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Full text of "A comparative grammar of the South African Bantu languages comprising those of Zanzibar, Mozambique, the Zambesi, Kafirland, Benguela, Angola, the Congo, the Ogowe, the Cameroons, the lake region, etc"

PURCHASED FOR THE 

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY 

FROM THE 

CANADA COUNCIL SPECIAL GRANT 



FOR 

LINGUISTICS 
1968 



Digitized by the Internet Archive 

in 2007 with funding from 

IVIicrosoft Corporation 



http://www.archive.org/details/comparativegrammOOtorruoft 



A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR 



OF THE 



SOUTH-AFRICAN BANTU LANGUAGES, 



ST-AUSTIN'S PRESS, 

DESCL£E, DE BROUWER and CO., 
BRUGES. 



A 

COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR 



OF THK 



SOUTH-AFRICAN BANTU 

LANGUAGES 

COMPRISING THOSK OF 

ZANZT15AR, MOZAMBIQUE, THE ZAMBEZI, KAFIRLAND, IJENGUELA, 

ANGOLA, THE CONGO, THE OGOWE, THE CAMERODNS, 

THE LAKE REGION, ETC. 



EY 

J. TORREND, S. J., 

OF THE ZAMBEZI MISSION, 

AUTHOR OF " AN OUTLINE OK A X< )SA-1>:AKIR GRAMMAR 



LONDON 

KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., Lt^. 

PATERNOSTER HOUSE, CHARING CROSS ROAD. 
1891. 




PL 

•I 
T67 



4 



The righ/s of translation afid of reproduction are reserved. 



TO 

THE MOST HONOURABLE 

THE MARQUIS OF BUTE, K. T. 

THIS WORK 

IS 

BY PERMISSION 
DEDICATED. 



PREFACE, 



However favourably my friends may have thought of 
this work when still in manuscript, I cannot flatter myself 
that it comes near to the 'perfection to which I should 
have wished to have been able to bring it. Any criticisms, 
corrections, additions, or suggestions, will be received 
with hearty thanks. 

There is no need to call the attention of any one to the 
importance of the study of Bantu. Independently of its 
scientific interest, it is a key for opening one half of an 
immense continent to Christian civilization. 

I will only add a word of thanks to all those to whom 
I am indebted for help, whether from their published works 
in the same line as this, or from private advice and inform- 
ation. 

I feel particularly indebted to the following friends : 

The Rev. J. T. Walford, S. J., for having very kindly 
looked over, and corrected, the greater part of the En- 
glish of my MSS. and proofsheets. 

Dr. R. N. Cust, for having no less kindly given me a 
number of modern publications on the Bantu languages, 
among others most of those of the S. P. C. K. His 
** Sketch of the Modern Languages of Africa " has also 
been to me an invaluable guide throughout. 

The Revv. Fathers Causse, Temming, Ronchi, Andre, 
S. J., for information or MSS. regarding the Kafir, 
Chwana, Senna, and Kilimane languages, respectively. 

The Rev. Father Ldvesque, of the Socidtd de Notre- 
Dame des Missions d^ Afriqiie, for having kindly sent me 
all the publications of his Society on the Bantu languages. 



VIII Preface, 

The Rev. Father L. Cheikho, S. J., for copious in- 
formation on South-Africa derived from the ancient Arab 
writers. 

The Custodian of the Grey Library in Capetown, and 
the officials of the British Museum. 

Above all, the Rev. Father Depelchin, S. J., the founder 
of the Zambezi Mission, at whose bidding I undertook 
these studies. When he came back to the Cape Colony in 
1883 from his laborious missionary explorations in the far 
interior with broken health, but an undaunted spirit, I 
had the advantage of enjoying his company for nearly 
two months at St. Aidan's College, Grahamstown. All 
this time he was constantly saying to me : '' For the love 
of God learn the native languages. I have come across 
millions of men who need but to hear Our Lord's words 
and deeds to become so many good and happy Christians ". 
These words have been ringing in my ears ever since that 
time, giving me courage and strength to persevere in my 
attempt to do so. But for them, this work probably never 
would have been undertaken ; certainly it would not have 
been brought to an end. 

I pass by some other friends, who will not allow their 
names to appear in these pages, but whose kind help will 
not be forgotten. 

God grant that this little work be not useless to the 
evangelization and civilization of Africa ! 

St, Aloysius College ^ Jersey, 

Whit-Stmday, May //, rSgi, 



SOUTH-AFRICA 




REFERENCE MAP 

TO ACCOMPANY THE 

Comparative Grammar 

OF THE 

South-African Bantu Languages 

BY 

J.TORREND, S.J. 

A^- B. The names printed in red are these cf the languages more particularlL/ 



dealt with in this work . 



Non-Bantu Lan§ua^es; [-:3 Bantu intermixed with n on -Bantu Lan^ua^es. 



5o;it2e 5'. A'jL.:±i: 



CONTENTS. 

INTRODUCTION. 

Page 

I. Division of the South-African Languages xv 

II. Bantu Literature. — Sources xxii 

III. The Origin of the Bantu xxxiil 

Chapter L 

GENERAL PRINCIPLES AND PHONETICS i 

I. Alphabet 2 

II. Characteristic Features of the Bantu Family of Languages 6 

First principle 6 

Second principle 8 

Third principle 9 

Fourth principle 11 

III. Comparative Phonetics of the Principal Bantu Languages 14 

Tonga 14 

Yao 15 

Nyamwezi 17 

Sagara, and Gogo iS 

Shambala, and Boondei 18 

Taita 19 

Kamba 19 

Swahili 20 

Nyika, or Nika, and Pokomo 21 

Senna (including Tette and Nyassa) 23 

Karanga (<2//(2j Kalaka) 24 

Ganda 26 

Kafir (Xosa, Zulu, and Tebele) 27 

Herero 28 

Bihe 3^ 

Mbunda, Lojazi, Nano, and Ndonga 30 

Rotse 3^ 

Runda, or Lunda, and' Luba 33 

Rua 33 

Angola, Mbamba, and Fiote, or Lower Congo 34 

Middle Congo Languages 36 

Nywema 37 

Kua, or Mozambique, and Chwana 38 

Tshagga, and Hinzua 44 

Mpongwe 44 

Dualla 46 

Fan 47 



Contents. 



Fernandian (Fernando Po) 

Languages of the Congo Forest 

Semi-Bantu 

Conclusion 

IV. More General Phonetic Changes 

§ 1. Changes caused by the Collision of two Vowels, 

§ 2. Various Phonetic Changes 

V. On Accentuation in Bantu 



Page 

49 
50 
51 
51 
53 
53 
56 
61 



Chapter IL 

ON SUBSTANTIVES 63 

I. On Articles 64 

II. The MU-BA Glass and the Sub-classes connected with it 67 

§ I. Transformations of the Classifier MU- 68 

§ 2. Transformations of the Classifier B A- 70 

§ 3. The Sub-Class — -BA 71 

§4. The Sub-Class MU-MA 72 

§ 5. Substantives which belong to the MU-BA Class and the Sub-Classes 

connected with it 72 

§ 6. Etymologies. — Varia 73 

III. The MU-MI Glass ' 76 

§ I. Transformations of the Classifier MU- 76 

§ 2. Transformations of the Classifier MI- 'J'J 

§ 3. Substantives which belong to the MU-MI Class 79 

§ 4. Etymologies. — Varia 80 

IV. The IN-ZIN Class 82 

§ I. Transformations of the Singular Classifier IN- 82 

§ 2. Transformations of the Plural Classifier (Z)IN- 84 

§ 3. Substantives which belong to the IN-(Z)IN Class 85 

§ 4. Etymologies. — Varia 86 

V. The LI-MA Glass 88 

§ I. Transformations of the Classifier LI- 88 

I. Polysyllabic stems which begin with a consonant 88 

II. Monosyllabic stems 90 

III. Stems which begin with a vowel 91 

§ 2. Transformations of the Classifier MA- 91 

§ 3. Substantives which belong to the LI-MA Class 91 

§ 4. Etymologies. — Varia 93 

VI. The BU-MA Glass and the Sub-classes connected with it 96 

§ I. Forms in the Class BU-MA and the Sub-class MA 97 

§ 2. The Sub-classes BU without plural, and BU-(Z)IN 94 

§ 3. Substantives which belong to the BU-MA Class and the Sub-Classes 

connected with it 99 

§ 4. Etymologies. — Varia 100 

VII. The KU-MA Glass 102 

§ I. Forms 102 

§ 2. Substantives which belong to the KU-MA Class 103 

§ 3. Etymologies. — Varia 103 



Contents, xi 



Page 

VIII. The LU-(ZIN) Glass and the Sub-classes connected with it 104 

§ I. Transformations of the Classifier LU- 104 

§ 2. Plural Classifiers corresponding to LU- 105 

§ 3. Substantives belonging to cl. LU- 106 

§ 4. Etymologies. — Varia 107 

IX. The CI-ZI Glass 109 

§ I. Transformations of the Classifier CI- 109 

§ 2. Transformations of the Classifier ZI- iii 

§ 3. Substantives which belong to the CI-ZI Class 112 

§ 4. Etymologies. — Varia 113 

X. The diminutive Glass KA-TU and the Sub-classes connected with it. 115 

§ I. Forms 115 

§ 2. Substantives which belong to the KA-TU Class and the Sub-Classes 

connected with it 119 

§ 3. Etymologies. — Varia 120 

Locative Classifiers, and Prepositions 122 

§ I. Transformations of the Locative Classifier PA- 123 

§ 2. Transformations of the Locative Classifier KU- 127 

§ 3. Transformations of the Locative Classifier MU- 1:8 

§ 4. Plural Locative Classifiers 129 

§ 5. Effects of the Locative Classifiers on the other Prefixes of the Substantives. 129 

§ 6. On the Use of the Locative Classifiers 130 

§ 7. Prepositions which are not Classifiers 131 

§ 8. The Particles -ZL/, -NA^ etc., in Locative Expressions 133 

§ 9. Etymologies. — Varia 134 

Copulative Prefixes before substantives 136 

The Particles which introduce Substantives after Passive Verbs.... 138 

XIV. Suffixes of Substantives 138 

XV. Onomatopoetic Substantives I39 

XVI. Retrospect. — Varia 140 



Chapter III. 

ON ADJECTIVES 142 

I. Quantitative Adjectives I44 

§ I. Adaptation of the Quantitative Adjectives to the different Classes of 

Nouns 144 

§ 2. Effects of the Phonetic Laws upon the Forms of Quantitative Adjectives. 145 

§ 3. On the Use of Quantitative Adjectives as Epithets 146 

§ 4. On the Use of Quantitative Adjectives as Predicates 148 

II. Non-Quantitative Adjectives 149 

III. Comparatives and Superlatives 150 

Chapter IV. 

ON PRONOUNS 152 

I. Connective Pronouns 152 

§ I. Forms 153 

§ 2. Connective Pronouns prefixed to verbs as Subjects 155 



XII 



Contents. 



§ 3. Connective Pronouns prefixed to verbs as Objects. 

§ 4. Reflexive Pronouns 

II. Substantive Personal Pronouns 

§ I. Forms 

I. Enclitic Forms 

II. Self-standing Forms 

III. Copula-containing Forms 

§ 2. Use of the different Forms 

I. Self-standing Forms 

II. Enclitic Forms 

Ill, Copula-containing Forms 

\ 3. Varia 

III. Demonstrative Pronouns 

s^ I. Fundamental Forms 

I. Formation of these pronouns 

II. Use and place of these pronouns. ... 

§ 2. Emphatic Forms 

§ 3. Copula-containing Forms 

IV. Relative Pronouns, and Relative Particles 

$ I. Forms of the Relative Particles 

§ 2. Use of Relative Particles and Construction of Relative Clauses in General 

I. Relative clauses in which the antecedent is represented by the subject of the verb, 

II. Relative clauses in which the antecedent is represented by an object of the verb 

V. Pronouns in Possessive Expressions 

§ I. General Principle 



2. Connective Pronouns Suppressed. 



VI. 



§ 3. Possessive Expressions after Locatives 

Relative and Possessive Expressions used Substantively 
VII. Relative and Possessive Expressions equivalent to our Adjectives 
VIII. Pronouns referring to Substantives understood, and Pronouns used 

as Conjunctions 

Appendix on the Lunda Language 

Numerals 



IX. 



^ I. Bantu Numeration. 



Six 



§ 3. Formation and Use of the Numbers above " Six '* 

§ 4. Complex Numbers 

§ 5. Ordinal Numbers and Numerical Adverbs 

The negative particle before the number ' ' one " 

X. Interrogative Pronouns and Various Determinatives. 



1. The Pronoun " How many?".. 

2. The Pronoun and Adjective " What.? What sort of.. 

3. The Pronoun" Who?" 

4. The Discriminative Pronoun " Which?'' 

5. Interrogative Pronouns used Indefinitely 

6. The Pronoun and Adjective " All, whole " 

7. The Pronoun A— -like " Alone, By himself" 

8. The Pronouns A-a-la-kue " He also ", A-ba-la-bo " 

9. The Pronouns rendering " Self. " 



They 



§ 10. The Pronoun -vibi " Other, Different, Foreign. " 

§ II. The Pronouns " One... another", " Some... others. ".. 
Retrospect on the Article 



also, " 



etc. 



Page 

158 

160 
160 
162 
164 
165 
165 
167 
169 
169 
170 
171 

177 
178 



Cojiteiits. 



XIII 



Chapter V. 



Page 



ON VERBS 

I. Fundamental Forms of the Simple Verb 

,^ I. Principal Parts of the Verbs in Bantu 

s^ 2. Fundamental Forms derived from -/'^«cz 

I. Imperative form <5^«(2 " see " 

II. Indicative form «a?2-i5tf«« " I see " 

III. Infinitive form y^w-^f^a " to see " 

v^ 3. Subjunctive Form 7tdi-boiie 

§ 4. Perfect Form «^/-^^;zzVj?I^ 

%^.i:\i^Yox\ViS iuU'bonangaQ.xvdindi-bonaga 

§ 6. The Negative Form ('/c?j«^/-^^;zi 

II. Auxiliaries 

§ I. General Principles 

§ 2. The Negative Auxiliaries 

I. Forms 

A, Absolute indicative clauses 

B. Relative clauses 

C Subjunctive clauses 

D. Imperative clauses and the infinitive 

II. Examples 

§ 3. The Auxiliary -/4 

^5 4. The Auxiliary K4 " to Go " 

^ 5. The Auxiliary END A " to Go ", and various Continuative Auxiliaries.. 

§ 6. The Auxiliaries KALA and NNA " to Sit, to Remain » 

§ 7. The Auxiliary Zy^ or /Z^ " to Come " , 

§ 8. The Auxiliary A'C/J 

§ 9. The Auxiliary A'^ 

§ 10. The Auxiliary /A^5/ 

§ II. The Auxiliaries MA and BA " 10 Stand, to Stop. " 

§ 12. The Auxiliaries C/, /v"/, 5/, 6*^4, etc 

§ 13. The Auxiliary A'C^y^ 

§ 14. The Auxiliary r/ " to Say. " 

§ 15. The Auxiliary ^t/Fyi "to Comeback. " 

§ 16. The Auxiliary i]/yiA^^ " to Come to an End. " 

§ 17. Various Auxiliaries. 

III. The Verbs " To Be " and " To Have. " 

§ I. Copula Understood 

§ 2. The verbal Forms Z/, LE^ ELE^ IRI^ etc., used as the Copula 

§ 3. The Verb KU-BA " to Become, to Come to be, " used as the Copula. ... 
§ 4. The Verbs -KALA and -NNA or -IN A " to Sit, " used as the Copula... 

§ 5. The Verb -isA^Z^yi used as the Copula 

§ 6. Various Copulative Particles 

§ 7. The Copula in Negative clauses 

§ 8. The Verb "To Have. " 

§ 9. The Verbs " To Be " and " To Have " in Locative Expressions 

IV. Derivative Verbs 

§ I. Passive Verbs 

§ 2. Other Derivative Verbs 



219 

219 
219 
221 
221 

222 
225 
225 
227 
229 
230 
231 



232 
233 
233 

23-f 

234 
235 
237 
242 

243 
247 
248 
251 
251 
254 

255 
256 
258 
260 
261 
262 
263 
263 
.64 
264 
266 
267 
268 
268 
269 
270 
271 
272 
272 
275 



XIV 



Contents. 



I. Applicative verbs 

II. Causative verbs 

III. Intensive verbs 

IV. Reversive and expansive verbs 
V. Reciprocal verbs 

Conclusion 

Retrospect on Adverbs, Prepositions, and Conjunctions 
Appendix I. Ethnographical Notes in Tonga. 

I. On the.Rotse 

II. On the Karanga 

III. On the Tonga 

Appendix II. Specimens of Kafir Folk- Lore. 

I. The Bird that made Milk 

II. MIonjalonianijhis Sister, and a Mbulu... 

III. The Gqongqos and Oajana 

IV. Tanga-lo-mlibo 

Alphabetical Index. 



Page 
.. 276 

277 
279 
.. 279 
280 
280 
2S1 

283 
283 
286 
.. 289 
. 296 
296 
300 

314 



INTRODUCTION. 

L Division of the South-African Languages. 

/. Whatever may be the correct division of the native races of South- 
Afrika, the languages of this country constitute three plainly distinct groups 
viz. the Hottentot-Bushman, the Masai, and the Bantu. With the first two 
I have not to deal in this work. If they are mentioned here, it is only to 
set them soon aside. 

2. The Hottentot- Bushman group. — This comprises the languages spoken 
mostly by nomadic, or only half-settled people, who are found in the least 
accessible parts of the South-African deserts. Living in caves or in wretched 
huts, too lazy to cultivate the soil, eating such food as bull-frogs and lizards, 
wanting in what the Kafirs call marriage-laws, having no notion of political 
union, they are generally despised, and persecuted, or kept in subjection, 
by their Bantu neighbours. They are of every description with regard to 
colour, stature, physique, and dispositions. Some are yellow-white, others 
red, others reddish-black. Most of them are dwarfish in size, scarcely 
above four feet, but they also number fine specimens of humanity, such 
as the six-foot Lange Berg Bushmen near the Orange River. Some h.ivc 
fine proportions ; others are of the very lowest type, with short foreheads, 
and hair on their bodies and legs. Some are of gentle disposition, ready to 
do any service; others wage war on all living beings, and cannot be trusted 
with anything ('). 

J. They used to be found in ancient times — as possibly they may be 
found yet — even in the north-eastern deserts of Africa, and from the fact 
of their living in caves (o',a to TpwyXa*; UTzooso-Jxiva'. (2)) were known to the 
Greeks under the name of Troglodytes. The most generic name they have 
among their Bantu neighbours is that of Ba-tua^ or in Chwana pronuncia- 
tion Ba-roa^ which now means " slaves ", and is'synonymous with ba-bna, 
or in-ja, " dogs ". Southern Kafirs distinguish, as we do, bet\veen the pure 
Bushmen and the more civilized Hottentots, whom they consider to be a 
mixed race. These they call a Ma-laivu, which according to regular phone- 
tic changes seems to stand for Arabu, as if they once had had something 
to do with the Arabs. Probably the southern Bushmen are related as a race 
to the dwarfs who live on the north-eastern affluents of the Congo. The 
latter, however, seem to speak semi-Bantu languages (n. 242 of this work). 

1, See Anderson's Twetity-Jive Years in a Waggon, Lxjndon, 1887, vol. I, pp. 282, 296, etc., and vol. 
II, p. 74 ; also the Proceedings of the R. G. S., i886, p. 438. 

2. Geogr. Graeci Minores, Didot, 1861, vol. II, p. 248. 



XVI Introduction. 



There is ground to believe that either these, or the Bantu proper, have 
preserved the original language of South- Africa the best, while the southern 
Bushmen, whose ancestors were, perhaps, the slaves of foreign gold and 
diamond diggers, have forgotten it entirely. 

-/. The most prominent features which distinguish the languages of the 
Hottentot-Bushman group from Bantu are : — 1°) a great abundance of 
those peculiar consonants which are termed clicks (nn. 35-38), and have 
been compared by Herodotus to the screeching of bats, TETpiyaa-!. xaBaTrsp al 
v'jxTspioe; (iv, 183); — 2°), a grammatical system built nearly exclusively on 
sex-denoting suffixes, while the Bantu mechanism consists mostly of pre- 
fixes which imply no such reference. 

5. On the whole this group of languages differs perhaps more from the 
generality of the Bantu languages than from any other. The late Professor 
Bleek has remarked in it signs of affinity with some North-African lan- 
guages ('). He has even come to the remarkable conclusion that " all those 
sex-denoting languages known to us in Africa, Asia, and Europe, arc 
members of one large family, of which the primitive type has, in most 
respects, been best preserved to us in the Hottentot language (^) ". 

6. The Masai group. — The Masai are warlike tribes with pastoral and 
nomadic habits, which occupy a large belt of ground south of the equator 
from Mount Kenia to south of Mount Njaro, or Kilima-Njaro. They are 
said to resemble in a high degree the Somali. They are divided into Masai 
proper and Kwafi (3). H. H. Johnston has observed that Latuka, 5° north 
of the equator, and Bari, on the White Nile, between 4° and 6° Lat., are 
members of the Masai family of languages (^). 

Many points of contact might be shown to exist between Masai and 
Bantu, but, as it would require a somewhat lengthy explanation to bring 
them out, I have thought it better not to touch them in this work. It has 
certainly more in common with Galla than with Bantu. 

7. TJie Bantu group. — The third, and more important, group of languages 
spoken in South-Africa, the one which I have attempted to describe in this 
work, may be said to comprise the idioms spoken by all the agricultural black 
tribes of this country. Bleek, who did more than any one else to throw light on 
its numerous ramifications, proposed to the scientific world to term it Bantu, 
because this word, which properly means " people " in most of the languages 
of this group (n. 322*), is principally used by the natives when speaking 
of themselves in contradiction to white people {}). This term, whatever may 
be thought of its correctness, has been adopted on so good an authority, 
and is now the current name. 

8. There can be no doubt that these people must be identified with the 

1. Comparative Grammar of South-African Languages, I, p. vill. 

2. See Reynard the Fox in South-Africa, pp. xiv-xix. 

3. See Introduction to the Vocabulary of the Engutuk Eloikob, by the Rev. L. Krapf, Tubingen, 1854. 

4. The Kilimanjaro Expedition, London, 1886, p. 450. 

5. MS. 214 of the Grey Library, Capetown, entitled " Thirty chapters of Zulu Tradition" , chapter v. 



Introduction, 



XVII 



Zindj of the ancient Arab geographers. I grant that I find no distinct 
mention made by them of the western Bantu, but they distinctly inckide 
under the name of Zindj all the eastern tribes dwelling between the Juba 
River and Delagoa Bay ; and this says enough, as it means all the Bantu 
tribes known to them. 

p. It also seems certain that " the large country called Agi-sumba^ or 
Agi-symba ", by Ptolemy, the existence of which was known to this geo- 
grapher as far as the 16*^^ parallel of south latitude ('), is no other than the 
Bantu field. The Masai still call the Swahili La-shitmba-n^ and the Kavirondo, 
a non-Bantu tribe dwelling north-west of Lake Victoria Nyanza, call them 
Wa-ki- chimb i. A few Bantu tribes also call themselves Ma-zimba, or in 
Mozambique pronunciation Ma-rimba (n. 173), which, perhaps, may be 
etymologically identified with these words. Then there are the Ki-rimba or 
Ki-zimba islands north of Mozambique. In some parts of the Congo basin 
the chief- town of a king is still called Mti-sumba, as formerly that of the 
Monomotapa was called Zhnba^ or Zimba-zve^ or Ziinba-bye^ — all words in 
which we probably find the element siunbay or symba^ of Ptolemy's Agi- 
sumba (^). 

10. It has been repeatedly said that the Bantu have no generic national 
name for themselves. This is not quite correct. My native informants, those 
of the Zambezi as well as those of Kafraria, gave me independent evidence 
that all the native tribes of which they had any knowledge, the Bushmen 
and Hottentots excepted, were included under the generic name of ^^z- 
nsundu. This is the word which is variously pronounced Ba-stitu, Be-suto, 
Ba-suto, A-siitu. I do not know whether it may not be traced in Ba-stmdi, 
which is the name of a large Bantu tribe on the Congo. Certainly it must be 
identified with the word A-suut, or A-suur, of the Fan tribe on the Upper 
Ogowe. It seems to mean " the dark-brown tribes ". This at least is the 
meaning which southern Kafirs assign to it. I should not be astonished if 
it were found to be related to the word Soiidmi^ " Blacks ", of the Arabs. 

11, Languages distinctly Bantu are heard in all the well-watered parts 
of South-Africa from the Keiskamma River in Cape Colony to the 
equator in the east, and from Walfish Bay to the Old Kalabar River on 
the 5th parallel of north latitude in the west. In most parts of Central Africa 
the Bantu field extends but little north of the equator. There are some 
Bantu enclaves in the Soudan, on the Niger, and further to the west. Philo- 
logical science has not yet determined what is the exact relation of the 
languages of the other black tribes in the north-west to Bantu. For myself, 
I have come to the conclusion that several of them have at least as much 
in common with the southern Bantu languages as certain Aryan languages 
between themselves, English and Greek for instance. But, except for a few 



1. Geogr., T, 8 and lo ; iv, 9. 

2. In several eastern Bantu languages, the word sijnba means " lion 
king ". Perhaps it is also related to Agi-sumba. 



which is synonymous with 



XVIII * Introduction, 



short digressions on this subject (nn. 245, 598, and 830), I have h'mited my 
field of study to those languages which differ from one another no more 
than English does from German. 

12. Classification of the Bantu languages. — Notwithstanding the exist- 
ence of a considerable amount of literature, the study of the Bantu lan- 
guages in general must still be said to be in its infancy, and I think that 
any attempt at their scientific classification must fail for some time. Bleek 
attempted one. It is not only inadequate, but entirely misleading from be- 
ginning to end to one who has comparative philology in view. He does not 
seem to have noticed, for instance, that Chwana has much more affinity 
with Kua of Mozambique than with Zulu, nor that Mpongwe differs more 
from most of the languages of the Congo than from those of Mozambique. 
When I began these comparative studies, one of the first things which struck 
me was the existence of a group embracing Chwana, Mozambique, and 
Mpongwe, and further researches have only confirmed this view. But I 
have found no other neatly defined group. Hence, taking all the languages 
that have some particular affinity with those of Mozambique to form the 
Kua, or Chwana-Mozambique-Mpongwe, group (169 and 246), nearly all 
the others may be provisionally considered as forming the main group. Those 
of Fernando Po, and, probably, certain little known Bantu languages of 
the Cameroons and the Soudan, do not come well into either the main or 
the Kua group. They also provisionally may be considered as forming the 
Fernandian group. 

13. Dr. Robert Needham Cust, dealing with these languages in his 
" Sketch of the Modern Languages of Africa ", follows a geographical method 
throughout. Hence his classification necessarily has its defects, but less than 
any other that I know of; and I think it may be adopted until more is 
known of some languages, principally those of the Congo basin. Only it 
should be so modified as to pay due regard to the existence of the Chwana- 
Mozambique-Mpongwe group, and to certain obvious affinities between 
various languages. Thus, instead of a general division of these languages 
into a Southern, an Eastern, and a Western branch, I should begin with 
their division into the main and the Kua group, with the addition of the 
Fernandian. Then each of the first two I should subdivide into an Eastern 
and a Western half-group. The meridian of the Victoria Falls would be the 
approximate line of demarcation between east and west, as nearly all the 
tribes to the west of this limit are included by the natives under the names 
o{ Ma-nibunda ox Ma-mbundu, Ma-kwango^ E-xi-kongo, and Am-pongive, 
all of which mean " western people " ('). The word Si-ongo, which is the 
native name of the Falls, seems even to mean "the separation, or beginning, 
of the west. " 



I. It appears that in the Portuguese colony of Angola the word /l-mbundu, or A-mbunda, is thought to 
mean " the invaders ". Tnis certainly cannot be its original meaning : for the simpler word mbunda means 
" back ", hence " west ", in several of the Mbunda, or Mbundu, languages. 



Introduction. 



XIX 



Each of the half-groups may further be subdivided into clusters, according 
to the greater or lesser affinity of the various languages. 

/^. Hence the following might serve as a provisional classification of the 
best known among these : — 



I, 01am Group. 

Eastern Half. 



Kafir cluster. 



Karanga 

CLUSTER. 



Tonga cluster. 



Senna cluster. 



ViT! cluster. 



Xosa or Kafir proper, spoken in Kafraria and the Transkei. 

Zulu, in Natal and Zululand. 

Mfengu, in Swaziland. 

Tabele, or Tebele, in Matabeleland. 

Vumbe (the Se-kalaka of the Bechwana) in Southern Matabeleland 

Shona, in Eastern Matabeleland. 

Karanga proper, by Wange's people north of the Middle Zambezi. 

Yeye, on the Zouga River and round Lake Ngami. 

Tonga proper, between the Kafuefue and the Zambezi. 

Lea, east of the Victoria Falls. 

Subia, west of the Victoria Falls. 

Bue, on the Zambezi, north-east of Moemba's. 

Kova, between the Kafuefue and the Loangwe River. 

Bisa, between the Loangwe and the Chambezi River. 

Bemba, north-west of the Chambezi River. 

Nyassa Tonga, east of the Loangwe River. 

Senna proper, at Senna. 

Shire, on the Shire River, 

Sofala, at Sofala. 

Tette, at Tette. 

Zumbo, or Ntsua, at Zumbo. 

Nyassa, on Lake Nyassa. 

Gindo, from the Rufiji to the Lindi River. 

Ngoni, west of Lake Nyassa. 

Viti proper,' on the Upper Rufiji. 

Bunga, north-east of Lake Nyassa. 

Gangi proper, or Henge, 



on the Upper Rufiji 
and its affluents. 



Ziraha, 
Kwenyi, 
Nkwifiya, 
Gangi cluster. \ Ndunda, 
Bena, 
Sango, 
Kimbu, 
Nyaturu, 

Ungu cluster. / "^^^ \ on Lake Rukua and its affluents. 
( Fipa i 

i Kaguru, or Sagara proper, 

Itumba, 

Kondoa, r in Usagara. 

Sagara cluster. <j Kami, 

• I Khutu, 

j Gogo, in Ugogo, 

\ Hehe, on the Upper Rufiji. 



XX 



Introduction. 



in Unyamwezi. 



INyanyembe, 
Sumbna, 
Sukuma, j 

Tiisi, or Ha, north-east of Lake Tanganyika, 
Regga, or Legga, west of Lake Mut'a nzige. 

Ganda cluster. { ^^^^"' "^'^^^ °f ^"""^^ ^^'^'^"^ ^y^""^- 



NiKA, or Nyika 

CLUSTER. 



round Mombasa. 



Nyambu, south-west of Lake Victoria Nyanza. 
Pare, near Kilima Njaro. 
Tambi, \ 
Taita cluster. \ rp^^j^ f ^^ ^i^g j.^jj|^ between Kilima Njaro and Mombasa. 

Daruma, 

Rabai, 

Giriama, 

Digo, 
Pokomo, on the Tana, or Pokomo, River. 
Kamba, from Mount Kenia to Kilima Njaro. 

Lamu, in Lamu Island. 

Gunya, in Patta Island. 

Mvita, at Mombasa. 

Pemba, in Pemba Island. 

Unguja, at Zanzibar. 

Shambala proper, on the Shambala hills. 

Boondei, between the coast and the Shambala hills. 

Zegula, inland from Zanzibar. 

Nguru, west of the Zegula. 

Lima, on the coast opposite Zanzibar. 

Ibo, in Ibo Island (12° 20' S. lat.). 
Zaramo, in Uzaramo, south of Zanzibar. 
Konde, on the Lower Rovuma. 
Yao, between the Upper Rovuma and the Lujenda River. 



SWAHILl cluster. 



Shambala 
cluster. 

Ibo cluster. 



Western Half. 



Herero cluster. 
Benguela 

CLUSTER. 



Herero, in Damaraland. 

Ndonga, on the Kunene River. 

Lojazi, near the sources of the Kwando, or Southern Kwango, River. 



f Bihe, on the Upper Kwanza. 

( Nano, in the district of Benguela. 



Kwango, or Mbunda proper, west of the Rotse Valley. 



ROTSE CLUSTER. 

(Ci-)BoKO 

CLUSTER. 



Angola cluster. 



( Rotse, on the Upper Zambezi. 

\ Nyengo, on the Nyengo River, west of the Rotse. 

\ (Ci-)Boko, between the Upper Kwanza and the Upper Kasai. 

I Yakka {?), on the Northern Kwango River. 

ngo a proper | .^ ^^ district of S* Paul de Loanda. 
Mbamba ) 



Mbamba 

Mbangala, at Kasanje. 

Sertao, at Ambaka. 
Lower Congo, or Fiote, at, and round, S. Salvador. 
Lunda, between the Upper Kasai and the Upper Lualaba, 



GuHA cluster. 



/ Guha, ) 



I c east of the Upper Lualaba. 



,T r Bamba, east of the Lualaba, north of the Lukuga River. 

NYWEMA CLUSTER. -', ,r r ^y & 

(. Kusu, west of Nyangwe. 



Introduction. 



XXI 



Rua, west of the Middle Lualaba. 

Luba, on the Lower Kasai and the Lulua River. 



Vansi cluster 



r Teke, round Stanley Pool. 

I Yansi, spoken by the native traders above Stanley Pool. 



II. Eua Group. 

Eastern Half. 



Chwana cluster. 



Nyambane 

CLUSTER. 



Mozambique 

CLUSTER. 



proper, 



Tlhaping, or Chwan 

Rolong, 

Mangwato, 

Suto, in Basutoland, and the Orange Free State. 

Kololo, on the Zambezi, above the Victoria Falls 
/ Gwamba, south-west of the Lower Limpopo. 
<j Nyambane, at, and round, Inyambane. 
( Chiloane, in, and round, the islands of Chiloane. 

Kilimane, on the Kwakwa River. 

Tugulu, in, and round, the island of Mozambique. 

Gunda(?), on the Lukugu River (?). See n. 97. 

Mbwabe, ) , , 

Medo I ^^^^"^ ^^^^ ^^^ Island. 

Masasi, north of the Lower Rovuma, 



inBechwanaland, and the Transvaal 



Tshagga CLUSTER. | q^^^^^^ } near Kilima Njaro. 
Comoro cluster. | 



Hinzua, in Hinzua Island. 

Angazidja (?), in Great Comoro Island. 



Western Half. 



CLUSTER. 



DUALLA CLUSTER. 



r Mpongwe, on the Lower Ogoweand the Gabiin 
i Shekiani. or Bulu. on the River Gj 



Buma, on the Congo, at, and round, Bolobo. 
Mpongwe 

Shekiani, or Bulu, on the River Gabiin. 

(Kele, or Kali, along the Bembo River. 
Benga, on the islands of Corisco Bay. 
I Dualla, round the Cameroon Mountains 
[ Subu, or Isubu, north of the Dualla. 
Fan, or Pahuin, on the Upper Ogowe. 



III. FernanDian Group. 



Fernandian 

CLUSTER. 



SBanapa "j 
Banni J" 
Ureka i 



in Fernando Po Island. 



75. The length of this Hst of languages might lead the reader to think 
that it implies a great diversity between them, something like that existing 
between the Indo-European languages. This would be a false notion. In 
general the languages of the same cluster must be considered as mere 
dialectic varieties. This, for instance, is the case with Xosa, Zulu, and Tebele, 
in the Kafir cluster; with Tlhaping, Rolong, Suto, and Kololo, in the Chwana 



XXII Introdttction, 



cluster, etc. There are even several clusters which might quite appropriately 
be said to form together a single language. For instance, the differences 
between the Senna, Gangi, Nika, Shambala, Sagara, and Ibo, clusters 
cannot be said by any means to be as great as those which may be remarked 
between several French patois. The greatest noticeable divergencies are 
found to exist between the Mpongwe cluster and the languages of the main 
group. These may be said to amount to something like the difference 
between Latin and French, or between English and German. 

IL Bantu Literature. — Sources. 

i6. Writing is unknown to the Bantu in general. According to my Tonga 
informants from the Middle Zambezi, God said to the Ma-nkua (the whites) 
that they must learn to write, and to the Tonga that they must learn to 
speak. The only Bantu known to write are those among the coast tribes 
which have fallen most under foreign influence. On the west coast Roman 
characters alone are known. On the east coast the Arabic alphabet has 
probably long been in use and is still prevailing. Daniel J. Rankin, M. R. 
A. S., formerly Acting British Consul at Mozambique, says that even the 
Makua of the coast of Mozambique, though they have so long been under 
Portuguese influence know how to write only in Arabic characters. " In most 
of the large villages ", he adds, " the children of the better class receive lessons 
in reading and writing, the universal and only lesson-book being the Koran. 
Beginners are taught to read and write the alphabet and simple sentences 
on religious subjects by means of a board called " ubau ", formed of a hard 
kind of wood — answering in its use to the slate of European schools — 
from which ink-marks can be effaced when desired. This stage passed, a 
well-thumbed copy of the Koran does duty as a reading-book. The Arabic 
alphabet having been learned, and pronunciation of the words acquired, 
the education of the average native ceases. Correspondence is afterwards 
carried on in Swahili by those who have attained greater proficiency in 
their studies (') ". 

//. We do not know when Bantu thus began to be written on the east 
coast. No Bantu literature originally writen in Arabic characters has been 
preserved, except two small poems in Old Swahili, published in Roman 
characters by Dr. Steere in his collection of Swahili tales (2), and a longer 
one, left in manuscript by Dr. L. Krapf, and lately published in the Zeit- 
scJirift fill' afrikanische Sprachen, 1887. 

18. Still less do we possess anything of the period preceding the occupation 
of Eastern Africa by the Arabs. Not a few remarkable monuments of an 
ancient civilization have indeed been discovered in the Bantu field south of 



I. Arab Talcs translated from Swahili into the Tugulu dialect of the Mdkua Language, by Daniel 
J. Rankin, 1886. 
3. Swahili Tales, by Edward Steere, 2<i edition, London, 1889. 



Introduction, 



XXIII 



the Zambezi, but either no inscriptions have been found near them, or, if 
any have been noticed, there is every appearance that they are not in Bantu. 
Thus, if we may rely on a paper of Farini, which was read in 1886 before 
the Royal Geographical Society, this traveller (?) had then discovered in 
the Kalahari desert about 23° J^ S. lat. by 21°}^ E. long, what may 
have been the work of ancient diamond-diggers, the right place, it seemed, 
to loc'k for inscriptions, but he found none. " It had evidently been ", he 
writes, " a huge walled inclosure, elliptical in form, and about the eighth of 
a mile in length. The masonry was of a Cyclopean character; here and 
there the gigantic square blocks still stood on each other, and in one 
instance the middle stone being of a softer nature was weatherworn... In 
the middle of the ellipse was a kind of pavement of long narrow square 
blocks neatly fitted together, forming a cross, in the centre of which was 
what seemed to have been a base for either a pedestal or monument. We 
unearthed a broken column, a part of which was in a fair state of preserv- 
ation, the four flat sides being fluted... We sought diligently for inscrip- 
tions, but we could find none (') ". Several descriptions have also been given 
by various writers of the ruins of Zimbabye, near the gold-fields of Masho- 
naland, but no inscription has ever been mentioned, unless we may consider 
as such certain carvings found there by the traveller Anderson : " There 
are, " he writes, " several beams inserted in the walls, projecting eight feet, 
composed of a hard and fine-grained stone of a dark colour. Upon one of 
them are carvings, diamond-shaped, one within another, separated by wavy 
lines... Several old diggings are in the vicinity". The same writer, after 
having mentioned a large number of old ruins and forts in the vicinity of 
various ancient gold-diggings, speaks also of numerous rocks somewhere 
near the Limpopo " with carvings of animals, snakes, and figures, on them ", 
which may turn out to be some kind of hieroglyphics. He mentions one 
circular rock in particular, with " no other stones near it, fifteen feet in 
diameter, similar to a ball cut in the centre..., covered with carvings... 
representing paths with trees and fruits on each side ". " Upon one of the 
trees, " he adds, " is a snake crawling down with a fruit or round ball in 
its mouth ; near it is a figure, and a little distance off another figure with 
wings, almost like an iguana, flying towards a man who is running awa)'. 
His left foot is similar to that of a horse, the right one has two points... the 
intermediate spaces have many stars. " The writer adds that, though the 
rock is very hard, some portions of the carvings have been rendered nearly 
smooth by large animals rubbing against it, from which he concludes that 
they must be very ancient (^). Mr. O'Neil, formerly consul at Mozambique, 
writes that he was told by the Capitao-mor of Gorongoza of many ancient 
inscriptions to be seen in the Manica gold-fields, and that, judging from the 
description given of them,he thought they were in cuneiform or wedge-shaped 

1. Proceedings of the E. G. S. , 1886, p. 447. 

2. Anderson's Tweniy-Jive Years in a Waggofi, Vol. I, pp. 196, 197, Vol. ii, pp. 150, 201, 202, etc. 



XXIV Iiitrodicctiofi. 



characters ('). But of course, so long as our knowledge ends there, we must 
rest satisfied with a " perhaps ", as far as this has anything to do with 
Bantu. Perhaps on those rocks and ruins we have ancient inscriptions, and, 
if so, since they are in the Bantu field, perhaps they are couched in Bantu. 
Probably they are not. What is certain is that no native can give any 
account of their origin. Neither could the Arabs do so 400 years ago, when 
they were first met with by Vasco de Gama near the coast of Sofala. 

Certain drawings were found on rocks near the Congo by Captain Tuckey 
in 1 8 16, and they have been compared by Mr. de Laborde to similar 
drawings which are mixed up with the inscriptions of Wadi Mokatteb in 
Arabia (^). There is even less probability of these being Bantu inscriptions 
than there is in the case of those mentioned by Anderson and O'Neil. 

It therefore seems that, waiting further discoveries, the history of Bantu 
literature must begin with the first Christian Missions to South-Africa. 

ig. B antic Literature of the seventeenth Century. — It appears that two 
catechisms were written in the seventeenth century by Dominican mis- 
sionaries stationed at Tette on the Zambezi, but they never have been 
published (^). This cannot be too much regretted. To preach God's Word 
to the natives of Africa, then to go off without having given it to them in 
writing, and yet to expect that these material people and their children will 
abide permanently by it, is to expect from God's grace as great a miracle 
as if they were to embrace the faith without anybody preaching it to them. 
The missionaries of Angola and the Congo did more permanent work, as 
is well known, and I have little doubt that the result was due in a great 
measure to the works they published. 

20. The first Bantu work ever printed seems to have been a translation 
into the language of S*^ Salvador of Father Jorge's treatise on Christian 
Doctrine. It was made by the priests at the court of Congo with the aid of 
Fr. Matthaeus Cardozo, S. J., and published at Lisbon in 1624 (4). 

21. In 1642 there was printed at Lisbon a catechism in the language of 
Angola, written by Father Pacconio, S. J., and abridged by Father de 
Coucto, S. J. This work has passed through several editions. Father Canne- 
cattim, writing in 1805, finds it full of defects, such as laconicisms, redundancy 
and useless circumlocutions, neglect of the grammatical rules laid down at 
the end of its Roman edition, etc. But Heli Chatelain, author of two Angola 
Grammars, justly remarks that Cannecattim's criticisms are not only excess- 
ive, but unjust (5). It may be added in particular that the rules laid down 
at the end of the Roman edition are not Father de Coucto's, but of the Ca- 
puchin editor, and that the greatest defect of the work might have been its 
agreement with those rules, as they are more artificial than correct. Indeed 

1. Proceedings of the R. G. / , 1885, p, 443. 

2. Voyaiie de I' Arable PiMe, par L. de Laborde et Linant, Paris, 1830, p. 71, and Illustrations. 

3. Etudes religieuses, philosophiques, historiques et litUraires, 1878, p. 797. 

4. Bentley's Dictionary a?id Grammar of the Kongo Language, p. XI. 

5. Grammatica element ar do Kimbundu, p. xv. 



Introductioit. 



XXV 



as far as I am able to judge, Father de Coucto's catechism is still now one of 
the best Bantu works we possess. I have made use of it constantly in writing 
this work. 

22. In 1650 the Capuchin Father Hyacinth Busciotto de Vetralla publish- 
ed in Rome a vocabulary in four columns, Congo, Portuguese, Latin, and 
Italian. I have not seen this work. 

In 1659 the Propaganda at Rome published a Congo Grammar of the 
same author, entitled " Regulae quaedam pro difficilli7}ii Congensium idio- 
inatis faciliori captu ad Grammaticae normam redactae. " This is a good work, 
and one which shows much insight into the language. It has been lately 
translated into English by Mr. H. Grattan Guinness, of the Livingstone 
Congo Mission. 

2j. In 1697 Father Pedro Dias, S. J., published at Lisbon an Angola 
Grammar entitled " Arte da lingua de Angola ". According to Heli Chate- 
lain the author of this little work shows that he understood well the 
mechanism of the language with which he dealt ('). I have found in it 
several precious observations which I have noticed nowhere else. 

The first series of publications in and on the languages of South- Africa 
seems to have come to an end with this book, unless we add to it an 
abridged grammar of the language of Kakongo, which forms the 19^^ chapter 
of a History of Loango published in 1776 (2). About this time a very good 
French-Congo Dictionary was ready for the press. Unfortunately it is still 
in manuscript, waiting in the British Museum for publication {}). Its coun- 
terpart, the Congo-French Dictionary, has been discovered at Rome by 
Pere Duparquet, of the Congregation of the Holy Ghost (*^). 

2^. The revival of Bantu Literature. — Bantu studies- were finally re- 
sumed at the beginning of this century by the Capuchin Father Bernardo 
Maria de Cannecattim. He published at Lisbon in 1804 an Angola Dic- 
tionary, and in 1805 ^"^ Angola Grammar. He undoubtedly must be praised 
for his initiative, but his works cannot be said te be as valuable as the 
preceding. His Dictionary is one of those dry collections of words without 
a single example to establish the proper value of any one of them. His 
Grammar is retrograde as compared with the little work of Father Pedro 
Dias, which he does not seem to have known. 

Since then Bantu literature has been steadily increasing in the number 
of its volumes until such publications have become matters of frequent 
occurrence. 

2^. The most famous is Bleek's Comparative Grammar of South- African 
Languages. This work was intended to reveal to the scientific world 
the extent, as well as the proper features, of the great Bantu family of 
languages, and at the same time to determine its relation to the Hottentot- 



1. Grammatica ekmentar do Kimbundu, p. xvi. 

2. Histoire de Loango, par M. I'abW Proyart, Paris, 1776, 

3. Add. Mss. 33, 779, Grenville Library. 

4. Missions Catholiques, 1886, p. 400. 



XXVI Introduction. 



Bushman family, and, perhaps, to other famih'es as well. It was to be 
published in four parts. The first appeared in 1862. It contains a classifi- 
cation of the South- African languages best known at the time, followed 
by a study of their phonetics. The first section of the second part was 
published in 1869. It is a very careful comparative study of the prefixes 
and suffixes of substantives both in Bantu and Hottentot. Unfortunately 
Bleek died before he could carry his work any further than this first section. 
His premature loss will ever be a matter of regret to the scientific world. 

26. The other treasures of Bantu literature down to 1883 have been des- 
cribed at length in Dr. Gust's classical " Sketch of the Modern Languages 
of Africa ". This is not the place to do the same work over again. It is simply 
astonishing that Dr. Cust was so successful in picking up the vast amount 
of information on Bantu languages and their literature which he has embo- 
died in his work. I cannot say I have got at all the available sources 
mentioned by him for the study of these languages. I think, however, I have 
perused nearly all those which were to my purpose. The want of the others, 
if want it be, is compensated, at least in part, by the information I have 
obtained directly from natives of various parts of Africa, by the possession 
of several works which have appeared since 1883, and by the perusal of 
certain MSS. of Livingstone and other travellers which are in the Grey 
Library in Capetown. 

In mentioning the materials which I have thus had at my disposal, I 
refer the reader for further information to Dr. Gust's work. 

27. Sources for the Kafir cluster. — See Gust, pp. 301 (Xosa) and 299 
(Zulu). 

1. Doehne's Ztdn-Kafir Dictionary, Capetown, 1857. 

2. Davies's Kafir Dictionary, Xosa and Zichi, London, 1872. 

3. QisW^.v^^if^ Nursery Tales of the Zuhis,^-3Xi\, 1868. 

4. ,, Religious system of the Zulus, ^2X2\, \^(i%. 

5. Appleyard's 77/^ A'i2/?r Zaw^'-z/a^'Vf, King William's Town, 1850. 

6. Grout's Grammar of the Zulu Language, Natal, 1861, etc., etc. 

Kafir is the Bantu language I know best, having learnt it through five 
years' intercourse with the Xosa-Kafirs, during which purposely I never 
spoke to them but in their language. Most of the Kafir sentences given in 
this work arc taken from tales which I wrote under their dictation, or 
which they wrote for me. One of these was published in 1886 in my 
" Outline of a Xosa-Kafir Grammar. " Four others are appended to this 
work as specimens of the traditional literature of these people. 

28. Sources for tJie Karanga cluster. — See Gust, pp. 307 (Kalaka), 310 
(Yeye), and 307 (Shona). 

When I had learned Tonga from the three Zambezi boys whom I shall 
mention hereafter, one of them gave me the Karanga translation of most of 
what I had written in Tonga. He was a very intelligent native, about thirty 
years of age, belonging to the family of Wange, whom he made out to be 
the direct representative of the old house of Monomotapa, and about whom 



Jntroduction, 



XXVII 



more may be seen in the second section of the first appendix to this work. 
He therefore belonged to those Karanga who crossed to the north of the 
Zambezi, when driven by Mzilikazi out of what is now Matabcleland. His 
native name was Siacibi. I do not know that anything has ever been publish- 
ed on the dialects of the important Karanga cluster. There is a Vocabu- 
lary of Yeye in Livingstone's Vocabulary (MS.) to be mentioned hereafter. 

2g. Sources for the Tonga cluster. — See Cust, pp. 322 (Toka, alias Tonga), 
325 (Bisa), 329 (Tonga), and 364 (Bemba). 

This again is an important cluster on which nothing worth notice has 
yet been published. I take Tonga as the standard language throughout 
this work ('). I learned what I know of it in 1884 from three natives who 
had come-down to the Cape Colony from the Interior in the company of 
Fathers Depelchin and Croonenberghs, S. J. One of the three was the 
Karanga named Siacibi mentioned just above. He pretended to speak pure 
Tonga like the other two, saying that all the subjects of Wange have 
learned to speak this language since they crossed the Zambezi, though 
they all know Karanga also. As I told him I had heard that they had 
adopted the Kololo language, he said that this was quite false, and that not 
a single subject of Wange knew Kololo, adding that this language was very 
difficult to learn, while Tonga was easy. Whenever he gave me any inform- 
ation in Tonga, I got his two companions to repeat what he had said, in 
order to make sure of the correctness of his idiom. The second of these 
" boys ", as they are called in South-Africa, belonged to the Lea tribe (alias 
Ba-lea, Ma-leya, etc.), dwelling below the Victoria Falls. His own native 
language was Lea, which is a Tonga dialect, but he was quite used to speak 
pure Tonga, according to the standard received on the Middle Zambezi. His 
pronunciation was somewhat indistinct. The third of the three, whom we 
only knew by the name of Joe, was one of the independent Tonga who 
recognise Monze as their paramount rain-maker (-). His immediate chief 
was the well-known Sinamane, on the Zambezi River. His pronunciation 
was wonderfully clear and distinct. Unfortunately he was too young to give 



1. I believe it will readily be seen by those who will peruse this work that the Tonga language of the 
Middle Zambezi represents well the proper features of the larger number of the Bantu languages. As the 
name of Ba-tonga is common to several South-African tribes, it may be as well for me to state here what 
I think of them. I consider the Tonga of the Middle Zambezi, who have no other name than this, to be 
the purest representative of the original Bantu. They alone, it seems, have never been tributary to any 
empire : they say that they have never had any but independent chieftains, or patriarchs, who may recognise 
a paramount rain-maker, but no king in the proper sense of this word. Neither slavery, nor anything like 
higher and lower class, is known amongst them, they all are the " children " of the chiefs. Then, well 
protected in their peninsula by the Kafuefue on one side and the Zambezi on the other, they may 
easily have guarded themselves against invaders, as they do in our own days. The other tribes known by 
the name of Tonga in other parts of South-Africa I should equally consider to represent the aborigines 
with respect to their neighbours, or to the upper classes intermixed with them. They are all peaceful 
agricultural tribes. Such arc. for instance, the Tonga of Soliila and the Lower Limpopo, also called Ma- 
Gwamba or Ma-kwapa " people of the place ", and Ma-A/en^oc, or, as the Xosa-Kafirs pronounce this 
word, a Ma-tnfen^u ; the Tonga of Lake Nyassa, also called Wa-kamaiv^a ; the Tonga or Tanga of the 
Katanga ; the Tonga or Tanga of the Gabiin, also called Naka, etc. 

2. See the third section of the first Appendix to this work. 



XXVIII Introduction. 



much information, being at the time only thirteen or fourteen years of age. 
Some specimens of the kind of information I obtained from these natives 
are appended to this work (Appendix I.) Livingstone has written a great 
deal about the Tonga in his " Missio7iary Travels ". He writes their name 
Ba-toka according to Chwana pronunciation, instead oi Ba-tonga. 

In January 1885 I was kindly allowed to copy in the Grey Library 
in Capetown a MS. of Livingstone which contains a Tonga vocabulary. 
It is entitled " A Comparative Vocabulary of the Languages of the Ba- 
khoba or Ba-yeye^ Ba-shubea (= Ba-subia), Ba-lojazi^ Ba-ponda ( = Ma- 
mbiinda), Ba-rotse^ Ba-toka (= Ba-tonga)^ Ba-iiyenko^ Be-ckiiajta, and 
English. " Too many words in this MS. remind one of the Chwana scholar, 
but with this exception it is sufficiently reliable. 

I have no other source than this MS. for Subia. For Bisa and Bemba 
there are short collections in Last's precious Polyglotta Africana Orientalis, 
a work to be often referred to hereafter. Another collection of Bisa words 
is found in Stanley's Comparative Vocabulary at the end of " Through the 
Dark Continent ". With regard to the Tonga dialect of Lake Nyassa, see n.65. 

JO. Sources for the Senna cluster. — See Cust, pp. 307 (Zizulu = Tette) 
and 323 (Nyai = Tette and Zumbo), 326 (Ravi == Nyassa), 330 (Nganga = 
Nyassa), and 331 (Sena). 

In 1885 a native of Kilimane, by name Justino, whom I met in the Cape 
Colony, wrote out for me vocabularies, dialogues, fables, and a short history 
of the life and passion of Our Lord, in Senna and Portuguese. I have mostly 
made use of these MSS., all well written and perfectly consistent. My 
other sources are : — 

1. MSS. kindly lent to me by Father Ronchi, S. J., containing vocabularies, fables, etc. 

2. Eleinentos de Grammatica Tetense, pelo R. P. Victor Jose Courtois, S. J., Mo9ambique, 1889. 

3. A Grammar of the Chinyanja Language as spoken at Lake Nyassa...^ by Alexander Riddel, of 
the Livingstonia Mission, Edinburgh, 1880. 

4. Dictionary of the Kiniassa Language, by the Rev. John Rebman, Basle, 1877. 

5. Specimens of Gindo in Dr. Steere's Short specimens of three African Languages, 1869, 
and in Last's Polygl., pp. 90-92. 

6. Bleek's Languages of Mozambique, L')ndon, 1856. 

7. The Tette Language, MS. in the Grey Library, Capetown, attributed to Livingstone. 

8. The Senna, Tette, and Maravi, Languages, MS. attributed to Rebmann, kindly lent to me by 
the late Father Weld, S. J. 

31. Sotircesfor the Viti cluster. — See Cust, p. 301 (Ngoni). 

1. A few words here and there in Montagu Kerr's Far Lnterior. 

2. Last's Polyglotta Afr. Or., pp. 139-141 (Bung'a). 

3. Stanley's Viti or Tula Vocabulary at the end of the Dark Continent. 

32. Sources for the Gangi cluster. — See Cust, pp. 343 (Henge), 362 
(Bena), 363 (Sango). 

I. Last's Polygl. Afr. Or., pp. 93-96 (Gangi), 105-108 (Ziraha), 1 17-120 (Kwenyi), 109-112 
(Nkwifiya), 113-I16 (Ndunda), 121-123 (Bena), 124-127 and 225-226 (Sango), 231 (Kimbu), 157- 
159 (Nya-turu). 



33. Sources for the Ungu cluster. — 




Introditctio7t. xxix 



i 



. Stanley's Voc. in the Dark Continent, (Fipa, Rungu (?) ). 
2. Last's PolysL Afr. Or., p. 128-130 (Ungu). 

J/ Sources for the Sahara cluster. — See Cust, p. 352 (Sagara), p. 362 
(Hehe), p. 365 (Gogo). 

1. Stanley's J'oc. in the Dark Continent, (Sagara, Gogo). 

2. Last's Grammar of the Kagurii Languai^e, London, 1886. See note to n. 77. 

3. Last's Polygl. Afr. Or., pp. 57-60, 221-222, and 233 (Kaguru), 61-64 (Ituniba), 65-68 
(Kondoa), 69-72 (Kami), 73-74 (Khutu), 97-100 and 223-224 (Gogo), 101-104 and 227 (Hehe). 

J5. Sources for the Nyamwezi cluster. — See Cust, pp. 365 (Nyamwe/i), 
367 (Tusi), and 373 (Sukuma). 

1. Stanley's Sukuma Voc. in the Dark Continent. 

2. Dr. Steere's Collections for a Grammar of the Nyam-wezi Language, London (no date). 

3. Last's Polygl. Afr. Or., pp. 146-149 (Sukuma), 150-153 (Sumbwa), and 154-156 (Tusi, or Ila). 

j6. Source for Regga. — See Cust, p. 377 (Regga). 

Last's Polygl., pp. 203-212. 

J7. Sources for tJie Ganda cluster. — See Cust, pp. 374 (Ganda), and 373 
(Zongora = Nyambu). I have mostly availed myself of the excellent 
" Essai de Granimaire Ruganda, par un Pere de la Societe des Missions 
d'Afrique, Paris, 1885. " My other sources are : — 

1. Katekismu Ruganda, Alger, 1887. 

2. St Matthexu's Gospel in 6^««^/a, British and Foreign Bible Society, 1888. 

3. An Outline Grammar of the Ltiganda Language, by Rev. C. T. Wilson, M. A., F. R. G. S., 
C. M. S. Missionary to Uganda, London, 1882. 

4. Stanley's Voc. in the Dark Continent (Ganda, Nyambu). 

5. Last's Pol. Afr. Or., pp. 173-175 (Ganda), and 160-163 (Nyambu). 

j8. Sources for tJu Taita cluster. See Cust, pp. 350 (Teita), 357 (Taveta), 
and 354 (Pare). 

1. A pocket Vocabulary of the Ki-sivahili, Ki-nyika, Ki-taita, and Ki-kamba Languages, compiled 
by A. Downes Shaw, C. M. S. Missionary in East-Africa, London, 1885. 

2. Worterverzeichnis aus dem Kidschagga und Pare, in the Zeitschrift fiir afrikanische Sprcuhen, 
1887-1888, pp. 72-76. 

3. Ki-taveita Vocabulary m'^. H. Johnston's J^ilimanjaro Expedition, hondon, 1886, pp. 521-540. 

jp. Sources for the Nika cluster, — See Cust, p. 355 (Nyika or Nika). 

1. Downes Shaw's Pocket Dictionary, just mentioned. 

2. A Nika-English Dictionary, compiled by the late Rev. Dr. L. Krapf and the late Rev. J. 
Rebmann, edited by the Rev. T. H. Sparshott, S. P. C. K., 1887. 

^o. Sources for Pokomo. — See Cust, p. 359. 

1. Zur Grammatik des Ki-pokomo, in the Zeitschrift f. a. S., 1888-89, pp. 161-189. 

2. Kipokomo Worterverzeichnis, von Missionar Ferd. Wiirtz, Ibid. 1889-90, pp. 81-105. 

4.1, Sources for Kamba. — See Cust, p. 359. 

1. Last's Polygl. Afr. Or., pp. 53-56 and 217-218. 

2. IjTisl's Grammar of the Kamba Language, London, 1885. 

3. Shaw's Pocket Vocabulary already mentioned. 

4. Krapf's Deutch Ki-kamba Worterbuch in the Zeitschrift f a. S., 1887-88, pp. 81-123. 

42. Sources for tJie Sivahili cluster. — See Cust, p. 345. 

Swahili I have studied mostly from Dr. Steere's " Swahili Tales as told 
by Natives of Zanzibar, 2^^ ed., London, 1889, " and the " Arab Tales, trans- 
lated from ...Siuahili... into the Tugulu dialect of the Makua Language^ by 



XXX Introduction. 



Daniel J. Rankin, M. R. A. S., ex-Acting British Consul at Mozambique, 
London, 1886. " My other sources are the three following remarkable works: 

1. Krapf's Dictionary of the Sivxhili Language (London, 1882), which, with its copious examples 
intended to bring out the proper meaning of the words, is a good specimen of what every Bantu 
Dictionary should be. 

2. A Handbook of the Siuahili Language as spoken at Zanzibar, by the late Edward Steere, LL. 
D., Missionary Bishop for Cemtral Africa, 3^' edition,... by A. C. Madan, M. A,, London, 1885. 

3. Gra>nmaire Kisuahi/i, par le Pere Delaunay, de la Societe des Missionnaires de N.-D. des 
Missions d'Afrique, Paris, 1885. 

^j. Sources for the Shambala cluster. — See Cust, pp. 351 (Zeguha and 
Nguru), and 353 (Boondei and Shambala). 

1. Dr. '^it&x&h Collections for a Handbook of the Shambala Language, iZd"]. 

2. Last's Polygl. Afr. Dr., pp. 41-44 (Shambala), 49-52 and 213-214 (Zeguha=Zegula), 45-48 and 
215.216 (Nguru), and 37-40 (Boondei). 

3. Collections for a Handbook of the Boondei Language, by Rev. H. W. Woodward, of the Uni- 
versities' Mission to Central Africa, S. P. C. K., 1882. 

^/. Sources for the Ibo cluster. — 

1. Ibo Vocabulary in Rankin's Arab Tales, mentioned above, pp. 43-46. 

2. Last's Polygl. Afr. Or., pp. 33-36 (Lima). 

^5. Source for Zaramo. — See Cust, p. 344. 

I. Dr. 'iifttte's, Short specimens of three... African Languages, London, 1869. 

4.6. Sources for Konde. — See Cust, pp. 341 (Kondc), and 343 (Donde). 

1. Last's Polygl. Afr. Or., pp. 77-80. 

2, Konde Vocabulary in Rankin's Arab Tales mentioned above, pp. 43-46. 

^7. Sources for Yao. — See Cust, p. 334. 

1. Introductory Handbook of the Yao Language., by the Rev. Alexander Iletherwick, M. A., 
F. R. G. S., S. P. C. K. 1889. 

2. Dr. Steere's Collections for a Handbook of the Yao Language, S. P. C. K., 187 1. 

3. Last's Polygl. Afr. Or., p. 87-89. 

/J.8. Sources for the Herero cluster. — See Cust, pp. 309 (Herero), and 
311 (Ndonga). 

1. An English- Herero Dictionary, by the Rev. F. \V. Kolbe, Capetown, 1883. 

2. Dr. Biitner's Sprachfiihrer fiir Reisende in Damaraland, and Mdrchen der Ova-herero in the 
Zeitschrift f a. S., 1887-88, pp. 252-294, 189-216, and 295-307. 

3. Bleek's note on Sindonga in his Comparative Grammar (212-216). 

4. Lojazi Vocabulary in Livingstone's Comparative Voc. MS. mentioned above. 

^p. Sources for the Benguela cluster. — See Cust, p. 390 (Nano). 

1. Bleek's note on Nano in his Comparative Gr., pp. 216-220. 

2. Pangela Vocabulary in Koelie's Polyglotta A/ricana, London, 1854. 

3. Stover's Observations on thi Grammatical structure of the Umbundu Language, Boston, 1885. 

4. Sander's Vocabulary of the Umbundu Language, Boston, 1885. 

SO. Source for Kwango, or Mbunda proper. — See Cust, p. 390 (Ponda 
or Mbunda). 

Mbunda Vocabulary in Livingstone's Comparative Voc. MS. mentioned above. 

J/. Sources for the Rotse cluster. — See Cust, p. 389 (Luina). 

1. Barotse Language translated into the Sichuana, MS. in the Grey Library, Capetown, attri- 
buted to Livingstone. 

2. Rotse Vocabulary in Livingstone's Comp. Voc. MS. mentioned above. 

3. Nycngo Vocabulary in the same MS. 




Introduction. xxx i 



$2. Sources for the (Ci')boko cluster. — See Cust, p. 397 (Kioko), and 
p. 399 (Yakka). 

Quioco Vocabulary in Capello and Ivens' From Bcn^uella to the Territory of Yacca, London, 
1SS2, pp. 327-330. 

5j. Sources for the Angola cluster. — See Cust, p. 393 (Bunda = Angola). 

1. Arte da lingua dc Angola, pelo P. Pedro Dias, S. J. Lisboa, 1697, supra, n. 2^. 

2. Father de Coucto's Cafechismy 1661, supra, n. 21. 

3. Heli Chatelain's Granimatica elcm-^ntar do Kinibundu, Genebra, 1888-89. 
Do. Die Grundziige des Kimbuwiu, in the Zeitschrift f. a. S., 1889-90. 
Do. Sammlungvon Mbamba tmd Mbangala War tern, ibid. 1889. 

4. N-bunda Vocabulary in Capello and Iven's From Benguela..., pp. 304-325. 

5. Colle^ao de Observa^oes gramniaticaes sobre a lingua Bunda, por Fr. Bernardo Maria de Canne- 
cattini, Capuchino..., Lisboa, 1805. 

6. Cannccattim's Diccionario da lingua Bunda ou Angolense, Lisboa, 1804. 

7. Kasands Vocabulary in Koelle's Polygl. Afr., London, 1854. 

5^. Sources for Lower Congo. See Cust, p. 405. 

1. MS. French-Congo Dictionary, 1772, British Museum. 

2. Bentley's Dictionary and Grammar on the Kongo Language, Baptist Miss. Soc, 1887. 

3. Grammaire Fiote, par le Rev. P. Alexandre Visseq, de la Congregation du Saint- Esprit, 
Paris, 1889. 

4. Regulae quaedam... pro... Congensium idiomatis... captu, a P. Ilyacintho Brusciotto a Vetralla, 
Concionatore Capucino, Romae, 1659, stipra n. 22. 

55. Sources for Lunda. — See Cust, p. 399. 

1. Ruunda Vocabulary in Koelle's Polyglotta Africana. 

2. Lunda Vocabulary in Capello and Ivens From Benguela..., pp. 329-331. 

3. Carvalho's Methodopraticoparafallara lingua da Lunda, Lisboa, 1890. See n. 788''''^. 

56. Sources for the Guha cluster. — See Cust, pp. 371 (Guha), and 363 
(Rungu). 

1. Last's Polygl. Afr. Or., pp. 170-172 (Guha). 

2. Stanley's Comparative Voc. in the Dark Continent (Guhha, and Rungu (?) ). 

57. Sources for the Nywema cluster. — See Cust, p. 372 (Nywema, and 
Kusu). 

I. Last's Polygl. Afr. Or., pp. 183-187 and 232-233. 

58. Sources for Rua.. — See Cust, p. 371. 

1. Cameron's Ki7-ua Vocabulary m Across Africa, London, 1877. 

2. Last's Polygl. Afr. Or., pp. 167-169. 

jp. Sources for Luba. — See Cust, p. 400. 

Dr. Biittner's Zur Grammatik der Balubasprache in the Zeitschrift f a. S., 1888-89, PP* 220-233. 

60. Source for the Yansi cluster. — See Cust, pp. 409 (Teke) and 410 
(Yanzi). 

See nn. 159-162, 

61. Sources for the Ckwana cluster. — See Cust, p. 305 . 

In 1885 I collected some materials for the study of Chwana with the help 
of a native of the Ba-kwena tribe from Pretoria, and a Mo-suto subject of 
the late Moshesh. But in writing this work I have not made so much use 
of these as of the " Notes towards a Secoana Grammar, collected by the 
Rev. William Crisp, Canon and Chancellor of Bloemfontein Cathedral 



XXXII Introduction. 



(2^ edition, London, 1886)," and of the Chwana Catechism of Father Tern- 
ming, S. J. My other sources are : — 

1. An English and Secwana Vocabulary^ by the Rev. John Brown, London, 1876. 

2. The Chwana Ne%u Jestament. London, 1888. 

3. Hymns in Chwana, by Father Temming, S. J., Marianhill, 1887. 

62. Sources for tJie Nyambane cluster. — See Cust, pp.302 (Gwamba), 
303 (Hlengoe), 303 (Nyambane), and 308 (Siga = Nyambane). 

1. ''^Xeok^s Languages of Mozambique (Lourenzo Marques , Inhambane), London, 1856. 

2. Koelle's Polyglotta Africana (Nyamban = Nyambane). 

3. Lecons de Shigwamba, par le Missionnaire P. Berthoud, Lausanne, 1883. 

6j. Sources for the Mozambique cluster. — See Cust, pp. 333 (Roro = 
Gunda(?)), 333 (Kua). 

1. Rankin's Arab Tales, mentioned above. 

2. Chauncy Maples' Collections for a Handbook of the Makua Language as spoken at Masasi, 
London, 1879. 

3. Elementos para tin Vocabulario do dialecto falado em Quelimanc, por Gustavo de Bivar Pinto 
Lopes, Mo5ambique, 1889. 

4. Ejiglish- Tshigtmda Vocabulary (no title page). 

5. ^iQeW 5 Languages of Mozambique {Q}XQ\\\m2ine, Mozambique). 

6. Koelle's Polyglotta Africana (Meto, Kiriman, Matatan). 

7. Last's Polygl. Afr. Ot., pp. 81-83. (Lomwe), 84-86 (Mozambique). 

6^. Sources for the Comoro cluster. — See Cust, p. 339. 

1. Last's Polygl. Afr. Or., pp. 179-182. (Anzuani, or Hinzua). 

2. Bleek's Languages of Mozambique (Anjoane). 

3. Dr. Steere's Short specimens of three African Languages (Angazidja ). 

6^. Sources for the Tshagga cluster. — See Cust, p. 357 (Chagga). 

1. Worterverzeichjiis aus dem Kidshag^a und Pare, in the Zeitschrift. fa. S., 1887-88, pp. 72-76. 

2. H. H. Johnston's Chagga and G%vi7io Vocabtdary in Lhc Kilimaiijaro Expedition. 

66. Sources for Buma. — See Cust, p. 409. 

H. H. Johnston's Voc. in The River Congo, 446-463. 

6j. Sources for the Mpongzve cluster. — See Cust, pp. 417 (Pongwe), and 
420 (Shekiani). 

1. Dictionnaire Fran^ais-Pongouc, par les missionnaires de la Congregation du S^-Esprit, Paris, 
1877. 

2. Dictiotmaire Pongoue-Fran^ais, par le R. P. Gachon, de la Congregation du S'-Esprit, Paris, 
1881. 

3. Grammaire de la Langue Pons[ouee, par le R. P. Le Berre, de la Congregation du S'-Esprit, 
Paris, 1873. 

4. Mpongwe Gospels, by American Missionaries at the Gaboon, 3^ ed., New York, 1879. 

68. Sources for the Dualla cluster. — See Cust, p. 426 (Dualla), 428 
(Isubu), 420 (Benga), 415 (Kele). 

1. Saker's Grammatical elements of the Dualla Language (incomplete), with Vocabulary and 
MSS. (in the British Museum), 1863. 

2. C. Meinhof's Ein Mdrchen aus Kamerun in the Zeitschrift f a. S., 1889-90, pp. 241-246. 

Do. Das Zeitwort in der Duallasprache, ibid., 1888-89, pp. 1-34. 
Do. Benga uni Dualla, ibid., pp. 190-208. 

Do. Das Verbum in der Isubu- Sprache, ibid., 1889-90, pp. 206-234, 
Do. Das Zeitioort in der Benga-Sprache, ibid., pp. 265-284. 

3. Bleek's Notes on Dikele, Benga, Dualla, and Isubu, in the Compar. Gr., pp. 231-240. 



Introduction. xxxiii 

6g. Source for Fan. — See Cust, p. 422. 

Vocabulary of (he Fan JMni;uage, by Sefior Don Amado Osorio Zabala, S. P. C. K. 1887. 

yo. Sources for the Fernandiafi cluster. — See Cust, p. 426 (Ediya). 

1. Bleek's Note on Fernandian in the Compar, Gr.^ pp. 248-251. 

2. Os,C7ix liz.wm.di.nxi's, Beiims^e zur Kenntnis de7- Bttbe-Spiache an/ Fernando Poo^ and Vocabtilar 
lies Banapa- (Sta Isabel) DialeJdes... von Padre Don Jose Martinez y Sanz, S. J., in the Zeitschrift 
f. a. S., 1887-88, pp. 138-155. 

It need scarcely be said that the materials thus placed at my disposal 
are more or less reliable. In this work my conclusions are generally drawn 
only from those which I thought could best be trusted. 

III. The Origin of the Bantu. 

77. Before we begin to form a comprehensive view of the various Bantu 
languages, and their general and proper features, it may be good to put 
together a certain number of data regarding the origin of the various tribes 
that speak them. The sciences of ethnology and philology have so many 
points of contact that they must, as it were, go hand in hand. In a subject 
like this, in particular, the conclusions to which philology seems to lead 
may be right or wrong. It is therefore important to see what foundation 
history gives to them. A special reason for giving here some of the histo- 
rical and ethnographical data which I have come across regarding the 
Bantu is that, if we may judge from various current and unfounded theories, 
they scarcely seem to be known to exist. 

jz. First origin. — The most probable account of the first origin of 
the Bantu seems to be the one found in Mas'oudi's " Golde?i Meadows ", a 
work written A. D. 943. Mas'oudi had crossed several times from Arabia 
to the east coast of Africa ('), and thus had been able to collect accurate 
information on the Bantu, or the Zindj, as he with the other Arab writers 
calls them. This is what he says : — 

" When Noah's posterity began to spread itself over the earth, the chil- 
dren of Kush, the son of Kanaan (Cham), followed a westerly direction 
and crossed the Nile. There they formed twa groups. Some of them, the 
Nubians, the Bedjah, and the Zindj, turned to the right, between east and 
west ; the others, in great numbers, went westward in the direction of 
Zagawah, Kanem, Markah, Ghanah, and other parts of the land of the 
Blacks and the Dendemeh. Those who had taken the right, going between 
east and west, soon separated again, thus forming several tribes of the Zindj, 
such as the Makir {alias Mex, Meska), the Maskar {alias Miktar, Meshku, 
Mashku, Saka, Seka), the Marira, and others ("). " 

A little further in the same work (^), Mas'oudi adds the following details : — 



1. Ma90udi, " Les Prairies d' Or" .'lew's Gi traduction par Barbier de Meynard et Pavet de Cour- 
teille. Paris, 1861-1877, vol. I, p. 233. 

2. Ibid., vol. Ill, p. 2. 

3. Ibid, p. 5. 

C 



XXXIV Introduction. 



" As we have said above, the Zindj with other Abyssinian tribes spread 
themselves to the right of the Nile, down to the extremity of the sea of 
Abyssinia. Of all the Abyssinian tribes the Zindj were the only ones who 
crossed the canal which comes out of the Upper Nile (Juba River?). They 
established themselves in this country and spread themselves as far as 
Sofala, which is on the sea of the Zindj the furthest limit whither ships sail 
from Oman and Siraf. For, as the Chinese sea ends at the land of Sila 
(Japan or Corea), so the limits of the sea of the Zindj are near the land of 
Sofala and that of the Wakwak (Hottentots and Bushmen), a country which 
yields gold in abundance with other marvels. There the Zindj built their 
chief-town. Then they elected a king whom they called Falime (or Wa- 
falime) {^). This has been at all times the name of their paramount chief. 

.... The Falime has in his dependency all the other Zindjan kings, and 
commands 300,000 mounted men. The Zindj use the ox as their beast of 
burden (^) ; for their country has neither horses, nor mules, nor camels ; 
they do not even know these beasts. There are among them tribes which 
have very sharp teeth (3) and are cannibals ("♦). The territory of the Zindj 
begins at the canal derived from the Upper Nile, and extends to the land 
of Sofala and that of the Wakwak. " 

7J. These are interesting assertions in the light of modern discoveries. 
A great empire in South-Africa with its chief-town in the land of Sofala, 
— nothing could tally better with the descriptions given of South-Africa by 
the latest explorers. For this country is now found to possess remarkable 
remnants of an ancient civilization. 

Let us remark here that the land formerly called Sofala by the Arabs 
was not limited to the coast which has retained this name, but comprised 
ail that part of South-Africa which lies between the Limpopo and the 
River Rovuma. Even in the times of the Portuguese Livius, de Barros,. 
Sofala, or Cefala, as he spells it, was a synonym for " the empire of the 
Monomotapa " (5). This therefore is the land where we must most expect 
to find the first seat of the Zindjan Empire. 

What was more exactly its situation? If we believe Abulfedaand Edrisi, 

1. I have explained in the Grammar, nn. 365(2) and 344, that Mas'oudi's word Falime, plural of dignity 
Wa-falime, — which may also be read Falimo, Wa-falimo, etc. — must be identified with the SwahiU 

M-/ulme, or M-falume, " a king ", pi. Wa-falme, and with the Mozambique Ma-limu " a chief ", lit. 
" a man of learning (?) ". It seems that the original pronunciation of this word. must have been m/'a Ihtio 
= m-fo u-a Unto, " a man of li/no ", whatever the exact meaning of iimo may be. Certain it is that the 
Bantu stem which is pronounced -zimo in the main group, and-Umo, ox-dimo, or -riino, in the Kua group, 
forms immediately the word Mi-zimo (Chwana Ba-limo, or Ba-diino) " the spirits of the kings of old, " 
"the departed chiefs ". See n. 365 (6). As to the word m-/o, it is often heard in Kafir, and means " an 
elderly man ". 

2. So the Kafirs only a few years ago still had their pack-oxen. Now they have horses. 

3. See the note to n. 50. See also the Proceedings of the R. G. S., 1887, p. 775, and Bateman 's First 
ascent of the Kasai, p. 46. 

4. The Nywema are not the only Bantu tribe accused of cannibalism. The Yao themselves, east of 
Lake Nyassa, sometimes indulge in feasts on human flesh {Proceedings of the R. G. S., 1887, p. 468). 
Ancient traditions say that Senna itself was a mart for human flesh before the advent of the Portuguese. 

5. Da Asia, dec. I, lib. X, c. I , quoted in \.\\q Jliudes Religieuses, 1878, vol. I, p. 388. 



lilt roduct ion. xxxv 



in their time (before the 14^^^ century) the chief-town of Sofala was Siyuna, 
which 1 think must be identified with the chief-town o( Ma'S/tona-iandy or 
the country of Senna ('). Is not the natural inference from this that Ma- 
s'oudi's seat of the first kings of the Zindj was somewhere in Maslionaland ? 
If the answer must be affirmative, the ruins of Zimbabye, or Zimbaze, which, 
discovered by Mauch a few years ago, have lately amazed the pioneers of 
the Chartered Company, seem to point out the exact spot for which we are 
looking. 

The descriptions given of these ruins well corroborate this conclusion. 
Their features which most struck the Correspondent of the Times {^) are : — 
1° A series of circular walls within one another, the outermost of which 
is 4 feet high, and may be over 500 yards in diameter ; 

2° One of the inner walls "from 30 ft. to 35 ft. high, 80 yards in dia- 
meter, about 10 ft. in thickness at the base, and tapering to about 7 ft. or 
8 ft. at the top, built of small granite blocks, about twice the size of an 
ordinary brick, beautifully hewn and dressed, laid in perfectly even courses, 
and put together without the use of a single atom of either mortar or 
cement " ; 

3" On the eastern side of this enclosure, a narrow entrance, and close to 
it, at a place where the wall is 30 ft. high, " a conical shaped tower, or 
turret, 35 ft. in height and 18 ft. in diameter at the base, built of the same 
granite blocks, and consisting of solid masonry " ; 

4° " On the south-east front of the wall and 20 ft. from its base a double 
zigzag scroll, one third of the distance round, composed of the samesized 
granite blocks placed in diagonal positions ". 

According to the newspapers, indeed, an expert sent to study these ruins 
is inclined to think them to be of Phoenician origin. But, from the descrip- 
tion given, I rather suspect that they are, on the whole, of purely native, or 
Zindjan, origin. In our own days the Gcaleka Kafirs, with whom I lived some 
tune, never, when they can afford it, build for their cattle any but round 
stone kraals, which, though they cannot be compared with the ruins of 
Zimbabye, seem to belong essentially to the same style of building ; and 
with many Bantu tribes zigzag-shaped drawings are the usual pattern for all 
kinds of attempt at anything like artistic designs. 

Finally, another good reason for identifying Zimbabye with both the 
Siyuna of Abulfeda and the seat of the first kings of the Zindj is, that the 
actual occupiers of the country round it, variously called Zindja, Ba-nyai, 
Ma-shona^ etc., are properly part of the Karanga^ who certainly have been 
fur centuries the paramount tribe of the vast empire of the Monomotapa. 
7/. If, however, it were replied that, notwithstanding these evidences, 
Zimbabye may yet be found to have been the work of foreign gold-seekers, 

1. See note to p. 25 in this work. 

2. The Times oiOci. 7, 1890. Cf. Anderson's Tiuenty-Jive Years in a Waggon, London, 1887, vol. II, 
p. 202. 



XXXVI Introduction. 



and that the first chief-town of the Zindj must be sought for not in Masho- 
naland, but somewhere near the Victoria Falls, I should not deny a certain 
probability to this opinion. It would readily explain why they are considered 
by the natives as being not only God's abode, but also the town of the 
ancient kings (miinzi ua Leza, munzi tia Mizimo). See Appendix I. 

75. But whatever may be thought of this question, I see no reason to 
doubt of Mas'oudi's trustworthiness when exposing the traditions he had 
either picked up on the spot, or found in previous Hebrew, Christian, or 
Mohammedan writers, regarding the first origin of the Zindj. His veracity 
seems to be warranted by his exactitude in details of minor importance, 
such as the filed teeth and the cannibalism of certain tribes, the Bantu name 
of the king, the use of pack-oxen, the want of horses and camels, the gold- 
mines of the country, the exact extent of the Bantu field on the east coast, 
the location of the Hottentots south of the Zindj, etc. etc. It may be added 
that Mas'oudi agrees with universal tradition, and with the most ancient 
Egyptian inscriptions, in considering the Blacks as children of Kush. He is 
mistaken only in calling Kush the son of Kanaan. 

Writing of the language of the Zindj, Mas'oudi says that " they express 
themselves with elegance, and are not wanting in orators " ('). This is 
another evidence of his veracity. 

'^,6. There is in Mas'oudi's narrative one detail which deserves particular 
attention. According to him the Zindj at first occupied only the eastern 
parts of South- Africa between the Upper Nile and the Ocean, and further 
south the land of Sofala. The black tribes which originally occupied the 
western parts would like the Zindj have descended of Kush, but from the 
earliest times they would also have constituted a quite distinct group. 
This, I think, is a valuable clue to the study of South-Western Africa. It is 
mostly in the west that we find non-Bantu tribes. In the south they are 
met with either isolated, or mixed up with the Bantu, as far north as the 
upper streams of the Kwanza. Perhaps some of them may still be discover- 
ed living in the mysterious caves of the Katanga. Then going further to 
the north-west, we meet with them in the Congo forest, and still more to 
the north they occupy the country all to themselv es. 

Then, if we look at the physical features of those tribes in the west 
which speak Bantu languages, we find that they belong to at least two 
distinct types, the one very similar to the most refined Bantu of the east, 
the other approaching more to the Bushman. Further, the ruling tribes of 
the greater part of the Congo basin and the Kwanza seem to have belonged 
until quite recently to what was called the Jinga nation. 

All these considerations lead me to form a view of the south-western 
nations of Africa which agrees entirely with Mas'oudi's account. The original 
occupants of the Damaraland, Benguela, Angola, the Congo, and in general 
of nearly all that part of South-Africa which is to the west of the meridian 

1. Vol. Ill, p. 30. 



Introduction, xxxvii 



of the Victoria Falls, were not Bantu. It is only in comparatively recent 
times, probably not before the Christian Era, that Zindj invaders from the 
east, called Jinga (= Zinga), overran their country, and imposed upon 
them both their rule and their language. 

77. What was the" origin of those non - Bantu tribes ? This is a difficult 
question to answer owing to the want of positive documents. General 
tradition, handed down to us mostly by the earliest Fathers of the Church, 
considers Phuth, the third son of Cham, as the father of the original occupants 
of Western Africa. If therefore his name meant " west " as the word Mbunda, 
or Ponda, or Piita^ or Mbundii^ I should suspect that the Ma-mbunda are 
children of Phuth. If we must allow with Mas'oudi that they are descended 
from Kush, and this I think is the most correct opinion, it may be that, being 
originally Kush's children, they had to submit, even before the earliest Jinga 
invasions, to the yoke of people descended from Phuth, and that they bor- 
rowed from these first rulers the name of Mbunda, which most of them 
have kept to this day. 

What is certain is, that several of the Bantu languages of South-Western 
"TOnca, or the so-called Mbunda languages, have a certain number of words 
in common with those of the Bushmen, as if these were the true aborigines 
of those ^arts, 

y8. In any case, at least one of the above conclusions seems to be safe, 
and may serve as a good starting pibint, viz. that the original Bantu, or 
Zindj, were of Kush's race. How much foreign blood has filtered into 
theirs, and transformed it in the course of ages, even in the land which was 
theirs from the earliest times, is another question, the solution of which would 
shed light on the history of South-Africa, its modern inhabitants, and its 
languages. But a thick veil of mystery hangs over it. South-Africa has long 
been the terra incognita of classical writers. Sparse data may however be 
picked up here and there regarding the relation of its occupants to the 
outer world, which, if brought together, may at least shew that the land 
which was unknown to some civilized nations was not necessarily so to all. 

7p. Relations of the Bantu 'to nortJiern nations in Centi'al Africa. — It 
appears certain that there has existed continued intercourse in ancient times 
between the eastern Bantu and the tribes to the north of them, but I find 
no evidence that such relations, generally hostile or strictly commercial, 
have ever produced any mixtures of races in the Bantu field. The manner 
of acting of the Masai with respect to the Bantu in our own times may 
perhaps be regarded as the type of what has been going on for centuries. 
These warlike tribes have penetrated from the north into the Bantu field 
as far as the 5^^^ parallel of south latitude, forcing their way through the 
Kamba, the Sagara, the Rangi, and other Bantu tribes, all of which arc 
agricultural ; but, instead of amalgamating with their enemies, they have 
kept their own language and customs, entirely distinct from those of their 
neighbours. There is nothing to show that the same hostile spirit between 



XXXVIII Infrodtiction. 



the two races has not been going on for centuries, or that it has ever 
produced other effects than it does now. 

So. Even the nearest approach I can find to friendly relations between 
the Bantu and the northern nations in ancient times was not of a nature 
to create a mixture of blood and languages. I read it in the " Christian 
Topography " of the Egyptian monk Cosmas Indicopleustes, a work written 
about A. D. 547. It is a typical description of the manner in which trade 
used to be carried on in Central Africa in his time. This is what he writes (') : — 
"Beyond Barbaria (also called Troglodytica, i.e. the actual Somali-land), 
there stretches the Ocean, which has there the name of Ziyyt.ov {Zingi, the 
sea of the Zindj of the Arabs, whence Zanzi-h'Ax). Bordering on the same 
sea, there is the land called Sasos (South-EasternAfrica), which possesses 
abundant gold-mines, ptsTaXXa TroXT^a -^^M^iaxi eyouo-a. Every second year the 
king of Axum (on the Red Sea), through the intermediary of his prefects 
at Agau (in Abyssinia), sends men thither for the gold-trade. These go 
accompanied by a largs number of merchants, so as to be, taketi all together, 
over 500. They take with them for barter oxen, salt, and iron. 

" When they come close to that land, they fix themselves in a certain 
spot, make a large bush-fence, and live in it. Then they kill the oxen, 
and expose the meat in pieces on the bushes, together with the salt and 
the iron. Thereupon natives come up bringing gold in the shape of BipiJiia 
(lupine-beans), which they call tankhara, and each puts down one, two, or 
more Qsppiia, as he likes; and goes aside. Then he to whom the ox belonged 
comes, and, if he be satisfied with the price, takes the gold, while the native 
comes back to take the meat, or the salt, or the iron. If the trader be not 
satisfied, he leaves the gold, and the native, seeing this, either adds something, 
or takes his gold back, and goes off. The trade is carried on in this manner 
because the language of the two parties is different, and no interpreters can 
be procured. 

" The traders spend thus about five days, more or less according as their 
business proceeds, until they have sold everything. On their return they all 
march together under arms, because on the way they are attacked by hostile 
tribes, that would rob them of their gold. The whole of the expedition, coming 
and going, takes six months. The march is somewhat slower in coming, 
principally on account of the cattle : the traders hasten faster on their way 
back for fear they should be caught on the road by winter and by heavy 
rains. For the sources of the Nile are near those lands, and in winter many 
rivers caused by the heavy rains come to obstruct the road. Besides this, 
the winter of those regions coincides with summer amongst us... 

" All this I have written, having partly seen it with my own eyes, partly 
heard it from the very men who had been trading there ". 

Whoever has been in Africa will readily give credit to such a descrip- 
tion. The bush-fences, the salt-trade, the storms of the rainy season, the 



I. Migne, Patr. Gr. , v. 89, col, 98. 



Introduction. xxxix 



I 



three-months' distance from central Abyssinia, etc., are all details which 
cannot have been drawn from imagination. 

8i. What gives a peculiar interest to Cosmas* narrative is, that the 
manner of trading which he describes, when compared with other data, 
seems to have been going on in Bantu territory from time immemorial. 
Herodotus, writing of the remotest parts of Eastern Africa, mentions in 
one place (^) its abundant gold (yp-jTov ts cpios'. 7ro).Xov), its large elephants 
(eXicpavTa; ajjicptXacpsa;), its ivory (ej^evov), its remarkably tall, fine, and long- 
lived inhabitants — something like the Zulu (?) — (avBpa? {jLeyia-Tou; xal 
xaD.io-Tou; xal {xaxpwpuoTaxo'j;), and in another place (^), calling these people 
MaxGo,3io'., he speaks of a certain plateau found in their land, which they 
call " the Sun's Table ", and on which the chiefs expose cooked meat at 
night, that the natives may feast on it at will during the day. Pomponius 
Mela (3) and other writers mention the same marvel. Now, Heeren has 
shown that this mysterious flat is no other than the golden mart" of the 
Macrobians, where meat, salt, iron, and other articles of trade, used to be 
exchanged for gold in the manner described by Cosmas (4). Might it not be 
added that it is also the place where Homer's gods meet to rest from their 
battles, and enjoy feasts and hecatombs among the pious blacks (5) ? 

82. If it be asked what is the exact situation of this plateau, I should say 
that, in my opinion, it is somewhere in Sagaraland, taking this to include, 
as it probably did formerly (^), the country comprised between longit. 34°- 
370 and south lat. 4^-8°. The word Sagara, or Sagala, seems even to mean 
" the Sun's flats ", exactly as Nyainwezi means " the mountains of the 
Moon " ; for I notice that i gala is the word used for " Sun " by Kafir 
women, and the prefix sa^ derived from the elements se " ground " [502, and 
581 {^) ] and -a " of", very likely means " the ground of..., the flats of... ". 
The same word may also well be compared with Cosmas' tankhara^ " Ospfx'.a ". 
Then, if this opinion be correct, we understand how the traders, on their 
way back to Abyssinia, had to cross several of the streams which go to 
make up the Victoria Nyanza, or Upper Nile, and that the whole journey 
took up six months. No doubt, to those who have little experience of tra- 
velling in South-Africa, three months may seem to be a short time to go 
from Central Abyssinia to Sagaraland. But they should consider that even 
heavy oxen-waggons often go in less than two months from Colesberg in the 
Cape colony to Gubuluwayo, a distance nearly equal to that between 
Southern Abyssinia and Sagaraland, and that formerly three months was the 
time usually spent by slave caravans in crossing from Benguela to Mozam- 
bique (7). The remarkably long strip of land occupied in the Bantu field by 

1. Third Book, n. 114. 

2. Ibid., nn. 23 and 20. 

3. Second Book, n. 9. 

4. Nouveau Journal Asiatique, tome III, Paris, 1829, p. 363, 

5. Odyss., I, 26; Iliad, I, 423, etc. 

6. Last's Polygl. Afr. Or., p. 11, 

7. KoeUe's Polyql, Afr., p. 15. 



XL l7ttrodttction. 



the non -Bantu Masai may perhaps show the track followed by these ancient 
traders from the north. As to how gold used to be brought to Sagaraland, 
there may have been a trade route thence to Lake Nyassa, whence canoes 
could go to Senna and Mash on aland. This might even explain why the 
Senna, Nyassa, and Sagara languages are so closely related to each other. 
Strange to say, I am told by Mr. Andre, S. J., who spent several years 
at Kilimane, that when the Portuguese first reached Senna, the trade for 
gold used still to be carried on there in a manner similar to that described 
by Cosmas. 

But, whatever may have been the exact spot to which the Abyssinian 
traders used to resort for their dealings with the Bantu, the intercourse 
between the two races does not seem to have been calculated to produce a 
mixture of blood, or language. 

83, Ancient relations of the Ba?itu ivith the Sahceans and other traders 
frofn the Red Sea. — If we turn to seafaring nations, we may have a better 
chance of finding some that have infused foreign blood into the original 
Bantu. The author of the Periplus of the Erythrcean Sea^ who probably wrote 
about A. D. 85, tells us that in his time the coast of Mombasa ('A^avia, 
the modern Tana, or Sania (i*), River) was part of the possessions of Chari- 
bael, the king of the Sabaeans, and this through some ancient right (xa-ra v. 
o{xa',ov dpyarov). He adds that Charibael ('), who resided in the town of 
Saphar (the modern Dhafar or Zafar), had entrusted it to his vassal Cho- 
laebos, the tyrant of the Mopharitic region, who resided at Sawe, or Save, 
(the modern Taaes), and that Cholaebos in his turn left it in return for 
a tribute in the hands of the inhabitants of Muza [the modern Musa, or 
Mauschid (?)], who used " to send thither transport ships with Arab pilots 
and sailors..., who knew the places and the language of the natives luell (^). " 
He says also that these traders knew how to win over the natives by 
presents of wine, corn, spears, knives, axes, and various sorts of beads. 

This opens a new horizon to us. Knowledge of the languages and friendly 
relations soon bring about a fusion of races. We can easily understand that 
the Sabaean traders left children in the land, and that many of these, being 
more enterprising than the pure natives, may for centuries have furnished 
petty chiefs to various Bantu tribes, as often happens in our own times all 
over the east coast of Africa with men born of Arab, Banyan, and European 
parentage. 

8^. When did such relations between the Sabaeans and South-Africa 
first commence ? The author of the Periplus only says " from ancient times. " 
I strongly suspect that they existed before the time of Moses, when Egyptian 
fleets, going along the east coast of Africa to the land of Pun, met here men 
of two different types ; the one brown, armed, wearing a long beard, and 
evidently the ruling race, who, it seems, must be identified with the descend- 

1. This king was known to tlie ancient Arab writers, who called him Kharalibil. 

2. Geographi Graeci Minores, Didot, Paris, 1855, pp. 271 and 274. 



Introduction, 



XLI 



ants of Jectan, at that time rulers of the Sabaean Empire; the other painted 
red, short-nosed, thick-lipped, without beard, carrying no weapon, and 
forcibly reminding me of the Tonga I have seen. From them they received 
a) piles of a precious gum, which, perhaps, was no other than the gum 
copal of Eastern Africa, the most precious gum known to trade in our own 
days; ^j giraffes, quadrupeds which are found nowhere but in South-Africa, 
c) a live leopard " from the south, " and many leopardskins ; d) heaps of 
copper-rings, like those which are common throughout all South-Africa, 
native gold, ivory, ebony, and other " southern products for Ammon " ; 
etc. etc. ('). 

It matters little here whether the Egyptians did, or did not, go as far as 
the equator on the east coast of Africa. All I say is that the circumstances 
of their first expeditions to the land of Pun seem to imply that in those 
ancient times there existed a regular intercourse between the Sabaeans and 
the Bantu. It may be mentioned, by the way, that the Ma-tabele, and several 
other Bantu tribes of the east coast of Africa were included by my Tonga 
informants under the name of Ma-punu, which cannot fail to remind one of 
the Pu7t, or Punt y of the hieroglyphic inscriptions. 

I also think it probable that the same sort of relations between the 
Sabaeans and the Bantu are implied by those chapters of the third Book 
of Kings and the first of Paralipomena, in which the coming of the Queen 
of Saba to Jerusalem is coupled with the narrative of the expedition to 
Ophir. For, however much may have been written to the contrary, we may 
still be allowed to think that the first Arab traders whom the Portuguese 
met at Sofala with ships laden with gold were correct in saying that this 
was the place where Salomon's ships used to come to get the precious 
metal, if not the other curiosities mentioned in the Bible. Some have even 
long since thought that they had shown on other evidence that the lands 
of Ophir, Paz, Upaz, and Parua-im, whence the Hebrews and Tyrians used 
to export treasures are in the neighbourhood of Cosmas' Sasos and Hero- 
dotus' Table of the Sun Q). I think that Solomon's Ophir, called i^wcpb 
by the Septuagint, is properly the golden Sofala, or Sofara, of the ancient 
Arab writers, stretching from Delagoa Bay to the River Rovuma, a 
country which is still called Kit-piri in several Bantu languages, and in 
which numbers of tribes still goby the names oi A-mpire^ A-inbiri, Ba-peri^ 
Ma-fia = Ma-fira^ Ma-via = Ma-vira, etc. p). Paz and Upaz may be 



1. Cf. Deir-el-Bahari, par A. Mariette-Bey, Leipzig, 1877, principally pp. 14, 15, 18, 19, 20, 26. 
MariettCLSays that one of the inscriptions mentions a horse next to an elephant. Should it not be a zebra ? 
A horse would have been nothing new for Egyptians in the time of Moses, or even in that of Jacob. Cf. 
Gen. XVII 17 ; 49. 17 ; Exod. IX, 3 ; XV, i and 21 ; etc, Cosmas {Patr. Gn, T. 88, col. 107) shows that 
Ptolemy II conquered the land of Sasos, Was not this conquest the result of Ptolemy's expedition " to 
the land of Pun " of the hieroglyphic inscriptions.^ 

2. Nouveau Journal Asiatique, t, ill, Paris, 1829, p. 364. 

3. The name of Ophir is found among both the descendants of Kush and those of Jectan. It may have 
been given to various tribes of Arabia, India, and Africa, Solomon's Ophir must be the most famed for 
its gold among the traders of the Red Sea, which is tantamount to saying that it is in South-Africa, 



XLii Introduction. 



either Mo-mbasa, which seems to have been the seat of the ancient Sa- 
baean governors, or, more probably, the island of Patta, whose chief town, 
formerly renowned for its trade in gold, was still called A-mpaza in the 
seventeenth century. The Pariia-im are no other than the modern Ba-roa 
or Ba-tiia " Hottentots and Bushmen ", also called Tu-roa on account of 
their small size, or by the Arabs Wakwak, in whose land are the dia- 
mond-fields, and whose gold-fields on the Limpopo and its affluents 
have long been considered as the richest to be found in South-Africa. 
Cosmas says positively that not only the gold, but also the precious wood, 
and the monkeys, received by Salomon from the queen of Saba, or brought 
to Asion-gaber by his fleet, came from South- Africa ('). 

85. If such identifications are correct, the natural conclusion from them 
must be that much of the treasures accumulated during centuries in the 
Yemen by Sabaeans (^) came from South-Africa, a fact which implies inti- 
mate relations between them and the Bantu. Did these relations modify 
considerably the language of these people? Probably they did, but perhaps 
no more than Arabic and the language of the Banyans do in our own days. 
It may even be remarked that the author of the Periplits says that certain 
Arabs were employed by the Sabaeans because they had a knowledge of 
the language of Azania. This supposes that the traders did not speak 
Himyaric, or Arabic, but Bantu, in their dealings with the natives. 

86. Among the various traces to be found in East- Africa of these ancient 
relations with the traders from the Red Sea, I notice particularly the word 
Mnhmgu^ for " God " in Nika, Swahili, Mozambique, etc. (323*). The 
existence of a God who is One is well known to all the Bantu tribes, even 
to those which show no sign of having been directly influenced by foreign 
intercourse. But, through some reverential fear of the supreme Being, they 
seldom address prayers to Him directly. They prefer to ask the Mi-zimo, 
or " spirits of the deceased chiefs " to pay homage to God for them, to 
scrape the ground before Him in token of submission, as they themselves 
are wont to do before their chiefs and before white people, thus to propitiate 
Him who gives and refuses rain to whom He pleases (3). But the name by 
which they know God is not Mulungu^ except among the eastern tribes. 
Hence I consider it to be highly probable that this word, pronounced 
MuhikUy or Moloko, in the vicinity of Mozambique, originally represented 
the Molokh of the neighbours of the Jews (4). 

Circumcision, which is common to several Bantu tribes, may also have 
been borrowed by some of them from the Sabceans, or the other nations 
that shared in their trade. It is not in use among those Bantu tribes which 
seem to be the most primitive. 

1. Migne, Patr. Gr., T. 88, col. 98. Sandal-wood, which is probably the a/-^'-«w-z/« of the Bible, is 
called li-gumi in the language of Senna and of Lake Nyassa. 

2. E zee hie I, XXVll, 22. 

3. Cf. Appendix I. 

4. See n, 363 (i and 6) in this work, with the note to n, no. 




Introduction. xliii 



8y, Relations of the Bantu with the Arabs since the advent of Islam. — 
The traders of the Red Sea appear to have abandoned the east coast of 
Africa In the time of the Roman Empire. Cosmas Indicopleustes, who 
before joining the monks in Egypt had gone trading all along the coast of 
Arabia, says that in his time the sailors of those parts did not dare to trust 
themselves to the sea of the Zindj if). But whatever may be thought of 
this assertion, it is certain that the East- African trade received a vigorous 
impulse soon after the spread of Islamism. 

88. In the 8^'^ century of the Christian era, some Arabs, separating them- 
selves from Mahomet's successors, went under the leadership of Zaid, Ali's 
grandson, to seek freedom from religious persecution on the northern part 
of the east coast of Africa. Men of other dissident sects soon followed 
their example, and thus were founded, among others, the towns of Brava 
and Magadoxo. Starting from this place they occupied by degrees all the 
small islands along the east coast as far as Delagoa Bay. 

c^p.Mas'oudi says that they established themselves in the island of Kambalu 
(probably Comoro, some think Madagascar) at the time of the conquest of 
Crete by the Musulmans (about A. D. 730). They reduced into slavery all 
its Zindjan inhabitants, but adopted their language (''). He further says 
that in his time (A. D. 900-945) the trade on the East-African coast was 
in the hands of the Sirafians from Persia, and of Arabs from Oman of the 
tribe of Azd ; that the term of their voyages on the sea of the Zindj was 
the land of Sofala and that of the Wakwak in the southernmost parts 
of this sea; that he himself crossed several times from Sendjar, the chief- 
town of Oman, to the island of Kambalu, and that such a voyage generally 
took up from one to three months (3). 

go. In the Book of the Marvels of India, written about A. D. 960, we 
find that ships continued to go regularly for gold from Oman to Sotala, 
and that the king of the country, though the Arabs had once strangely 
abused his hospitality to make him a slave, had embraced Islamism, and 
on his return to his country continued to show himself very kind to the 
traders ('»). 

gi. Edrisi, writing A. D. 1154, describes at length the dealings of the 
Arabs with the Zindj. We may notice particularly what he writes of the 
ruler of Keish, an island situated in the Persian Gulf, facing Muscat. This 
man, he says, had a large fleet numbering 50 ships, each of which, made 
of a single piece of wood, could carry about 200 persons, and besides these 
a great number of other ships. With these he used to cross over from the 
Persian Gulf to the coast of Zanzibar, to devastate it, and carry off numbers 

1. Migne, Pair, gr., t. 88, col. 87. 

2. Vol. I, p. 205. 

3. Vol. I, pp. 232-233 and 331-3 }2. Ibn Batoutah, who crossed from Zhafar to Kiloa, says that this 
voyage used to last only one month. Voyzges, traduits par C. Defrdmery et Sanguinetti, Paris, 1851, 
tome II, p. 196. 

4. Marcel Devic, Les merveilles de VInde. Paris, 1873, pp. 43-52, and 150. 



XLiv Introduction, 



of slaves ('). The same author says that the Zindj had great respect and 
veneration for the Arabs, and that they easily allowed them to take their 
children off to distant lands (^). 

g2. From all this it may be easily deduced that at this date the influence 
of the Arabs had already extended far and wide in South-Africa. No 
wonder therefore that when Vasco de Gama discovered this country in the 
year 1498 he found them settled all over the east coast. They had even 
spread far inland. For, when Father Gongalo da Sylveira went to the court 
of the Monomotapa in 1569, he found the place already occupied by 
preachers of the Koran, the very men who, soon after he had converted this 
emperor to the faith, and baptized him together with a number of the 
inkosi (3), managed by dint of calumnies, and by exciting superstitious, fears, 
to have him put to death. 

This is enough to explain how Arabic influence may now be felt in more 
than one Bantu language. For, though Mas'oudi says that the Mohammedan 
conquerors adopted the Zindj language, it can hardly be conceived that 
they spoke it in its purity. 

pj. Ancient relations between the Bantti and the Persians. — Mas'oudi re- 
lates that in his time the Arabs were not the only traders to be found in East 
Africa. He says that the inhabitants of Siraf (^) in Persia also used to 
cross over to the Zindj, and even to Sofala as far as the land of the Wak- 
wak. This assertion, I think, throws a certain amount of light on the pecu- 
liar customs of certain Bantu tribes. The Sirafians, like other Persians, were 
fire-worshippers (5). Now, a kind of fire-worship exists among certain Bantu 
tribes, yet certainly it was not known to the primitive Bantu. Execrable 
fire-ordeals in use in the vicinity of Zanzibar have been mentioned by various 
writers. Those customary among the Rolse on the Upper Zambezi have often 
been described to me as being of daily occurrence. The Tonga know the 
Rotse only as fire-worshippers, ba-yanda niu-lilo (6). 

Though I find no absolute evidence of dealings between South-Africa 
and Persia anterior to those mentioned by Mas'oudi, I should by no means 
be astonished if some were soon found to have existed, even in the most 
ancient times. The regularity of the monsoons of the Indian Ocean make 
the passage from the one country to the other so easy that it would be a 
marvel if the eastern traders had waited till the tenth century of the Christ- 
ian era to discover, with or without the intention of doing so, this natural 
link between those two parts of the world. 

g/j.. Ancient relations betiveen the Bantu and the Chinese. — Edrisi, de- 

1. Amddde Joubert, Giographie d' Edrisi. Paris, 1836, tome i, pp. 59 and 152. 

2. G^jg/aphie d' Edrisi, tome I, p. 58. 

3. This word is used by Mafifei in liis account of Father vSylveira's death. It means " king ". 

4. Siraf was the principal harbour of the province of the Fars, whose chief-town was Shiraz. Remnants 
of the Persian colonization on the east coast are described in tlie Missions Culholi,jhes, 1889, p. 44. 

5. Gdographie d' Edrisi, tome I, p. 413. 

6. See Appendix I, first section. 



Introduction. XLV 



scribing certain islands which face the coast of the Zindj, and which he calls 
Zaicdj, orZanedj, says that, according to tradition, at the time when great 
troubles arose in China, the Chinese transferred their trade to these islands, 
and by their equity, good behaviour, mild ways, and accommodating spirit, 
soon came to very intimate relations with their inhabitants {}\ Is this the 
origin of another tradition handed down to us by Ibn-Sayd (2), that the 
Zindj are the brothers of the Chinese ? Whatever may be thought of these 
traditions, certain it is that the Chinese have been brought at one time or 
another into relation with the people of Eastern Africa. The Chinese money, 
chinaware, etc., lately mentioned by Father Le Roy in the interesting account 
of his voyage from Zanzibar to Lamu (3) leave no doubt on this point. 

Edrisi also says that in his time the Chinese used to come occasionally 
to the land of the Wakwak, in the southernmost parts of Africa i^). Not a 
little weight is added to this assertion by a similar one of Marco Polo 
saying that in his time (before A. D. 1295) the great Kaan of the Tartars 
sent ships to that part of Africa which is further south than Madagascar (5). 

If it be true that the Japanese are called Wakwak, exactly as the 
Hottentots, by some Arab writers, it would appear from a passage in the 
Book of the Marvels of India that, A. D. 945, they sent a fleet numbering 
1000 ships to conquer that island of Kambalu in which the Arabs had 
established themselves two centuries earlier, with the intention of procuring 
for themselves and the Chinese ivory, tortoise shells, leopard skins, amber, 
and slaves. They would not have succeeded in the main object of their 
enterprise, but, by way of consolation, they would have carried fire and 
sword into many towns of the land of Sofala. It must be added, however, 
that the author of the Book of the Marvels seems not to have believed alto- 
gether the man who gave him this information (^). 

Considering these data with a few others, I have thought it legitimate in 
another part of this work to see traces of ancient relations with the Chinese 
in certain Kafir traditions, and in the name of the Gogo tribe (7). 

Pj. Relations between the Bxntu ani the Malays^ the favanese^ etc. — 
There existed once to the east of the Indian Ocean a powerful and very 
extensive empire, with the seat of its government probably at Java (S). 
Edrisi calls it the empire of the Mihradj, and says that its traders used to 
come to Sofala, were well received by the inhabitants, and had many 
dealings with them (^). Must we not connect this fact with B leek's remark 
regarding the relationship of Bantu to the Malay, the Polynesian, and the 

I. Geographic d' Edrisi, tome I, p. 60. 

2.. Gdographie dAboulfida, traduite par M. Reinaud, t. II, p. 205. 

3. Missions Catholiques, i88g; pp. 44 et 67. 

4. Giographie d' Edrisi, t. I, p. 92. 

5. Pauthier. Le livre de Marco Polo, i^e partie, Paris, 1865, p. 683. 

6. Van der Lith. Livre des Merveilles de V hide, Leide, i88j-i836, pp. 175 and 301. 

7. Appendix II.. Second Tale, note a). 

8. Giographie d A^ulfida, Introduction, p. CCCXXXIX. 

9. Giographie a Edrisi, t: I, p. 78. 



XLVi Introduction, 



Melanesian languages ? After having mentioned how he discovered " a 
trace of the common origin of the Fiji and the Bantu languages, " he writes 
as follows : " This probability was confirmed by so many other evidences, 
particularly those met with in the Papuan languages, that no doubt could 
any longer remain as to the fact that the Papuan, Polynesian, and Malay 
languages are related to the Bantu languages, and that thus the Prefix- 
Pronominal Class forms almost one continuous belt of languages on both 
sides of the equator, from the mouth of the Senegal to the Sandwich 
Islands ('). " I also notice that, according to Edrisi, the place mostly frequent- 
ed in South-Africa by the traders from the land of the Mihradj was the 
southernmost part of Sofala (probably Delagoa Bay), close to what he calls 
\ the island of Djalous or Djulus (^). Now, considering that the Zulu in 
their habits greatly resemble the inhabitants of Borneo ; that those among 
them who have gone up to Lake Nyassa and the Upper Ru-fiji, are there 
known by the name of Ma-viti, while Viti is the proper pronunciation of 
what we call the Fiji Islands ; and that their very name of Zulu, which I 
render elsewhere by " the children of the deep " or " of the sky ", strangely 
reminds one of the Sulu Sea and the Sulu Archipelago to the north of 
Borneo ; I am led to suspect that the rulers who first organised the Zulu 
nation were men who had come from the eastern empire of the Mihradj, 
perhaps brothers to those who in their erratic voyages were carried off to 
the Fiji Islands. 

This no doubt would not sufficiently account for the distant relationship 
noticeable between the Bantu and the Malay, Papuan, and Polynesian 
languages. But, if South- Africa has long been frequented by those eastern 
traders, who can tell how many slaves have been exported by them from 
Sofala at various times, and in what proportion their blood flows in the 
veins of the occupants of the islands to the east of South- Africa .? 

g6. Relations ivith India, — Strange to say, the author of the Periphis 
of the ErytJircean Sea, when describing accurately the trade of various ports 
of India, does not make any explicit mention of relations existing between 
them and South-Africa. But Cosmas Indicopleustes, in his description of 
the famous Taprobana Island (he certainly means Ceylon), says that it 
receives from Ethiopia many ships, which among other things bring eme- 
ralds and ivory (^). Which part of Africa does he mean by Ethiopia ? It 
seems legitimate to think of places south of the equator : for several 
authors anterior to him mention that Taprobana is reached in about 20 days 
by sea from Cape Prasos in South-Africa (Cape Delgado }) (■^), an assertion 
which could not be explained, if South-Africa had not been frequented 
at that time by the traders of this island. I do not know whether it has ever 

1. Comparative Gr., foot-note to p. 142, 

2. Giographit d' Edrisi, t. I, p. 79. 

3. Migne, Pair, Gr., t. 88, col. 450. |^ 

4. See the foot-note in Geogr. Graeci Minores, Dldot, 1855, t. II, p. 362. 



Introduction. xlvii 



been noticed in connection with this that in Marco Polo's time precisely 
20 days was the normal duration of voyages from Southern India to Mada- 
gascar ('). 

p;. It is a fact beyond all doubt that since the Mohammedans have 
occupied the islands and the shores of the Indian Ocean, a vigorous trade 
has never ceased to be carried on between India and South -Africa. It 
probably attained its greatest proportions after these countries were discov- 
ered by the Portuguese. Without going any further, there is sufficient 
evidence for it in the number of African tribal and other names derived from 
that of the seat of the Portuguese Indian empire. The word Mdkua or 
jSIa-goa, which has puzzled more than one scholar and myself for a long 
time (2), means nothing else than *' people from Goa ". The Wa-7igivana 
of Zanzibar, the Be-chwana of the Limpopo and adjacent countries, the 
Ma-kuana or Ma-kiiane of Mozambique, probably unconsciously call them- 
selves " Goanese " or " people from Goa ", evidently because their lords hav e 
long b^en Indians, indiscriminately included by them together with the 
whites under the name of Goanese. I have not yet properly examined how 
much the Goanese-Portuguese influence and the relations which it involves 
have affected the Bantu languages. Certain it is that the languages of most 
of these tribes which go by the name of Ma-tikiia, Ma-kuana, or the like, 
differ considerably from the main group, as may be seen throughout the 
whole of this work. 

gS. Relations with foreigners on the west coast. — Not a single show of 
evidence exists that the western Bantu from the Cameroons to Damaraland 
have had commercial intercourse with foreigners in ancient times. I need not 
treat of their relations with the Portuguese and other European nations 
ever since the 15^^ century. I should only remark that such dealings have 
had a considerable influence on the language of Lower Congo, as it appears 
much purer in ancient than in modern works. Their influence on the 
languages of Benguela and the coast to the north of the Congo has probably 
been even greater, as they are much more remote than most others from 
what seems to be the original Bantu. But Angola has been wonderfully 
preserved. It may be conjectured that the people of Angola, having adopted 
Christianity soon after the discovery of the country by the Portuguese, have 
been for this reason comparatively free from the evils and disturbances 
which accompany slave-trade, and that this has saved the purity of their 
language. It may be also that Father de Coucto's catechism having long 
been classical in Angola has frxed'the language better than any other 
agency would have done. 

gg.Our own times. — The Bantu seem to be slower than any other people 
to adopt European languages. They have a high opinion of their own, and 
excepting only their clumsy mode of reckoning, they think it as good a 



1. Pauthier. Le livre de Marco Polo, p. 680. 

2. See n. 246 of this work. 



XLVii I Introduction. 

vehicle as any other for the necessities of trade, and for the knowledge 
which is brought to them by Europeans. A large number of foreign words, 
however, are one after another introduced into several languages. Kafir, 
Senna, and Swahili, in particular are respectively borrowing many from 
Dutch, Portuguese, and Arabic. But the construction of the sentences 
remains purely Bantu. As long as this is the case, it cannot be said that 
these languages are properly transformed. 

100, On the whole, my opinion is that the Bantu race is more mixed 
than it is thought to be. But its languages may rank among the most 
primitive ('). 

I. While going for the last time over the last proofsheet of this introduction, I noticed in the 
Times the following cablegram, which, perhaps, may indirectly throw further light on the origin of the 
Bantu and their language : 

" Cape Town, Aug. lo. The Zimbabye ruins, which are being explored by Mr. Bent, are reported to 
be the most unique in the world. The walled enclosure, 260 yards round, containing many phallic emblems, 
is regarded as being a phallic temple. The walls in some places are i6ft. thick and 40ft. high. Two 
attempts have been made to open the large tower, which is solid and shows no opening at the top. There 
are ruins on a hill close by of the same age and style. These consist of numerous walls and steps, arches, 
and walled-up caves. There are indications that three persons occupied these caves. The original builders 
were probably Phoenician Arabs. The natives have found a phallic altar sculptured with birds and large 
bowls, and with a frieze representing a hunting scene. There are four quaggas at which a man is throwing 
a dart while holding a dog in a leash. Behind are two elephants. Some blue and green Persian pottery 
and a copper blade plated with gold have also been found, but no inscriptions. Mr. Bent remains a few 
weeks longer, hoping to discover who built the ruins. 



A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR 



OF Tllli 



SOUTH -AFRICAN BAiNTU LANGUAGES 



Gljapter I. 

GENERAL PRINCIPLES 

AND 

PHONETICS. 

1. — What makes it possible to embrace in one work the nume- 
rous languages which are heard from Angola to the Comoro islands 
and from Kafirland to Fernando Po, is that, however manifold they 
may seem to be in point of vocabulary, they are none the less 
essentially one and the same in point of grammatical structure, and 
that, by elucidating certain phonetic laws, we may even bring out 
the identical origin in different languages of a large number of 
words which, at first sight, might have been thought to have nothing 
but their meaning in common. 

2. — In this variety of languages, it was necessary, in order to 
avoid confusion, to select one as our standard, so as to borrow exam- 
ples from it for all general laws throughout the work. Our choice has 
fallen on Tonga, which is the predominant languageof that peninsula 
which is formed by the Chambezi, the Zambezi and the Loangwe. 
The plain reason of this determination is, that, of all those languages 
on which a fair amount of materials has been available to us, Tonga 
is the one which, on the whole, best represents the peculiar features 
of the whole group. And, as it is also the most central, it is only 
natural it should be so. It might be asked whether Tonga has also 
the advantage of being more primitive than the better known coast 
languages, such as Kafir, Swahili, Herero, Angola, Mozambique, 
Mpongwe, etc. But this is a question we prefer to leave to the 
judgment of the reader. 



I. — mm^tt 

3. — Unfortunately the various scholars who have dealt with 
Bantu languages have adopted different alphabets, thus giving In 
many Instances to the same letter widely different powers. Hence 
it was no easy task, In a work like this, to keep uniformity without 
creating confusion. In this difficulty, no better plan has suggested 
itself than to attribute to every letter the value which Is now 
attached to it by the larger number of Bantu scholars, without 
taking divergencies on the part of the others Into consideration. 

4j, — N. B. I. In a few cases this work so far yields to deeply rooted customs, as to 
follow them when they attribute to a letter or to a combination of letters, in one particular 
dialect, a value different from that which it has in most of the others. Thus, in Zulu and 
Xosa, the letters c and x are used to represent clicks or peculiar sounds proper to these 
dialects, though these same letters have a different value in the other languages. Again, 
in certain Eastern languages, we represent by ch a sound which differs little from that of 
ch in church, though in the other languages the same sound is represented by the simple c. 

5. — 2. In certain cases, where it was necessary to distinguish slight varieties of 
sound proper to particular dialects from the more common pronunciation, confusion is 
avoided by giving a Gothic shape to certain letters. 

Hence the following are the values of the letters used in this work : 

6. — ^ — a mfathe7\ Ex. /a^'a, my father. 

7. — b — ^ in bone, Ex. \ia7na, my mother. 

Exception. — In Tonga and several other languages, b before u and o sounds nearly 
like the Dutch w in wijn. Thus mu-bua^ " a dog ", is pronounced nearly like mu-wua. 

8. — C or ch ~c/i in church (approximately). Ex. ci-ntu, a thing. 

N. B. To be more exact, this sound comes between that oich in church and that of / in 
tune. 

Exceptions. — i. In Chwana it is necessary to distinguish the two sounds ^ and ch. The 
simple c sounds nearly exactly like ch in church, while ch adds an aspiration to the same 
sound. 

2. In Kafir (Zulu and Xosa), ^represents a click-sound (cf n. 36). See also n. 25. 

9. — d = ^in done. Ex. in-Aezti, beard. 

Exception. — In Chwana d represents a sound which stands halfway between d and 
r, as in mo-sadii " a woman ". It is even written r by Livingstone and some other authors. 
Others represent the same sound by /. 

N. B. We represent by tr a sound similar to that of th in this^ that (82). 

10. — ^ — ai'vci chair, Ex. ijn-beltlt, sheep. 

Exception. — In Kafir, when e is followed immediately by a syllable which contains 
z or u, it sounds like the French / in bonte. Ex. usahleli, he lives still ; weiu, my dear. 
Pronounce : usahleli^wetu. In Chwana also, the letter e represents slightly different sounds 
in different positions, but the laws which regulate these differences have not yet been 
brought to light. 

11. — f— /In fall, Ex. ku-iua, to die. 

Exception. — In Chwana, / sounds nearly like the Dutch v in vader. In certain 
dialects of this same language, it sounds more like a sort of labial h. Ex. le-fatshe " the 
ground " (also spelt le-\iatshe). 



Alphabet. 



12. — S-^ ill gone, Ex. i-^olezia, evening. 

N. B. We represent by g the sound of ^ in bring. Ex. in-^onibe, cattle. 
Exception. — In Chvvana, when g is not immediately preceded by n, it sounds like the 
Dutch ^ in goed (Arabic ghain). Ex. -a-gago^ thine. 

13. — h = /^ in home. We never use this letter in Tonga proper. 
Ex. in Kafir : i-hobcy a dove. 

A". B. I. Of course h has not this value in those instances in which the sound oi ch in 
church and that oi sh in shall ^xt. represented by ch and sh (8,29). 

2. In Chwana, the singular custom has prevailed of rendering by sh the sound of i--^ in 
shall^ though in this same language tsh is used to represent the sound is followed by an 
aspiration. 

14. — '\ — i both in 7'avine and in tin. Ex. ku-sika, to arrive; 
ci-tonga, the Tonga language. 

N. B. The sound of/ in tin and in the Tonga word ci-tonga is rendered in this work 
by i in a few instances where it was necessary to call the attention of the reader to its 
susceptibility of being changed to e or of being elided (Cf. n. 270). 

15. — ]—j"m juice (approximately). Ex. i-^ulu, the sky. 

N. B. I. To be more exact, / is the counterpart of r, representing a sound which holds 
the middle between j in juice and d in due. Exception must be made for Kafir and 
apparently for a few Swahili words, where / has almost exactly the sound oi j in juice. 
Ex, tt ku-^ika^ to turn round, (in Kafir). 

2. The sound of the French/ in join is represented byj' (without the dot). This sound 
does not exist in Tonga nor in most of the interior dialects. It is heard in Angola, Karanga, 
Chwana, etc. Ex. go-ja^ to eat, (in Chwana). 

16. — k = /^ in key. Ex. ku-'k.ala, to sit. 

A^. B. We represent by fe a sound similar to that of the German ch in buch. Ex. wu-^ua 
grass, (in Karanga). 

17. — l = /in lamb (approximately). Ex. \a\ay lie down. 

N. B. I. To be more exact, / represents in most dialects a sound which is midway 
between that of / and that of r. After the vowels a, e and ^, it sounds more like /, while 
after the vowels i and u it sounds more like r, as if these sounds /and ;■ as well as u andr 
had some sort of affinity. In some cases it sounds more like d. In fact, in most Bantu 
languages, /, d^ and r are essentially one and the same letter, the pronunciation of which 
varies slightly according to position. In Chwana / and d are to r proper what ^ is to / in 
the other languages. 

2. In Kafir, / is pronounced entirely as in EngHsh. 

18. — VSX^m in mine, embers. Ex. mu-lovnbe, a boy. 

19. — n = n in nail, stand. Ex. in-jina, lice. 

A^. B. We represent by n a Mpongwe sound which stands halfway between 7t and /. 
Some authors render the same sound simply by n, others by nl. Ex. o-nome, a husband, 
(alias o-nome, o-tilome). 

20. — O — o in boy. Ex. mtc-oyo, the heart. 

Exception. — In Kafir, when o is followed immediately by a syllable which contains 
Uj it sounds like o in rope. Ex. i n-dlovtc, an elephant. In Chwana also, the letter o repre- 
sents slightly different sounds in different positions, but, here again, the laws which regu- 
late these differences have not yet been brought to light. 



South-African Bantu Languages. 



N. B. We represent by o a sound which is midway between a and o. Bleek renders the 
same sound by a- Some Mpongwe scholars render it by «, and others by o. 

21. — ^—p '^"^ pass. Ex. ku-ipza, to burn. 
22. — -q^a click sound (cf. 2>7)' 

23. — Y — rm rude. This sound, in Tonga, is merely a phonetic 
modification of / (n. 17). It exists as a sound plainly distinct from 
that of this letter in Chwana, Karanga, Mozambique, etc. Ex. 
go-rata, to love (in Chwana). 

Exception. — In Kafir, we represent by r a sound similar to that ofthe German ch 
in Nachf, though somewhat more guttural. Ex. te ku-razuia^ to tear ; i rati, a great man. 

24. — s = i" in see. Ex. kttsamba, to wash. 

N. B. We represent by s a sound which stands halfway between th in think and s in 
see. It is not heard in Tonga. It exists in Karanga, Kamba, Herero, etc. Ex. u-^wika, to 
arrive, (in Karanga). 

25. — t — / in ^zn. Ex. -tatu, three. 

A'. B. In Kafir /s/i is used to render the sound of ck in church. Ex. u ku-isha^ to burn. 
(Cf. nn. 8 and 4.) 

26. — M — um rude. Ex. ini-byxyM, baobab-trees. 

27. — v = z^ in over. Ex. im-vula, rain. 

N. B. We represent by b a Mpongue sound which is said to approximate to hii in the 
French hmtre. 

28. — W represents a sound not quite so full as our English zu. 
Generally it is a remnant of a weakened labial sound. Ex. awo, there 
{^ — apo, n. 693, tables). 

N. B. U between a consonant and a vowel has been written w by various authors in 
many cases where probably it should not be so, and vice versa. Thus the word for 
" child " should probably be written inw-ana^ not mu-ana in Swahili, because here the 
semi-vowel sound u is more consonantal than vocal, as we see that in this language the 
substantives of the same class as mw-ana generally drop the vowel u of their prefix 7nu^ 
as in in-tu., a person, in-ji^ a village, etc. (= mu-Ht., imc-zi., cf. 366) ; while the same word 
should be written mu-atia in Shambala, because in this language the u of the prefix is 
generally kept, as in inu-ntu., a person, jnu-itte, a head, etc.. 

29. — s. or sh. = sk in shall. This sound is not heard in Tonga. 
It exists in Chwana, Karanga, Angola, etc. Ex. xe '' the chief " (in 
Karanga) ] go-ska " to die ", (in Chwana). 

Exception. — In Kafir ;ir represents a click-sound (cf. 38). 

30.- — y—y in year. Ex. Icu-yoya, to breathe. 

A^. B. I. When y is preceded by n, d ox /, the two sounds are combined into one. We 
thus obtain the three compound sounds ny, dy, and //, which have no exact equivalents in 
English. The nearest approaches to them are ni in onion, dm duty and / in time. Of these 
three sounds 7iy alone is heard in Tonga, as in inyati, a buffalo. Dy and iy are used mostly 
in Kafir, as in ii ku-dyoba, to bemire, u ku-iya, food, etc.. 

2. Ty in Herero sounds apparently like c in Tonga, (n. 8). 



Alphabet. 



31. — Z — z in zone. Ex. kic-zala, to become full. 

N. B. We represent by ) a sound which is to z what s is to s. Ex. ii-\wara, " to beget, " 
(in Karanga). 

ADDITIONAL SOUNDS IN CHWANA. 

(Suto, Tlhaping, Rolong, Kololo,etc.) 

32. — tl, in Chwana, approximates to tl in bottle. Ex. tlala, 
hunger. 

tlh sounds more strongly aspirated than tl. Ex. tlkapi, a fish. 

ADDITIONAL SOUNDS IN KAFIR. 
fXosa, Zulu and Tebele.) 

33. — hi approximates to the Greek combination y\. Ex. u ku- 
hlala, to sit. This sound has also been spelt kl and si by various 
writers. 

tl, in Kafir, represents a sound similar to that of///, but preceded 
by A In fact, it is a mere modification of hi, caused by the presence 
of n before it. Ex. in-tlalo, a sitting. 

34. — dl represents the two soft sounds corresponding to ///and 
tl. When not preceded by n, it approximates to gl in the Dutch 
glorie. Ex. u-ku-dleka, to be spent. When preceded by n, it sounds 
more exactly as it is spelt. Ex. in-dleko, expenses. 

35. — The above sounds are not yet what have been termed 
clicks. These are still less easy to describe, being produced, as they 
are, rather by drawing in than by expressing sound. They have some 
analogy to k and^. They are six in number, viz. : 

36. — C, produced by drawing a hard sound as if from the front 
teeth inwards. Ex. u-ku-canda, to split. 

gc, a soft sound corresponding to c. Ex. ingca, grass. 

37. — q, produced by drawing a hard sound as if from the palate 
downwards. Ex. i qaqa, a muir-cat (musk cat). 

N. B. This dick-sound is sometimes heard in Suto- 

gq, a soft sound corresponding to q. Ex. in-gqwelo, a wagon. 

38. — X, produced by drawing a hard sound as if from the side- 
teeth inwards. Ex. tc ku-xoxa, to converse;. 

gx, a soft sound corresponding to x. Ex. in-gxoxo, a debate. 



II. — Cftatactetistic Features 

of tlje 

Bantu l^amil]^ of iTanguages. 

39. — i'^^ PRINCIPLE. — In these languages, concord is 
established by means, not of suffixes, but of prefixes, which being, 
as a rule, expressed first before the substantive, are then repeated, 
under a form sometimes identical and sometimes modified, before 
every expression which has to agree with it. 

40. — These prefixes are, in the best favoured dialects, eighteen 
in number, some of them importing generally a plural, the others a 
singular meaning. 

41. — The same stem, by assuming different prefixes, obtains 
various meanings, sometimes quite opposite. 



Ex. i) Mu-/^«^flt, a Tonga. 

3) 'Nl\i-sa7no, a tree, a medicine. 

5) l-samo (or li-samo)^ a beam. 

7) "Bu-tonga^ the Tonga territory. 

8) Ku-/«/, an ear. 

9) In-samOj a whipstick. 

11) Ci-samo, a stump of wood, 

13) K,3i-sam0f a stick. 

15) Lu-//>///, the tongue. 



2) Ba.-^onga, Tonga people. 
4) Mi-samo, trees. 
6) M.a.-samo, beams. 

6) Ma-^ui, ears. 

10) In-sajno (or zin-samo) whipsticks. 

12) 7.\-samo, stumps. 

14) Tu-samo, sticks. 

10) In-dimi) tongues. 



16) A-nsi (or-psi-nsi)^ down. 

17) Ku-;w/, below. 

18) Mu-nst) underneath. 

42. — Examples illustrating the general principle of concord 



1. "NLuana u-ako w-afua ; 
The-child he-yours he is dead; . 

Your child is dead ; I have buried him. 

2. "Bdk-ana ba-ako hSL-afiia ; 
The- children they-yours they are dead; 

Your children are dead ; I have buried them. 

3. Mu.y«w^ M-ako M-afua ; 
The-tree it-yours it is dead; 

Your tree is dead \ I have cut it down. 

4. yil-samo \-ako \-afua ; 

The-trees they-yours they are dead; 

Your trees are dead ; I have cut them down. 

5. \A-niue sekua ( = H-sekua ) \i-ako nda-M-jana ka-\\-fuide. 
It-one duck it-yours I have it found when-it-dead. 

\ have found one of your ducks dead. 



nda-vswx-zika. 
I have him buried. 

nda-b2i.-zika. 
I have them buried. 

ndau-tema. 

I have it cut down. 

nda-i-tema. 

I have them cut down. 



Characteristic Features, 



6. yi^.-sekua 2i-ako ma-zX?"^* nda-z.-jana ka-Zrfuide. 

The-ducks they-yours they-maiiy I have them found when-they-dead, 

I have found several of your ducks dead. 

7. Bu-« huako ho onse huamana, tu-a-hulia. 

The-honey it-yours all it is finished we have it eaten. 

All your honey is finished, we have eaten it. 



Ku-/////<? ku-//// \L\x-ako 

It-one ear it-yours 

One of your ears is dirty, wash it. 

l-7nue 
It-one 



n-gombe ( = \Vi-go?7ibe) 



is dirty, 

\-ako 
it-ycurs 



u-\!i\x-sambe. 

you it wash. 



Vafua^ 
it is dead, 



iua\-sinza. 

we have it skinned. 



One of your cows is dead, we have skinned it. 



10. 



II. 



12. 



13- 



14. 



15- 



16 



17- 



tua-zi-stfiza. 

we have them skinned. 



u-ci-sajnbe. 

you it wash. 

u-zi-sajube. 
you them wash. 

nda-\Ldi-ztka. 
I have it buried 



In-gombe zi-ako zi-ingi zi-afua, 
Cows they-yours they-many they are dead 

Several cows of yours are dead, we have skinned them 

Eci c\-ntu zi-ako n-ci-bi, 

This thing it-yours is it dirty, 

This thing of yours is dirty, wash it. 

Ezi zi-ntu zi-ako n-zi-bi, 

These things they-yours are they dirty, 

These things of yours are dirty, wash them. 

"Kdi-mue ka-cece ksi-angu k.3.-a/ua, 
It-one baby it-mine it is dead, 

A baby of mine is dead, I have buried it. 

Tu-cece t\x-etu tu-mtie tu-afua, tM-mtie tw-ci-fua. 

Babies they-ours they-some they are dead, they-some they still are-sick. 

Some of our babies are dead, others are still sick. 

'Lu-sabira \\x-a?7gu lu-a/im, nda-\\X-zika. 

The-little-baby it-mine it is dead, I have it buried. 

My little baby is dead, I have buried it. 

h-fuefui ( = ^^di-fuefux) a Mpande, 

Close to Mpande, 

There is a river near Mpande. 

Km-usi (ku) -a bu-sanza kn-a-bikua mu-lilo. 

Underneath (it) of the-table there was placed fire. 

Under the table was placed fire. 

"NLu-nganda {mu)-ako mu-^a-sia : tinsi ndi-la-vs\\X-7ijira. 

In the-house (in) yours therein is dark : t'is not I will therein enter. 

It is dark in your house : I will not enter therein ('). 



pa-// a mu-lo?iga. 

there is with a-river. 



I. A series of Zulu and Herero sentences, similar to the above, all based upon the theme: " Our 
handsome So-and-so appears, we love him ", may be seen in Bleek's excellent "Comparative Grammar of 
the South-African Languages", pp. 96-100. Unfortunately it is necessary to warn the reader that the Zulu 
sentences in that series are not quite correct in the sense in which they are intended. For the expressions 
si-m-ianda, si-ba-tanda, etc., which Bleek renders by " we love him, we love them, etc. ", are never used 
by natives with this meaning without being determined by some other expression. (Cf. nn. 844, 846, 915, etc.) 



8 South-African Bantu Languages. 

43. — It may be noticed already here that locatives and locative 
expressions, such as those in the last three sentences may serve as 
what are subjects from our point of view, so that even verbs, 
adjectives and other determinatives are made to agree with them. 
This is the cause of very great difficulties to the student of these 
languages, because it is the source of an incredible variety of con- 
structions which are entirely unknown in our own languages (cf. 
nn. 530-568 ; 693-704, etc.). 

44. — 11^ PRINCIPLE. — Monosyllabic stems of verbs and 
nouns (substantives, adjectives, and pronouns) are in nearly all the 
Bantu languages subjected to special laws tending to give them 
prefixes or suffixes in cases where other stems have none, as if, in 
polite Bantu, there were, or at least had been, a general aversion to 
monosyllables, or, more exactly, to pronouncing an accented sound 
without its being accompanied by a weaker one. 

Thus, in those dialects which do not express in nouns the prefix 
li, this same prefix is found to be expressed or replaced by something 
else before monosyllabic stems (cf. 413, 414). 

Again, in nearly all the dialects, though the imperative exhibits 
generally the bare stem of the word, the law is found to change 
when there is question of monosyllables (cf. 837-841). Cf. also 
nn. 283, 325, 368, 389, 472, 611, 661, 765, 808, etc. 

This principle may be termed " the law of avoiding monosyllables 
or single sounds ". It may be compared with triliterality in the 
Semitic languages. 

45. — The chief difficulty connected with the application of this 
principle is to know when a stem is really monosyllabic and when 
it is not so, because the accent is not always sufficiently marked to 
exclude all doubt, but principally because, in some cases, the very 
same stem, apparently identical in two different languages, may 
however happen to be perfectly monosyllabic in the one and yet to 
consist really of two sounds in the other, so that in these cases 
analogy is often misleading to the inattentive. Thus the principal 
element of the pronoun which means " we, us, " is in Tonga sue, in 
two inflections of the voice, the first (su-) on a lower, the second (-^) 
on a higher tone, while, in Swahili, it is swi, a single voice-inflec- 
tion, variously written sui and si. 

46. — N' ^- !• Hence, when monosyllables are met with in Bantu authors, they 



Characteristic Features, 



must generally be considered as enclitics or as proclitics, or they are onomatopoetic 
words (n. 596). 

2. The stems which begin with vowels are generally governed by principles which have 
much analogy with the applications of the law of avoiding monosyllables. 

3. There are many instances of stems which are monosyllabic in certain languages, 
while in others they begin with a vowel. For instance, the Tonga stems -isa " come " and 
-ba " steal " have in Swahili the forms -ja and -iba. Possibly, in such stems as -iza and -iba^ 
the initial vowel is not radical, but is a mere application of the law of avoiding 
monosyllables. 

47. — 1 11^ PRINCIPLE. — Phonetic changes being, as might 
be expected, one of the main sources of differences between the 
various Bantu languages, it is to be noted : 

48. — i) That, on the whole, they affect consonants more than 
vowels. This principle, though apparently new in philology, can be 
so readily verified that it needs no proof here. 

49. — 2) That those among these changes which affect vowels 
bear mostly : a) On vowels which begin a stem, as i In -injila or 
-njila, enter, b) On the weaker of two vowels which are next to one 
another, as u (alias zii) In -fua, -fwa, or -fa, die. — Other instances 
will be mentioned in their proper place (cf. 200, 213, 237, etc.). 

50. — 3) That those among these changes which affect consonants 
may be traced, in a large proportion, to different conformations of 
lips and nose, with the well-known additions or absence of lip-rings, 
nose-rings, the various sorts of artificial gaps in the teeth, etc. ('). 

I. A large proportion of the Bantu tribes have such marks which necessarily modify the pronunciation of 
certain consonants. Thus the Tonga knock out their upper incisors, when they come to the age of puberty. 
My informants used to say that the gap thus produced is their national mark, exactly as circumcision is 
the national mark of the Kafirs. It is noticeable that the Lea people, who are a Tonga tribe living near the 
Victoria Falls have given up this practice, since they have yielded their liberty to the Rotse. Livingstone 
says that " when questioned respecting the origin of the same practice, the Tonga reply that their object 
is to be like oxen, " and that" those who retain their teeth they consider to resemble zebras. " [Missionary 
Travels, London 1857, p. 532.) 

