sible behind the war effort and to aid as allies the Soviet Union in 
the war against fascism. 

To do mat, they felt that it was necessary to broaden the scope of 
its organizational structure and therefore the American Youth for 
Democracy replaced and succeeded the Young Communist League. 



1344 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

Mr. Arens. While there was an organizational difference, Mr. Phil- 
brick, between the American Youth for Democracy and the Young 
Communist League — in other words, was the AYD itself controlled by 
the Communist Party as was the Young Communist League? 

Mr. Philbrick. The American Youth for Democracy was com- 
pletely controlled by the Communist Party due to the fact that all of 
the officers known to me, including myself, were secret members of the 
Communist apparatus. I, incidentally, served in the capacity of Mas- 
sachusetts State Treasurer of American Youth for Democracy. Simi- 
larly all of the other top officers of AYD were members of the Com- 
munist criminal conspiracy. 

Mr. Arens. I would like to pause here for just a minute in your 
presentation of this background material, Mr. Philbrick, to ask you a 
few questions on the theme that the chairman pursued in his opening 
statement this morning. 

To what extent is the Communist operation among youth reflected 
in the numerical strength of the identified hard-core agents working 
among the youth ? 

Mr. Philbrick. The number of actual Communist youth among 
the young people has always been a very tiny minority. For example, 
when I first joined the Cambridge Youth Council, I had no way, at 
that time, of knowing who the Communists were and who the dupes 
were. 

It later developed that the Communist criminal conspiracy con- 
trolled that organization, the Cambridge Youth Council, composed 
of 350 or more young people, controlled it completely with only three 
secret members of the Communist apparatus. 

Mr. Arens. Did these secret members make it known to the young 
people that they were part of the conspiratorial apparatus known 
as the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Philbrick. No, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Do they in their approach to the yoimg people speak in 
humanitarian terms, uplift terms, idealistic terms ? 

Mr. Philbrick. Yes, they do. 

Mr. Arens. They do not reveal to the young people that they them- 
selves are hard-core conspirators of the Communist apparatus, do 
they ? 

Mr. Philbrick. No, they do not. In fact, after I joined the Com- 
munist apparatus, I was specifically ordered and instructed by the 
Commmiist bosses not to reveal my membership to any of the young 
people with whom we were working. In fact, I was further ordered 
that if I were challenged as a Communist, if I were charged with being 
a member of the Communist apparatus, I was to deny that I was or 
ever had been a member of the Communist apparatus. 

Mr. Arens. In appearance, do these hard-core agents of the con- 
spiracy working among youth give the appearance of a conspirator, 
as such ? 

Mr. Philbrick. No, indeed. The skill with which the Communists 
have developed these Communist front organizations is truly magnifi- 
cent. 

We must not underestimate the ability of the Communists to dis- 
guise these organizations. 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1345 

I think this is borne out in fact by the recent book about communism, 
by the Director of the FBI, J. Edgar Hoover. The title of that book 
is "Masters of Deceit." Master of deceit is truly a most accurate and 
revealing description of the Communist agent. 

He is indeed and truly a master of deceit, of deception, of the tech- 
niques of deceiving, confusing and duping not only young people but, 
of course, adults as well. 

Mr. Arens. The Chairman in his opening statement commented 
along this line this morning, as you will recall, Mr. Philbrick, that 
these Communist hard-core agents who are masters at deceit attempt 
to pervert in the minds of the American public and in the minds of 
the youth the investigations by congressional committees into an area 
of Communist activity. 

As the chairman indicated in the exhibit which he had in his hand 
this morning, the Communists have attempted to pervert the investi- 
gation by this committee today, these hearings which we are going to 
hold for the next several days into an investigation of youth itself 
rather than into an investigation of Communist activities among 
youth. 

Now, will you tell us, based upon your experience in the Communist 
apparatus, as an undercover agent for the Federal Bureau of Investi- 
gation, how the few Communist agents working among youth are 
able to create that perversion in their minds regarding an investiga- 
tive committee, its objectives, and its work ? 

Mr. Philbrick. Well, they are able to create it first and foremost, 
of course, by the lack of information upon the part of the young peo- 
ple themselves. As we said before, very few colleges, schools, or uni- 
versities are providing our young people with any information at all. 
concerning communism or their appeals or their techniques. 

Of course, the Communists know that young people have a high 
regard for free speech, for civil liberties, for all of the other great and 
wonderful things that this country stands for and certainly we can be 
proud of the fact that we live in a country which enjoys a greater 
measure of freedom than any other nation in the world. 

The Communists know, therefore, that our decent young people are 
sincerely concerned about the preservation of free speech, civil liber- 
ties, and our other guarantees under our Constitution. 

By propagandizing among the young people, by telling them and 
hj implying to them that this committee or other Government com- 
mittees are a threat to their free speech, they know that immediately 
the young person is going to respond. 

Of course, not all young people are duped by such an appeal. Most 
young people in fact see through the deceit of the Communists in that 
area, but always they are able to confuse a certain small number of 
young people, and, therefore, building upon these appeals, they will 
then exploit them still further. 

Mr. Arens. Do the young people who are enmeshed in the Com- 
munist apparatus have free speech as we know it in a legitimate or- 
ganization ? 

Mr. Philbrick. They indeed do not, sir. 

One of the interesting things I discovered, when I first joined the 
Young Communist League, was that the Communist Party had two 
party lines. They had one Communist Party line which was used for 



1346 coMMUTsriST training operations 

public dissemination and distribution but then when you joined the 
Communist apparatus itself, you found that they had another party 
line which was for the members of its own apparatus. I found out 
that, as a Communist Party member or as a Young Communist 
League member, there your freedom of speech was specifically limited 
by Soviet foreign policy. 

(At this point, Mr. Johansen left the hearing room.) 

Mr. PuiLBRiCK. At all times, what the Young Communist Leaf^e 
stood for, or advocated or urged, was in complete conformity with 
the foreign policy of the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Arens. How do these few dedicated hard-core agents working 
among youth groups gain a respectability so as to speak before 
schools and colleges? For example, Mr. Philbrick, there is present 
in this hearing room now a Communist agent who has been iden- 
tified repeatedly by competent people under oath before this com- 
mittee as a hard-core Communist agent, Frank Wilkinson. He 
gains admission, as we have seen in the press, to legitimate schools 
and colleges to address youth groups, and he works among youth. 

How will a man like that, Mr. Philbrick, gain that respectability 
in legitimate colleges and schools so that he will be offered the plat- 
form to speak to the youngsters ? 

Can you explain that, based upon your background and experience ? 

Mr. Philbrick. Well, I believe that the major reason for that is 
simply one of apathy, of complacency, of indifference on the part 
of the directors of educational institutions all across the country. 
It is interesting to note that, although Communists and fellow trav- 
elers have free access to the platforms and the forums of our colleges 
and universities, you will also find many colleges and universities 
which never at any time feature a speaker or a lecturer to talk to them 
about communism, in other words, to reveal the truth about com- 
munism. 

I think the basic reason for it is two fold : 

Number 1, the apathy, indifference and complacency of the ad- 
ministrators themselves, and 

Number 2, you will generally find that the Communist invited to 
the American campus is being helped by a secret Communist on that 
campus. 

For example, when I joined again the Cambridge Youth Council, 
we were told that the Cambridge Youth Council had a list of very 
prominent names of adults listed as sponsors of that organization. 
These names appeared to us to be perfectly legitimate names. These 
names were used as a means to get the secret Communists who were 
running the Cambridge Youth Council onto the campuses at Harvard 
University, at MIT, at Boston University, and many others. 

We young people who were being duped did not know that Dirk 
Struik, one of the sponsors of the Cambridge Youth Council, had 
been and was all of the time a secret member of the Communist con- 
spiracy. We did not know that, therefore, behind the scenes he was 
actively aiding and abetting and helping in every way the Com- 
munists in the Communist front youth organizations. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Philbrick, how did the front organization serve 
as a Communist transmission belt in youth activities of the Com- 
munists? 

(At this point, Mr. Johansen returned to the hearing room.) 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1347 

Mr. Philbrick. This was done in many ways. 

First of all, we have already mentioned the use of booklets, pam- 
plilets, and leaflets, and that sort of thing. 

The Communist Party head'quarters is usually distinguished by 
the fact that it has a duplicating machine of some kind or another 
and that duplicating machine, believe me, is always busy. The Com- 
munists are continually grinding out propaganda material and I 
would say that perhaps 90 or 95 percent of that propaganda material 
printed, published, distributed by the Commmiist criminal conspiracy 
is disguised by the use of names other than the Communist Party 
itself. 

(At tliis point, Mr. Tuck left the hearing room.) 

Mr. Philbrick. In addition to the propaganda material, the Com- 
munist also uses newspaper releases. This was done, for example, 
with American Youth for Democracy. 

Incidentally, I was a member of the so-called Agit-prop section 
of the Communist Party apparatus. As such, I worked with other 
propaganda committee people at Communist Party headquarters 
and, therefore, I saw these tecliniques in person. The technique was 
simply that at Communist Party headquarters a newspaper release 
would be prepared. But instead of labeling that news release "Com- 
mimist Party," it would be named or labeled, let us say, "American 
Youth for Democracy." 

At the city desk of the newspaper, that news release with such a 
fine sounding name many times enabled the Conmiunists to get their 
propaganda printed. 

Hence, you see, the Communist youth organizations were helping 
the Communists very greatly not only as transmission belts them- 
selves, but actually turning the newspaper itself into a transmission 
belt for Communist propaganda. 

A third means was that of public demonstrations of youth festivals, 
of lobbying, of tours and trips to Washington, D.C. 

In fact, on several occasions, I was a member and a part of the 
so-called youth delegations coming to Washington, D.C, with a lot 
of excitement, a lot of glamor, but serving all the time as a means 
of Communist indoctrination and Communist propaganda. 

Mr. Arens. It is the information of this committee that in con- 
nection with these hearings in wliich we are presently engaged, 
the Communist apparatus, without revealing to the youth that it was 
the Communist apparatus, sent delegations to Washington. 

Did the Commimist youth create front organizations which actively 
affiliated themselves with or supported the international Communist 
youth organizations ? 

Mr. Philbrick. Yes, indeed. Over the period of several years 
now, the Communists every other year have promoted to the fullest 
extent the so-called Communist international youth festivals. 

Before I left the Communist Party, we had two such festivals and 
each time the Communists spent a great deal of time and effort, 
not only to get members of the Communist Party or the Young 
Communist League to attend the youth festival, but to get non-Com- 
munist young people to the youth festival. 

Again, the purpose was to indoctrinate, to subvert the true loyalties 
of those young people, and to win their loyalties for the Soviet Union. 



1348 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

Mr. Arens. During your membership in the Commimist Party, 
were CJommunist youth ever used to strengthen the party apparatus 
in areas other than youth^ such as Communist activity among labor 
groups or Communist activity in industrial areas and the like? 

Mr. Philbrick. The Communists always taught us that we young 
Communists should never isolate ourselves from "mass organizations" 
or from the people and, therefore, we were specifically taught and 
told that it was our duty as young Communists to work actively within 
other organizations. 

We were told, for example, that we were to work within church 
and peace organizations. 

I specifically was ordered to work within a church in Wakefield, 
Massachusetts. 

We were ordered to work among non-Communist organizations, such 
as the YMCA or the YWCA. In fact, in Boston, we held some of our 
meetings at the YWCA headquarters, of course, without the knowledge 
on the part of the YWCA leaders that this had all the time been a 
Communist plot and plan. 

Furthermore, young people were told that they had responsibilities 
as Communists in the ranks of labor. 

Here they were instructed that they were not to waste their talents 
as Communists upon non-essential industries; that is, on jobs of little 
importance to the defense or to the economy of the United States. 
They were specifically, from time to time, ordered to become "colo- 
nizers" for the Communist Party. 

A colonizer, we were told by the Communists, was one who would 
give up a job, let us say, in a non-essential industry and seek a job or 
a position in a key industry, and the w^ord "key" industry is not my 
term. Again, that is the Communist term. 

A key industry, according to the Reds, was one vital to the defense 
of the United States, one vital to the economy of the United States. 

The young Communists colonizers in fact were told that they should 
do this even if it meant taking a drop in pay, even if it meant losing 
seniority in their union membership. This they were to do as part 
of their service to the Communist international. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Philbrick, based upon your extensive experience 
and your continuing interest and study of the Communist movement, 
specifically its activity among youth groups, what role has youth been 
assigned by the Communist Party over the last ten years, and what is 
the importance of youth to the continuing existence of the Communist 
Party m the United States ? 

Mr. Philbrick. I think that perhaps the best evidence in answer 
to that question could be and should be from the Communist apparatus 
itself. 

As you know, over the period of these years I have maintained a 
continuing interest in Communist activities in this country. I have 
paid particular attention and interest to Communist agitation and sub- 
version among the youth and the young people. 

Mr. Arens. Have you made a particular study, Mr. Philbrick, of 
Communist publications such as Political Affairs, the Daily Worker, 
and New World Review, and the like ? 

Mr. Philbrick. Yes, sir, I have. 

M*^. Arens. Which are beamed directly at youth work by the Com- 
munist Party ? 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1349 

Mr. Philbrick. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Then would you kindly draw upon the exhibits which 
you have and direct the committee's attention to the articles, sum- 
marizing them as to the outline of the Communist Party's program 
among youth groups in the United States ? 

Mr. Philbrick. The pattern shows a continuing interest by the 
Communist criminal conspiracy in the young people of this Nation 
and throughout the world. 

We find in the August 1955 issue of Political Affairs — and Political 
Affairs, incidentally inside the Communist Party was a monthly pub- 
lication distributed to us from Communist Party headquarters by 
Communist members called literature chairmen. The job of literature 
chairman was to deliver to the various Communists cells Communist 
directives. Political Affairs was one of the publications which we 
were told should serve as a guide to action, a guide to action for all 
Communists. In other words, these were not simply articles to read 
and to lay aside. These were directives to study and then to act upon. 

In the August 1965 issue of Political Affairs, we found an article 
by Julian Lowitt, entitled "Youth and the Struggle for Peace and 
Democracy." 
■ In this article, we learn from the Communists : 

"That the- fight for the youth toda;^ has a new, more urgent his- 
torical content," and they say that this "may be seen from the fact 
that the list Congress of the French Communist Party devoted fully 
one third of its sitting to the youth question." This confirms not only 
that the Communists in this country are interested in young people, 
but that this is also a pattern of Conmiunists throughout the world. 

(Document marked "Philbrick Exhibit No. 1" and retained in 
committee files. ) 

Mr. Arens. Identify Political Affairs, if you please, sir. 

Mr. Philbrick. It is regarded generally as a theoretical organ of 
the Communist conspiracy on American soil. 

In the January 1956 issue of Political Affairs, there is an article 
by Martha Stone, entitled "The Youth" and perhaps just two or 
three paragraphs will indicate the nature of Communist concern with 
young people. 

For example, Martha Stone reports that "last June" — which would 
have been June, 1955— "after several months of preliminary discus- 
sion, the National Administrative Committee undertook a review of 
our work in the youth field." 

In other words, this was simply not a matter of interest and concern 
on the part of rank and file Communist Party members. ^ This was 
something of such importance that it occupied the attention of the 
National Committee of the Communist Party, U.S.A. 

(Document marked "Philbrick Exhibit No. 2" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Philbrick. In the April 1958 issue of Political Affairs, we 
find an article entitled "A Call to Youth." This is written, we are 
told, by 12 American youths. The 12 American youths are not identi- 
fied but the content of their statements within this article confirms 
the statement made by Congressman Walter at the opening of this 
hearing today, concerning the element of indoctrination on the part 
of the Communist Party of the youth of this country. 

51693 O— 60— Pt. 2 3 



1350 coumjUstlst training operations 

Evidently the Communists were highly successful in indoctrinating 
these 12 American youths because they say, for example, that, "The 
science of Marxism-Leninism derives from 3 fundamental sources: 
(A) Dialectical and Historical Materialism: (B) The I^bor Theory 
of Value and the Theory of Surplus Value, and (C) The Class 
Struggle." It is apparent in readmg this article that these young 
people believe in dialectical and historical materialism, and the labor 
theory of value, and the theory of surplus value, and the class 
struggle. 

If these young people had been sufficiently educated bv their schools 
and colleges, they would not have fallen for this phony, pseudo- 
scientific theory of the Communist Party. 

They also believe, it is apparent from this article, in the use of 
force and violence on the part of the Communist Party and, as usual, 
they give the standard excuse as to why the Communists find it 
necessary to use force and violence. 

They say that the — 

Dictatorship of the proletariat — this will be necessary to consolidate the 
victory over the bourgeoisie. * * ♦ 

We desire a peaceful transition to socialism, but we recognize that this will 
be conditional upon the peaceful yielding of the ruling class to the will of 
the majority (we also recognize that the day of transition has often been 
relatively peaceful * * *. 

"Violence has never been introduced by the working class," these 
young people allege, "it has always been perpetrated by the bourgeoisie 
in a desperate effort to block the will of the majority of the people." 
. It so happens that that allegation is completely false. It is com- 
pletely phony. It has no basis in fact, and the facts of history give 
the lie to that claim. Yet here are young people sufficiently in- 
doctrinated, sufficiently brainwashed so that they accept the Com- 
munist contention that they have been a "majority" when the fact of 
history is that the Communists have never been a majority of any- 
tiiirig at any time. 

The Communists were never a majority of the Socialists in Kussia; 
nor were they a majority after their insurrection. After they de- 
stroyed the free provisional government of the Russian people, they 
held an election. This was the first, the last, and the only tree elec- 
tion that the Russian people have been permitted to hold. 

Out of the 36 million votes in late 1917 or early 1918, only 9 mil- 
lion votes were cast for the Communists. They were, therefore, not 
a majority," but a minority, and their dictatorship was one imposed 
upon the Russian people despite the will of the people. 

Yet here are 12 young Americans, according to the Communists, 
who are falling for "historical" claptrap fabricated by the Com- 
munist criminal conspiracy, and this certainly confirms the state- 
ment of Congressman Walter concerning the subversive indoctrination 
of youth in our country. 

(Document marked "Philbrick Exhibit No. 3" and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. Philbrick. I have an article in the New World Review, written 
by Eslanda Robeson in the November 1958 issue of that publication. 

Mr. Arexs. That is an international pulDlication, is it not? 

Mr. Philbrick. Yes, and this, too, is distributed through the Com- 
munist propaganda network in this country. 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1351 

In this article, we find a clear indication of the vitally important 
role jplayed by young Communists in the indoctrination of youth. 

Eslanda Robeson in the third paragraph of this article, speaks of 
Artek, which in the Soviet Union is somewhat like the Young Com- 
munist League in this country. They operate youth camps. 

That is what she says : 

Twenty years ago when we were in the Soviet Union with our son, Pauli, a 
Pioneer was a child who won high grades at school and/or showed some evidence 
of leadership in the community — in other words one who was in fact a pioneer 
in the new socialist society. Pauli was among the children at his school in 
Moscow who won this high honor, and he wore his pin and bright red Pioneer 
tie with pride. He still has the tie and the pin, stored away with his precious 
possessions. 

I think this is a beautiful example of the way in which Communists 
not only manage to indoctrinate young people, but how that indoctri- 
nation stays with them. 

(Document marked "Philbrick Exhibit No. 4" and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Philbrick, the educational director of the Com- 
mimist Party of the United States is a man by the name of Hyman 
Lumer, who, like Mr. Wilkinson, has in the course of the recent past, 
been welcomed on major campuses over this country to make speeches. 

We had hearings in Pittsburgh in March of 1959. Just before 
this committee arrived in Pittsburgh, Mr. Lumer, educational direc- 
tor of the Communist Party of the United States, was invited and 
addressed student groups at Pittsburgh, and he has done likewise 
in other places over the country. 

Do you have any of the writings of Mr. Lumer which reveal the 
designs which he, as a hard-core member of this conspiracy, has on 
American youth ? 

Mr. Philbrick. Yes. As the educational director for the Com- 
munist criminal conspiracy, of course, Lumer has given attention to 
the important area of youth work. It is revealed that in April of 
1959, Hyman Lumer delivered a report to the National Committee of 
the Communist Party, U.S.A.j and this report in June was reprinted 
in the magazine. Political Affairs. 

This report by Hyman Lumer was entitled "On Party Youth 
Work." 

He says, among other things : 

The Party cannot wage successfully the fight for progress and socialism with- 
out striving to win a solid base among the youth, and without a continual 
influx of young people into its ranks. 

Throughout the report, we find a diligent study of the statistics and 
facts and figures concerning American young people. We find that 
the Communists have broken down the population of our young 
people into age and other brackets and it is very apparent from this 
report that they have spent a great deal of time and effort in making 
a diligent study of the youth of America. 

They brag about former victories and successes of the Communist 
Party. They say, for example, that back in an earlier period, "The 
Young Communist League blossomed forth, growing from 3,000 
members in 1933 to 22,000 in 1939." 



1352 COMMUNIST TRAINTNG OPERATIONS 

, The YCL, they brag 

was an influential force in the mass youth movement. Outstanding among its 
accomplishments was its leadership in the winning of the American Youth Con- 
gress from the control of the pro-fascist elements who initiated it for their own 
ends, and its conversion into a mass democratic organization. 

Incidentally, I might interject here that I was a member of the 
American Youth Congress, and at the time the Communists were dili- 
gently denying that they had anything to do with the American Youth 
Congress. They were alleging that this was a non-Communist organ- 
ization, they were doing everything they could to conceal the actual 
Conmiunist control of the organization. 

Now, some years later, they find it expedient for them to brag that 
they indeed controlled it and converted it, they say, into a "mass 
democratic organization." They brag of the same thing concerning 
the Southern Negro Youth Congress. 

(Document marked "Philbrick Exhibit No. 5" and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. Akens. Mr. Philbrick, do you have any exhibits from Com- 
munist documents showing the current designs of the Communists in 
the course of the last few months on youth ? 

Mr. Philbrick. It is very evident, as I reported in the opening of 
this hearing that, at the present time, the Communists believe that 
they have a new and a better opportunity for indoctrinating, for win- 
ning youth to their movement than they have had at any time in the 
recent past. 

We find this, for example, in the National Committee Draft Reso- 
lution of the Communist convention. 

Mr. Arens. You mean the recent national convention held in New 
York City just a few months ago? 

Mr. Philbrick. Held in December of 1959, yes, sir. 

William Z. Foster, in Political Affairs of December 1959, comment- 
ing on the draft resolution for that Communist convention, has this to 
say: 

Organize a Youth Movement Without Further Delay: One of the greatest 
errors made by the Party in its crisis period and afterwards, was the liquida- 
tion of the Labor Youth League. This was an act of revisionism and liquida- 
tionism. It was done after the 16th convention. It is, therefore, indispensable 
that a new youth organization should be formed as quickly as possible. At 
the beginning, the youth movement will be pretty much a Communist organiza- 
tion, but it must be broadened out in the mass work. The 17th national con- 
vention should take this matter most earnestly in hand. 

(Document marked "Philbrick Exhibit No. 6" and retained in 
committee file.) 

Mr. Philbrick. Well, the evidence indicates that this was taken 
"most earnestly in hand" because at the I7th convention, a Resolution 
on the Youth Question" was presented and passed by the convention. 

I think that some of the statements made in that resolution are 
highly significaiic. 

They say, for example : 

As the American people enter a decade of sharp struggle for peace, democracy 
and security, American youth are showing powerful beginnings of a new up- 
surge. 

♦ * ♦ Every section of the country can point to signs of the upsurge. 



COMMUNIST TRAINESTG OPERATIONS 1353 

* * ♦ Our Party youth, feeling the need to advance the democratic movements 
of youth have — with the rest of the Party — begun the process of breaking out of 
isolation and can point with pride to accomplishments in the Youth March and in 
other struggles. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Philbrick, may I interrupt to ask you this : Does 
the Communist Party in its resolutions use Aesopean language? 

Mr. Philbrick. They indeed do. It is a common characteristic of 
the Communist apparatus always to use Aesopean language. 

Mr. Arens. When the party is speaking in this resolution about 
democracy and breaking out of isolation and the like, as you proceed 
to comment on this resolution of the party on youth, would you inter- 
pret for the committee some of this Aesopean language of the party 
itself? 

Mr. Philbrick. Yes, indeed. When the Communists, for example, 
speak of the sharp struggle for peace, democracy, and security, what 
they really mean, of course, is the struggle on the part of the Soviet 
Union to win, to be victorious over the free world. The struggle for 
peace, democracy, and security, when translated into ordinary lan- 
guage, means the struggle for the establishment of the dictatorship 
of the proletariat in the United States. When they speak of the 
democratic movements of youth, they, of course, do not mean demo- 
cratic movements. They mean a totalitarian movement. 