The Nyaniwezi are also mentioned as knocking out their upper incisors (Giraud, Les lacs de V Afriquc 
iquatoriale, 1890, p. 303). 

My informants added that the tribes which inhabit the country near the Loangwe, or, as they used to 
call them, the Mbara, have the custom of filing their front teeth to a point, tliis being likewise their 
national mark. It is well known that this custom is more general, as it is common to a large number of 
tribes near Mozambique and on what used to be called formerly by the Portuguese, " the Senna Rivers, 
(rios de Senna)". — The Hehe have also filed teeth (Giraud, Lcs lacs de I' Afrique iqjiatoriale, p. 141). 
Cf. W. Montagu Kerr's The Far interior, p. 116, regarding the Mashona. 

The Kumbi, on the Kunene river, knock out the two middle incisors of the lower jaw and file the two 
corresponding teeth of the upper jaw to the shape of an inverted V [Missions catholiques, 1888, p. 269). 
A similar custom has been noticed by Dr. Hahn among the Herero, [Ibid., p. 270). 

According to Johnston [The River Congo, 1884, p 402), the two front teeth of the upper jaw are occa- 
sionnally chipped among the Congo tribe of Pallaballa, and further up the river, this custom is regular. 

The same writer mentions that " among the Ba-bwende of Ma-nyanga and the surrounding district large 
nose-rings are passed through the septum of the nose " f Ibid. J. — The lip-rings of the women on the 
Mozambique coast are too well-known to require description. 



lO 



South- African Bantu Languages. 



51. — 4) That the nasals n and m have in many cases the 
beneficial effect of retaining consonants which, according to the 
general laws, should have been weakened or dropped altogether 
(nn. 93, 95, 192 compared with 172, 116, 126, 148, etc.), though in 
other cases those same nasals n and m have the apparently contrary 
effect of modifying the consonants which they precede (cf. "j^^, 74, 
11^ 69, 99 note, etc.). — This note is very important. 

52, — The explanation of this 3^ principle alone with its various 
exceptions and particular applications would require a whole vo- 
lume. It will form the basis of the next article. Meanwhile a few of 
its applications may be seen in the examples given below(^). A large 
supply of more striking examples may be seen in the chapters on 
substantives and adjectives. 



^ SPECIMENS OF 


PHONETIC CHANGES. 






to shape 


steal 


see 


recover 

{intr.) 


burn 

{intr.) 


hear 


die 


Tonga 


ku-bumba 


-ba 


-bona 


-pona 


-pia 


-nvua 


-fua 


Subia 


ku-bumba 


-eba 


-bona 


... 


... 


-ijuba 


-fua 


Yao 


ku-gumba 


-iwa 


-wona 


-pola 


-pia 


... 


-uwa 


Sagara 


ku-umba 


-hidja 


... 


-bona 


... 


... 


-fua 


Shambala 


ku-umba 


-uya 


-ona 


-bona 


... 


-wa 


-fa 


Boondei 


ku umba 


-bawa 


-ona 


-bona 


-ya 




-fa 


Taita 


ku-umba 


-iva 


-ona 


-bona (?) 


-iya 


... 


-fvva 


Nyamwezi 


... 


-iwa 


-wona 


... 


-pia 


... 


-cha 


Kamba 


ku-umba 


-uya 


-ona 


-wona 




-iwa 


-gwa 


Swahin 


ku-umba 


-iba 


-ona 


-pona 


... 


... 


-fa 


Pokomo 


ku-umba 


-iva 


-ona 


-bfona 


-bfia 


... 


-fwa 


Nika 


ku-umba 


-ia 


-ona 


-vona 


-via 


... 


-fua 


Senna 


ku-umba 


-ba 


-ona 




-psa 


-bva 


-fa 


Karanga 


u-wumba 


-iba 


-wona 


... 


-psa 


-wua 


-fa 


Yeye 


... 


-iba 


-mona 


... 


-pia 


-iva 


-fa 


Ganda 


ku-umba 


-ba 


... 


-wona 


... 


... 


-fa 


Xosa-Kafir 


ku-bumba 


-ba 


-bona 


-pola 


-tsha 


-va 


-fa 


Zulu-Kafir 


ku-bumba 


-eba 


-bona 


-pola 


-tsha 


-zwa 


-fa 


Herero 


ku-ungura 


-vaka 


-muna 


... 


-pia 


-zuva 


-ta(i28) 


Bihe 


... 


-iva 


-mona 


-pola 


-pia 


-yeva 


-fa 


Kwengo 


... 


-eba 


-mona 


... 


... 


... 


... 


Lojazi 


... 


... 


... 




... 


... 


-sa 


Rotse 


... 


-ija 


-mona 


-boia (.?) 


-bia 


-yopa 


-fa 


Nyengo 


... 


... 


-mona 


... 


... 


-yuba 


-fa 


Rua 


... 


... 


-bona (?) 




... 


-va 


... 


Angola 




-iya 


-mona 




-bia 


-ivua 


-fua 


Mbamba 


... 




... 




-hia 


... 


... 


I-ower Congo 


wumba 


-yiya 


-mona 


-vula 


-via 


-wa 


-fua 


Mozambique 


w-upa 


-iya 


-ona 


-vona 


... 


-iwa 


-kwa 


Kilimane 


... 


.iba(?) 


-ona 


-vola 


-pia(?) 


-iwa 


-ukwa 


Chwanaj-^^ 


go-bopa 
-popa 


-ucwa 

do. 


-bona 
-pcna 


-fola 
-phola 


-sha 

do. 


-utlwa 

do. 


-shwa 
do. 


Tweak 

Mpongwej,,,^„^ 


goma 

do. 


-yufa 
-dyufa 


-yena 
-dyena 


-vona 
-pona 


-via 
-pia 


-yogo 
-dyogo 


-yuwa 
-dyuwa 


Dualla 


... 


-iba 


-jena 


1 




-bwa 


-wo 



Characteristic Features, 



II 



53 « — ^- ^' I- Fo^ many dialects, viz. for Subia, Lojazi, Angola, etc., the scantiness 
of materials at our disposal is the only cause of the blanks left in the subjoined tables. 
With more knowledge, most of these might probably be filled up with the exact words 
required. 

34, — 2. In tli^ same tables we give in every column only such words as seem to 
have been originally identical in form or nearly so. However, as may be readily observed, 
some words contain in certain languages one element more than in the others. For instance, 
in the Herero word -vaka " to steal, " the first element {va) is essentially the same as the 
Tonga -^(^i in the same column, but the element --^'(2 is superadded. Likewise in the Sham- 
bala word •tia?iga " to call ", the element iiga is superadded to the Tonga -iia^ etc., etc. 

55. — IV^^^ PRINCIPLE. — The preceding principle causes a 
great many words to appear in the very same dialect under two or 
even three different forms, according as they are connected or not 
with a nasal sound, n or m. 



SPECIMENS OF PHONETIC CHANGES. (Continued.) 





dawn 


leave 


arrive 


come 


dress 

{intr.) 


become 
fuU 


beget 


Tonga 


-cia 


-sia 


-sika 


-iza 


-zuata 


-zala 


-ziala 


Subia 


... 


... 


... 


-iza 


... 


... 


-?ala(?) 


Yao 


-cha 


... 


-ika 


-isa 


-vvala 


-gumbala 




Sagara 


-cha 


... 


... 


-ija 


-vala 


... 


... 


Shambala 


... 


... 


-xika 


-iza 


-vala 


... 


... 


Boondei 


-cha 


-sia 


... 


-eza 


... 


... 


-vyala 


Taita 


-cha 


... 


-fika 


-ja 


-ruara 


... 


-vala 


Nyamwezi 


... 


... 


-xika 


-iza 


-zuala 


-okala 


-wyala 


Kamba 


-cha (?) 


-tria (?) 


-vika 


... 


-ivvatoa(?) 


... 


-chaa 


Swahili 


-cha 


... 


-fika 


-a 


-vaa 


-jaa 


-zaa 


Pokomo 


... 


-yadsa 


■ fika 


-dza 




-dzaa 


-wyaa 


Nika 


-cha 


-sia 


-fika (?) 


-dza 


-fuala 


-dzala 


-vyala 


Senna 


-cia 


-sia 


-fika 


-dza 


-bvara 


-dzara 


-bala 


Karanga 




... 


-Swika 


-ja 


-mbara 


-jara 


-^wara 


Yeye 


... 




... 


-ya 


... 




... 


Ganda 


-kia 


... 


-tuka 


-ja 


-ambala 


-jula 


-zala 


Xosa-Kafir 


-sa 


-shiya 


-fika 


-za 


-ambata 


-zala 


-zala 


Zulu-Kafir 


-sa 


-shiya 


-fika 


-za 


-ambata 


-zala 


-zala 


Herero 


-tya 


-sia 


... 


-ya 


... 


... 


-koata 


Bihe 




-sia 




-lya 


-wala 


... 


... 


Kwengo 


... 


... 


... 


-lya 


... 


... 




Lojazi 




... 


... 


-sa(?) 


... 




... 


Rotse 




-dia 


... 


-ya 


... 


... 




Nyengo 




... 


... 


-iya 


... 


... 


-zala 


Rua 






-fika 


... 


-vala 




... 


Angola 


... 


-xia 


-bixila 


-iza 


-zuata 


-vala 


-vuala 


Mbamba 


... 


... 




... 


-zuala 




... 


Lower Congo 


-kia 


-xisa 


-nyeka 


-iza 


-vuata 


-zala 


-uta 


Mozambique 




-hia 


-pia 


— 


-wara 


-chara 


-yara 


Kilimane 




-tia 


fia 


— 


-ambala 


... 


-bala 


Ghwana^^^ak 
( strong 


-sa(S) 
do. 


-sia 

do. 


-fitlha 
-phitlha 


-tIa 
-tlha (.?) 


-apara 

do. 


-tlala 
-tlhala (?) 


-tsala 

do. 


_ _ 1 weak 






-wia 


... 


-vvora 


... 


-yana 


Mpongwe|,,,„„^ 






-bia 




-bora 


... 


-dyana 


Dualla, 


-sa 


-dia 


... 


-ya 


-boto (?) 




-yaa(?; 



12 



Sottth-Africa7i Bantu Languages. 



56. — Thus, in Tonga, the word for '' sun, " is in most cases 
pronounced i-zuba. Now this is a weakened form equivalent to li- 
zuda, which is heard only w^hen emphasis is laid on the first syllable 
(411). And, if the copula n (cf. 582) be placed before it, the same 
word changes to di-zuba. Hence we may hear three different forms 
of the same word, viz, i-zuba, li-zuba and di-zuba, or, to be more 
exact, three distinct forms of the same grammatical prefix to the 
word, viz. i, li and di. 

57. — Again, in Tonga, the w^ord for '' down " is in most cases 
pronounced d^-nsi. But this apparently is a weakened form of pa-^wz, 
which reappears after 11, with the effect of changing this n to in. 
Hence two forms for the same element, viz, a 2ind pa. 

58. — Again, if a dialect changes / to /^ in the generality of cases 



SPECIMENS OF PHONETIC CHANGES. (Continued.) 



cook 


buy 


go in 


-jika 


-(g)ula 


-(i)njila 


-kika 


-gula 


-jinjila 


ambika 


-gula 


-ingila 


-dika 


-gula 


-engila 


ambika 


-gula 


-irgila 


... 


-gula 


-ngila 


-deka 


-gula 


-ingila 


-wia 


-ua 


-ikia 


-pika 




-ingia 


-mbika 


-guya 


-ntyia 


-jita {?) 


-gula 


-ingira 


-pika 


-gula 




-bika 




-nguma 




-wora 


-njena 


-sika 


-gula 


-ingila 


-peka 


... 


-ngena 


-peka 




-ngena 

-bela 
-twena 




-ola 


-ingena 




-ola 


-ingena 


-ipika 


-oia(?) 


-twela 


bika (?) 






-apea 




-keia 




-gula 


-vira 


-apaea 




-tsena 


do. 




do. 




-gola 


-yingin 


... 


-kola 


-dyingina 


... 




-ingea 



sit, 
remain 



drink 



eat 



lie 
do\s/'n 



Tonga 

Subia 

Yao 

Sagara 

Shambala 

Boondei 

Taita 

INJyaniwezi 

Kamba 

Swahili 

Pokomo 

Nika 

Senna 

Karanga 

Yeye 

Ganda 

Xosa-Kafir 

Zulu-Kafir 

Herero 

Bihe 

Kwengo 

Lojazi 

Rotse 

N yen go 

Rua 

Angola 

M bam ha 

Lower Congo 

Mozambique 

Kilimane 

Chwanai ^^'^ 

j strong 

-ii,r„ I weak 

Mpongwe{,^^„„g 
Dualla 



-kala 
-ikara 

-kara 
-kala 
-ekala 
-kala 
-ikala 
-kaa 
-kaa 
-kaa 
-kala 
kala 
-gara 



-hlala 
-hlala 
-kara 

-kara 
-ikara 
-ikara 
-kala 

-kaia 

-kala 
-kala 
-kala 



■nyua 

-ngwa 
■nyua 
-nua 



-lia 
-ria 
-lia 
-dia 



-J a 



-nwa 


-cia 


-nwa 


... 


-ngua 


-lia 


-nioa 


-lya 


-nyvva 


-la 


-nwa 


-tya 


-noa 


-ria 


-mwa 


-dya 


-nua 


-ria 


-nyua 


-Via 


... 


-tya 
-dla 


-nua 


-ria 


-nua 


-lia 


... 


-ria 


-nua 


-riya 


'.'.'. 


-shia 


-nua 


-ria 


-nua 


-dia 


-nua 


-dia 




-lia 


-umua 


-oja 


-nwa 


-ja 


do. 


do. 


-yonga 

-dyonga 

-nyo 


-nya 

do. 
da 



-lala 
-lala 



-lala 
-mama 
-lala 
-hara 
-lala 

-rara 

-ran kara 

-lala 
-lala 
-rara 
-lala 
-lala 

-rankana 

-laia 

lambarala 
■lavalala 

-thala 

-I'aia 
-tala 
-nana 

do. 

-nanga 



Characteristic Features, 



13 



as in Nika, then the word for *' three " which is '* tatti " in the 
larger number of the Bantu languages, will, in this particular dialect, 
appear generally under the form hahii, as in Vi-ttt vi-hahu, three 
things (= Tonga zi-ntu zi-tatu)\ but it will recover at least partly 
its proper form when influenced by 7i, expressed or even understood, 
as in n-^ombe tahii, three cows (= Tonga in-Sjj,oinbe n-tatii). Cf. 
nn. 479, 608, ^2>^ '^i, etc. 

59. — The applications of this principle are chiefly remarkable 
in Chwana and Mpongzve. And this is the real cause why, in the 
subjoined table it has been necessary to distinguish in these dialects 
between weaken' and stronger forms, the latter being in most cases 
nasal, as will be shown later (cf. 183-197 and 214). 

Cf. also the table of adjectives, n. 601. 



SPECIMENS OF PHONETIC CHANGES. (Continued. 


) 




cry 


hoe 


bite 


bring 


^walk 


send 


call 


Tonga 


-lila 


-lima 


-luma 


-lata 


-enda 


-tuma 


-ita 


Subia 


-rira 


... 


... 


... 


-enda 


-tuma 


... 


Yao 


-lila 


-lima 


-luma 




-enda 


-tuma 


-wilanga 


Sagara 


-lila 


-lima 


-luma (?) 




-genda 




... 


Shambala 


-lila 


-lima 


-luma 


-leta 


-genda 


-tuma 


-itanga 


Boondei 


-lila 


-lima 


-luma 


-lata 


-genda 


-tuma 


-itanga 


Taita 


-lila 


-lima 


-luma 


-leta 




-tuma 


-ita 


Nyamwezi 


-lila 


-lima 


-luma 




... 




-ita 


Kamba 


-iya (?) 


-ima 


-uma 


-ette 


-enda 


-tuma 


-ita 


Swahili 


-lia 


-lima 


-uma 


-leta 


-enda 


-tuma 


-ita 


Pokomo 






-muma 


-yeha 


-enda 


-huma 




Nika 


-rira 


-rima 


-luma 


-reha 


-enda 


-huma 


-iha 


Senna 


-lira 


-lima 


-ruma 




-enda 


-luma 


-itana 


Karanga 


-lira 


-lima 


-luma 


-ret a 


-enda 


-tuma 


... 


Yeye 


-rira 




... 




-enda 


-toma 


.... 


Ganda 


-lira 


-lima 


-ruma 


-leta 


-genda 


-tuma 


-ita 


Xosa-Kafir 


-lila 


-lima 


-luma 






-tuma 


-biza 


Zulu-Kafir 


-lila 


-lima 


-luma 


... 


... 


-tuma 


-biza 


Herero 


-rira 




-rumata 


-eta 


-enda 


-tuma 


-isana 


Bihe 


-lila 


-lima 


-lumana 


-nena 


-enda 


-tuma 




K wen go 


-lila 








-enda 


-tuma 


-zana(?) 


Lojazi 


-lila 








-enda 


-tuma 


-zana(.?; 


Rotse 


-lila 


-lima 


-mom a 


-leta 


-enda 


-tuma 


-izana 


Nyengo 


-lila 


... 


... 


... 


-enda 


... 


-isana 


Rua 


-jila (?) 


-jima(?) 


-suma 


... 


-enda 




-ita 


Angola 


-rila 




-lumata 


... 


-enda 


-tuma 


-ixana 


Mbamba 






-suma 


-neha 




... 


... 


Lower Congo 


-diia 


... 




... 


-enda 


-tuma 


... 


Mozambique 


-unla 


-lima 


-luma 


-lela 


. -eta 


-ruma 


-ihana 


Kilimane 


-lila 




-luma 




-enda (.?) 


-rruma 


... 


„. ( weak 
Ghwana< 

I strong 


-lela 


-lema 


-loma 


-lere 


-eta 


-roma 


-bitsa 


-tela 


-tema 


-toma 


-tere 


do. 


-toma 


-pitsa 


( weak 


-lena 




-noma 


-yira 


-genda 


-roma 


-vwelia 


Mpongwe|^^_^ 


-dena 




do. 


-dyira 


-kenda 


-toma 


-fwelia 


Dualla 


-eya 


... 


... 


... 


... 


-loma 


-bela 



III. — Comparative B&onetics 

oftfie 
Brincipal Bantu Uanguages. 

60. — The Bantu languages interpenetrate each other so much 
that the principles which find application in one o( ihQm exc/uswe/y 
are very few Indeed. This article will therefore be a mere attempt 
to classify some notes of greater or less import, according to the 
languages in which their application seems to predominate. 

Q\], — N. B. I. Those phonetic laws which are common to the larger number of the 
Bantu languages, such as the change of n to ;/z before d and/, will not be mentioned here, 
but only in the next article. 

2. Concerning our sources for the various languages which are dealt with in this 
article, and the locality where they are spoken, cf. Introduction. 

TONGA. 

(Spoken between the Victoria Falls and Lake Bangweolo.) 

62. — Tonga, which is taken in this work as the standard lan- 
guage for the reasons given above (cf. 2 and 52 table), may be said 
to represent fairly well, on the whole, the generality of the Bantu 
languages. Its most striking feature is, perhaps, to have regularly 
ji and ci where a large proportion of the others have the sharper 
sounds £7 and ^i (cf. 8 and 15), as in the word -injila or -njila, 
which, in most of the other languages, sounds rather like -ingila 
(cf. 52 table). However this latter form is heard in Tonga also, a 
fact which shows that the difference is not very important. With 
regard to ci and ki, cf. n. 492. 

63. — It may be added that the plain sharp sounds z and s 
appear to be more common in Tonga than in any of the other Bantu 
languages, Kafir itself not excepted. This again may be seen exem- 
plified in the above table of verbs, in the columns of the words -sia, 
leave, -sika, arrive, -iza, come, -zuata, dress, -zala, become full, -ziala, 
beget. 

64. — It may be well also to notice that/ Is not heard in Tonga, 
or Is replaced by w, in some cases in which many dialects have it, 
unless it be after n. Thus im-pewo ** wind ", is pronounced mpepo 
in Senna and several other languages, and ansi"' down " (pansi after 
m) is always pronounced pansi in Kafir and several other languages 
(cf. 57 and 534-540). 



r 



Comparative Phonetics. 15 



65. — Tonga may be considered as forming one language with 
Siihia (spoken on the Zambezi, above the Victoria Falls), Bisa (') 
(spoken East of Lake Bangweolo), and Bembai^) (spoken North 
of Lake Bangweolo.) A particular dialect of Tonga is spoken near 
Lake Nyassa. It differs considerably from that which is described 
in this work. Judging from the scanty documents at hand (''), it 
looks very much like a mixture of the Tonga and Senna or Shire 
language. 

YAO. 

(Spoken on the tableland between Lake Nyassa and the coast.) 

ri 66. — i^ Of those words which are common to Tonga and Yao 
many are greatly reduced in form in the latter language, mostly 
through the fall of ^, v or f. Perhaps it might be more correct to say 
that 2, V and /"are then changed into a mere aspiration. 
Ex. Tonga Yao Tonga Yao 

im-vula^ rain ula ('ula ?) | zi-niu^ things i-ndu (H-ndu) 



ina-futa^ fat, oil ma-uia (ma-nta ?) in-dezu beard 7i-deii (n-deu ?) 

i-zuba, sun li-ua (li-ua) \ jna-zina, names 7ne7ia ( = maina) 



N. B. N2 is in a few cases changed to s. Ex, sala^ hunger (Tonga in-zala). 

67- — 20 On the contrary, those stems which in Tonga are 
monosyllabic or begin with a vowel or n nasal, and a few others, are 
found to have richer forms in Yao. 



Ex. Tonga 


Yao 


Tonga 


Yao 


-ha^ (to) steal 


-jiwa 


-injila or ■7ijila, (to) enter 


-jinjila 


i-ji, an egg 


li-jele 


-umi^ healthy 


-juini(-yiiinizi\.^x n) 


-ita, (to) call 


-wilanga 


-ingi or -nji, numerous 


-jinji(-yinji2ii\.tx n) 


-kulu^ aged 


-chekiilu 


-zala, (to) become full 


-gumbala 



68. — ^- B. I. From these examples it may be seen, among other things, thaty is 
in favour in Yao before the initial i and u of the other languages. Cf. the use of g in 
Sagara, n, 'jy. 

2. Some stems which begin with j or z in Tonga, have/ instead in Yao. 

Ex. li-joka^ a snake (Tonga in-zoka). 
li-juni, a bird (Tonga i-yum). 



1. Concerning Bisa, cf. Stanley 's Vocabulary in "The Dark Continent ", and Last "s collection in 
" Polyglotta Africana Orientalis ", pp. iSS'iS^- 

2. Concerning Bemba, cf. Last 's " Polyglotta, " pp. 131-134- 

3. In fact I have seen no other specimen of this language than a small primer which has been kindly 
presented to me by M. Cust. I suspect that the Tonga ot Lake Nyassa are of those who are mentioned by 
Livingstone as having gone to the Ba-mbala, and having never returned, "because they liked tha 
country better than theirs. " (Liv. Miss. Travels, p. 532)- If so, it must be said that they have adopted, 
partially at least, the Mbara language which is a dialect of the Senna group (cf. 98). 



1 6 South-African Bantu Langttages. 

69. — 4^^ Some peculiar changes are caused by the sound n 
when It combines with other consonants, viz. : 

NP is changed to MB. Ex. mbachile, I have painted, for n-pachilc 

, ku-in-bona^ to see me, ,, ku-n-wona 
, a-nt-biveni, he has seen me, ,, a-n-weni 
, 71 dawile^ I have bound, ,, n-iaiuile 
, ?i gani/e, I have refused, ,, n-kanile 
, n-yigele^ I have carried, ,, n-jigele 
, ii-japile^ I have washed, „ n-chapile 
, ?iind<im\ wait for me, ,, 7i-linda?ii 
This law of Yao explains why we have the following correspond- 
ences of words between Yao and Tonga, which Is not subject to 
such changes. 



NW 




/ 


MB 
MBW 


NT 






ND 


NK 






NG 


NJ 






NY 


NCH 






NJ 


NL 






N 



Ex. : Tonga 


Yao 


Tonga 


Yao 


im-pe7vo^ wind 


7n-bepo 


iii-yati^ a buffalo 


7i-jaii 


mu-7itu, a person 


iiiu-iidu 


ifi-ka7ii^ a story 


7i-gani 


etc., etc.. 









70. — 5° It will be seen further on (86i) that In all the Bantu 

languages, verbs undergo certain phonetic changes of consonants 

In the perfect form. But Yao distinguishes Itself among them all In 

this respect. 

Ex. ku-ia77ia^ to sit Perfect.' a-te77ie, he is seated. 

ku-kola^ to get a-kwete he possesses. 

ku-kwela, to climb a-kwesile, he has clim.bed. 

ku-iaga, to put a-tasile, he has put, etc.. 

71. — The Rev. Alexander Hetherwick, In his '' Handbook of 
the Yao Language, " p. XIII, observes rightly that from this cause 
combined' with the phonetic changes previously described, ''words 
In Yao are so modified In the process of grammatical construction 
as to be almost unrecognizable by a beginner. Thus from ku-leka 
" to leave, " we have n-desile " I have left "... And from ku-pa, 
'' to give, " we have a-m-bele " he gave me ", where not a single 
letter of the original has been retained. " 

72. N. B. A large number of common Yao words differ radically from those of 

similar meaning in the other languages, or at least seem to do so. 

Ex. Tonga and other languages Yao 

-^/, bad (cf. adjectives, 6o I ■^) -chit7iwa 

77m-oya, breath (cf. class MU-MI, 377) bu-77iusi 

77iu-ahwii^ husband (cf class, MU-BA, 322*)... aso7io 

bu-ta, bow (cf. class BU-MA, 453) 7iku7tje 

kuiuij ear (cf. class KU-MA, 462*) li-pilika7iyilo 

i7i-zila^ road (cf class IN-ZIN, 385"^) It-tala 

/-^z^^, stone (cf LI-MA, 410*^ Ii-ga7iga 



Comparative Phonetics. 



17 



2. Interesting comparisons might be established between Yao and Chwana. It may even 
be said that most of the peculiar features of Yao have their counterpart in the languages 
of the Chwana- Mozambique-Mpongwe group (169). 

NYA-MWEZI. 



73. — The two Nya-mwezi dialects on which we have most in- 
formation, viz. Nya-nyembe and Sukuma, differ from the generality 
of the Bantu languages : — 

i^ By a peculiar tendency to weaken certain consonants after 
nasals. In this they go even further than Yao. 



Ex.: 






Tonga > 


Jyanyembe 


Sukuma 


NYc 


changed 


to N: 


inyaina^ meat 


mama 


navia 


NT 


3) 


NH: 


mu-ntu, person 


mu-7ihu 


inu7ihu 


NK 


)J 


NH 


i?i-kuni, wood 


fi-hui 


? 


)) 


J5 


NG 


in-ktiku, hen 


n-goko 


n-goko 


ND 


>5 


NH 


-endela, go to fetch 


-enhela 


? 


>> 


>» 


N 


ndi, I 


ni 


7ii 


MP 


55 


MB: 


ijn-pewo^ cold 


ni-heho 


m-heho 


>» 


)) 


MH 


: iin-paiide^ pieces 


m-haiide 


? 


MV 


»> 


MB: 


im-vula, rain 


m-bula 


m-bula 



74;. — ^' B. What renders particularly interesting this tendency in Nyamwezi, Yao, 
and, as we shall see further on, in Sagara and Gogo, to weaken consonants after nasals, 
is that, in many of the other Bantu languages, the same nasals produce the very opposite 
effect, and that consequently those stems which in grammar are subject to changes of 
form, such as -pia " new ", -bl " bad ", etc., are found to be used in their weaker form in 
Nyamwezi, Yao, etc., precisely in those instances in which they have their stronger form 
in Ganda, Chwana, Herero, Nika, Mozambique, etc., and zicc versa, 

Ex. Nyamwezi Ganda Tonga 

wii-su 7£//^-pia, new flour bu-ta bu-gia. bit-sit /^^r-pia 

n-goma ;;/-hia, a new drum e n-goma e m-pia. in-goma ///-pia 



75. — 2° By having often ^ where Tonga has/". 



Ex. Tonga : jua-fiita, oil, fat 
„ i-fiia, a bone 
„ -fuefuij short 



Nyanyembe : ma-guta 
i-guha 



Sukuma : 



ihi 



76. — 3° By eliding, in many cases, certain vowels which, in the 
other languages, are at most contracted or assimilated with those 
which follow them. 



Ex. Tonga : meso^ eyes (for ma-iso) 
,, meno,i&ti\\ (Jox ma-mo) 
„ in-goma zi-esu, our drums 
(for zi-aisu). 



Nyanyembe : m'i^o Sukuma : niinso 
„ m'ino „ m'tyio 

jiiTomazisii ,, ? 



1 8 South-African Bantu Languages. 



SAGARA AND GOGO. 

77. — The documents available for these languages are so un- 
reliable (^) that I cannot make out any of their characteristic 
features with certainty. Apparently they are nearer to Tonga than 
the Nyamwezi language. The nasal seems to weaken the following 
consonant in some cases, as in Nyamwezi, and to be itself dropped 
in others, principally before s. H replaces the Tonga/, though not 
after in, G is apparently a favourite, at least in Kaguru, as it is found 
replacing not only the Tonga y; but also v,j, and even /. 



Ex. 



Tonga 


Kaguru 




GOGO 


hn-peivo^ cold 


m-behu 




beho (?) 


a-nsi^ down 


ha-si 




ha-si 


ku-pona, to heal (intr.) 


ku-ona or 


ku-hona 


? 


i-fua^ a bone 


i-guha 




? 


ku-vuna, to gather (harvest) 


ku-gola 




? 


tj-anza, a hand 


i-ganza 




i-ganya 


ii-nso, an eye. 


i-giso 




ziso 



SHAMBALA and BOONDEI. 

(Spoken inland facing the Pemba island.) 

78. — These languages differ but little from one another, and 
both of them are closely allied to Sagara. 

Their most remarkable phonetic features are the following : — 

1° The consonants which follow n nasal are firmer in Shambala 
and Boondei than in Sagara. 

2° N nasal falls before a larger number of consonants in Sham- 
bala and Boondei than in Sagara, and generally it strengthens 
those before which it falls. 

3° In Shambala and Boondei there is no preference for g as in 
Sagara, 

4° S of the other languages is sounded x (english sJi) in Shambala, 
though not in Boondei, so that this seems to be the most palpable 
difference between these two languages. 



I. The Kaguru grammar published under Last's name is full of evident misprints. Thus, for example, 
he word for " man " is spelt mu-ntu {p. 14, etc), mu-nhu (p. 21, etc.), mu-nku (p. 124, etc.), mu-nbu 
(p. i5), viu-nha (p. 129). 



Comparative Phonetics. 



19 



jHAMBALA 


BOONDEI 


S AGAR A 


muntu 


mu-niu 


mu-nhu (77 note.) 


xoni 


soni 


sofii 


peho 


peho 


m-behu 


fula 


fula 


m-vula 


zi-xo 


zi-so 


giso 


mu-vuha 


mu-vuha 


i-guha 



'9, — Ex. : Tonga 

inu-7itu^ a person 

m-sofii, shame 

im-pewo, cold 

im-vula^ rain 

li-nsOj an eye 

t-fua^ a bone 

N. B. On the whole, Shambala, Sagara, and Gogo, look more like Tonga than most of 
the other East African languages. 

TAITA. 

(Spoken on the hills between Mombasa and Kilima-njaro.) 

80. — Taitahas a great number of words which are not heard In 
the more Southern Bantu languages. As to those words which it has 
In common with them, when putting them 'together, we find no 
very regular transitions of sounds. We may observe however a 
tendency to weaken hard consonants after nasals, e. g. In n-gano 
" a story " (Tonga in-kani), n-guni " firewood " (Tonga inkimi), 
ki-ndu " a thing " (Tonga ci-ntu\ etc. Possibly also it Is a general 
law of Taita to change in certain cases into chu, and In others Into 
vu, the sound su or ftc of the generality of the Bantu languages, as 
In ma-vuta *' fat " (Tonga 7na-futa), i-cJmimc '' a spear " (Tonga i- 
sumo, Swahill//^;;^^), kii-chuila ** to spit " (Tonga kii-suitd), etc. 



KAMBA. 

(Spoken west from Mombasa to Mount Kenia.) 

81. — 1° Not only b, but also /, z, and/, are generally dropped in 
Kamba or weakened, this, with other contractions, causing many 
stems to be reduced to very short forms. 

Ex. Tonga 

ku-gula, to buy 
mu-bili, the body 
?nu-eztf the moon 

82. — 2° The Tonga s is soimded D in Kamba. Last says in his 
Polyglotta, p. 3, that this sound is similar to that of th in this, that. 

Ex. Tonga Kamba Tonga Kamba 

bu-sio, face u-tM'o in-sojii, shame n-'^otmi 

busUj flour mu-^^u ku seka, to laugh kuMeka 



Kamba 


Tonga 




ku-ua 


ku-ulu, a foot 


ku-u 


mu-i 


ku-jaya, to kill 


ku-aa 


inu-e 


ku-boko^ an arm 


k-oko 



20 South- African Bantu Languages. 

83. — 3^ Among the changes produced by the nasal 7t on a 
following consonant, there is not only that of / to ^ as in Tonga and 
most of the other dialects, and that of w and v to by but also that 
of t \.o z. 

Ex. ii-lembuay guttapercha, pi. n-dembua 

u-wau, a side » m-bau 

u-inka, night » n-zuka (cf. Tonga bu-siku " night ", and n. 5 1) 

SWAHILI. 



84. — This is said to be the most arabized of all the Bantu lan- 
guages. However this assertion, though probably correct on the 
whole, might lead to false conceptions. For, arabized as it is, 
Swahili remains without some Semitic features which are noticeable 
in several Bantu languages. Thus it has no article, and it has many 
words beginning with vowels. Again, Swahili proper, when not 
spoken by a man who knows Arabic, rejects hiatus less than several 
other Bantu languages. Those Arabic guttural sounds which are 
heard in a limited number of these same languages have not pene- 
trated into Swahili proper, etc., etc.. 

85. — But Swahili is arabized in this sense that Arabic words 
often intrude blundy into it, without even putting on a Bantu dress. 
Thus, in a single tale of 9 lines, the first of Steere's and Rankin's 
Swahili and Makua tales, I notice no less than 7 words which have 
no Bantu color at all, viz. ilmu, doctrine; hasira, anger; hatta, until; 
sababu, cause ; killay each ; -rzidi, to return; shekk, a chief. 

86. — And again. Arabic influence must probably be seen in 
some of the following pecularities : — 

1° The classifying elements of those words which are in most 
frequent use (cf. 42) are much weakened by elisions and contractions, 
some of them being reduced to mere nasals, others being dropped 
altogether. Examples may be seen further throughout the whole of 
the chapter on substantives. Here are some others : — 

Ex. Tonga Swahili 

mu-nzi u-a mu-ame, the king's residence, m-Ji VJ-a m-fabne. 

\-zina \la mu zike, the name of a slave, jina \-a m-Uwuia. 

\\X-limi \u-e in yati, the tongue of a buffalo, u-iimt wa n-yaii. 



Comparative Phonetics. 



21 



87. — 2° Though Swahill has many words beginning with 
vowels, it prefixes h to many others as If purposely to avoid be- 
ginning with them, or, more probably, to change them into perfect 
dissyllables. Thus the Tonga demonstrative pronouns oyu, eli, eci, 
etc., are in Swahili Jmyii, hilt, hichi, etc. 

88. — 3° Swahili drops the ^Tonga /, though not so often as 
Kamba(cf. 8i). 



Ex. Tonga 


Swahili 


Tonga 


Swahili 


ku-ziala, to beget 


kuzaa 


in-zila, a road 


iijia 


in-zala, hunger 


-nj'aa 


ku-lila, to cry 


ku-lia 


ku-ulu^ afoot 


m-guu 


cf. ku-lala, to lie down 


kii-lala 



89. — 4^ There are some other remarkable phonetic differences 
between Swahili and the generality of the Bantu languages, but 
general laws cannot be laid down. 



Ex. Tonga 
•onse, all 
li-nso, an eye 
-jika, to cook 



Swahili 
-ote (812) 

ji-cho ox ji-to (4x3) 
-pika (52 examples) 
(Cf. jiko = fire-place) 



Tonga Swahili 

mu-kazi, female, w-/^^ (cf. 81) 
mu-se^ earth 7i-chi or 71-ii 
ina-nzi\ water ina-j't (440 ex.) 
-sano, five -ta7io (792) 



QO, — N. B. I. Some of these examples show at least traces of permutation between 
s and / or ch (cf. 63). Such double forms 2lS jicho ox jit o, nchi or nti, properly belong to 
different dialects, viz. — jicho and ;/<;/^z belong to the dialect of Zanzibar, whileyV/^and nti 
belong to that of Mombasa. 

91, — 2. Likewise it may be added that z is less in favour in Swahili than in Tonga 
as the former replaces in many words the z of the latter by v ox j. The same may be said 
of many other languages (cf. 63). 

NYIKA AND POKOMO. 



Q2, — i^- B. Nyika is spoken inland from Mombasa, and Pokomo on the banks of 
the Pokomo river. Unfortunately, nearly all that we know on these languages has come 
to us through Germans who seem to have mistaken in many instances hard for soft con- 
sonants, and vice versa, for instance, /"for v, v fox/, s for z, z for s, etc.. 

93. — 1° These two languages, though differing considerably 
from each other, have this remarkable feature in common that they 
have generally the consonant A where the main group of the Bantu 
languages has a A However this letter reappears regularly, accord- 
ing to n. 51, under the influence of;/, expressed or dropped. 



22 



Sottth-African Banht Languages. 



Ex. Tonga 






NiKA 




POKOMO 


ku-twna^ 


to send 




ku-huma 




ku-huma 


iny-ati, 

ma~futa^ 

bu-ato, 


a buffalo 

fat 

a canoe 




nyahi 

ma-fuha 

w-aho 




fiyahi 

ma-fuha 

w-aho 


ku-leta, 


to bring up 




hi-reha 




ku-yeha 


7Jiu-ntu^ 
-tatu, 


a person 
three 


1 


mu-tu 

-hahu (with( 
-tahu (with 


OMtn) 
n) 


mu-ritu 

-hahu {mihoMi n) 

-tahu (with n) 



94. — 2° They have also this in common that, Hke Senna (99) 
they have the compound sound dz (ahas ds) where Tonga has the 
simple sound z. Pokomo has also in common with Senna the 
compound sound bv (alias bf) and probably// In Nika the sound 
vu (alias y?/^), and perhaps In Pokomo the sound bvtt, become//"^ 
under the influence of nasals. Under the same influence the Nika 
sound vi seems to become only//. 



Ex. Tonga 

ku-za, to come 
ku-zala, to become full 



i-zuha^ 
fuide, 

-pia. 



the sun 
dead 

new 



Nika 
kii-dza 
ku-dzala 
dzua 



Pokomo 
ku-dza 
ku-dzaa 
dzua 

? 
? 



f -vu (without ;/) 

i -fu (with 7i) 

I -via (without nasal) -bfia \-bvia (?)] 

i -pia (with nasal) -bfia \^pfia (?)] 



Senna 
ku-dza 
ku-dzala 
dzua 
c{.pfuba,Sihone 

(or pf up a.) 



95x — 3° As many other languages, Nika and Pokomo drop out 

or weaken the consonant b, when it is not preceded by m{c(. n. 52 

examples), but this letter reappears regularly under the influence of 

nasals. 

Tonga Nika Pokomo 

^ 7- 1 J ( -/(without nasal) -7m' 

Ex -bt, bad 1 \- , • 1 1/ 

( -mbi (with nasal) -mbi (?) 

96. — 4° Pokomo differs from Nika principally in this, that, like 
Kamba and Swahili, it weakens the / or 7^ of the other languages 
in many cases, and drops it in others. 



Ex. Tonga 




Nika 


Pokomo 


Kamba 


Swahili 


in-za/a, 


hunger 


n-dzala 


n-dzaa 


7i-sa (71 


-dzaa?) 


7i-jaa 


ku-zia/a, 


to beget 


kuiiala 


ku-wyaa 


ku-dzia 


(ku-dziaa?) ku-zaa 


piu-bi/i, 


the body 


mu-iri 


mu-i 


triu-i 




77lW-ili 


ku-le or hi- 


re far 


kii-re 


ku-ye 






ku-le 


mu-liango^ 


doorway 


mu-riango 


7nu-ya7igo 


... 




77lW-a7lgO 


mu-alume:, 


a husband 


mu-lume 


7nu-yu7ne 


71l-U77ie 




77 1- 747716 


mu-cila^ 


a tail 


mu-chira 


mu-tyia 






771-kia 



Comparative Phonetics, 



23 



97. — N' B. The Gunda language, which is a mixture of that of Senna and of that 
of Kilimane, is, as it were, the connecting link between Senna and Pokomo. For, like the 
latter language, it drops / in many words, and changes it \.o y in several others, as in be^ a 
woman's breast (Tonga i-bele)^ n-sia, a path (Tonga n-zild)^ n-taya^ hunger (Tonga n-zald)^ 
ku-kaya^ to be (Tonga ku-kala)^ etc. 

SENNA (including TETTE and NYASSA). 

98. — ^' ^- This language, though known to the Portuguese as the " Kafreal de 
Senna, " is not so well spoken at Senna itself as at Tette and in the neighbourhood of the 
Nyassa Lake, this being probably a result of the greater contact of the natives with Eu- 
ropeans at Senna than in those other places. It is considered by the natives of the Lower 
Zambezi as being much more primitive than the language of Kilimane and far superior 
to it. Rebman also speaks of its Nyassa dialect in the following enthusiastic terms : " My 
study of the Ki-niassa was to me a continual feast. ... No sooner had I got an insight 
into it, than the dialects with which I had previously made myself more or less acquainted, 
appeared to me rather as so many rays of one and the same light ('). " However, lest Reb- 
man's enthusiasm should convey a false notion to the reader, it should be remembered 
that his terms of comparison were principally coast languages, viz. Swahili, Kamba and 
the various Nika dialects, all of which have certainly undergone more foreign influence 
than Senna. 

99. — The most prominent phonetic feature of this language as 
compared with the others is that, where most of these have a sharp 
^ or z^ orf, it has, in many instances, compound sounds, some entirely 
labial, others entirely dental, others partly labial and partly dental, 
variously pronounced in the various dialects. Most of these com- 
pound sounds are the result of a suppressed / or a suppressed nasal. 



Ex. Tonga 



Tette Senna Nyassa Nyassa 

(Blantyre spelling) (Rebman's spelling) 



i-fua, 


a bone 


pfupa (?) pfupa 


fupa 


pfuba 


tnu-nvuij 


an arrow 


mu-bvi mu-bvi 


mu-bvi 


7?lU-pfi 


im-vuvu^ 


a hippopotamus 


m-bvu m-bu 


? 


ni-pfu 


ku-zuata^ 


, to put on dress 


ku-bvara(?) ku-bvala 


ku-bvara 


kupfara 


ku-zala^ 


to be filled 


ku-dzala ku-dzala 


ku-dzala 


ku-dsaj-a 


i-zinay 


a name 


dzina dzina 


dzina 


dsina 


zi-kmve^ 


eyelids 


bzi-kope 6]t-kope 


... 


psi-kope 



100. — As in Nika, Taita, Swahili, and several other languages, 
the Tonga b is generally weakened or dropped altogether in Senna, 
as in ku-ona, to see (Tonga ku-bona), dzua, the sun (Tonga i-zuba), 
ku-ziwa, to know (Tonga ku-ziba), a-ntu, people (Tonga ba-ntu). 

101. — In Senna the classifier MU of the classes MU-BA and 
MU-MI is reduced to N, though not before monosyllables nor before 
labial sounds (cf. 323 and 367). 



I. Dictionary of the Kiniassa Language, 1877, p. vii 



24 Soidth'African Bantu Lafigttages. 

N. B. However, it must be noted that Rebman in his Ki-nyassa dictionary reduces it 
only to M. But it may be that in this he is no more reliable than in spelling the above 
examples mu-pji^ m-pfti^ ku-pfara^ etc., whereas the correct spelling is probably vm-bvi^ 
m-bvi(, kii-bvara^ etc.. 

102. — Tette and Nyassa are not the only varieties of the lan- 
guage of Senna. Others are that of Zumbo, the Mbara language of 
the Loangwe, and even the dialect of Sofala which is described in 
B leek's " Languages of Mozambique''. 

103. — We may probably add to these the Gindo language, 
very little of which is known. Dr. Steere, who supplies a short 
vocabulary of it, says that '' the Gindos are a tribe lying between 
the coast Swahili from near the north of Montia to Kilwa ". 

Thus it may be seen that the Senna language is one of the most 
extensively spoken in South Africa. 



KARANGA {alias Kalaka). 

104. — This, the language of the famous Monomotapa empire, 
is, on the whole, closely related to Senna. In fact, the three principal 
features of Senna, whieh have just been mentioned, are also features 
of Karanga, though the applications are somewhat different. How- 
ever, on the other hand, Karanga has several remarkable features 
which distinguish it plainly from Senna, so that it deserves to be 
treated as a separate language. Hence : — 

105. — 1° Double consonants of a peculiar kind are met with 
in Karanga as in Senna, but with some variety of pronunciation. 
Hence they are written %w, 5«^/0, (cf. Alphabet). To these may be 
added y where Senna has dz. 

Ex. Tonga Karanga 

ku-sika, to arrive u-^wika 

zi-7itu, things ^7vi-jiiu 

kii-ziala, to beget u-'^wara 

-pi a new -pfia 

ku-za, to come t(-Ja (cf. Senna kic-dza) 

106. — 2° We hear in Karanga the sounds 7 (French /) and x 
(English sJi), unknown in most Bantu languages. We hear also two 
peculiar guttural sounds, viz. g and fe (cf. 12 and 16). 



Comparative Phonetics. 



25 



Ex. Tonga 




Karanga 


Tonga 


Karanga 


ku-satnha^ 


to wash 


u-xamba 


ci-fua. 


the breast 


fom 


i-sdkii, 


a devil 


xaku 


mii-bua^ 


a dog 


im-bu^a 


Leza, 


God 


Reja 


bu-izu^ 


grass 


wu-^ua 


inu-sozi, 


a tear 


un-xoji 


a - -like. 


itself 


-oaa 



107. — 3° Not only Is the classifier MU of the classes MU-BA 
and MU-MI generally reduced to N as in Senna, (or to UN, when 
the word is not isolated), but also that classifier which in the other 
languages is N or IN, is in Karanga reduced to I, as in Mozam- 
bique (385), and the classifier which in the other languages has the 
form KU, is in Karanga reduced to U, as also happens in Mozam- 
bique (cf. 175). 

Karanga 
( isolated form : un-kajt (Senna un-kazi) 
\ connected form : 7i-kaji (Senna n-kazi) 
i-vura (Mozambique i-ptild) 
u-pata (Mozambique u-vara) 

Karanga is full of contractions and elisions which are 
unknown in Tonga, and such that it cannot be termed an agglutin- 
ative language. This renders its study far more difficult than that of 
Tonga which is, on the whole, much more purely agglutinative. 
Ex. Tonga Karanga 



. Tonga 




mu-kazi, 


a woman 


im-vula, 


rain 


ku-iata 


to seize 



108, 



Leza u-a-ka-tunia in-vula, God sent rain. 

U-a-ka mu-tuma viu ?nii-lilo u-ta-mani, 
he sent him to the fire without end. 



Reja-ka-iume-vura ( = Reja u-a-ka-tuma 

i-vura). 
U-a-kb-n-iuvia mu moto-si-no-pera ( = U- 
I a-ka mu-tu?ha mu mu-oto u-si-na kupera). 



109. — In Livingstone's Mss. Comparative Vocabulary pre- 
viously mentioned, there is a vocabulary of Yeye, or the language of 
Lake Ngami and the River Zouga. (Cf. Livingstones Miss. Trav., 
pp. 63-72). There can be no doubt that it is a variety of the 
Karanga language. 

110. — The language of Mashonaland is also a dialect of Karanga. 
Perhaps it is one step nearer to Senna than Karanga proper ('). 



I. The word Ma-sho7ia/a?id, which has come so often before the public during these last months, is 
rather mteresting. Shofta is nothing else than the Karanga pronunciation of the word Senna fSyona 
or Si-yiina of the ancient Arab geographers). Hence the word Ma-shona is properly the name of the 
ancient " Senna RiVers " (50, note), which included large tracts of country South of the Lower Zambezi. 
As a great portion of this country is called Ma-nica, and the Senna language closely ressembles Nika 
(99-100), should we not identify the ancient Manica gold-diggers with the Manica of Mombasa, and both 
with the Amalika of ancient Arabia? Concerning the Syoiia or Siyuna of the Arabs, cf. " Gdo^raphie 
d'Abulfeda", traduite par M. Reinaud, tome II,i"-c partie, Paris,i848, p. 208, and" Gdographie d' Edri$i'\ 
traduite par P. Amddde Jaubert, Paris, 1836, tome I, p. 66. 



26 South-African Bantu Languages. 

GANDA. 

(Spoken on the shores of the Victoria Nyanza.) 

111. — If Ganda be compared to the languages which have been 
reviewed before this, the first thing which will strike us is the 
repeated use of the vowel article a, e, or Oy before substantives, and 
of the conjunction na '' and ", before those verbs which are in a 
historic tense. The use of these particles in Ganda points perhaps 
to Semitic influence. In any case, it is more phonetic than gram- 
matical. For such particles seem to be heard exclusively after a 
pause, long or short, as if to introduce verbs and substantives more 
gently. 

112. — Ex. Tonga Ganda 

Bu-ganda obu mu-hu-lie^ lit. this Ganda I O Bu-ganda huno 7nii-hu-Ue. (Grammaire 
realm, eat it. | Ruganda, p. 83.) 



U-a-njila mu <^?^-^/^,lit.he entered the boat, 
u-a-zuhuka^ he crossed (the lake), 

u-eza ku mu-7izi. he came to town. 



'^B.-a-sabala^ lit. and he entered the boat, 
XidL-a-wunguka^ and he crossed, 

ndi-a-iuka mu kialo^andho. came to town. 
(Mat. 9, I.) 



113. — Among other, features of Ganda we may notice : — 
i^ A phonetic insertion of^, sometimes b, between vowels, as if 
to avoid a hiatus. 

Tonga Ganda 



Ex. 7nu4ue u-angu^ my head. 
ku-amba^ to speak. 
ku-enda^ to go (cf. 52"^). 



mu-tue gwange. 
ku-ga?fiba. 
kU'genda. 



114f« — ^- B. The love of this euphonic connexion manifests itself particularly in 
the stem -pia " new, " and in the word e 71-kuba^ " rain ". For the stem -pia^ after having 
dropped the / according to n° 117, replaces it by^, as in e bi-gia^ new things (Mat. 13, 
32), the ^reappearing regularly after «, which it changes into ;;z, as in e7i-sao ein-^ia^ new 
bags. (Mat. 9, 17.) (Cf. 608.) And the word e-nkuba, rain, which is in Tonga iin-vida 
(cf. 385), has passed probably through the Swahili form in-vua, or the Kamba m-bua^ the 
b of the last syllable -ba^ having been inserted afterwaiKis, as if to replace the lost / of the 
primitive form im-vula. 

115. — 2° Phonetic permutations of consonants, which show on 
the whole a tendency to labial and palatal sounds in opposition to 
the more dental and principally to the sibilant sounds of Tonga. 
Ganda has also a few double consonantal sounds which remind us 
of those which we have observed in Senna, and in general it has 
more in common with Senna and Karanga than with Tonga. 



Comparative Phonetics. 



27 



Ex. : Tonga Ganda 

Z to V : ku-zua^ to come out ku-va or ku-inva 
» to W : ku-zubuka^ to cross a river ku-wmiguka 

»dropped: ku-zika, to bury ku-ika 

NZ» to NJ : tft-zala, hunger e n-jala 

» to DZ : ina-nzi^ water ma-dzi 

S to F : 5z/^, we /7£'^ or fe 

» to J : -sano, five :/^/2<? 

J to G : ij-ulu, the sky ^ gulu 

N to NY : i-zina^ a name ^ n*-;/j'(3! 



Senna 
?^-z'^ (Karanga) 
u-viihuka^ (Karanga) 
ku-ika 
n-jala 
ma-dzi 
i-Je 
-sanu 

dzina 



116. — N'. B. There are a few remarkable transitions from labial to palatal sounds. 

Ex. Tonga : i^n-vula^ rain Ganda : e n-\iuba 

„ ku-zubuka^ to cross a river „ ku-wun^uka. 

117. — 30 /* is dropped or weakened to w, when not preceded 
by n, as in Tonga and several other languages. Ex. ku-ba-vja, to 
give them; ku-m-^a, to give me (cf. n° 114). 

^V. B. Other phonetic changes caused in Ganda by nasals may be seen described in 
the French Ganda Grammar, p. 2. 

118. — A remarkable fact is that a certain number of common 
substantives are of a different class in Ganda from that to which 
they belong in nearly all the other Bantu languages. 

Ex.: e n-juba^ the sun (cl.IN-ZIN). Cf.cl.LI-l^A, concerning the other languages, n.410 
^ //-«/^, a canoe (cl.LI-MA). „ BU-MA ,, „ n.440 

mu-bisi, honey (cl.MU-MI).„ BU-MA „ „ n.455 

119. — Apparently Ajv^-;;^^^, which is spoken south-west of the 
Victoria-Nyanza, differs so little from Ganda that It may be con- 
sidered as a dialect of it. If we judge from Last's collections on 
Nyambu in his " Polyglotta Africana ", we must say that the 
Nyambu article has the peculiarly interesting form a even in those 
classes of nouns where in Ganda it has the form e or 0, as in a 
mu-twe '' a head " (Ganda mtc-twe), a mi-Hue *' heads " (Ganda 
e mi-twe). 

KAFIR (XosA, Zulu and Tebele). 

120. — The prominent phonetic features of this language are : — 
1" The use of the click-sounds which have been described in 

nn. 38-41, and which are probably borrowed from Hottentot. Among 
the Kafir words which contain clicks, there are few which have 
equivalents radically identical with them in other Bantu languages. 



28 South-African Bantu Languages. 

121. — 2° The use of the compound liquid dentals hi, tl, and dl 
(cf. 35-37), which however is more remarkable in Chwana and is 
probably derived from it. Examples will be given in the article on 
Chwana (174, 194, 195). It is remarkable that these sounds, like the 
clicks, have not penetrated into the grammatical elements of Kafir 
(prefixes and suffixes), but merely into the verbal roots. 

122. — 3° A marked tendency to elide vowels before vowels 
(249), or to combine them in some manner with other sounds. 
Hence, more particularly, the following phonetic changes, which, 
though met with occasionally in other languages, and even in 
Tonga, are more noticeable in Kafir, viz. : — 

Tonga Kafir Tonga Kafir 

MU- before a vowel = NY- -niue, one -nye 

viu-ana, a child nyana 

BU- and BI- „ = TY- or TYW- (l)i-bue, a stone i li-tye 

bu-alua, beer u iyw-ala 

ku-biala, to plant u ku-tyala 

BU- „ (after n) = ] inu-hua, a dog / 7i-ja 

PU- and PI- = TSH ku-puaya, to compress u ku-tshaya (Zulu) 

ku-pia, to burn 11 ku-tsha 

ku-(p)iayila, to sweep u ku-tshayela (Xosa) 

The tendency to these changes is the cause of several remarkable 
phenomena in the Kafir Grammar, (cf. 595, 554, 1053). 

123. — ^- ^- I- Though this feature of Kafir, as well as that which has been des- 
cribed in n. 121, have their parallel in Chwana, nevertheless Kafir and Chwana cannot be 
coupled as belonging to the same group of languages, any more than Kilimane can be 
coupled with Senna. Kafir belongs distinctly to the same group as Senna and Swahili, while 
Chwana with some other languages form a quite different group. Cf. 169 and sqq.. 

12iAi, — 2. The most noticeable differences between the two best known dialects of 
Kafir, viz. Xosa and Zulu, are the following : — 

a) The pronoun equivalent to our " I ", is pronounced ndi in Xosa, and in Zulu «g/. 

b) The consonant / is prefixed to more demonstrative pronouns in Zulu than in Xosa 
(cf. 696,697). 

c) The construction of substantives after passive verbs is different in the two dialects, 
(cf 589). 

d) A few words in both dialects have either a slightly different meaning, or a slightly 
different form. 

HERERO. 

(Spoken in Damaraland.) 

125. — Herero is said to be very primitive. This is an opinion 
which we shall not discuss. However I venture to think that the 



Comparative Phonetics. 



29 



following features of this language might lead us to a different 
conclusion : — 

126. — 1° Herero has a very marked tendency to weaken several 
consonants, principally s, z, k, and /. Even where there is a nasal 
sound, the consonant which follows it is not always spared. 



Ex. 


Tonga 


Herero 


Tonga 


Herero 


S 
and 


fuise, his father 


ihe 


(ku-leta, to bring 

■'" , 1 in-dezu (= in -lezul 
and< , \ . /' 
ND 1 '^^^-y^^d^i to wish 




ku-eta 


1 mu-soziy a tear 


ruho^t 


beard 


ru-ye^u 


NS 


\i?i-sont, shame 


honi 




ku-vanga 




\/i-nso, an eye 


e-ho 


\ci-lu7idu, a hill 




iyi-hungu 




fku-za, to come 


ku-ya 


•^ Ui-7io, a tooth 
inyina, his mother 




e-yo 


Z 


ymc-ezt, the moon 


niH-e)e 




ina 


and 


ku-buzia^ to ask 


kii-pura 


•g ii-bue, a stone 
\ku-bona, to see 




e-oe 


NZ 


in-zila, a road 


n-dyira 




ku-vmna 




\tn-zala, hunger 


n-dyara 


y |/«-2:^z^z/, an elephant 
^im-vula, rain 




n dyou 


K 


■ ku-kala, to remain 
.in-kuku^d, hen 


kii-hara 




m-bura 


NK 


11-dyuJiua 


J ij-ulu, the sky 




ey-uru 



127. — ^' B. I. However Pis apparently more firmly pronounced in Herero than 
in Tonga, though not after «, as in this case Herero weakens/ to b. 

Ex. : Tonga Herero - 

i-zuba li-pia, a new day e-yuva e-pe 

i?i-gubo im-pia, a new dress ?n-banda m-be 



128.- 

ever after ?t. 



2. T is apparently a favorite letter with Herero, at least before u, not how- 



Ex. : Tonga Herero 

ku-fua, to die ku-ta (= ku-tua) 
i-f'a(w)a, a bone e-tupa 
-pofu, blind poiii 

bu-siku, night u-tuku 



Tonga Herero 

ku-sabila, to answer ku-itavera 

i-siie, we e-te (= e-tue) 

s-imtue, a hyaena tyi-tmgu 

mit-ntu, a person mu-?idu 



129. — 2° The fact that several consonants are more or less 
weakened in Herero, according as they are coupled or not with a 
nasal sound, is the cause of several stems having two forms, ac- 
cording to n. 55. 

Herero 

(-pe, without nasal 
\-be, with 



Ex. : Tonga 

-pia, new 



-bi^ bad 



■tza, come 



■be, 
j-vi, 
tbi, 



without 

with 
(-ya^ without 
\-dya, with 
(0 ka-)era, a little bird 
\o n-t\era, a bird 



Ex. : Imperative in-dyo, " come ". 



30 South-African Bantu Languages. 

130, — A^. ^. I. The Herero article, with its only form o^ is very noticeable in 
reading this language (319). 

2. Analogies are not wanting between Herero^ Mozambique^ and Mpongwe (cf, 169-218 
and the note to n. 50). 

3. Certain features which are going to be described as being particularly remarkable in 
Bihe are shared in by Herero, 

BIHE. 

(Spoken on the Upper Kwanza.) 

131. — As described in the Grammar and Vocabulary published 

by the A. B. C. F. M., Bihe seems to be an amalgamation of several 

other languages. In some respects it reminds us of Tekeza of the 

East Coast. In others it reminds us more of Herero. Like the latter, 

it drops or weakens several consonants. Its other most remarkable 

features are : 1°) to change in many words the syllable rnu of the 

other languages to u, and mi to vi or to i ; 2°) to change the Tonga 

sound b in some cases to in, in others to v\ 3°) to change the Tonga 

z \.o I (cf. 209). 

Ex. : Tonga Bihe Tonga Bihe 

ba-ntu, people nia-nu 



Tonga 


Bihe 


mu-iue^ a head 


u-twi 


mi'iue, heads 


vi-tivi 


i-kumi^ ten 


e-kwi 


ci-lezu, chin 


ci-yeli 



soba (Angola sovd)^ chieftain soma 
-bi, bad -miox-vi 

-bari, two -vali 

(z)i-nQ,ombe,co\\s lon-gombe (Herero zon-gombe). 

MBUNDAC), LOJAZI, NANO and NDONGA. 

(Spoken from Benguella to the Upper Zambezi.) 

132. — These languages, though differing materially from one 
another, may be joined together, until they are better known. They 
are purer than Bihe. They stand halfway between Herero and 
Karanga. However, on the whole, they seem to be nearer to Herero. 
The materials at hand are not sufficient to allow of more explicit 
statements. 

I. Mbunda is properly a generic name which is applied to many different tribes. With my native infor- 
mants, Livingstone, Holub, and other travellers, I use it exclusively when speaking of the Mbunda proper, 
viz that nation whose proper seat is on the Mababe, the Ku-ando, and the western bank of the Zambezi. 
Livingstone, according to Chwana fashion, calls them the Maponda. Holub, who calls them correctly the 
Ma-?nbunda, is mistaken when he locates them on the eastern side of the Upper Zambezi. Mbunda is also 
pronounced Mbundu, according to n. 272. In the Portuguese possessions of the West, this word has be- 
come a synonym for " black ", This is the reason why Angola, Bihe and other Western languages are 
variously termed Ki-mbundu, Lu-mbuudu, Bottda, etc. Cf. Introduction. My native informants used to 
call the principal Mbunda tribe Ma-kwengo. 



I 



Comparative Phonetics. 



31 



133. — Ex. : 












Mbunda (Kwengo) 


LOJAZI 


Nano 


N DONGA 


Herero 


Karanga 


tw, a bird 


ka-liela 


oka-)idyila 


7i-tiira 


ka-)era 


i-7iyu7ii 


vie/na, water 


7)16)1111 


v-ova 




77ieva 


i-vura 


ma-ze^ fat 


ma-'^e 


u-lela 




77ia-ze 


77ia-fnta 


ie-yolo, the nose 


li-yolo 







e-uru 


ci-i7iiro 


lo-lime^ the tongue 


7i-daha 


e-laha 




e-raka 


ru-ri77ii 


li-xo, the eye 


li-xo 


IS so 


e-xo 


e-ho 


ji-xo 


me-7iye, fingers 


7)ii-7iye 






7)it-7tue 


mi-nue 


ma-jM^ stones 


7)ia'Ue 




7)ia-we 


7)iaoe 


ma-7vne 


n-golo, a zebra 


n-golo 




7l-g07V 


7l-g07'0 




ko-gola, to laugh 


ko-gola 







ku-yo7'a 


u-yola 


ko-ti (?), to die 


ko-ta 




ku-ia 


kii-ta 


u-fa 


7)10-710, a person 


7)io-nu 


))IU 710 


U 7)1-111 


77lU-7ld7l 


ti7t-tu, pi. ba-7tu 


kho-ilo, above 


kho-ilo, 






ko tyi-uru 


ie-juru 


koyopa, to hear 


ko-^eba 






ku-'^uva 


uwua 


n-jobo, a hut 


7i-jobo 


ka-7idyu 





7i-dyuo 


i-7)iu))iba 


ko-la7ida, to buy 


ko-la7ida 






kii-raTida 




yamba, an elephant 


yafnba 




o-ndya/)iba 


7i-dya))iba 


I joo 



134. — -^- B. We may notice in these examples the Lojazi and Ndonga form ku\a 
or ko-Xa " to die " for the Tonga ku-fua. We find likewise in Lojazi ko-io7)ia (= Rotse ku- 

fu))ia) " to possess ", and ki-tea (= Tonga ci-fua) " a bone ". Hence it is probable that in 
these languages, as in Herero (128), we have the transition from /to / or t, at least before u. 

ROTSE. 

(Spoken on the Upper Zambezi.) 

135. — More information is wanted in order to make out how 
far the grammatical system of Rotse differs from that of Tonga. 
Some of the regular phonetic permutations between the two lan- 
guages may however be safely traced already, and they m^e well 
worth notice. Thus : — 

(Tonga z = Rotse t generally, (d after //), = j in a 
few words, or is suppressed. 
d in some words, x in others (or/ 
after ;/), or is suppressed. 

Tonga Rotse 



136. 



j Tonga 



Ex. 



Tonga 


Rotse 


i7i-zi, flies 


ndi 


77iu-7izi, village 


7)io-7ide 


-zi»ia, destroy 


-ii))ia 


7)iu-ezt, moon 


7)io-ett 


7)iu-kazi, female 


7)w-kaii 


(p)a-7ize, outside 


ba-7ide 


ku-za, to come 


ko-ya 


(l)i-zuba, sun 


li-yoa 


7)ia-7tzi, water 


7)iei 



ku-sia, to leave alone ko-dia 



ift-sui, fish 


n-di 


m-singo, neck 


n-diTigo 


(l)lsikati, midday 


le-sekaie 


kuseka, to laugh 


ko-seka. 


-onse, all 


-07ije 


(p)a-7is\, down 


ba-7ije 


77ieso, eyes 


77ieo 


77ii-sozi, tears 


7)ii-oH 



N. B. Apparently s in Tonga remains s in Rotse in suffixes. Ex. : ko-ti)n-isa, to destroy 
utterly (Tonga kU'Zi7)i-isid), 



32 South" African Bantit Languages. 

{Tonga V = Rotse/. 
Tonga/ (both clear and weakened or suppressed) 
= Rotse b. 
Ex. Tonga Rotse Tonga Rotse, 

in-devu, beard mo-lepo 

•vula^ breed, be multiplied, -pula 
-invua, hear, {YiQr.-)uva) -yopa 

138. — 3° The Tonga particle c\ is pronounced si or se in Rotse 
as in Kafir and Chwana (cf. 492). This is of some importance. 

139. — 4° B and 7^ of Tonga are suppressed in Rotse in some 
cases, and changed in others to various sounds. 

Ex. Tonga Rotse Tonga Rotse 



-pia, a) new, b) burn -hia 
im-pewo^ winter ino-bebo 

(p)e-junza, to morrow be-yonda 



/^^/-^j'<ar, hair of animal oya 

•^/, bad -/(-^/after ;/, cf.54] 

(b)i-biee, stone li-yoe 

ku-ba^ to steal ko-i\a (?) 



(pjj-kati, in the middle ba-kaci 

(0 mu-tiina^ heart, in Herero) mo-ciina 
ku-iia, to call loud ko-ha?ia 

-tatu, three -atu 



140. — 5° Consonants coupled with nasals are apparently wea- 
kened. Examples of this may have been observed above (136). 
Here are a few others. 
Ex. Tonga Rotse Tonga Rotse Tonga Rotse 



in-kuku^ a hen n^oku 

in-kulu^ an old man n^ulu 



in-oa?iga, a doctor 7iti,iinzci | imi-niu^ a person mo-7iu 
vn-pongfl, a goat inbon^o \ siintue, a hyaena zondo (?) 



14:1, — N. B. r. The sound which we spell ;/g is spelt by Livingstone variously : 
n, ilk, iig. Sometimes the very same word occurs in Livingstone's manuscripts with all 
three different modes of spelling. 

2. We cannot warrant the correctness of the vowels in all the examples given in this 
work for Rotse. Livingstone who is our only authority and who was principally a Chwana 
scholar, does not seem to have cared much for the differences between and u, e and i 
(cf. n. 200). Likewise we cannot certify that y in some of preceding words is pronounced like 
y in year. Possibly Livingstone meant to express by it the sound of the French y(our_/, 15). 

3. At the end of Capello and Ivens' " Fro;n Be7iguellaio the ierritory of Yacca ", there 
is a short collection of words which are said to represent the Ca-luiana language. As the 
Rotse call themselves Ba-loi or Ba-luiana, we should expect these to be Rotse words, 
but they are not so, or, if they are, we must say that they are considerably metamorphosed. 
The authors say that probably they belong to the Kololo language. Certainly they belong 
to nothing of the kind. But what approaches to Kololo are some twenty words given in the 
same work under the heading of " Njenji ". Concerning Kololo, see n. 169. 

142. — Next to Rotse is the Nyejigo language, which is described 
in Livingstone's Comparative Vocabulary MSS. It is spoken on 
the River Nyengo, which is an affluent of the Upper Zambezi. 
Ex. 1°) mo-kathi., a woman; dingo, the neck; monde, a town; iii^era, a path, etc. cf. 136. 
2°) m-bebo or m^ebo, wind, mn\.Qx ; pe-o?ida, to-morrow; se-labo, a paddle (Rotse, selabo; 

Tonga, ci-lawd), cf. 137. 
3°) m-ben^o^ a goat; n^an^a, a doctor ; ino-7io. a person, etc. cf. 140. 



Comparative Phonetics. 



33 



RUNDA OR LUNDA, and LUBA. 

N. B. Runda is spoken on the Upper, Luba on the Lower Kasai. Both these languages 
are closely connected with Rotse. 

143. — If we judge from Koelle's specimens of Runda, its most 
remarkable phonetic feature Is that the final vowels of Its words are 
scarcely heard, while some others are broadened or weakened. 
This however is much less perceptible in Carvalho's Lunda Gram- 
mar and In Capello and Ivens' specimens of the same language. 
Traces of a tendency to the same effect in Luba may be seen in 
the short notes on this language which have been given by Dr. 
BUttner In the " Zeitschrift fur afrikanische Sprachen, 1888-89 ", 
pp. 220-233. 
Ex. Tonga Lunda 





KOELLE 


Carvalho 


Capello and Ivens Luba 


ku-tut, an ear 


di-dsh 


di-tui 


di-to 


dichu 


i-fua^ a bone 


di-fup 


di-fupa 







mu-kazt, a woman 




mu-kaje 


mu-kaje 


mu-kax 


mu-zike^ a slave 


mo-ror 


7iiu-roro 







i-bele, woman's breast 


di-yel 


di-yele 




chi-adi 


im-vula, rain 


um-fal 


lu-nvula 






lu-limi^ the tongue 


ar-dim 


lu-dimi 





lu-dimi 


ma-nzi^ water 


menyi 




ineme 


nieii 


kabua, a little dog 


ka-b 


ka-b u a 


ka-bo 




li-no, (Kafir i-zi-nyo)^ a tooth 


di-zeu 


di-zeu 




di-no 


li-7iso^ an eye 


di-z 




di ce 





144. — 2° There is also every appearance that the Tonga zi Is 
sounded// or ci in Lunda. 

Ex. Tonga Lunda 

mu-lozi, a wizard mulaji (?) or u-rotchi 

viu-kazi^ a woman mu-kaje 

N. B, Possibly also the Tonga sound tu- before a vowel is, in Lunda, changed to ish or 
dsh^ as in di-dsh (K), an ear, (Tonga ku-tui); umo-dsh (K), a head, (Tonga di-dsh), etc.. 
Cf. parallel changes in Chwana and Kafir for the sounds bi/^ pu, inu, etc., before vowels, 
nn. 122 and 202-207. 

RUA. 

(Spoken on the Lualaba, South of Nyangwe). 

145. — If we may rely upon Mr. Last's collections In his '' Poly- 
glot ta Africana ", the most remarkable phonetic feature of Rua Is 
the transition from LI to J I. There Is however no trace of this in 
Cameron's Rua vocabulary at the end of his '* Across Africa ". 

3 



34 Soiith-Africmi Bantu Languages, 



Ex. Tonga 


Rua 


Last Cameron 

-hili, two 'biji -will 
lulimi^ tongue lu-jinii lu-vimi 
li-noj tooth jt-no li-no 

N. B. Guha, which is spoken West of Lake Tanganyika, is closely allied to Rua. How- 
ever it shows no trace of the transition from LI to JI. 



ANGOLA, MBAMBA, and FIOTE or LOWER CONGO. 

146. — In many respects these languages differ considerably 
from each other, but they practically agree in most of the points in 
which they differ from Tonga. The only regular permutations of 
consonants which are worth notice in them are the following : — 

147. — i"" The Tonga z before /and ^ = generally/ (French/^ 
in the three of them. 

The Tonga s before i and e = generally x (English sh). 



Ex. Tonga 




Angola 


Mbamba 


CONGC 


7mi-nzt, village 
-zima^ put out a 
in-zila, road 


light 


-Jtma 
n-jila 


family 


mu-iji^ family 

? 

? 


-jima 
jila 


(l)l-zina, name 
bu-si^ smoke 




ri-jina 
ri-xi 




? 
mu-ixi^ 


ejma 
vm-ixi 


mu-se^ earth 




oxt 




p 


ti-xi 



Mbamba 


Congo 


-hia 


■via 


ki-flia 





} 


(o)va-nxi 


-ha 


vana 



148. — 2° The Tonga p (both expressed and suppressed or 
weakened) = Angola d = Mbamba /i (or d suppressed) = Congo v 
(sometimes m). 

Ex. Tonga Angola 

-J^ia, a) burn; b) new -bia 

ci-fu(w)a, bone, chest ki-fuba, bone 
(p)a-nsij down b'o xi 

-pa, give -ba 

149. — A^- ^' In Congo, those stems which have generally v where Tonga has p 
recover this consonant after nasals. Ex. m-pemo " wind " (Tonga im-pewo). 

150. — 3° Tonga c = Angola £■ (?) or /^ = Congo ^ (cf. 258). 
Ex. Tonga Angola Congo 

ku-cia, dawn of day ku-gia ku-kia 

inu-cila, tail niu-kila n-kila 

151. — Though agreeing thus in many points, the language of 
Angola and that of Lower Congo seem to differ considerably on 
some others. Thus : — 



Comparative Phonetics. 35 

i" In Angola, n or ni is dropped before s, x,p. Not so in Congo. 
On this point Mbamba is apparently like Angola. The same phe- 
nomenon takes place in Swahili, Sagara, etc., cf. 282, 283. 

Ex. Tonga Angola Mbamba Congo 

insoni, shame sonye ? n-soni 

ku-nsi^ below koxi ? ku-nxi 

in-ziha (?), swallow piapia^ (of class IN) pieha (of class IN?) venga-7n-putiza 

152, — A^. ^. I find there are in Angola a few words in which the Tonga n is 
replaced by i before a consonant. Ex. ku-ivua " to hear " (Tonga ku-nvua)^ mii-iji " a 
family " (Tonga inu-iizi)^ etc.. 

153. — 2° In Congo, the classifier MU of the classes MU-BA 
and MU-MI is generally reduced to N (M before labials), as in 
Karanga and Senna (107, loi). 

Ex. 



Tonga 


Congo 


Karanga 


inu-kiilu^ elder 


n-kulu 


(u)n-kuru 


tnu-samo^ 2l tree 


n-ti 


(u)n-ti 


7nu-dla, a tail 


n-kila 


(u)n-cira 



154. — 3° Congo weakens also, or drops, the classifiers BU 
and KU of the classes BU-MA and KU-MA. Cf. 465 and 447-450. 

N.B. In this again, Congo reminds one of Karanga. Are these merely accidental con- 
nexions between the principal language of the ancient Congo kingdom and that of ancient 
Monomotapa? 

155. — 4° In general, in the classification of nouns, Congo 
recedes further from Tonga and from the generality of the Bantu 
languages than Angola does, as will appear from the chapter on 
substantives. Mbamba seems to be nearer to Tonga than either 
Angola or Congo. 

156. — A': ^. I. The Congo dialects which are described in the old Grammar of 
the Capuchin Father Brusciotto a Vetralla and in the Mss. French-Congo Dictionary in 
the British Museum, were more perfect than the modern San-Salvador dialect described 
in Rev. W. Holman Bentley's " Dictionary and Grammar of the Con^o Language " (Lon- 
don, 1887). 

157. — 2. The Bangala language, of which Mr. H^li Chatelain has given us speci- 
mens in the '' Zeitschrift fiir afrikanische Sprachen'\ 1888- 1889, pp. 136-146, is probably 
the same as that which is called Kasands or Kasandshi in Koelle's Polygloita. It differs 
but little from Mbamba. 

158. — 3. The old Angola dialect, which has been preserved to us in the Grammar 
of Father Pedro Diaz, S. J., and in the catechism of Father de Coucto, S. J., had fewer 
contractions and was consequently nearer to Tonga than the modern dialect. 



36 



South-African Bajttu Langtmges. 



MIDDLE CONGO LA.NGUAGES. 

159. — H. H. Johnston, in his ''Journey 7ip the River Congo ", 
gives us precious, though short, vocabularies of three languages of 
Middle Congo, viz. Teke, Buma and Yansi. They are sufficient to 
show that these languages differ considerably from one another, 
comparatively speaking, and yet perhaps more from any other 
known Bantu language. But they are neither sufficiently accurate, 
nor complete enough, to allow us to bring out any of their phonetic 
features with certainty. 

160. — ^- B- A it'N words in Buma and Teke have the consonant r where Tonga 
has /. This, as we shall see further on, is characteristic of the Mozambique-Chwana- 
Mpongwe group of languages. The Buma language in particular has certainly a great deal 
in common with Mozambique. 

161. — Here are, for the sake of comparison, a few of the words 
in which these languages agree best with Tonga, and consequently 
with the main Bantu group : — 

Ex. Tonga Teke 

ina-hele, woman's breast vm-biela 
hw-atu 
mw-ana 
7i-chi 

rt-/ (the dead?) 
vi-hiva 
7i-zofna 



bu-ato, a canoe 
muanaj a child 
7ftuse, country 
kufua, death 
7ftu-btm, a dog 
in-go7na^ a drum 



kutui, an ear 



7na4ui^ the ears 
iiiu-tue^ the head 
i-ji, an egg 
li-7iso^ an eye 
iTi-sui^ a fish 



Buma 


Yansi 


7na-biela 


7fia-bieta 


bw-aro 


biv-eftgo 


7nw-a7ia 


7nw-a7ia 


ki-se 


n-chi 


saa-fwa (?) 
711-bwa 


a-gm{the dead?) 
7n-bwa 


7t-g077ia 

i-tui 


71- go ma 
i-tui 


7]lU-tU 


7nu-tu 




i-ke 


di-u 


li-shtm 


71- tu 


7i-chui 




7i-gubu 


^bi 


lipfuba (99) 
-bi 


-saru 


•saiu 



7na-chui (144) 

7}iu-cJiwi 

i-ke 

i-shu 

Ti-chivi 
if/i-vuvu^ a hippopotamus 771-vubu 
i7i-ga7iga, a doctor 7t-gdi 

7na-fua, a skeleton 7na-fiva 

-bi, bad -bi 

-tatu, three -tatu 

162. — Here are also a few words in which, as far as we may 
rely on these small vocabularies, these languages differ widely from 
the main Bantu group. 

Teke 
77i'ba or fii-baa 
7t-taba 
w-iko 
71 -tare 
7na-iere 



Ex. Tonga 

7iiulilo (Senna 771-oio), fire 
7npongo (Swahili in-buzi), a goat 
iTt-gubo, cloth 
in-zoka, a snake 



izuba, the sun 



Buma 


Yansi 


771 bo 


77ie-a or 77ie-ya 


7t-taba 


n-taba 


ki-piu 


bila7iiba 


771-pili 


77iu-sJiwe77ia 


i-tere 


n-deinbc 



Comparative Phonetics. 



37 



NYWEMA. 

(Spoken North of the River Lukuga). 

163. — The materials available regarding the language of the 
cannibal Nywema are not yet sufficient to allow us to pass a judg- 
ment on the features proper to It. However it may already be said 
that it has much in common with the language of the Bihe, while, in 
some respects, it reminds one more of Mpongwe (cf. 213 and sqq.). 

164. — 1° The classifiers of the class MU-M I (366), are reduced 
In Nywema to or ti In the singular (Mpongwe 0, Bihe ?/), and to 
e or i In the plural (Mpongwe i, Bihe vi). 
Ex. 



Tonga 


Nyw 


EMA 


Mpongwe 


Bihe 




Bamba 


Kusu 






DIALECT 


DIALECT 






mu-lovio^ the mouth 


0-lomo 


u-lomo^ 


o-lumbu 




nii-iomo, mouths 


e-lo/no 


e-loftio 


i-luinbu 




mu-tue^ the head 


o-twe 


o-twe 


... 


u-twi 


ini-iue^ heads 


e-hve 


e-twe 


... 


vi-iwi 


\iniiti (Senna), a tree] 


o-U 


o-ti 


o-tindi 


u-ti 



165. — 2° The Tonga z before ms replaced in Nywema, at least 
in some words, by /, (Mpongwe / or n, Bihe / expressed or sup- 
pressed, 131). 

Bihe 



Ex. Tonga Nywema Mpongwe 

mu-ezi^ the moon w-eli o-giveli 

mu-kazi^ a female w-ali 

im-buzi^ a kind of goat m-btili m-buni 



u-kai 



166. — 3° The sound which in Nywema is v when not influenced 
by a nasal, changes to/ when influenced by one, as in Mpongwe, 
Congo, and several other languages. Ex. lu-vita, a finger, pi. pita 
(= m-pita, of class LU-IN). 

167- — N.B. \, Nywema differs from Mpongwe, among other things, by not 
having r where Mpongwe has it for the Tonga / (cf. 214). Otherwise the word for "head " 
should not be in Nywema o-iwe^ but orue; that for " belly "' should not be o-tima.^ but 
o-rima., etc. 

168. — 2. All these conclusions concerning Nywema are drawn from Last's pre- 
cious collections in his " Polyglotta Africana ", pp. 183-187 and 232-233. Mr. Stanley's col- 
lections in his " Dark continent " would lead to different conclusions. Probably they 
represent different dialects from those which have been studied by Last, 



38 



South-African Bantu Lajigtiages. 



KUA OR MOZAMBIQUE, and CHWANA. 

169. — The association of Chwana with the language of Mozam- 
bique may appear astonishing on account of its novelty. The fact 
is that we are passing to a class of languages which differ on im- 
portant points from those reviewed until now, and that, precisely 
where such differences occur, these languages happen to have 
similar features. This part of our study is particularly interesting, 
because after having passed from Mozambique and the Comoro 
islands to Basutoland and the Kalahari, thus touching the very 
southernmost parts of Africa, we find ourselves obliged to retrace 
our steps towards Kilimanjaro, then to pass over to the Ogowe 
under the equator, across the whole African continent. 

N. B. Nearly everything that will be said on Chwana in this article is true not only of 
Chwana proper, but also of its numerous dialects (Suto, Tlhaping, Kololo, etc.). 

170. — To understand the language of Mozambique and 
Chwana, it is necessary to distinguish with a very peculiar attention 
between those consonantal sotmds which inchtcie a nasal and those 
which contain none. Hence : — 

171. — 1° Considering those sounds which contain no nasals we 
have to notice a set of permutations which differs considerably from 
most of what we have seen until now. The correspondence oi r and 
/ is particularly remarkable. The general tendency is to guttural 
sounds. 



< 
o 
5?; 
o 

T = 



li 


O 


< 
> 


Ex. Tonga 


Mozambique 


Chwana 




Masasi Kilimane 


= 


r, rr == 


r 


-tatu, three 


-raru -raro 


-ram 


?) 


55 >> 


n 


ku-jata^ to hold 


ii-vara u-varra 


go chwara 


)> 


5) 5J 


J? 


ku-tuma^ to send 


u-ruma -u-rruma 


go-ro7na 


l": 


^3 


s,r 


(l)i-tq)na^ a cheek 


n-ratna ni-rrama 


le-sama 
pi. ifia-rafna 


x k 


r, rr = 


d,r 


niukazi^ a wife 


mw-ari jnu-arri(J)ino-sadt (or 










(isl. of Moz.) 


?/io-sari,c(. 9) 


5> 


)< 1? 


... 


ma-?iguzu, strength 


i-kuru 


... 


») 


5) J) 


55 


mu-ezi, moon 


7mv-eri viu-erre 


kgivedi (or 
kgweri) 


')1 


rj „ 


1' 


in-dezu^ beard 


i-reru e-rrelo 
(isl. of Moz.) 


tedii 



Comparative Phonetics. 



39 



Ex. Tonga 



Mozambique Chwana 



Masasi Kilimane 



„ ,, r//, z „ dropped (l)i-zina, a name n chi?ia 

,, „ „ „ fl ku zala^ to become full u-chara 
^i » )\ ^ )> ^^ ku ziala, to beget u-yara 



zu „ u „ av ku-zua, to come out 

174.- 

S = / = tl/i meso, eyes 



5> J» >> » »» 



mu-sana^ back 
,, ku-samba^ to wash 
r mii-sisi, hair 



me-io 
vi-iana 

ji-liapa 



hi ,, .y/ ku-sia^ to leave behind ?/-///*^ 



)) n )) >? 5» 

11 n -^ »i J 



5) 55 

5) 55 

55 55 



bu-siku, night 
kubusia^ to rouse 
., „ ////, // „ dropped ku-simba, to dig 

se „ the, te „ (she ku seka, to laugh 

175. — 

K =dropped=^ g -ako, thine 

,, ,, ,, ,, ,, in-zoka, a snake 

7i) ,, „ kii-bi^ka, to awake 

k „ .j/^ i-kumi, ten 

., ,, ,, ku-kuwa, to shout 

176.— 

C=dropped= .f f/-;////, a thing 

,, „ ,, „ ... J'lu cila, tail 

55 ,5 ,5 J5 55 cla-kuHa, food 

177.— 

F = y^ = sh ku-fiia, to die 

5, „ ,5 ,5 /, h ma-futa, oil, fat 

178.— 

LI = lij^=^ J ku-lia, to eat 

„ „ / ,, „ mu-liango^ door- way 

179.— 

B =dropped= b ku-bona, to see 

„ „ ... i, c, b ku-boko, an arm 



ni-zinal^) leina 

go-tlala 
ti-bala gotsala 

(Suto tsuala) 

go-cwa 

via-to viaiWio 

(K.2i^xamehIo) 
viu-ia7ia ino-thlajia 

(Kafir u m-hlana) 
nhaba go- 1 1 ha pa 

(Kafir u-ku-hlamba \ 
7i-tiie ino-rtri 
go-sia 



55 55 55 55 



bi „ 



c /l'?^-^?//^^, to awake (intr.) uuiva 
J -biala, to sow 



u-hiu 


iitio 


bo-sigo 


u-wuxa 




go-cosa 


u-thipa 


n-timba 


go-epa 


u-thea 


u-tea 


go-ishega 


-ao 


-au 


-ago 


i-noa 


noa 


noga 


w-uwa 


u-uwa 


go-coga 


ni-kumi 


kume 


le-shome 


u-kuwa 


u-kuwa 


go-shua 


i-tu 


e-lo 


se-lo 


mw-ila 


muila 


... 


y-olia 


... 


se-jo 


(= i-a-u 


■Ha) 




u-kwa 


u-kua 


go-shwa 


ma-kura 


ma-kurra 


ma-fura{QX via- 
huraci. ii.) 


u-lia 


u-oja 


go-ja (205) 


in-lako 


... 


??w-jako 


w-ona, 


ii-ona 


go-bona 
le-cogo^ pi. via- 
bogo {414). 


uuwa 


u-iiwa 


go-coga 


w-ala 


... 


gojala (202) 



40 



Sotith-African Bantu Languages. 



180.— 



< 
O 

o 

H 

P = 



Ex. Tonga 



Mozambique 



Chwana 



Masasi Kilimane 
== /( 1 1) mu-im'{=mu-pini),ha.nd\e m'mi (pi. mi-vini) mo-fin^ 

jj ,, „ „ „ (p)a-kaii^ between v-ari v-ari fa-gare 

„ „ „ „ ... i-fua{=t-fupa\hor\Q ni-kuva 
,, „ „ „ „ (p)a-nst, down vat hi va-ii lefatshe^ earth 

]^31, — N. B. I. This last permutation, viz. ^ = z/ =/, should be compared with 
what has been noticed in Congo (148, 149), Rotse (137), etc. 

3^32. — 2. The fact of <5 being suppressed, as in Mozambique, though mentioned 
more particularly in this place, is common to many other Bantu languages, as may have 
been remarked throughout the whole of this article. Cf. class BU-MA, in the chapter on 
substantives. 

183. — 2° Considering those consonantal sounds which contain 
a nasal, we meet here with an entirely new application of the gene- 
ral principles mentioned in nn. 55-59, viz. — the nasal is apparently 
suppressed, except before monosyllabic stems, and then, in Chwana, 
the consonant which remains is either hardened or strengthened, or, 
if possible, dentalized, while in most of the dialects of Mozambique 
there is a marked tendency to the same effect. Hence : — 

184.- 



MP= / =. 

185.— 

MB= p,b = 



< 
< 

u 

ph 
P 



186.— 

NVorMV=;^=/ 



n )) 5) 55 



J5 n^^^S 

187.— 

NF== 

188.— 

NK= k = 

189.— 
190.— 

NG= k = 



tl 



Ex. Tonga 



im-pewo^ wind 

huhumha, to form 
im-huziy goats 
im-bezu, seeds 

in-vula, rain 
mi-nvui, arrows 
ku-nvua, to hear 



Mozambique 



Chwana 



Masasi 
i-pio^ 

w-upa 
e-puri 
m-beyu (?) 

i-pula 

w-hva 



Kilimane 
pevo phefo 



u-uha 

bure 

beu 



kh in-zila 71-fuefui, a short . . . 
[road 

kg in-Mku^ a. hen 

„ (z)in-kuni^ firewood i-kuni 



-ku 



go-bopa 

podi 

pen 

pula 

ine-aii 

go-utlwa 

tsela e khuishane 
kzom 



kg in-Qomhe, a cow 



i-jif^ope 



in-goma, drum i-koma 

inu-liango, the doorway m-lako 



dikgon^ 

kgomo 

i-gonia(J) komai^y^'A.x song) 
mo-jako 



Comparative Phonetics. 



41 



Tonga 
Moz. 




< 


Ex. Tonga 


xMoZAMBIQUE 


Chwana 








Masasi 


KiLlMANE 




19L- 


- 












NJ= ^ ^ 


= 


k, ts 


ku-njila, to enter 


?^- ^^«« 


... go- 


kena or go tsena 


192.- 


- 












NT= / 


=-- 


th 


mu-ntu, a person 


;;/-/// 


JllU-tO 


mo-thii 


5) 55 )S 


55 


5J 


in-iibi, a shield 




... 


thepe 


193.- 


- 












ND= /, th 


= 


/ 


viu-lindi^ a pit 


nliti, 




vwlete 


5) 55 55 


55 


55 


kii-enda^ to go 


w-etha^ 


uenda(^) go-eta{=\.oirz.\t\) 


55 55 55 


J5 


)5 


ku-linda, to watch over /^-///«, 




go-leta 


194.- 


- 












NS= i, th 


= 


tlh 


-^;»zi-^, all 


-othe 


-ote-ne 


-otlhe 


55 J5 55 


5> 


55 


//-«.y^, an eye 


ni-tho 


ni-to 


le-itlho 


5> 55 "^ 


>) 


55 


in-soni, shame 


i-xoni 


... 


di-tlhon^ 
(Kafir /;? tloni) 


5) 55 


}> 


55 


in-sangu, a hoof, a shoe . . . 


... 


tlhaku 












(Kafir / n-tlangu) 


55 55 h 


5) 


55 


mu-nst, within 


m-hi-7ia 


mo ti-n 


7nO'ten(i 


195.- 















NZ= th, d 


== 


// 


(p)a-nze, outside 


vathe 


va-nje (?) kwa-ntie 


5> 55 55 


)5 


55 


tn-zaluy hunger 


i-thala 


data 


tlala 


55 55 15 


55 


ts 


in-zila, a road 




dila 


tsela 


J) 55 ^ 


55 


55 


ma-nzt^ water 


nia-xt 


fna-ije 


metse 


55 ,5 n 


5) 


n 


in-zoka, a snake 


i-noa 


noa 


noga 


196.- 















NY= n 


= 


n 


i fiyama, meat 


i-nama 


nyama 


na?na 


55 5> )> 


55 


J) 


i-nyatty a buffalo 


i-nari 


7iarre 


nare 



197. — ^- B. It is evident from this last permutation (ny = n) that the Mozam- 
bique word noa, snake, and the Chwana noga interchange tfninediately, not with the Tonga 
form m-zoka, but with the Kafir form / nyoka. And in general it may be said of many words 
both in Chwana and in Mozambique, that they are in more immediate connexion with 
their Kafir than with their Tonga equivalents. 

198. — This Influence — open or concealed — of nasals upon 
other consonants, in Chwana and Mozambique, causes a great many- 
words to have in these languages two forms each, these forms being 
sometimes widely different (cf. 52-59). 

Ex. Tonga Mozambique Chwana 

ba-7itu ba\dX\X, three persons a-tu ^-raru ba-tho ba ba-raro 

in-Qo?;ibe (zjin-tatu, three cows t'-Qope (d/Jtaru di-kgoino tse(dijtaru 



42 South-African Bantu La7ignages. 

N. B. I have not however sufficient evidence to trace with certainty to the influence of 
nasals the fact that verbs in Chwana adopt a stronger form after the reflexive pronoun i 
(655), as \in were suppressed. Possibly this fact might also be explained by saying that 
the vowel / produces in given cases the same effect as 71^ as if / and n were two cognate 
sounds in Bantu (cf. 152, 285, 412, 414). But this explanation does not seem to hold so 
well as the first in presence of the fact that the classifier DI of the class SE-DI (Tonga 
CI-ZI) does not cause the stems which follow it to adopt strong forms. (Compare n. 496 
with n. 395.) 

199. — Though Chwana and Mozambique agree very nearly in 
the remarkable features just mentioned, they can in no wise be 
considered as mere dialects of one and the same language. For they 
diverge in many other respects, principally in this, that, through 
contractions, elisions, and probably owing to European intercourse, 
the grammatical system of proclitics, enclitics, prefixes, and suffixes, 
is in Mozambique reduced to a mere skeleton, while Its richness 
is extraordinary in Chwana. 

200, — Again, Chwana, contrary to Mozambique, often changes 
to the u of the other languages, and their i to e^ as may be seen 
in the above examples. Likewise the syllable ni at the end of Bantu 
words is regularly changed to n^ in Chwana, though there is no 
evidence that the same is done in Mozambique (194). 

201. — Again, a remarkable feature of Chwana, apparently not 
shared In by Mozambique, Is a series of combinations of conson- 
ants and vowels which occur before such suffixes as begin with 
a vowel. They are for the most part similar to those which have 
been described In the note on Kafir (122-123) as affecting the con- 
sonants m. b, and/. A few others are new, affecting the consonants /, 
r, and ts. They are well described In Rev. William Crisp's ** Secoana 
Gr, ", pp. 103-104, from which the following examples are drawn: — 

202. — 

1° Be- (vowel) =7- Ex. tJiebe^ a shield; diminutive thejana, a small shield. 

Bo- (vowel) =j7ci-o\-j- Ex. -tl/iaba, pierce; passive voice -tlilajwa, be pierced. 
nr\'\ bo-gobe]di vie}0 = {bo-gobe bo-a me bo-o), this is my bread. 

2° Po- (vowel) =cw- Ex. jno-lapo, a river; dimin. vio-lacwana. 
Fhe-{\oyfQ\)==chw- Ex. tshephe^ a springbok; dimin. tshechwana. 

204.— 

5° Mo- (vowel)= n^w- Ex, kgoino, an ox; dimin. kgont^wana. 

205.— 

4*^ Le- (vowel) =j- Ex. Le-itUio ja me je (== le-itlJw le-a me le-e), this is my eye 

Z?^- (vowel) =r7C'- Ex. khuhi^ a tortoise ; dimin. khucwana. [(cf. 178). 

Di (vowel) =ts- F^x.podi, a goat; dimin. potsane. 



Comparative Phonetics. 



43 



206.— 

^"^ Re-{yQ\s^)=tsh- Ex. se-tlhare^ a tree; dimin. setlhaishana. 

Ts- before a and e becomes c before o. Ex. -botsa, ask; poco^ a question. 

207. — ^- ^- ^- Through some sort of extension of the principle which causes the 
preceding permutations, those syllables which are liable to them, viz. ino^ bo^ po^ etc., are 
sometimes found to interchange in the manner just described after a suppressed nasal, 

Ex. lo-niocana^ a small gulley, pi. di-ii^^ocana {—^ di(n)-i7tocana^ cf. 470). 

2. All this naturally throws a good deal of light on some of the phenomena mentioned 
in nn. 172-180. From the examples given in these same numbers for Mozambique, I suspect 
that the transitions of sounds just described are not altogether foreign to the latter lan- 
guage, though far less numerous than in Chwana. 

208. — Here we must come back to another point which is 
common to Kafir and Chwana. This is the use of the peculiar sounds 
///, tl, dl, etc. It has just been seen (174) that the Chwana tlh cor- 
responds to the Tonga s. So Is It with the Kafir /// and //; only // 
is used exclusively after n, hi in the other cases. The Kafir dl is 
used without n only In a few words where it replaces the Tonga 
zi- before a vowel, as in u-ku-dlala *' to play " (Tonga ku-ziana), 
u ku-dla '' to eat " (Tonga ktc-lia, Chwana ^^-y<3;^, and its numerous 
derivatives. After n, the Kafir <^/= Chwana tl= Tonga z. 

Ex. Kafir Chwana Kafir Chwana 

a ?nehlo^ the Qy&^ ma-itlho, (174) t n-tlangu, 2i shoe ilhaku (194) 



u m-hlana, the back uw-tlhana (174) 
u ku-Jilamba^ to wash go-tl/iapa (174) 
z n-/lom\ shame di-///io?iQ (194) 



pa-ndle^ outside kwa-nile (195) 

I n-d/a /a, hunger ilala (195) 

/ n-dlovu, an elephant tlou 



209. — N. B. \. There are so many analogies between Mozambique and Karanga 
that it is impossible to doubt of their very intimate connexion (cf. 107, 921). Likewise it 
strikes me that Herero resembles Mozambique not only in those permutations of conson- 
ants which may be traced to the peculiar cut of the teeth of either tribe (50 note), but also 
in the use of certain words which are met with only in a few Bantu Languages. 

Ex. Tonga Mozambique Herero 

mu-bili^ body i-ruttt rutu (366*) 

mii-oyo^ heart inrima f?iu-tt?fia, etc. 

210. — 2. Several coast languages which are heard from Mozambique to Delagoa 
Bay are intermediary between Chwana and Mozambique on the one hand, and Zulu and 
Senna on the other. This is true to a certain extent of Kilimane, examples of which have 
been given above, as also of Gunda which has been mentioned in a previous article. But 
it applies more particularly to Tekeza (Delagoa Bay), Nyambane, and Gwamba (East of 
the Lower Limpopo). However all such languages have on the whole more in common 
with Chwana and Mozambique than with Zulu and Senna. Kafirs both in Natal and at 
Senna have a supreme contempt for all of them. I have even known a man born at Kili- 
mane who considered his own native language as a mean brogue, while he used to extol 
Senna as a refined language. In fact, everything combines to make us believe that the 
peculiar features of the language of Mozambique and the like were originally the result of 
lip-rings and filed teeth. Lip-rings must have modified considerably the pronunciation of 
nasal and labial sounds, and filed teeth that of dental sounds, and the combined result of 
both must have been a tendency to gutturals, and to aspirates, or to half-suppressed sounds. 



44 



South-African Banhi Languages. 



Ex. Tonga Tekeza, Nyambane Gwamba, Chwana Mozamb. Senna Zulu 



mu-ana^ a child 
ba-ntu^ people 
(mi-samo^ trees) 
7na-nzi^ water 

-taiu^ three 
in-^otnbe^ a cow 



w-ana nyan{}) 
va-no wa-no (?) 
mi-re mi-tanda 
nia-ti 
raro 



- {■;■ 



n^wana 

ba-nhu 

nie-ri 

ma-ti 

-raru 



oino 



(with n) naru 
n^ombe (?) homo 



n^wana (204) mw-a?ta 

ba-ihu[\(^2) a-tit 
(di- tlhare) (172) mi-iri 

me-tse (195) ma-xi 

-raru (172) -raru ) 

tharu (192) tarn ^ 

kgomo (189) i-Ji^ope 



mw-ana 


11 nyana 


a-ntu 


a ba-ntu 


mi-ti 


imi-ii 


ma-nzi 


ama-nsi 


-tain 


-tatu 


n^oinbe 


i n-komo 



TSHAGGA and HINZUA. 

21 1« — ^- ^- Tshagga is one of the languages spoken near Kilima-njaro, Hinzua 
is one of those of the Comoro islands. 

The short specimens we have of these two languages are evi- 
dently insufficient to judge of their proper features. However they 
show plainly that both of them have some of the features of Mo- 
zambique, principally with respect to dental and liquid sounds. 



Tshagga Hinzua 
-raru -iaru [with 71 (?)] 



inti-rt miv-tri 
ma-ric ma-ki-yo 
mu-rue xi-tswa (cf. 206) 



Mozambique 
-raru {-taru with nasal 
mw-iri [influence) 
ma-ru 
mu-ru 



m-ruma(m-fumia ?) ka-rumta 



m-oro 


m-oro 


niu-ali 


m-she 




ma-zdi (?) 


e-ruva 


idzua 




-aha 




-ahe 


... 


vanu 


y?... 


-ngavi? 



m-07'o 

mw-ari 

ma-xi 

7i-chuwa 

-ao 

-awe 

vano 

-cha7ii? or -nmvi ? 



Ex. Tonga 
T tatu three 

7fiu-ti^ a tree (Senna) 

ma-iui^ ears 

7nu-tue^ the head 

77iu-tumua, a servant 

771-oto, fire (Senna) 
Z— 7Jtu-kazi, a female 

ma-7tzi^ water 

i-zuba, the sun 
K — ako, thine 

-akue., his 
P — a7io (^^paTio), here 

-ngai?(= -Ttgapil )^\io^ many 

212« — N' B. I. The Gweno language, of which Johnston gives us short specimens 
in his " Kilima-Tijaro ExpeditioTt ", is closely allied to Tshagga. 

2. The short specimens of Angazidja which were published by Steere in 1869 represent 
a language of the Comoro Islands which seems to differ considerably from Hinzua. If these 
specimens may be relied upon, Angazidja is a mixture of Hinzua and Swahili. 

MPONGWE. 

(Spoken on the Lower Ogowe.) 

213. — Strange as it may appear, it is none the less true that 
Mpongwe is more closely allied to Chwana and Mozambique than 
to the languages of the Lake region. For : — 

1° Here again the most noticeable permutations are from t to r, 
and from ^ to / (Chwana /, d, or r). 



Comparative Phonetics. 



45 



2° The influence of the nasal on consonants combined with it is 
in many respects similar to what has been noticed in Kua and 
Chwana, though it is to be noted that in Mpongwe, contrary to 
what occurs in Chwana and in some Mozambique dialects, the nasal 
is retained before consonants in given cases with the effect of 
changing k, s, and t to ty, z to dy, etc. 

3° In many words the vowels i and u are changed respectively 
to e and o, as in Chwana (200). 



214. Ex. 








Tonga 


Mpongwe 


Chwana 


Mozambique 


T -tatu^ three 


-raro 


-raro 


-raru 


NT -niatu, do. (class IN) 


-fityaro 


-tharo 


-taru 


Z vni-ezi^ the moon 


o-gweli 


khwedi 




NZ in-zovu, an elephant 


n-dyogu 


tlou 


... 


S /-sue, we 


a-zue 


TO-na 


hi-yo 


NS in-soni^ shame 


n-tyo?ii 


di-tlhon^ 


i-xoni 


B -bi, bad 


-we 


-shwe 


... 


MP -/;//;/, do. (class IN) 


-mbe 


>» 


... 


x^x^ V {71-kuku^ a hen 


n-dyogoni 


kgogu 


... 


I mu-aluviij a husband 
( -lafifo^ long 


oxiome 


(cf. 7no-no7ta) 


(cf. m-amna) 


-la 


-lele 


... 


ND n-danfo, do. (class IN) 


-nda 


-telele 





215. — It may^be added that in Mpongwe, as in Mozambique, 
V and p correspond to each other as weak and strong letters, e. g. 
owaro ovoIm, ** a large canoe, " nyaj^e m-'pohc, "a large ox. " On this 
particular point, Mpongwe resembles the language of Lower Congo 
(cf 149). 

216. — A remarkable feature of Mpongwe, in the same line as 
those just described, and noticeable principally in verbs, is that these 
have double forms such as -/^;;^^and -roma, '* send " (Tonga -Uima, 
Chwana -toma and -roma), -dyoiiga and -yonga, " drink " (Tonga 
nyua), etc. Probably the more dental, or stronger, of such forms is 
due to an occult influence of the nasal. 

217. — A phonetic feature proper to Mpongwe is the use of the 
consonant n (alias nl) in many instances in which most other lan- 
guages have /. Ex. o-X[ome, *' a husband" {Tonga, mu-aiumi), -daXli, 
" two " (Herero -dari, Tonga -di/i), i-weXie, *' a woman's breast " 
(Tonga i-bele). 



46 Soitth- African Bantu Languages, 

218. — N, B. The principal feature of Mpongwe, as compared with the other 
Bantu languages, is the partial obliteration and disappearance from it both of the classi- 
fying elements of nouns, and of the connective elements of other words, viz. those elements 
which refer verbs, adjectives, and pronouns to their proper noun (cf. 42). However it must 
be added that the richness of Mpongwe is saved by the introduction of a great many 
constructions apparently foreign to Bantu. The practical consequence of such a fact with 
respect to this work is that less will be said on Mpongwe than on the other great Bantu 
languages, because our aim is not so much to dwell on the features proper to particular 
languages as to bring out those that are proper to the main group. 

DUALLA. 

219. — Dualla, the principal language of the Cameroons, has a 
great deal in common with Mpongwe, or scarcely differing from it. 
Thus : — 

OOn ^f The Tonga /not preceded by n (=-Mpongwer)=Dualla/. 
iThe Tonga z before i (= Mpongwe / or n) == » d. 
Ex. :ToNGA Dualla Mpongwe Tonga Dualla Mpongwe 



lui-ato, c^noe bolo oiv-aro 
ma-futa^i2i\. vi-ula (Chwana: ma-furd) 
■tatu^ three -lain -ratu 
-tuma, send -loffia -roma 



i-zina, name dijia ina 

im-buzi^2L kind ofgoat m-bodi m-bo7ii 
loozi, straight, good -lodi 

nii-sozi^ tears mi-sodi afi-tyoni 



221. — 2^ Dualla has, like Mpongwe, verbs with two forms, the 
one stronger, the other weaker (216). 

Ex.: Tonga Dualla Mpongwe Tonga Dualla Mpongwe 

-buena {or) -bona, j^^i'congQr -je7ie -dyena ' . ^stronger -gingea -dyingina 

(cf. 264) (^veaker -ene -yena ' ( weaker : -/V/^*?^ yingina 

222, — N. B. I. The change of the llox\'g2i-buena or -bona into the Dualla -jene 
and the Mpongwe -dyena should be particularly noted, as it reveals another link which 
connects these languages with Chwana and Mozambique. Cf. 202 where bo- before a vowel 
is found to change regularly toy in most Chw^ana dialects. 

2. Vowels are weakened in Dualla as in Mpongwe (213}. 

223. — Strange to say, if we consider Dualla from another 
point of view, we shall find that on the whole the Bantu grammatical 
elements are better preserved in it than in Mpongwe. Thus in par- 
ticular the classifiers of the classes MU-BA and MU-MI are not 
reduced to O-A and O-I, as in Mpongwe, but they keep their 
consonants in and b. 

Ex. : Tonga Dualla Mpongwe 

mu-ntu^ a person, pi. ba- nio-tti^ pi. ba- o-nia 

niu-alufnt\ a husband, pi. ba- ^n-omt, pi. b^- o-Xlome, pi. a- 

viu-lo7tio, mouth, beak, pi. ;///- mo-lumbu, pi. mi- o-lumbu, pi. i- 

(Herero : mu-tima) heart mo-lema, pi. mi- o-rema, pi. /- 



Comparative Phonetics. 



47 



224. — And, if we place ourselves In a third point of view, we 
may notice In Dualla a feature which reminds one of Swahili and 
Kamba of the East Coast, viz. /Is often dropped (8i, 88). 

£x. : Tonga Dualla Swahili Kamba 

ivi-vula^ rain m-bua m-vua m-bua 

i?i-zila, a road 7i-gia 7i-jia n-sia 

•lila, cry -eya -Ha -iya 

225. —Other consonants are dropped In some cases in Dualla, 
but apparently the laws cannot be generalized. 

Ex. : Tonga Dualla Tonga Dualla 



K i-kumi (= /i-kumij, ten d'-um 
F ma-fiita^ fat in^-ida 



Z before a -iza^ come -ya or -wa 
N nasal mu iitu, a man nio-tu 



226« — ^- ^- Saker says in his Dualla grammar, " that the present Dualla are a very 
mixed people, greatly the result of the slave trade ". Their language is indoubtedly quite 
as mixed, and consequently cannot be said to be a good representative of pure Bantu. 

227. — The same must be said of Benga, Isubu, and Kele, all three of which are 
languages closely allied to Dualla. Benga is spoken on the islands of Corisco Bay, Isubu 
north of the Dualla, and Kele principally along the Bembo River. 

228. — The most remarkable phonetic difference between Benga and Dualla is the 
transition from s to h. Thus the Dualla words san^^o " father ", di-so " an eye ", bo-so " the 
face ", esadu " small " are respectively pronounced in Benga hango, dihn^ boho^ ch^li 
(Zeitschrift, 1888-89, p. 195). 

229, — Between Isubu and Dualla the most remarkable phonetic differences are 
the transition from p to y, and the use oi k in many instances in which it is dropped in 
Dualla (Saker's Grammar, pp. 12 and i8). Thus the Dualla words mo-lopo " the head ", 
m-boa " a town ", ina-iya " blood ", mo-titu " a child ", etc., are respectively in Isubu mo- 
lofo^ m-boka^ ina-kia^ mo-kutu^ etc. 

230, — Kele differs more from Dualla, Benga, and Isubu, than these latter differ 
from one another. Its most characteristic feature seems to be to weaken vowels more than 
any of the languages we have hitherto reviewed. 



Ex. 


: Tonga 


Kele 


Dualla 


Mpongwe 




imi-ntu^ a person 


mu-ty\ 


mo-iu 


... 




ma-boko^ arms 


ma-bo 


... 


a-go 




li-moy an eye 


dishl 


d'iso 


i-ntyo 




nii-mte^ the fingers 


mi-na 


mi-ne 


i-meno 




bu-ato^ a canoe 


bi-ali 


b-olo 


oiu-aro 




bti-sio, the face 


bo-she 


bO'So 


o-jo 



fan. 

(Spoken on the upper stream of the River Gabiin.) 

231. — Judging from Don Amado Osorlo Zabala 's Fan Voca- 
bulary lately published by Mr. Cust (1887), there can be no doubt 
that this is a Bantu language. It is closely allied to Mpongwe 



48 



South' African Bantu- Languages. 



perhaps more closely related to Kele, and again forcibly reminding 
one of Chwana, and even more of Mozambique. This is plain from 
the following permutations, several of which may be considered as 
being regular. 

232.— Ex.: 

Tonga Fan 
/ = / 



„ =zn after n 
Z= / 

„ = n final 

S dropped before 
and after <7, U 

„=" b before 
/, e, a 



7i-sel 



Tonga 
-tumigue, sent 
-tatu, three 
ku-iue, ear 

p]. ma-tue 
mu-hie, head 
indezu, beard 
mu-zimo^ soul, spirit a-lina 
viu-ezi^ moon gon 

ma-zuba, days 7ne-lu 

lu-boko, arm u-o 

ba-7Jiu, people b-oru or 

\b-ur 
ka-bia,2i^a.me (Guha) \ka-ba 
pi. /u-bia, fire 



Fan Mpongwe 
lomigue -xoviio 
■Ida -raro 



a-lo, o-roi^ 

pi. mold pi. a-roi 
n-nu 

e-lelu 

i'liina 

o-gweli 

o-go 



MozAMB. Chwana 

-romelie{T) -ro7nilwe 

-ram -raro 

7iya-ru, 

pi. 7)ia-ru ... 

77171- ru 

e-rerii iedu 

77ni-ri77ioi^) 7710-diino 

77iweri kgwedi 

77ia-chuwa ... 

lecogo{Q{.ii<^) 
a-iu ba-iho 



i pi. do-a 



233.— 

dropped 



/^=^, or drop- 
ped 

F==^or^,etc. 



K dropped 



77ia-bele^ breasts 
-bili, two 
iTi-gulube^ a pig 
ku-ulu, a foot 
7IIU-IOJ710, the beak 
lino, a tooth 



77ia-b\ aiii-bex\.e 77ia-peleiJ) 77iabele 

-be -bant -Hi -bedi 

7i-gui 7i-g07va i-kuluwe kolobe 

e-ko o-golo 

en-sooTi o-ju77ibu ... 7710-I07710 

as 071 i-7io 7i-i7io le-iTto 
u-fiia, a dying man e-gu(e-ku{?)) -yuwa,todie-kwa,tod\Q-s/i7e'a,todie 

or e-u 

ku-fu77iay to be rich ku7/iaj riches ... ... -/u77m 

in-zovu, an elephant eTt-sok 71-dyogu . . . tlou 

i77t-vuv7ef a hippopo- Ti-sogo-usui 7i-giiu ... kubu 

[tamus 

/ nyoka, a snake 7W ... i-7ioa Tioga 

iTi-kuku^ a fowl ku 7i~dyogo7ii . . . koku 

234, — Evidently this is not a complete list of the phonetic 
permutations of consonants between Fan and other Bantu languages. 
I exclude particularly all reference to the influence oin nasal, because 
I cannot trace Its law in Fan as we have traced it in Chwana and 
Mpongwe. However, the extent of this influence may be conjectured 
from the fact mentioned by several travellers that " the nasalization 
of the language is very marked " (Cust's *' Languages of Africa ", 
vol. II, p. 422). 



Comparative Phonetics. 49 

235. — A very remarkable feature of Fan is the negligence 
with which the vowels are pronounced (230). Vox not only do we 
find here many words dropping their final vowel, principally after n, 
such as engan, ** a doctor" (Tonga in-gangd); ason, ''a tooth" (Tonga 
li-no); n-bom, " a boa " (Tonga im-boomd) ; n-suur or n-suut, " a black 
man " (Tonga mu-simdu, Kafir on-tsundu, Chwana nw-SMtu, etc.) ; 
but also several accented vowels themselves have an uncertain 
pronunciation, as is evidenced from the fact that the author of the 
Fan Vocabulary writes the same words with different vowels in 
different places, e. g. enom or enam or eno77i, "husband" (Mpongwe 
oXiome); em-bom^e and -vora = one (Senna -bozi), etc. 

236. — This furnishes probably the correct explanation of another 
remarkable feature of Fan, viz. that in many Fan words the vowel 
a = Tonga or a; likewise Fan e = sometimes the Tonga or a^ 
and the Fan = often the Tonga u, etc. 

Ex. : Tonga Fan Tonga Fan 



meso, the eyes mise 
mu-yuni, a bird un-on 



-kulu^ ancient -koa 

-a-palua^ filed (teeth) e-bol., etc. cf. examples above. 

237. — ^'- ^- These, with the phenomena described in nn. 230, 213, 200, and 122, 
seem to be the most important exceptions to the general principle of the relative stability 
of the vowels in Bantu (48). 

FERNANDIAN (Fernando Po). 

238. — Strange to say, Fernandian differs from Mpongwe and 
Dualla by using the t in the same cases as Tonga, Kafir, etc., instead 
of the r oi I which we have just seen used in several other languages. 

Ex. Tonga Fernandian Mpongwe 



Banapa dialect Banni dialect Ureka dialect 



bu-atOj a canoe I bu-aio b-ato bato 

ku-tue, an ear j ba-tiu b-ato b-aio 

e-tue e-chtte e-chue 

-tta -ta -ia 



ow-aro 

o-roi 

(Kua mu-ru) 

-raro 



mii-tue^ the head 
-tatu^ three 

239. — Fernandian seems even to be fond of /'s as it replaces 
often by / the Tonga z, as in n-tele, " a road " (Tonga n-zila), 
n-tohi, "the sun" (Tonga i-zuba), etc. 

However, in other words we find the t of the other Bantu lan- 
guages replaced by s in Fernandian. Ex. bw-aiso, '' a woman " 
(cf. Kamba mw-aito, *' a mother "), b-osso, " fire " (rn-oto in Senna, 
Swahlli, etc.). 

240. — Another remarkable feature of Fernandian, at least of 



50 



South- African Banhi-Laiigiiages. 



its principal dialects, is the one noticed by Bleek, p. 248, viz. the 
frequent use of b where the other languages have m. 

Ex. Tonga Banni dialect 

inu-ntu, person bo-cho 

mu-alume^ husband b-ube (Dualla m-07ni) 

24:1, — ^- B. As for the rest, the documents at hand are insufficient to allow of 
any important conclusions being drawn safely from them. However I may say that in 
reading these same documents I am strongly reminded of the languages of the Lower 
Congo (nn. 146-158), and of Bihe (131). 

LANGUAGES of the CONGO FOREST. 

242. — We are indebted to Stanley for giving us in his '' Darkest 
AfiHca " words belonging to the languages of the dwarfs that 
inhabit the great Congo forest. Unfortunately no one can tell us 
whether these words belong to the original language of those tribes, 
or whether they have been borrowed by them from the agricultural 
tribes in whose neighbourhood they live. I take this latter view to 
be the correct one, principally because we know that the more 
southern dwarf tribes of the Kalahari desert readily adopt the lan- 
guages of their neighbours. (Cf. Introduction). But, whatever 
view we take, the fact is that a large number of the words given 
by Mr. Stanley as belonging to the languages of his dwarfs are 
unmistakably Bantu in origin. Such are not only the numbers -bari 
" two ", -saro and -karo *' three, " -una " four ", -tano '* five ", but 
also a certain number of substantives, e. g. : — 

243.— 



KU-MBUTTI 
(Ba-kwa forest) 

ba-kwa, dwarfs 
mo-kuy a person 
kali, woman 
i-bti, a dog 
i-tindi, a foot 

in dUf a house 
kupa, the sun 
ffi-bua, rain 
itari^ a stone 
mi-nyo, teeth 
ki-iu, the ears 
i-dakka^ the tongue 
etc., etc. 



Ba-kiokwa 
(Ba-Kumu forest) 

mo-go 

kali 

i-bii 

i-tindi 

ma-bongo, head 



m-bu 

mi-7iyo 

ki-ioi 

i-dakka 



Cf. in Bantu : 

ba-tua, (Tonga, Kafir, etc.) 
7ttu-ntu(Y or\g2i, etc., n. 322*) 
mu-kazi (XongSi, Ganda, etc. n. 322"^) 
mu-bua (Tonga, etc.) 
mu-lindi (Senna, Gindo, etc.) 
?na-bongo, brains (Tonga, etc. n. 440*) 
in-du (several Tonga dialects, n. 385*) 
i-zuba (Tonga, etc. n. 410*) 
m-bua (Kamba, etc. 385*) 
/-/-/an (Angola, etc. n. 410*) 
ma-nyo (Ganda, etc. n. 410"*^) 
ku-iui, an ear (Tonga, etc. n. 462*) 
e-raka (Herero, etc. n. 133). 



Comparative Phonetics. 51 



244. — Of course, the materials furnished by Stanley are not 
sufficient for fixing any of the laws which regulate the transitions 
of consonants in these languages. There are however at least three 
examples which tend to show that the Tonga t is more or less 
regularly sounded k or g by the dwarfs of the Congo forest. These 
examples are -karo ''three", (Tonga -tatu, Chwana -tharo and -7^aro), 
ba-kwa " dwarfs " (Tonga ba-tua, Chwana ba-rwa or ba-roa) and mo- 
ku *' a person " (Tonga 7nu-ntUy Chwana mo-tho). On the whole, these 
languages seem to have more in common with the Chwana- Mozam- 
bique- M pong we than with the main group of the Bantu languages. 

SEMI-BANTU. 

245. — We leave it to others to compare with the Bantu lan- 
guages which we study in this work several of those of the Soudan, 
Lower Niger, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Senegambia, and other parts 
of Western Africa. I believe that interesting affinities might be 
brought to light by such a comparison. Koelle's '' Polyglotta Afri- 
cana' andChristaller's collections in the '' Zeitsch7'ift filr afrikanische 
Sprachen' will be found invaluable in this connexion. Most of these 
so-called negro languages are in fact semi- Bantu, and I do not think 
that a thorough investigation of their proper features can be made 
without some knowledge of the more primitive and less contracted 
Southern Bantu languages. Cf. nn. 598 and 830. 

CONCLUSION. 

246. — This cursory glance at the most striking phonetic differ- 
ences between the best known Bantu languages, while forcing upon 
our minds many unexpected conclusions, naturally gives rise to a 
number of highly interesting problems. 

We see that this family of languages, if it be confined to the limits 
we have assigned to it after the example of other scholars, has been 
very improperly compared by certain philologists to the Aryan fa- 
mily. So far from finding any such distance between the most remote 
members of the Bantu family as between English and Sanscrit, we 
perceive that the greatest discrepancies between those members of 
the group which are furthest apart can scarcely be said to be equal 
on the whole to the difference between French and Italian. 

This being so, what is simply amazing is that untold millions of 
so-called savages, inhabiting a country much larger than Europe, 



52 South- African Bantu Languages. 

and devoid of political connexions, even in these days probably so 
remote from the time of their original separation, should still be 
found to have languages so closely related together. 

Again, we see that in this Bantu family a whole group is sepa- 
rated from the rest by a peculiar set of phonetic features, such as 
the transition from t to r, z to /, and y^ to ^ or k, when it is not 
dropped entirely, together with changes due to an extraordinary in- 
fluence of half-suppressed nasals. And then, if we look at a map of 
Africa, we are struck by a sight no less amazing than the first. For 
the tribes which speak the languages of this group live by no means 
in the neighbourhood of one another, but they are rather at the 
opposite extremities of the Bantu field. They are the Bechwana and 
the Ba-suto near the southern end of Africa, with the most eastern 
tribes of Mozambique and the Comoro islands, the Tshagga nation 
of Kilima-njaro, and the north-western tribes of the Ogowe, Cape 
Lopez, and the Gabiin River. We understand that the ancient 
Oriental race which South-African natives call Ktia (Ma-nkua or 
Ma-kua or Ba-koa, whence the diminutives Ma-kuana, Ba-kuana, 
Wa-ngwana, and Be-chwana), after having occupied the Comoro 
islands and Mozambique, may have gone down along the coast of 
Sofala, then ascended the Limpopo and its tributaries in quest of 
gold. We may even understand that the same race may have gone 
to seek precious stones in the direction of Kilima-njaro to those 
mysterious caves at Elgon which have been described by Thompson 
in his " Through Masai-land '\ pp. 300-302. But we should not 
have expected to find the same race settled at Cape Lopez, and we 
fail to see which way they followed in those emigrations of a past 
deeply veiled in mystery ('). 

I. Since this went to the press it has struck me that the word Kua, pronounced Goa or Qua at Kili- 
mane, is no other than the name of Goa in India, and that the Oriental race called Ma-nkua are no others 
than the Moors, Parsis, Banyans, Battias, etc., indiscriminately included by the natives of several parts 
of Eastern Africa under the name of Goanese, probably because most of them come from Goa, and the 
Portuguese colonies of the same parts have long been a dependency of Goa. Now, as the harbours of 
Mozambique have been for the last three centuries the most noted places for shipping slaves, I much 
suspect that the linguistic and ethnological affinities existing between the tribes of Mozambique and those 
of the Gabiin are the result of nothing else than an interchange of slaves. 

I also notice that for the Tonga the word Ma-nkua is a synonym of ba-kuala " people who can write ". 



IV. — fflore General Bbonetic Cbanges. 

247. — The phonetic changes which have been described In the 
preceding article are for the most part so peculiar to this or that 
language as to form one of its prominent features. Here we shall 
turn our attention to a few other changes which are more generally- 
met with. They occur mostly in the combination of the different 
elements of the words. 

§ I. We may include them under two heads, viz. i° Changes of 
sounds caused by the collision of two vowels. 2° Changes caused by 
the concurrence of certain consonants with other sounds. 

§ I. Changes caused by the Collision of two Vowels. 

248. — The general principle of these changes may be laid 
down as follows, with all reserve regarding its particular applica- 
tions, as these are somewhat different In the different languages : — 

249. — 1° A, when occurring before another vowel, is scarcely 
ever elided, except in Nyamwezi (cf. 76), but generally either there 
is a sort of assimilation of both vowels, each of them changing Its 
sound into one which is intermediary between them, so that a-i 
and a-e become e-e, while a-7i and a-o become 0-0; or a contraction 
proper takes place, viz. a-z and a-e become e, a-u and a-o become 
0; a-a becomes ^. In some languages, e. g. in Tonga, assimilation 
is the rule, contraction proper is the exception. In others, e. g. In 
Kafir, contraction proper is the rule. When through assimilation 
the same vowel should be repeated three times, two of the vowels 
are contracted into one. 

Ex. : Tonga (assimilation) Kafir (contraction) 

A-I =ee = e meeso or meso(^=ma.-isoJ,ihe eyes, a mt.hlo f= a mdi-ihlo) 
A-E =^€6 = 6 ba-ntu deeza (=^bdL-iza = bdi-B.-\za), a ba-?itu b^za (=bgi-eza,ba,-a.-iza) 

the people came. 
A-U= 00=0. u-zoa-nvua (=u-z3i-\x-7tvua=--u-za- u-ova (=u-a.-u-va = u-ya-ku-t^a) 

ku-nvtm), he will hear (cf. 948). 
A-O =00=0 j via-tanga OQfise (=a.-0/iseJ, all the a ma-fanga onke(= di-07ike) 
I pumpkins, 

2oO. — N. B. I.I have heard in Tonga both ba-ntu bo-onse and ba-niu be-ejise, 
all the people, as \i a-o could change not only to oo, but also to ee; unless the form beense 
may be explained by saying that the Tonga stem -onse (= all) has also the form -ense, 
just as we have in Kafir -odwa or edwa^ alone C815). 

2. In Tonga as it is spoken, the initial 2 of the'verb-z«i^« " to go ", which is very frequently 
used, assimilates to itself entirely the final a of preceding words. Thus we may hear tu-a-ki 



54 Sotith-African Bantu Languages. 

inka " we went " for iu-a-ka inka^ uli inka " he is going off" for ula inka, etc. This may 
be explained by saying that the syllable ka being particularly accented in the \Qxh-inka 
causes the preceding syllable to prefer the weaker sound z to the stronger sound e. No 
account is taken of this phenomenon in the written language (253). 

On the contrary the verbs -mjila " to go in ", -invua " to hear ", etc., and in many cases 
the substantives which begin with in lose their initial / after a. 

251. — 2° The weak / or i, when occurring before another 
vowel, is generally assimilated with it, as In c^-elo (= ci-elo\ '' a 
ceelo " ('), and in c^-a 7nu-luma (— ci-a mu-lurna), " it has bitten 
him. 

252. — N. B. I. In Chwana, when a week <^"(= Tonga i) is immediately followed 
by a vowel, it is generally entirely assimilated with it. Ex. : o-no o-reka f= o-7ie o-reka)^ 
" you were buying " ; ^-na a-reka = ^-ne a-reka^ " he was buying," etc. (Cf Crisp's Gr., 
p. 3I-) 

253. — 2. The principles of assimilation and contraction thus laid down both for 
the vowel a and for the vowel i (or a weak e) are applied principally when prefixes or suf- 
fixes are joined to other elements of the same grammatical word. In this case it is better 
that the spelling should agree with the pronunciation, as in the above examples. But the 
same principles have other applications in the rapid pronunciation of such words as are 
immediately joined to one another. It will be sufficient to warn the reader of these once 
for all, without confusing the written language with them : otherwise we should have two 
different spellings of the same clauses, the one for slow, the other for rapid pronunciation. 

Ex. Slow pronunciation and written language : ndabona izuba^ " I saw the sun " ma- 
kumi a-ta-balui " a large number ", lit. " tens which are not counted, " =^ ndabone iziiba, 
ma-kuma a-ta-balui^ in rapid pronunciation. 

When the first of the two words which meet in this way is a mere particle, such as the 
preposition -a "of", its sound in Tonga and the like languages is always modified before 
a vowel, even in writing ; in Kafir, Ganda, Herero, etc., a contraction proper takes place. 

Ex. Tonga : ma-fiita e in-zovti (= ... a. in zovu) " fat of elephant " (Kafir ma-futa e 
ndlovu = ... ai ndlovti). 

2o4!« The impossibility of writing certain expressions as they are usually pro- 
nounced is particularly felt in Karanga, which, having a special horror of hiatus, always 
contracts or elides in ordinary pronunciation whatever vowels happen to succeed each 
other. Thus the Karanga would pronounce as a single word the whole sentence : " They 
saw a small house, " bakabonemumbec€ca7ia. Which evidently must be spelt so as to 
separate the different words, bakabona i7niiinba icecana (cf 108). 

255. — 3° / proper, when occurring before another vowel, keeps 
very nearly its proper sound in Tonga and apparently in the greater 
number of the Bantu languages, such as Yao, Shambala, etc., though 
a beginning of assimilation is sometimes noticeable. 

In Kafir, Herero, etc., i before another vowel becomes entirely 
consonantal, and is consequently spelt jk when it is not immediately 
preceded by a consonant ; but it is dropped when immediately 
preceded by a consonant. 

I. A sort of evil spirit which is supposed to fly about Uke a bird, and to bite people's heart, thus causing 
their death. 



General Phonetic Changes. 



55 



In Swahili, Senna, etc., the law is the same as in Kafir, except 
for the plural classifier of the class CI-ZI. This keeps the i or 
changes it tojj/. 

Kafir 
/ ndhi yam 
i gama lako 
inkoino zetu 
i zitulo zenu 



Ex. Tonga 
In-ganda i-angu^ my house 
i-zina li-ako^ thy name 
in-tiombe zi-esu, our cattle 
zi-bula zi-enu, your chairs 



Swahili 

nyiunha yaftgu 
jina lako 
n^ovibe zetu 
viti vyenu (alias vienu) 



256. — ^- ^' ^ before a vowel is elided in Congo after z^ and in Angola after 
7, e. g. in Congo : fizo zanene (= zi-anetie)^ " large houses " (Vetralla). 

in Angola \jinso ja mundele (= ji-a 7nundele), " houses of a white man " (Heli 
Chatelain, p. 14.) 

In the other cases ? before a vowel keeps its proper sound in these languages, as in Tonga. 

257. — Exceptions. — In some cases, i before a vowel combines into one sound 
with the consonant before it. Examples of this in Chwana have already been noticed in 
words in which the phonetic permutation is double, viz. first / is replaced by e according to 
n. 200, and then be-, le-, re-, etc. are changed respectively before vowels to 7-, ish., etc. 
(cf. 202-206). Likewise in Tonga h- before a vowel (== Chwana le) changes in some cases 
toy, e. g. y^/z^tz, " hand " = //-rt/zs'ia; (plural ma-anza). This very natural phenomenon 
is common to many languages. 

258. — Again, in Swahili and several other Eastern languages 
ki- before a vowel changes to c or ch (8). Ex. in Swahili : ki-devu 
c/i-ako — " thy chin " ( — ki-devu ki-ako). 

259. — In Senna the same phenomenon takes place not only 
before i, but also before e. Ex. u-fumu bu-anu bu-ficcy *'thy (lit. your) 
kingdom come " (^= M-fumu bu-anu bu-Ji^e). 

260. — N. B. It is interesting to notice that the Swahili sound kt, even before ^ 
consonant, is equivalent to the Tonga a, Herero /y/, Kafir si, Chwana se^ etc. (cf. class 
CI-ZI, 491.) 

261. — 4° U, when occurring before another vowel, keeps its 
proper sound in the larger number of cases, and causes no change. 
In Kafir and several other languages it becomes more consonantal 
than in the others, and is consequently written w. 

Ex. Tonga Kafir Swahili Lower Congo 

/z^-//W/u-«/^^, thy tongue u bfj-imil^-ako u-lvni vr-ako lu-bmi Ivr-aku 

kufua k\\-ake, his death u-ku-fa kvf-ake ku-fa kw-ake fwa kvi-andi 

inu-7izi \x-enu, your town u m-zi vj-enu m-ji -w-eftu 

262. — A\ B. Ua2ind wa often sound almost like oa, by a partial assimilation of u 
or 71) with a. 

263. — Exceptions. — i. f/ before o is changed to 0, or these two vowels coalesce 
to 0, according as the languages prefer simple assimilation or contraction. 

Ex. Tonga : bu-siku bo-onse, the whole night = Kafir u bu-suku bonke. 



56 South-African Bantu Languages. 

26^. 2. U before a vowel is dropped in a few cases to be mentioned further on, 

(Cf. 656 "^passim, etc.) The most important case is i7i Kafir 2iher the labial consonants b 
and/. Ex. u bii-so bako^ " thy face, " (= u bu-so bxi-ako). 

265. — 3- ^^ or we and are convertible in some cases. 

Ex. Tonga : -buena or -bona^ " see. " Kafir : z 7i^wcnyama or i ngonyama^ " lion. " 
N. B, Hence it is that in Kafir and Chwana stems of nouns ending with o are treated 
in composition with suffixes as if they ended with -we (cf 202, 203, etc.). 

266. — 4- Examples may also be found in some languages in which we or ue is 
convertible with u^ as in mw-elt or vni-H " the moon ", in Mozambique. Hence the word 
Na-inuli^ which is the name of certain remarkable peaks East of Lake Shirua, is etymo- 
logically nothing else than a Mozambique transformation of Nya-inwezi, and consequently 
means as well as this word " Mountains of the Moon ". 

267. — 5- ^before /sometimes causes this latter vowel to be suppressed, e. g. kn-za, 
" to come '!= kii-iza^ as if in such cases tc were a more important vowel than i. 

268. — 6. f/ before a vowel coalesces sometimes with its consonant, at least in se- 
veral Bantu languages, viz. Chwana, Kafir, Senna, etc. (cf. 122 and 202-204). 

Ex. In Senna : nya-kn-sasamba {= mu-a kic-sasamba)^ " a merchant. " 

269. — ^' ^- It should be remembered that in grammatical elements (classifiers 
and collective pronouns, 637) and in some other instances, the Chwana 6' = u of the other 
Bantu languages. Before a vowel the same Chwana o is generally written w, when it does 
not coalesce with the preceding consonant (202-204). 

270. — ■ I^'i the other Bantu languages <7as well as e^ not being found in any gram- 
matical element, occur before vowels only at the end of words. Then o is sometimes decom- 
posed into ue or we, according to n. 265, while in the other cases no change takes place at 
least in writing, according to the principle which has been laid down in nn. 253 and 254. 

§ 2. Various Phonetic Changes. 

271. — 1° In Tonga and several other languages we find a letter 
which, though sounded e when accented and in the middle of a word, 
becomes i when not accented at the end of a word. This is the 
sound which we represent in some instances by { to remind the 
reader of this very principle. Cf. 14. 

Ex. a-fue = near. Derivative : a-fue-fiii, very near 

-7}iue == one ,, mue-viui, few 

i-kiiini =^ ten ,, via-kume-kiimi, hundred 

muse = earth „ a-nsi, on the ground; ?nu-?tst, in the ground, etc. 

'2iTZn — ^- B. I. Probably it is due to some phenomenon of the same kind that 
authors often hesitate between i and e at the end of a word. Thus Livingstone in his Tette 
vocabulary writes madze " water " and panse " down " in one place, while in another he 
spells the same words madzi and pansi. 

273. — 2. The penult often drags the last vowel of a word to its own sound. Thus 
we may hear Zulu or Zula (proper name), Ba-hmda or Ba-hmdti, "the Lunda people, " etc. 

274. — 2° ^ changes to e before certain sounds, though only in 
given cases, principally before ^2-, /rj//-,//-, or similar sounds, and in 
Kafir before certain verbal stems, etc., as if in such cases there were 



General Phonetic Changes. 57 

a contraction of a with an obscured i- sound, or, more probably, 
a peculiar phenomenon of assimilation. 

Ex. Tonga : "^e-ciseke^ the people of Sesheke [sing. Mu-ciseke = Muiciseke (? ) n. 266] ; 
Be-cikudu, the people ofCikudu (sing. Mu-cikudu); Me-j'a, horns 
(sing, t'-ja). 
Chwana : Be-^wana, Be-sufo, the Chwana people, the Suto people (sing. Mo-cwana 

Mo-suto), 
Congo : 'E.-sikongo or 'E.-xikongo^ the Congo people (sing. Mu-sikongo). 
Kafir : V^f^nyuka^ he went up ; "W^suka^ he went off; 'Wegqiia, etc., he passed by, 
(where we should expect regularly iva-nyuka^ wa-suka, wa-gqita^ etc.). 

275. — 3° ^when occurring before jK changes to i, If preceded 
by a dental consonant, provided there be no danger of a double 
meaning. 

Ex. ti-yuni (= tu-yuni), little birds. 

276. — ^'- ^- I- ^and i seem to be interchanged easily in pronunciation when the 
change partially assimilates \\\o consecutive syllables. Thus among Kafirs the common 
people will generally say nd\x-ku-fwnene for nd\-ku-fut?tene " I have found thee ", u 
mfundisxx watt for u mfundis'i wati... " the master said... " / kofu for i kofi " coffee", etc. 

277. — 2. Through some assimilation of the same sort, the auxiliary forms/*? and 
ze change in Kafir to j*? and zo before ku. Ex, : Hamba ii-yo ku-ndi-kelela e mla?tjefii^ 
" go to fetch water for me in the river " (916, 948). 

278. — 3- Inthe X^j«-Af'<^r dialect rafter ;/z is half suppressed, and consequently is 
left out in writing ; but this is not done in the Zulu-Kafir dialect. Thus the Xosa word u 
mntu^ "a person", = u muntu in Zulu. The Kafir word w^///>('(3:,"he went away"= weinuka in 
Zulu, etc. Likewise in Kafir I have often heard distinctly <? bsuhi^'"'' 2X night, "for ^/^uj«/^« .• 
however in this case the u after b^ though suppressed in pronunciation, is kept in writing. 

279. — 4° The syllable mu (or mo In Chwana) causes various 
changes when occurring before labials, principally before m and b. 
Thus in Tonga what should be regularly mu manzi, '' In the water, " 
is often sounded tc-manzi, and, on the contrary, what should be mu 
fuulilo, " In the fire, " Is sounded mu-7idido. Likewise in Chwana 
what should be mo-b- is regularly changed to 'm, and 7no-f' Is changed 
to m-f. Ex. '77iele, for 7no-bele, " body " (Tonga mii-bili); go- mfeta — 
go- mofela, " to pass him. " 

280. — -^V. n. I. Phenomena of the same kind as this are met with in Angola. 

2. In Tonga and several other languages, when a syllable which contains in should be 
regularly followed by /, this in most cases is changed to 71. Ex. ku-fugamena, " to kneel 
down " for... i== ku-ftcgainela^ cf. 1065, 1072). ' 

281. — 5° yV Is changed into m before b, p, w, v, and/", in nearly 



58 South-African Bantu Languages, 

all the Bantu languages. However, before v and/the change Is not 
so perceptible, principally in Tonga and Senna. 

Ex. in-zila (i)m.-bt^ a bad road (inzila inbi) 

im-vula, or in-vula, rain; im-pojigo, goats (= in-pongo). 

N. B. We may compare with this the fact that in seems to change into n before dentals 
in Karanga, Senna, and Congo. (107, loi, 153.) 

282. — 6° N 2iX\dm before the consonants Syf,p, k, f,3Lre scarcely 
audible to us Europeans when they are not immediately preceded 
by a vowel. However, it seems that natives are conscious of their 
presence in such tases. Thus Mpande ! in the vocative, sounds 
almost like Pande! , but the ;;^ would be heard distinctly in the body 
of a sentence such as : N dab ona Mpande, " I have seen Mpande. " 

283- — ■^' ^' I- It is probably owing to an extension of this principle that « and 
m are regularly suppressed in several languages before hard consonants, principally before 
s and/(cf 78, 151, 389, etc.). It should be noticed however that lhe/«w of avoiding single 
sounds (principle II, nn. 44,45) intervenes here when monosyllables arc in question. Thus 
in Swahili we \\2L\^7i-cha " top-end, " ti-chi " country, " n-ta " wax, " n-so "kidneys " (Pere 
Delaunay's Grammaire Kiswahili, p. 5), though in the same language we have regularly 
chui for nchui " tiger, " pepo for mpepo, " winds, " etc. Cf 389. 

284« — 2. In these instances, where 7i is suppressed before hard consonants, its 
influence is felt, at least in Swahili, in this, that the consonant it should precede has a 
particular strong explosive sound. Hence, for instance, the Swahili words pepo and chui 
might be spelt more correctly phepo and chhui, or perhaps even better hpepo, hchui (cf 
Steere's " Handbook of the Swahili Language^ " p.. 12). 

285. — 7° iV nasal and i after a vowel are Interchanged in some 
cases. Ex. li-nso, ''eye, " plural meeso ( — ma'lso).(CLTong2i ku-nvua, 
'' to hear " = Angola ku-ivua). And there are examples in which the i 
is transposed after the consonant it might be expected to precede. 
Ex. bu-sio '' the face ", from li-nso '' an eye ". (Cf. 15 2, and 198 note). 

N. B. This may explain how the Tonga word li-nso " an eye " has come to be pronoun- 
ced di-shfm Kele (230). For this word is evidently derived directly, not from li-nso or dinso, 
but from di-sio. 

286. — 8° After n nasal / changes to d. Ex. in-zila n-danfo, '' a 
long road" i^ — in-zila n-lanfd). 

287. — ^^' ^- I- It may be remembered that the vowel / has also the power of 
partly changing / to ^(cf 17). In fact, in the Bantu languages / and d seem to be essen- 
tially the same letter modified in sound merely through its position. In some instances 
I suspect that d has somewhat the value of a double /, or perhaps of il. Thus in Tonga 
i-da " belly ", seems to be for i-ila (cf bu-la = bu-ila ?, " bowels.) " 

288. — 2. Several other consonants when they follow the nasal sound n are adapt- 
ed to it, more or less according to the different languages. Thus 2 and j generally become 
more dental, sounding in some cases like dz, Is, as in manzi or mandzi " water. " This 
principle finds application even in cases where the nasal sound n is suppressed according 



General Phonetic Changes, 59 



to n. 283. Hence, for instance, we find in Senna the word tsamba " a leaf" (= ntsamba 
= n-samba) pi. vta-samba (Father Courtoi's" Tete Gramtnar^n. 20). Likewise in Kafir the 
sounds ///, ^, q, -i', after n are generally changed respectively to //, gc^ gq, gx (cf. 33-38). 
(Concerning other languages, cf 79, jy, 72, 83, etc.) 

289. — 3- ^^ Kafir the verbal forms -enza^ -enze, " make ", are changed into enje 
before nja and nje. Ex. wenje nje, he did so = wenze nje. 

290. — 9° K\% sometimes dropped between a and u, thus causing 
the contraction or assimilation of these two vowels, and likewise 
between e and ti. 

Ex. ndi-zoo-bona, I will see = ndi-za ku-bona or ndize ku-botia (cf. 948 and 956). 

291. — TO" Several particles which as a rule begin with a vowel 
when they are not immediately joined to a preceding word take a 
consonantal sound before the same vowel in the contrary case, as if 
the consonant were then introduced to strengthen the vowel-sound, 
and thus to prevent an assimilation, or contraction, or elision, which 
would interfere with clearness. The consonants thus apparently 
added are m, k, g, /^,y, w, or j, according to the different cases and 
the different languages. 

Ex. C/'and -ku = thou, thee, e. g. xa-a bona, you saw; nda-\iu-bona, I saw thee. 
U and -mu = he, him (in class MU-B A) e. g. mu-lozui u-a-fua, the sorcerer 
is dead ; nda-mu-jaya, I have killed him. 

292. — To be a little more explicit on this important principle, 
we must distinguish different cases, viz. : — 

1° In some cases the consonant apparently superadded is pro- 
bably primitive in reality, or regularly derived from a primitive 
consonant. Such are p in m-pa-nsz = '' it is down, " from a-nsi, 
" down " (cf. 64), /e in the above example nda-\LiL-bona, " I have 
seen you " (290), m in the above example nda-rau-jaya '' I have 
killed him " and w [— p) in the Tonga demonstrative pronouns 
awa " here ", awo '' there ", etc. (= apa, apo, etc.) 

293. — 2° In other cases, more particularly where a consonant 
occupies the place of m or n in those pronouns which correspond 
to the classifiers MU, MI, MA, and IN, (cf 640), the said conso- 
nant differs according as it is coupled or not with 71 nasal, and again 
according as it is coupled with such or such vowel. Thus : — 

294. — A) After a nasal, the said consonant is generally^ before 
21 and a, and / or cfy before z. 

Ex. 7nuntu ?i^u j/iue, a single man; ifi-f^ottibe nli-7nue, a single cow. 
ma-ia?iga n^a-iatu, there are three pumpkins. 



6o South-African Bantu Languages, 

295. — B) Where there is no nasal influence, if a consonant be 
required to occupy the place of a dropped m or n^ it will generally 
be jj/ in Tonga. In several other languages, e. g. in Ganda, Sagara, 
etc., it will be^ in most cases, andjj/ in others. In Kafir it is gener- 
ally a weak y before i and after e, and a weak w in other cases, etc.. 

Ex. Tonga Ganda Kafir 

mu-7iiu oyOj that man mu-?itu oyo u 7n-ntu lo^o 

um-sai7io oyo, that tree m-ii oguo u m-H lovfo 

tuu-tole, let us carry it (the tree) tiigu-tuale si-vju-iwale 

ma-nzi ayo, that water , ma-dzi ago a ?nanzi lavfo 

tu-a-lie (ma-tanga), let us eat them (the pumpkins) iu-ga-lie si-^atye 

tn-zovii eyoy that elephant n-jovu eyo i ndlovu leyo 

tu i-jaye, let us kill it (the elephant). iu-gi-tte si-yi-bulale 

296. — N- ^- !• Divergencies from this general rule may be seen principally in 
nn. 639 and 694*, where the student may notice particularly the use of y as a euphonic 
letter in Yao. 

297. — 2. The phenomena just described render it probable that g initial is not 
primitive in the Ganda, Shambala, and Sagara forms -genda, " go, " -gamba, " say " (= 
Tonga -ejida, -ainbd), etc. (cf, 52 examples, 'j']^ and 113). 

298. — Hence the various applications of this principle read as 
if consonants, when they are dropped, generally leave behind as a 
trace of themselves some sort of aspiration which is re-strengthened 
when it happens to occur between two vowels, and principally after 
nasals, according to nn. 51-59. 

Cf. 64, 113, 117, 67. 66, 81, 129, 93, 608, 639, 656, etc.. 

299. — Conclusion. On taking a general view of these phonetic 
changes, it is evident that assimilation is the most dominant note. 
It is owing to assimilation that a-i changes to ee or e, au to 00 or 0, 
ki to ci, etc. Hence diphthongs proper, such as the sound of our i 
in fire, or au in the German Auge, are not known in pure Bantu, 
or are even opposed to it. 

300. — The importance of these simple laws will be sufficiently 
apparent throughout the whole of this work, so that there is no neces- 
sity to dwell upon it in this place. Were it not for them, the whole 
of the Bantu Grammar could be comprised in a few pages. But they 
graft so many apparent irregularities upon a grammatical system 
otherwise remarkably simple that whole treatises might be written 
upon their various applications. 



V. — On Hccentuation in Bantu* 

301. — We have first to distinguish between monosyllabic and 
polysyllabic stems. Hence : — 

1° Concerning polysyllabic stems, the law in the generality of the 
Bantu languages seems to be to lay a light stress on the penulti- 
mate of what I should call narrative or expositive words, and to 
raise the voice on the last syllable of such words as are used in 
calling out, such as imperatives and vocatives. Hence I have often 
heard in Kafir such expressions as a bantu a baninzi, *' very many 
people ", i nkosi e nkfilu " a very great chief ", and also such ex- 
pressions as Tata, vela! " Father, come out ", Nxamd, wetuf 
" Make haste, my dear ", etc.. 

302. — A^. ^. I. That accent which consists in laying a light stress on the penult 
is generally less marked in Tonga than in Kafir. When the Tonga wish to lay a particular 
stress on a stem, they prefer to reduplicate it entirely rather than merely lengthen its prin- 
cipal vowel. The larger number of the Bantu languages seem to agree with Tonga in this 
respect. (632, 705, 1079). 

303. 2. Karanga and Kamba prove a remarkable exception to the general law 

by throwing the accent as close as possible to the beginning of such words. This, com- 
bined with the fact that these languages have, in common with only a few others probably 
influenced by them, such sounds as ^ or Ir, s or t, together with several other analogies, 
makes me suspect strongly that the Karanga rulers of old Monopotapa came from the 
Kamba, or vice versa. And, as Kamba is probably for Kalamba (cf 81), I further suspect 
that this word is essentially the same as Karanga or Kalanga. 

304. — 3- Herero is said to throw the accent generally on the last syllable of the 
word, but there are many instances in which it throws it on the penultimate. (Rev. F. W- 
Kolbe, " Herero Diet, " p. XXXVI). 

305. — 4- ^"^ Chwana, when words replace their final vowel by g according to 
n. 200, the accent remains on what should be otherwise the penultimate. The same rule 
applies probably to Fan (cf 235). 

306. — 2" Monosyllabic stems follow a great variety of rules, 
all of which cannot yet be fixed with certainty. Here however are 
some of them : — 

307. — 1° Two consecutive monosyllabic elements or particles 
are never equally accented. 

308. — 2° I do not know of any case where a clearly marked 
accent rests on those pronominal elements which refer verbs and 
possessive expressions to their substantives, unless they be strength- 
ened by a nasal consonant or otherwise (294). 

309. — 3° The particle -a, when a sign of the past tense, as in 
tidfua (from ku-fua, " to die) ", *' he died ", is generally accented ; the 



62 South-African Bantu Languages. 

same may be said of it, when used as a sign of a possessive expres- 
sion (572), as in in-gombe zi-di-ngM, *' my cattle. " 

310. — 4° Monosyllabic stems of substantives and adjectives are 
clearly accented in Tonga, Kafir, Karanga, and probably in most 
of the other languages, after the classifier MU (of classes MU-BA 
and MU-MI), IN, and LI. Ex. in Tonga inu-sd, ** the earth, " in 
Kafir i-li-s6, '' an eye. " They are not so accented after the other 
classifiers. 

311. — 5° The locative classifiers mUy ku, and (p)a are accented 
in Tonga and in most other languages. Ex. (p)a-nsi, " down. " 

312. — 6° The demonstrative pronouns and adverbs ending with 
-a have generally a very marked accent on this vowel. Ex. in 
Kafir \ paya, " there. " 



Gl)apter II. 

ON SUBSTANTIVES. 



313. — In the Bantu languages we find no genders based on 
sex, but instead other genders or classes of substantives, based 
principally, as I hope will appear in this chapter, on the degree of 
unity and consistency of those things of which they are the names, 
as determined by their natural position and shape, their proper 
motions, effects, relative strength, etc. 

314. — The class of most substantives is generally marked by 
a peculiar prefix which we term the *' classifying element " or 
** classifier " ('). There are a few substantives to which no such 
classifier is prefixed. The proper class of such can however be made 
out from the sort of concord they require. 

These classifiers are, as has been already noticed, i8 in number, 
but some of them correspond unmistakably as plural to others, and 
thus the number of classes is found to be reducible to twelve, viz.: — 



I "Class with pr 


efix/««- 


inthesing. 


,<^a-inthepl. 


, or Cl^ssMU -B A. Ex. mu-u/u, person, pi. ba-ntu. 


2° ,, , 


, mu- 


>j 


mi- 




,, Class MU-MI. „ 7nu-bili, hody, ^\. mi-bili. 


3° M 


, in- 


> J 


(z)in 




,, Class IN-(Z)IN.„ m-^ombe, covf, p\. (zjin-gombe. 


4° „ 


, (l)i 


}j 


ma- 




,, Class (L)I-MA. ,, (l)i-zuba^ sun, pi. fna-zuba. 


5° „ 


, bu- 


)> 


ma- 




,, Class BU-MA. ,, bu-aio, canoe, pi. ma-ato. 


6^ „ 


, ku- 


ji 


ma- 




,, Class KU-MA. ,, ku-tui^ ear, pi. jna-tui. 


r „ 


, ci- 


>> 


zi- 




,, Class CI-ZI. ,, ci-bu/a, chair, pi. zi-bu/a. 


8° „ 


, ka- 


,, 


tu- 




,, Class KA-TU. „ ka-cece, ha.hy, pi iu-cete. 


9° „ 


, lu- 


,, 


(z)in 




,, Class LU-(Z)IN.,, lu-limi, tongue, pi. in-dimi. 


10° Locative cl 


ass with 


prefix ... 




(p)a 


or Class (P) A. ,, (p)a-nsi, down, (no plural). 


"" 




,, 




.ku 


or Class KU. ,, ku-nsi, below, (no plural). 


12° 




,, 





. mu 


or Class MU. ,, ///w-wj-?, underneath (no plural). 



315. — Some substantives are found to depart from the general 
rule in the choice of their plural prefix. We shall treat them as 
forming sub-classes. Thus — 

with cl. MU-BA we connect a sub-class MU-MA. Ex. Mu-karanga, a Karanga, pi. Ma-karanga 

,, KA-TU ,, ,, KA-BU. ,, ka-ntabua,^Q2i,p\.bu-ntabua 

,, LU-ZIN ,, ,, LU-TU. ,, lu-sabila,h2Lhyyp\.tu-sabilaox in-sabila 

etc. etc. 

I. In my " Outline of a Xosa-Kafir Grammar Grahamstown, 1887 ", I term these classifying elements 
" characteristic prefixes ", or simply "characteristics ". I now think that the term " classifier ", proposed 
by the Rev. F. W. Kolbe, ought to be preferred. 



64 South- African Banttt Languages. 

316. — In Angola, Yao, Mozambique, and Senna, we find sub- 
stantives which have two classifiers In the singular number, both 
of which change regularly In the plural. Ex. In Angola : ka-mu-^/ 
" a shrub ", plur. tu-ml-j;/, ka-rI-/^;V " a small stone ", plur. tu-ma- 
tari, etc. In point of the concord required all such nouns are prac- 
tically considered as having their first classifier only. Hence, for 
instance, ka-mu-:r^, plur. tu-mi-:r/, belongs to the class KA-TU. 

I. — On Hrticle0. 

317. — Before we begin to study each class separately, it is 
necessary to forewarn the reader against a mistake which has often 
been made, viz. that of confusing with the classifiers a different kind 
of prefix, or rather a proclitic, which is usually met with before 
nouns (substantive and adjective) in several Bantu languages, 
corresponding in some of them both to our definite and to our in- 
definite article, and in others to the definite article only. 

In those languages which have some sort of such article before 
nouns its ordinary form is a mere vowel. Thus in Kafir the article, 
both definite and indefinite, is ?/, i, or a, according as the classifier 
following it, expressed or understood, somehow or other contains u, 
^, or a. Ex. tc viti " a tree " or " the tree ", i li-so " an eye " or " the 
eye ", a bantu, '' people " or " the people ". In Herero the article, 
also definite and indefinite, is always o, except before nouns of the 
class li-7na in the singular, where it is e. Ex. o ma-yuru, '* the nos- 
trils ", e yuTM, " a nostril " or '' the nostril ". In Kafir and Herero, 
the article, being both definite and indefinite, is generally expressed 
before substantives when they are pronounced or written by them- 
selves. 

In Angola the article, only definite, is always ^. In Fiote or Lower 
Congo, where likewise it is probably definite only, its form is o, e, 
or a, according as the classifier, expressed or understood, which 
follows it, contains u, i, or a. As an exception, the article is o, or e, 
not a, before the classifiers MA and VA [ = Tonga (P)A]. 

In Ganda its form is also o, e, or a, according as the following 
classifier contains u, i, or a. But, as far as we may judge from 
available materials, it seems to be both definite and indefinite. 
Probably it is heard only after a pause or breath, and even then not 
always (n i). 



On Articles. 



65 



As a rule, no article is used in vocatives, nor after negative par- 
ticles. In Kafir it is omitted also after demonstrative pronouns, and 
in a few other cases. On this subject of the use and omission of 
the article there are between the different languages considerable 
divergencies which we shall not dilate upon in this work. 

A'^ B. In Kafir proper names themselves take an article in the same cases as other 
substantives. On the contrary in Herero proper names, and some other substantives which 
are equivalent to proper names, such as mama " my mother ", ina " his mother ", tale 
" my father '', ihe " his father ", Ka-tyiungu " Mr. Wolf " (cf. o m-bungu " a wolf "), Kaha- 
Vandye " Reynard " (cf. o m-bandye " a fox "), etc., are oftener used without the article 
than with it. Ex. : — 

318.— Kafir: 

With article : Nditanda a 7na-hashe^ I am fond of horses. 

Aye nga pina a ma-hashe? In which direction have the horses gone? 

Ndabona u Langa-li-balele, I saw Langa-li-balele (a Zulu chief). 
Without article : Yopula, ma (not u ma), Mother, take the meat out of the pot. 

La ma-hashe... (not la a ma-hashe), these horses... 

A ndi na nio (not... na i nio), I have nothing. 

Uftina n-to nitia (not i n-to) ? lit. What thing do you want ? 



319, 



Herero : 



\YhhQut articlQ '.Fanatye vandye, he ndyi-pahere... (not o vanatye...), My children, 
get for me... {'' Zeitschrift'\ 1887-1888, p. 191). 
Muatye tiandye, ue ndyi-esa (not o mu-atye) ? My child, dost thou 
forsake me? (do. p. 202). 

N. B. We however find in the same work, p. 199, the following sen- 
tence : O 7nu-ndu, zoiidu ze pi? Man, where are the sheep? 
Kahavaiidye atya...y^Q^XidLxA%z\A.., (do. p. 200). 
Ihe uazepere... (not o the), his father slaughtered... 

With article : M'o u-tuku..., o vanatye arire tyi ve-kutttra o n-dyalu, fi'ariretyi va- 
isa mo o muatye. At night the children loosened the bag, and took 
the child out of it. (do. p. 192). 



320. 



Ganda 



Daura n'azala bana (not a bana)..., 
ii^agamba bana-be (not a bana-be)...: 
" Bana bange (not dibana), 
O Bu-ganda buno mu-bu-lie. . . " 
Bana ne bagamba (why not a bana ?) : 
" Kitafe, lerofe a ba?ia bato, 
fe tuna Ha Bu-ganda (not o Bu-ganda) ? " 



Daura begot children, 

and he said to his children . 

'* My children, 

this Ganda kingdom eat it you. " 

And the children said : 

" Our father, we little children, to-day 

shall we eat the Ganda kingdom ? " 



(" French Ganda Grammar, " p. Zt). 



66 



South-Africmi Bantti Languages. 



Modern Angola : 



Taf etUj uala ku inaulu 
axile o rtjina rie^ 
kize ko tuala o kifuxikie, 
. ..tubangele mu kiaiiba. 

(HeliChatelain's"A'/;/z- 
bundit Gra}ninar''\'^. XX). 



Our Father, who art in Heaven, 
hallowed be Thy Name, 
Thy kingdom come, 
...deliver us from evil. 



321. — Old Angola : 

Taf eiu, uekala ko maulu 
akondeke o rijina riae^ 
heze ko tuekala o kifucikiae^ 
...tubangele bo mu kiaiba. 

(Father de Coucto's ''Gate- 
<:^/jw",i66i,p.i.The spelling 
is adapted to our alphabet). 

Congo : 
With article : Ke Iwalu o lu-kata^ there is the box (Father Visseq's Gr., p. 9). 
Tekiaki e ki-kila^ there is the papaw (do.). 
E di-vula di-andi diabiza^ his house is beautiful (do.). 
E mi-nsenga ini-etu miavia^ our sugar-canes are ripe (do,). [p. 49)^ 

Without art. : Ki-nkutu ovene Npetelo (not e ki-nkuiu\ he has given a book to Peter (do. 

N. B. I. Though Father Alexandre Visseq seems to have on the whole understood 
the Congo article better than the Rev. W. Holman Bentley, it is necessary to warn the 
reader that he has mistaken the classifier DI (== Tonga LI) for the article corresponding 
to it, and vice versa. What has given occasion to this mistake is that in Congo the 
classifier DI is generally reduced to E when there is no article before it. 

If we had to judge of the value of the article in Congo from the remarkably sparse 
sentences which we find in Rev. W. Holman Bentley's GrajJtfnar, we could no more say 
whether it is definite or indefinite than when it is and when it is not used. Ex. N-ti wan 
wambote (why not o ;?-//), " this tree is good "*( Bentley's Gr.^ p. 556). Cf o matadl 7nmna... 
imau mama twamzvefie ezono^ these stones are those which we saw yesterday (do. p. 526). 

2. Articles are found in a few languages which have not been mentioned above, such as 
Bihe, Nano, and other dialects of Benguella, as also in Nyambu (119), etc. But from 
available materials it is impossible to make out after what laws they are used. 

3. If Mpongwe be compared with the language of the Bihe, it looks very probable that 
several of the Mpongwe classifiers were originally articles. The classifiers proper having 
been dropped through contractions in many cases, the articles have remained instead, 
and their original notion has probably been lost. 

4. Strange to say, articles used often to make their appearance in Tonga, when with the 
help of my informants I would try to render English sentences into this language, but I 
do not find a single article in the stories and sentences which I wrote under their immediate 
dictation (Cf Appendix I). In these the nearest approach to articles are substantive 
pronouns occasionnally placed before nouns where we should use definite articles in 
English. Ex. Ue muana uangu wafua " my child is dead ", lit. " he^ child of me, is 
dead ". Hence, until further researches on this point, I consider Tonga as having no 
article. At the same time I conclude from these facts that probably the articles of the other 
languages were originally contracted substantive pronouns (830). 



II. — Tf)e Mu-BA cia00 

anti tl^z 

Sub^cla^seg connecteD toitl) it 

322. — The substantives which belong to the MU-BA class, 
including the sub-classes connected with it, are those which require 
in the singular number the same sort of concord as the word mu- 
nlu " a person ", plur. hsi-nhi^. 

These sub-classes connected with the class MU-BA are: — 
lO the sub-class — BA, or those substantives which, though 
requiring in the plural the classifier BA, have none in the singular, 
as fata '' my father ", plur. ha-Ma; — 2^ the sub-class MU-MA, 



*. EXAMPLES. 





a person 


a man (^w>^, husband 


a child, 


son 




Sin^. 


Phir. 


Sing. 


Plur. 


Sing. 


Plur. 


Tonga 


mu-ntu, 


ba- 


mu-alume. 


ba- 


mu-ana, 


ba- 


Bisa 


mu-ntu, 


wa- 


m.u-analume. 


wa- 


mu-ana, 


wa- 


Gogo 


mu-nhu, 


wa- 


m-hame, 


wa- 


mw-ana. 


wa- 


Sagara 


mu-nhu (? 


), wa- 


m-lume, 


wa- 


mw-ana. 


wa- 


Shambala 


mu-ntu, 


wa- 


m-goxi. 


wa- 


mw-ana- 


wa- 


Boondei 


mu-ntu, 


wa- 


m-gosi, 


wa- 


mw-ana. 


wa- 


Taita 


mu-ndu, 




m-lume. 


... 


mw-ana. 


... 


Nyanyembe 


mu-nhu, 


wa- 


m-goxi. 


wa- 


mw-ana, 


wa- 


Sukuma 


mu-nhu, 


wa- 


m-goxi, 


wa- 


mw-ana. 


wa- 


Kamba 


mu-du, 


a- 


m-ume. 


a- 


mw-ana, 


a- 


Swahili 


m-tu. 


wa- 


m-ume. 


wa- 


mw-ana. 


wa- 


Pokomo 


mu-ntu. 


wa- 


mu-yume, 


wa- 


m-ana. 


wa- 


Nika 


mu-tu. 


a- 


mu-lume, 


a- 


mw-ana. 


ana 


Senna 


mu-ntu, 


(w)a- 


m-amuna. 


wa- 


mw-ana. 


wa- 


Karanga 


(u)n-tu, 


ba-nu 


norume, 


ba- 


nona, 


ba- 


Ganda 


mu-ntu. 


ba- 


m-saja. 


ba- 


mw-ana. 


ba- 


Zulu-Kaflr 


u mu-ntu. 


aba- 


... 


... 


u nyana. 


nyana 


Xosa-Kaflr 


u m-ntu, 


aba- 




... 


u nyana. 


nyana 


Herero 


mu-ndu 


o va- 


o mu-rumendu, 


o va- 


mu-na, 


o vanatye 


Bihe 


o mu-nu. 


ma- 


u-lume. 


a- 


o m5na, 




Mbunda 


mo-no. 


ba- 


... 


... 


ngw-aneke. 


ba- 


Rotse 


mo-nu, 


a- 


... 


... 


mu-ana. 


a- 


Guha 


mu-ntu, 


ba- 


... 


. 


mu-ana, 


ba- 


Rua 


mu-ntu, 


ba- 


mu-lume. 


ba- 


mu-ana, 


ba- 


Angola 


mu-tu. 


a- 


mu-lume. 


a- 


mona. 


ana 


Lower Congo 


mu-ntu. 


a- 


n-kaza. 


a-kaji 


mw-ana, 


ana 


Nywema 


o-ntu. 


a- 


ume (o-ume ?) 


... 


ona, 


ana 


Yao 


mu-ndu, 


wa- 


a-sono. 


a-ch^z.- 


mw-ana. 


a-chi w- 


Kilimane 


mu-to, 


a- 


m-amna, 


... 


mw-ana. 


ana 


Mozambique 


m-tu, 


a- 


mw-amna, 


a- 


mw-ana mwane 


, ana-ane 


Chwanaproper 


mo-thu. 


ba- 


mo-nona, 


ba- 


ngw-ana. 


ban a 


Suto 


mo-tho. 


ba- 


mo-nna, 


ba- 


ngw-ana. 


bana 


Mpongwe 


o-ma, 


a-naga 


o-tiome, 


a- 


on w- ana, 


aw» 


Fan 


e-mm. 


ba- 


e-nom. 




mon, 


... 


Dualla 


mo-tu. 


ba- 


m-omi, 


b^ 


muna, 


bana 


Fernandian 


bo-cho, 


be- 


b-ube, 


ba- 


bo-lai, 


ba- 


(Banni dialect) 










(Banapa dialect) 





68 



South'Africmt Bantu Languages, 



or those substantives which, though requiring in the singular the 
classifier MU-, have in the plural the classifier MA-, as ^M-nkua 
*' a white man ", pi. "NLsi-nkua, 

§ I. Transformations of the Classifier MU. 

323. — This particle may be said to have in the different Bantu 
languages all the intermediate sounds between mu and n, as well 
as between mo and o. Even in those languages in which it is most 
reduced traces are preserved either of its labial nasal element, or 
of its /^-sound. Hence more particularly the following forms: — 



EXAMPLES. (Continued.) 





a -woman, \srife 


a chief 


a servant 


God 




Sin£: Plur. 


Sing. Plur. 


Sing. 


Plur. 




Tonga 


mu-anakazi, ba- 


mu-ame, 


ba- 


mu-zike, 


ba- 


Leza 


Bisa 


mu-anakazi, \va- 


... 


... 


mu-sia, 


wa- 


Lesa 


Gogo 


m-chekulu, wa- 


... 


... 


mu-lelwa, 


wa- 


Mu-Iungu 


Sagara 


m-ke, wa- 


m-ndewa, 


vva- 


m-fugwa, 


wa- 


Mu-lungu 


Shambala 


m-kaza, wa- 


... 




m-xumba, 


wa- 


Mu-lungu 


Boondei 


m-kaza, wa- 


... 




m-lugoja, 


vva- 


Mu-lungu 


Taita 


mu-ke, 


m-gosi 


... 


m-tumu 


... 


Mu-lungu 


Nyanyembe 


m-kema, wa- 


m-temi, 


wa- 


m-deki, 


wa- 


Mu-lungu 


Sukuma 


mu-kima (?), wa- 


... 


... 


m-sese, 


wa- 


Mu-lungu 


Kamba 


mu-ndu mu-ka, a-ndu a-ka 


... 


... 


mu-dedia, 


a- 


Mu-lungu 


Swahili 


mw-ana m-ke, wa-ana a-ke 


m-falme, 


wa- 


m-tumwa, 


wa- 


Mu-ungu 


Pokomo 


mu-ke, wa- 


... 


... 


... 




Mu-ungu 


Nika 


mu-che, a- 


mu-vieri, 


a- 


mu-humiki, 


a- 


Mu-lungu 


Senna 


(u)n-kazi, a- 


(u)-mbuya, 


a- 


mu-lece, 


a- 


Mu-lungu 


Karanga 


nokaji, ba- 


xe, 


ba- 


(u)n.ja(.?), 


ba- 


Reja 


Ganda 


m-kazi, ba- 


kabaka, 


ba- 


mu-ddu, 


ba- 


Katonda 


Zulu-Kafir 


u mu-fazi, a ba- 




... 


u mu-ntu, 


aba- 


u Tixo 


Xosa- Kafir 


u m-fazi, a ba- 




... 


u m-ntu, 


aba- 


u Tixo 


Herero 


mu-kajendu, o va- 


o mu-hona, o 


va- 


mu-karere 


va- 


Mu-kuru 


Bihe 


u-kai, a- 




... 






Suku 


Mbunda 


mo-nokazi, ba- 


mw-ene 


... 


mu-hikana, 


ba- 


Redza 


Rotse 


mo-kati, a- 


mo-yoande, 


a- 


mo-bika, 


a- 


Nyambi 


Guha 


m-kazi, ba- 


... 


... 


m-jia, 


ba- 


Kabeja (.?) 


Rua 


mu-kazi, .ba- 


m-Iohhe 


... 


mu-hika, 


ba- 


Virie 


Angola 


mu-kaji, a- 


... 




mu-bika, 


a- 


Nzambi 


Lower Congo 


n-kaza, a-kaji 


... 


... 


n-leke, 


a- 


Nzambi 


Nywema 


o-azeni, a- 


o-lowe, 


a- 


o-hombo, 


a- 


o Kixi 


Yao 


a-sono, a-ch'2i- 


m-cht-mw-tnt^ 


wa/- 


kapolo, 


a- 


Mu-lungu 


Kilimane 


mu-yana, a- 


mu-enye 




.... 




Mu-lugo 


Mozambique 


mw-ari, ari 


mw-ene, ma-mwene 


karumia, 


a- 


M-luku 


Chw^ana proper 


mo-sadi, ba- 


mo rena, 


ba- 


mo-tlhanka, 


ba- 


Mo-dimo 


Suto 


mo-sali, ba- 


mo-rena, 


ba- 


mo-tlhanka, 


ba- 


Mo-limo 


Mpongvsre 


onw-anto, anto 


o-ga, 


a- 


o-xaka, 


a- 


Anyambe 


Fan 


... ... 






en-saga 




Aname 


Dualla 


mu-'tu, b'-itu 


mo-anedi, 


ba- 


mo-kum, 


ba- 


Loba 


Fernandian 


bo-adi, ba- 


bo-tukwe, 


ba- 


bo-taki 




Kadupe 


(Banni dialect). 


( Clarence dialect) 






(Banapa dial.) 1 





The MU-BA Class, 



69 



324. — M^U- generally, in Tonga, Bisa, Mbunda, Herero, Angola, Nika, etc. 

M- with an affection to the vowel u^ in Swahili, Mozambique, Shambala, 
Kamba, etc. 

325. — ^' ^- ^' I^ "^ost of these languages, if not in all, the law is evidently to 
pronounce the vowel u- distinctly, when otherwise the word would be sounded like a 
monosyllable. Hence in Ganda inu-ntu, " a person ", not m-tttu; mu-ddu, " a slave ", not 
m-ddu. Do. in Kamba, Nyamwezi, Shambala, etc. It is somewhat strange that Swahili and 
Mozambique should prove an exception to this law (cf. 44). 

326. — 2. In these same languages the w-sound of this classifier is partly preserved 
before such stems as begin with a vowel. Hence 77i'w-ana, " a child ", etc. 

327. — A^- with an affection to u, in Senna, Karanga, and Lower Congo. 

lY. B. In Senna and Karanga the u is heard distinctly when the word begins the 
sentence, but then it precedes the nasal instead of following it, as if the sole reason of its 



EXAMPLES. (Continued.) 



(names of nations) 



my father 



my mother 



Tonga 
Bisa 
Gogo 
Sagara 
Shambala 
Boondei 
Taita 

Nyanyembe 
Sukuma 
Kamba 
Swahili 
Pokomo 
Nika 
Senna 
Karanga 
Ganda 
Zulu-Kafir 
Xosa-Kafir 
Herero 
Bihe 
Mbunda 
Rotse 
Guha 
Rua 
Angola 
Lower Congo 
Nywema 
Yao 

Killmane 
Mozambique 
Gh^wanaproper 
Suto 

Mpongwe 
Fan 
Dualla 
Fernandian 
(Banni dialect) 



Mu-tonga^ a Tonga, 
Mu-bisa, a Bisa, 

M-sagara, a Sagara, 
M-xambala, a Shambala, 
M-boondeij a Boondei, 



Ba- 

Wa- 

Wa- 

Wa- 
Wa- 



M-nyamwezi, a Nyamwezi, Wa- 

M-suku7na, a Sukuma, Wa- 

M- kamba, a. Kamba, A- 
M-jo7nbaj a. man of the Zanzibar coast, IVa- 

Mu-nyika a man of the desert, A- 

Mu-zungu, a Christian, a lord, Wa- 

(u)N-karanga, a Karanga, Ma- 

Mic-Ganda, a Ganda, Ba- 

u Mu-ishaka, a Zulu, a Ma- 

u M-xosa, a frontier Kafir, a Ma- 

Mu-herero, a Herero, o Va- 

Mu-mbunda, a. Mbunda, Ma- 

Mu-loi, a Rotse, Ma- 

Mu-rua, a Rua, Ba- 

Mu-mbundu, a black, A- 
Mu-sikongo, a man of the Congo, e- (273) 

M-yao, a Yao, Wa- 

Mu-goa, an Indian Portuguese, Ma- 

M-kua, do. (= Tonga mu-nkua\ Ma- 
Mo-chwana, a Chwana, Be- (273) 

Mo-sotho, a Suto, Ba- 

N-suut or N-suur, a black, 



Plur. 

ba- 
wa- 



wa- 
wa- 



Sing. 

tata, 
tata, 
tata 
baba 
baba 
tate 
aba 
tata, 
baba, 
— ,a-chakwa 
baba 
baba 
baba 

— , a-tatu 
tate, ma- 
kitangi 
u baba, o- 
tata(bawo), o- 
tate, o tate 
tate 
n-tate 

xangoe (.?)... 
tata, ba- 
tata 

tata 

yoni 

a.-ta.t'i,a-ch'a.- 

baba 

— , a-thithi 

rara 

n-tate 

rere 

tite 
obu-lieo (.'') 



Sing. Plnr. 

(ma), ba-ma 

ma(.?) 

yaya 

mau 

mlala 

mlale 

mawe(.?) ... 

mayu, wa- 

mayu, wa- 

mw-aito, a- 

mamangu ... 

mayo (wangu) . . . 

— ,amaianga 

ma 

nyabu 

umame 

u ma 

mama 

mai 



maju 
lolo 



mama 

mboni 

a mawo 

n-ma 

mama 

mme 

'me 

ngi yami .. 

naa i^) 

o berim (.?) 



yo South-African Bantu Languages. 



pronunciation were to support the nasal. In such cases, as also before monosyllables, some 
people pronounce ;^;^«-rather than un-. 

328. — MO- in Chwana and Dualla. Bo- in some Fernandian dialects (240). 

329. — U- (seldom MU-) in Bihe. 

330. — O- in Mpongwe and Nywema, with traces of the nasal in some nouns. 

331. — O-^ or^-(?), in Fan, also with traces of the nasal in some words. 

332. — N. B. I. As may be seen in the subjoined examples, the word inu-ana 
" a child ", changes variously to mona or mvitta (c(. 265), Jtquana (204), nyana^ (122), nbna 
(265 and 328), etc. 

333. — 2. There is no trace of this classifier being naturally long (invi) in any 
Bantu language. If so pronounced in some words, it is owing to some sort of con- 
traction or to position before a nasal. Bleek mentions that it is marked long in Thlaping, 
a dialect of Chwana. It would be more correct to say that in Thlaping, though it is written 
mo- as in Suto, yet properly its sound is an intermediate one between mu- and nio-. 

§ 2. Transformations of the Classifier BA-. 

334. — This classifier has its consonant more or less weakened 
in the different languages, probably according to the shape of 
people's lips. Hence the various forms : — 

335. — B^- ii^ Tonga, Kafir, Ganda,Guha, Chwana, Karanga, Dualla, Fan, etc. 
N. B. Properly speaking, in Tonga Ba- has a sound intermediate between Ba- and Wa-. 

336. — WA- in Swahili, Shambala, Nyamwezi, Yao, etc. 

337. — A-m Mozambique, Senna, Angola, Congo, Mpongwe, Kamba, Nika. 
N. B. In Senna a slight labial aspiration is still perceptible in this classifier. Hence in 

some cases it is even spelt wa-. 

338. — VA- in Hereto and Nano. 

VA- or MA- in Bihe (Cf. " Observations upon... Umhmdu ", by the 
Rev. Wesley M. Stover, Boston 1885, pp. 13, 16 and 17). 

339. — ^' B. I. Be- replaces BA- before a and in some other cases, according to 
n. 274, as if be- were then a contraction for ba-i. The presence of be-^ as if for ba-.^ is parti- 
cularly remarkable in the Kafir word a "Belungu " white people " (sing, u yi-lungu " a 
white man, a lord "). This phenomenon probably is due to the fact that this word is of 
foreign importation. (Cf the Phenician and Hebrew word melekh, or molokh in the 
possessive expression a-molokk) . It may be observed by the way in the preceding table 
of examples that the Bantu word Mu-lungu or Mu-luku " God " is probably no other 
than the Phenician Moloch. 

340. — 2. In Kele (Di-kele) the plural botyi^ " people ", is probably for ba-iityi^ 
just as in Fernandian buchu " people " is for ba-uchu^ and in Isubu bomi " men " 
for ba-umi. 

341. — 3. Other phonetic changes produced by the concurrence of ba-^ wa-y a- 
with vowels, are easily explained according to nn. 249 sqq. 



The MU-BA Class, yc 



§ 3. The Sub-class — -BA. 

342. — There is a large proportion of those substantives which 
require the same sort of concord as the word mu-ntu, ** a person ", 
though they have no classifier in the singular. 

Such are i^) the words, in nearly all these languages, for " father " 
and " mother ", viz. (in Tonga) tata^ " my father ", uso, " thy 
father ", uise, ''his father", usokulu, " thy grandfather", etc. (Cf. 748). 

3-43. — ^- ^' '• ^^ Tonga the words for " mother " are through politeness used 
in the plural instead of the singular. Hence ba-ma^ " my mother ", ba-nyoko^ " thy mother", 
ba-nye7ia^ " his mother ", etc. (cf. 748). 

344. — 2. In some other languages a similar law is extended to names of parents 
in general. It appears that in Yao it is even extended to some other substantives, as we 
find that the substantives " husband, master, brother, friend ", etc. are respectively ren- 
dered by the plural forms SL-sono, Si-mbuje, SL-kuiu, a.-mwene, etc. (cf. 354). The Yao word 
dL-chi-mwene " a chief", which is sometimes used for tn-chi-mwene^ is likewise a plural of 
dignity or respect which contains the classifier chi- (502) besides the classifier a-. The 
fact that in this word cM- is in the singular number, while a- is a plural of dignity, shows 
that the Yao themselves must have practically lost this notion that a- is in the plural 
number. 

345. — 3- I" Senna, many substantives of this sub-class are formed with the prefix 
nya- (= mu-a, 122). Ex. nyai-ku-fula " a smith ", pi. a-n^di-ku-fula. Substantives of the 
same sort have in Mozambique the prefix ka. Ex. KsL-rumia " an apostle", pi. a-Ka.-rumia. 
Cf. 517. 

346. — Such are 2°) all proper names of persons, as Monze, 
*' the chief Monze ". 

347. — ^' B. Many proper names of persons begin with a prefix which means 
" Father " or " Father of... ", " Mother " or " Mother of". Hence in Tonga Si-meja, lit. 
" Father Tusks", Sia-pi^ lit. " Father of where.? ^\Na-sifnbt^ " Mother of iron ", etc. Hence 
also in Kafir Sa-Rili^ lit. " Father Kreli ", So-ndawo, lit. " Father of the place ", No-nio 
" Mother of a thing ", etc. Hence also in various languages those names of God which 
begin with Ka^ as Ka-zova (in Nyambu), Ka-tonga (in Ganda), etc. 

348. — Such are 3° several names of animals, e. g. su-nlue, " a 
hyena", se-kale, "a muircat ", etc. 

349. — ^- ^' I- Like proper names of persons, many such substantives may be 
decomposed into two parts, the first of which is a prefix which seems to mean" father", or 
" mother ", or " son ". Such are in Tonga the words just mentioned, and in Kafir u no- 
madudwane, " a scorpion ", lit. " a mother of little dances ", u no-meva^ " a wasp ", lit. " a 
mother of stings ", etc. Such are in Senna s-ulo^ " a hare " (Tonga s-ulue), nya-rugue^ " a 
tiger ", Ht. " son of a tiger " (= Tonga si-lugue^ lit. " Father tiger "), etc. etc. 

350. — 2. In the language of Mozambique some names of inanimate things, prin- 
cipally of fruits, belong to this sub-class. They have 7ia- or ka- as a prefix. Ex. na-kuo, 
" a cob of maize, " pi. a-nakuo ; ka-raka^ " a sweet potato, " pi. a-karaka. 



72 South' African Bantu Languages. 

351. — The plural of all such nouns is formed in the generality 
of the Bantu languages by prefixing the classifier BA- to the form 
of the singular number. Ex. ba-smitue, " hyaenas " (sing, su-ntue), 
ba-sokue, ** baboons " (sing, so-kiie). 

352« — ^- B, I. In Kafir such substantives take ^ as a sort of plural article in 
the nominative, and bo in the vocative. Ex. o dade^ " my sisters ", o nojneva^ " wasps " (sing. 
u no-rneva)^ voc. Dodade! " sisters !, " etc. Plurals of this kind may be formed in Kafir with 
every proper name, e. g. o Ngwe, " Ngwe and his companion ", o Saliwe^ " Saliwe and 
his companions ". But these are used in the singular in the vocative case, and conse- 
quently do not usually receive the prefix bo-. Hence Ngwe ! may be used to call Ngwe 
alone, or Ngwe with his cotnpanions, Ex. Ngwe, yiz^ apa " Ngwe, come here ", Ngwe, 
yizan^ apa " Ngwe, come here with our companions. " 

353. — 2. In Herero the substantives of this sub-class seem to admit the prefix 
o regularly in the plural, besides the article which has also the same form o. Hence o 
o-tate " my fathers " (sing, o tate or tate " my father " 319). Cf. Kolbe's Diet., p. 201. 

354. — 3' Those Yao words which have in the singular number a seemingly plural 
orm, as a-sono " a husband ", a-mwene " a friend " (344) form their real plural by means 

of the adjective chi " many ". Ex. A-ch\i-so7io " husbands " (= a-chi a-sono). The real 
plural corresponding to the plural of dignity a-chi-7nwene (344) seems to be likewise a-ch' 
a-chi-mwene (Steere's " Yao Language '' p. 13), while the more regular singular wchi- 
mwene (316), which means also " a chief", changes in the plural to wor-i-mwene (Heter- 
wick's " Yao Language ", pp. 1 3 and 88). 

§ 4. The Sub-class MU-MA. 

355. — Those substantives which, though agreeing in the sin- 
gular with the word mu-ntu " a person ", borrow nevertheless the 
classifier MA- of cl. LI-MA in the plural, are found in nearly all 
the Bantu languages. They are mostly the names of warlike and 
dreaded tribes. Such are, for instance, in Tonga : — 

Ma-nkua, " the white people ", or more particularly " the Portuguese ", or, in a 

still more limited sense, " the Indian Portuguese " (sing. Mu-nkua). 
Ma-punu " the Boers ", including " the Ma-tebele " and whatever tribes are thought 

by the Tonga to depend on the Boers (sing. Mu-punu). 
Ma-kalanga " the Karanga " {alias " Ma-kalaka "), who before the advent of the 

Ma-tebele were the ruling tribe of the whole Bu-nyai, or the Monomotapa of 

our ancient maps (sing. Mu-kalanga). 

356. — ^' B. This sub-class includes also in Kafir some titles of dignity, as 
a ma-pakaii^'' councillors " (sing, u in-pakati). 

§ 5. Substantives which belong to the MU-BA Class and 
the sub-classes connected with it. 

357. — The substantives belonging to this category in the 



The MU-BA Class. 73 



generality of the Bantu languages are exclusively the names of 
persons that are sufficiently grown up to be able to stand on their 
legs. 

N. B. It does not follow from this that all names of persons are of this class. 

358. — To this class belong also in Tonga, Lojazi, ' Mozam- 
bique, etc., several names of animals, principally, as it seems, of 
such as are distinguished by their relative power to take half-erect 
postures, as in Tonga mu-aba, *' a jackal" ; mu-lavtc, "a lion"{Nika mu- 
nyambo, Mozambique ka-ramu, pi. a-karamu^^ic.)] mu-bua, "a dog" 
(Lojazi 7mi-bua, Mozambique mw-ala-pua, Shire or Nyanja garu, 
pi. a-garUy etc.) ; mti-yuni, " a bird " in general ; mu-kubi, ''a vulture" ; 
mU'Cyeta, " a monkey ''\mu-kuku, "■ a coq " (in opposition to in-kuku, 
which means more properly *' a hen ") ; mu-zohu, ** an eland ", etc. 

359. — ^' B. I. With regard to things which have no life, it seems that they 
are not brought into this class in any language, except in Mozambique (cf. supra, 350, 
some names of fruits with the prefixes na and ka). 

360. — 2. Names of animals and others are often personified, and then are 
treated as being of this class. This is the case principally in Swahili with such words 
as n%ombe " a cow ", nibuzi " a goat ", etc. (Cf. Father Delaunay's " Gramtnaire 
Kiswahili", p. 20). 

§ 6. Etymologies. — Varia. 

361. — The Rev. F. W. Kolbe has expressed the opinion (') 
that the primitive form of the classifier MU- was ku-mu. This 
opinion seems to me unwarranted. But the same author is probably 
nearer to the truth when seeing in the same particle the notion of 
something '* upright. " For it is very probable that the classifier M U- 
is radically identical with the adjective -umiy alive (cf. 601 Table) 
which is itself originally the perfect form of the verb ma or ima " to 
stand up ", and which is still retained in nearly all the Bantu lan- 
guages under the various forms -gumi, -gima, ima, etc. (Kafir u 
b-omi— life). Both the classifier MU- and the adjective 'U7ni " alive", 
seem to be related to -mtie " one " (792). 

362. — ^- B. I was made sensible of the relation of the classifier MU to the adjec- 
tive -umi when I chanced once with a motion of the hand to connect a horizontal notion 
with the general notion of person. For this greatly astonished my Tonga informants, as 
it was new to them that man in his characteristic position should be represented lying 
flat on the ground like a stone, instead of standing upright. Their own motion cor- 
responding to the notion of " person " was invariably the vertical position of the lower 
arm with the hand up. 

1. " A Language Study based on Bantu, " by the Rev. F, W. Kolbe, London, Triibner, 1888, pp. 59-70. 



74 South-African Bantu Languages. 

363. — No etymology of the classifier BA- satisfies me alto- 
gether. What I consider as most probable is that it is essentially 
identical with the Senna verb -bala ** to beget " (Tonga -ziala, cf. 
52*). The absence of the / will not astonish any one, if we 
remember that it is regularly dropped in Kamba, Swahili, and Dualla. 
At the same time it will explain why this classifier is long {ba). 
Hence BA- would mean properly " progeny ", as well as the clas- 
sifier ZIN-, and the only difference between these two classifiers 
would be that B A- from -bala conveys more decent notions than 
ZIN- from -ziala. For -bala and -ziala are not quite identical in 
meaning : -ziala is rather applied to animals, -bala to persons, as 
also to trees with regard to their bearing fruits. 

364;. — N' B. This view may be confirmed by considering that BA- and -bala 
have every appearance of being etymologically one with the Semitic word ben^ or bar^ 
" son ". It is also a remarkable fact that in several Bantu languages we find the word 
mu-ene^ plur. b-ene^ replacing in many expressions the Semitic ben. 

365. — The readers who are fond of etymologies will find interesting matter for 
Study in the examples which have been given under n. 322. Let us go rapidly through 
these tables. 

1. Mu-ntu " a person ", means literally " one who is like us. ". For -ntu^ which in the 
rigour of phonetic principles is equivalent to -itu (285), means " we, us", in nearly all the 
Bantu languages (656 table, and 639 table). This word is very seldom used by the natives 
with reference to white people. These they call variously Be-lungu or Ba-zungu " the 
children of God ", Ma-nkua " the people from the East ", etc. Likewise chiefs are seldom 
called ba-ntUj because they are considered to be white and children of God by law, even 
if they be as black as charcoal. This explains the origin of the scientific word Bantu as 
distinctive of these African tribes. For Bleek, who was the first who used it in this sense, 
was led to do so because he found it employed several times with a special reference to 
black people in certain Zulu tales ('). 

2. The etymologies of inu-alume " a husband", ?nu-ame " a chief" and mu-zike *' a 
slave, a servant ", are not plain. We shall not suggest any, as they might only be mis- 
leading. It is interesting to find the Mozambique word m-alimu " a chief ", lit. " a man 
of learning " (Swahili m-falme, plur. wa-falme) in Masudi's " Golden Meadows ", a work 
written in the year 332 of the Hegira. But the copists, as they are wont to do with foreign 
words and proper names, have variously metamorphosed it into falitne or folima or/elima, 
wa-flimo^ wa-klima^ waflha^ fiufalla (?), etc. Cf. Magoudi, " Les Prairies d^or ". Texte et 
traduction par Barbier de Meynardet Pavetde Courteille, Paris, 1 861 -1877, vol. Ill, p. 445. 

3. In mu-ana the element -ana means literally " with the self ",thus conveying the notion 
of close union and dependency. We shall see further on (1084) that the same element 
forms reciprocal verbs by expressing that an action is terminated within the limits of the 
subject, as in ba-la-yasa.na.y " they are fighting ", lit. " they thrust (spears or arrows) 
between the7nselves ". The element na^ which is part oi -ana^ will be found likewise signi- 
fying " self " (661, 689). 

4. In mu-ana-kazi^ mu-ka\e-ndu^ mu-no-kaji^ etc., we have two elements besides the 
classifier. The one is -ana or -ntu (-no) from mu-ana or mu-ntu (mo-no). The other is 

I. Mss. 214 of the Grey Library, Capetown, entitled " Thirty chapters of Zulu tradition " chapter V. 



The MU-BA Class. 75 



-kazi which conveys the notion of " bringing to existence ", from ka^ notion of " sitting 
down ", hence of " existing ", and -zi " notion of fecundity. " The verb corresponding to 
-kazi is kasia^ or kazika^ " to cause to sit ", hence '* to cause to exist ", from -kala " to sit, 
to exist " (1075). 

5. The names of the South-African tribes are derived from various notions, some from 
that of a region, as Wa-nya-mwesi^ from nya-mwezi'''- the mountain of the Moon", others 
from that of the origin of the tribe, true or pretended, as a Ma-zulu " the children of 
Zulu " or " of heaven ", perhaps " of the deep, of the sea ", others probably from that of 
colour, as Ba-suto and A-suut or A-stiur^ probably from -nsundu (in the Chwana group 
-sutu or -sotho)^ which conveys the notion of " olive brown colour ", etc. etc. 

6. We have as yet nothing certain to say concerning the etymology of the word Leza 
or Reja " God ". As to its synonym Mu-lungu or Mu-luku^ we have already seen that 
probably it is no other than Molokh (339). It may be observed that this word is used 
only by Eastern tribes, that is precisely by those which have had undoubted relations 
with SabiTsans in olden times. Mo-dimo, of the Bechwana, means " spirit ". In Tonga, 
Senna, etc. the word which corresponds to it etymologically is mu-zimo " soul, spirit ", 
from -zimua or -zimoa, which is the passive form oi-zima " to efface, to render invisible ". 
The Tonga and most other Bantu tribes, when they have their sacrifices and prayers for 
rain, address them to God generally through the spirits of their former chiefs (mi-zimo\ 
instead of going to him directly. Cf. Appendix I. 

7. Tata " father ", and ma or mama " mother ", are not words proper to Bantu lan- 
guages. Ma or 7nama is the first consonantal sound which a babe utters before, and tata 
the first it pronounces after it has begun to cut its teeth. 



III. — mtz Mu-Mi Glass. 

366. — The substantives which belong to the MU-MI class 
are those which require the same sort of concord as mw-bili '' a 
body ", plur. mi-bilL 

§ I. Transformations of the Classifier MU-. 

367. — The classifier MU- of this MU-MI class varies in the 
different languages exactly as MU- of the class MU-BA, though, 
as will be seen further, it requires a different sort of concord. 

N. B. It was an error on the part of Bleek to think that MU- of this MU-MI class is 
essentially long (mil). 

368. — Here again the Bantu tendency to avoid words which 



EXAMPLES. 





the body 


the tail 


the head 


the mouth 
beak 


, lips, 




Sing. Plur. 


Sing. 


Plur. 


Sing. 


Phir. 


Sing. 


Phir. 


Tonga 


mu-bili, 


mi- 


mu-cila. 


mi- 


mu-tue. 


mi- 


mu-lomo. 


mi- 


Bisa 


mu-bili, 


mi- 


... 


... 


mu-tue. 


mi- 


mu-lomo. 


mi- 


Gogo 


... 




... 




mu-twe. 


mi- 


m-lomo, 


mi- 


Sagara 


m-tufi, 


mi- 


mu-se, 


mi- 


mu-twe. 


mi- 


m-lomo, 


mi- 


Shambala 


mu-ili, 


mi- 


mu-kila. 


mi- 


mu-tui, 


mi- 


mu-lomo, 


mi- 


Boondei 


mu-ili, 


mi- 


mu-kila, 


mi- 


mu-tui, 


mi- 


m-lomo. 


mi- 


Taita 


mu-li 


... 


m-koba 


... 


... 


... 


m-lomo, 


mi- 


Nyanyembe 


m-wili, 


mi- 


m-kila. 


mi- 


mu-twe. 


mi- 


m-lomo, 


mi- 


Sukuma 


... 


... 


m-kila, 


mi- 


mu-twe, 


mi- 


m-lomo, 


mi- 


Kamba 


mu-i (8i), 


mi- 


mu-idi. 


mi- 


mu-tue. 


mi- 


m-omo. 


mi- 


Swahili 


m-wili, 


mi- 


m-kia. 


mi- 


... 




m-domo, 


mi- 


Pokomo 


mu-i, 


mi- 


mu-tyia. 


mi- 


... 


... 


... 


... 


Nika 


mu-iri. 


mi- 


mu-cira, 


mi- 


... 




mu-lomo, 


mi- 


Senna 


... 


... 


(u)n-cira. 


mi- 


(u)n-solOj 


mi- 


(u)n-domo, 


mi-1... 


Karanga 


(u)m-biri, 


mi- 


(u)n-cira, 


mi- 


(u)n-xoro 


, mi- 


(u)n-domo, 


mi-1... 


Ganda 


mu-bili. 


mi- 


m-kila. 


mi- 


m-tue. 


mi- 


mu-mua, 


mi- 


Zulu-Kafir 


u mu-zimba, 


i mi- 


u mu-sila, 


i mi- 


... 




u mu-lomo. 


i mi- 


Xosa-Kafir 


u mu-zimba, 


imi- 


u m-sila, 


imi- 


... 




u m-lomo. 


i mi- 


Hercro 




... 


omu-tyira,o mi- 






mu-na. 


mi- 


Bihe 




... 


u-sese, 


vi- 


u-tui. 


o vi- 


... 


... 


Mbunda 




... 




... 


mu-tue, 


mi- 




... 


Rotse 




... 


mu-sila, 


mi- 


... 


... 




... 


Guha 




... 


... 


... 


... 


... 


mu-lomo. 


mi- 


Rua 


m-vilivili ij) 


... 


... 




... 


... 


... 


... 


Angola 


mu-kutu, 


mi- 


mu-kila, 


mi- 


mu-tue. 


mi- 


mu-zumbu, 


mi- 


LoAver Congo 




... 


n-kila, 


mi- 


n-tu. 


mi- 


... 




Nywema 








... 


o-tue. 


e- 


o-lomo. 


e- 


Yao 






m-cila, 


mi- 


m-tue. 


mi- 


... 


... 


Kilimane 


... 


... 


mw-ila. 


mi- 


mu-soro. 


mi- 


mu-lomo, 


mi- 


Mozambique 


mw-ili. 


mi- 


mw-ila, 


mi- 


mu-ru. 


mi- 


m-lomo. 


mi- 


Ghvs^ana proper 


'mele(278),me 


-bele 


mo-gatla, 


me- 






molomo. 


me- 


Suto 


'mele, me- 


bele 


mo-gatla. 


me- 


... 


... 


mo-lomo. 


me- 


Mpongwe 


o-kuwa. 


i_ 


o-kwende 




... 




o-lumbu, 


i- 


Fan 




... 






n-nu 


... 


en-soon 




Dualla 




... 


mo-undu. 


mi- 


mo-lopo, 


mi- 


mo-lumbu, 


mi- 


Fernandian 


... 


... 




... 


... 


... 


bu-ee. 


bi- 



I 



The Mu-Mi Class. 



77 



might sound like monosyllables is felt in those substantives which 
have monosyllabic stems. Hence in Ganda, for instance, we see 
mu-mua " the lips ", mu-tue '' the head ", niu-ddo '' grass ", etc. 
next to m-lambo *' a dead body ", ni-kono " an arm ", etc. 

N. B.ln the otherwise excellent " Essai de Grammaire Ruganda " the word for " tree " 
is spelt jn-ti^ not mu-ti. I wonder whether this spelling is correct. There is against it the 
fact that Stanley spells the same word 7nu-tti^ while the translator of St Matthew's Gospel 
spells it ;««-//, and the Rev. C. F. Wilson hesitates between m-H and mu-ti. 

\ 2. Transformations of the Classifier MI-. 

369. — This classifier seems to be regularly pronounced VI- 
in Nano and Bihe when the singular classifier corresponding to it 





EXAMPLES. ( 


Cent 


inued.) 










the back 


the heart 


a tree 


a baobab- 


tree 




Sing. 


Plur. 


Smg. 


Plur. 


Sing. 


Plur. 


Sing. Plur. 


Tonga 


mu-sana, 


mi- 


mu-oyo, 


mi- 


mu-samo, 


mi- 


mu-buyu. 


mi- 


Bisa 


mu-sana, 


mi- 


... 


... 


mu-ti. 


mi- 




... 


Gogo 


m-gongo, 


mi- 


... 




... 


... 


... 


... 


Sagara 


m-gongo, 


mi- 


m-oyo. 


mi- 


mu-ti, 


mi- 


m-pera, 


mi- 


Shambala 


mu-gongo, 


mi- 


m-oyo, 


mi- 


mu-ti, 


mi- 


m-uyu. 


mi- 


Boondei 


mu-gongo, 


mi- 


m-oyo, 


mi- 


mu-ti, 


mi- 


m-buyu. 


mi- 


Taita 


mu-gongo, 


mi - 






mw-iti, 


mi- 


... 


... 


Nyanyembe 


m-gongo, 


mi- 


m-oyo. 


mi- 


mu-ti. 


mi- 


m-pela, 


mi- 


Sukuma 


m-gongo, 


mi- 


m-oyo. 


mi- 


mu-ti, 


mi- 


m-pera, 


mi- 


Kamba 


m-mongo. 


mi- 


... 




m-ti, 


mi- 


mw-amba. 


mi- 


Swahili 


m-gongo. 


mi- 


m-oyo, 


mi- 


m-ti. 


mi- 


m-buyu, 


mi- 


Pokomo 


m-ongo, 


mi- 


m-otyo. 


mi- 


mu-hi. 


mi- 


... 




Nika 


m-ongo. 


mi- 


m-oyo, 


mi- 


mu-hi, 


mi- 


m-uyu. 


mi- 


Senna 


(u)n-sana, 


mi- 


m-oyo. 


mi- 


(u)n-tengo, 


mi- 


(u)m-buyu. 


mi- 


Karanga 


(u)n-xana, 


mi- 


m-oyo. 


mi- 


(u)n-ti. 


mi- 


u m-buyu, 


mi- 


Ganda 


mu-bega, 


mi- 


m-oyo. 


mi- 


mu-ti, 


mi- 






Zulu-KaJir 


u m-hlana, 


i mi- 


... 


... 


u mu-ti, 


i mi- 






Xosa-Kanr 


u m-hlana. 


i mi- 


... 




u m-ti, 


i mi- 






Herero 


... 




o mu-tima 


o mi- 


mu-ti. 


mi- 




... 


Bihe 




... 


u-tima. 


o vi- 


u-ti. 


vi- 




... 


Mbunda 


m-ongo 




... 








... 




Rotse 


m-ongo = end of spine 


mu-jima, 


mi- 


mu-sito. 


mi- 


... 


... 


Guha 


m-gongo. 


mi- 


... 




mu-ti, 


mi- 


... 


... 


Rua 


mw-ongo. 


mi- 


mu-ula ij) 




mu-ti (?) 


... 


... 




Angola 




... 


mu-xima. 


mi- 


mu-xi. 


mi- 


m-bondo (.?) 


... 


Lower Congo 


... 


... 


m-oyo. 


mi- 


n-ti. 


mi- 


n-kondo, 


mi- 


Nywema 


o-vuna, 


e- 


o-tima = belly 


o-ti, 


i- 


... 


... 


Yao 


m-gongo, 


mi- 


m-tima. 


mi- 


m-tela. 


mi- 


m-lonji, 


mi- 


Kiliaiane 






... 




mu-rre, 


mi- 


m-laba, 


mi- 


Mozambique 


m-thana. 


mi- 


m-rima. 


mi- 


m-tali, 


mi- 


m-lapa. 


mi- 


Ghwanaproper 


mo-llana, 


me- 




... 




... 


mo-wana. 


me- 


Suto 


mo-tlana, 


me- 


... 




... 


... 


mo- wan a. 


me- 


Mpongwe 


o-kongo, 


i- 


o-rema. 


i- 


... 


... 




... 


Fan 








... 


e-li 


... 


... 


... 


Dualla 






mo-lema. 


mi- 




«.. 


... 


... 


Fernandian 


... 


... 


bu-ila. 


bi- 


ba-ti(?) bo-ti ... 


... 


... 



78 



Sotith-African Bantu Languages. 



has the contracted form U-. It is pronounced ME- in Chwana ac- 
cording to n. 200, and BI- in some Fernandian dialects according 
to n. 240. In Mpongwe and Nywema its form is I- or E-. In most 
of the other Bantu languages its proper form is MI-. 

370. — ^' ^- ^' ^^ Tonga I often thought I heard it pronounced like mu in the 
French rnur. This inclines me to think that its original form was MUI, 

2. These two classifiers MU- and MI- correspond to one another as singular and 
plural in all the Bantu languages. Bleek has it that MI- corresponds regularly as plural in 
Nika to the classifier U- (= Tonga BU-), and he gives as an example the word u-iniro^ 
" voice ", to which he ascribes mi-miro as plural. But it is now plain from Rebmann's ^'^ Nika 
Dictionary " that the whole idea is incorrect, for properly speaking the word in Nika for 
" voice ", or more exactly for " word ", " speech ", is ni-oro^ pi. ?ni-oro^ and certainly m-oro 
is regularly of cl. MU-MI, as in the Nika proverb : lA-oro mu-dso ka-\x-lavia dzua, 
'* a good word does not bring out {!) the sun. " (Rebmann's " Nika Dicf.^ " word moro). 



EXAMPLES. (Continued.) 





Are 


a river (muddy) 


a moon, 


month 


a year 




Sing. 


Sing. Plur. 


Sing. 


Plur. 


Sing. 


Plur. 


Tonga 


mu-lilo 


mu-longa, 


mi- 


mu-ezi. 


mi- 


mu-aka, 


mi- 


Bisa 


mu-lilo 


... 


... 


mu-ezi. 


mi- 


mu-aka. 


mi- 


Gogo 


m-oto 


m-ongo, 


mi- 


m-lenge. 


mi- 


mw-aka. 


mi- 


Sagara 


m-oto 


m-korongo, 


mi- 


m-lenge, 


mi- 


mw-aka, 


mi- 


Shambala 


mu-oto 


mu-to, 


mi- 


mu-ezi, 


mi- 


mu-aka. 


mi- 


Boondei 


mu-oto 


m-to, 


mi- 


mw-ezi, 


mi- 


mw-aka. 


mi- 


Taita 


m-oto 


mw-ita, 


mi- 


mw-ezi. 


mi- 


m-aka (?), 


mi-(?) 


Nyanyembe 


mu-lilo 


m-ongo, 


mi- 


mw-ezi, 


mi- 


mw-aka, 


mi- 


Sukuma 


m-oto 


m-ongo, 


mi- 


mw-ezi. 


mi- 


mw-aka. 


mi - 


Kamba 


mw-aki 


... 


... 


mw-ei, 


mi- 


mw-aka, 


mi- 


Swahili 


m-oto 


m-to, 


mi- 


mw-ezi. 


mi- 


mw-aka, 


mi- 


Pokomo 


m-oho 


... 


... 


mw-esi. 


mi- 


mw-aka, 


mi- 


Nika 


m-oho 


mu-ho, 


mi- 


mu-ezi. 


mi- 


mu-aka. 


mi- 


Senna 


m-oto 


(u)n-tsinje, 


mi- 


mw-ezi, 


mi- 


... 




Karanga 


m-oto 


... 


... 


mw-eji. 


mi- 


mw-aka, 


mi- 


Ganda 


mu-lilo 


mu-gga, 


mi- 


mw-ezi, 


mi- 


mw-aka. 


mi- 


Zulu-Kanr 


u mu-lilo 


u mu-lambo 


, mi- 


... 


... 


unyaka, imi 


-nyaka 


Xosa-Kaflr 


u m-lilo 


u m-lambo. 


imi- 


... 


... 


unyaka, imi 


-nyaka 


Herero 


mu-riro 


mu-ramba- torrent 


mu-e^e. 


mi- 


... 




Bihe 


... 


... 




... 


... 


u-nyamo. 


vi- 


Mbunda 


(o)n-diro 


(o)n-donga,mi-l.. 


(o)n-gonde (?) 


mw-akwari, 


mi- 


Rotse 


mu-lilo 


mu-lonka. 


mi- 


mu-eti. 


mi- 


mu-aka. 


mi- 


Guha 


... 


mu-fito, 


mi- 


mw-ezi, 


mi- 


... 


... 


Rua 


mu-jilo, mi- 


... 


... 


... 


... 


... 


... 


Angola 


mu-lengu = flame 


... 


... 


... 


... 


mu-vu. 


mi- 


Lo-wer Congo 


n-laku = flame 


n-koko. 


mi- 


— , mi-eji = 


moonlight 


m-vu, 


mi - 


Nywema 


... 


... 


... 


0-eli, 




... 


... 


Yao 


m-oto 


m-lusulo, 


mi- 


mw-esi. 


mi- 


... 


... 


Kilimane 


m-oto (?) 


... 


... 


mw-erre, 


mi- 


... 


... 


Mozambique 


m-oro 


m-oloko, 


mi- 


mw-eri. 


mi- 


mw-aka, 


mi- 


Chwana proper 


mo-lelo 


... 


... 


... 


... 


ngwaga 


... 


Suto 


mo-lelo 


... 


... 


... 


... 


ngwaga 


... 


Mpongwe 


o-goni 


o-lovi, 


i- 


o-gweli. 


i- 


o-mpuma. 


i- 


Fan 


... 


... 


... 


1 gon = moon 

1 — ; mi-el = moonlight 


... 


... 


Dualla 


... 


mo-opi, 


... 


... 




m-bu. 


mi- 


Fernandian 


bo-sso 


... 


... 


... 


... 




... 



The MU-Mi Class. 



79 



§ 3. Substantives which belong to the MU-MI Class. 

371 ♦ — In Tonga, and, as it seems, in the generality of the 
Bantu languages, the substantives which belong to this class are 
principally : — 

1° The names of such complete trees and plants as stand up 
without support, as in Tonga mu-samo, ** a tree " in general; mu-nga, 
** a mimosa-tree "; mu-konka, '' a cocoa-tree ", mu-buyu, ** a baobab- 
tree ". 

N. B. We shall see further on that the names for the fruits of such trees are generally 
of class LI-MA. 

372. — 2^ The names of such tools or artificial objects as remind 
one of the form of a tree by having branches or bushy parts, as 
\mu-tni (alias mu-pini), '' a handle, " mu-iaezio (alias mu-piaezio), ** a 
broom ", rnu-nvui, '" an arrow " (bearded), mu-zuete, '* clothes ", 
mu-panda, *' a cross ", etc. 

373. — 3° The human and animal body, mu-bili, as also such 
of its parts as branch off in some manner, growing out into acces- 
sory parts, or move up and down, as mu-oyo, '' the heart ", mu-nuey 
" a finger ", niu-limba, " a feather ", etc. The same may be said of 
the similar parts of trees, as mu-yanda, " a root ", etc. 

374. — 4° All beneficent elements and producers of animal or 
vegetable life, such as mu-ezi, '* the moon", which in Africa is thought 
to be the great source of rain, while rain is thought to be the greatest 
benefit which men can receive from God (cf. the specimens of Tonga 
at the end of this work) ; mu-longa, '' a river " ; mu-ezi, " a pool of 
water " ; mu-tulu, ** a fertile plain " ; mu-nda, " a garden " ; muse, 
" the soil " ; mu-lilo, *' the fire ", which naturally reminds these 
people of the food it cooks, and of the warmth in which it keeps 
the body during cold nights ; mu-nzi, " a living-place ". 

375. — 5° The soul, a shadow, and several objects noticeable 
either for their instability or their variety of design, as mu-zimo, 
'' the soul ", the plural mi-zimo being used principally with reference 
to the departed souls (Kafir i mi-nyanga ox i mi-nyanya)\ mu- 
zimuemMe, ** a shadow " ; mu-mpini-ciongue, '' the rain-bow, " mu- 
bala, " a variety of colours, " etc. 

376. — A^. ^. In a few languages, e. g. in Kafir, three or four personal substan- 
tives or tribal names belong to this class MU-MI. This seems to be due to their including 
some reference to the word for " spirit ",mu-zimo. 



8o South' African Bmttu Languages. 

2ni. — 6° The breath, the air, and empty spaces, as • mu-oya, 
" the breath, air, breeze " ; mu-lindi, '* a pit in the ground " ; mu- 
liango, '* the door- way ", etc. 

378. — T Medicines, unfermented beverages, and some other 
products with beneficent or marvellous effects, as mu-smno, ** a medi- 
cine", viz. anything belonging to that which to a primitive mind forms 
the genus ** physics ", such as even secret sciences ; mu-ade, a certain 
supposed judicious poison, which kills sorcerers, while it exculpates 
the innocent (cf. appendix I) ; mu-bonobono, *' castor oil " ; mu-sili, 
"■ powder " ; mu-sinsa, " soup " ; mu-kande, " very light Kafir beer ", 
opposed to bu-kande, properly ** fermented beer " (cf. 440^*) etc. 

379. — 8^ A few names of immaterial things which occupy a 
fixed time, or come round at regular times, as mu-aka, '* a year " ; 
milia, '' feasts with sacrifice " (a word apparently not used in the 
singular) ; mu-sebenzOy ** a work ", etc. 

380. — ^' B' III Senna the nearly total loss of the classifiers LI- and LU- has 
caused many words to be brought into this class MU-MI, which in the other Bantu lan- 
guages do not belong to it. Ex. inw-aia, " a column, a stone " (== Tonga lu-ala, a column, 
i-bue, a stone). This remark extends partially to several other languages. 

§ 4. Etymologies. — Varia. 

381. — Judging from the sort of substantives thus admitted 
into the MU-MI class, it seems pretty evident that the predominant 
notion in this class is that of ** objects which are light, move, change, 
grow, produce, or, in general, which contain som^ principle of life 
and production, a notion intimately connected with that of ''power 
of growing up " like a tree. Hence I should think that the classifier 
MU- of this class is, like MU of the class MU-BA, radically iden- 
tical with the adjective -umi, alive, from the verb -ma or -ima, " to 
stand ". Bleek connects it with the preposition mu which means '' in ". 
Perhaps the correct thing is to unite both opinions by saying that 
the classifier MU- is directly connected in some words with the 
preposition mu, and in others with -umi. It may also be that in a few 
words its immediate connexion is with the verb -nyua (Karanga 
-mud) '' to drink, " h. e. ** to take light food " (Cf. 430). 

382. — As to the classifier MI-, we should see in it the fun- 
damental element of the verb -mila or -mena '' to grow " (cf. 280(2) ), 
exactly as we connect BA- with -bala (363). 



The MU-Mi Class. 8i 



383- — ^- B- The verb -mila or -fnena " to grow " is the applicative form oi-ma 
or -/wrt" to stand " (1065). This may be another reason to say that the singular classifier 
MU- is related to the latter verb. 

384:, — The examples given under n. 366 probably must be explained etymologi- 

cally as follows : 

1. Mu-bili " the body " = the upright thing which has its parts two by two. From -bili 
" two, double " (792). 

2. Mti-cila " the tail " = the hanging thing, or sort of branch, which sits upon (the 
body). From ka^ notion of" sitting ", which changes to ^before i (cf. 257-259), and -//«, 
notion of " stretching along, or upon, something " (1065). 

3. For mti-tue " the head ", and 7nu-buyu " a baobab (tree) ", we have only doubtful 
etymologies. 

4. Mu-loino " the lips " = that which is drawn inwards. From lo^ notion of " being 
drawn" (cf. -lata "to lie down", i-lo "a bed", -yala "to stretch", etc.), and mo "inside" 
(530, 656 Tables). ' 

5. Mu-sana " the spine, the back ", lit. " that upright member which sends its own 
shoots through the body ". From sa^ notion of " thrusting something through a body " 
(cf. -yasa " to thrust a spear, to shoot "), and na or ana^ notion of " close union " (cf. 
363(3)). 

6. Mu-oyo " the heart ", lit. " the part of the body which beats, going up and down ". 
Cf. 7nu-oya^ " the air, the wind ", ku-yoya " to breathe ", etc. 

7. Mu-samo "a tree", lit. "the standingthing which thrusts roots within (the ground) ". 
From sa^ notion of " thrusting something through a body " {supra 384(5) ), and mo " within, 
inside " {supra, 384(4)). Many languages replace jnu-samo by mu-ti, which means lit. " a 
thing standing in the ground ", from //, notion of " ground " (Swahili n-ti " ground "). In 
Chwana the usual word for " tree " is se-tlhare (cl. CIZI), in which ////« = Tonga i<3 (174) 
and re = ti of mu-ti (172,200). Hence se-tlhare means also lit. " the thing which thrusts 
roots through the ground ", but, as it is of cl. CI-ZI, it does not include the notion of 
something standing, like vcvyx-safno. 

8. Mu-lilo " fire, flame ", means lit. " the thing which goes up eating its own bed ". 
From //, notion of " eating " (cf -lia " to eat "), and lo, notion of" something drawn out " 
or of " a bed " (supra, 384(4)). 

9. Mu-longa " a river ", lit. " the thing moving down, being drawn through gaps ". 
From lo, notion of " bed " (supra 384(8)) and nga, notion of " going through a gap. " 

10. JMu-ezi " the moon ", lit. " the mother of water and fertility ". Mu-ezi = mu-a-izi, 
and -izi is the same element which appears in lu-izi " a river ", mu-7tzi " dwelling-place ", 
lit. " birth-place ", ftta-fizi " water ", etc. (cf 284). This element -izi or -nzi conveys the 
notion of production, fecundity. The moon is considered by nearly all the Bantu tribes as 
the great fertilizing power in the world. 

11. Mu-aka " a year ", lit. " one station ". Connected with ku-yaka " to build ". The 
Bantu are in the habit of renewing the thatch of their huts every year. 



IV. — ypfte iN-(z)m Glass. 

385. — The IN-(Z)IN class includes the substantives which 
admit the same sort of concord as in-2i/a " a path ", pi. {z)in-2ila^, 

N. B, In Kafir there is a sub-class IN-MA. Ex. i xv-doda " a man, a husband ", pi. 
a ma.- doda. 



I. Transformations of the Singular Classifier IN-. 



386. — This classifier stands in nearly the same relations to 
the letters N and /as the classifier MU- to the letters M and U, 
Hence the following forms : — 

387. — ^/- or NY- before vowels in several languages, viz. in Tonga, Ganda, 
Kafir, etc. 

388. — (^)-^- before consonants [IM- before b, /, ?', / (n. 280)] in Tonga, 
Bisa, and Bemba, with a sound often approaching that of en. When this classifier is 



^ EXAMPLES. 





a native doctor 


the beard 


flesh, naeat 


a head of cattle 




Sing. Plur. 


Sing. 


Pltir. 


Sing. 


Sing. Plur. 


Tonga 


in-ganga, (zi)n- 


in-dezu, 


(zi)n. 


iny-ama 


in-gombe, (zi)n- 


Bisa 


... ... 




... 


in-ama 


n-gombe, n- 


Gogo 


... 


... 


... 


ny-ama 


n-gombe, n- 


Sagara 


n-ganga (.?) ... 


... 


... 


ny-ama 


n-gombe, n- 


Shambala 


n-ganga(?) ... 


n-dezu, 


n- 


ny-ama 


n-gombe, n- 


Boondei 




n-dezu, 


n- 


ny-ama 


n-gombe, n- 


Taita 




gafa (?) 


... 


ny-ama 


n-gombe, n- 


Nyanyembe 


... 




... 


n-ama 


n-gombe, n- 


Sukuma 


... 


... 


... 


n-ama 


n-gombe, n- 


Kamba 




jeu 


... 


ny-ama 


n-gombe, n- 


Swahill 


... 


n-defu, 


n- 


ny-ama 


n-gombe, n- 


Pokomo 


... 




... 


... 


... 


Nika 


... ... 


n-defu = 


hair 


ny-ama 


n-gombe, n- 


Senna 


n-ganga, (zi)n- 


n-debzu, 


(zi)n- 


ny-ama 


n-gombe, n- 


Karanga 


i-ganga, 1- 


i-devu, 


i- 


i-nyama 


i-ngombe (.?), i- 


Ganda 


n-ganga=:a sacred bird 




... 


ny-ama 


n-te, n- 


Zulu-Kafir 


i ny-anga, i ziny- 


i n-devu. 


i (zi)n- 


i ny-ama 


i n-komo, i(zi)n- 


Xosa-Kafir 


... 


in-devu, 


i (zi)n- 


i ny-ama 


i n-komo, i(zi)n- 


Herero 


n-ganga, zon- 


... 




ny-ama 


n-gombe, zon- 


Bihe 


n-ganga, lon- 


(0 n-jele). 


lon- 


situ 


n-gombe, olon- 


Mbunda 


n-ganga, n- 


n-jezu (.?), 


... 


situ 


n-gombe, n- 


Rotse 


n-ganga, n- 




... 


ny-ama 


n-gombe,(ti}n-(?) 


Guha 


... ... 




... 


ny-ama 


n-gombe, n- 


Rua 


n-ganga (.?) ... 


... 


... 


... 


n-gombe, n- 


Angola 


n-ganga, (ji)n- 


... 


... 


xitu 


n-gombe, (ji)n- 


Lower Congo 


n-ganga, (zi)n- 


n-zevo, 


... 


m-biji 


n-gombe, (zi)n- 


Nywema 


... 




... 


... 


... 


Yao 


... 


n-deu. 


(si)n- 


ny-ama 


n-gombe, (si)n- 


Kilimane 


n-ganga, n- 


e-rrelo, 


e- 


ny-ama (?) 


gombe, di- 


Mozambique 


... 


i-reru, 


i- 


i-nama 


i-ngope, di- 


Chwanaproper 


ngaka, di- 


tedu. 


di- 


nama 


kgomo, di- 


Suto 


ngaka, li- 


telu, 


li- 


nama 


kgomo, li- 


Mpongwe 


... ... 


... 


... 


... 


ny-are, (si)ny- 


Fan 


en-gan 


n-sel 




en-ds6m 


... 


Dualla 


... 


n-sedu (?) 


... 


nyama= animal 


ny-akka 


Fernandian 


... 


e-sedu 


... 


n-kelapi 


n-gopo, or kopo 

(Banapa dial,) 



The iN-(z)iN Class. 



S3 



very intimately connected with a preceding word, no trace at all of its vowel / or e 
is perceptible, so that we may hear, for instance, tu-a-koinba vn-vula^ " we have 
asked for rain " next to tua-lapela Leza ivd-viila ** we have prayed God for rain. " 
The presence of the / in this form is particularly felt in possessive expressions, where 
it produces, together with the possessive particle «, the sound ee^ which we write e i 
(249, 253), as in mu-tue \\^-ngojnbe, " the head of a cow" (= ... u2i\n-gombe\ 

N. B. Before monosyllabic stems the classifier IN- sounds almost like een {eem before 
b^ p, etc.). Ex. eein-pie " an ostrich ". 

389. — iV- before consonants (M- before ^, /, v^f) regularly in most of the 
other languages, if we may trust to our authorities. But several of these languages, 
viz. Swahili, Angola, Herero, Yao, Shambala, Mpongwe, etc., regularly drop this n 
before the hard consonants ^, /, x, //, k^ /, /, according to n. 283, as also before m 
and n. Here again however the tendency to avoid monosyllables comes in to prevent 
the n from being dropped before monosyllabic stems (nn. 283, 44, 325, 368, etc.). 



EXAMPLES. (Continued.) 





a goat 


a fowl 


a snake 


an elephant 


L 


Sing. Plur. 


Sing. Plur. 


Sing. 


Plur. 


Sing. 


Plur. 


Tonga 


im-pongo, (zi)m- 


in-kuku, (zi)n- 


in-zoka 


(zi)n- 


in-zovu 


(zi)n- 


Bisa 


m-buzi, m- 


nkuku, n- 


... 




... 




Gogo 


m-peni, m- 


n-khukhu, n- 




... 


n-zofu, 


n- 


Sagara 


m-buzi, m- 


n-khukhu, n- 


n-joka, 


n- 


n-tembo. 


n- 


Shambala 


m-buzi, m- 


n-guku, n- 


ny-oka. 


ny- 


tembo 




Boondei 


m-buzi, m- 


nguku, n- 


ny-oka. 


ny- 


n-tembo. 


n- 


Taita 


m-buzi, m- 


n-guku, n- 


ny-oka. 


ny- 


n-jovu. 


n- 


Nyanyembe 


m-buli, m- 


n-goko, n- 


n-zoka, 


n- 


n-zovu, 


n- 


Sukuma 


m-buli, m- 


n-goko, n- 


... 


... 






Kamba 


m-bui, m- 


n-guku, n- 


n-soka, 


n- 


n-zou, 


n- 


Swahili 


m-buzi, m- 


kuku, n- 


ny-oka, 


ny- 


n-dovu, 


n- 


Pokomo 


... 


... 


paa (?) 




n-dzofu, 


n- 


Nika 


m-buzi, m- 


kuku 


ny-oka, 


ny- 


n-dzovu, 


n- 


Senna 


m-buzi, (zi)m- 


n-kuku, (zi)n- 


ny-oka, 


(zi)ny- 


n-jou, 


(zi)n- 


Karanga 


... 


i-uko, i- 


i-nyoka, 


i- 


i-joo, 




Ganda 


m-buzi, m- 


n-koko, n- 


n-joka. 


n- 


n-jovu, 


n- 


Zulu-Kaflr 


... 


i n-kuku, i (zi)n- 


i ny-oka. 


i(zi)ny- 


i n-dlovu, 


i(zi)n- 


Xosa-Kaflr 


i-bokue, i(zi)- 


i n-kuku, i (zi;n- 


i ny-oka, 


i(zi)ny- 


i n-dlovu, 


i(zi)n- 


Herero 


on-gombo,ozon- 


on-dyuhua,ozon- 


ny-oka. 


zony- 


n-dyou, 


zon- 


Bihe 


hombo, lo- 


sanje, lo- 


ny-oha. 


lo- 


n -Jamba 


olon- 


Mbunda 


m-pembe, m- 


... 


... 


... 


yamba 


L 


Rotse 


m-pongo,(tim-(?) 


n-goku, (ti)n- (.?) 


ny-oka, 


(ti)ny- 


n-dopo (.?) 


... 


Guha 


m-busi, m- 


n-kuku n- 


... 




... 




Rua 


m-buzi, m- 


n-zolo n- 


ny-oka. 


ny- 


holo 




Angola 


hombo, (ji)- 


sanji, (jj)- 


ni-oka; 


(ji)ni- 


n-zamba, 


(ji)n- 


Lower Congo 


n-kombo, (zi)n- 


n-susu (zi)n- 


ni-oka, 


(zi)ni- 


n-zamba, 


(zi)n- 


I^ywema 


m-buli 


... 


... 




... 




Yao 


m-busi, (si)m- 


n-guku (si)n- 


... 


... 


n-dembo, 


(si)n- 


Killmane 


buze(.?) 


ku, di-ku 


noa, 


di- 


doo. 


di- 


Mozambique 


i-puri, i- 


i-laku i- 


i-noa. 


i- 


i-tepo. 


i- 


Ghwana proper 


pudi, di- 


kgogo (.^) di- 


Roga, 


di- 


tlou. 


di- 


Suto 


puli, li- 


khogo di- 


noga. 


oli- 


tlou, 


li- 


Mpongwe 


m-boni, (si)m- 


n-dyogoni, (si)n- 


m-peiie. 


(s)im- 


n-dyogu, 


(s)in- 


Fan 




ku 






en-s6k 




Dualla 


m-bodi, m- 




m-bamba 


, m- 


n-dsou 


... 


Fernandian 


m-pori 


n-ko, or in-ko 


mapa 




... 


... 



84 



South- African Bantu Languages, 



Hence in Swahili the words n-so, " loins " ; n-si, " a gnat " ; n-xt, " the eye-brow " ; 
ftti or n-chtj " land " ; n-ta or n-cha^ " a point " ; n-fi^ " the sting of a bee, " etc. 

390. — J- or E' in Mozambique, with strengthening of the initial consonant 
of the stem, according to n. 183, sqq. 

/- in Karanga, though without any such strengthening of the initial 
consonant of the stem. 

Dropped in Chwana, but with strengthening of the initial consonant 
of the stem, according to n. 183 sqq. Here again the tendency to avoid monosyllables 
preserves the fi before them, e. g. in n-tlu or en-tlu, " a house " ; n-ku or en-ku^ " a 
sheep " ; n-tlha^ '' a point " ; n-tsi^ *' a fly " ; n-ca, " a dog " ; n-che, " an ostrich " ; etc. 

§ 2. Transformations of the Plural Classifier ZIN-. 

391. — Though the substantives of this class require a different 



EXAMPLES. (Continued.) 



shame 



rain 



a house 



a path 



Tonga 

Bisa 

Gogo 

Sagara 

Shambala 

Boondei 

Taita 

Nyanyembe 

Sukuma 

Kamba 

Swahili 

Pokomo 

Nika 

Senna 

Karanga 

Ganda 

Zulu-Kafir 

Xosa-Kaflr 

Herero 

Bihe 

Mbunda 

Rotse 

Guha 

Rua 

Angola 

Lower Congo 

Nywema 

Yao 

Kilimane 

Mozambique 

Ghw^an a proper 

Suto 

Mpongwe 

Fan 

Dualla 

Fernandian 



Sing. 

in-soni 



soni 
soni 
soni 

n-soni 



Plur. 



n-troni (?) 
soni == abuse 



1 xoni 
n-sonzi 
i n-tloni 
i n-tloni 
o honi 



n-soni 
soni 

i-xoni 

(tlhong), 

(tlhong), 
n-tyoni, 
en-san= offence 



di- 

li- 



Sing. 

im-vula 
in-fula 
m-vula 
m-vula 

fula 

fula 
m-vula 
m-bula 
m-bula 
m-bua 
m-vua 

m-fula 
m-vula 
i vura 

n-kuba (114) 
i m-vula 
i m-vula 
o m-bura 
o m-bela 
n-fera 
n-fula 
m-vula 
m-vula 
m-vula 
m-vula 
vula (m-vula 
ula ('ula ?, 

i-pula 
pula 
pula 



m-bua 
n-kola 

(Ureka di 



?) 

66) 



Sing. 

in-ganda, 

in-ganda, 

n-ganda, 

n-umba, 

ny-umba, 

ny-umba, 

ny-umba, 

n-umba, 

n-umba, 

n-umba, 

ny-umba, 

ny-umba, 

ny-umba, 

ny-umba, 

i-mumba, 

ny-umba, 

i n-dlu, i 

i n-dlu, i 

o n-dyuo, 

o n-jo, 

n-jolo, 

n-do, 

n-sese, 



Plur. 

(zi)n- 

in- 

n- 

n- 

ny- 

ny- 

ny- 

n- 

n- 

n- 

ny- 

ny- 

ny- 

(zi)ny- 

ny- 

zin-dlu 

zin-dlu 

o zon- 

olon- 

n- 

tin-(?) 

n- 



in-zo, (ji)n- 

n-zo, zin- 

m-vulu, m- 

ny-umba, (si)ny- 
ny-umba, diny- 
i-nupa i- 

(e)n-tlu, ma- 
(e)n-thlo, 
n-ago, (s)in- 

en-da 
n-dabo 
n-chibo,or n-jobo 



Sing. 

in-zila, 
in-zira, 
n-jira, 
n-gila, 
sila 
sila 
n-gila, 
n-zila, 
n-zira, 
n-?ia, 
n-jia, 

n-jira, 
n-jira, 
i zira. 



Plur. 

(zi)n- 
in- 
n- 
n- 



n- 
n- 
n- 
n- 
n- 

n- 

(zi)n- 
i- 



i n-dlela, i (zi)n- 
i n-dlela, i (zi)n- 
o n-dyira, o zon- 
o n-jila, o lon- 
n-gela, n- 

n-dela, (ti)n-(?) 
n-jila, n- 



n-jila, 
n-jila 



(ji)n- 
(zi)n- 



di- 



dila, 

i-piro i 

tsela, di 

tsela, di 

m-pono, (s)im 

en-kon-ele (?)... 

n-gia 

n-tele 



The IN-(Z)IN Class. 



85 



concord when used in the singular and when used in the plural, yet 
practically they themselves generally have the same form in both 
numbers, viz. in-, n- or ^-, as above. The following forms are there- 
fore the exception rather than the rule : — 

392. — ZIN- in Tonga, and probably, in Bisa, Nyamwezi, etc., when special 
attention is called to the plurality of the thing spoken of. 

393. — ZIN- in Kafir in the same case, and besides — a) in vocatives, as in 

zin->^^^"// " My chiefs! ", — b) regularly before monosyllabic stems, as in i zxwdlu 
*' houses ", — c) regularly after the locative particle ^, as in e zin-dleleni " in the roads " 

394. — JIN- (/I- before hard consonants, 389) in Angola, when attention is 
called to plurality, and regularly before monosyllabic stems, as in ^im-bua " dogs " 
(Chatelain's Gram.^ p. 140), perhaps also regularly when substantives are preceded 
by the article 0^ as in yvca-bongo " riches ". Cf. n-gulu " pigs " {Ibid.^ p. 133), 
n dende, '^ palm-muts " (Ibid. pp. 142, 143). 

N. B. Probably similar principles are applied in several other languages. 

395. — DI- (alias LI-) regularly in Chwana, with a hardening of the following 
consonant ; DIN- before monosyllabic stems (390). 

396. — SIN {SI- before hard consonants) regularly in Mpongwe, IN-va 
given cases (Cf. Ms"" Le Berre's Gram.^ pp. 4, 5). 

397. — ZON regularly in Herero. A very extraordinary form, when compared 
with the others, on account of the vowel which it contains (cf. 230). 

A^. B. I suspect that its true origin is to be sought for in some kind of imitation of the 
Portuguese article os. 

398. — LON in Bihe. A regular modification of the Herero ZON- (131). 

§ 3. Substantives which belong to the IN- (Z)IN Class. 

399» In the generality of the Bantu languages, we find in this 
class apparently all sorts of substantives, more particularly : 

400. — 1° A few names of persons, as in-ganga "" a native 
doctor ", etc. 

401. — 2° A great many names of animals, principally of the 
milder type as im-bizi " a zebra, a horse *', im-belele *' a sheep", im- 
booma '' a boa ", eem-pie (388 Note) " an ostrich ", in-jina '* lice ", 
etc. Many of these substantives are often treated as belonging to 
cl. MU-BA(36o). 

402. — The flesh and a few parts of the body, as iny-ajna " flesh, 
meat ", in-dezu " beard ", in-kumu " the forehead " (including the 
nose), im-pemo " the nose ", in-go ** an ankle ", in-singa '* a vein ", etc. 



86 South' African Bantu Langtiages. 

403. — 4° A few objects and phenomena In nature, as inyenyezi 
" a star ", in-simbi " metal ", more especially " iron ", im-vula 
'' rain ", i-nyika ** a place ", more especially '' an empty place, a 
desert. " 

404. — 5° A great many artificial objects, principally, as it 
seems, such as are curved, or yield to pressure, or are produced by 
smelting, as tn-samo '' a flexible rod ", in-celua " a pipe ", in-jtizio 
''a key", in-kaba *' a die", in-goma '' a musical instrument ", more 
particularly *' a drum ", in-kando " a hammer ", m-giibo '* a piece of 
cloth, a blanket ", im-pete " a ring ", in-sangu '' a shoe ", in-tibi " a 
shield ", in-tiba *' a knife ", in-tobolo ** a gun ", in-siina '* por- 
ridge ", etc. 

405. — 6° Uncomfortable sensations, as im-peho ** cold ", more 
particularly *' cold wind, winter ", in-soni " shame " ; inyaezia 
" danger ", etc. 

406. — ^- B. In Kafir nearly all foreign names of things are brought into this 
class, as i kofu^ " coffee ", unless they begin with j-, for these are generally brought under 
class SI-ZI (= Tonga CI-ZI). 

§ 4. Etymologies. — Varia. 

407- — In this great variety of substantives which are brought 
under the IN-ZIN class, it appears very probable that this is the 
proper class for all the substantives which there is no special reason 
for bringing under any of the others. The classifier IN or N may 
originally have been no other than the indefinite adjective -inue 
(Kafir -nye) '' one, another, some " (792, 828). Cf. 122, 204, 327, 
517, 559>etc. 

408. — As to the classifier ZIN-, it seems to be connected 
with the verb -ziala '' to bring forth young ", so that it would 
signify primarily ** the progeny of beasts ", according to what has 
been said in n. 363. This further brings it into connection with the 
element nzi or izi " notion of fecundity ", which we have already 
met with in mu-ezi '' the moon ", ma-nzi '' water ", mu-nzi " village ", 
lit. ** birth-place ", etc. (384(10)), and which probably furnishes the 
adjective -nji "■ many " (Kafir m-nzi or /^/-nji, etc. (601, Ex.)). 

400. — The examples given under n. 385 probably must be explained etymologi- 
cally as follows : 

I. In-ganga " a doctor ", lit. " one who sees through and through ". From ;/^^, the 
notion of*' going through a gap " (384(9)). 



The IN-(Z)IN Class. 



87 



2. In-dezu (= in-lezu) " the beard ", lit. " what comes out long ". From -/^, notion of 
" length " and su^ notion of " coming out ". The proper meaning of the elements le and zu 
in Bantu is perfectly plain. We find le in ku-\Q " far " (533, Ex.), and in nearly all the 
transformations of the adjective which means " long " (601,^ Ex.). The element zu gives 
us the verb ku-ziia " to come out ". It may even be remarked that the last element of the 
word videzu varies in the different languages exactly as the verb -ziia. Thus Ganda^ 
Karanga^ Kafir., etc. which replace zua by vwa or va (whence, in Kafir, the applicative 
verb -vela = -vwela^ cf. 1069)), replace also in-dezu by tn-deM\x, ki-le\\i, t-de\u, etc. In 
like manner Chwana which replaces zua by cwa (= diaa or Itua, vv'hence the perfect 
dji-le or lu-le, cf. 205), replaces also in-dezu by tedu (193, 173), etc. 

3. For the words inyama "meat", in-gombe " cattle ", i?jt-pon^o and fn-buzi " a goat ", 
in-zoka " a snake ", in-zovu " an elephant ", we have only doubtful etymologies. 

4. In-kuku " a fowl ". An onomatopoetic word, derived from the cry of this bird. 

5. In-sofii " shame ". This word includes unmistakably a reference to the eyes, li-nso, 
plur. meso. But I do not see exactly what notion is conveyed by the element ni unless it 
be the locative sufifix described in nn. 553-555. 

6. Im-vula " rain ", lit. " what opens out (the earth) ". Related to -jula (Kafir -vula) 
" to open ", from zua or va " to come out ". 

7. In-ganda " a house ", lit. " a protection ". Related to -yanda " to love, to protect. " 

8. In-zila " a path ", lit. " what goes to a definite place ". From za " to come " and z7«, 
applicative sufifix (1065). 



V. — mi^t LI-MA Gia00. 

410. — The class LI-MA includes the substantives which 
require the same sort of concord as {l)i-due '' a stone ", pi. ma.-due ^. 

§ I. Transformations of the Classifier LI-. 

Here it becomes particularly important to distinguish the sub- 
stantives which have monosyllabic stems from the generality of the 
others. Then we must also set aside such as have stems beginning 
with a vowel. Hence : — 

I. Polysyllabic stems which begin with a consonant. 

411. — Before the polysyllabic stems which begin with a con- 



* EXAMPLES. 





the devil, 


the sun, 


a day 


a duck 


an 


eye 




a pernicious spirit 












Sin£'. 


Plur. 


Sin^-. 


Plnr. 


Sing. Plnr. 


Si7ig. 


Plnr. 


Tonga 


li-saku, 


ma- 


(l)i-zuba, 


ma- 


(l)i-sekua. 


ma- 


li-nso. 


meso 


Bisa 


... 


... 


... 


... 


i-dyoni, 


ma- 


1-inso, 


menso 


Gogo 


... 


... 


i-zuwa, 


ma- 


nyaniwala, 


ma- 


z-iso, 


meso 


Sagara 


i-zimu, 


ma- 


i-jua, 


ma- 


i-wata. 


ma- 


d-iso. 


meso 


Shambala 




... 


zua, 


ma- 


wata. 


ma- 


z-ixo, 


mexo 


Boondei 


loho(?), 


... 


zua, 


ma- 


wata, 


ma- 


z-iso, 


meso 


Taita 


pepo(?), 


... 


i-jua, 


ma- 


bata. 


ma- 


iz-izo 




Nyanyembe 


li-gunhu, 


ma- 


li-uwa, 


ma- 


i-mbata. 


ma- 


1-iso, 


m-iso 


Sukuma 


i-beho, 


ma- 


le-emi 




li-mbata (.?), 


ma- 


d-iso 




Kamba 


... 


... 


i-jua, 


ma- 


i-kuanyungu 


,ma- 


ito. 


mento 


Swahili 


zimui, 


ma- 


jua. 


ma- 


bata, 


ma- 


ji-cho, 


ma- 


Pokomo 


... 


... 


dsua, 


ma- 


kaza, 


ma- 


dsi-tso. 


ma- 


Nika 


pepo 


... 


dzua, 


ma- 


bata. 


ma- 


dzi-tso, 


ma- 


Senna 


saku (.?), 


ma- 


dzua, 


ma- 




... 


di-so. 


ma- 


Karanga 


xaku, 


ma- 


juba. 


ma- 


... 


... 


j-ixo, 


mexo 


Ganda 


mandwa (?) 






... 


bata. 


ma- 


li-so, 


ma- 


Zulu-Kafir 


i zimo«cannibab> 


i langa, 


ma- 


i dada, a ma- 


i liso. 


a mehlo 


Xosa-Kafir 


izim« cannibal » 


i langa. 


ma- 


i dada, a ma- 


i liso. 


a mehlo 


Herero 




... 


e yuva. 


oma- 




... 


eho, 


meho 


Bihe 


e li-abu 


... 


e kumbi, 


va- 




,, 




.. 


i-so. 


va- 


Mbunda 


... 


... 


li-tangwa 


ma- 




.. 




,. 


1-ixo, 


mexo 


Rotse 


... 


... 


li-yoba, 


ma- 




.. 




.. 


1-io (.?), 


meo 


Guha 


... 


... 


juvva. 


ma- 




.. 




.. 


1-iso, 


meso 


Rua 


... 


... 


juva. 


ma- 








.. 


j-iso. 


meso 


Angola 


ri-abu, 


ma- 




... 




.. 




.. 


r-isu. 


mesu 


Lower Congo 


e tombola, 


ma- 


... 


... 




... 




d-isu, 


meso 


Nywema 


... 


... 


yani 




li-uta (?), 


a- 


i-so. 


wa- 


Yao 


li-soka, 


ma- 


li-ua, 


ma- 


li-wata. 


ma- 


1-iso, 


meso 


K-ilimane 


... 


... 


n-zua, 


ma- 


ni-bata, 


ma- 


ni-to. 


ma- 


Mozambique 


n-xoka, 


ma- 


n-chuvva, 


ma- 


n-rata, 


ma- 


n-itho, 


metho 


Ghwana proper 


... 


... 


le-tsatsi,ma-latsi 


... 


... 


le-itlho, 


ma-tlho 


Suto 


... 


... 


le-tsatsi. 


ma- 




... 


le-itlo, 


ma-tlo 


Mpongwe 


i-nini (?) 






... 


i-zage. 


a- 


i-ntyo, 


a- 


Fan 


... 


... 


yo 


... 




... 


d-iso, 


mise 


Dualla 


i sangu = 


idol 


i-ve 


... 


... 


... 


d-iso. 


miso 


Fernandian 




... 


i-tohi 




e-mipoto (?) 




j-oko 










(Ranapadial.) 










(Ureka dial.) 



The LI-MA Class. 



89 



sonant, the classifier of the singular number in this class is : — 

/- generally, in Tonga, Bisa, Sagara, Kamba, Mpongwe, Dualla, etc. 

LI- in Tonga, only when emphasis calls for it. 

DI- in Tonga, after the copula «, according to nn. 286, 291 and 583. 

LI- generally in Yao. 

RI- in Angola and DI- in Congo. It is omitted in these languages when emphasis 

does not require it (321 (i)). 
LE- generally in Chwana. 
NI- generally in Mozambique. The vowel i is apparently very weak and, in some 

cases, omitted altogether. 
E- in Herero. Apparently this vowel contains the article together with the classifier 

(317, 319)- 
Omitted generally in Kafir, Swahili, Gaada, Shambala, Nika, Senna, etc. 



EXAMPLES. (Continued.) 



a tooth 



a spear 



a bone 



a pumpkin 



[Tonga 
Bisa 
Gogo 
Sagara 
Shambala 
Boondei 
Taita 

Nyanyemibe 
Sukuma 
Kamba 
Swahili 
Pokomo 
Nika 
Senna 
Karanga 
Ganda 
Zulu-Kafir 
Xosa-Kaflr 
Herero 
Bihe 
Mbunda 
Rotse 
Guha 
Rua 
Angola 
Lower Congo 
Nywema 
Yao 

Kilimane 
Mozambique 
Chwana proper 
Suto 

Mpongwe 
Fan 
Dualla 
Fernandian 



Sing. 

l-ino, 

1-ino, 

idz-ino, 

gego, 

z-ino, 

z-ino, 

i-jego, 

l-ino, 

l-ino 

i-yeo, 

j-mo, 

dz-ino, 
dzi-no, 
j-ino, 
li-nyo, 
i zinyo, 
1 zinyo, 
eyo, 
eyu, 

li-yeo, 

l-ino, 

j-ino, 

n-]u, 

d-inu, 

li-nyu, 

l-ino, 

l-ino, 

n-ino, 

le-ino, 

le-ino, 

i-no, 

a-s6n, 

i-sunga. 



Plur. 

meno 
meno 
meno 

ma- 
meno 
meno 

ma- 
m-ino 

ma- 
meno 



meno 

ma- 

meno 

ma- 

a menyo 

a menyo 

o ma-yo 

o va- 

ma- 
meno 
meno 

ma- 
meno 

wa- 
meno 
meno 
meno 
meno 
meno 
a- 
meson 

ma- 

belo 



Sing . Plur. 

(l)i-sumo, ma- 
i-fumo, ma- 



ma- 
ma- 
ma- 
ma- 



guha, 
guha, 
i-chumu, 
i-cimu, 

kimo 
i-tumo (.^), ma- 

fumo, ma- 

fumo, ma- 

dipa, ma- 

fumo, ma- 

fumo, ma- 



e nga, 



o ma- 



li-onga, ma- 
pinje, ma-(?) 
fumu, ma- 



e di-onga,ma-di- 
li-konga 
li-panga, ma- 



ni-vaka, 
le-rumo, 
le-rumo, 
i-gonga, 
a-kon. 



ma- 
ma- 
ma- 
a- 
ma- 



Sing. 

(l)i-fua, 



i-guha, 



Plur. 

ma- 



vuha (?), ma- 
vuha (?5, ma- 



i-guha, 



ma- 



i-windi, m'ft- 

fupa«:large bone» 



fupa, 

fupa, 

gumba, 
i tambo, 
i tambo, 
e tupa, 
e kepa, 



ma- 

ma- 

ma- 

a ma- 

a ma- 

o ma- 

o va- 



i-kupa (?), ma- 



li-upa, ma- li-ungu, ma 



Sing. Plur. 

(l)i-tanga, ma- 



lengi, ma- 

tango (.?), ma- 
koko, ma- 



li-ungu, 

i-beki, 
boga, 

renge, 
tanga, 
puji, 
boga, 
i tanga, 
i tanga, 



ma- 
ma- 

ma- 
ma- 
ma- 
ma- 
a ma- 
a ma- 



li-mputo, ma- 



e-lenge, ma- 



ni-kuva, ma- n-chuchu, ma 
le-sapo, ma-rapo le-phutse, ma 
le-sapo, m.a- le-phutse, ma 



i-loge. 



a- 



90 



South-African Bantu Languages. 



4j12. — I- In Kafir the article ?, and in Congo the article ^, before substantives 
of this class must not be mistaken for the classifier. 

2. In Nika we find the word (io7rio " a large lip", of cl. LI-MA, derived from mu-\o7no 
" a lip ". The dental d in this word points to the influence of a suppressed n before it. 
Several links connecting Nika with Mozambique may have been observed in the previous 
chapter. This is another. Likewise in Senna some substantives of this class LI-MA begin 
in the singular by double consonantal sounds which are simplified in the plural, as if the 
presence of these sounds in the singular were the result of a suppressed n. Ex. Xsamba 
" a leaf ", pi. ma-samba (Father Courtois' " Gra7nmaiica Tetense^ " p. 28). Cf. 99, N. B. 

II. Monosyllabic stems. 

413. — In the words which have monosyllabic stems the law of 
avoiding single sounds (44) causes all sorts of irregularities, as may- 
be noticed in the subjoined tables of examples under the words ^j^^, 
tooth, and stone. 







EXAMPLES. 


(Continued.) 








a stone 


the sky 


a hoe 


a name 




Sing. 


Plur. 


Sing. 


Plur. 


Sing. 


Plur. 


Sing. 


Plur. 


Tonga 


(l)i-bue, 


ma- 


(l)ij-ulu. 


ma- 


(l)ij-amba. 


ma- 


(l)i-zina. 


ma- 


Bisa 


i ri-bue, 


ma- 


i-vimbi, 


ma- 


... 


... 


i-sina, 


ma- 


Gogo 


i-bue, 


ma- 


vunde (?), 


ma- 


i-sile. 


ma- 


i-tagwa, 


ma- 


Sagara 


i-bue, 


ma- 


... 


... 


i-sire. 


ma- 


i-sina (.?), 


ma- 


Shambala 


iwe, 


ma-iwe 




... 


gembe, 


ma- 


zina. 


ma- 


Boondei 


i-we, 


ma- 


... 


... 


gembe. 


ma- 


zina, 


ma- 


Taita 


i-we, 


ma- 




... 


i-gembe, 


ma- 


i-zina. 


ma- 


Nyanyembe 


i-we, 


ma- 


i-lunde. 


ma- 


i-gembe, 


ma- 


i-gina, 


ma- 


Sukuma 


i-we. 


ma- 


i-lunde, 


... 




... 


1 • 
1-ina 


... 


Kamba 


i-Bia, 


ma- 






i-zembe. 


ma- 


dz-itwa 




Swahili 


ji-we, 


ma- 


... 


... 


jembe. 


ma- 


dzina, 


ma- 


Pokomo 


dzi-we, 


ma- 


... 






... 


zari, 


ma- 


Nika 


i-we, 


ma- 


... 




jembe. 


ma- 


dzina. 


ma- 


Senna 






... 


... 


paze, 


ma- 


dzina, 


ma- 


Karanga 


ji-bwe, 


ma- 


... 






... 


zina, 


ma- 


Ganda 


j-inja, 


ma- 


gulu. 


ma- 


... 


... 


li-nya 


... 


Zulu-Kafir 


i li-tye, 


a ma- 


i Zulu, 


ama- 


i kuba. 


ama- 


i gama. 


a ma- 


Xosa- Kafir 
Herero 


i li-tye, 
eoe, 


a ma- 
ma- 


i Zulu, 
e yuru. 


a ma- 
oma- 


i kuba. 


ama- 


i gama, 
e na. 


a ma- 
ma- 


Bihe 


e-we. 


ova- 


, 




e-temo, 


va- 


... 


... 


Mbunda 


le-manya, 


ma-nki (?) 


li-elo(.?) 


... 


li-tema. 


ma- 


... 


... 


Rotse 


li-yoe, 


ma- 


li-uilo. 


ma- 


le-kao, 


ma- 


... 




Guha 


di-bue. 


ma- 


i-ulu 




... 




sina(.?) 




Rua 


ji-ve (.>), 


ma- 


... 


... 


... 




i-sina (.?) 




Angola 


ri-tari, 


ma- 


rilu. 


maulu 


ri-temu, 


ma- 


ri-jina, 


ma- 


I-o-wer Congo 


e-tadi, 


ma- 


e-zulu. 


ma- 


... 


... 


e-jina, 


ma- 


Nywema 










... 


... 




... 


Yao 


li-ganga, 


ma- 


li-unde, 


ma- 


li-jela. 


ma- 


1-ina, 


mena 


Kmmane 






... 








ni-zina (.^) 


, ma- 


Mozambique 


n-luku. 


ma- 


ni-hute, 


ma- 


n-hipa (.?) 


... 


n-china, 


ma- 


Chw^ana proper 


le-ncwe, 


ma-je 


le-godimo 


ma- 


..- 


... 


le-ina, 


ma- 


Suto 


le-ncue, 


ma-joe 


le-golimo, 


ma- 


... 


... 


le-bitso. 


ma- 


Mpongwe 


i-do, 


a- 










i-ni. 


a- 


Fan 


a-kogk (?, 


) 




..' 


... 


... 


dye 




Dualla 


i-dali. 


ma- 


d.oba(?) 




di-bau, 


ma- 


dina, 


ma- 


Fernandian 


i-te, 


ba- 


• 




... 


i-la, 


ba.(.?) 



The LI-MA Class, 91 



4;1'4, — ^' ^' *• Ii^ Chwana the word le-n-cwe "a stone", pi. ma-jwe^ when 
compared with lc-Q,ogo " an arm ", plur. ma-bo^o^ le-sivna " a cheek ", pi. ma-rama, etc., 
leads me to suspect that Chwana has undergone here the influence of a language like 
Mozambique in which the regular form of the classifier LI is NI or N. I see no other 
way of explaining the presence of « in le-n-cwe " a stone " (= Tonga i-bue, cf. 185-I-203). 
I have little doubt that we must have recourse to the same influence to explain the 
changes of b to the dental c in le-coj^o^ and r to the more dental s in le-sama (Tonga i-tamd). 
2. The variety noticeable in the formation of the words which have monosyllabic stems 
may be attributed in part to that sort of affinity between / and tt which causes them to 
interchange in certain cases (285). This, coupled with transposition of letters, would 
explain the presence of « in the Tonga word li-r\.so " an eye " (Subia li-nso^ Kamba me-nto^ 
Nyambu ine-nso^ etc.). For in these words the regular form of the stem is probably -stOy 
which we hnd retained in the Tonga bti-sio " the face ", lit. " the place of the eyes ". 

III. Stems which begin with a vowel. 

415. — In the words which have stems beginning with a vowel- 
sound either the classifier LI- is somewhat transformed, as in the 
Tonga word (i)j-anza (256) '* a hand ", (plur. ma-anzd), or a euphonic 
consonant, generally^, is inserted between the classifier and the 
stem, as in the Kaguru word i-ganja '* a hand " ; or again in a few 
languages the classifier LI- is used without any change, as in the 
Nyamwezi word li-ungu ''a pumpkin" (Steere). 

N. B. In the Herero e-oe " a stone ", and the like, the vowel o must be considered as 
having a semi-vowel or consonantal value, or as being preceded by a sort of labial aspi- 
ration which replaces the Tonga b of i-bue. Otherwise the classifier e would probably 
undergo a change. 

§ 2. Transformations of the classifier MA-. 

416. — The regular form of this classifier is : — 
MA- in almost all the Bantu languages. 

N. B. The exceptional form ME- is easily explained according to the laws of contract- 
ion (249). 

A- regularly, AM- before vowels, in Mpongwe. 
A- or WA- in Nywema. 
VA- in Nano and Bihe (131). 



s 



3. Substantives which belong to the Class LI -MA. 



417. — The substantives which are brought under this class 
are principally such as refer to the following : — 

418. — 1° Such persons or animals as are unproductive, barren 
or only productive of harm, and such as have a naked body, or 
a sleek, rigid, and relatively flat appearance, as i-saku " the devil ", 
i-buto '' a naked slave", (such as those which are employed by the 



92 South-African Bantu Languages. 

Rotse to row), i-panda '' a water tortoise ", i-sekua ** a duck ", etc. 
Hence also in several languages the young of animals, as, in Kafir, 
Z'^o/e *' a calf, a young of animal ", i-takane '* a kid ", i-tokazi '* a 
heifer, a female lamb or kid ", i-tshontsho " a nestling ", etc. 

419. — 2° Fruits and those parts of bodies which are relatively 
hard, or bare, or flat, as i-ji " an ^g^ ", i-buyu " the fruit of the 
baobab ", i-konka "a cocoanut", i-ja " a horn, a tusk of elephant ", 
t'/ua '' a bone ", ij-anza '' a hand ", li-nso '' an eye ", tz-no *' a tooth ", 
i-tama ** a cheek ", i-kanda " the skin ", i-bele " a woman's breast ", 
which in Bantu proverbs is compared to a ^tone (cf. Heli Chate- 
lain's Kimbundu Gr., p. 145), i-baba *' a wing ", etc. 

420. — 3° Such things in nature as are hard or unproductive, 
as i-bue *' a stone ", i-zulu '* the sky ", which the ancients thought 
to be hard as brass (Job, XXXVII, 18), i-yoba *' a cloud" {Ibid., 
v. 21), i-saka *' a sandy unproductive land ", i-dose '' a drop of 
water ", i-suko ** dust ", itue "■ ashes ", etc. 

421. — 4° The *' sun ", or ** day ", i-zuba, and those relations 
of time and place which the Bantu associate with the day, or with 
the various positions of the sun, as i-jilo ** yesterday ", i-junza *' to- 
morrow ", i-golezia " evening ", li-no *' now " ; i-tale " the side of 
a river, or of other things ", etc. 

422. — S'' Those tools and artificial objects which are hard, or 
flat and smooth, as ij-a^nba '* a hoe ", i-jegeso '' a saw ", i-hola '' a 
kind of knife ", i-kuatz ** a table ", i-sumo *' a spear ", etc. 

423. — 6° Words and distinct sounds, as i-zina '' a name ", i-jui 
" a loud sound ", i-ko *' coughing ", i-zumo '' a thunderclap ", etc. 

424. — 7° A few actions, as i-Jayo " a murder ", i-guyulo '' a 
wound ", etc. 

425. — To these must be added in several Bantu languages, e. 
g. in Tonga, Shambala, Nika, Swahili, Karanga, etc., augmentative 
nouns, or names of such persons or things as are remarkably tall, or 
high, or long, or large, as i-lundu ** a high mountain ", i-yuni " a 
large bird ", i-samo " a high tree ", or '* a large piece of timber " ; etc. 

426. — ^' B' !• I" such augmentative nouns the classifier of the singular number 
seems to be used regularly with its full form //-, e. g. li-tui, "a long ear", It-bizi, "a large 
horse, " etc. 



The LI- MA Class, 93 



4:27. — 2. Some augmentative nouns have two forms, one which keeps the usual 
classifier together with the augmentative particle, another which drops the same classifier. 
Ex. jen-zoka (= li-en-zoka) or li-zoka (from the usual noun in-zoka " a snake ") " a large 
snake ". 

428- — 3- Augmentative nouns are comparatively little used in Tonga, as if they 
were somewhat foreign to that language. 

§ 4. Etymologies. — Varia. 

429. — The Rev. F. W. Kolbe in his ' 'Language Study based 
on Bantu '\ p. 52, considers the particle /2 to be 1°) the proper 
prefix for names of dead things, and 2°) to signify '' in ", this, he 
thinks, being the reason why it is applied to " the dead teeth in the 
mouth, the bones m the body, the stones and metals in the earth ". 
The first part of this opinion may be correct enough, but the second 
part is more than probably the very reverse. And, if any classifiers 
signify " in ", these are rather the particles MU- and IN- which, as 
we have seen, are principally applied to such things as are covered 
with hair, or vegetation, or something similar, thus recalling to mind 
the fact that in ancient Egyptian a hieroglyph representing *' a skin " 
is often affixed to the names of quadrupeds. 

430. — More probably the classifier LI- or RI-, in the generality 
of the substantives of this LI-MA class, is rather the naked form 
of the verb -Ha or -ria *' to eat ", the same exactly as that which we 
have in the following expressions taken from Kolbe's Herero Dic- 
tionary : matu ri, **we ate" ; ze 'sa ze tokere aze ri, ** let them feed 
till sunset ". Hence the notion of strength which this particle con- 
tains. Hence likewise its augmentative power, because to a Kafir 
mind the notion of " king " and " lord " Is convertible with that of 
'' well fed ". Hence also its adaptation to the teeth, and to whatever 
has a crushing power, as stones ; and again to such things as are 
hard or resistant, as also to fruits, eggs, bones, breasts, or other 
parts of bodies which draw to themselves the best substance of 
these. Hence again its adaptation to the sun, which according to 
the manner of speaking of these people, eats all that the moon 
(mu-^^^) labours to bring out of the earth (384 (10)), thus filling 
people both with reverence and terror by its power to cause the 
fearful droughts. Hence finally, on the one side its application to 
the eye, which is to the body what the sun is to the world, and 
on the other side to sterile beings, as also to such as are the^ terror 
of weak and superstitious people. 



94 South-African Bantu Languages. 

4:31- — ^- ^- ^- This conclusion is of some importance, as I notice that several 
missionaries honour the devil with the classifier MU-, calling him imt-diaboli^ or some 
similarly formed word, which evidently is calculated to convey to the minds the very 
opposite of the notion it is intended to express. More logical than ourselves, the natives 
of Angola have changed the Portuguese diabo^ not into mu-diabo or mu-diaboli^ but into 
ri-abu or di-abu. 

4;32« — 2. Both my Tonga and my Kafir informants used to say that the particle 
//-, sometimes replaced by izi- before monosyllables, forms " bad names ". And my Tonga 
informants added that this was the reason why a certain white man, whom they had heard 
of in the interior, and of whom the less said the better, had not been called mu-nktia, 
as other white men, but izi-kua. 

433. — Probably in some substantives of this class LI-MA, as 
in i-lo '' a bed ", zj-u/u " the sky ", etc., the particle LI- is etymologi- 
cally connected, not with the verb -/^<a:, but with the element -te (Kafir 
-de) '* long, high, far ", which seems to be itself essentially a form 
of the reduplicative verb -ta-ta '' to lie down, to be stretched ". 

434- — And in some others, as in z-jm '' a sound ", z-J^o 
" sneezing, coughing '\ i-zina '' a name ", etc. the particle -li- rather 
reminds of the verb -lila '* to produce a sound ". 

435. — Another question is whether the three verbs -lia ** to 
eat ", -lala " to be stretched ", -lila ** to cry ", are themselves formed 
from one and the same root. But this is not the place to discuss it. 

436. — With regard to the plural classifier M A-, there appears 
no serious reason to say with the Rev. J. Rath (Bleek's Co7np, Gr., 
p. 20o), that it is mainly used when speaking of things which con- 
stantly go in pairs. More probably the classifier MA- expresses 
properly '' the end of natural production or multiplication ", being 
radically identical with the verb -mala or mana (280, 1065) ** to 
end, to cease to produce ", exactly as the plural classifiers BA-, MI-, 
ZIN- are radically connected with the verbs bala, mila, zzala, all of 
which express production or plurality, 

437. — This opinion is corroborated by the fact that the classi- 
fiers MA-, BA-, MI-, ZIN- are always long and accented, which 
is not the case with the singular classiliers MU-, IN-, LI-. And 
further it well agrees with the fact that the classifier MA- is precisely 
the plural for fruits '' the end of the production of trees ", for the 
young of animals, for extremities of the body, for stones, bones, and 
other such things apparently no more subject to transformations. 



The LI-MA Class. 



95 



-438. — ^' ^' ^^ *^^s of course leaves more or less room for exceptions in the 
different languages, according as they have been more or less modified by foreign influence 
or other causes. Then it should always be remembered that the same things may be 
viewed in different lights, and brought accordingly under different classes. Hence from 
such words as m.'w-ala " a stone " (in Senna), e xv-juba^ " the sun " (in Ganda), / si- 
qavio., " a fruit " (in Kafir), etc., nothing can be inferred against the above conclusions. 

-4; 39. — As to the substantives which may be found under n. 410 : — 

1. We have only doubtful etymologies to give for i-sakii " a pernicious spirit ", lino 
" a tooth ", i-tanjj-a " a pumpkin ", ij-amba " a hoe ", and i-zina " a name ". 

2. I-zuba " the sun ", lit. " that which comes out with light ". From -zua " to come 
out ", and -Jiba " notion of light ". 

3. I-sekua " a duck " is an onomatopoetic word derived from the cry of this bird. When 
I asked my Tonga informants what they meant by an i-sekua^ their first answer was " the 
bird which makes kua-kua... ". Bata " a duck ", of Swahili, Ganda, etc., reminds one of 
the Old Egyptian word apt " a goose ". 

4. Li-nso " the eye ", lit *' that part of the body which can be veiled" is connected with 
ku-sia " to be veiled, dark " (285). 

5. I-stc?no " a spear ", lit. " that which disappears within (the body) ". From su " notion 
of disappearing " which we find in ku-snana " to disappear within one another ", and 
mo "inside" (384 (4 and 7) ). 

6. I-fua " a bone ", lit. " a dead member ". From ku-fua " to die ". The element//^ 
(Herero tu) may be said to convey the meaning of " death " almost in every Bantu word 
in which it is found. 

7. 1-bue " a stone ", lit. " that which falls, is heavy " (in all probabiHty). From ku-ua 
(Angola ku-bua) " to fall " (cf. 462*). 

8. IJ-zilu " the sky " lit. " that which is stretched out ". Related to the passive form 
-ulua of the element -ula which forms expansive verbs (1080). 



VI. — m\)z Bu-MA cia0s 

anH tlje 
Sut)^cla00e0 connecteD toitf) it 

440. — The class BU-MA contains the substantives which 
require the same sort of concord as h\X-ato '' a canoe ", plur. ma- 
ato. We connect with it the sub-class MA without singular (Ex. 
VCiB.-n2i ** water "), as well as the sub-class BU without plural (Ex. 
bu-^^ "flour"), and the sub-class BU-ZIN (Ex. in Nyamwezi 
sN-ato " a canoe ", plur. ny-ato ^). 

441. — The reason for connecting the sub-class MA without 
singular with the class BU-MA is that the same words which 



* EXAMPLES. 





the face 


grass 


fermented drink 

beer, wine 


the brains 


flour 




Sing. Plur. 










Tonga 


bu-sio, ma- 


bu-izu 


bu-kande {1) 


bu-ongo 


bu-su 


Bisa 


... 


... 


... 




bu-nga 


Gogo 


u-su 


... 


... 


• •• 


u-sagi 


Sagara 


... 


ma-nyari 


u-gimbi 


w-ongo (?) 


u-sagi 


Shambala 


... 


... 


... 


u\v-ongo 


... 


Boondei 


... ... 


m-ani 


... 


u\v-ongo 


u-nga 


Taita 


u-xu 


ma-nyasi 


... 


w-ongo 


u-nga 


Nyanyembe 


w-ixu 


ma-swa 


bw-alvva 


w-ongo 


wu-su 


Sukuma 


... 


... 


... 


w-ongo (?) 


u-su 


Kamba 


u-llio, n-zio 


... 


... 


... 


... 


Swahili 


u-so, nyu- 


ma-jani 


u-ji « gruel )) 


w-ongo 


u-nga 


Pokomo 


u-so 


(w-idzi «green») 


... 


... 


u-nga 


Nika 


u-so 


... 


u-ji 


ongo 


u-nga 


Senna 


ma-so 


ma-u-dzu 


bu-adua 


w-ongo (?) 


u-fa 


Karanga 


... 


wu-feua 


wu-kube (1) 


wu-rubi 


.. 


Ganda 


ma-so 


bu-so 


m-alua 


bu-ongo 


bu-ta 


Zulu-Kafir 


ubu-so 


u ty-ani 


u tyw-ala 


... 




Xosa-Kafir 


ubu-so 


u ty-ani 


u tyw-ala 


... 




Herero 


... 


... 


... 


u-ruvi 




Bihe 


... ... 


o w-ongu 


u-tepa 


w-ongo 




Mbunda 


... ... 


bo-ambo 


bo-ala 


... 


... 


Rotse 


... 


mopo (=ma-upo) 


ma-lupo 


o-loi 


o-nga 


Guha 


... 


... 


... 


... 


u-xie (.'*) 


Rua 


... ... 


... 


ma-lovu 


... 


... 


Angola 


... 


(u-isu« green))) 


u-alua 


... 


... 


Lower Congo 


... ... 


... 


... 


... 


... 


Yao 


... ... 


ma-nyasi 


u-tulua 


u-tutu 


u-tandi 


Kilimane 


... ... 


ma-ane 


u-alua 


... 


u-to 


Mozambique 


w-ito 


ma-nyaxi 


... 


u-koko 


•". 


Ghwana proper 


ma-itlho 


bo-jang 


bo-jalwa 


bo-koko 


bu-pi 


Suto 


ma-tlo 


bo-jang 


bo-jalwa 


bo-koko 


bu-pi 


Mpongwe 


o-ju, a- 


am-ani' 


... 


... 


... 


Dualla 


b-oso, mi- 


bi-ulu (?) 


ma-u 


... 


... 


Fan 


... 


b-ut 


... 


... 


... 


Fernandian 


bu-so 


... 


ba-u 


••• 


... 



The BU-MA Class. 



97 



require the classifier BU- in Tonga are found to require the class- 
ifier MA- in a certain number of the other languages. 

5i I. Forms in the ClaSvS BU-MA and the Sub-class MA-. 

442, — The classifier MA-, both in those substantives which 
have no singular, and in those v^hich require BU- in the singular 
number, is essentially identical with the MA- of class LI-MA. 
Hence the same variations of its forms, viz. ma-, a-, me-y am-, va-, etc. 

443. — But in some languages we meet- with this peculiar 
phenomenon, that between MA- and the stem of the substantive 
BU- is retained under one form or another. Hence the following 
plurals, apparently irregukr : in Angola mota ''bows" (= ma-u-ta, 



EXAMPLES. (Continued.) 



night 



a boat 



(names of countries) 



Tonga 

Bisa 

Gogo 

Sagara 

Shambala 

Boondei 

Taita 

Nyanyembe 

Sukuma 

Kamba 

Swahili 

Pokomo 

Nika 

Senna 

Karanga 

Ganda 

Zulu-Kafir 

Xosa-Kafir 

Herero 

Bihe 

Mbunda 

Rotse 

Guha 

Rua 

Angola 

Lower Congo 

Yao 

Kilimane 

Mozambique 

Chwana proper 

Suto 

Mpongwe 

Dualla 

Fan 

Fernandian 



Hing. 

bu-siku 
bu-siku 



wu-ziku 
u-ziku 
u-tuka, 
u-siku 

u-siku 
u-siku, 
wu-siku 

u bu-suku 

u bu-suku 

o u-tuku 

u-teke 

bo-rike 

o-siko 

u-fuku 

u-sikua 

u-suku 

fuku, 

ma-tio 

u-hiu 

bo-sigo 

bo-sigo 

o-gwera, 

b-ulu 

bo-chio (?) 



n-z.. 



ma- 



Si)ig. Plur. 

bu-ato, ma- 

bu-ato, ma- 



w-ato, ny- 



w-aho 



wu-ato 



o w-ato 

bo-ato 

w-ato 

w-ato 

u-kula 

u-lungu (?), 

lungu, ma- 

w-ato, ma- 

b-ote(?),ma-b-ote 



ow-aro, am- 

b-olo, mi- 

bi-al 

b-ato, bi- (?) 



Bu-ionga, Tonga! and 

U-^ogo^ Gogoland 
U-sagara, Sagaraland 
U-xambala^ Sambaraland 



U-nyafHwezi^iht Nyamwezi country 

U-ka?nba, Kambaland 
U-ngufa, Zanzibar 



U-ztmgu, the Portuguese territory 
Wu-karanga^ Karangaland. 
Bu-ganda, the Ganda Empire 



0-lumbu (?), the Rotse Empire 
U-rua, the Rotse country 



Bo-r'wa,\\\^ countryof the Bushmen 



98 



South-African Bantu Languages. 



sing. M-ta, in Herero o ma-u-ta, in Nyamwezi ma-wu-ta, etc.), in 
Senna ma-u-dzu " straw ", in Nyamwezi ma-wu-ziku (?) *' nights " 
(sing, wu-ziku), etc. 

Zjg^^J^^ — A^. B. Were it not for this last example, in which the stem has two sylla- 
bles, I should see a new application of the laws relative to monosyllables (44, 413, etc.) 
in this fact of the retention of the classifier BU- after MA-. But then it should be said 
that the classifier MA- (and the same might be said of the element ZI- in the classifier 
ZIN-) is not so intimately united with the stem which follows it as to have a si?igle 
accent (44) and to form rigorously a single word with it. MA- should therefore rather be 
considered as a sort of adjective preceding its substantive. 

445. — The classifier which has the form BU- in Tonga has 
the same form in Bisa, Bemba, Subia, Ganda, Kafir, Lojazi, etc. In 
Kafir this classifier changes to ty- or tyw- before vowels, according 
to n. 122, as in u ty-ani '* grass " (= ti bti-ani), and apparently to 





EXAMPLES. 


(Continued 


.) 






wool 


clay 


life 


^water 


faf 


Tonga 


bu-oya 


bu-longo 


bu-umi 


ma-nzi 


ma-futa 


Bisa 


... 


... 


... 


men si 




Gogo 


... 


... 


... 


ma-renga 


... 


Sagara 


... 


u-longo 


u-gima 


meji 


ma-futa 


Shambala 


... 


u-longo 


... 


ma-zi 


ma-vuta 


Boondei 


... 


u-longo 


u-gima 


ma-zi 


ma-vuta 


Taita 


... 


... 


u-zima 


meji 


ma-vuta 


Nyanyembe 


w-oya 


vvu-lolo 


wu-panga 


m-inzi 


ma-guta 


Sukuma 


. .. 


... 


... 


m-inzi 


ma-guta 


Kamba 


u-wea 


... 


u-ima 


ma-nzi 


ma-uta 


Swahili 


... 


u-dongo 


u-zima 


ma-ji 


ma-futa 


Pokomo 


... 


... 


... 


ma-dzi 


ma-fuha 


Nika 


... 


u-longo 


u-zima 


ma-dzi 


ma-fuha 


Senna 


u-bwea 




... 


ma-dzi 


ma-futa 


Karanga 


... 




wu-penyo 


... 


ma-futa 


Ganda 


bu-iza (?) 


bu-mba 


bu-lamu 


ma-dzi 


ma-savui 


Zulu-Kafir 


u b-oya 


u bu-longo 


u b-omi 


a ma-nzi 


a ma-futa 


Xosa-Kafir 


u b-oya 


u bu-longo 


u b-omi 


a ma-nzi 


a ma-futa 


Herero 


ma-inya 




... 


omeva 


ma-je 


Bihe 


... 


o-tuma (?) 


... 


va-va 


vcte 


Mbunda 


... 


... 




mema 


ma-ze 


Rotse 


oia 


o-toko (?) 


... 


me-i 


ma-^e 


Guha 




... 




ma-ji 


... 


Rua 


... 


... 


u-umi (.?) 


mema 


ma-ni 


Angola 


... 


ma-vunzu 




menia 


ma-ji 


Lower Congo 


w-ika 


. .< 




ma-za 


ma-ji 


Yao 


u-mbo (?) 


u-tope 


u-umi 


mesi 


ma-uta 


Kilimane 


... 


ma-taka 


... 


ma-ije 


ma-kurra 


Mozambique 


... 


... 


u-kumi 


ma-xi 


ma-kura 


Ghwana proper 


bo-boea 


bo-raga 


bo-tshelo 


metse 


ma-fura 


Suto 


bo-ea 


bo-raga 


bo-tshelo 


metse 


ma-fura 


Mpongwe 


o-mwa 


o-mbona 


... 


a-ningo 


a-gali 


Dualla 


... 


... 




ma-diba 


m-ula 


Fan 


... 


b-oka 


... 


ma-chi 


... 


Fernandian 


bi-riba Q) 


ba-isopa (.?) 


... 


bo-opi 


bi-ta 



The BU-MA Class. 99 



/- in the plural form of the same word in the Swahili ma-j-ani 
( = ma-wu-ani), etc. 

446. — Other forms are : — 

BO- in Chwana, which changes to Iw-j- (= bo-bo-^ 202) before vowels, e. g. in 
bo-jan^ " grass " (Mpongwe a?n-a?ii), bo-jahva " beer " (Mbunda bo-ala^ Nyamwezi, 
bicalwa, etc.), as if, the origin of the/ for bo- (n. 202) in such words having been 
forgotten by the Chwana, they had restored bo- before it, either for the sake of uni- 
formity, or to prevent all doubt as to the proper class of the same words. For the 
same reasons such Kafirs as have only a half-knowledge of their language say some- 
times u bu-ty^N-ala " beer ", instead of u-tyw-ala. 

447. — WU- regularly in Karanga, Nyamwezi, etc. 

448. ' — U- {w- or uiv- before vowels), with a sort of spiritus asper, in Herero, 
Swahili, Nika, Senna, Angola, etc. 

449. — O- {ow- before vowels) in Mpongwe, also in Rotse and Nyengo, unless 
Livingstone's spelling was influenced by Chwana, when he wrote his notes on these 

languages. 

450. — It is dropped in Congo, where however it is retained under the form 
IV- before vowels. 

451 . — ^- B. I. Bleak's remark {Comp. Gr.^ p. 273) that this particle is sometimes 
elided in Kafir and Chwana does not seem to be correct. The error comes from not 
noticing the change oi bu or bo- to /y,/, etc., before vowels. 

2. The proper form of this classifier in Dualla, Fan, and Fernandian, is not evident from 
the documents I have come across. 

§ 2. The Sub-classes BU without Plural and BU-ZIN. 

452. — Of the words which have the classifier BU- by far 
the larger number have no plural form, because they express pro- 
perly a sort of collective or abstract notion. They form the sub- 
class BU without plural. 

453. — The sub-class BU-ZIN exists only in Swahili and in 
a few other languages. 

N. B. The origin of the class BU-ZIN in Swahili comes from the confusion of the class 
BU-MA with the class LU-ZIN, through the fall of ^ and /in LU- and BU- (86 and 100). 
Hence the word u-ta " a bow " is mentioned by Krapf as having two plurals, viz. : ina-ta 
and ny-u-ta (za...) ; 7i-so " face " is said to have no other plural form than ny-u-so^ etc. 
However u-siku " night " has only its regular plural ma-siku. This reminds one that the 
expression " at night " is rendered in Tonga by ma-n-siku, cind in Senna hy ma-siku. Cf. 556. 

§ 3. Substantives which belong to the Class BU-MA and 
THE Sub-classes connected with it. 

454. — The substantives which have no other classifier than 
MA- are principally those of fluids or quasi-fluids, or again of things 



ioo South-African Bantu Languages, 



which melt naturally, as ma-nzi " water ", ma-lidi " sour milk ", 
ma-tanana '* snow ", etc. 

N. B. I. In several languages, principally in Chwana, MA- is often used to express 
great number. Ex. ma-biise " many horses " (cf. di-pitse (390, 395) " horses "). 

2. In Senna the classifier MA- is regularly used to form names of actions from 
applicative verbs. Ex. ma-lii7iiro " agriculture ", from ku-lima " to cultivate the ground" 
(applicative : kti-limira (1065)), ma-fambiro " a journey ", from ku-fa7nba " to go ", (ap- 
plicative : ku-fa7nbira), etc. 

455. — The nouns which have the classifier BU- are principally 
those of : — 

1° Things which ferment, or generate bubbles, as bu-kande and 
bu-koko ** beer, wine ", bu-stt '* flour ", bu-longo " wet cow-dung " 
and " pot-clay ", btt-ongo ** the brains ", bu-loa " the blood ", bu-ci 
** honey ", which Kafirs make into a fermented beverage, bu-tale 
** iron ore ", bu-la *' the bowels ", bu-si '* smoke ", bti-ele *' small 
pox ", etc. 

456. — Things which come into being or grow to light collec- 
tively and by gentle heat, as bu-ana buenkuku, ** chickens ", bu-izu 
" grass ", etc. 

457. -^ 3° ** The night, " bu-siku; *' the face, " bu-sio, and those 
feelings of the soul which transfigure the face, as bu-botu '' a good 
face '*, i. e. *' happiness " and '' kindness ", bu-bt '* an ugly face ", etc. 

458. — 4^ Authority or empire, bu-aine ; whence the sphere 
itself of authority, as Bu-ganda '* the Ganda Empire ", etc. 

459. — 5*^ " A canoe, " bu-ato ; '' a bow, bu-ta, " etc. 

§ 4. Etymologies. — Varia. 