They say, again continuing with the quote, "Groups of youth inter- 
ested in Marxist study and action have appeared in a number of 
cities among college students, teen-agers, and other youth." 

When they talk about Marxist study groups, they mean, of course, 
Marxist indoctrination groups, and it is interesting to note that the 
Communists are here bragging that these Marxist indoctrination 
groups have been formed among college students, teenagers, and other 
young people. 

"But," they say, "this new upsurge is still evidenced unevenly, in 
a great variety of forms on a variety of issues and in a variety of 
geographical areas." Therefore, they go on throughout the resolu- 
tion to urge ways and means to correct this "uneven" work among the 
youth in this country and finally, they say : 

The incoming National Committee — 

(which would be the incoming National Committee of the Communist 
apparatus) — 

within a period of no more than 30 days after the adjournment of this conven- 
tion, shall appoint a full-time director of youth affaire and establish a function- 
ing national commission on youth affairs composed of youth and adult members. 
This commission, amongst other things, shall issue a regular national party 
youth bulletin. We urge that in a brief period of time those state commit- 
tees which have not done so, shall establish political and organizational re- 
sponsibility for youth affairs. 

Now, this is the resolution which was passed at the recent Decem- 
ber convention of the Communist Party, and it shows quite clearly, 
that the Communist criminal conspiracy today, at this moment, has 
new designs, new plans for the subversion of our young people. 

(Document marked "Philbrick Exhibit No. 7" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Philbrick, one of the principal Communist Party 
lines is a profession of peaceful intent. 



1354 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

Based upon your background and experience in the conspiratorial 
apparatus known as the Communist Party, have you had a similar 
experience in the Communist Party line which it was propagating 
at the time ? 

Mr. Philbrick. Yes; in fact, one of the amazing characteristics 
of the Communist criminal conspiracy is that despite the fact that 
they will from time to time change their tactics and strategy, really 
there is never anything very new about what they do or how they 
do it. 

For example, I have with me today from my own files a Communist 
propaganda piece which speaks "for peace and for freedom." 

It is interesting to note what they say. They say, for example, in 
the matter of freedom, "We are alarmed at the current drive against 
American civil liberties, the new loyalty order on Federal workers, 
the proposed laws to outlaw minority political parties and the daily 
violations of existing laws." 

The Communists allege "witch hunts in Congress" ; and they charge 
that "today in our high school and college campuses where traditional 
student freedoms are being destroyed." 

"There are discriminatory practices against young women of minor- 
ity and political and religious groups." 

This sounds like the words being used by the Communists this very 
week. 

It so happens that this particular leaflet from my files is one which 
was prepared at Communist Party headquarters in 1941 ! Hence, 
you see the Conmiunists are still using the same old propaganda ap- 
peals for young people today as they were then. The tragedy of this 
IS that today there will be again young people who will be victimized, 
who will be duped, who will be fooled by this clever appeal by the 
Communist apparatus. 

Mr. Aeens. I have only one last question, Mr. Philbrick. Based 
upon your background and experience of continuing interest in the 
Communist operations among youth and in light of the chairman's 
statement that the overwhelming majority of the youth of this coun- 
try are loyal and patriotic, what word of advice could you give to 
the young people who are sincere, who are honest, who are patriotic, 
with reference to the threat to their numbers by this conspiratorial 
force ? 

Mr. Phtlbktck. I would suggest several things. I would, first of 
all, suggest that our loyal young people support this committee in 
its efforts to make the truth be known because there is one thing that 
the Communist Party fears more than anything else, and that is the 
truth. They know they cannot survive if the truth were known. 
Hence, it is important that this committee and other investigating 
committees constantly procure and obtain the truth and make known 
the facts about communism and Communist activity in our country. 
Therefore, young people should support the work of this committee 
and of the congressmen who give so much of their time to it. 

Secondly, our young people should demand that their schools and 
colleges provide them with information about communism. This 
is not being done now. There are very few schools and colleges which 
have adequate courses concerning communism. This they should de- 
mand because it is impossible for them (or for anyone) to fight an 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1355 

enemy unless they know their enemy. Third, of course, our young 
people should not only be aware of the great crisis that we are in 
today, the worldwide crisis, the threat that communism poses against 
all of the free peoples and all of the free world, but they should also 
diligently study, learn, and come to appreciate the wonderful heritage, 
the great things of value which we have to protect and defend in this 
country. 

If they come to truly understand the value of the heritage given 
to us, bequeathed to us, I am sure that then they will realize the vital 
importance of defending and maintaining the wonderful freedom 
we have in this Nation and to fight against the subversive activities 
of the Communist apparatus. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Chairman, that will complete the staff interroga- 
tion of this witness. 

The Chairman. Do you have any questions ? 

Mr. Doyle. I have just one question. 

At what age were you when you joined the youth group in your 
home city in Massachusetts ? 

Mr. Philbrick. Twenty-two years of age, sir. 

Mr. Doyle. At what position in your education were you? 

Mr. Philbrick. I had graduated from college. Unfortunately, 
at college I had been taught and told very little about communism. 
Therefore, at the time I was invited to join the Cambridge Youth 
Council, I did not know that there were such things as Communist- 
front organizations. 

Mr. Doyle. How long did you stay in the Communist Party 
secretly, so far as your fellow citizens were concerned ? 

Mr. Philbrick. I was involved either in the Young Communist 
League or the Communist Party and its fronts for a period of 9 years, 
sir. 

Mr. Doyle. Nine years ? 

Mr. Philbrick. Nine years, from 1940 to 1949, 

Mr. Doyle. You ought to know a good deal about it, then. 

Mr. Philbrick. I think I did learn a few things, sir. 

Mr, Doyle. Did I understand that you, while secretly a member 
of the Communist Party in Massachusetts, became the treasurer of 
the State Communist group ? 

Mr. Philbrick. Yes, American Youth for Democracy. 

Mr. Doyle. How long were you the State treasurer of the Com- 
munist American Youth for Democracy ? 

Mr. Philbrick. I occupied that position for about two and a half 
years. 

Mr. Doyle. Did you get any pay for it, any salary ? 

Mr. Philbrick. No, sir. 

Mr. JoHANSEN, Mr. Philbrick, I am not asking you to make any 
generalized statement, but do you have, of your own knowledge, any 
mformation that indicates that in some instances, at least, efforts of 
the Communist apparatus to influence students is actively aided and 
abetted by members of faculties ? 

Mr. Philbrick. This I learned and can confirm through my own 
experience, sir. When the Communists formed these Communist 
front organizations, in every instance, a "sponsoring committee" was 
organized. And in every instance the names of individuals occupy- 



1356 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

ing high positions in our educational institutions as instructors, as 
professors or administrators were included in the list of adult spon- 
sors of those Communist fronts. 

Now, they were aiding and abetting the Communist Party, because 
these youn^ people had no reason to suspect that there should have 
been anythmg wrong with an organization which had on its list of 
sponsors the names of these respectable members of the community 
and of the academic profession; and, therefore they joined the or- 
ganization. 

I would say that that has been one of the greatest helps to the Com- 
munists in victimizing young people, the fact that they have had 
the use of those names. 

Mr. JoHANSEN. When you say that the students themselves had 
no reason to suspect the relationship of those sponsors, can you make 
the same statement with respect to those sponsors themselves having 
no reason to suspect what they were doing ? 

Mr. Philbrick. No, I would say, in answer to that question, that 
this might be so if we were to find that these individuals, let us say, 
would sponsor one or perhaps two Communist front organizations. 

The pattern, however, from my observation inside the Communist 
Party was that the same names appeared over and over again, not 
only sponsoring one or two or three but dozens of such Communist 
front organizations, names like Professor Dirk Struik, for example, 
whom we already have mentioned. His name was linked with virtu- 
ally every Communist front youth organization we had, not only 
locally but throughout the United States. 

The trouble was that each time they listed the name of Dirk Struik, 
and by "they," I mean each time the Communists used the name 
of Dirk Struik, immediately after the name they would insert the term 
"Massachusetts Institute of Technology." The average young person 
across the country has a great and high regard for that wonderful 
educational and scientific institution. They would believe upon^ see- 
ing the name MIT, "This must be a wonderful youth organization." 
They did not know that this was a tactic, a device used by the Com- 
munist Party to victimize them. 

Mr. JoHANSEN. Thank you. 

The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Philbrick. 

I am glad to see that you are not discouraged and that you are 
continuing in this struggle. 

It seems to me that it would be lots easier if certain segments of 
the press were honest in their reporting or in not givin.<]: to Com- 
munists advantages they receive. For example, from this Khrushchev 
spectacular directing that two little people be permitted to leave Rus- 
sia to join their mothers and fathers. This is played up in all of the 
information media in the United States as a great act of generosity, 
but what these people who are talking about that do not mention is 
the fact that the Congress of the United States enacted laws under 
which literally thousands of children and parents of American citi- 
zens could join them tomorrow were it not for the fact that they are 
prisoners of this same crowd. 

It just seems unfortunate to me that our press, or part of it, does 
not enlist in this life and dpath struffffle on our side. 

Thank you very much, Mr. Philbrick. 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1357 

Mr. Arens. We have another witness, please sir. 

Mr. Andrew Ilyinsky, will you kindly come forward. 

Please remain standing while the chairman administers an oath. 

The Chairman. Do you swear that the testimony you will give 
will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help 
you God ? 

Mr. Ilyinskt. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF ANDREW ILYINSKY 

Mr. Arens. Please identify yourself by name, residence, and oc- 
cupation. 

Mr. Ilyinskt. My name is Andrew Ilyinsky. I live in New York 
City. I am an employee of the United States Treasury. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Ilyinsky, are you employed by the Customs Bu- 
reau of the United States Treasury ? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Arens. I expect to go into your personal background in a 
few moments, but I want to pursue another course for an instant, if 
you please. 

Did you, over the course of the last several months, at the instance 
of the chairman of this committee, make a study of Communist 
propaganda destined to schools, colleges, libraries, and youth groups 
in the United States ? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. Yes, sir. I did. 

Mr. Arens. And did you, at the instance of the chairman of this 
committee, in collaboration with your colleagues at the United States 
Customs Service, prepare a report for submission to this committee 
on the subject of Communist propaganda destined to youth groups? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have that report with you ? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Arens. We will be glad to receive it officially now, if you 
please, sir, and, if the chairman please, to embody it as a part of the 
record of this committee. 

The Chairman. That may be done. 

(See Appendix, p. 1404, for report.) 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Ilyinsky, have you brought with you today typical 
samples of Communist propaganda destined to youth in the United 
States? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. Yes, sir. I believe that we have here a very repre- 
sentative selection of the material that is going by the thousands and 
thousands into this country. 

Mr. Arens. Who are the recipients of this Communist propaganda ? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. Most of all this material is directed to all the 
colleges and universities in the United States, particularly to different 
student groups which are attached to different universities. 

Mr. Arens. Is there any school or college in the United States 
you have checked out that is not directly or indirectly the recipient 
of that Communist propaganda ? 

(At this point, Mr. Johansen left the hearing room.) 

Mr. Ilyinsky. To our knowledge, there is not. 

Mr. Arens. In other words, is it a fact that the Communist propa- 
ganda which you will shortly be discussing, exhibits of which you 



1358 CJOMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

have brought with you today, is destined to virtually eveiy school 
and college in the United States ? '- 

Mr. Ilyinskt. Exactly, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Can you give us just one indication of the volume of 
this Communist propaganda ? 

Mr. Iltinsky. I am sorry to say that our office did not make a de- 
tailed study. We didn't count the pieces and we cannot give you exact 
information as to the quantity, but we know, for instance, one port 
through which the propaganda comes in. 

Mr. Apens. What port is that ? 

Mr. Ilyinskt. It is the port of New Orleans. 

Mr. Arens. Did you make a spot check at New Orleans as to the 
volume of this propaganda destined to schools and colleges ? 

Mr. Ilyinskt. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Arens. What was the result of that one spot check ? 

Mr. Iltinskt. We established that at least 300,000 packages, not 
pieces, but packages, would come in and each package would contain 
5, 10, or 15 publications. 

Mr. Arens. Over what period of time did these packages come in 
through this one port of New Orleans destined to schools and colleges? 

Mr. Iltinskt. Through the 12 months of 1959. 

Mr. Arens. You say there were at least five individual items in each 
package ? 

Mr. Iltinskt. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. We will pursue this a little further as we get into the 
specifics of your presentation today, if you please. 

Will you kindly give us a word about your personal background ? 

Mr. Iltinskt. I was born in Prague, Czechoslovakia, in 1926 of 
WTiite Russian emigre parents. 

I went to Czechoslovakian and Russian schools in Prague. Then 
I studied at the University of Munich and lately at Brookljm College 
here in the United States in New York City. 

During the Second World War, I was active in several Czecho- 
slovakian and Russian anti-Communist groups, and working in that 
field I gained a very intimate knowledge of tactics and methods of in- 
ternational communism. 

Mr. Arens. This was behind the Iron Curtain and in Czechoslo- 
vakia, was it not? 

Mr. Iltinskt. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. Give us a word of your experience, please. 

Mr. Willis. First, when did you come to this country, so that we 
can get the dates ? 

Mr. Iltinskt. In September of 1947 I came to the United States. 

Mr. Arens. If you please, give us a word of your experience in the 
anti-Communist movement behind the Iron Curtain. 

Mr. Iltinskt. I can say only that I have suffered greatly through 
my activities because, shortly after the war, I was imprisoned by the 
Communists and kept in prisons in different eastern European coun- 
tries, and my father was kidnaped from western Germany in 1945, 
and I haven't heard of him since. 

Mr. Arens. Were you imprisoned by the Communists ? 

Mr. Iltinskt. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Arens. What sentence did you receive ? 



COMMinsnST TBAimNG OPERATIONS 1359 

Mr. Iltinskt. I had been sentenced to 25 years of hard labor. 

Mr. Arens. And you escaped ? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Arens. I would say for the benefit of the members of the com- 
mittee who are not acquainted with Mr. Ilyinsky, that he has detailed 
information he could give on his own experiences which are of gjreat 
interest, but they are not germane to the subject matter the committee 
is pursuing today so that, if it meets with the pleasure of the com- 
mittee, we will not get into his numerous experiences in the under- 
ground movement. 

With that background, can you give the committee some of the 
background of the international youth organization created and con- 
trolled by the Communist conspiracy ? 

Mr. Iltinsky. YeSj sir. I can. 

I would like to point out that any statements that I make in this 
report are my personal views which were formed through the study 
of the Commimist youth propaganda materials at the Customs Service, 
but they do not express the opinions of the Treasury Department, 
as such. 

Mr. Akens. The reason for that is that this has not actually been 
officially processed through the Treasury Department ? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. But you have made this study at the request of the 
chairman of this committee in collaboration with other persons of the 
Customs Service who are likewise experienced in the particular area 
of Communist propaganda among youth groups, is that correct? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. That is correct, yes, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Would you proceed, then, with your presentation with 
reference to the background of the international Communist youth 
groups ? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. The Communist grand design of world conquest re- 
served an ex'tremely important place for its so-called international 
front which can be construed to be the backbone of a worldwide Com- 
munist fifth column. 

As far back as in 1926, the ruling body of the international Com- 
munist conspiracy, the Comintern, clearly stated that: 

fThe first part of our task is to build up, not only Communist organizations, 
but other organizations as well ; above all, mass organizations sympathizing 
with our aims and able to aid us for special purposes * * *. Besides this, we 
require a number of more or less firmly established (organizational) fulcrums 
which we can utilize for our further work, insuring that we are not condemned 
to the task of only influencing the mass politically, merely to see this mass in- 
fluence constantly slip through our hands. 

(At this point, Mr. Tuck returned to the hearing room.) 
Mr. Ilyinsky (continuing) : 

We must create a whole solar system of organizations and smaller committees 
around the Communist Party, smaller organizations, so to speak, actually work- 
ing under the influence of the Party but not under its mechanical control * * *. 

This statement which I just reported was made in 1926 by one 
of the leading members of the Russian Communist Party, O. -Y. 
Kuusinen, and it was published in a Report of the Commission for 
Work Among the Masses. 

Of course, special attention is given by the Communists to the youth 
eector of the international front Communist projects, youth naturally 



1360 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS ^ 

holding in its hands the/future of mankind. The progrsim of the 
prototype of the present day Communist-directed international youth 
front of the Young Communist International, as announced in the 
Fifth YCI Congress in Moscow in 1929, revealed the basic operating 
techniques of the Communist conspiracy against the youth of the 
world : 

In its struggle against capitalism, the Young Communist League is continually 
compelled to combine its open legal activity with illegal and semi-legal work 
and therefore to overstep the limits laid down for it by burgeois legality • * *. 
For this purpose it creates various legal organizations (including political ones) 
of the working youth. But the Young Communist League looks upon these 
organizations only as legal forms of work for the illegal Young Communist 
League. 

To quote another eminent Communist, the founder of the Soviet 
State, Lenin emphasized that : 

The whole object of training and educating the youth of today should be to 
imbue them with Communist ethics * * *. Our morality is entirely subordinated 
to the interests of the class struggle • * *. The basis of Communist morality 
is the struggle for the consolidation of Communism. 

This is from the Collected Works of Lenin, the chapter on Tasks of 
the Youth League. 

As in other fields of the Communist international front setup, the 
appeal to youth is provided by broad and/or specific humanitarian 
issues, which deserve the sympathy of all honest men — peace, dis- 
armament, democracy, the economic, scientific, and educational ad- 
vance of mankind — rather than by outright propagation of the Com- 
munist ideology as such. The purpose of the Communist-directed 
youth movement is not so much to convert youth directly to com- 
munism, as to expose it to Communist influence in order to be able 
first to mobilize youth for specific actions, and then gradually to enlist 
the young people into the ranks of active Communist sympathizers 
or even Communist Party members. ^ 

(At this point. Mr. Miller left the hearing room.) 

Mr. Ilyinsky (reading) : 

As early as 1932, Stalin declared that the establishment of Communism in 
colonial lands presented no problems, but the greatest difficulties lay in the ques- 
tion of how Communism would develop when the so-called underdeveloped coun- 
tries obtained their independence. Stalin went on to point out that at this 
critical moment it would be absolutely necessary to convince the youth in the 
aspiring countries that Communism was supreme and immediately to make them 
familiar with the Communist ideology. One way of doing this is by mass demon- 
strations on a large scale * * *. 

And, as I shall attempt to show the committee, this is exactly the line 
that was followed by the present international Communist youth 
movement. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Ilyinsky, tell us about the origins and develop- 
ment of the principal international Communist fronts for the purpose 
of penetrating youth. 

Mr. Ilyinsky. Toward the end of World War II, there was a 
widespread sentiment among many people in different professions, in 
different fields, for creation of international bodies which would en- 
able people to establish a firm basis for long lasting peace and, on that 
occasion, many organizations of that nature were formed. 

For instance, the World Federation of Trade Unions, the World 
Coimcil of Peace, Women's International Democratic Federation, the 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1361 

International Association of Democratic Lawyers, the International 
Organization of Journalists, the World Federation of Scientific 
"Workers; these are, all of them. Communist- front organizations. 

Now, we here are concerned particularly with those organizations 
which deal directly with youth and there are two major international 
Communist organizations which we shall mention. 

One of them is known as WFDY, the World Federation of Demo- 
cratic Youth, and the other is lUS, the International Union of 
Students. 

Mr. Ajiens. Would you give us a little of the background of each 
of these two major international organizations designed for penetra- 
tion of youth ? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. Yes, sir. The idea of an international youth organi- 
zation has appeared at the same time in several countries of the world ; 
in some democratic countries, for instance, in England, and also 'behind 
the Iron Curtain, and in Poland and Czechoslovakia, and, of course, in 
the Soviet Union. 

These different student unions have attempted to contact all other 
student bodies in different countries in order to call a student congress 
which would create one unified student organization into a national 
student organization. 

Two of these groups have been most active in this respect. One of 
them was the Czechoslovakian Union of Students which, of course, 
attempted to draw the international student movement to Prague, 
and then there was a group of democratic students in England which 
contacted many student bodies in the western countries. 

In order to establish unity in the student movement, these two cent- 
ers, the Prague center and the T^ondon center, went into complicat^ed 
dealings with each other to find a common ground on which they 
could work. 

Finally, it was decided that they will work together and they 
adopted a resolution agreeing to disagree on political issues. This 
was the major point. The western student groups were afraid if 
they joined the same group with the Communist students that they 
"would not be allowed to speak freely and, therefore, this resolution 
was adopted, but in the immediate future, though, every one who dis- 
agreed with the Reds was called a Fascist by them and was subject 
to expulsion from the newly formed federation. 

Now, the London Preparatory Committee decided to convene a 
student congress in London in November of 1945 and, consequently, 
at that date, the World Federation of Democratic Youth was founded 
following a World Youth Conference which was held a few days 
prior to the foundation of the federation. 

The World Youth Conference was convened under the initiative of 
Communists and Communist controlled delegations from 63 countries 
who allegedly represented 30 million people. 

(At this point, Mr. Scherer entered the hearing room.) 

Mr. Ilyinsky. Yet, the interesting point is that actually only three 
and a half percent of the delegates openly represented Communist 
organizations while the rest of the delegates came from various re- 
ligious groups, socialist and trade union organizations, sport federa- 
tions, and so forth. 



1362 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

Now, the Communist elements in the World Youth Conference and 
in the World Federation of Democratic Youth have managed through 
skillful maneuvers, disciplined action, and voting as a block, to domi- 
nate the non-Communist majority and to obtain offices in WFDY. 

Mr. Akens. Do you have a similar background with reference to 
the lUS, International Union of Students ? 

Mr. Iltinsky. That is ri^ht, sir. 

Mr. Akens. Would you kindly present it? 

Mr. Ilyinskt. The student constitutional convention which found- 
ed the International Union of Students took place in Prague in 
August, 1946. Those who participated were drawn from all parts of 
the world and represented every major political and religious belief. 
Nevertheless, the congress ended with Communists in control of this 
newly formed International Union of Students. 

During the first postwar student deliberations in London, the Com- 
munists had been in a minority but they obtained a majority on the 
International Preparatory Committee and this committee then gave 
unrestricted power to the executive body ; against the explicit decision 
of the London meeting they moved the constitutional convention from 
Paris to Prague ; by control of the credentials assured Communist in- 
fluence of the constitutional convention; by control of the prepara- 
tions, they abandoned an established agenda and substituted a new 
and controversial one on the day before the opening session. 

They made no comprehensive report on its activities to the congress, 
the body to which theoretically the executive body was responsible, 
but which in fact the Communist-dominated committee now con- 
trolled. 

Now, the Communist ^oal in the Prague conference was to make 
the student union a sufficiently disciplined body to be controlled from 
the center. They wanted the member organizations pledged to carry 
out all decisions of the executive body. This center, of course, was to 
be under clandestine Communist Party direction. 

Within three months of the end of the congress, the Communists 
took another step to secure complete control of the lUS. 

A secretariat was created and given authority in the absence of 
the executive for development of all policies. 

This is all that I could say at that point. 

Mr. Arens. Would you kindly tell us which of these two groups, 
the WFDY or the lUS, controlled by the Communists, is the most 
active in putting on the international Communist festivals for youth? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. Actually, both of them participate. 

Mr. Arens. And can you comment on the attendance at festivals 
and congresses by the youth groups ? 

Mr, Ilyinskt. Yes, sir. The idea of organizing mass meetings of 
the festival type, as we have seen, has already been germane in a 
statement that Stalin made in 1932, so that actually, as soon as the 
WFDY and lUS became organized bodies, their first decision was 
to organize festivals. According to their idea, a festival was sup- 
posed to be a mass meeting of youth from all countries. 

Great attention was given to the fact that an attempt was made 
to attract to the festivals not only Communist youth or fellow 
traveler youth, but neutral youth, youth which would be just attracted 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1363 

by the idea of meeting hundreds and hundreds of members of other 
nations. 

Mr. Arens. What about the various appeals prepared by these 
international organizations with particular attention to international 
problems which are of direct or immediate concern to youth? 

Mr. Ilyinskt. Well, the WFDY and lUS, in their numerous pub- 
lications, which come out almost every week, always have appeals 
to youth. These appeals are intended to draw the attention of the 
youth to some particular problem and to mobilize the youth to take 
some definite action. 

Mr. Arens. I see you have brought with you samples of material. 
Is this material typical material which is now being disseminated 
to schools and colleges over this country ? 