460. — The etymology of the classifier MA- has been suffi- 
ciently studied in the preceding article. With regard to the classifier 
BU-, it is pretty certain that it implies generally readiness to reaction 
and transformation, whether by fermentation, as in " beer ", '* flour ", 
etc. ; or by hatching, as in *' a brood " ; or by smelting, as in *' iron 
ore " ; or by a fresh start, as in " the grass " so easily refreshed, 
and in ** night ", which to a Kafir mind is nothing else than the 
universal silent renewing of nature after '' the fall of the sun " ; or 
by transfiguration, as in *' the face ", the mirror of the soul, and in 
*' authority"; or by plasticity, as in ** clay ", and in "cow-dung", which 
is generally used by Kafirs for plastering their huts ; or again by 
elasticity, as in ** a bow "; or even by readiness for a change of 



The BU-MA Class, loi 



position (?), as in " a canoe ", etc. All this supplies plenty of sug- 
gestive materials for the study of the association of ideas. 

This classifier BU- in many words is unmistakably related to 
the verb -buniba (= bubua, cf. 285) '* to work clay, to shape " 
(cf. 52"^). And it probably is to -ua {-bua or -gua) " to fall " (462*) 
what the classifier LI- is to -Ha " to eat " (430). Hence it seems to 
mean primarily '' that which falls, which cannot stand upright or 
firm ". 

-461. — Coming back to the examples under n. 440, we may make the following 
statements : — 

1. In bu-sio " the face " the element -sio is unmistakably the same as that which gives 
us li-nso "the eye ", pi. meso (439 (4)). Hence the proper meaning oi bu-sio must be "the 
place of the eyes ", or more exactly " that which falls over the eyes ". In Senna, Chwana, 
etc., the word for " face " is no other than that which means " eyes ". 

2. Bu-isu " grass ", lit. "that which comes out (of the ground) ". Cf. 409 (2). 

3. Bu-ddua " fermented liquor ", lit. " a thing for bewitching ". From -lua or -loa " to 
bewitch ". In 7na4uvu (perhaps m-aluvu)^ which is the word for " palm-wine " in several 
dialects of Angola and the neighbouring countries, the element -vu seems to add to bu- 
alua the notion of" vomiting ", or that of" foam " produced by fermenting liquors. 

4. In bu-07igo " the brains ", and bu-longo "clay, cow-dung", etc., the element «jf^ con- 
veys very probably the notion of " something soft " ; but I do not see exactly what notion 
is conveyed by the elements o and lo. In bu-longo^ however, the element lo means probably 
" that which is spread " (Cf. 384 (9, 8, and 4)). 

5. In bii-sikii " the night " the element si is related to the verb ku-sia " to be veiled, 
to be dark ", and the element ku to the adjective -kulu " great ". Hence this word means 
lit. " great darkness ". The first element si is replaced in some languages by the element 
su^ notion of" disappearing", in others by/// (Herero tu)^ notion of" death ". Hence the 
words bu-suku, bu-fukti^ and u-tuku. 

6. Bu-su " flour ", lit. " that which is pulverized and rendered almost invisible. " From 
the element stt^ notion of " disappearing ". 

7. Bii-ato " a canoe ", lit. " a thing for ferrying across ". From a " of ", and to^ notion 
of " carrying ". Cf. kti-tola " to carry ". 

8. Bii-tojtga " Tongaland " (cf. 365 (5)). 

9. Bu-mni " life ". From the adjective -umi " alive ". 

10. Ma-nzi " water ", lit. " that which fecundates " (384 (10)). Karanga renders " water " 
by i-vura^ which properly means " rain ". Thus it is perhaps of all the Bantu languages 
the only one in which the word for " water " is not of cl. MA. This peculiar exception is 
probably due to the custom, common to several South-African tribes, of not pronouncing 
the names of revered persons nor any of their principal parts. For I notice that the Chwana 
word for " water", inetsi^ enters into the composition of a quasi-sacred national name of the 
Karanga, viz. Ma-tapa-nxQ^l^i, lit. " the Water-elephants (sea-cows) ", whence the well- 
known word Monomatapa (= Mii-ene wa Matapa(7netsi), lit. " the Lord of the Water- 
elephants", which was the title of their King or so-called Emperor. In connexion with this 
it may be mentioned that the hippopotamus is a sacred animal with the Karanga even to 
this day, and that their reverence for it has passed to their conquerors the Ma-tebele, or 
Ma-tabele. See Kerr's " Far Interior ", p. 20. 

11. Ma-futa " fat " lit. " that which melts and is sticky ". From the element//^, notion 
of" dying " and ta^ notion of" adhering to..., sticking to... (?) ". 



VII. — Tfte Ku-MA Glass. 

462. — This class includes the infinitives of verbs used as sub- 
stantives, as ku-fua '' to die, death ", and also in many of these 
languages a few other substantives which require the same sort of 
concord as ^LM-tui ** an ear ", plur. tnsi-^m^. 

N. B. In the materials at my disposal there is no evident trace of the classifier KU-, 
not even before infinitives, in Dualla, Fernandian, and Nywema. 

§ I. Forms. 

463. — In the words of this class the classifier MA- is identical 
with MA- of the preceding classes LI-MA and BU-MA. 

464. — N. B. k fe«v words in Herero, and a larger number in Ndonga, are men- 
tioned by Bleek {Compar. Gr.^ p. 207) as keeping the particle KU- in the plural together 



* EXAMPLES. 





an ear 


an arm 


a foot 


to fan, a fan 




Sing. Plur, 


Sing. 


Plur. 


Sing. 


Plur. 




Tonga 


ku-tui, ma- 


ku-boko, 


ma- 


ku-ulu, 


ma- 


ku-ua, or ku-gua 


Bisa 


ku-tui, ma- 


ku-boko, 


ma- 


ku-ulu, 


ma- 




Gogo 


... 


... 


... 




... 


ku-kagwa 


Sagara 


(467) 


... 


... 


... 


... 


ku-gwa 


Shambala 


... 


... 


... 




... 


ku-gvva 


Boondei 


(467) 


ku-lume « right 


hand » 




... 


ku-gwa 


Taita 




... 


... 




... 


ku-gwa 


Nyanyembe 


ku-tui, ma- 


ku-kono. 


ma- 


ku-gulu. 


ma- 


ku-gwa 


Sukuma 


ku-tui, ma- 


ku-icono, 


ma- 


ku-gulu, 


ma- 


ku-gwa 


Kamba 


ku-tu, ma- 


ku-boko, 


ma- 


ku-u, 


ma- 


ku-waluka 


SwahiH 


... 


... 


... 


... 


... 


kw-anguka 


Pokomo 


... ... 








ku-guu, 


ma- 




Nika 










... 


... 


ku-bwa 


Senna 


"'(467) 










... 


ku-gwa 


Karanga 










ku-tabeso, 


ma- 


... 


Ganda 


ku-tu, ma- 










... 


ku-gwa 


Zulu-Kaflr 


... 












u ku-wa 


Xosa- Kafir 


... ... 












u ku-wa 


Herero 


ku-tui, ma- 


ku-oko. 


ma- 




... 


ku-ua 


Bihe 


... 


kw-oko, 


va- 


ku-ulu « 


leg» 


ku-wa 


Mbunda 


ku-tui, ma- 


ku-boko, 


ma- 








Rotse 


ku-toe ma- 


k-oko 


... 


... 




ku-icoa (.?) 


Guha 


ku-tue, ma-(?) 


ku-boko, 


ma- 


ku-gulu, 


ma- 




Rua 


ku-twe, ma- 


ku-woko. 


ma- 


ku-ulu, 


ma- 


ku-fiona ij) 


Angola 


(467) 


(lu-ku-aku). 


maku 


... 


... 


ku-bua 


Lower Congo 


ku-tu, ma- 


k-oko. 


m- 


ku-lu. 


ma- 


bwa 


Yao 


... 




... 


... 


... 


ku-gwa 


Kilimane 


(ny-arro),m-arro 




... 


... 


... 


u-ogua 


Mozambique 


(ny-aru),m-aru 




... 


... 


... 


u-lua 


Ghwana proper 


... 




... 


... 


... 


go-wa 


Suto 


... 




... 






go-wa 


Mpongw^e 


o-roi, a- 


o-go, 


a- 


o-golo 


a- 


poxwa 


DuaHa 


... 


... 


... 


. . 


... 


ko 


Fan 


a-16, molo 


a-bo 




e-ko (.?) 






Fernandian 


— , ba-to 


-, ba-kc 


)le 






... 



The KU-MA Class, 103 



with MA, e. g. o ku-ti, "field", pi. o ma-Wyx-ti. Here again I notice that their stems either 
are monosyllabic, or begin with a vowel (cf. 44, 413, etc.) 

465. — The forms of the classifier which is KU- in Tonga, 
Bisa, etc., are : — 

KU- in Karanga before ordinary substantives only, U- before infinitives. 

KU- in Congo before ordinary substantives only, dropped before such infinitives as 
begin with a consonant, though retained before the others under the form kw-. 

GO- in Chwana, where it is found only in infinitives. 

0- in Mpongwe before ordinary substantives. In this language infinitives are appa- 
rently not used as substantives. 

if/"- ( W- before vowels) in Mozambique and Kilimane, where it is used only before 
infinitives. It is replaced by nya (-= ni-a-) in nya-ru^ or nya-rro^ " an ear ". 

§ 2. Substantives which belong to the KU-MA Class. 

466. — In the larger number of the Bantu languages the words 
which fall under this class are exclusively : a) Infinitives (used as 
substantives) ; b) the few parts of the body mentioned in the pre- 
ceding examples (462"^); c) the names of such rivers as are con- 
sidered as being *' the arms " or " shoulders " of others, or of the 
sea, as the rivers Ktt-bango, Ku-a or Ku-ba, Kuanza, Ku-nene, etc. 

467. — ^' B- Those languages which have lost the classifier KU- in ordinary 
substantives have however retained traces of it, at least most of them. Thus in Senna the 
word for " ear " is hitu of class LI-MA, pi. ma-kutu^ where the syllable ku- is evidently 
the primitive classifier. Cf. in Angola lti-\LVi-aku " an arm ", plur. maku^ not fita-Wxx-aku^ 
and in iCaguru ghutwe " an ear ", pi. ma-ghutwe, in Boondei gutwi^ pi. ma-gutwi^ etc. 

§ 3. Etymologies. — Varia. 

468. — The etymology and exact power of the classifier KU- 
ofTers no difficulty. It is originally identical with the locative class- 
ifier KU- (542, 563), and essentially connected with the verb kula 
" to grow out ", as also with the corresponding adjective kulti 
(Kamba ku) '' full grown ". Hence its adaptation to those parts of 
the body which grow out of the main trunk, as : — 

1. Ku-tui " an ear ", lit. " a thing protruding from the head ". From imi-Ute " the head ". 
The change of the final e to/ is caused by the transposition of the accent ('ww-Zw/, ku-tii)^ 
and this transposition is itself due to the fact that the classifier MU- is naturally short 
{niii)^ while the classifier KU- is naturally long (ku). Cf. 271. 

2. Ku-boko " an arm, a shoulder ", lit. " a thing protruding downv.-ards at the side ". 
From the elements bu " notion of falling " and ko " notion of side ". 

3. Kji-ulu " a foot", lit. " a thing protruding flatwise". From the element ulu " notion 
of something stretched out ". Cf. 439 (8). 

In the infinitives of verbs KU- properly refers to the notion of time or place (563). 
Hence ku-ua " to fall " means lit. " when (or) where one falls ". 



VIII. — mt)t Lu-(z)iN cias0 

aitn tljE 

Suft^classes connecten toitb it 

469. — In these we classify together all that refers to the va- 
rious categories of substantives which have in the singular number 
the classifier LU-. There is comparatively little agreement between 
the various Bantu languages in the use of this classifier. Some use 
it as a diminutive, others as an augmentative, others both as a 
diminutive and as an augmentative, etc. All this causes a great 
diversity in the formation of the plural ^. 

§ I. Transformations of the Classifier LU-. 

470. — The classifier which is pronounced LU- in Tonga, Bisa, 
Ganda, etc., is pronounced : — 

DU- after n in the same languages and in Karanga (286). 
J^[/- regularly in Karanga and Herero. 





* EXAMPLES. 










the tongue 




A rope 


or string 




Szn£: Plur. 


Sing. 


Plur. 


Stng^. 


Plur. 


Tonga 


lu-limi, {:,°^ra,i 


Lu-izi^ the Middle Zambezi... 


lu-ozi (.?) 


in-gozi {}) 


Bisa 


lu-limi, in-dimi 


... ... 




lu-sisi 


... 


Gogo 


lu-limi, ma-limi 


lu-enga « a river », 


... 


... 


... 


Sagara 


lu-limi, 


lu-kolongo t a river », 


ma- 


1-uzi, 


s-uzi 


Shambala 


lu-limi, n-dimi 


... 




lu-gole, 


gole (?) 


Boondei 


u-limi, n-dimi 


lu-kolongo « a river » 


... 


lu-zigi, 


zigi (?) 


Taita 


lu-mi 


... 




... 


... 


Nyanyembe 


lu-limi, n-dimi 


... 


... 


lu-goye, 


n-goye 


Sukuma 


lu-limi, ma-limi 


... 




lu-goye, 


n-goye 


Kamba 


... ... 


u-tsi « a river » 






... 


Swahili 


u-limi, n-dimi 


... 




... 


... 


Nika 


lu-rimi, n-dimi 


... 




lu-goe, 


n-goe 


Karanga 


ru-rimi, in-dimi 


ru-izi « a river », 


nj-izi 


... 


. 


Ganda 


lu-limi, n-dimi 


... 




lu-goi 


... 


Zulu-Kafir 


u lw-imi,ilw-imi 


u hv-andle « the sea > 




u-tambo « 


a snare»,in- 


Xosa-Kaflr 


u Iw-imi, i Iw-imi 


u Iw-andle « the sea » 




u-tambo « a net », in- 


Herero 


... 


ru-rondo « a rivulet », tu- 


ru-sepa « a 


thread » o tu- 


Bihe 


... 


lu-wi « a river », ] 


on-dwi 


lu-ndovi 


, lo- 


Mbunda 


lo-lime(.?) 


... 




1-ozi 


... 


Rotse 


lo-leme (.?) ... 


.... 




1-osi (?) 


... 


Guha 


lu-limi, n-dimi 


... ... 


... 


... 


... 


Rua 


lu-jimi, n-jimi 


lu-wi « a river » 




... 


... 


Lower Congo 


lu-bini, tu-bini 


... 


... 


lu-kamba 


... 


Yao 


lu-limi, n-dimi 


lu-sulo « a river », 


n-sulo 


lu-goji, 


n-goji 


Ghw^ana proper 


lo-leme, di-teme 


lo-tsitsi, <L a watercourse », di- 


lo-tlwa « a net », di- 


Suto 


lo-leme, di-teme 


... 


... 


... 


... 


Mpongwe 


o-neme, i-neme 


ol-obi « a river », 


il- 


o-goli, 


i- 


DuaUa 


i-yeme, lo-yeme 


... 






... 


Fan 


... 


u-dsui « a river » 


... 


... 




Fernandian 


lo-belo 


... 


... 


... 


••• 



The LU-(z)iN Class. 105 

LO- in Chwana (n. 200), as also in Rotse, Mbunda, Nyengo, and Lojazi, if here 
again Livingstone's spelling has not been influenced by Chwana. In Fernandian 
we find both LO- and LU-. 

O- in Mpongwe. 

U- {IV- before vowel) in Kamba and Swahili, according to nn. 81 and 88 ; and 
likewise in Nywema. 

4.71- — ■^- ^- ^- According to Bleek {Cojnp. 6^r.,p. 237) the form of this classifier 
is LA- or HA- in Kele (Dt-kele). The examples given are /<2-«^o/'0 " head ", pi. ina-ng^kQ ; 
\a-pa\a " hoof", pi. ma-pa)a; la-7iyui " honey-bee '\ pi. nyui; la-nya)a " a flee " ; la- 
7td(\ngts " the end", pi. 7iia-7ichJig^. 

Bleek adds (p. 271), that " in Ti77tfiek (a semi-Bantu language spoken near Sierra 
Leone) rope-like or creeping plants have commonly the prefix ra- in the singular. " 

4.72. — 2. This classifier is dropped commonly in Kafir ; for, in such words as u 
sa7ia " a baby ", u-siba " a feather ", etc., 7i is not the classifier, but the article. In the same 
language it is retained under the form LW- before such stems as begin with a vowel, and 
under its proper form LU- before monosyllabic stems (cf. nn. 44 and 325, 368, 389, 413). 

4<73« — 3- "^^^^ classifier LU- has almost entirely disappeared from Angola, 
Senna, Lojazi, etc., and apparently altogether from Mozambique and Kilimane. InDualla 
it is regularly replaced by DI- or LI- of cl. LI-MA. 

§ 2. Plural Classifiers corresponding to LU-. 

474. — In the formation of the plural we meet with more 
variety In this class than in any other. 

475. — Bleek thinks that the plural classifier which corresponds 
properly as plural to LU- Is the classifier TU- (of class KA-TU). 
But this opinion Is unwarranted, as we find such correspondence 
only In Herero, Ndonga, and Congo, to which may be added the 
Dualla group, that Is, precisely In those languages which, having 
practically given up the classifier KA- as the regular diminutive 
classifier (cf. 509, 522), replace It In many cases by LU-, and which 
separate themselves on many other points from the generality of 
the Bantu languages. 

4:76. — ^' ^' I" Dualla, TU- changes regularly to LO-, according to n. 220. 
Ex. \0-ye7ne " tongues " (Congo Xu-bi7ti). 

477. — In the other languages, the classifier corresponding as 
plural to LU- Is commonly (ZI)N-, as In Tonga, BIsa, Nywema, 
Karanga, Ganda, Swahili, Nika, Kafir, Chwana, etc., with the 
variety of forms which has been described in nn. 393-398, and 
with those various effects upon the Initial letter of the stems of 
substantives which are regularly produced by n nasal expressed or 
suppressed. (Cf. 51 and y^^ yj, ^2>^ 140, 93, 95. 184-196, 389, 395, 
396, etc., etc.). 



io6 South-African Bantu Languages. 

-478. — N. B. i.ln some cases the particle lu- is kept partially or totally in the 
plural, and combined with the classifier (ZI)N-. This causes some remarkable phenomena. 
Thus, in Kafir we have i Iw-imi, " tongues ", / Iw-andle " seas ", etc., which require the 
same concord as if we had i(zi)n-lw-a7idle, i (zi)7i-lw-imi^ etc. Ex. i Iw-imi e zim-bini 
" two tongues ". Likewise, in Kaguru we find the following plurals sii-gha " plots of 
ground " (sing, lu-gha), su-ti " shafts " (sing, hi-ti)^ s-tizi or ny-uzi " strings " (sing, l-uzi)^ 
s-umo or Jty-ttmo " razors " (sing, lu-ino), etc., all of which require the same concord as if 
they contained the classifier ZIN-. (Cf Last's Kaguru Cravunar^ pp. ii and 15, 17, etc.). 
It may be further remarked that in all the preceding examples the stem of the substantive 
either is monosyllabic or begins with a vowel. Hence these phenomena seem to be due 
to an extension of the general laws concerning monosyllables (cf. nn. 44 and 325, 368, 
389, 413, 464, etc.). Cf. P^re Delaunay's Grmnmaire Kisuahili^ p. 11. 

4j79. — -• The effects of n nasal, expressed or suppressed, upon the initial 
consonants of the stems of the words are more easily studied in this class LU-(ZI)N than 
in the class IN-(ZI)N, because here we have no longer the nasal both in the singular and 
in the plural number, but only in the plural. Thus we see plainly how under the influence 
oin nasal expressed or suppressed — 

a) in Chwana / changes to / Ex. lo-leme " a tongue ", pi. di-teme 

g „ „ kg or fe Ex. lo-gonq " a piece of wood ", pi. di-koHQ 

Ex. lo-chu " death ", pi. dm-chit 
Y.^.lo-badi " a scar ", pi. di-padi, etc. 
Ex. o-rove " desert ", pi. si-tove 
Ex. o-wera " a nail ", pi. si-fwera 
Ex. o-\^ega^ " a shoulder ", pi. si-bega^ etc. 
Ex. lu-Jmnde " a trifle ", pi. tunde, etc. 
For similar changes in other languages cf. Pere Delaunay's Grarnmaire Kisuahili^^^. 11,12. 

Dr. Steere's Collections for Nyajnweziy pp. 14, 1 5. 
Grajnmaire Ruganda, p. 7. 
Last's Kamba Gramma?', p. 5, etc. 

480. — In some languages the plural classifier corresponding 
regularly to LU- is not (ZI)N- or any equivalent for it, but MA-. 
This is principally the case in Kaguru, though not when the stem 
of the substantive begins with a vowel, or is monosyllabic. Ex. lu- 
bavti '' a rib ", pi. ma-bavu; lu-singa '' a log of wood ", pi. ma-singa, 
etc. Examples of this are also given in Kondoa, which, as well as 
Kaguru, is a dialect of Sagara, in Kami, which also is a language 
of the East coast, in Mozambique, in Gogo, etc. In Tonga there 
seems to be a choice between MA- and (ZI)N-. 

§ 3. Substantives belonging to cl. LU-. 

481. — The substantives which fall regularly under this class 
in Tonga and, as it seems, in the greater number of the Bantu lan- 
guages, are principally : — 

jo. The words for ** a sucking baby ", lu-sabila (Kafir u sana, 
Rotse lo'keke, Chwana lo-sea) and for " the new moon " lu-sele 
(Herero o ru4ana, ru-tandati). 







sh 


)> 


„ ch 






b 


)) 


»P 


b) 


in Mpongwe r 


changes 


to/. 






w 


5) 


»>^. 






b 


» 


„^. 


c) 


in Nika 


h 


» 


» i- 



The (LU-(z)iN Class. 107 

482. — 2° The words for regular rows or successions of men or 
things, as lu-ziibo " a race, family" (Kaf. u-hlancra, u-sapo), lu-sa (?), 
** a row" (Kaf. u lu-hla), lic-beLi " an endless succession of days ", 
lu-luli " a roof", lu-kuni " a raft ", lu-sobela '' a copper armlet ", etc. 

483. — 3° A few names of animals, as lu-boko, an animal 
described as remarkable for its " long tail, " lu-bondue or lii-bo7ido, 
an animal described as taking remarkably *' long jumps. " 

484. — 4° Lengthy parts of the body, as lu-bvko ** the whole 
arm, including the hand ", whence A^-//^ ** the right arm " ; lu-j'a '* a 
cock's comb" (cf. i-ja '' a horn, a tusk ", of class Ll-MA), lu-limi 
" the tongue ", whence the names of several languages, as Lu-ganda 
" the Ganda language ", Lu-mbamba, " Mbamba ", Lu-mbundu the 
" language of the Bihe ", etc. ; lu-kuliilu '' the throat ", lu-kanda 
" the skin, when soft or just taken off the body ", (cf. i-kanda " the 
skin in its natural condition on the body "), etc. 

485. — 5*" The words for " a rope ", lu-ozi or lU'lozi(?), and, as 
it seems, most of the things in nature which have, or seem to have, 
no consistency, as lit-ala '' a cliff ", hc-sese " sand ", lu-btiebue 
'' gravel " (cf i-btie " a stone "), lu-suko "dust ", etc. 

486. — T " The sea ", lit-anja, and many rivers, as Lti-izi " the 
Zambesi below the Victoria falls ", the rivers Ltc-apula, Lu-kugu, 
Lu-angwe, Ltt-ngioe, etc. 

487. — 8° Several actions of some persistency and uniformity, 
as lu-ele '' a meal ", lu-lapelo '' prayer ", lii-seko ** enjoyment ", 
lu-kualo " writing ", etc. 

488. — ^^' B. In Kafir, and much more in Herero, the classifier LU- is often 
used with a diminutive power. This may be attributed to the fact already mentioned that 
these languages have practically lost the regular diminutive classifier KA- (cf. 476). It 
may be further remarked that several substantives which take the classifier LU- in nearly 
all the Bantu languages fall under a different class in Herero. Ex. e raka " a tongue " of 
class LI -MA (cf. Tonga lu-limi) j o kii-vare " the sea ", etc. 

§ 4. Etymologies. — Varia. 

489. — In this variety of substantives which take the classifier 
LU-, the notion which comes out prominently is that of looseness, 
want of consistency, and lengthy uniformity, or of something which 
projects loosely from a solid body. It is only natural that with 
this notion there should have been connected, on the one hand that 



io8 South-African Banht Languages, 

of weakness, as In the name of '* a baby " and, on the other, that of 
mobiHty, as in the name of ** the sea ". 

In point of meaning, the verb most Intimately related to this 
classifier might be thought to be -zua '' to come out " (Chwana 
-cwa — dwa, 205), but phonetic laws rather show a connexion with 
-bia '' to bewitch, to be treacherous, to war with... " Hence the 
notion which was conveyed primarily by the classifier LU- should 
have been that of something treacherous in some respect or other, 
or unreliable. Possibly the correct thing is to say that this classifier 
is related to the element -ulu or -ula which conveys the notion of 
"• something expanded" (439(8), 1080, 468(3)). 

490. — If we consider the examples under n. 469 etymologi- 
cally, it may be said that : — 

1. In the word lu-linii " a tongue " (470*) the element // probably conveys the notion 
of" eating ", and the element mi that of " something which grows up (383) ". Hence this 
word probably means lit. " that which eats food ". However I would not guarantee this 
etymology. 

2. In lu-izi " a river ", we meet once more with the element izi which conveys the 
notion of" fecundity " (461(10), 384(10), etc.). 

3. As to the word lu-ozi (lu-lozi?) " a rope ", its etymology is still doubtful as well as 
its correct form in Tonga. Probably this word referred primarily to the bark of trees from 
which ropes used to be, and are still, made by the larger number of the native tribes. 



IX. — mt ci-zi Gla00. 

491. — The CI-ZI class includes the substantives which require 
the same sort of concord as ci-nlu " a thing ", pi. zi-ntu ^''. 

^ I. Transformations of the Classifier CI-. 

492. — With regard to the classifier of the singular number in 
this class CI-ZI, it is somewhat difficult to define properly the 
manner in which it is pronounced in most of the languages of the 
interior. It is a sound somewhat between tyi- or tye-, and chi- or 
eke-. It is variously spelt eki-, tshi-, eishi-, ski-, tyi-, qui-, fi-, ei-, 
etc. We spell it : — 

CF- (c\-) in Tonga, Senna, Karanga, etc. (cf. 8 and 14). 

TYI- in Herero, where this mode of spelling is too fixed to be upset. 

CJII- in Yao (apparently pronounced as CI- in Tonga). 

* EXAMPLES. 





a thing 


(names of languages) 


a seat, a 


stool 




Shtg^. Pltir. 


Shig. 


Siitg. 


Plur. 


Tonga 


ci-ntu, zi- 


Ci-tonga, the Tonga language 


ci-bula, 


zi- 


Bisa 


... 


Ki-bisa, Bisa 


ki-puna 


... 


Gogo 




Ki-gogo, Gogo 


ki-goda (?) 


... 


Sagara 


ki-ntu, vi- 


Ki-sagara, vSagara 


... 


... 


Shambala 


ki-ntu, vi- 


Ki-xambala, Shambala 


... 


... 


Boondei 


ki-ntu, vi- 


... 


ki-ti, 


vi- 


Taita 


ki-ndu 


Ki-taita, Taita 


ki-fumbi 


... 


Nyanyembe 


ki-nhu, fi- 


Ki-namwezi, Nyamwezi 


... 


... 


Sukuma 


... 


... ... 


... 


... 


Kamba 


ki-ndu, i- 


Ki-katnba, Kamba 


ki-tumbi, 


i- 


Swahili 


ki-tu, vi- 


Ki-swahili, Swahili 


ki-ti, 


vi- 


Pokomo 


ki-ntu, . vi- 


Ki-pokomo, Pokomo 


... 


... 


Nika 


ki-tu, vi- 


Ki-nika, Nika 


... 


... 


Senna 


ci-ntu, bzi- 


Ci-nyanja, Nyassa 


... 


... 


Karanga 


ci-no, |wi- 


Ci-karanga, Karanga 


ci-bura, 


jwi- 


Ganda 


ki-ntu, bi- 


(484) 


ki-tulu, 


bi- 


Zulu-Kafir 


... 


/ Si-Z2ilu, Zulu 


i si-tulo, 


i zi- 


Xosa-Kafir 




i Si-xosa, Xosa 


i si-hlalo, 


i zi- 


Herero 


tyi-na, vi- 


Tyi- herero, Herero 


tyi-havero 


,ovi- 


Bihe 


ci-na, vi- 


(484) 


... 




Mbunda 


... 


Ci-kicango, Kuango 


... 




Rotse 




Se-luiana, Rotse 


... 


... 


Guha 




Ki-o2(ha, Guha 


ki-'wala, 


vi- 


Rua 


ki-ntu, vi- 


Ki-rua, Rua 


... 


... 


Angola 


ki-ma, i- 


Ki-7nbundu,\he language of the blacks 


ki-alu, 


i- 


-Lower Congo 


ki-uma, y- 


Ki-xikongo, Congo 


ki-andu, 


y- 


Nywema 


... 


... 


ki-wala, 


(?.) 


Yao 


chi-ndu, i- 


... 


chi-tengu. 




Kilimane 


e-lo, vi- 


... 




... 


Mozambique 


i-tu, pi. i-tu 


... 


i-hiche. 


i- 


Ghwanaproper 


se-lo, pi. di- 


Se-cwana, Chwana 


se-tulo. 


dr- 


Suto 


se-lo, li- 


Se-sutho, Suto 


se-tulo, 


H- 


Mpongvs^e 


ej-oma, y- 


... 


e-pue, 


pue 


Fan 


(.?), pi. bi-6m 




... 


... 


DuaUa 


(?), pi. bi-ma 


... 


... 


... 


Fernandian 


... 


... 


... 


... 



no 



South- African Bantu Languages. 



KI- before consonants, CH- before vowels, in Swahili, Nika, Nyamwezi, Angola, etc. 
KI- in Congo before monosyllabic stems and such as begin with a vowel (cf, nn. 44, 

325, 368, 389, 413, etc.). In the same language it is entirely dropped in other 

nouns. 
SI- before consonants, S- before vowels, in Kafir, Rotse, and Nyengo. 
SE- in Chwana. It is often omitted before vowels. Ex. Atla sa gagwe " his hand ". 

Aparo sa gagwe " his clothes " ( = se-aila^ se-apa?'o). 
EJ- before vowels, E- before consonants, in Mpongwe. 
/- or E- in Dualla, Benga, etc. 

4:93. — ^' ^' I 'The proper form of this classifier in Fan is still doubtful. It seems 
to be ECH- before vowels, e. g. ech-mn^ " a young man ". Perhaps it is E- before con- 
sonants, as in Mpongwe. 



494. 



2. Bleek mentions also the form VI- in Kele and Benga. But this seems 



EXAMPLES. (Continued.) 





the chin 


the chest, (a 


bone) 


(a cob, a bunch, etc.) 




Sing. 


Plur. 


Sing. 


Plur. 


Sing. Plur. 


Tonga 


ci-lezu, 


zi- 


ci-fua, 


zi- 


ci-popue,« a cob of maize », zi- 


Bisa 


... 


... 


... 


... 


... 


Gogo 


... 


... 


... 




... 


Sagara 


ki-levula, 


vi- 


ki-fa, 


vi- 


... ... ... 


Shambala 


ki-dezu. 


vi- 


ki-fua, 


vi- 


... 


Boondei 


ki evu, 


vi- 


ki-fua, 


vi- 


... 


Taita 


... 


... 




... 


ki-konzi « a cob of corn » ... 


Nyanyembe 




... 


ki-kuwa, 


fi- 


... 


Sukuma 




... 


... 


... 


... 


Kamba 


ki-nyezwa, 


i- 


ki-sivi, 


i- 


ki-tsakwa « a cob of corn », i- 


wahili 


ki-devu. 


vi- 


ki-fua, 


vi- 


ki-tawi « a bunch », vi- 


Pokomo 


ki-yefu, 


vi- 




... 


... 


Nika 


ki-refu, 


vi- 


ki-fiia (?), 


vi- 


ki-guta « a cob of corn », vi- 


Senna 


ci-debzu, 


bzi- 


ci-fua, 


bzi- 


ci-konje « a bunch >, bzi- 


Karanga 


ci-revo, 


jwi- 






... 


Ganda 


ki-levu, 


bi- 


ki-fuba, 


bV- 


... 


Zulu-Kafir 


i si-levu, 


zi- 


i si-fuba, 


i zi- 


i si-kwebu « a cob >, i zi- 


Xosa-Kafir 


i si-levu. 


i zi- 


i si-fuba, 


i zi- 


i si-kwebu « a cob », i zi- 


Herero 


tyi-hehemenc 


, vi- 


ty-ari, 


vi- 


... ... 


Bihe 


ci-yeli 




... 




... 


Mbunda 


... 


... 


ci-tea (?) 




... ... ... 


Rotse 


... 


... 


se-foba (?) 




... 


Guha 


... 


... 


... 


... 


... 


Rua 


... 


... 


ci-kupa (.?), 


vi- 


... 


Angola 


kexu, 


(?) 


ki-fuba " bone 


", i- 


ki-lende « a bunch », i- 


Lower Congo 


bobo, pi. 


bobo 


vixi " bone ", 


pl. vixi 


kangi « a bunch », pl.kangi 


Nywema 


... 


... 


... 


... 


... 


Yao 


chi-mbundi 


, i- 


... 


... 


chi-sonde«the core of a cob»i- 


Kilimane 


... 




e-kua«the chest»(.?),vi- 


... 


Mozambique 


... 


... 


... 


... 


i-konyo, « a bunch », i- 


Ghwanaproper 


se-ledu, 


di- 


se-fuba. 


di- 


se-gwere «a cob of maize »,di- 


Suto 


se-lelu. 


di- 


se-fuba (.?), 


li- 


... 


Mpongwe 


... 


... 


e-pa « bone », 


pl. pa 


e-goro « a cob >, goro 


Fan 


... 


... 


n-kuk (.?), 


(?) 


... 


Dualla 


... 


... 


e-isi « bone », 


be- 


e-sambu « beard of corn)), be- 


Fernandian 


... 


... 


e-aka, 


bi- (?) 


... 



The ci'-zi Class. 



Ill 



to be an error, because properly speaking the Kele class VI-LA and the Benga class 
VI-L' correspond to the Tonga class KA-TU, not to CI-ZI. (Cf. 522). 

495. — 3- In Mozambique this class of nouns seems to have melted into the same 
with class IN-(ZI)N. Hence in this language the form I- (Y- before vowels) in both 
numbers, as in t-tu " a thing, things '\ y-o-lia {=i-a-7i-lta = Senna ci-a-ku-lia) " food ", 
lit. " thing for eating ". This is a result of the phonetic laws(i76). 



. Transformations of the Classifier ZI-. 

The principal forms of the plural classifier of this same 



496.- 

class are : — 

'Z^WI- in Karanga, and Yeye of Lake Ngami (cf. 109). 

BZI- in the Tette dialect of the Senna group (cf. 99). 

DZL or B'Z^I- in the Shire dialect of the same language and in Senna proper (cf.99), 

Zl- in Tonga, Kafir, Mbunda, etc. 



1 


EXAMPLES. 


[Continued.) 




r 


a stump 


a dried hide 


a detached hill 

or mountain 


an ant-hill 


alight-hole 




Sing. Plur. 


Sitig. Plur. 


Sing. Plur. 


Sing. Plur. 


Sing. Plur. 


Tonga 


ci-samo, zi- 


ci-kanda, zi- 


ci-lundu, zi- 


ci-olu, zi- 


ci-bonebone, zi- 


Bisa 


... 


ki-kanda, ... 


... 


... 


... 


Gogo 




... 


ki-gongo, ... 


... 


... 


Sagara 




... 


ki-rima, vi- 


... 


... 


Shambala 


... 


... 


ki-lima, vi- 


... 





Boondei 


ki-zibi, vi- 


ki-ngo, vi- 


ki-lima, vi- 


... 





Taita 


... 


... 


ki-fumvu 


... 


... 


Nyanyembe 


... 


... 


ki-gongo, fi- 


ki-bumbuswa, fi- 


... 


Sukuma 


... 


... 


ki-gongo, fi- 


... 


... 


Kamba 


... 


... 


ki-ima, i- 


ki-umbi, i- 


ki-tonia, i- 


Swahili 


... 


ki-kanda « a bag » 


ki-lima, vi- 


ki-suguli, vi- 


... 


Pokomo 





... 


... 


... 


ki-za, vi- 


Nika 


ki-siki, vi- 


ki-chingo, vi- 


ki-rima, vi- 


ki-so, vi- 


ki-sa (.?), vi- 


Senna 


ci-banda,bzi- 


ci-kuruo, bzi- 


ci-dunda,bzi- 


ci-uru, bz- 


... 


Karanga 


... 


... 


... 


... 




Ganda 


ki-kolo, bi- 


... 


... 


ki-wo, bi- 


ki-tuli, bi- 


Zulu-Kafir 





i si-kumba,i zi- 


... 


i si-duli, i zi- 


i si-roba, izi- 


Xosa- Kafir 





i si-kumbo,i zi- 


... 


i si-duli, i zi- 


i si-roba,izi- 


Herero 


tyi-pute, vi- 




tyi-hunj;o, o vi- 


tyi-tundu, o vi- 


otyi-tuo(.^)... 


Bihe 


... 


... 


ci-lundu (?j 


ci-mu, vi- 




Mbunda 




ci-kanda, zi- 


... 


... 


... 


Rotse 


... 


se-tumba, ... 


... ... 


se-bukomolo(?) 


... 


Guha 


... 


ki-sevva, vi- 


... ... 


... 




Rua 





ki-seva, vi- 


... 


... 




Angola 


ki-xinji, i- 


ki-ba, i- 


... 


... 


... 


Lower Congo 


xinza, pi. xinza 


... 


kundubulu 


ki-nsama, i- 


... 


Nywema 


... 


... 


... 


... 


... 


Yao 


che-singa, i- 


chi-kopa, i- 


chi-tundulima, i- 


chi-kula, i- 


... 


Kilimane 




... 


... 


... 


... 


Mozambique 


i-kokolo, i- 


... 




... 


... 


Chwana proper 


se-sipi, di- 


... 


se-tlhaba, di- 


se-olo, di- 


se-iponi, di- 


Suto 


se-sipi, li- 


... 


se-tlhala, li- 


se-thlaga, li- 


se-iponi, li- 


Mpongwe 


... 


e-banda,banda 




ej-imba, y-(.?) 


... 


Fan 




... 


... 


... 


... 


Dualla 


e-tenge(.?)be- 


... 


... 


... 


... 


Fernandian 


si-udi, bi- 


... 


... 


... 


... 



1 1 2 South-African Bmitii La7igtiages. 



Dl- in Chwana, spelt LI- in Suto and in some other Chwana dialects (cf. 9 and 173). 
VI- in Swahili, Shambala, Nika, Herero, Guha, etc. 

N. B. In Yao it is also VI- according to Last, but Hetherwick spells it I-, while Steere 
spells it FI-. It is- also spelt FI- in Nyamwezi. If this form be correct, it rnay be noted as 
being so far the only plural classifier which contains a hard consonant. 
BI- in Ganda and Nyambu, BI- or BE- in Duallaand the neighbouring languages. 
/- in Angola, Mbamba, Kamba, etc, 
Y- before vowels, suppressed before consonants, in Mpongwe. 

§ 3. Substantives which belong to the Class CI-ZI. 

497. — The substantives which fall under this class in Tonga, 
and in the generality of the Bantu languages, are principally : — 

1° The names of languages, as Ci-tonga *' Tonga ". (Cf. 484.) 

498. — 2° The word for '* a thing " ci-ntu, and some substan- 
tives in which this word is understood, as ci-tede '' such and such 
a thing ", ci-fula-mabue '' a hailstorm ", lit. " that which forges 
stones, " ci-indi *' the past ", lit. " that which is remote ", etc. 

499. — 3° The words for any sort of limited break, or cut, on 
land or water, or on a body, as ci-kule '' a national mark or cut " 
(such as circumcision for Kafirs, filing between the front teeth for 
the Herero, etc., cf. 50), ci-bongo '* a small lake ", ci-sua '' an island 
in a river ", cz-^o '' a ford in a river ", ci-vuku7nba '* an opening in 
a rock, a cave '*, Ci-ongo or Ci-ongue (in Chwana pronunciation 6"^- 
ongo) " the great Zambezi falls ", ci-limo " summer" lit. ** the break 
in the work ", from -AV;^« *' to till the ground" (cf. 52"^) ci-liba " a 
well ", ci-bonebone '' a light-hole ", etc. 

500. — 4° Whatever is what the Tonga call '* short ", i. e. 
relatively thick in one part and small in another, or halved, or 
protruding with a thick basis and to a comparatively small height, 
etc., as ci-kulukulu "' a man stooping by age ", ci-embele *' an old 
person or animal ", ci-yuni '' a bird with short legs ", ci-binda '* a 
land tortoise ", ci-penibele '' a rhinoceros " (short legs), ci-tapile '' a 
potato " (from the Dutch aard-appel), ci-lezti " the chin " ci-zui, 
** a knee ", cyi-ni " the liver ", ci-popue " a cob of maize ", ci-lala 
*' a young palm- leaf ", ci-lundu " a hill ", ci-panzi'' a half ", ci-kalo 
*' a saddle ", ci-bula " a seat ", ci-kanda '' a hide, a shield ", ci-longo 
*' a wide earthen pot ", ci-tungu '' a low-hut ", ci-zumbo ** a nest ", 
ci'sanza '' a low table ", ci-tale '' a candlestick ", ci-lapo or ci4ao 
" a paddle", etc., etc. 



The ci-zi Class. 



113 



501. — ^' B. In Congo the class KM (= Tonga CI-ZI) is the regular diminutive 
class. (Cf. 521.) 



§ 4. Etymologies. — Varia. 



502. — The Tonga and the Karanga still bear in mind very 
distinctly the proper meaning of the classifier CI-. They render it 
invariably by the English word '* short ", or by the Dutch " kort ", 
and say it is identical with the adjective -ce '' short ". But when they 
explain their mind, it can be easily made out that they attach to it in 
some cases a negative or privative, and in the others an intensive 
power, and that in many words it might be rendered by the 
adjective " thick ", rather than by the adjective " short ". Thus, 
•hile it has a negative power in ci-ntu ** a thing ", lit. ** that which 
no person " (cf. mti-ntu, " a person "), and a privative power in 
:i-panzi " a half ", ci-tungu *' a low hut ", ci-sanza " a low table ", 
:tc., it may be said to have rather an intensive or enlarging power, 
It least from our point of view, in such words as ci-pembere ** a rhino- 
ceros ", ci-rombo (Senna word) " a lord, a wild beast ", etc. This 
intensive power is further associated with 2^ productive or causative 
notion, as in ci-lezu '' the chin " lit. " that protruding part of the 
body which produces beard" (cf. indezu — inlezu'' beard "). Father 
Pedro Diaz, S. J., has noticed the privative and the intensive 
meaning of this classifier in his Angola Grammar, p. 32 (Lisboa, 
1697), ^^"i explained their connexion by saying that CI- (KE-, 
KI-) is essentially negative, but that negative expressions may 
convey both privative and superlative notions, as " no-man ", 
for instance, may signify both *' less than man " and " more than 
man ". Cf. 634. More probably the classifier CI- has two different 
etymologies, and this is the true explanation of its different powers. 
The first CI- may originally have been identical with the word 
which means '* ground " in nearly all the Bantu languages (Tonga 
mu-se, whence n-si in pa-nsi, ku-nsi, and mu-nsi, Swahili n-chi or 
n-ti, Angola ;t:^, Congo ;^-;i:2 or n-ci, Herero e-hi, etc., cf. S?>?>^)y ^^^ 
it is from this meaning of *' ground " that is has derived that of 
*' something low, short, on the ground ", as also, on the one hand, 
that of privation and negation, and, on the other, that of production. 
The second CI- may originally have been identical with the 
Karanga word ;i:^ " chief, lord ", whence its augmentative power, 

8 



114 South-African Bantu Languages. 

principally in Karanga, Senna, and Yao, as in ci-rombo '' a wild 
beast", lit. ''a wild lord " {'). 

Analogies and phonetic laws seem to point to a relation of the 
classifier CI- to the verb -cia '* to dawn " (52^), but it seems hard 
to associate the notion of '' something short " with that of '' dawn ", 
unless it be said that a thing short is only a beginning or remnant 
of something, exactly as the dawn of day is a beginning of day and 
the end of night. Cf. 994. 

The classifier ZI- (Karanga '^wi-, Swahili vi-) is probably 
related to -vuta {= -vtiila ?) " to multiply ", which is itself derived 
from 'Zua, -vua or -va "" to come out " (409(2)). Hence it conveys 
the notion of number without including that of the manner in which 
multiplication is obtained. Cf. 408. Possibly the elements vu and izi 
are closely related to one another in Bantu, as they both convey the 
notion of fecundity or development. Bleek thought that the original 
form of this classifier was PI- (^). But this opinion cannot stand 
with the fact that its modern forms contain no such hard letter as 
P. Cf. 496. 

503« — I^ ^^ examples under n. 491 : — 

1. Ci-ntu " a thing " seems to mean lit. " that which is no person ". Cf. mu-ntti " a 
person ". 

2. Ci-tojiga " the Tonga language ". It might be asked how we can find in such names 
of languages the notion of " ground " which we consider to have been conveyed originally 
by the classifier CI- (502). We answer that in such words the classifier CI- takes from 
the idea of " ground " only the notion of something which is the basis of all the rest, 
which always remains, which is characteristic, so that, for instance, Ci-tonga means lit. 
" that which is characteristic of the Tonga ". A less probable explanation of such words 
would be that which would refer them to ci-kule " a national mark ". 

3. Ci-lezu " the chin ", lit. " the ground of the beard ". Cf. 409(2). 

4. Ci-bula " a seat, a stool ", conveys the notion of something bent over itself. Cf ku- 
bola (Kafir u ku-buya) " to return ". Ki-ti^ in Swahili, means lit. " a stump of wood ". 
Cf 7n-ti " a tree ". 

5. Ci-fua '' the chest ", or " a thick bone ", Ht. " a ground of bones ", in opposition to 
the more fleshy and muscular parts of the body. 

6. Ci-samo " a stump ". Cf. mu-samo " a tree ". 

7. Ci-kanda " a dried hide ", in opposition to i-kanda and lu-kaiida " the skin ". The 
element -anda conveys the notion of " covering, protecting ". Cf. 409(7). 

8. Ci-hmdu " a hill ". Cf. i-hindu " a mountain ". The element ///, here reduplicated, 
conveys the notion of" something stretched out ". Cf 439(8), 468(3), 489. 

9. Ci-olu " an anthill ". Here again the element lu conveys the notion of something 
raised, but I do not see what notion is conveyed by the o before it. 

10. Ci-bo7iebone '' a light-hole, a window ", lit. " a hole for seeing ". From ku-bona " to 
see ". Cf 52*. 

I. The natives of Senna consider wild beasts as the embodiments of their deceased chiefs, and consider 
themselves bound to feed them. 
• 2. Comparative Grammar, p. 264. 



X. — Tf)c Dinunutitoe Class ka-tu 

anil tlje 

Sut)=Glas0e0 conncctcD toitfj it 

504. — Though the privative class CI-ZI may in some respects 
be considered as diminutive, yet, properly speaking, in the larger 
proportion of the Bantu languages such things as are small in every 
respect are found to take in the singular number the classifier KA- 
and in the plural the classifier TU-, as \L'Qi-bua '' a small dog ", 
plur. \M-bua ^. Those languages which do not agree with Tonga 

.on this point, do not agree any better among themselves, some of 

them having the classifier FI- or VI- in the singular, others on the 

contrary using VI- with a plural meaning, others forming their 

iiminutives by suffixing or prefixing the word for '* son ", 7nuana,^xz. 

§ I. Forms. 

505. — A single glance at the subjoined tables will show that 
[more information of a reliable kind is still wanted. However, here 







* EXAMPLES. 








a baby (a youth) 


a stick, a 


branch 


the opening of the 
mouth 




Sing;. 


Flur. 


Sing. 


Plur 


Sing. 


Tonga 


ka-cece, 


tu- 


ka-samo, 


tu- 


ka-nua 


Bisa 


ka-ana, 


tu- 


... 


... 


ka-nua 


jShambala 


ka-zana (youth) 


vi- 


... 




... 


Boondei 


ka-zana (youth;, 


vi- 




... 


ka-nua 


Nyanyembe 




... 


ka-tambi, 


tu- 


ka-nwa 


Sukuma 


ka-gosia, 


tu- 




... 


... 


K.amba 


ka-ana. 


tu- 


ka-munsa 


• •• 


ka-nyoa 


^wahili 








... 


(kanwa, cl. IN) 


r^ika 


ka-dzana, 


vi- 




... 


ka-nwa (?) 


Senna 


ka-;//7t/-ana, 


tu-TC'ana 


ka.-mu-t\y 


tu-w/-ti 




Karanga 


ka-ana, 


tw- 




... 




Ganda 


ka-ana. 


bu- 


ka-ti, 


bu- 


ka-m\va 


Nyambu 


ka-ana, 


tw- 


... 


... 


... 


Herero 


ka-natye. 


u- 


ka-ti. 


o-u 


... 


Bihe 




... 


... 


... 


... 


Mbunda 


... 


... 


... 


... 


ka-nwa 


Rotse 


ka-uzi (?) 


... 




... 


ka-nwa 


Lojazi 


... 


... 


... 


... 


ka-nwa 


Guha 


... 


... 


... 


... 


ka-nya, tu- 


Rua 




... 




... 


ka-nwa 


Angola 


ka-w6na, 


tu-ana (?) 


ka-/««-xi. 


tu-w/-xi 


... 


Lower Congo 


... 


... 


... 


... 




Nywema 




... 


... 


... 


... 


Yao 


ka-anache. 


tu- 


ka-pichi, 


tu- 


ka-mwa 


Kele 




... 


... 


... 




Fan 






... 


... 




Ferijandian 


si-neneheh, 


to-(?) 


s-aka, 


tw- 





ir 



Sotith-African Bantu Languages. 



are a few conclusions which can be drawn pretty safely from the 
documents at hand, viz. : — 

506. — 1° The regular diminutive classifiers are KA- in the 
singular, TU- in the plural, in the larger number of the Bantu 
languages, viz. in Tonga and all the dialects which may be grouped 
with it (Bisa, Subia, Bemba, Lea, etc., n. 65), in all the dialects of 
Nyamwezi (Nyanyembe, Sumbua, Sukuma, etc., cf. 73), in Yao, 
Kamba, Karanga, Guha, Regga (near the Mut'a-nzige), Luba, 
Lojazi, Angola, etc. 

507 — 2^ A few Tonga words, instead of taking in the plural 
the classifier TU-, require, or at least admit, another collective 
classifier. Ex. ka-ntabua '' flees ", pi. bu-; ka-ana ke mkukti *' a little 
chicken ", pi. tu-ana tue inkuku or bu-ana bue inkuku; ka-bue " a 
pebble ", pi. tu-bue or lu-buebue, etc. 

508. — ^- B. 1° The use of BU- as plural to KA- seems to be the rule in Ganda 
{Gram?naire Ruganda^ p. 6). However it may be noticed in Last's " Polyglotta " (p. i6o) that 
in Nyambu, which is a language closely akin to Ganda, the classifier used as plural to 
KA- is not BU- but TU-. Ex. ka-himbu " sister ", pi. tu-j ka-ana " child ", tiv-. 



EXAMPLES. (Continued.) 





the middle, 
the centre 


(a match, embers, 


a little fire) 


an axe 




Smg. 


Sing. 


Plur. 


Sing. Plur. 


Tonga 


ka-ti 


ka-lilo " a match ", 


tu- 


ka-ngone, 


tu- 


Bisa 


... 


... 


... 




... 


Shambala 


... 


... 






... 


Boondei 




... 


... 


... 


... 


Nyanyembe 


(ga-ti.?) 


ka-lilo " embers " 


tu- 


ka-wunana, 


tu- 


Sukuma 




... 


... 


... 




Kamba 


ka-ti 


... 


... 


ka-^oka, 


tu- 


Swahili 


ka-ti {ka...) 


... 


... 


... 




Nika 


ka-hi (.?) 


ka-dzoho " a little fire 


", vi- 


ka-dzoka, 


vi- 


Senna 


... 


... 




... 




Karanga 


ka-ti 


... 


... 


... 




Ganda 


ka-ti 


... 


... 


ka-badzi, 


bu- 


Nyambu 


... 


... 




... 


... 


Herero 


(ka-ti (?)) 


ka-parua " a match ", o u- 


... 


... 


Bihe 


o ka-ti 


... 




... 


... 


Mbunda 


ka-ti (?) 


... 


tu-ya"fire'' 


... 


... 


Rotse 


ka-ci 


... 


tu-via " fire " 


... 


... 


Lojazi 


... 


... 


tu-ya " fire " 


... 


... 


Guha 


... 


ka-hia " a little fire ", 


pi. tu-hia 


... 


. 


Rua 


... 


.. 


... 


ka-solo, tu- 


(?) 


Angola 


(xaxi ka ...) 


... 


tu-bia " fire " 


... 




Lower Congo 


... 


... 


ti-ya " fire " 


... 


... 


Nywema 




... 


... 


... 


... 


Yao 


ka-ti 






ka-wago, 


tu- 


Kele 


... 


v-eya " firewood ", 


1-eya 


vi-ondshi, 


1- 


Fan 


... 


ka-ba " a flame ", 


do-a (do-ba t) 


... 


... 


Fernandian 


... 


si-so (?) " a flame " ... 


... 


... 


... 



The KA-TU Class, 



117 



509. — 2° Again, in Herero the classifier U- (= Tonga BU-) is considered as the 
regular plural of KA-. But here two points are to be noticed : a) KA- is by no means in 
Herero the regular diminutive classifier. Any one who will peruse Dr. Biittner's " Miihrchen 
dcr Ova-Hereto " in the " Zeitschrift fiir afrikanische Sprachen " (1887- 1888) will rather 
findtliat far more diminutives are formed in Herero with the classifier RU-than with KA-. 
b) Even such substantives as admit the classifier KA- are found to be treated as if they 
had another, names of things being treated as if they had RU-, and names of persons as 
if they had MU-. Ex. O V.^-Ho xxx-horoti " a long stick " (^^Zeitschrift ",p. 189), Wa.-kurukaze 
Ma pendu/cire " the little old woman got up ", etc. 

510. — Z" In Nika the classifier TU- is replaced by VI- of class C I -Z I, probably 
because according to Nika phonetics the plural classifier TU- should be pronounced HU- 
(cf 93), which might create confusion with the singular classifier U- (= Tonga BU-). In 
Shambala also we find VI- instead of TU-. But more information is required on this 
language, as it seems that even in the singular number the Shambala classifier KA- is 
practically identified with KI- (= Tonga CI-). Ex. ka-zana ka Ki-£oxi '' a son ", (Last's 
«/'^/>/^/.,»p.4i). 

511. — 4° In the language of the Gabun River and the like, what we pronounce 
TU- in Tonga is regularly pronounced LO- or /o- (cf. 220-230). 

512. — 5" I" Senna and Angola the classifiers KA-TU have kept the regular form, 
but in most words they allow classifiers between themselves and the stems of their nouns. 
Ex. in Senna : ka-m-beni (= ka-mu-beni) " knife " pi. tu-ini-beni; in Angola, ka-m-bika 
(= ka-mu-bika cf. 279), pi. tu-a-bika^ etc. In one case in the Shire dialect of the Senna 



EXAMPLES. (Continued.) 





a little bird 


a small 


dog 


a pebble 


a second 
time 




Sitt,^. 


Plur. 


Sing. 


Plur. 


Sing. Plur. 


Sing. 


Tonga 


ka-yuni, tu- 


orbu- 


ka-bua. 


tu- 


ka-bue, tu- 


ka-bili 


Bisa 






... 


... 


... 


ka-wili (.?) 


Shambala 


ka-ndege, 


vi- 


... 


... 


ka-iwe, vi- 


ka-ili {}) 


Boondei 


... 


... 


ka-kuli, 


vi- 


... 


ka-idi 


Nyanyembe 


ka-noni, 


tu- 


ka-bwa. 


tu- 


ka-we, tu- 


ka-wili 


Sukuma 


ka-noni. 


tu- 


... 


... 


... 


ka-wili (.?) 


Kamba 


ka-nyuni 


... 






ka-iwia 


k-ele 


Swahili 




... 


... 


... 


(kawe, cl. IN) ... 


... 


Nika 


ka-dzuni, 


vi- 


ka-dya 


... 


ka-dziwe, vi- 




Senna 


... 




... 


... 


... 


ka-wiri 


Karanga 


ka-nyuni, 


tu- 


ka-ja(.?) 




ka-bwe, tu- 


ka-biri 


Ganda 


ka-bwa, 


bu- 


ka-inja. 


bu- 


... 


ka-bili (.>) 


Nyambu 


ka-nyuni. 


... 




... 


... 


ka-wili (.?) 


Herero 


ka-^era, 


ou- 


ka-ua. 


u- 


... 


... 


Bihe 




... 


ka-z«bwa(?),o tu- 


ka-we, tu- 


... 


Mbunda 




... 


ka-tari 




... 


ka-bari (.?) 


Rotse 


... 


... 


... 




... 


ka-yeri (.?) 


Lojazi 


ka-^ela. 


tu- 


ka-tari 




... 




Guha 




... 


... 




... 


...,tu-wiri(.?) 


Rua 


ka-yuni (?), 


tu- (?) 


... 




... 


ka-biji(?) 


Angola 






ka-»2bua, 




ka-r2*-tari,tu.w«-tari 


ka-yari 


Lo-wer Congo 


... 


... 






... 


... 


Nywema 


fi-ulu. 


tu- 


... 




... 


... 


Yao 


ka-juni. 


tu- 


ka-wa, 




... ... 


ka-wili 


Kele 


vi-noni, 


lo- 


... 




... 


... 


Fan 




... 






... ... 




Fernandian 


si-nodi, 


to- 


... 




... 





1 1 8 South-African Bantu Languages. 

group I find TU- changed to TI-, viz. H-ana " children " (sing, ka-mu-ana) (Nyanja New 
Testament, Mat. II, i6). Cf. 517. 

513. — 6" ^^ SwahiH I can find no evident traces of the plural classifier TU-, but 
I find traces of KA- used as a classifier. Ex. Ka-jiia 7ii \i.a.-pi? " Where is the little sun? " 
(Krapfs Did., p. 125); ka-ndia Via.-do^o " a small path " (Krapf, p. 128). However, it seems 
that, when the particle KA- forms diminutives in Swahili, it is oftener used as a merepi'efix 
thsLXi a.s 3. c/asszyier, as in ka-we. 'Kx.kaweY^--' " a little stone of... ", not/^^-w^ka... I give 
in the preceding tables the Swahili word ka-nwa " the mouth ", but I have no knowledge 
of its ever being used as a word of cl. KA. The same applies to the same word in Boondei 
and Nika. 

514;. — In Mozambique the prefix KA- is not a classifier. It forms substantives 
of the sub-class BA (346, 350 and 527, 517). 

515. — 3° In Tonga many diminutives, principally names of 
animals, are formed with the compound expressions ka-nga.,. pi. 
tu-nga.,,, lit. " little son of.., little sons of... ", in which the syllable 
nga is either a contraction for mu-ana (cf. 332), or a particular form 
of its stem -ana and then the noun following ka-nga or tu-nga 
keeps its regular prefixes. Ex. ka-nga sekale " a little musk cat, " 
lit. " a little son of musk cat ", pi. tu-nga ba-sekale ; ka-nga sulue 
** a little hare ", pi. tu-nga ba-sulue, etc. 

516- — ^- ^' I- Somewhat similar expressions are met with in Herero, with this 
difference, however, that ka in such Herero expressions acts as a mere prefix, not as a 
classifier (cf. 347, 509). Ex. ka-ha-vandye " a jackal ". 

517. — 2. In Senna many diminutives are also formed by using as a sort of prefix 
either the word mu-ana " son " in its full form, or the particle nga- (alias nya-) which 
seems to be a contraction for it. Ex. mu-ana-inbiia " a little dog ", pi. ana-mbua; 7nu-a7ia- 
mpurii " a calf ", pi. cma-mpuru ; mu-atia-mpeyo " a little stone for grinding " {tnpeyo, alias 
pheyo = a grinding-stone). Such words as take the prefix n^a or nya seem to be rather 
diminutives of politeness than real diminutives. Ex. 7iya-rugue " a tiger ", etc. (cf. 349). 
This manner of forming diminutives and their particular use Avithout any real diminutive 
meaning is common to several other languages, and is to all appearances borrowed from 
the Oriental languages, in which we continually meet with such expressions as " son of 
death, son of error, son of the house, son of Babel, son of a hundred years ", etc. Cf. in 
Mozambique the prefixes KA, NA (344, 349J. 

518. — 3- Ii'i Chwana and Kafir, as also in Rotse, diminutives are also formed by 
using the word for '' son " under the various forms -ana, -nyana, etc., but here, instead 
of being used as prefixes, these forms are on the contrary used as suffixes. Ex. in Kafir : 
u mf-ana " a young man " (from u mfo " a man "), u in-ntw-ana or u m-nt-ana " a child " 
(from u m-niu ** a person ") ; in Chwana : ntliv-ana " a little house " (from n-ilo " a house ") 
etc. Further, in the adaptation of such suffixes to the stems of the nouns we meet with 
all the various phenomena which have been previously described (nn. 202-206 and 122.) 

519. — 4- III Herero and Yao the suffix -tye or -che (= Tonga -ce, cf. 593) is 
appended to some diminutives, or even forms them by itself. Ex. in Herero : o mu-a-iye, 
pi. va-natye, or o ka-na-tye, pi. n-na-tye " child, children " ; in Yao ka-ana-she, pi. 
tu-ana-che " child, children ". 

520. — 4° In Nywema we find the Tonga classifier KA- 
replaced by FI-, which evidently is radically identical with the 



The KA-TU Class, 



119 



Tonga adjective -fui " short ", cf. 601. Rx.fiulu ** a little bird ", 
pi. tu-fnlit (Last's Polygl., p. 186). 

521. — ^' ^' !• This classifier FI- is also found in Lower Congo, but apparently 
without a plural (Bentley, p. 536). In Congo the regular diminutive class is KM (=-- Tonga 
CI-ZI). 

322. — 2. It is evidently the same classifier wich is found in Kele under the form 
VI-, in Dualla and Benga under the form VI- before vowels only, I- before consonants. 
Ex. in Kele vi-nzni " a bird", pi. h-n^ni (cf. 494;, vi-ondshi '■*■ a hatchet" pi. l-ondshi. 

523. — 3' ^" Fernandian the same classifier has the form SI-, thus being 
identical with the singular classifier of the preceding class CI-ZI. Ex. si-iuki ^^ 7i fly", 
pi. io-iuki; si-nodi " a bird " pi. tu-7todi^ etc. 

§ 2. Substantives which belong to the KA-TU Class 
AND THE Sub-classes connected with it. 



524. — Unmistakably only such substantives fall under this 
class as express true diminutives from a Bantu point of view. 
Such are : — 

lo Points of separation of various things, as ka-ti ** the very 
centre or middle of a thing ", ka-kokola '' the joint of the arm ", ka- 
ango " the centre of the breast ", etc. 

525- — 2^ Things which are not only low or short, but compara- 
tively small in every dimension, 2iS ka-nyamankala " a little animal ", 
ka-pamba " a little baby ", ka-samo " a branch, a stick, a quite 
young tree ", ka-nvua '' a thorn ", ka-7iyenyezi " a little star ", ka- 
sua '* a small island ", (cf. ci-sua, '' an ordinary Island "), ka-ciocio 
*' an ear-ring", ka-langulango '* an ear-ring ", ka-lilo " a match ", 
ka-longo '' a cup ", (cf. i-longo '' a high earthen pot ", ci-longo " a 
low earthen pot ", bii-longo " pot-clay ", 7nu-/onga or mu-longo 
" a muddy river "), ka-ngone " a small axe ", ka-sako " a small 
poisoned arrow ", ka-simbi *' a nail", etc. 

526. — We must also consider as belonging to the class KA- 
such words as ka-niue " once ", or '* the first time ", ka-bili'' a second 
time ", ka-tatu " a third time ", etc. For though, from a European 
point of view, we might consider them as adverbs, they are never- 
theless true substantives from the Bantu point of view. In Kafir 
and a few other languages the classifier KA- has been retained 
exclusively for such words, and in these languages they may be 
said to have become adverbs proper. 



I20 South-African Bantu Languages, 

§ 3. Etymologies. — Varia. 

527. — The diminutive classifier KA- is probably the element 
from which is formed the verb -inka '* to start " (Kafir mkd). 
There is no need to explain how this notion of " mere determination 
or departure " is very naturally applied to the starting point of a 
thing, and to things that are in their first stage of formation. This 
etymology throws light on another fact, viz. the peculiar use of the 
prefix KA- in Mozambique, NKA- in Kafir and Senna, before 
several substantives of the class MU-BA or of the class IN-ZIN. 
For it may be noticed that such substantives, when they are not 
diminutives, are principally either those of animals remarkable for 
their '* rapid starts ", or the like. Ex. in Mozambique : ka-lamu ** a 
lion ", pL a-kalamu (in Senna nka-lamu, pi. (zi)n-kalmnii), ka-pwiti 
" a gun ", pi. a-kapwiti, ka-rumia ** a messenger ", pi. a-karumia, 
ka-mruxo *' sensation ", etc. 

In some words the diminutive classifier KA- reminds rather of 
the verb -kala *' to sit, not to move " than of the verb -inka. 

528. — The plural classifier TU- is probably derived from the 
verb -tula or -tola " to take, to carry " (Kafir -twald), exactly as 
the other ///^^/classifiers are respectively derived from the verbs 
'ball, 'ziala, -mala or -mana, and -vula (-zuilaf). Hence it is that 
we find it used almost exclusively for such things as are taken up, 
and, as it were, pluralised by the hand, such as tu-sarno *' branches ", 
tU'simbi ** nails ", etc. This may even be the reason why the word 
ka-ntabua '' a flea ", pi. bu-ntabua, and the like, borrow another 
classifier than TU- in order to form their plural. It may be noticed 
that this is of all the plural classifiers the only one which has a hard 
letter in the generality of the Bantu languages. 

529. — The examples given under n. 504 may be explained etymologically as 
follows : — 

1. Ka-cece " a baby ". The reduplicated element ce means " short, small ". It is essen- 
tially identical with the classifier CI- (502). 

2. Ka-sarno " a branch, a stick ". Cf. mu-samo " a tree ", 384(7). 

3. Ka-nua " the opening of the mouth ". I have never heard this word myself in Tonga, 
I take it from Livingstone's Mss. It seems to be related to the verb -nyua (Senna •mwd) 
" to drink ". Possibly it is related to li-7io " a tooth ", pi. me7io. It may therefore be that 
it means lit. " the opening through the teeth " or " the opening for drinking ". 

4. Ka-ti " the centre, the middle ", lit. " a point in the very ground (of a thing) " 
Related to muse " the ground " (Swahili n-ti or n-chi). Cf. 384(7), and 502. 

5. Ktililo " a match ", lit. " a small fire ". Cf. mu-lilo " fire ", 384(8). The Guha word 



The KA-TU Class. 



121 



ka-hia " a flame ", plur. tu-hia " fire " (Angola tu-bia^ Rotse twvia^ etc.) is derived from 
.pia " to burn " (52*). 

6. Ka-n^one " an axe ". This again is a word which I take from Livingstone's Mss. It 
must be related to ift-kuni " wood ", and therefore signify lit. " that which goes through 
wood. " 

7. Ka-yuni " a small bird ". The stem -yuni probably means " in the air '', from -ni " in " 
(553-555), and -yu^ which is related to the stem -oya of inu-ova " the air ". 

8. Ka-bua " a small dog ". The stem biia is onomatopoetic, being derived from the 
barking of the dog. 

9. Ka-bue " a pebble ". Cf. i-bue " a stone ", 439(7). 

10. Ka-bili " a second time ". From -bili " two ", 792. 



XL — Jiocatitie Classifiers 

anti 

Btepositions 

530. — This is a subject which we must consider apart from 
European views concerning the cases of substantives in general and 
locatives in particular, because they would be an obstacle to a cor- 
rect perception of the Bantu mind. To explain myself, when we say, 
for instance, " it is dark in the house ", '' he lives above me ", ** he 
lives below me ", etc., we are accustomed to consider the expression 
*' in the house " as a locative which has no influence at all on the 
verb **it is dark"; and likewise the words "above, below" are not 
substantives, but prepositions : otherwise we should say " above of 
me, below ^me ", etc. On the contrary in the larger number of the 
Bantu languages such expressions as '' in the house ", '* above ", 
** below ", etc., are substantives of the same type as those we have 
examined in the preceding articles, and require after them the same 
constructions as if we had " the-inside-of-the-house ", '* the-place- 
above ", *' the-place-below ", etc. Thus we have in Tonga : — 
yi\X-nganda mu-la-sm, lit. " the-inside-of-the-house zV-is-dark ", i. e. " it is dark in 

the house ". 
U-kede Wu-fala \s.u-angu, lit. " he lives the-place-above f/iaf-o(-me, " i. e. " he lives 

above me ". 
U-kede \i\x-nsi ]s.u-angu, lit. " he lives the-place-down ihat-oi-mo. ", i. e. " he lives 

below me ". 
In all such sentences it may be seen how the locative elements 
MU- and KU- act as ordinary classifiers, requiring the expressions 
governed by them {m.\l-Ia-sta, \z.\X-angu) to be also determined by 
prefixes like themselves (MU- and KU-). 

531. — It will, however, be seen further on that in some lan- 
guages these locative elements deviate partially from the nature of 
classifiers. Thus in Kafir we shall ^nd pe-zulu kw-am " over me ", 
instead oi pe-zulu pa-am, etc. 

532. — In the generality of the Bantu languages the locative 
classifiers are three in number. In Tonga their forms are MU-, 
KU-, (P)A-. In several of the Eastern languages the classifier MU-, 
instead of being prefixed, is on the contrary suffixed, and changed 
to -n\^ or -m or -ini (cf. 553). 

533. — A good number of stems are susceptible of receiving 



Locative Classifiers and Prepositions. 



123 



the three different locative classifiers ; but then the change of clas- 
sifier produces a change of meaning, which seems not to have been 
sufficiently attended to in some translations of the New Testament. 
Thus in Tonga, for instance, three locatives are derived from the 
noun muse " earth ", viz. (p)a-^2-^/, ku-;^-i"/ and vciM-n-si ; but the 
meaning of the three is different, viz. (p)a-«.r2 — '' on the ground, 
at the surface..." ; \^M-7Lsi— "■ below", with a notion of comparison; 
vCiM-nsi — ** inside " (of some solid substance, such as the earth) *. 

§ I, Transformations of the Locative Classifier PA-. 

534. — The principal forms so far known of the first of these 
locative classifiers exhibit all the intermediary labial sounds between 
A- with a slight labial aspiration and PA-, viz. : — 



^ EXAMPLES. 





down 


below 


within 
(beneath) 


upon 


above 


in the air 


Tonga 


(p)a-nsi 


ku-nsi 


mu-nsi 


(p)e-julu 


ko-julu 


mo-julu 


Bisa 


pa-nsi 






pe-ulu 


ku-e-ulu 




Gogo 


ha-si 


... 


... 


... 


ku-chanya 


... 


Sagara 


ha-si 


ku-nda-«z 


... 


... 




... 


Shambala 


ha-xi 


... 




... 


... 


... 


Boondei 


ha-si 


i-si (?) 


nda-< 


... 


... 


... 


Nyanyembe 


ha-si 




... 


... 


kw-igulia 


... 


Sukuma 


ha-nsi 


... 


... 


... 


... 


... 


Kamba 


wa-si (?) 


... 


ndi-m" 


ulu {wa...) 


ku-ulu 


... 


Swahili 


... 


... 


1 nda-«z 


... 


juu 


m-bingu-«/ 


Nika 


... 


... 


dzi-«/ 


... 




... 


Senna 


pa-nsi 


ku-nsi 


mu-nsi 


... 


ku-zulu(.^) 


... 


Karanga 


pa-si 


ku-si 


mu-si 


pe-juru 


ku-denga 


... 


Ganda 


wa-nsi 


... 


mu-nda 


wa-gulu 


gulu 


... 


Zulu 


pa-ntsi 


e za-ntsi 


... 


pe-zulu 


... 


e-zulu-/«r 


Xosa 


pa-ntsi 


e za-ntsi 


... 


pe-zulu 


... 


e-zulu-/;// 


Herero 


p-e hi 


k-ehi 


m-o ukoto 






... 


Bihe 




... 




... 


k-iiu 




., 


Mbunda 


ka-zi (?) 


... 


... 


... 


ko-elo 




.. 


Lojazi 


... 


... 




... 


ko-ilo 




,, 


Rotse 


ba-nje 


ku-inje 


... 


... 


ko-ilo 






Guha 


ha-nsi 






he-gulu 








Rua 


ha-nsi 


ku-nsi 




he-ulu (?) 


ku-uiu (.?) 




.. 


Angola 


b-o xi 


k-o xi 


m-o xi 


... 


... 




.. 


Congo 


va-nxi 


ku-nanxi 


mu-nxi 


... 








Nywema 


ha-xi... 


la-xi 


... 




lu-ulu 






Yao 


pa-si 


ku-si 


... 


pe-nani 


... 






Kilimane 


(v)a-ti 




mo-ti« 


va-dulo 


... 




.. 


Mozambique 


(v)a-thi 




mw-Vma 


va-chulu,va-zulu 




m-( 


:hulu 


Chwana proper 


te«g 


fa-tla-se 


mo-tewg 


... 


go-dimo 




.. 


Suto 


te«g 


(katla-se) 


mo-te«g 


... 


go-Hmo 




.. 


Mpongwe 


... 


gontye 


... 


... 


gw-igonu 






Fan 


e-dsi 


... 


... 


e-yu (we-yu(?)) 


... 




.. 


Dualla 


wa-si 


... 


... 


... 


... 




.. 


Fernandian 


ua-tshe (.?) 


/o-she (.?) 




... 


bo-ko(?) 




•• 



124 



South-African Bantu Languages. 



535« — A- commonly, PA- after w nasal, in Tonga. 

A- commonly in Taita. Ex. di.-ndu " a place ", 3.-vuht " near ". 
HA- in Subia, Nyamwezi, Mbamba, Nywema, etc. Possibly this is 
pronounced as A- in Tonga. 

536« — ^A- in Ganda, and in a few words in Kamba and Swahili. In a few 
other words in Swahili it has kept the form FA. Ex. i^2i-hali ^-ote 
" in every place ", etc. In some other words both in Kamba and 
Swahili, as also in Nika and perhaps in Congo, this classifier is 
simply omitted. 

537« — HA- in some Chwana dialects, the H being pronounced as a sort of 

hard labial aspirate. 
FA- in the other Chwana dialects (cf. ii). 
BFA- in Pokomo, according to the " Zeitschrift filr afrika7iis€he 

Sprachen ", 1 888-1 889, p. 164. The only example given for it is 



EXAMPLES. (Continued.) 




near (on 
the same level) 


near (on 
different levels) 


far, very far 


outside 


outside 

1 


Tonga 


(p)a-fu(p)i 


ku-fu(p)i 


ku-le,kulekule 


(p)a-nze 


ku-nze 


BiPa 




... 


ku-tali 


... 


... 


Gogo 


... 


... 


ku-tali 






Sagara 


b-ehi 


... 


ku-tali (.?) ... 


... 


ku-nje 


Shambala 


h-ehi 




... 


... 




Boondei 


h-ehi 


■k-ehi(.?) 


ha-le 


... 


... 


Nyanyembe 


b-ihi (.?) 


... 


ku-le 


ha-nze" place" 


ku-nze 


Sukuma 


... 


... 


ku-le 


... 


... 


Kamba 


wa-guwe 




ku-acha a/Za^ku-atsa 


e-nsa (?) 


nsa 


Swahili 


ka-ribu 


... 


m-bali 


wa-zi (?) 


nje 


Nika 


v-evi 




ku-re 


... 


ndze 


Senna 


pa-fupi 


ku-fupi 


ku-tali 


... 


ku-nje 


Karanga 


pa-fupi 


ku-fupi 


ku-re 


... 


... 


Ganda 


wa-mpi 


ku-mpi 


wa-la 


w-eru 


ku-sa 


Zulu 




ku-fupi 


ku-de 


pa-ndle 


e-ndle 


Xosa 


... 


ku-fupi 


ku-de,ku-dele 


pa-ndle 


e-ndle 


Herero 


... 


... 


ku-re (.?) ... 


p-e ndye 


k-o si 


Bihe 






... 


... 




Mbunda 


ba-moheje(?) 




ko-lajalaja 




ku-ese 


Lojazi 


a-moyeye (.?) 




ko-laja 


... 


kua-lebu 


Rotse 


b-ebe 


... 


ko-re,korekore 


ba-nde 


... 


Guha 


ha-buiyi 




ku-le 




... 


Rua 


h-epi 




ku-lele 




... 


Angola 


... 


ku-mbambu 


... 


bu-kanga 


... 


Congo 


va-na ndambu 


cu-na ndambu 


va-la 


? 


ku-na mbaji 


Nywema 


h-eni (?) 




... 


... 


lan-za 


Yao. 


pa-ngulugulu 




ku-talika ... 


pa-sa 


ku-sa 


Kilimane 


... 






va-nje (?) 


... 


Mozambique 


va-tama 




u-tai (=u-tali) 


va-the 


... 


Ch-wanaproper 


ga-ufe 


... 


... 


fa-ntle 


... 


Suto 


ga-ufi 




go-le 


fa-ntle 


(ka ntle) 


Mpongw^e 


ba-raba 


... 


gw-evungu (.?) 


... 


gw-igala 


Fan 


... 


... 


e-vale 


... 


... 


Dualla 


... 


... 


... 


... 


... 


Fernandian 


bi-ho 


ko-pie 


bu-sualo (.^) 


... 


... 



Locative Classifiers and Prepositions. 



125 



bfa-7itu '' a place " (= Y^o pa-?tdu, Sagara ha-ntu, Kamba va-ndu 
or wa-ndu, Taita andu, Nika va-tu, Chwana/^/^-/^-^/^, etc.) 
F"^- in Mozambique, Nika, and Congo. 

A^. B. I. In Congo the preposition NA (cf. 579) is generally appended to VA-. Hence 
the compound classifier VA-NA. 

2. Concerning the suffix -ni or -«g, which is appended to some words of this class 
in Chwana, Mozambique, etc., cf. 553, 554. 

538. — BA- in Rotse, and probably in Nyengo, perhaps also in a few words 

in Mpongwe. 
A^, B. In Mpongwe the classifier PA- seems to be regularly replaced by GO-. Besides, 
in this language the mechanism of locatives has lost much of its regularity. 

539. — BUA-, or simply BU-, in Angola, 

54:0. — PA- commonly in Karanga, Senna, Yao, etc. 
A^. B. In Herero it seems that the regular form of this classifier should also be PA. 



EXAMPLES. (Continued.) 





bet"ween 


inside 


together (same 
time or place) 


yesterday 


to-morrow 








(last night) 


(in the morning) 


Tonga 


(p)a-kati 


mu-kati 


(p)a-mue 


(p)e-jilo 


(p)e-junza 


Bisa 


... 


... 


... 




... 


Gogo 


ha-li-gati 




... 


... 


... 


Sagara 


ha-gati 


... 


ha-mue 


... 


ha-usiku (?) 


oXidlXl JJcLla 

Boondei 






ha-mue . 


... 


kei'o-t 


Nyanyembe 


ha-gati 


m-gati 


ha-mo 


h-igolo 




Sukuma 








... 




Kamba 


wa-kati 


kati (ya...) 


wa-mue 


io 


... 


Swahili 


wa-kati (?) 


kati (ya./.) 


pa-moja 


... 


... 


Nika 


... 


nda.-m 


va-menga 


dzana 




Senna 


pa-kati 


m-kati 


pa-modzi 


... 




Karanga 


pa-kati 


mu-kati 


pa-mue mpera 


pe-jiro (.?) 


... 


Ganda 


wa-kati 




wa-mu 


e-guro 


... 


Zulu 


pa-kati 




ka-nye 


pe-zolo 




Xosa 


pa-kati 




ka-nye 


pe-zolo 




Herero 


p-o kati 


m-o kati 


pa-mue 


... 




Bihe 


p-o kati 


m-o kati 


... 






Mbunda 






... 


ba-sindele {?) 


he-mene (?) 


Lojazi 


... 




... 


? 


he-mene {?) 


Rotse 


ba-kaci 


... 




be-goro 


be-onda 


Guha 






... 


... 


... 


Rua 


... 




... 


... 




Angola 


bu-a-xaxi 


mu-a-xaxi 


bu-a-moxi 


... 


... 


Congo 


va-na kati 


mu-na kati 


va-moxi 


e zono (?) 




Nywema 






... 




... 


Yao 


pa-kati 


m-kati 


pa-mpepe 


... 


.1. 


Kilimane 


v-arre 


m-arre 








Mozambique 


v-ari 


e-ri-ari (ya) 


va-moka 




... 


Chwanaproper 


fa-gare 


mo-gare 


... 


(ma-abane) 


(ka moxo) 


Suto 


fa-gare 


mo- gare 






... 


Mpongwe 


go gare 




... 


... 


... 


Fan 


... 


... 


... 


... 




Dualla 










... 


Fernandian 


ua-muela 


••• 


... 


m-padi 


... 



126 



SoUth'Africa7i Bantu Languages. 



But in this language the articles e^ o, are kept after locative classifiers. Hence the forms 
PE = PA-E, and PO = (PA-O). 

541. — Concerning the mode of connecting this classifier with 
the stem, it may be remarked that in many words the non-locative 
classifier does not disappear altogether. Thus in Tonga we find 
(p)a-wsi " down " = (p)a-rxiM-se, from muse '* the ground " ; (/>)ey 
ulu ** up" = (p)a'\\-julu, or rather /^-ij-?//^^ (cf. 256), from ij-ulu 
'' the sky ". Cf 559. In fact the classifier /^^- is joined immediately 
to the stem only when the same stem is that of an adjective, as in 
(p)a-fu(p)i " near ", from -fu(p)i '' short " (cf 601 "'), (p)a-mue 
'* together " from -mue " one " (cf 792). 



EXAMPLES. (Continued.) 





before,in front 


behind 


where ? 


whither? 
whence? 


in the house 


Tonga 


ku-ne-mbo 


mu-sule 


(p)a-li? 


ku-li ? 


mu nganda 


Bisa 


ku-menso 


ku-numa 


... 


... 


... 


Gogo 


ku-mwando 


ku-mgongo 


... 


... 


... 


Sagara 


ku-mwande 


ku-nyuma 


ho-ki ? 




mu numba 


Shambala 


... 


... 


... 


... 


... 


Boondei 


... 


nyuma-/ 


ha-i? 


ku-i ? 


nyumba-w/ 


Nyanyembe 


ku-mbele 


ku-numa 


... 


... 


mu numba 


Sukuma 


ku-mbele 


ku-mpirimu 


... 


... 


... 


Kamba 


ku-longuisia (?) 




wa? 


... 


... 


Swahili 


... 




wa-pi ? 




nyumba-«/ 


Nika 


mbele 


nyuma 


... 




... 


Senna 


pa tsogolo 


ku mbuyu 


... 


ku-pi ? 


m'nyumba 


Karanga 


ku-mbiri 


... 


pi(?) 


ku-pi ? 


mu mumba 


Ganda 


mbele 


nyuma 


wa?(= wa-pi) 


... 


mu nyumba 


Zulu 


pa-mbili 


e-mva 


pi? 


... 


e XidX-ini 


Xosa 


pa-mbili 


e-mva 


pi? 




e ndl-zW 


Herero 


k-o meho 


k-o mbunda 


pi? . 


... 


m-o ndyuo 


Bihe 


... 


... 


... 


... 


... 


Mbunda 


... 


... 


... 


ku-i? 


... 


Lojazi 


... 


... 


... 


... 


... 


Rotse 


... 


... 


... 


ko-fe? ko-bi(?) 


mo mbata ij) 


Guha 




ku-nimba 


... 


... 


mu nsese 


Rua 


ku-mbele 


ku-nimba 


... 


kw-ehi ? 


... 


Angola 


ku-polo 


ku-rima 


... 


... 


... 


Congo 


ku-na mpuaxi 


ku-na nima 


v-eyi ? 


kw-eyi ? 


mu-na nzo 


Nywencia 


lu-kavi 


lu-kongo 






... 


Yao 


pa-ujo 


ku-nyuma 


pa-pi? 


kw-api ? 


m nyumba 


Kilinaane 


... 


... 


va-i (?) 


... 


mo nyumba (?) 


Mozambique 


u-holu 


u-thuli 


va-i? 


... 


1 mwa-ngi 

1 (or) va-nupa-ngi 


Oil wan a proper 


pele 


mo-rago 


ka-e? 


... 


mo tlu-«g 


Suto 


pele 


mo-rago 


faka-e? 


... 


tlu-;zg 


Mpongwe 


go bosyo 


go-nyuma 


... 


gw-ee? 


go nago 


Fan 


e-nsu 


e-nvis (.?) 


... 




... 


Dualla 


o-boso 


... 


... 


... 


... 


Fernandian 


... 


ua-i (?) 


... 


... 


•■• 



Locative Classifiers and Prepositions. 127 



§ 2. — Transformations of the Locative Classifier KU-. 

542. — The principal forms of the second locative classifier 
(Tonga KU-) are : — 

KU- in Tonga, Bisa, Gogo, Nyamwezi, Senna, Kaguru, Herero, etc. ; 
and also in some words in Kafir, Swahili, and Nika. 

N. B. I. Here again Herero distinguishes itself by allowing an article to stand after 
the locative classifier. Hence the forms KE = KU-E, and KO=KU-0. 

2. In Congo generally, and in a few words of some other languages, the preposition 
NA is appended to the locative classifier KU-. Hence in Tonga ku-nembo " in front of " 
ku-na-imbo " to the face ". It will be seen further on how LI is appended to KU- in several 
cases (579-581). 

543. — GO- in Chwana, KWA- (= Kafir e or se) in certain cases (cf. 579). 
A^. B. The Chwana KWA- must have originally contained the preposition KA (Kafir 

NGA, which conveys the notion of" direction to or from... ". For, according to phonetic 
laws, the Chwana k always stands for ng of the other languages, unless it be followed by 
h (190, 175)- 

GO- in Mpongwe. 

U- in Mozambique and in some languages of the Comoro islands. 

544. — KU- in certain Kafir expressions, as kubo " near them ", ku-taiu '' in 

three moves ", etc. Cf. ku-a^ n. 784. 
E- {SE-, when immediately preceded by a vowel) in certain other 
Kafir expressions as entloko " on the head ", etc. 

N. B. I. It should be noted that when the Kafir prefix E is equivalent to KU, the 
locative it forms does not receive the suffix -INI, which it does when it corresponds to 
the Tonga locative classifier MU-. Thus the Kafir word entloko " on the head " is equi- 
valent to the Tonga word ku inutue^ while e ntlokweni {= e ntloko-tni (cf. 554) should be 
rendered in Tonga by fnu tnu-tue " in the head ". 

2. E- is used also in Ganda and in Nyambu as a locative classifier corresponding to 
the Tonga KU-. This is another link connecting the language of the Upper Nile with the 
Kafir of the South. In Ganda e- is often replaced by eti (cf. 579). 

545. — LU-Qx LA- in Nywema. 

N. B. I. In Last's " Polygloita " we find ov\y LU- in the Kusu dialect of Nywema, while 
in Nywema proper we find both LU- and LA-. Examples may be seen in the preceding 
comparative tables (533). 

2. More information is wanted with regard to Fan, Dualla, and Fernandian. 

546. — In Swahili and in Nika no locative classifier is prefixed to the equi- 
valents of the Tonga words ku-nze^ ku-nsi, etc., as may be seen above. However, in 
both these languages we find KU- locative often prefixed to the possessive particle 
a. Ex. in Swahili : kiu-a-mamae " at his mother's place " kw-a-ko " at thy place ", etc. 
And in Swahili we find the expression ku-wili " the second time ", where KU- is 
properly the locative classifier (cf. 544). 



128 South-African Bantu Languages. 



§ 3. Transformations of the Classifier MU-. 

547. — The 3^ locative classifier distinguishes itself from all 
the other classifiers by the fact that in some languages, e. g. in 
Swahili, it is suffixed to the stem of the word instead of being pre- 
fixed, and in some others, e. g. in Kafir and Chwana, it is partly 
prefixed, partly suffixed. 

5*4:8. — •^- B. It will be explained further on (760, 761) how the suffix -ni or -ini 
is a real classifier. Meanwhile here is an example which makes it plain : in Kamba 
nyumba y-ako renders " thy house ", while nyzwiba-ni mM-ako renders " in thy house ", 
where the change o^y-ako " thy " to viu-ako can be only explained by saying that the suffix 
-ni in the expression nyuiiiba-n\ " in thy house " is a classifier equivalent to MU-. (Cf. 
Bleek's Gr.,p. 179). 

549. — The principal forms of this locative classifier are : — 

MU- in Tonga, Congo, Angola, Rotse, Karanga, etc. 

N. B. I. In Hererp this classifier combines with the article. Hence MO = MUG. 
2. In Congo the particle 7ia " with " is generally added to MU-. Ex. mu-?takati " inside ". 
(Cf 579). 

550. — MU- commonly, MW- before vowels, in Ganda, Boondei, Nya- 

mwezi, etc. 

551. — M- in Senna. 

N. B. In the manuscripts of my Senna informant M- is often changed to N- before 
dental sounds. In all probability it was also pronounced N- before it came to be dropped 
in Swahili, Nika, Kamba, Suto, etc. [552(1), 554, and 555.] 

552. — MO- -\- suffix -/«g or -«g in Chwana. Ex. mo-fsekni^ *' in the road " 
(= mo-isela-in^) cf 201. 

N. B. I. In Suto and some other Chwana dialects the prefix tno is generally omitted. 
Ex. tselcK^ " in the road " [= n-tselenq{$$i) == mo-tselen^\ 

2. In these languages, the suffix -in^ or-«gis appended to many locatives which do not 
seem to belong to this class. Cf 568. 

553. — MU^- or M- -\- suffix -n^i or -ni in Mozambique. Ex. va-piro-n^i or 
m-///'^-ni " in the road ". 

N. B. I. In this language, as in Chwana, this suffix -«g/ or ni is also found after the 
locative classifiers VA and U. Ex. in-wa-n^i ox u-wa-n^i or va-nupa-ni " in the house " ; 
u-bingu-ni " in the sky ", etc. 

2. The suffix -ni is replaced by -na in the word mu-hi-na, or m-hi-na, " inside " 
(= Tonga w«-«J-z, cf 174). 

554. — E--\- suffix -ini in Kafir. Ex. e ndlele-ni " in the road " (= e ndlela-'mi 
N. B. In Kafir the suffixing of -ini or -in^ causes the various changes of consonants 

described in n. 122. Ex. : e inlonyeni " in the mouth " (from ti mlomo " the mouth "), 
e inlanjeni " in the river " (from u mla7nbo " a river "), ^ ngutyeni " in the blanket " (from 
i ngubo " a blanket "), e zinsatsheni zam " among my children " (from i Jtsapo " the child- 
ren of... "), e inahlwentsheni " among the poor " (from a mahlwefnpu " the poor "). 

555. — Suffix -ni without prefix in Swahili, Nika, and Kamba. 



Locative Classifiers and Prepositions, 129 



§ 4. Plural Locative Classifiers. 

556. — Stninge to say, we find some appearance of a plural 
locative classifier. Thus in Swahili we find the word for ** place " 
rendered not only hy pa- kali, but also by ma-hali. I cannot explain 
this otherwise than by saying that ma-hali was originally a sort of 
plural oi pa- kali, unless the prefix ma- in ma-hali be considered as 
being of foreign importation. Again, in Tonga, Senna, and in some 
other languages, we find the expression " at night " rendered by ma- 
n-siku (= Kafir e b-suku), from bu-siktt " night ". This is either a 
plural form, or a contraction for mti-a-n-siku, which is not probable. 

557. — ^^- B- The Swahili word ma-hali is treated as if it had the classifier PA. 

Ex. IsJLa-halt ^-ote " in every place ". 

§ 5. Effects of the Locative Classifiers on the other 
Prefixes of the Substantives. 

558. — There is a great variety in the effects produced by 
locative classifiers on the prefixes of the nouns to which they are 
prefixed or suffixed, or vice versa. Let us just notice the most 
important : — 

559. — 1° In Tonga and in most other languages the locative 
classifiers in some cases weaken the classifier MU- of classes 
MU-BA and MU-MI, as well as the classifiers (L)I-, (I)N- and 
BU-, often causing them to be reduced to the mere nasal n, but 
seldom to disappear altogether. Ex. : — 

From vnxi'Se " the ground " : A-n-st, Ku-w-si, Mu-n-si. 

N. B. In this example the further change of e to i is caused by the accent being 
displaced (cf. 271). 

From mu-h'/o " fire " : mu-n-dido " in the fire ". 

A^. B. With regard to the change of / to d cf. 285. N directly causes the change of the 
first / to d, while the second / is also changed to d by attraction. 

From in-ganda *• a house " : ku-nga?ida " towards the house " ; tnu-nganda " in 
the house ". 

From i-tala " a sloping ground " : (p)e-tala " on the side " ; ku-tala " above " ; 
mu-tala " on sloping ground ". 

From \yulu " the sky "'.(p)tyulu "upon"; koyulu "on h\gW;mQyulu "in the air". 

From hu-botu " good land " : (p)a-M-boiu " on good land ". Cf. ma-n-siku " at 
night " from hu-siku. 

N. B. In Angola we find even 7mt-a.-lunga " in the sea ", from l^a-lunga " the sea ". 
Cf. Chatelain's Gr., p. 87. 

9 



130 South' African Bantu Languages. 

560. — 2^ On the contrary, the locative classifier MU- is often 
weakened when occurring before the classifier MA-. Ex. tt-manzi 
or 7n77tanzi — in the water (cf. 279). 

561. — 3° Something more remarkable is to be noticed in the 
application of the laws concerning monosyllables to which the use 
of the locative classifiers gives place. Thus it may be remembered 
how the law of avoiding monosyllables had given us in Swahili;^-^^ 
** the loins " , it-ta or n-cha '' a point ", n-ti or n-chi '' land ", etc., 
(cf. 389); and in Chwana n-^ht^ or en-^/u " a house ", n-h4r or en-ku 
'* a sheep ", etc., (cf 392), instead of the monosyllables so, ta, cha, 
ti, chiy tlu, ku, etc. Now, when locative classifiers are prefixed or 
suffixed to these words, the initial n- or en- is no longer required 
by the law of avoiding monosyllables. Hence the locative forms of 
the same words are in Swahili,not n-so-ni *'in the loins ", hvXso-ni; 
not n-chi-ni ov n-tini '' on the ground ", but chi-ni or ti-ni;^\.z.\ 
and in Chwana, not mo-n-tlu-n^ " in the house ", but mo-tlu-n^ (in 
the Suto dialect tlu-n^), etc. 

§ 6. On the Use of the Locative Classifiers. 

562. — 1° In Tonga, and in the larger number of the Bantu 
languages, the locative classifiers serve to form those locative sub- 
stantives which correspond to most of our adverbs of time and 
place, such as ** down, up, below, yesterday ", etc., etc., and to our 
compound prepositions, such as " be-fore, in-side, a-side, a-midst, 
with-in ", etc. Only, as has been mentioned above (530), and as 
will be more fully explained further on (755-764), it should be well 
kept in mind that from the Bantu point of view they are substan- 
tives, and that, consequently, when they are equivalent to such 
compound prepositions as the above, they generally require to be 
completed by various connective particles. The Tonga say, for 
instance: u-a-kala kuns i k.U3. manzi *' he remained under water ", 
not u-a-kala kunsi manzi. 

563. — 2° The locative classifiers do duty for most of our simple 
prepositions ; then in most cases there is no objection to 
separating them from their noun. 

In Tonga, and in the larger number of these languages, (P)A 
means '' on, flat on, close to, etc. ", thus expressing properly a 
relation of close proximity, as of things which are face to face. PA 



Locative Classifiers and Prepositions, C31 



;isalso used when mentioning the determined time of an action. 

KU implies distance, or *' receding from ", or again " coming 
from some distance to... " It may be rendered according to the 
cases by " to, from, among, over, compared to..., etc. ". 

MU means properly '' in ". 

Ex. : — 

564. — (P)A. U-a-yala a bii-enga^ he went along the edge of the water. 
Ba-a-mu-bika a 7Jiu-lilOy they put him over the fire. 
Ta ku-konduadilu-sele, no work is done on the day of the new moon. 
Ba-lia in-shna t.jimzajunza^ they eat porridge in the morning. 
A mi-lia^ on feast days. 
Ba-a-hika n-zoka nm-nko7no a mu-liango^ they put a snake in a 

bag on the doorway. 
Ba-a-bika n-zoka a mu-biri^ they put a snake round their body. 

565. — KU. Mu-oya ua Leza uza ku ba-ntu^ the spirit of God comes to men. 
Inyue-no mu-a-kaya \loJuIu..., you who have gone to heaven. 
Ba-a-ka tuba ku mu-tue, they turned white at the head, i. e. 

their hair turned white. 
Ba-lavu ba ku ba-bua ba-akue, lions are among his dogs. 
Ba-ana ba-la toligua ku Burumbu^ the children are taken to the 

land of the Rotse. 
Ba-kede ku Kafuefue, they live on the Kafuefue. 

566. — MU. Tu-njizie 7na-anza vcHmanzi^ let us put the hands into the water. 
U-la njila mu figanda, he enters into the house. 
Ba-sangu ta be-zi va'munzi, the sangu (kind of spirit) do not come 

into the town. 
U-a-fua mu 7tganda i-a-kue^ he died in his house. 
U-kede mu cisua^ he lives in an island. 
Ba-la kala mu mabtie, they live in the rocks (in caves). 

567. — -^V. B. I. In Senna PA seems to be often used where the Tonga use KU. 
Likewise, in Ganda WA (= PA) and in Congo VA (= PA) are often used where the 

Tonga would prefer KU. 

568. — 2. Of course all these principles concerning the proper use of the locative 
classifiers are not much applied in the languages where the mechanism of the locatives is 
considerably, or even altogether, disturbed, such as Swahili, Chwana, Mpongwe, etc. 



§ 7. Prepositions which are not Classifiers. 

569. — There remain to be noticed a few particles which, 
having nothing of the nature of classifiers, may be considered as 
prepositions proper. These are : — 



132 



South-African Bantu Languages, 



NA in Karanga 

do. in Kafir 

do. in Swahili, etc 

NE or NA in Ganda- 

JSfDI'm Senna (Shire, Tette, etc. 
TIE (alias NLE) in Mpongwe. .. 
LE in Chwana 

YA in Lower Congo 



571. 



Karanga 

t-a-ri ba-xano ba-n^-ntu inue. 
ba-kabayana no Ngaru { = na-2^ Nguartt). 
ba-nu be-]a ne noboro. 
pa-fiipi na mi-riango iria. 



570. — 1° A connective preposition which means properly 
" with ". Often it renders our ** and " before substantives. Its 
principal forms are : — 

A in Tonga (-ff, 0, by assimilation) Ex. ba-a-ka jana ka-cece a ba-tiyena Maria. 

,, They found the child wiih his mother Mary. (Mat. 2, ii). 

baka bona nona na nianiae Maria, (do.) 
babona u m-ntana no nina \= na.-u nina). (do.) 
waka m-ivoiia m-toto na Maryamti mama yak e. (do.) 
balaba o mwana ne Maryamu nyina. (do), 
naona kamiuaiia ndi Maria amai ace. (do.) 
iv'ayexC on%7va\\a lie Maria yi ngi ye. (do.) 
baftwiana n^iuatia le mae Maria, (do). 
Yo mxvana akii ye lekwa...^ your child and his things 
( = ya ^ niwana . . .ya <? lekua. . . 
Other examples : 
Tonga 

Tti-a-liba-sano o u-mue, we were five 7uiih one, i.e. six. 
Ba-a-ka yasana a Nguaru, they fought with Lobengula. 
Ba-nhi be-eza e in-tobolo, the people came with guns. 
A-fu' a mi-Iiaiigo ilia, close by those holes. 

o72. — N. B. I. In Tonga I find this preposition A sometimes replaced by ANE, 
as if this were a more emphatic form. 

2. In Karanga, Angola, Herero, etc., NA or NI changes to NE, NO, when combined 
with I, E ; O, U. Likewise, in Lower Congo YA changes to YE, YO, in the same cases. 

573. — 2° A preposition which marks properly the instrument 
and the material cause. It may be rendered variously in English by 
'* with, through, by means of, by, " etc. In Tonga and several other 
languages this preposition does not differ from the preceding. It 
differs from it in Kafir, Chwana, Swahili, etc. Hence its principal 
forms are the following : — 

/^inTonga(-£',6>,by assimil.) Ex. be-ense ba-tulai-sumo, bazo-o-fuat i-sumo. (Mat. 26, 52). 

Whosoever takes the sword, shall die of the sword. 
banii barire battirafumo, boofan^fumo. (do.) 
onse azuo omwe atenga mpeni...^ adza mwazika ndi mpeni... (do.) 
waodu %vi b^n£ okwara, wibej'owo it ^okwara. (do.) 
boonse a bapete u mkonto, bay a kufa ngo mkonto ( = nga ti vikonto). 
botle bacweren% sabole, bat la bolawa ka sabole. (do.). [(^0.) 

2to zvote watwaao tipanga, wata kufa kwa upanga. (do.){Ci. 
iwa-fa na n-daa, we are dying from hunger). 

574. — N. B. This preposition is frequently used before locative expressions in 
Chwana and Kafir. It seems then to convey the notion of " an interval " between two 
places, or that of" a certain direction " followed. Ex. in Kafir : Uye nga. pina ? (Chwana : 
Oile ka kae ?) " W^hich way has he gone ? " 

575. — Other examples : 

Tonga Kafir 



NA in Karanga 

NDI in Senna 

TIE [NLE) in Mpongwe.. 

^-6*^ in Kafir 

KA in Chwana 

NA and KIVA in Swahili. . . 



Ba-a-inka e in-zila im-pia (= a tn-zila...), they went by a 

[new road. 
U-a-fua e in-zala ( = a itizala), he ditdfrom hunger. 
Yaka ^.bu-lotigo^ build with mortar. 



ba-hamba nge ndlela entsha =nga 
\i ndlela) 
wa-fa nge n-dlala (= nga indlala) 
yaka ngo bulongo (= nga-z^...). 



Locative Classifiers and Prepositions. 133 

N. B. In Senna the instrumental preposition NDI is sometimes replaced by the 
locative classifier PA. 

576. — 3° An equiparative preposition which means **as, like ". 
Its principal forms are : — 
ANGA in Tonga. Ex. Mu-ade u-bede anga in-cefo{ox nificefo, cf. 583), the imiade is 

like arsenic. 
INGA or KALA in Angola. Ex. ...inga he-ulu or \Lz\^.he-nlu^ as in heaven. 
NGA or NGA-NGA in Kafir. Ex. Lo in-fo u nga7iga loivo, this man is as big as that. 
JAKA in Chwana. Ex. Obua jaka ifiogokue, he speaks like his brother. 

N. B. These particles are also used as conjunctions before verbs with the same meaning 
as above. 

577« — 4" A possessive preposition which is practically equi- 
valent to our '' of ". Its proper form is -A in all the Bantu languages, 
excepting Mpongwe and other languages north of the Congo. Ex. 
in Tonga : -a Leza " of God ", -a imt-ntit '' of a man ", -a bu-longo 
'* of mud ", etc. 

This preposition changes to -E or -O, according to the general 
rules of contraction and assimilation, when it happens to be imme- 
diately followed by i, e, or by u, 0. Ex. in Tonga : -e in-^ombe '' of 
-a cow " (= -a in- gomde, cf. 249), -0 uise, *' of his father " (= a 
tcise, cf. 249). Ex. in Kafir : -e n-komo " of a cow " (= a i nkomo), 
-O m-ntu '* of a person " {= au m-ntu). 

Besides this, the possessive expressions thus formed are treated as 
if they were a kind o^ deierminative adjectives. Hence it will be seen 
further on that they are not immediately joined to the substantive 
which they determine, but are connected with it by a connective 
pronotm, such as tt in the expression nii-cila M-a mu-lavu, '* the tail 
of a lion ", or i in the expression mi-cila \-a ba-lavu '* tails of lions ", 
etc., cf. 743. 

o7o,, — N. B. I. In some Tonga proper names the possessive particle -a seems 
to be replaced by -na^ as if this were a fuller or more primitive form. Ex. Si-na.-tneja 
" Man (or father, or son) of tusks ", Si-na.-?npondo or Si-ei-mpondo " Man (father, son) 
of horns ", etc. It may be that, etymologically speaking, the possessive particle -a is 
related to the connective particle a or na (570). 

2. With regard to the use of the particles kua^ ktua, ka, ga^ etc., in possessive expres- 
sions, cf. 783. 

§ 8. The Particles -LI, -NA, etc., in Locative Expressions. 

579. — We often find in locative expressions such particles as 
-/^, -na, etc., which might be thought to be prepositions, or parts of 
prepositions, but in reality are verbal forms equivalent to our " to 



134 South- African Bantu Languages: 

be ", or ** to have ". As they will be shown In their proper place 
(1040- 1 046) to have this value, It will suffice here to state the fact 
that, when the word which should Immediately follow a locative 
classifier Is a pronoun, or a substantive which has no classifier proper, 
such as Leza " God ", tat a *' my father ", mso " thy father ", uise 

** his father ", etc. (cf. cl. BA, 342), then In Tonga the copula 

//(1025) Is Inserted between this classifier and the following pronoun 
or substantive. The Karanga use In almost all the same cases the 
particle na '* to have ". In the same cases the Chwana use the 
locative pronoun o-o, and understand the copula after it. In Senna 
and Ganda the copula /^ is used as In Tonga, but before a greater 
number of substantives. In Congo the particle na " to have " is 
used as In Karanga, but before all sorts of substantives ; etc. etc. 

580. — Ex. Tonga Karanga 



Uakafugaina kunsi Reja^ 
Ugere pam, tate. 



Uakeja kunt?nwe nyika. 
Muna, Reja. 



Uaka fugaina kuli Zeza, he knelt down to God. 
U'kede kt/\i uise (or kuX\ nguise)^ he lives with his 

father. 
Uaka inka ku\\ i?nue nyika^ he went to another 

place. 
Mu\\ Leza...^ in God... 

Kafir : Mkulu kutiRwe, he is taller than you. 

SwAHiLi : ...kuna.ye, ...relating to him. 

Senna : Pidaficei paXisiilo..., when he came to the hare,... 

Congo : Vam. kati, between ; mum, kati, inside, etc., etc., 1040- 1046. 

§ 9. Etymologies. — Varia. 

581. — There Is every reason to believe that the locative clas- 
sifiers belong to the most primitive elements of the Bantu languages. 
PA- conveys the notion of " opposition between two things ", or 
** their facing each other ", or '' the application of the one upon the 
other ", and consequently of '* close proximity ". It seems to be 
related to the verb -pa " to give ". KU- conveys the notion of 
'* receding from, going aside ". It Is related to the verbal suffix -uka, 
which forms neuter expansive verbs (1080), to the adjective -kulu 
" great ", '* ancient ", and to the corresponding verb -kula " to grow 
out ". Cf. 468. MU- conveys the notion of '' Intimate union ", of 
*' things which are within one another ". It Is related to the 
adjective -mue '* one ". Cf. 725. Hence Its change to -711 or -im, 
which has Its parallel In the change o( -mue to -nye in Kafir (122). 



Locative Classifiers and prepositions, 135 

The etymology of several of the examples which have been given under n. 553 has 
just been explained in nn. 541, 559. We may complete here the notions there given.' 

1 . Pa-nsi " down ", lit. " on the ground ", kii-nsi " below ", etc. From mti-se " the 
ground ". It may be remarked that the word (p)a-7isi is generally used after the verb 
-kala " to sit" (Chwana -7ina or -dula)^ iust as we generally say " to sit down ", not simply 
" to sit ". Hence the mistake of several scholars who give us such verbs as ku-kala7isi 
u-kalathi^ u-kalati^ etc. " to sit down ",when they should decompose them into ku-kaVansi 
M-kaVathi^ etc. In Chwana the word /^-«g, which was originally identical with the Swahili 
ti}ii or chi-ni {== Tonga fmi-nsi), has come to be used not only for the Tonga pa-nsi " on 
the ground ", as in go-dula ten^ " to sit down ", but also, as it seems, as a purely expletive 
particle, somewhat like our " down " in vulgar English. And in the expressions koa tenq^ 
ka fa tenq, etc., it seems to mean " Inside ", when we might rather expect it to be 
equivalent to the Tonga, pa-nsi or rather to the Kafir nga pa-ntsi " downwards ". Perhaps 
this anomaly is only apparent, as it may be that in these expressions the word ten^ does 
not answer to the Swahili iini or chitii^ but to nda?n " inside '\ lit. " in the belly ", from 
i-dda or n-da " belly ". It may also be remarked that the Bantu pa-nsi has given to Chwana 
the word le-faishe " the earth " (Senna pa-nsi)^ which at first sight might have been thought 
to have nothing in common with /^;/g. This again shows what a mixed language Chwana 
is. Cf. 753. 

The Kafir word e zantsi " below " means properly " where it comes down ", from -za 
" to come " and n-tsi {= n-si = Tonga niu-se) " the ground ". Its Chwana equivalent 
ka tla-se is formed in the same manner, as the Chwana verb -tla " to come '' is the equi- 
valent for the Kafir -za (173, 195). Here therefore the Chwana element which means 
" ground " is no longer te as in /<?-«g, nor tshe as in le-faishe^ but se. 

2. In pa-fu{p)i " near " the element fu conveys originally the notion of " death, the 
end of a thing ". The meaning of the element // is not clear. Considered in the light of 
the phonetic laws it should be related to -pia " to burn ". Cf. 541, 601. 

3. In (p)a-nze^ k7i-7ize^ " outside ', the stem nze means properly " approaching ground ". 
It is related to -za " to come " and to in-zila " a way, a path ". 

4. In (p)ejnlu^ kojidii " above ", etc., the word ij-ulti " the sky " means lit. " the open 
expanse ". Cf. 468(3), 503(8), etc. The verb -jula means " to open ". 

5. (P)a-kati " between". From ka-ti'"'' the centre ", 529(4). The Swahili wa-kati^ which 
should be the equivalent for the Tonga /«->^<^//, seems to have come to mean exclusively 
" a time, the time of... " 

6. (P)a-7>me " together ". From -77we " one ". 

7. (P)ejilo " yesterday ", more properly " last night ", lit. " at bed-time ", from i-lo 
" bed ". The Kafir pe-zolo means lit. " at the time of stretching oneself out ", from 
ku-zola " to stretch oneself out ". 

8. (P)ejunza " to morrow ", more properly " to-morrow morning ". From the element 
y«, notion of" opening " (cf. ku-jida " to open "), and -za or iza " to come ", which implies 
the notion of " something future ". 

9. Ku ne-77ibo " in front ". From i7n-bo " the front side of the body ". 

10. Mu-stile " behind ". The word i-sule "the back side " seems to be derived from the 
elements su^ notion of" disappearing ", and /^, notion of " length, distance". Cf. 439(5)- 

\\.{P)a-li? " Where .^" (whence probably pi f) leaves the thought suspended, and 
probably contains the classifier LI- with a reference to orientation, i. e. to an indefinite 
position of the Sun. Cf. 421, and 800, 808. 

Most of those prepositions which are not classifiers (569-578) 
seem to have been originally verbal forms related to the auxiliaries 
ya "to go " (911), enda " to go " (cf. 918 and 939), kala " to sit " 
(cf. 941 and 944), nga "to be inclined to... " (cf 995), etc. 



XII. — Gopulatitie Bcefires Oefote Suftstantities. 



582. — Among the numerous mannersof expressing the copula 
in the Bantu languages, most of which will be studied together in 
another chapter, there is one which is to be noted here, because 
in some languages it is a mere modification of the prefixes of the 
substantives. Its proper effect seems to be that of verbalizing nouns, 
i. e. changing them into expressions which have more of the nature 
of verbs than of that of substantives, as if we should say in English 
*' this bleeds ", instead of " this (is) blood ". Its proper form in 
Tonga, and some other languages of the interior, is a mere nasal 
sound, m or n nasal, prefixed to classifiers. In some cases it is a full 
nasal syllable, viz. nga, or ngu, or ni. In Kafir its form varies as the 
classifiers themselves. In Senna, Chwana, Swahili, etc., it has the 
same form before all sorts of nouns, etc. 





583.- 


- Ex.: 














Tonga 


Kafir 


Senna 




CI. 




MU^- 


{m)-mu-7ttu 


ngu m-7iiu 


ndi 77tu-7iiu 


it is a man. 


J> 




— 


ngu Leza 


ngu Tixo 


ndi Mu-lungu 


it is God. 


>» 




BA- 


m-ba-ntu 


nga ba-niu 


ndi a-7itu 


those are men. 


)) 




MU^- 


{m)-mu-cila 


ngu 711-sila 


ndi 7i-cira 


it is a tail. 


>> 




MI- 


(m)-7fii-cila 


yi 7/ii-sila 


ndi 77ii-cira 


those are tails. 


>» 




IN- 


ni-?i-^o?nbe 


yi 7l-k077lO 


ndi 7iQ077ibe 


it is a cow. 


)) 




(Z)IN- 


nzi-n-^ombe 


Zi 7l-k071lO 


ndi (zi)7t-go77ibe 


those are cows. 


>J 




(L)I. 


W-di-ta7iga 


li iaTtga 


ndi ta7iga 


it is a pumpkin. 


)) 




MA- 


{m)-fna-ta?iga 


nga 77ia-ta7ioa 


ndi 7tia-ta7iga 


thoseare pumpkin; 








{or)nga.-7;ia-fanga 






}) 




BU- 


VCi-bu-kande 


bu tyw-ala 


ndi bii-adua 


it is beer. 


» 




KU- 


{VL)-ku-lia 


ku hi-tya 


... ... 


it is food. 


J> 




LU- 


Xi-du-anja 


lu hv-a7idle 


... 


it is the sea. 


J> 




CI- 


n-ci-bula 


si si-tido 


ndi ci-bu7'a 


it is a seat. 


»> 




ZI- 


Vi-zi-bula 


zi zi-tulo 


ndi b]t-bura 


those are seats. 


)) 




KA- 


{n)-ka-pamba 





ndi ka-7nw-a7ia 


it is a baby. 


n 




TU- 


{n)-tu-cece 







those are babies. 


Jj 


loc 


:.(P)A- 


m-pa-fui 





ndi pa-fupi 


it is near. 


J) 


)) 


KU- 


{n)-ku-Ie 


ku ku-de 


ndi ku-tali 


it is far. 


jj 


)} 


MU- 


{m)-7/iu Uganda 


...se 7idli-7ii 


ndi 77i-7iyu7jiba 


it is in the house, 



584:. — A^- B. In general, mere nasals which precede hard consonants or 7n are 
practically not heard, unless they be immediately preceded by a vowel which supports 
them. Hence it is that in the above Tonga examples ti or 7n are in some cases put 
between brackets, because at the beginning of a sentence, or after a pause, they would not 
be perceived. 

585- — It is impossible to make out to what extent the copula- 
tive prefixes of Tonga are used in the languages of the interior. 



CoptUative Prefixes before Substantives, 137 

because nobody that I know of has even adverted to their existence. 
However it can be traced in Khutu, a language spoken inland from 
Zanzibar, in Bisa, in Guha, etc. Thus in Bisa (Last's PolygL, p. 135) 
we find u-limi'' a tongue ", pi. m-n-dimi, and ni-mbjia ''a dog ", where 
it is pretty evident that nt is not a classifier, but the copulative 
prefix, so that m-m-bita must be rendered literally by " it is a dog ", 
and m-n-dnni by *' they are tongues ". Likewise, in Guha, Stanley 
has the word m-bu-ato, which he renders by " boat, canoe ", but 
the exact rendering must be " it is a canoe ", since the proper word 
for '* canoe " is simply bu-ato, etc. 

N. B. It will be seen further on that the copulative prefixes of Tonga are used in Senna 
before pronouns Ccf. 656* and 1035). 

586. — Copulative prefixes of the same reduplicative sort as 
those of Kafir are met with in Kaguru, Gogo, Nyamwezi, etc. For 
Kaguru this is evident from Last's Kaguru Gra7itmar, where we 
find, pp. 47 and 50, a complete series of reduplicated pronouns such 
as zi-zo^ lu-lo, li'lo, chi-cko, etc., '* it is it, it is they ", answering 
exactly to their Kafir equivalents zi-zo, lu-lo, li-lo, si-so, etc. 
(= Tonga nzi-zto ndu-luo, ndi-lio, nce-co, etc., 662). Likewise in 
Last's Polyglotta, p. 222, we find the Kaguru expressions di-kumi 
" it is ten ", di-kunda '' it is nine ", where we should have only 
^U77iz, kunda, if these meant simply " ten ", "nine ", etc. 

587. — Invariable copulative prefixes similar to the Senna 
NDI are used in Chwana, Swahili, Karanga, etc. The Chwana form 
is KE. Ex. Ke nio-tho '' it is a man ", ke ba-lotsana '* they are 
rascals ", \l^ ba-thaba-nchu " they are people of Thaba-nchu ", etc. 
(Crisp's 6^r., p. 52). The Swahili form is NL Ex. Ndugu yangii ni 
sultani, " my brother is the Sultan ". 

N. B. We shall see later on that in Swahili NI is apparently replaced by NDI before 
pronouns. 

In Karanga the regular form of the copulative prefix seems to be 
NDI, as in Senna. 

588. — There is no evidence of any prefix which can be iden- 
tified with the above in Herero, Angola, Congo, etc. In Mpongvve 
the particle NE is sometimes used with a copulative meaning. 
Ex. Wao ne mande? '' Who are they ?" (= Tonga Boo vti-bani?) 



XIII. — mbz Barticles tobicf) introDuce Sut)0tantitic0 

aftec 
Bassitie Verbg. 

589. — Bantu languages fall under three classes with regard to 
the manner of introducing the name of the agent after passive 
verbs. Some make use of the zns^rumen^a/ proposition (Tonga A, 
Karanga NA, etc., § 572). Such are Tonga, Karanga, Swahili, etc. 
Others make use of the copulative prefixes just described. Such are 
Kafir and Chwana. Swahili admits also of this construction. Others 
join such substantives to their verb without any particle. Such is 
Ganda. Such is also Zulu, which departs on this point from the 
Kafir construction. 

Ex. Tonga : U-a-ka zialigua a Maria, he was born of Mary, lit. he was begotten by 

Mary. 
Karanga : U-a-ka-'^warwa na Maria, do. 

Swahili : Isa a-ka-ongozwa na Roho (or ni Roho)... Jesus was led by the spirit... 

(Mat., 4, i). 
Congo : Idihi kwa ngandu, it was eaten by a crocodile (Bentley's Did. p. 29). 
Chwana : Go-boleiswen^ ke Morena^ it was said by the Lord. 
Kafir : ...kwa-tiway\ nkosi, do. 

Zulu : . ..kwa-tiwa i nkosi, do. 

Ganda : .,.Isa na-a-twalibwa Moyo mu dungu^ Jesus was led by the spirit into 

the desert (Mat, 4, i). 
etc., etc. 

XIV. — Tbe Suffire0 of Sufastantiues. 

590. — In the Bantu languages the suffixes of substantives 
have very little importance from a grammatical point of view, be- 
cause, unlike the suffixes of our classical languages, they have no 
influence on the construction of sentences. The only noticeable 
exception to this is that of the locative suffix -ni or -mi, which, 
according to what has been said, has in Swahili and some other 
languages the same ruling power as other locative classifiers, e. g. 
nyumba-Vii VCiVJ-ako '' in thy house " (= mu-nyumba va-w-ako). 
However some stems may be noted which are more easily appended 
than others to substantives as suffixes. Such are : — 

591. ana or -nyana, which has already been described as forming the 

regular diminutives of some languages. Ex. in Tonga : mti-kulu-diVidi 
" an elder brother ", lit. *' the elder child ". (517, 518). 
-kulu " great, elder ". Ex. in Tonga: uiseMwhx " his grandfather ", 



The Stiffixes of Substantives, 139 

592. kazi (Rolse -kati or -ati, Mozambique -ari, Kafir -azi or -kazi, 

etc.) = " female ". Hence in Tonga mu-ana'kdizi '* wife ", lit. 
" child female ", or more exactly " female member-of-the-family ". 
yV. /?. In Kafir when the substantive to which -kazi'xs suffixed has no distinction of sex, 
this denotes fecundity, beauty, or excellence. Ex. u ;«-//-kazi " a fine tree ". 

593. ike or -ke (Yao -che, Herero tye, etc.) = ** small ". Ex. w«-<7«-ike 

j' a small brother" (519). 

594. — Less important suffixes in Kafir are -ra " something like", and 
-ndini, a sort of vocative sufifix. 

gQ5_ — ^V. B. In Kafir and Chwana the addition to a word of the suffixes which 
begin with a vowel causes the phonetic changes described in nn. 122 and 202-207. Ex. in 
Kafir : u m-lanjaxia. " a small river " (Chwana mo-/acwa.na), from u mlambo " a river " 
(Chwana mo-lapo)^mkonyRnsi " a calf" (Chwana kgonqwsLnei), from / nkomo " one head 
of cattle " (Chwana kgomo), etc. 



XV. — Onomatopoetic Substantives. 

596. — We meet in these languages with a peculiar kind of 
onomatopoetic substantives, which, though having no classifiers, 
deserve special attention, were It only because they seem to give 
the key to the formation of a large number of other words. These 
onomatopoetic substantives are used principally : — a) by themsel- 
ves, as exclamations ; — b) after the verb -ti '' to say, to do ", as In 
masekua alila ka ati kuakuakua ** when ducks cry, they say 
kuakuakua ; — c) after a certain number of other verbs, as In 
mulilo ulasarara piri-biri-biri " fire gives a red blazing flame ". 
Some authors prefer to class this kind of word as adverbs. But, 
considering that they generally do duty as direct objects of verbs, 
they are substantives rather than anything else. 

Examples In other languages : — 

Kafir : Wati tu, lit. he did ///, i. e. he kept silent. 

Unibona wait sa, the maize did sa^ i. e. was spread about. 
Senna : Chiko charira chonchoncho, a calabash sounds like chonchoncho^ 

i. e. gives a hollow sound. 

etc., etc. 

N. B. A whole list of such onomatopoetic words may be seen in the Rev. Alexander 
Hetherwick's Yao Gram?nar^ p. 77-79. Cf. also Rebmann's Kinyassa Dictionary (passim). 



XVI. — Ifaria. 

597. — The classifiers which have been described in this chapter 
are the very marrow of the Bantu languages, as may be judged 
from a single glance at n. 42. Adjectives, verbs, determinatives of 
all sorts, vary exactly as the classifiers of their nouns, thus giving to 
the sentences a clearness which has perhaps no parallel in any other 
language. Hence, for any one who wishes to study a Bantu language, 
the importance of learning first how to analyse substantives, that is, 
how to distinguish in them the classifier or determining element 
from the stem or determined element. 

598. — We have already stated (245) that many languages of 
the Niger, the Guinea Coast, and even Senegambia, are semi-Bantu, 
and cannot be explained properly without some knowledge of the 
purer Bantu languages. This is particularly true in the matter of 
substantives. 

It is no rash assertion to say, for instance, that such words in 
I bo of Lower Niger as n-ri " food ", n-^i '' an ear ", nwa *' a child ", 
on-wu '* death ", u-ta '' a bow ", w-anyi '' a woman ", 7na-du ** people ", 
e-kiti '* the middle ", e-lu " above ", etc., are closely related to the 
Tonga ku-lia or ku-ria '' food ", "• to eat " (52^^), ktt-tui '* an ear " 
(462^), mu-ana ''a child" (322=^), ku-fua '' death", ''to die "(52^), 
bti-ta '' a bow " (453), mu-kazi " a woman " (322^), ba-ntu '' people " 
(322=^), f/^^-z^^/^''' in the middle" (533^), (p)ejulu ''above" {^ZZ"^), 
etc. ; and that, consequently, the Ibo prefixes of substantives, a, e, 
ty 0, u, n, are, like similar prefixes in Mpongwe, mere remnants of 
the old Bantu classifiers. (Cf. G^'ammatical Elements of the Ibo 
language, by the Rev. J. F. Schon, London, 1861). 

Likewise, or rather a fortiori, when we find in the scanty avail- 
able collections of the Avatime language of the middle Niger (?) 
such words as o-no " a person ", o^nyvne " a man (vir), plur. be-; 
O'dshe "a woman ", plur. ba- ; \\-gU7ne " one head of cattle ", plur. 
e- ; ll-tuk'^o " the head ", plur. e- ; ko-/<?kpa " an ear ", plur. ba-; 
)^i-nemi " the tongue ", plur. bi- ; \i-we " the sun ", plur. e- ; etc., 
it is not difficult to recognise in them transformations of the Bantu 
words mu-ntu " a person " (322^), mu-alume " a man " (322'^), 
mu-kazi " a woman " (32 2"^), in-go7nbe " one head of catde " (385^), 
mu-tue (alias li-tue) " the head " (366^), ku-tui " an ear " (462'""), 
lu'limi " the tongue " (469^), i-zuba (Dualla i-we) " the sun " 
(410^^), etc. And it is even easier to see that the prefixes of such 



Varia, 



141 



Avatime words are radically identical with the Bantu classifiers. 
(Cf. Zeitschrift filr afrikanisc/ie Sprachen, 1887-88, pp. 161-188, 
and 1889-90, pp. 107-132.) 

What we say of I bo and Avatime can be extended to many other 
so-called Negro languages. Cf. n. 830. 

599. — This thought has also occurred to me sometimes, that, 
notwithstanding all prejudices to the contrary, several Semitic 
prefixes, such as MA- in the biblical names of tribes and men, MA-, 
MI-, M', /, etc., \nma-bbul '' deluge" (Chwana ina-bida), ma-ddd, 
" knowledge ", ina-t^mon " a treasure ", ma-zon " food ", ma-kon, 
nf-kunah and t'-kunah *' a place ", mi-k'loth " perfections ", ta-k'lith 
" perfection ", mi-kHhabh " a writing ", m'-dan'' disputes ", t'-shubah 
'* the return ", f-shurah " a present ", etc., A- in a-don '* a lord " 
(Zulu in-dund), E- in e-sheth '' a married woman " (Chwana mo- 
sadi), etc., etc., and, in general, such prefixes as these to substan- 
tives, participles, and locatives, may be found to be distantly related 
to the Bantu classifiers. This, however, is a mere suggestion. 



Cl)apter III. 

ADJECTIVES. 

600. — The student may have noticed above (nn. 39-43) that 
in Bantu every determinative of a substantive requires a prefix, 
which is no other than that of this substantive, or part, or a fuller 
form, of it. Hence it is, for instance, that in the examples under 
n. 42 we find the determinative *' your " rendered by u-ako in mu- 
ana u-ako '' your child ", by ba-ako in ba-ana ba-ako '' your children ", 
by i-ako in ini-samo i-ako " your trees ", by a-ako in ma-sekua a-ako 
'' your ducks ", \>y ku-ako m ku-tui ku-ako '* your ear", hy zi-akoxn 
zi-ntu zi-ako '* your things ", etc. Hence also, the Tonga equivalent 
for our adjective '* bad " is 7nu-bi in mu-ana mu-bi " a bad child ", 
ba-bi in ba-ana ba-bi " bad children ", mi-bi in mi-samo mi-bi " bad 
trees ", ma-bi in ma-sumo ma-bi'' bad spears ", ku-bi in ku-tui ku-bi 
*' a bad ear ", zi-bim zi-ntu zi-bi '* bad things ", etc, etc. 

601. — Another most important principle is that — if however 
we do not consider all the Bantu languages, but only the larger 
number of them — these people must be said to be far from 
agreeing with us in the distribution of the various determinatives 
of substantives. Basing their own distribution of these on a prin- 
ciple of logic which we ourselves overlook, they have one kind 
of construction for the few determinatives which express nature, 
dimension, age, or in general the quantitative, intinnsic, and com- 
paratively permanent properties of things, such as old, young, big, 
thin, tall, short, etc., and another kind of construction for all 
determinatives whatever which are expressive of colour, sensible 
qualities, position, relations, or in general of the external or chan- 
geable qualities and relations, such as white, red, clean, dirty, near, 
far, mine, thine, etc. 

In other words, the Bantu treat differently the determinatives 
which properly express ^^e;^^ (intrinsically), and those which express 
being with (having or belonging to), or being like, . . 

The former alone are adjectives proper. If we consider neither 



Adjectives. 



143 



Swahlll nor Angola or Congo, but the generality of the Bantu 
languages, we may put nearly all such adjectives under the heading 
of Qzcaniitative adjectives ^. The others may therefore be termed 
Non-quantitalive. 

602. — -^' ^- I- III Svvahili and a few other Coast languages, in which foreign 
influence is particularly felt, some adjectives which do not refer to anything like quantity 
are treated nevertheless as quantitative. 

603. — 2. In Angola and Lower Congo the notion of quantitative adjectives seems 
to have been lost altogether. In these languages most adjectives pass as possessive express- 
ions, and consequently we shall not treat of them in this chapter, but in the next. (n. 780). 



* THE MOST USUAL QUANTITATIVE ADJECTIVES. 




Good 


nicely fat, 


lean, 


large, 


ancient, 


small 




pleasant, fine 


poor bad 


great 


great 


Tonga 


-botu 


-nono 


-bi 


-pati 


-kulu 


-nini 


Bisa 


... 


... 




... 


... 


-nini (.?) 


Gogo 


-swamu 


... 


-bi 


... 


-baha 


-dodo 


Kaguru 


-swamu 


-nogo (?) 


-bi 


-kulu 


-kulu 


-dodo 


Shambala 


-edi 


-tana (?) 


-wi 


-kulu 


-kulu (.?) 


-dodo 


Boondei 


-edi 


-tana 


-baya 


-kulu 




-dodo 


Nyamwezi 


-iza 


-soga 


-wi 


-kulu 


-nikulu 


-do 


Taita 


-rani 


-rifu 


-lagelage 


-baa 


... 


-chahe 


Kamba 


f -cheo 
\ -tseo 


-nene 


-vii 


-nene 


-uu or ku 


-nini 


Swahili 


-ema 


-nono 


-baya 


-kubwa 


-kuu 


-dogo 


Pokomo 




-nona 


-wi (?) 


... 


... 


-tyutyu 


Nika 1 I; 


-dzu 


-nonu 


-1 


-bahe 


-kulu 


-dide 


» 


» 


-(m)bi 


> 


» 


-tide 


Senna 


... 


... 


... 


-kulu 




-ngono 


Karanga 


-buya 


-naki 


-bi 


-urwana 


-urwana 


-cecana 


Ganda 


-lungi 


-mene 


-bi 


-kulu 


-kulu 


-tono 


Xosa-Kaflr 


... 


j-hle 
j-tle 


-bi 


-kulu 


-kulu 


-ncinci 


Zulu-Kafir 


... 


/-hie 
t-tle 


-bi 


-kulu 


-kulu 


-ncane 


Herero 


(-ua 
\ -bua 


-ua 
-bua 


-vi 
-bi 


-nene 


-kuru 


-titi 


Bihe 


-wa 


-wa 


-mi 


-nene 


-ale 


-titu 


Kwango 


-bwa 


-bwa 


-bi 


-kamakama 


... 


-ndondo 


Rotse 


j -wawa 
{ -bwa 


-wawa 
-bwa 


. 'i 
-bi 


-nene 


... 


-nini 


Guha 


... 


... 


... 




... 


-ke (.?) 


Rua 


-am pi 


-nune 


-bi 


,.. 




-sheshe - 


Yao 


-bone 


-koto 


-chimwa 


-kulungwa 


-chekulu 


-nandi 


Mozambique 


... 


... 




-ulupale 


-ulupale 


... 


Chwana < ^' 


... 


-ntle 


-be, -shwe 


-golu 


-golugolu 


-nyenyane 




» 


-mpe 


-kgolu 


-kgolukgolu 


> 


Mpongwe | ^* 


-bia 


-bia 


-be 


-volu 


-lungu 


-ango 


-bia 


-bia 


-be 


-polu 


-nungu 


-yango 


Fan 






-be 


-nene 




... 


Duana 


-lodi 




-bi 


... 


-kuon 


-sadi 


Fernandian 


-boke 


-lile*(?) 


... 


-roterote 


-boloolo 


-koko (?) 



N. B, Concerning Angola and Lower Congo, cf. n. 603. 



I. — Quantitatitie Htiiectit)e0. 

§ I. Adaptation of the Quantitative Adjectives to the 

DIP^FERENT CLASSES OF SUBSTANTIVES. 

604. — Quantitative adjectives, such as -/a7i/o ''\ong'\ -pm 

*' new ", -^u/u " ancient ", -pa^i '* large ", and the Hke, incorporate, 

as a rule, the classifier of their substantive, expressed or understood. 

Ex. IN Tonga : 

Cl. MU-NTU : m\i-nfu mu-/an/o, a tall man. Cl.BA-ntu : ha-n^tt ha-Ian/o, tall men. 

,, si/an^uml>uemu-/an/o,a.\ongca.me\Gon. ,, ha.-si^an/am/>iieha.-/an/o,\ongcame\eons. 

,, MU-ciLA: mu-ci/a m\i-/anfo, a long tail ,, MI-cila: mi-ci/a mi-lanfo, long tails. 



THE MOST USUAL QUANTITATIVE ADJECTIVES. (Continued.) 





long, 


short, 


old 


young, 


alive, 


abundant, 




tall 


small 


new 


whole 


many 


Tonga 


{ -lanfo 
( -danfo 


-fuefui 


-nene 


-pia 


-umi 


S -ingi 
\ or -nji 


Bisa 


-tali 


... 


... 




... 


-ingi 


Gogo 


-tali 


... 


... 


-pia(?) 


... 


-ingi 


Kaguru 


-lefu 


-guhi 


-dala 


-sia 


-gima 


-engi 


Shambala 


-tali 


... 


... 


-hia 


-gima 


-ingi 


Boondei 


-le 


-jihi 


-dala 


-hia 


-gima 


-ngi 


Nyamw^ezi 


-lihu 


-guhi 


( -lala 
( -dala 


-pia 


-panga 


-ingi 


Taita 


-lele 


-vui 


-kale 


-ishi 




-engi 


Kamba 


{ -acha 
\ -adza 


-guwe 


-tene 


-via 


-ma 


-ingi 


Swahili 


-refu 


-fupi 


-kukuu 


-pia 


-zima 


-ingi 


Pokomo 


-yeya 


... 


... 


-bfya 






Nika 1 \ 


-re 

-(n)de 


-fuhi 
> 


-kare 

» 


-via 
-pia 


-zima 

» 


-ngi 
» 


Senna 


-tali 


-fupi 


... 


-pia 


... 


-inji 


Karanga 


-refo 


-fupi 


... 


-psa 


-penyo 


-nji 


Ganda 


1 -wanvu 
( -panvu 


-mpi 


-daa 


/-gia 
\-pia 


-lamu 


-ngi 

f -ninzi 
\ -ninji 


Xosa-Kaflr 


-de 


-futshana 


-dala 


-tsha 


... 


Zulu-Kafir 


-de 


-fupi 


-dala 


-tsha 


... 


-ningi 


Herero 


j -re 
(-de 


-supi 


-nene 


r-pe 
\-be 


... 


-ingi 


Bihe 


... 


... 


-ale 




... 


... 


Kwango 


... 


... 


... 


... 


... 


... 


Rotse 


... 


-canana 


... 


-bia 


... 


... 


Guha 


-la 


... 


... 


... 




-ingi 


Rua 


-lampi 


-ipi 


-nunu 




-umi 


... 


Yao 


-leu 


-jipi 


-chekulu 


-wisi 


( -jumi 
\ -yumi 




Mozambique 


... 


-kani 


... 


-kana 


... 


\ -inchi 
( or -injeni 


nv. «o S I- 


-lele 


-kutshane 




-sha 


... 


-ntsi 


Ghwana < ^ 


-telele 


-khutshane 


... 


-ncha 


... 


» 


Mpongwe | ^^ 


-la 
-da 


-pe 


-lungu 
-nungu 


-ona 
-yona 


... 


-enge 
-yenge 


Fan 


... 


-chun 




... 


... 




DuaHa 


... 


... 


... 


... 


... 


... 


Fernandian 




... 


-boloolo 


... 


... 


-nkenke 



Quantitative Adjectives. 



145 



CL.(I)N-GOMi?E:in-i,'yw/;t.'n-(/a«yo(388)alongcow. 
,, (L)I-IJUE: \-lnic {y\-)lanfo^ a long stone (41 1). 
,, BU-siKU: bu-^//v/bu-/a///^, a long night. 
,, KU-TUi: )s.\!i-tiii \i.n-/anfo^ a long ear. 
,, LU-LIMI: hx-liftii \\x-!anfo, a long tongue. 
,, CI-NTU: c\-iitu ci-/anfo, a long thing. 
,, KA-SAMO: \ai-samo )sSi-lanfo, a long branch. 



CL.(ZI)N-GOMiiE:in-.;'»////'^(zi)n-</rt;//;,longco\vs. 
,, MA-HUE: mSL'/^ite vtiai-lanfo, long stones. 



ZI-NTU: zi-tittc zi-lanfo, long things. 
TU-SAMO: tvL-samo t\x-lattfo, long branches. 



605. — I do not know that any such adjectives are regularly- 
used in Tonga in the locative classes (P)A-nsi, KU nsiy MU-nsi. 
However the locative expressions pa-fui and kti-ftd " near ", 
(p)a-fuefui *' very near ", etc., may be considered as adjectives 
which refer to certain notions of place understood. It seems that 
in a few languages, principally in Yao, quantitative adjectives can 
agree with locative expressions as well as with other substantives. 

Ex. IN Yao : "Pdi-akuli/na pa ^di-kulufig7ua, a large hoemg place. (N. B. The first 
pa 2ii\.tr pa-kulma is a sort of relative particle, cf. 617.) 
yiw.-akiilimamuavsXM-kuhmgwa^m a large hoeing place. {N. B. Here 
again, the first inuazii^x. mu-akulima is a sort of relative particle.) 

§ 2. Effects of the Phonetic Laws upon the Forms of 
Quantitative Adjectives. 

606. — The phonetic principles which have been described in 
the previous chapters are applicable to adjectives exactly as they are 
to substantives. Special attention should be paid to the following : — 

607. — 1° The general law of changing n to m before labials 
(281), as in in-zila vci-pia " a new road " (not in-zila n-pia) ; and 
that of dropping nasals before hard consonants in Swahili, Shambala, 
etc. (283). Ex. in Swahili : nyumba ktibwa " a large house " (not 
nyurnba n-kubwa). 

608. — 2° The law, in certain languages, of restoring the 
original consonants after n and niy and the opposite law, in certain 
other languages, of modifying certain consonants after nasals, 
together with the more general law of changing I to d after ;/. 
Cf 286, 51. Ex. : — 

I CONSONANTS RESTORED. 

r.ANDA : e nsao e m-^ia^ new bags, (not e nsao e n-gia, cf. e ^i-gia, new things). 
NiKA : ngoma m-hi^ a bad drum, (not ngoma ny-i, cf. /u-goe /u-ij a bad string), 

etc. etc. 

II Consonants modified. 
Tonga : t/izila n-dan/o, a long way, (not insiVa n-\anfo). 
Nyamwezi : nsJiii m-hiaj new knives, (not ns/iu m-pia^ cf. /usku lu-.pia^ a new knife). 



146 South- African Bantu Languages. 

609. — 3° The law of Imbibing nasals Into the next consonant 
in Chwana, Mozambique, etc. Ex. In Chwana : Pitsa e kgolo (not 
pitsa e n-golo) '' a large pot ". Cf. Mosadi eo mo-golo '' a great 
woman " (nn. 184-196). 

610. — 4° The law of avoiding monosyllables, even In opposition 
to the preceding laws relative to n nasal. Ex. : — 

SwAHiLi : njia Vd-pia^ a new road (not njia pia, 389, 607). 

jombo '^{-pia, a new vessel {not jo?nbo pia, 413). 
Chwana : tsela e tl-cha, a new road (not tsela e cha^ 609, 390.) 

611. — 5° Those laws relative to the stems beginning with 
vowels which cause certain classifiers to be retained before them 
under a modified form, though they are dropped In most other cases. 
Ex. in Swahlli : Buyu yema "■ a good calabash ", (not duytc ema ; 
cf. bnyu kukuu, not buyic yi-kukuu '' an old calabash "). Cf. 415. 

612. — 6" The laws for contracting, assimilating, or dropping 
vowels when they happen to meet. Ex. in Swahili : ma-buyu inema 
(= ma-ema) *' good calabashes ". 

§ 3. On the Use of Quantitative Adjectives as Epithets. 

613. — 1° In the generality of the Bantu languages, when 
quantitative adjectives are used as epithets they are simply placed 
after their substantive, after having first incorporated the proper 
classifier. 

Ex. IN Tonga : Mu-ntu mu-/^/, a bad man; mu-samo VdM-lanfo^ a high tree; ini- 
liango mipa/t] large holes ; zi-n^u zi-bo/u, good things, etc. 

614. — ^- ^- In Tonga, and several other languages, adjectives of cl. LI- very 
often drop this classifier, and adjectives of cl. IN- generally drop the initial / after their 
substantive. Ex. i-bue pati or i-btie li-pati^'' a large stone ", m-sila n-danfo " a long road" 
Sometimes also, adjectives of cl. ZIN- drop the initial syllable zi. Ex. Est Uganda 
xn-botu. {okener esi Uganda zira-bo/if) " these good houses ". 

615. — Other examples : — 

Senna : Ma-dzi ma-ku/u, the great waters, i. e. the deluge. Mba-ona somba 

zi-kulu^ ( = (n)somba zin-kiilu^ the 71 being dropped before 
the hard letter k)^ and he saw great fishes, etc. 

Nyamwezi : Mu-fihu xn-soga u-mo^ one fine man ; vjd^-nhu wSi-soga w-/^^/, 

many fine men, etc. 

Karanga : Mapuji mdiuruana^ large pumpkins ; ^lui nu \wvnji^ many 

things, etc. 



Quantitative Adjectives. 



147 



Ganda : O mu-safia m\Xfigi\ much \\g\\\. ] e inmere finngi { = n-nufigi)^ 

good food, etc. 

Kamba : Mil ndu mu-c/ieo, a good man \andu dic/ieo, good men, etc. 

Kaguru : M-tomondo m-kulu, a large liippopotamus; iva-ntu vfdi-sivamu, 

good men, etc. 

BooNDEi : Mutt mu tafia, a fine tree ; ;;//-// mi-fana, fine trees, etc. 

PoKOMO : M-punga vswx-bfya, a new journey, etc. 

SwAHiLi : M-buyu vci-kubwa, a large baobab; sihi ny inji ( = siku ziny- 

inji), many days, etc. 

RoTSE : Mo-jima vdO-ivawa, a good heart ; mo-jima mo-/, a bad heart, etc. 

Mozambique: M-laba va-ulubale, a large baobab; ma-jiito moiubale (= ma- 
uliibale), large rivers, etc. 

Mpongwe : 0-londa ovti-polu, om-bia, onw-ona, a large, good, fresh fruit. 

£j-a e-vo/7t, e-tJ/^, e'yona, a large, good, new thing, etc. (For par- 
ticulars see Mgr. Le Berre's Graiiwiaire Fongouee,'-^^. 13-15). 
etc., etc. 

616. — 20 In Kafir adjectives which are used as epithets 
require before themselves a relative particle (718) when their sub- 
stantive has an article : on the contrary, they admit none when 
their substantive has no article. The forms of the relative particles 
in Kafir are 0, e, or a, according as the classifiers of the nouns which 
are referred to contain a, /, or u (cf. 718, 719). 

In Herero it seems that quantitative adjectives require before 
themselves a relative particle in every case, as if this had become 
an integrant part of the classifier. Its form is e for class LI-, for 
all the other classes. 

In Chwana and Yao the use of relative particles before quantita- 
tive adjectives seems also to be regular. The forms are various, 
viz. in Chwana : eo, ba, 0, e^ etc. (cf. 719) ; in Yao : jua, pi. wa, in 
cl. MU-BA; zua, ^\. ja, in cl. MU-MI ; >, pi. sia in cl. IN-ZIN, 
etc. (cf. 720). 

617. — Examples : — 

Kafir : 1° Without relative particle. 

Kangela la in-ntu vi-hle, look at that fine person. 
Asi m-ti inkulu^ it is no(t a) large tree, 

2° With a relative particle. 

Nda-bona u vmiii o in-hle, I saw a fine person. 
Ngu m-ti o m-kulu, it is a large tree. 
Chwana : Le-ina je le-sha, a new name; dithipa tse din-chu, " new knives " ; 

Mo-tho eo mo-ntle, a good-looking person ; di-lo tse di-potlaiia^ small 
things, etc. (Cf. Rev. W. Crisp's Chwana Gr., pp. 22, 23). 



148 South-African Bantu-Languages. 

Yao : Afu-Jidu juSi m-hilungiva^ a great man; m-tela VfO-ktdungwa (^= wa 

viu-kuluftgiua), a great tree ; mi-iela ja inikuhmgwe, great trees, 

etc.(Cf. Rev. A. Hethervvick's Gr., p. 17.) 
Herero : O mu-il o inn-re^ a long beam (Rev. F. W. Kolbe's Diet,) ; ndyira 

O n-de^ a long road ; e horo e-/'^, a new pail ; jn-lmnda o m-be^ 

a new dress, etc. 

§ 4. On the Use of Quantitative Adjectives as Predicates. 

618. — i^ In Tonga and Karanga, when these adjectives are 
used as predicates with the copula, either the copula is expressed 
by li (cf. 1024), negative ^//^i"/, tinsi, etc., and in this case they have 
the same forms as when used as epithets ; or oftener, at least when 
the clause is in the present tense, they admit the nasal copula with 
those various phonetic effects on their classifier which have been 
described in the chapter on substantives (582-585). Ex. : — 

Tonga 
Oyu inu iitu u-li mu-pati^ or oftener, oyu viu-niu ^vci-pait, this man is big. 
Izuba li-lipaii „ izuba ndipa^i, the sun is great. 

£21 zintu zi-li zi-hotu „ ezi zi?itu nzi-botu, these things are good. 

Et nyika i-li m-botu „ ei nyika tiimbotu, this ground is good. 

jE"/ nyika tinsi m-botu „ ei nyika titisi nim-botu, this ground is not good. 

etc., etc. 

Karanga. 
V u-/i n-ju/a {= Tonga ue?i-/i mu-embezi), thou art young. 
/rie nyika tobe m-biiyana na ? (= Tonga luyika ilia ti?isi m botu ?ia ?) Is not that 

ground good ? etc. 

619. — 2° In Ganda, and in most of the other Eastern languages, 
the copula seems to be generally expressed by the particle ti or its 
equivalent in affirmative clauses. Concerning negative clauses 
nothing certain is to be found. 

Ex. In Ganda : Gzue o-kia-li niu-lamu^ (while) thou art still alive... 

620. — Z^^'^ Swahili and Mozambique the copula seems to be 
generally understood before adjectives of quantity when they are 
used as predicates. Ex. : — 

Swahili Mozambique 



We hu kufa, m-zima. 
Kana miini vcizima... 



Weyo vn-gumi, kuhvali^ thou art not dead, but alive. 
Ka?ia minyo gi m.-gurni..., if I am alive... 



(Rankin's Makua Tales ^ p. 23). 
621. — 4° In Kafir generally neither copula nor relative prefix 



Quantitative Adjectives, 149 

is expressed, at least In the present tense, and the predicate adjective 
is usually for clearness' sake placed at the head of the clause. 

Ex. yi nifij'i u mhona^ the maize is abundant ; yide lo mtikakulu^ this tree is very 
high ; 
In-da/a le nkomo, this cow is old; Sihdi-tsha, we are young; etc. 

622. — Likewise, in Chwana the copula is generally understood 
in the present tense, but its connective pronoun subject is expressed. 

Ex. Moise o mo-ntle, lit. the town it (is) pretty ; le-tseba le \e-golo, lit. the pigeon it 
(is) great, etc. (Cf. Rev. W. Crisp's Gr., p. 55). 

623. — In Herero quantitative adjectives seem to require an 
article or relative particle before them, even when they are used as 
predicates. Ex. Owami o mu-nenep'ove, lit. '* I am one older than you." 

II. — I?on==qimntitatitie HDjectities, 

624. — Leaving aside possessive, demonstrative, and numeral 
adjeotives, as well as certain others, all of which will be dealt with in 
the next chapter, we may mention here a particular kind of adjective 
which radically are or have been substantives and which are treated 
in a somewhat peculiar manner. 

Such are for instance : — 
In Kafir : bomvu " red ", mhlope " white ", innyama " black ", and other adjec- 
tives expressive of colour, as well as several others, such as 7izulu 
" deep ", -ba7izi " wide ", etc. 
In Chwana : molevio " good", thaia " strong ", etc. 

625. — ^'- ^- I- I ^^^"^ ^^'^ certain that such adjectives exist in Tonga and in the 
generality of the Baniu languages. However it is probable that we should consider as 
such in Tonga the word lu-lozi " straight ". 

626. — -• 1^ Kafir bomvu is properly the ancient substantive bo-invu, or more 
probably bu-07nvii^ which means " red clay " (cf. the word for " red ground " mo-invu 
in Nyengo, m-bic in Chwana, 7710-vu in Yeye, 7no-pit in Rotse, li-bu in Lojazi, etc.). The 
substantive u 771-hlope still exists in Zulu, and means properly " the white of the eye ". 
U 77i-7iya77ia means properly " an enclosure ", or " the rain-bow ". N-ziihi (= li-zidn 
(cf. 414) means " the sky '', etc. 

Likewise, in Chwana i7io-le7iio means properly " straightness, goodness " ; thata^ 
(== 7i-tata^ cf. n. 390) means " strength ", etc. 

3. Thus it maybe noticed that in general such adjectives contain already in themselves 
a classifier. 

627. — It is peculiar to this kind of adjective that they are 
immediately appended to the copula when this is expressed, or to 



150 South- African Bantu Languages. 

the pronoun subject of the copula when this is understood, without 
first incorporating the classifier of their substantive. Ex. : — 

Kafir : Si bomvu^ we are red (not si ba bonivii, cf. supra, n. 62 1, si-hdi-tsha, we are 
young). 
U-ya ku-ba bomvu, he will be red (not u-ya ku ba mM-bomvu). 
U-mntu oboffivu, a red man, lit , a man who (is) red (not u inntu mu- 
bomvu). 
Chwana : J^e thata^ I am strong (not ke ino4hata). 
etc., etc. 

628. — ^' ^' I- In Bantu a great many of our adjectives are rendered by verbs. 
Ex. Tonga : Muntu ua-ka tuba ku niu-tue, a man who has white hair, lit. 

who has become white at the head, (from ku-iuba, to turn 
white). 
Muntu u-tede, such a man, a certain man, lit. a man who has 
done so, who is so, (as pointed out by a motion of the hand). 
Tede is the perfect oi kuti, to say so..., to do so... 
Kafir : U mntwana o-luno;ile-yo, a good child, lit. a child who has turned 
out straight, (from ku-lunga, to become straight). — U-lungile, 
he is good, is the perfect of ku-Umga. 
1. In Angola and Congo nearly all adjectives are treated as possessive expressions, 
cf. 780. 

III. Gompatatiues ann Superlatives, 

629. — i^ In Bantu comparison causes no changes in the 
adjectives themselves, as if they were essentially comparative, but 
it is shown either by the context itself, or by some other means, for 
instance — 

630. — ct) By the use of a locative expression which may then 
be said to be comparative, as in the above Herero example : O 
waini imt-nene p'ove, lit. '' I am old with respect to you ", i. e. 
*' I am older than you ". Ex. : — 

Tonga : Ei nzila nindanfo kuli ndilia, this road is longer than that, lit. 

this road is long with respect to that. 
Kafir : Ndi mde ku-we, I am taller than you, lit. I am tall with respect 
to you. 
M-futshane lo nmtu kwa bakowabo, this woman is smaller 

than her relations. 
M-kuIu lo e milanjeni yonke, this (river) is larger than all 
the others. 

631. — b) By the use of the verb ku-pita '' to surpass ", or an 
equivalent for it (in Chwana ^^-/^/(^, in Angola kit-beta, etc.). 



Comparatives and Superlatives, 151 



Ex. In Chwana : Pitse e eihata g"0-feta eeo, this horse is stronger than that, 
lit... is strong to surpass that one. 

632. — 2° Superlatives, or intensive adjectives, are generally 
obtained by repetitions or by laying a particular stress on the prin- 
cipal syllable of a word. Ex. : — 

Tonga : Matanga maingi-maingi, or oftener maingiingi, very 

many pumpkins. 
Karanga : Mapuji manji-manji, very many pumpkins. 
Kafir : Imfene e zi-innji, very many baboons. A particular stress is 

laid on the first / of -nlnji. 

N. B. I. The reduplicative adjectives fit'jti " small "^fuefiti " short ", etc., are applica- 
tions of the same principle. 

2. We find in Kafir reduplications of the stems of substantives which convey the same 
notion as our adjective " genuine ". Ex. i-cubacitba " genuine tobacco ", from / citba " to- 
bacco ". 

633. — There are various other manners of expressing inten- 
sity, e. g. by the use of the adverbial adjective ku-nene ** greatly ", 
or, in Kafir, ka-kuhi " greatly ", or by the use of an intensive verb, 
such as ku-botesia " to be very good ", from -botu " good ", etc. 
(cf. 1079). 

634. — A particularly interesting manner of expressing super- 
latives, at least in Kafir, consists in denying that a thing is what it 
is with respect to the quality which it possesses in a high degree. 
Ex. A si mntu u kuba mJile, lit. '' he is not a man (with respect) to 
being beautiful ", i. e. '' he is a marvel of beauty ". 



chapter IV. 

PRONOUNS. 

635. — Here again we must remember that there are in the 
generality of the Bantu languages eighteen categories of substan- 
tives distinguished from one another by classifiers expressed or 
understood, and that, consequently, there is a proportionate number 
of pronouns which cannot be used indifferently. Foreigners in 
general attend very little to this, and the immediate consequence 
of it is that natives, anxious to speak like the white man, often 
come by degrees to neglect entirely what constitutes the proper 
beauty and perfection of their own language. This effect is very 
noticeable in several coast languages. It goes to its extreme limit 
in certain Northern semi-Bantu languages. And perhaps in Bantu 
languages in general the disturbances in the pronominal system 
are the best criterion of the amount of foreign influence on them in 
past times. 

636. — An element essential to every pronoun of the third 
person is a form derived from the classifier of its substantive. This 
element is what we shall term the connective pronoun, because its 
proper function is to connect verbs and determinatives with their 
substantive. 

L — Connectitie BronounB. 

637. — The connective pronouns are a kind of proclitic par- 
ticle prefixed to verbs and verbal expressions in order to point 
out their subject and their object. When we come to relative, 
possessive, and other determinative expressions, we shall see 
that most of them, from the Bantu point of view, are considered 
as verbal expressions, and consequently require also connective 
pronouns before them. In this article we consider only how these 
pronouns are formed, and how in their most ordinary use they are 
prefixed to verbs in absolute clauses. 

To give a general notion of the essential difference which exists 
between them and substantive pronouns, it may be said that they 



Connective Prononns. 



153 



are equivalent to the French />, tu, il, lis ; me, te, le, les, etc., while 
substantive pronouns rather answer to the French moi, ioi\ lui, 
eux, etc. 

Ex. (Mu-ntu) u-lede, (the man) he is asleep, (French : tl dort). 

(Ba-fttu) hdiiede, (the people) they are asleep, (French : ils dorment). 
(Lu-sabila) \M-lede, (the baby) it is asleep. 

(Ndi-ue) \x-bo7iide, {^om) you have seen, (French : (toi) /?/ as vu). 
(Mejw^iA^di-hoiiide^ (I) /have seem them, (French : {vc\d\)jeles ai viis). 

638. — Concerning the use of these connective pronouns the 
most important thing to be observed is that the fact of expressing 
the substantive subject of a verb does not dispense from expressing 
the connective pronoun before the same verb. 

Ex. Leza u-kede, God lives, lit. God he lives. 

A/a-lozui di-la sisia, the Rotse are very black, lit. the Rotse they are very black. 
Bu-izH ta h\\.'Ci-wo, there is no more grass, lit. grass //is no more there. 
Ba-anike beesu ba a-fita, our brothers are dead, lit. our brothers they are dead. 

§ 1. Forms. 

639. — Below may be seen comparative tables of the various 
connective pronouns in the principal Bantu languages according to 
the different classes and persons ^. There are a few columns in 



* COMPARATIVE TABLE OF CONNECTIVE PRONOUNS. 




l"^"' person. 


2'^ person. 


3^ person : CI. MU-BA. 




Sing. 


Plur. 


Sing. 

Subj. Obj. 


Plur. 


Sing. 

Subj. Obj. 


Plur. 


Tonga 


ndi, n 


tu 


u, ku 


mu 


u, a, ;//;/ 


ba 


Kaguru 


ni 


chi 


U, /'// 


m(u) 


yu, a, ka, mu 


wa 


Boondei 


ni, n 


tu,ti 


u, ku 


m(u) 


yu, a, m 


wa 


Nyamwezi 


ni, n 


tu 


u, kn 


mu 


u, a, mu 


wa 


Kamba 


ni 


tu 


u, ku 


m(u) 


yu, a, in{u) 


ma, a 


Swahili 


ni, n 


tu 


u, ku 


m(u; 


u, a, m{u) 


wa 


Pokomo 


ni 


hll 


ku, ku 


mu 


(ty)u, ka, mu 


wa 


Senna 


ndi 


ti 


u, ku 


mu 


u, a, in(u)^ n 


(w)a 


Karanga 


ndi, n 


ti 


u, ku 


mu 


u, a, m(u), (u)n 


ba 


Ganda 


nzi, nyi, n 


tu, ti 


0, ku 


mu 


u, a, mu 


ba 


Kafir 


ndi (ngi, z.) 


si 


u, ku 


ni 


u, a, e, m(u) 


ba, be 


Herero 


ndyi, mbi 


tu 


u, ku 


mu 


u, mu 


ve 


Rotse 


ni, i 


tu 


u, ku 


mu 


u, a. 


a 


Angola 


ngi 


tu 


u, ku 


mu, nu 


u, a, 7nu 


a 


Congo 


ngi, i, n 


tu 


u,o, — 


nu, lu 


0, a, e, w, 71 


be 


Yao 


ni, n 


tu 


u, ku 


m(u) 


u, a, Mit) 


wa 


Mozambique 


ki 


ni 


u, u 


m(u) 


u, a, 7n(u) 


ya, a 


Ghwana 


ke, n, n 


re 


0, .S^O 


lo, Ic 


0, a, 7710 


ba 


Mpongwe 


mi 


a/.we 


0, ... 


an we 


a, 


w(i) 


Dualla 


n(a) 


di 


0, 





a, 


ba 



154 



South-African Banht Languages, 



which it is important to distinguish objective from subjective forms. 
For clearness' sake such objective forms are printed in italics. In 
the other columns no such distinction is to be made, as the objective 
forms do not differ from the subjective. 

A^. B. The A'^r pronouns set in black letters are found only in participial expressions. 

640. — As may be readily seen from these tables, most con- 
nective pronouns have almost the same form as the corresponding 
classifiers. A great exception to this principle is found in the pro- 
nouns which correspond to such classifiers as contain 7n or ;^, viz. M U, 
MI, MA, IN. For in most languages these classifiers commonly 
drop their m or n when they are converted into pronouns, keeping 
it almost exclusively in the objective pronoun MU of cl. MU-BA. 
Strange to say, Lower Congo, Mpongwe, Dualla, and some other 
western languages differ on this point from the others by keeping 
the m or the n in most of those same pronouns. This difference is 
all the more remarkable as we have seen in the chapter on sub- 
stantives that in the Mpongwe classifiers the consonant m is ge- 
nerally dropped, and in the Congo classifiers it is often weakened 
to n nasal. 

o41. — N. B. I. Modern Angola agrees in several instances with Lower Congo 
with regard to retaining the in in the connective pronouns ;;///, ina^ mi. 



COMPARATIVE TABLE OF CONNECTIVE PRONOUNS. (Contd.) 




Cl. MU-MI. 


Cl. IN-ZIN. 


Cl. LI-MA. 


Cl. BU. 


Cl. KU. 




Sing. 


Plur. 


Sing. 


Plur. 


Sing. 


Plur. 


Sing. 


Sing. 


Tonga 


u 


i 




zi 


li 


a 


bu 


ku 


Kaguru 


u 


i 




zi 


li 


ga 


bu 


ku 


Boondei 


u 


i 


i 


zi 


di 


ya 


u 


ku 


Nyam^wezi 


gu 


i 




zi 


li 


ga 


u 


ku 


Kamba 


u 


i 




zi 


i 


ga 


u 


ku 


Swahili 


u 


i 




zi 


li 


ya 


u 


ku 


Pokomo 


u 


i 




zi 


dji 


ya 


tyu (?) 


ku 


Senna 


u 


i 




zi 


ri 


a 


bu 


ku 


Karanga 


u, im 


i 




ji 


ri 


a 


bu 


u 


Ganda 


gu 


gi 


hg^ 


zi 


li 


ga 


bu 


ku 


Kafir 


u, wu 


\,yi 


\,yi 


zi 


li 


a, e, wa 


bu 


ku 


Herero 


u 


vi 


i 


zi 


ri 


(y)e, we 


u 


ku 


Rotse 


u 


... 


... 




li 


a 


u 


... 


Angola 


u, 7nu 


i 


i 


ji 


ri 


ma 


u 


ku 


Congo 


mu 


mi 


i 


ji 


di 


me, ma 


u 


ku 


Yao 


u 


ji 


ji 


si 


li 


ya 


u(?) 


ku 


Mozambique 


u 


Chi (?) 


i 


Chi (.?) 


ni 


a 


u 


u 


Chwana 


o 


e 


e 


di 


le 


a 


bo 


go 


Mpongwe 


w(i) 


m(i) 


y(i) 


s(i) 


ny(i) 


m(i) 


w(i) 


w(i) 


Dualla 


mu 


mi 


ni, e 




di, li 


ma 


bu, bo 


... 



Connective Pronouns. 



155 



2. The Herero pronoun ^'/ corresponding to cl. MI is also interesting. 

3. Probably in Ganda, Yao, Kafir, Mozambique, etc., ihe consonants,^, j\ "u^y, etc., in 
tlie pronouns jf«,//, wu^yi, etc., are merely euphonic (295\ The Rev. F. W. Kolbe thinks 
that some of them are vestiges of primitive consonants which have been weakened. 

642. — The subjoined tables of pronouns exhibit only regular 
forms independent of phonetic laws. To complete it, it will suffice 
to apply the general principles of Bantu phonetics which have been 
laid down in the first chapter of this work. Thus the pronoun ki of 
Kaguru, Swahili, Ganda, etc., will be changed to c or ch before 
vowels according to n. 258 ; the pronouns u, mu, ku, iu, bti, lu, 
will be changed in many languages to w, mw, kwy tw, bw, Iw, etc., 
before vowels ; likewise, before vowels the pronouns ^, li, ri, zi, 
etc., will in some languages be changed to j, ly, ry, zy, etc., and in 
others lo y, /, r, 2, etc., etc. Cf. principally nn. 247-298. 

G^S. — ^- ^' ^" the same tables, it should be observed that in Kafir, Chwana, 
and Congo, the three locative classifiers are referred to by the pronoun ku (Chwana ^^), 
instead oti -pa (ua, fa), ku (go) and ifiu (jno). The same takes place sometimes in Tonga 
and several other languages. 

§ 2. Connective Pronouns prefixed to verbs as Subjects. 

644. — As a rule every verb in an absolute clause requires a 
connective pronoun before it to point out the substantive subject. 



COMPARATIVE TABLE OF CONNECTIVE PRONOUNS. (ContJ.) 





CI. LU. 


Cl. CI-ZI. 


Cl. ka-tu. 


Locative Classes. 




Sing. 


Sing. 


Plur. 


Sing. 


Plur. 


PA 


KU 


MU 


Tonga 


lu 


ci 


zi 


ka 


tu 


pa 


ku 


mu 


Kaguru 


li (?) 


ki 


bi 


ka 


... 


wa 


... 




Boondei 


lu 


ki 


vi 


ka 


... 


ha 


ku 


mu 


NyamAvezi 


lu 


ki 


fi(?) 


ka 


tu 


ha 


ku 




Kamba 


u 


ki 


i 


ka 


tu 






mu 


Swahili 


u 


ki 


vi 


ka 


... 


pa 


ku, y- 


mu, y- 


Pokomo 


tyu 


ki 


vi 






bfa 






Senna 




ci 


pi (.?), bzi 


ka 


... 


pa 


... 


mu 


Karanga 


ru 


ci 


\\\\ 


ka 


tu 


pa 


ku 


mu 


Ganda 


lu 
lu 


ki 

si 


bi 

7\ 


ka 


... 


-wa 


ku 


... 


Kafir 




ku 




Herero 


ru 


tyi 


vi 


ke"(ru) 


tu 


pe 


ku 


mu 


Rotse 




si 


... 


... 


... 




ku 




Angola 


iu 
lu 


ki 
ki 


i 

i 


ka 


tu 
lu 


... 


ku 


mu 


Congo 




ku 




Yao 


lu 


chi 


i 


ka 


tu 


pa 


ku 


mu 


Mozambique 


u 
lo 


i 
se 


chi(.?) 
di 


... 


... 


va 


u 


m 


Chwana 




go 




Mpong^we 


w(i) 


j{i) 


y(i) 


... 


... 


... 




... 


Dualla 




i, e 


bi, be 




lo 


... 







156 South-African Banht Languages. 

Ex. Tonga Kafir 

^^^ J Me ndi-/a yeya nmvo, Mna ndi-dn^a njalo.. . , As to me, / think so. . . 

\ Isue a tvl-h'e to-onse, Tina, ma %Uye sonke, As to us, let its eat all together. 

^ C luen-a-ka ha, Wena vr-eba, \oM,you have stolen. 

\ Inyne, mn-kede a li? Nina, m-hleli pitta? You, where do yott live? 

n MTJ EA J ^^^^ yx-kede m'manzi, U Qamata w-hleli e manzitti, God f he) lives in the water.. 

\ Ba-btie ta ha-ztiaii ttgtiho, A Babtie a ba ainbati ngubo, the ^Vit(they)^t2iX no clothes. 

CI MU-MI ^ ^'^^^-^o^^gf^ yx-ziiide, U vilamho M-zele, the river (it) is full. 

{ Mi-Ionga \-zuide, I milajubo i-zele, the rivers (t/tey)cire full. 

CI IN-ZI\ ^ I'^'%ombe \-a-inka kn-li? I nhomo y-emkapina .? Where did the cow go to? 

I In-gomhe zi-a-ijikahi-li? I nkomo ,z-emka pina ? Where did the cattle go to ? 

CI LI-M \ \ J-^'iiba li-a-sa/a/a, I langa \i-habele, the sun (it) is scorching. 

/ Ma-tanga K-bolide, A ma-tanga ^-bolile, the pumpkins (they) are rotten. 

CI. BCJ. Bti-izu bu-/a ziia, U tyanihn-ya vela, the grass (it) is coming up. 

CI. KU. Ku-fua ]sM-zoo-sika, U kti-fa ku-j/^; kn-fika, death (it) will come. 

CI. LU. Lu-I^ni \\x-la Inma, U ho-imi \\i-ya huua, the tongue (it) bites. 

CI CI-ZI j ^^■''^"'^^ ci-a-7m, /j-e-//^/^ si-w?7<?, a chair (^zVj has fallen. 

\ Zi-bitla zi-a-na, / zi-tulo z-a-wa, the chairs (they) fell. 

C\ KA TTT \ J^ci-pci'iiiba\iZ.-la lila, the baby f^iVj is crying. 

( Tti-pamba tu-/a lila, the babies (they) are crying. 

Loc. PA. "Psi-la pia a-nsi {x?ixt), KxL-ya tsha pa-nsi, it is warm on the ground. 

Loc. KU. "Kw-Ia pia kti-nsi, Ku-ja tsha ezantsi, it is warm below. 

Loc. MU. Mu-7igajidam.\x-la pia, KxL-ya tsha e ndlini, it is warm in the house. 

Similar examples might be given for all the other Bantu lan- 
guages. But they would present no remarkable difference. 

645. — Pronouns are often omitted before certain auxiliary 
forms of the verbs, as will be seen further on (nn. 873 and sqq.). 

646. — Some peculiarities have to be noticed with regard to the 
pronouns of the first person singular and those of class MU-BA, 
viz. : — 

lo In Chwana, Swahili, etc., the full form of the pronoun of 
the i^st person singular is reduced to n before certain auxiliary 
forms of the verbs. 

Ex. IN Chwana : l^-ka reka I may buy (== \LQ-ka reka). 

IN Swahili : N-/« rudi\ I shall come back (= nita rudi). 

647. ^' ^' I- Ii^ Tonga the pronoun of the first person singular seems to be 

omitted in certain negative forms beginning with si. Ex. si-yandi " I do not like ". 

648. — 2. In Lower Congo the law seems to be to replace the full form ngi or 
ngy by z ox y before such auxiliary forms of the verbs as begin with a vowel, and by ;/ 
before such auxiliary forms as begin with a consonant. Ex.: ngi-enda'''' I may go", 
y-a-ycnda " I went ", n-kw-enda " I go ". Cf. Bentley's Congo Grammar. 

649. — Of course wherever the pronoun of the first person is 
thus reduced to n nasal, the immediate consequence of it is the 
application of all the phonetic laws relative to that sound. Thus in 
Nyamwezi we have ;^-di-/w/^ " I strike ", ti-li-tula *' thoustrikest ", 



Connective Pronouns, 157 

etc., instead of n-\\-ttda, u-li-tula, etc. And in Yao, which softens 
consonants after n nasal, we have n-diesile " I have done ", u-tesile 
'' thou hast done", etc., instead oin-tesile, u-lcsile, etc., etc., (cf. 69, 
7o^ 77, etc.). 

650. — 2° In Tonga, Kafir, Chwana,Herero, etc., the connective 
pronoun of the singular number of cl. M U-B A ( = •' he ") is regularly 
tt, (Chwana 0) in the affirmative forms of what may be called the 
historical or indicative mood of the verb, such as, in Tonga, u-kede 
'' he is seated ", tt-a-kala *' he sat down ", u zookala " he will sit 
down " (cf. 948). But in the negative forms of the same mood, and in 
all the forms of what may be termed the intejitional mood, the same 
pronoun has the form a. Ex. in Tonga : ta B.-kede " he is not 
seated ", ta 3.-kali " he is not sitting down ", ta B.-2i ku-kala *' he 
will not sit down " ; a di-kale " ( I wish) he would sit down ", (let him) 
sit down ; 2i-ta kali " he must not sit down ", etc. 

651. — In Swahili the regular form of the same pronoun is a 
in every absolute clause. Ex. di-li ku-ja " he came " ; 3.-na ku-ja 
*' he is coming ", etc. Apparently the same must be said of Nya- 
mwezi, Yao, Ganda, etc. 

652. — ^' B. Whatever the exact general formula of the law relative to mono- 
syllables may be, the fact is that it causes this connective pronoun a to be replaced by 
yu before certain monosyllabic stems in Swahili and several other languages. Ex. in 
Swahili : y\x-7no " he is therein ", yvi-ko " he is there ", etc., (not a.-J?io, a.ko^ etc.). 

^ 3. Connective Pronouns prefixed to verbs as Objects. 

653. — Besides the connective pronoun subject, transitive verbs 
admit also as prefix a connective pronoun of the class of their 
direct object. They even require it when this direct object is not 
expressed after them. These objective pronouns correspond to the 
French me, te, le, les^ etc. 

Ex. ToNG.\ Kafir 

u-n6i-bonidey u-ndi-^onik, he has seen me. Cf. French : il ;//'a vu. 

^u-a-Wu-donay s-a-'ku-l^oHa, we saw thee, „ nous /e vimes. 

tu-a-vnubona, 5-rt;-m-<^^;^^, we saw him, „ nous /^ vimes. 

u-asi-bona^ 7a-a-tu-bona, he saw us, „ il nous vit. 

tu-a-mu-bona, s-ani-bona, we saw you, „ nous vous vimes. 

tu-a-hd.-bona, s-a-hsi-bona, we saw them, ,, nous les vimes. 

tua-xi-bona (?n\x-longa), s-a-vfU-boua (u m-lambo), we saw it (the river). 

tu-a i-bona (mi-longa), s-a-yi-bona (i mi-lambo), we saw them (the rivers). 

tu-a\ bona (in-^ovibe), s-ayi-bo?ia (i fi-komo), we saw it (the cow). 



1 58 South-African Bantu Languages. 



tii-a z\ bona (in-gomhe)^ 
tu-a-\i-bo?ia (i-sekua), 
iu-a-di-bona (ma-sekua)^ 
etc., etc. 



s-a-7A'bo7ia (i n-komo), we saw them (the cows). 
s-a-\i-bona (i dada), we saw it (the duck). 
s-a-wdi-bona (a ma-dada), we saw them (the ducks). 



654. — N. B. \ In some languages even locative pronouns may be thus used as 
objects before verbs. Ex., in Tonga : Ua-rci\i.-lemba (mu-n^anda)^ "he painted it inside" 
(the interior of the house). 

2. In those forms of the verbs which contain an auxiliary the objective pronoun is not 
prefixed to the auxiliary, but to the principal verb. 

§ 4. Reflexive Pronoun. 

655. — There is in nearly all, perhaps in all, the Bantu languages 
a reflexive pronoun of the same nature as those just described. Its 
form is : — 

Zi- in Tonga and Kafir. Ex. U-a-zi-dona '' he saw himself". 
Dzi- in Nika. Ex. A-Azi-endera " he goes for himself ", (from ku- 

endera '' to go for... ") 
Dsi- {dzi- (?)) in Pokomo, (Zeitschrift, 1888-89, P- 172). 
y/-in Swahili and Karanga. Ex. in Swahili : ku-]\-penda '' to love 

oneself ". 
Ri- in Herero and Angola. Ex. in Angola: Erne ngi-xvzola '* I love 

myself", (from ku-zola " to love"). 
Li- in Yao. Ex. ku-\\gawa " to wound oneself ", (from ku-gawa 

'' to wound "). 
/- with strengthening of the following consonant in Chwana. Ex. 

0-a-\-thaea '' he spoke to himself", (from go-raea " to speak to ") 

— This i becomes ik- before vowels. Ex. £o-i'k.-a77m " to touch 

oneself", {(romgo-ama *' to touch "). 
/- in Kaguru. Ex. kw-\-toa *' to strike oneself ", (from ku-toa '' to 

strike "). 
E- in Ganda. Ex. kw-^-tta '' to kill oneself ", (from ku-tta '' to kill "). 



II. — Substantive Personal pronouns. 

656. — In most Bantu languages substantive personal pronouns 
appear under three different forms "^^ viz. : — 

1° A self- standing form, which is a complete word by itself, as 
hue in xvd^ta ndi-pengi, '' /, I am not mad ". 

2« An enclitic form, which, being generally monosyllabic, 
cannot form a whole word by itself, as -ngu in mu-alurne ?/ a-ngu 
*' my husband ", lit. *' the husband of me ". 

N. B. The enclitic forms which are set in italics in the subjoined tables are used 
exclusively in possessive expressions. 

30 A copula- containing form, which, though derived from the 
others in a regular manner, appears at first sight to differ from them 
sufficiently to deserve to be considered separately, as ;^<^/;;2^ " It Is /", 
ngue " It is he ". 



■X 


SUBSTANTIVE 


PERSONAL PRONOUNS. 






jrst 


Person. Singular. 


1"' Person. 


Plural. 




b/3 






biD 










C 


. 


. t)i) 


.S 






bb 




^ 


_o 


rt.S 


'O 


.si 




rt.S 




c 


."t^ 


3 ^ 


S 


•ti 




"^ c 




rt 


Tj 


ci."J5 


03 


T) 




— ' .-- 




(/) 


c 


*2 


tli 


c 




*- 




Vli 


W 


^§ 


<*j 


W 




^§ 




CO 




u 








u 


Tonga 


ime 


[ me, -ngu 
tnje(?) 


ndime 


isue 


sue, 


•isu 


ndisue 


Kaguru 


an ye 


nye, -ngu 


... 


ase 


se, 


-itu 


... 


Boondei 


mimi 


mi, -ngu 


... 


swiswi 


swi, 


-itu 


... 


Nyamwezi 


nene 


ne 


... 


isu 


tui, 


-isu 


... 


Kamba 


ninye 


nye, -kwa 


... 


nisi 


si, 


-itu 


... 


Swahili 


mimi 


mi, -ngu 


ndimi 


sisi 


swi, si. 


-itu 


ndisi 


Pokomo 


mimi 


mi 




swiswi 


swi 




... 


Nika 


mimi 


mi, -ngu 


ndimi 


suisui 


sui. 


-ihu 


ndisui 


Senna 


ine 


ne { '^^"^ 
"^' \.ngu 


ndine 


ife 


fe, 


-tu 


ndife 


Karanga 


eme 


me, -Jigu 


ndime 


isu 


su, 


-idu 


ndisu 


Ganda 


nze 


nge 


... 


fwe, fe 


fe 




... 


Kafir 


mna 


m (= mi) 


ndim 


tina 


ti, 


-itu 


siti 


Herero 


oami 


ami, -ndye 


owami 


ete 


ete. 


-itu 


oete 


Angola 


eme 


ami 


... 


etu 


etu 




... 


Congo 


mono 


me 


... 


yeto 


... 


-ito 


... 


Yao 


une 


ne, -ngu 


... 


uwe 


we. 


-itu 


... 


Mozambique 


minyo 


mi, -ka 


f dimi 
\ diminyo 


hiyano 


hena. 


-ihu 


... 


Ghwana 


nna 


me, {-k(x) 


ke nna 


( rona 
( chona 


|Z, (-'•°) 


ke rona 


Mpongwe 


mie 


mie, -mi 


... 


azwe 


zwe, 


-jio 


*.. 


Dualla 


mba 


-mi 


... 


biso 


... 


-su 


... 



i6o 



South-African Bantu La^ignages. 



I. Forms. 



I, Enclitic forms. 



657. — The enclitic forms of the substantive pronouns are the 
simplest of all. The principle of the formation of most of them is 
very plain from the subjoined tables, viz. : in most classes of nouns 

they consist of a connective pronoun and the sicffix o, blended 
together with the usual contractions. Thus, in cl. MU-MI we find 
u-o or w-o in the singular, and i-o ox y-o in the plural, where u or w, 
and i or y, are the connective pronouns of the same class, while o 
is the suffix proper to substantive pronouns. 

658. — Important apparent exceptions to this principle may be 
observed in the enclitic pronouns of cl. MU-BA, and in those of 
the i^^^ and 2^ person. For the ending shows itself In a few of 
them only. But the divergency between the mode of formation of 
these pronouns and that of the others may not be so great In reality 



SUBSTANTIVE PERSONAL PRONOUNS. (Continued.) 





2'^ Person. Singular. 


2^ 


Person. 


Plural. 




bio 
c 




, ^ 










bJo 




'5 


C 


rt.S 


^ 




cj 




rt.S 




c 

rt 


"o 




3 




T) 




3.5 




"en 


c 


ti 


"tn 




c 




^ 




^ 


W 


^§ 


^*H 




W 




^% 




<U 




u 


'a3 








CJ 




m 






C/2 










Tonga 


iue 


ue, -ko 


ndiue 


imue 


mue, 




-ino 


ndinyue 


Kaguru 


agwegwe 


gwe, -ko 


... 


an ye 


nyie. 




-mu 


... 


Boondei 


wewe 


we, -ko 


... 


nwinwi 


nwi. 




-inu 


... 


Nyamwezi 


wewe 


we, -ko 


... 


imue 


mue. 




-i?tu 


... 


Kamba 


niwe 


we, 'go 


... 


inywi 


nywi. 




-inyii 


... 


Swahili 


wewe 


we, -ko 


ndiwe 


nyinyi 


nyi, 




-inu 


ndinyi 


Pokomo 


wewe 


we 


... 


nyvvinywi 


nywi 






... 


Nika 


... 


-ko 


... 


muimui 


mui. 




-inu 


... 


Senna 


iwe 


we, -ko 


ndiwe 


imue 


mue. 




-nu 


ndimue 


Karanga 


ewe 


we, -0 


ndiwe 




... 




-ino 


... 


Ganda 


gwe 





... 


mwe 


mwe 






... 


Kafir 


wena 


we, -ko 


nguwe 


nina 


ni, 




-inu 


nini 


Herero 


ove 


-oye 


... 


ene 


ene. 




-inu 


oene 


Angola 


eye 


e 


... 


enu 


enu 








Congo 


ngeye 


nge, -ku 


... 


yeno 






-ino 




Yao 


ugwe 


gwe, -ko 


... 


umwemwe 


mwe. 




-inu 




Mozambique 


weyo 


we, -0 


diwe 


nyenyu 


nyenyo 


-inyu 


... 


Ghwana 


wena 


0, (ga)go 


ke wena 


j lona 
( nyena 


lo. 




-6710 


ke lona 


Mpongwe 


awe 


0, we, -0, 


... 


anwe 


nwe. 




-ni 




Dualla 


wa 


. . . 071^0 




binyo 


... 




-7iyu 


... 



Substantive Personal Pronouns, 



i6i 



as it seems to be at first sight, as the following considerations may 
show : — 

659. — i^ The fullest and more primitive forms of the pronouns 
in cl. MU-BA, and in the I'^st ^nd 2^ person, seem to be the 
following : — 



Common form. 

r^' PERS. siNc;.: vnie (perhaps 77ibHc) 
whence ine^ vii 
7iye{i22) 
«^ (73, etc.) 
V^^ PERS. PLUR.: sue (or ^ue,/ue, etc.) 
2'' PERS. SING.: ,, ik (whence zve, o, 265) 
2** PERS. PLUR.: ,, f>ii'ie{y/htx\CQnywe,i22) 
Cl. MU-BA SING.: ,, ue{\\'\\ence ee,ye,yii,Q\.c.) 
CI.MU-BAplur.:,, bao{\\hencQ bo,7vao,&ic.) 



After the possessive particle. 

■ngu or nge.This, with the poss. part. gives -a-ngti mine, 

whence -a-nga{2y^) 
etc. 

,, ■eszi(=a-tsu)y ours. 

,, -a-ko, thine. 

,, •euu{=a-mu),yo\xrs, 

,, -a-hte, his. 

,, -a-do, theirs. 



-isu or -t/u. 

-ko. 

-ino, -imi. 

-/('//^(whence ■ke,-ce). 

■bo 



2° Considering that almost all these forms end in tee or o, 
reduced in some cases to u, and comparing them with the substan- 
tive pronouns of the other classes, most of which take o as their 
suffix, it may be said that we have here nothing else than an 



SUBSTANTIVE PERSONAL PRONOUNS. (Continued.) 





3"^ person. CL MU-BA. 






Singular. 




Plural. 




bb 






bb 








c 


_ 


bb 


.S 




bb 




'5 


<J 


ka 


•xi 


cj 


rt.S 




fl 


••-' 


3 ^ 


G 


<-• 


3 c 




5 


Tj 


o-'rt 


rt 


Tj 


&,"c5 




t/: 


c 


*^ 


In 


c 


V> 




ia 


W 


^§ 


uli 


W 


U§ 




a> 




u 


"oJ 




u 




C/2 






C/2 






Tonga 


uwe 


ue, -ktie 


ngue 


abo 


bo 


mbabo 


Kaguru 


yuyu 


yu, -kwe 




wao 





... 


Boondei 


yeye 


ye, -kwe 




wao 







Nyamwezi 


uwe 


ue, -kue 


... 


a wo 


wo 


... 


Kamba 


miya 


ya, -kwe 


... 


acho 


cho, -iyo 


... 


Swahili 


yeye 


ye, -ke 


ndiye 


wao 





ndio 


Pokomo 


tyetye 


tye 




wao 


... 


... 


Nika 




-kwe 


... 


ao 





... 


Senna 


iye 


ye, -che 


ndiye 


iuo 


wo 


ndiwo 


Karanga 


iye 


ye, -e 


ndiye 


iwo 


wo 


ndiwo 


Ganda 


ye 


ye 


... 


be 


bo 


... 


Kaflr 


yena 


ye, -ke 


nguye 


bona 


bo 


ngabo 


Herero 


oye, eye 


e, -e 


... 


owo, ovo 


wo 


... 


Angola 


muene 


e 




ene 


a 


1 


Congo 


yandi 


-7idi 


... 


yau 


yau 


I 


Yao 


jue 


jo (?), -kwe 


... 


wao 


wao 


... 


Mozambique 


j yoyo 
( yena 


\ hiho, 


... 


yayo 


yayo 


1 


Chwana 


ene 


e, (-ga)gwe 


ke ene 


bone 


bo 


j ke bone 


Mpongwe 


aye 


e, ye, -ye 




wao 


wao 


! 


Dualla 


mo 


-u 


... 


babo 


babo 


: _ ••• 



1 62 



South-African Banhi Languages. 



application of the general phonetic principle of Bantu that ue and o 
are convertible in given cases (265). 

660. — Hence the general law of the original formation of 
simple substantive pronouns in Bantu may be expressed by the 
following formula : — 

Connective pronoun -h suffix -m^ or -o. 

N. B. The presence oik in -ko " thee " and -kue " he " after the possessive particle a is 
perhaps merely euphonic, or, to be more exact, is intended to prevent contractions 
which might interfere with clearness of expression. 

II. Self- Standing forms. 

661. — Great dialectic divergencies are noticeable in the forma- 
tion of the self-standing substantive pronouns. However they all 
seem to be applications of the one and same great principle of 
avoiding monosyllabic self-standing words {44). 

For, admitting this to be the correct view of the subject, we find 
that in order to maintain this principle : — 



SUBSTANTIVE PERSONAL PRONOUNS. (Continued.) 







Gl. MU-MI 








Gl. IN-ZIN 






bJj 


Singular. 


bb 


Plui 


-al. 


bJD 


singular. 


Plural. 












bi) 




^"^ 




c 




. i^ 


.S 




. ^ 


u 




. ^ 


c 




. bJ3 




^ 





t^.S 


'S 


6 


ci.S 


-5 


u 


c^.S 


^ 





J2-S 




c 


•ti 


*B G 


c 


.■5 


"5 c 


c 


.— 


'3 c 


G 


.■^ 


Z3 '^ 




rt 


T5 


Ci-rt 


5 


Tj 


O-'rt 


rt 


Tj 


a'rt 


rt 


"u 


Ci-'rt 




tin 


s 


*i 


(rt 


c 


-^ 


O) 


c 


*^ 


(f) 




-5 




ui< 


W 


^§ 


^ 


W 


^§ • 


v+L 


W 


^§ 


uU 


W 


^§ 




"a 







% 




u 


■13 




u 


(U 




u 




CO 






m 






CO 






m 






Tonga 




uo 


nguo 




io 


njio 




io 


njio 




zio 


) n7io 
\ nzizio 


Kaguru 


... 


wo 


nwo(.?) 


... 


yo 


iyo (.?) 


... 


yo 


iyo (?) 


.. 




zo 


zizo (.?) 


Boondei 


... 


wo 


... 




yo 




... 


yo 








zo 


... 


Nyamwezi 


... 


go(?) 


... 




yo 






yo 








zo 




Kamba 


... 




... 




... 






... 


... 










Swahili 




wo 


ndio 




yo 


ndiyo 




yo 


ndiyo 






zo 


ndizo 


Pokomo 









... 


yo 


... 


... 


yo 








zo 


... 


Nika 







... 


... 


yo 


ndiyo 


... 


yo 


ndiyo 






zo 


ndizo 


Senna 


... 


wo 


ndiwo 


... 


yo 


ndiyo 


... 


yo 


ndiyo 






zo 


ndizo 


Karanga 


iwo 


wo 


ndiwo 


iyu 


yo 


ndiyo 


iyo 


yo 


ndiyo 


ijo 


jo 


ndijo 


Ganda 


gwe 


gwo 




gie 


gio 




ye 


yo 


... 


ze 


zo 


V 


Kafir 


wona 


wo 


nguwo 


yona 


yo 


yiyo 


yona 


yo 


yiyo 


zona 


zo 


zizo 


Herero 


owo 


wo 


... 


ovio 


vio 




oyo 


yo 




ozo 


zo 




Angola 




... 


... 


... 






... 


yo 






JO 


... 


Congo 


wau 


wo 




miau 


mio 




yau 


yo 


... 


zau 


zo 


... 


Yao 


we 





... 


je 


JO 


... 


je 


jo 


... 


sie 


sio 




Mozambique 


















... 


... 


zio(?) 




Chwana 


one 





ke one 


eone 


eo 


keeone 


eone 


eo 


ke eone 


cone 


CO 


ke cone 


Mpongwe 


... 


... 




... 


... 


... 




... 







... 


DuaUa 


... 


... 


... 


... 


... 


... 


... 


... 




... 






... 



Substantive Personal Pronouns. 



163 



a) Swahili, Nyamwezi, Nika, etc., make use of reduplications, 
e. g. 7ni'mi '' I ", in Swahili. 

b) Kafir, Chwana, etc., make use of the suffix -na or -ne " self", 
e. g. m(i)na " I ", in Kafir. 

c) Tonga, Senna, Kamba, etc., make use of some kind of article, 
e. g. ni-nye " I ", in Kamba. 

N. B. Possibly the Kamba prefix ;« means " self", exactly as the Chwana suffix -ne or -na. 

d) Lower Congo, Mozambique, Mpongwe, etc., make use in 
some cases of prefixes, in others of suffixes. 

N. B. I. It is probable that the Ganda pronouns use, mwejfwe, etc., are monosyllabic 
(of. 45). If so, they must be considered as being proclitic, not self-standing, pronouns. 

2. I have not sufficiently reliable or abundant data on substantive pronouns in Nyvvema, 
Dualla, etc., to lay down the principle of their formation. 

In Tonga, Senna, Swahili, etc., there are apparently no self- 

tanding substantive pronouns out of cl. MU-BA, and the F^t ^^j^^ 

2^ person. Demonstrative pronouns are used instead, or those 

forms of substantive pronouns which contain the copula, as will be 

seen further on. 



SUBSTANTIVE PERSONAL PRONOUNS. (Continued.) 




Cl. LI-MA 


CL BU 


Cl. KU 




Sing^ 


Lilar. 


bb 


Plural. 


bi) 


Singular. 


Singular. 




bi) 












bJ3 








.S 




bb 


c 




. ^ 


c 




t'a 


.s 




to 




•5 


d 


k.B 


'5 


.cJ 


rt.S 


'5 


u 


rt.5 


'5 


,6 


rt.S 






"o 


11 


c3 


"o 


'3.S 


c 

s 


Tj 


p. 05 




13 


3 c 




"K 


J3 


t^ 


"Jn 


G 


-^ 


in 


c 


<=> li 


(/) 


c 


s 




Is 


S\ 


^§ 


C, 


W 


'^% 


C. 


W 


^§ 


^ 


ri 


^§ 




U 







13 




<J 


13 




U 


13 




u 




CO 






m 






CO 






CO 






Tonga 




Ho 


ndilio 







ngao 




bo 


mbubo 




ko 


nkuko 


Kaguru 


... 


lo 


dido(?) 




go 


gago(.?) 


... 


wo 


nwo(.'') 


... 


ko 


... 


Boondei 




do 


















... 


... 


Nyam^wezi 




lo 


... 




yo 


... 




... 


... 






... 


Kamba 




... 








... 




... 






... 


... 


Swahili 




lo 


ndilo 




yo 


ndiyo 


... 


wo 


ndio 




ko 


ndiko 


Pokomo 




djo 


... 




yo 




... 


djo 


... 








Nika 




lo 


ndilo 










... 


. ... 


... 


... 


... 


S'^nna 


iro 


ro 


ndiro 




yo 


ndiyo 


ivvo 


wo 


ndiwo 


... 


kwo 


ndikwo 


Karanga 


irio 


rio 


ndirio 








iwo 


wo 


ndiwo 




... 


... 


Ganda 


rie 


rio 


... 


ge 


go 


... 


bwe 


bwo 






kwe 


kwo 


Kafir 


lona 


lo 


lilo 


wona 


wo 


ngawo 


bona 


bo 


bubo 


kona 


ko 


kuko 


Herero 


oro 


ro 




00 





... 


owo 


wo 


... 


oko 


kwo 


... 


Angola 


... 


... 


... 







... 




... 


... 


... 




... 


Congo 


diau 


dio 




mau 


mo 




wau 


wo 




kwau 


ico 




Yao 


lie 


lio 




ge 


go 




we 







kwe 


ko 


... 


Mozambique 


... 


no 


... 










... 


... 


... 




... 


Chwana 


gone 


JO 


kejone 


one 





keone 


jone 


JO 


kejone 


gone 


go 


ke gone 


Mpongwe 


... 


... 




... 


... 


... 


... 


... 










Dualla 


... 


... 


... 


... 




•••. 


... 




... 


... 


... 





164 



South-African Banhi Languages. 



III. Copula-containing forms. 

662. — If we consider the copula-containing forms of the sub- 
stantive pronouns, we shall find that all of them contain an enclitic 
pronoun as one of their elements. Their other element is a sort of 
copula which is modified according to the classes or remains inva- 
riable, more or less according to the principles laid down above 
regarding the copula before ordinary substantives (582-5 

The formulas of such expressions are : — 
IN Tonga : Copulative prefix varying with the class, viz. ngu^ inba^ nji, etc., 4 

substantive pronoun. 
IN Kafir and Kaguru (?) : Copulative prefix varying with the class, but 

initial nasal in most cases, + enclitic substantive pronoun. 
IN SwAHiLi, Karanga, Senna, etc. : The copulative prefix 7idi invariable, -\ 

substantive pronoun. 
in Chwana : The copulative particle ke invariable, + enclitic substantive pronoun, 

+ suffix -ne or -na. 

N. B. 1. Expressions of the kind just described have as yet been observed in a few 
Bantu languages only. 



enclitic 
without 
enclitic 



SUBSTANTIVE PERSONAL PRONOUNS. (Continued.) 










Gl. CI- 


ZI. 






Gl. KA-TU. 






Singular. 


Plural. 


Singular. 


Plural 






bi) 






ti 






bi) 






ti 








.s 




bb 


c 




bb 


c 




, ^''^ 


c 




bi) 




'S 


a 


rt.S 


'5 


u 


rt.S 


^ 


u 


kS 


^ 


a 


k.B 






Tj 


3.S 




"u 


3.5 
Q-rt 




Tj 


3.S 


c 


"o 






w 


u 


^ 


1/5 


G 


c -^ 


t/} 


c 


:i 


(/3 


G 


V 




Vil. 


W 


^§ 


c< 


W 


^% 


C4 


W 


u§ 


«*Li 


W 


U§ 




'o 




(J 


(D 




u 


Ij 







'Z 




u 




^ 






CO 






c/: 






m 






Tonga 




cio 


ncecio 




zio 


nzizio 




ko 


nkako 


... 


to 


ntuto 


Kaguru 




.. 


cho 


kicho (.?) 




vio 


vivio {^) 


... 




... 


... 






Boondei 






cho 






vio 
















Nyamwezi 






cho 




... 


fo 




... 


ico 










Kamba 






... 










... 












Swahili 






cho 


ndicho 




vio 


ndivio 














Pokomo 






tyo 


... 




vio 




... 


... 










Nika 






cho 


ndicho 




vio 


ndivio 




... 










Senna 






cio 


ndicio 




bfo 


ndibjo 


... 


... 










Karanga 


icio 


cio 


ndicio 


im 


J^WO 


ndijwo 


... 


... 










Ganda 


kie 


kio 


... 


bie 


bio 


... 


ke 


ko 










Kafir 


sona 


so 


siso 


zona 


zo 


zizo 




... 










Herero 


otyo 


tyo 




ovio 


vio 


... 


oko 


ko 




otuo 


tuo 




Angola 


... 




... 


... 


... 


... 


... 


... 




... 


... 




Congo 


kiau 


kio 


... 


yau 


yo 




fiau 


fio 




twau 


two 




Yao 


che 


cho 


... 


ye 


yo 




ke 


ko 




tue 


tuo 




Mozambique 




cho 


chicho 














... 






Chwana 


shone 


sho 


ke shone 


cone 


CO 


ke cone 










... 




Mpongwe 








... 




... 


... 


... 










Duana 








... 


... 


... 






... 




... 







Substantive Personal Pronouns, 



165 



2. In Herero I find oiuami^^ it is I ". Oete is also probably a copulative pronoun of the 
r^' person plural, and oene one of the 2'' person plural, as if the article had the same 
power as the copula. 

§ 2. Use OF THE Different Forms. 
I. Self-standing forms. 

663. — Substantive personal pronouns are used in their self- 
standing form principally to express contrast or emphasis (== French 
moi, toiy kii, eux, etc., before or after verbs). Ex. : — 

Tonga : 
lue mulozi^ lit. thou^ thou art a sorcerer. 
Mti-zoo-jana baaka sika, inyue ka mult lede, you will find that they came while you, 

you were asleep. 
h ba-la tuba, iue u-la sia, they are white, (but) he, he is black. 
[sue iu-li ba-7iini, izio (zi-pembelc) n-zipati, (as for) us, we are small, but ///<?/ ^(the 

sea-cows) they are big. 

664. — Senna : 

Ene fidi-na kala, I, I remain ; iue u-na kala, thou, thou remainest ; iye a-na kala, 



SUBSTANTIVE PERSONAL 


PRONOUNS 


. (Continued.) 






Gl. LU. 






LOCATIVE 


CLASSES. 








Singular. 


Gl. PA. 


CI 


. KU. 


CI. 


MU 


. 




ci 






bb 






bb 






to 




^~"^' 




c 




bb 


c 




bfl 


.S 




to 


G 




t'c 




-5 


_u 


kB 


^ 


6 


ka 


'O 


cj 


k.B 


'5 


y 


k S 






Tj 


3.5 

art 


c 
^ 


13 


3.5 
a 03 




13 


0.05 




13 


"s-i 




to 


c 


-^ 


ISi 


c 


% 


"crt 


c 


-t: 


to 


c 


o"5 




<Jn 


W 


^ % 


c< 


W 


^ 5 


<.M 


W 


^ § 


Cj 


W 


^ § 




13 







'a 




u 


13 




U 


<U 









m 






CT) 






C/3 






m 






Tonga 




lo 


ndulo 




wo 


mpowo 


oko 


ko 


nkuko 




mo 




Kaguru 


... 


lo 


lulo (?) 


... 


ho 


haho(?) 


... 


ko 


... 




... 


... 


Boondei 


... 




... 


... 


ho 


... 


... 


... 










Kyamwezi 




io 




... 


ho 


... 


... 


ko 


... 




mo 


... 


Kamba 


... 


... 


... 






... 


... 


... 






... 




Swahili 




wo 


ndio 


papa 


po 


ndipo 




ko 


ndiko 




mo 


ndimo 


Pokomo 






... 




bfo 


... 


... 


... 


... 


... 






Nika 


... 


... 






vo 




... 


ko 




*.. 


... 




Senna 


... • 


... 




... 


po 


ndipo 


... 


ko 


... 




mo 


... 


Karanga 


iro 


ro 


ndiro 




po 


ndipo 


... 


... 


... 




... 


... 


Ganda 


rvve 


rwo 




we 


wo 




gie 


gio 




mwe 


mu 




Kafir 


lona 


lo 


luio 


... 


... 


... 


kona 


ko 


kuko 


... 


... 




Herero 


oruo 


ruo 


... 


opo 


po 




oko 


ko 




omona 


mo 


... 


Angola 




... 


... 


... 






... 


... 




... 


... 


... 


Congo 


luau 


lo 




vau 


vo 




kwau 


ko 




mwau 


mo 


... 


Yao 


lu 


luo 


... 


pe 


po 




kwe 


ko 




mwe 


mo 


... 


Mozambique 


... 






vavo 


vo 




... 


... 


... 




... 


... 


Chwana 


lone 


lo 


ke lone 


... 


... 




gone 


leo 


kegone 


... 


... 


... 


Mpongwe 




... 




... 


... 










... 


... 


... 


Dualla 


■■■ 






... 






... 


... 




... 


... 


... 



1 66 South-African Banht Languages. 

he^ he remains ; ife ti-na kala, we, we remain ; imue mu-na kala, you, you remain ; 
kuo a-na kala, they, they remain ; kala-fii imue, do ye remain, _;'<??^, etc. 

665. — Karanga : 
Isu ti-riba-cecana, iju ?i^u-kuruana; we, we are small, they (e. g. sea-cows) they are big. 
Ibo batlpe, they (e. g. the men), they said no. 
U-no-pe7iga iue, thou art mad, thou. 
Imue inu-a-fana Reja ; you, you are like God. 
lye, ua-ru-ba xe n-kuruana ; he, he was a great king. 

666« — Old Angola (from F. de Coucto's Angola Catechism, Rome, 1661) : 
Nga-ku-sawile iye ngana yaini, I have offended you, you my Lord (page 6). 
Bene, okitatu Mao ; they, the three of them (p, 11). 
Enue, ne atuossololo, you and all men (p. 17). 
Mu-7ig-ijie\7i\^ ngana yenu, do ye know me, ///^ your Lord (p. 17). 

667. — • Herero (from Dr. Biittner's Miirchen der Ova-Herero in the 
Zeitschrijt jiir afrikanische Sprachen^ 1887-88) : 

Ku-tura etc k'o uvi, to deliver us from evil (p. 294). 
Ka ove, it is not thee (p. 190). 

668. — Swahili (from Dr. Steere's Sivahili Tales, London 1889) : 
Wewe ingia ndani, go inside, thou. 

Wewe nani? or weye ?iani? Who art thou? (p. 338). 

Wa-toka wapi, wee? Mimi natoka nijini kivetu. Where dost thou come from, 

thoii ? /, I come from our town (p. 338). 
Ku-tiywa wewe, drink thou (p. 358). 

Wa-ka-enda vivio htvto, thus they went, lit. they went //, that (manner), (p. 342). 
Papa (papo (?)) hapa -^here, (lit. (at) //, this place). 

669. — Kafir: 

Ku-ya hainba mna, lit. There will go myself, i. e. I will go myself. 
Nda kuku-bulala wena, ukuba utsho, lit. Tlue I shall kill, if thou sayst so. 
Kwaba njalo ukufa kwa lo mfo: b ati kehondi, bapuma emanzini, such was the death 
of that man ; as to them, they came out of the water. 

670. — Ganda (from the Grammaire Ruganda) : 

Tuna sika gue o-kia-li ?fiula?fiu? Wt. Shall we come into power when thou, thou art 

still alive? 
Nze bue ndia mmere, sikkuta, /, when I eat porridge, I cannot be satiated. 

671. — Chwana : 

Nna, ka-re jalo, lit. /, I said so (Crisp's Gr., p. 13), etc., etc. 

672. — ^' ^' I- In some languages, viz. in Karanga, Herero, Chwana, Mozam- 
bique, etc., substantive pronouns are also used regularly in their self-standing form after 
the preposition which means " with, and, also ", viz. na or ne in Karanga and Herero 
nl in Mozambique, le in Chwana, etc. (570). 



Sttbstmttive Personal Pronotms. 167 

Ex. : Karanga : Ne-ebo, ba-ka-ba banji^ they also became numerous. 

Herero : N'eye a kotoka^ and she came back; n'owo va-ire^ and they went. 
Mozambique : Ni-minyo gi-7ia hogoloa^ I too, I shall come back. Ni-yena 
a-kala na imvaraui, he too had a wife. 
IN Chwana : Le-ene, he too ; le-bone, they too, etc... 

673. — 2. In Chwana and Mozambique, substantive pronouns are used regularly 
in their self-standing form after several other prepositions or particles (cf. Crisp's 
Chwana Gr.^ p. 13). 

II. Enclitic forms. 

674. — The reader may remember first that all the other forms 
of substantive pronouns contain at least originally the enclitic form. 
This is found also doing duty regularly either as a noun or as a 
determinative in many other expressions which vary according to 
the different languages. 

Thus, in Tonga, we find it : — 

a) After the prep, a ** and, with, also ". 

Ex. : Baainka «-ue ku-nganga, they went to the doctor with him, (lit. they went 
he-also to the doctor). 

iV. B. Concerning the forms of the pronouns after the other prepositions in Tonga, 
cf 688 and 1 040-1 041. 

b) Before or after verbal expressions without emphasis. 

Ex. : Ue u-tt... He (the man already mentioned), he says... 
Ba-lapelela sue, they pray for us. 

c) Before locative expressions. 

Ex. : Ta mu-zoo-inki \iQ ku-lia^ do not go there, fit... to it, that (place). 

d) In such expressions as u-ci-li^O, he is still there; u-a-li ko 
lu-bela, he was there from the beginning, etc. 

675. — In Karanga, Swahili, Kafir, Senna, Angola, etc., we 
find these enclitic forms of pronouns in the same cases as in Tonga, 
though not so often before verbal expressions, and in several others, 
more particularly after prepositions in general, and often before 
numbers, as also before the words which render our *' all ". Ex. : — 

Karanga : 
Ndoonda na-yo (ijim) lit. I shall go by // (the road), 
Banubeja hi-na-su, men came to us. 

676. — Angola : 

O ngana yekala na-^, the Lord is with thee {Catechism^ p. 2). 
Ku-tu7iia ?ia-\o, to stretch it{lu-kuako^ the arm) (p. 23). 



1 68 South-African Bantti Languages. 



O jnue7iye uae uaile ^o o kukaiula mo o iniyenyo... lit. his soul went thither to draw 

from therein the souls... {ibid., p. 27). 
O mussa uetu tube o, lit. our food give //(to) us {ibid., p. i). 
.Ituxi 7igiriela yo, the sins I have committed (them) (p. 54). 

677. SWAHILI : 

Looo! simba u-vciO 7idani, Oho ! lion, thou art there inside. 
F//-mo ndani, he is there inside. 

Na-m\, and (or) with 7ne\ ria-vft^ and (or) with thee, etc... 
Si-mi, it is not /; ^/-ye, it is not he, etc... 

Ki-su fii-li-cho ?ia-cho, the knife I have..., lij. the knife I am // with // (cf. 733). 
Zo zote (njia), all the roads, lit. they all (the roads). 

678. — Senna : 
Si-rXG, it is not /. 

Mba-pita-ye. nkati, and he entered inside. 

Mba-pita na-yo ( mbuzi) 7i-7iyumba, and he entered the house with it (the goat). 

679. — Kafir : 
Viza-ni, come ye. 

U\s.o hi-ni, he is there nesLvyou. 
Yiza na-m, come with 7/ie. 
A-si-yty it is not he. 
A-si-Xo hashe, it is not a horse, lit. it (is) not it, horse. 

680. — Ganda : 
TVht-nge, and (or) with 7ne. 

N'a-wangula wo e mpagi. lit. and he drew out there a pole. 

681. — 3° In Herero after prepositions and locative classifiers 

we do not as a rule find enclitic, but self-standing pronouns. 
Enclitic pronouns are found however in locative expressions of a 
different kind. 

Ex. iV^«-/-ko, and he goes off (there). 

A-riretfa-tua mo m^o ndyatn, lit. and she put it in therein in the sack {Zeiischrift^ 
1887-88, p. 190). 

682. — 4^ In Chwana enclitic substantive pronouns are found 

almost exclusively after the preposition na " with ". 

Ex. Na-ho " with them ", nao " with thee ", etc. The locative pronoun eo is often 
used after a negative copula. Ex. Ga a-t,0, he is not there ( = Tonga ta «-ko, 
Kafir a -^^-ko). 

683. — 5° In Mozambique enclitic substantive pronouns are 

found principally after a negative copula. 
Ex, Ka-vo, he is not there, ( = Swahili /;«-ko). 

Mitiyo a gi-\\{o Anirani, I am not he, Amran, (= Swahili 7nimi si-ye A7/irani). 

N. B. Self-standing pronouns are used regularly in most other cases. Ex. Ni-7nifiyo 
gi-na hogoloa, I too, I shall come back (Rankin's Makua Tales, p. 2) etc. 



Sttbsfantive Personal Pronouns. 169 

684. — From all this are excluded possessive expressions. For 
in these almost all the Bantu languages agree in regularly using 
enclitic pronouns. 

Ex.: IN Tonga: Ingombe s/^-ngu, s/Vtu, ziewM^ s/Vz-bo, etc. my, our, your, their 
cattle, etc., (cf. 659). 

III. Copula-containing forms. 

685. — i^ These copula-containing forms are used generally 
before substantives, or independently, to assert identity with -^ par- 
tinilar and determined person or thing. 

Ex.: Tonga, Karanga, Senna : hve ndi-ue Mara?n, You are Maran, lit. You, // is 
you, Maran. 
SwAHiLi : Weive ndi-we Mara?ii, do. 

Mozambique : Weyo di-we Marani, do. 

Kafir : Wena ngu-we Marani, do. 

Chwana : Wena ke-wena Maraud, do. 

686. — N. B. I. A similar construction in Herero is the following : Owami 
Kaare, I am Kaare, lit. It is I, Kaare. Cf. 662, 

687. — 2. We may observe in Tonga the difference between such expressions as 
lue mu-lozi and Ndiwe rnu-lozi. The first means only : " You are a sorcerer " ; the 
second means : " You are the sorcerer (I am looking for) ". 

Tonga idiom : Nceco ci nda-ta fuambana ku-za, " that is why I have not hurried 
to come ". QA~ntu " a thing" is here understood. 

688. — 20 In Tonga these copula-containing pronouns are also 
used regularly after all prepositions and locative classifiers, though 
not always after the particle a when it means "and " (cf. 674), nei- 
ther after the possessive particle a (684). 

Ex.: Tu-la ko?idua rt; ngue, ^-mbabo, we shall rejoice with him, with them. 
U-a-inka ku-li ndilio (i-saku), he is gone to him (to the devil). 
iV. B. With regard to the insertion of li between kic and ndilio, cf. n. 1040. 

U-a-lapela a-nzio (in-gubo), he wears them (clothes) when praying, lit. : he 
U-bed' anga ndi-me, he is like me. [prays with them. 

N. B. I do not know that these peculiar constructions have been noticed as yet in 
other Bantu languages. 

§ 3. Varia. 

689. — 1° In Tonga, the suffix -nya ** self ", equivalent to the 
Kafir -na, Chwana -na or -ne, Ganda -una, Mozambique -7iyo, etc. 
(cf. 824), is often added to substantive pronouns for the sake of 
greater emphasis. 

Ex.: Tu-la kondua a-figuenydiy ( Leza), we shall rejoice with him himself (God). 
Ncecio-'ixydL do, (ci-ntu), that is the very thing. 



170 



South-African Bantu Languages, 



690. — N, B. I. In the last two expressions ncecio and iizizio are copula-con- 
taining pronouns, while cio and zio are enclitic pronouns. 

2. Tonga idiom : MpaMTo-nya na aka aniba^ immediately after he had spoken... 

691. — 20 In Tonga the suffix -bo is generally appended to 
substantive pronouns of the i^^^ &nd 2^ person when they are 
preceded by the particle a " and, also ". Hence a-sue-ho^ we also ; 
a-nytte-ho, you also ; a-e-bo ( = a-iie-ho), thou also ; a-mde-ho 
[—a-me-ho), I also. This suffix -bo is radically identical with -m7ie 
'' one, another " (n. 792). 

N.B. I. Likewise in Karanga na-su-ho toiida^ " we shall go, we also ", and in Senna 
ine-\iMe " I also ", ife-lave " we also ",xtc. 

2. Kafirs use in similar cases the prefix kua- " also ". Ex. kua-mna " I too " 
kwa-wena " thou also ", etc. 

692. — 3^ In Ganda we find a sort of dual formed in the same 
manner with the suffix -mbi " two (cf. 792) ". ^x. fe-mbi *' both of 
us " ; bo-mbi '* both of them " etc. (cf. 794). 

III. — DemongtratiDe ficonoun^. 

693. — The various forms of demonstrative pronouns are distri- 
butable into fundamental, emphatic, and copula- containing forms ^. 



* FUNDAMENTAL DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS. 
Glass MU-BA. 





SiNGULAF 


. : MU-niu 


Plural 


: BA-ntu 






I"' Position 


2^' PoS. 


3'^ Pos. 


r^' Position 


2^ Pos. 


3^ Pos. 


Tonga 


(o)yu 


(o)uno 


(o)yo 


(o)ulia 


aba 


(a)bano 


j 

abo 


(a}balia 


Kaguru 


ayu 




yuyo 


yudia 


wawa 




wawo 


wadia 


Nyamwezi 


uyu 




uyo 




awa 




awo 


... 


Boondei 


uyu 




uyo 


yuda 


awa 


... 


awo 


wada 


Kamba 


... 


uya 


uyu 


uuya 


... 


aya 


awu 


aaya 


Swahili 


huyu 




huyo 


yule 


hawa 


... 


hawo 


wale 


Pokomo 


huyu 




huyo 


huyude 


hawa 


... 


hao 


hawade 


Senna 


uyu 


... 


uyo 


ule 


awa 


... 


awo 


ale 


Karanga 


(i)oyu 






(e)ondia 


... 


... 






Ganda 


uyu 


ono 


oyo 


oli 




bano 


abo 


bali 


Xosa-Kafir 


lo 




lowo, lo 


Iowa, la 


aba 


... 


abo 


abaya 


Zulu-Kaflr 


lo 


lona 


lowo 


loya 


laba 


... 


labo 


labaya 


Herero 


(i)ngui 


... 


... 


j nguini 
( nguina 


(i)mba 


... 




j mbeni 
( mbena 


Angola 


iu 


... 


(i)0 


(i)una 


awa 


... 


00 


(i)ana 


Lower Congo 


oyu 




oyo 


ona 


aya 


... 


owo 


ana 


Yao 


'»j'-i 


(a)jino 


(a)jojo 


(a)jula 


(a)wa 


(a)wano 


(a) wo 


(a)wala 


Mozambique 




ula, ola 


uyo 


ole 


... 


ala 


ayo 


ale 


Ghwana 


eo 


j eono 
( eona 


eoo 


eole 


ba 


( bano 
"( bana 


bao 


bale 


Mpongwe 


... 


wiiio 


wono 




... 


wino 


WOttO 


... 



Demonstrative Pronotms. 



171 



The student's attention Is particularly called to the fact that our 
adverbs " here ", " there ", '* yonder ", are rendered in Bantu 
by the demonstrative pronouns which correspond to the locative 
classes PA, KU, and MU. 

§ I. Fundamental Forms. 

694. — In Bantu grammars the fundamental forms of demon- 
strative pronouns are generally distributed into pronouns expressive 
of proximity, pronouns expressive of things already mentioned, or 
of limited distance, and pronouns expressive of greater distance. 
This certainly is not a correct view of the subject, at least in those 
languages on which the greatest amount of reliable materials is 
available. My informants of various tribes all agreed in distri- 
buting these pronouns as follows : — 

1° Pronouns expressive of proximity to the pei^son speaking, or, as 
we may call them, demonstrative pronouns of the I'^st position. 
Ex. in Tonga : eli sekua^ this duck (near vte). 

In some languages these pronouns have two forms, the one 
without any suffix, as aba in aba banttc '' these people ", the second 



FUNDAMENTAL DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS. (Continued.) 

Glass MU-MI. 





S 


INGULAR 


: MU-cila 




Plural 


: Ml-cila 






r^' Po 


sition 
(o)uno 


2^ Pos. 


t Pos. 


i«^ Position 


2'^ Pos. 


3" Pos. 


Tonga 


(o)yu 


(o)yo 


(o)ulia 


ei 


(e)ino 


(e)yo 


(e)ilia 


Kaguru 


au 


... 


uo 


udia 


ai 


... 


iyo 


idia 


Nyam-vs^ezi 


ugu 




ugo 


... 


ii 


... 


io 


... 


Boondei 


... 


unu 


uwo 


uda 




inu 


iyo 


ida 


Kamba 




uya 


uyu 


uuya 




iya 


iyu 


iiya 


Swahili 


huu 




hiio 


ule 


hii 




hiyo 


lie 


Pokomo 


huu 


... 


huo 


huude 


hii 




hiyo 


hiide 


Senna 


uu 


... 


... 


ule 


ii 


... 


iyo 


lie 


Karanga 


oyu 


... 


oyo 


(e)ondia 




... 


iyo 


ilia 


Ganda 




guno 


ogo' 


guli 




gino 


agio 


gili 


Xosa- Kafir 


Vo 




lovvo,lo 


Iowa, la 


ie 




leyo, lo 


leya, la 


Zulu-Kafir 


lo 


lona 


lowo 


Iowa 


le 


lena 


leyo 


leya 


Herero 


(i)mbui 




... 


( mbuini 
( mbuina 


(i)imbi 




... 


( mbini 
i mbina 


Angola 


iu 


... 


(i)0 


(i)una 


eyi 


... 


oyo 


ina 


Lower Congo 


owu 


... 


owo 


owuna 


emi 


... 


emio 


emina 


Yao 


(a)u 


(a)uno 


(a)oo 


(a)ula 


(a)ji 


(a)jino 


(a)jo 


(a)jila 


Mozambique 


... 


J ula 
( una 


uyo 


ole 




chila 




chile 


Chwana 





( ono 

"( on a 


00 


ole 


e 


f eno 
( ena 


eeo 


ele 


Mpongwe 


... 


wiuo 


wono 


... 


... 


yino 


yotto 





172 



South-African Baiiht Languages. 



with the suffix no (na, la), as bano in bantu bano, which means 
also '' these people ". 

2^ Pronouns expressive of proximity to the person spoken to, 
whatever be the distance from the person speaking, or demonstra- 
tive pronouns of the 2^ position. Ex. Elio sekua, that duck (near 
you). Almost all these pronouns end in -0. 

3" Pronouns expressive oi distance from both the person speaking 
and the person spoken to, or demonstrative pronouns of the 
3^ position. Ex. Elilia sekua, that duck (far both from me and 
from you). 

695. — ^- ^- This then is the correct division of demonstrative pronouns, at 
least in Tonga, Karanga, Kafir, Chwana, and Senna. That the same may be said of 
Swahili and Angola can be safely established by considering that in the safest specimens 
of native literature in these languages the demonstrative pronouns ending with the suffix 
-o are used almost exclusively with reference to position near the person spoken to. 
There is no difficulty with regard to the pronouns of the first or the third position. 

696. — Ex. In Swahili (from Steere's Swahili Tales, London, 1889) : 

Page 20. Ume kwenda kwa harrako hapo. You have gone in a hurry thither (wherej^w are). 

do. Nangojea hiyo tumbako, I am waiting for that tobacco (which I say is near/c'//). 

do. Kitwa kicho kita kuuma, that head {of yours) will ache. 
VdigQ 26. Ah / 7nume watiou,... maneno .yayo kwa yayo siku zote ! Ah! my husband, 
every day those words {of yours), those same words. 



FUNDAMENTAL DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS. (Continued.) 

Class IN-ZIN. 





S 


[NGULAR 


: IN-^ombe. 


Plural : {Z)IN-^oinbe. 




r'' Position. 


2^ pos. 


3^ pos. 


I"' Position. 


2^ pos. 


t pos. 


Tonga 


ei 


(e)ino 


eyo 


(e)ilia 


ezi 


(e)zino 


ezio 


(e)zilia 


Kaguru 


ai 


... 


iyo 


idia 


azi 


... 


zizo (.>) 


zidia 


Nyamwezi 


ii 




io 


... 


izi 


... 


izo 


azia 


Boondei 




inu 


. iyo 


ida 


izi 




izo 


zia 


Kamba 




iya 


iyu 


iiya 


... 


ziya 


ziyu 


ziiya 


Swahili 


liii 




iyo 


ile 


hizi 




hizo 


zile 


Pokomo 


hii 


... 


hiyo 


hiide 


hizi 




hizo 


hizide 


Senna 


ii 


... 


iyo 


ile 


izi 


... 


izo 


zile 


Karanga 


ei 




iyo 


(e)ilia 


(i)oji 


... 


ijo 


i (e)jilia 
(eja 


Ganda 


... 


eno 


eyo 


eli 


... 


zino 


ezo 


zili 


Xosa-Kaflr 


le 


... 


llr 


{ir 


ezi 




ezo 


( eziya 
(eza 


Zulu-Kafir 


le 


lena 


leyo 


leya 


lezi 


... 


lezo 


leziya 


Herero 


(i)ndyi 


... 


... 


( ndyini 
"( ndyina 


(i)nlra 




... 


( (i)nUeni 
1 f'i)nOena 


Angola 


eyi 


_ 


oyo 


ina 


eji 




OJO 


jina 


Lower Congo 


eyi 




eyo 


(ey)ina 


e)i 




ezo 


ejina 


Yao 


(a)ji 


(a)jino 


(a)jo 


(a)jila 


(a)si 


(a)sino 


(a)sio 


(a)sila 


Mozambique 




ila 


iyo (?) 


ile 




chila 


... 


chile 


Chwana 


e 


( eno 
t ena 


eeo 


ele 


tse 


( tseno 
"/ tsena 


tseo 


tsele 


Mpongwe 




yino 


yono 


... 




xino 


xono 





Demonstrative Pronouns. 



173 



Cf. ibidem, page 26, line 12 ; p. 36, 1. 7, 8 and 36; p. 40, 1. 3, 9, 10, etc. A'. B. At page 40, 
line 8, of the same work, the pronoun hilo in iiyumba hilo " this house ", might be thought 
to create a difficulty ; but in reality it is a misprint for ////. Nyumba hilo is in no sense 
correct, because «j«w/<^cj! is a word of cl. IN, while hilo isof cl. LI. 

697. — Ex, In Angola : 
O ?nesso ae 00, those eyes {of yours). From Father de Coucto's Cat.^ p, 3, 



1. Formation of these pronouns. 

698. — As may be easily seen from the subjoined tables, the 
most general formula for the formation of these demonstrative 
pronouns is as follows : — 

C none, or -no (-na^-la), for the i"'' position. 
A kind of article + connect, pr. -{-suffix -J -o for the 2^ position. 

( -Ha (or la, na, ya, le) for the 3'' position. 

The article seems not to be used at all in Chwana, Mozambique, 
or Mpongwe. In the other languages it is left out only in given 
cases, v^hich vary according to the different languages. 

The forms of the same article are also various, viz. am Yao; a, e, 
or 0, in Tonga, according to the class of the pronoun, etc. It may be 
noticed that we meet here one of the rare instances in which the 
Zulu language differs from Xosa. Tor the article of the demonstra- 



FUNDAMENTAL DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS. (Continued.) 

Glass LI-MA. 





Singular : 


(L)I-swno 


Plural : 


MA -sumo 




r*' Position 


2^1 Pos. 


3^' Pos. 


V^^ Position 


2^ Pos. 


3^^ Pos. 


Tonga 


eli . 


(e)lino 


elio 


(e)lilia 


aya 


(a)ano 


ayo 


(a)alia 


Kaguru 


ali 




lilo(?) 


lidia 


aya 


... 


ayo 


yadia 


Nyamwezi 


in 




ilo 


... 


aya 




ayo 


... 


Boondei 


idi 




ido 


dia 


aya 




ayo 


yada 


Kamba 


ii 


... 


iyu 


iiya 


... 


gaa 


gau 


gaiya 


SwahUi 


hili 




hilo 


lile 


haya 


... 


hayo 


yale 


Pokomo 


hidji 




hidjo 


hidjide 


hay a 


... 


hayo 


hayade 


Senna 


iri (?) 




iro(.?) 


rile (?) 


aa 


... 


... 


ale 


Karanga 


eri 






(i)riya 


aa 




... 


... 


Ganda 


... 


lino 


erio 


lili 


... 


gano 


ago 


gali 


Xosa-KaHr 


eli 




elo 


eliya 


la 


... 


( lawo 
ilo 


( lawa 


Zulu-Kafxr 


leH 




lelo 


leliya 


la 


lana 


lawo 


lawa 


Herero 


(i)ndi 


(i)ndino 


... 


S (i)ndini 
1 (i)iidina 


(i)nga 


... 


... 


f ngeiii 
( ngena 


Angola 


eri 


... 


orio 


(e)rina 


ama 


... 


J omo 
(00 


(o)mana 


Lower Congo 


edi 


... 


edio 


(e)dina 


oma 


... 


omo 


(o)mana 


Yao 


(a)li 


(a)lino 


(a)Iio 


(a)lila 


(a)ga 


(a)gano 


(a)go 


(a)gala 


Mozambique 


... 


nna 




nne 




ala 




ale 


Chwana 


je 


( jeno 
bena 


jeo 


jele 


(w)a 


J ano 
( ana 


ao 


ale 


Mpongwe 




nyino 


nyono 


... 




j mino 

( awano 


mono 





174 



South-African Bantu Languages. 



live pronouns of Zulu always contains /, whereas in Xosa the / Is 
only heard as a rule in such pronouns as have no other proper 
consonant. 

699. — ^' B- I- In Angola the pronouns baba, bobo (of class PA), kukti^ koko (of 
class KU), and miinni^ momo (of class MU), are properly reduplicative pronouns (cf. 705). 
If the simple pronouns corresponding to these existed in Angola, they would be 
apparently aba, obo j okii, oko; omu, omo. 

2. The demonstrative pronouns in Karanga seem to have two articles, the one ordinary, 
viz. rt, ^, or 0, the other emphatic, viz. i. More information is wanted as to this language, 
one of the most interesting of the Bantu family. 

3. The presence oi h in the articles of the Swahili pronouns is probably due to Arabic 
influence. Possibly the presence of / in the corresponding Zulu articles is due to some 
ancient influence of the same sort. 

•'- 4. I consider it as probable that the suflix -0 for pronouns of the 2'^ position was originally 
identical with the pronoun ue or ko " you " of the 2'' person singular. Perhaps the suffix -7w 
for pronouns of the F^' position was also identical with the pronoun -7igu^ the possessive 
form of the T** person singular. The suffix -le for pronouns of the 3*^ position means " far ". 
The full form Ha is probably a compound of le " far" -|- <^, demonstrative in the distance. 

2. Use and place of these pronouns. 

700. — First, demonstrative pronouns can be used substantively 
as self-standing words. Ex. : — 

Tonga : 
Oyu inu-lozi, this (man) is a sorcerer. 



FUNDAMENTAL DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS 


. (Continued.) 




Class BU. 




Class LU. 






BU-siku. 




LU-lwti. 






i^'' Position. 


2^ pos. 


3'^ Pos. 


olu 


>sition. 


2^ Pos. 


f Pos. 


Tonga 


obu 


(o)buno 


obo 


(o)bulia 


(o)runo 


oluo 


(o)lulia 


Kaguru 


au 


... 


uo 


udia 


alu 




lulo (.?) 


ludia 


Nyamwezi 


uwu 


... 


uwo 




ulu 




ulo 




Boondei 




unu 


uno (?) 


uda 




lunu 


luno (?) 


luda 


Kamba 


uu 


... 


uyu 


uuya 


uu 


... 


uyu 


uuya 


Swahili 


huu 


... 


huo 


hule 


huu 


... 


huo 


hule 


Pokomo 


hutyu 


... 


hutyo 


hutyude 


... 




... 




Senna 


uu 




uo 


ule 


ulu 




ulo 


... 


Karanga 


(i)obu 




ubo 




(i)oru 








Ganda 




buno 


obwo 


buii 




runo 


orvvo 


ruli 


Xosa-Kafir 


obu 


... 


obo 


( obuya 
l.oba 


olu 




olo 


( oluya 
\ olwa 


Zulu-Kafir 


lobu 


... 


lobo 


lobuya 


lolu 




lolo 


loluya 


Herero 


fi)mbui 




... 


( mbuini 
"( mbuina 


(i)ndui 




... 


( (i)nduini 
^ (i)nduiiia 


Angola 


iu 


... 





(i)una 


olu 




olo 


luna 


Low^er Congo 


owu 


... 


owo 


(o)wuna 


olu 


... 


olo 


(o)luna 


Yao 


(a)ju 


(a)juno 


ao 


(a)ula 


(a)lu 


(a)luno 


(a)lo 


(a)lula 


Mozambique 


uu 


ula(.?) 


... 


ule 


uu 


... 




ule 


Ghwana 


JO 


j jona 
(jono 


joo 


jole 


lo 


f lono ^ 
1 lona ' 


loo 


lole 


Mpongwe 


... 


wono 


wino 


... 


... 


wino 


wono 





Demonstrative Pronouns. 



175 



Aba mbakazoaxabako^ these (men) are thy priests. 
Ba-yimi ba-a wano, the birds of this place, lit, of here. 
Nda-ka ifika okulia, I went there. 

A^ B. Lino or elino, demonstrative pronoun of cl. LI, and ino or eino, demonstrative 
pronoun of cl. IN, are often used independently to render our adverbs " then, now, 
immediately ". Ex. Ndi-li-wo lino, I shall be there directly. 

SWAHILI : 

Una fanya nini hapo? What are you doing there? (Rankin's Makua a?id S^vahili 

Tales, p. 5). 
Huyu sikofidoo, this is not a sheep {ibid., p. 5). 
Kule koo7ide7ii, there among the sheep {ibid., p. 7). 
Wakakaa kule, they remained there {ibid., p. 9), 

Mozambique : 
Una vara sheni\d^'> What are you doing here ? {ibid., p. 4). 
Hoyo kahiyo ibwitibiviti, that is not a sheep, {ibid., p. 4). 
0-madaiii, there among the sheep {ibid., p. 6). . 



701. — Secondly, in the generality of the Bantu languages, 
when demonstrative pronouns are used adjectively, they seem to 
be placed somewhat indifferently before or after their substantive. 
In Chwanaand Ganda they seem to be always placed after. Ex.: — 



FUNDAMENTAL DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS. (Continued.) 

Glass CI-ZI. 





Singular : Cl-ntu 




Plural 


: Zl-ntu 






i>^'' Position 


2^' Pos. 


t Pos. 


jrst p( 


)sition 


2'^ Pos 


3<' Pos. 


Tonga 


eci 


(e)cino 


ecio 


(e)ciha 


ezi 


(e)zino 


ezi 


(e)zilia 


Kaguru 


achi 




chichoO?) 


chidia 


avi 


... 


vivo (?) 


vidia 


Nyamwezl 


iki 


... 


icho 


... 


ifi 


... 


ifo 


... 


Boondei 


iki 




iko 


kia 


ivi 


• ■ • 


ivio 


via 


Kamba 


... 


kiya 


kiyu 


kiiya 




iya 


iyu 


iiya 


Swahili 


hichi 


... 


hicho 


kile 


hivi 




hivio 


vile 


Pokomo 


hityi 


... 


hityo 


hityide 


hiwi 




hiwyo 


hivide 


Senna 


ici 




icio 


cire 


.( ib2i 
(ipi 




i ib2o 
(ipo 


( bsire 
"< pire 


Karanga 


(i)oci 


(i)ocino 


... 




(i)ojvvi 




ijwo 




Ganda 




kino 


ekio 


kiii 




bino 


ebio 


biii 


Xosa-Kafir 


esi 




eso 


j esiya 
(esa 


ezi 




ezo 


( eziya 
"(eza 


Zulu-Kafir 


lesi 




leso 


lesiya 


lezi 




lezo 


leziya 


Herero 


(i)hi 


... 


... 


( hiui 
thina 


(i)mbi 


... 


... 


S mbini 
) mbina 


Angola 


eki 




okio 


kina 


eyi 




oyo 


ina 


Lower Congo 


eki 




ekio 


(e)kina 


eyi 




eyo 


(ey)ina 


Yao 


(a)chi 


(a)chino 


(a)cho 


(a)cila 


(a)i 


(a)ino 


(a)yo 


(a)ila 


Mozambique 


... 


ila 




ile 




chila 




chile 


Ghwana 


se 


j seno 
"( sena 


seo 


sele 


tse 


1 tseno 
( tsena 


tseo 


tsele 


Mpongwe 


... 


jilto 


jono 




... 


yino 


yono 





176 



South-African BantiL Languages. 



Tonga Karanga 

Baakafua e inzala oyu muaka^ Bakafa nejara mnaga oyu, they died from hunger 

this year. 
Ilia nyika tiinsi 7nbotu na ? Irienyi'ka tobembuyatiana ?ia ? Is not that ground 

good ? 
Mbuzie mukuarana angn oulia, Mu-buje nkuru anga eondia, Ask that brother of 

mine. 
Ei nkani iamana Mawui didi apera^ This story is finished. 

702. — Examples taken from Rankin's Arab Tales translated 
f7'om Swahili : — 

SwAHiLi : Mozambique : 

Kila ininoja katika wale 7£/^5;/ (p. 2) Moz' a 7^'ale... iveyi , Each one of those 

thieves... 
... akatia zile dinar i. (p. 4), ... kuhela ole mzuriigu^ ...and he put those 

pieces of money inside. 
Wakija\i2C^d^wezi... {y^. d)^ Ala weyi yaroa...^ when these thieves shall 

come... 
Na paa huyu amekuja. (p. 6), Na-nazoro ola ahoroa, yet this gazelle has 

come. 
Tulize sisi paa huyu, na-ufito huu, Ntumiheri fiazoro ola, ni-??itali ola, ni-niwalu 
na kisu hiki. (p, 8). ola. Sell us this gazelle, and this stick, and 

tJiis knife. 



703. — Other examples : — 
Ganda : E hi/ananyi k.ino kia anil Whose is this likeness ? (New Testa- 

ment). 
Swahili : Ya-nani sanainu hii ? do. 

Chwana (Suto) : Secivanco sena ke sa-ina7i^ ? do. 

Mpongwe : Edidi ziXiW za-niandel do. 



FUNDAMENTAL DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS (Continued.) 

Glass KA-TU. 





Singular 


: KA-samo. 


Plural : 


TU-samo 






i''^- Position. 


2^ Pos. 


f Pos. 


r^^ Position. 


2'^ Pos. 


t Pos. 


Tonga 


aka 


(a)kano 


ako 


(a)kalia 


otu 


(o)tLino 


otuo 


otulia 


Nyamwezi 


aka 




ako 


... 


utu 




uto 


... 


Boondei 


aka 


... 


ako 


kada 


... 


... 


... 


... 


Kamba 


ii (.>) 




kayu 


kaaya 


twii (?) 




tuyu 


tuuya 


Karanga 


... 




ako 


... 


(i)otu 


... 




... 


Ganda 


... 


kano 


ako 


kali 


(Cf Class BU) 






Herero 


(i)nga 






< ngent 
\ ngena 


(i).<;ui 

(475) 


... 


... 


j suini 
( suina 


Angola 


ak?. 


... 


oko 


kana 


otu 


... 


oto 


tuna 


Lower Gongo 


efi(52i; 




efio 


(e)fino 


otu (475) 


... 


oto 


(o)tuna 


Yao 


(a)ka 


(a)kano 


(a)ko 


(a)ka1a 


(ajtu 


(a;tuno 


(a)tuo 


(a)tula 



Demonstrative Pronomis. 



177 



Angola 
Senna : 
Kafir : 



Mo kiluiji eki kia niasoxi^ in this vale of tears (^Angola Cat.^ p. 2). 
Ndoko kadzuke luku ii, go and wash this spoon. 
Yopula i nyama le, or Yopula le nyama^ take this meat out of the pot. 



§ 2. Emphatic forms. 

704. — In the generality of the Bantu languages great stress 
is laid sometimes on the last vowel of the demonstrative pronouns 
of the 3^ position in order to express great distance. 

Ex. In Tonga : okulia, there (far) ; mtintu oulia, that man (far). 

In Kafir : payd^ there (far) ; u mntu Iowa or lowaya, that man (far). 
In Kamba : ;;//« uuya, that man (far). (Last's Kamba Gr.^ p. 28). 
In SwAHiLi : 7/iti u\e, that tree (yonder, far away). (Rev. P. Delaunay's 
Swah. Gr., p. 31). 

705. — In Swahili, Kamba, etc., another kind of emphatic 
demonstrative pronoun is formed by reduplicating their full forms. 
Such pronouns lay stress on the strict identity of a thing. 

Ex. In Swahili : Akalala palepale, and he slept at that very place. 
Mto uleule, that very river yonder. 
In Kamba : Umama paapae, you may stand just here. 

706. — In some other languages, as also in Swahili, emphatic 



FUNDAMENTAL DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS. (Continued.) 
The two classes KU (?io?i-locative and locative). 





N ON- LOCATIVE CLASS : KU-tlli 


Locative class : KU- 


nsi 




V''^ Position 


n^ Pos. 


3^' Pos. 


i^^' Position 


2^^ Pos. 


2,^ Pos. 


Tonga 


oku 


(o)kuno 


oko 


(o)kulia 


oku 


(o)kuno 


oko 


(o)kulia 


Kaguru 


aku 


... 


kuko(?) 


kudia 




... 


... 




Boondei 


... 


kunu 


kuno(?) 


kuda 




kunu 


kuno(.?) 


kuda 


Nyamwezi 


uku 


... 


uko 


... 


uku 


ukunu 


uko 


ikudia(.?) 


Kamba 


... 


kwaa 


kuyu 


kuuya 




kwaa 


kuyu 


kuuya 


SwahUi 


huku 




huko 


kule 


huku 


... 


huko 


kule 


Senna 


uku 


.., 


uko 


kure 


uku 


... 


uko 


kure 


Karanga 


(i)oku 


... 


... 


(i)okuya 


(i)oku 


okuno 


oko 


(i)okuya 


Ganda 


... 


kuno 


okwo 


kuli 


... 


eno 


eyo 


... 


Xosa-Kaflr 


oku 


... 


oko 


okuya 


(l)oku 




(l)oko 


okuya 


Zulu-Kafir 


loku 


... 


loko 


lokuya 


loku 




loko 


lokuya 


Herero 


(i)ngui 


... 


... 


J nguini 
\ nguina 


(i)ngui 


nguno 


... 


( (i)nguini 
( (i)nguina 


Angola 


oku 


... 


oko 


kuna 


kuku 


... 


koko 


kuna 


Lower Congo 


oku 


... 


oko 


(o)kuna 


oku 




oko 


(o)kuna 


Yao 


(a)ku 


(a)kuno 


(a)ko 


(a)kula 


(a)ku 


(a)kuno 


(a)ko 


(a)kula 


Mozambique 


uu 


... 


... 


ule 


... 


... 





ngwe 


Ghwana 


... 


... 


... 


... 


koa 


koano 


koo 


koale 


Mpongwo 






... 


... 




guno 


gogo 


... 



178 



South-African Baitht Languages, 



forms are often obtained by adding to the simple demonstrative 
pronoun a substantive pronoun of some kind or other. 

Ex. In Kafir : Yiyo-le / ndlela^ this is the very road (you are looking for). 

§ 3. Copula-containing Forms. 

707. — We find in Bantu two distinct kinds of demonstrative 
expressions which contain the copula. Those of the first kind render 
our ** it is this, this is it, it is that, " etc. Those of the second kind 
render our*' there he is, there she is, there it is, " etc. 

First kind. 

708. — Those of the first kind, which we find in Tonga, Kafir, 
Senna, Chwana, etc., are mostly formed according to the same 
principles as the copula-containing personal pronouns. 

Ex. In Tonga : 
Ng'-<?>'«, ng-oj>o, ng-ouh'a muniu^ it is this, that person. 
\Az-ezi^ nz-ezioj nz-ezilia 71-gombe^ it is these, those cows. 
yip-awa *' it is here " ; mp-awo " it is there ", etc. 

In Kafir : 
Ngu-/o, ngu-lo7c>Oy ngu-/owa m-ntu^ it is this, that person. 
L-^//, \-elo^ X-eladada^ it is this, that duck. 

etc., etc. 



FUNDAMENTAL DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS (Continued.) 
The locative classes (P)A and MU. 





PA 


-nsi. 




MU-nsL 






I"* Position. 


2^ Pos. 


f Pos. 


i'^' Position. 


2^ Pos. 


3^ Pos. 


Tonga 


awa 


( (p)ano 
( awano 


awo 


(a)walia 


omu 


(o)muno 


omo 


(o)mulia 


Kaguru 


baha 




baho 


hadia 


... 








Nyamwezi 


haha 


... 


haho 


... 


... 




... 




Boondei 


... 


hanu 


aho 


hada 


umu 




umo 


mda 


Kamba 


... 


waa 


wayu 


waaya 


... 




... 


... 


Swahili 


hapa 




hapo 


pale 


humu 




humo 


mle 


Pokomo 


habfa 


... 


habfo 


habfade 


... . 




... 


... 


Senna 


apa 


pano 


apo 


pare 


... 


muno 


... 


... 


Karanga 


(i)opa 


opano 


opo 


(i)opaya 


... 


omuno 


... 




Ganda 




wano 


awo 


wala 


... 


... 


... 




Xosa-Kaflr 


(l)apa 


... 


apo 


paya 


... 


... 


... 


... 


Zulu-Kafir 


lapa 


... 


lapo 


(la)paya 


... 


... 


... 


... 


Herero 


(i)mba 


mbano 




... 


mui 


... 


... 


omonamui 


Angola 


baba 


... 


bobo 


bana 


mumu 


... 


momo 


muna 


Lower Congo 


ova 


... 


ovo 


(o)vana 


omu 


... 


omo 


(o)muna 


Yao 


(a)pa 


(a)pano 


(a)po 


(a)pala 


(a)mu 


(a)muno 


(a)mo 


(a)mula 


Mozambique 


va 


vano 


vao 


vale 


mui 




moo 


mule 


Chwana 


fa 


f fano 
1 fana 


foo 


fale 


mo 


J mono 
( mona 


moo 


mole 


Mpongw^e 


vava 


veno 


vovo 


... 


... 




... 


... 



Demonstrative Pronouns. 



179 



709. — ^' ^^' Kafirs and Tongas often like to replace such expressions by simple 
demonstrative pronouns preceded by copula-containing personal pronouns : Ex. in Kafir: 
Yiyo le i ndlela^ this is the road ; nguye lo imitu^ it is this person ; lilo eli dada, it is 
this duck. Expressions of this kind are often used even in the first and second person. 
Ex. in Kafir : Ndiin lo, it is I here present ; siti aba, it is we here present, etc. 

710. — We must probably associate with this kind of pronoun 
various compound demonstrative forms which are found in Mozam- 
bique, Ganda, Herero, and Kaguru. 

711. — In Mozambique these forms are the following : — 



Singular 
Class M-A (= Tonga MU-BA) : Thiola, thiyola 
Class M-MI (= Tonga MU-MI) : Puyola 
Class I (= Tonga IN-ZIN) : Piyela 

Class NI-MA (== Tonga LI-MA): Pinena 

Class U : Puwowu 

Loc. cl. VA (= Tonga PA) : Pivava 

Loc. cl. M (= Tonga MU) : Piwwmu 

Cf. Chauncy Maples " Handbook of the Makua Language 



Plural 
Piyala, piayo 
Pichechi 
Pichechi 
Piyala 



P-55. 



712, — In Ganda, where these forms are found even in the 
i^st and the 2^ person, they are as follows : — 







SINGULAR. 


PLURAL. 






I'^st Pos. 


2^1 Pos. 


3^ Pos. 


I'^^^Pos. 


2^ Pos. 


3^1 Pos 




( I'-^t Pers. 


7izuno 


nzuyo 




iutuno 


tutuo 




Cl. 


MU-BA ^ 2^ Pers. : 


uno 


uyo 




mumuno 


m tan no 






. i^ Pers. : 


uno 


uyo 


uli 


babano 


babo 


babali 


Cl. 


MU-MI : 


gugiino 


guguo 


gugtdi 


gigino 


gigio 


gigili 


Cl. 


N: 


Una 


Uyo 


an 


zizino 


zizo 


zizili 


Cl. 


LI-MA : 


ririno 


ririo 


ririli 


gagano 


gago 


gagali 


Cl. 


KI-BI : 


kikino 


kikio 


kikili 


bibino 


bibio 


bibili 


Cl. 


KA-BU (508) : 


kakano 


kako 


kakali 


bnbuno 


bubii'o 


biibuli 



etc. etc. Cf, " Grammaire Ruganda ", pp. 28, 29, where these forms are rendered 
by " here I am, here he is, there he is, " etc, 

713. — Thus it may be seen that the copulative power of the 
connective pronoun repeated, which we have already observed in 
Kafir {708, 582, 586, 669), is not entirely foreign to Ganda. 

The Ganda forms just described are often used in connection 
with substantive pronouns. This probably renders them more em- 
phatic. Ex, nze nzuno, it is I here present ; nze nzuyo, it is I just 
mentioned to you ; gue uno, it is you here present, etc.. Such 
expressions seem to be parallel to those noticed above in Kafir, 



i8o 



Sottth'African Banht Languages. 



e. g. ndim lo, it is I here present ; ngiiwe lo, it is you here present, 
etc. (709). 

714. — The Kaguru forms which may be compared with the 
preceding are : — 

i''^^ Pers. : Nhonefii anye, it is I ; nhosese ase^ it is we. 

2'^ Pers. : N/wgwegwe agwe^ it is thou ; iihonyie aftyie, it is you. 
CI. MU-BA : Nhoyuyu ayu, it is he ; nhoao 7vao^ it is they, 
etc , etc. Cf. Last's " Kaguru Gramma? ", p. 45. 

715. — Expressions somewhat similar to these are in Herero : — 
CI. MU-Vx\ ; Eye ingui, it is he or there he is. 

Oivo-mba^ it is they or there they are. 
etc., etc. Cf. Kolbe's Herero Dict.^ pp. xLVin and 497. 

Second kind. 

716. — That kind of copula-containing demonstrative pronoun 
which renders properly our ** here he is, there he is, here it is, there 
it is, here they are ", etc., has been noticed as yet in Kafir only, 
but it probably exists in several other languages. Its forms are 
particularly interesting, viz. : — 







Singular. 




Plural. 






i'"^^ Pos. 


2^ Pos. 


f Pos. 


i'-^' Pos. 


2^ Pos. 


3^ Pos. 


CI. MU-BA : 


nanku 


nanko 


nankuya 


nab a 


7iabo 


nabaya 


CI. MU-MI : 


nanku 


nanko 


7iankuya 


nantsi 


7ia7itso 


na7iisiya 


CI. N-ZIN : 


nantsi 


naniso 


nanisiya 


7ia7izi 


7ia7lZ0 


na7iziya 


CI. LI-MA : 


7iali 


nalo 


naliya 


nanga ' 


7iango 


nangaya 


CI. BU : 


nabu 


nabo 


nabuya 


nazi 


nazo 


naziya 


CI. KU : 


naku 


nako 


nakuya 








CI. SI-ZI : 


nasi 


naso 


nasiya 








CI. LU : 


naiu 


nalo 


7ialuya 









IV. — HLelatitie Bronouns 

anti 

BLelatitie Barticle0. 

717. — Properly speaking, relative pronouns are no other than 
the connective particles previously described. This principle is of 
capital importance for understanding this article. 

Ex. In Tonga: U-la busia ba-niu hdi-ci-kafua^ he can raise to life people who are dead. 
In Kafir : A si zo nguho zi-lungele a ma-doda^ these are not clothes that are 
good for men. 
etc., etc. Cf. n. 730. 

718. — But in given cases, relative clauses require as a sort of 
antecedent certain relative particles ^, which correspond to our 
" he, they, or the one ", in such expressions as ** the one who..., he 
who..., they who... ", or to the French '* celui, ceux ", etc., in such 
expressions as *' celui qui...,celui que..., ceux qui..., ceux que... ", 
etc. 

Ex. In Kafir : Liphia i hashe a bateta nga lo ? Where is the horse which they are 
speaking of? Lit. Where is the horse the one they are speaking of it ? (Lit. in French : 
" Ou est le cheval celui {(\\iy\\s parlent de lui ? ") 



I. Forms of the Relative Particles. 



719. — On this subject there are divergencies greater perhaps 
than on any other between the different Bantu languages, as may 
be judged from the subjoined tables. 



* RELATIVE PARTICLES. 





Gl. 


Gl. 


Gl. 


Gl. 


Gl. 


Gl. 




MU-ntu 


BA-ntu 


MU-cila 


Ml-cila 


iN-gombe 


(ZI)N-gombe 


Tonga 


u,ngu 


( ba, be 
( mba 


u, ngu 


i, nji 


i, nji 


zi, nzi 


Kaguru 


ano 


wano 


nwo (.?) 


iyo 


iyo 


zizo 


Boondei 


e... (-ye) 


we... (-0) 


we... (-0) 


ye..._(-yo) 


ye... (-yo) 


ze... (-zo) 


Kamba 




a 


u 






zi 


Swahili 


... -ye 


... -0 


... -0 


... -yo 


... -yo 


... -zo 


Senna 


o(mue) 


wo(mue) 


o(mLie) 


yo(mue) 


yo(mue) 


zo(mue) 


Ganda 


jy, a 


a 





e 


e 


e 




(ye 


be 


gwe 


gie 


ye 


ze 


Kafir 


.(o...(-yo) 


a... (-yo) 


0... (-yo) 


e... (-yo) 


e... (-yo) 


e... {-zo) 




( oyena 


abona 


owona 


eyona 


eyona 


ezona 


Herero 


ngu 


nibu 


mbu 


mbi 


ndyi 


nllu 


Angola 


u 




mu 


mi 


i 


ji 


Lower Congo 


on a 


ana 


una 


.mina 


ina 


jina 


Yao 


ju 


wa 


u 


ji 


ji 


si 


Mozambique 


u 


ya 


u 


Chi 


i 


Chi 


Ghwana 


eo...(-ng) 


ba... (ng) 


0... (-ng) 


e... (-ng) 


e... (-ng) 


tse... (-ng) 



l82 



South- African Banhc Lmtguages. 



720. — Thus yo it may be seen that in Yao, Kamba, and 
probably Mozambique, relative pronouns do not differ essentially 
in their forms from the connective pronouns previously described. 

N. B. In Yao relative particles take before adjectives, and in some other cases, the 
suffix a. Hence jua in cl. MU-7tUi^ja in cl. MTcila^ etc. Cf. 617. 

721. — 2^ In Tonga relative particles have two sets of forms, 
the one which does not differ from connective pronouns, the other 
which is derived from it by prefixing to the same pronouns a nasal 
copula (582), whence the forms ngu, 7nba, nji, ndi [ — nli), ndti 
( = nlti), etc. The simple forms a, u, and i, are seldom used, being 
generally replaced by the copula-containing forms, probably for 
clearness' sake, or to avoid a hiatus. In like manner, for no other 
apparent reason, those relative particles which contain a soft con- 
sonant, viz. ba, It, lu, etc., are often replaced by the nasalized forms 
mba, ndi^ ndu^ etc. 

722. — 3° The Herero and Angola relative particles are also 
derived directly from connective pronouns, but with this peculiarity 
that their final vowel is generally u where it might be expected to 
be a, as in mu for a or ma, ku for ka, etc. Those Herero particles 
which contain no hard consonant take besides this an initial nasal, 
which originally must have been identical with the nasal copula in 
Tonga. 

723. 4" Relative particles in Kafir are a, e, or 0, in their simple 
forms, according as they are followed by a pronoun containing a, ^, 

RELATIVE PARTICLES. (Continued.) 





Cl. 


Cl. 


Cl. 


Cl. 


Cl. 


Cl. 




(L)I-bue 


MA-bue 


BU-siku 


KU-tui 


Gl-ntu 


Zl-ntu 


Tonga 


li, ndi 


a, nga 


bu, mbu 


ku 


ci 


zi, nzi 


Kaguru 


dido 


gago 


nwo (?) 


kuko 


kicho 


vivio 


Boondei 


de...(-do) 


ye... f-yo) 


we... (-0) 


kwe...(-ko) 


che... (-cho) 


vie... (-vio) 


Kaxnba 


i 


ga 


u 


ku 


ki 


i 


S\srahili 


... -lo 


... -yo 


... -wo 


...-ko 


... -cho 


... -vio 


Senna 


lo(mue) 


o(mue) 


wofmue) 


ko(mue) 


cio(mue) 


-bzo(mue) 


Ganda 


(e 
■(lie 


a 




bue 




kue 


e 
kie 


e 
bie 


Kafir 


.fe..(-yo) 
( elona 


a..(-yo) 
awona 


0.. (-yo) 
obona 


0.. (-yo) 
okona 


e.. (-yo) 
esona 


e . . (-yo) 
ezona 


Herero 


ndi 


ngu 


mbu 


ku 


tyi 


mbi 


Angola 


ri 


ma, mu 


bu 


ku 


ki 


i 


Lower Congo 


dina 


mana 


wuna 


kuna 


kina 


ina 


Yao 


li 


ga 


u 


ku 


chi 


i 


Mozambique 


ni 


a 


u 


ku 


i 


chi 


Chwana 


je... (-ng) 


a... (-ng) 


JO... (-ng) 


... 


se... (-ng) 


tse...(-ng) 



Relative Pronouns. 



183 



or ti. They have besides these emphatic forms, such as o-yena^a-bona, 
etc., which contain the same particles a, e, or 0, with a self-standing 
pronoun (661). 

In the same language the particle -yOy which is a sort of locative 
pronoun corresponding to the classifier -ini{^^^), in relative clauses 
is appended to the verb when this is not hnniediately followed by 
another word. 

With regard to copula-containing relative particles in Kafir, see 
n. 776. 

724 i — 5^ In Ganda relative particles have the forms a, e, 0, 
only when they refer to the subject of the verb of the relative clause. 
When they refer to its object they borrow the forms of those sub- 
stantive pronouns which have the suffix -e (656). Cf. n. ']']']. 

The Boondei relative particles ending with -e seem to have been 
originally the same as these Ganda pronouns. The others are 
ordinary substantive pronouns. More information is wanted on the 
relative particles of this language. 

725. — 6<^ In Senna also the relative particles are no other 
than the ordinary substantive pronouns. But the particle -mue is 
generally suffixed to them. 

A^. ^..On the one hand, the form -tnue means properly " one " (792). On the other hand, 
the same form when thus suffixed to relative particles is unmistakably a sort of pronoun 
corresponding to the locative class MU, and originally identical with the Chwana suffix 
-;/g (727, cf. 204), as well as with the Kafir suffix -yo (723). These two facts when put 
together are particularly interesting, as they show distinctly that the locative elements 





RELATIVE PARTICLES. 


(Continued.) 






Gl. 


CI. 


CI. 


Gl. 


Gl. 


Gl. 




KA-samo 


TU-samo 


LU-limi 


(P)A-nsi 


KU-nsi 


MU-nsi 


Tonga 


ka 


tu 


lu, ndu 


(p)a, mpa 


ku 


mu 


Kaguru 


... 


... 


lulo 


haho 






Boondei 


ke...(-ko) 


... 


0... (-we) 


he... (-ho) 


kwe...(-ko) 


mwe... (-mo) 


Kamba 


ka 


tu 


u 


... 


... 




Swahili 


... 


... 


... -lo 


... -po 


...'-ico 


... -mo 


Senna 


... 


... 


ro(mue) 


po(mue) 


ko(mue) 


mo(mue) 


Ganda 


{L 


... 


e 
rwe 


we 


gie 


mue 


Kafir 






(0... (-yo) 
\ olona 


... 


e.,. (-yo 
okona 


... 


Herero 


ku 


tu 


ndu 


pu 


ku 


mu 


Angola 


ka, ku 


tu 


lu 


bu 


ku 


mu 


Lower Congo 


kuna 


tuna 


luna 


vana 


kuna 


muna 


Yao 


ka 


tu 


lu 


pa 


ku 


mu 


Mozambique 




... 


... 


va 


, . 




Chwana 


... 


... 


lo... (-ng) 


fa 


e(?) 


... 



184 South-Africmt Bantu Languages, 

MU-, -ini, -«g, -ni, (548-555), are closely related to the adjective -mue " one ", and must 
therefore be said to signify primarily " one, together with ". 

726. — 7° In Swahili also the relative particles are Identical 
with the substantive pronouns. But they have this peculiarity, that, 
Instead of Introducing the relative clauses,as In most other languages, 
they are suffixed to their first verbal form, even when this Is a mere 
auxiliary. (See examples n. "j^iZ)* 

727- — 8° The relative particles In Chwana do not differ from 
the simplest forms of the demonstrative pronouns. But In this 
language the suffix -n^ ( = Kafir -yo, 723, 725) is generally appended 
to the principal verb of a relative clause. 

In Congo the relative particles look like demonstrative pronouns 
of the third position without their initial article (693^^). 

N. B. More information is wanted on the proper forms of the relative particles in the 
other languages. 

§ 2. Use of Relative Particles and Construction of 
Relative Clauses in General. 

728. — The proper use of relative particles, and In general the 
construction of relative clauses, is the main difficulty in all Bantu 
languages. That of treating it here is considerably Increased by the 
variety of the languages with which we are dealing, and by their 
divergencies on this very point. 

For clearness' sake we may consider separately : i^ The relative 
clauses In which the antecedent is represented by the subject of 
the verb, as in Mu-ntzt M-a-fua,.. or u mu-ntu u-a-fua..., " the man 
who Is dead... " — 2° The relative clauses in which the antecedent Is 
represented by an object of the verb, as In Mti-nht ngu nd-a-bona, 
'' the man whom I have seen. " Hence : — 

1. Relative clauses in which the antecedent is represented by the 

subject of the verb. 

729. — First Co7tstruction (without a relative particle). 

In most Bantu languages, when the antecedent Is represented In 
the relative clause by the pronoun subject of the verb, this pronoun 
alone generally does duty as relative pronoun, and no relative par- 
ticle Is used. This Is the usual construction In Tonga, Karanga, 



Relative Protioitns. 185 



Angola, Mozambique, Kaguru, Kamba, Nyamwezi, Mpongwe, and 
the Suto dialect of Chwana. In Kafir these relative clauses without 
a relative particle are found only after antecedents which have 
themselves no article. 

730. — Ex. : — 

Tonga : Mofize ii-la husia bantu ha.-a-^a fua, Monze can raise to life people 
7e//io are dead. 
Ndi-ue u-a-ka- ndi-loela mu-ana w-aka fa a ejilo^ it is you who had 

bewitched my child who died yesterday. 
Ni-n-ganga ??iu-ntu u-sonda^ lit. it is a Nganga, a man ufJio smells, i. e. 

a Nganga is a man who smells people. 
Ue^ tata uesu u-a-ka iu-buniba, Thou, our Father, 7vho didst form us. 
Ba-la sondela ba-niu h3i ta /uide, they come near, the persons 7('ho 
are not dead. 
Karanga://* t'-pone ixindi yi-no-pzaiiga nda? Where are the muircats which 
like to go? 
Old Angola : Esjie tu-ekala ko uze ou..,^ We zvho live in this world... (Father de 

Coucto's Cd'/., p. 34). 
Mozambique : M-tu di-ruele^ the man who went. (Chauncy Maples' Gr., p. 56). 
Kaguru : Mu-ntu diny-e?ida^ the man who loves me. (Last's Gr.^ p. 47). 
Kamba : Mu-ndu di-ny-ejida, the man who loves me. (Last's Gr., p. 28). 
Nyamwezi : N-zwile z-a-za^ lit. hair which is red, i. e, red hair. 
Mpongwe : Nyare yi re veno^ i-nyare ^\re veno, the ox ivhich is here, the oxen 
which are here. (Ms"" Le Berre's Gr.^ p. 11). 
Suto : Leseli \e-/enQ go uena... the light thai is in thee. (Mat., 6, 23). 
Kafir : A-si m-ntu xa-tajida a ma-hashe (not ...o-taftda), he is not (a) man 
who likes horses. 
Ndi-teta la in-nttc u-hamba paya^ (not . . .o-ha?Jtba)^ I mean that man 

who is walking yonder. 
Kangela ela dada M-se m-lavjeni iyiOt ...^ li-se...)^ look at that duck 

which is in the river. 
Wena^ W-hambaze (not o-hamba-ze), you who walk naked. 

731. — Second Construction (a relative particle before the relative 
clause). 

This is the usual construction In Kafir, Chwana proper. Senna, 
Ganda, Yao, and Lower Congo. I find also examples of It In Tonga, 
but with this peculiarity, that the relative particle is placed before 
the antecedent itself, not after it as in these other languages. With 
regard to Kafir and Chwana we must remember that a suffix, viz. 
yo in Kafir, ;/g in Chwana, is In given cases appended to the verb 
(723, 727). 



1 86 South-African Bantu Languages. 

732. — Ex, 

Kafir : Ngu m-ntu o-tanda a ma-has he {= o u-tanda...) he is a man who 
likes horses. 
Ngu m-niu o-ndi-tanda-yo, he is a man luho likes me. 

N. B. Here the antecedent 7Jt-?ittc being preceded by an article, the relative clause 
likewise requires a relative particle. 

CiiWANA PROPER : Le-sedi ^^ h-kw^ mo go wena. (Cf. Suto : le-seli le-lsn^ go uena, 
supra n. 730.) the light that is in thee, lit. the light that which 
is in thee. 
Dhiku tse di-timetser\% the sheep that have strayed. 
Monna eo o-na a-ka re-bolelela^ the man ivho could have told us. 
(Rev. William Crisp's 6^/'., p. 52.) 
Ganda : A ba-niu a ha-genze^ the people who have gone. 

O mu-ntuy-a-ja { = ^-y-a-ja) the man ivho is coming. (Cf. French 
Ga?ida Gr.^ p. 30). 
Senna : Ku-unika ko-mue ku-li ?nw-aiwe, the light thath in thee. (Mat., 
6, 23). 
Mu-ana O-mue wa-sua n-diro u-a-taiaa, the child which was 
crying has gone off. (Rev. Father Courtois' Tete GratHmar,^.^"].) 
Yao : Nyumba ]\j-a-gwile liso j-a-pile moto^ the house which fell yester- 
day has been burnt. (Rev. A. Hetherwick's 6^;-., p. 34). 
Lower Congo : E ft-taudi m'o-kuizanzay the child which is coming. (Rev. Father 
Visseq's Gr., p. 25). 
Tonga : U mu-fitu u-a-keza ejilo^ the man who came yesterday, lit. he the 
man who... 

733. — Third Constj^uction (a relative particle appended to the 
first verb of the relative clause). 

This is the regular construction in Swahili and Boondei. It is 
also met with in some Senna dialects. 

Swahili : Ki-su ki-kata-cho, the knife 7vhich cuts. 

Ki-su hi-?ta-cho anguka, the knife which is falling. 
Ki-su ki-li ch.0 anguka, the knife 7vhich has fallen. 
Kisu ki-taka-cho anguka^ the knife which will fall. 
Ki-su ki-si-z\\Q kata^ the knife which does not cut. 
Boondei : Mu-ntu e-za-y^^ the man who is coming. 

Mu-ntu enda-y^ eze^ the man who will come. 

73'4j. — N. B. I. In Boondei this construction is generally coupled with the second . 
Ex. Muti we kugzca-o, the tree which fell. 

2. The Kafir construction with, the suffix -yo, and the Chwana construction with the 
suffix -;/g, may well be compared with this. 

2. Relative clauses in which the antecedent is represented by an 

object of the verb. 

735. — Here again we may distinguish two kinds of construction. 
In the first kind the antecedent is represented in the relative clause 



Relative Pronouns, 187 



by the relative particle alone. In the second kind the antecedent is 
recalled either before the verbal stem by an objective pronoun 
(connective), or after the verb by a substantive pronoun. 

736. — First construction (the antecedent represented in the 
relative clause by the relative particle alone placed at the very 
beginning of the clause). 

This is the usual construction, at least for affirmative clauses, in 
Tonga, Karanga, Angola, Yao, Senna, Ganda, etc., when the 
relative particle represents the direct object of the verb of the 
relative clause. 

Ex. Tonga : Ka mu-cita zi-niuzi ndi-ya:ida^ Do ye the things which I like. 

Ka u-ndi-pe ci-ntu ci nd-a-amba^ Give me the thing ivhich I have 

said {=^ Ka u-ndi-pdi-.. cf. 274). 
I-sekua li nd-a-ka bo7ia ejilo..., the duck which I saw yesterday... 
Ndi ue na u nd-a-ka bona ejilo ? Is it you whom I saw yesterday ? 

.V. B. In such clauses, whether for the sake of clearness or that of euphony, we often 
hear those nasalized forms of the relative particles which contain the copula, viz. nii^u, 
7iga^ ndi^njiy mba^ etc. (721), instead of w, a^ li^ /, ba^ etc. Ex. I-lili isekua nd-u-amba? 
(= ...li-ti-aviba) Which is the duck which you mean ? 

Herero : E purura ndi u-a-tora, the purura which thou hast carried off. 
Old Angola : O y-uma y-a-tu-iutna, the things which they order us. (Father de 
Coucto's Cat.) 
Modern Angola: O mbua i ng-a-jiba...^ the dog which I have killed. (Cf. Heli 
Chatelain's Gr.^ p. 95). 
Karanga : 1 nyika i 7id-a-ka lebereka...^ the ground ivhich I have said. 

Yao : Nyumba]\ tw-a-tveni liso..., the house which we saw yesterday. 
Ganda : A ba-ntu be tu-laba, the men whom we see. 
Senna : Ma-u o-mue na-?iena, the words which he says. 

A^. B. In clauses of this kind in Senna the connective pronoun subject of the verb is 
generally understood, as in the preceding example, in which na-nena is for u-na nena. 

737, — Second construction (the antecedent recalled by a second 
pronoun besides the relative particle). 

This is the usual construction in Tonga, and the other languages 
just mentioned, when the relative particle represents an i7idirect 
object of the verb. I find it also in Tonga in negative clauses when 
the antecedent represents a direct object. 

In Kafir, Chwana, Swahili, and Kamba, it is the usual construction 
for all kinds of relative clauses in which the antecedent is repre- 
sented by an object of the verb. In Yao it seems to be as usual as 
the first construction (Rev. A. Hetherwick's Gr., p. 34). Ex. : — 



1 88 South-African Bantu Languages. 

Tonga : Ba-la loa mu-ntu u ba-ta mu-yandt\ they bewitch the man zu/iom they 
do not like, lit. the man /ii'm they do not him like. 
In-gubo z\ alapela «-nzio..., the clothes in which he prays, lit. the 
clothes them he prays with them. 
N. B. In such clauses the connective pronoun u of class MU-iiiu is changed to a^ 650. 
Old Angola : ... ne pango y-a-iu-fuila na-yo, ... and the manner in which he died 
for us, lit, ... and the manner t/iat he died for us with //. 

738.— 

Kafir : Zi-ye pi?ia i fikofno e ndizi-tejigiie-yo? Where are the cows which I 

have bought ? lit. They have gone whither, the cows that I them 

bought ? 

In-gubo a ba-tandaza na-zo, the clothes in which they pray, lit. the 

clothes that they pray with them. • 

N. B. I. Kafir idioms : Ezi nqanawe z'l-hamba a belungu or ...zi-hajnba a behtngu 

nga-7.o^\\\.. these ships (with) which go white people, i. e. which white people go by. — 

Hainba u-yo ku-ba eza nkabizi-lt'ma aba bafitu^ Go to steal those oxen which those men are 

ploughing with, lit. ...(with) which are ploughing those people. — In such constructions, 

where that which should be the object of the verb is apparently made the subject, there 

is a great deal of analogy with the Tonga construction, only the real subject is understood. 

2. Kafirs say, for instance : / iikomo 2L-zi-tcngile-yo (= / nkomo SL-a-zi-tengtle-yo == 

...o-a-zi-/engi/e-yo), " the cows which he has bought " ; and likewise : i nkomo SL-wa-zi- 

tenga-yo = " the cows which he bought ", thus replacing by a the relative particle o of 

class MU-itttc. 

739.— 

Chwana : Mo-lelo o re-o-tiikisitse-n^^ the fire which we have kindled. 

Tlhobolo e kefudile-n^ /I'^-eone, the gun with which I have shot, lit. the 
gun that I have shot with //. (Cf. Rev. W. Crisp's Gr., p. 18.) 
Swahili : Neno gafii a-li-\o W-sema ? \N\\2i\. is it that he says? Lit. Which (is) the 

word he is // saying // ? 
Kamba : Ka-mdo ka ni-na ]s.SL-onie iyo, the insect which I saw yesterday, lit. the 
insect that I saw // yesterday. (Cf. Last's Kamba Gr.y p. 29.) 

740. — To complete this matter, we must add a word on the 
possessive relative " whose ", and the llkis, viz. ** of which " and '' of 
whom ". As a general principle it may be said that in Bantu the 
clauses which contain such a particle have a construction similar to 
that just described. Ex. : — 

Tonga : Ba-li ku-li bantu hdi n-zim-pongo zi-a-ho ezi? Where are the people whose 
goats these are ? lit. ...the people they it is the goats of them these. 
Chwana : Xgosi e le-fatshe e-/e-n^ja-eone, the chief whose land this is, lit. the chief 
that the land is that oi him (Rev. W. Crisp's Gr.^ p. 18). 

741. — The usual Kafir construction equivalent to this is some- 
what idiomatical. Ex. : — 

Yi-nto e zandla zi vinyama, he is a man zuhose hands are black, lit, he is a thing 
7vhich (has) hands that are black. 



Relative Pronouns. 189 



742. — ^' ^' Though these are the main principles which preside over the 
construction of relative clauses in the Bantu languages, it remains true that this point 
requires further study. I have at hand several grammars in which these delicate questions 
seem to have been carefully avoided. I have others which in this matter are by no means 
reliable. 



V. — Bconouns in Bo00es0itie erpressions. 

§ I. General Principle. 

743. — In most Bantu languages possessive expressions are 
formed by placing the particle -a before substantives and pronouns. 
Thus from mu-ame " a king " we obtain -a mu-ame " the king's " 
or ** of the king ", and from bo '* they " v^e obtain -abo '' their ". 
Being thus formed, these expressions are treated as if they were a 
kind of relative clause, or, in other words, as if the possessive par- 
ticle -a were properly a verb meaning '* to belong to..., to appertain 
to... ". Hence they require connective pronouns as well as relative 
clauses. 

Ex. IN Tonga : 
Mu-anakaz' yxa viu-ante^ the king 's wife, lit. the wife which (is) of the king. 
Ba-anakazi ba-^; mu-ame^ the king's wives. 
Mu-cila wa mu-lavu, a lion's tail. 
Mi-cila \-a ba-lavu^ tails of lions. 
Ivi-bizi \-ako, (z)mbizi zi-ako, thy horse, thy horses. 

etc., etc. 

744. — In those languages however which require relative 
particles of various kinds in certain relative clauses (731), these 
particles are not generally required before possessive expressions. 

Exceptions to these principles will be seen further on (761 and 
774-778). Thus, in Kafir we have u-mfazi w-ako, thy wife (not 
u mfazi o zv-ako, ']'^2 and 775), and in Chwana we have mo-sadi 
0-agago, thy wife, (not mo-sadi eo o-a gago, 732). 

745. — ^' ^' ^' -^s may be seen from the examples just given, the principles 
relative to possessive expressions in general are applicable as well to the possessive 
adjectives -angtt " my ", -ako " thy '', -akue " his ", -esu " our ", -enu " your ", -abo 
" their", -awo, -ajo, -alio, -alo, etc. " its ", etc. (656* 658, 659). 

746. — 2. In Mpongwe the possessive particle -a\s not heard in ordinary possess- 
ive expressions. Ex. Mboni yi ngowe (not vtboni ya. ngoive), the chiefs goat. But it is 
retained in possessive adjectives, as in Mboni yzi-m:, my goat. 



190 



South- African Banhc Languages, 



2. Connective Pronouns Suppressed. 



747. — Before possessive expressions such connective pronouns 
as consist of a mere vowel, viz. u, ^, or a, are sometimes sup- 
pressed. Thus we may hear in Tonga mu-ana a-ngii ** my child " 
for mu-ana w-a-ngu, tafesu '* our father " for tata u-esu, etc., in 
Kafir z bokw a-m '* my goat " for i-bokwe y-a-m, etc. 

748. — This, combined with various other principles, has pro- 
duced in several languages a remarkable series of nouns of rela- 
tionship, as may be seen from the following table : — 

my father thy father his father my mother thy mother his mother 



Tonga 

Shambala 

Guha 

Kafir 

Herero 

Ganda 

Chvs^ana 

Swahili 
Mpongwe 

etc., etc. 



tata 
tate 
tata 

rtata 

\bawo 
tate 

( sebo 

\ kitange 
rre 

babangu 
re re 



uso 
ixo 
so 

u yihlo 

o iho 

kito (?) 

rrago 
babako 

? 



uise 
ixe 
se 

u yise 

o ihe 

kite (?) 

rragwe 
babaye 



ba-ma 
m-lala 
maju 

u ma 

o mama 

mange 

nyabo 

mme 

mamangu 

ngi vami 



ba-nyoko 
nyokwe 
nyoko 

u nyoko 

o nyoko 

nyoko 

mmago 

mamako 

ngi yo 



ba-nyena 
nine 
nina 

u nina 

o ina 

nyina 

mmagwe 

mamaye 

ngue 



749. — ^' ^' I- Most of these words are easily analysed. Thus in Tonga tiso = 
u-si-a-o == u-isi a-ko; Ji-ise = u-isi a-e = u-isi a-kive ; ba-nyoko = ba-ma u-a-ko (cf. 122), 
etc. In tata^ ba-ma, the possessive pronoun is understood. The word- for " his mother " 
in Tonga, Shambala, etc., seems to be derived from the element a?iya^ notion of " giving 
the breast ", and -ana " child ". 

750. — 2. As has been said in n. 143, in Tonga the words for " mother " are 
generally used in the plural number instead of the singular as a mark of respect. 
In some other languages on the contrary the words for " mother " may be used in the 
singular number, but not so the words for " father ". Thus in Mozambique the word 
a-thithi " my father " is a plural of class MU-BA, and in Kafir tata is generally used as 
a plural of class IN-ZIN. Hence we may hear sometimes tata z-am " my father ", tata 
z-ako " thy father " (= u yihlo), etc. In Senna both the word a-tatu " father" and a-mai 
" mother" seem to be used always as plurals of cl. MU-BA. 

751. — 3 ^^ some languages the words for " father " are oftener brought under 
cl. IN-ZIN than under cl. MU-BA. This is the case particularly in Angola, Nika, Swa- 
hili, etc. 

752. — 4- B^b<^ or Bawo is apparently borrowed from Arabic or from another 
Semitic language, and in some languages it is not used properly with the meaning of 
" father ", but with that of " sir, master ", or as an honorific title. The true Bantu word 
for " father " is tata or rara {tate, n-tate, etc.) 

753. — 5' The Rev. W. Crisp {Secoana Gr., p. 21) notices some contractions in 
various nouns of relationship in Chwana which show distinctly that this language is 



Pronouns in Possessive Expressions. 



191 



impregnated with words borrowed from several others. Thus the possessive expression -eno 
" your, yours ", is borrowed from Tonga, or Karanga, or Kafir, to form the words rraeno 
" your father ", mviaeno " your mother ", etc. A-ke {= a-Jtge) "mine ", is borrowed 
from Karanga to form the words moro-ake " my son ", nnake " my younger brother " 
(== Karanga nonange)^ mo-gatsake " my spouse " (= vio-^adi-ake^ cf. 205), etc. 

yg^:, — 6. In Ganda, among other expressions similar to those above mentioned, 
we may notice base " my husband ", baro " thy husband ", etc. (French Ganda 
Grammar^ p. 26). 

§ 3. Possessive Expressions after Locatives. 

755. — Locative expressions give rise to a great variety of 
construction for the possessive expressions which depend on them. 
Thus : — 

756. — 1° In Senna, Nyamwezi, Karanga, Mozambique, etc., 
possessive expressions which depend on locatives regularly admit 
the connective pronoun corresponding to the locative classifier of 
their noun. 

Ex. Nyamwezi : Ha-numba \i-a wawa " at the house of my father ". 

Ku-7iumba ku-« ivawa " towards the house of my father ". 
Mu-?iumba mxx-a wawa " in the house of my father ". 
Karanga : Ku-mberi ko \winu ywirire " before all things ", pe-juru pzJi-sece 
( —pa-im-sece) " on the earth " ; pa-kati ^^njizi m-biri " between 
two rivers ", niu-kati inu-e-mumba " inside of the house ". 
Senna : Pa-kaii pa akazi " amidst women " \ pa-maso pa-ace " before his 
eyes " ; apano pa-katl pa pili pa mi-sozi " here in this vale of 
tears " ; vi-mimba imv-anu " in your bosom " ; ku-inusa ku-a ?izou 
" at the abode of the elephant ". 
Mozambique : Va-zulu Ydi-ia " over it " ; vtiwhina m-a-i'a " inside of it ", etc, 

757. — 2^ In Tonga, Herero, Angola, Kongo, etc., the possess- 
ive expressions which depend on locatives admit only in a few 
cases the connective pronoun corresponding to the locative prefix : 
more commonly they require the connective pronoun corresponding 
to the proper classifier of their noun : in some cases they require no 
connective pronoun at all, principally when the locative expression 
is formed with an adjective. 

758. — Ex. Tonga : With a locative pronoun : Ba-lala '^w-fisi ^w-a-vianzi 
" they (the Mbunda) can sleep at the bottom of the water ". E7ida ^\x-nembo ku- 
angu " walk before me ". 

With a non-locative pronoun : A ka-// ka-a ma-cedo " in the middle of night ". Ku 
mvnzi i-a-bo " in their villages ". Afi^ n-ganda i-a-ko (or through assimilation 7nu- 
nganda di-a-ko) " in thy house ". 



192 South- African Bantu Languages. 

Without any connective pronoun : Ba-la njila mu-kati a-manzi " they go into the 
water '■'. U-kede ku-iala a Si-ofigo, ku-nsi a Mukuni " he lives above Siongo (Victoria 
Falls), below Mu-kuni ". Mu-nsi a muse (or mii-ns'a muse " under the ground "). 

759. — Other examples : 

Herero : Tua p'-e kuvia fo mu-vero (Kolbe's Diet.) *' put it down behind the 
door " ; k'o vCi^Jio y-oye " before your eyes " ; k'o mu-rungu u-e '' before him " ; 
m'o ka-// k!o meva " in the midst of the water ". 

Angola (from F. de Coucto's Catechism^ 1661). Mo kumbi x\-a kufua ku-etu " in 
the hour of our death ". Mo ^Uuiji ekiki-a ma-soxi " in this vale of tears ". U-ekala 
ko vci-bando y-a lu-kuakolu-a kuria " he sits at the right hand... " 

Congo. Muna 6i-ambu di-a... " on account of... "; ku-7ia lose \ua... " before 
the face of... "etc. (Cf. Bentley's Diet p. 61 2)." 

N. B. It is worthy of notice that, the diminutive classifier >(•« having been lost in Congo, 
the ancient expressions formed with ka-ti " middle, centre " are now connected with fol- 
lowing substantives by the pronoun ku, as in mu-na ka-// ku-^;... " in the centre of ". 
This connects Congo with Kafir, Chwana, etc. 

760. — 3° In Swahili the possessive expressions which depend 
on locatives require different connective pronouns according to the 
meaning of the locative expression. 

Ex. Kati y-a vjia *' in the middle of the road " ; juu y-a-ke " over it ", etc. (as if 

kaii2indijuu were nouns of the class IN ox MA). 
Kati ka He jiive " in the middle of that stone " (as if kati were here a noun of 

class KA., a class nearly obliterated in Swahili). 
Nyumbam k^-a-ke " at his house " ; kanwa-m kw-^- Muuugu *' from the 

mouth of God " (as if the locative suffix -;// were here equivalent to ku). 
Mi-kono-ni vciw-a-o " in their arms " ; ...uvu/i-ni mv/a ma-uti " in the region 

of darkness " (as if the locative suffix -«/ were here equivalent to mu). 
Ma-Mlipsi raha " the place of rest " (as if ma-hali were a locative of class PA). 