Mr. Ilttnsky. That is right, sir. It is. 

Mr. Arens. Does this material anywhere in it say, "This is Com- 
munist propaganda" ? 

Mr. Ilyinskt. No, never. 

Mr. Arens. Is any of it labeled in accordance with the registration 
provisions of the Foreign Agents Eegistration Act as Communist 
propaganda ? , 

Mr. Ilyinskt. I have seen some of it labeled but most of it comes 
without any label at all. 

Mr. Arens. Would you kindly, at your own pace and with brevity, 
if you please, allude to each of several of the publications which you 
have brought here as typical exhibits of material being sent by these 
international Communist youth groups to schools and colleges in the 
Unitd States? 

Mr. Ilttnsky. Yes. If you allow me, I will try to characterize 
them and then I will pick them up. 

Mr. Arens. Will you please do so, and without in any sense being 
discourteous to you, may I say that the committee will be obli^d to 
leave here very shortly to be in attendance on the floor, so that, if you 
could abbreviate your presentation with reference to that, I am sure 
the committee would appreciate it. 

Mr. Ilytnsky. Surely. The WFDY and lUS publish at least 40 
periodical publications. 

Mr. Arens. How many? 

Mr. Ilyinskt. At least 40, of which some of them come out once a 
week, some come out twice monthly, some come out monthly, and some 
are not periodicals. They are published by the same house and con- 
tain a similar type of material, but the title would be changed so as 
not to be too conspicuous. 

The WFDY publishes the main magazine of the international 
youth movement which is called the World Youth. 

Mr. Arens. Where is that published ? 

Mr. Ilytnsky. It is published in Budapest, which is the main center 
of the WFDY. 

Mr. Arens. Where does the lUS material emanate from ? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. The lUS material is usually published in dijfferent 
countries. The same material is being translated into Russian, Swed- 
ish, and into every major languageof the world and published in 
these particular countries. 



1364 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

Mr. Arens. Would you stand here, please, Mr. Ilyinsky, and tell the 
committee, as you pick up these various volumes, a word about each of 
them. 

The Chairman. Before you go into that, may I ask you this ques- 
tion. You have stated that 1,500,000 pieces came into New Orleans. 
Do you know how many pieces came into the entire United States for 
distribution among students ? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. No, sir. We do not have any figures as of this 
point because we have not tabulated them. 

Mr. Arens. It comes in through forty-odd ports, as I understand it. 

Mr. Ilyinsky. That is correct. 

Mr. Arens. Is New Orleans a typical port of entry for this mate- 
ial? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. I don't think so. I think much more material would 
come through New York and San Francisco. 

Mr. Arens. Then New Orleans processed less than other ports and, 
in the course of the last year, New Orleans processed in the nature of 
300,000 packages of this material, is that correct ? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. And every school and college virtually in this country 
is a recipient of this material, is that correct? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. That is correct. 

Mr. Doyle. I think you said that each of those packages contained 
as many as five separate pieces. 

Mr. Ilyinsky. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Doyle. So that would be five times 300,000. 

Mr. Ilyinsky. Yes, sir. 

The interesting part about these publications is that they come un- 
solicited. They don't only send it to the colleges. Individuals whose 
names appear some place on a letterhead of a student organization 
might receive it also. 

The Chairman. Is there any advertising in any of this ? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. No, there is no advertising. These magazines are 
very well published. Some of them seem to be interesting. 

Let's see this. World Student News. This is a monthly magazine 
that is published in 12 languages. That means that there are 12 sepa- 
rate editions published in 12 different countries. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Ilyinsky, may I attempt to abbreviate the presenta- 
tion here by asking you, do you see the typical Communist line in all 
of these publications emanating from these two international Com- 
munist controlled groups? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. Oh, yes. 

Mr. Arf.ns. Does this material, likewise, pretty well blanket the 
world in different languages? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. Yes, but the main attention is always given to the 
United States. 

Mr. Arens. The United States is the main target ? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. Is the amount or quantity of this material increasing or 
decreasing? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. It is increasing, especially around the time when 
they have the festival or any other major event. 

Mr. Arens. There are here a number of different publications. 
How many different publications are there ? 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1365 

Mr. Ilyinsky, I would say roughly about forty. 

Mr. Akens. Do all forty of the various types of publications hit 
each school, college, library, and student council in the country so 
far as you can ascertain ? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. As far as I can ascertain. 

Mr. ScHERER. Are all of those printed in 12 different languages? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. Not all of them, no. World Student News is and 
World Youth. Some might be printed in three languages, for in- 
stance. It all depends upon the particular publication. 

Mr. ScHERER. But they are printed generally in more than one 
language ? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. Yes. 

Mr. Willis. May I suggest, Mr. Chairman, that for our conven- 
ience counsel have someone peruse these volumes and list the names of 
some of the periodicals for this record. We will forget the package 
now but can we have the names of all the periodicals for the committee 
files? 

The Chairman. So ordered. 

(See Appendix, p. 1421, for list of magazine titles.) 

Mr. Aeens. May I ask a question on one other subject? 

Can you give the committee now a word about the international 
"pen pal movement" which is sponsored by the Communist controlled 
youth groups ? 

Mr. Ilyinsky. Yes, sir. Most of these publications that I have 
here contain several pages which have addresses of people who like 
to correspond with people from other countries. 

Now, most of these addresses are the addresses of boys and girls, 
of students from behind the Iron Curtain, and some issues may have 
200 or 300 names. 

The purpose of this is to organize propaganda, not only through 
channels of publications, but through personal contact. 

I know myself that I have been interested to find out what is under- 
neath, what is covered by this, and I have written to several of these 
people that have advertised in these magazines in the attempt to ex- 
change stamps or exchange picture cards which is the official reason 
th^ give. 

Invariably, all of them devote a long letter to problems of this par- 
ticular hobby, stamp collecting or something else, and in the end they 
would have about five or six sentences of this nature : 

The world is plagued by international tensions. As you know, the 
Soviet Union or the Communist bloc is the champion of peace. Who 
creates these international tensions ? The tensions are created by the 
capitalists. You live in a capitalist country. Capitalist countries 
supposedly have a democratic setup. You believe in democracy. 
Wliy don't you speak up, write to your Congressman, make a cam- 
paign to the newspapers, protest against this administration, for in- 
stance. 

Mr. Arens. In other words, Mr. Ilyinsky, is it a fair summary of 
your interpretation of this pen pal movement that the international 
Communist apparatus operating through these two principal inter- 
national youth fronts is usin^ the pen pal movement in order to 
attempt to indoctrinate or condition the minds of the American youth 
who would be the recipients of letters from behind the Iron Curtain ? 

51693 O — 60 — ^pt 2 4 



1366 COMMUNIST TRAmmG OPERATIONS 

Mr. Ilyinsky. Yes, sir. Exactly. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Chairman, I respectfully suggest that we have 
covered the highlights of the presentation of Mr. Ilyinsky 's testimony 
and that concludes the staff interrogation. 

The Chairman. Mr. Ilyinsky, I am sure that I am expressing the 
feeling of the entire committee when I say that we feel deeply in- 
debted to you and other Treasury Department personnel for their co- 
operation in this very difficult task. 

We certainly appreciate the efforts that you have expended in 
working on this problem. 

Mr. Ilyinsky. Thank you very much, sir. 

The Chairman. The committee will stand adjourned to meet at 
ten o'clock tomorrow morning. 

(Committee members present: Representatives Francis E. Walter, 
Clyde Doyle, William M. Tuck, and Gordon H. Scherer.) 

(Whereupon, at 11:55 a.m., Tuesday, February 2, 1960, the sub- 
committee adjourned to reconvene at 10 :00 a.m., Wednesday, Febru- 
ary 3, 1960.) 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

Part 2 

(Communist Activities and Propaganda Among Youtli Groups) 



WEDNESDAY, FEBBUAKY 3, 1960 

United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D.C. 
publio hearings 

The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
met, pursuant to recess, at 10:05 a.m., in the Caucus Room, Old 
House Office Building, Washington, D. C, Hon. Francis E. Walter 
(chairman) presiding. 

Subcommittee members : Representatives Francis E. Walter, chair- 
man, Pennsylvania ; Clyde Doyle, California ; Edwin E. Willis, Lou- 
isiana ; Donald L. Jackson, Calif orma ; and Gordon H. Scherer, Ohio. 

Committee members present during hearings : Representatives Wal- 
ter; Doyle; Moulder, Missouri; Willis; Tuck, Virginia; Scherer; 
Miller, New York; and Johansen, Michigan. (Appearances as noted.) 

Staff members present: Richard Arens, staff director, Donald T. 
Appell and Robert H. Goldsborough, investigators. 

The Chairman. The committee will be in order. 

Call your first witness, Mr. Arens. 

Mr. Arens. Albert Gaillard, will you please come forward? 

The Chairman. Raise your right hand, please. 

Do you swear the testimony you are about to give will be the truth, 
the wliole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Gaillard. I do. 

Mr. Arens. Sit down, please. 

TESTIMONY OF ALBERT GAILLARD 

Mr. Arens. Please state your name. 

Mr. Gaillard. My name is Albert Gaillard, and I live in New York 
City. 

The Chairman. How do you spell your last name ? 

Mr. Gaillard. G-a-i-1-l-a-r-d. 

Mr. Arens. Before we go any further in your testimony, just tell 
this committee what happened this morning when you were getting 
ready to come over to testify before this committee. 

Mr. Gaillard. It happened this morning. This morning about ten 
minutes to nine at the Dunbar Hotel on 15th and U, I met Jesse Gray 

1367 



1368 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

who is former regional organizer of the Communist Party in Har- 
lem, and Jesse Gray asked me was I going to testify in favor of 
the Government and I tell him that I didn't know, that "You would 
find out in court at 10 o'clock this morning"; so he asked me was I 
gc ng to take the fifth amendment. So I told him I didn't know 
w. lether I was going to take the fifth amendment or not. 

And Jesse Gray told me if I testify for the Government favor, he 
said, I won't be able to come back in my community in Harlem because 
tomorrow morning he would have leaflets all over the community 
about me. 

For that reason I am afraid to go back to Harlem for a while. 

Mr. Arens. Did you know Jesse Gray as a member of the Com- 
munist Party during your service in the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes, I know Jesse Gray as a member of the Com- 
munist Party during my couple years and a half in the Communist 
Party. 

Mr. Arens. Jesse Gray is in the hearing room today ? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes, he is sitting right out there in the audience. 

The Chairman. Has he been subpenaed ? 

Mr. Arens. Yes, he is under subpena. 

The Chairman. We will get to him later on. 

Don't be disturbed by the threats of such people. In a country 
such as ours loyal people are protected, and I just want to warn these 
smart nobodys that there will come a day when they will appreciate 
the fact that they live in a republic. 

Go ahead, Mr. Arens. 

Mr. Arens. Albert, tell us a li<?Ele bit about your personal life be- 
fore we get into your service in the Coromunist Party. 

The Chairman. Before you go on, Mr. Arens, did you report this 
to the Federal Bureau of Investigation ? 

Mr. Arens. He told me about it two minutes ago, Mr. Walter. We 
have assured him he will have all the protection of the Federal Gov- 
ernment and, if either Jesse Gray or any of the other Communists 
who are under subpena before this committee, lay a hand on him, 
threaten him, or anything of the kind, they will be brought to task. 

The Chairman. Let us notify the FBI now. 

Mr. Arens. Yes, sir. 

Albert, tell us just a word about your own personal life before 
you became associated with the Communist Party. 

Mr. Gaillard. I was bom December 12, 1939, in Charleston, South 
Carolina, and I attended Bruce Elementary School in Charleston, 
South Carolina, and then I left South Carolina. 

I came to New York in 1950 and I attended P.S. 89 in New York 
and also attended Junior High School 139 in New York City; also 
attended Morris High School up in the Bronx, and for about a year 
I was up at the Otisville Training School for Boys because of family 
difficulty that I had with my family at home. 

This is when I first came in contact with anything involved with 
the Communist Party. I met a youth up at the State Training School 
who introduced me to communism, and that is when I first came in 
contact with them. 

Mr. Arens. It is the information of the committee that your sojourn 
at the training school was not in any sense because of any delinquency 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1369 

of any kind, but that you were afforded a home there while they were 
undertaking to find foster parents for you ; is that correct ? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Tell us, if you please, how you first joined the Com- 
munist Party and when you joined the Communist Party. 

Mr. Gaillard. Well, during my time at Otisville State Training 
School this fellow, Gordon Danielsen, was in the same dormitory 
that I was in at Otisville State Training School. 

So usually every night while the rest of the boys would be out 
playing, on recreation, I would usually be out reading a book at a 
table by myself. 

So Gordon Danielsen came over to me and he started talking to 
me. So one night he took a piece of white paper, and he drew a 
diagram and he started explainmg to me about the different Socialist 
states and what communism was all about. 

So he suggested when I get out that I join up with the Communist 
Party. 

He had given me a name of a pastor who lived out in Long Island, 
that he would help me get into the party. He said this pastor's name 
was not on record because of he being a minister he didn't want to 
be known. 

So anyway, when I got out of Otisville State Training School, 
this address that Gordon Danielsen gave me, I lost this address. So 
afterward one Sunday morning I was — before this happened I went 
to the party headquarters on 26th Street twice and each time that 
I went to try to join the party they told me that I couldn't get into 
the party, that I would have to have two persons that I know very 
well in good standing with the Communist Party to recommend me. 

Mr. Arens. What year was it that you were in the process of join- 
ing the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Gaillard. I was in the process of joining the Communist 
Party — I think it was in December 1956 — and I finally got in, in Jan- 
uary 1957. 

Mr. Arens. Tell us how you got into the party, what you actually 
did to become a Communist. 

Mr, Gaillard. Well, this friend, I met him at an uncle's house 
of mine — his name was Lennie McSwain. He told me he was active 
in the party out in Jersey City. 

One morning we was discussing about international and different 
problems. So ne told me why don't I join up with the Communist 
Party since I seemed to talk so outspoken. 

So I told him I tried to get into the Communist Party twice and 
each time they told me I have to have someone that knew me well to 
recommend me. 

So afterward he told me to go down to the party headquarters 
again. So finally that Monday, I think about 11 — Monday morning 
about 11 or 12 o'clock, I went down at the party headquarters and 
this time they didn't refuse me. 

They take me right downstairs and they give me a paper and asked 
me to sign my name and my address and my telephone number on it. 

This woman — I cannot recall her name 

Mr. Arens. Is it your understanding that Lennie McSwain inter- 
ceded for you or made arrangements for you to actually get into the 
party? 



1370 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

Mr. (rA TT.T.A Bn, Right. 

Mr. Arens. This was at party headquarters ? 

Mr. Gaillard. Right, party headquarters. 

Mr. Arens. Tell us what happened next after you actually became 
a Communist. 

Mr. Gaillard. That same night before I left the party headquar- 
ters they told me it would be in 4 or 5 weeks that someone irom 
the party would get in touch with me. 

That same night when I got home about seven o'clock I got a call 
from Mr. Jesse Gray who was regional organizer of the Communist 
Party at the time in Harlem. 

Mr. Arens. Is he the same person who approached you this morn- 
ing at the hotel ? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Go right ahead and tell us what happened. 

Mr. Gaillard. So Jesse Gray asked me to meet him at a church in 
Harlem. I think it was 132d or 133d Street. It was one of the 
streets. 

I met Jesse Gray and another friend of myself by the name of Her- 
bert Williams who also was a member of the Communist Party. 

At that time Mr. Gray told me that the Communist Party was weak 
in this country because of lacking of the Negro youth. He told me 
that the Communist Party at this special time did not have a Negro 
youth movement up in Harlem. 

He said I was the only Negro youth from Harlem that come up and 
joined the Communist Party in the last couple years. He told me 
that he would work very closely with me to see that I get a youth 
movement started in Harlem. 

So afterward I agreed with him. Then a week later I went to 
Adelphi Hall on 14th Street which the Communist Party held a meet- 
ing there. 

At this meeting Ben Davis, the chairman of the New York State 
Communist Party, was the main speaker at this meeting. After the. 
meeting was over with, Mr. Gray turned and introduced me to Ben 
Davis and he was very pleased to meet me and happy for the fact that 
he had had a Negro youth from Harlem joined up with the Communist 
Party. 

Mr. Davis also said to me himself that the party needed a Negro 
youth movement in Harlem. He said because the Communist Party 
IS not strong without the Negro youth behind it. 

Mr. Davis assigned Jesse Gray, who was regional organizer at the 
time, to work with me very closely, and Mr. Davis said to Mr. Gray 
that, "I want you to report back to me because I want to be working 
closely with them, and I will finance the money and so forth to see 
that a youth movement in Harlem gets started." 

Mr. Arens. Then what happened next, please ? 

Mr. Gaillard. What happened next — afterward I had a couple 
meetings with Mr. Gray at his home at 1809 7th Avenue in New York 
City and at this meeting me and Mr. Gray were discussing how could 
we get the youth to organize to come into the youth movement. 

So first of all, Mr. Gray from his experience he told me that, "You 
cannot bring the idea of Communists over to the Negro youth in this 
community." 



COMMUNIST TRArNING OPKEATIONS 1371 

He said, "You have to have it on a social basis and then you can 
trick them to come into this youth movement." 

So I went along with the plan with Mr. Jesse Gray. 

So afterward we passed out our first leaflets and there was sup- 
posed to be a free youth social at 203 West 126th Street which was one 
of the party headquarters that they have in Harlem, and they still 
have it, too. 

So at this first youth gathering we had about 40 or 45 Negro youths 
that have attended this youth gathering. And Mr. Gray, he came in 
about a couple hours after this youth event have started. 

Mr. Gray made a speech to the Negro youth concerning the racial 
problem — he said, what the Negro people is facing in this country. 

So afterward that following week we had a couple more meetings. 
Then from there on in we started joining the youth movement, and 
we called it the Harlem Youth Congress. 

Mr. Arens. Who were the officers of the Harlem Youth Con- 
gress? 

Mr. Gaillard. Well, in the Harlem Youth Congress I, myself, 
Albert Gaillard, was president of the Harlem Youth Congress, and 
Ernest Harris, who is a Negro fellow, too — he was the vice president 
of the Harlem Youth Congress. 

Then I have another friend, Willie Ervin. He was also one of the 
officers of the Harlem Youth Congress. 

Mr. Arens. To whom did you pay your dues as a Communist? 

Mr. Gaillard. As a Communist twice I paid dues to Jesse Gray. 
Then after the youth movement have got started up on its feet, we also 
had a Chinese girl — I think she was half Chinese — her name was 
Alma Moy, and she was the secretary for the Harlem Youth Con- 
gress and she started taking up the dues from there on in. 

Mr. Arens. Tell us how many members were there in the Harlem 
Youth Congress during your presidency. 

Mr. Gaillard. During my presidency in the Harlem Youth Con- 
gress, at first, when we first started out, it was at least about 40 
members in the Harlem Youth Congress. After they find out that 
we was just a Communist front, a lot of them drop out and at the time 
the Ben Davis campaign started we only had 10 or 11 youth left. 

Mr. Arens. Within the Harlem Youth Congress was there a hard 
core of young Communists of whom you were one ? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes, there was, at least about three or four of them. 

Mr. Arens. Did the hard core of the young Communists in Harlem 
of which you were the president likewise organize other groups be- 
side the Harlem Youth Congress? 

Mr. Gahxard. Yes. We also have tried to organize the Puerta 
Rican youth. There was one Puerto Eican girl by the name of Hat- 
tie — that is all I know her by — ^and we decided that we will have a sep- 
arate meeting at 110th Street in Lenox, which Mr. Gray's office is up 
there. We have used his office up there to have these meetings with 
these Puerto Rican youth and when we organized these Puerto Rican 
youth we didn't organize them in the name of the Harlem Youth 
Congress. I think we organized them in the name of Youth for 
Civil Rights or Youth for something — I can't recall the name of it. 

Mr. Arens. Did you organize also a youth committee for Ben 
Davis ? 



1372 COMMUNIST TRAINING OFEaATIONS 

Mr. Gatllard. Yes. When the Ben Davis campaign was going on 
we organized a Youth Committee for Ben Davis. I myself took the 
role of being the president of the Youth Committee for Ben Davis, 
too, because Mr. Davis and Mr. Gray say that it would be better for 
a good Communist to be the head of any Communist youth move- 
ment that we have. And this was the reason why I take it upon 
myself to become president of the Youth Committee for Ben Davis, 
and Mr. Davis, he was more in favor of the Youth Committee for 
Ben Davis than he was for the Communist front which was Harlem 
Youth Congress. 

Mr. Arens. Did you have membership cards in the young Com- 
munists clique of which you were the head ? 

Mr. Gaillard. No, we didn't have any membership cards because 
it came from the party official down South that they didn't want any 
of their youths to have membership cards in case they would be 
picked up by the FBI or asked for any information, and they would 
not have any identification which would be relating them to the Com- 
munist Party. 

Mr. Arens. Did you have any training sessions ? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes. We have held classes which was educational. 
We have. 

Mr. Arens. Were those Communist training sessions ? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Where were they held and when? 

Mr. Gaillard. First, we had some classes up at our office at 203 
West 126th Street, and how did they first start out. The classes they 
first start off talking about the Negro people problem that has hap- 
pened to the Negro people, and then they would tie in with Marxism 
and Leninism. 

Mr. Arens. Who were some of the instructors at these training 
classes ? 

Mr. Gaillard. Some of the instructors at these training classes — 
Mr. Gray was one instructor of these training classes and also Mr. 
Davis himself, and Edna — I can't recall her last name. 

But anyway Mr. Gray asked this Negro woman by the name of 
Edna to work along with the youth in these Communist Party edu- 
cation process and they worked with us for a couple of weeks and 
then she seemed like she lost interest. 

Mr. Arens. How many were in attendance at the training classes ? 

Mr. Gaillard. I think at least every class we had there was about 
15 or 17 would show up each time. 

Mr. Arens. From whom did you receive your orders and directions 
as head of the Harlem youth section of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Gaillard. I received my orders and instructions from Ben 
Davis and Mr. Gray. But usually it would be Mr. Gray because 
Mr. Gray would get his orders from Ben Davis and he would give 
it to me. 

Mr. Arens. Did the other Communist youth meet in closed sessions 
as comrades ? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes. This is how, the way we did it. Mostly those 
who came in on the left side — we had a meeting every Tuesday night 
with the hard-core members of the Communists. 

Mr. Arens. Were you the head of that group ? 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1373 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes, I was the head of it also. 

Mr. Arens. May I ask you : Did you know as a Communist, be- 
cause of your attendance in closed sessions of the hard core of the 
Communist youth section, Jesse Gray as a Communist? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes, I know Jesse Gray as a member of the Com- 
munist Party because he was regional organizer in Harlem of the 
Communist Party. 

Mr. Arens. Did you know in like manner as a Communist, Hunter 
Pitts O'Dell? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes, I know Hunter Pitts O'Dell as a member of 
the Communist Party. Before I go on, I would like to give a little es- 
timation of how I know Hunter Pitts O'Dell, if you want me to go on. 

Mr. Arens. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Gaillard. During the time when the Ben Davis campaign 
was going on, I met Hunter Pitts O'Dell at Mr. Gray's house. The 
first time I met Mr. O'Dell, Mr. Gray introduced me to Mr. O'Dell 
as a friend of his for a number of years, and he told me that Mr. 
O'Dell was an insurance man and said that he was still going to 
school to get his master's degree. 

At that time I believed Mr. Gray because this was the first time 
that I ever come in contact with Mr. O'Dell. 

So after a couple weeks passed, one day I went up to Mr. Gray's 
house and at the time Mr. Gray wasn't home, but Hunter was at 
Mr. Gray's house and Mrs. Gray had let me in. 

So me and Hunter, we got into a conversation in the kitchen, and he 
told me that he was an insurance man. He said that he worked in the 
South in Negroes' affairs for the Communist Party and that he was 
an undercover agent working along with the Communist Party and 
said he had to be very careful because he had had 20 years' indictment 
behind him in the State of Louisiana. 

And that is how I came to know Mr. O'Dell. 

Mr. Arens. A little later on we will get into your activities with 
Hunter Pitts O'Dell. 