761. — 4° In Kafir and Chwana, where the mechanism of 
locatives is perhaps still more disturbed than in Swahili, the possess- 
ive expressions which depend on old locative expressions are in 
most cases connected with them by means of the pronoun ku 
(Chwana go). Other locative expressions require the connective 
pronoun corresponding to the proper classifier of the noun 'which 
they contain. 

Ex. Kafir. 'Pezu \ivj-a-ko *' over thee ". 'E-ea/eni \^w-a-m " at my side ". "Ezautsi 
\iiw-en-taba " below the mountain ". — E-Xi-dliniy-a-ko " in thy house ". 

Chwana. Kwa-?itle ga 7notse { = gO-a motse) " outside the town ". Fa-gare g"a 
ba-sadi " amidst women " ( = ...go-« ba-sadi). Mo-ten^ ga lesaka ( = go-« le-saka) 
" inside of the kraal ". — Mabogono, diOfia " in their arms ". 

762. — 5° In Mpongwe the locative particle ^t? generally does 
duty for all the locative classifiers of the other Bantu languages, and 



Pronouns in Possessive Expressions. 193 



it acts as a mere preposition. Hence In this language, when possess- 
ive expressions follow locative expressions, the connective pronoun 
which is required is, as a rule, that which corresponds to the 
classifier of the noun which is preceded by the locative particle. 
Ex. Go ?iyumiy-a?ii '* behind you ". 

763« — ^- ^' I^^ th® same language some ready-made expressions remind one of 
the regular constructions of the other Bantu languages. Ex. AH ga ivipumi itani " within 
five years " (cf. Swahili Z'«//ka..., Tonga a ^a-HKa...., etc., n. 758) ; in-pangini ga nde(^o 
" in the quality of friend " (cf. Chwana supra), etc. 

764. — Concerning the locative expressions which mean " near " 
and " far ", It must be noticed that in nearly all the Bantu languages 
they are generally followed by the preposition which means " with " 
(Tonga a, Karanga, Kafir, etc. na, Chwana le, etc.). 

Ex. Karanga : pa-fupe Vi^-muniba ( = m.-tmuf?iba) " near the house ". 

Kafir : ku-fupi na-w " near me " ; ku-de no mti ( = na-u viii) " far from 
the tree ". 
Chwana: kgakala le ro7ia " far from us "; ga-uchivane le moise " very near 
the town " ; etc., etc. 

765« — Finally, in this matter we again find applications of the 
principle of avoiding monosyllables. For, when possessive express- 
Ions should be reduced to mere monosyllables, this is avoided 
either by appending them as suffixes to the preceding word, or by 
prefixing a relative particle to the possessive expression. The first 
of these forms may be remarked principally in Ganda, the second 
In Karanga. 

Ex. Ganda : O 3fojo-gwe " his heart " ; mii-kono-^^o " thy hand " ; e kanzu-yo, 
" thy cloth ". 
Karanga : Ba-nona ba-^-^ " their brothers " ; zina W-ri-o " thy name ". 

766. — N. B. I. In Karanga the possessive is expressed by a suffix when it con- 
tains no consonant proper. Ex. Nona-Mo " thy son " (= no?ui u-a-o). 

767. — 2. Following a somewhat similar principle, Kafirs generally say 2i-m-ntan^ 
am " my child ", i n-gitbiu' am " my blanket ", etc., instead of // ni-ntana w-a-m^ i n^iibo 
y-a-m^ etc. 



U 



VI. — Hclatitie anti fiossts^itie 6jcptei50ion0 useo 
Su&stantitielp. 

768. — Relative and possessive expressions may be used sub- 
stantively, viz. as subjects or predicates. Supposing, for Instance, 
that a Tonga had spoken of " feasts " mi- Ha, he may say : I-e im- 
pewo 7iji-a'kzc-sanguna, lit. *' (those) of winter are (those) of the 
beginning, I. e., are the first ". 

In order to understand the formation of such expressions in Bantu, 
we must distinguish between those languages which have articles 
and those which have none. Hence : — 

769. — i^ In those languages which have no article, such as 
Tonga proper. Senna, Chwana, Swahill, etc., when such relative 
and possessive expressions are used substantively as subjects or 
objects, they appear to have commonly the same form as when used 
adjectively. When used as predicates they require before them a 
copula-containing relative particle. These laws however suffer ex- 
ceptions, and may require to be modified when reliable materials 
are more abundant. 

Ex. In Tonga : A. Relative clauses. 

^Without a copulative prefix. With a copulative prefix. 

U-a-kasanguna,7iou Monze,\i^\^\iQ>hQgds\ Monze nzw-a-ka sangima, lit, Monze it 

was Monze. is he who began. 

A-luma ba7iiu, nga-masaku (or ni'masahl), Ma-saku, n^3.-luma ba-ntu, the devils are 

lit. they who bite men are the devils. they who bite men. 

Via inka a ba?itu babi(t?i-ztla), nji ti-a mulilo ; \-la inka a baboiu, nji li-a kukondua^ 

lit. that (road) ivhich goes with bad people, that is it %vhich has fire; that which goes 

with good people, that is it which has happiness. 

770. — B. Possessive clauses. 

IJ-a ku-sangu7ia inu-ntu^ ngu-Ada?no, the Adamo ngU-« ku-sanguna^ Adam was the 

man of the beginning (i. e. the first first man, 

man), was Adam. 

TA-enu (zintu) nzezi, yours are these Nzi-^r/V^?/, ^2^/ -?/«/?/, they are yours, these 

(things). things. 

Li angu (isekua),ndeli,m\nQ is this (duck). Elisekua ndi/i-angu, this duck is mine. 

Lu-« Leza (lu-ziibo), m-baame, lit. that Baame, ndu-/u-aLeza, the chiefs are 

(the race) of God, they are the chiefs. God's race. 

Ci-aho (cintu) need, thine (thing) is this. Eei cifitu nei-ako, this thing is thine. 



Relative and Possess. Expressions used Substantively. 1 95 

771, — N. B. I. In Tonga, for clearness' sake relative and possessive clauses 
very often admit that form which begins with the copula-containing relative particle. We 
have seen above that this is done particularly when the relative pronoun is the object of 
the verb (736). It is also done regularly when the relative or possessive clause is of some 
length containing several distinct words. This may be considered as a sort oti bracket 
construction. Ex. Baa jay a mbercre nja ku-pa-ila " they have killed the sheep for the 
sacrifice " (lit..." it is that of the sacrifice") \Ba-lalia nyama nja ku-sunsiainsima''^ they 
eat the meat which has been cooked with the porridge " (lit. "... it is that of flavouring 
the porridge ".) 

2. This kind of bracket construction seems to be particularly frequent in Herero. 

772. — Examples in other languages : — 



A. Without copulative prefix. 

Relative clauses. 

Senna : Muka, u-gulitse ciovn.ueulina-cio^ go, sell what thou hast (Mat., 19, 21.) 
Chwana : Ea^ o-bapaise tse onari^ na-co, do, 

SwAHiLi : Twaa i-li-yo yakoj take what is thine (Mat., 20, 14.) 
etc. Cf. Mat., 5, 3-10, in the various translations of the New Testament. 

Possessive clauses. 
Chwana : Cula eagago or cula eeo eagago, take what is thine (Mat. 20, 14.) 



Mpongwe : Wong' z'-yo, 



do. 



SwAHiLi : V-a natii safiamu hit...? ... Ya Kaisari. Whose is this image...? Cesar's. 
(Mat, 22, 20) etc. 

B. With a copulative prefix, 

Chwana : Pitsa e e-thiibegilen^ ke^ inosetsafta ona a-e-reka n^ogola^ the pot which 
is smashed is that which the girl bought last year. (Rev. W. Crisp's 
6^r., p. 18). 
Karanga : Ndi-^//-« Wange (ru-jubo), it is Wange's (family). 
SwAHiLi : Ufalme wa inbingu ni wao^ theirs is the kingdom of heaven. (Mat., 5, 10). 
SuTO : Le7i^olo le?ia ke la tnanfi} ... Ke la Kesare. Whose inscription is this.^ 
Caesar's. (Mat,, 22, 20). 

773. — ^- B. It is remarkable that in some Senna dialects, though the copula 
before substantives is generally ndi (587), nevertheless before possessive expressions it 
has forms similar to those of Tonga (721). 

Ex. N-kazi uyii ngn-ani .^ Nga-anga. This woman, wJiose is she? Mine. 
Mi-adia ii nji-anif l^ii-anga. These canoes, whose are they .^ Mine. 
Ci-kazi ici nc'x-anif 'Nci-an^a. This bottle, whose is it ? Mine. 

774. — 2° Those languages which in given cases have an article 
before substantives require a relative particle, or a simple article, in 
similar cases before possessive and relative expressions when these 
are used substantively. Thus : — 



ig6 South-African Bantu Languages. 



775. — A) In Kafir such expressions require the relative par- 
ticle 0, e, ox a (723), where substantives would require the article it, 
I, or a. 

Ex. O 2va?fi u ijifazi 7iitsha, o wako nikulu, my wife is young, yours is old. 

O sebenza kakulu^ ndim /o( = o usebenza. . .), lit. lie who works much, it is myself. 

Reciprocally, no relative particle is used where substantives 

require no article (317). 

Ex. Weiu^yiz'apa (not o wetu...). Our (friend), come here. 
Yinina, beiu (not ...a betu) ? What is it, our (friends) ? 
Lo ivai7i u mfazi (not lo o wa?n), this wife of mine. 
A siivam u mfazi (not a si o warn), it is not my wife. 

Where substantives require to be preceded by a copulative prefix 
(582) the possessive and relative expressions are likewise preceded 
by a copula-containing relative particle, viz. ftgo in cl. MU, nga in 
classes BA and MA, ye in classes yl//and IN, le in cl. Z/, lo in 
cl. LU, bo in cl. BU, ko in cl. KU, ze in classes ZI and ZIN, 
se in cl. SI. 

Ex. Lo mfazi n^O ka bani?, This woman, whose is she? 

Eli Cuba le // ka banil Le lam. This tobacco, whose is it ? It is mine. 
La ma-hashe ng'a ka ba7ti? Nga welu. These horses, whose are they ? They 
are ours. 

776. — B) In Herero, Angola, and Congo, the same sort of 
expressions require an article where substantives require one. 

Ex. Herero : O ruvio o rua?idye, the knife is mine. Cf. ruvio ruandye, my knife. 
(Kolbe's Did.) 
Congo : E yame nibele ivididi, my knife is lost, lit. mine knife is lost, or it is 
my knife that is lost. (Bentley's Gr., p. 523). 
Angola : O ji'^//^w« Sa7ita Ngeleja..., that which Holy Church commands... 
(De Coucto's Cat., p. 6). 

A^. B. This last example exhibits a relative clause. Possessive clauses used substantively 
have no article in Father de Coucto's Catechis77i. 

777. — In Ganda expressions of the same sort, when not used 
as predicates, generally require a simple article ; in a few cases they 
prefer a peculiar kind of relative particle which much resembles 
the demonstrative pronouns of the first position in several languages, 
viz. oru, ebi, eyi, etc. 

l-^x. Mudu wa7ige Muga7ida, o wo Musoga, my slave is a Ganda, thine is a Soga 
(French Ganda Gr., p. 25). 
GeTida ottmde ebi bio (not simply e bio), go and sell what is thine (Mat., 19, 21). 
Tzvala eyi j^ (not simply ^ yo), take' what is thine (Mat., 20, 14). 



Relative and Possess. Expressions used Substantively. 197 

When used as predicates, they remind us of the Kafir construction 
above noticed by requiring as a kind of copula that kind of substan- 
tive pronoun or relative particle which ends In e (724). 

Ex. O bwakabaka o bwo mu gulu bwe bzvabwe (Kafir U bukumka7ii ba se zulwini 
bo babo)^ the kingdom of heaven is theirs. Cf. 830. 



VII. — BLelatitic anti Bo00es;0it)e erpressions equivalent 

to our HD/ectities. 

778. — It has been mentioned above that In Bantu adjectives 
proper are comparatively few In number, and that their apparent 
want is supplied principally by relative clauses and possessive 
expressions. I now add a few remarks for a better understanding 
of this principle. Thus : — 

1° In Tonga the w^ords which correspond to our adjectives 
expressive of colour, sensible qualities, exterior form, etc., are 
mostly verbs, such as kii-tuba " to be white ", or more exactly '' to 
become white ", ku-salala *' to be red ", kii-sia " to be black ", ku- 
lulama " to be straight ", ku-pia "to be hot ", etc. Hence the 
adjectives " white, black, hot, " etc., of our languages pass 
simply as verbs In Tonga. 

Ex. ( Absolute clause : Ma-nzi a-a-pia, the water is hot , lit... has become hot. 

\ Relative clause : Ndi-yanda ma-nzi a-a-pia^ I want hot water, lit... water that 
^ has become hot. 

Absolute clause : Ei n-zila i-luleme (-lukme = i:>Qr(ect oi-hdama)^ this road is 

straight. 
Relative clause : Inka e in-zila i-luleme, go by the direct road, lit... by the road 
that is straight. 

N. B. Expressions of the same kind are found in all the Bantu languages. 

779. — 2° In Angola and Congo most of the expressions which 
correspond to the quantitative adjectives of the other Bantu lan- 
guages (601, 603) have the form of possessive expressions. Such 
are, for Instance, -a m-bote ( — a mu-bote or perhaps -a bu-bote) 
*' good ", lit. *' of goodness ", -o-nene {= a u-7iene— a bu'7zene) 
" great ", lit. " of greatness ", -o-be {= a u-be) " new ", lit. '' of 
freshness ", o-kiihi {=3^ u-kulu) *' old " lit. '' of growth ", etc. 

Ex. Erne ngi ??iu-tu \xa mbole, I am a good man ( = Tonga: ndime mu-ntu mu-bolu). 
Eye w-o-nene^ thou art great ( = Tonga : iwe iiiu-nene). 



198 Soztth-Africmi Bantu Laiigttages, 

780. — ^- B. Expressions similar to these, but for different kinds of adjectives, 
are found in nearly all the Bantu languages. 

Ex. Kafir : Tyeza l-e-nene " a true, genuine medicine " ( = iyeza la i-nene^^di medicine 
of a truthful man ", from i-nene "a gentleman, a man who does not 
cheat "), Hence in Kafir ngo kive7iene " in true language, truly " 
{ = 7igo ku-tela kw-e-ne?ie^ lit. " in the language of a gentleman "), 
SwAHiLi : M-tti w-a choyo " a greedy person ", (lit. " a man of small heart", from 
ch-oyo = ki-oyo " small heart " ; cf. m-oyo " heart "). 
etc., etc. 



VIII. — Btonoun0 referring: to Substantitieg unnerstooD 

and 
Bronouns mtxs as Conjunctions. 

781. — Connective pronouns and others are often used with 
reference to substantives which are entirely understood, being not 
even expressed in preceding sentences. Their meaning must then 
be made out from the context. The number of the substantives 
which may be thus understood is however Hmited. In Tonga they 
are principally the following : — 

In class LI : i-ztiba " the sun, a day. " Ex, Ui-a ku-sanguna \i-a in-sipiy the first 

(day) of the week. 

» MA : ma-nzi " water. " Ex. U-a-yala a-bu-enga, pa di-ka selelela^ he 

went along the bank, where // (the 
water) rushes down. 

» BU : <^«-j-/^// " night. " Ex. ^-/^-bu-^/..., when it (night) has not 

yet cleared up... 

» KU : notion of action, time or manner. Ex. Ta-'k.U-kondua a hi-sele^ no work 

is done on the day of the new moon, 
(lit. // is not worked ) 

» CI : zi-ntu " a thing. " Ex. Nci-nyainanzi CO o-yeya ? {= ci u-eya, 

251). What is //that you are thinking 
about ? 

N. li. I. In Kafir the word i n-io " a thing, " being of class /iV, the connective pronoun 
used with reference to this word, when it is understood, is i. Ex. : \-m71andiu ku-ncokola 
7ia-we, " it is pleasant to chat with you. " 

2. In Tonga the plural zt-7ttu " things " is seldom understood. But in Angola its equi- 
valent j-/w« " things " appears to be as often understood as the singular ki-i77ia " a thing ". 
Ex. I ua-ngi-bele^ 7iga-\-ria kia " (the things) which you gave me, I have eaten them 
already ". (Hdli Chatelain's Ki-77tbu7tdii Gr., p. 143). 



Pronoims referring to Substantives understood. 199 



In class LU : lu-zuho " family, race. " Ex. Ba-leya hala tulua \\x-a-baana, The Lea 

are deprived (by the Rotse) of their 
children, lit. of that (part of their fa- 
mily which is) children. — Ndulo- 
ndulo ndu-lu-a JDavide {cl 770), it is 
David's own (race). 

N. B. In Kafir the connective pronoun lu is often used with reference to u-siiku "day" 
understood, exactly as in Tonga // is used with reference to i-ztiba, Ex. O \\x-e si-tatu^ 
\M-e sinne, etc. " the 3^ day (of the week), the 4^'' day ", etc. 

782. — Hence some ready-made locative expressions which 
have the form of possessive expressions, such as mM-a-kale " to the 
bottom ", Ht. '' unto the (Inside part) of the end " ; \LM-a-kale '* for 
ever", lit. "to the (time) of the end "; ^\x-a-Mpaizde '*at Mpande's 
(place) ", etc. Of course in such locative expressions the connective 
pronoun cannot be understood as it often is when its antecedent 
is expressed (757). 

Ex. Ba-lapela Mpande ka be-enda a bu-botu Wu-a-ka/e, they pray to Mpande that 
they may go in happiness for ever. 
Mu-nari u-a-njila vs\\i-a-kale^ Livingstone went in right to the bottom (of the 
water). 

783« — Locative expressions of the same description as the 
preceding are commonly found in nearly all the Bantu languages. 

Ex. Kafir : kwetu, at our place ; kzv-ake, at his place ; kiv-a Gcaleka, at Gcaleka's 
place ; etc. 
SwAHiLi : kw-etu^ at our place; imv-etu^ in our house; kiv-a mamae^ at his mother's 
place ; etc. 
Ganda :ew-ange, at my place; ew-o, at thy place ; civ-e^ at his place; etc. Cf 546. 

N. B. In Kafir and several other languages, when those substantives of cl. MU-BA 
which have no classifier in the singular, as u-yise " his father ", u Sa-rili " King Kreli ", 
etc. (342), have to come into possessive expressions, they are first made into possessive 
locative expressions of the kind just described. Ex. / nkomo za K-wslRiU " Kreli's cattle", 
lit. "the cattle of Kreli's place". This particle^i'«/<^ is in Kafir sometimes contracted io ka. 
Ex. U innf a kwa Tixo or U innV a ka Tixo^ " the child of God ", lit. " the child of God's 
place ". 

Ga (== go-a) is used in Chwana where Kafir has kwa or ka, and in a few other cases. 
The regular use of this particle before certain possessive pronouns is particularly remark- 
able, as in batho ba gei-gzce " his people " (Tonga bantu baakue) ; pitse ea ga.-gOj " thy 
horse " (Tonga zm-bizi iako). 

Pronouns used as Conjunctions. 

784. — As a result of the principles just laid down, some 
relative particles have come to be regularly used as conjunctions. 



200 South' African Bantu Languages, 

They may then be considered as referring to certain notions of 
time, place, or manner of thought, understood. Ex. : — 

LI (referring to i-zuba, the sun) = '* when ", with re- 
ference to a determined moment of the day. 

Ex. Bamnuzika li bu-da, they bury him 2t>hen night is clearing up. 

785. — (P)A = *' when ", with reference to successive actions. 

Ex. Pa-^ kafua niuntii, bala muzika^ when a man is dead, they bury him. 

N. B. The Swahili relative clauses which correspond exactly to the preceding contain 
the relative particle -po^ in accordance with the genius of this language (726). Ex. 
Tii-li-^o ku-ja..., " when we had come "... (Tonga Pa iu-eza...) 

(P)A = also " where ". The other locative particles, viz. 
ku and imt, may likewise be used as conjunctions. 

Ex. Vdi.-a-ka tuba, (in the part of the body) where he is white. 
Mu nd-a-ka njira, where I went in. 

N. B. I. Cf. in Mozambique : Va no-kelaka^ wherein I am entering ; u (= ku) 7io-kuina 

nchua, where the Sun comes out. 

2. Cf. in Herero : Ku me-kara, where I stay ; o n-dyuo mu iu-rara, the 

house wherein we sleep, 

3. Cf. in Ganda : To-manyi we (or gie) n-stila^ You do not know where I 

live; U-a-laba nyu?nbam^we n-sula? Have you seen the 
house wherein I live? — lVe,g'ze, mwe are relative particles 
corresponding respectively to the locative classifiers wa, 
e^ mil {=■ pa^ kuy imi). Cf. 719 and 540, 546, 552. 
etc., etc. 

786. — BU = " supposing that..., if... ". 

Ex. Bu tu-bona u-bereka nawo...^ Suppose we see you working thus... 

A^. B. I. Cf. in Chwana BO = " as if ". Ex. A o-lirajalo bo o Jtqoanyafia ? Do you act 
thus, as if you were a child 1 (Rev. W. Crisp's Gr.^ n. 74). 

2. Cf. in Ganda the relative particle Bwe " if". Ex. Bwe o-no-genda ruegtdo^ o-no-tiika 
kiro^ if you go this evening, you will arrive during night. Ne bue ba-lia^ ti ba-kkuta^ even 
if they eat, they will not be satisfied. (French Ganda Gr., p, 40J. 

787. — CI = ^' while, if". 

Ex. Ci tu-bereka..., zvhile we are working. 

N. B. I. Cf in Herero : tyi ?na mu-tyiwa, if ye know ; tyi iii-a-kara koyenu, when we 
were with you. (Rev. F. W. Kolbe's Did.) 

2. In Herero the relative particle (i)ndu (referring to o ru-veze " time ") is used in the 
same manner for " when, while". Ex. ...ndu ma hi-ya, when we come. 

788. — KA = " if, when, while, and ". 

Ex. Ba-lia ka ba-ti...^ they eat saying at the same time... 

Siabulongo u-a-toligua a Leza ka a-ci lu-sabila, Siabulongo was taken up by 
God while he was still a baby. 



Pronouns referring to Substantives understood. 20 1 

Ba-aka sika, inyue ka viu-li-lede^ they arrived ivhile you were asleep. 
Ka a-li a-fuefui^ utt,.., ka a-li ku-le, nti...^ if he be near, he says..., if he 
be far, he says... Cf. 970. 

APPENDIX ON THE LUNDA LANGUAGE. 

788^-*'^- — While reading over the last proofsheets of this article I received 
Henrique Augusto Dias de Carvalho's " MetJiodo pratico para fallar a lt?igua da 
Lunda{^)^\ a most valuable addition to Bantu literature. As I had till then only a 
few pages of this work, my conclusions on this important language were limited to 
the few remarks laid down above in nn. 143 and 144. Complete as the same work 
now is, it furnishes good materials for comparison with these pages. 

/. Phonetics. — Lunda has a great deal in common with Angola, Lower Congo, 
and Mbamba, more particularly with the last. Its most remarkable feature seems to 
be the uncertain sound of certain vowels, and the transition of some others to a. Ex. 
ku-mana " to see " (Tonga ku-bona), mulambo " a lip " (Tonga mii-lo??io, Angola 
mu-zumbu^ Dualla ino-lumbu^ cf. 360*), n-zavo " an elephant " (Tonga inzovu), etc. 

The following verbs may be compared with the table of examples under n. 52 : 
ku-hia " to steal ", ku-mana " to see ", Kovua " to hear ", ku-fua " to die ", ku-cia 
" to dawn ", ku-fika " to arrive ", kiv-eza " to come ", ku-jala " to dress ", ku-nvala 
" to beget ", ku-7iua " to drink ", hi-dia " to eat ", ku-lala " to lie down ", ku-dila 
" to cry ", kU'dinia " to hoe ", ku-suma " to bite ", ku-7ieta or ku-leta " to bring ", 
ku-enda " to walk ", hi-tuma " to send ". 

IT. Substantives. — Lunda has the 12 classes of substantives described in a pre- 
vious chapter. Ex. : — 
CI. MU-A (= MU-BA) : Muntu " a person ", a- ; mw-ana or niona "a child", a- ; 

viu-kaje " a woman ", a- ; mu-ata " a chief ", a- ; viu-roro " a servant ", a- ; 

Nzambi " God " ;Mti-kuarunda " a Lunda ", a-; tatuko " father ";maku " mother ". 
CI. MU-MI : Mu-jimba " the body ", mi- ; mu-kila " the tail ", mi- ; niu-iue " the 

head ", mi- ; mu-lambo " a lip ", ;///- ; mu-xima " the heart ", mi- ; mu-tondo " a 

tree", ;;//-/ mu-pueji " a stream ", mi- ; mu-vo " a year ", mi-. 
CI. N-JIN : Mbiji or nama " meat " ; 7i-gombe " one head of cattle '\jin- : m-pembe 

" a goat ", jim- ; n-zolo " a fowl ", jin- ; n-naka " a snake ", jin- ; n-zavo " an 

elephant " ; ji7i- ; nvula " rain " ; n-jila " a paih ", jin-. 
CI. (D)I-MA: Di-ciko " a day ", ma-; di-su " an eye '', mesu; di-zeu " a tooth", ma-; 

di-fupa " a bone ", ma- ; di-yala " a stone ", ma- ; di-jina " a name ", ma-. 
CI. (B)U-MA : Ma-rufo " wine " ; u 7iga " flour "; u-ato " a canoe " ma-u- ; u-cuko 

" night " ; 7?ie77ia " water ". 
CI. KU: Ku-hua " to fall ". Only infinitives of verbs seem to belong to this class. 
CI. LU-JI(N) : Lu-dimi or Ru-di7ni " the tongue ". According to Carvalho the plural 

of this word is yW/w/, and, in general, the plural classifier of this class is not 

jin^ but ji. It seems scarcely possible that this should be correct. The plural 

classifier of /2/-^/W must hQ jindi77u\ and, in general, if the n of the classifier Jin 

is not heard in some words, it must be only before hard consonants, according 

to nn. 151 and 283. 



I. Lisboa, Imprensa nacional, 1890. 



202 South-African Bantu Languages. 

Cl. CI-I (= CI-ZI): Ci-ouma " a thing ", /-; ci-kanda " a hide ", /-; ci-lalo " a 

bridge ", /- ; i-kuj/ibo " a hut ", /-. 
Cl. KA-TU : Ka-kungi '' a youth ", tu- ; ka-sive " fire ", ka-bwa *' a dog ", tu-. 
Locative classes PA, KU, and MU : Pa-xiox pa-nci " down "; muixmi " within " ; 

pa-suipa " near " \pa-lepa " far '' -, pola " outside " ; pa-kaxi " between " ; pe-uro 

" upon " ; ku-nyima " behind " ; mu-cikumbo " in the hut ". 

The author gives also the locative classifier BU. But is not this again a mistake? 
BU is the Angola classifier corresponding to the Lunda PA. Hence, for instance, 
when he says, p. 159, that " down " is rendered into Lunda by paxi or boxi^ must 
not his words be understood in this sense that boxi is the Angola equivalent for the 
Lunda /^jc/7 

I find in Lunda the two interesting locatives polo and kolo ( = pa-ulo and ko-ulo)^ 
both of which mean " a place ". I have as yet noticed their exact equivalents only 
in Chwana in the wordsy^/^ and go/o. Cf 537. 

///. Adjectives. — The laws for the adjectives which I term quantitative, such as 
ivape " good ", -ipe or impe " bad ", -jima " great ", kiepe " small ", -lepa " long ", -ki 
" new ", etc., are the same as in Tonga (596). Ex. mu-tondo mu-jtma " a large tree ". 

Pronouns. — The connective personal pronouns seem to be 7ii " I ", u " thou ", 
u " he ", tu " we ", nu or mu " you ", a " they ", u, /, lu^ di, etc. The substantive 
personal pronouns seem to be ami " I ", eye " thou ", endi " he ", ecu " we ", enu 
" you ", ene " they ", etc. But in Carvalho's work I remark a certain inconsistency 
in the forms of those pronouns which correspond to classifiers containing in (cf 
n, 649). Thus I find 7na-zui atna z.-ini " these words of mine " (p. 205) next to ina-i 
ma nzolo " eggs of fowls" (p. 51), ma-ciko mSi-oso " all the days " (p. 227) next 
to ma-ciko ama di-oso " all these days " (p. 231), mu-tue vci\x-a mona " the head of 
the child " (p. 209) next to mu-tue u-ei " thy head " (p. 223), mu-jikita ou " this 
work " (p. 136) next to mu-lambo omu " this present " (p. 135), etc. 

Other conclusions on Lunda will be introduced into the following pages. Strange 
to say, many words in Lunda remind one of the languages which are heard near 
Delagoa Bay. 



IX. — Iiumcral0. 

§ I. Bantu Numeration. 

789. — As far as I have been able to verify, counting among 
the Bantu is done principally with the aid of fingers. Old Kafirs, 
for instance, seldom express a number by the proper word, but they 
show it by a motion of the hand which they accompany with the 
expression zi-nje ** they are so many... " or ba-nje, mi-nje, ina-nje, 
etc., according to the class of the things in question. 

N. B. The following is in general the meaning of the principal signs : — 
Raising one of the small fingers alone counts i 

» » with the next » 2 

» » with the next two » 3 

» » with the next three » 4 

> the five fingers of a single hand » 5 

» the thumb alone or the thumb of one hand 

with the five fingers of the other » 6 

» the thumb with the index » 7 

» }) with the next two fingers » 8 

» » with the next three fingers » 9 

Both hands laid flat against one another » 10 

Ten is a kumi; two tens (20) are 2 ma-kumi or opening both hands twice ; three tens 
(30) are 3 via-kumi or opening both hands three times, etc. 

One hundred in Kafir is a kuhi^ i. e. " a large number ". In many languages it is ag-ana. 

790. — There are however also for the different numbers the 
proper words or expressions, which may be used when required. 
These are partly adjectives of one kind or another, partly sub- 
stantives. Thus among the Tonga and other tribes of the interior, 
there exist numeral adjectives up to five, but 6 is five-and-one, 7 is 
five-and-two, etc. Ten is expressed by the substantive ikuini, a 
hundred by ma-kume-kumi, which is a superlative of '* ten ". Beyond 
that there are in Tonga only *' tens without number ", niakumi 
a-ta balui. 

In most of the other languages there are numeral adjectives up 
to 6, and substantives or foreign words for the other numbers. In a 
few languages " a whole man " is " twenty ". 

In general South- African natives will see at a glance that one of 
their goats or head of cattle is missing even in a very large flock 
or herd. Yet they are very slow at counting properly, until they 
have been taught our own methods, which, it may be remarked, 
they adopt readily. 

791. — On the point of numeral adjectives the Bantu languages 



204 



South-African Bantti-Languages. 



go two different ways. Most of them, like Tonga, usually treat 
them as pronouns, so that they incorporate connective pi^onouiis, not 
classifiers. Others, like Kafir, treat them as quantitative adjectives, 
so that they incorporate classifiers, not connective pronouns. 

792, — I subjoin comparative tables ^, which exhibit in their 
bare form the numbers i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 10, and 100, in the principal 
Bantu languages. Where two forms are given for one number in the 



* 


COMPARATIVE TABLE OF NUMBERS. 




1 


2 


3 


4 


Tonga 


-mui (14) 


-bili 


-tatu 


-nne 


Bisa 


-mo 


-wili 


-tatu 


-ne 


Subia 


-moina 


-bere 


-tatue 


-ne 


Ungu 


-mwe 


-wili 


-tatu 


-ne 


Hehe 


-monga 


-wile 


-datu 


-tai 


Bunga 


-weka 


-sona (?) 


-lila(?) 


-dai 


Gogo 


-monga 


-bili (-yete) 


-datu 


-ne (-ena) 


Kaguru 


-mue 


-ili, -bili 


-datu 


-nne 


Kondoa 


-mosi 


-ili, -pili 


-tatu 


-ne 


ShambaJa 


-mwe 


-ili 


-tatu 


-nne 


Boondei 


-mwenga 


-idi 


-tatu 


-nne 


Zeguha 


-mwenga 


-idi 


-tatu 


-nne 


Kami 


-mosi 


-ili, pili 


-tatu 


-nne 


Taita 


-mojoeri 


-bili 


-datu 


-nne 


Nyamwezi 


-mo 


-wiri 


-datu, -yatu 


-nne 


Sukuma 


-mo 


-wiri, -bili 


-datu, -yatu 


-nne 


Nyambu 


-mwe 


-wili 


-datu 


-ne 


Ganda 


-mo 


-bili 


-satu 


-nya (-na) 


Kamba 


-mondi 


-eri 


-datu 


-na 


Swahili 


-moja 


-wili, pili 


-tatu 


-nne 


Pokomo 


-manda 


-wi, pili 


-hahu, -tahu 


-nne 


Nika 


-motsi 


-iri, -biri 


-hahu, tahu 


-ne 


Senna 


-bozi 


-wiri, piri 


-tatu 


-nai 


Karanga 


-muempera 


-biri 


-tatu 


-nna 


Xosa-Kafir 


-nye 


-bini 


-tatu 


-nne 


Zulu-Kafir 


-nye 


-bili 


-tatu 


-nne 


Herero 


-mue 


-vari 


-tatu 


-ne 


Bihe 


-mosi 


-vali 


-tatu 


-kwana 


Kwengo 


-morika 


-bari 


-tatu 


-nana 


Rotse 


-mue 


-yeri 


-atu 


-nne 


Nyengo 


-moya 


-bitri 


-ato 


-nne 


Guha 


-mo 


-wiri 


-sato 


-nna 


Rua 


-mo 


-biji 


-satu 


-nne 


Angola 




-yari 


-tatu 


-wana 


Lower Congo 


-moxi 


-ole 


-tatu 


-ya 


Nywema 


-mo 


-fi 


-satu 


-neng 


Yao 


-mo 


-wili 


-tatu 


m-cheche 


Komoro 


-monsi 


-bili 


..., taru 


-nne 


Mozambique 


-moka 


-ili (-nli), pili 


-raru, taru 


-chexe 


Ghwana 


-ngwe 


-bedi, pedi 


-raro, tharu 


-nne 


Mpongwe 


-mori 


-wani, -bani 


-raro, tvaro 


-nai 


Dualla 


-wo, po 


-ba 


-lalu 


-nei 


Fernandian 


-buli 


-iba 


-ita (?) 


-ela (-ele) 


Lunda 


-mue 


-adi 


-sato 


-nyi 



Numerals. 



205 



same language, they cannot be us(k1 indifferently, but the first-placed 
generally is the regular one, while the second is that used under a 
nasal influence (55-59). Where however the second is between 
brackets, it is merely a dialectical modification of the first. 

N. B. The elements -ka or -ngu^ -si ox -zt, etc. in the words of the column for the number 
" one " originally meant " only, exclusively, by itself" (814-818 and 824). The Bantu word 
for " one " is properly -mtie (variously changed to -mo^ -nqzue, -nye^ -bo), etc. 



COMPARATIVE TABLE OF NUMBERS. (Continued.) 





5 


6 


10 


100 


Tonga 


-sano 


-sano a-mue 


i-kumi 


ma-kurnekumi 


Bisa 


-tano 


-tano na-mo 


i-kumi 


i-gana 


Subia 


-tranue 


-omoiana (?) 


kume 


... 


Ungu 


-tanu 


-kaga 


kumi 


ka-gana 


Hehe 


-hano 


-tandatu 


chumi 


chi-gana 


Bunga 


-fundo 


-mfu 


li-hundu 


... 


Gogo 


-hano 


-tandatu 


i-kumi 


i-gana 


Kaguru 


-sano 


-tandatu 


i-kumi 


i-gana 


Kondoa 


-sano 


-tanda 


kumi 


gana 


Shambala 


-xano 


-tandatu 


kumi 


gana 


Boondei 


-xano 


-tandatu 


kumi 


gana 


Zeguha 


-xano 


-tandatu 


kumi 


gana 


Kami 


-thano 


-tanda 


i-kumi 


i-gana 


Taita 


-sanu 


-tandatu 


i-kumi 


i-gaona 


Nyamwezi 


-tanu, -hanu 


mkaga 


i-kumi 


i-gana 


Sukuma 


-tano, -hano 


-tandatu 


i-kumi 


i-gana 


Nyambu 


mxa 


mkaga 


i-kumi 


i-xana 


Ganda 


-jano (-tano) 


mkaga 


kumi 


ki-kumi 


Kamba 


-trano 


-thandatu 


i-kumi 


i-yana 


Swahili 


-tano 


sita (Arabic) 


kumi 


gana 


Pokomo 


-zano, -dsano 


-handahu, -tandahu 


kumi 


gana 


Nika 


-dzano 


-handahu, tandahu 


kumi 


gana 


Senna 


-sano (-canu) 


-tandatu 


kumi 


dzana 


Karanga 


-xano 


-xano na-mue 


kumi 


makume-makumi 


Xosa-Kanr 


-hlanu, -tlanu 


-tandatu 


i shumi 


i kulu 


Zulu-Kaflr 


-hlanu 


-tandatu 


i shumi 


i kulu 


Herero 


-tanu 


-hamboumue 


mu-rongo 


e-sere 


Bihe 


-tanu 


e pandu 


ekwi 


cjta 


Kwengo 


-tanu 


-tanu na-mo 


li-kumi 


... 


Rotse 


-tanu 


aombomue 


li-kume 




Nyengo 


-tanu 


-temoya (?) 


ni-kume (?) 




Guha 


-tano 


-tanda 


kumi 


gana 


Rua 


-tanu 


-samba 


ki-kwi 


ka-tvva 


Angola 


-tanu 


-samanu 


(ri)-kuinyi 


kama 


Lower Congo 


-tanu 


-sambanu 


e kumi 


n-kama 


Nywema 


-tano 


-samalo 


vum 


lu-kama 


Yao 


m-sanu 


m-sanu na-mo 


li-kumi 


ma-kume li-kumi 


Komoro 


-sano 


... tandaru 


kumi 


i-jana 


Mozambique 


-thanu 


-thanu na-moka 


ni-kumi 


ma-kumi (.?) 


Chwana 


-tlanu 


-rataro, thataro 


le-shume 


le-kgolo 


Mpongwe 


-tani, -tyani 


o-rowa 


i-gomi 


n-kama 


DuaUa 


-tanu 


... 


d-um 


... 


Fernandian 


-ito 


ito la bull 


biu 


... 


Lunda 


-tano 


-sambano 


di-kumi 


ci-tota 



2o6 South-African Bantu Languages. 

\ 2. Formation and Use of the Numbers from *' One " 

TO " Six ". 

793. — i^ According to what has been previously noticed, the 
numbers from '' one " to '' six " in Tonga, Bisa, Herero, Kamba, 
Nyamwezi, Ganda, Nyambu, Guha, Rotse, etc., incorporate the 
connective pronoun corresponding to the classifier of their noun, 
and consequently their construction is essentially identical with that 
of possessive expressions. This however is remarkable, at least in 
Tonga, that such numbers often admit before themselves, me- 
rely, as It seems, for the sake of emphasis, a copula-containing 
relative particle, and then the connective pronoun which should 
follow them Immediately is generally understood, so that we hear, 
for Instance, uli a ci-to nci-inue '* he possesses one ford " (not... 
nci-ci-mue). Ex. : — 

Tonga: A) 'Without a copula-containing relative particle : 

Baatiku muntu u-mue..., they said to one man... 
Ba/i e ingoma zX-tatu^ they have three drums. 

Uaka cita (fniezi) i-taiu...^ (miaka) i-nne, he remained there three 
months..., four years. 

B) "With a copula-containing relative particle ; 

Miezi tejinza nYi-sano a i-niue, the months of the rainy season ds^five 

and one. 
Bakede kule^ muezi ngu miie kidi Zuanga, they Hve far, at one month's 
distance from Wange. 
Bisa: Mahuzi ^dL-wili^ two fowls. (Last's Polygl.^ p. 138). 
Herero: O inuho?ia yu-fnue, one Lord ; rutu VM-mue^ one body; ii-gamburiro 
yi-mue^ one faith, etc. (Rev. F. W. Kolbe's Herero Diet., p. 349). 
N. B. Instead o(yu-?nue, yi-uiue, we should expect regularly u-miie, 
i-inue {o-i, 639"^) ; the presence of the initial j' is probably due to the 
fact of -inue being monosyllabic, and the consequent necessity of 
not exposing the whole adjective uniiie or imue to be sounded as 
a m.onosyllable through contractions or elisions (44). 
Kamba: Mundu yu-mwe, one man; niti u-?nwe (ivu-m-we}), one tree; tni-longo 
i-tatu, three tens (i. e. 30), etc. N. B. NodcQ yu-?nue for u-mue, as in 
Herero. 
Nyamwezi : Ma-kumi SL-7vi7i (not ma-kumivnSi-2ai7i\StQere's C^//., p. 49), two tens (20). 
Ganda: Nagainba mudu-we o-uiu na bakazi-be bsi-safi^..., and he said to one 
of his slaves and to three of his wives..., etc. 
Nyambu: Afa-kumi a.-wi/z\ two tens ( = 20). hsLst's Bol., p. 160, 
etc., etc. 



Nttnierals. 207 



794. — 2° In Kafir, Chwana, Mozambique, Swahili, etc., the 
numbers from " one " to " six " are treated as quantitative adjectives, 
and consequently incorporate the classifiers of their nouns (cf. 604). 

Ex. IN Kafir. 

A) Numbers used as epithets (616). 

Wa-ie7iga a mayeza a mdi tatu, he bought three medicines. 

A^. B. The numeral 7tye or nye-qa " one only " causes its noun to be used without an 
article, and consequently does not admit itself any relative particle (6i6). Ex. Una 
vifazi vci-nye-qa^ he has a single wife. 

B) Numbers used as predicates (618). 

Mangapi7ia a mahashe apo? y\.di-taiu. How many horses are there near youPThree. 
Other examples : 
Chwana: Ba-sadiba hSL-raro hatlasila^ the three women will grind ; cf. Basadi 
hai-raro, the women are three. (Cf. Rev. W. Crisp's Secoana 
Gr., page 27). 
Swahili: Meno yake xaZrwili^ his two teeth. Dinari taiu {= ...ntaiu, cf. 282), 
three coins. 
Mozambique: Afeno awe ao m.^?ili ( = mdL-hili), his two teeth; aiu di-tanu nen/i 
( = ,..na-a-inli) five and two men ( = 7 men), etc. 

N. B. After substantive pronouns numerals are treated somewhat as suffixes in Kafir, 
Chwana, Swahili, etc. Ex. in Kafir : bo-ba-bini, both of them, lit. they both ; zo-n-iatu 
(i?i-kojtio)^ the three of them (cattle), etc. (675). 

Hence in Ganda that kind of dual formed with the suffix -mbi (== -bili) " two ". (692). 

§ 3. Formation and Use of tpie Numbers above '' Six ". 

795. — The numbers above *' six ", when they are not complex 
(796), are generally substantives, and, as such, require various par- 
ticles before them, according as they are self-standing, or predicates, 
or in apposition to other nouns. Ex. : — 

Tonga : 1-kumi lie imberere { = li-a-imberere) ox Imberere kutni] ten sheep; Imberere 

Vi6\-kumi or zi-li-ikumi^ the sheep are ten. 
Y^kYiR: In-komo e zi li-shtcmi^ lit. cows they which (are) a ten, i. e. ten cows. 

Iti-koino zi li-shwni^ the cows are ten. 
etc., etc. 

§ 4. Complex Numbers. 

796. — In complex numbers, such as " five and two (seven)", 
" ten and one (eleven) ", '* a hundred and three ", etc., care is 
always had to give to every number its, proper prefix. Ex. : — 

Tonga : Ndabona in^ombe ziali m3.-kumi n%ai-?me a zitatu, I have seen cows 
which were 4 tens (40) + 3 (cows), where it may be noticed that 



2o8 South' African Bantu Languages. 

nga-nne agrees with the tens (ma-kumi), while zi-iaiu has to agree 
with the cows (zi)n-^onihe. 
Old Angola : yiVvo Vd'a^-kuitn di-tatu 7ie-\tatu, 2>2> years, Ht. Years tens (which are) 
three + three (years) ; di-tatu agreeing with vcidi-kiii?n and \-tatu 
with mivo, etc., etc. 

§ 5. Ordinal Numbers, and Numerical Adverbs. 

797. — In Bantu ordinal numbers are possessive expressions 
proper. '' First " — '' that of the beginning ", 2^ = '* that of the 
second place (or order) " ; 3^ = " that of the 3^ place (or order) ", etc. 

Ex. I-zuba lia ku-sangiina^ the i'"''^ day, ht. the sun of the beginning. 

T-zuha lia bu-biri, the 2^ day, lit. the sun of the second change, 
etc., etc. 

In several languages numbers are changed Into quasl-ad verbs by 
prefixing to them one of the classifiers KA- or KU-. Ex. In Tonga : 
ka-mue " once ", ka-bili " a second time ", ka-tatu ** a third time " 
(526) ; ku-bili '* In two parts ", ku-tatu '' In three parts ", etc. 

The negative particle before the number "one ". 

798. — In Kafir and Bihe I find here and there before the number " one " a pe- 
cuhar negative particle which does not seem to be used in any other position. Its form is 
na in Kafir, la in Bihe. Apparently it means " not even ". Cf 570. Ex. : — 

Bihe : La u-miie " no one ", la-kumws " nowhere ", la ci-miue " nothing ", etc. Stover's 
Uinbundit Gr.^ pp. 40-41 
Kafir : Ngti bani 71a oiigatshoyo... ? Na m-tiye. Who is the man who can say....? No one. 



X. — Intertogatitie Bronoun^, 
Various »eterminatitie0, 

799. — Interrogative pronouns, and most of those determinatives 
which we usually term "■ Indefinite pronouns " In Bantu generally 
Incorporate the connective pronoun of their class, exactly as de- 
monstrative pronouns and possessive expressions. Only in a few 
languages some of them Incorporate classifiers, not connective 
pronouns, being thus treated as quantitative adjectives. They also 
present In their use several pecuHarlties, varying according to the 
different languages. I shall touch on the most striking only. 



Interrogative Pronouns. 



209 



5$ I. The pronoun 



How MANY ? 



800. — The Bantu equivalent for our " How many ? " is 
-nga-pi? lit. "going where ? going how far? " from -pi? " where?" 
and -rJca or -nga " go ". This is pronounced -nga-pi ia Kafir, 
Herero, Karanga, Senna, etc. nga-ioxnga-him Tonga, Bisa, Subia, 
Kaguru, Shambala, etc., -nga {nga-i ( ? )) in Gogo, Nyamwezi, Guha, 
etc.; -nga-vi {ka-vi (<^)) in Mozambique, ka-e in Chwana. Its equi- 
valent is -lingwa in Yao ; -meka in Ganda, -mia in Mpongwe, -kwa 
in Congo, -anata in Kamba, /C'/^-ji:^ in Angola, etc. 

This pronoun is treated exactly as the numbers from '* one " to 
*' six " : hence it incorporates a connective pronoun in certain 
languages, a classifier in the others (791). Ex.: — 

Tonga : Mi-samo i-ngai? how many trees ? 
Kafir : Mi-ti mi-ngap'? » 

N. B. In Angola Ki-kuxi? is used instead of A-kuxi? in class A-ntu. Ex. A-ntic kikuxi? 
How many persons ?(Hdli Chatelain, Zeitschrift^ 1889-90, p. 304). 



§ 2. The Pronoun and Adjective " What ? What sort of... 



D " 



801. A). — Originally the simple form corresponding to our 
•'What?" was essentially, in the generality of Bantu languages, the 
bare classifier of the word which means " a thing ", or '* things ", 
though a little modified in some cases, according to certain phone- 
tic laws. Hence we still have the following : — 

Cf. " Thing " or " things ". 
zvfiiu, things. 
tyi-na, a thing ; vi-na, things. 
ki-/?A a thing; 
\^i-n/u, a thing. 
k.i-ma, a thing. 
in-to, a thing. 



Pronoun " What ? " 

Tonga : nzi ? 
Herero: />7.? or vi? 
SwAHiLi : ki? 

Ganda : ki ? 

Congo : nki ? 

Kafir : ni? 

Lunda : eci? „ ci-ouma a ihmg. 

Instead of the simple nzi? the Tonga prefer to use generally 
nyama-7izi? lit. *' what sort of meat ? what sort of stuff ? " In like 
manner, instead of the simple 7iif the Xosa-Kafirs prefer in most 
cases nto-ni? " what thing ? " Ex. : — 

Tonga : Ucitanzi ? or ucita nyamanzi ? What are you doing ? 
Herero : Maungura tyi ? W' hat is he working at 1 Motya vi ? What are you saying ? 
(Kolbe's Did.) 
Kafir : Wati-m ? What did he say ? Uteta ntoni ? What do you mean ? 

14 



2 1 o South-African Bantu Languages. 



An interrogative suffix, for Instance -na in Kafir, -ke in Herero, 
is often added to such pronouns, as in general to other interrogative 
expressions. Ex. in Kafir : Uti nina ? What does he say ? Uteta 
ntoninSi'? What do you mean ? 

In some other languages the original pronoun for " what ? " 
is either more transformed than in the preceding or borrowed 
from a neighbouring language. Thus we have : — 

Chwana : -n^ ( - Kafir -ni). Ex. Obatla-n^ ? What do you seek ? 
Angola : -nyi ( = do.). 
Senna : -dyi (probably for ci). Ex. Unafuna-dyl ? What do you want ? 

802. — Several of these particles have also a self-standing, 
originally a copula-containing form. Such are in Kdi^r yini? "What 
is it.'^' (sometimes tyinif), in Chwana en^ (Ex. ke euQ? " W^hat is 
it.'^"), in Swahili 7imif, in Ganda kiki?, in T ong^ ni-nyama7t si f , etc. 

803. B) — The pronouns which are used for " What ? What 
sort of... } " either as adjectives, or with reference to a determined 
class, generally incorporate the connective pronoun of their class. 
In Kafir they incorporate its classifier. In a few languages they are 
invariable. These pronouns are the following : — 

Tonga : nyaviatizt? with a connective pronoun. Ex. Uyanda musamo w.-nyamanzi'i 
What sort of tree do you want ? 
Angola : -anyil (lit. of what?), with a connective pronoun. Ex. Etie ngi mutii w-anyil 
What sort of man am I ? (Heh Chatelain, Z^//yr//n, p. 304). 

A^. B. In Angola the pronouns of the locative classes are bu-nyif ku-nyif mu-nyi? not 
bu-mtyi?^ etc. {ibid.) 

Chwana : -anis ? (lit, of what?) with a connective pronoun. Ex. Selo se ke s-««C? What 
sort of thing is this ? (Crisp's Gr.^ p. 19). 
Senna : ant? with a connective pronoun. Ex. Mu-adia (ng)uani ? What sort of 
canoe ? 

N. B. In Herero -ani? means " whose? ". Ex. muatye ingui o u-^m/.? This bag, whose 
is it? (Rev. F. W. Kolbe's Herero Did.., p. 547). In Senna -^«/may also be used with the 
same meaning (Cf IIZ-) 

Yao : -achi? (lit. of what?). Ex. M-kalo vf-achi? What kind of knife? (Rev. A. 
Hetherwick's Yao Gr., p. 35). 
Kafir : -ni? with a classifier. Ex. / zinti za mti m-ni ? Sticks of what sort of tree ? 

A^. B. In Kafir this adjective -m causes its substantive to be used without an article. 
Herero : -ke? or -nge? with a classifier. Cf. Rev. F. W. Kolbe's Did., p. 543. 
Swahili \ gani? invariable, Ex. Mtu gani? Kitu gani? What sort of man ? What 

sort of thing ? 
PoKOMO : ga ? invariable. 

Congo : nkia ? invariable, followed by its noun j etc., etc. 



Interroi^ativc Pronouns, 211 



'i> 



I 



§ 3. The Pronoun " Who ? ". 

804. — The pronouns for '* Who? " are the following ; — 

Tonga : u-an\ ?, pi. ba-an'x ?, or with the copula ngu-aft\}^ pi. vtbaani} Ex. Ngu-^?;// 
izifia liakol What is thy name ? lit. Who art thou (with regard to) thy name ? 

Cf. IN Nguru : Zina diako mbivanif What is thy name? (Last's Polyglotta^ p. 47). 

Karanga and Senna : Sing, anil, or with the copula ndi-ani? Ex. in Karanga : 

fina lirio ndi-anil What is thy name? 
Ganda : Anil pi. banil Ex. Aftiadzel Who has come? 
Herero : Sing, anil ox yani. 

N. B. Vxohdihly yani ? ^^ the Tonga copula-containing form ngu-ani? 

Mozambique : U-panil pi. a-panil 

Kafir : U-banil pi. o-banil, or with the copula ngubanil^X. figo-ba?iil Ex. Igania 

lake ngu-bani-na 1 What is his name ? 
Chwana : Matigl pi. bo-viang 1 Ex. Ke bo-man^ ? Who are they? 
Mpongwe : Mande 1 pi. iva-7nande 1 Ex. Wamande mongi xino 1 Who are these 

people ? 
Angola and Lunda : Nanyil pi. a-kua-nyil 
Congo, Swahili, Boondei, etc. : Nanil Ex. in Congo : Nkumbu andi nani} What 

is his name ? 

805. — ^^- ^' '• " W^hose?" is generally rendered by a possessive expression 
regularly formed from the above. Ex. in Kafir : I gama li-ka bani^ " W^hose name.?" Here 
it may be remembered that in Kafir the prefix of possessive expressions before individual 
names is ka^ not -a, as it is ga in Chwana (783, N. B.) 

2. It may be noticed that here again in the forms of these pronouns Mpongwe differs 
more from Congo than from Chwana and Mozambique. (Cf 213). 



:) " 



§ 4. The Discriminative Pronoun " Which : 

806. — As far as we can judge, in the generality of the Bantu 
languages the discriminative pronoun '' Which } " is rendered by an 
expression which means literally " the one which is where ? ", viz. 
h in Tonga, ne in Herero, // in Kafir, etc., with a connective 
pronoun. Ex. : — 

Tonga : -HI with a connective pronoun. Ex. U-yanda cibula cili? Which chair 
do you want ? lit... the chair which is where? 

N. B. This particle -li ? being a mere monosyllable generally requires its connective 
pronoun to be strengthened by a sort of relative particle when such a connective pronoun 
should be otherwise a mere vowel. Ex. Mu-samo o-?/-//f " W'hich tree?" instead of 
mu-sa7nou-li? Probably for the same reason, when it is preceded by one of the copulative 
relative particles ngu, mba^ ndu^ etc., this does not cause the connective pronoun to be 
dropped. Ex. Ngu-ii-li (fmi-sarno) ? " Which is it (the tree)? " not simply Ngu-li? Cf. Ngit- 
a-kafua^ it is the one which is dead (769). 



212 South-African Bantu Languages. 

807. — Other languages : — 

Herero : -7ie? with a connective pronoun, and a relative particle in some cases. 
The same in Karanga. 
Kafir : -pi? with a connective pronoun. Ex. Ufuna si-hlalo si-pi ? Which chair 
do you want ? 

N. B. When the connective pronoun is a mere vowel, it is strengthened by a semi-vowel 
placed before it. Ex. U-funa vi-ti -wu- pi? "Which tree do you want ? " Hence, with the 
copula : A^jfw-wu-pi u-inti o-wu-funa-yo ? " Which is the tree you want.'"' Cf. My Outline 
of a Xosa- Kafir Gr., p. 39. 

SwAHiLi : -pi? with a connective pronoun, yu-pi ? in class M-tu (cf. 806). 
Chwana : -fe ? do. Ex. Motho o- fe ? Which man ? 

Angola : -ebi? do. Ex. Ki-fua ki-ebi ? Which manner ? 

Congo : -eyi ? do. 

Mpongwe : -e ? do. Ex. Nagii y-e ? Which house ? A-dombe 

m-e ? Which sheep ? 
Kaguru : -ahokii^ii. of where ?), with a connective pronoun. Ex. iVa-ntii wahoki ? 
Which men ? 

808. — In Tonga '' When? " Is rendered by izuba li-li? " Which 
sun? " or simply li-tif, the word izicbci being then understood, (cf. 
782), and In Herero by rii-ne (0 ru-veze), Ht. Which time ? This Is 
probably the origin of the word for " when ? " In several other 
Bantu languages (Kafir nini?, Ganda dif Swahili tint?, Chwana 
ten^ ?) etc. 

When our ''When?" means "Which year? Which season? 
etc., " it Is rendered in Bantu languages by a full expression, as in 
Tonga : Mu-aka ouli ? Which year ? 

N. B. The Tonga self-standing form a-li? "where?" is also properly the discriminative 
interrogative pronoun of class PA (536). 

§ 5. Interrogative Pronouns used Indefinitely. 

809. — In Kafir, and probably in several other languages, in- 
terrogative pronouns are often used with an Indefinite meaning, 
such as '' no matter who, no matter where, etc. " Then they are 
generally reduplicated. 

Ex. IN Kafir : Wena /I'^-bani-bani..., thou, (child) no matter of whom... 
Way a pipipi..., he went, no matter where. 

§ 6. The Pronoun and Adjective ***All, Whole ". 

810. — In Tonga " all " Is rendered by -onse (sometimes -^«^^ 
after a or e, 250) preceded by a connective pronoun. Contrary to 



Various Pronouns. 213 



I 



most other pronouns, It has forms proper to the r^t and 2^ person, 
at least in the plural number. But in the 2<^ person plural no-onse is 
used instead of mu-onse. 

Examples : Iswe to-o/ise, all of us; Itiyive WQ 07ise^ all of you ; Bantu ho-onse or be-^«^^, 
all men ; mii-sanio u onse (or through assimilation o-onse)^ the whole tree, etc. 

A^. B. I. Ko-onse (= ^\x-onse)^ when self-standing, means '* always, permanently ". 
Ex. Ncbombua ti-la-kuiika ko-onse^ the river Nebombua flows permanently. 

2. In many instances the word -cmse is not so well rendered by " all " as by " all toge- 
ther (I and you, you and they, etc.). " 

811. — The construction of the word for " all " in most other 
languages is essentially the same as in Tonga. But its stem varies 
as follows : Kafir -onke, Senna -onse, or -ense, or -onsene, ox -ensene, 
Chwana -otlhe, Congo -onso or -nso^ Swahili -ote, Mozambique 
'Oteni, Angola -eselele or osololo or -ese, Mpongwe -odzi, Ganda 
'Oniia or -eiina, etc. In several of these languages a substantive 
pronoun is often used as a sort of determinative before this adjective 
when already completed by its connective pronoun, principally when 
it means " whoever, whatever ". Ex. In Swahili : Y^ yote atakaye 
pita, mpige, Whoever will pass by, strike him. 

N. E. The stem of this adjective being a dissyllable beginning with a vowel, its form 
in class Mu-7ttu has become somewhat irregular in some languages, for instance, in 
Swahili j-^/^, not w-ote, in Ganda j:'-t';/;/cz, not iv-onna or zu-enna, etc. 

812. — In Herero and Karanga a particle is always required 
as a kind of determinative before this adjective, viz. a- in Herero, 
where the stem itself is -he, and he- in Karanga, where the stem 
itself is -rii'e. Ex. : — 

Herero : O vandii a ve-he, all men ; o-vi?ia di-vi-he, all things. 
Karanga : Ixindihu-jl rtre, all the muircats ; inyika hui-rire, the whole earth. 

813. — Some Bantu languages have a sort of superlative form 
of this adjective which means " whoever, whatever, any one ". Ex. 
in Angola : Mutu tt-ese u-ese, any man (who...) 

§ 7. TiiE Pronoun A -like '' Alone, By himself ". 

814. — i^ In Tonga the following is the formula of the express- 
ion which renders " alone " : — 

a -h connective pronoun + like. 
Ex. Leza di-Si-like, God alone; Aba bantu Si-hsi-like, these men alone. 

^. B. In such expressions a is the kind of preposition described in n. 573. It is 
equivalent to our " by " in " by himself ". 



214 South' African Bantu Languages. 

We hear in the i^^t person singular ndime e-ndike ( — ..,a-(i)ndi- 
like) '' It is I alone ", and in the 2^ iue alike ( — a-u-like) " thou 
alone "; the other persons are regular. 

815. 2^ In Ganda the stem of the word rendering ** alone " is 
-okka or -ekka, in Karanga -o\a or -e\,a, in Kafir -edwa or -odwa. 
These follow the same laws as the Tonga -onke " all " {-onna in 
Ganda, etc.), and have their proper forms even in the i^^t ^nd 
2^ person of the singular number. 

Ex. IN Kafir : vina n6.-ed2va, I alone, = Ganda nze nz ekka = Karanga : eme 
nd o^a \yena y-edwa, he alone, = Ganda ye y-ekka. 

N. B. As the Kahr stem -edwa " alone " seems to be foreign to Bantu, may it not be 
thought to be related to the word edua or dua " one " in Fiji? This reference to a Papuan 
language might seem out of place here, if it stood isolated. But it is warranted by several 
other signs of distant relationship between Bantu and several languages Oceania. 
(See Introduction, 3^^ section). 

816- — 3^ In Chwana the same word is -osi or -esi. In some 
cases it admits before itself the particle ka ( = Tonga a, 573). In 
others it follows the same laws as the Kafir -edzua or -odwa. 

Ex. Ke ?ma ka-n-^i/, It is I myself; Ke-hone \i-osi it is they alone. 

817. — ^' ^' ^^ ^^^ these languages the same pronouns are sometimes used 
to render " himself, itself ", etc. 

818. — 4^ In Herero " alone " is rendered in the first person 
singular by -erike^ in the other cases by peke (invariable). Ex. Mba- 
ende ei'ike " I went alone"; ma-kara peke "he stays alone ". It may 
also be rendered by portc- followed by a possessive expression 
varying according to the class. Ex. Porii-andye, '' by myself"; 

poru-oye " by yourself " ; po7'u-e " by himself ", etc. 

819. — 5'^ In Swahili " alone " is rendered by /^/^^ (invariable) 
or hy peke y- followed by a possessive expression. Ex. peke y-angu 
" by myself " \ peke y-ako " by yourself ", etc. Cf. in Mozambique 
yek-aga " by vciy^A{'\ yek-ehu " by ourselves ", etc. 

§ 8. The Pronouns A-a-la-kue "He also ", A-ba-la-bo 
'' They also ", etc. 

820. — In Tonga a series of expressions rendering " he also, 
they also", etc. is formed according to a formula somewhat similar 
to that of the expressions for " alone ", viz. : — 

a 4- connective pronoun + /<rr + substantive pronoun. 



Various Pronouns. 215 

Ex. Leza a-a-la-kue, God also ; aba bantu a-ba-la-bo, these 
people also. 

32 1» — ^- ^' ^- Notice -ktie instead of -tie in class MU-niu. In the other classes 
we have a-u-la-o {mti-cila)^ a-i-la-io (nn-ciia)^ a-li-la-lio (i-zuba), etc. In the i""^' and 
2'' person the expressions corresponding to these are a-mbe-bo (= a-me-bo) " I also ", 
a-e-bo (a-ue-bo) " thou also ", asue-bo " we also ", a-nyue-bo " you also ". (Cf. 691). I fail 
to see distinctly the exact value of the particles a and la in these expressions. 

822. — 2° Possibly expressions of the same sort exist in Yao, as I read the fol- 
lowing in Rev. A. Hetherwick's Yao Grammar^ p. 37 : " -alakwe^ with the characteristics 
(connective pronouns) of the first class {Mu-ndit), is frequently used in the sense of " this 
person ", " he ", " those persons ", " they ", and may be used as representing the third 
personal pronoun. Ex. Aha-wani ajiwile, angaii^ ualakwe, " Who stole? Was is not he? "' 

823. — 3° ^" most other Bantu languages the expressions " he also, they also ", 
etc. are generally rendered by the preposition which means " with, and ", followed by 
a substantive pronoun. In Kafir the particle ktia " also " is often used along with such 
expressions. Ex. Kwa ti mlainbo wa-hamba na-wo, or U mlainbo zua-hayjibaK^wSi-nsi- 
wo, " the river also went along". 

§ 9. The Pronouns rendering '* Self ". 

824. — It has already been noticed (655) that In Bantu *' him- 
self, itself, themselves " after verbs are regularly rendered by a 
connective objective pronoun, such as zi in Tonga, i In Chv^ana, ri 
in Angola, etc. Again, it has been noticed that in certain languages 
the same expressions are rendered after nouns by the same pronouns 
which render '' alone" (817). But there Is also in Bantu a special 
particle for '* self ", viz. -7tya in Tonga, -ene in Angola, -ini in He- 
rero, -enyewe in Sv^ahili, etc. 

In Tonga -nya Is suffixed to substantive pronouns. Ex. a-ngue- 
nya, with him himself. 

In more emphatic expressions the substantive pronoun is again 
repeated after -nya, Ex. Ngtie-nya-M^, it Is he himself; nce-co- 
7iya-C0, it is the very thing, etc. 

825. In Angola -e/ie, in Herero -znz, In Swahili -enyewe, etc., are 
preceded by connective pronouns. But in Angola mu-ene is used in 
class MU-tu instead of u-ene, and vm-nnem the locative class MU 
instead of mu-ene. In Herero all such pronouns require the article 
before them, e. g. o veni (cl. VA-ndu), zeni (cl. ZO-ngombe), 
etc., and, in class MU-ndu, mu-ini is used instead of u-ini. In 
Swahili mw-enyewe is used In the three classes M-ltc, M-ti, and 
U-siku. 



2i6 South-Africmi Bantu Languages. 



N. B. In Swahili similar expressions are formed with -eftyi " one who has... ", followed 
by a determinative. Ex. Mtv-enyi ku-penda " the same who loves " ; Ki-iu ch-enyi m-virongo 
" a round thing ". 

§ lo. The Pronoun -mbi *' Other, Different, Foreign ". 

826. — In Tonga and Kafir the word " different " is rendered 
by -mbi, preceded by the proper connective pronoun. But, because 
this stem is monosyllabic, the connective pronoun generally requires 
to be strengthened when it should be otherwise a mere vowel ; 
is it not dropped after the copula. In Chwana the form of this 
pronoun is -pe (185). Ex. : — 

Tonga : Tinsi Jtgiie pe, ngi-i-u-jjibi, It is not he, no, it is another (man). 
Kafir : Ast ye^ hayt, iigu-7vit-mbi or 7igo wu-inbi, do. 
Chwana : Ga ke na sepe, I have nothing else. 

827. — The equivalent of this pronoun is in Herero -arue with 
a connective pronoun. Ex. va-ndu v-arue, other people (foreigners, 
strangers). In Yao it is -ine, also with a connective pronoun. 

Ex. mii-ndu ju ine, another man, etc. 

§ IT. The Pronouns *' One... another ", '* Some ... others ". 

828. — In Tonga the expressions " one... another " " some... 
others " are rendered by the numeral adjective -mue '* one " repeated. 

Ex. U-mue tiati..., u-mue uati, the one said..., the other said... 

Ba-viue baasiala] ba-mue baainka, some remained behind, others went. 

N. B. Hence the repetitive expression -muemui^ " few, scarce ". Ex. Bantu baimiemni, 
few men. (Cf. Superlatives, n. 632). 

829. — Likewise in Kafir they are rendered by -nye '' one " 
with the proper classifier arid an article. Ex. 6^ in-nye wasala, mnye 
wemka, one remained behind, the other went. 

In Ganda they are rendered by the quantitative adjective -lala, 
repeated. Ex. M-lala a-lia, m-lala talia, the one eats, the other 
does not eat, etc., etc. 



BLetro0pect on tbe Hrticle, 

830. — We have seen in a previous chapter (321,4), that the 
nearest approach in pure Tonga to the article of Kafir, Angola, 
Congo, Herero, Ganda, etc., is a kind of relative particle occa- 
sionally placed before substantives as if to determine them. From 
this fact I there might have drawn the conclusion that Bleek had 
rightly considered the Kafir article as having originally been " a 
pronoun derived from the derivative prefix (classifier) which it 
precedes ". (Compar. Gr., p. 153). But this conclusion I have 
reserved for this place, that I may the better show in what relation 
the various kinds of the Bantu particles now reviewed stand to one 
another. 

The classifiers, which are essentially a kind of adjective or 
generic nouns, are the basis of the whole mechanism of Bantu 
with respect to nouns and pronouns. The most elementary of all 
the pronouns is \^^ connective pi' onoMn, which In the various classes 
of the 3^ person is Itself nothing else than the classifier, weakened 
In some Instances, strengthened in others, of the substantive 
which it represents (639). The connective pronoun, when emphasi- 
sed and made Into a word, no longer a mere particle, becomes 
a siibstaiitive pronoim (656). This substantive pronoun may be used 
in most Bantu languages as a relative particle (718) and then it 
becomes again a kind of enclitic or proclitic particle. It is properly 
from such relative particles that the article Is derived in most of the 
languages In which it exists. And this is only natural, as articles 
are to substantives what relative particles are to relative clauses 
(774). Hence, for Instance, the Kafir u m-ntu " a person " might 
originally have been rendered by " he person ", exactly as o-tetayo 
Is still exacdy rendered by '' he who speaks ". It Is from the same 
relative particles, or directly from the connective pronouns, that 
demonstrative pronoicns2iX^ derived (698). 

Thus we find that the derivation of the various kinds of pronouns 
in Bantu agrees perfectly with what might be suggested by rea- 
son Itself, and by their natural relation to each other. 

In connection with this conclusion I notice that the Bantu 
demonstrative pronouns have become a kind of article in certain 
semi- Bantu languages. To borrow an instance from Wolof, a lan- 
guage of Senegambia, In this language an article consisting of a 
consonant and a vowel is generally appended to substantives. In 
the plural the consonant Is always;)', but In the singular it Is In 



2i8 South- African Bantu Languages, 

most cases the initial consonant of the substantive, exactly as the 
consonant of demonstrative pronouns in Bantu is regularly that of 
the corresponding classifier. The vowel is i for things which are 
near (i^^^ position), u for things which are at some distance 
(2^ position), a for remote things. (Dard's " Dictionnaire F^^anfais- 
VVolof, 1825 ", p. XIX). It can hardly be doubted that such articles 
were originally identical with the Bantu demonstrative pronouns. 

Ex. Singular. Plural. 

marre-miy the river (here) 7narre-y{^ the rivers (here) 

7na?-re-tnUy the river (there) marreyUj the rivers (there) 

marre-vcidiy the river (yonder) marreyB.^ the rivers (yonder) 

daaba-6\y the lion (here) daaba-y{^ the lions (here) 

daaba-du^ the lion (there) daabayu^ the lions (there) 

daaba-6.dij the lion (yonder) daaba ydi, the lions (yonder) 

saigue-siy the leopard (here) saigue-yi^ the leopards (here) 

saigiie-su, the leopard (there) saigne-yu^ the leopards (there) 

saigue-sdiy the leopard (yonder) saigue-ya.^ the leopards (yonder) 

etc., etc. 

In general, African natives, endowed as they are with keen 
senses, and little accustomed to consider abstract notions, are fond 
of vivid descriptions, in which motions of the hand coupled with 
demonstrative pronouns necessarily play a prominent part. For 
instance, a native will seldom be heard using a vague expression 
like this : *' He lost one eye " ; but, as he noticed which eye was 
lost, he will say : '* This eye of his died ", pointing at the same time 
to one or the other of his own. Likewise, instead of telling you that 
there is a three hours' distance between two places, he will say : 
" If you start when it (the sun) is there, you will arrive when it is 
there ", and he will show you at the same time different points of 
the sun's course. 

The same remark accounts for the general use of motions of the 
hand and demonstrative pronouns to express numbers (789). When 
my native informants had to enumerate objects of the same kind, 
I never heard such expressions as '* the first, the second, the third ", 
etc., but *' the first " was expressed by '' this " with the little finger 
pointed out, " the second " was also *' this ", with the second finger 
pointed out, '' the third " was again *' this ", and so forth. 

The same remark again may account for the variety of descript- 
ive auxiliaries which will be dealt with in the next chapter. 



Gl)apter V. 

ON VERBS. 

831. — It is no easy task to coordinate my materials on verbs. 
On the one hand, the peculiarly descriptive Bantu turn of mind has 
introduced into the conjugation so great a variety of particles ; on 
the other, it is so hard to obtain directly from natives proper inform- 
ation as to their exact value ; besides, the correspondence of 
these particles in the various languages is so far from being plain, 
that in matter like this one does not see how to avoid either con- 
fusion or misleading connections. 

The plan which I have finally adopted is to consider : — 

1° The fundamental forms of the simple verb. 

20 The various auxiliary forms. 

3° The copula. 

4° The derivative verbs, including the passive voice, causative 
forms, etc. 



I. — Funoamental Forms of tbe Simple Verb. 

§ I. Principal Parts of the Verbs in Bantu. 

832. — We have here to attend principally to five sources of 
modification in the verb, viz. : — 

1° The form of the verbal stem itself, according as it is mono- 
syllabic or polysyllabic, beginning wMth a vowel or with a consonant 
{S2,7, 840, 843, etc.). 

2° The class and person, as also in some cases the object, of the 
verb. This point has already been elucidated in the preceding 
chapter (637-655). For the convenience of the student in the follow- 
ing pages the connective pronouns are generally either set in 
different type from the rest, or separated from the verbal stem 
by a dash. 



220 South-African Bmiht Languages, 

3° The difference of mood. Here we may distinguish four moods, 
viz. : — 

a) The indicative, naturally expressive of an actual fact, as tu- 
do7ta..., '* we see... 

b) The subjunctive, expressive of a fact still in the mind, as... 
tu-bone.... ''that we may see ". 

c) The imperative, which might also be referred to the one or the 
other of the previous two, according to its various forms, as the 
quasiindicative ^^;2^, and the subjunctive \mpQr3.tive u-bone, both of 
which mean '' see thou ". 

d) The infinitive, or substantive mood, as ku-bona " to see ". 

4"^ Duration in the indicative mood. Here we distinguish two 
stages, viz. : — 

a) The transient or non-permanent stage. Ex. Tubona..., '' we 
see... " 

b) The permanent or perfect stage. Ex. TtL-bonide ''we have seen ". 
5° The difference of actuality, according as the clause is affirmative 

or negative. 

Ex. Affirmative form : tu-bona..., " we see ". 
. Negative form : ta-tu-boni " we do not see ". 

833. — Thus, considering the variations which affect the verb 
in its endings, we are led to distinguish in most Bantu languages 
four principal parts, or different forms, of the verbs, viz. : — 

1° An indicative, imperative, and participial form, ending in 
-a, as bona " see ", tu-bona.., " we see ", ku-bona '* to see ". 

A^. B. There may be coupled with this form in Angola and in most other Western lan- 
guages a form ending with a sort of mute, or indifferent vowel, which varies as the 
vowelsound of the penultimate, as in Angola -jimt, from -jtrna, in tti-a-jim\ (Tonga tu-a- 
zitna) " we have extinguished ", and -nu for -nun, from -mm, in tu-a-n\x (Tonga tu-a-nyua) 
" we have drunk ". 

2° A negative form ending in \{e or /, 270), as -bone or -boni 
in ta tu-bone.,. or ta tu-boni " we do not see ". 

3° A subjunctive form, which is also imperative, ending in e, as 
-bone in a tu-bone " let us see ". 

4° A perfect form ending, in the larger number of the verbs, in 
-ide or -He, as -bonide in tu-bonide " we have seen ". 

In Kafir and several other languages there may be added to 
these a fifth, ending in -anga, as in Kafir -bonanga in a si-bonanga 
" we have not seen ". 



Fnmiajnental Forms of tlic si/np/e Verb, 221 



Hence, for instance, if we were to recite the principal parts of 
the verb ku-dona '* to see ", we should say: bona, boni, bone, bonide, 
and in Kafir we should add bonanga. 

834. — ^^- B- I- In Swahili there are many exceptional verbs borrowed from 
Arabic, or from other foreign languages, which have a form ending in / where it should 
end in «, as ku-hinni " to refuse to give ". In the other languages there are very few such 
verbs. We may however notice in nearly all of them the verb ku-ti " to say, to do " (perfect 
-tede in Tonga, -te and -tile in Kafir, etc.). The form of this verb in Chwana is go-re (172 
and 200). We may notice also in Tonga and several other languages the verb -kuzi or 
ku-asi'''- to know" (without a perfect, as far as I know). Another remarkable verb in Kafir 
is ku-isho "to say so " (with reference to something already said or done). Its perfect 
form is -tshilo. In Ganda this verb has the form -tyo. 
2. In Swahili there is no such perfect form as -botiide. 



§ 2. Fundamental Forms derived from BONA. 
1. Imperative form BONA "see". 



835. — In nearly all the Bantu languages there exists for the 
second person singular an imperative form which regularly is the 
bare form ending in a, as bona " see ". In most languages the 
addition to this form of a pronoun which means " you " i^-ni, -zui, 
-enUy etc.) produces an imperative form for the 2^ person plural. 



Ex. 


See thou 


See ye 




See thou 


See ye 


Tonga 


bona 




Kafir 


bona 


bona;// 


Kaguru 


langa 


\2ingeni 


Herero 


muna 




BOONDEI 


ona 


om.ni 


ROTSE 


mona 




Kamba 


ona 


ona/ 


Angola 


mona 


nionenu 


Swahili 


ona 


ona«/ 


Congo 


mona 


////mona 


NiKA 


ona 




Yao 


wona 


wona;// 


Senna 


ona 


ona^z/ 


Mozambique 


ona 


ona;// 


Karanga 


wona 


wonaw/ 


Chwana 


bona 


bona//(j[ 


Ganda 


labba 




Mpongwe 


yena 


yena;// 



836. — ^^' ^- ^"^ Nyamwezi the forms corresponding to these have generally the 
suffix -ga in the singular, -ge in the plural, as wonaga. " see ", pi. wotiage. In some verbs, 
principally in those which end in -ia in the infinitive, these suffixes are replaced respect- 
ively by -ja and -je, and then various phonetic changes often take place, as in suma.ja. 
" consent " (cf. ku-sumia, to consent), okaja. " bake " (cf. ku-oc/ia, to bake). Cf. Steere's 
Collections for a Handbook of the Nyamwezi Language^ pp. 67 and 64. 

837. — The effect on imperatives of the phonetic laws relative 
to monosyllabic stems, and to such as begin with a vowel (44 and 
46, n. 2), is remarkable in most Bantu languages, principally in the 



222 South-African Bant it Languages. 



verb '* to come ". We m 


ay 


notice 


particularly 


the following 


forms : — 












Ganda \jangu^ 




from the stem -ja^ *' 


come " J 


Nyamwezi : nzagu, pi. nzoji 




)» 


-/^« 


come thou, come ye " 


Herero : indyo^ pi. indyoni 




)> 


-J'^ 




" j> 


SwAHiLi : njoo^ pi. njooni 




j> 


-ja 




'> jj 


Boon DEI : soo{=^ n-soo), pi. nsooni^ „ 


-eza 




>> 5> 


Chwana proper : eintlo, pi. ilan^ 






-tla 




>> J> 


SuTO : ilho^ pi. tlhonfi, 






-tUia 




>J » 


M PONG WE : yogo, pi. yogoni 






ya 




5) >> 


Lower Congo : wiza, pi. viwiza 






-iza 




J> 35 


Kafir : yiza^ pi. yizani 






■za, -iza 




5) JJ 


etc., etc. 













838. — In Swahili the other monosyllabic verbs, and a few of 
those which begin with a vowel, take in the singular the prefix ku-, 
which is probably the pronoun which means '' thou " (639"^). Ex. 
ku/^ (from -to) "eat thou ". There is no plural form properly corres- 
ponding to this ; for such imperatives as kuleni " eat ye " must be 
referred to the subjunctive imperative form (855). 

839. — In Lower Congo there are probably no monosyllabic 
verbs. Verbs which begin with a vowel take in the imperative 
singular (2^ person) the prefix w- '' thou ", as vj-enda " go thou ". 
The plural is regular. 

840. — In Kafir the verbs which begin with a vowel take the 
prefix^-, and monosyllabic verbs the prefix^/. Ex. yiya *' go thou " 
(from -yd), yenza " do " (from -enzd). 

841. — In Senna u is prefixed to monosyllabic verbs. Ex. yidya 
'' eat ", udyani '' eat ye ", nniua " drink ", umtmm " drink ye ". 

In the same language the verb /cu-enda *' to go " becomes in 
the imperative ndoko '' go thou ". In Angola also we find this form 
ndoko next to nde, which has the same meaning (cf. 938). 

2. Indicative form NDI-BONA " I see ". 

842. — This form is obtained as a rule by prefixing the various 
connective pronouns (639) immediately to the form ending in -a, 
Ex. : — 



FundcDHental Foynis of the Simple Verb. 223 



I see 


thou seest 


he sees 


we see 


you see 


nfitbona. 
w/langa 
wdabba 


?/bona 
wlanga 
^labba 


//bona 
^zlanga 
alabba 


///bona 
^///langa 
///I abba 


;;///bona 
;//;/langa 
/////labba 


«/ona 
;/^//bona 


7£^ona 
wbona 


tiona 
//bona 


/■6£/ona 
5zbona 


;//wona 
///bona 


'mona 
/Cvbona 


<?mona 
tfbona 


<9mona 
<7bona 


///mona 
r^bona 


«//mona 
/ohona. 



they see, etc. 

Tonga /////"bona //bona //bona ///bona ;;///bona /^^bona, etc. 

Kaguru w/langa //langa ^/langa ^///langa 1 ;////langa Wf/bnga, etc. 

Ganda wdabba ^labba alabba ///labba /////labba <^rtlabba, etc. 

Swahili mona. 7t>'ona cjona /wona. ;//wona 7uaona, etc. 

Kafir ;/^//bona //bona //bona 5/bona ///bona /^c^bona, etc. 

Congo 'mona <?mona <9mona ///mona «//mona ^<?mona, etc. 

Ghwana /Cvbona ^bona ^bona r^bona /^bona (^iibona, etc, 
etc., etc. 

S^S. — ^- ^- ^"^ Congo and Angola monosyllabic and vowel verbs generally 
insert -kii- or -kiu- between the connective pronoun and the verbal stem. Ex. in Congo : 
n\i.'wenda^ I go. 

344. — This form nd\bo7ia, being indefinite, is not much used 
by itself, though it is frequently found in the compound forms 
which contain an auxiliary, as will be seen further on. 

When used by itself it is generally expressive of an action either 
indefinite with respect to time, or properly present. Hence it is that 
in Tonga, Swahili, Chwana, Kafir, etc., we find it used principally 
in relative clauses to express one fact concomitant with another. In 
Swahili it seems to be never used except in relative clauses. In 
Tonga, Kafir, some Chwana dialects, etc., we find it sometimes in 
non-relative clauses, but then it is always followed by a determina- 
tive of some kind. In Lower Congo, Ganda, Kaguru, etc., it seems 
to be freely used even without being thus immediately followed by 
another word, etc., etc. Ex. : — 

845. — Tonga: 

Ningoma zilila^ Those are the drums that are beaten, lit... that cry. 
Bantu ba-ba^ thieves, lit. people who steal. 

Ngue u-7ijila muakale Zuanga^ It is he, Wange, who goes inside. 
Zielo zi-zialiia a balozi, zi-njila ni'niubili^ ta zi-bonigui a zi-njilila^ Evil spirits are 
begotten by sorcerers, they enter the body, they are not seen when they come in. 
Baafiiba nzi? What do they mean ? 
U-yanda a-funde, He wishes to learn. 

Matezi u-tilila paa Ceezia, The river Matezi joins (the Zambezi) at Ceezia's. 
Muntu u-teka manzi, intale i-inu-jata^ ... and while a person is drawing water, a 

crocodile gets hold of him. 
Tu-kii-kombelela^ We pay homage to thee. 

846. — Kafir: 

U-teta mti mni ?ia ? What sort of tree do you mean ? 

A ndi 7ia nkomo i-tengwa-yo^ I have no cow for sale, lit... which is being sold. 
Yi nto ni na lo nto ni-za nayo ? What is that you are coming with ? 
Ndi-vela kwa Sabalala, ndi-ya kwa Sikwebu, I am coming from Sabalala's, I go 
to Sikwebu's. 



224 South-African Bantu Languages. 

847. SWAHILI : 

Yeye a-nifuata-ye, He who follows me. ... (Mat., 3, 11.) 

Kwani baba ye?iu a-jua m-taka-yo, ... because your Father knows what you want. 
(Mat., 6, 8.) 

84:8. — Chwana : 

Chwana proper : 0-ishaba-ngl What do you fear? 

Ke-bo7ia motho coo, eo o-tsafnaea-n^ ka-bonako, I see that man, who walks quickly. 
Logadima lo-cwa kwa Tselem, Lightning comes from the East. (Mat., 24, 27). 
Suto : Lc-gopelela-n^ bobe ? Why do you think evil? 

Gobane Ntafa lona o-tseba seo le-se-Uoka-n^ ... because your Father knows what 
you want. (Mat, 6, 8). 

849. — Angola: 

Old: O nga?ia y-ekala nae, The Lord is with thee. {Cat., p. 2). 

Eye tu-ku-tenda..., eye iu-ku-andala, To thee do we cry..., to thee do we send up 

our sighs. {Ibid., p. 2). 
O mukutu u-boleV a-xi, The body rots in the ground. {Ibid., p. 33). 
Esue tii-ekala ko uze ou, We who live in this world. {Ibid., p. 34). 
Modern : U-enda ni muzuinbii k-a-jinibirile, He who walks with a mouth (h. e. he 

who has a mouth) does not lose his way. (Chatelain's Gr., p. 132). 
Henda, se y-a-vula, i-beka fijinda, Love, if immoderate, brings anger. {Ibid,) 

850. — Herero (Dr. Biittner's Mdrchen der Ovaherero, p. 190) : 

O mundu eingui... utua o vanatye m'o zondyatii, nii-i-ko, This is the woman who 
puts children into bags, and goes off. 

N. B. In Herero and some other Western languages the final vowel of this form is 
sometimes dropped, or weakened, or assimilated with the penultimate, as in the above 
example 7iuiko " and he goes off " (= n'ti il-ko = ii'u-ia.-ko). Cf. 833. 

851. In Kafir we find in some cases, principally after auxiliaries, 
the form e-bona where we might expect it-bona (cl. MU-nttt) or 
a-bona (cl. MA-tye), and be-bona where we might expect ba-bona 
(cl. BA-niu). We find likewise the perfect forms e-boiiile and be- 
bonile for it-bonile, a-bonile, and ba-bonile (865). Probably all such 
forms must be considered as participles. Possibly also, as no such 
participles are found in the other languages, they are really indica- 
tives, but their original vowel a has come to be changed to e through 
some sort of assimilation, because they are mostly used after 
auxiliaries ending with e, as in ba-yt, b^-bonile, they had seen. 

When the verbal stem of these expressions and the like is mono- 
syllabic, -si- is inserted between it and the connective pronoun ; 
s is likewise inserted before vowel stems. 

852. — I^' I^' Out of their connection with auxiliaries, these forms are found 
mostly after the verbs kic-bona " to see ", ku-niana " to continue, to go on ", ku-va " to 



Fiuidajnental Forms of the Simple Verb. 225 

hear ", kit-Jika'^ io arrive", etc., and in cerlain clauses which express an action concomit- 
ant with another. Ex. : Ndababona hesiza " I saw them coming "', beiidibone xxsiza " I had 
seen you coming ", ivamana Qpeka ekaya " she went on cooking at home ", ndafika 
Qfigeko " I arrived when he was not a home ", lit. " ...he (being) not there ", bahamba 
hebttza " they went on asking on the way ", ti kupiipa Qlele " to dream (when) sleeping", 
kwit kuko u tnfazi engahafnbi emini " there was a woman who never went in the day- 
time ", ktidala ^ngeko *' it is a long time since he went ", Ht. " ...he (being) not there ", etc. 

3. Infinitive form KU-BONA " to see ". 

853. — The infinitive form ku-bona " to see " being in reality 
a substantive (of cl. KU), nothing concerning its formation need 
be added to what has been said about it in the chapter on substan- 
tives (462-468), except that in certain languages, when it is used in 
conjunction with auxiliaries, its classifier KU-, or GO^ is generally- 
understood, as in the Chwana Re-tla bona^ we shall see (= Tonga 
tu-sa k.\l-bona). Apart from its use in conjunction with auxiliaries, 
it is used almost exclusively as a substantive proper. 

Ex. IN Tonga : Ta tuzi ku-yasatia^ We cannot fight, lit. we do not know fighting. 
Milia ie hnpeivo nja ku-sanguna, The feasts of winter are the first, 
lit... are those of the beginning. 

We find also, at least with auxiliaries, the locative form mtc kw 
bona, at seeing. 

854. — In Tonga there is also an indicative form immediately 
derived from ku-bona, viz. n-ku-bona (= ndi-ktc-bomi) " I am to 
see ", u-ku-bona " thou art to see ", u-ku-bona " he is to see, he 
must see ", etc. Cf. 843. 

In Swahili, Angola,. Congo, and a few other languages, monosyl- 
labic verbs, as in Swahili hc-ja ** to come ", and those which begin 
with a vowel without an initial aspiration, as kzv-enda " to go", require 
their classifier ku after most auxijiaries in those tenses in which 
other verbs do not take it. Ex. in Swahili : nina kuja *' I am com- 
ing ", nina kwenda " I am going ". Cf. nina perida " I am loving ". 
This is an application of the general laws exposed in nn. 44 and 45. 



§ 3. Subjunctive Form NDI-BONE. 

855. — This form is regularly used in all the Bantu languages 
with an imperative power, as tu-bone " let us see ". In the 2^ person 
singular its connective pronoun is sometimes understood, as may 
be seen in the subjoined examples. In the 2^ person plural its con* 



226 



South- African Bantu Languages, 



nective pronoun is in some cases suffixed instead of being prefixed, 
as in Kafir : Ba-kangele-ni " look ye at them ". 

856. — The same form is also used in all the Bantu languages 
to express one act which is intended to follow another, as in mii-zue 
tu-mu-bone '' come out that we may see you ". 

857. — Examples for the changes in the connective 

pronouns : 





That I may 


that thou 


that he may 


that we may 


that you may 


that they may 




see 


mayst see 


see 


see 


see 


see 


Tonga 


;/<^/bone 


?^bone 


rtbone 


/wbone 


;/«^bone 


bahoviO. 


Kaguru 


^//lange 


z^lange 


alange 


^///lange 


;;/ /flange 


walange 


Ganda 


«dabbe 


^labbe 


alabbe 


/wlabbe 


;««labbe 


Mabbe 


Swahili 


///one 


7£'one 


<'?one 


/7<yone 


WTi/one 


waoiwt 


Kafir 


;/(//bone 


2/bone 


abone 


i-zbone 


///bone 


i^rtbone 


Lower Congo 


'mona 


^mona 


^;mona 


tum.QXidL 


?///mona 


<^r^bona 


Chwana 


/vbone 


^bone 


<«bone 


r^bone 


/^bone 


/;^«bone 


Mozambique 


Z'Avone 


//vvone 


rtwone 


;wwone 


;«wone 


jt/wone 


etc., etc. 















858. — Thus it may be seen that in this form the connective 
pronoun of cl. MLI-niu is generally a. Here again Congo differs 
from the generality of the Bantu languages in having o instead of 
a. And, singularly enough, in the same language the vowel-ending 
of this form is a instead of <?. 



859. — Various examples : 
Tonga : Muzf^buke, Cross (ye) the river. 

JJende e nzila ndanfo^ Go by the long way. . 

Kwali kuba kubotu baviue hdikale^ bamue hdiinke^ It would be good that 
some should remain, and others go. 
Karanga : yiuvtibuke, Cross (ye) the river. 

\Jnde tiejira indefo^ Go by the long way. 
RoTSE : yiwlete koiio uato^ Bring (ye) the canoe here. 
Uj'^ koiw, Come here. 

Kokena mei ninoe, Get (me) water, that I may drink. 
NiKA : Mufu liiye ni inuivi, wabukane naye^ This man is a thief, separate yourself 

from him. (Rebmann's Did.) 
Yudziamba " dipigue ", He said he would be beaten {ibid.). 
Kafir : M-bete or u-m-beie, Beat (thou) him ; M-bekniy Beat (ye) him. 
\>l6.ikuttane na 1 Shall I send you ? Sihanibe ? Must we go ? 
Iinvula yo7ia 7iiiiina sUifne ? When will rain fall, that we may plough ? 
SwAHiLi : Lewi " eat ye ", or ku-Ieni (with prefix ku before monosyllabic stem, cf. 
838 and 842). 



LUNDA 



Fundaniental Forms of the Simple Verb. 227 



Tu-mw-a?nbie^ Let us tell him ; 7igoje (= \xngoje\ wait. 
X^tulize sisi^ Sell it to us. 

Nipe habari {= XJ -ni-pe . . .) Give me the news. 
Wxfanye shauri ganil What plan am I to take? 
(From Steere's Swahili Tales.) 

Eza ko... tu/onde, come here that we may talk together. (Carvalho's 

Gr., p. 89.) 
Tukuefe difanda, let us take powder {ibid.^ p. loo). 



Get up and walk. (Mat., 9, 5.) 
Swahili : Simania xxtembee. 
Ganda : Golokoka utambule. 
Kafir : Suka or yima whambe. 
Chwana : Tioga ueme ntsamaee. 
etc., etc. 



Tie his hands. (Mat., 22, 13.) 
Mfttngeni mikono. 
y[\X-musibe e mikono, 
M-bope-Vii i zandla, 
^Mofe-n^ diatla. 



§ 4. Perfect Form NDI-BONIDE. 

860. — This form does not seem to exist in Swahili, nor in 
Pokomo. The general law for its formation in the other languages 
may be laid down as follows : — 



A final of the form ending in -a is changed — 



In Tonga to -ide. 
In Kaguru to -He. 
In Nyamwezi to -He. 
In Yao to -He. 
In Kafir to -He. 
In Chwana to -He. 



Ex. -fua^ die. Perfect : ndi-fuide. 



Ex. -tiga^ flee. 
Ex. -tula^ strike. 
Ex. -lawa^ bind. 
Ex. -tela, speak. 
Ex. -reka^ buy. 



In Mozambique to -ele. Ex. -roa^ go. 



ni-ligile. 
11-hulile (73). 
n-dawile (69). 
ndi-tetilc. 
ke-rckile. 
ni-roele. 



In Herero 1 to -ire (Angola -He) after a short penult, viz. after / or u. 

and Angola j to -ere (Angola -ele) after a long penult, viz. after e^ 0^ or a. 

, „ (to -idi after a short penult, viz. after a. i. or u. 

In Congo \ , . , ^ ' . ^ ' ' 

I to -ele after a long penult, viz. after a, e^ or 0. 

In Kamba to -///. Ex. -thainia, hunt. Perfect : ni-thaimiti. 

In Ganda to -ie. Ex, -siba^ bind. ,, n-sibie. 

In Mpongwe to /. Ex. -yena^ see. „ a-yeni^ he has seen, 

etc., etc. 

861. — Phonetic laws cause many deviations from this general 
principle, particularly when the final syllable of the form ending 
in -a is -ma (cf. 280), and when it contains a dental sound, such 
as ia, da, la, na, ta, etc. Thus in Tonga the perfect forms of 
-kala *' sit ", 'lala " lie down ", -zuata " dress ", etc., are -kede, 



228 



South-African Baittu Languages. 



-lede, -ziiete, etc. Here are a few specimens of such phonetic pecu- 
Harities : — 



bJO 
















^1 


% 




c' 




^ 
'r 


If 


Q 


Vk 

^ 

■^ 


»* 

$ 
s 

^ 


1 




o 


% 


<s 






U 










•u 






in 


Tonga 


ede 


ete 


ene 


ue7ie 


( aviine 












Ganda 


adde 


ase 


anye 


onye 


amie 


anye 


zisa 


sisa 


udde 


Kafir 


ele 


ete 


ene 


... 


erne 








ule 


o 


L. Congo 


ele 


ete 


ene 






... 


iji 


\ ixi 
\ ese 


widi 




Yao 


( as He 


ete 


ene 


wene 


erne 


enye 


sie 


sisie 


uile 


i:LH 


Gh^vana 


eise 


ere 


( anye 


onye 


ame 


^ ainule 


ditse 


sltse 


iitse 



Cf. Gf'iiinmaire Ruganda^ pp. 34 and 35. 

Rev. A. Hetherwick's Handbook of the Yao Latignage^ pp. 46-48. 

Rev. W. Crisp's Secoana Grammai% pp. 39 and 40. 

M^"^ Le Berre's Granwiaire Pongouce^ pp. 50 and 51. 

Rev. H. Bentley's Diet, and Gram, of the Congo Lang., pp. 642-644. 

862. — Some verbs may be used both in the regular and in 
the modified form. Thus in Tonga we may hear both ndi-buene and 
ndi-bonide, from -bona '' see ". In Kafir nearly all the perfects 
ending in -He can change this to -e, when they are immediately 
followed by another word. Ex. ndibon^ i nkomo [ — ndtboniX^.,.), 
I have seen the cattle. 

863. — Properly speaking, the form ndi-bonide is expressive 
of distance or persistency with respect to time, as is sufficiently 
evidenced from the fact that the suffix -le or -de implies the notion 
of distance (cf. 533"^). Practically it is used with somewhat different 
powers in the different languages. It may however be laid down as 
a general rule that, out of its use in connection with auxiliaries, it 
is mostly found expressing completed actions which have resulted 
in a present state or impression. Examples : — 

864. — Tonga : 

U-zuete ngiibo zinono, He wears (lit. he has put on) fine clothes. 
Basukulunibui ba-kede ku Buhinibu, The Shukulumbue live on Lumbu territory, 
U-lede, He is asleep, (lit. he has lain down, from -lala, lie down). 

865. — Kafir: 

Aivu I i-siiile le ngubo yako, Dear me ! This coat of yours is warm. 
Lento ilungilcy This thing is good (lit. has become correct). 



Fundamental Forms of the Simple Ve^'b. 229 

Si-bulele u Mlonjalonjmii^ We have killed Mlonjalonjani. 

Si-qelile u kudla a bcwye a bantu^ We are accustomed to eat other people. 

Ndi-gqibile u kwenza i ndlela^ I have finished making the road. 

U ma u-file^ My mother is dead. 

U-ye piiial Where is he gone to? ( -ye = -yile^ from -ya^ 862.) 

N. B. In Kafir the form ndi-bonile may be used as a kind of participle, and then e- 
biviile^ be-bonile are found instead oi u-boni/e, abo7u'k, ba-bo7iile^ 851. 

866. — RoTSE : 

Ki-yopile, I have heard (from -yopa, hear). 
Kii-fekile^ It is the same (from -feka, become alike). 

867. — Chwana : 

Moila7ika oame o-lefse^ My servant is lying down (from laia). 

Dilo tse, ke-dibuile... ka dikao, These things I have spoken (lit. said them) in para- 
bles. (John, f 6, 25.) 

Me lodianetse gore kecwa kiva Modimoji^, And you have believed that I come 
from God (John, 16, 27). 

868. — Ganda (From the Granunaire Ruganda^ pp. 83-91.) : 
0-sviniseburu?igi, He is well dressed (lit. he has tied well). 

We n-suze wabi^ Where I am lying down is not confortable (from -stila^ lie down). 
Emmere e-m-puedde-ko^ My porridge is all gone (from -wera = -pwera^ to come to 
an end). 

869. — Angola: 

U-owele k-a-kambie mavu7izu^ He who has swum does not lack mud. {ixov[\-owa 
swim). Chatelain's Kimbu7idu Gr,^ p. 138. 
etc., etc. 

§ 5. The Forms NDI-BONANGA and NDI-BONAGA. 

870. — I do not know that any of these two forms is used in 
Tonga, but — 

1° In Kafir we find ndi-bonanga used regularly as a perfect form 
with a negative auxiliary. Ex. A ndi-bonanga, I have not seen. 

2° In Mozambique the exact equivalent of this Kafir form takes 
the suffix-^//. Ex. Ka ni-m-omM, I have not seen him. 

3° Other forms occur which may be compared with, but are not 
equivalent to, these, in Mozambique with the suffix -aka or -aga, in 
Congo and Ganda with the suffix -anga, in Yao, Kaguru, Nyamw- 
ezi, and Mpongwe, with the suffix -aga. These suffixes -anga, 
aka, and -aga, seem to be properly expressive of continuity. In all 
these languages such forms are found both in affirmative and in 



230 South-African Bantu Languages. 



negative clauses. In some of them they are used exclusively in con- 
nection with auxiliaries. Examples : — 

871.— 

Lower Congo : N-taiiganga^ I am reading. 

Yao : Ni Ji-daims^a { = ?u n-taiuai^a)^ If I bind, when I bind... 
NyaMwezi : Nen-hvaga { = ne n-a-iwaga, 76) mwenda^ w-a-n-hunga, When I stole 
a piece of cloth, they bound me Cf. Steere's Nyamivezi Hand- 
book^ p. 65. 

N. B. The Nyamwezi suffix -aga changes to -aja in certain cases ('cf 836). 
Mozambique : A-ihiraka or a-thiraga ( =- Swahili a-ki-piia^ 993)? While he passes... 
Ya-gi-kohaga^ iva-himerie...^ ( = Swahili wa-kini-uliza^ wa-amhie...)^ 
When they ask for me, tell them . . . 
(From Rankin's S%vahili and Makiia Tales, pp. 3 and 5). 
M PONG WE (only with an auxiliary) : Mi a-dyenaga, I was seeing. 

Ganda (do.) : Edda tu-a-tulanga nyo, Once we remained a long time, 

§ 6. The Negative Form (TA) NDI-BONI. 

872. — The proper ending of this form is \ {-i or -e) in Tonga 
(271), -/in Kafir, Sv^ahili, etc., e in Chwana and Angola. It does 
not seem to be negative by itself, as we commonly find it coupled 
with a negative auxiliary. 



Ex, Tonga : 


Ta txxboni, or ta tubone..,, we do not see. 


Kafir : 


A sibom', do. 


Chwana ; 


: Ga rebong, do. 


Swahili : 


Ha tw-onij do. 


Angola : 


Muene kd^-ku-zole^ he does not love thee. 


etc., etc. 





In the section on negative auxiliaries (875-891) we shall see the 
principal peculiarities relative to the construction of this form. 

In Ganda, Kamba, Yao, Kaguru, and Lower Congo, the positive 
forms of the verbs are also used in negative clauses, though with 
different auxiliaries. Hence in these languages the Tonga form 
(ta)ndi'boni\s^x^^\2.Q.^^ respectively by .y^-^/^^^;, n-di-ona, etc, Cf. 876. 

N. B. Various apparently locative particles are more or less regularly appended to 
the negative forms of the verbs in various languages. Notice particularly the use qI ko 
in Lower Congo, as in kt beswnba ko " they do not buy ", and that of pe in Tonga, as in 
ta ndiboni pe " I do not see at all. " 



II. — Hurilianes. 

§ I. General Principles. 

873. — I consider as auxiliaries all the verbal particles which 
have come to be used before principal verbs in order to determine 
time, mode of thought, and other such notions. Most of them are 
somewhat puzzling to the students of Bantu, both because they have 
no exact equivalents in our languages, and still more because they 
undergo, or cause, a great variety of contractions and elisions. 

The auxiliaries which are in most frequent use seem to be all 
borrowed from the verbs which express the visible and best defined 
human acts, such as ''to go, " "to go off, " '* to come, " " to start, " 
** to get up, " " to stop, " " to sit ", etc. Hence no little attention is 
required principally on the part of Europeans, when they wish to 
use them in the proper time and place. In Kafir, for instance, we 
may hear six or seven forms of imperatives, all of them including 
different notions, e. g. : — 

Ma unyuke e tifabetii, lit. Stand to go up the hill. 
Ka unyuke e ntabejii, lit. Make one move to go up the hill. 
Suka ti nyuke e ntabe7ii^ lit. Wake up to go up the hill. 
Hamb'o kunyuka ( = hamba uye ku?iyuka), lit. Walk to go to go up. 
Uz' unyuke e 7itabeni^ lit. Come to go up the hill, 
etc., etc. 

I cannot say that all Kafirs are always accurate as to the proper 
use of such auxiliaries. Most of them however are so when they 
have not allowed their language to be corrupted by foreign influen- 
ces, and, consequently, though all the above expressions may be 
rendered into English by " go up the hill ", yet properly vsxdiU-nyuke 
supposes a change of occupation, ka unyuke may be used only of 
a momentary action, suka U7tyuke will best be said to one who is 
too slow to fulfil an order, hamb*o kunyuka will be said to one who 
has to go some way before beginning to go up the hill, Mzhinyuke 
conveys an order or prayer which allows delay in the execution 
etc., etc. 

Hence it is that in many cases Bantu auxiliaries are expressive 
of the same notions as our adverbs or conjunctions, and may be 
rendered respectively by " at once, just, already, yet, not yet, never, 
when, until ", etc. 

874. — When auxiliaries are used before verbs, the connective 
pronoun subject is expressed in some cases both before the auxilia- 



232 Sotith-African Banhi Languages. 

ry and before the principal verb, In other cases it is expressed only 
once. There are considerable divergencies on this point in the dif- 
ferent languages. 

A'; B. As a rule, in Kafir (out of relative clauses) the connective pronouns are not express- 
ed before monosyllabic auxiliaries when they are expressed before the principal verb, 
unless such connective pronouns consist of a mere vowel. 

Ex. U<5' \x-ye pina ? (= xi-be u-ye pma ?) Where hast thou been ? 
Be n\-ye pma ? (= ni-be n\-ye pina ?) Where have you been ? 

Auxiliaries are more exposed than verbs proper to have their 
final vowel modified or weakened. This is particularly noticeable 
in Kafir, where auxiliaries very often take the ending -e in tenses 
in which they might be expected to have -a, as in way^,.. for 
luaya..., wazQ... for zaaza... (917, 959), and the ending -0 where 
they should have -e, as in hamba uyO kulima for hamba uye kulima 
(916) '' go to plough. " 

§ 2. The Negative Auxiliaries. 
1. Forms. 

875. — One form of negative auxiliary in nearly all the Bantu 
languages is si (Chwana se, Kamba di, Mpongwe re, Herero and 
Mozambique hi). This seems to have been originally a form of the 
verb 'Sia, to leave, to avoid (52^^). Hence it is that in the infinltlv/e 
several languages replace it by -leka, to leave (880). 

Another form is ta (ti before i) in Tonga, ia or ti in Ganda. 
This is perhaps derived from the verb tia, to fear. The equivalent 
of this form is nga or a In Kafir, nga In Yao, ga and in some cases 
sa in Chwana, ka in Mozambique, ke or ka in Angola, ha in Swa- 
hill. I do not see to which verb these forms originally belonged, 
unless they are connected with the verb -kaka " to refuse ", or with 
-leka " to leave, to avoid. " 

N. B. The Mpongwe negative particle /a has every appearance of being no other than 
the French pas. 

When the negative clause is absolute and indicative, in most 
languages the negative auxiliary comes first without any connective 
pronoun before It, as in Tonga ta ba-boni, they do not see. When 
the negative clause is relative, or subjunctive, or infinitive, the con- 
nective pronoun in most languages is expressed before the negative 
auxiliary and is not repeated before the principal verb, as in Tonga 



Auxiliaries. 



233 



aba mbanht hsifa boni, these are people who do not see. Ex. 
876. — A. ABSOLUTE INDICATIVE CLAUSES. 





I do not 


Thou dost 


He does not 


We do not 


You do not 


They do not 




see. 


not see. 


see. 


see. 


see. 


see. 


Tonga 


( («)siboni 
\ ta «rf/bonf 


ta uhom 


ta rtboni 


ta tiihoni 


ta jniiboni 


ta /^ahoni 


Ganda 


silabba 


t^labba 


talabba 


ti //^labba 


ti wwlabba 


ti ^alabba 


Boondei 


k/ona 


kwona 


kaona 


ka//ona 


ka mwor\a. 


ka luaona 


Kamba 


;/diona 


7t(\\ ona 


a<\\ ona 


/?/di ona 


jmi6\ ona 


mad'] ona 


Swahili 


sioni 


h^oni 


hrtoni 


ha tu>on\ 


ha ;//7£/oni 


ha waon'i 


Pokomo 


sioni 


hwoni 


k<^oni 


ta htiom 


ta 7nuom 


ta Tuaonx 


Tette 


si ndiox\a. 


swona 


saona 


si //ona 


SI muona 


SI waona 


Kafir 


a ndihom 


a kz^boni 


a k^iboni 


a .?/boni 


a ;;/z^boni 


a ^^^boni 


Herero 


j hi na... 
( 1 have not 


ko na... 


ke na... 


ka tu na... 


ka mu na... 


ka ve na... 


thou hast not 


he has not 


we have not 


you have not 


they have not 


Lower Congo 


ke' mona... 


kz^mona... 


ki^mona... 


ke /z^mona... 


ke numona.. 


ke <^^mona 


Chwana 


ga /^^bone 


ga ^bone 


ga «bone 


ga r^bone 


ga /ohone 


ga dahone 


Mpongwe 


( mi pa dyena 


pa dyena 


e pa dyena 


azwe pa dyena 


anwe pa dyena 


wi pa dyena 


( mi re dyena 


re dyena 


a re dyena 


azwe re dyena 


anwe re dyena 


wi re dyena 



etc., etc. 

877. — ^- ^^' I- The Yao and Kaguru forms equivalent to these have ku-bona 
instead of the simple -boim. Besides this, the vowel of the negative particle nga in Yao is 
assimilated to that of the following syllable. Ex. Yao : nge n-gti-wona {■=7iga ni-kit-wofia, 
69) " I do not see ", figii VikMivona " thou... ", nga 2ikuiL>ona " he... ", ngu tu kuwona 
" we... ", etc. Kaguru : rv\si kuia?iga " I do not see ", xx si ku langa " thou...", a.si kiilanga 
" he... ", chisi kttlanga " we... ", etc. 

2. In Nyamwezi the present indicative negative is ku-ona-n%o for all persons and classes, 
but the perfect negative varies, as nha wine (= x\ka wine^ 73) " I have not seen ", Mka 
wine " thou... ", aka wine " he... ", etc. 

3. In Mozambique the negative auxiliaries a and ka, and in Senna proper the negative 
auxiliaries si and n^a^ do not seem to be ever used in the indicative unless accompanied 
by some other auxiliary, as in Senna sina ona " I do not see ", nlnuna otia " thou... ", 
n'tana ona " he... ", n\a X\na ona " we... ", etc. The same remark appears to apply to 
the Karanga negative auxiliary a. 

4. In Angola a substantive pronoun seems to be, as a rule, appended to the verb in 
indicative negative clauses, and the negative auxiliary ki is usually understood in certain 
cases, as (/•/) ngi;//^;/-ami " I do not see ", k\x7non-e " thou... " kanion-e " he... ", 
(-^z)tuw^;/etu " we... " /'/ nuw^;/-enu " you... " kaino7i-a " they... ". 



878. 



B. RELATIVE CLAUSES. 





(I) who 
do not see. 


(Thou) who 
dost not see. 


(He) who 
does not see. 


(We) who 
do not see. 


(You) who 
do not see. 


(They) who 
do not see. 


Tonga 
Ganda 
Kaguru 
Boondei 


7idi\.a boni 
?«'si langa 


u\a boni 
^ta labba 
z^si langa 


Ida boni 
7^ta labba (?) 

rfsi langa 
ttka ona (.^) 


///ta boni 
iiaa labba 
chis\ langa 


viuta boni 
;;///ta labba 
wsi langa 


ba\.a boni 
baKa labba 
was\ langa 
a/rtka ona 


Pokomo 


?z/so ona 


ktisQ ona 


kaso ona 


hii^Q ona 


w«so ona 


wa%o ona 


Yao 
Kafir 
Herero 
Chwana 


ndiwga boni 

mbiXrA muni 

kesa bone 


7/nga boni 
iA\a muni 
^sa bone 


jicauga wona 
7^nga boni 

ngu\\a muni 
a%a bone 


j/nga boni 
iii\\a muni 
resa bone 


«/nga boni 

niu\\a muni 

losa bone 


Ti'flnga wona 
/^ifngaboni 
vc\\a muni 
basa bone 


Mpongwe 


viie ayena 


6'yena 


aye ayena 


aswe ayena 


amue ayena 


■zt'cjyena 


etc., etc. 















234 



South-African Bantu Languages. 



N. B. In Swahili a substantive pronoun is appended to the negative auxiliary according 
to n. 733. Ex. nij-zye ona " (I) who do not see ", uj/*ye ona " (thou) who... ", a^z'ye ona 
" (he) who... " tuj-/o 07ia " (we) who... ", msio 07ia " (you) who... " wa^/o ona " (they) 
who... " etc. 



879, 



C. SUBJUNCTIVE CLAUSES. 





(that) I 


(that) thou 


(that) he 


(that) we 


(that) you (that) they 




may not see. 


mayst not see. 


may not see. 


may not see. 


may not see. may not see. 


Tonga 


«rt^ztaboni 


Jiia. boni 


rtta boni 


///ta boni 


w/^ta boni 


ba\^ boni 


Kaguru 


ni%\ lange 


7^si lange 


as\ lange 


t7//si lange 


;//si lange 


was\ lange 


Boondei 


;/esekwona 


T£vese kwona 


^se kwona 


/ese kwona 


m7c>ese kwona 


7<7ese kwona 


Nyamwezi 


;/ha wone 


7^ka wone 


<2ka wone 


///ka wone 


wwka wone 


•z£/rtka wone 


Kamba 


n^\ one 


iidiX one 


adi one 


UkW one 


;;/?/di one 


»/^di one 


Svt?^<ihili 


7iis\ one 


tis'i one 


asi one 


///si one 


;;/si one 


w<3:si one 


Pokomo 


w/si one 


kttsx one 


kasx one 


Jms\ one 


;;///si one 


wasx one 


Senna 


( si ndt'one 
t ndis2i one 


su 7<one 


saone 


si /zone 


si 7U»one 


sa 7t/rtone 


«sa one 


asa one 


^;si one 


inu^z. one 


asa one 


Karanga 


ndis'x wone 


tts\ wone 


rtsi wone 


//si wone 


w/^si wone 


Te'-^si wone 


Ganda 


si labbe 


t«';labbe 


trtlabbe 


ti/«labbe(.^) 


ti wwlabbe(.?} 


ti^rtlabbe(?) 


Kaflr 


w^mgaboni 


^^nga boni 


<^mga boni 


i-Znga boni 


«/nga boni 


(^(2nga boni 


Herero 


emune (?) 


whi mune(.') 


a\\\ mune 


Hi\\\ mune 


mti\\\ mune 


2iVevi\wvi?i{J) 


Angola 


ki ;«^^/mone 


kz^mone 


k<^mone 


ki ///mone 


ki;///mone 


k^mone 


Lower Congo 


ke'rnoni(.?) 


k^/moni (.?) 


kamoni(?) 


ke /wmoni 


ke ?///moni 


ke <^rtboni 


Yao 


wgawona 


7/ka wona 


aka wona 


//^ka wona 


wka wona 


aka wona 


Mozambique 


ki\\\ one 


z{h\ one 


rthi one 


;/z"hi one 


;//hi one 


ahi one 


Ghwana 


kes^ bone 


^se bone 


rtse bone 


r^se bone 


lost, bone 


bmt bone 


Mpongwe 


mi ayena 


yena 


a yena 


aswe ayena 


a«7t/^ ayena 


Tf^ayena 



etc., etc. 



880. — D. IMPERATIVE CLAUSES, AND THE INFINITIVE. 

Imperative. Infinitive. 





Do not see 


Do ye not see 


Let me not see 




not to see 


Tonga 


( ttfbont 
"( ?naboni 


ta 7;/7/boni ) 
/;/«ta boni f 


;////ta boni 


etc. 


/'//ta boni 


Kanguru 


u^\ lange 


viwix lange 


«/si lange 


etc. 


... 


Boondei 


kiutst kwona 


7nwes& kwona 


?/ese kwona 


etc. 


/'//leka k7(Jon?i 


Nyamwezi 


?/ka wone 


w//ka wone 


;/ha wone (73) 


etc. 


... 


Kamba 


di ona 


di ona? 


Ttdx 07ie 


etc. 


... 


Swahili 


( si ona 
( si one 


si ona«/ ) 
si one«/ ) 


77ZSX one 


etc. 


kuioa. /-zt/ona 


Senna 


( si ona ) 
( sia ona ) 


si ona«/ 


(ine) si 7tdione 


etc. 


/'//leka /'TC'ona 


Karanga 


?/si wone 


vmsx wone 


Tidisx one 


etc. 


kuleka. /'//wona 


Ganda 


( t^labba 
"( t^labbanga 


ti Mz?<labba ) 
te w/?/labbanga f 


si labbe 


etc. 


... 


Kafir 


7/nga boni 


/«nga boni 


7tdlx-\g2i boni 


etc. 


/'//nga boni 


Herero 


... 


a imixwuxx^ 


^mune (= a i mune) 


etc. 


... 


Angola 


kwmone 


ki ;//<tmone 


ki //_jf/mone 


etc. 


... 


Yao 


«ka wona 


;;/ka wona 




etc. 


... 


Chw^ana 


( se bone 
7 ^ se bone 


se bone;/fl 
lose, bone 


(a) kesQ bone 


etc. 


^^^bisa ^^bona 


Mpongwe 


ayena 


ayena;/; 









etc., etc. 



Auxiliaries. 



235 



Out of the second person imperative do not differ from subjunct- 
ive clauses, but in the second person we find sh'ghtly different 
forms in most languages, as may be seen from the preceding 
examples. 

In the infinitive, the negative auxiliary is in some languages 
placed between the principal stem and its classifier. 

881. — ^' B' Throughout the whole of this section we pass by certain auxiliaries 
which, though used mostly or exclusively in negative clauses, are not essentially negative. 
Such are, for instance, in Tonga : ktte^ as in ta ha.kue haa.ia bona " they never saw " (964); 
in Karanga and Swahili :/<-?, as (in Karanga) a haja ka bona " they never saw (960). Cf. 976. 



2. Examples shov^ing the use of these forms. 



882. — Tonga: 

Si-zi, I don 't know ; si-yandi kuinka, I don 't wish to go. 
Ta ndiyandi buajne huemu^ I do not wish to be your king. 
Aba ba?itu ta ba nunide, These people are not fat. 

883. — T'a a-nimide mulilo^ He has not felt the fire. 

Bantu babotu ta ba-fui a miiade, Good people do not die from the nmade (poison). 
Makumi a-ta baliii, lit. Tens which are not counted, h. e. An unlimited number. 
Uanjila mii mulilo u-ta ina?it, lit. He went into the fire which does not end. 
Ta mucite citede^ Do not do so \ T-o-yoivi^ Do not fear. 

884. — Ganda (From the Grain f?iaire Ruganda^ pp. 83-9 r) : 
Bive ndia mmere, st-kkuta, When I eat porridge, I cannot eat my fill. 
Munnange, si-kkuse, My friend, I have not eaten my fill. 

Nalia nga t-a-kkiita. And he eats without getting satisfied. 
Mtigenyi t-a-kkuse, The stranger has not eaten his fill. 
T-o-7i-dangir-atiga a baniii^ Do not betray me to the people. 
T-o-n-dopa or t o-n-dop-anga, Do not mention me. 
Ti-tnugenda ku-nziita, lit. Do not go to kill me. 
Si-genda ku-ku-lopa^ I am not going to mention you. 

885. — Old Angola (From Father de Coucto's Catechism. 1661) : 
Ke tii-tla '* jno inajina avula ", We do not say : " In many names ". P. 25. 
Ke muha kiifua^ You are not going to die. P. 17. 

Ke mu-chile^ ke nni-fu, Do not fear, you will not die. P. 18. 

Modern Angola (From Heli Chatelain's Kinibundu Grammar) : 

Muzueri wonene k-a-lungwe^ lit. A great talker is not right. P. 131. 
Hima k-a-tarie ku muxila tie^ A monkey does not see at its tail. P. 132. 



236 South- African Banht Languages. 

Nguha kabu { = ka-i-bji) boxi, mulonga ka-bue { = ka-u-bue) ku muxtma, A ground- 
nut does not rot in the ground, a word does not vanish in the heart. P. 132. 

886. — Herero (From the Zeitschrift filr Afrikanische Sprachen^ 1887-88): 
Ne k-a-pefidukire, And she did not answer. P. 202. 

O inu7idii musiona k-a-rara, A poor man does not sleep. P. 202. 

A mii-rara^ Do not sleep. P. 202. 

A inu-7Jiu-es'eye, Do not leave him. P. 202. 

A ve-yaruka, They must not return. P. 203. 

zvami ngu mbi'ha tyindi^ I, who do not remove. (Kolbe's Dict.^ p. 341). 

887. — Kafir (From various native tales) : 
A ndi-boni nto^ I do not see anything. 

1 ndlovu a-yi-Iibali 7nst?iyaJie, The elephant does not soon forget. 
A ndazi\ I don't know ; Ndinga hambi'i Must not I go ? 

U inquina ngu mli o-?iga-boli e vihlabeni, Wild olive is a tree which does not rot in 

the ground. 
Uz^ uii^ u-si-ya e buktvefii, u-nga-wu-tyi a masi^ Take care, when going to look for 

a wife, not to take sour milk. 
U-figa-fi^ lit. Do not die, i. e. Beware ! 

888. — SwAHiLi (From Steere's Swahili Tales, 1089) : 
Si-ku-taki, I do not want you. P. 206. 

Baba yake h-a-in-pendi, His father did not like him. P. 199. 

Anienena 7iaye sa7ia, h-a-sikii. He talked to him a good deal, but he paid no heed. 

r. 199. 

... yule 7iunda a-si-inuke,... (so that) the nu7ida did not raise himself. P. 274. 
Tw-ende-ni 771-si-ogope^ Let us go, and do not be afraid. P. 274. 
Miva7ia7igu, ti-si-e7ide^ My child, do not go. P. 260. 
lu-sichukwe vio77ibo vieiu, Dont let us carry our things. P. 272. 

889. — Mozambique (From Rankin's Arab Tales) : 
Kani-7/io7i-ali {= Swahili ha-tu kti-77iw-ond). We have not seen him. P. 8. 
Weyo k-u-kiv-ali {= Swah. ^^^ee k-u ku-fa)^ You are not dead. P. 23. 

KaTia 77117711 a-ki-kiv-ali {= Swah. kana 77117711 si ku-f a), If I am not dead... P. 2^,. 
K-a-p7va7iy-ali etu (= Swah. /ia7c>a kw-ona kihi). They did not see anything. P. 5. 
Kii-so77ia... ku-hiz7iela kabisa (= ^\\d\\. Aka so77ia... a-si jue kabisa), He read 
without understanding at all. P. 4. 

890. — Chwana (From the New Testa77ie7it) : 

Eo o-sa 7i-ihate-7i% ga atshegetse 77iafuku a77ie, He who does I'.ot love me, does not 

keep my words (JoJm, 14, 23.) 
Ga a-kake a-tse7ia 7710 bogosi77^ja ga Modwio, He cannot enter into the kingdom 

of God (Jolm, 3, 5). 
Gone ba-sa tlhape diatla. Because they don 't wash their hands {Mat., 15, 2). 
Fa motho a sa tsalwe..., If a man be not born... (John, 3, 5). 



Auxiliaries. 237 

Lose bwab7vele^ Uo not talk much {Mat., 6, 7). 
0-se gakgamaicy Be not astonished (John, 3, 7). 

891. — NiKA (From Rebmann's Nika Diet.) : 

Nazi hino ka i-hendeka kaha^ This cocoa-nut cannot be made into a kaha (cala- 
bash ?) 
Madzi gano ka ga-lasa kala, This water contains no crab, 
etc., etc. 

§ 3. The Auxiliary A. 

892. — The auxiliary -a furnishes several compound forms of 
the verbs. The first, which may be termed the form nd-a-bona 
** I have seen, I saw, I see ", is one of the most frequently used in 
all the Bantu languages, excepting perhaps Mozambique and Yao. 

iut its power is not the same in them all. In most of them it may 
)e considered as a past tense. In the others, such as Swahili, 
Karanga, and some Chwana dialects, it looks rather like a present 
tense. In general, it seems to express properly a motion or actuation 
which is already past, at least in the thought, without any reference 
to its duration. 

In Yao we find the auxiliary -a principally in a form derived from 
the perfect, as n-a-zuene " I have seen ", w-a-wene " thou hast seen ", 
etc. In Mozambique we find it principally in a form composed of 
the same elements as the Tonga nd-a-bonay but which means " when 
I saw, when he saw ", etc., as k-a-pia or y-a-fiia (=^ Swahili ni-ki-fikd) 
" when I came ", w-a-pia (= Swahili w-a-li-po fikd) " when you 
came ", w-a-pia or a-pia (=- Swahili a-lipo-fikd) '' when he came ", 
etc. Cf. Rankin's y4r^^ Tales, passim. 

In Angola, Herero, and several other Western languages, the 
auxiliary -a furnishes three indicative forms expressive of the past, 
viz. ng-a-mona, ng-a-mono [^orm with weakened final vowel. ^2)o)^ 
and ng-a-monene (in which monene is the perfect oi -mona). Cf. 904 
and 905. 

Unmistakably the auxiliary -a was originally identical with the 
v^rh-ya *' to go ", and was expressive of the past exactly as ^^ •' to 
come " was expressive of the future. Cf. 911. 

N. B. It might be questioned which is more correct in point of orthography, whether 
to join this auxihary -a to its verb, as ndabona, or to separate it, as ndaboiia. It seems to 
me that, in general, when no contraction takes place, auxiUaries mast be separated from 
their verb in writing; and those languages which have a special aversion to monosyllabic 
sounds plainly show that they are so separated in the native mind. Thus I do no see why 



238 



South-African Bantu Languages. 



in Swahili, Angola, etc., ku should be inserted between monosyllabic verbs and their 
auxiliary, as in the Swahili nitia M.\ija (not simply nma-ja) " I am coming " (854), if both 
together were a single grammatical word (ninaktija). Likewise in Swahili and Boondei, 
if most auxiliaries were not separable from their verb, relative particles should be suffixed 
to the latter, not to the auxiliary. Thus, for instance, the Swahili should say 7ntu a-na- 
kw enda-ye " the man who is going ". instead of saying ;;//« a-iia-^Q kwenda (733). But 
these, and all such reasons, tending to show that most auxiliaries must in writing be 
separated from the principal verb do not exist for the auxiliary -a in the form nd-a-bona. 
Consequently, I consider it as forming a single grammatical word with its verb. 

893. - 

EXAMPLES SHOWING THE FORMS OF THE PRONOUNS 

BEFORE -A BONA. 





I saw, see 
have seen, etc. 


thou... 


he... 


we... 


you... 


they... 


Tonga 

Kaguru 

Boondei 


Wa-bona 
??a-langa 
;/a-ona 


?^a-bona 

7t'a-langa 

TtM-ona 


wa-bona 

ja-langa 

a-ona 


///ra-bona 

^//a-langa 

/a-ona 


;/z//a-bona 

?;27£'a-langa 

;«7£'a-ona 


<^<2a-bona 

7(7a-langa 

7<:'a-ona 


Nyamwezi 


«a-ona 


wa-ona 


^a-ona 


/Ti'a-ona 


/AZTf'a-ona 


7<ya-ona 


Kamba 


;za-ona 


7<7a-ona 


_ya-ona 


/wa-ona 


w7£/a-ona 


w/a-ona 


Swahili 


;/a-ona 


wa-ona 


a-ona 


/wa-ona 


;;z7t'a-ona 


7t'a-ona 


Senna 


«^a-ona 


?/a-ona 


a-ona 


/a-ona 


;;/wa-ona 


a-ona 


Karanga 

Ganda 

Kafir 


«^/a-wona 
?/a-labba 
«<i?a-bona 


7£/a-wona 
z^a-labba 
■zt/a-bona 


7t/a-wona 
^a-labba 
wa-bona 


/a-wona 

///a-labba 

^a-bona 


;;z7i/a-wona 

7/z/^a-labba 

;za-bona 


7£/a-wona 
/^a-labba 
<^a-bona 


Herero 


;«^a-muna 


wa-muna 


(z^)a-muna 


//m-muna 


;;^/^a-muna 


7/a-muna 


Rotse 


/C^a-mona 


//a-mona 


7/a-mona 


/z/a-mona 


7//z^a-mona 


«-mona 


Angola 


ngdL-mon2i 


/^a-mona 


?/a-mona 


//^a-mona 


wz^a-mona 


«-mona 


Congo 


ja-mona 


7t/a-mona 


7£/a-mona 


/7£/a-mona 


«7t/a-mona 


<^a-mona 


Yao 


«a-wene 


wa-wene 


a-wene 


/wa-wene 


w7£/a-wene 


7£/a-wene 


Mozambique 
Chwana 


/ta-ona 
/'a-bona 


wa-ona 
z/a-bona 


a-ona 
a-bona 


«a-ona 
ra-bona 


;;z7«ya-ona 
/^a-bona 


ja-ona 
^a-bona 


Mpongwe 


mi a-yeni 


^-yeni 


a-yeni 


azwe a-yeni 


a7iwe a-yeni 


7<ya-yeni 


etc., etc. 















A". B. It should always be remembered that connective pronouns are changed, not only 
according to the person of the verb, but also according to the class, as kacece ka-t? bona 
" the child saw ", tucece tu-« botia " the children saw ", etc. (644). 

Examples showing the use of the form nd-a-bona 
AND the like. 



894. — Tonga : U-atii-iiila nyainanzi'l What have you called us for? 
Mbuzie kana nd-a-beja^ Ask him whether I have told a lie. 

U-a-njila^tokue ua kuzua pe, If you go in, you will never come out (lit. have you 
gone in... Ua-njila is here expressive of a relative past, or future perfect). 

895. — Ganda (From the Grammaire Ruganda) : 

Kababa ya-dda wa? Ya-bula ? Where is the king gone to? He has disappeared. 
P. 84. 



A uxiliaries. 239 



Bive iv-a-ja eivatige^ wa-lia e mmere nyifigt\ When you came to my place, you ate 
much porridge. 

896. — Nyamvvezi (From Steere's Collections for Nyannvezi) : 

Linze li-a-tngalula^ The world has overturned him, h. e. times are changed. P. loo. 
Twi tw-a-misaja iw-a-wuka^ \Ve awoke and got up. P. 65. 

Ne 11-iwaga mwenda^ w-a-nhunga^ While I was stealing some cloth, they bound 
me. P. 65. 

897. — BooNDEi (From Woodward's Collections) : 

W-a-amba ze ? What do you say ? (Lit. What have you just said?). P. 30. 
VV-a-hita hahi? W-a-laiva kuhil Where are you going to? Where do you come 
from? P. 29. 

898. — SwAHiLi (From Steere's Swahili Tales and Rankin's Arab Tales) : 
W-a-taka ^linil- What do you want? (St., p. 202.) 

Sasa tw-a-taka n^ombe zetu^ To-day we want our cattle. (Rankin, p. 7.) 
W-enda wapi? (= W-a-enda...) Where are you going to? {Ibid.^ p. 14.) 
Tw-a-ku-pa ivasio wetu, We give you our advice. {Ibid., p. 11.) 

899. — Karanga (Cf. Tonga examples, 894.) 
U-a-ti-xobera fit? What have you called us for ? 

U-m-huje kana nda-nyepa, Ask him whether I have told a lie. 
Ua-nguina, utonova Jfe, If you go in, you will never come out. 

900- — RoTSE (From Livingstone's MSS.) 
Ka-komba, I pray. 

U-alin^oa, (The wind) blows. 

Liyoa (lijoa ?) li-a-ctva. The sun comes out. 

901. — Senna (From private sources) : 

Lelo kw-a-balwa mwana, To-day a child has been born. 

Nd-a-iambira cakudya, I have received food. 

Pida ficei, zv-a-kzvira inu ntetne, When he arrived, he climbed up a tree. 

902. — Kafir (From private sources) : 

A ndise mntu wa nto, kuba nd-a-citakala , I am nobody now, because I am ruined. 
Ndibone i mputizi etc, ya kundibona, y-a-baleka, I have seen a duiker, which, on 

seeing me, ran away. 
Kiv-a-tinge nyei mini, kwa Gcaleka kiv-a-bizwa i nqina. Kw-a-punia i Qolora ne 

Qoboqaba, kw a-yiwa e Cata, kwa-zingelwa.,.. Once upon a time, at Gcaleka's, 

the hunting pack was called out. There came out the dogs Qolora and Qobo- 

qaba, (the hunters) went to Cata, the hunt was carried on... 
N. B. In Kafir the form nd-a-bona is thus regularly used in historical narratives to 

express consecutive actions. Cf. 972, 939, etc. 
Kw-a-ti, kw-a kuzingelwa, kiv-a-lalwa apo, and when the hunt was over, the people 

slept there. 
A^. B. The auxiliary -a, thus followed by the infinitive, as in ktu-a ku-zingelwa, is used 

in Kafir to render a past tense after " when ". Then in class MU-ntu we have a-ku- 

bona instead of wa-ku-bona. 



240 SotLth-African Bantti Languages. 

903. — Chwana (From Crisp's Bttka ea Merapelo) : 
Morago ga tse k-a-leba...^ kiitx ^Mx's, I beheld... P. 131. 

' Me(bontsi) j-a-goiva ka lenaveje legolo^j-a-re...^ And (the muliitude) cried with a 

loud voice, and said... P. 131. 
^Me Pilato a-kwala lokivalo.... And Pilate wrote a title... P. 70. 
Baperisetab-a-arabab-a-re... The priests answered, and said... P. 70. 

N. B. The Chwana form k-a-bona (= Kafir and Tonga nd-a-botia) is distinct from the 
form ke-a-bona{= Kafir ndi-ya-bona = Tonga ndi-la-botia). Cf. 914, 922, etc. 

904. — Angola (From Father de Coucto's Catechism). 

1. Form ng"-a-mona. Ko atu ayari awa iu-a-ttmda esiie, From these two persons 
we draw (lit. have drawn) our origin. P. 17. 

Nzambi u-a-ijia kkva.. . God knows that. . . P. 18. 

A-mU'betele ibeto y-a-vula, They gave him many blows (lit. blows which are 

multiplied, 778). P. 22. 
Kia ingin'eki Poniio Pilato u-a-batula uchi..., When Pontius Pilate had said 

that... P. 22. 
lye u-a-tiimbula...^ You have just told us... 

N. B. Thus it may be seen that in Angola the form ng-a-mona (=^ Tonga nd-a-bond) 
is expressive, sometimes of an immediate past, sometimes of an indefinite past, principally 
in relative clauses. 

2. Form ng-a-mono. Kambexi u-a-nii-be kiiilla eki, That is why he has given 
you this commandment. P. 18. 

N. B. According to Father Pedro Dias, S. J., Angola Gr.^ 1697, p. 24, the form iig-a- 
viono is expressive of a somewhat more remote past than the form ng-a-inona. 

3. Form ng"-a-monene. Nzambi u-a-a-bakele Adam ne Eva uio xi imoxi^ u-a-a- 
kiitule anae,..^ God placed Adam and Eve in a certain land, he made them his 
children... ( = Tonga :Z^0« u-a-ka ba-beka Adamo a Eva m'muse umue, u-a-ka 
be-enza baana bakue). 

N. B. Hence the Angola form ng-a-?/ionene is equivalent to the Tonga nd-a-ka bona 
(916), or, as Father Pedro Dias puts it (6^r., p. 25), is expressive of a more remote past 
than either ng-a-mona or ng-a-mono. Cf. 908. 

905. — Herero (From Dr. Buttner's Zeitschrtft, 1887-88) : 

O muka)e?idu ingui e ingui o kakurttkaze ngu-a-zepa vanatye nu ngu-a-tua mo 
muatye uetu mo ndyatu^ This woman is that old hag that killed our children, and 
putourchild intoa bag. P. 191. 

Tyi ty-a-piti nu tyi iy-a-tara^ When he went out and looked. P. 295. 

E puriira ndi u-a-tora^ lit. ThQ piirura which thou hast carried off. P. 190. 

Ty-(a-)a-fnufiine...^\N\\Qr\ he saw... P. 199. 

N. B. I. The use of the auxiliary -a seems to be nearly, though not quite, the same in 
Herero as in Angola. In particular, no difference of meaning is noticeable between the 
form -a-mu7ta and the form a-munii. 

2. In Herero the auxiliary -a is in some cases replaced by -<?, which seems to be its 
perfect form. Ex. U-e-ndyi-esa? Hast thou forsaken me ? (p. 202). A-rire ty-e-mu-tono...^ 
and when he struck him... P. 199. 



Auxiliaries. 



241 



906. — The auxiliary -a is also used in some languages to form, 
or to introduce, various tenses, principally : — 

jo In Tonga and Zulu, to introduce the imperative ndi-bone, 

Ex.: — 

Tonga : A tu-lie toonse^ Let us all eat together. 

A tii-ende{= Swahili Na tu-ende^ 924), Let us go. 
Zulu : A bantu a ha-fe^ Men must die. 
N. B. Such a use of the auxiliary -a is unknown in Xosa. 

907. — 20 In Tonga, Karanga, and Kafir, to form one kind of 
future with the infinitive ku-bona. Then, in Karanga and Kafir the 
auxiliary a nearly always coalesces into 00 or with the following 
classifier ku or ti, e. g. 7td-o-bona = nd-a u-bona = nd-a ku-bona. 
Ex.: — 

Tonga : U-a-7ijila^ tokue u-a kuziia pe^ If you go in, you will never come out. 
Karanga : B-oa-pmfida^ They will love (= Tonga ha-zoo-yanda^ 948). 
Bati " t-oo-7tda " They said : " We shall go ". 
Kafir : Kivela^ wena^ nd-o-ku-beta, lit. climb up, you, or I shall beat you. 

B-o-hluziva nini u tyivala ? When will the Kafir beer be strained ? 

908. — 3° In Modern Angola, to form one kind of future with 
the form -mona. Ex. ng-a-mona, I shall see. 

A''. B. According to Heli Chatelain {Zeitschrift^ 1890, p. 177), this form differs from the 
past form tig-a-mona (904) only by a slight difference of intonation. The future form iig- 
a-inona is not mentioned in the old Angola Grammar of Father Pedro Dias. But we find 
there instead of it the form 7igi-ka-mona (975). 

909. — 4" In Kafir, to form with the participle ndi-bona (851) 
one kind of continuative past, as : — 

Nd-a ndi-bona^ lit. I was seeing. 

B-a be-nga-sebenzi, They were not working. 

K%u-a kuko u mfazi...^ There was a woman. 

910. — 5° In Herero, to form a kind of continuative past tense, 
and also a kind of participle. In this case no connective pronoun is 
used before the auxiliary -a, and the pronoun which follows it takes 
the ending e when we might have expected a, as : — 

A pe-kara mbungu no mbafidye^ There was a wolf, and a jackal. {Zeitschrift ^ 1887- 

88, p. 198.) 
A-rire tyi va-raerere ku the a ve-tya...^ And they spoke to their father, saying... 

{Ibid.^ p. 191.) 
... uka-ende^ a mo-ri mo ndyira..., lit... and go,eating on the road. {Ibid.^ p. 201.) 



r6 



242 South- African Baiitit Languages. 

§ 4. The Auxiliary YA ''to Go ". 

911. — Though this auxiliary was originally Identical with the 
auxiliary a just described, It has become practically different from 
it In several languages. It Is used mostly In Tonga, Kafir, and 
Chwana. 

912. — In Tonga It gives one form of remote future tense, as 
u-yoo-bona (= u-ya u-bona = u-ya ku-bona), he will see. This form 
of the future Is less frequently used than the form u-zoo-bona (948). 

913. — In Kafir It furnishes the contlnuatlve present ndi-ya 
bona (= Tonga ndi-la bona, 920) '' I am seeing ". Ex. U-ya lila u 
mn£a ka Sihaniba-nge-nyanga ** he Is crying, the child of Slhamba- 
nge-nyanga." When the verb Is Immediately followed by a determin- 
ative, this form ndi-ya-bona Is replaced by the simple ndi-bona 

(844). 