Did you know in like manner as a member of the Communist Party, 
because of your attendance with him in a closed, hard-core session, 
Alan McGowan ? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes, I know Alan McGowan to be a member of the 
Cornmunist Party and how I first met Alan McGowan. Jack Rosen, 
or either Jake Rosen, he is sitting right there in the audience now — 
he was the first one that introduced me to Alan McGowan at Adelphi 
Hall on 14th Street and said Mr. McGowan was a member of the 
Communist Party, and Alan McGowan then admitted to me himself 
that he was a member of the Communist Party and also one night 
when we was coming from a meeting from Adelphi Hall on 14th 
Street there was me, Alan McGowan, Freeman Robinson. We all 
would take the 7th Avenue subway express together. And Alan 
McGowan, even he started talking to me and I get to know him a 
little while because he was mostly interested in what the youth move- 
ment in Harlem was doing. 

That is how I come to know Mr. McGowan to be a member of the 
Communist Party. 

Mr. Arens. Did you in like manner know as a comrade, as a Com- 
munist, as a member of the Communist Party, Jacob Rosen? 



1374 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes, I know Jacob Rosen to be a member of the 
Communist Party. When I first met Mr. Rosen, Freeman Robinson, 
a member of the Communist Party, had brought Mr. Rosen to Har- 
lem at one of the Communist Party youth meetings that he was hav- 
ing that Sunday and he introduced me to Mr. Rosen. 

At this time Mr. Rosen was head of the educational youth group 
called SCOPE, and he was trying to get the Negro youth from Harlem 
to take courses into SCOPE. But at this time he was very close to the 
party, he was a member of the party not yet. 

So afterward he told me how much they charged for the courses, 
but he told me that both you can get some of your Negro youth to 
take up these courses, that "We would let you all have it free." 

That is how come I got to know Mr. Jack Rosen and then later on 
a couple months later he joined up with the Communist Party. 

Mr. Arens. Did you know in like maimer as a member of the Com- 
munist Party, Joanne Grant ? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes, I know Joanne Grant to be a member of the 
Communist Party. I have met her several times, but I don't know 
her as well as I know Alan McGowan and Jack Rosen. 

Mr. Arens. Did you serve in a closed party session with Joanne 
Grant? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes, I served in closed session twice at Adelphi 
Hall with Miss Grant, because I can point her out in the audience. 

Mr. Arens. Did you know in like manner as a member of the Com- 
munist Party, Paul Robeson, Jr. ? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes, I know Paul Robeson, Jr., to be a member of 
the Communist Party. My first experience of knowing Paul Robe- 
son, Jr., was when the Ben Davis campaign was going on the year 
before last, I think it was in the summer of 1958, and Paul Robeson, 
Jr., was up at the headquarters mostly all the time during when the 
Ben Davis campaign was going on, and there was several times that 
the party have had private session meetings at the party headquarters 
which Paul Robeson, Jr., he would take part in these meetings him- 
self, and I also was invited by Ben Davis to sit in on one of these 
meetings. 

(At this point, Mr. Willis entered the hearing room.) 

Mr. Arens. Did you know in like manner as a member of the Com- 
munist Party because of your attendance with him in a closed party 
session, Marvin Markman ? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes, I know Marvin Markman to be a member of 
the Communist Party because Marvin Markman and Alan McGowan 
were very close friends in the youth league. Anywhere you would 
see Alan McGowan you would see Marvin also. He would also sit 
in Commimist Party meetings with Alan McGowan. 

Mr. Arens. Did you have any experience with Ben Davis with 
reference to a picket program which Davis liad devised for the young 
Communists to set up ? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes, I have had. 

Mr. Arens. Would you tell us about that please ? 

Mr. Gaillard. I think it was in the summer of 1958 when there 
was an incident up in the Bronx when there was a Negro youth that 
was shot by cops. And so Jesse Gray and Mr. Davis suggested that 
the Negro youth, that we should draw a picket line by the 23rd Pre- 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1375 

cinct on 123rd Street between 7th and 8th Avenue. They also sug- 
gest that we call up the Amsterdam News and tell them that a 
Negro youth is going to picket the police people. The reason for 
that — why they want this picket line to take place — so that it will 
give the Communist Party an advantage. 

Mr. Arens. Did he say anything to you about any of your young 
Communists attacking the police or getting thrown in jail? 

Mr. Gaillard. They had said to us that if the police tried to make 
us move to refuse to move because it will be a big incident and the 
police will go around pushing around the Negro youth up in Harlem 
and say this will be a good political advantage for the Communist 
Party and for the youth movement itself. 

But the reason why this picket line didn't take place, this lady, 
Mrs. Corley, who lived up in the Bronx, whose son was the one that 
was killed — Jesse Gray suggested that we call her and we called her 
to try to get into the case, and she in turn gave me her lawyer's phone 
number and told me to call her lawyer and ask him. 

So I called her lawyer and used the name of the Harlem Youth 
Congress and told him we was very interested in this case and we 
would like some publicity to get behind this case, and they went along 
with it until they found that we was members of the Communist 
Party and that we was just a Communist Party front. 

After they found out we was a member of the Communist Party 
front, Mrs. Corley and her lawyer told us to get out of the case before 
they tried it. 

Mr. Arens. Tell us of your experience in running the Harlem youth 
section of the Communist Party in soliciting names for petitions for 
Ben Davis. 

Mr. Gaillard. During the time of the Ben Davis campaign w^hen 
he was running for State Senator in the 21st Senatorial District 
against State Senator James Watson, when the petition campaign 
was going on, I, myself, and another Communist Party member by 
the name of Carla Keeve who was in the party, and I think she is 
still a member of the party — me and Carla Reeve went one Saturday 
morning to gather names on the petition. 

This particular Negro woman that we went to — I think it was 127th 
or 128th Street — we asked her to sign this Communist Party petition. 
She kind of hesitated because she did not want to sign it. When 
we said it was the People's Rights Party she wanted to know whether 
the People's Rights Party was just a Communist Party front. She 
asked me and Carla and said, "Isn't Ben Davis — Isn't he a member 
of the Communist Party ?" 

And Carla Reeve she tried to trick this Negro woman and said, 
"Nope, he is not a member of the Communist Party." 

So she said, "Because I doesn't want to get into any difficulty, be- 
cause I doesn't want to sign any Communist Party petition whatso- 
ever, because I doesn't want nothing to do with communism." 

So anyway Carla tried to trick her so she can sign it. I felt sorry 
for her and I told her, "Please do not sign the petition because it is a 
Communist Party petition and Ben Davis is chairman of the New 
York State Communist Party." 

And Carla Reeve got mad and she went back to the party head- 
quarters and she said to Mr. Davis about this incident what happened 
and Mr. Davis was mad about me. 



1376 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

And he said to me, these exact words — excuse me for using this one 
word in court — but he said, "I don't give a damn about how we hurt 
one or two individuals." 

He said, "If we hurt one or two persons I don't give a damn as long 
as the Communist Party could achieve their victory." 

And from Mr. Davis' statement I feel very hurt. The reason why 
I feel very hurt, if the Communist Party is supjKtsed to be a party to 
fight for the Negro people as they claim, why would the Communist 
Party say about this woman who didn't want to sign a petition and 
why would the higher officials in the party say he doesn't give a damn 
about her, 

I think that Mr. Davis doesn't care about this one Negro woman 
and then the Communist Party doesn't care about the whole Negro 
people. They are only using the Negro people for their own advan- 
tages. 

Mr. Arens. Albert, tell us about your experience in the underground 
movement to organize a youth movement in the South among Negroes. 

Mr. Gaillard. During this time, like when I said I would come 
back to Hunter Pitts O'Dell— after I got to know Hunter Pitts O'Dell 
maybe for 3 or 4 weeks, then Hunter Pitts O'Dell he started talking 
and say; he said that the South is the revolutionary front. 

So I asked him how he mean the South is the revolutionary front 
and he explained to me the reason why. He said the South is the revo- 
lutionary front. He say he would like to see that a powerful move- 
ment get started in the South. When Mr. Hunter find out that my 
home was in Charleston, South Carolina, he decided I was the youth 
that was for the job. He asked me would I be willing to go to South 
Carolina with the party backing to start a broad youth movement 
which would be controlled by the Communist Party and at this time 
I told Mr. O'Dell that I would be glad to go. 

Mr. Arens. What year was this, Albert ? 

Mr. Gaillard. I think this was in about, I think it was the last part 
of 1958 or early part of '59, 1 think. 

Mr. Arens. '58 or '59? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Go ahead, please. 

Mr. Gaillard. Anyway after a couj)le of months we was talking on 
this subject, so finally Mr. O'Dell decides to send me South. And at 
this time that he send me South he said a Jim Jackson which was 
chairman of the Southern Negro affairs in the Communist Party— -I 
think he was over in the Soviet Union attending this conference or this 
convention they had over in the Soviet Union. 

Mr. Arens. That is James Jackson ? 

Mr. Gaillard. James Jackson, yes, of course. 

Mr. O'Dell told me that he would give James Jackson their report 
when he come back, that I would be one of the agents working alone 
in the South with them underground. 

Mr. O'Dell also told me that I have nothing to worry about; he 
said, because when he get down South he will introduce me to some 
of the party's people m the South, and then I asked him: I said, 
"You mean to say that the Communist Party, that they have Negro 
people working underground in the South ?" 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1377 

And Mr. O'DeU told me "Yes," but he told me "Don't ask too 
much information," because he don't want me to know too much 
right away. 

He said, "First, you carry out one mission and then I will let you 
know about the party more deeper." 

(At this point, Mr. Johansen left the hearing room.) 

Mr. Arens. Tell us about your mission then, please. 

Mr. Gaillard. As to my mission, Mr. O'Dell he give me about a 
couple hmidred dollars' worth of books to sell. He told me when I 
go back to my home 

Mr. Arens. These were Communist books ? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes. 

One book he gave me was Paul Robeson — this book about Paul 
Robeson. He told me when I go back to my hometown that I must 
sell these books and when the people ask me why I come back home 
just say I come back home to be a book salesman. 

He said every Negro youth that I sell a book to, to take their names 
and addresses and have it for him when he comes. He said because 
he will meet me in South Carolina within a couple of weeks. 

So I left New York. Mr. O'Dell, he suggest to me that I leave New 
York late at night. So I left New York at 2 o'clock in the morning 
on the Greyhound bus, and I arrive in South Carolina that following 
night at 10 o'clock. 

So finally the plan that I start that was going to work, it didn't 
work out the way I myself and Mr. O'Dell thought the plan would 
work. 

Mr. Arens. Did you have an experience there with a high school 
group? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes, I am getting into that now. It was very 
surprising to me because I thought that the Negro people in the 
South — I thought that they wasn't very alerted to the Communist 
Party front but first when I went to one high school, Burke High 
School, and also went to another high school by the name of Avery 
High School to try to sell these books on Paul Robeson 

Mr. Arens. That is in South Carolina ? 

Mr. Gaillard. In Charleston, South Carolina. 

Mr. Arens. Are these two schools high schools, in which the Negro 
students are in attendance ? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Tell us what happened there please ? 

Mr. Gaillard. First, I went into Avery High School. I got kicked 
out of Avery High School. When I first went to the principal he 
wouldn't let me get into the high school with these books. So then I 
left Avery High School and went to Burke High School, which I 
know the principal of Burke High School by the name of Mr. Young. 
Mr. Young was glad to see me because I was back home. But when I 
take these books and ask could I go around to give classes and try 
to sell it — ^right away Mr. Young asked me to please leave the school. 
He says, "Isn't Paul Robeson a member of the Communist Party?" 

Mr. Arens. This man you were talking about was principal of the 
school ? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. He himself is a Negro ; is that correct? 



1378 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

Mr. GAiiiARD. Yes, he himself is a Negro and he is principal of 
Burke High School. 

So Mr. Young said to me, "Isn't this guy Paul Robeson — ^isn't he 
a member of the Communist Party ?" 

So I tried to evade the problem — ^you know, the question, so finally 
Mr. Young asked me to please leave the school. He said if I ever 
come back to the school premises with any Communist book or any 
Communist literature he would call the police department and have 
me arrested. 

I am not quite sure whether he called the police department or not, 
but I know when I got about four or five blocks away from the school, 
the local police official picked me up and made me open this brief case 
that I had about 40 books in this brief case, and they said to me — 
they looked at this book on Paul Robeson and said, "Isn't this guy a 
Communist?" 

I tried to act smart. They told me don't get smart with them. 
They told me to stay off the street and don't go to any kind of institu- 
tion with these books whatsoever. 

So I told them that I was just a book salesman trying to sell books. 

They said, "Do you have a license for it ?" 

I said no. 

So finally, I lay off it for a couple of days. In another couple of 
days I went back to try to sell these books again. I went to these 
different Negro churches and everywhere I went with these books to 
my surprise the Negro people have turned me down, because they 
know what I was trying to sell and the way I was talking they told 
me that I talk like a Communist, and I was surprised. 

Mr. Arens. Let me interrupt you please to ask you this question. 

The Communist Party in its attempts to penetrate the Ne^o youth 
uses the device that it is the champion of the Negro, that it is against 
discrimination and the like. 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have any conclusion which you have reached 
in your own mind as to whether or not the Communist Party is a 
discriminatory operation ? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes, I have. 

When I first joined the Communist Party everyone knows mostly, 
the Negro people who have joined the Communist Party and after 
they find out about the party they finally break away from the party. 
I went into the party with the idea that the Communist Party was 
the solution to the Negro people's problem, but as my experience in 
the Communist Party I find out that the Communist Party wasn't a 
party for the Negro peoj)le, that the Communist Party have one of 
the worst discriminations in their own party themselves. 

If the Communist Party can use the Negro people as a tool and 
use them for their own advantage, the Communist Party don't give a 
darn about the Negro people themselves, and I also witnessed dis- 
crimination in the party. If something happened to the Negro people, 
the Communist Party they would be the first ones to jump up and 
say, "We must do this and we must do that." And then if the Com- 
mimist Party find out they see whereupon the Government of this 
country changed things around and worked the things in the favor 
of the Negro people, it seems like the Communist Party they get sad 



COMMUNIST TRAESriNG OPERATIONS 1379 

and they want to drop the issue altogether. In other words, the Com- 
munist JParty want to see the things really keep on happening to the 
Negro people so they can use this as a weapon to try to rally the masses 
of the Negro people around the Communist Party. 

Mr. Arens. Will you go on please with the incidents in the South 
when you were attempting to organize the Negro youth in the South. 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes. 

I told you that I was picked up several times. Finally, Hunter 
O'Dell he finally showed up — 2 weeks passed by and he didn't show 
up. After this difficulty that I was m because when I left New 
York I only had about $110 left in my pocket, after I had got my 
transportation. 

After I arrived and after I was in South Carolina and my money 
was running out I phoned up Mr. Jesse Gray in New York because 
before Hunter O'Dell left — iDefore I left New York I had my last 
meeting with Mr. Jesse Gray and Hunter O'Dell and Hunter O'Dell 
told me if I get into any difficulty for me to call Mr. Jesse Gray and 
have it charged on to Mr. Gray's phone and say if I need any financial 
funds or anything before he get down or I get in any difficulty to 
call Mr. Gray. 

So finally, after I was picked up twice and my funds have run 
out, that I have taken to last me until Mr. O'Dell arrives, I called 
up Mr. Jesse Gray and I had charged collect on Mr. Gray's phone. 
At this time the way Mr. Gray was talking he seemed like he didn't 
want to be bothered with me after the plan that Hunter O'Dell with 
the backing of the Communist Party had proposed, that I had gone 
down South and after I called him and tell him that the plan failed 
Mr. Gray seemed'like he didn't want to talk about it. 

So I asked him, I said: "Have Mary left yet?" 

When I said "Have Mary left yet?" he knew I was talking about 
Hunter O'Dell because they told me when I called to never call Hunter 
O'Dell 's name on the phone. 

So Jesse Gray told me that Hunter had already left. First he 
used the name "Mary" left. 

He say, "Mary have already left and she is supposed to go to Mont- 
gomery, Alabama, first and that she would probably get down to 
South Carolina soon." 

And he said, "You are to talk the problem over with her." 

So finally, a week later. Hunter showed up and I told Hunter 
O'Dell what had happened and I told him. I said, "I doesn't want 
to stay down here again," because I say, "the plans won't work." 

I said, "Even among our own Negro people that I know myself 
and have grown up with them this idea about starting a Communist 
youth front, they wasn't for it at all." 

I told Hunter O'Dell I would like to return back to New York, 
but I doesn't have the money. 

So Mr. Hunter O'Dell he asks me, "When is the next train or bus 
going back to New York?" I gave him the schedules as far as I 
know. 

So I said, "Aren't you going to give me fare? Maybe I can leave 
a couple days after you left." 

Hunter O'Dell told me — he lied to me because I know that he have 
it on him — he lied to me and told me, "I doesn't have the money 
on me." He said, "Within 10 days I will send it to you." 



1380 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

I told Hunter, I said, "If I stay down here another 10 days any- 
thing could happen to me." I didn't have no money for food or noth- 
ing. 

All Hunter did was pull a doHar out of his pocket, and he give it 
to me and said : "Within 10 days you will have the money so you can 
come back." 

Well, anyway, when he left I wanted to walk him to the bus sta- 
tion and he advised me not to because, he said he wanted to use cau- 
tion and he doesn't want me to walk him to the bus station ._ 

So anyway about another couples of weeks and I was in South 
Carolina and I was waiting for Hunter O'Dell to send the money 
that he never sent me one cent. I had to work my way back up to 
New York myself. 

Mr. Arens. Did you then conclude that you had had enough of 
communism and enough of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Gaillard, Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Did you then make contact with the FBI and then with 
the Committee on Un-American Activities ? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes, I have. 

I made contact with the FBI and I also take it voluntarily upon 
myself and write this committee a letter. 

But one thing I would like to say first, if I could say it in this room. 
I am not saying this that I tried to hurt anyone in this courtroom, any 
ex-comrade — I mean any members of the Communist Party in this 
courtroom, but I know after I finish with this testimony to them the 
Communist Party, the leaders in the youth movement — I know that 
all of them is going to have a meeting on this and they will consider 
I sell out. But I want them to know that I did not sell out to the 
United States Government whatsoever, that I did this thing on my 
own free will. 

I wrote a letter, I think it was, a six- or eight-page letter — I wrote 
to this committee and I said I would like to come down and give upon 
myself testimony about the Communist Party, and my special reason 
why I wrote this letter to this committee because I do not want no 
other Negro youth to make the mistake with the Communist Party 
that I have made. 

Mr. Arens. This is the letter you sent to the committee, is it not? 

Mr. Gaillard. This is the letter in my own handwriting, an eight- 
page letter in my own handwriting. 

Mr. Arens. May I ask if Hunter Pitts O'Dell when he met you 
down there told you about any of the other comrades who were sup- 
posedly working in the South, penetrating undercover as you were 
supposed to be doing. 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes, Hunter O'Dell he told me that they had a Ne- 
gro woman in Columbia, South Carolina. He said she was up North 
for quite a number of years. That she was originally from Columbia, 
South Carolina, and that she was in the progressive movement while 
she was up North and she went back to Columbia, South Carolina. 
Now she is one of the leading Negro women which take part in the 
progressive movement throughout the South. 

The Chairman. Any questions ? Mr. Doyle ? 

Mr. Doyle. Mr. Gaillard, I would like to ask you a few questions. 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes, of course. 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1381 

Mr. Doyle. I haven't read your letter so I do not know what you 
said. I notice as you give the names of these members of the Harlem 
youth group and the names of the Communists or persons you identi- 
fied as Communists you have no memoranda or note in front of you. 
You apparently are giving those from memory ; is that correct ? 

Mr. Gaillard. Right. 

Mr. Doyle. How old are you ? 

Mr. Gaillard. I just reached my 20th birthday December 12th — ^20 
years old. 

Mr. Doyle. How old were you when you first went into the Harlem 
youth group ? 

Mr. Gaillard. I think I was about 17 years old then. I think I 
just reached my 18th birthday — no, I just reached my I7th birthday 
at the time. I was 17. 

Mr. Doyle. When I asked you about not having any memoranda or 
notes in front of you I didn't mean that as a criticism. I meant it as a 
compliment. 

Mr. Gaillard. Well, I tell you 

Mr. Doyle. Also it means to me that you are a more creditable wit- 
ness than some of these people I am looking at in the hearing room 
would give you credit for being. 

I have never met you, of course. I am shocked that this Mr. Gray 
who is in the room here apparently — I am anxious to meet him and see 
who he is, which will probably be later in this hearing — I am shocked 
to find that in the capital city of the United States, according to your 
testimony, he is the agent of the Communist Party who came up and 
threatened you in a hotel. I am not surprised as a Communist that he 
would do it because that is typical of their methods which are well 
known. 

But may I ask you about what he said again? I didn't quite get 
it clearly from you. 

Mr. Gaillard. Last night I went to the Dunbar Hotel to spend over- 
night because I came here yesterday and was to testify this morning. 
So about a quarter to nine I got up and went and had breakfast. After 
I had breakfast I went to the barber shop to get a haircut but the 
barber shop in the hotel was not open yet. I was on my way back 
to my room to get dressed and I saw Mr. Gray. He was standing there 
by this hotel door. He had his briefcase in his hand. 

So he called me. I was talking to another Negro fellow who worked 
in the hotel. 

So Mr. Gray called me and I was shocked to see Mr. Gray, and at 
this time I got frightened when I saw Mr. Gray because I know that I 
have to appear and I was going to be a witness this morning. So I 
thought maybe Mr. Gray — I thought maybe he knew I was going to be 
a witness this morning. So that is the reason I got frightened. 

So anyway he asked me He said, "So you are the surprise wit- 
ness. You are going to witness tomorrow, you who was recently a 
breakaway from one of the youth operations, one of the youth Com- 
munist operations in this country." 

So I said "I am not saying yes and I am not saying no." 

I said, "I will appear in court at 10 o'clock this morning." And I 
said, "At this hearing you will find out what I have to say." 

51693 O— 60— pt. 2 5 



1382 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

He say, "You know that ever since you was in the party that I have 
known you very well." 

He said, "You don't have to hide anything from me." 

He said, "I want you to take the fifth amendment." 

He say, "AVould you take the fifth amendment ?" 

So I was trying to — I play around with him a little. I say, "If I 
took the fifth amendment what will happen to me?" 

He said, "Nothing would happen to you." 

He stand up and talk to me for 7 or 8 minutes and kept on telling 
me, "Take the fifth amendment." 

I said, "I am not quite sure. You will find out in court." 

So anyway he told me. He said, If I doesn't take the fifth amend- 
ment, he said, that he will see for sure in the First of all, he asked 

me my address. He know that I lived in Harlem somewhere around 
124th Street. He know what block I live in but the exact address he 
doesn't know. He asked me my exact address. 

I told him that I am not giving out to anyone my address because, 
I said, "I am out of the Communist Party and I don't want to have 
anything to do with anyone who is very close to the Communist Party 
anymore and for this reason I refuse to give out my address." 

Gray told me again. He said, "Are you going to take the fifth?" 

I said, "You will find out in court." 

He told me if I doesn't take the fifth amendment he said I would 
be selling out the party and I would be selling out the Negro people. 

And I corrected Mr. Gray. I say to Mr. Gray, "If I go before this 
committee this morning and if I testify against the party," I said, "I 
am not selling out the Negro people." I said, "because the masses of 
the Negro people don't give a dam about the Communist Party." 

I said that because this testimony that I am making this morning 
doesn't involve the Negro people at all. 

So Mr. Gray he got on the phone. He tried to place a long-distance 
call to New York City to the Amsterdam News because he said he 
wanted this to be in the Amsterdam News when the Amsterdam News 
comes out tomorrow morning, and when he tried to make his call the 
line was busy and I left him standing at the telephone booth. He was 
trying to place the call again. And I went to my room. 

So when I came back out again Mr. Gray was still standing by this 
phone and me and Mr. Gray were walking to this cafeteria in this 
restaurant and he sat down. He had a cup of coffee and some toast 
and in the restaurant he seemed like he was trying to make me look 
very, very small. He started talking loud, "Why don't you take 
the fifth," he said, "because you are too young to go before tliat com- 
mittee and testify against the party." 

So I got mad and I walked out. And I say, "I will see you in 
court." 

And he hadn't said anything else, but the last thing he say to me 
when I walked out, "If you don't take the fifth you will be in pretty 
bad shape in the Harlem community, I will have leaflets out." 

Even if Mr. Gray don't put these leaflets out like he said, I know 
Mr. Gray to be a man of his word — if he say he will do something I 
know he will do it. For this definite reason I would not return to my 
address where I live at for another couple weeks anyway, because 
even if this committee could stop him from putting out this leaflet. 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1383 

I am still afraid that the word could be passed around that maybe 
someone would try to physically harm me. 

Mr. Willis. What do you think he will say in the leaflet? What 
do you mean by that ? 