914. — Chwana possesses likewise the form ke-a-bona { = ke-ea 
bona '' I am seeing ", which Is exactly equivalent to the Kafir ndi- 
ya-bona, just as the Chwana verb go-ea '' to go " is no other than 
the Kafir ku-ya. 

915. — In Kafir the most usual form expressive of the future 
Indicative Is obtained by means of the auxiliary jk^ followed by the 
infinitive ku-bona, as ndi-ya ku-bona '' I shall see ", lit. '* I go to 
see ", a ndi-yi ku-bona " I shall not see ". In the negative formj^'^' 
Is sometimes understood, as a ndi ku-bona — a ndi-yi ku-bona. 

916. — In the same languages the subjunctive form -ye forms 
in the same manner a subjunctive future, as : Hamba u-ye ku-bona 
*' Go to see ", lit. '' Go that you may go to see ". Through partial 
assimilation, ye before ku in such expressions is generally changed 
to yo, and very often u-yo is further contracted to 0. Hence hamUo 
ku-bona — hamba uyo kubona — hamba uye kubona. 

917. — In Kafir again, the form nd-a-ya or nd-a-ye (874) fol- 
lowed by a participle forms one kind of contlnuatlve past, and a 
variety of other contlnuatlve forms. Cf. 909. 

Ex. Nd-a-ye ndibona, w-a-ye ubona, w-a-ye ehona, I was seeing, thou wast seeing, he 
was seeing, etc. 



Auxiliaries. 



243 



Nd-a-ye ndi-nga-boni^ I was not seeing. 

Nd-a-ye ndiya kubona, I would have seen, lit. I was going to see (915). 

Nda-ye ndibotiile^ I had seen, lit. I was having seen (865). 



§ 5. The Auxiliary ENDA " to Go ", and various 
continuative auxiliaries. 

918. — In this section I put together several auxiliary forms 
which have every appearance of being all derived from the one 
and same verb, though there is no evidence as to which is preci- 
sely the independent (non-auxiliary) form of this verb. These are 
the forms la, na; li, ne ; da;nda, enda. They are essentially express- 
ive of continuation, and most of them are the exact equivalents of 
the Kafir forms jy^ andjK^ which have just been described. Hence 
I am led to connect them att with the verb ku-enda " to go onwards ", 
which is itself the common Bantu equivalent for the Kafir verb 
ku-ya " to go, to go on ". There are however also reasons to connect 
some of them with the verb -kala '* to sit ". Cf. 942 and 1033. 

91Q, — A^. B. We shall see further on that most of these forms are also used for 
the copula (1022, 1033, etc.), and that, in such use, their fuller form is in some cases ila, 
ina, i7ie, ele, etc. Hence, to define more exactly their probable connection with the verbs 
ku-enda " to go ", and ku-kala " to sit ", I should think that the stem -la or -na^ following 
the general laws concerning monosyllabic stems, becomes an independent verb under the 
double form nda (or en-da = en-la) and i-la or i-na (cf. 284), while it has been kept as 
an auxiliary under the monosyllabic form la or na (perfect li or ne) as also under the 
strengthened forms da^ de. I should add that the same stem la is the second element of 
the verb ku-kala " to sit ". 

920. — The auxiliary which has in Tonga the form la, and in 
several other languages the form na, furnishes a tense which is at 
the same time both a contimtative present equivalent to our " I am 
seeing ", and a near future equivalent to our " I am going to see ". 
It is followed variously by the simple bona or by the infinitive ku- 
bona. Its nearest equivalent is jj/^ in Kafir (9 13), -^^ in Angola (942), 
the suffix -nga in Lower Congo (870), the suffix -ga in Kaguru 
(870), etc. 



244 



South-African Bantu Languages. 



921. — Examples : 



I am seeing 

I am going to 
see 



thou art 

seeing 

thou art going 

to see 



he is seeing 

he is going to 
see 



we are seemg 



we are gomg 
to see 



you are seemg 



you are gomg 
to see 



they are 

seeing 

they are going 

to see 



Tonga 

n^ Common 



Ganda 



Monosyl. ) 
stem > 



Senna 
Karanga 



iidi\di. bona 
«/na on a 
«/naku-ja 

I am coming 

;zna labba 

ndm2i ona 
«rtf/no-wona 



«la bona 

«na ona 

?^na ku-ja 

thouartcoming 

<5'no-labba 

( = (7na kii-labba) 

z^na ona 
z/no-wona 



wla bona 

t^na ona 

rtna ku-ja 

he is coming 

<^na labba 

cma ona 
//no-wona 



tu\2, bona 
/«na ona 
tuwdi ku-ja 

we are coming 

///!na labba 

/ma ona 
//no-wona 



;;/;^la bona 
wna ona 
;;zna ku-ja 

you are coming 

iiiuvi2i labba 

7niiY\2i ona 
;//^/no-wona 



( — «(^/nau-wona) ( = /ma u-\vona) ( = una. u-wona) ( = //na u-\vona) 



Mozambique 
etc., etc. 

922.— 



/.'/no -on a 
or gm3. ona 



z^no-ona 
or z/na ona 



rtno-ona 
or «na ona 



;zzno-ona 
or ;^/na ona 



{ = t>iuua. u-\vona)(==«'anau-\vona) 

wno-ona yano om. 
)r wna ona or j/<2na ona 



baXa. bona 
luana. ona 
rtna ku-ja 

they are coming 

/^rtna labba 

(2na ona 
2t/cino-wona 



Tonga : 
U'/a amdisia, muaine^ You speak well, sir. 
Ue u-la penga, You are a fool, you. 
Okulia mula bona in'^ovibe^ You are going to see 

cattle there. 
Baati '* tu-la inka ", They said : " We go directly ". 

N. B. In Tonga the form ndi-la bona sometimes means 

thingrs. 



Karanga : 

U-7io-lebesa^ xe. 
V-no-penga ewe. 
lokuya niu-nO'bona i?iQonibe. 

Bail " ti-no-nda ". 

we can go ". Ex. Leza u-la 



923. — SwAHiLi (Rankin's Arab Tales): 
A-kajua ka?ia wale wezi wa-na kuja^ And he knew 

that the thieves were coming. 
N-7ia kwe7ida kutafuta paa, I am going to look for 

a gazelle. 
Watu ana kuja leo^ Men will be coming to-day. 
A'ka mw-ona... a-vie kaa... a-na lia^ He saw him 

sitting and weeping. 



Mozambique (ibid.) : 
Kuzuela wera ale eyi a-na 

'roa. P. 7. 
Gi-na roa u-m-pavela nazoro. 

p. 7- 
Atu a-na roa ilelo. P. 7. 
Ku-mona... o-kaVathi... o-na 

unla, P. 15. 



924. — ^' B. In Swahili the auxiliary na is also used to introduce certain imper- 
ative clauses, and then it is rendered into Mozambique by nroa " to go ". This shows 
distinctly that the Swahili auxiliary na was originally the same as the verb enda " to go ". 
Ex. Na tu-tume paa wetii == Moz. N?'oa-ni 7ii-ni-rume Jiazoro elm^ let us send our gazelle. 
Rankin, p. 9. 

925. — Senna : 

U-7i-enda kupi ? Where are you going to ? 

Ndi-n-enda ku inusa^ I am going home. 

Ndi-7ia funa ku-mua^ I want to drink. 

Ndi-7ia giiisa nyuinba ya Mulu7igu^ I can bring down God's House. 

926. — ^- B. In the dialect of the Shire the auxiliary ;^^ seems to be expressive 
of the past. Ex. Eliya a-na kii-dza kali^ Elias has already come (Mat., 17, 12). In Senna 



Auxiliaries. 245 



proper we find in similar clauses the auxiliary rt^ci;, which probably is also derived from the 
verb enda " to go '*. Ex. A-da tambila viiuiba^ mb-a-bala vnva?m, she conceived and bore 
a child. See 929. 

927. — PokOMO {Zeitschrift, 1888-89, P- i7 7) = 
Keso ni-na kwe7ida JVifo, To-morrow I shall go to Witu. 
Ni-?ia dsa/c/ia, lit. " I am loving " or " I am going to love. " 

928. — NiKA (Rebmann's Diction7iary)\ 

Moho u-na aka^ the fire is blazing. 
Dzua ri-na ala. The sun shines. 

929. — With the auxihary just described we may connect the 
Rotse auxihary na, expressive of an action just completed (cf. 926), 
the Ganda auxihary nna, which, coupled with a negative particle, 
means *' not yet ", and the Kafir auxiliary da, expressive of an 
2iZ\A0Xi finally completed, or to be completed. Ex. : — 

Rotse (From Livingstone's Mss.) : 

E-7ia inana k-a-joaka(l), I have finished building. 

A-na kela^ They have come. 

Tuna tenda ( = Chwana re-rihile)^ We have done. 

Ganda (From the Grammaire Ruganda) : 

Si-ima genda, I have not yet gone. P. 42. 

Ti iu-nna genda, We have not yet gone. P. 42. 

Kabaka t-a-nna genda, The king is not yet gone. 

Kafir : 

U-de w-a-teta, He has spoken at last. 

W-ada w-a-teta or 7v-a-dt w-a-tete (874), He spoke at last. 

W-o-de a-tete ?ia ? Will he speak at last? 

U-nga-de u-tete, Take care not to be led to speak. 

930. — In Tonga, Karanga, Swahili, etc., we find an auxiliary 
which seems to be to la or na exactly whatjj/^ is to jj'^ in Kafir, 
viz. a sort of perfect form. This auxiliary is li in Tonga, Swahili, 
etc., ne in Chwana, etc. In most languages it is used exclusively in 
the formation of present and past tenses, but in Ganda, by a very 
remarkable exception, it forms a kind of remote future. 

931. — Examples : 

• 

Tonga : ndi-li inu ku-bo?ia, I am seeing, lit. I am in seeing. 

nd-a-li kii-bona ( = Kafir ?id-a-ye ndi-botia^ 917) I was seeing. 

Karanga : 7ida-ru-bo7ia (contr. for 7id-a-ri u-botid) do. 

Swahili : 7ii-li boTia ( = 7ii-li ku-bo7id) do. 

Mozambique : gi-nu-07ia ( = Karanga 7id-aru-07id) do. 

Chwana : ke-fie ke-bo/ia ( -- Kafir 7id-a-ye 7idi-bo7ia) do. 



246 South-African Bantu Languages, 

ke-ne ka-bona, I saw. 
Ganda : n-di labba { = n-li labba)j I shall see. 
7i-a-li labba, I was seeing. 
Nyamwezi : n-di wona ( = 7i-li wona), I am seeing. 
Mpongwe : ;;// a-re dyena-pa^ I have seen. 

Other examples : 

932. — Tonga 

Ba-la bona bantu ba-li mu kuendenda. They will see people walking about. 
Mti-zoo-jana bantu ka ba-li ba-a-cabuka, lit. You will meet the people when they 

have just risen from the dead, 
Ba-ceta ba-a-li kusaviba^ Monkeys were swimming. 

.V. B. Ih Tonga the form nd-a-li ku-bona is also expressive of a kind of conditional 
tense. Ex. Ta iu-no-inki okulia^ iu-a-li ku-fuida ^u-7Jianzi, let us not go there, we should 
die in the water. 

933. — Karanga : 

Inkao ja-ru-ba ji-xamba, Monkeys were swimming. 

T-a-ru-fira mu vura, We should die in the water ( = Tonga tu-a-li ku-fuida V manzi). 

934. SWAHILI : 

We2ve u-li nena..,^ You were saying... 

Pa-li ku-iva na-mtu^ There was a man. (Cf. 1044). 

Kondoo zi-li-zo poiea^ The sheep which have perished. 

935. — Ganda : 

Ba-a-li ba-lia, They were eating {■= Tonga ba-ali ku-lia). 
Y-a-li y-a-genda edda^ He had gone long before. 

936. — Chwana : 

Ke-ne k-a-reka pitse, k-a-e-isa kwagae^ I had bought a horse, then I took it home. 

(Crisp's Gr.^ p. 40). 
Dilo cothle di-ne ts-a-dinvaka ene (John, i, 3), All things were made by him. 

937. — Auxiliary forms more certainly borrowed from enda 
than the preceding are -enda in Boondei, -ondo in Modern Angola. 
These form a kind of future. Ex. : — 

Boondei : N-enda ?ii-kunde, I shall love (Woodward's Gr.^ p. 33). 
Angoi-a : Ng-ondo beta^ ?ig-ondo kiv-iza^ I shall beat, I shall come. 

A^. B. Hdli Chatelain thinks that -ondo is derived from andala " to wish " {Zeitschrift, 
1889-90, p. 170). Perhaps it would be more correct to say that -andala itself is derived 
from -ejtda " to go ". 

938. — The verb -enda may also be considered as an auxiliary 
in certain other expressions in which it causes slight irregularities, 
though without losing its proper and independent meaning. Ex.: — 



Aitxiliaries. 247 



Angola : Nde ha bange (= nda e u-ka bange). Go and do. Cf. Chat. Kimb.Gr.^ p. 72. 
Senna : Ndoko ka-lale ( = nda ko ii-ka lale) Go and sleep. 

Ndoko-ni viuka lale (for nda-niko viuka lale), Go(ye) nnd sleep, 
SwAHiT.i : Efiende ka-lala or ene?ide ka-lale (= efida u-ka-lala or etida u ka lale). Go 
and sleep. 
Ni-ia kw-enda lala ( = 7iita kwenda ku-lala)^ I shall go to sleep, 
etc., etc. 

939. — Various auxiliary forms probably derived from those 
described in this section may now be considered practically as con- 
junctions, some of them rendering our '* and ", the others our 
" when ". They are used to connect consecutive actions, principally 
in the past. Such are : — 

iV/in Tonga : Ex. Ni tu-a-ke-za, lu-a-li basano. When we came, we were five. 
NLE or Si^E in Mpongwe. Ex. Abrahai7i a-yav\i Isak, Via-yaXii Isak a-yaVii Yakob, 

lit. Abraham begat Isaac, and Isaac begat begetting Jacob. (Mat., i, 2.) 
NA in Ganda (cf. iii.) '^x.Daitra n'a-zala ba?ia, xCa-kula n^a-kaddhva, lit. Daura 

and begat children, and grew up, and grew old. ( Gramjiiaire Ruganda, p. %i) 

etc., etc. 

940. — Perhaps we must recognise here the origin of some of 
the particles which mean '* and, with ", such as na in Kafir, ne in 
Herero, le in Chwana, 7idi in Senna, etc. (569). We shall see further 
on that the conjunction 'me in Chwana, and the like in other lan- 
guages, are derived from the auxiliary ma '' to stand " (985). 

§ 6. The Auxiliaries KALA and NNA '' to Sit, to Remain ". 

941. — In nearly all the Bantu languages we find the verb 
ku-kala, which means properly '' to sit ", hence '' to remain ", hence 
In some languages " to be " (56 and 103 1). Chwana Is one of the 
rare languages in which this verb does not exist. In most of its 
dialects It Is replaced by go-nna (perfect -ntse), which has exactly 
the same meaning. 

We may consider the following auxiliary forms as being derived 
from the one or the other of these verbs : — 

942. — 1° Olo{= ala 7nu... = kala mu...) in Angola, where it 
forms a kind of continuatlve present (920). Ex. Ng-olo banga 
(= ng-ala 77tu banga = ngi-kala mti kit-banga = Tonga ndi-la cita 
or ndi-li mu ku-cita, 931) '* I am doing "; ng-olo kw-iza (854) 
*■' I am coming ". 

Cf. Heli Q\\2X€i2i\Xi's Kimbimdu Gr. in ihe Zeitschrtft, 1889-90, p. 180. 



248 South-African Banhi Languages. 

943. — 2° Kana { — kala) in Tonga and Swahlll. This is used 
to introduce eventualities, and may be rendered practically by " if", 
so that, if we looked at it from a European point of view, it might 
be said to be a mere conjunction. Ex. in Tonga : Kana n-ku-ftia, 
ndi-la-ftta, If I am to die, I shall die ; in Swahili : A-ka enda ku- 
tazama kana pa-na maji anwe, And he went to see if there was water 
to drink (Rankin's Arab Tales, p. 3). 

944!, — ^' ^' In Swahili kana is also used as a true conjunction with various 
other meanings, such as " like, as ", etc. We find equally in Angola the quasi-conjunction 
kala " as ". Ex. Eye ti-eri o maju kala i)iate7?tii^Y our teeth are like hoes, lit. Thou art (as to) 
the teeth Tike hoes. (H^li Chatelain's Kimbundti Gr., p. 108). 

945. — 3^ Nna (perfect -ntse) in Chwana, expressive of a form- 
ally continuative tense. Ex. Ke-ntse ke-bona " I am seeing ", 
ke-tla nna ke-bona *' I shall continue to see ", lit. " I shall remain 
seeing ". 

946. — 4° Na in Tonga. In positive clauses it implies a repeti- 
tion of the same action in the future. With a negative auxiliary it 
answers to our *' never " in imperative clauses. Ex. Ba-noo-bona 
(== ba-na kti-bona, cf. 948) '' they will see repeatedly ", tatu-noo-jayi 
(= ta tu-ne ku-jayi), let us never kill. 

947. — 5° Enyo {= ene kit) in Angola, expressive of habit. 
Ex. Ng-enyo-beta (= ng-ene ku-beta), I am accustomed to beat. 
(Heli Chatelain, in the Zeitschrift, 1889-90, p. 179). Cf. n. 825. 

§ 7. The Auxiliary ZA or IZA " to Come ". 

948. — In a large number of Bantu languages the auxiliary za 
" to come ", variously transformed to dza, dsa, tlha, etc., forms a 
remote indicative future. Cf. 920. It is then followed in some lan- 
guages by the infinitive ku-bona, in others by the simple bona. 
Ex. : — 

Tonga : ndi-zoo-bona^ I shall see ; u-zoo-bona, he will see; etc. 

(^ ndi-za ku-bona^ (249) 

,, ii-za ku-bofia ,, ,, 

,, u-izaku-mona ,, ,, 

,, u-eza ku-jna?ia ,, ,, 

„ a-ja ku-labba ,, ,, 

., ka-dsa ona ,, ,, 

o-tlha bona „ » 



Kafir : 


7idi-za ku-bona 


Old Angola : 


ng-iza ku-??iona 


LUNDA : 


ni-eza kumana 


Ganda : 


n-ja ku-labba 


POKOMO : 


ni-dsa ona 


SuTO : 


■ ki-tlha bona 



Attxiliaries. 249 



Chwana proper : ke-tla bona I shall see ; o-ila bona he wil see; etc. 
SwAHiLi : (ni)-taofia ,, a-taona „ „ 

do. (monos.) 7ii-ta ku-la, I shall eat ; a-ta ku-la, he will eat; etc. 

etc., etc. 

g^Q_ — A^. B. I. In Modern Angola the old form n^-iza kii-viona is replaced by 
ns:-ondo-inoiia (937). But the perfect of -/>«, which is •eji(le)^ furnishes the modern con- 
ditional form ng-ojo-ino7ui = ug-eji ku-inoiia^ I would see, etc. Cf. 947, 942, 937, and 995. 

2. It might be questioned whether the auxiliary ta in Swahili originally meant " to 
come ", because we find in the same language the auxiliary yV/, which certainly has this 
meaning (963), as also because in Karanga, which is closely related to Swahili, the verb 
ta means " to do ". However, considering that the Swahili -ate " all ", ianu " five ", etc., 
were originally the same words as the Chwana -oilhe, -ilhanu^ etc., I am led to think that 
the Swahili ia is also etymologically identical to the Chwana -tlha or -//«, which certainly 
means " to come ". In relative clauses in Swahili, the auxiliary ta is replaced by -taka 
" to want ". 

3. In Kafir the {oxmttdi-sa ku-bona is little used. The ordinary future is itd-o-lw7ia (907) 
or 7idi-ya ku-bona (915). 

Various examples : 

950. — Tonga : 

Tu-zoo-inka ejmiza{^ ...a ijunza), We shall go to- morrow. 
Bantu babotu ba-zoo-ya ku-li Leza, The good people will go to God. 

951. — Ganda (Neiv Testament): 

O mwana-ive bid'a-mu-saba e mmere^ a-ja ku-mu-wa ejinja ? Oba bu^a-saba e kyenyanja^ 
a-ja ku-mu-wa musota'i If his son shall ask him bread, will he reach him a stone? 
Or if he shall ask him a fish, will he reach him a serpent ? (Mat., 7, 9-10). 

952. — Old Angola (Father de Coucto's Catechism) : 
Ke mu-iza ku-fua, You will not die. P. 17. 

Ng-iza ku-mi-beka ho eulu^ I shall place you in heaven. P. 17. 
He mu-a-somboka kijilla kiami^ inu iza ku-fua^ ke mu-iza kuya ko eulu, If you 
break my commandment, you shall die, you shall not go to heaven. P. 18. 

953. — Swahili (Steere's6'7w/////7;?'/^j): 

Baba yangu kesho a-ta ku-Ia tende, To-morrow my father will eat dates. P. 208. 
A-iakao po?m a-ta-po?ia, na a-taka-o ku-fa, a-ta ku-fa, He that will escape will 
escape, and he that will die will die. P. 264. 

954. — SuTo (New Testament) : 

U-thla bona tse-kholo go tseo^ Greater things than these shaltthou see. (John, i, 50). 
U-tlha bitsoa Kefase, Thou shalt be called Cephas. (John, 1, 42). 

955. — In Tonga, and still more in Kafir and Sulo, the same 
auxiliary is often used in its subjunctive form -ze (Suto -tl/ie) to 
supply a future subjunctive. Then in Tonga the verb which follows 
it generally admits the ending -e. Then also in Kafir, Chwana 
proper, and Suto, the regular connective pronoun of -ze or -tike is 



250 Sotith'African Banht Languages. 

often either replaced by the indefinite pronoun i (Chwana e), or 
understood. Ex. : — 

956. — Tonga : 

Tu-zoo-za tu-zoo inu-suaye (= ...tu-ze ku-mu-saye), We shall come to pay you a visit. 

957. — Kafir : 

Ndi-kulule-ni^ i-ze ndi-fe^ Untie me before I die. 
Yi nto nina le ///, nxa kuna i mvula^ i-hlokome i-ze i kanyise ? What is that which, 

when it rains, (first) thunders, //len flashes? 
Ze sihaleke ngo mso^ let us race to-morrow. Cf. ma si-baleke (978), let us run (some 

time or other). Cf. 874. 
U-z^ u-nga-ti^ w-a kii-ko7itiva zi zinja, u-kale, Take care, if you are barked at by 

dogs, not to utter any cry. 

958. — SuTO (New Testament) : 

\Me le-rapelle... le-ilhe le-he hana ha Ntaf alona... (Mat., 5, 44-45), And pray... 

that you may be the children of your Father... 
...tlama e-ilhe e-kokoinoge kaofela (Mat. 13, 33), ...until the whole was leavened. 

N. B. Hence, perhaps, in Swahili, the conjunction ha-ia or ha-iia " until ", = Suto 
etlhe =^ Kafir i-ze. Ex. Bassi i-ka-wa hali hiyo^ hatta tu-ka-fika^ and so things were, till 
we came (Steere's Swah. TaleSy p. 162). 

959. — In Kafir the same auxiliary is variously used to connect 
consecutive actions. Ex. W-a-haniba w-a-za w-a-fikay he went, until 
he arrived (= Swahili... hatta a-ka fika) ; u-nxamele u ku-ze ndi- 
hambe, he wishes me to go. 

N. B. In the last example, u ku-ze is the infinitive form, but za is changed to ze by 
the vowel-attraction oi ndi-hatnbe. 

960. — The same auxiliary is often used in conjunction with a 
negative auxiliary, in Kafir and Karanga with the same meaning as 
our " never ", in Swahili with the meaning of our *' not yet ". Then 
in Swahili its form \s ja. Ex. : — 

961 . — Karanga : 

A ndi-ja ka bona ( = Tonga sikue ndaka bona, 964), I never saw. 
A ba-ja ru-7i-tuma (= Tonga ta bakue baali kwnutuma^ 964 and 931), they never 
would send him. 

962. — Kafir: 

A ndi-zange ndi-hone {= a ndi-za-nga..., 874 and 870). 

A ka-zang ^a-bone, he never saw. 

Az ^a-nga-ze a-kangele, he must never look. 

Notice the use of the subjunctive form ndi-bone after zange. 



AiLxiliaries. 251 



963. — SwAHiLi (Steere's Swahili Tales ) : 

A-ka m-kuia h-a-ja ainka^ he found him not yet awake. P. 216, 

Nao ha-wa-ja ainka, na mvua ha-i-ja anuka^ and they were not yet awake, and the 

rain had not yet held up. P. 222. 
Ni-ta kiuenda inimi kabla ha-ja in-leta mtu hapa^ I will go myself before he sends 

any one here, lit... when he has not yet sent... 
U-ia m-pata a-si-je lala^ you will seize him before he goes to sleep. (Krapf's Did., 
p. XXIX.) 

N. B. I. In Swahili the same auxiliary is found sometimes in relative clauses, as ex- 
pressive of something hypothetical. Ex. 7ii-ja-po penda^ if I happen to love, in case I 
should love. Ni-ja-po kii-ja^ in case I should come. 

2. In Pokomo the auxiliary dsa together with a negative particle means " not yet " as 
ja in Swahili. Ex. Tahu-dsa ku-dsa^ we have not yet come. [Zeitschrift^ 1888-89, p. 183.) 

§ 8. The Auxiliary KU3[. 

964. — In Tonga we find in negative clauses the auxiliary kuX 
— probably a negative form of a defective verb kua — , which with 
negative particles answers to our '* never " or " not at all ", exactly 
as/^ in Karanga and zange in Kafir (960-962). Ex. : — 

Si-kue nd-a-ka bona, I never saw. 

To-kue ( = ta u-kue) u-a-ka bona, Thou didst never see. 

Ta a-kue u-a-ka bona, He never saw. 

Ta tu-kue tu-a-ka bona, We never saw, etc. 

I should be inclined to trace to this construction the origin of the 
Swahili and Pokomo past negative tense, which is as follows : — 

Swahili : Si kw-ona, I have not seen ; h-u kw-ona, thou hast not seen ; ha kw-ona, 
he has not seen ; ha tu kw-ona, we have not seen ; etc. 

Pokomo : Si kw-ofia, I have not seen ; k-u kw-ona, thou hast not seen ; ka kw-ona^ 
he has not seen ; ta hu kw-ona, we have not seen ; etc. 

N. B. We shall see further on that ktd is used in Tonga to render our " to have " in 
negative clauses, as in si-kue ngubo " I have no clothes ", ta ba-kue 7igiibo " they have no 
clothes." Hence there is no doubt that it means properly " to have ", though it be used 
exclusively in negative clauses ; but, as I find nothing like it in the other languages, I am 
still at a loss as to its original meaning. 

§ 9. The Auxiliary KA. 

965. — The auxiliary ka, which probably stands to the verb 
-inka *' to start, to step, to go off" in the same relation as the auxi- 
liary /a or na to the verb -enda " to go forward, to walk ", seems 
to be essentially expressive of a change of action, or state, or posi- 
tion. But its exact value is somewhat different in the different Ian- 



252 South-African Bantu Languages. 

guages. Hence we had better study it first in one language, then in 
another. 

Tonga. 

966. — i^ A-ka or the auxiliary ka preceded by the auxiliary 
a is expressive of a comparatively remote past, or more exactly of 
something done formerly or completely. Ex. : — 

Mo7ize 2ila Imsia bantu ba-a-ka fna ciindl, Monze can raise to life people who died 

Jormerly. 
Bakalanga ba-a-ka zua ku Biinyai^ The Karanga came in former times from the 

Bunyai. 
Mua7iaena ngua-ka yasana a Bambala^ Muanaena is the man who fought once 

with the Bambala. 
Tii-a-ka ja7ia i nyika i-a-ka anzua, We found the earth already made. 
Sue tu-a-ka zoo-jana i nyika i-a-ka anzua (==... tu-a-ka za ku-jafia ..., n. 948), We 

came to find the earth already made. 
Inyue ?io niu-a-kafua^ mu-a-ka ba kuli Leza...y You who are dead, and have gone 

to live with God... 
Zikua u-a-ka kede mu Matezi^ Mr. N. lived formerly in the Matezi valley. 

967. — 2° Ka is also the proper auxiliary of the negative future. 
Ex. ta ndi-koo-bona iy — ia-ndi-ke hi-bona, cf. 948), I shall not see. 

968. — 3° Ka at the beginning of a clause before the form 
ndi-bona has an imperative or precative power. Ex. : — 

Ka mu-ndi-lapela kuiede. Pray to me in this manner. 

Ka mu-tu-kombelela kuli Leza, Pay homage to God for us. 

Ko-tupa mvula (= ka u-tu-pa...^ 249), Give us rain. 

Balapelela baana baabo ka beenda (= ba-enda, 249) bubotu, They pray for their 

children that they may walk in the way of happiness. 
Kenziana na ? {= Ka ndi-ziana na .?), Must I dance ? 

969. — 4" Ka followed by the subjunctive form, -bone implies 

distinctly motion to some distance. Ex. : — 

Inka ka-lume ndaba mu7itu (= ...u-ka-lume), Go and bite Soand-So. 
Me ndinka ndi-ka-tole 7igombe na ? Must I go to fetch the cows ? 

970. — ^^- B. We have considered in a previous chapter the use of the relative 
particle ka to render our " if, when, while, and ". In many instances a doubt might arise 
as to whether ka is such a relative particle, or an auxiliary of the kind just described. In 
most of these doubtful cases I would take it to be the relative particle. But, even as such, 
I consider it to be related to the auxiliary ka. Cf 527. 



Aitxiliayics. 253 



Swahili. 

971- — The auxiliary ka before the form -bona seems to express 
generally the transition to a new act, and in a few cases the perfect 
completion of an act. Before the subjunctive form -bone it supposes 
motion to some distance, as in Tonga. In all its positions it acts as a 
prefix inseparable from the verb, as if it were not properly an auxi- 
liary, but an objective connective pronoun referring to a notion of 
time. Cf. 970. Hence it admits no ku between itself and monosylla- 
bic or vowel verbs, and in the second person plural of the imperative 
it supplies the form ka-bone-ni *' see", instead o{rn-ka-bone. Examples 
(from Steere's Szuahili Tales) : — 

Wali kuwa ivapi hatta vitefige wangu u-ka-liival Where were you all the lime till 

my date-tree was «// eaten ? P. 204. 
A-ona-cho chote kati ka mji hu-kamata a-ka-la, V/hatever he sees in the town, he 

catches it, and straightway eats it. P. 248. 
A-ka-sa?igaa, akili zake zi-nie potea^ mashikio yaUe ya-me ziba^ miguu yake i-ka- 
tetejfieka, uliini u-ki-wa inzito^ a-ka-tekiva^ And he stared, and his wits forsook 
him, and his ears were stopped, and his legs trembled, and his tongue was 
heavy, and he was all bewildered, P. 208. 
Ondoka u-ka-iazame^ Get up and look. P. 203. 
Enendaw€iveu-ka-tazaine, Go thou and look. P. 228. 
Enenda ka-zoe {= ...u-ka-zoe), Go and gather the dates. P. 203. 
JVi-ka-tazame, Let me go and look. P. 240. 
Ka-tazame-ni^ Look ye. P. 240. 

Q72. — ^- ^- The third of these examples shows ih^i ka before -bona expresses 
rather transitory or co7np/etedi3.Q\.s^ and the other auxiliaries me and ki cotitinued situations 
or iticomplete facts. It does not seem correct to say, as is found everywhere, that ka 
simply means " and ", because several oiher auxiliaries might be rendered by " and " 
just as well. 

Herero. 

973. — The auxiliary ka seems to imply in every case motion 
to some distance. Examples (from Dr. Btitner's Mdrchen der Ova- 
herero, Zeitschrift, 1887-88). 

Kahavandye, ka-teka^ Jackal, go and fetch water. P. 201. 

Ka-teke (^^u-ka-teke)^ Go and fetch water. P. 202. 

Ka-tore, Go and take. P. 204. 

Me aruka me ka-pura e purura randye, I am going back to ask for my purura. 
P. 190. 

Me ka-eta e purura ra matna, I shall bring the ///rw;-^ of my mother. P. 190. 

Ndino ?neka-teka, To-day I go to fetch water. P. 201. 

Ke-ndyi-pahere rukune^ Go and fetch firewood for me. P. 191. 



254 South' African Bantu Languages. 

A-i a-ka-teka, And he went and fetched water. P. 201. 

Kahavandye u-a-tuarere ina ye, a-ka-tua m'o mimia, The fox took his mother, and 
went to put her into a hole. P. 200. 

Kafir. 

974. — With a negative particle the auxiliary ka means '' not 
yet ". In the other cases it seems to be expressive of a momentary 
act, or an accidental event. Ex. : — 

A ndi-ka boni, I do not yet see, or I have not yet seen. 

Ka u-kangele, Just have a look. 

Ke ndi-kangele {=^ ndi-ke ndi-kangele, 874), Let me just have a look. 

U-ke w-a-bo7ia na 2 Did he see at all ? U kuba u-ke w-a-bona, If he ever saw. 

W-a-ke wa bona (= w-a-ka 7a-a-bona, 874), He once saw. 

Kw-a-ka kw-a-ko i nkosi ngapa y-a-ti, .. Once upon a time there was a king in this 

neighbourhood who said. . . 
. . . a-nga-ke a-bone, . . . lest he should happen to see. 

N. B. In my " Outline of a Xosa-Kafir Graimnar ", p. 64, I have, with several other 
scholars, considered the auxiliary. /?•« as being immediately related to the verb ku-ka " to 
dip ". This view is not correct. 

Other Languages. ♦ 

975. — In most of the other languages, the auxiliary ka seems 
to have more or less the same power as in Tonga, or in Herero. 
In Chwana this auxiliary is pronounced nka. Ex. : — 

Ganda : Ka n-dabbe (= Tonga kem-bona), Let me see; Ka tii-labbe (= 

Tonga ka tu-labba). Let us see. 
ROTSE : Ko-kela mo motidi (= Tonga ko-njila f/i'munzi = ka u-njila. ..), 

come into the town. 
Old Angola : Ngi-ka-zola (= Herero me ka-hora ?) I shall love (Father Dias' 

6^r., p. 121, cf. 908). 
Modern Angola : Ng-a-ka-beta (= Old Angola ngi-ka-beta), I shall beat (Chatelain, 

Zeiisch rift, 1889-90, p. 178). 
LuNDA : N-akadima, I shall plough. 

Chwana : Ga nka ke-bo7ia, gao-nka bona (= Tonga ta ndi-koo-bona, ta u- 

koo-bo7ia), I shall not see, thou shalt not see. 

N. B. I have no evidence of this auxiliary being used in other tenses in Chwana. The 
Chwana auxiliary ka is quite different from this : it corresponds to the Kafir ttga (1000). 

§ 10. The Auxiliary INSI. 

976. — Insi is a verbal form which we shall find further on 
regularly used in Tonga as the copula in negative clauses. In the 
same language it is also frequently used as an auxiliary after negative 
particles. Ex. T-insi ndi-la bona, I cannot see ; t-insi ba-lamu-njila 



Auxiliaries. 255 



or ta ba-insi ba-la mu-njira, they cannot enter therein. Considering 
this form in the light of phonetic laws, I do not feel authorized to 
see in it anything else than the -bon\ form of the w ^rh ku-insia " to 
cause to go off", whence " to be able (?) ", which is the causative 
oi ku-inka " to go off". It is probably related to the G^ndsi ku-inza 
" to be able ", e. g. in si kia-inza *' I am no longer able ". Cf. Gram- 
maire Ruganda, p. 83. 

§ II. The Auxiliaries MA and BA " to Stand, to Stop ". 

977. — As the Kafir auxiliary be is the nearest equivalent of 
the Swahili me, it is probable that ma and ba are essentially one 
and the same auxiliary. 1 have as yet no evident example of the 
iuse of this auxiliary in Tonga, but it is one of those most frequently 
fused in Kafir, Swahili, and Herero. It helps principally to the form- 
ation of continuative tenses, and thus generally is the opposite of 
ka. In Kafir it also implies in many cases a causal notion. It is 
remarkable that in this language its consonant in past tenses is b, 
while before imperatives it is m, and that its infinitive form is ku-ba 
in the Xosa, though it is (k)u-ma in the Zulu dialect of the Kafir 
language. Ex. : — 

978. — Kafir: 

Be 7idi-bone u-si-za {== fidi-be 7idi-bonile ii-si-zd). It is because I saw you coming. 
Kwela. — Ilayi, e-b* e-te u banw ze ndi-nga kweli, Climb up. — No, because my 

father has said that I should not climb up. 
U yise no nina be be-nga vuini u ku-ba... His father and mother would not allow 

him to... 
U ku-ba (Zulu u-ma) u-b' u-nga nqwcni^ nge u-ya..., If you were not lazy, you 

would go... 
Kiv-a-tiwa ^^ u nivaba ma lu-yo ku-ii : A bantu ma ba-nga fi ", lit. There was 

said : " Let the chameleon go to say : Men must not die ". (Callaway's 

Unkulunkulu, p. 3). 
Vuma u ku-ba ma ndi-ye (Zulu vuma u-ma ma ndi-ye)y lit. Allow that I go, i. e. 

allow me to go, 

979. Swahili : 

A-ka-miv-ona mtu a-me-kaa, he saw a man sitting (Rankin, p. 15). 
T€7ide zi-me-lhva na ndege zote, the dates have all been eaten by birds (Steere's 
Swah. Tales, p. 203). Cf. 972. 

980. — Herero {Zeiischrift, 1887-88) : 

O ngurova, tyi ma mu-aruk^ kurara, In the evening, when you begin to sleep. 

p. 191. 



256 South- African Bantu Languages. 

JS/n tyini-a-riri...^ And while he cried... P. iqi. 

Ne a-ende a-me-uiuka^ And she went on walking. P. 190. 

981. — PoKOMO and Rotse : 

PoKOMO . Ni-ma dsakka, I have loved {Zeitschrift, 1888 89, p, 178). 
Rotse : Mo-ma ie?ida (== Chwana Lo-ri/iile), You have done. 

982. — ^- B. I. From this same auxiliary are derived in Kafir the particles kii-ba 
and ti ku-ba " if, because ". Ex. U ku-ba tt-isho^ if you say so, because you say so. — We 
find likewise in Ganda oba " because, since ". Ex. Oba o-niaze^ since you have finished. — 
The Chwana particle go-bane " because " seems rather to be derived from -jnana " to 
finish " (ion), which is itself a derivative of the verb -7na " to stop ". 

983- — 2. We shall see further on (1012) that the auxiliary buya " to return " is 
in some cases reduced to ba or be. This makes it difficult in some instances to make out 
the proper meaning of these forms. 

984;. — 3- Ii^ Senna there is an auxiliary inba which is probably related to those 
described in this section. Its use is twofold. First it introduces imperative clauses, exactly 
as the Kafir auxiliary ma. Ex. Mba ti-cite nyumba iatu, Let us make our house. Secondly 
it i-s used to connect historical facts, somewhat in the same manner as the Ganda con- 
junction ?ia (939). Ex. Yesu u-a-lamiika pa ineza^ inb-a-kuata jnadzt, mb-a-gog07na pansi, 
mb-a-siika mietido ia dtsipura^ Jesus rose up from table, and took water, and knelt down, 
and washed the feet of the disciples. 

985. — 4- The Chwana conjunction ^?ne or mi " and " was probably not different 
originally from the Swahili and Herero me. It is used to join sentences, not substantives, 
together. Ex. Abraham a-tsala Isaka, 'me Isaka a-tsala Yakobo^ Abraham begat Isaac, 
and Isaac begat Jacob. Cf. 940. 

§ 12. The Auxiliaries CI, KI, SI, SA, etc 

986. — There Is In most Bantu languages an auxiliary which 
more formally than any other expresses duration or non- achievement. 
Its form undergoes nearly the same phonetic changes as the class- 
ifier ci (492^^), to which it is etymologically related. 

987. — In Tonga its form is ci. It may be rendered variously. 
However, in most cases its nearest English equivalent is the adverb 
still. Ex. : — 

Still : Liwanika u-ci U 7vo, Liwanika is still there. 

U-ci-lt jnuumt, He is still alive. 
Just : Mu-a-zua anze ka mu-ci buka, mu-a-zoo-jana ba a-ka sika^ If you come 

out just when you awake, you will find that they have come. 
Already : U-la cisa, u-ci zezda., u-ci ua^ He suffers atrociously, he already staggers, 

finally he falls. 
Not yet (with negation) : Ta acifui pe. u-a-luka., u-a-pona, he shall not die yet, he 

vomits and recovers. 



Auxiliaries. 257 

No longer, no more (wiili negation): Bo ba-a ka buka ta ba-ci fiti pc^ those who 
have risen will die no more, will not die again. 

Qgg^ — A^, B. The particle a at the beginning of a clause means " while ". In this 
case I consider it to be a relative particle (787) rather than an auxiliary. Ex. Mbuli ci 
tu-bereka citu-zuete ezi ngubo, umueinuntu u-a-Ui-bo7ia... " Suppose that, while we work 
wearing these clothes, another man sees us... " This is one more of those instances which 
show the close relation between classifiers and auxiliaries. Cf. 970, 971. 

989. — In Ganda. the form of the same auxiliary is kia. It may 
also be rendered variously. Ex. : — 

Still : Tu-kia li balamu^ We are still alive, (= Tonga tii-ci It baiuni). 
While : Tula ivano, iu-kia genda Mbuga^ Remain here while we go to Mbuga. 
Not at all (with negation) : Si-kia lia^ I do not eat at all (I no longer eat ?) 
Cf. Gramviaire Ruganda^ p. 46. 

990. — In Rotse its form is si. It equals ** still ". Ex. : — 
0-si tenda, he still does (== Chwana o-sa dira). 

991. — In Kafir it has one form sa, which properly means 
*' still, yet ", and another form se, which properly means '* already ". 
The latter form is used principally to introduce participles. Ex. : — 
Still : Ndi-sa ba-bona, I see them yet. 

Ba-sa pilile^ They are still in good health. 
N O longer (with negation) : A udi-sa ba-bont, I no longer see them. 
Already : .S*^ be-qala u ku-lifna^ Already they begin to plough. 

Ms' u ku-gibilisa le nja nga matye^ uya ku-yi-bona se yi kufiipi, se yi-kwela kuwe. 
Never throw stones at this dog, you would soon see it close to you, already 
coming up to you. 
Kiv-a-ykva kw-a-fikiva se be-m-bulele^ The people went and came up to them, when 
they had already killed him, 

992. — In Chwana the same auxiliary has the double form sa, 
which means ** still ", and kite (Kafir and Suto se), which means 
" already ". To these may be added the form ese, which with a 
negative particle means ** not yet ". Ex. : — 

Still : O sa-bona or o-sa ntse a-bona, he still sees. (With regard to titse^ see n. 945). 
Already (in Chwana proper) : N-kile k-a-bona^ o-kile o-a-bofia. I have already seen, 

thou hast already seen (= Kafir se ndi-bofiiie). 
Already (in Suto) : Selepe se-st se-beiloe... The axe has already been put... 
Not yet : Ga ke-ese ke-bona, I have not yet seen. 

*993. — In Swahili the same auxiliary is pronounced ki. It seems 
to be, like the auxiliary /C'^ (970' ^ pi'^fix inseparable from the prin- 
cipal verb, and to form exclusively a kind of participial expression. 
Ex. : — 

17 



258 South-African Bantu Languages. 

Paka a-ka-hama njia nyingifie, a-ki-kaniata^ The cat removed to another road, 
cofitinuing io prey in the same way. (St. Sivah. Tales, p. 248). 

Ni'ine ambiwe ni-ku-pe khati^ u-ki-ishe soina tu-fa7iye safari^ I have been told to 
give you the letter, and that, :vhen you have finished reading it, we should start on 
our journey. (Ibid.^ p. 152.) 

Jua li-ki-chwa wa-ka-fanya khenia zao, wa-ka-lala^ When the sun set they got their 
tents ready, and slept. (Ihid,^ p. 158.) 

A-ki-pita vitu hu-m-la^ Whenever a person passes, he eats him. 

004;. — I cannot make out with certainty to which verbs these auxiliaries origin- 
ally belonged. The Tonga form r/, as well as the Ganda -kia^ and the Kafir and Chwana 
-sa, seem to belong to the verb -cia " to dawn '' (Ganda -kia, Kafir -sa, etc., cf. 52*), but this, 
while explaining the meaning " already ", would give no reason for the meaning " still ". 
On the other hand the Tonga ci may well be also a contracted form of -kede^ which is the 
perfect of -kala " to sit, to remain ', and I suspect that, if a Tonga, for instance, were 
asked to develop the notions implied in the sentence u-ci bona " he is still seeing ", he 
would render it by ii-kede u-bona " he remairss seeing. " Again, the Kafir se " already *' is 
sometimes replaced by sele^ which is the perfect of -sala " to remain behind " (= Tonga 
-siald)^ and, consequently, may well be derived from this verb, or from the Tonga -sia 
" to leave behind ", a simpler verb from which -siala itself is derived. 

Hence, finally, I am of opinion that the auxiliaries ci^ ki, kia^ sa^ se, etc., are in fact 
related to the various verbs -cm, -siala^ -kede^ etc., and that in some cases they have more 
of the meaning of one, in other cases of another, viz. where they mean " already ", or " to 
begin ", they originally were no other than the verb -cia " to dawn ", and where they 
mean " still ", or " to continue ", they are more directly connected with -sia " to leave be- 
hind ", or with -kede^ the perfect of -kala. Cf. 502. 

§ 13. The Auxiliary NGA. 

005. — I do not yet know whether this auxiliary is used in 
Tonga. It is found in Kafir, Swahili, Pokomo, Herero, Ganda, etc., 
where it generally forms a kind oi hypothetical or conditional tense. 
It is derived from -nga ** to wish " [originally " to bend the body, 
as when entering a Kafir hut (?)"]. Its perfect and subjunctive form 
is 'Uge. Ex. : — 

006. — Kafir : 

U'Jigaya na? Ndi-ngaya. Do you feel inclined to go ? I do. 

Nge fidi-si-za^ ndixakekile^ I wished to come, but I could not do so. 

Ezo ntaka zi-ku-fumene e matoleni azo, a ku-nge tandi u kuphida iiye apo zizalele 

kona^ If these birds found you near their young, you ivould not like to go again 

where they have their nest. 
U-ya z-azi na i nkomo2 Ewe, ndi-nga z-azi. Can you manage cattle? I think I can. 
A maxalanga u-nga-ti^ u kuba ute tvaya e-si-tya, aza a-ku-bona, a-nga ku-iya^ lit. 

Vultures, you would say, if you went (near them) while eating and they saw 

you, that they have a mind to eat you. 
N. B. In cl. MU-ntu Kafirs say in affirmative clauses a.-nga-bona " he may see, he 
would see", not \x-nga-bona, but in relative clauses they say o-nga-bona " who may see ". 
Ex. Nanku u mntu o-jiga-ya^ Here is a man who may go. 



Auxiliaries. 



259 



997. — SwAHiLi (from Steere's Handbook^ p. 139) : 
A-nga-wa^ " though he be " or " he would be ". 

Ni-nga-li penda^ " I should have loved "or " had I loved... " Cf. 1002. 

Si-nga-H petida^ " I should not have loved " or " had I not loved... " 

Kama u-vga-li ku-wa po hapa, ndugn yangu a-uga-li pona, If you had been here, 

my brother would have got well. 
Ni-7ige penda, " I should love " or " if I did love ". 
Si-nge penda, ha tu-nge petida, " I should not, we should not, love " or " if I did, 

if we did not, love ". 
Kama u-vge ku-wa na akili, mall yako u-nge du?nu nayo^ lit. If you were with 

wits, your property you would continue wMth it, i. e. if you were a man of sense, 

your property would still be yours. 

N. B. Nga is used only before monosyllabic verbs, the others require nge. 

998. — POKOMO (Zeltschrift, 1888-89, P- i^o) : 
Nl-nge dsakka, I should have loved. 

Ta hu-nge dsakka, We should not have loved. 

Yeo nl-nge ku-dsa ?nudslna, luka muntu tywangu ka-na-weza. To day I should have 
gone to town, but my man could not (go). 

999. — Herero (Zeltschrlft, 1887-88) : 

Nga tii-tylte vl? [= U-nga tu-tylte vll (?)], What do you wish us to do ? P. 191. 

Nga tu-zepere mumue, Let us kill together. P. 200. 

Nu nga tu-zepe mama, And let us kill our mothers. P. 200. 

1000. — Chwana: 

N-ka reka, o-ka reka, o-ka reka, I am, thou art, he is, inclined to buy. 
Ke-tie n-ka reka, I would have bought, etc. 

1001. — An auxiliary like to the above, though perhaps more 
expressive of wish, is singa in Ganda, sinka in Rotse. Ex. : — 

Ganda ( Grammaire Ruganda): 

Slnga n-dla (== n-sltiga n-lla), I should like to eat. P. 38. 

Slnga tu-a-genze. We should have gone. P. 38. 

Slnga nlna e mmere^ smga n-dla kakano, If I had food, I would eat now. P. 39. 

Slnga w-a-genda edda, w-a-ndl-tuse kakano, If you had gone before, you would 

already have arrived. P. 39. 
Rotse (Livingstone's Mss.) : 
U-slnka ko-l-ba {= Chwana o-hatla go-t-polaea or o-ka l-polaea), He is nearly killing 

himself. 

1002. — N. B. I. The fact that in Swahili the auxiliary nga, and in Ganda the 
auxiliary sinka, is used not only in the apodosis, but also in the protasis of conditional 
sentences, must probably be explained by considering that in fact both may include the 
notion of some sort of wish ; so that, for instance, the Ganda sentence smga filna e jnmere, 
singa ndla kakano might be rendered literally by " I wish I had food, (because) I should 
like to eat now ". 



26o South-African Bautti-Langiiages. 



1003. — -• I^ Karanga the verb da " to wish " may in some instances be con- 
sidered as an auxiHary nearly equivalent to the Kafir 7iga. Ex. ti-7io-da gara {■= u-no-da 
{k)ti-gard), he wishes to remain. 

§ 14, The Auxiliary TI " to Say ". 

1004. — jo In most Bantu languages the verbs which mean 
** to speak ", as -ambola in Tonga, are seldom used without being 
followed, and, as it were, completed by the verb -// ** to say " 
(Angola -ixi, Chwana re, 172), as if such verbs did not mean 
properly " to utter sounds ", but only " to open the mouth ". This 
principle is generally extended to other verbs which express an act 
of the mind or the wmII. 

It may also be noted that generally there is no pause in Bantu 
after the verb -//*, but it is joined immediately to the sentence which 
is to it what a direct object is to a transitive verb. 

1005. — Examples : — 
Tonga : 

Muame u-a-ka amhola u-a-ti " A mu-inke ". The king spoke and said : " Go away ". 

(Lit. the king opened the mouth (?) and said...) 
Ba-a-ka amha ku-ti " Tn-Ia i?ika ". They spoke to say : " We go ". 
Ba-la nvuika ku-tua...^ they are heard saying... {N. B. Ku-tua '' to be said " is 

the passive form of ku-ti, 1047). 
Ndi-ya7tda ku-ti " tu-li ba-ingi ", I am glad we are numerous. 
Senna : 
Amakahuzia-lofiga okaoka ku-ti'-' Mba t-ende ". The shepherds said one to another: 

*' Let us go ". 
Angola {pi\2i\.€i2i\v!?> Kivibundu Gr., p. 147): 
U-anibela muhatu u-ixi..., He spoke to the woman, saying... 
Chwana : 
Ke-a-itse go-re motho, I know that you are a man. 

etc., etc. 

1006. — N' ^- I- The translator of S' Matthew's Gospel into Ganda has at every 
page the expression 7ta a^ainba xiti... " and he spoke saying... " I do not see how this can 
be correct, because nti is a form of the F"' person singular, and means " I say ", not " he 
said ". It seems that the connective pronoun should vary according to class and person, 
as ;/-// " I say ", o-ti " thou sayest '', a-ti " he says ", tu-ii " we say ", etc. Cf. Grainmaire 
R Uganda, p. 21. 

1007. — 2. In Kafir some verbs prefer to be followed by u ku-ba or ii-ba (Zulu 
u-uia, 978), rather than by u ku-ti. Ex. Babuza u ku-ba *' u na mahashe 11a? ", lit. They 
asked to say (more literally " to stand ") : " Have you got horses.? " Babuza u kuti... 
would also be correct. In Chwana ^^-r<? is likewise replaced after some verbs hy /a (== 
Zulu wna ^= Kafir u-ba). 



Auxiliaries. 261 



1008. — In Tonga, and still more In Kafir and Chwana, the 
verb // (Chwana re, perfect rile) is much used as an auxiliary to 
introduce conjunctive clauses. Then In most cases it is practically 
equivalent to our conjunction ** w^hen ", or it completes some par- 
ticle or expression which has this meaning. Literally It means " to 
do so (as follows...) ". Cf. 834. Ex. : — 

1009. —Tonga: 

Umiie inuezi a-ii u-ze^ oyu u-fue^ ba-cite milia (=... u-a-ti u-ze...), lit. When the 
next moon comes, and this is dead, they will make feasts. 

Na a-ka ti a-fiie^ mulilo ula pia, ba-a-juu-ienia. When he is quite dead, the fire be- 
gins to flame, and they burn him. 

1010. — Kafir: 
Yi nyaniakazi u mvundla e-it\ y-a ku-vitka, i-papateke^ The hare is an animal which, 

when it awakes, is all nervous from fear. (Lit. which does so, when it awakes...) 

/ vibovane zi-hlala e siduliiii, a-W u unitu u kuba u-tc w-a-hlala, zi-nie zonke, Ants 

live in an ant-hill, so that if a man happens to sit upon it, they all come up. 

Lit... so that he does so, a man, if he has done so he sat, they all will stand up, 

A'. B. In this sentence it would be equally correct to say... zi-//, u tnnin u kuba ute 
w-a-hlaia..., lit. ... so that i/uy do so, if a man... However, through some sort of attract- 
ion, Kafirs generally prefer to give to the auxiliary // the connective pronoun of the verb 
of the incident clause which follows it closely rather than that of the principal verb which 
is more distant. The same may be noticed in the following examples : — 

U Jnfazi w-a-landela i ndoda, iv-a-ti a ku-Jika, y-a-ii i ndoda u kuba " U-funa nto 
fiina? ". The woman followed the man, and when she came up to him, he said : 
" What do you want ? " 
Ba-iiy ba ku-gqiba^ y-a-buza i nkosi... When they had finished, the king asked... 
The following, on the contrary, is an example in which the connective pronoun 

of // is necessarily that of the principal verb. 
Ze ni-ti nd-a ku-biza, ni-piwie... lit. Do ye so, when I call, do come out. 

1011. — Chwana (Rev. W. Crisp's Secoana Grammar ^ n. 68) : 
Etla reiox ke-ila re) ke-tsamaea ke-go-bitse, When I go I will call you. 

E-a-re (or e-rile, or ke-a-re^ or ke-rile) ke-fitlha kwa molacwanen% k-a-fimela, When 
I got to the brook, I lost my way. 

§ 15. The Auxiliary BUYA ''to Come Back". 

1012. — In Tonga I can find no evident example of the verb 
'bola '* to come back " used as an auxiliary proper. But its Kafir 
equivalent -buya is often used as such under various forms, such as 
btiya, buye, ba, be, bi. In like manner, its Chwana equivalent boea or 
boa often appears under the forms ba, bo, and bile. We find the same 



262 South-African Bantu Languages. 

auxiliary in Mpongwe under the forms /d? and z/^. This au>'iliary 
may be rendered practically into English in some cases by *' back ", 
in others by *' again ". Ex. : — 

1013. — Kafir: 

W-ap2i7na e manzint\ iv-a-he w-a-ngena (or ...w-abuye %v-a-ngena^ or 7v-a-huya 
iv-a-7igena^ 874), He went out of the water, and went in again. 

W-o-piima a-be a-ngene (or a-b^ a?igefie), He will come out and go in again. 

U-b' ii-ye pina ? (= U-be uye pina .?), Where do you come back from ? Lit. You 
come back, having gone whither ? 

N. B. In the last example, and in the like, there is no evident sign that this auxiliaiy 
he (^= buye) is essentially different from the other auxiliary bc^ which has been described 
in n. 978. Hence, though it be more probable that the latter is related to the verb -ma 
" to stand ", it may also be correct to derive it from buya. 

1014. — Chwana (Rev. VV. Crisp's Secoana Grammar, p. 38 and sqg)-. 
Ke-bile ke-a-reka, I buy again, lit I have come back (and) 1 buy. 

Ke-tla ba ke-reka, I shall buy again. 

Ke-a-bo ke-reka, I am buying again. (Crisp renders it : "I am buying as usual. ") 

N-tla boke-reka, I shall buy again. (Crisp : " I shall be buying. ") 

N-ka bo ke-reka, I would buy again (Crisp : " I would (or should) buy. ") 

1015. — Mpongwe (Mgr Le Berre's Mpong. Gr., p. 134 and sqq.) 
Afifo dyena, I see again. 

Mi a-fo dyenaga, I was seeing again. 
N-a-vo dyeni 7?iie, and I saw again, 
etc., etc. 

§ 16. The Auxiliary MAN A or MALA '' to Come to an End ". 

1016. — The verb -mana or -mala (52^ and 280) is derived 
from ma ** to stand " and the suffix -ala = Jzala '' to sit, to remain ". 
Hence etymologically it properly means '' to stop, to stand at the 
end ". From this are derived some idiomatic uses and meanings of 
it in various languages. Thus we find : — 

In Tonga: mane^^ until". Ex. U-a-li ku-tua inseke, mane zi-a-ma7ia, he was grind- 
ing corn, until it came to an end. 

In Ganda : 77iaze (perfect of 77iala) " already ", " finally ". Ex. Y-a-77iaze ku-ge7ida, 
he was already gone ; oba o-maze 0-71-dagira, since you have finally 
betrayed me. 

In Senna : 77iala " afterwards, then ". Ex. A-mala a-famba, a-famba, Then he 
went and went. 

In Kafir: 77ia7ia *' to continue to ". Ex. Mati '« ku-7idi-7iceda, continue to help 
me; u-77ian '// ku-gqita..,, he is passing continually... 
etc., etc. 



Auxiliaries. 



263 



101 7. — ^' ^' ^" Swahili the same idiomatic use is noticeable in the verb -isha 
" to finish ". Ex. Tende zi-me kiu-t'sha liwa 71a nde^s^e (= zi-me kw-iska ku-liwa,..)^ The 
dates are already eaten by birds (Steere's Sivah. Tales, p. 220). 

^ 17. Various Auxiliaries. 

1018. — A good number of other verbs might be mentioned as 
being often used idiomatically in various languages. But this is not 
the place to dilate on them, because in their idiomatic use nothing 
is common to any large number of languages. It will suffice to 
say that many of our adverbs are rendered into Bantu by such 
verbs. Thus, in certain cases " soon " will be rendered into Kafir 
by -hlalela " to sit upon ", e. g. u hlaUru ku/ika " he will soon 
arrive ", lit. " he sits upon arriving " ; and into Congo by -viia " to 
pass by " (= Swahili -pita), e. g. oyandi wa-vita kw-iza " he will 
soon come " (Bentley's Gr., p. 693). In like manner some Kafirs 
continually use the verb -siika " to get off" with the meaning of 
our " then, straightway ", or simply to express a change of idea 
or determination, etc., etc. 



III. — Tf)e Verbs '' n^o 38e '' atiD '' To Batie '\ 



1019. — It was necessary in the chapter oif substantives (582) 
to mention some peculiar forms of the Bantu copula. We now go 
on to state what remains to be said on this matter. I think that 
originally there was no verb in Bantu which expressed simply the 
act of being, and which consequently could be termed properly a 
copula, or substantive verb. Hence it is that in the present stage of 
development of these languages : — 1° In many cases in which we 
make use of the verb " to be " nothing of the kind is expressed in 
Bantu, and the predicate is joined immediately to the subject. — 
2° In other cases we find in Bantu verbs or particles which corres- 
pond to our " to be ", but these vary according to the facts expressed, 
and they always include some peculiar mode of being, such as posi- 
tion, or situation, in addition to the fact of being. These verbs and 
particles are in fact no other than those which we have seen used 
as auxiliaries in the preceding article. Hence : — 



264 South-African Bantu Languages. 



\ I. Copula Understood. 

1020. — In Kafir, Chwana, and Karanga, the copula is gene- 
rally understood in absolute clauses of the present tense, except in 
those cases in which it is rendered by one of the particles mentioned 
in nn. 582-588. In nearly all the Bantu languages the most notice- 
able case in which the copula is understood is when it would be 
followed by one of the locative pronouns ko, po, mo, or their equi- 
valents. Ex. : — 

Kafir : Mninji u mbona, the maize is abundant. Cf. 62 1. 
U ko e ndliiii or u se 7idUni^ he is in the house. 
Chwana : O niotho, thou art a man ; mojiile, he is good-looking. 

O mo tiling, he is in the house. 
Karanga : E-t-o-be ?iyika i-Ii kide, i pafiipi, the ground, is not far, it is near. (Lit. it 
is not a ground which is far, // is neai). 
Irieiiyika i mhitya, that ground is good. 
SwAHiLi : Bivana yti-ko wapi'^ Vu-ko koo?ideni. Where is the master of the house ? 

He is with the sheep. 
BooNDEi : Yu-ko kwangu, he is at my house. 
etc., etc. 

1021« — In Herero an article often acts as the copula. Ex. 
Oiuami o muhona, I am a king ; Ka ove ? Is it not thou ? 

§ 2. The verbal Forms LI, LE, ELE, IRI, etc., used as 

THE Copula. 

1022. — The most usual form of the copula is li or ri in most 
Bantu languages, di in Lunda,// in Rua, iri in Angola, le or ele in 
Chwana, la in Nyambu, etc. This is in fact no other than the form 
which we have found used as an auxiliary in n. 929. 

Considered etymologically, this form is to ila what in Tonga /CW(^ 
*' seated " is to -Jzala *' to sit down ", viz. a sort of perfect form. 
Hence it is that in some languages it admits in certain cases the 
perfect suffix -le, or an equivalent for it, as r/re in Herero, iriXt, 
in Angola, li)\ in Yao, etc. Nevertheless, there are difficulties as to 
its original meaning, because there is no such verb as -ila in the 
generality of the Bantu languages. We find this verb regularly used 
in Angola only, and even in this language its exact meaning is not 
quite plain. Heli Chatelain in his Kimbundu (Angola) Granwiar 
renders it by *' to do, to say ", which sheds very little light on the 



The Verbs " To Be " and '' To Have ^ 265 



matter, as it may be used only in a few given cases to render 

" to do " and '* to say ". My opinion is that the original Bantu ku-ila 
was the applicative form (1065) of ku-ya or kii-a, " to go, to act ", 
and meant properly " to act towards obtaining a certain effect ". 
We have explained above (919) its probable connection with ku-enda 
'* to go ". What seems to confirm this view is that the perfect of 
kiu-enda " to go " is given as being -ele\n Lower Congo (Bentley's 
Gr., p. 642). 

1023. — ^' ^^- ^- ^'"^ Old Angola okuila is often used to render " that is to say " 
{==. ku kti-ii in Tonga, okii ku-ti in Kafir, cf. 1004). 

2. In Kafir the nearest equivalent to the Tonga copula // is ye^ which is a perfect form 
of the verb ku ya "togo"(cf. 913-917). Likewise in Herero -r//-^ and -r/are often replaced 
by -<?, which seems to be originally identical with the Kafir ^<?. 

1024. — Whatever be the etymology and the original value of 
the copula // or ri, the fact is that it is treated as if it were a sort 
of perfect form, and consequently it is never used in future nor in 
imperative clauses. In Tonga, Karanga, Senna, Yao, etc.> it may 
generally be used to render the copula in affirmative present and 
past clauses. In Chwana, Angola, Herero, and Swahili, its use is 
more limited. The use of ^'^ as the copula in Kafir is also limited. 
Ex. : — 

1025. — Tonga : 

Ndi-li mu247nt, I am in good health ; tu-H basano^ we are five ; n-li mti Uganda^ he 

is in the house. 
Nd-a-li inumm\ I was small ; ba-a-li ivo, they were there ; tn-a-ka H basano^ once 

we were five ; ndi-ci It inuumi, I am still in good health, etc. 
Yao : ftdi-li... I am; n-a-liji...^ I was... 
Senna : Muzungu a-li ku musa, the master is at home. 
Karanga : U u-H fijuja^ thou, thou art young ; t-a-ri baxano^ we were five ; e-t-o-be 

nyika i-li kick, the ground is not far. (Lit. it is not a ground which is far.) 

1026. — Herero: 

U-ii pil Where art thou? U-a-ri pi? Where have you been ? 

Ve-ri pil Where are they? 

A-rire tyi mb-a-i or a-e iyi mb-a-i, and then I went, lit (it was that I went). 

N. B. I suspect that the same e acting as the copula must be seen in such examples as 
the following : O zondtc z& pi (= Kafir i gusha si-ye pi 7ia ?) " Where are the sheep 1 ", 
O 7>ia)e ye pi? (= Kafir a niafiita ^-ye pi nu ?) " Where is the fat ? ", etc. 
Modern Angola : 
Eye it-eri {=^ u-a-iri) inaju kala viatemu^ lit. thou art (as to) the teeth like hoes, 
i. e. thy teeth are like hoes, or O maju ma-kii-iri kala juatemu, lit. the teeth are 
(to) thee like hoes. Cf. Hell Chatelain's Kimbundn Gr.^ p. loS. 



266 South-African Banht Languages. 

Mpongwe : 
Mi-are-veno, I am here, etc., etc. 

1027. — Languages in which the use of this copula is more limited: 
SwAHiLi : Relative clauses, as Kanzu zi-li-zo ndefu, shirts which are long. 
Chwana : Past clauses, as Ba-ne bale mo flun^, they were in the house. 
Kafir : Before locative expressions, as I ?t-komo zi-y^ pi na? Where are the cat- 
tle ? — Past clauses, as z-a-ye zinkulu, they were large. 

N. B. In such Kafir clauses the copula may as well be understood. 

§ 3. The Verb KU-BA " to become, to come to be ", used as 

THE Copula. 

1028. — In the article on auxiliaries, considering that the 
auxiliary ba interchanges with ma, we treated them as having been 
originally one and the same verb. Here it matters little whether this 
view is correct or not. The fact is that the verb -ba (-wa in Swahili, 
and some other languages) is one of those most frequently used to 
render our " to be ". Particular attention however has to be paid 
to this, that properly speaking the form ba is expressive of an act 
which is still in progress, not of an act already accomplished. Hence, 
generally, ba will be more exactly rendered by '* to become, to come 
to be " than by '' to be ". Hence also, as a mere consequence of 
this, the present ** I am, thou art ", etc. is not rendered by ndi-ba, 
7i-ba, etc., but by past or perfect forms, such as nd-a-ba, u-a-ba, etc., 
ndi-bede, u-bede, etc. 

The principal parts of this verb are in Tonga : ba, bi, be, bede. 
,, ,, in Ganda : ba, be, badde. 

etc., etc. Cf. ^2^'iy, 

Examples : — 

1029. — TONGA: 

Nd-a-ba. Tu-a-ba basano, now we are five, lit. we have come to be five. 

Nd-a-ka ba. Bo ba-a-ka fiia, ba-a-ka ba kuli Leza, ba-a-ka ba a baana baakue, 
Those who are dead are now with God, they are among his children, lit... they 
have gone to be with God, they have gone to be with his children. 

Ndi-zoo-ba. Tu-zoo-ba bakazoasa baako, we shall be your priests. 

Ndi-be. U-be mubotu, be good, lit. become good. 

Ndi-bede. Miiade ubed 'anga ncefo, muade is (a poison) like arsenic. 

1030. — N. B. In most of these language? the construction of this verb presents 
nothing essentially different from Tonga. In Swahili, and a few other languages, the fact 
of its being monosyllabic causes it in certain cases to take the prefix ku, according to 



The Verbs " To Be " and " To Have ". 



267 



n. 853. In Xosa- Kafir the substantives which follow the verb -ba require that kind of 
copulative prefix which has been described in n. 583. Ex. : — 

SwAHiLi : Mane7io-ye ya-ine ku-7va iiwongo^ his words are false, 
Kafir : U-ya ku-ba yi nkosi^ you shall be king. 



§ 4. The Verbs -KALA and -NNA or -IN A 

USED AS THE CoPULA. 



TO SIT 



1031. — The verb -kala (Old Angola -ekala), which means 
properly *' to sit " (52^), hence '' to remain ", is used as the copula 
in several languages, principally in Angola, Lower Congo, and 
Mozambique. But, besides the copulative notion, it always implies 
a determined local meaning. Cf. Heli Chatelain, Zeitschrift, 1889-90, 
p. 164. 

There is nothing very peculiar in its forms except in Modern 
Angola, where ng-ala, ti-ala, tu-ala, etc. mean '* I am, thou art, we 
are ", etc.', while ngi-kala, u-kala, tu-kala, etc. mean " I shall be, thou 
wilt be, we shall be ", etc. (908, 975). The perfect form is kedi in 
Congo, kexiox kexilem Angola. Ex. : — 

Old Angola : Nzambi y-ekala mo atu atatu {Cat., p. 8) lit. God is in three 

persons. 
Modern Angola : Kize ku tu-ala kifuxi kie, lit. Let thy kingdom come where we 

are. Chat. Kimb. Gr,^ p. XX. 
Lower Congo : E nsusu kwa ji-kalanga mo ? How many fowls are here ? Rev. 

H. Bentley's Gr., p. 691. 
Mozambique : A-kala mtu, there was a man ( = Swahili Pa4i ku-wa na miu). 

Rankin's Arab Tales, p. 4. 
Ku-kala malimu mulubale (= Swahili A-ka-wa shekh mkmi). Ibid. 

1032. — In Chwana there are two verbs which mean " to sit ", 
viz. -dula and -nna. The one used for the copula is -una. Its perfect 
is -ntse, Ex. : — 

Go-tla una senile, it will be nice. 

Ga ke-a nnajalo, I am not so. 

Ke-ntse jalo, I am so (= Tonga ndi-kede ?iawo, Kafir ndi-klelitije), 

1033. — We find in Angola, Lower Congo, and Kaguru, the 
verb ku-ina, which probably is etymologically one with the Chwana 
go-nna..lt means " to be habitually ". Cf. 945-947. In Angola it 
seems to be used exclusively in its perfect form -zne or -ene. In 

Kaguru the form knj-ina means " because ", exactly as ku-ba in 

Kafir (982). Ex. : — 



268 South-African Bantu Languages, 



Lower Congo : K-ina vava or ki-na vava, it is here. Bentley's Gr.^ p. 690-691. 
Modern Angola : Erne ng-ene...^ I am... Chatelain's Kimbundu Gr., p. 107, 
Old Angola : Ku-ine tingi tftulonga? Is there anything else? Cat.y p. 10. 
N. B. Hence probably the suffix -ene " self, same ", n. 825. 

§ 5. The Verb -ENDA used as the Copula. 

1034. — The verb -enda '' to go " in Tonga, and its equivalents 
in other languages, are used for the copula in some instances. Ex. : — 
Tonga : Uenda maya^ he is naked, lit. he goes naked. 

Kafir : U-hamba ze, do. do. 

§ 6. Various Copulative Particles. 

1035. — Looking back to the various copulative particles which 
have been mentioned in previous chapters, we may now consider 
most of them as being more contractions or modifications of the 
various forms which have just been described. Thus : — 

1° The Swahili copula ni, e. g. in niSultaniy it is the Sultan (590), 
is probably a modification either of the copula li (1022) or of the 
copula 4ne (1033). The same may be said of the Tonga copula ni 
or 71 (583), e. g. in ni-ngombe, it is a cow. Ndi before pronouns in 
Swahili and Tonga, as in ndi-ue ** it is thou ", stands probably for 
n-di—n-li—ni-li, in which n or ni is the copula proper, while li is 
a kind of article or classifier. Cf. 661. 

2° The Senna and Karanga copulative particle ndi, as in ndi 
moto " it is fire ", is probably directly derived from the perfect of 
-enda, and thus stands also in close relation to the copula // (1022). 

3° In Kafir, ngu mntu, nga bantu, and nga matanga (583), pro- 
bably stand for ni u rmiiic, ni-ba bantu, ni-a matanga = li-u inntu, 
li-ba bantzc, li-a matanga. On the contrary, in such expressions as 
si si-tulo ** it is a chair '*, etc., the copula is dropped, but its sub- 
jective pronoun is retained. Hence si si-ttdo — si-(li) si-tulo. 

4° The Chwana copulative particle ke [ — nge, 190) might be 
thought to have been originally identical with the Senna ndi, Mo- 
zambique t/ii. But this would be the only example of the phonetic 
change of tk or 7id to k. More probably it stands for ntse, the perfect 
of -7tna *' to sit " (1032), as we find in Chwana tse interchanging in 
some instances with ke, as in -kefia or -tsena (Tonga -njila, Kafir 
'keiia, 52^) '' to go in ". 



The Verbs " To Be " and " To Have 



269 



§ 7. The Copula in Negative Clauses. 

1036. — In negative clauses the copula is rendered in some 
cases, principally when the clause is not in the present indicative 
tense, by the regular verbs -ba, -kala, -enda, etc., and then it pre- 
sents no special difficulty. 

In other cases it is rendered by the negative auxiliaries which 
have been mentioned above (875-891), with or without other par- 
ticles, and then we have to notice some peculiar constructions. In 
Tonga particularly we have to notice the regular use of the auxiliary 
'insi together with the negative particle ta or si (976). In Mpongwe 
we may remark, among other constructions, the use of the form 
-jele (= Tonga -kede, perfect of -kala), before which the negative 
particle is understood. In Chwana, Swahili, Angola, Herero, etc., 
the negative particle by itself does duty as the negative copula. In 
Ganda the copula It is retained together with the negative particle. 
In Kafir the auxiliary si (875) is sometimes used together with the 
other negative auxiliary a or 7tge ; etc., etc. Ex. : — 

Tt insi ndi inulozi, I am not a sorcerer, lit. it is not (that) I am a sor- 
cerer. 

Ei nyika ti insi mhotu^ this ground is not good. 

Sinsi fiyika i-li kule, this ground is not far, lit. it is not a ground which 
is far. 

Si-li-ko kie n-jogera, there is nothing for me to say, lit. it is not there 
what I may say. 

Si-ye^ it is not he ; si-tni, it is not I ; si-fno^ it is not therein, etc. 

O nganda ka-yo^ this is not the village. 

A simntu or a si ye mntu, he is not a man ; a ka ko, he is not therein ; 
... e-fige mntu^ ... not being a man (cf. 851) ; ... e-nge ko^ not being 
there. (N. B. Notice that 7iga is thus changed to nge before the words 
which are not verbs.) 

Ga ke motho, I am not a man, lit. not I (am) a man. 

Motse ga months the town is not pretty. 

Ke-ne ke-se moleino^ I was not good. 

O tat ^enu ki sob'e, your father is not a chief. 

Erne ngi mutu ami (negative particle understood, = erne ki ngi mutu 
ami), I am not a man. Cf. Chatelain's Kimbimdu Gr., pp. 51-56. 

Ga mie, it is not I \ ga we, it is not thou. 

Mi a-jele..., I am not...; o-jele..., thou art not..., etc. 

Cf. Msi" Le Berre's Grammaire Fongouee, pp. 108- 121. 



Tonga : 



Ganda : 

Swahili 
Herero 
Kafir : 



Chwana : 



Angola : 



Mpongwe 



270 Sotith'African Bantu Languages. 



§ 8. The Verb '' To Have. " 

1037. — It may be laid down as a general principle that In 
Bantu the verb " to have " Is rendered by the copula followed by a 
preposition which means '' with ", viz. a In Tonga, j/^ In Congo, ni 
in Angola, na in Swahlll, Kafir, Karanga, etc., etc. Cf. 570. The 
copula is sometimes understood, according to n. 1020. The prepo- 
sition Itself Is generally not understood In any language, except in 
Lower Congo. Ex. : — 

Tonga : Ndi-li a baana, I have children, lit. I am with children. 

Ganda : Mitt tu-li na gio^ we have trees, lit. trees we are with them. 

Chwana: Ke-na le pitse (-- ke-7i7iale piise)^ I have a horse. 

Angola : Etu tu-ala ni tunzo^ we have httle houses (at present). 

Etu tii-ene ni tunzo^ we have little houses (habitually). 
Cf. Hell Chatelain's Kimbu7idu Gram?nar, p. 107. 
Mozambique : A-kala na mtihaku niinjeni^ he had much property. 
Swahili : A na maneno makubiva^ he has great words. 

Karanga : Ndi 71a tunyu7ii^ I have little birds. 
Herero : U no vanatye {= u 71a 0...), he has children. 

Kafir : JVdi 7io infazi ( = ndi 71a ?/...), I have a wife. 

Congo : Ba-kedi yo 7iiadia fnengi, (= ya //ladia), they had much food. 

Mbele za7n 7ig-i7ia zau, I have my knives, lit. my knives I am (with) 
them. 

Cf. Bentley's Co7igo Gr.,]p. 691. 

N. B. In Kafir affirmative clauses the preposition 71a is generally understood when the 
substantive which follows it is followed itself by a determinative. Then also this substan- 
tive takes no article. Ex.: Yi7tto e zandla zim7iyama^ he is a man whose hands are black, 
lit. he is a thing which (has) hands which (are) black. This is the usual construction in 
Kafir for " whose, of which ". Cf. 740, 741. 

1038. — As ** to have " is generally rendered Into Bantu by 
*' to be with ", so '' not to have " is generally rendered by " not to 
be with ". Tonga seems to prove an exception to this principle, 
since In the clauses which contain '* not to have" we generally find 
that peculiar verb ku\ which we have already seen coupled with 
negative particles to render our '' never " (964). Ex. : — 

Tonga : Ta-ba-kue ngubo, they have no clothes. 

Ei 7izila ti i-kue bantu pe 7nu-li ei, lit. this road it has no men at all in 
it, i. e. there is nobody on this road. 
Swahili : Si 7ia chu7na^ I have no iron, lit. not (I am with iron). 

Hu na, thou hast not ; ha iu na, we have not, etc. 
Angola : Ki tu-eny-etu ( = ki iu-e7ie etu) ni kitari, we have no money (habitually). 
Ki tu-aVetu ni kitari, we have no money (at present). Cf. 1037. 



The Verbs " To Be " and '' To Have ". 



271 



Herero : Hi no rnvezCy I have no time, lit. not I (am) with time. 

Ka pe no munduy there is no man, lit. not there has a man. 
Kafir \ A ka na hashe, he has no horse, lit. not he (is) with horse. 
Chwana : Ga ke na pitss (not ga ke fia le pitse^ io37)> I have no horse. 
Ke-ne ke-se na sepe^ I had nothing. 

Ga go na sepe^ there is nothing, lit. the place has nothing. 
Congo : Ke bena ( = ba-ina) ya madia ko^ they have no food. 
Mpongwe : Mi a-jele ni..., I have not..., Cf. 1036. 
etc., etc. 

1039. — Sometimes, in Tonga and Ganda, the verb lia " to 

eat " is used with the meaning of '* to have, to possess ". Ex. : — 

Tonga : Miaka koci kede, koci lia buame^ lit. (all) the years you live, eat the kingdom 
so long, h. e. possess the kingdom till the end of your life. 

N. B. In this sentence, if the verb •' possess " were rendered by " be with ", in Tonga 
one would say koci ba a buame (== ka u-ci ba a muatne) instead of koci lia buame (= ka 
ii-ci lia buame). 

Ganda : O Buganda buno mu-bu-lie, lit. this Buganda eat it (ye), h. e. possess (ye) 
this Buganda. {Grammaire Ruganda, p. 83). 



§ 9. The Verbs " To Be 



AND " To Have 



IN Locative Expressions. 



1040. — We tind in Bantu some quite idiomatic constructions 
for locative expressions when their locative particle {pa, ku, niu, etc.) 
is followed by a pronoun, or by a substantive without classifier, 
such as Leza '' God ". For such expressions as " to me, from me, 
near God, to God, " etc. are rendered in several languages by 
*' where I am, where God is ", etc., and in a few others by " the 
place which has myself, the place which has God ", etc. This prin- 
ciple explains a large number of very puzzling expressions. In Lower 
Congo and some other languages it is extended to all sorts of 
substantives. Ex. : — 

104L — Tonga: 

Uaka fugama kuli Leza, he knelt down to God, lit. where is God. 
Ukede kii-li uise, he lives near his father, lit. where is his father, 
Mu-li ei nzila, on this road, lit. wherein-is this road. 

iV. B. In Tonga one may also hear : Mu-zoo-ba mbii-li Leza " you shall be like unto 
God ", lit. " like as is God ", and other similar expressions. 

1042. — Modern Angola (Heli Chatelain's Kimbundu Gr.^ p. 113) : 
Ngojido kuiza ku-aPenu, I shall come to you, lit. where are you. 
...ku-al-eme^ by, from, to me, lit. where am I. 



272 South-African Bantu Languages. 

N. B. Hence, even after passive and quasi-passive verbs : Riosoneke hi-aPeine^ it has 
been written by me. 

1043. — Senna, etc. : 

Senna: Flda ficei pa-li sulo^ when he came near the hare, lit. where is the hare. 
Ganda : Bagenda e-ri lubare^ they went to a doctor, lit. where is a doctor. 

10-44:. — Karanga, etc.: 
Karanga: Ugere pa-na tate (= Tonga ukede kuli uise)^ he lives near his father, lit. 
(at the place) which has his father. 
lakeja ku-no Eva^ it came to Eve, lit. to (the place) which has Eve. 
Swahili : Pali kuwa na mtu...^ there was a man..., lit. a place had a man... 
Kafir : Mkulii ku na 2ve, he is taller than you, lit. he is tall at (the place) which 
has you. 

1045. — Congo : 

Mu-na nzo, in a house, lit. within (the place) which is the house. 

A^. B. The original meaning of the particle rui in such expressions seems to be entirely 
obliterated in Lower Congo. 

1046. — Chwana: 

Ea kwa go ^mago^ go to your mother, lit. go where you mother (is). 

Tla mo go mta^ come to me, lit. come inside where I (am). 

Cf Crisp's Chwana Gr.^ pp. 70-71. The view which this author has taken of certain 
locative expressions does not seem to be altogether correct. Thus, among other things, 
he has not sufficiently attended to the fact that vio implies the notion " inside ", which 
kiva does not. Cf. 563. 



IV. — »ent)atit)e If crb0, 

§ I. Passive Verbs. 

1047. — Leaving aside Angola and Mozambique, the general 
law in Bantu for the formation of the principal parts of the verbs 
in the passive voice Is to insert -u- or -w- before the final vowel of 
the active voice. Ex. in Tonga: Icii-liima " to bite ", pass. Ictc-lumua 
'' to be bitten ". 

The principal exceptions to this law are the following : — 

1048. — 1^ In Tonga the i\A\ element Inserted Is generally 
'igii-, Ex. ku-Jatigua '* to be seized ", from ku-jata '* to seize. " The 
insertion of the simple -u- seems to be admitted nearly exclusively 
for the verbs which end in la, da, or ma. 

1049. — 2^ In Ganda the element Inserted Is generally -ibw- 
or -ebw-, according as the preceding syllable contains a short vowel 



Derivative Verbs, 



273 



(a, i, or u) or a long one (c, or 0). Ex. kti-sidibiua " to be cast ", 
from kU'Sula '' to cast " ; kti-temebim " to be felled ", from Im-tevia 
" to fell ". The insertion of the simple -w- seems to be admitted 
exclusively for certain verbs ending in la or ra, and this only in 
certain tenses. 

1050. — 3° ^n Boondei the element inserted is -igw- for verbs 
ending in two vowels and a few others. (Woodward's Gi\, p. 41.) 

1051. — 40 In Yao the element inserted is -ilw- for certain 
verbs. (Which ?). Hetherwick's Gr., p. 40. 

1052. — 5° In Kafir the element inserted is generally -iw- for 
monosyllabic verbs, and for such dissyllabic verbs as begin with a 
vowel. In the same language the passive form corresponding to the 
active bo7ianga is bonwanga, that corresponding to the active bonile 
is boniwe, and that corresponding to the active boni is bonwa. Cf. ^2)Z- 

1053. — 6° In some languages, principally in Chwana and 
Kafir, the addition to the verbal stem of the suffixes wa, we, or iwa, 
iwe, causes in certain verbs considerable phonetic changes, according 
to nn. 122 and 202-207. Ex. : — 

Kafir : 
Tq send : u ku-tuitia^ pass, u ku-timywa 

u ku-hlatywa go-tlhaba, 

u ku-bunjwa go-bopa, ,, go-boava 

u ku-kutshwa 

u ku'lityalwa go-lebala „ ? 

(u ku-betwa) go-betsa 



To stab : u ku-hlaba^ 
To shape : u ku-bumba. 
To turn out : u ku-kupa, 
To forget : u ku-libala, 
To beat : u ku-beta, 
etc., etc. 



Chwana : 

go-ronia, pass, go-ron^wa 
go-tlhajwa 



go-bediwa 





1054. - 


- Exampl 


es : — 










Active Forms : 


bona 


bonanga 


bonaga 


boni 


bone 


bonide 




Tonga 

(Act. 
Ganda|p^3, 


bonigua 

zala^ to beget 


zalanga 
zalibwanga (?) 


... 


bonigui 

zala 
,oi ^ wa 


bonigue 

zale 
zalibwe 


bonidue 

zadde 
zaliddwa 


a 

Li 

l2, 


Boondei 
Kaguru 
Yao 


onwa 
langwa 
wonwa 




langagwa 
wonagwa 


onwa 
langwe 

wonwa (?) 


on we 
langwe 
wonwe 


langigwa 


> 

I 


Nyamwezi 

SwabiU 

Kafir 


wonwa 
onwa 
bonwa 


bonwanga 


wonagwa 


wonwe 

onwi 

bonwa 


wonwe 
onwe 
bonwe 


wonilwe 
boni we 




L. Congo 
Chwana 


monwa 
bonwa 


monangwa (?) 


... 


monwa (?) 


monwe 
bonwe 


mwenwe(?) 
boncwe(?) 



etc., etc. 



i% 



274 South-African Bantu Languages. 

1055. — A somewhat different kind of passive verbs is obtained 
by suffixing to the verbal stem -ikay or simply -ka, a suffix which 
changes regularly to -ike, ik\, ikide, etc., according to tense and 
mood. This suffix is pronounced ia or ea in Mozambique, according 
to n. 175. In Kafir and some other languages the same suffix has 
generally the form -eka, and in a few verbs the form -kala (Chwana 
-fala or -hala, Angola -ala or -ana). 

1056. — Properly speaking, the difference between passive 
verbs ending in ua and those ending in ka is that the former sup- 
pose a personal or external agent, while the latter suppose either a 
natural or internal agent, or that the act expressed by the verb is 
done naturally. For instance, in Tonga bonigua would be used 
properly when speaking of a person who brings himself into view, 
while bonika would better be said of a mountain or something else 
which from its very position naturally comes into view. The same 
distinction exists in Kafir between bonwa and bonakala. This dis- 
tinction does not seem to be so well observed in some other lan- 
guages. 

1057. — ^- ^- ^- When active verbs end in -ula or -una this sort of passive 
form is generally obtained by changing the final la or na into ka. Ex. in Tonga : ku-a- 
7idula " to break open ", pass, ku-anduka. 

2. In Mozambique and Angola there seems to be no other regular way of forming pas- 
sive verbs than the one here described. However, we may notice in Angola another pas- 
sive ending, viz. -ama^ principally for verbs which in the active voice have the ending 
-eka. 

1058. —Tonga: 

Ku-iivtia " to hear ". Pass, ku-nvuika "to be heard ". 

Ku-amba " to speak ". Pass. CUoiiga cila amhika, Tonga is easy to be spoken. 

Kafir : 
U ku-tanda "to love". Pass. U mntwana o-tandwayo ngu nifia, a child which is 

loved by his mother. — Umntwafia o-tandekileyo, a lovely child, (a child that 

is naturally loved). 
U ku-bona " to see ". Pass, u ku-bomva... " to be seen by... ", ti ku-bonakala " to 

appear, to come into view ". 

1059. — Angola : 

Ku-jikula " to open ". Pass, ku-jikuka " to be opened ". 

Ku-mona " to see ". Pass, ku-moneka " to appear ". 

Ku-bengeleka " to render crooked ". Pass, kii-bengalala " to get crooked ". Notice 
that this ending -ala causes the vowel of the preceding syllable to be changed 
from e to a. The ending -ana, which is only a phonetic modification of -ala {280), 
has the same effect. Ex. ku-temeneka " to provoke ", pass, ku-tema?tana " to get 
angry ". Cf. Heli Chatelain's Kimbundu Gr., p. 98. 



Derivative Verbs. 275 



1060. MOZAMBU^UE : 

U-ahela " to cook for... ", Pass, u-abelia or ti-abelea " to be cooked for... ". 
U-ona '* to see ". Pass. u-o?ita or u-onea " to appear ". 

Ganda : 
Ku-lahba " to see ". Pass, kii-labbika (perfect -labbise " to appear ", etc., etc.) 

1061. — Etymologies. The passive suffixes -ika, -eka, -ea, -kala, 
-ala, -ana, are nothing else than the verb -ekala, or -kala, ** to sit " 
(52^). It may thus be seen what considerable changes one and the 
same theme may undergo according as one or other of its conso- 
nants is dropped or weakened. A little short retrospect also will 
show what important parts the theme ekala plays in Bantu languages. 
We have just seen it used as a passive suffix. We had seen it a 
little before acting as the copula (1031), and as an auxiliary, in the 
various forms -ala, kana, and probably ci, ki, etc. (Cf. 941, 994, etc.). 
We have also found it giving us the classifier /^^ (527), and perhaps 
the classifier ci (502). Finally the word -eka '' self" probably belongs 
to the same theme. 

1062. — With regard to the passive endings -gua, -bua, -tia, 
phonetic laws do not allow us to see in them any other verb than 
gua or bua or ua *' to fall " (52 ^), as if in the Bantu mind the act 
of *' falling " were convertible with a passive notion. 

1063. — In all probability the passive ending -ma, which has 

been mentioned particularly for Angola, though it might be found 

as well in several other languages, is radically identical with the 

verb -ma *' to stand. " 

N. B. Concerning the construction of the name of the agent after passive verbs, see 
n. 589. 

§ 2. Other Derivative Verbs. 

1064. — One of the main causes why Bantu is at the same time 
simple, clear, and wonderfully rich, is the facility with which deriva- 
tives are obtained from the various roots. I cannot go here into 
a particular study of this subject, as to do so would be to undertake 
no less than a complete analysis of these languages. I will only 
call the student's attention to five kinds of derivative verbs 
obtained in nearly all of them somewhat regularly from most verbal 
stems. These may be termed the applicative, the causative, the 
intensive, the reversive, and the reciprocal verbs. With the rever- 
sive may be coupled certain expansive verbs. 



276 South-African Bantu Languages. 



I. — Applicative verbs. 

1065. — The applicative verb adds to the simple the meaning 
of one of our relational prepositions y^r, /f^, into, round, etc. Its 
proper suffix is -ila or -eta, -ira or -era, (Swahili -ia, 88), which in 
certain cases is changed to -ena according to n. 280. In some in- 
stances it is strengthened to -elela, or -erera, or -ella. 

1066. — ■ In Tonga, Karanga, Angola, Congo, and some other 
languages, the initial vowel of these applicative suffixes is distinctly 
pronounced e {^la) when the preceding vowel is ^ or 0. In most 
other cases it sounds more like /, and then in Tonga the sound of 
the following / approaches that of r (17). 

Examples : — 

1067. —Tonga: 

Ku-tila, to pour water. KutiUla, to pour water into... 

Ku-leta, to bring. Kti-letela, to bring >r (some one or some purpose). 

Kuua, to fall. Ku-uila, to fall upon... 

Ku-fugama, to kneel down, Ku-fugamena, to kneel down/<?r... 

Uletela nzi inyama .? What are you bringing meat>^ ^ 

Ka mutulapelela. Pray ye/^/- us, (from -lapela, pray). 

Ndkve uaka ndiloela ?nuatia, It is you who bewitched my child, lit. it is you who 

bewitched to me the child. (From -loa, bewitch.) 
Matezi utilila paa Ceezia, The River Matezi flows into the Zambezi near Ceezia's 
place, lit... pours (its waters) into (the Zambezi)... (From -tila, to pour water). 
A^. B. The applicative form oi-sa "to come " is -zida " to come for". Ex. Muazida nzif 
What have you come for ? 

1068. — Karanga : 

U-ja, to come, U-jita, to come for. . . 
U-ta, to do, to make. U-tira, to make>r... 
U-tanga, to begin. U-tangira, to begin for... 
Uleba, to speak. U-lebera, to speaker... 
U-xoba, to call. U-xobera, to call for. . . 

1069. — Kafir : 

Ku-lala, to lie down. Ku-lalela, to lie in wait/^r. . . 

Ku-peka, to cook. Kupekela, to cook for. . . 

Kufa, to die. Kufela, to die >;-.... Hence the passive kufelwa, to be dead/^r..., 

i. e. to lose by death... Ex. Wafelwa ngu nina, He lost his mother, lit. he 

was deady2?rby his mother. 

1070. — Angola: 

Ku-snniba, to buy. Ku-suvibila, to hw'j for... 
Kutuma, to send. Ku-tumina, to send/^r... 



Derivative Verbs. 



277 



Ku-bangay to do. Ku-bangeia^ to do for. . . 
Ku-sofieka^ to write. Ku-souekena^ to write /?r... 

1071. — Lower Congo: 

(Kii-)sumbay to buy. (Ku-Jsiwibt/a^ to hvij for... 
(Ku-)bokay to call. (Ku)-bokehy to call /7r. . . 
(Ku-)noka, to rain. (Ku-)noketia^ to rain <7«... 

1072. — Other languages : 

Senna : Ku-lima^ to till. Ku-limira^ to i\\\ for... 
Yao : Ku-iola^ to carry. Ku-toieia, to carry /?/-. , 
BooNDEi : Ku-leta^ to bring. Ku-letela, to bring y^/',.. 
Nyamwezi : Ku-enha^ to bring. Ku-enhela^ to bring y^r. 
etc., etc. 



II. 



Causative verbs. 



1073. — Causative verbs are properly expressive of the efficient 
cause that determines an act. The most common causative suffix is 
'isia, -isa, or -ixa, according to the different languages. In Mozam- 
bique it Is -iha, according to n. 174. In Yao, Boondei, Congo, and 
Angola, it is -isa after short vowels (i, u, a), esa after long vowels 
(e, 0, a), Ex. : — 

Tonga : Ku-(g)uay to fall. Kti-gtusta^ to cause to fall, to bring down. 
Ku-nyua^ to drink. Ku-nymsia^ to force to drink. 
Ex. Babue bala guj'sia meno imbooma^ The Bue knock out the 

teeth of boas, lit. cause to fall the teeth (to) boas. 
Balozui bala nyuisia inuadc balozt, The Rotse force sorcerers 
to drink inuade (a kind of poison). 
Yao : Ku-tenda^ to do. Ku-tendesfa^ to cause to do. 

Ku-kamula^ to seize. Ku-kainulisia^ to cause to seize. 
Congo and Angola : Ku-swriba^ to buy. Ku-suifibisa, to cause to buy. 
Ku-zola^ to love. Kti-zolesa, to cause to love. 
LuNDA : Ku-sofay to look for... Ku-sotexa, to tell to look for... 
Kukuata^ to hold. Ku-kuatcxa, to help. 
Ku-xikay to arrive. Ku-xikixay to cause to arrive. 
Boondei : Ku-helay to cease. Ku-helesay to cause to cease. 

Ku-gua, to fall. Ku-guisa, to cause to fall. 
Kaguru : Ku-gala^ to bring. Ku-galisa, to cause to bring. 
Kafir : Ku-buya^ to come back. Ku-buyisay to bring back, 
Ku-anya^ to suck (milk). Kuanyisay to suckle. 
Chwana : Go-lovta, to bite. Go-lomisay to cause to bite. 
SwAHiLi : Ku-panda^ to climb up. Ku-pandisha^ to take up. 
Mozambique : U-thepa, to increase. Uthepihay to cause to increase, 
etc., etc. 
N. B. The Nyamwezi equivalent of this suffix -isia seems to be -ia. Ex. ku-zitna " to 
go out ", ku-zimia " to extinguish " ; kic-oha " to suck ", ku-ohia " to suckle ". (Steere's 
Collections y p. t^). 



278 South-African Banhi Languages. 



1074. — The endings -ka (Chwana -go), and -ta (Chwana -rd), 
in most languages become -sia or -sa in the causative form. Ex. : — 
Tonga : Ku-kunka^ to flow. Kuktinsia, to cause to flow. 

Ku-oluka, to fly. Ku-olusia^ to take up in a flight. 

Ku-kuatUy to marry. Ku-kuasia, to cause to marry, 
BooNDEi : Ku-eguta^ to be satiated. Ku-egusa, to satisfy." 
Yao : Ku-sauka, to suffer. Ku-sausia, to punish. 

Kafir : Ku-goduka^ to return home. Ku-godusa^ to send home back. 

Ku-amhata, to put on a dress. Ku-ambesa^ to clothe (some one). 
Chwana : Go-coga, to awake. Go-cosa, to awaken. 

Go-apara^ to put on a dress. Go-apesa^ to clothe (some one). 
Swahili : Ku-anguka^ to fall. Kii-angusa^ to cause to fall. 

Ku-fuata^ to follow. Kti-fnasa, to cause to follow, 
etc., etc. 

1075« — The ending -la in several languages becomes -zia or 
za (Chwana tsa) in the causative form, as if the influence of the / 
softened the harder sounds -sia or -sa. Ex. : — 
Tonga : Ku-fijila^ to go in. Ku-njizia, to bring in. 

Ku-lila^ to weep, to cry. Ku-lizia^ to play (an instrument), lit. to cause 
to cry. 
Ganda : Ku-agala^ to love. Ku-agaza^ to cause to love. 
Nyamwezi : Ku-manila^ to be accustomed. Ku-nianiza^ to accustom. 
Swahili : Ku-temhea ( = ku-tembela^ 88), to walk. Ku-temheza^ to bring out for a 

walk. 
Kafir : Ku-sondela^ to come near. Ku-sondeza^ to bring near. 

Senna : Ku-lila^ to cry, to sound. Ku-lidza^ to cause to sound. 

Chwana : Go-gakala^ to be provoked. Go-gakatsa^ to provoke, 
etc., etc. 

1076. — Likewise, in some languages the causative suffix cor- 
responding to -7ia is regularly -nya. Ex. : — 

Yao : Ku-songana^ to come together. Ku-songa?tya, to gather together. 
Nyamwezi : Ku-lina^ to rise. Ku-linya^ to raise. 
Ganda : Ku-wona^ to recover. Ku-wonya^ to cure. 
Chwana : Go-tlhaka7ia^ to meet. Go-tlhakanya, to bring together, 
etc., etc. 

1077. — The suffix- ika '' to set " also appears in some words 
as a causative suffix. It then causes various phonetic changes. 
Examples in Tonga : — 

Ku-kala, to sit. Ku-kazika^ to put some one in a sitting posture. 
Ku-via, to stand. Ku-bika^ to set a thing standing, i. e. to place. 
Ku-pia, to boil, to burn. Ku-jika (= ku-pika^ 52"*), to cook, to boil (trans.). 
N. B. Ku-zika " to bury " seems to be a causative form of the non-reduplicative form 
of -lala " to lie down ", just as -kazika is the causative of -kala. 



Derivative Verbs. 



279 



1078. — Etymologies. The suffix -ika, though active In mean- 
ing, probably is related to the verb -kala *' to sit ", no less than 
the passive suffix -ilea (1061). 

The suffix 'ista seems to be the same as the verb -sia " to leave, 
to part with (52^) ". From this meaning is naturally derived the 
causative one of" imparting ". It may be noticed by the way that 
the causative word u-ise '' his father '* (748), lit. " the one who leaves 
him behind ", also contains the element sia. 



III. 



Intensive verbs. 



1079. — In Tonga and a few other languages we find intensive, 
or quasi-superlative, verbs, which imply that a thing is done with 
great attention, or well, or with persistency. In form they much 
resemble causative verbs ; in many instances the context alone will 
tell whether a verb is causative or intensive. Their regular ending 
is -isia in Tonga and Yao, -idza in Senna, -isa in Chwana, etc. 
More expressive endings are -isisia in Tonga, -ichisia (?) in Yao, 
-isidza in Senna, -isisa in Chwana, etc. Ex. : — 

Tonga : Kuamba^ to say. Ku-avibisia^ to say well. Ex. Uaatnbisia^ innajne^ You 
have said well, sir. — Ku-ambisisia^ to speak with perfection. 
Ku-langa^ to look. Ku-langtsia, to look attentively, to compare. Ku- 
laftgistsia, to consider very carefully. Ex. Uazilangisisia itikaba^ He 
looks at the dice, studying them very attentively. 

Yao : Ku-gtanilisia^ to cry aloud exceedingly. (From kugiimila ?) 

Senna : Ku-lira^ to cry. Ku-liridza^ to cry perseveringly. Ku-lirisidza^ to be most 
obstrusive, importunate. 

LuNDA : Ku-iala^ to look. Ku-ialexa, to compare. 
Ku-londa, to speak. Ku-lo?i-dexa, to explain. 

Chwana : Go-feia, to surpass. Go-feiisa or go-feiisisa^ to be much above, 
etc., etc. 
We may couple with intensive verbs such reduplicative forms 

as ku-endenda, to walk about, to journey. (From ku-enda, to go, to 

walk.) 

IV. — Reversive and expansive verbs. 

1080. — Reversive verbs express the undoing of what is ex- 
pressed by the simple, as '* to tie — to untie " in English. Expan- 
sive verbs imply expansion, or dilatation, or ejection. Reversive 
and expansive verbs agree in taking identical suffixes. 

Their active ending is -ula, or, in a reduplicated form, -ulula 



28o South-African Bantu Languages. 

(Chwana -ola, -olola). These according to certain phonetic laws 
become respectively in some instances -ola or -olola, and in other 
instances -una or -tcnuna, -ona or -onona. 

Their regular passive ending is -tika (Chwana -oka), according 
to n. 1057, or -uluka [ChwdSidi -oloka). 

Examples : — 

1081. — Tonga: 

Ku-lima, to dig. Ku-liinula or ku-livmna, to dig a crop out. 

Ku-zua ( = ku-vua), to come out. Ku-vula, to breed, to multiply. 

Ku-zuata, to dress, to tie the dress. Ku-zula, to undress, 

Ku-jala, to shut. Ku-jtila, to open ; ku-J24ka, to be opened. 

Ku-fiLanda, (?). Ku-fuandula, to open a spout. Ku-fuandtiluka, to spout out. 

1082. — Angola (Hell Chatelain's Kimbundic Gr., pp. 10 1- 102) : 
Ku-beteka, to incline. Ku-betula, to raise. 

Ku-batideka, to unite. Ku-bandnhda, to separate. 
Ku-jUika, to tie. Ku-jiiuna, to untie. 
Kti-kuta, to bind. Ku-kutununa, to unbind. 
Ku-sokeka, to join. Ku-sokola, to disjoin. 
Ku-fomeka, to sheathe. Ku-foviona, to unsheathe. 

1083. — Other languages : 

LuNDA : Kii-sala, to do. Ku-salunima, to undo. 

Kafir : Ku-Jilamba, to wash. Kn-hlambulula, to wash out all dirt. Ku-hlambuluka, 

to be cleansed. 
Chwana : Go-bofa, to bind. Go-bof olola, to unbind. 
Go-huna, to tie. Go-hunolola, to untie, 
etc., etc. 

V. — Reciprocal verbs. 

1084. — In nearly all the Bantu languages reciprocal verbs 
are derived from the others by appending to them the suffix -ana. 
Ex. : — 

Tonga : Ku-nvua, to hear. Ku-nvuana, to hear one another, to agree. 
Chwana : Go-ama, to touch. Go-amana, to touch one another, 

Yao : Ku-stwm, to trade. Ku-su7iiana, to trade with one another. 

Kafir : Kutajida, to love. Ku-ia7idana, to love one another. 

Ganda : Kiv-agala, to love. Kw-agalana, to love one another. 

BooNDEi : Ku-kimda, to like. Ku-kundana, to like one another. 

Lower Congo : (Ku-)tonda, to love, (Ku-)iondana, to love one another. 

SwAHiLi : Ku-penda, to love. Ku-pendana^ to love one another. 

1085. — Conclusion. There is unmistakably an essential dif- 
ference between the general notion implied by verbal suffixes and 



Retrospect, 281 



that implied by auxiliaries. But, until we have somewhat more 
abundant data to go by, it will be no easy task to define this differ- 
ence exactly. If however I am not mistaken, auxiliaries generally 
Imply a notion of time. Respectively they Imply that an action is 
taking place now or took place before, lasts a long or a short time, 
was never done or was done once, still lasts or Is already accom- 
plished, etc., all of them notions which come under that of difference 
of time. Verbal suffixes, on the contrary, are rather either relational 
or include relation, and cannot be said to contain the notion of either 
time or duration. Passive verbs, for Instance, suppose an agent and 
a patient ; applicative verbs suppose a subject and an object ; cau- 
sative verbs suppose an efficient cause acting upon a subordinate 
agent ; Intensive verbs, being superlative, imply comparison with 
what is usual and common ; expansive and reverslve verbs bring 
back the mind to a contrary action ; reciprocal verbs suppose at 
least two agents acting one upon the other, all of them notions which 
come under the head of relation. 



BLettospect 

on 

HDtierbs, Btepo]5itions, anD Conjunctions. 

1086. — The student might have expected to find here a chapter 
on adverbs, prepositions, and conjunctions. But the analytical 
method which we have followed throughout has already brought 
under his notice most of the particles which might have found their 
place In a chapter thus headed. Those which have not been men- 
tioned are for the most part found only In a few languages, and I 
do not know of any which may not be readily explained by the 
principles laid down in the preceding pages. 

To sum up all that refers to those which we have come across, 
the notions which we render In English by prepositions are express- 
ed in Bantu partly by particles, which may also be termed prepo- 
sitions (569-578), partly by locative classifiers (563-567), partly by 
verbal suffixes (1065- 107 1). Our adverbs for the most part are not 
rendered in Bantu by invariable particles, but partly by locative 
expressions (533'*), partly by locative pronouns (693), partly by 



282 South-African Bantu La7iguages. 

auxiliaries subject to the same changes as other verbs (873-1018), 
partly by variable verbal suffixes (1079). A few conjunctions exist 
in Bantu, but most of them have retained something of the nature 
of auxiliaries (939, 940, 944, 958, 984, 985). Of the other particles 
which correspond to our conjunctions, part are still auxiliaries pro- 
per (943, 955-958, 972, 978, 982, 1008, etc.), part are relative par- 
ticles (784-788). 

Hence the student who wishes to take a correct view of any Bantu 
language must, as it were, first forget all that he knew concerning 
the division of the parts of the speech in classical languages. Other 
minds and other shapes of thought entail other grammatical sys- 
tems. 



Btrfit HppenUU*. 

ETHNOGRAPHICAL NOTES IN TONGA 
DICTATED BY NATIVES. 

The following pages cannot claim to be considered as good specimens of the 
Tonga style in general, because my informants were not the best I could have wished 
for, and still more because my slow writing under their dictation naturally made 
them shorten both narratives and sentences. I am, however, encouraged to give them 
here by the fact that they contain a large number of sentences in which the thought 
is shaped otherwise than it would be in English, and thus well deserve the student's 
attention. 

The italics between brackets {a^ b^ etc.) refer to notes at the end of this appendix. 



I. ON THE ROTSE. 



Malozui nga akede mu Luizi, ku- 
tala a Basubia. Bayanda mulilo. 
Baame baao m-Balumbu. Mbabo ba- 
nyuisia balozi muade. 



The sorcerers. Aba balozi mbantu 
baloa, ball a masaku, bazua masaku. 
Mbuli ci tubeleka, ci tuzuete ezi 
ngubo, umue muntu uakubona, uati 
" Nguazuata ngubo zinono oulia mu- 
ntu. " Ualangisia, uati " Uerede 
kufua ", ko kuti " Afue oulia muntu. " 
Oyu ta amunvuide uaambola nabo, 
uainka, uafua mu nganda iakue. 
Bantu baamuzika li bucia, baamulila. 
Oyu mulozi mansiku mbuli lino ua 
kutola mo inzule iakue. 



The accusation. Beenzinyina baati 
" Ualumua a nzi muntu ulia a afua ? 
Caa mpoo uabona isaku caafua. " 
Umue muntu uati ku umue muntu 



The Rotse {^) are the people who 
live on the Zambezi, above the Su- 
bia (^). They are fire-worshippers. 
Their chiefs are Lumbu Q. It is these 
who give sorcerers to drink the poi- 
son called muade. 

These sorcerers , -are people who 
kill by charms. They have devils, 
they let out devils. It is as if, (for 
instance), while we are working, 
wearing these clothes, some one had 
seen you and said : " That is a man 
who has fine clothes on. " He looks 
fixedly and says: "Be thou bewitched 
for death. " That is : " May he die 
yonder man ! " This (other man) did 
not hear him speaking thus ; he 
goes off, and dies in his house. People 
bury him in the morning and weep 
over him. He, the sorcerer, at night, 
just as now, goes to dig out his clo- 
thes. 

The parents say : " What was that 
man bitten by {^) the day he died ? 
It is because he saw a devil that he 
died. " One man says to another : 



284 



First Appendix. 



" Ndiue uaka ndiloela muana uaka 
fua. " Ue uati " Pe, tinsi ndime. " Ue 
uati *' Tula ku baame, ku Balumbu. " 
Bala inka a ue ku Balumbu. 

The ordeal. Baasika, Balumbu bala 
mubika mu julu, a busanza. Baabika 
tusamo, tumue tuasimbua, tumue 
tuayalua etala. Kunsi a busanza baa- 
bika mulilo. Ue uli kede a busanza. 

Balumbu baati " Ue 'mulozi. " Ue 
uakasia uati " Pe, tinsi ndi mulozi. " 
Baati " Unyue musamo oyu,muade. " 



Muade ula tuba, ubed 'anga ni 
ncefo. Uabueza (?) muntu, uenyua. 
Ka ali mubotu, ta aci fui pe, ula luka ; 
ka ali mulozi, muade uamukola, 
uaandula mutue. Ulacisa, ucizezela, 
uci ua. 

Mulilo ula pia, bala mutenda. 
Muntu ta anvu^de mulilo, uaka fua. 

Ordeals with thieves. Baati ku mu- 
ntu umue " Uaka ba. " Uati " Pe, 
tinsi ndime pe, nguumbi. " Baati 
" Tunjizie maanza mu manzi. " Baa- 
jika manzi aapia. Beense baanjila 
maanza. Uasupuka lukanda mubi, bo 
pe, tinsi lutete luboko. 



The kings of the Rotse. Muame ua 
Balumbu ngu Liuanika. Sebitunyana 
nguaka sanguna. Uali kufua, kuanjila 
muana uakue Segeletu. Uali kufua 
Segeletu, ueza Sipopo a Malozui uati 
" Ndime Sipopo ", uanjila mu buame. 
Uali mubotu, uaka cita miaka njisano 
e inne, ua kujayigua. Muciu uakue 



" It is you who bewitched my child 
who is dead. " The other says : 
" No, it is not I. " The other says : 
" We go to the Lords, the Lumbu. " 
They go with him to the Lumbu. 

When they arrive, the Lumbu put 
the man up in the air on a scaffold. 
They put poles, some fixed in the 
ground, others laid above. Under the 
scaffold they place fire. He (the ac- 
cused) is sitting on the scaffold. 

The Lumbu say : " You are a 
sorcerer. " The (man) denies em- 
phatically, and says : ''' No, I am no 
sorcerer. " They say : " Drink this 
poison, (this) muade. " 

The muade is white, it looks like 
arsenic. The man takes the cup (?), 
and drinks. If he is good, he will not 
die of it, he will vomit ; if he is a 
sorcerer, the muade contracts his face, 
and breaks his head : he burns with 
pain, totters, and falls. 

The fire then blazes, and they burn 
him. The man did not feel the fire, 
he was dead. 

They say to some one : " You have 
stolen (such a thing). " He says : 
" No, it is not I, it is some one else. " 
They say : " Let us put our hands 
into water. " They heat water until 
it boils. They all (the accusers and 
the accused) put their hands into it. 
The thief's skin blisters, the others 
(feel) nothing, their skin is not even 
softened. 

The king of the Lumbu is Liwa- 
nika. Sebituane if) was the first. 
When he died, his son Sekeletu came 
on.When Sekeletu died, Sipopo came 
with Rotse warriors, saying : " I am 
Sipopo ", and he came into power. 
He was a good man, he reigned nine 
years (^), and then was killed. It was 



Efhnografihical Notes in Tonga. 



285 



nguaka mujaya. Uaka cija uanjila 
mu buato, ua kufuida mu kasua afui 
a munzi uakue. Uayasigua e intobolo. 

Pa akafua Sipopo, baainka ku Ci- 
lumbu, baamubuzia kabati " Ube 
muame. " Baati " Ucite itatu. " Kabe 
baati " Miaka k'oci kede, k'oci lia 
buame. " Cilumbu uati " Pe, ta ndiya- 
ndi buame buenu, " 

Mpawo kuanjila Muanaena. Uati 
" Ndime Muanaena. " Uaka cita 
muaka ngumue, baamujaya. Mua- 
naena nguaka yasana a Bambala, pa 
aka fua Sipopo. Bambala bakede 
kunsi a Babue, pa lutilila a Kafuefui, 
ku Buzungu. Bapalua meno. Mu- 
zungu uabo ngu Manuele. Boonse 
baciyasana a bukali, boonse baakafua 
ua kumana musili uabo. Mpawo 
baaka kala. Masotane nguali muame 
ua Beciseke. Uci li muumi. 



Mpa aka fua Muanaena, baanjizia 
Liuanika. Ngoci li wo. 

The Mambunda. Makuango ali 
bantu ba Liuanika. Bakede mu talel' 
elino ku Mababe, ka bajaya mansui 
a li mu manzi. Bali a tuato tunini, 
bala njira mukati a manzi, ka bajaya 
insui a mazui (?), ka bazitola kuli 
Liuanika. Kuategua balala kunsi kua 
manzi. Ngaongao nga Mambunda. 



Depredations of the Rotse. Balumbu 
bamue bakede ku Ciseke, bamue ba- 
kede kutala a Basubia. Balatola ku 
Kangombe baana baa Balea a baana 



his nephew who sought his death. 
He (Sepopo) fled, got into a boat, 
and went to die on an island near his 
city. He was shot with a gun. 

When Sipopo died, they went to 
Cilumbu (^), and asked him, saying : 
'* Be king. " They added : " Try three 
years. " Again they said : " (All) the 
years you shall live keep the power. " 
Cilumbu said : " No, I do not want 
any kingship over you. " 

Then it was that Muanaena came 
in. He said : " I am Muanaena. " He 
reigned one year, (then) they killed 
him. Muanaena was (the king) who 
had a quarrel with the Mbala after 
Sipopo's death. The Mbala live below 
the Bue, where the Zambezi receives 
the Kafuefue, in the Portuguese ter- 
ritory. They file their teeth. Their 
lord is Manuel (''). They fought fu- 
riously on both sides, and died in 
great numbers, until their powder 
was exhausted. Then they sat down. 
Masotane was at the head of the 
people of Sesheke. He is still alive. 

When Muanaena died, they elected 
Liwanika. It is he who is still there 
(as king). 

The Kuango are subjects of Liwa- 
nika. They live on this side (of the 
Zambezi), on the Mababe (river and 
flats), killing the large fish that is 
in the water. They have small canoes, 
(with which) they go into the water 
and kill fish with a special kind of 
assegai (?), taking them (then) to 
Liwanika. It is said that they can 
sleep at the bottom of the water. It 
is they that are called Mbunda ('). 

Of the Lumbu some live at Seshe- 
ke, others above the Subia. They 
take children of the Lea {[) and the 
Ngete (*) to the white people of the 



286 



First Appendix. 



baa Mangete ku bantu batuba, ka 
baula ntobolo, ka beza a maato ka 
baza ku jaya bantu. Bakalanga bala- 
komba, Masukulumbue ala yasana, 
Batonga tabakombi ta bayasani, bala 
zubuka a maato, ka baza kukala mu 
talel'elino, ka bati, a bata ci yowi 
Balumbu, baye kubola ku minzi iabo. 



Bihe, and sell them for guns ; then 
they come in canoes to kill people. 
The Karanga submit (to their ex- 
actions), the Shukulumbue Q fight, 
the Tonga neither submit nor fight, 
but they cross (the Zambezi) in ca- 
noes, and come to live on this side 
(the southern bank of the Middle 
Zambezi), returning (afterwards) to 
their homes, when they no longer 
fear the Lumbu. 



II. ON THE KARANGA. 



The Karanga chiefs. Bakalanga 
bamue bakede ku Bulumbu, bali a 
baame Taalimui a Nyamezi, baanza 
kunvua cigululu. Bamue bakede ku 
Bupunu. Mbavumbe aba, mbabua 
baa Nguaru. Bamue bakede ku Bu- 
tonga,ngu Zuanga muame uabo.Oyu 
muame ta akue uaka komba kuli 
ngumue kusanguna. Monze, muame 
ua Batonga, uati " Ukombe kuli 
ndime. " Oyu Zuanga uaka kaka, 
uati " Kana nkufua, ndila fua. Sikue 
ndila komba. " Monz^ uatuma ba- 
lavu kuli Zuanga. Balavu baaluma 
bantu baa Zuanga, uakomba. 



Oyu Zuanga nguise uali muame 
mupati ua Bunyayi boonse. Uise ua 
Nguaru nguamubeja ua mujaya. 



Wange^s priests. Zuanga uli a ba- 
kajoaxa (i). Leza nguaka ti " Aba 
mbakajoaxa baako, Banerukoba, Ne- 
tombo, Bampire. " Bo mbapati, bali 
baame. Beeza kuli Zuanga, baati 
" Sue tuaba bakazi baako, ta tuzi 
kuyasana, ta tukue sumo. " Mba- 



Part of the Karanga nation live in 
the Rotse territory, they have as 
chiefs Taalimui and Nyamezi ; they 
are beginning to understand the Ko- 
lolo language. Others live in the 
Tebele territory. These are the Vum- 
be, they are the dogs ('") of Loben- 
gula. Others live in the Tonga 
territory, they have Wange (") as 
chief. This chief did not submit to 
any one at first. Monze, a king of 
the Tonga, said : " Pay homage to 
me. " This Wange refused (to do) 
saying : " If it is death, I can die. 
Never will I submit. " Monze sent 
lions against Wange, the lions bit 
Wange's men, he submitted. 

This Wange's father was the para- 
mount chief of the whole Nyayi 
territory ( = Monomotapa). The fa- 
ther of Lobengula deceived and 
killed him. 

Wange has cacices (°). It is God 
who said : " These are thy cacices^ 
the families of Nerukoba, Netombo, 
and Mpire. " They are old men and 
chiefs. They came to Wange, and 
said : " We have become your cacices^ 
we will not fight, we have no spears. " 



I. Bakajoaxa is a Karanga word. If it were adapted to the Tonga pronunciation it would be sounded 
Bakasoasa. 



Ethnogmphical Notes in Tonga. 



287 



bonya bo bacita milia imvula iue ; 
bala icita kabili muaka ( = mu mua- 
ka ?) ngumue, imue mu mpewo, imue 
ejinza ; ie impewo njia kusanguna. 

TJie seasons. Umue muezi uati uze, 
oyu ufue, libe jinza, bacite milia, ipe 
kulia bantu, balime : ie jinza miezi 
njisano a umue. Liamana jinza, iaba 
mpewo ; njinne : oyu upola bantu, 
oyu ngua milia, ei nimpeo luzutu. 
Liamana mpewo, ciaba cilimo ; nji- 
bili. Eciamana cilimo, liaba jinza, ia 
ua mvula, liadilima mvula. 



The feasts. Mpa a milia boonse 
baame baa Makalanga beza kuli Zu- 
anga bazoolapela mvula. Baana baa- 
kue bala lizia ngoma, ka baziana. 
Zilila ziti kdindili-kdindili-kdindili 
Hngandanda-lingandanda-linganda- 

nda kdi-kdi-kdi kdindili Zuanga 

uasandula uazuata zimue ngubo zia 
muzimo zi alapela a nzio. Ula njila 
mu nganda ili a muzimo ia Ciloba, 
Oyu 'muntu mubotu uaka fua ciindi : 
uaka ziala banyena baaZuanga.Ngue 
unjira muakale Zuanga, ngue aalike 
a bakazi baakue. Ta tuzi ci nyamanzi 
ci ocita mukati a nganda. Uazua 
uafugama ansi, uati guada (J), ula 
lapela Leza, ka ati " To kiiboniberera, 
tate bedtc, sit hana babo " ; ko kuti 
"Tula kukombelela,tuli baana baako, 
kootupa (2) mvula. " 



It is these same (people) who offer 
the feasts (sacrifices ?) to bring down 
rain ; they offer them twice a year, 
the first in winter, the second in 
summer ; the winter ones arc the first. 
When another moon comes and 
this one is dead, it will be the rainy 
season {^) (summer and autumn), 
when feasts will take place to ^\\^ 
food to the people, and they will till 
the ground : the moons of the rainy 
season are five and one (in number). 
When the rainy season is over, winter 
comes, it lasts four (moons) : this 
(the first) refreshes the people, this 
(the second) is that of the feasts, these 
(the third and fourth) are only wind. 
Winter over, spring comes ; it lasts 
two (moons). Spring over, the rainy 
season comes (again), rain comes, the 
(sky) showers (copious) falls of rain. 
It is on feast-days that all the 
chiefs of the Karanga come to Wange 
to pray for rain. His children if) 
( = people) play musical instruments, 
and dance. The (instruments) sound 
like kdindili-kdindili-kdindili lin- 
gandanda-lingandanda-lingandanda 

kdi-kdi-kdi kdindili Wange then 

puts on other clothes, those of a spi- 
rit, in which he offers his prayers. 
He goes into the house which con- 
tains the spirit of Ciloba. This was 
a good man who died long ago, he 
begot the mother (ancestors (**) ?) of 
Wange. Wange alone goes inside, he 
and his cacices. We do not know what 
he does inside the house. He comes 
out, kneels down, prostrates him- 
self, and prays God, saying (in Ka- 
ranga) : " To kubombereray Tate bedu, 



1. Guada, from -gua 
oneself ". 

2. = ka u-tu-pa. 



fall 



on " and ida " belly ". Hence " to fall on one's belly, to prostrate 



288 



First Appendix. 



Bakajoaxa baakue mba bayasa 
mbelele e isumo, imbelele ia kupaila 
(kupa ila?), ka baisinza, ka babika 
mu ndido, ka baitenda, ka bapaila, 
ka babanda Leza. Oku nkupaila 
kuabo : bala tila manzi a bukande, 
ka bati " Inyweno muaka fua ciindi, 
muaka ya kuli Leza, ka mutufuga- 
mena kuli ngue, ka mutukombelela, 
ka mutulapelela bubotu. " Mpawo 
balia ka bati " Tulia mubili ua Le- 
za. " Ta ulii koozuete (2) oyu hosi, 
uauzoola, uaubika ansi. 



Bakajoaxa luzutu baaka kala ku 
kupaila, abalike. Zuanga aalike ula 
langa. Baana baakue bala lizia ngo- 
ma. Bakajoaxa bala lia ei nyama, 
Zuanga ta ailii pe. 



Sit bana babo " (lit. " We adore Thee, 
our Father(i),we are Thy children) ; " 
that is to say : " We adore Thee, we 
are Thy children, give us rain. " 

They are his cacices who slaughter 
a sheep with an assegai for the sacri- 
fice (remission of sins ?). Then they 
skin it, put it on the fire, roast it, 
and offer up the sacrifice to propi- 
tiate God. This is their manner of 
offering the sacrifice : they pour water 
and beer (upon the roasted sheep T) 
(*), saying : " You who died long ago, 
and who went to God, kneel down 
for us before him, pay homage for us, 
and ask happiness for us. " Then they 
eat saying : " We eat the body of 
God " (^). You do not eat with your 
hat on, you take it off and put it 
down. 

(All this time) the cacices have 
been there alone to offer the sacrifice. 
Wange alone is present (lit. looking). 
His children are playing music. The 
cacices eat this meat, Wange does 
not eat of it. 



3. ON THE TONGA. 



How the Tonga obtain rain. Ba- 
tonga ta bakue milia, bala pundula. 
Bala inka ku Monze,ka batola mbe- 
lele e impongo, ka bati " Moonze ! 
Tuaka komba kuli ndiue, tu baana 
baako. Siabulongo ! Sikazimena ! 
Mpandayo ! Muana uaLeza 1 Muana 
ua Mpande ! " Mpnze ualapelela 
baana baakue kuli Leza, imvula iaua. 

Monzey a favourite of the Son of 
God. Oyu Mpande ngue Muana ua 



The Tonga have no sacrifices, they 
are heathens. They go to their chiefs 
and bow down for rain. Many chiefs 
go to Monze ("), taking to him sheep 
and goats, and saying : " Moonze ! 
We have paid homage to you, we are 
your children ! Siabulongo ! Sikazi- 
mena ! Mpandayo ! Child of God ! 
Child of Mpande ! " Monze prays to 
God for his children, and rain falls. 

This Mpande is the Son of God 
He lives in the air, in the rain-bow. 



1. Lit. "our fathers ", plural of dignity. 

2. = ka uzutte. 



Etluwgmphical Notes in Toufra. 



289 



Leza. Ukede mil julu, mu mpini-ci- 
ongue. Uaka tola Monzc ka aci lusa- 
bila, uamuolusia, uamukazika muju- 
lu. Kabe uamuselezia ansi ; uaua 
kuti po, wati " Ndila leta mvula, 
ndaambolana a Leza, uati ' Ka mun- 
dilapela kutede ; ta mucite citede, 
caamuima kulia, caaka cila mvula ', 
ko kuti * caaikasia imvula '. Mucite 
nabo, zintu zi ayanda Leza, ula mupa 
mvula. " Mpawo baacita, imvula iaua. 



God's abode. Baton ga bati Leza 
ukede 'u manzi, mu Siongo. Munari, 
Mnnkua, Munjilisimane, uaka ya 
kuli ngue, uanjila muakale, uaka zua. 
Uati " Ndime muana a Leza, ndila 
njila awa ". Bo baati " Pe, t'insi ula 
njila, ula fua. " Ue uati " Pe, t'insi 
ndila fua. " Mpawo uanjila, uayala a 
buenga, pa akaselelela, uanjila 'u 
manzi, uazua. 



God'' s justice. Leza uli muzimo, ta 
tumuboni. Ula nvua zintu zionse : 
uaamba zintu zibotu, uanvua : uaa- 
mba zintu zibi, uanvua. Bo baamba 
zintu zibotu, uya kubabika bubotu 
kojulu. Inzila nzibili:ei njitola bantu 
bacita zibi, njili a mulilo ; ei njitola 
bantu bacita zibotu, bayanda, njili a 
bubotu, njili a kukondua. 



Prayers to the dead. Bantu baaka 
fua ciindi baaka ba kuli Leza, baaka 
ba a baana baakue. Baame bala lapela 
kuli mbabo mu minzi iabo, bala la- 
pela ka tuenda a bubotu kuakale, ka 
bati " Ka mutulapelela kuli Leza, ka 
mutufugamena kuli ngue, asuebo 



He once took up Monzc when still 
a baby, he made him fly up and re- 
main in the air. Afterwards he let 
him down. lie fell with a sound like 
po, and said : ** I bring rain ; I have 
spoken with God who said : ' Pray 
to me in such a manner ; do not do 
such a thing ; this has stood in the 
way of your food, this has made rain 
scarce ', that is to say : this has pre- 
vented rain. Do thus, (do) the things 
God wants, he will give you rain. " 
Then they did so, and rain fell. 

The Tonga say that God lives in 
the water at Siongo (^) (=: Victoria 
Falls). Livingstone, a white man, an 
Englishman, once went to him, he 
went in to the bottom, and came out. 
He had said : " I am a child of God, 
I can enter therein. " The people 
said : " No, you cannot enter therein, 
you will die. " He said : " No, I 
shall not die. " Then he went in, he 
went along the bank up to where the 
water rushes down, he went into the 
water, and came out. 

God is a spirit, we do not see Him. 
He hears all things : if you say good 
things, he hears (them) ; if you say 
bad things, he hears (them). To those 
who say good things he will give 
happiness in heaven. There are two 
roads : this is the one which takes 
people who do evil, it has fire ; this 
is that which takes people who do 
good, who love; it has happiness, it 
has rejoicings. 

The people who are dead long ago 
have gone to God, they have been 
received among his children. The 
chiefs pray to them in their villages, 
they pray that we may go with hap- 
piness to the end; saying : " Pray 
ye for us before God, kneel down 

19 



290 



First Appendix 



tuzooendc nzila mbotu ili a kukon- 
dua. " 

Monze raising the dead. Monze ula 
busia bantu baaka fua, ingombe, im- 
belele. . . Uati" A muze.a muzoolange 
bantu beenda bee ciindi, ndizooba- 
busia ba ndaamba. " Uama nkolia (?) 
ansi, inyika iaanduka. Ino bo baakeza 
bantu baalanga ansi ka basondela. 



Bala bona bantu baaka fua bali 
mu kuendenda, imbelele, beense ba- 
nyama, balavu, inyati, ingombe... 

Monze uati " Ka mugona mansi- 
ku ", uati " A ta buci, muazua anze, 
ka mucibuka, muazoojana baakasika 
inyue ka mulilede, ka bali baciabuka 
anze. Mujike kulia, muzoolie a mba- 
bo." 



Bo baazicita ezi zintu, baajika ku- 
lia, baabika mu ndido, boonse baati 
" A tulie toonse tusonone maala *', 
ko kuti " Tuanjilile a amue. " Baa- 
buzia boumi ka bati " Muta no zui 
muoyo ". ko kuti " Muta no yowi kua 
kufua. " 



The Tonga doctors. Muntu usonda 
ninganga. Pa aka fua muntu been- 
zinyina baakue baati " Tuende ku 
kusonda. " Baainka, beeza ku nga- 
nga,baabuzia baati "Tuyandal 'ube(?) 
anze. " Ni nganga iazua anze, iya 
kusondela a mbabo, iasonda, iasonda. 
Ka ali afuefui muntu uaka loa, 
inganga iati " Oyu mulozi. " lati 
" lue mulozi, uaka loa utede, uakede 



for us before him, that we also we 
may go (by) the good road which has 
happiness (^). " 

Monze can raise dead people, cat- 
tle, sheep, (etc.). He says : " Come 
and look at men of former times 
walking, I will raise up those I men- 
tion (i. e. So-and-So). " He then stri- 
kes on the ground with a stick (.^), 
and the ground opens. Then the 
people who have come look down, 
coming near the edge. 

They see people who were dead 
walking, (as well as) sheep, all sorts 
of animals, lions, buffaloes, cattle, 
(etc.). 

Monze says : " Sleep during the 
night ", and he adds : " Before day- 
break, if you come out when just 
getting up, you will find that they 
have come (up here) while you were 
sleeping, and that some are still rising 
up (?) outside. Do you cook some 
food, that you may eat with them. " 

The men do these things, they 
cook food, they put it on the fire, 
they all (the living and the risen) 
say : *' Let us eat together, and mix 
our nails"; that is to say : " Let us 
throw them (our nails) one with ano- 
ther. " They (the risen) encourage the 
living, saying : " Do no let out your 
hearts " ; that is to say : " Do not fear 
to die. " 

A man who smells is (called) a 
nganga (') ( = doctor). When a man 
is dead, his parents say : " Let us go 
to smell. " Then they go, they come 
to a 7iganga, and ask him (out), say- 
ing : " We wish you to come out- 
side ". Then the nganga comes out, 
and, approaching close to them, he 
smells and smells. If the man who 
has bewitched (the dead person) is 



Ethnographical Notes in Tonga. 



291 



kutede. Ka ali kule, iati " Awa ta 
akue mulozi, muaka musia ko 'u 
munzi uenu. Muinke kuabede. " Ila 
baambila izina, iati " Ngu ndaba, u- 
tede. " . 



Mpavvo baainka kuabede, baya 
kumuita, baamunanga, baati" Ndiue 
mulozi, ndiwe uaka loa ndaba. " lue 
uakasia, uati " T'insi ndime mulozi. " 
Bo baati " A tuende. " lue ta akaki 
kuinka. Mpawo baainka a ue ku 
nganga. 



Beeza ka lici zua izuba, ta bezi e 
isikati. Mpe eza i nganga iabualila 
nkaba nzisano a imue. Jio, jio, kua, 
ziaua, ziya ziti ka. Iati " A muzijate, 
a muzibuabile. " Boonse bala zijata, 
bala zibualila, inganga ia kuzifunda 
inkaba. lakanyua misamo iazio, ia 
zooba nganga. Bamue ta baizi pe. 
Iati inganga " Ndiue mulozi. " Ue 
uti " Ndime t'insi ndi mulozi. " Iati 
" Uzibualile aebo. " Nguenya mulozi 
ula zijata, uazibualila katatu. Uazi- 
langisisia munganga, uli mu kubua- 
lila muntu. Ni baaka mana kubua- 
lila, inganga iabalemba mpemba ba 
t'insi balozi, mulozi iamulemba ma- 
sizi. Mpawo bo bala tuba nkumu, iue 
ula sia ntaamu. 



near, the fi^cnt^<i .^ays : " This is the 
sorcerer. " And (to him) he says: 

You are the sorcerer, you have 
bewitched (that man) in such a 
manner, you were sitting in such a 
place. " If he be far, the nganga says : 
* There is no sorcerer here, you have 
left him there in your village. Go 
back to such a place. " He tells them 
his name, saying : " It is So-and-So, 
such a person. " 

Then the people go to the said 
place, going to call him, they get 
hold (?) of him, and say : " You are 
the sorcerer, it is you who have be- 
witched So-and-So."The man denies 
strongly, saying : " It is not I (who 
am) the sorcerer. " The men say : 
" Let us go. " He does not refuse to 
go. Then they go with him to the 
nganga. 

They come when the sun is just 
rising, they do not come in the mid- 
dle of the day. When he (the sorce- 
rer) comes, the nganga shakes dice 
five and one (in number). Jio! Jio! 
Kua I They fall, they disperse, they 
stop. He says : " Take them your- 
selves and shake them. " They all 
take them and shake them, while the 
nganga studies them. He has former- 
ly drunk their science (lit. their trees 
or medicines, 378) in order to become 
a nganga. The other people under- 
stand nothing of it. The nganga 
says : " You are the sorcerer. " The 
man says : " I am no sorcerer. " The 
nganga says : " Do you also shake 
them. " Then the sorcerer also takes 
them, and shakes them three times. 
The nganga looks fixedly while the 
man is shaking them. And when they 
have finished shaking, the nganga 
paints in white those who are no 



292 



First Appendix. 



Tame snakes^ pythons^ and croco- 
diles. Babue mBatonga bakede ku- 
tala a Bambala. Ta bazuati ngubo, 
beenda maya. Bati, iajatlgua imboo- 
ma, baaipumbail.a a mubili, baalza- 
mbaila zambi zambi, mutue uazooso- 
ndela nabo. Bala ialila bantu, baati 
" Inka uka lume ndaba muntu. " 

Bamue baabika inzoka mu nkomo, 
baaituma ko kuluma bantu. 

Baaiue, baajata intale a musamo, 
ta baijayi, baaibuzia, baati " Ka ijate 
muntu u bata muyandi. " Muntu ute- 
ka manzi, intale imujata. 



Bamue bali a nzoka anga(?) babua. 
Baabika nzoka mu nkomo a mulia- 
ngo. Uaisia uainka ku mpompo, mu- 
ntu bu eza uanjila mukati uazooba, 
inzoka iamusingila azoomujane mui- 
ni ue inganda. 



sorcerers ; as to the sorcerer, he paints 
him (with) charcoal. Then they have 
their forehead all white, and he, he 
is quite (.?) black. 

The Bue are those Tonga who live 
above the Mbala. They wear no clo- 
thes, they go naked. When they have 
caught a boa, they coil it up round 
their body, they coil it round and 
round, so that its head should be 
near by so (as shown by a gesture). 
They throw it on people, saying : 
" Go and bite So-and-So. " 

Some put a snake in their wallet 
C*'*), and send it to bite people.. 

Others, when they have caught a 
crocodile by means of a charm, do 
not kill it, but ask him to catch a 
man whom they do not like. This 
man draws water, the crocodile 
catches him. 

Others use snakes as dogs (**). They 
put a snake in a bag at the door (of 
their hut). They leave it and go so- 
mewhere : (then), if a man comes in- 
side to steal, the snake keeps him in 
until the master of the house may 
find him. 



NOTES. 



{a) The Rotse. — The Rotse, or Ma-rotse, or Ba-rotse, are well known from the des- 
criptions of Livingstone, Holub, and Father Depelchin. According to Livingstone they 
call themselves Baloi^ or Ba-loiana. Ba-rotse is the Chwana pronunciation of the same 
word. The Tonga call them Ma-lo2ui. It is not without interest to find them described 
by the Tonga as fire-worshippsrs. We know from ancient Arab geographers that the 
fire-worshippers of Siraf on the Persian Gulf used to trade with South-Africa at least as 
early as the 9'" century of the Christian Era, and we still find the Parsees all over the east 
coast, principally at Mozambique. Putting these facts together, I am inclined to think that 
Parsee traders or slave dealers, starting at an unknown time from the East Coast, have 
pushed their way as far as the Upper Zambezi, and grouped together those blacks who 
now form the Rotse .nation. I should not even be astonished if the word Ba-rotse were 
merely a phonetic adaptation of the word Parsee to Chwana pronunciation. 

{b) The Subia. — The Subia are a Tonga tribe that used to be found between the 
Victoria and the Gonye Falls. Incorporated into the Kololo Empire about the year 1840, 
they have naturally become the subjects of the Rotse ever since these destroyed the 
Kololo. But ill-treated, and continually robbed of their children by their new masters in 



Ethnographical Notes in Tonga. 293 



their old homes, they began to seek new ones. They are row found in great numbers, 
mixed up with other tribes, between Lake Ngami and the Zambezi, principally on the 
Mababe River. 

{f) Their chiefs are Lumbu. — Whenever I meet in Tonga that Bantu sound which is 
intermediary between / and r, I adopt the /. Otherwise the word Lumbu might as well 
be spelt Ru7tibu. The word Ba-hwtbu^ or Ba-ru7nbu, seems to mean " white people ", or 
more exactly " yellow people ". Hence, if it be correct to say that the Rotse nation has 
been formed by Parsees from the East, the modern Lumbu mentioned in these notes are 
probably no other than their descendants. The Ba-!uinbu of my Tonga informants are 
probably the same as the white A Ba-lamba repeatedly alluded to by the traveller 
Anderson in his " Twenly-five Years in a Waggon " (Vol. I, p. 247 ; vol. II, p. 200, etc.). 

(.'/) What was the man bitten by? — On the Zambezi whoever dies young, unless killed 
in battle, is by the natives supposed to have been bewitched or poisoned, as they cannot 
imagine that a man may die a natural death before he has reached a good old age. This 
execrable notion dooms to death every year hundreds of imaginary sorcerers. A sorcerer 
is called mu-lozi in Tonga, un-doi in Karanga, mo-roi in Chwana, u m-iagati in Tebele, 
u m-takaii in Xosa, un-firi in Senna, etc. 

{e) Sebituane. — As is well known from Livingstone's Travels, this truly great man was 
the founder of the Kololo Empire. He died in 1851. My informants knew no distinction 
between the Kololo and the Rotse Empire. 

(/) He reigned nine years. — Sipopo, alias Sipopa, was not a Kololo, but a Rotse. A 
short time after the death of Sekeletu, which occurred in 1864, he came down upon the 
Kololo, destroyed them all, and reigned paramount on the Upper Zambezi. 