Mr. Gaillard. He told me. He said in this leaflet that I will be 
a sellout to the Negro people and also he say that I will team up with 
the landlords because he said the big upper class is the one responsible 
for having these investigations and this committee is one of the worst 
committees in this country. That is what he said. 

Mr. Doyle. I am not surprised that he virtually ordered you to 
claim the fifth- amendment privilege because our experience over the 
years is that is the habit of the Communist Party and their attorneys, 
if the attorneys are Communist, too, to instruct the witnesses to claim 
the fifth amendment. 

I think I heard you mention before something Mr. Gray said about 
the Federal Government. 

Did I hear you when you spoke a few minutes ago say that Mr. Gray 
had asked you something about the Federal Government ? 

Mr. Gaillard. What I said, Mr. Gray he asked me, was I going 
to be a witness for the Federal Government. 

Mr. Doyle. Support what ? 

Mr. Willis. For the Federal Government. 

Mr. Gaillard. He asked me was I going to be a witness for the Fed- 
eral Government. 

Mr. Doyle. For the Federal Government. 

Mr. Gaillard. Right. 

Mr. Doyle. Well, of course, there is only one Federal Govern- 
ment in the United States and that is the Federal Government. I am 
not surprised either that he, as a Communist organizer, would try 
to get you to keep from testifying in support of your own Govern- 
ment. Tliat is their habit. That is what they do. They would rather 
have you testify in favor of Soviet communism, not constitutional 
democracy. 

(At this point, Mr. Johansen entered the hearing room.) 

Mr. Doyle. Now, I have a couple other questions. I will hurry over 
this. 

Did I understand you to say that Mr. Gray or Mr. O'Dell were 
encouraging you to organize a youth movement among the Puerto 
Rican people of New York, the Puerto Rican youth? 

Mr. Gaillard. Well, this is how the way it went after we got the 
Harlem Youth Congress started and also after we got the Youth 
Committee for Ben Davis started, and at this time we didn't have a 
single Puerto Rican in there, and Mr. Gray suggest since we have 
Puerto Ricans living in the Harlem community, too, he said it would 
be very good if we can try to organize the Puerto Ricans also, too. 

So finally we was finding what Puerto Rican persons we could 
get in contact with. So finally we got in contact with a Puerto Rican 
girl by the name of Hattie. I cannot recall her last name. 

Well, anyway, this girl when we first got in contact with her, this 
Puerto Rican girl, she didn't know that we all were members of the 
Communist Party. 

But one Sunday we had a meeting and we tried to convince her on 
the line of communism two and a half hours, but she said that the 



1384 COMIVIUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

Puerto Ricans would think it would be a double dirt to be a Puerto 
Rican and also to be a member of the Communist Party. 

They seemed like they keep on trying and trying to convince her. 

And the last time, of my knowledge, the last time that I saw her 
was when we had a meeting with the Puerto Rican youth up on 110th 
Street and Lenox Avenue. And at this meeting that is when we had 
at least 17 or 18 Puerto Ricans, and I have not seen her since because 
that was the same night that I went South. 

Mr. Doyle, About what ages were those Puerto Ricans? 

Mr. Gaillard. Most of the them were from the age of about 16 till 
about 24 or 25. 

Mr. Doyle. Did I understand you to say that Mr. Gray told you 
that it didn't matter if you hurt one or two individuals ? 

Mr. Gaillard. That wasn't Mr. Gray. That was Ben Davis, chair- 
man of the New York State Communist Party. 

Mr. Doyle. Mr. Davis ? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes, Mr. Davi^, Ben Davis, chairman of the New 
York State Communist Party. 

Mr. Doyle. Did I understand you to say it didn't matter to him 
whether or not one or two individuals were hurt as long as the 

Mr. Gaillard. The Communist Party achieved their victory. 

That is what he said. 

Mr. Doyle. Achieved their purpose. That is their habit. They 
are willing to sacrifice the dignity and personality and freedom of 
one or two as long as they promote their insidious propaganda. That 
is their h;\bit. That is well known to us. They will even ruin one 
of their own members if need be in order to gain success for their 
party. That is their habit. 

So I am not surprised that is what he told you. 

I am not acquainted with Ben Davis. What candidacy was he 
running for ? 

Mr. Gaillard. I think during the summer of 1958 Ben Davis was 
running against State Senator James L. Watson in the 21st Senatorial 
District and he was running for State Senator. 

Mr. Doyle. And he was a candidate? He was known to you as a 
Communist at the time but his Communist membership was not 
divulged? 

Mr. Gahxard. That is right. 

Mr. Doyle. It was not revealed. He was running secretly as far 
as his Communist Party membership was concerned; is that true? 

Mr. Gaillard. He was running on an open ticket, but they called 
it the People's Rights Party. It was open. 

Mr. Doyle. But as far as the support of you young Communists 
was concerned, your support of him as young Communists was secret? 

Mr. Gaillard. Right. 

Mr. DoYi-E. Well, for lack of time I will discontinue asking you 
any further questions. 

i want to compliment you for having the guts and the patriotism, 
because that is what it takes — it really takes guts and patriotism — 
the kind Americans respect, patriotic Americans — to do what you 
have done. 

I am saying that for the benefit largely of you young people who 
are in the hearing room. It is not surprising to me that this Ameri- 
can citizen being a Negro testifies as he does and can testify honestly 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1385 

as he does. It ought to be a warning to some of you folks possibly 
in the room who think that the Communist Party stands for freedom 
of the individual. 

Here is a case where it stood for anything but freedom. It stands 
absolutely for totalitarianism of the most insidious sort. 

Thank you very much. 

Mr. Willis. Just one question, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. Yes, Mr. Willis. 

Mr. Willis. Up to what grade did you go to school ? 

Mr. Gaillard. I went up to the fifth term of high school in Morris 
High School. 

Mr. Willis. Are you employed now ? 

Mr. Gaillard. Yes, I am employed now. 

Mr. Willis. Thank you very much. 

The Chairman. Mr. Gaillard, I am not in the least bit surprised by 
what you say with respect to the loyalty and patriotism of the colored 
people in the United States. I think it is a matter of great credit that 
in spite of all sorts of hardships, they realize that being subservient to 
a foreign power is not in their best interests. 

I do want to congratulate you. What you did is not easy. Those 
of us who are charged with distasteful tasks as we are now engaged 
in are not often encouraged. But every once in a while there is some- 
thing that happens, though ; for example, when the appropriations for 
this committee were approved without one single dissenting vote. 

We were encouraged yesterday when the House by unanimous con- 
sent approved a security bill, with not one vote against it. And then 
today you come in here and have the courage to tell about this move- 
ment designed to make serfs out of all of us. 

After all we are encouraged, and I want to thank you and I am 
sure I am voicing the feeling of every Member of Congress of the 
United States without exception that we are indebted to you. 

Mr. Doyle. Mr. Chairman, may I add a word there about the appro- 
priation ? 

I do it because I could not help but notice a half dozen or so of you 
young people broadly smiling, and even laughing out loud, at the 
chairman's remark. 

So I thought I would inform you that under our congressional pro- 
cedures before that appropriation could come to the floor of the House, 
it had to go before a congressional committee and that committee 
always holds hearings. It is a subcommittee on appropriations on 
governmental operations. 

And before that committee every Member of Congress had the right 
and the opportunity to appear and testify in opposition to our com- 
mittee's appropriation if the Member wanted to. 

The fact is that not a single Member of the Congress, all of us 
knowing that that committee was to consider this particular appro- 
priation, appeared or asked to appear, before that committee. 

So it was not a matter of this appropriation just coming extem- 
poraneously to the House. It had been pending before a committee 
publicly and every Member of Congress had a right and a privilege 
and an opportunity to appear before that committee and testify against 
the appropriation if he wanted to. 

The Chairman. More than that, everybody was aware of the fact 
that it was called up. 



1386 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

Mr. Doyle. Certainly. 

The Chairman. I do not think I remember — when did you leave 
the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Gaili^vrd. I left the Communist Party in August 1959. I wrote 
the Communist Party a letter with my resignation from them. 

The Chairman. Just a few months ago. 

I want to inform you that you are continued under this subpena so 
that your status now, until we call you again, is that of a Government 
witness. 

Mr. JoHANSEN. Mr. Chairman, if I may make just one more remark, 
I regret that I had to be out of the room during part of your ex- 
cellent testimony because I had to appear as a witness before another 
committee of the Congress. 

On the basis of what I have heard and on the basis of the comments 
of my colleagues on this committee, I want to join them in com- 
mending you. You are a credit to your race and you are a credit to 
your country. 

I thank you. 

The Chairman. The committee will stand in recess for five minutes. 

(Brief recess.) 

The Chairman. Unless we have order I am going to be forced to 
clear the room. 

Please call your next witness, Mr. Arens. 

Mr. Arens. Jesse Gray, please come forward and remain standing 
while the chairman administers an oath. 

The Chairman. Raise your right hand, Mr. Gray. 

T)o you swear the testimony you are about to give will be the truth, 
the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Gray. I do. 

The Chairman. Sit down please. 

TESTIMONY OF JESSE GRAY, ACCOMPANIED BY COUNSEL, 
LAWRENCE SPEISER 

Mr. Arens. Please identify yourself by name, residence, and 
occupation. 

Mr. Gray. My name is Jesse Gray. I live at 1809 7th Avenue, 
New York. I am executive director of the Lower Harlem Tenants 
Council. 

The Chairman. Lower Harlem Tenants 

Mr. Gray. Tenants Council. 

Mr. Arens. Your residence please ? 

Mr. Gray. 1809 7th Avenue. ^ 

Mr. Arens. You are appearing today in response to a subpena that 
was served upon you by this committee ? 

Mr. Gray, Yes. 

Mr. Arens. You are represented by counsel ? 

Mr. Gray. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Counsel, please identify yourself. 

Mr. SpeisI:r. Lawrence Speiser, director of the Washington office 
of the American Civil Liberties Union, a member of the California 
and LTnited States Supreme Court bar. My address is 1712 I Street, 
N.W., Washington 6, D.C. 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1387 

Mr. Arens. How long have you been employed at your present 
place of employment? 

Mr. Gray. Several years. 

Mr. Arens. Would you say you have been employed as many as 5 
years ? 

Mr, Gray. Four years. 

Mr. Arens. Did you hear the testimony a few moments ago of Al- 
bert Gaillard? 

Mr. Gray. Yes, I did. 

Mr. Arens. Was Mr. Gaillard giving a truthful account of the ex- 
perience he had with you this morning at the hotel, the conversation 
he had with you ? 

Mr. Gray. I had no conversation with Mr. Gaillard. 

The Chairman. Did you have breakfast this morning in the Dun- 
bar Hotel? 

Mr. Gray. Yes, I had tea this morning. 

The Chairman. Was Albert Gaillard there in the restaurant when 
you were? 

Mr. Gray. I saw him in the corridor. 

The Chairman. Didn't you see him in the restaurant ? 

Mr. Gray. I saw him passing through the restaurant. 

The Chairman. Then you did see him in the restaurant this 
morning ? 

Did he stop and talk with you ? 

Mr. Gray. I had no conversations. 

The Chairman. Did he stop and talk with you ? 

Mr. Gray. I had no conversation. 

The Chairman. I am not asking about your conversation with him. 
I am asking if he made any statement to you. 

Mr. Gray. On this question, I take the fifth. 

Mr. Arens. Do you honestly apprehend if you told this committee 
whether or not he talked to you, you would be supplying information 
that might be used against you in a criminal proceeding? 

(The witness conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. Gray. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Are you now a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Gray. No, I am not now a member of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Arens. Have you ever been a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Gray. I take the fifth on that question. 

Mr. Arens. Were you a member of the Communist Party anytime 
in the course of the last year ? 

Mr. Gray. I take the fifth on that question. 

The Chairman. Were you a member of the Communist Party up to 
10 o'clock this morning ? 

Mr. Gray. I take the fifth on that question. 

Mr. Arens. Did you hear the testimony of Albert Gaillard with 
respect to your activities up to just a few months ago in the Harlem 
youth section of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Gray. I don't hear too well. 

The Chairman. Just tell him what he said so he can hear you. 

Mr. Arens. In essence he testified that you were one of the hard core 
of the young Communists in Harlem under the direction of Ben Davis, 
who were members of the Communist Party with whom he had served 



1388 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

in closed Communist Party sessions. Now, was he in error in that 
testimony respecting you ? 

Mr. Gray. I take the fifth on that question. 

Mr. Arens. Do you honestly apprehend that if you told us whether 
or ' i; Gaillard was in error you would be supplying information 
wh n could be used against you in a criminal proceeding ? 

Mr. Gray. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Chairman, I respectfully suggest that will conclude 
the staff interrogation of this witness. 

The Chairman. Is he going to invoke the fifth amendment, Mr. 
Speiser ? 

Mr. Speiser. Mr. Chairman, the only thing I can say is that it de- 
pends on the questions that are asked. 

The Chairman. I am tempted to ask a question but I shan't. 

Are there any further questions ? 

Mr. Doyle? 

Mr. Doyle. I have one or two. Is this Lower Harlem Tennis Coun- 
cil 

The Chairman. Tenants. 

Mr. Gray. Tenants, T-e-n-a-n-t-s. 

Mr. Doyle. Oh, I see. I misunderstood. I thought it was a tennis 
club of some sort. 

Mr. Gray. No, tenants. 

Mr. Doyle. Tenants ? 

Mr. Gray. Tenants. 

Mr. Doyle. In other words, a group of tenants in Harlem, and you 
are the executive director on salary of that group ? 

Mr. Gray. Yes. 

Mr. Doyle. You have been for 4 years, approximately 4 years. 

Mr. Gray. Approximately. 

Mr. Doyle. You heard the testimony of Albert Gaillard here about 
attending club meetings and group meetings in Harlem. I am sure 
I heard him testify that on occasions you were present with him at 
group meetings in Harlem. 

Did you ever attend any group meetings to your knowledge when 
he was personally present ? 

Mr. Gray. I take the fifth on that. 

Mr. Doyle. Did he ever attend the tenants council meeting when 
you were there ? 

Mr. Gray. The fifth on that also. 

Mr. DoYi.E. Do you think that it might incriminate you if you tes- 
tified that he was present at the tenants meeting of which you were 
the executive director ? 

( The witness conferred with his counsel. ) 

Mr. Gray. Yes. 

Mr. D0Y1.E. You do ? 

Now, you heard him testify that both you and he were present at 
meetings with Mr. Ben Davis, who was a Communist Party candidate 
for some office in New York ; is that true ? 

Mr. Gray. Fifth on this same question. 

Mr. Doyle. The fifth on the same question. 

You heard him testify a few minutes ago, that in the hotel lobby 
down there during a conversation between you and him, you stepped 
to the phone booth after telling him you were going to call a news- 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1389 

paper, the Amsterdam News in Harlem, so that it would publish 
tomorrow morning the fact that he had testified in support of the 
Federal Government. Is that true? 

Mr. Gray. My position remains the same. The fifth on this one, 
sir. 

Mr. Doyle. The fifth? 

Mr. Gray. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Doyle. Did you telephone from your hotel this morning, or try 
to telephone, the Amsterdam News in Harlem ? 

Mr. Gray. Fifth on this same question. 

Mr. Doyle. Of course, the telephone record would show that, I 
assume. 

Did you tell him this morning to claim the fifth amendment when 
he testified liiere? 

Mr. Gray. The fifth on that question also. 

Mr. Doyle. Did you tell him in substance that there would be a 
meeting back in Harlem if he did not claim the fifth and that he would 
not be welcome back in Harlem if he did not claim the fifth before this 
committee ? 

Mr. Gray. I take the fifth on that also. 

Mr. Doyle. Did you tell him in substance that it would be claimed 
that he was a sellout to the Government ? 

Mr. Gray. I am sure the community will decide that, and I take 
the fifth on that also. 

Mr. Doyle. Let me ask this, Mr. Chairman. 

You were, were you not, the executive ofiicer or a representative 
of the Communist Party in your area at one time? 

Mr. Gray. I take the fifth on that also. 

Mr. Doyle. Are you now that representative ? 

Mr. Gray. I take the fifth on that also. 

Mr. Doyle. Assmning that you were the representative as he testi- 
fied, were you paid a salary for that job ? 

Mr. Gray. Fifth on that also. 

Mr. Johansen. Mr. Chairman? 

The Chairman. Mr. Johansen ? 

Mr. Johansen. I understood the witness to say earlier that his 
hearing was not too good on some of the testimony. 

The Chairman. He hears. He has heard the questions and he has 
answered them. 

Mr. Johansen. I just wondered, Mr. Chairman, if his hearing was 
acute enough that he heard the warning of the chairman that wit- 
nesses before this committee are protected by the Government of the 
United States. 

Mr. Gray. I ask equal protection under the law, sir. 

The Chairman. The witness is excused. 

Call another witness, Mr. Arens. 

Mr. Arens. The next witness, if you please, will be Hunter Pitts 
O'Dell. 

Please come forward and remain standing while the chairman ad- 
ministers the oath. 

The Chairman. Will you raise your right hand, Mr. O'Dell ? 

Do you swear that the testimony you are about to give will be the 
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. O'Dell. I do. 



1390 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

TESTIMONY OF HUNTER PITTS O'DELL, ACCOMPANIED BY 
COUNSEL, LAWRENCE SPEISER 

Mr. Abens. Please identify yourself by name, residence, and 
occupation. 

Mr. O'Dell. My name is Hunter O'Dell. Address 142 112th 
Street, New York City. I am a life underwriter by profession. 

Mr, Arens. You are appearing today in response to a subpena 
served upon you by this committee ? 

]Mr. O'Dell. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. You are represented by counsel ? 

Mr. O'Dell. Yes, lam. 

Mr. Arens. Counsel, please identify yourself on this record. 

Mr. Speiser. Lawrence Speiser. I previously gave other pertinent 
information. 

Mr. Arens. Do you know the man who just left the witness stand? 

Mr. O'Dell. The gentleman that you just called ? 

Mr. Arens. Yes. 

Mr. O'Dell. He is a friend of mine, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Do you know him as a Communist ? 

Mr. O'Dell. No, I do not know him as a Communist, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Do you know Albert Gaillard, the man who testified 
first this morning? 

Mr. O'Dell. I am not certain. I decline to answer that because 
that infringes upon my rights of association, and I take the first and 
fifth amendment. 

Mr. Arens. Do you honestly apprehend if you told this committee 
whether or not you know Albert Gaillard, the man who testified first 
this morning, you would be supplying information that might be 
used against you in a criminal proceeding? 

Mr. O'Dell. I feel as though that his testimony, what I heard 
of it, is somewhat fantastic, and I don't care to be involved in an 
answer to it. 

The Chairman. Answer the question. 

Mr. O'Dell. Therefore I decline to answer it under the first and 
fifth amendments. 

Mr. Arens. Was he telling the truth when he said he knew you as 
a member of the Communist Party and as one who directed him in 
his underground activities in the Communist Party in the South? 

Mr. O'Dell. I decline to answer that question on the first and fifth 
amendments, sir. 

Mr. Arens. I lay before you a thermof ax reproduction of an article 
appearing in Political Affairs, of August 1956, entitled "The Political 
Scene in Louisiana, by Hunter O'Dell" — Political Affairs being the 
theoretical organ of the Communist Party. 

Kindly look at that article and tell this committee while you are 
under oath whether or not you are the author of that article respect- 
ing activities in Louisiana. 

(The witness conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. O'Dell. I feel that the question infringes upon my right of 
freedom of speech and expression, as well as my rights under the fifth 
amendment, so I decline to answer it under the first and fifth amend- 
ments of the Constitution. 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1391 

(Document marked "O'Dell Exhibit No. 1," and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Are you now a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. O'Dell. What do you mean by "the Communist Party" ? 

Mr. Abens. I respectfully suggest, Mr. Chairman, that the witness 
be ordered and directed to answer that question. 

The Chairman. You are directed to answer the question. 

(The witness conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. O'Dell, I decline to answer that on the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Arens. I beg pardon ? 

Mr. O'Dell. I decline to answer that on the fifth amendment. 

Mr. Arens. I respectfully suggest that will conclude the staff in- 
terrogation of this witness. 

The Chairman. The witness is excused. 

Mr. Arens. The next witness will be Benjamin Davis, Jr. 

Please come forward while the chairman administers an oath. 

The Chairman. Will you raise your right hand, please? 

Do you swear the testimony you are about to give will be the truth, 
the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Davis. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF BENJAMIN DAVIS, JR., ACCOMPANIED BY 
COUNSEL, JOSEPH PORER 

Mr. Arens. Please identify yourself by name, residence, and occu- 
pation. 

Mr. Davis. I am Benjamin Davis, Jr. I live at 710 Kiverside 
Drive, in New York City. 

Mr. Arens. And your occupation, please? 

Mr. Davis. I am not going to answer that. I will take the first 
and fifth, and I would like to explain why. 

I consider this committee very un-American, illegal, and it has got 
no right to ask me personal affairs or political opinions. 

You claim that you are interested in youth. Well, Mack Parker 
was a 23-year-old youth and you have done nothing to subpena the 
lynchers of Mack Parker, nothing about the vicious system under 
which Negro and Puerto Rican and Jewish youth live in this country. 
You are not interested in these kids at all. 

You are interested in acting like a judge and a jury and convicting 
people and carrying on your two-bit legal business here to try to con- 
vict people without a hearing. 

The Chairman. Mr. Davis, why did you add Jewish youth to 
Puerto Ricans and colored ? 

Mr. Davis. For the very simple reason that if you were informed, 
if you read the newspapers, you would know that there had been a 
number of anti-Semitic outrages in this country as there have been 
all over the world in a recent period. 

The Chairman. Yes. We have much information on that. We find 
much of it is brought about by the Communists in their desire to 
deliver Berlin over to Russia. That is the evidence that we have in 
abundant quantity. 

Mr. Davis. That is the usual stuff that I expect from you. 



1392 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

Mr, Arens. Would you kindly tell us of your activities for the 
help and assistance of youth, 

Mr. Da\t[s, I refuse to discuss that, I take the first and the fifth. 

Mr. Areks. Do you know a man by the name of John Gates? 

Mr. Davis. I refuse to answer that question. 

Mr. FoRER. On the same grounds. 

Mr. Davis. On the same grounds. 

Mr, Arens. John Gates wrote a book entitled "The Story Of An 
American Communist," an excerpt from which I have here, in which 
he says that he became enthusiastic as a Communist about disarmament, 
and he made a speech in which he called for the Soviet Union to take 
the initiative in disarming; and then, he said, that you, Ben Davis, Jr., 
took him to task for suggesting that the Soviet Union take the initia- 
tive in ceasing bomb tests, and that you had stated at a meeting in 
1940, that you would rather be a lamppost in Moscow than president 
of the United States. Was he in error in his account of the incident 
with you ? 

Mr. FoRER. Excuse me, Mr. Chairman. 

Is that relevant to the present inquiry as to youth? Mr, Davis is 
obviously not a youth. 

Mr. Davis. I am. 

Mr. JoHANSEN. Counsel has not identified himself in connection 
with this witness. 

The Chairman. He is so well known that it was probably written 
down automatically, 

Mr, Arens, Mr. Forer, would you like to put your name on the 
record ? I apologize. I didn't realize I had not put your name on the 
record. 

Mr. FoRER. I represent Mr. Davis. I am Joe Forer, 711 14th Street, 
Washington, D.C. 

Mr. Arens, Now, would you kindly answer the principal outstand- 
ing question ? 

(The witness conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. Davis, Well, the question is irrelevant, ridiculous, garbage, and 
I refuse to answer it on the basis of the first and fifth amendments, 

(Document marked "Davis Exhibit No, 1," and retained in commit- 
tee files,) 

The Chairman, Mr, Forer has asked about the relevancy of the 
testimony that you are attempting to adduce from Mr, Davis. 

I think it becomes apparent that it is competent and relevant and 
material by virtue of the testimony of preceding witnesses who testified 
as to conversations with Mr. Davis. 

Mr. FoRER. I meant this particular question. 

The Chairman. Yes. All right. 

Mr, Arens, I lay before you a copy of the Resolution On The Youth 
Question previously identified in this record as adopted at the I7th 
Convention of the Communist Party in New York City, held just a 
few months ago. 

Would you kindly look at that resolution and tell this coimnittee 
whether or not you were instrumental in causing the passage of that 
resolution with respect to Communist activities among youth? 

Mr. Davis. I refuse to answer that question. 

Mr. Arens. — as promulgated. Would you kindly look at it? 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1393 

Mr. Davis. I refuse to answer the question on the first and fifth 
amendments, and ask you again why don't you subpena the lynchers 
of Mack Parker? You can get that dope from the FBI. Why don't 
you do that ? 

(Document marked "Davis Exhibit No. 2," and retained in commit- 
tee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Would you kindly tell us whether or not Mr. Gaillard 
was in error when he stated this morning while he was under oath 
that you were directing him in penetration of the Negro youth in 
Harlem, and in the formation of a Harlem youth club of the Com- 
munist Party ? 
Mr, Davis. I refuse to answer that question on the same grounds. 
Mr. Arens. Did you make a statement to Gaillard that you did not 
care about the individual, as long as the Communist Party could 
achieve its victory, irrespective of whether some individual or indi- 
viduals get hurt ? 
Mr. Davis. No. 

Mr. Arens. Did you have a conversation with him on the subject 
matter ? 

Mr. Davis. I refuse to answer that question. 
Mr. FoRER. On the same grounds. 
Mr. Davis. On the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. Are you now national secretai-y of the Communist 

Party? 

Mr. Davis. I refuse to answer that question on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. Did you take direction of some of the youths who last 

summer attended the Vienna Youth Festival from the United States ? 

Mr. Davis. Did I take direction ? What do you mean ? Make the 

question again. 

Mr. Arens. Did you issue orders to some of the youth who at- 
tended the Vienna Youth Festival this last summer? 

Mr. Davis. I refuse to answer the question on the same grounds. 
Mr. Arens. Did the National Committee of the Communist Party 
send an adult adviser to accompany certain youth who attended the 
Youth Festival in Vienna this past summer ? 

Mr. Davis. I refuse to answer the question on the same grounds, 
and suggest that you stop asking these police questions, because you 
will get no answer from me. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Davis, since this committee has served subpenas 
on a number of persons to appear in this hearing, every one of whom 
has been identified under oath by creditable witnesses as members of 
the Communist Party, has there been formed, to your certain knowl- 
edge, by the Communist operation in New York City, a group known 
as Youth Against the House Un-American Activities Committee ? 

Mr. Davis. I refuse to answer the question on the grounds of the 
first and fifth amendments. 

Mr. Arens. On last Friday, two busloads of youth traveled to 
Washington, under the auspices of the Youth Against the House Un- 
American Activities Committee. 

To your certain knowledge, was this junket to Washington stimu- 
lated, directed, and controlled by the Communist operation in New 
York City? 



1394 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

Mr. Davis. I refuse to answer the question on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. I respectfully suggest, Mr. Chairman, that will conclude 
the staff interrogation of this witness. 

The Chairman". Are there any questions ? 

The witness is excused. 

The Chairman. Call your next witness. 

Mr. Arens. The next witness is Leroy Wolins. 

Please come forward and remain standing while the chairman ad- 
ministers an oath. 

The Chairman. Would you raise your right hand ? 

Do you swear that the testimony you are about to give will be the 
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. WoLiNS. What was the last part, sir ? 

The Chairman. So help you God. 

Mr. WoLiNs. I cannot swear to that, sir. 

The Chairman. All right. 

Mr. WoLiNS. I swear to tell the truth. 

The Chairman. All right. 

TESTIMONY OF LEKOY WOLINS, ACCOMPANIED BY COUNSEL, 
LAWRENCE SPEISER 

Mr. Arens. Please identify yourself by name, residence, and occu- 
pation. 

Mr. WoLiNS. My name is Leroy Wolins. I live at 2036 North 
Sawyer Avenue in Chicago and as to the last question I believe it is 
irrelevant to any legislative purpose of this committee, and further- 
more it is a violation of my rights under the first and fifth amend- 
ments of the United States Constitution. 

Mr. Arens. You are appearing today in response to a subpena that 
was served upon you by this committee ? 

Mr. Wolins. That is right. 

Mr. Arens. And you are represented by counsel ? 

Mr. Wolins. That is correct. 

Mr. Arens. Counsel, please identify yourself on this record. 

Mr. Speiser. I previously identified myself. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Wolins, how long have you occupied your present 
position ? 

Mr. Wolins. I believe that question is irrelevant to any legislative 
purpose of this committee or object of this committee. It is a viola- 
tion of my rights mider the first and fifth amendments to the United 
States Constitution, and therefore I refuse to answer that question. 

Mr. Arens. Are you connected as secretary in a fulltime capacity 
with the Chicago Council of American-Soviet Friendship ? 

Mr. Wolins. The question, as far as I can understand it, is again to 
no legislative purpose of this committee, and a violation of my rights 
under the first and fifth amendments to the United States Constitution 
and therefore I will not answer it. 

Mr. Arens. Did you in collaboration with others create and direct 
a unit of Communists who were sent to the World Youth Festival 
at Vienna this last summer? 

Mr. AVoLiNS. The question is not pertinent to any legislative pur- 
pose of this committee, and is an invasion of my rights under the 
first and fifth amendments. For those reasons I will not answer it. 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1395 

Mr. Arens. Did you in the course of the last few years attend festi- 
vals of the Communists held abroad. 

(The witness conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. WoLiNS. Would you repeat the question, Mr. Arens? 

Mr. Arens. Have you in the course of the last few years attended 
any youth festivals abroad ? 

Mr. WoLiNS. I would again say that on the grounds that this ques- 
tion is not pertinent to any legislative purpose of this committee, and 
in violation of my rights under the first and fifth amendments of the 
United States Constitution, that I cannot answer that question. 

Mr. Arens. Have you, in the course of the last several months, 
solicited or received funds from the Soviet Embassy in Washington? 

Mr. WoLiNS. The question, once more, is to the best of my ability to 
determine, not pertinent to any legislative investigation or purpose 
of this committee, and furthermore is in violation of my rights under 
the first and fifth amendments to the United States Constitution, and 
therefore I feel that it is neither desirable nor possible to answer the 
question. 

Mr. Arens. I put it to you as as fact, sir, and ask you to affirm or 
deny the fact that in the course of the last few years you have received 
upwards of $500 from the Soviet Embassy in Washington, for the 
purpose of promoting the youth festival delegation which was sent 
to Vienna just a few months ago. If that is not a fact, please deny 
it while you are under oath. 

Mr. WoLiNS. The question is not pertinent to any legislative pur- 
pose of this committee, and further is a violation of my rights under 
the first and fifth amendments of the United States Constitution, and 
therefore I shall not answer the question. 

Mr. Arens. I lay before you copies of a series of pgissport applica- 
tions signed by yourself, and filed with the Department of State, in 
which you solicited a United States passport in each of these several 
instances over the course of the last few years for the purpose of 
traveling abroad. 

Kindly look at those passport applications and tell this committee 
whether or not they are true and correct reproductions of original 
applications filed by yourself with the Department of State. 

(The witness conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. Arens. Would you kindly answer the question ? 

Mr. WoLiNS. That was a long time ago. Would you repeat the 
exact question, Mr. Arens ? 

Mr. Arens. Are the documents which I lay before you, sir, true and 
correct copies of the original applications filed by you with the De- 
partment of State for the last several years, for United States pass- 
ports? 

Mr. WoLiNS. Pending a full, legal explanation of that 15 or 20 
documents, and in the light of the general situation before this com- 
mittee, I would state that these questions in general and this question 
in particular have no pertinency whatever to any legislative purpose 
or design or intent of this committee, and are, furthermore, a viola- 
tion of my rights under the first and fifth amendments of the United 
States Constitution, and, therefore, upholding the United States Con- 
stitution and my rights thereunder, I would refuse and must refuse 
to answer that question. 



1396 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

(Documents marked "Wolins Exhibit No. 1," and retained in com- 
mittee file.) 

Mr. Arens. Did you receive United States passports off and on over 
the course of the last few years ? 

Mr. WoLiNs. Well, I would say that again, in due consideration 
that answering this particular question would serve no legislative 
purpose or intent of the committee, and it is a violation of my rights 
under the first and fifth amendments of the United States Constitu- 
tion, and that since I feel very strongly about these rights, I should 
continue to maintain them and refuse to answer that question. 

Mr. Arens. I lay before you a copy of an article from the press, 
of Wednesday, July 31, 1957, with a Moscow date line, headlined 
American Visits Soviet Without U.S. Passport. In essence the article 
tells about your visit to Moscow to participate there in certain youth 
activities. 

Kindly look at that article and tell us whether or not the facts 
recited there are in substance truthful and correct. 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. WoLiNS. Once more on the grounds that the question is not 
pertinent to any legislative purpose of this committee, and is a viola- 
tion of the rights guaranteed to me under the United otates Constitu- 
tion, I refuse to answer that question. 

(Document marked "Wolins Exhibit No. 2," and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Did you take with you when you went to Moscow what 
is commonly known as bugging equipment or recording equipment of 
the pocket variety, so you could take tape recordings of certain 
conversations ? 

(The witness conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. WoLiNS. It is a very interesting question, but I feel that once 
again it would serve no legislative purpose of this committee, al- 
though I would ask one thing — might I have some specific informa- 
tion as to what legislative purpose of this committee would be served 
to answer that particular question ? 

The Chairman, Yes. This committee for some time has been study- 
ing the question of the participation of American youth in interna- 
tional meetings, and we have felt that perhaps the Government ought 
to subsidize these delegations, rather than to have them get the money 
from our enemies. And with that in mind we are, among other 
things, making these inquiries. 

Mr. WoLiNS. Subsidize them, Mr. Chairman, in order to take bug- 
ging equipment? 

The Chairman. To all of these questions that you have been asked, 
your answers have been the same. You raised the question of legisla- 
tive intent. Moreover, yesterday I made a complete statement as to 
the purpose of this hearing. 

Go ahead, Mr. Arens. 

Mr. Arens. It is the information of this committee from unim- 
peachable intelligence sources, sir, that while you were in Moscow in 
1957, unbeknown even to the comrades, you bugged certain of their 
meetings and brought back tape recordings of certain sessions which 
you had. 

If that is not true, deny it while you are under oath. 

Mr. WoLiNS. I am still having no explanation of what purpose 
bugging would have. I think that would indicate there is no legisla- 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1397 

tive purpose to the question, and on the ground, plus the ground that 
the whole question again would be violative of my rights under the 
first and fifth amendments of the United States Constitution, I refuse 
to answer that question. 

Mr. Arens. Do you know a man by the name of Vladimir S. Lav- 
rov, L-a-v-r-o-v, connected with the Soviet Embassy ? 

Mr. WoLiNS. On the ground that the question would prove of no 
legislative significance and have no legislative purpose, and further- 
more on the grounds that it would be violative of my rights under the 
first and fifth amendments of the United States Constitution, I must 
refuse to answer that question. 

Mr. Arens. From unimpeachable intelligence sources, it is the in- 
formation of this committee — and I confront you with it now — that 
in 1958 you obtained and furnished to Vladimir S. Lavrov of the 
Kussian Embassy in Washington, certain documents. If that is not 
a fact, please deny it while you are under oath. 

Mr. WoLiNS. On the ground that the question is to no legislative 
purpose, and furthermore is violative of my rights under the first 
and fifth amendments of the United States Constitution, I refuse to 
answer that question. 

Mr. Arens. Can you tell us what you did, what your activities 
were in connection with the formation of the Chicago group for this 
last United States Youth Festival held in Vienna ? 

The Chairman. It is not the United States Youth Festival. It is 
the World Youth Festival. 

Mr. Arens. United States youth festival committee delegation, 
that was sent to Vienna. 
The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Would you kindly tell us what your participation was 
in that enterprise ? 

(The witness conferred with his counsel) 

Mr. WoLiNS. On the ground that the question would serve no 
legislative purpose, and serve no legislative intent and is in violation 
of my rights under the first and fifth amendments of the United 
States Constitution, I must refuse to answer that question. 

The Chairman. Were you a member of the United States delega- 
tion at this youth festival ? 

Mr. Wolins. Once again, on the ground that that would serve no 
legislative purpose of this committee, and once again on the grounds 
it is in violation of the rights of an American citizen under the first 
and fifth amendments of the United States Constitution, I must re- 
fuse to answer that question. 

The Chairman. We are very greatly interested, because we would 
like to know how you would be selected as a spokesman and a repre- 
sentative of the youth of America. The reason is obvious. 

Mr. Arens. Have you, in the course of the last few years, been in 
Red China? 

(The witness conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. WoLiNs. Mr. Arens, in the first place, I have it on official word 
of the State Department that a Red China does not exist. 

In the second place, I feel that the question itself would serve no 
legislative purpose of this committee and, of course, as all the other 
questions, is violative of rights guaranteed to American citizens, in- 

51683 O— 60 — pt. 2 6 



1398 COMMUNIST TRAINESTG OPERATIONS 

eluding myself, under the first and fifth amendments of the United 
States Constitution, and, therefore, I would refuse to answer that 
question. 

]Mr. Arens. Are you now a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. WoLiNS. Once again, on the grounds that the question would 
serve no legislative purpose or intent of this committee, and on the 
grounds that it would be a violation of my rights under the first and 
fifth amendments of the United States Constitution, I refuse to an- 
swer that question. 

Mr. Doyle. Mr. Chairman, I request that the witness be instructed 
to answer that question. 

The Chairman. You are directed to answer that question. 

Mr. WoLiNs. Since the question would serve no legislative purpose, 
as I have already stated, and since it violates the rights of freedom 
of speech and association guaranteed to American citizens by the first 
amendment of the United States Constitution, and since it violates 
the rights of due process and the right to refuse to incriminate one- 
self under the fifth amendment of the United States Constitution, 
in upholding the United States Constitution and my rights thereun- 
der, I refuse to answer that question 

Mr. JoHANSEN. Mr. Chairman ? 

The Chairman. Yes, Mr. Johansen. 

Mr. Johansen. I have served on this committee now for thirteen 
months. There has not been any member of this committee more 
respectful of the rights of witnesses or of their claimed rights under 
the Constitution, but I must say to this witness that when this witness 
poses before this committee as one upholding the Constitution of the 
United States, that makes me gag. 

The Chairman. You have not been on the committee long enough, 
Mr. Johansen. 

Mr. Johansen. I will get tougher, Mr. Chairman. 

The Chairman. You just learn to overlook these things. 

Is there any further question ? 

Mr. Arens. We have no further questions of this witness. 

The Chairman. The witness is excused. 

Mr. Arens. The next witness, if you please, Mr. Chairman, will be 
Jacob Rosen. 

Please come forward, and remain standing while the chairman ad- 
ministers an oath. 

The Chairman. Will you raise your right hand, please? Do you 
swear the testimony you are about to give will be the truth, the whole 
truth, and nothing but the truth 

Mr. Rosen. I so affirm. 

TESTIMONY OF JACOB ROSEN, ACCOMPANIED BY COUNSEL, 
JOSEPH FORER 

Mr. Arens. Please identify yourself by name, residence, and oc- 
cupation. 

Mr. Rosen. My name is Jacob Rosen. I live in New York City at 
636 West I74th Street. I am a student at the City College of New 
York. 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1399 

Mr. Arens. You are appearing today in response to a subpena that 
was served upon you by the House Committee on Un-American Activ- 
ities? 

Mr. Rosen. That is correct. 

Mr. Arens. Sir, you are represented by counsel? 

Mr. Rosen. I am. 

Mr. Arens. Counsel, please identify youi'self . 

Mr. Forer. Joseph Forer. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Rosen, I lay before you a reproduction of a photo- 
graph taken in Moscow of a youth identified as Jacob Rosen, carrying 
a flag, which we understand from testimony was carried by you in 
the Youth Festival there, Old Glory, the AsLg of this country, which 
you dipped in salute to Khrushchev. 

Kindly look at that picture and tell the committee whether or not 
that is your photograph carrying the flag of this Nation in a parade 
in Moscow. 

Mr. Forer. Are you asking him whether he dipped that flag? 

Mr. Arens. Counsel, you will be advised that your sole and ex- 
clusive prerogative is to advise your client. 

Mr. Rosen. Are you asking me whether I dipped that flag ? 

Mr. Arens. I am asking you whether that is a true and correct 
reproduction of you carrying our flag in a parade in Moscow. 

(The witness confers with nis counsel.) 

Mr. Rosen. First of all, I did not dip that flag. Second of all, I 
refuse to answer that question on the following grounds. First 

Mr. Arens. Just a moment. Answer the question. Did you carry 
that flag in a parade, a youth parade, in Moscow? 

Mr. Forer. He is refusing to answer it. 

Mr. Rosen. First, my conscience will not permit me to cooperate 
with any group that knowingly and willingly seeks the aid of a con- 
fessed and unrepentant Nazi. I will have no dealings with those who 
killed houndreds of thousands of American soldiers and murdered 
6,000,000 of my people, the Jewish people, nor with those, such as this 
committee, who attempt to hide their crime and give them respecta- 
bility. 

Second, the first amendment to our Constitution specifically forbids 
Congress to legislate in the area of individual beliefs and associations. 

This question, therefore, is outside the realm of the committee's 
legislative purpose, and is not pertinent. 

Third, the first article of our Constitution forbids the passage of 
bills of attainder. The question again lies outside the committee's 
legislative purpose and is not pertinent. 

Fourth 

Mr. Arens. You are reading from a prepared statement? 

Mr. Rosen. Fourth, I have a real fear of lying witnesses and per- 
jured testimony, both of which this committee fosters and thrives on. 
The atmosphere generated through this activity has all but stifled 
students' political thought and action, and I will have no part of it. 

Fifth, it is public knowledge 

The Chairman. Before you go to the fifth, who is the witness who 
committed perjury ? 

(The witness conferred with his counsel) . 

Mr. Forer. Can't he finish his answer to this question first, Mr. 
Chairman ? 



1400 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

Mr. Rosen. Fifth, it is public knowledge that the World Youth 
Festival was a gathering of 36,000 young people from 131 countries. 
They met, and many were encouraged to attend by their own Gov- 
ernments because of a common desire to live in a peaceful world, and 
to meet, exchange ideas, and become friends with young people from 
the other nations of the world. These young people came together on 
their own volition. 

In view of that I don't see how any questions about the festival are 
within the committee's jurisdiction, since attending such an event is 
certainly not only not un-American, but is profoundly American, pro- 
American ; and the question is not pertinent. 

Sixth, to attend the festival is merely to exercise your constitutional 
rights of speech and travel. This committee has no right to prevent 
young people from attending a festival, either through intimidation 
by inquiry or by legislation. 

Finally, I assert my privilege under the fifth amendment to not be a 
witness against myself. 

(Document marked "Rosen Exhibit No. 1," and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. Arens. There is a question outstanding by the chairman. 

The Chairman. Yes. I asked him who the witnesses were who 
committed perjury before this committee. 

Mr. Doyle. And he also said we encouraged witnesses to lie. 

The Chairman. That is all right, but I would like to know who 
committed perjury because we would like to do something about it. 

Now, who committed perjury ? 

Mr. FoRER. One at a time. 

The Chairman. Who committed perjury before this committee? 

(The witness conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. Rosen. It is, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, a 
matter of public knowledge that Harvey Matusow, Paul Crouch, Man- 
ning Johnson, committed perjury before this committee and this com- 
mittee has done nothing about that situation. 

Mr. Arens. Did Albert GaiUard commit perjury this morning when 
he said he knew you as a member of the Communist Party and of a 
group of comrades who met in closed session with him when he was 
a Communist? 

(The witness conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. Rosen. I will refuse to answer that question for the reasons I 
have already given. 

Mr. Arens. I have here an article from the New York Times of 
July 30, 1957, written from Moscow by Max Frankel, in which he tells 
about the youth festival in Moscow : 

Jacob Rosen, of 636 West 174th Street, Manhattan, a junior at City College, 
went without sleep to keep things moving. He carried a United States flag 
at yesterday's opening, dipping it in salute to Nikita S. Khrushchev and other 
Soviet dignitaries at the Lenin Stadium. 

Is that account in error or is that correct ? 
(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Rosen. Well, Mr. Arens, the account is in error, I dipped no 
flag. 
Mr. Arens. Did you carry a United States flag in the parade ? 
(The witness conferred with his counsel.) 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1401 

Mr. Rosen. I will refuse to answer that question for the reasons pre- 
viously cited, and particularly because, to my knowledge, it is not un- 
American activity to cany the American flag. 

(Document marked "Rosen Exhibit No. 2," and retained in commit- 
tee files.) 

The Chairman. Then why don't you say "I carried it and I carried 
it with great pride" ? Wliy don't you say that ? 

Mr. Rosen. Mr. Chairman, I assume you are acquainted with the 
Constitution ? 

The Chairman. I know all about the Constitution. 

Mr. Rosen. You know it is improper to ask a question of a person 
who cites the constitutional privilege. That is just a trick on your 
part to try to get me to give up my Constitution rights, and it is in 
keeping with your general activities. 

The Chairman. Go ahead, Mr. Arens. 

Mr. Arens. Did you travel on a United States passport to Red 
China? 

( The witness conferred with his counsel. ) 

Mr. Rosen. I refuse to answer that question on the grounds previ- 
ously cited. 

Mr. Arens. Are you now a member of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Rosen. I refuse to answer that question, sir, on the grounds 
previously cited, and particularly because that is just the kind of 
question that, while it serves no legislative purpose of any valid sort 
is the kind of thing that this committee asks over and over again in 
an attempt to stigmatize individuals, to get them fired from their jobs, 
in Dutch with their communities, and so on and so forth. 

The Chairman. The best way to remove any stigma whatsoever 
is 



Mr. Rosen. is to remove this committee 

The Chairman. is to say "No." 

Mr. Rosen. The best way, Mr. ChaiiTnan, the American people feel 
the committee should be abolished. 

The Chairman. Why didn't your congressman vote against this 
committee ? 

Mr. Rosen. Because you, Mr. Walter, and the other members of 
this committee, I suppose, snuck, in my opinion, anyway, that 
appropriation through. 

The Chairman. I want to make one statement. 

Mr. Rosen. Anyway, I will ask him. 

The Chairman. You have said that this question concerning your 
affiliation with the Communist movement serves no legislative purpose. 
I will tell you what legislative purpose it serves : 

If the Government of the United States is going to provide pas- 
sage to duly accredited delegates, then we are going to have to know 
what kind of people go to speak for the United States, and certainly 
it is my hope that those spokesmen for the United States will not t>e 
members of a very small, thank God, minority of Communists in 
this country. 

Go ahead, Mr. Arens. 

Mr, Rosen. Mr. Chairman, William Lloyd Garrison said some 
time ago 

The Chairman. Go ahead, Mr. Arens. 



1402 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

Mr. Arens. Do you presently have information respecting activities 
of the Communist Party among youth groups of New York City? 

Mr. Rosen. I will refuse to answer that question on the grounds 
previously cited. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Chairman, I respectfully suggest that will conclude 
the staff interrogation of this witness. 

The Chairman. The witness is excused. 

Are there any more witnesses ? 

Mr. Arens. Yes, we have one more. 

Fred Jerome, please come forward and remain standing while the 
chairman administers an oath. 

The Chairman. Will you raise your right hand ? 

Do you swear the testimony you are about to give will be the truth, 
and nothing but the truth, so help you God ? 

Mr. Jerome. I so affirm. 

TESTIMONY OF FEED JEEOME, ACCOMPANIED BY COUNSEL, 
JOSEPH rORER 

Mr. Arens. Please identify yourself by name, residence, and 
occupation. 

Mr. Jerome. My name is Fred Jerome. I live in New York City 
at 320 Second Avenue, and I am currently what you might say between 
occupations. 

The Chairman. Withhold tliis question. I want to ask Mr. Forer 
a question. 

(Discussion off the record.) 

The Chairman. All right, Mr. Arens. 

Mr. Arens. You are appearing today in response to a subpena that 
was served upon you by this committee ? 

Mr. Jerome. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. And you are represented by counsel ? 

Mr. Jerome. I am. 

Mr. Arens. Counsel, please identify yourself. 

Mr. Forer. Joseph Forer. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Jerome, is there an organization with which you 
are connected that is located at Room 201, 421 Seventh Avenue, New 
York? 

(The witness confers with his counsel.) 

Mr. Jerome. Mr. Arens, I would like to refuse to answer that ques- 
tion on the following grounds : 

In the first place, I feel that this question has no bearing whatsoever 
on un-American activities and therefore is completely irrelevant to the 
supposed purpose of this committee, and, secondly, I would like to say 
that I will not put myself in the same category with an admitted 
Nazi and with someone who brags about his collaboration with those 
that killed six million of my people. 

Thirdly, my conscience will not allow me, especially at a time when 
swastikas are reappearing on walls from Bonn and to Brooklyn, to 
cooperate with a committee which cooperates with the Nazi 
collaborator. 

The Chairman. That is just simply not true, and you know it. 
That is the Communist Party line. 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1403 

And, Mr. Arens, I don't want to hear another thing from this 
witness. 

The committee is now adjourned to meet tomorrow morning at 
10 :00 o'clock. 

(Committee members present at the time of recess: Kepresentatives 
Walter, Doyle, Willis, and Johansen.) 

(Whereupon, at 12:15 o'clock p.m., Wednesday, February 3, 1960, 
the subcommittee recessed, to reconvene at 10 :00 o'clock a.m., Thurs- 
day, February 4, 1960.) 



APPENDIX 



The Communist-Directed International Youth Movement 

The Communist grand design of world conquest (in its present 
stage of development) reserves an extremely important place for the 
so-called international front, which can be construed to be the back- 
bone of a worldwide Communist fifth column. 

As far back as in 1926, tlie ruling body of the international Com- 
munist conspiracy, the Comintern, clearly stated that : 

The first part of our task is to buila up, not only Communist 
organizations, but other organizations as well; above all, mass 
organizations sympathizing with our aims and able to aid us for 
special purposes. * * * Besides this, we require a number of 
more or less firmly established (organizational) fulcrums which 
we can utilize for our further work, insuring that we are not con- 
demned to the task of only influencing the mass politically, merely 
to see this mass influence constantly slip through our hands. We 
must create a whole solar system of organizations and smaller 
committees around the Communist Party, smaller organizations, 
so to speak, actually working under the influence of the Party 
but not under its mechanical control, * * * 

(0. V. Kuiisinen, International Press G oiTesfondence VI, No. 
28, April 1926 — '•'■Report of the Commission for Work Among 
the M asses. ''"') 
Special attention is given to the youth sector of the international 
front Communist project, youth holding in its hands the future of man- 
kind. The program of the prototype of the present-day Communist- 
directed international youth front, of the Young Communist Inter- 
national, as announced on the Fifth YCI Congress in Moscow in 1929, 
revealed the basic operating techniques of the Communist conspiracy 
against the youth of the world : 

In its struggle against capitalism, the Young Communist 
League is continually compelled to combine its open legal activity 
with illegal and semi-legal work and therefore to overstep the 
limits laid down for it by bourgeois legality, * * * For this pur- 
pose it creates various legal organizations (including political 
ones) of the working youth. But the YCL looks upon these 
organizations only as legal forms of work for tlie illegal YCL, 
The founder of the Soviet State, V. I. Lenin, emphasized that: 
The whole object of training and educating the youth of today 
should be to imbue them with Communist ethics. * * * Our mor- 
ality is entirely subordinated to the interests of the class 
struggle. * * * The basis of Communist morality is the struggle 
for the consolidation of Communism. 

1404 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1405 

(F. /. Lenin, ^^Tasks of the Youth League^'' Collected Works, 
Vol. 31.) 
As in other fields of the Communist international front setup, the 
appeal to youth is provided by broad and/or specific humanitarian 
issues, which deserve the sympathy of all honest men — peace, dis- 
armament, democracy, the economic, scientific and educational ad- 
vancement of mankind — rather than by outright propagation of the 
Communist ideology as such. The purpose of the Communist-directed 
youth movement is not so much to convert youth directly to com- 
munism, as to expose it to Communist influence in order to be able 
first to mobilize youth for specific actions, and then gradually to 
enlist the young people into the ranks of active Communist sympa- 
thizers or even Communist Party members. 

As early as 1932, Stalin declared that the establishment of 
Communism in colonial lands presented no problems, but the 
greatest difficulties lay in the question of how Communism would 
develop when the so-called underdeveloped countries obtained 
their independence. Stalin went on to point out that at this 
critical moment it would be absolutely necessary to convince the 
youth in the aspiring cou/ntries that Communism wa^ supreme 
and immediately to make them familiar loith the Communist 
ideology. One way of doing this is iy mass demonstrations on 
a large scale * * *. 

( Voice of Youth, No. 3, information newspaper of the Austrian 
youth and students {anti- Communist).) 
Thus, this Stalin principle is the guiding rationale behind the Com- 
munist operations on the youth front. 

The end of World War II saw the foundation of a whole series of 
international front organizations, all well camouflaged. Students, 
trade-unionists, and people of various professions were exhorted to 
new efforts in the interests of wider and closer international coopera- 
tion. 

The Communists were soon able, with their experience of creating 
sham and camouflage organizations, to work up a nucleus of intense 
activity at the various Congresses and Assemblies of these organiza- 
tions and thereby set the Communist stamp upon them. The Com- 
munists exerted their influence officially through the Government- 
controlled delegations from the Soviet Union and its constituent re- 
publics and through delegations from the people's democracies, and 
secretly through pressure applied by the disciplined Communist fac- 
tions within the delegations from non-Communist countries. In this 
manner key positions could be secured on the committees and secre- 
tariats where the agenda was determined and the delegations selected 
and approved. 

The World Federation of Democratic Youth ( WFDY) , the Inter- 
national Union of Students (lUS), the World Federation of Trade 
Unions, the World Council of Peace, Women's International Demo- 
cratic Federation, the International Association of Democratic 
Lawyers, the International Organization of Journalists, the World 
Federation of Scientific Workers, are, among others, organizations 
either purely Communist or in Communist hands and subject to their 
control. 



1406 communist training operations 

Origins of the IUS and the WFDY 

During the final montlis of World War II, the British National 
Union of Students called a meeting of students from allied countries 
to plan an international students federation. In view of the fact that 
there were numerous discrepancies in the conception of the interna- 
tional federation between non-Communist and the Communist student 
delegates, a resolution was adopted, "agreeing to disagree" on politi- 
cal issues. In the immediate future, though, everyone who disagreed 
with the Reds was called Fascist and was subject to expulsion from 
the federation. 

The London Preparatory Committee decided to convene a student 
congress in London, England, in November of 1945. At the same 
time, the Czechoslovak Union of Students announced its plans to con- 
vene in the autumn of the same year an international student congress 
in Prague. After complicated talks between the London and the 
Prague groups, a decision was made to strive for mutual cooperation. 

Consequently, the World Federation of Democratic Youth was 
founded on November 10, 1945, following a World Youth Confer- 
ence held in London, a few days before the meeting that was to plan 
the International Union of Students. The World Youth Conference 
was convened on the initiative of Communist and Communist-con- 
trolled delegations from 63 countries, who allegedly represented 30 
million young people. Yet, actually, only 3.5 percent of the delegates 
openly represented Communist organizations, while the rest of the del- 
egates came from various religious organizations. Socialist and trade- 
union groups, sport federations, etc. 

The Communist elements on the World Youth Conference and in 
the WFDY, organized at the conference, managed through skill- 
ful maneuvers, disciplined action, and voting as a bloc, to dominate 
the heterogeneous non-Communist majority and to obtain key offices 
in the WFDY. 

Professor Harold Laski of the British Labor Party thus expressed 
his evaluation of the World Youth Conference : 

During its progress it became clear, in fact, that the conference 
was dominated by the Communist youth, who had so arranged its 
programme and procedure that the strategic control of the confer- 
ence's policy was almost wholly in their hands. It is not, there- 
fore, surprising that the permanent organization which has 
emerged from the London Conference should be, for all intents 
and purposes, a body which is destined to play variations upon 
the Communist theme * * *. 

{Harold J . Laski^ ''''Students and Politics^'''' The Nation^ New 
York, December 21, 1946.) 

The student constitutional convention which founded the Interna- 
tional Union of Students took place in Prague in August 1946. Those 
who participated were drawn from all parts of the world and repre- 
sented every major political and religious belief. Nevertheless, the 
congress ended with Communists in control of the IUS. 

During the first post-war student deliberations in London, the 
Communists had been in the minority. But they obtained a majority 
on the International Preparatory Committee. This committee then 
gave unrestricted power to an executive ; against the explicit decision 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1407 

of the London meeting, moved the constitutional convention from 
Paris to Prague; by control of the credentials, assured Communist 
influence at the constitutional convention ; by control of the prepara- 
tions, abandoned an established agenda and substituted a new and 
controversial one on the day before tha opening session; made no 
comprehensive report on its activities to the congress — the body to 
which, theoretically, it was responsible but which, in fact, the Com- 
munist-dominated committee now controlled. 

The Communists' goal in the Prague conference was to make the 
student union a sufficiently disciplined body to be controlled from the 
center. They wanted the member organizations pledged to carry out 
all decisions of the executive body. This center, of course, was to be 
under clandestine party direction. Within 3 months of the end of the 
congress, the Communists took another step to secure control of the 
lUS. A secretariat was created and given authority "in the absence 
of the Executive, for development of all policies." {Minutes of the 
/US Executive Committee meeting ^ Fehruary 19Ji.7.) 

Let us now return to the WFDY. The first council meeting of the 
WFDY was held in July 1946 in Paris, where the secretariat had been 
originally established. Here the plan of holding a World Festival 
of Youth in Prague had been devised. The festival in Prague, organ- 
ized by the WFDY in conjunction with the lUS, was convened in 
1947 ; it became a Communist political demonstration — a huge statue 
of Stalin dominated the exhibition pavilion ; Communist speakers were 
greeted with thunderous applause from the audience composed mostly 
of Communists. The most important exhibit was devoted to the 
USSR. Inside were illustrations, of the ideal life said to be led by 
Soviet students and workers. In contrast was the pavilion given over 
to the United States. The federation had mounted there a portrayal 
of lynchings, racial disorders, and economic hardship. 

While the festival was in progress, the WFDY council met, and its 
conclusions provided unnecessary confirmation of the Communist 
capture of the WFDY. The council approved a resolution stating 
that new efforts had been made by the imperialist circles of certain 
countries during the past year to fight against the unity of the na- 
tions which contributed most to victory in war. "* * * The needs of 
economic and financial aid of various countries * * * have been ex- 
ploited to attempt to impress upon them policies subservient to Ameri- 
can political and economic expansion * * *." ( WFDY Council Meet- 
ing Report^ '■'■Tasks forPeace.'^'') 

The WFDY and its member and parallel groups have organized the 
following major international Communist events and campaigns: In- 
ternational Conference of Working Youth in Warsaw in 1948, during 
which demonstrators paraded through the streets shouting "Long Live 
Stalin!" and "Down with the Marshall Plan!"; in 1949 the WFDY 
and the lUS organized the Second World Festival of Youth in Buda- 
pest. Both organizations also took an active part in the meeting of 
the Partisans of Peace which was arranged in Paris by the Com- 
munist World Council of Peace. The Third World Festival of Youth 
was held by the WFDY and the lUS in East Berlin in 1951. 

Some of the meetings organized by the WFDY and the lUS had 
ramifications far beyond propaganda. In April 1948, for instance, 
a conference in Calcutta was sponsored by the WFDY. This meet- 



1408 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

ing provided a convenient camouflage for a conference of Southeast 
Asian Communist Party leaders ; the Stalinist policy of violent revolt 
in Asia was discussed and accepted by these party leaders in private 
meetings. The Communist rebel risings in Malaya, Burma, and In- 
donesia followed within months. 

The WFDY suffered a blow in January 1951 when the French 
Government ordered it to close its headquarters in Paris. The execu- 
tive body of the WFDY issued a statement describing the French ac- 
tion as "another step of the American imperialists and their lackeys 
in the subservient preparation of a third world war." {WFDY press 
statement^ Pans^ January 29^ 1951.) The WFDY moved then to 
Budapest and there held an executive committee meeting. The com- 
mittee stated that "it is only in countries of peaceful construction, 
the USSR, the people's democracies, China, the German Democratic 
Republic, the People's Republic of Mongolia, that youth know an- 
other life, neither political nor economic oppression, nor unemployr 
ment or exploitation * * *." {Resolution and decisions of the Execu- 
tive Committee of the WFDY, Budapest.) 

The WFDY was in 1952 deprived by UNESCO of its consultative 
status, after having already been deprived of a similar status in Jan- 
uary 1950 by the Economic and Social Coimcil of U.N.O. 

The WFDY in 1953 held the Fourth Youth Festival in Bucharest 
and convened the Conference for the Defense of the Rights of Youth ; 
and in 1954, the International Gathering of Rural Youth. The 
WFDY also contributed to the organization of other Communist 
youth activities, such as the Seminary of Working Youth in Rumania, 
the Seminar of Rural Youth in Bulgaria, the Seminar of Sports in 
Hungary, and the Cultural Seminar in Italy. 

In announcing preparations for the Bucharest festival, the Soviet 
Komsomolskaia Pravda declared : "It is the duty of the Komsomol or- 
ganizations to train youth to hate the U.S. -British incendiaries." On 
June 9, 1953, a festival meeting of the Polish Youth Union was told: 
"Let us learn how to hate the survivors of capitalism. * * * Let us 
expose and smash the agents of American world incendiaries." 

The lUS, in 1949, scheduled its second congress to meet in Prague in 
August 1950, which was notable for the expulsion of the Yugoslav 
students which closely followed the expulsion of Yugoslavia from the 
Cominform; Yugoslav students were denounced by Red East Euro- 
pean delegations as "Fascist agents, imperialist servants, betrayers of 
peace." {The International Union and the Cominform., document 
issued hy the Central Board of the Yugoslav Union of Students., Bel- 
grade., May 1952.) After the USSR had re-established relations with 
Tito's Yugoslavia in 1955, the lUS conceded that it had erred in re- 
spect to the Yugoslav students, who were now invited to rejoin. Simi- 
larly, the WFDY discovered "fascism" in the Yugoslav youth organ- 
ization in 1948 and subsequently expelled its Yugoslav affiliate. And, 
similarly, it discovered in 1955 that it had erred. 

The WFDY and the lUS in 1955 held a World Festival of Youth 
in Warsaw. The newspaper of the Polish Communist Party, Tri- 
hwna Lidu., said in connection with the festival : 

The people must understand that the Festival is not merely 
an opportunity for singing and amusing themselves, but princi- 
pally a world political event. * * * The international significance 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 



1409 



of the Festival is such that not only the youth organizations, but 
the Party itself should be actively concerned with the prepara- 
tions. * * * It is necessary to unmask the enemy to the young 
people and teach them to hate him * * *. 
The Moscow festival in 1957 was organized again by the WFDY 
and the lUS and was distinguished first of all by the efforts to re- 
establish Soviet ideological position and to strengthen Soviet prestige 
after the disturbances in Poland and in Hungary in 1956, and also by 
the formulation of plans for the extension and building up of Com- 
munist influence among the Africans, Asians, and Latin Americans. 
The lUS convened at the same time its fourth congress. 

The formal ideological program of the WFDY officially avoids 
Marxism and communism in order to make the Communist character 
of the federation less conspicuous. As a matter of fact, to lure into 
the federation youth of all countries, nationalities, races, religious 
faiths, and political convictions, the Warsaw council of the WFDY 
(August 1955) was formulated and its congress adopted directives 
concerning a limited affiliation on the principal points of the WFDY 
program. The youth groups of the non-Communist world, which 
would be appalled by calls to participate in the struggle against im- 
perialism, colonialism, and capitalism, were offered an opportunity to 
affiliate themselves with the WFDY on the basis of the community of 
interests in such seemingly neutral fields as defense of the rights of 
youth, the struggle for peace, and the recognition of the necessity of 
coexistence and cooperation between nations with different political 
systems. 

The growth of affiliations to the WFDY (although the figures are 
naturally greatly inflated) shows that this Communist-directed feder- 
ation is able to command considerable interest in the youth world : 



Year 


Young people 

affiliated with 

WFDY 


Number of 

countries 
represented 


1945 - .- 


30,000,000 
60,000,000 
75, 000, 000 
85,000,000 


63 


1949 - 


72 


1952 - 


88 


1956 


97 







Representation at the festivals is also expressed in significantly high 
numbers : 



Festival held In— 





Representa- 


Year 


tion of young 




people 


1947 


17,000 


1949 


10,300 


1951 


26, 000 


1953 


29,000 


1955 


30,000 


1957 


34,000 


1959 


18,364 



Number of 

countries 

represented 



Prague 

Budapest. - 
East Berlin 
Bucharest.. 

Warsaw 

Moscow 

Vienna 



71 
90 
104 
111 
114 
131 
112 



It is characteristic that all of the previous festivals, with the ex- 
ception of the Seventh Festival in Vienna, were convened in the 
capitals of Communist countries. There have been many speculations 
as to the reason for holding the last festival outside of the Iron Cur- 



1410 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

tain. One thought in that respect is expressed in the lUSY Survey 
No. 1, 1959, a publication of the International Union of Socialist 
Youth, which is an organization actively opposed to communism : 

The decision to let the coming WYF take place in Vienna 
means for the Communists an experiment to which they had to 
concede whether they liked it or not, but which definitely does not 
make them very happy. Without doubt this has come about 
through the attempts of fellow-travelers and neutralists who 
wanted to prove that they were not supporting Communists. 

Notwithstanding the vehement assertions of the Communist press 
that the Vienna festival has demonstrated to the whole world the 
victory of the festival idea, it can be concluded that the results of the 
festival did not meet with Communist expectations. Thousands of 
festival participants from behind the Iron Curtain have seen the free 
West, have talked to anti-Communist youth, have made comparisons 
between what they see at home and what they see in the "rotten capi- 
talist West." They have been able to see for themselves that their 
press is systematically deceiving them about the conditions behind the 
Iron Curtain. They have returned to their subjugated homelands 
enlightened to a certain degree. 

It is hinted that the next festival in 1961 might be organized in 
Eome. One thing, though, is certain — that the festivals, originally 
planned as offensive weapons of communism, are now on the defensive. 
Beginning with the Moscow festival, truth about the West and about 
the Western interpretation of international events has been carried 
by the Western festival participants to the isolated people of the Ked 
empire. 

Both the WFDY and the lUS possess elaborate apparatus through 
which they carry out their brainwashing campaigns. The WFDY, 
for instance, offers its members the following services: Activity of its 
bureaus — Press and Information Bureau; the Culture and Cultural 
Exchange Department ; the Sports and Open-Air Activities Depart- 
ment; Children's Bureau; its commissions — Regional Commissions 
working with the youth organizations ; Rights of Youth Commission ; 
Girls' Commission; International Youth Solidarity Fimd Commis- 
sion; its service — Pen-Pals Service; its publications (in all major 
languages of the world) — the magazine "World Youth"; the special- 
ized periodical bulletins "Working Youth," "Rural Youth," "Youth 
and Sport," "Culture and Youth," "The Information Bulletin," 
bulletin for the leaders of children's organizations; publicity and 
documentary materials (posters, folders, pamphlets). The publica- 
tions of the WFDY are for the most part attractively edited and can 
be obtained free and unsolicited or for a nominal subscription fee; 
they are mailed absolutely free of charge to a great many youth 
organizations outside of the Iron Curtain. 

The official headquarters of the WFDY is presently in Budapest, 
with regional offices in some principal cities of the Communist and 
non-Communist countries. 

The seat of the lUS is in Prague, which is one of the main centers 
of the international Communist-front organizations. 

The WFDY is a federation of youth organizations of many coun- 
tries; some of the member organizations themselves have an inter- 
national character. All official youth organizations behind the Iron 



COMMUNIST TRAINENG OPERATIONS 1411 

Curtain are automatically members of the WFDY; in the Western 
world, affiliated with the WFDY are almost exclusively Communist, 
Socialist, and other "progressive" youth groups. The lUS, which 
claims to be the organization most representative of the student youth 
of the world, can claim in the non-Communist world the membership 
of insignificant groups in their home countries, small pro-Communist 
or left-wing organizations. In African and Asiatic countries, as well 
as in the Middle East, however, even non-Communist youth groups 
are affiliated with the WFDY and lUS, being drawn to the Communist 
camp by broad "humanitarian" propaganda statements of the Reds, 
directed against colonialism, imperialism, racial discrimination, war 
danger, and the armaments race although presently we can observe 
a cooling-off process in the romance between the Communists and the 
Middle East nations. 

Soviet youth organizations play a central part in the international 
youth front. Practically all international youth congresses and con- 
ferences are attended by delegates from the USSR, i.e., at the Con- 
ference of Youth of Africa and Asia, held in Cairo, where youth of 50 
nations was represented by predominantly Communist and pro- 
Communist delegates, the voice of the USSR was heard through a 
delegation from the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic. This delegation 
was neaded by a deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR and a 
secretary of Komsomol — Murtazaev, who in his speech stated, "the 
youth from two continents became considerable force in the general 
struggle for peace, against colonialism, for national independence and 
progress * * *." (OgonekNo.8/59.) 

It is emphasized again and again that the Soviet youth organizations 
are not only willing, but even eager, to maintain friendly relations with 
youth groups which do not embrace the Communist world outlook : 

In the interest of peace and friendship Soviet youth cooperates 
with youth and student organizations of diverse political trends 
and religious beliefs ; we maintain friendly contacts with over 600 
organizations in about 100 countries, many Asian- African Asso- 
ciations included. The contacts are growing in scale and 
scope * * *. 

{Information Bulletin No. Ji-/59^ published by the Cormmttee of 
Youth Organizations of the USSR.) 

The above statement can provide us with only a glimpse of the 
tremendous scope of the Communist brainwashing campaign on the 
youth front. Yet, in order to cover up the true nature of the Com- 
munist international youth front, and to make it more acceptable to 
non-Communists, the leading role of the Soviet youth organizations is 
seldom mentioned directly. 

At present there is no available official list of organizations which 
are affiliated with the WFDY and the lUS, with the exception of the 
"Handbook of Asian Youth and Student Organizations," which was 
published in 1958 by the WFDY in Budapest. The information pro- 
vided by this booklet is confined to southeast and northeast Asia, 95 
percent of the organizations listed in the book are members of the 
WFDY or the lUS, the rest are either sympathetic toward the aims 
of the Communist international front or consist of such officially 
neutral organizations as the YMCA and the YWCA of the Philip- 
pines. The information in the handbook is provided about the fol- 
lowing countries : 



1412 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

Data Concerning Youth Organizations in Various Countries 

Burma, 7, (including such opposites as the Socialist Youth of 
Burma and the Young Monks' Association) ; Cambodia, 2, (one of 
them — Royal Cam.bodian Socialist Youth); Ceylon, 6; India, 11; 
Indonesia, 12; Japan, 14; Malaya, 3; Nepal, 4; Pakistan, 4; Philip- 
pines, 5, (2 of the listed are YMCA and YWCA) ; Thailand, 3, (2 
of the listed are YMCA and YWCA) ; Red China, 3 ; North Korea, 
1; Laos, 1; Uzbek SSR, 1; and Vietnam, 4, (one of them — The As- 
sociation of Vietnamese Scouts — Hoi Huong Dao Vietnam). 

Information provided about the youth organizations listed in the 
handbook is very revealing as to their Communist or pro-Communist 
nature, i.e. : 

Khmer Students Union (Sahakheap Nicett Khmer) of Cambodia, 
comprising "70 percent of Khmer students in Europe, mainly in 
France," states in its declaration of policy — "the principal threat 
against our new independence is in the actions of the United States 
Government, which is applying both internal corruption and direct 
intimidation through the intermediary of the pro-SEATO govern- 
ment. Tlieir aim is to break the unity of the people of Khmer for 
peace, national independence and neutrality * * *." 

Central Chorus of Japan (Nippon Chuo Gasshodan) — "In 1950, 
the hated Korean war began. Many persons in the democratic move- 
ment were oppressed by American militarism. In the 'Singing Voice' 
movement, the National Council of Choirs was organized. The slogan 
'Singing Voice is the power of peace' was launched * * *." Under the 
influence of the Central Chorus' performances "The people's fight 
against American militarism, which spread on a large scale, also arose 
in Sungawa and Okinawa (the Cyprus of Asia) * * *." 

All Japan Federation of Student Autonomies (Zen Nihon Gakusei 
Jicliikai Sorenzo-Zengakuren), lUS member, states: "Since its con- 
stitution and in spite of the constant repression by the American au- 
thorities and the Japanese Government, the Zengakuren has not ceased 
to fight against the policy of war, and against their anti -democratic 
policies * * * it has undertaken activities and struggles, e.g., the 
activity against the American Eels who came to Japan with the 
task of liquidating the University autonomies and expelling the pro- 
gressive professors from the Universities; the fight against the war 
in Korea provoked by American imperialism, etc." 

The member organizations of the lUS usually claim to be the main 
representative bodies of the students of their respective countries. 
Mostly these claims are exaggerated; yet these groups strive to in- 
filtrate the ruling bodies of other student organizations in order to 
induce them to affiliate themselves into one, lUS-dominated, National 
Union of Students. Obviously, to be able to achieve the infiltration 
and the consequent domination of the rival student groups, the Com- 
munists need cadres of trained propagandists and organizers. A 
partial insight into this procedure can be gained from the repoi't 
on the 15th Conference of the All-India Students' Federation ( AISF) 
which was held in the city of Udaipur in January 1959. {lUS ^^News 
Service,'' March 1959, No. 5-6) : 

A unanimous resolution set as the task of AISF to disseminate 
among the Indian people the ideas of scientific socialism and, in 
this respect, to develop cadres and organizers who will become 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1413 

an example of self-sacrifice and model workers inspired with the 
lofty ideals of service to the people. * * * 

On Students' Unions and NUS a resolution states that student 
unity is one of the most vital issues of the day, because without 
a powerful united students' movement and organization, the hopes 
and aspirations of the students for a better life and study condi- 
tions cannot be achieved. Since students' organizations in India 
do not unite all sections of the student community and since stu- 
dents, regardle-ss of their ideological differences, still consider the 
students' unions as their representative organizations, the present 
task of AISF is to develop these unions as more active and power- 
ful organizations. Therefore, in those states where democratic 
(read "progressive," leftist, Communist) unions exist they should 
be made more active; where they are less democratic the 
Federation's task is to make them more democratic and more 
mobile; in places where there is no union, great efforts must be 
made to establish one. As regards the establishment of an all- 
India organization, the resolution notes that although there now 
exist three rival NUSes, each claiming to be of a representative 
character, they are in fact all "non- functioning, top-heavy entities 
which are becomming more and more bodies on paper only * * *." 
"It is urgently necessary * * * for the AISF to concentrate its 
efforts so that in the near future a healthy widely-based federation 
of union emerges * * *." 
This then is, in the usual Comimunist doubletalk, the blueprint 
for the domination of the various non- Communist student groups. 

As has been stated before, the WFDY and the lUS are able to drag 
into their net certain youth groups by appealing to their idealistic 
aspirations through such slogans as coexistence, cooperation, unity of 
youth interests, international friendship, cultural exchanges, anti- 
colonialism, denunciation of imperialism, struggle for peace, dis- 
armament, etc. Communism, as such, or the Marxist ideology are 
practically never mentioned directly, but the fact that the initiative 
and the leadership and the propaganda are from the Commimist camp 
is the best propaganda of communism. 

The various youth and student groups of the world are system- 
atically bombarded by an incessant flood of Communist-tinged prop- 
aganda : 

Students' organizations, such as the International Union of 
Students, WorM Student News and the World Youth and special 
brochures published by the Research and Information Com- 
missions inform the world about student struggle and suffer- 
ings. Hardly a month passes that we don't send a delegation 
abroad to inform the student movements of other countries and 
try to get their support * * *. 
{World Student News, No. 2/9.) 
The publications of both the WFDY and the lUS are varied. Some 
contain much propaganda, i.e., the World Student News and the 
World Youth; some contain no propaganda at all, i.e.. Medical 
Student and About Young Girls. Yet all serve the same purpose: 
First, to interest youth in receiving the material, even if it does not 
contain a trace of propaganda; and then, gradually, to include the 
individuals or groups on the mailing lists for the more propagandistic 

51693 O— 60— pt. 2 7 



1414 coivoruNiST training operations 

publications and concrete individual appeals and approaches. Ac- 
ceptance of the nonpolitical material serves as a bridge to a later 
brainwashing campaign. 

A special place among the WFDY and the lUS publications is 
occupied by the Polish magazine "Mlodiez Swiata" (World Youth) 
which is published in cooperation with the Central Editorial Office 
of the monthly "Jeunesse du Monde." "Mlodiez Swiata." is one of 
the few magazines published for youth behind the Iron Curtain which 
can be objectively considered to be of interest to literate youth in 
every corner of the world. Each issue contains articles written in 
Polish, English, Spanish, Esperanto; and some in Czech, Italian, 
Serbian, and other languages. The cover of the magazine, as well as 
many of the illustrations and some of the articles, deals with the ever- 
popular theme of sex appeal. Only seldom is political material in- 
troduced and, when such is the case, it is presented in a striking, pro- 
vocative, thought-stimulating manner. The material includes articles 
on such things as sports, esthetics, social psychology, philosohpy, 
dreams and their interpretation, emancipation of women, jazz, Charlie 
Chaplin, movies and Brigitte Bardot, philately, premarital sexual re- 
lations, divorce, teenagers' problems, etc. 

An important section of the magazine is occupied by "Pen-Pals 
Service." Each issue of the magazine contains several hundred ad- 
dresses of youths in all parts of the world. It is expected that, 
through correspondence with Communist youth, the youth of the 
Western and of the so-called uncommitted nations will be brain- 
washed into believing that communism provides the human race with 
the best of the possible worlds. 

Personal contact through exchange of letters is extremely effec- 
tive. Trading of stamps, pictures of movie stars, and viewcards is 
accompanied by such comments from the Communist pen-pals as, 
"All the people of the world should live in peace * * *. We are peace- 
loving people * * * you also desire peace * * * if only your vicious 
Wall Street sharks would stop keeping tlie world on the brink of 
war * * * you are bragging about your democracy, why don't you 
speak up then for the cause of peace? * * *" 

Exchange of letters between those professing interest in theatre, 
film, student and youth affairs, arts, history, literature, economy, 
social sciences and contemporary politics is obviously even more con- 
ducive to the presentation of the Communist point of view. 

Naturally, the so-called peace propaganda occupies the central place 
in the material contained in the WFDY and the lUS publications. 
It may be naively supposed that peace and its propaganda is by nature 
a neutral issue, that is to say an issue which can be in the same fashion 
espoused by all the people of both contemporary principal political 
camps. Yet even a superficial study of Communist peace propaganda 
shows that their peace propaganda is actually one of the strongest 
and most dangerous means of anti-U.S. and anti-Western propa- 
ganda. It is stated again and again that the Soviet Union and the 
other countries of the Communist camp are in the forefront of the 
fighters for peace, willing to discuss its terms with tlie imperialists, 
even willing to make some concessions, while the imperialists, the 
monopolists of Wall Street, and the warmongers from the Pentagon 
are sabotaging all Communist peace efforts, being interested only in 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1415 

the accumulation of profits from the armaments race. This, of course, 
puts the immediate blame for the world tensions on the Western 
camp. But even when the "culprits" are not directly mentioned and 
the blame is put on "certain reactionary forces" while, of course, 
there is no uncertainty about the object of praise, the propaganda 
effect is not diminished but rather increased in the same manner as 
when in our Madison Avenue advertising the glorified product is 
being compared to some inferior "Brand X." 

Some of these appeals for "peace" are contained in an lUS publi 
cation, "Students for Peace," i.e., from the appeal of the executive 
committee of the lUS to the students of the world : 

* * * At the beginning of the New Year, 1958, we solemnly appeal 
to the good sense and human feelings of all of you * * * a grave 
danger confronts the perspective of peace and prosperity, a dan- 
ger created by the preparations for atomic war. The tremendous 
development of nuclear weapons, the fantastic increase of their 
destructive power and, above all, the endless continuation of the 
nuclear weapon race represents an ever present threat to world 
peace * * *. Fellow students all over the world, considering that 
the immediate prohibition of nuclear tests has especial importance 
at this particular moment, we appeal to you to initiate actions 
for this cause now, without hesitation. We appeal to you all — 

Let us demand the prohibition of the production and use of 
nuclear weapons, disarmament, and the conclusion of an inter- 
national agreement for the immediate banning of nuclear tests ! 
Let us oppose installation and expansion of foreign military 
bases with nuclear weapons t * * * 
To the same effect and almost in the same words was the joint state- 
ment of 15 Asian and African student organizations on peace and the 
relaxation of international tension. {March 1957^ Prague.) Other 
appeals spell out the name of the sinister force which prevents the 
peace-loving people of the world to enjoy the blessings of peace, i.e., 
extract from the appeal of the National Union of Brazilian Students 
to the Brazilian people : 

* * * the news of the agreements between the Governments of 
Brazil and the United States regarding the establishment of 
missile bases on the territory of Fernando de Noronha making out 
of our country an unavoidable target for atom bombs in the case 
of a third world war and exposing our people * * * to its crimi- 
nal effects, makes us aware that we are suffering from the effects 
of the one battle that has been lost by UNEB — the battle against 
the military pact signed in 1953 * * *, 

Appeal of the Rangoon University Students' Union to the World 
Powers : 

* * * the division of the world into opposing blocs, the desire 
of certain forces to preserve the colonial system in old and new 
forms, their attempts to resolve international contradictions from 
position of strength, the arms race, the A and H bomb tests, war 
pacts like SEATO, NATO, Baghdad, Eisenhower Doctrine 

* * * create in the world an atmosphere of uncertainty and con- 
stant threats, hamper the solution of the problems of students and 
confront mankind with the danger of atomic war * * *. 



1416 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

Statement of tlie General Union of Iraqi Students: 

* * * The international tension and the cold war which has con- 
tinued for so long a time holds back the aspirations of nations 
for freedom and independence and attempts to maintain its in- 
fluence with steel and fire * * *. As a result of this situation 
THE POWER WHICH CALLS FOR WAR has established a 
chain led by the USA and Britain, in cooperation with its inter- 
nal gents, linked the name of this pact to Baghdad * * *. 

From tlie letter of the Central Committee of the Korean Democratic 
Youth League to youth and student organizations of other 
countries : 

* * * the American imperialist amiy is still occupying South 
Korea. IMoreover, the American imperialists have of late intro- 
duced atomic weapons into South Korea, are press-ganging all 
the South Korean youth and students into the army and 
f renziedly preparing for a new war, thus gravely menacing peace 
in Korea and Asia * * * the U.S. Army which has brought un- 
bearable sufferings to the Korean people and is menacing peace 
has no reason nor ground to stay continually in the southern part 
of our country * * *. 

The WFDY and the lUS press pay close attention to international 
problems, focusing especially on those which are of direct and im- 
mediate concern to youth. Photographs of student demonstrations, 
of police actions against students, of poor conditions under which stu- 
dents of various countries are compelled to study and live, are nu- 
merous and eloquently presented. Most of the time comparison is 
made witli the allegedly carefree and happy conditions of youth life 
in the USSR and in the "people's democracies." Emphasis on the 
youth of Asia, Africa, and Latin America is becoming stronger every 

A typical analysis of the international situation is contained in the 
"Appeal for celebration of the month of solidarity with the youth 
fighting against colonialism" and in the "Resolution on the interna- 
tional students' peace conference": 

The Executive Committee of tlie lUS, having discussed the 
development of the students' struggle for peace, the immediate 
cessation of atomic tests and for the banning of atomic tests and 
the use of nuclear weapons * * * resolves: * * * to observe In- 
ternational Student Week (Nov. 10-17, 1959) as a week of peace 
and friendship, and to organize on this occasion the broadest 
possible actions in defense of peace. 
Subsequent lines of this document clarify what is meant by peace 
and frieiidsMp and what are the actions which are supposed to pro- 
mote these ; the youth of the ivorld is urged to fight against the policy 
of the USA and other free nations. This is peace and friendship a 
la Khrushchev. The lUS urges in this connection — 

to support the people's fight for the peaceful reunification of 
Germany * * * to support the students and the people of Japan 
in their fight against the planned revision of U.S. -Japan Security 
Pact and for its abrogation since such a plan could lead to the 
revival of militarism and constitute a serious threat to peace in 
the Far East ; to demand the simultaneous abrogation of all exist- 
ing military pacts * * * to demand the immediate withdrawal of 
the nuclear-armed U.S. troops from South Korea and protest 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1417 

against the colonial wars in Algeria, Kenya, Kamerun and 
Cypress; to call for an immediate and permanent ban on nuclear 
weapon tests and a ban on the use and production of nuclear 
weapons, and the destruction of all existing stockpiles of such 
weapons; to oppose the French plan to carry out tests in the 
Sahara * * *. 

* * * considering that the recent tensions in the Middle East 
which threaten peace in this region and throughout the world have 
been the result of imperialist attempts to crush the independence 
and sovereignty of the Arab states and especially of the Iraqi Re- 
public through conspiracies and bilateral military treaties con- 
cluded between the imperialist powers and some governments of 
this region, such as that between the U.S. and Iran, the U.S. and 
Turkey, the U.S. and Pakistan, and that which is being prepared 
between the U.S. and Israel * * * condemns these imperialist 
conspiracies and military treaties vigorously and supports the 
struggle of the Iraqi students and people to safeguard and con- 
solidate their Republic against all militarist attempts * * *. 
And the analysis of the world events continues in the same vein of 
vicious and direct accusations against the USA. 

All countries and organizations which in one way or another are 
either connected with the USA, or are not connected with the USSR, 
are frequently attacked by the Communist-front youth press. Of 
course, the United States of America receives concentrated attention. 
The emphasis is usually made on those issues which are of immediate 
interest to the youth of colonial and otherwise dependent countries, 
and to the youth of countries recently risen from such status. 

For instance, the (lUS) News Service No. 21-22 of November 1958, 
carried a report on a demonstration in Washington, D.C., which was 
held on October 25, 1958, and which was attended by 6,000 students 
from Chicago, New York, Baltimore, Cleveland, and Detroit. The 
demonstration was organized under the slogan "Youth March for 
Integrated Schools." Representatives of the demonstrators were not 
allowed to see President Eisenhower, having been told that the Presi- 
dent was busy playing golf. Later in the day 10,000 people attended 
a mass meeting at the Lincoln Memorial Monument. One of the 
speakers, the famous Negro singer Harry Belafonte, said that Eisen- 
hower, by not meeting the committee of the marchers, had made a 
gesture which would have far-reaching significance for millions 
throughout the world. 

Withdrawal of U.S. troops from South Korea urged — Several 
hundred students, from over ten Asian, African and Latin 
American countries, now studying in Czechoslovakia held a rally 
in Prague to voice their demand for the withdrawal of U.S. 
troops from South Korea * * * speakers at the rally condemned 
the U.S. imperialists' policy of war and colonialism. 
{News Service No. 2, Jan. 1959.) 

American University expels students for participation in 
strike — * * * 150 students * * * of American University in Bei- 
rut were expelled from school for taking part in the strike in sup- 
port of the students of the Lebanese Academy. * * * A statement 
issued by the students said that their struggle was part of the 
liberation movement and they would not give way to imperial- 
ism * * *. 



1418 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

The Lebanese paper "Al Sahaf a" commenting on the expulsion wrote : 
The measure taken by the American University of Beirut 
showed that the conspiracy against Lebanese culture was not 
French alone but both French and American * * *, 
(News Service No. 3, Feb. 1959.) 
In the (WFDY) Information Service of January 1959 the youth 
of the world was informed of another racial discrimination incident 
in the USA, namely, that : 

* * * recently in North Carolina two young children were sent to 
a correction home for no particular crime except for the "crime" 
of having black skin. The official charge against them was that 
they had kissed a "white" girl during a game in which tliey were 
all playing. This was then interpreted as attempted rape * * *. 

All WFDY organizations were urged to send protest telegrams 
and letters to the proper U.S. authorities. 

Every occurrence in the U.S. school life, which may be used as 
anticapitalist propaganda and which may be considered to be of 
interest to youth, is dug up by the editors of the Red youth press 
in order to serve as an indictment of the Western political system, i.e., 
the (lUS) News Service No. 5-6 of March 1959, carries two news 
items about the school situation in Chicago — one of them is a report 
that the tuition fees which the students of Chicago University have to 

gay will go up $960 a year. Another article infoiTns the readers that 
hicago teachers demand adequate salaries. The beginning of the 
article reads : 

* * * five thousand teachers, Negro and wliite side by side, 
marched on January 30th in a nine-block-long line around the 
Board of Education office in Chicago in protest against the 
Board's failure to comply with the wage demands of the union- 
ized teachers * * *. 

These reports, although probably based on facts, serve as powerful 
propaganda ; only derogatory facts about the West are selected and 
massed to produce a distorted picture of the situation in the free world. 
The editors do not have to plug the Communist ideology, praise their 
own system ; their "expose" of the West is supposed to turn the sym- 
pathies of the readers toward the Communist system. 

U.S. "aggressiveness" is one of the primary hobbyliorses of the inter- 
national Communist- front propaganda machine. Typical article on 
that theme appeared in the World Youth magazine, No. 2, Feb. 1959, 
under the title "Berlin in the Focus of World Interest," attacking the 
U.S. "occupation forces." The article contains information on the 
infamous tunnel which the Americans have allegedly built on W\e 
border of their sector of Berlin and equipped with machinery for 
tapping all telephone cables and intercepting thus all telephone con- 
versations of the Communists. It is furtlier stated that there are 
more tlian 80 Western espionage agencies in West Berlin. The agents 
of these espionage centers all have allegedly long criminal records. 
The Foreign Legion is accused of "head hunting" in West Berlin, 
luring and kidnaping young Gennans for service in North Africa. 
The Western powers are accused of breaking the Potsdam Agreement 
by allowing 114 Fascist and militarist organizations to carry on their 
activities without restrictions. 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1419 

(Jaiiiida, neighbor and close ally of the United States, also receives 
considerable attention. The WFDY magazine Yoimg Worker reports 
that : 

* * * no matter where one travels in Canada today, he is con- 
fronted with a word which has some ugly connotations — ^"UN- 
EMPLOYMENT." It is an old word with a "1958" meaning. 
The meaning is the thought of no job at a time when the cost of 
living is at an all-time high * * *, 

Next to the USA, the main villain of the free world, according to the 
Communists, is West Germany. It is constantly attacked and vilified. 
The lUS pamphlet Students for Peace contains a letter of the Student 
Council of the Central Committee of the Czechoslovak Union of Youth 
(CSM) to all National Student Unions, dealing with the international 
situation. It is stated in the letter that the Student Council : 

* * * was compelled to take a stand on the decision of the Federal 
German' Parliament to equip the Bundeswehr with nuclear weap- 
ons. We protest vigorously against such a decision * * *. We, 
Czechoslovak students * * * have not forgotten * * * many in- 
stances of indiscriminate brutality (which) occurred in many 
countries occupied by the German fascists during the second world 
war. Many instigators of these crimes which the entire civilized 
world and the students from all countries condemned, again 
occupy the most important posts in the West German Army. 
Atomic weapons in their hands therefore constitute a serious 
threat to peace and culture * * *. 

Here once again the Communists resort to demagogy and hypocrisy. 
They speak of Nazi brutality as if the whole civilized world could 
forget for one moment that long before Hitler appeared on the political 
scene, the Communists horrified the world by their ruthless policy of 
mass extermination of all their opponents — real, potential, and imagi- 
nary — by their slave state methods, by the institution of concentration 
camps with millions of wretched and unmercifully exploited inhabi- 
tants. The Communists do not hesitate to assume the right to accuse 
others of brutality at a time when the memory of the blood bath in 
Hungary is still fresh in the minds of all people. Moreover, West 
Germany is equated with Hitlerism and the world is constantly 
reminded to beware of the ferocious Germans. • 

All other countries connected with the USA are constantly under 
concentrated attack. Numerous derogatory articles are published on 
France, Spain, South Korea, Japan, South Vietnam, Pakistan, Phil- 
ippines, Iraqi, Madagascar, Argentina, Cuba, Bolivia, to mention just 
some of the countries in the focus of the Communist propaganda ma- 
chine. The following statement, for instance, comes from Peru: 

Students of Peru are ready to help, whenever need arises, to 
fight against those who resort to exploitation and to war, to the 
subjugation and humiliation of our people. 
The leftist Peruvian student group claims that Latin Americans 
are "being victims of national oligarchy" and have : 

exchanged love for homeland for worship of despotism, while, 
outside, imperialism, exploitation and insatiable gi-eed pre- 
vail * * *, 

* * * a popular Mexican saying can be applied to people of 
Latin America — "they have the misfortune of being very far from 
heaven and very near to US * * *." 



1420 COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 

The students are invited to work in the left win^ party as "it is the 
only way to fight imperialism * * *." {World Student News.) 

In the WFDY and the lUS press the short period since the 
Vienna festival has been devoted largely to convincing the partici- 
pants that, notwithstanding the negative reaction of the gi-eater 
part of world youth and despite the active anti- festival campaign, the 
Seventh Youth Festival has been a huge success. 

* * * two worlds have met in Vienna. One of them employed 
lies, paid agents and airplanes with inscriptions "Ohne uns" 
(without us) . But our words and songs have achieved a decisive 
victory * * *. 

{Mlada Fronta No. 200, Aug. 22, 1959.) 
From the 10th to the 16th of August the council of the WFDY had 
been convened in Prague. For hundred twenty-three delegates and 
observers, representing 285 member and nonmember organizations 
from 93 countries, participated in the Assembly. It was established 
there that in the period of 1957-59 the membership increased by 2 
million to 87 million, the increase allegedly being due to the successes 
of WFDY contacts with the youth from Asia, Africa, and Latin 
America. 

Participation of observers from the Council of Japanese Youth, 
which unites 80 percent of Japanese youth organizations, of repre- 
sentatives of the youth of the Indian Congress Party, of youth from 
Congo, of the Council of Cuban Youth, is supposed to represent fac- 
tual proof of the WFDY advances on the world youth scene. {Mlada 
Fronta No. 196, Aug. 18. 1959.) 

The Fifth Assembly of the WFDY has accepted 25 resolutions in the 
"basic direction of friendship and cooperation." The major points of 
the resolutions are : 

To fight for the cessation of nuclear weapon tests ; 
To fight against militarism, particularly German militarism ; 
To support the struggle for self-determination, for the liquida- 
tion of colonialism and of imperialist domination; 

To organize a World Youth Forum, which would be open to all 
youth groups of the world . . . 

{Mlada Fronta No. 195, Aug. 16, 1959. ) 
There is every reason to believe that, if the present soft policy 
toward communism, of cultural exchano:es and increased travel be- 
tween the free world and the Iron Curtain countries is continued, the 
Communists will be able to exercise an even greater influence upon 
the youth of the non-Communist world. Every possibility of ap- 
proaching youth, undermining resistance to communism, instilling ex- 
aggerated respect for the "achievements of the Communist system" 
will be employed in order to strengthen the international Communist 
youth front, preparing it for the day of the last and decisive assault 
against the free world. 



COMMUNIST TRAINING OPERATIONS 1421 

A partial list of the Communist propaganda combing into the United 
States through various ports 

1. The Key To A Big Heart (a book about Soviet youth), by Yury 

Tsenin, Moscow 1959. 

2. The Way To Further Economic Progress ( for the further deve/lop- 

ment of the productive forces, for technical progress in all 
branches of the national economy), by N. S. Khrushchov at the 
Plenary Meeting of the C.C.-C.P.S.U. June 29 1959. 

3. Health Protection in the Soviet Union, (1917-1957), by N. Vino- 

gradov, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow 1957. 

4. Economy of the Soviet Union, Past and Present, by D. G. 

Zhimerin. Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow 
1958. 

5. The Soviet Budget, by V. Lavrov, Foreign Languages Publish- 

ing House, Moscow 1959. 

6. The Great Seven-Year Plan (album of diagrams on the economic 

development of the USSR in 1959-1965). Soviet Information 
Bureau, 1959. 

7. News Service, published by the Press and Information Depart- 

ment, International Union of Students, Prague 2, Czecho- 
slovakia. 

8. World Student News, published by the International Union of 

Students. 

9. Czechoslovak Youth, published by the Central Committee of the 

Czechoslovak Union of Youth. 

10. Education in the U.S.S.R. (U.S.S.R. section at the Universal and 

International Exhibition of Brussels, 1958). 

11. Information Bulletin (Committee of Youth Organizations of 

the U.S.S.R.). Moscow 1959. 

12. WFDY Neios, published by the World Federation of Democratic 

Youth, Budapest, Hungary. 

13. Assembly (of the World Federation of Democratic Youth, Prague, 

August 10-16, 1959, 5th assembly of the member organizations 
of the WFDY. The problems of peace, national independ- 
ence and the responsibility of the young generation. Eco- 
nomic, social, and cultural problems that face youth in the world 
of today) . 

14. Youth Life, published by the People's Youth of Yugoslavia. 

15. Control Figures for the Econoraic Development of the U .S.S.R. 

for 1959-1965, by N. S. Khrushchov (report delivered at the 21st 
extraordinary congress of the Communist Party of the So- 
viet Union, January 27, 1959) . Foreign Languages Publishing 
House, Moscow 1959. 

16. Radar, Warsaw, Poland. 

17. World Youth, published by the World Federation of Democratic 

Youth, Budapest, Hungary. 



1422 



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