{g) Cilumbu. — I do not know who this Cilumbu is who has so much influence among 
the Rotse, but I suspect that he is a black from the Bihe. 

ih) Manuel. — This must be Manuel Antonio de Souza, capitao mor, formerly of 
Zumbo, now of Gorongoza. In the Portuguese East- African possessions, the chiefs are 
called Ba-2ungu, which, whatever its etymology may be, is a synonym of Baptized 
Christians, baptism being considered as the mark of a chief, or child of God. The name 
oi Ba-mbala^ or Ba-mbara.^ which is given by the Tonga to the subjects of the Ba-zungu^ 
must probably be identified with Amhara, v^hlch in Abyssinia is a synonym of Christian. 

(/) The Mbu7ida. — As has been mentioned in a previous note (p. 30), the word Mbunda 
is applied to many different tribes. This word properly means " people of the back", i. e. 
" the West " (See Introduction, I). The word Kwango has been misspelt Kwengo at pp. 30, 
31, and 10-14, of this work, as I now find that the Ma-kwengo of my informants are 
different from their Ma-kwango^ and probably are not even a Bantu tribe. 

(7) The Lea. — The Lea are a Tonga tribe dwelling round the Victoria Falls. They have 
submitted to the Rotse. One of my informants was a Lea. 

{k) The Ngete. — The Ngete^ also known as Nkete^ Nketa^ Kheta^ Khete, iVqeti, whence, 
with the classifiers MA- and BA-, Ma-nketa, Ma-7tgete, Ba-7tqeti^ etc., are a very indus- 
trious tribe inhabiting the Rotse Valley from the Gonye Falls to near the confluence of 
the Nyengo River with the Zambezi. They are particularly remarkable for their works in 
iron and wood. If I may believe my native informants, their language differs less from 
Rotse than from Tonga. In all probability they are related as a tribe to the no less 
industrious Ba-kete of the Lu-lua Valley, whose beautiful plantations have been described 
by Bateman in the " First ascent of the Kasai ". 

(/) The Shukulu7nbue. — This tribe is located on the Upper Kafuefue River. They 
were described by my Zambezi informants as being very fierce. They will allow no white 
man to visit their country. Dr. Holub, the only European who ever reached it, was robbed 
by them of all his effects, and forced to retrace his steps southwards. 

(w) They are the dogs of Lobe7igula. — W^herever Mohammedan customs have pene- 
trated in South Africa, the native chiefs divide their subjects into " children '" and " dogs ". 



294 First Appendix, 



As a consequence of their being mere " dogs ",those Karanga who have accepted Loben- 
gula's rule, are not allowed to possess cattle. Fine herds of these may well be seen under 
their care, but they all belong to the king. 

{n) Wange. — This chief, also called Wankie, was repeatedly said by my informants 
to be the legitimate representative of the house that ruled for centuries over the whole 
Bu-nyai^ or the Empire of the Monomotapa. I cannot conciliate this with the claims to 
the same honour of the chief Catoloza, or Cataloze, who in Livingstone's time had his 
residence at some distance to the west of Tette, unless these opposite claims be the result 
of an ancient scission of the Karanga nation, which has not been recorded by history. 
Wange's chief town is situated at the southernmost point ot the Upper Zambezi. He is 
said to be a very good man. But, pressed on one side by the Rotse, on another by the 
Tebele, and on another by the Tonga, whose territory he has invaded, he has none of 
the power of his forefathers. 

{o) Wange has cacices. — When, on the first day of January 1561, the venerable Father 
Gongalo da Sylveira, S. J., reached the court of the Monomotapa, 

Onde Gongalo morte e vituperio 
Padecera pela Y€ sancta sua, 
{Lttsiads^ X, 93), 

he found the place already occupied by Mohammedan emissaries, called cacues, the very 
men who by dint of calumnies soon caused him to be put to death by the so-called Em- 
peror. This readily explains why the customs of the Karanga, who in those times were 
the ruling tribe in those parts, are mostly borrowed from the Mohammedans. For, though 
the emperor, repenting of having sacrificed Father Sylveira to the hatred of the Moham- 
medans, is said to have driven them out of his Empire in the year 1569, and to have 
then sincerely desired to live as a Christian, nevertheless, from want of Christian teachers 
he retained most of his Mohammedan practices. 

{p) IVhefi this moon is dead^ it will be the rainy season. — This was written on Septem- 
ber 3, 1884, the 13^'' day of the moon. Therefore, as the Karanga year begins with winter, 
it must be said to commence in March or the beginning of April. 

(7) His children — Wange, being a good chief, calls all his subjects " his children ". 

{r) He begot the mother {ancestors ?) of Wange. — I do not know whether ba-nyena^ 
lit. " mothers ", is here a plural of respect (cf. n, 343), or a real plural. If it be a plural of 
respect, Ciloba must be said to have been the grandfather of Wange. 

(j) Upo7i the roasted sheep (f) — It may be that they pour it simply on the ground. Old 
Kafirs used to make such libations round the enclosure in which the sacrifices took place. 

(/) We eat the body of God. — This remnant of Father Gon^alo da Sylveira's short stay 
at the court of the Monomotapa is a good specimen of the religious eclectism of the Ka- 
ranga. I also find that ever since the days of this glorious Martyr, the kings of those parts 
were never recognized as such until they had received something like baptism. (Der Neiie 
Welt-Boty 1748, n. 555, p. 106). 

{11) Monze. — This chief went to meet Livingstone on his first journey from Sesheke to 
the East Coast. After having saluted the great traveller according to the Tonga fashion 
by throwing himself on his back and rolling from side to side, he made him several pre- 
sents, and passed a whole day in his company. Livingstone thought him to be as good- 
natured a man as could be. (^Missionary Travels., pp. 552-555). His sacred animal is the 
buffalo, as that of the old Karanga kings was the hippopotamus [n. 461 (10)]. 

{v) Child of God ! — Lest more importance should be attached to this expression than 
it has in reality, it may be remarked that it is here a mere compliment, or *' name ", as 
Kafirs say, just as the other expressions Sikazimena., Mpandayo, etc., the meaning of 
which is not clear to me. Chiefs are very generally termed Children of God, as are 
Christians in general, and whoever is considered to be of white, or the divine, race. It 
happened to me onCe, after having given a loaf of bread to a poor old Kafir woman, to 



Ethnographical Notes in Tonga. ic)^ 



hear her burst into the following expressions of thanks : Nkosi: Dude.' Mta ku Tixo ! 
Mia ka Rulumente ! Solotomana! that is : " Lord ! Father ! Child of God ! Child of the 
Government ! Solotomana ! " The last expression was considered by Kafirs as my proper 
name. 

{x) God lives at Siongo. — " At three spots near these falls", says Livingstone, " three 
" Ba-toka (= Ba-tonga) chiefs offered up prayers and sacrifices to the Ba-rimo (= Tonga 
" Mi-zimo). They chose their places of prayer within the sound of the roar of the cata- 
" ract, and in sight of the bright bows in the clouds... The play of colours of the double 
" iris on the cloud, seen by them elsewhere only as the rainbow, may have led them to 
" the idea that this was the abode of the Deity." (Afisswnary Travels^ London, 1857, p. 

523-) 

(y) The road which has happiness. — These to all appearances are prayers to ask for 
material, not eternal, happiness. 

{z) A man who smells is a nganga. — The Bantu practice of smelling described in 
this passage (Tonga ku-sonda., Kafir ku-nuka) exists in the larger number of the Bantu 
tribes. In the hands of the chiefs it is the most powerful arm for getting rid of the men 
who are in their way. 

iaa) In their wallet. — No Kafir ever goes about without his little bag or wallet made 
out of the skin of some little animal. He puts together in it tobacco, pipe, knife, small 
tools, and in general whatever he can pick up for his use. One of the worst kinds of un- 
politeness is considered to be that of asking a man what he has in his bag. 

{bb) Others use snakes as dogs. — This singular custom of using snakes as dogs has its 
counterpart in the use of snakes as cats among the Kafirs of Gazaland. We read in 
Father Depelchin's " Trois ans dans PA/rique Australe ", p. 71, that in the hut in which 
Father Law died, " there lived two snakes, the one a cobra three feet long, thick as 
" an arm, the other smaller, which used to fulfil the duties of our cats in Europe by keep- 
" ing at a distance the mice and rats which would make their appearance at every 



HeconU HppenDi;c. 

SPECIMENS OF KAFIR FOLK-LORE. 

Kafirs are in possession of a large number of traditional tales in which the heroes 
are not animals, but human beings. No such tales seem to be known by the other 
Bantu tribes. Neither do I find anything like them in any version of Pilpay's Fables. 
One of the most remarkable features of most of them is that they contain parts that 
are sung. It might even be thought that in several of them the story is merely the 
frame of the song. 

A''. B. I. The division of the short melodies that occur in these tales into intermixed 
bars of 3, 2, or 4, beats each, is not intended to express a rigorous rhythm as in European 
music, but merely to set off those notes which bear the musical accent. Hence, though the 
relative value of the notes must be kept at least approximately in rendering these tunes, 
what is more important is that the first beat of each bar be accented. 

2. The italics between brackets {a, b, r, etc.) refer to notes at the end of each tale. 

First n^^ale. 



INTAKA ENYA A MASI. 

Wati u mfo, ngo mnye u mhla, 
wati e mfazini, ma kaye e masimini, 
alime. Waya ke, wafika, walima, wa- 
goduka. Yafika i ntaka ku la ndawo 
ayilimileyo, yati : — 

A Ueo;retfo. 



-^,=z\, 



Tya - ni ba le ntsi 

Tya - ni ba le nta 

" Tyani ba le ntsimi, cididi ! 
Tyani ba le ntaka, cididi ! " 

Bapuma u tyani, kwa ngati be 
kungalinywanga. Yafika i ndoda 
yati : " Ulime pi ? " Wati u mfazi : 
" Ndilime apa. " Yati i ndoda :" Uya- 
xoka, a kulimanga. " 

Yatsho, ya se imbeta ngo mpini. 
Walila. Yambiza i ndoda yati : " Yiza 



THE BIRD THAT MADE MILK i^). 

Once upon a time a man told his 
wife to go to hoe in the gardens (*). 
So she went, she arrived, she hoed, 
and came home back. Then a bird 
went to the place which had been 
hoed, and sang : 



^ 



ka, 



-•- 


-•- 


ci - 


di 


ci - 


di 



-•- 
di! 
di ! 



" Grass of this garden, shoot up. 
Grass of this bird, shoot up. " 

And the grass came up : it was as 
if no spot had been hoed. The hus- 
band came and said : " Where did 
you hoe ? " The woman said : " I 
hoed here ". The husband said : " You 
lie, you did not hoe ". 

So he said, and then he struck her 
with the handle. And she cried. Her 



specimens of Kafir Folk-Lore. 



297 



silime. " Waya ke, balima, balima, 
bagoduka. 



Yafika i ntaka, yati : — 

" Tyani ba le nlsimi, cididi ! 
Tyani ba le ntaka, cididi ! " 

Betu, kwa ngati be kungalinywa- 
nga. 

Bati ke baya kusasa, a bayibona i 
ndima. Wati u mfazi : " T pina ke i 
ndima?" Yati i ndoda:" O ndibonile, 
mfazi, ub' unyanisile ; uz' undimbele 
ke uvelise i sandla sodwa. " Wayenza 
ke lo nto u mfazi, vvagoduka. 



Yafika i ntaka yati citi citi, yanya- 
tela e sandleni se ndoda, yayibamba. 

Yati i ntaka : " Ndiyeke, ndi yi 
ntakana enya a masi. "Yati i ndoda: 
" Ka wenze ke, ntak'am, ndibone. " 
Yati pudlu i ngqaka e sandleni. 

Yagoduka nayo, yafika, yati ku m- 
fazi ma kahlambe u mpanda ayifa- 
ke kuwo. Wayifaka ke u mfazi. Wati 
akugqiba u kuwuhlamba yazalisa u 
mpanda nga masi. Bavuya kakulu, 
kuba ba belamba, bafumana u ku- 
hluta. 



Baya kulima, bashiya a bantwana 
e kaya. Aba bantwana a magama 
abo o mkulu waye ngu Ngencii, o 
mncinane waye ngu Notuncu. Wati 
u Ngencu : " Ma siye kwa bantwana, 
sibaxelele le ntaka." Wati u Notuncu ; 
" Ubawo ub 'ete ze singa baxeleli, 
uya kusibulala. " Wati u Ngencu : 
" Hlal'uti tu,ntwanandini inolwini." 
Wayeka u Notuncu, kuba uyoyiswa. 



husband then called her and said : 
" Come, let us hoe. " So she went ; 
they hoed and hoed, and then went 
back home. 

The bird came then, and sang : 

" Grass of this garden, shoot up. 
Grass of this bird, shoot up. " 

Dear me ! it was as if no spot had 
been hoed. 

So, when they came in the morn- 
ing, they saw no place hoed. The 
woman said : " Where is the work 
done (yesterday) } " The husband 
said : " Oh ! I see how it is, my wife : 
bury me then in the ground, so as to 
leave the hand alone out. " The wo- 
man did so, and went back home. 

The bird came, and picked here 
and there, till it trod upon the man's 
hand, and he got hold of it. 

The bird said : " Leave me, I am 
a bird that makes milk. " The man 
said : " Make some then, my bird, 
that I may see. " So it made thick 
milk on his hand. 

He went home with it, and when 
he arrived he told his wife to wash 
a milkpail and to put it into it. So 
the woman put it there, and when 
she had finished washing the milk- 
pail, the bird filled it with milk. And 
they rejoiced greatly, because they 
were hungry and they had found 
plenty. 

They went to work in the field, 
and left the children at home. The 
names of these children were Nge- 
ncu for the elder, and Notuncu for 
the younger. Ngencu said : " Let 
us go to other children, to tell them 
of this bird. " Notuncu said : " Our 
father told us not to mention it to 
them, otherwise he would kill us. " 
Ngencu said : " Hold your tongue, 



298 



Secona Appendix. 



Waya kubaxelela. 



Wati ke, akubaxelela, bati : " Ma 
siye. " Baya kufika. bayirola e mpan- 
deni. Wavakala u Ngencu esiti : " Ka 
wukangele i ntaka ya ko kwetu. " 
Yati i ntaka : " U kuba ndi yi ntaka 
ya ko kwenu, hamba uyo kundibeka 
e buhlanti. " Wayitata waya kuyibe- 
ka e buhlanti. Yafika yati e buhlanti, 
ma kayibeke e lusaseni, wayibeka. 
Yesuka yapapazela yemka. 



Wavakala u Notuncu esiti : " Na- 
ntso i nto e nda ndiyixelela, ndisiti 
siya kubetwa. Uya yibona na ke 
imka nje ? " Basuka babaleka aba 
bantvvana be bezo kuyiboniswa, be- 
mka. 

Yavakala i ntaka ihamba esiti : 
" Ndiyekwe ngu Ngencu no Notun- 
cu. " Yatsho yada ya malunga ngo 
yise lowo. Wavakala u mfazi : " Na- 
ntso i ntaka yako isiti " iyekwe ngu 
Ngencu no Notuncu. " Yati i ndo- 
da : " Ms'u kuyinyebeleld i ntak'am. 
A bantwana bam bangati ni u kuba 
ndibayala kangaka, kanti ba kwenza 
i nto embi kangaka ? " 

Bagoduke bafike ekaya. U mfazi 
akangele e mpandeni, afike ingeko o 
kunene. I ndoda i sel' ibiza a bantw- 
ana : " Ngencu no Notuncu ! ", ba- 
sabele. Iti : " Yizani apa. " Baye. Iti 
bakufika, ibuze i ntaka. Ati u No- 
tuncu : " lb' ikutshwe ngu Ngencu. " 
Ati ke u yise, akutsho u Notuncu, 
arole i ntambo, ati " uya kubabula- 
la. " Bakale a bantwana. Avakale u 
mfazi esiti : " Yinina, Songencu, u- 
ngade ubulale a bantwana nga masi?" 



you lying little creature. " So Notun- 
cu yielded, as she was frightened. 
And he went to tell them. 

So when he had told them, they 
said : " Let us go. " When they came, 
they took it out of the milkpail. 
Ngencu shouted out, saying : " Look 
at the bird of our place. " The bird 
said :" If I am a bird of your place, 
go and put me in the kraal ". He took 
it, and went to put it in the kraal. 
When in the kraal, it said he should 
put it on the fence, and he put 
it there. Straightway the bird took 
to flight, and went off. 

Notuncu then cried out, saying : 
" There is just what I told you, when 
I said we should be beaten. Do you 
see it now going off thus.? " Straight- 
way the children who had come to 
see it began to run, and went off. 

The bird was heard saying while 
going : " I have been let off by 
Ngencu and Notuncu. " It kept say- 
ing so till it passed near that father 
of theirs. The woman cried out : 
" There is your bird saying it has 
been let off by Ngencu and Notuncu." 
The husband said : " Don't you speak 
ill of my bird. How could my children 
have received from me so strict in- 
structions and yet do so bad a thing.?" 

Then they go back and arrive. 
The wife looks in the milkpail, and 
finds no bird in it certainly. The hus- 
band then calls out for the children : 
" Ngencu and Notuncu ! " ; they 
answer. He says : " Come here you. " 
They go, and when they come he 
inquires for the bird. Notuncu says : 
" It has been let off by Ngencu. " 
The father, when Notuncu has said 
this, draws a rope, and says he is 
going to kill them. The children cry. 



specimens of Kafir Folk-Lore. 



299 



Ivakale isiti i ndoda : " Nda kukubu- 
lala wena ke, u kuba utsho. " Ayeke 
u mfazi, alile. Ifake i ntambo, iyo 
kubaxoma e mlanjeni e mtini opezu 
kwe siziba. Emke, ibaxome. Iti i 
ntambo iqauke. Bawe e sizibeni apo 
batshone kona, be nga bantu bo mla- 
mbo. Bakwazi u kuzalisa. 



Kwati, nge linye i xesha, kwafika 
i lizwe, baya kuvvela a bafazi. Bawu- 
zalisa. Bavakala a bafazi besiti : 
" Vulela, Ngencu no Notuncu. " Ba- 
bavulele, a bafazi bawele. Bati ba 
kuwcla bavvuzalisa. 



Afika a madoda, bawuzalisa. Ava- 
kala esiti : " Vulela, Ngencu no No- 
tuncu. " Apela ke a manzi, angena 
ke a madoda. Ati, akubona ukuba a 
pakati, wafika uyise Iowa way'eba- 
bulele. Bawuzalisa. Avakala a manye 
a madoda : " Puma, mfondini, wa 
ubulela ntonina wena a bantwana?" 
Wapuma wauta ke u mlambo. Awela 
ke lo madoda; wasala yedwa lo mntu 
way'ebabulele a bantwana bake. 



Yada yabonakala i vela i mpi. 
Wavakala esiti : " Vulela, Ngencu no 
Notuncu. " Bati : " Oko wa usibula- 
la ! " Wavakala ekala, yafika i mpi, 
yambulala, wafa ke kwapela. 



The woman cries out, saying : " What 
is that, father of Ngencu > Would 
you go so far as to kill children for 
milk ? " The man bursts forth, say- 
ing : " Then I shall kill you yourself, 
if you speak thus. " The woman in- 
sists no more, and sheds tears. The 
man ties (the children) with the rope, 
intending to go and hang them up 
near the river on a tree that is over 
a pool. He goes and hangs them up. 
But the rope breaks, and the children 
fall into the pool. There they disap- 
pear, they are turned into river-men, 
with power to produce floods. 

Then, at one time, there happened 
to be an invasion of the enemy ; the 
women went to cross the river, but 
the rivermen filled it up. The women 
then cried out, saying : " Let us pass, 
Ngencu and Notuncu. " And they 
opened a way through, and the wo- 
men crossed over the river. When 
these had crossed, they filled up the 
river again. 

The men came also, then the riv- 
ermen filled the river. The men cried 
out, saying : " Let us pass, Ngencu 
and Notuncu. " So the water disap- 
peared, and the men went in. But, 
when they were half-way, the father 
who had killed them arrived. They 
filled the river again. Then the other 
men shouted out : *' Get out, you man, 
why did you kill your children ? " 
He went out, and the river dried up. 
Those men then crossed the river, 
and he remained alone, the man who 
had killed his children. 

At last the invading army was seen 
to appear. The man raised his voice, 
saying : " Open for me, Ngencu and 
Notuncu. " They said : " Why ! You 
who killed us ! " He, burst out shout- 



300 



Second Appendix. 



Kwaba njalo u kufa kwa lo mfo 
wabulala a banlwana bake nge nxa 
ya masi. Bati ke bona, bapuma e 
manzini, bafuna u nina.Bamfumana, 
bahlala naye, ba se bcsiya ngo ku- 
hamba e mlanjeni. 

Ndiya pela apo. 



ing. The enemy came, slew him, and 
he died ; that was the end of him. 

Such was the death of that man 
who had killed his children for the 
sake of milk. As to them, they came 
out of the river, and went to look for 
their mother. They found her, and 
remained with her, but kept the 
power of going into the river. 

I stop there ('). 



NOTES. 

{a) Two other versions of this tale have been published by Geo. M"" Call Theal in his 
delicious little work, entitled " Kafir Folk-Loi'e ". Both of them want the interesting con- 
clusion of the one here given, but they complete it in some other parts. 

(^) A 7ncm told his wife to go to hoe in Ihe gardens. — Among the Xosa-Kafirs the work 
was formerly so divided that men had the care of the cattle, and women that of the gar- 
dens. The introduction of the plough has naturally thrown upon the men part of the gar- 
den-work. 

{c) I wonder whether this tale has not its parallel in Stanley's Legend of the Tanganyi- 
ka {Dark Continent, ch. XIX). In both we first see gardens cultivated by a man and 
a woman ; then a marvellous supply of food, heaven-sent fish on the Tanganyika, 
heaven-sent milk among the Kafirs ; then the precious secret betrayed to a visitor, in the 
one case by the woman, in the other by the children of the house ; then punishments by 
the loss of the treasure and further calamities, a flood on the Tanganyika, a flood and 
war together among the Kafirs. 



SeconD Tale. 



U MLONJALONJANI NO DADE 
WABO NE MBULU. 

Kwati ke kaloku kwako u Mlon- 
jalonjani e ne singqi. Wati ke u dade 
wabo : " Uhleli nje, u ne singqi na ?" 
Wati : " Yiza, ndokuqaqe lonto. " 
Wati yena : " Hayi, nda kufa. " 
Wati : " Hayi, mnta ka mama, uya 
kuti nina, uza kwaluka nje .? " Wati 
ke : " Ewe, ndiqaqe. " 



Wati ke qaqa qaqa nge zembe. 
Wati yena : " Shushushu ! ndafa. 



MLONJALONJANI, HIS SISTER, 
AND A MBULU (''). 

Once upon a time there was (a 
boy called) Mlonjalonjani, who was 
hunch-backed. His sister said to him : 
" Such as you are, are you really 
hunch-backed? " She added : " Come 
that I cut that hump off you. " He 
said : " No, I should die. " She said : 
" No, child of my mother. What will 
you do, as you are going to be cir- 
cumcised ? " He said : " Well, cut it 
off". 

So she cut, and cut, with an axe. 
He said : " Oh dear ! Oh dear ! I am 



specimens of Kafir Folk-Lore. 



301 



mnta ka bawo. " Wati ke : " Yima, 
sc yiza kumka. " Wati ke qaqa qaqa. 
Wati : " Shushushu, ndafa. " Wati 
ke : " Se yiza kugqitywa, so yiza 
kumka. " Wati qaqaqa. Yawa ke. 



Wati ke, ya kuwa, wasuka wafa. 

Wabaleka ke u dade wabo, waya 
kuxela ku yise no nina u kiiba u 
Mlonjalonjani ufile. Beza ke u yise 
no nina, beza belila. Bafika batshisa 
ke i ndlu, bazifaka e ndlini, bazitshisa 
nayo 

Zati ke i ntombazana zemka zilila, 
zaquba i nkomo za ko wazo, zahamba 
ke zaya ku lo nina. 

Wasuka u mhlaba wahlangana, 
kwasuka kvva mnyama. 
Bati ke : — 



dying, child of my father. " She said: 
" Patience ! It is nearly off. " So she 
cut again. He said : " Oh dear ! Oh 
dear ! I am dying. " So she said : 

It is nearly finished, it is nearly 
off. " She cut again and the hump 
fell down. 

But when it fell down, he died. 

Then his sister ran, and went to 
tell her father and mother that Mlon- 
jalonjani was dead. So the father and 
the mother came shedding tears. 
When they reached their hut, they 
set fire to it, shut themselves in it, 
and burnt themselves with it. 

So the girls went away crying. 
They drove before them the cattle 
of the place, and went in search of 
their mother. 

Suddenly the earth was covered 
with a thick fog, and it got dark. 

So they sang : 



Andantino. 

^V 

zzin 



3E 



:5^i^3=i 






pi 



*3 



1 



Oa - bu - ka m - ga - da, mba-nga-mba-nga ! Si - fe - le ma we- tu, 



I 



-N H^- 



q^=qJi:^L=5=S-3 



mba-nga-mba-nga ! U 



^-^ 



^^^^=S 



.i=.:^r= 



(ter). 



zi -tslii - se ne ndlu ya-ke, mba-nga-mba-nga ! 
Si-bu-le- le Mlo-nja - lo-nja-ni, mba-nga-mba-nga! 
Si-m-qa - qa si-ngqi sa-ke, mba-nga-mba-nga! 



" Qabuka, mgada ('), mbangambanga ! 
Sifele if) ma i^) wetu, mbangambanga ! 
Uzitshise ne ndlu yake, mbangambanga ! 
Sibulele Mlonjalonjani, mbangambanga ! 
Simqaqa singqi sake, mbangambanga ! " 

Wasuka u mhlaba waqabuka. 
Bahamba ke, bahamba, bahamba, 
bahamba, bava kusiti roqo roqo roqo 



" Open out, earth, alas ' alas ! 
We have lost our mother, alas ! alas ! 
She has burnt herself with her hut,alaslalas! 
We had killed Mlonjalonjani, alas ! alas I 
By cutting off his hump, alas 1 alas ! " 

Then the earth opened out. 
So they went and went; they went 
and went, until they heard a sound 



1. Mgada is a word used only by women for ni-hlaba. 

2. Regularly we should have 7^/w^, not -fele ; but, as I never could perceive the w, I have thought it 
better not to insert it. Possibly also si-fele is for u-sifele, lit. " she is dead for us. " 

3. Ma, poetical for ngu ma, '\i si-fele stands for si-felwe; for u ma, if si-fele stands for u-si-fele. 



302 



Second Appendix. 



roqo pantsi kwe litye e sidulini. Ya 
puma ke le nto yati : " Nifuna nto 
nina ? " Bati bona : — 



" Sifele ma wetu, mbangambanga ! 
etc. {as above). " 

Yi mbulu lo nto. Yati : " Hambani 
ndinikape, ndinise ku lo nyoko. " 
Bahamba ke. Yati yakufika e zibu- 
kweni e likulu,yati : " Na kuhlamba, 
u kuba nowavile (') (a manzi). " Ba 
cancata ke e matyeni, bacancata. 
Yasuka i mbulu yali ngcu ngo msila, 
yati ke tshizi. Yati : " Hlambani ke, 
niwavile nje. " 



Bahlamba ke, watata i mpahia 
zabo, wazingxiba zona. Bati ke : 
" Zis'i mpahia zetu. " Wati : " O! ka 
nihambe, nina mbuka wa nina? " Ba 
hamba ke, bafika ke nga ku lo mzi. 
Bati ke : " Yis'i mpahia zetu. " Wati 
ke : " Ni na mbuka wa nina t " 



Basika ke baziqab' u daka. Baha- 
mba ke. 

Bafika ke ku lo mzi. Yati ke le nto, 
le mbulu i no msila, yati : " Yipani 
o mgodwanja (2) u kutya. " Bapiwa 
ke. Kwatiwa : " Ma bayo ku linda a 
masimi atyiwa zi ntaka. " Bahamba 
ke kusasa, baya ku linda. 



Lati i xego : " Tsayitsayibom ! 
Nanzo, mgodvvanga. " Zati i ntomba- 



like roqo, roqo, roqo, coming from 
under a stone in a hill. So that thing 
came out, and said : " What are you 
looking for ? " They sang : 

" We have lost our mother, alas ! alas ! 
etc. {as above) ", 

That thing was a mbulu. It said : 
" Go on, I will lead you the (right) 
way, and bring you to that mother of 
yours. " So they went on. When the 
mbulu came to a great ford, it said : 
" If you are touched by water, you 
must go in and bathe. " So they walk- 
ed on tottering and tottering from 
stone to stone. Suddenly the mbulu 
struck the water with its tail, and 
splashed it. Then it said : " Go in, and 
bathe, since you have been touched 
by water. " 

So they went in. Then the mbulu 
took their clothes and put them on 
himself. They said : " Let us have 
our clothes. " It answered : "Just go 
on. What can you complain of? " So 
they went on. When they came near 
that village, they said : " Let us have 
our clothes. " It said : " What can 
you complain of ? " 

Then they smeared their body 
with clay, and they went on. 

They reached that village. Then 
that thing, that mbulu with a tail, 
said : " Give food to these offsprings 
of dogs. " They received food. Then 
they were told to go and watch the 
gardens that were being eaten by 
birds. So they went to watch in the 
morning. 

An old man said : " Tsayitsayi- 
bom (^) ! There they (the birds) are 



1. Nowavile=ni-wavile. The change of i to o is the result of a partial assimilation with the following w. 

2. U 7ngodwanJa, pi. o mgodwAnja, is a compound word derived from n m-godo ' ' breed " and i nja ' ' dog. " 



specimens of Kafir Folk- Lore. 



303 



zana : " Tsayitsayibom ! Nanzo, Ma- 
belengambonge (') : — 

" Sifele ma wetu, mbangambanga ! 
etc. ". (the savte as before). 

Lati i xego : " He ! " Bagoduka ke 
baya e kaya ngo kuhlwa. Alaxela 
ela xego. 

Yona ke i mbulu yahlala e kaya. 
Kwabuzwa i ndaba, yati " Kusapi- 
liwe," benga boni ingesiyo ntombaza- 
na ke, iyi mbulu. Yapuma ne nkosi 
ke, yaya kulala e ndlini yayo. Yati i 
ne sisu, yati : " Ncincinu, ndifun'i 
qwili (^). " Yafika ke i mpuku. La lise 
ko i xego ke, lati : " Yi mbulu le, u 
msila lo ufun' i mpuku wona." Alaxe- 
la noko. 



Kwasa ke, zapinda ke i ntomba- 
zana, zaya kulinda kanjako. Lati i 
xego : " Tsayitsayibom ! nanzo, mgo- 
dwanga. Zayidla i ntsimi kakade, 
zayitshitshela. " Bati bona : " Tsayi- 
tsayibom ! Nanzo, Mabelengambo- 
nge:~ 



near you, breed of dogs. " The girls 
said : " Tsayitsayibom ! There they 
are near you, Mabelengambonge : 

" We have lost our mother, alas ! alas ! 
etc. " (t/ie same as before). 

The old man said : " What is that?" 
So they went home in the evening. 
The old man said nothing. 

As to the mbulu, it had stayed at 
home.They asked it the news. It said : 
" Our health is good yet. " They did 
not see it was not a girl, but a mbulu. 
So it came out with the chief, and 
went to sleep with him in his hut. It 
said it had a belly-ache. Then it said : 
" Ncincinu (3), I want a medicine. " 
Then a mouse came. The old man 
was still there. He said : " That is a 
mbulu, that tail wants mice ("). " But 
he did not tell anybody. 

Morning came; the girls went again 
to watch. The old man said : " Tsayi- 
tsayibom ! there they are, breed of 
dogs. It is a long time already that 
they are eating off the garden. They 
are going to finish it altogether."They 
said : " Tsayitsayibom ! there they are 
near you, Mabelengambonge : 



7p — t — 




= 


-i — 


zzt-HV: 


\- 




-j 




1 










S 


J. 




^ 


- j^ J^- 


— 1 


Si - 


fe - le 

• m 




ma 

i— 


we 


- tu, 
— ^— 


=T- 


mba 

— \— 


- nga - mba - 

1 N. N 


nga ! 


p N p^ 


^-- 




4 




•_ 


« — 


l-^=4-t 


-9- 


u 


■ zi - tshi 


- 


se 


ne 


ndlu 


ya 


- ke, 


mba - nga - mba 


- nga, I 


Si 


- bu - le 


le 


Mlo 


- nja 


- lo - 


nja 


- ni, 


mba - nga - mba 


■nga ! 


Si 


m - qa 


- 


qa 


si 


-ngqi 


sa 


- ke, 


mba - nga - mba 


-nga ! 


Sa 


ha 


- 


mba 


si 


. fu - 


na 


ma. 


mba - nga - mba 


•nga ! 


Sa 


hla 


- 


nga 


- na 


ne 


mbu 


- lu, 


mba - nga - mba 


nga ! 


Wa 


- si - hlu 


- 


ta 


mpa 


-hla 


ze 


- tu. 


mba - nga - mba 


-nga ! 


Si 


- hie - li 


zi 


-tye 


- ni 


ze 


zi 


- nja, 


mba - nga - mba 


-nga ! 



1. Mabelengambonge is the proper name of the old man. 

2. / qwili, a word seldom used, is a synonym of i yeza. 

3. Ncincinu seems to be the proper name of the chief. 



304 



Second Appendix. 



Sifele ma wetii, mbangambanga ! 
Uzitshise ne ncllu yake, mbangambanga ! 
Sibulele Mlonjalonjani, mbangambanga ! 
Simqaqa singqi sake, mbangambanga ! 
Sahamba sifuna ma, mbangambanga ! 
Sahlangana ne mbulu, mbangambanga ! 
Wasihluta mpahla zetu, mbangambanga ! 
Sihleli zityeni (') ze zinja, mbangambanga ! " 

Bagoduka. Wati u Mabelengam- 
bonge e nkosini : " Ungandinika nto 
nina, ndokuxelela i nto ? " Yati i 
nkosi : " Ndinga kunika i nkomo. " 
Wati : " Ndi na mazinywana apina 
o kutya i nkomo? " Yati : " Ndoku- 
nika i bokwe. " Wati : " Ndi na ma- 
zinywana apina o kutya i bokwe ? " 
Yati : " Ndokunika i nqwemesha? " 
Lati ke i xego : " Ndi na singqana 
sipina so kungxiba i nqwemesha ? " 
Yati ke : " Ndokunika u kobo. " 
Wati ke : " Kauti sibone. " Baluga- 
lela ke, walutya ke. 



Wati ke : " Eza ntombazana ziti 
zifelwe ngu ma wazo, zahlangana ne 
mbulu, yazihluta i ngubo zazo. " 
Kwatwa ke ku la mbulu : "Ma u 
dimbaze. " Yangena ke e si seleni. 
Agalelwa ke a manzi ashushu kuyo. 
Yasuka yati pundlu e siseleni, yati : 
" Ndiwadle kade a we nkonazana. " 



Kukupela kwayo ke. 



We have lost our mother, alas ! alas ! 
She has burnt herself with her hut, alas ! alas ! 
We had killed Mlonjalonjani, alas ! alas ! 
By cutting off his hump, alas ! alas ! 
We went in search of our mother, alas ! alas I 
We met with a mbulu, alas ! alas ! 
He robbed us of our clothes, alas ! alas ! 
We now si t in the mangers of dogs,alas ! alas !" 

They went home. Mabelengam- 
bonge said to the king : " What will 
you give me, and I will tell you a 
thing ? " The king said : " I shall 
give you a cow. " The man said : 
" What remnants of teeth are left to 
me for eating a cow ? " The king 
said : " I shall give you a goat. " The 
man said : " What remnants of teeth 
are left to me for eating a goat.? " The 
king said : " I shall give you a loin- 
cloth. " The man said : " What loins 
are left to me to gird them with a 
loin-cloth ? " The king said : " I shall 
give you millet. " The man said : 
" Let us see. " So they poured out 
the millet, and he ate it. 

Then he said : " Those girls say 
that, having lost their mother, they 
went in search of her, and met with 
a mbulu which robbed them of their 
clothes. " So they said to that mbulu : 
" Go and take Kafir corn out of the 
pit. " Then it went into the pit. Hot 
water was poured over it. But it 
jumped out of the pit, saying : '* I 
have more than once played tricks 
of young girls. " 

That is the end of it. 



NOTES. 

Another version of this tale has been given by Mr. G. M*^ Call Theal in his " Kafir 
Folk-Lore. " It contains no song. 
(a) Mbulu. — The mbulu is a fabulous being, supposed to live near the rivers and to 

I. Zityeni. poetical for e zityeni. Likewise, in the preceding lines, several articles are poetically omit- 
ted. Thus, Mlonjalonjani stands for u Mlonjalonjani, singci for i singci, ma for u ma, and ?npahia for 
i mpahla. 



specimens of Kafir Folk-Lore. 



305 



be fond of playing tricks on young girls. Its essential feature is a tail. In all other respects 
it has the appearance of a human being. Some Kafirs identify it with the Gqonj^go^ 
described in the following tale. 

(b) Tsayitsayibom. — In Kafirland the principal occupation of women in summer time 
is to watch over the gardens, so as to prevent the birds, principally a small kind of finch, 
from eating the Kafir corn which is then ripening. Their usual stratagem for driving the 
birds away is merely to make a noise by clapping the hands. The exclamation " Tsayit- 
sayibom ! " is what they are often heard to shout out when they wish to warn one another 
of the presence of birds in various quarters of the field. 

(c) That tail wants mice. — In Kafir lore the tail of the mbulu is supposed to be parli- 
culary fond of mice. In Mr. Theal's version, the episode of the mouse comes, perhaps 
more naturally than here, only at the end of the tale. The peopleof the place, having 
then been told already by the old man that the supposed girl is a mbulu, wish to ascertain 
the truth of the assertion, and, to obtain their purpose set snares, in which the mbulu's 
tail gets fast while pursuing mice. 



n^f)itD a^ale, 



A MAGQONGQO NO QAJANA. 

t 

Kwati ke kaloku i nkomo ze nkosi 
zamita('). Za li shumi. Zazal'e zinye, 
a yazala e nye. Yasika, lo mhla ya- 
zala, yazala i nkwenkwe. N^u Qaja- 
na i gama la le nkwenkwe. Kwatiwa 
ma kaaluse \ nkomo. 

Zati ke i nkomo kusasa zapuma e 
buhlanti. Yati le nkwenkwe : — 



THE GQONGQOS(^) AND QAJANA {b). 

Once upon a time ten cows of the 
king conceived. All of them calved 
except one. But the day she calved, 
she bore a boy, who received the 
name of Qajana. He was told to 
herd the cattle. 

So in the morning the cattle went 
out ofthe kraal, and the boy sang : 



Allegretto {quasi Allegro). 






^ , ^ 



Ro - qo - za - ni, ro - qo 
" Roqozani, roqozani u kuhamba {bis) ". 

Zahamba ke 1 nkomo, zaya e hla- 
tini. 

Kwati, nxa zityayo, kwafika a 
magqongqo beza kuziba. WatI o 
mnye : " Kodwa uyazazi na ? " Wati 
o mnye: "A ndizazi, siqelile u ku- 
dla a banye a bantu tina. " Wati o 
mnye : " Mna ndiya zazi. " 

Afika ke la magqongqo, aziquba, 



ku 



ha - mba {bis) 



" Range yourselves to go, range your- 
selves {bis) ". 

So the cattle left the place, and 
went to the kloof ^''\ 

While they were grazing, there 
came gqongqos, who wanted to steal 
them. One of them said : " But do 
you know how to manage cattle ? " 
Another said : " I don't know, our 
own custom is to eat other people. " 
Another said : " I do know. " 

So they came, those gqongqos ; 



I. With some Kafir tribes a more usual form of this word is semita (Or. n. 274). 



20 



3o6 



Second Appendix. 



azahamba, Azibeta, azibeta, azibeta, 
azibeta, ada asika ancama agoduka. 



Yiyo le nkwenkwe yazigodusa i 
nkomo, isiti : — 



they tried to drive off the cattle ; 
they beat and beat them, they beat 
and beat, until at last they gave up 
resisting, and went homewards. 

It is that boy who made them go 
home by singing : 




Ni - ya bon' u ku 

" Roqozani, roqozani u kuhamba (bis). 

Niyabon' u kuba nifile (bis). " 

Utsho e zinkomeni za ko wabo. 
Zahamba ke zaya e kaya zafika. 
Kvvasengwa ngo kuhlwa ke, kwa- 
sengwa i ntlazana. A zapuma i nko- 
mo. Yati ke : — 



" Roqozani, roqozani u kuhamba (bis) " 
(Sutig as before). 

Zahamba ke zaya e hlatini, zafika 
ke, zatya ke e hlatini. 

Afika a magqongqo kanjako, azi- 
beta, azibeta, azibeta, azibeta. A za- 
hamba. Yati i nkosi ya magqongqo : 
" Kanifune e zi nkomeni, zingabi zi 
no mntu ozitetelayo. " Bafuna ke, 
basuke ke babona le nkwenkwe i ku 
nina. Bati : " Bonga. " Yati yona : 
" A ndikwazi. " Wati o mnye : " Bon- 
ga, ndokuhlaba ngo mkonto lo. " 
Wati ke : — 



ba ni - fi - le {bis). 

" Range yourselves to go, range your- 
selves (bis). 

You see that you are killed (bis). " 

Thus he spoke to the cattle be- 
longing to his village. So they went 
homewards, and arrived (safely). The 
evening milk was drawn, and the 
morning milk was drawn ^^\ They 
did not go out. So the boy sang (as 
before) : 

" Range yourselves to go, range your- 
selves (bis) ". 

Then they started, and went to the 
kloof, where they began to graze. 

Again came the gqongqos, they 
beat and beat them, they beat and 
beat. They refused to go. Then the 
chief of the gqongqos said : " Just 
look well among these cows, may be 
there is somebody who directs them." 
So they looked and found that boy 
near his mother. They said : " Spell. " 
He said : " I do not know how to 
spell ". One of them said : " Spell, or 
I shall stab you with this spear. " 
Then he sang : 




le {bis). 



specimens of Kafiy Folk-Lore. 



307 



i 



" Roqozani, roqozani u kuhamba(^(^/j/ "Range yourselves to go, range your- 
selves (bis). 

Niya bona u kuba ndifile (bis). " You see that I am dead (bis). " 

Zahamba ke i nkomo zitinjvva nga Then the cattle went, being driven 

magqongqo. Yasuka e nye i nkabi e away by the gqongqos. But one old 

nkulu a yahamba.Bati ke: " Kwedini, ox refused to go. So they said : " Boy, 

bonga le nkabi. " Yati le nkwenkwe: spell this ox. " The boy said : " I 

" A ndikwazi. " Bati ke bona : " U don't know how to do so. " They said: 

ya kwazi. " Yati ke le nkwenkwe : — " You do know. " Then the boy sang. 



-iii= 



=,=j^^j^ 



Wa - qe 



qe - za, wa - qe 



qe - za 



ku 



ha - mba {bis). 



--X 



-:i^-=-t 



^ 



U - ya ton' u - ku 

" Waqeqeza ('), waqeqeza u kuhamba (bis). 

Uya bon' u kuba ndifile (bis). " 
Yahamba ke le nkabi, yema kwe 
nye i ndawo, bati : " Bonga, kwedini." 
Yati : — 
" Waqeqeza, etc. (the same as before). " 
. Yahamba ke, yafika e mlanjeni, 
yafika yema. Bati ke : " Bonga, kwe- 
dini. " Yati ke : — 

" Waqeqeza, waqeqeza u kuwela (bis). 
Uya bon' u kuba ndifile (bis). " 

Yawela ke, yahamba, bayiquba. 
Yati ya kufika nga se buhlanti, a ya- 
ngena. Bati ke : " Bonga, kwedini. " 
Yati ke le nkwenkwe : — 

" Waqeqeza, waqeqeza u kungena (bis). 
Uya bon' u kuba ndifile (bis). " 

{^Sung as the previous spells.) 

Yangena ke. Batata i ntambo,beza 
kuyixela. Bayirintyela. Yasuka, a ya- 
rintyeleka. Bati : " Bonga, kwedini. " 
Yati ke : — 



ba 



ndi 



fi - le {bis). 

" Take the trouble to go, take that trouble 
(bis). 
Thou seest that I am killed (bis). " 

So the ox went, but it stopped at 
another place. They said : " Spell, 
boy. " He sang : 

" Take the trouble, etc. (l/ie same as beforey\ 
So the ox went on ; but, when it 
came to the river, it stopped. They 
said : " Spell, boy. " So he sang: — 

" Take the trouble to cross, take that trou- 
ble (bis). 
Thou seest that I am killed (bis). " 

So the ox crossed the river and 
went on. They drove it before them. 
But when it came near the kraal, it 
refused to go in. They said : *' Spell, 
boy. '' So he sang : 

" Take the trouble to go in, take that 
trouble {bis). 
Thou seest that I am killed {bis). " 

So it went in. They took a riem ^'\ 
in order to go and slaughter it. They 
pulled. But it could not be drawn. 
They said : " Spell, boy. " So he 
sang : 



I. In another version of this tale I heard ii-ya-qeqeza, which is more regular, but not so 
to the rhvthm. 



lell adapted 



3o8 



Second Appendix. 



\ ^s 






1 



:.^z^_: 



:3^^ 



Wa - qe - qe - za 

__ ^ ^v-- 



wa - qe - qe - za u - ku - ri - ntye - le - ka {bis). 



%-- 



3 



g= 



1 



U - ya bon' u ku 

" Waqeqeza, waqeqeza u kurintyeleka ibis). 

Uya bon' u kuba ndifile {bis). " 

Yarintyeleka ke. Bayihlaba apa 
e siswini ngo mkonto, a wangena u 
mkonto. Bati : " Bonga, kwedini. " 
Yati ke : — 

" Waqeqeza, waqeqeza u kuhlatywa {bis). 
Uy abon' u kuba ndifile {bis). " 

{Su?ig as the previous spells.) 

Wangena ke u mkonto e siswini. 
Bayihlinza ke bayigqiba. A kwatyi- 
\va ne ntwana e ngcingci, baya 
kuyibeka e ndlini. Bona baza kum- 
ka. Bati baya kuhlamba i sisu e 
Iwandle, bobuya ngo kuhlwa. 



Bemka ke, bashiya i xekwazana (') 
e kaya, liza kugcina i nyama na la 
nkwenkwe. 

Yasuke ke le nkwenkwe, ba kum- 
ka.yatata (-) a mafuta, yawapeka e 
ziko, anyibilika. Yasuke yatata u 
mcepe, yaka e mafuteni, yawanika 
eli xekwazana e shushu. Lati lona : 
" Ndakutsha. " Yati yona : " Sela. " 
Lasela, lati : " Ashushu. " Yati le 
nkwenkwe : " Sela, " ngo msindo. La- 
sela. Yati yona : " Kwaza. " Lati i 
xekwazana : " Hu ! i nkomo ziyem- 
ka. " Yapinda yaka kanjako, ingxa- 
mele u kuba ze linga kwazi u kuteta. 
Yalita a mafuta, yati : " Kwaza. " 



ba ndi - fi • le {bis). 

" Take the trouble to be drawn, take that 
trouble {bis). 

Thou seest that I am killed [bis). '' 

So the ox was drawn. They tried 
to stab it here in the belly with a 
spear. But the spear could not go in. 
They said : " Spell, boy. " He sang : 

" Take the trouble to be stabbed, take 
that trouble {bis). 
Thou seest that I am killed {bis). " 

So the spear went in into the bel- 
ly. They skinned the ox and prepa- 
red it. But not the least bit of it was 
eaten then, they only went to put it 
down in a hut. Then they left the 
place, saying that they were going 
to wash the tripe ^^ in the sea ^^\ and 
that they would be back at sunset. 

So they started, leaving a little 
old woman at home to watch over 
the meat and over that boy. 

As soon as they had left, the boy 
took fat, and cooked it at the fire- 
place until it melted. Then taking a 
large spoon, he took out some of it, 
and presented it quite hot to the old 
woman. The woman said : " I shall 
be burnt. " The boy said : " Drink. " 
She then began to drink, but she 
stopped, saying : " It is too hot. " 
The boy said with an angry tone : 
" Drink. " She drank. The boy said : 
" Scream (now). " The old woman 
said : " Whew ! the cattle are going 



1. It seems that the right spelling of this word should be i xegwazana, not i xekwazana, but I have 
thought better to spell it as I heard it pronounced. It is derived from i xego " an old man ", with the 
feminine suffix -azt an 1 the diminutive suffix -ana (591 and 592). 

2. Taia is the usuil pronunciation of the word which is commonly written taiata. 



Specimctis of Kafir Folk- Lore. 



309 



Lati : " Awu ! " Yapinda kanjako, 
yati : " Kwaza. " La linga kwazi u 
kukwaza, litshile nga mafuta. Yasuke 
ke le nkwenkwe, yati : — 



off. " He dipped again into the fat, 
wishing to nnake her unable to utter 
a sound. He poured it into her 
(throat), then said : " Scream. " She 
said : " Au ! " He did the same once 
more, then said : " Scream. " She 
could not scream, she had been burnt 
by the fat. Then that boy sang : 







U - ya bon' u ku 

" Waqeqeza, waqeqeza u kuvuka (bis). 

Uya bon' u kuba bemkile (bis). " 
Yavuka ke le nkabi ixeliweyo. 
Yaziquba ke le nkwenkwe i nkomo 
zonke, igoduka nazo. 

Yati, ya kufika nazo e kaya, kwa- 
tiwa : " Be ziye pina lo nyaka wonke?" 
Yati ke yona : " Za zibiwe. " Kwati- 
wa ke : " Ulibele (') yi nto nina we- 
na } " Yati ke : " Nam be ndimkile 
nam. " Kwatiwa ke : " Kulungile. " 

Wona a magqongqo afika e kaya, 
inkomo zingeko. Ati : " Madlebedlu- 
mbi (2), i nkomo ziye pina? " A kakw- 
azi u kuteta. 



Asuke ke la magqongqo enz' i zi- 
bata. Yaya ke le nkwenkwe, yaya e zi 
bateni, yafika kubanjisiwe i ntaka. 
Yati ke yakulula ke e nye i ntaka, 
yabanjiswa ke ngo mnwe. Yati : " I ! 
ub' i sandla sam siye pina ? " Yatiwa 
go ke nga so, oko kukuti, ziti i zibata 



vu - ka {bis), 

ba be - mki - le {bis). 
" Take the trouble to rise again, take that 

trouble (bis). 
Thou seest that they are gone (bis). " 

So that ox which had been slaugh- 
tered rose again Then the boy drove 
all the cattle before him, and went 
home with them. 

When he got home, the people 
said : " Where have the cattle^ been 
all this long time ? " He said : " They 
had been stolen. " The people said : 
** Where were you then ? " He said : 
" I too, I had gone with them. " So 
they said : " All right. " 

As to the gqongqos, when they 
came home, they did not find the 
cattle there. They said (to the old 
woman) : " Madlebedlumbi, where 
are the cattle ? " But she could not 
speak. 

So they went and laid snares. That 
boy then went where the snares had 
been laid, and found birds caught in 
them, but, while he loosened one of 
them, he was caught himself by one 
finger. He said : " Hee ! Where do 
you want to take my hand to (3)? " 



1. This is a participle. It means lit. " You having delayed... 

2. This is the proper name of the old woman. It means lit. 
Long-ears ". 

3. Lit. " You steal my hand that it may go whither? " 



" Ears that eat another person ", i. e. 



3IO 



Second Appendix. 



zimbambe. Yati : " I ! ub 'e sinye i 
sandla sam siye pi? " Yatiwa go 
ngesi sandla. Yati : " I ! ub' u mlenze 
warn uye pi ! " Yatiwa go ngo mnye 
u mlenze. Yati : " I ! ub' o mnye u 
mlenze warn uye pi ? " Yatiwa go nga 
lo mlenze. Yati : " I !ub' i ntlokw'am 
iye pi } " Yatiwa go nga yo. Yati : 
" I ! ub' u mlomo warn uye pi ? " 
Yatiwa go nga wo. 



Afika ke a magqongqo a mabini, 
ati : " E ! siya mfumana namhlanje 
u Qajana. " Wati : " Ndikululeni ize 
ndife. " Ati : " Hayi, uya kubaleka. " 
Wati yena : " Hayi, a ndisa kubaleka." 
Bamkulula ke. Wati : " Basani i nya- 
nda ze nkuni zibe mbini, ize ndife. " 
Bati : " Hayi, uya kubaleka." Wati : 
" Hayi, a ndukubaleka ('). " Bavuma 
ke bazibasa ke. Wati : " Vutelani no 
babini, ize ndife. " Bati : " Yi nto nina 
lo nto? Ungxamele u kuze ubaleke. " 
Wati : " Hayi, a ndukubaleka. " Bati 
ke, bavutela ke, wabafaka bo babini 
e mlilweni i ntloko. 



Wati ke e zinkomeni za ko wa- 
bo: — 

A_-.N A H JS -^- 



But that hand did " go ", that is to 
say, it was caught in the snares. He 
said : " Hee ! Where do you want to 
take my other hand to ? " He was 
caught by that hand. He said : " Hee! 
Where do you want to take my leg 
to ? " He was caught by that leg. He 
said : " Hee ! where do you want to 
take my other leg to? " He was 
caught by that leg. He said : " Hee ! 
where do you want to take my head 
to? " He was caught by the head. He 
said: " Hee! where do you want to 
take my lips to? " He was caught by 
the lips. 

Thereupon came two gqongqos, 
who said : " Aha ! we have caught 
him to-day, this Qajana. " He said : 
" Loosen me, that I may die. " They 
said : " No, you would run away. " 
He said : " No, I shall no more run 
away. " So they loosened him. He 
said : " Set fire to two bundles of 
wood that I may die. " They said : 
" No, you would run away. " He 
said : " No, I shall not run away. " 
So they consented and lit the fire. 
He said : " Blow, both of you, that I 
may die. " They said : " What is that ? 
You only want to run away. " So 
they blew the fire ; then he sent them 
both into it head-forward. 

Then he said to the cattle of his 
own village : 



i 



:A-: 



3^: 



za - ni u ku - go - du - ka {bis). 




Ni - ya 



" Roqozani, roqozani u kugoduka {bis). 
Niya bon' u kuba batshile {bis). " 



ba ba - tshi - le {bis). 
" Range yourselves to go home, range your- 

[selves {bis). 
You see that they are in the fire {bis). " 



I. This is for a ndiyi kubaleka. 



specimens of Kafir Falk-Lore. 



311 



Za^^oduka ke. Zona i nkomo za 
zibiwe nga magqongqo, waziquba, 
waya nazo e mzini we nkosi ya ma- 
gqongqo. Wafika wati : " Ndafumana 
ezi nkomo zibaleka. Ndazinqanda 
ke, ngabi zezenu. " Kwatiwa: " Ewe. '' 
Yati ke i nkosi : " Ma ke uye kuza- 
lusa. " Wemka nazo ke u kuya ku- 
zalusa. Wati ke, a kumka nazo ke, 
wazityoba, wazityoba e mitini, wazi- 
tyoba,wazityoba,wazityoba. Wabuya 
ke wati : " Nkosi, le nkomo yandi- 
hlaba, ma yixelwe. " Yaxelwa ke. 
Yati ke i nkosi : " Hamba uhlambe 
eli tumbu e mlanjeni. " Wahamba ke, 
wati ke yena kruntsu, kratya, wati : 
" Qweqwede! Bonela, sele, i tumbu 
le nkosi a ndilityi. " Wemka ke nalo 
walisa e nkosini, wahamba esiti : 
" Eyi ! Eyi ! isele yandipanga. " 
Walinika ke i nkosi, wemka ke, wati 
uya e zinkomeni. 



Wahamba ke, wabona u msi uqu- 
ma nga se hlatini. Waya ke, wafika 
kungeko madoda, i li xekwazana 
lodvva h'peka e nye i nyamakazi.Wati: 
" Molo, makulu ! " Wati : " Maku- 
lu, yopula i nyama le. " Layopula 
ke, bayitya. Wayitya u Qajana le 
nyama ; wati, a kuyitya, wati : " Ma- 
kulu, kunjanina? Ma senze i ntlonde 
yo kupekapekana. " Lati i xekwaza- 
na : " Ewe. " Lamfaka ke lafaka u 
Qajana e m biz wen i. Wavakala u 
Qajana esiti : " Makulu, ndopule. " 
Wamopula ke uninakulu. Walitata 
ke u Qajana eli xekwazana, waliti 
fungu, walifaka ke nge ntloko e ma- 



So they went home. As to the cows 
. which had been stolen by the gqon- 
gqos, he drove them before him, and 
went with them to the kraal of the 
kingof the gqongqos. When became 
to the place, he said : " I have found 
these cows running away, I have 
brought them back, thinking they 
might be yours. " The people said : 
" Yes. " Then the king said : " Go 
and herd them. " So he went to herd 
them. When he had gone, he drove 
them deep into the bush, he drove 
them deeper and deeper. Then he 
came back (with one cow), and said : 
" King, this cow is vicious, it should 
be slaughtered. " It was slaughtered. 
The king said : " Go and wash this 
tripe in the river. " He went and bit 
off a piece ; he found it raw ; then 
he said: " Qweqwede! See here, frog, 
the tripe belonging to the king, I 
cannot eat it. " He took back to the 
king what was left, saying on the 
way : " Oh dear ! dear ! a frog has 
robbed me. " So he handed it back 
to the king, and went away, saying 
that he was going to see the cattle. 
On his way, he saw smoke coming 
up from the direction of the forest. 
So he went in that direction. When 
he came, he found no men there, but 
only a little old woman who was 
cooking venison. He said : " Good 
morning, grandmother. " He added : 
" Grandmother, take the meat out 
of the pot. " So she took it out, and 
they sat down to eat it. Qajana ate 
most of it. When he had done, he 
said : " Grandmother, what do you 
think of this ? Let us play at cooking 
one another. " The old woman said : 
" Yes. " So she put Qajana into the 
pot. Soon he cried out, saying : 



312 



Second Appendix. 



nzini ashushu. Lati : " Shu ! ndatsha, 
ndopule, Qajana. " Wati : " Yitsha. " 
Lati : " Hu ! ndatsha, mntan'am Qa- 
jana. " Wati yena : " Vutwa. " Kade 
h'sitsha, wafuna i siciko, wacika. La- 
sike lavutwa ke. Walopula ke, wali- 
gcuba, wafaka le nyama yalo e mbi- 
zeni kanjako. Le mpahla yalo wali- 
tata, wambata ke, wahlala ke. 



Afika ke a madodana, ati : " Yo- 
pula, ma. " Wati : " Hayi, yopulani, 
bantwana bam. " Bayopula ke, bayi- 
gqiba,bayitya. Wati ke wapuma wati: 
" Ndzebe, badla nina. " Basuka, ba 
kuva lo nto, bamfunza nge zinja. 
Wafika u mlambo uzele, wasuka wa- 
zenza i sikuni. Afika ke a magqo- 
ngqo, lati ke e linye : "Ma ke sigibise- 
le i zikuni. " Bazitata ke, bazigibisela 
pesheya.U Qajana wagibiselwa naye. 
Wafika nga pesheya, wazenza i 
nkwenkwe ke kanjako, wati ke : 
" Ndzebe, nandiweza. " 



" Grandmother, take me out. " The 
grandmother took him out. Then 
Qajana took her and thrust her head- 
forward into the boiling water. She 
said : "Oh dear ! I am burning, take 
me out of the pot, Qajana. " He said: 
" Burn on. " She said : " Oh dear ! 
My child Qajana, I am burning. " He 
said : " Get done. " When she had 
been burning a long time, he looked 
for the lid, and covered the pot. So 
the woman got done. Then he took 
her out, peeled off her skin, and put 
the meat back into the pot. He also 
took her clothes, put them on, and 
sat down. 

When the young men came, they 
said : " Mother, take the meat out 
of the pot. " He said : " Take it out 
yourselves, my children. " So they 
took the meat out of the pot and ate 
it. Then he went out, saying : " The 
fools ! they have eaten their mother. " 
As soon as they heard this, they 
chased him, setting dogs after him. 
He came to a river which was full, 
he then transformed himself into a 
log of wood. When the Gqongqos 
came, one of them said : " Let us 
throw logs of wood across. " So they 
took the logs, and threw them over 
to the other side. Qajana was thrown 
also, and thus came to the other side. 
Then he turned himself into a boy 
again, and said : " Eools ! you have 
helped me across " (^). 



NOTES. 

{a) — The Gqongqos. — In Kafir lore the Gqongqo (or Kongo^ or Qongqongqo) is a sort 
of wild man of the woods Avith ears as long as a man's hand, always described as a man- 
eater. He is distinguished from the ordinary cannibal, who in Kafir is called i zim. It strikes 
me that probably the notion of the Gqongqo is not purely fabulous. My Tonga informants 
used to designate certain Bushmen tribes which are still in existence under the name of 
Ma- Mgokoj and as there are no clicks in the Tonga language, there is every appearance 



specimens of Kajir Folk- Lore, 3 1 3 

that this word was originally identical with the Kafir noun a Ma-gqon^qo. This again 
may have some connection with the double fact that in ancient Aiabic geographies sever- 
al South-African tribes are described under the name of Wa-kwnkwa ('), and that in 
these same geographies the Wa-kwakiva are considered as being related to the Chi- 
nese (-■), who go themselves by the name of Gof^ and Ma-go^. Further in the same line of 
analogies, the Cape colonists used to call certain semi-Hottentot and semi-Bushmen 
tribes " Hottentot Chinese " ; and the most remarkable feature of the language of the 
Bushmen is that the words generally change their meanings by admitting different accents 
somewhat as Chinese does. I wish to draw no conclusion from these coincidences ; I on- 
ly notice them as being not devoid of interest, and as giving some weight to the thought 
that the notion of the Gqongqo may be derived from history. Pursuing the same range 
of ideas, I wonder whether these various words Gqongqo^ Ngoko^ Kwakuia^ Gog.^ etc., are 
not related themselves to the name of the Gogo tribe (Ma-^ogo)^ which is found inland 
from Zanzibar, all the more as the Chinese once occupied an island near the Zanzibar 
coast, and it would be astonishing if their name of 6^^^ and Ma^ogh2id not been pre- 
served by one or other of the tribes that had more intimate connections with them at that 
time. — The long ears of the Gqongqos remind one of the custom which some South- 
African tribes have of stretching the lobes of their ears by means of copper weights. 

{d) Qajafia is one of the most popular heroes of Kafir lore. The facts related here are 
only a few of his exploits. The very same stories which are told of Qajana are sometimes 
attributed to Hlakanyana. Possibly these two heroes are in reality one and the same. 
They are as it were the Samsons of Kafir lore. The characteristic feature of Qajana is 
cunning and love of revenge. He is not precisely a specimen of courage, and his revenge 
falls mostly on poor old women. This represents unfortunately one of the worst traits in 
the Kafir character. For, as a rule, these people cannot be said to be very respectful or 
kind to old women. They told me themselves that in former times it was not uncommon, 
when women were getting incapable of doing any more work, to send them to draw water 
from the river, and then to make them jump into it. 

{c) The cattle... we?tt to the kloof. — In South-Africa we term kloof 2l sheltered valley 
bedecked with trees. This is properly a Dutch word. 

id) The evening milk... and the mornifig milk: — These are common expressions to 
mark the two most important times of the day (cf. Homer's vjy.xo; aaoXytj^, Iliad^ XXH, 
317 ; Od.^ IV, 841). In Kafirland cows are generally milked first at sunset when they come 
from grazing : they are not milked at dawn, but they are then generally let out of the 
kraal for one or two hours to enj oy in its neighbourhood the short grass that has been 
refreshed by the dew of the night, and it is only after this that they are milked again to be 
led afterwards to more remote and richer grazing grounds. Hence the word / ntlazane^ 
or / ntlazana^ which means properly " small grass, " has come to be applied to the time 
of milking cows in the morning. The word kraal is of Dutch origin. The Kafir kraal, 
ti btihlanti^ is an open round inclosure, sometimes built with stones without mortar between 
them, but more commonly made only with thorn-bushes. 

(<?) A riein. — This is another Dutch word. Kafirs have nothing like European ropes. 
The only strong thing of some length they know of for tying or dragging anything is a 
kind of thong or leather strap prepared in a special manner, and in South-Africa called 
a riem. 

(/) Kafirs are particularly fond of the tripe of clean animals. But even those among 
them who make light of the old custom of not eating unclean food, such as pork, monkeys, 
eels, etc., would never for anything in the world touch pig's tripe. 

{g) In the sea. — I have three different versions of this tale in my hands, and in all 

1. Kwakwa is now the name of that arm of the Zambezi on which Kilimane is built. There is also in 
Gazaland south of Sofala a tribe still known under the name of Wa-kwakwa. 

2. Cf. Introduction. 



3H 



Second Appendix. 



three of them, it is not in a river, but in the sea that the Gqongqos are supposed to wash 
the tripe of the ox. This, I think, can be explained only by saying that in Kafir lore the 
proper dwelling-places of the Gqongqos are supposed to be somewhere near the sea. 

{h) The conclusion of this tale is common to several others. It is somewhat abrupt. 
But this is one of the characteristic features of most Kafir tales that they are brought 
to an end precisely when the hearers would be glad to hear something more about their 
heroes. 



Fouttl) Tale. 



TaNGA-LO-MLIBO ('). 

Kwaka kwako u mfazi enga hambi 
e mini, aze ahambe e busuku. La li 
ngu Tanga-lo-mlibo i gama lake la 
ko wabo. Wati eya kuzekwa yi ndoda, 
wati *' a kahambi e mini. " Yati i 
ndoda : " Mziseni noko, anga hamba 
e mini, ahambe ngo kuhlwa. " Yam- 
zeka ke. Waze ke wazala u mntana. 



Yati i ndoda yake nge nye i mini, 
yaya kuzingela. Washiyeka ke lo 
mfazi e kaya, ne xego, ne ntomba- 
zana. Lati i xego : " Hamba undike- 
lele a manzi e mlanjeni. " Wati yena : 
'* A ndihambi nge mini, ndihamba e 
busuku u kuya e mlanjeni. " Wati u 
yise : ** Ndincede, mntan'am, nda- 
qauka li ngxano, ndiyafa. " Wati ke 
yena : " Nanga a masi. " Lati i xego : 
" A ndiwafuni, ashushu. " Wati : 
" Nabu u tywala. " Lati : " A ndi- 
bufuni, bushushu. " Wati kewatuma 
i ntombazana u kuya kuka e mlan- 
jeni, wati|: "A ndihambi e mini mna. " 
Yeza nawo ke a manzi i ntombazana. 
Lati i xego : " Ashushu. " Lati : 
" Hamba undikelele wena, mntan' 
am. " Wati : " A ndihambi e mini. " 



TANGA-LO-MLIPO (^). 

There was once a woman who 
used never to go out by day, but to 
go out afterwards at night. Her name 
at home (^) was Tanga-lo-mlibo. As 
she was about to be married to a 
man, she said she could not go out 
by day. The man said : " Bring her 
all the same to me : she will not go 
out in the daytime, but only after 
sunset. " So he married her, and in 
time she bore him a child. 

One day her husband went to hunt. 
She was left at home with the old 
man (i. e. her father-in-law) and a 
young girl. The old man said : " Go 
to draw water for me from the river. " 
She said : " I never go out by day, I 
go to the river at night only. " Her 
father (-in-law) said : " Have pity on 
me, my child, I am panting with 
thirst, I am dying. " She said : " Here 
is sour milk if). " The old man said : 
" I do not want it, it is too hot. " She 
said : " Here is Kafir beer C^) " He 
said : " I do not want it, it is too hot. " 
So she sent the little girl to go and 
draw from the river, saying : " I can- 
not go myself by day. " So the girl 
came back bringing water. But the 
old man said : " It is too hot. Go and 
draw for me yourself, my child. " She 
said : " I cannot go but by day. " 



I. Proper name. It means properly " pumpkin of the tender shoot ", i. e. " first pumpkin ", as if the 
name had been given at the time the first pumpkins of the year were to be seen in the fields. 



Speciinens of Kafir Folk-Lore. 



315 



Wade wahamba u Si-hamba-nge- 
nyanga, washiya usana e kaya. Waya 
ke ecatazela, vvafika e mlanjeni.Waka 
ngo mcepe, wasuke watshona. Waka 
ngc mbiza, yasuke yatshona. Waka 
nge sitya, sasuke satshona. Waka 
ngo mpanda, wasuke watshona. Waka 
nge qiya, yasuke yatshona. Waka 
nge sikaka, sasuke satshona. Wasuke 
wenjenje waka w^^ sandl' esi, watsho- 
na naye wonke. 



Ushiye u sana Iwake e ndh'ni e 
ntombazaneni. Waze ke wavakala lo 
mntana elila. Yasuke i ntombazana 
yamsa e mlanjeni. Yafika, a yabona 
u nina. Yema nga pezu ko mlambo, 
yati : — 



At last Si-hamba-nge-nyanga (the 
walker by moon-light) went, leaving 
her babe at home. She went tottering 
all the way. When she reached the 
river, she tried to draw with a large 
spoon ; it sank. She tried to draw with 
a pot ; it sank. She tried to draw with 
a basket (f) ; it sank. She tried to draw 
with a jug; it sank. She tried to draw 
with her kerchief ; it sank. She tried 
to draw with her apron ; it sank. Fi- 
nally she did thus, dipping this hand 
of hers ; she sank herself with her 
whole body. 

She had left her babe at home in 
the hands of the little girl. After a 
time the child was heard crying. 
Then the girl took it to the river, 
but she did not see the mother. She 
then stood on the bank of the river, 
and sang thus : 




I^IS 




u-ya li - la, um-nta-n'-a-ko, S'-ha-mba-nga-nya-nga. U-ya-H 

^S . 



nga. 



::|^ 



r^-. 



--^(Ur). 



ma e mla - nje - 
n'a - kw - e - li - la - 
ze ku - ma - nyi - 
Uya lila, uya lila u mntan' ako, Sihamba- 
nga-nyanga (^ (bis). 
Puma e mlanjeni, Sihamba-nga-nyanga, 

U mntan' akvv' elila (=) nje, Sihamba-nga- 
nyanga. 
Vel' uze kumanyisa, Sihamha-nga-nyanga. " 

Yatsho ke i ntombazana. Wati ke 
yena u mfazi, wavela ke e sizibeni. 
Wati, nx' aza kupuma e mlanjeni, 
wati : — 



ni, 
nje, 



Si - ha-mba - nga - nya - nga. 

Si - ha-mba - nga - nya - nga. 

sa, Si - ha-mba - nga - nya - nga. 

" He is crying, he is crying, thy child, Si- 
hamba-nga-nyanga (bis). 
Come out of the river, Sihamba-nga-nyan- 

ga, 
As thy child is crying thus, Si-hamba-nga- 

nyanga. 
Show thyself, and give him thy breast, Si- 
hamba-nga-nyanga. " 

Thus the girl spoke. The woman 
then showed herself in the pool, and 
before coming out of the river, she 
sang thus : 



1. Here nyanga is used without its article i. Hence Si-hamba-nga-nyanga, 
kamba-n^e-nyanga (= Si-hamba nga i nyanga). 

2, Contraction for u mntana wako elila. 



whereas we had above Si- 



3i6 



Second Appendix, 




No - ta - nda - ^^ - ndio 
No - ta - nda - la - ndlo 



i^l^ 




vu 



^n ( II twies). 



Nde - nzi 
Pe - zu - lu 

Nde - nzi - we 
Pe - zu - lu pe 

U-ndi-tu-me a ma-nzi e 



we nga 

pe - zu 

ngu- ba 

zu 

mi 



A-ndi 
U-ndi 
Pe - zu 
Be - ta 
Pe - zu 
A - ku - 



S'ha 
tu 

- lu 

- lu 
m - si 



mba nga-nya 

me nga-ngo 

pe - zu 

ngo ca 

pe - zu 

ku yi 



bom, 
lu, 
w^o, 
lu, 
ni, 
nga, 
ca, 
lu, 
na, 
lu, 
se. 



" Uti ma nditi ni, Notanda-la-ndlovu (')? 

Ndipume e mlanjeni, Notanda-la-ndlovu ? 

Ndenziwe ngabom, Notanda-la-ndlovu, 

Pezulu pezulu, Notanda-la-ndlovu. 
Ndenziwe ngu bawo, Notanda-la-ndlovu. 

Pezulu pezulu, Notanda-la-ndlovu. 
Unditume a manzi e mini, Notanda-la- 

[ndlovu. 
A ndi Sihamba-nga-nyanga, Notanda-la- 

[ndlovu ? 
Unditume nga ngoca, Notanda-la-ndlovu, 

Pezulu pezulu, Notanda-la-ndlovu. 
Beta ngo cana, Notanda-la-ndlovu, 

Pezulu pezulu, Notanda-la-ndlovu. 

A kumsi ku yise, Notanda-la-ndlovu ? " 

Watsho u Si-hambange-nyanga. 
Wapuma ke e mlanjeni, wamanyisa 
lo mntana, wabe wangena e manzini. 
Wati : " Uz' unga baxeleli a bantu b'e 
kaya u kuba lo mntana ke ndama- 
nyisa. " 

Yagoduka ke le ntombazana. 



No - ta-nda - la-ndlo - vu. 

No - ta-nda - la-ndlo - vu. 

No - ta-nda - la-ndlo - vu. 

No - ta-nda - la-ndlo - vu. 

No - ta-nda - la-ndlo - vu. 

No - ta-nda - la-ndlo - vu ? 

No - ta-nda - la-ndlo - vu. 

No - ta-nda - la-ndlo - vu. 

No - ta-nda - la-ndlo - vu. 

No - ta-nda - la-ndlo - vu. 

No - ta-nda - la-ndlo - vu ? 



" What dost thou want me to do, Notanda- 

[la-ndlovu .^ 

That I should come out of the river, No- 

[tanda-la-ndlovu ? 

My fate has been brought about intention- 

[ally, No-tanda-la-ndlovu, 

Above and above, No-tanda-la-ndlovu. 

It has been brought about by my father, 

[No-tanda-la-ndlovu. 

Above and above, No-tanda-la-ndlovu. 

He sent me for water in the daytime, No- 

[tanda-la-ndlovu. 

Am I not the Walker-by-moonlight, No- 

[tanda-la-ndlovu ? 

He sent me as if with a stick, No-tanda-la- 

[ndlovu, 
Above and above, No-tanda-la-ndlovu. 
Beat the child with rushes, No-tandla-la 

[ndlovu, 
Above and above, No-tanda-la-ndlovu. 
Why dost thou not take him to his father, 
[No-tanda-la-ndlovu ? " 

ThusSi-hamba-nge-nyanga spoke. 
Then she came out of the river, gave 
her breast to the child, and went back 
into the water. She said : " Do not 
tell the people at home that I did 
give my breast to the child. " 

The girl went home back. Night 



I. This is the proper name of the girl. It means " Mother of Elephant- track ", 



specimens of Kafir Folk-Lore. 



317 



Kwahlwa ke, kwasa i mini, kwaba 
nge ntlazane, walila u mntana. Yam- 
sa ke i ntombazana ku nina kanjako. 
Yema nga pezu ko mlambo, yati: — 

" Uyalila, uyalila, etc. (l/w same as before). " 
VVavela ke u nina e sizibeni, wati : 

" Uti manditi ni, etc. {the same as before). " 
Wapuma ke, wamanyisa lo mnta- 
na, wabe wangena e manzini, wati : 
" Uz' ungatsho u kuti ndamanyisa e 
kaya. " 

Yagoduka ke i ntombazana, yaya 
e kaya no mntana. Kwabuzwa : " Lo 
mntana umnika nto nina } " Yati : 
" Ndimnika u kutya. " Kwatiwa : 
" Hayi, xela. " Yati ke yona i nto- 
mbazana : " Wanyisiwe ngu nina. " 
Wati ke u yise : " Ub' epumile e 
mlanjeni ? " Yati ke yona : " Ewe. " 
Yatsho ke yalila no yise. Wati u yise: 
" Ze sihambe ne ntambo ngo mso, 
siye kumrola, simrolele apa. " 



Kwati ke, kwa kusa, yahamba i 
ntombazana na madoda, yaya e mla- 
njeni. Yema pezu ko mlambo kanja- 
ko, yati : — 



came, then dawn, then full daylight, 
and then the child began to cry. So 
the girl took him back to his mother. 
Again she stood on the bank, and 
sang (as before) : 

" He is crying, he is crying, etc. '■' 
So the mother showed herself in 
the pool, and sang (as before) : 
" What dost thou want me to do, etc. " 
Then she came out, gave her breast 
to the child, and went back into the 
water, saying: " Do not tell anybody 
at home that I have given him the 
breast. " 

So the girl went home back carry- 
ing the child. This question was ask- 
ed : " What do you give to that 
child ? " She said : " I give him food 
to eat." The people said : " Impos- 
sible, tell the truth. " Then the girl 
said : " He has been suckled by his 
mother. " So the father said : "Then 
she came out of the river ? " The girl 
said " Yes ", and she shed tears to- 
gether with the father. The father 
said : " Let us go with riems to-mor- 
row, to drag her hither. " 

So on the following morning the 
girl went with the men in the direct- 
ion of the river. Once more she stood 
on the bank and sang thus : 




^m^k^^^m^^mM, 



U-ya 11 - la, u-ya li - la, um-nta-n'-a-ko, S'-ha-mba-nga-nya-nga. U-ya-li - nga. 



•-i^Tinz. 



(6 times). 



Pu - ma e mla-nje - ni. Si - ha-mba-nga - nya - nga. 

We - nzi - we nga - bom. Si - ha-mba-nga - nya - nga. 

Pe - zu - lu pe - zu - lu, Si - ha-mba-nga - nya - nga. 

Wa-tu-nywa a ma-nzi e mi - ni, Si - ha-mba-nga - nya - nga. 

Ka-nt'u-ngu S'ha-mba nge nya - nga. Si - ha-mba-nga - nya - nga. 

U mntan' ak'u - ya - li - la, Si - ha-mba-nga - nya - nga. 



3i8 



Second Appendix. 



" Uya lila, uya lila, u mntan' ako, Sihamba- 

nga-nyanga (bis). 
Puma e mlanjeni, Sihatnba-nga-nyanga. 

Wenziwe ngabom, Sihamba-nga-nyanga, 

Pezulu pezulu, Sihamba-nga-nyanga. 

Watunywa a manzi e mini, Sihamba-nga- 
nyanga. 

Kanti u ngu Sihamba-nga-nyanga, Siham- 
ba-nga-nyanga. 

U mtan' ako uya lila, Sihamba-nga-nyanga." 

Akapuma. Emka ke a madoda. 
Yasala i ntombazana, yati : — 



-^— fe— .^— -^— ^^— HS- 



" He is crying, he is crying, thy child, Si- 
hamba-nga-nyanga {bis). 
Come out of the river, Si-hamba-nga-nyan- 

Thy fate has been brought about intention- 
ally, Si-hamba-nga-nyanga, 

Above and above, Si-hamba-nga-nyanga. 

Thou wast sent for water in the daytime, 
Si-hamba-nga-nyanga. 

Yet thou art the Walker-by-moonlight, Si- 
hamba-nga-nyanga. 

Thy child is crying, Si-hamba-nga-nyanga." 

The mother did not come out. So 
the men went away. The girl remain- 
ed behind, and sang again : 






3^£E* 



U mntan' ak' u - ya li - 
Vel' u - ze ku - ma - nyi - 

" U mntan' ako uyalila, Sihamba nga 

[nyanga. 
Vel' uze kumanyisa, Sihamba-nga-nyanga. " 

Wapuma wamanyisa u nina, wabe 
wangena e manzini. Yagoduka ke le 
ntombazana. 



Yafika yati : " Uke wapuma e mva 
kwenu. " 

Kwasake,yaya i ntombazana, yaya 
na madoda kanjako. I ntombazana 
yahamba pambili, a madoda ahamba 
nge mva kwe ntombazana. Afika ke 
a madoda, azimela. Yema i ntomba- 
zana nga pezu ko mlambo kanjako, 
yati : — 

" Uyalila, uyalila, etc. (the same as the day 

{before). 

Wavela u Si-hamba-nge-nyanga, 
wati : " Ndi ma manwele. Ndiyoyika 
ngati uze na bantu. " Yati le nto- 
mbazana : " Hayi, andizanga na ba- 
ntu. " Wapuma ke wamanyisa. Wa- 
bonwa esamanyisa nga madoda. 
Yasuke i ndoda yake yati ruquruku 



la, 
sa. 



-&- 
Si - ha - mba-nga - nya - nga. 

Si - ha - mba-nga - nya - nga. 



" Thy child is crying, Si-hamba-nga-nyan- 

[ga, 

Show thyself, and come to give him the 

[breast, Si-hamba-nga-nyanga. " 

The mother then came out, gave 
her breast to the child, and went 
back into the water. The girl went 
back home. 

When the girl came, she said : 
" She (the mother of the child) came 
out after you had gone. " 

Morning came. The girl went back 
with the men as before. She walked 
in front, and the men walked behind 
her. When these came near the river, 
they hid themselves. The girl stood 
again on the bank of the river, and 
sang : 

" He is crying, he is crying, etc. (as on the 
{preceding day). 
Si - hamba - nge - nyanga showed 
herself and said : " I feel my hair 
standing on end upon my head. I fear 
you have come with other people. " 
The girl said : " I have not come 
with anybody. " Then the mother 
came out and gave her breast to the 



specimens of Kafiv Folk- Lore. 



nge ntambo e mqaleni. Bamrola ke 
bambekisa e kaya e ndlini. 



Kwa u mlambo wahamba nawo, 
ulandela lo mntu ubanjweyo. Seza i 
siziba sahlala e zantsi ko mzi. Kwaya 
kutengwa i zinto e zintsha, ne ziko- 
tile, ne qiya, ne lokwe, ne kumtye. 
Zabekwa ke e mlanjeni. Sahlala, 
asemka. Yati yeza i nkomo e bomvu 
ibaleka, yaya e sizibeni, yabuya le 
nkomo. Sahlala ke i siziba. 



Wati u Si-hamba-nge-nyanga : 
" Tumani u mntu u kumxelela u ma 
u kuba ndatshona e mlanjeni. " 

Kwatunywa i nkabi. Yati ya kufika, 
yati i ndoda ka Si-hamba-nge-nya- 
nga : " Nkabi, ndikutume na? " Yati 
" Mmo. " Kwatiwa nku, yabetwa 
yapuma ke. 

Yatunywa i bokwe. Kwatiwa, ya 
kufika: " Bokwe, ndikutume na? " 
Yati : " Me. " Kwatiwa nku, yabe- 
twa, yapuma ke. 

Yatunywa i nkuku. Kwatiwa : 
" Nkuku, ndikutume na ? " Yati : 
" Ewe. " Kwatiwa : " Uye kuti nina } " 
Yati : " Ndiya kuti : — 

Allegretto. 



319 



child. She was then seen by the 
men. Her husband rushed up, and 
threw a rope round her neck. So they 
dragged her, and brought her home 
into the hut. 

But the river also went along, fol- 
lowing the person who had been sei- 
zed. The pool went to fix itself at the 
foot of the kraal. The people went to 
buy new things (^), tinvessels, an 
apron, women's clothes, and crocke- 
ry. They were put into the river. 
But it remained there, and would not 
go away. Then a red cow came run- 
ning, and went into the pool ; but it 
came back, and the river did not 
move. 

Si-hamba-nge-nyanga said:" Send 
somebody to tell my mother that I 
sank down into the river. " 

The people wanted to send an ox. 
When it came, the husband of Si- 
hamba-nge-nyanga said : " Bullock, 
shall I send thee ? " The ox only 
bellowed. So they struck it, and it 
went out. 

Then they wanted to send a goat. 
As it came, somebody said : " Goat, 
shall I send thee? " It only said: 
" Bay ! " They struck it, and it went 
out. 

Then they wanted to send a cock. 
Somebody said : " Cock, shall I send 
thee ? " The cock said " Yes. " The 
people said : " And what wilt thou 
say? " The cock said : " I shall say : 



f-apido. 



(ter). 



Ndi - za 

Tanga - lo - mli 
U - tsho - ni - le 
" Ndiza kubika 
Tonga-lo-mlibo utshonile, 
Utshonile e mlanjeni. " 



ku - bi - ka 

bo u - tsho - ni - le, 

mla - nje - ni. 

" I come to report 

That Tanga-lo-mlibo has sunk down. 
Sunk down into the river. " 



320 



Second Appendix. 



Kwatiwa : " Knlungile. " Yahamba 
ke. Yati ya kufika ku lo mzi ka Si- 
hamba-nge-nyanga, kwatiwa : " Uti 
nina ? " Yati : — 



They said : " All right. " So it went 
away. When it reached the birth-place 
of Si-hamba-nge-nyanga, the people 
said : " What hast thou to say ? " It 
sang : 



-a. ^ > > p=5==q=q 


rr\ 


r ^ 


-- !^- 


i^: 





. 


Ku - lu - ku ku ku ! (') 
^ Rapido. 


-H— 


Ndi - nku - ku 


— — 


z*=:rz=: 
nje. 


X 


: - 


« 





4 


-•1 


(qtiater). 




I., * 

A - 
Ndi 
Tanga 

U 


ndi nku - ku ya ku 

zo ku 

- lo - mlibo u - tsho 

tshonile e mla 


- be 
bi 

- ni 
nje 


4 


twa. 
ka. 
le. 
ni. 


1 




t- 


4 


;_^i^__^ii_^^_: 


^ : 





^ I- 
4 



U - nga ndi 

" Kulukukuku ! 
Ndi nkuku (^) nje, 
A ndi nkuku ya kubetwa. 
Ndizo kubika 
Tanga-lo-mlibo utshonile, 
Utshonile e mlanjeni. 
Unga ndibulali nje (dis). " 

Yatsho ke i nkuku, walila u yise 
ka Si-hamba-nge-nyanga. Wati u 
nina, a kuva, wati : " Hamba siye e 
mlanjeni ku lo mntana wetu, sika- 
ngele u kuba simtenge nga nto nina. " 
Bahamba ke, bafika ku lo ndoda ka 
Si-hamba-nge-nyanga, bati : " Kuxe- 
Iwe i nkomo e mdaka, ifakwe e 
mlanjeni. " 



Kwaxelwa ke i nkomo e mdaka, 
yafakwa ke e mlanjeni. Semka ke i 
siziba, saya kuhlala e ndaweni yaso. 



nje (h's). 



Ipelile ke. 



bu - la - li 
" Kulukukuku ! 
I am a cock as you see. 
I am not a cock to be beaten. 
I have come to report 
That Tanga-lo-mlibo has sunk down, 
Sunk down into the river. 
Do not chase me in this way (h's). " 

Thus the cock spoke. The father 
of Si-hamba-nge-nyanga shed tears. 
Her mother, when she heard this, 
said : " Let us go towards the river 
to that child of ours, that we may 
see how we may buy her back. " So 
they went. When they came to the 
place of that husband of Si-hamba- 
nge-nyanga, they said : " A black 
cow must be slaughtered, and thrown 
into the river. " 

Then a black cow was slaughtered, 
and thrown into the river. Then the 
pool went off back to its proper place. 

That is the end of the story. 



1, Imitation of the cock's crow. 

2. Poetical for ndi yi nkuku. 



specimens of Kafir Folk-Lore, 321 

NOTES. 

{a) Tan^ii-lfl-mlibo. — This is one of the most popular tales in Kafirland. I have my- 
self collected six different versions of it. Here I give the fullest of the six. A version differ- 
ent from every one of mine has been published by Mr. Theal in his " Kafir Folk-Lore^ " 
pp. 56-66. The most peculiar feature of Mr. Theal's version is an introduction explaining 
how it happened that Tanga-lo-mlibo could not go out in the daytime. 

{b) Her name at home. — This name is opposed to that of Si-liamba-nge-nyangay which 
this woman is going to receive at her new home. It is very common with Kafirs to have 
different names in different places. They are particulary careful to assume a new name 
when they go to work for white people, in order that their master may know as little 
as possible concerning their antecedents. Hence, among other causes, the great difficulty 
which is sometimes experienced in identifying thieves. 

{c) Sour milk. — This is the principal food of every Kafir who has a sufficient number 
of cattle. It is nothing else than coagulated milk from which the whey has not been remov- 
ed. It is kept in skin-bags, which men alone are allowed to touch, and which are well 
shaken in order to break the little lumps, whenever milk is poured out of them. Every 
time the cows are [milked, the fresh milk is poured into these bags, where, mixed with 
the old milk, it ferments rapidly without any further trouble. Sour milk is the most 
refreshing drink Europeans can have in South-Afrika. 

{d) Kafir beer. — Kafir beer is the same as the Abyssinian door ah. The ordinary kind 
is made out of Kafir corn, which is a kind of sorgho. The corn is first soaked in water, 
then left to sprout until the sprouts are nearly half an inch long. Then it is spread out in 
the sun to dry. When quite dry, it is mixed with an equal quantity of corn that has not 
sprouted. The women then kneeling before a fiat stone a little hollowed out pound this 
corn on it with a small oval stone. The malt thus obtained is cooked in water till it boils, 
and left to stand in barrels for a day or two. Over night a little malt that has been kept is 
thrown over the liquid, to set it into fermentation. The following day the beer is strained 
through a small bag of wicker-work, which allows most of the substantial elements of 
the fiour to pass with the liquid. The beer thus prepared, though a little sour, is a beve- 
rage not to be despised. Of course it cannot be kept more than two or three days. Kafir 
women are often valued as wives according to the quality of the beer they make. Some 
Kafirs have the bad taste to pour some bottles of brandy into their barrels of beer. This 
certainly does not improve it. 

(<?) She dipped a basket. — Kafirs know how to mike wicker-work baskets, which, not 
leaking in the least, may be used to hold not only milk, but even water. 

(f) The people went to buy new things. — Undoubtedly this is a sentence that does 
not belong to the original version of this tale, as it mentions several objects which the 
natives have learned to know of only through Europeans. It shows how Kafir lore is 
being transformed under new conditions of life. 



Hlpl)abettcal luDejc. 



N. B. The numbers which are preceded by p. refer to the pages in the Appendices. Those in 
italics refer to the paragraphs in the Introduction. The others refer to the paragraphs in the 
Grammar. Those which are accompanied by an asterisc (*) refer to the comparative tables sub- 
joined to various paragraphs. 



A, how pronounced, 6. 

— = U, 273. 

— how changed before a vowel, 
249. 

— when accented, 309. 
a, article, 317. 

a, classiher, 337, 535. 

a, pronoun, 639*, 650, 651,737, 

858, 995-1003. 
a, relative particle, 718, 723, 

724, 781. 
a, auxiliary, 875, 892-910. 
a, preposition, 570, 573, 743, 

746. 
a, conjunction, 785. 
a, prefixed to various pronouns, 

812, 814, 820, 821. 
•a, verbal ending, 833, 842-854. 
above, 133, 530, 533*, 541, 

581(4). 
Abulfeda, iio. 
abundant, 601*. 
Abyssinian tribes, origin of, 7^. 

ACCENT, 301-312. 

— its influence on the forms of 
the words, 444. 

— its effect when transposed, 
468(1), 559. 

accustomed, 1075. 
actions, 454. 

ADJECTIVES, 600-634. 

— rendered by relative, or pos- 
sessive expressions, 778-780. 

ADVERBS, 873, 1086. 

affinity, how close between the 

various Bantu languages, 246. 
affirmative clauses, 832. 
afterwards, 1016. 
-aga, verbal suffix, 870. 
again, 1012-1015. 
aged, 67. 
agent, name of, after passive 

verbs, 589, 1042 (N. B.). 
agglutinative languages, 108. 
Agisumba, Agisymba, 9. 
agree, to, 1084. 
agriculture, 454. 
air, 377. 

a-ka, auxiliary, 966. 
-aka^ verbal suffix, 870. 
-ala, verbal suffix, 103 1, 1037. 
alive, 601*. 
all, 136, 194, 250, 810-812. 



alone, 250, 814-818. 
along, 564. 

ALPHABET, 3-38. 

already, 987, 991, 992, 1016, 

1017. 
also, 691, 819-823. 
always, 810. 
amidst, 758-763. 
among, 554, 563, 565, 758-763- 
-ana, nominal suffix, 518, 590. 
-ana, verbal suffix, 1057, 1084. 
ancient, 601*, 236. 
and, 570, 971,972,939- 
Anderson, on certain ruins, iS. 
-anc; ?, 803. 
anga, preposition, 576. 
-anga, verbal suffix, 8^}, 870. 
Angazidja language, 212. 
Angola cluster of languages, /^. 

— sources for its study, fj. 
Angola language, — 

— its phonetic features, 146-158. 

— its article, 317, 321. 

— • how its purity has been pre- 
served, gS. 
ani/, 803, 804. 
animal, 525. 

animals, names of, 358, 401 , 483. 
ankle, 402. 
another, 827-829. 
answer, to, 128. 
ant-hill, 491, 503(9). 
any one, 813. 
-anyi'^, 803. 
appear, to, 1058-1061. 

APPLICATIVE VERBS, IO65-IO72. 

Arabic words in Swahili, 85. 
Arabs in Africa, Sj-gj. 
-ari, nominal suffix, 592. 
arm, arms, 81, 179, 230, 232, 

414, 462*, 468, (2), 484. 
armlet, 482. 
arrive, to, 52*, 105. 
arrow, arrows, 99, 186,372, 525. 

ARTICLE — 

— its forms and use, 317-321 

— before relative clauses, 774, 
776, 777. 

— in Herero, 616, 623. 

— in Ganda, ill. 

— in Nyambu, 119. 

— not found in Swahili, 84. 

— how combined with other 



particles, 572. 

— its origin, 830. 
artificial objects, 372 404. 
as, 576, 944. 

as if, 786. 

ashes, 420. 

ask, to, 126, 206. 

aspiration, replacing a suppress- 
ed consonant, 298. 

assimilation of vowels, 249-255, 
263, 276, 277, 290,612. 

assimilation, predominant in 
liantu, 299. 

at, 565- 

at last, 929. 

at night, 556. 

-ati, nominal suffix, 592. 

augmentative nouns, 425-42S, 
430. 

authority, 458, 

AUXILIARIES, 873-1018. 

— their general meaning, 1085. 

— when they must be separated 
from the principal verb, 892 
(A\ B.J 

Avatime language, 598. 

awake, to, 173, 179, 1074. 

axe, 504*, 525. 

Azania, Sj. 

-azi, nominal suffix, 592. 

azjce, personal pronoun, 639*. 

B, how pronounced, 7. 

— = C, 179. 

— =/, 221. 

— = A/, 240, 804. 

- = Na, 479. 

- = p, 14^. 

— = IV, 214. 

— suppressed, 81, 95, loo, 139, 
179, 182, 232, 279. 

da, classifier, 322-365. 

— its transformations, 334361, 

— its use, 342-354, 357-360. 

— its etymology, 362-364. 
da, locative classifier, 53S, 
da, pronoun, 639, 718*. 

da, auxiliary, 977, 978, 9S3, 
1012. 

da, copula, 1028. 

Ba-bue, Ba-mbala, Ba-nsundu, 
Ba-rotse, etc., see Bue, 
Mbala, Nsundu, Rotse, etc. 



324 



South-African Bantu Languages. 



baby, 480, 504, 525. 

back, 174, 20S, 366*, 384 (5). 

back, adv., 10121015. 

bad, 94, 129, 131, 139, 161, 

214, 601*. 
bad names, 432. 
bake, to, 836. 
Bangala language, 157- 
Bantu languages — 

— why so termed, 7, 365 (i). 

— where spoken, //. 

— their classification, 12-1^. 

— their close affinity to one 
another, ij. 

— their purity, 100. 

— their elegance, 75. 

— their literature, i6-'jo. 

— their difference from Hotten- 
tot, 5. 

Bantu people, origin of the, 

yj-ioo. 
baobab-tree, 366. 
bar^ Semitic word, 364. 
baskets among Kafirs, p. 321. 
BE =/, 202. 
be, classifier, 339, 496. 
be^ connective pronoun, 139*. 
be, relative particle, 718*. 
be, auxiliary, 977, 978, 983, 

1012. 
be, copula, 1028. 
be, to, 1019, sqq., 1028-1037. 
beak, 223, 233, 366*, 384 (4). 
beard, 66, 126, 137, 173, 232, 

402, 502, 385*, 409(1 )• 
because, 977, 978. 
become, to, 1028. 
bede, copula, 1028. 
bee, 471. 
be-ense, 250. 
beer, 122, 378, 440*, 461 (3), 

446. 
beer, Kafir, p. 321. 
before, 533^ S^i ((), 1065. 
beget, to, 52*, 88, 96, 108, 173. 
behind, 533*, 581 (10). 
belly, 107. 

below, 151, 530, 533*, 581 (I). 
Be-lungu, 365. 
Bemba language, 62-65. 
Ben, Semitic word, 364.. 
beneath, 533*, 581 (0- 
Benga language, 227-228. 
Bingaela cluster of languages, 

14. 

— sources for its study, 4g. 
between, i8j. 
beverage, 378. 

between, 533*, 581 (5). 
bewitch, to, 480, 1037. 
bewitching, p. 282. 
fa, classifier, 537. 
bfa, pronoun, 639*. 

^/=y, 179. 

= TV, 122. 

bi, classifier, 369, 495. 

bL connective pronoun, 639*. 

bi, auxiliary, 1012. 

bl, copula, 1028. 

Bihe, slave trade at, p. 285. 



Bihe language, 14, 4<p. 

— its phonetic features, 62-65. 

— compared with Nyvvema, 
164-165. 

— its article, 321 (2). 
bile, auxiliary, 10 1 2, 1014. 

— bin, 792*. 

bind, to, 1082, 1083. 
bird, 68, 129, 133, 236, 358, 
.425, 500, 504, 520, 522, 523, 
birds in the Kafir gardens, 

.p. 305. 
Bisa language, 62-65. 
bite, to, 52*. 
black, 624, 626, 778. 
black man, 235. 
blanket, 404. 
Bleek, 5, 7, passim. 

— his Comparative Grammar, 

blind, 128. 

blood, 229, 455. 

BO = J IV ox J, 202. 

bo, classifier, 328, 352, 367, 

446. 
bo, pronoun, 639*. 
bo, conjunction, 786. 
bo, auxiliary, ioi2, 1014. 
boa, 235, 401. 
boas, charmed, p. 292. 
boat, 440*, 461 (7), see canoe, 
body, 96, 219, 366*, 384 (I), 

Z7i, 402. 
bone, 75, j-j, 79, 99, 128, 143, 

147, i8a, 410*, 419, 439(6), 

491*,. 503 (5). 
Boondei language, 14, 78. 
both, 'jc^^iN. B.) 
bottom, 782. 
bow, 72, 443, 453, 459. 
bowels, 455. 

brains, 440*, 455, 461 (4). 
branch, 504*, 526. 
break open, to, 1057. 
breast, 105, 143, 161,217, 233, 

419. 
breath, ^z, 377. 
breed, to, 37, 108 1, 
bring, to, 52*, 120, 1067, 1072, 

1073. 
bring down, to, 1073. 
bring in, to, 1075. 
broom, 372. 
Brusciotto a Vetijalla (Father), 

22, 156. 
BU= T-Kand TVIV, 122. 

— = /, 202. 

BU-MA class of substantives, 
4+0-461. 

BU-ZIM sub-class of substan- 
tives, 452-453- 

bu, classifier, 440-461, 507, 508, 
538. 

— its transformations, 445-451. 

— its use, 454-459. 

— its etymology, 460. 

— dropped, 154, 450. 

bu, connective pronoun, 639*. 
bu, relative particle, 718*. 
bu, referring to a substantive 



understood, 781. 

bu, conjunction*, 785. 

bu, copulative prefix, 583. 

bua, prefix, 538. 

Bue tribe, p. 292. 

buffalo, 69, 94, 197, 215. 

Buma language, 14, 66, 159- 
162. 

bunch, 491*. 

Bunda, see Mbunda. 

bury, to, 115, 1077. 

Bushman (Hottentot =) lan- 
guages, 2- J. 

Bushmen, description of the, 2. 

— their drawings on rocks, iS. 
buy, to, 52*, 81, 133, 1070, 

1071. 
buya, auxiliary, 1012-1015. 
b2ve, conjunction, 785. 

by, 571, 573, 575, 589. 
by himself, 814-819. 
by means of, 573. 
bzi, b\i, classifier, 496. 

C, how pronounced, 8. 

— = B, 179. 

— = 6^, or K, 150. 

— - NV, 186. 

— = 6-, 176. 
-^T, 139. 

— = TS, 206. 

— suppressed, 176. 
cacice, p. 294. 
calf, 418. 

call, to, 52*, 139, 1070. 
Cameron, 145. 
Candlestick. 500. 
Cannecattim, Father Bernardo 

Maria de, 24. 
cannibals, 72, p. 305, p. 312. 
canoe, 118, i6i, 215, 220, 230, 

238, 440*, 459, 461 (7), 583. 
Capello and Ivens, 141, 148. 
Cardozo, Father, 20. 
carry, to, 52S, 1072. 
Carvalho, Henrique Auguslo 

Dias de, 788"*^. 
castor-oil, 378. 
cattle, 385*, S32 cow. 
cattle, dealing with, p. 305, 

causative notion, 502. 

CAUSATIVE VERBS, IO73-IO78. 

cause, to, 1073-1078. 

cave, 499. 

cease, to, 1073. 

center, 504*. 

Ceylon, g6. 

CH = NSH, 479. 

-= T, 90. 

Chagga, see Tshagga. 

characteristic features of Bantu, 

39-59. 

characteristics, 314. 

Charibael, 8j. 

charmed animils, p, 292. 

Chatelain (Heli), 21, o-ml pas- 
sim. 

-che, suffix, 519, 593. 

cheek, 172, 414, 419. 



Alphabetical Index. 



325 



chest, 147, 491*, 503(5). 

r///, classifier, 492. 

chi^ nominal prefix, 354. 

cht\ pronoun, 639*. 

chickens, 456. 

chief, chiefs, 322*, 365 (i, 2), 

502. 
chiefs (deceased), 365 (6). 
chieftain, 131. 
chief-town, g. 
child, children, 122, 161, 210, 

229, 322*, 332, 365 (5), 512, 

554, p. 294 (./). 
chin, 131, 491*, 500, 502, 

503 (3)- 
chinaware in South-Africa, ^4. 
Chinese in South-Africa, 9./, 

P- 313- 
CHIV = PHE, 203. 
Chwana cluster of languages, 

14. 

— sources for its study, 61, 
Chwana language, passim. 

— its phonetic features, 169- 
208. 

— its affinity with Mozambique 
and Mpongwe, 12. 

— its peculiar sounds, 32. 

— its suppressed nasals, 59, 
419. 

— its want of purity, 581 (i). 
Chwana tribes, origin of, 97. 
CI ^ SI = SE, 138. 

CI-ZI class of substantives, 

491-503- 
ci, classifier, 491-503. 

— its transformation, 492-495. 

— its use, 497-501. 

— its original meaning, 502, 

994. 
a, connective pronoun, 639*. 
ci, relative particle, 718*. 
ci, referring to a substantive 

understood, 781. 
ci, conjunction, 787. 
ci, auxiliary, 986, 987, 994. 
Ciboko cluster of languages, 

14. 

— sources for its study, j,?. 
Ciloba^ p. 294 (r). 
Cilumbu, the chief, p. 285. 
circumcision, S6, p. 300. 

CLASSES OF SUBSTANTIVES, 

313,, 3H. 

classification of the Bantu lan- 
guages, 12-15. 

CLASSIFIERS — 

— their nature, 314, 830. 

— their number, 41. 

— their forms, 314, sqq. 

— their importance, 39, 42. 

— their obliteration in Mpon- 
gwe, 218. 

— their use before adjectives 
and numbers, 604. 

— understood, 389, 390. 
clay, 440*, 461 (4). 
clay, red, 626. 
cleanse, to, 1082. 
clicks, 4, 4, 35-38, i2o. 



cliff, 485. 

climb, to, 70. 

climb up, to, 1073. 

close to, 563. 

cloth, clothes, 162, 372, 404. 

clothe, to, 1074, see dr:vss. 

cloud, 420. 

cob, 491*, 500. 

cock, 35S (misspelt co(i). 

cock's comb, 484. 

cocoa nut, 419. 

cocoanut tree, 371. 

coffee, 406. 

cold, 69, 73, 77, 137, 142, 405. 

come, to, 52*, 94, 126, 129, 

136, 141 (2), 225, 837. 
come back, to, 1012. 
come for, to, 1067. 
come near, to, 1075. 
come out, to, 115, 173, 489, 

io8i. 
come together, to, 1076. 
Comoro cluster of languages,/^. 

— sources for its study, 64. 
Comoro islands, 8g, 169, 246. 
Comoro languages, 14. 

— their phonetic features, 211, 
212. 

COMPARATIVES, 629-63I. 

compared to, 563. 
compress, to, 122. 
CONCORD, how established, 39- 

43. 
conditional tenses, 932, 995, 

Stjq. 
Congo dictionaries, MSS.,5j. 
Congo forest, 242. 
Congo, Lower, ^4, and passim. 

— sources for its study. 

— compared with Karanga, 

154. 

— compared with Angola, 146- 

155- 

— its article, 317-321. 
Congo, Middle, langur-ges, 14. 

— their phonetic features, 159- 
162. 

Congo tribes, their nose-rings, 
and incisors chipped, 50. 

CONJUGATION, S^l,S(/(/. 

— its difficulty, 831. 

— its general principles, 832- 
834. 

CONJUNCTIONS, 784-788, 873, 

939, 943, 944, 1086. 

CONNECTIVE TRONOUNS, 637- 
655. 

— their nature, 830. 

— in relative clauses, 717-742. 

— in possessive expressions, 
743-768. 

— before numbers, 793. 

— referring to substantives un- 
derstood, 781-788. 

— understood, 736, 747, 767, 
874. 

consecutive actions, 959. 
continue, to, 1016. 
continualive past, 909, 910, 
917. 



contmuativc present, 913, 914, 

920-928, 930. 
ct)niinuativc, various, tenses, 

942, 945, 972, 977. 
contraction of vr)wels, 249-254, 

263, 290, 612. 

onlra-st, how to express, 663. 
uok.lo, 52*, 89, 1060, 1069. 
COPULA, 1019, St/^. 

— iKrfore adjectives, 618-623. 

— underslootl, 620, 621, 1020, 
102 1. 

— before pronouns, 656, 662, 
685, 707. 

— before relative clauses, 769- 

775. 
copulative prefixes, 582-588, 

1035. 
Cosmas IndicopleusteS, So, 87^ 

g6. 
coughing, 423. 
counting in liantu, 789. 
country, 147, 161. 
countries, names of, 440*. 
cow, 131, 189, 198, 210, 385*. 
cow-dung, 455. 

— how used, 460. 
crocodiles, charmed, p. 292. 
crooked, 1059. 

cross, 372. 

cross a river, to, 115, 116. 

cry, to, 52*, 224, 1075, 1079. 

cup, 525. 

cure, to, 1076. 

Cust, Dr. Robert Needham, — 

— his classification of the iJantu 
languages, /j. 

— his " Sketch of the Modern 
Languages of Africa ", 26. 

CIV= PO, 203. 

— = LU= ZO, 205. 



D, how pronounced, 9. 

— = L = IL or LL, 287. 

— = Z after N, 286. 

— = Z after Z, 287. 

— = NZ, 195. 

— = S, 136. 

i), how pronounced, 9. 

— its use, 82, 133. 

da, auxiUar}-, 918, 926, 929, 

1003. 
dances, p. 2S7. 
danger, 405. 
dawn, to, 52*, 150, 502. 
day, days, 232, 410*, 421, 

439(3), 781 rA^.AV. 
de Coucto, Faiiier. 21. and 

passim. 
de Lalx>rde, /.V 
dead, 94, 
dead, prayers to the, p. 288, 

p. 289. 
dead people raised by Monze, 

p. 290. 
death, 161. 
deep, 624, 626. 

DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS, 

693-7 '6. 



326 



South-African Bantu Langiiages, 



— their predominance in Bantu, 
830. 

DERIVATIVE VERBS, IO47-I084. 

— their general meaning, 1085. 
descriptive turn of mind of the 

Bantu, 830. 
desert, 403. 
destroy, to, 136. 
devil, 105, 410*, 418, 431, 

p. 283. 
DI - TS, 205. 
diy classifier, 395, 411, 473, 

496. 
di, pronoun, 639*. 
di^ negative auxiliary, 875, sqq. 
dialects, 75'. 
Dias, Father Fedro, 23, 158, 

502, 904. 
dice, when used, p. 291. 
die, to, 52*, 128, 133, 177, 233, 

404, 1069. 
different, 826-827. 
dig, to, 174, 1081. 
Dikele, see Kele. 

DIMINUTIVES, 504-529, 475, 
488, 501, 509, 513, 517, 518. 

din, classifier, 395. 
diphthongs, not found in Bantu, 

299. 
disjoin, to, 1082. 
dji, pronoun, 639*. 
/?Z, how pronounced, 33. 

— its use in Kafir, 121. 
do, to, 834, 1070, 1073. 
doctor, doctors, 139, 142, 161, 

235. 385% 400, 409 ('), p. 
290, p. 295. 
dog, dogs, 105, 122, 143, 161, 

243» 358, 390, 504*, J, P- 
293 (m). 

doorah, p. 321. 

doorway, 96, 178, 190, 377. 

double consonants, 99, 105. 

down, 57, 136, 147, 180, 533*, 
581(1). 

drawings on rocks in South- 
Africa, 18. 

dress, to, 52*, 99, 1081. 

drink, to, 52*, 216, 841. 

drinking, beer-, among Kafirs, 
p. 321. 

drop, 420. 

drum, 74, 76, 161, 190, 404. 

dsa, auxiliary, 948, 963. 

du., classifier, 490. 

dual in Ganda, 692. 

Dualla cluster of languages, 14. 

— sources for its study, 68. 
Dualla language, 14. 

— its phonetic features, 219- 
230. 

Dualla people, origin of the, 

226. 
duck, 410*, 418, 439(3)- 
duration, 986. 
dust, 420, 485. 
dwarfs, 2, 243, 244. 

— their language, 4, 242. 
D V, euphonic, 294. 

nz = Z after N, 288. 



dza, auxiliary, 948. 

-dza, verbal suffix, 1075, IO79. 

dzi, classifier, 496. 

dzi, reflexive pronoun, 655. 

E, how pronounced, 10, 271, 
272, 1066. 

— how changed before vowels, 
252. 

— = A, 274. 

— = ^-/, 249. 

— = /, 200. 
e, article, 317. 

e, classifier, 331, 367, 369, 390, 

411*492, 493- 

^, locative classifier and prepo- 
sition, 543. 

e, reflexive pronoun, 655. 

^, connective pronoun, 639*. 

e, relative particle, 718*, 723, 
724. 

<?, indefinite pronoun, 955. 

-e, verbal ending, 833, 862, 872, 
874. 

-ea, verbal suffix, 1055, 1060. 

ear, ears, 72, 143, 161, 211, 

232, 243, 462*, 465,468(1). 
ear-ring, 525. 

earth, 89, 90, 147- 

eat, to, 52*, 178, 838, 841. 

eci?, 801. 

-ede, verbal suffix, 860. 

Edrisi, gi, no. 

egg, 67, 161, 419. 

eight, 789, 796. 

ejy classifier, 492. 

-(?X'a, verbal suffix, 1055, 1061. 

-ela, verbal suffix, 1065- 1072. 

eland, 358. 

elder, 153. 

ele, copula, 1022. 

•elela, verbal suffix, 1065- 1072. 

elements, 374. 

elephant, 126, 133, 208, 214, 

233, 385*. 

elision of vowels, 249, 255, 

256, 612. 
embers, 504*. 

emphasis, 302, 663, 704-706. 
empire, 458. 

-ena, verbal suffix, 1065- 1072. 
enclitics, 656. 
end, 471.- 

enda, auxiliary, 918-940. 
enda, copula, 1034. 
endings of the verbal forms, 

833. 
■ene, 825, 1033. 
enja, enje — enza, enze, 289. 
enjoyment, 487. 
enter, to, 191, 221. 
enyo, auxiliary, 947. 
eo, locative pronoun, 682. 
epithets, adjeclivesas, 613-617. 
-era, verbal suffix, 1065-1072. 
•erera, verbal suffix, 1065- 1072. 
eri, copula, 1026. 
ese, auxiliary, 992. 
euphonic letters, 641 (3). 
evil spirit, 410*, p. 283. 



evenmg, 421. 
ever, for, 782. 

EXPANSIVE VERBS, I080-IO83. 

extinguish, to, 147, 1073. 

eye, eyes, 76, 89, 126, 133, 
136, 143, 174, 194, 208, 228, 
230, 236, 410*, 414, 419, 

439(4)- 
eyelids, 99. 

F, how pronounced, 11. 

— = G, ^T, 77. 

— = ^, 177- 

— = K, 177, 233. 

— = P, 180. 

— = PF, 99- 

— = SH, 177. 
-= T, 128, 133. 

— suppressed, 66, 225, 233. 
fa, classifier, 537. 

face, 228, 230, 414, 440*, 453, 

457, 461(1). 
fall, to, 462*, 1067, 1073, 1074. 
family, 482. 
Fan language, 6g. 

— its phonetic features,23 1-237. 
far, 96, 533*, 764. 

Farini's description of certain 
ruins, 18. 

fat, 66, 75, 80, 93, 133, 177, 
220, 225, 440*, 461 (11). 

fat, adj., 601*. 

father, 126, 228, 322*, 342, 
365 (7), 748-753, 1078. 

feasts, 379, p. 287. 

feather, 373. 

female, 136, 164, 211, see wo- 
man. 

fermented drink, 440*, 461 (3). 

Fernandian group of languages, 
14. 

— sources for its study, 70. 
Fernando Po languages, 14. 

— their phonetic features, 238- 
241. 

/?, classifier, 496, 520, 521. 

field, 464. 

fifth, 797. 

Fiji islands, 95, 815. 

file, to, 236. 

finally, 929, 1016. 

fine, 601*. 

finger, fingers, 133, 164, 23c, 

373- 
finish, to, 1016, 1017. 
Fiote language, see Congo 

(Lower), 
fire, 162, 211, 232, 239, 366*, 

374, 384 (8), 504*. 
firewood, 73, 80, 188. 
fire-worshippers, gj, p. 283. 
fish, 136, 161. 
first, 797. 
five, 789, 792*. 
flame, 232, 529 (5). 
flaton, 563.- 
flea, 471, 528. 
flesh, 385*, 402. 
flour, 440*, 455, 461 (6). 
flow, to, 1074. 



A Iphabctical Index. 



327 



fluids, 454. 

fl}% 523- 
tly, lo, 1074. 

/;, auxiliary, 1012, 1015. 
FOLK-LORK of the Kafirs, pp. 

296-321. 
follow, to, 1074. 
food, 176. 

foot, 81, 88,233,243,462,468(3). 
for, 1065. 

force, to, 1073-1078. 
ford, 499. 
forehead, 402. 
foreign, 826, 827. 
foreign, words, 406. 
form, to, 185. 
four, 789, 792* 
fourth, 797. 

fowl, 233, 385*, 409 (4). 
from, 563, 575. 
fruit, fruits, 419, 439. 
full, to become, 52*, 67, 94, 99, 

future tenses, 907, 908, 912-916, 
920-928, 930, 937, 946, 967. 

C, <S, how pronounced, 12. 

6^=^,75/77- 

— =/, 221. 

— = K, 175. 

— euphonic, 113, 294, 295,297. 
^a, pronoun, 639*. 

o-rt!, before possessive expressions, 

^ 783- . .. „ 

ga^ negative auxiliary, 875, sqq. 
-ga, verbal suffix, 836, ^20. 
Gabun River, 246. 
Gandacluster of languages, 14* 
. . . sources for its study, j/. 
Ganda language, pcissim. 

— its phonetic features, 1 1 l-i 18. 

— its article, 317-319. 
Gangi cluster of languages, 14. 

— sources for its study, 32. 
garden, 374. 

gardens, Kafir, p. 296, p. 300. 

gather, to, 77, 1076. 

GC, how pronounced, 36. 

genders in Bantu, 313. 

genuine, 632 (2), 780. 

if/, pronoun, 639*. 

Gindo language, 103. 

give, to, 147. 

i^o^ classifier, 465, 543. 

go, pronoun, 639*. 

— in locative expressions, 579, 
1046. 

go, to, 193, 250, 839*-84i,843, 

911-939. 
go in, to, 52*, 250. 
Goa, 246. 
Goanese in South-Africa, 96, 

246 (foot-note), 
goat, 139, 142, 162, 164, 185, 

205, 220, 385. 
gobane, 982. 
God, 86, 105, 322*,339.365(6). 

— how described, p. 289. 

— his abode, p. 289. 

— eating his body, p. 294 (t). 



Gog, p. 313. 

Gogo language, passim. 

— its phonetic features, 77. 
Gogo tribes, p. 313. 
gold-trade, 80-96. 

Golden Meadows, 362 (2), J2. 
Gonij-alodaSylveira, Father, 9^, 

p. 294. 
good, 220, 601*, 624, 628, 77Q. 
gore, 1004- 10 1 2. 
gothic letters, 5. 
GQ, how pronounced, 37. 
Gqongqo, pp. 305-313. 
grass, 105, 440*, 456, 461 (2). 
gravel, 485. 
great, 601*, 779. 
greatly, 633. 
greedy, 780. 
green, see grass, 440*. 
grinding stone, 517. 
ground, 502, 581 (l), 626. 
grow, lo, 468. 
gtc, pronoun, 639*. 
Guha cluster of languages, 14. 

— sources for its study, j6. 
Guinea languages, related to 

Bantu, 588. 
gulley, 207. 
gun, 404. 

Gunda language, 97. 
gutta percha, 83. 
Gwamba language, 210. 
Gwamba tribe, 2g (foot-note). 
Gweno language, 212. 
GX, how pronounced, 38. 

H, how pronounced, 13. 

— = A 73. 

-= F, 177. 

— = A', 73, 123, 177, 211. 

— = A^, 284. 

— = JVS, 194. 

- = P, 73, 177, 148. 

— = S, 123. 

— = T,73, 93, "4- 
ha, classifier, 535, 537. 
/la. pronoun, 639*. 
habitual tenses, 947. 
hailstorm, 498. 

hair, 139, 174. 
-/la/a, verbal suffix, 1061. 
half, 500. 
hammer, 404. 
hand, 77, 415, 419. 
handle, 180, 372. 
happiness, 457. 
hatchet, 522. 
hatta, conjunction, 958. 
huve, to, 904, 1037-1039. 
he, 637, 639*, 656*. 
he who, 718- 

head, 131, 144, 161, 164, 211, 
229, 232, 238, 366*, 384 (3), 

384(3), 468(1), 471. 
heal, to, 77. 
healthy, 67. 
hear, to, 133, 137, 152, 186, 

238, 250, 1058, 1084. 
heart, 139, 209, 223, 366*, 

3S4 (6). 



heifer, 418. 

hen, 126, 139, 188, 214, 358. 

here, 211, 693, 693*. 

Herero cluster of languages, 14. 

— sources rr)r its study, 4S. 
Herero language, passim. 

— its article, 317-319. 

— iis phonetic features, 125-130, 

^''3• 

— its peculiar accentuation, 304. 
IIero<lotus, on South-Africa, 81. 
hi, negative auxiliary, 875, sqq. 
hide, 49f, 500, 503 (7). 

high, 425. 

hill, 126, 49i», 500, 503 (8). 
him, 639*, 653, 656*. 
Hinzua language, 211. 
hippopotamus, 99, 161, 233. 

— a sacred animal, 461 (10). 
his, 211,745, jyy., 768-777. 
HL, how pronounced, 33. 

— its use in Kafir, 121. 

— = TLH = S, 208. 
Hlakanyana, p. 313. 
hoe, 410*, 422, 

hoe, to, 52*. 

Ilomer, on .South- Africa, Sf. 

hold, to, 172. 

honey, 118, 455. 

honey-bee, 471. 

hoof, 194, 471. 

horn, 419, 4S4. 

horse, 401, 454. 

horses in South-Africa, 72. 

hot, 778. 

Hottentot-Bushman languages, 

2-5- 
Hottentots, j. 
house, 243, 385*, 390, 409(4). 

533*. 
how many?, 211, 800. 
hundred, 789, 792*. 
hunger, 66, 88, 96, 97, 115, 

126, 195, 208. 
husband, 96, 214, 223, 235, 

241, 322*, 365(2) 
hut, 133, 500. 
hut, burning one's, p. 301. 
hyaena, 128, 139. 

/, how pronounced, 14. 

— = £, 200. 

— = Ar, 198, 285, 414. 

— = (7, 275, 276. 

— combined with a consonant, 
257-25S. 

— how changed before vowels, 

255-258. 

— change to F before vowels, 

255- 

— elided before vowels, 255-256. 

— transposed, 285. 

— initial, dropped, 250. 
31, how pronounced, 14. 

— when used, 271. 

— how changed before vowels, 
251. 

t, article, 317. 

I, classifier, 369, 390, 41 1, 492. 
495. 496, 522. 



328 



South-African Bantu Languages. 



i, connective pronoun, 639*. 
i, reflexive pronoun, 655. 
i, relative particle, 718. 
i, indefinite pronoun, 955. 
-?, negative ending, 872. 
I, 637, 639*, 656\ 
-ia, verbal suffix, 1065-1072, 

1073 r^^. B.) 
Ibo cluster of languages, 14. 

— sources for its study, 44. 
'ibzva, passive suffix, 1049, 

1062. 

-ichisia, verbal suffix, 1079. 

•ide, verbal suffix, 860. 

if, 786, 787, 788,943,963,970, 
997, looi, 1002. 

-igua, -igzoa, passive suffix, 
1048, 1050, 1062. 

-iha, verbal suffix, 1073- 1078. 

-ika, verbal suffix, 1055, 1 06 1, 
1077. 

-ike, nominal suffix, 593. 

•ila, copula, 1022, 1023. 

-ila, verbal suffix, 1065- 1072. 

-He, verbal suffix, 860. 

im, classifier, 388. 

immediately, 690. 

imperative mood and tenses, 
832, 835-841, 855-859, 859, 
873, 880, 906, 938, 968. 

IN-MA sub-class of substan- 
tives, 385. 

IN-ZIN class of substantives, 
385-409. 

in, classifier, — 

— its transformations, 386- 
390. 

— its etymology, 407. 

— its use, 399-406. 

in, 533, 564, 565, 544. 
in front, 533*, 542, 581(9). 
in the air, 533*, 541, 581(4). 
in the house, 533*, 553, 561. 
in the mouth, 554. . 
in the road, 552. 
in the river, 554. 
in the sky, 553. 
ina, copula, 103 1, 
incline, to, 1082. 
increase, to, 1073. 
indefinite pronouns, 809. 
Indians in South-Africa, g6. 
indicative clauses, 842, sqq., 

832, 876, sqq. 
infinitive forms, 466, 832, 853- 

. ^54. 

inga, preposition, 576. 

•ini, locative suffix, 532, 548, 

554. 

— compared with -yo^ 723. 
inscriptions in South- Africa, 18. 
insi, auxiliary, 976. 

— copula, 1036. 

inside, 533*, 549, 581 (I, 5). 
instrument, 573. 
intensive adjectives, 632. 
intensive notion, 502. 

INTENSIVE VERBS, IO79. 
INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS, 
799-809. 



INTERJECTIONS, 596. 

into, 566, 1065. 

i7iza, auxiliary, 976. 

-ira, verbal suffix, 1065-1072. 

iron, 403. 

iron ore, 455. 

•isa, -isha, -isia, verbal suffixes, 

1073-1079. 
isha, auxiliary, 1017. 
-isidza, -isisa, -isisia, verbal 

suffixes, 1079. 
island, 525. 

Isubu language, 227, 229. 
it, 637, 639*, 653, 656*. 
it is, 582-588, 656*, 662, 685, 

707. 
its, 745, sqq., Id'^-in. 
-iwa, passive suffix, 1052, 1062. 
•iza, auxiliary, 948, 949, 952. 

7, how pronounced, 15. 

— = BE, Bl, BO, BU, 122, 
202, 178, 445. 

— = LE, LI, 178, 205. 

— = Z, 52*, 63, 89, 106. 

— euphonic, 294, 295. 

— suppressed, 8r. 

— a favourite in Yao, 68. 
—ja, auxiliary, 948, 949, 951, 

963, 964. 
jackal, 358.^ _ 
jaka, preposition, 576. 
Javanese in South-Africa, 95. 
ji, classifier, 394. 
ji, connective pronoun, 639*. 
ji, reflexive pronoun, 655. 
ji, relative particle, 718*. 
jin, classifier, 394. 
J inga tribes, 76. 
join, to, 1082. 
joint of the arm, 524. 
Jorge (Father), 20. 
journey, 454. 
just, 974, 987. 
JW ^ BW, 202, 1053. 

K, how pronounced, 16. 

— = C, 150. 

— = F, 177, 233. 

— = G, 175, 214. 

— = H, 123, 211. 

— = NG, 190, 479. 

— = NJ, 191. 

— = SH, 175. 

— = ^, 244. 

— = TS, 1035. 

— = TY, 214. 

— = V, 233. 

-=W, 175. 

— suppressed, 175, 211, 225, 
233, 290, 292, 559. 

^, how pronounced, 16. 

— its use, 106, 133. 

KA- TU class of substantives, 

504 ■529- 
ka, classifier, 504-529. 

— its use, 524-527. 

— its original meaning, 527. 
ka, non-classifying prefix, 345, 

347, 35o» 527. 



ka, connective pronoun, 639*. 

ka, relative particle, 718*. 

ka, before possessive expression, 

ka, auxiliary, 875, sqq. , 965-975, 

1000. 
ka, conjunction, 788, 970. 
ka, preposition, 573, 574. 

— ka, suffix in numbers, 792. 

— ka, verbal suffix, 1055, 1061. 
Kafir beer, p. 321. 

Kafir cluster of languages, 14. 

— sources for its study, 2j. 
Kafir folk-lore, pp. 396-321. 
Kafir language, passim. 

— its article, 317, 31S. 

— its peculiar sounds, 33-38. 

— its phonetic features, 120-124. 
kala, auxiliary, 941-947. 

kala, copula, 1031. 

kala, conjunction, 943, 944. 

kala, preposition, 576. 

— kala, Verbal suffix, 1055, 1061. 
Kamba cluster of languages, 14. 

— sources for its study, 41. 
Kamba language, passim. 

— its phonetic features, 81-83. 
kana, conjunction, 943-944. 
ka-nga, before nouns, 515. 
Kango?)ibe, p. 285. 
Karanga cluster of languages, 

14. 

— sources for its study, 28. 
Karanga language, passim. 

— agglutination in it, 254. 

— compared with Kamba, 303. 

— its phonetic features, 104-108, 

133. 

Karanga nation, pp. 286-288. 
katika, 758-760, 763. 

— kazi, nominal suffix, 592. 
ke, pronoun, 639. 

Zv, copulative particle, 587,1035. 
ke, auxiliary, 875, sqq., 965-975. 

— ke, nominal suffix, 593. 
Keish, the prince of, gi. 
Kele language, 227, 230. 
key, 404. 
KG=NK, 188. 

— = NG, 189. 
KH = NF, 187. 

KI = CI= TYI = SI= SE, 

etc., 260, 492. 
I\I, changed to C or CH, 25S- 

.259. 
ki, for ka, 250. 
ki, classifier, 462. 
ki, connective pronoun, 639*. 
ki, relative particle, 718*. 
ki, auxiliary, 986, 993, 994. 
ki ?, 801. 

kia, auxiliary, 989, 994. 
kid, 418. 

kile, auxiliary, 992. 
Kili?na Njaro, 246. 
kill, to, 81. 
kindness, 457. 

king, 72 (foot-note), see chief. 
Ki-rimha, Ki-zimba, 9. 
kloof, p. 313. 



AlpJuibetical Index. 



329 



knee, 500. 

kneel, to, 1067. 

knife, 404, 512. 

know, to, 834. 

X-^, pronoun, 674 (<), 675-681, 

1020. 
Koelle, '^Z. 

Kololo lanjruage, 131 (3), 169. 
Kololo tribes, p. 293. 
Konde languas^e, 14. 

— sources for its study, ^. 
Kongo, /J, see Congo. 
koo = kc-ku, 967. 

kraal, jx 313 (</). 

KU-MA class of substantives, 

462-468. 
/('//, classifier and preposition, 

462-468, 533-581. 

— its transformations, 463-465, 
542-546. 

— its use, 466-467, 562-568. 

— its original meaning, 468, 
581. 

— dropped, 154. 

ku^ connective pronoun, 639*. 
ku^ relative particle, 718*. 
ku, referring to a substantive 

understood, 781. 
ku, copulative prefix, 583. 
kna^ locative particle, 783. 
Kua group of languages, 12. 

— its divisions, and subdivisions, 
14. 

— its proper features, 169, and 
passim. 

— its origin, 97, 246. 

Kua tribes, their origin, g'], . 

kuba., 982. 

kux^ auxiliary, 964. 

— , negative copula, 964, 1038. 

kuila., kuina, 1023. 

knlz^ 580, 1004-1012. 

— kutu, nominal suffix. 591. 
Kumbi tribes, 50. 

ktivii, 792*. 

kima, 580, 10C4-1012. 

Ku3h, 72, 7S-77. 

kwa, locative particle, 543, 546, 

691 (2), 783. 
k7va, preposition, 573. 
Kvvakwa River and tribes, 

p. 313- 
Kwana tribe, 246. 
Kwango language, 14. 

— sources for its study, 50. 

— its phonetic features, 132-133. 
Kwango tribes, 108, p. 293. 
Kwengo, see Kwango. 

Z, how ponounced, 17. 

— = N, 280. 

— = ^, 214. 

— = z; 220. 

— = Z, 165. 

— suppressed, 81, SS>, 96, 97, 
123, 224, 233. 

/<z, classifier, 471, 545. 
la, auxiliary, 918-922. 
ia, demonstrative suffix, 698. 
lake, 499. 



land, 3S9. 

LANGU AC.KS OF SOtITI[-AFRICA - 

— their general division, /. 

— their elegance, 75. 

— their names, 484, 491*, 497, 
503(2), 14. 

large, 215,425, 427, 601*. 

last night, 533, 581 (7). 

Last, J. T., 145, and /a.f.v////. 

laugh, 10,82, "133, n6, 174. 

LE = /, 205. 

/<?, classifier, 411. 

le, pronoun, 639*. 

le, auxiliary, 918, 930-936. 

le, copula, 1022. 

/<?, preposition, 570,940. 

— le, element in words, 409(2). 
le, suffix of demonst. pron. 698. 
Le Roy, P'ather, 9^. 

Lea tribe, p. 285, p. 293. 

lean, 601*. 

leave, to, 52*, 136. 

leave behind, to, 174. 

lest, 974. 

/./ = /=//, 143. 178. 

li, for la, 250. 

LI-MA class of substantives, 

410439. 
/z, classifier, 395, 410-415, 426. 

— its transformations, 410-415- 

— its use, 417-418. 

— its original meaning, 429- 

435. 

— omitted, 411. 

— omitted before adjectives, 
614. 

li, connective pronoun, 639*. 

— referring to a substantive 
understood, 781. 

It, relative particle, 718*. 

//, auxiliary, 918, 930-936. 

li, copula, 619, 1022, 1024, 
1025. 

li, particle in locative express- 
ions, 579, 1040-1043. 

//, conjunction, 784. 

li?, 806. 

ha « to have », 1039. 

— Ha, suflfix of demonst. pron. 

698. 

— Ha, 401. 

lie down, to, 52*, 1069. 

life, 440*, 461 (9). 

light-hole, 491*, 503(10). 

lif'i, copula, 1022. 

like, 576, 944. 

like, to, 1084. 

Limpopo River, 246. 

lion, 358. 

lip, 366*, 384 (4). 

lip-rings, phonetic effects of, 50, 

210. 
LITERATURE, BANTU, 16-70. 
liver, 500. 
living-place, 374. 
Livingstone, p. 289, p. 294, 

p. 295- 

— his spelling, 141. 
Liwanika, p. 284, p. 285. 
lo, classifier, 476, 490, 511. 



lo, pronoun, 639*. 
-Lobengula, p. 286. 

LOCATIVE E.XPRKSSIONS, SJO- 

— containing adjectives, 605. 

— how cmphasizcfl, 704-705. 

— requiring certain particles 
inserted, 1040- 1046. 

— their peculiar value, 43. 

— used as comparatives, 630. 

— what concord they retjuirc, 
643, 674, 675, 755-767. 

loins, 389, 390. 

Lojazi language, 132-133. 

Ion, classifier, 398. 

long, 214, 601*. 

lord, 502, see chief. 

look, to, 1079, 

loud, 423. 

Lower Congo, see Congo, 

love, to, 1058, ro73, 1075, 

1084. 
LU= CIF, 205. 
LC/-Z/N class of substantives, 

469-490. 
/«, common classifier, 469-490. 

— its transformations, 470-473. 

— its use, 475-476, 481- 488. 

— its original meaning, 489. 

— dropped, 472. 

lu, connective jironoun, 639*. 

lu, relative particle, 718*. 

lu, referring to a substantive 

understood, 781. 
lu, copulative prefix, 583. 
Luba language, 14. 

— sources for its study, jg. 

— its phonetic features, 143. 
Luiana language, 141. 
Lumbu people, pp. 2S3-286, 

P- 293- 
Lunda language, 14, 788'"*, 

— sources for its study, jj. 

— its phonetic features, 143- 
144, 788'-. 

AJ, how pronounced, 18. 

— = B, 240, 804. 

_ = A/0 = A/C/, 279, 240, 
560. 

— = iV, 281, 607. 

— = dropped, 292, 640. 
'A/ = A/OB, 279. 

///, classifier, 328, 367, 551-553- 

for ;/, 389. 

///, connective pronoun, 639*. 
m, copulative prefix, 583. 
AfA sub-class of substantives, 

442-444. 
ma, classifier, 322, 338, 355- 

356, 4 > 6-438, 442-480. 

— its transformations, 416, 442- 
444. 

— its use, 355-356, 417-428, 
454, 480. 

— its original meaning, 436- 

438. 
ma, pronoun, 639 . 
ma, auxiliary, 977, 978, 980, 

981. 



330 



South-African Banttt Languages. 



via, verbal suffix, 1063. 
Macrobians, 81, 82. 
tnadze — madzi, 272. 
Magog, p. 313. 
Ma-gqongqo, Ma-kalanga, Ma- 

kua, etc., see Gqongqo, Ka- 

langa, Kua, etc., 
maize, 500. 
7nala, auxiliary, 1016. 
Malays in South- Africa, 95. 
man, 322*, 340, 365. 
mana, auxiliary, 1016. 
maiig ?, 804. 
Manuel Antonio de Souza. 

p. 285, p. 293. 
many, 454, 601*. 
mark, national, 490. 
marry, to, 1074. 
Marvels of India, Book of the, 

90. 
Masai languages, o. 
Masai tribes, yg. 
Mashonaland, /j, see Shona. 
Mas'oudi — 

— on the name of the king of 
the Zindj, 365 (2). 

— on the origins of the Bantu, 
72, <?9, gj. 

— his trustworthiness, 75. 
Matapa-metsi, 461 (10). 
match, 504*. 

may, 966, sqq. 

MB ^ P, 185. 

mba, relative particle, 718*, 

721, 771. 
mba, auxiliary, 984. 
Mbala language, 102. 
Mbala tribes, 50, 
Mbamba language, 146-151. 
Mbangala language, 157. 
Mbara, see Mbala. 
mbu, relative particle, 718*, 

721, 771. 
inbiilu, pp. 300-305. 
Mbunda, Mbundu, /j, 132. 
Mbunda languages, 14. 

— sources for their study, 50-53. 
Mbunda tribes, 77, p. 285, p. 293, 
me, classifier, 369. 

7ne, pronoun, 639*. 
me, auxiliary, 977, 979, 980. 
me, conjunction, 910, 985. 
me, 639*, 653, 656*. 
meal, 487. 
meat, 73, 196, 385. 
medicine, 378, 
meet, to, 1076. 
Melanesian languages, 95. 
melekh, Semitic word, 339. 
metal, 403. 

metempsychosis, p. 114 (foot- 
note). 
m-falme, 72, 365 (2). 
MI = VI = E, 164. 
mi, classifier, 366-384. 

— its transformations, 369-370. 

— its etymology, 384. 
mi, pronoun, 639*. 
^mi, conjunction, 985. 

mice, how the mbulu is fond of. 



P- 305. 
midday, 136. 
middle, 139, 504*. 
milk, sour, 454, p. 321. 
milking among Kafirs, p. 313, 

p. 321. 
mimosa-tree, 371. 
mine, 768-777. 
mines, gold-, 80-82, 84. 
Mi-zimo, 86. 
Mloiijalonjani, the tale of, 

pp. 300-305. 
MO = JVGJV, 204, 207. 
mo, classifier, 328, 367. 
mo, pronoun, 639*. 
Molokh, 86, 339, 365 (6). 
monkey, 358. 
Monomotapa, 461 (10), p. 294. 

MONOSYTXABIC STEMS — 

— how accented, 45, 310. 

— their peculiar laws, 44, 45, 
283, 284, 310, 325, 368, 413, 
444, 464, 478, 561,608,652, 
661,832,837,841,843,851, 
853, 866, 867. 

Monze, the chief, p, 286, 

ppi 288-290, p. 294. 
MOODS, 832. 
moon, 81, 126, 136, 164, 173, 

214, 232, 366*, 374, 384 (10), 

481. 
Moon, mountains of the, 82, 

266. 
morning, 533*, 581 (8). 
mother, 126, 322*, 342, 365 (7), 

748-753- 

motions of the hand, 362, 789, 
830. 

mountain, 425, 49 1^"', 503 (8). 

mouth, 164, 223, 366*, 384 
(4, 10), 504*. 

Mozambique cluster of langua- 
ges, 74. 

— sources for its study, 6j. 
Mozambique language, passim. 

— its affinity with Chwana and 
Mpongwe, 12, 169. 

— its phonetic features, 169- 
208. 

Mozambique tribes, 50 (foot- 
note). 

mpa, relative particle, 718*, 
721, 771. 

Mpongwe cluster of languages, 
14. 

— sources for its study, 67. 
Mpongwe language, passim. 

— compared with Nywema, 
164-167. 

— its affinity with Chwana and 
Mozambique, 12, 169, 213. 

— its phonetic features, 59, 
213-218. 

— its traces of an article, 321 

(3). 
MC/= N/ = iVF, 122, 581, 

792. 
~ = O, 164. 
MU-BA class of substantives, 

322-365. 



MU-MI class of substantives, 

366-384. 
MU, locative class, 533-581. 
mu, classifier — 

— its transformations, 323-332, 
367-368, 547-555. 

— Its use, 357-360, 371-380, 
562-568. 

— its original meanings, 361, 
381, 581. 

— weakened, 559, 560. 

mu, connective pronoun, 639*. 
mil, relative particle, 718. 
MUA = NY A, 268. 
muade, poison, 378, p. 284. 
Muanaena, p. 285. 
muave, see muadc. 
•mice, 792*, 820. 
-mue, relative suffix, 725. 

— = yo = n$, 725. 
muene, 825. 

vnuenyewe, mwenyi, 825. 
multiplied, to be, 137. 
multiply, to, 1081. 
Midungu, Muungu, 339. 
muna, 580. 

murder, 423. 

musical instruments, p. 287. 
mw-, classifier, 326, 367. 
my, 745, m- 

N, JB, how pronounced, 19. 
N= I, 152, 198, 285. 

— = Z, 280. 

— = M, 551,552. 

— = MU, loi, 107, 153, 559. 

— = NY, 196. 

— = Z, 232. 

— suppressed, or half-suppress- 
ed, 282, 551, 584, 640. 

iVclass of substantives, see IN- 

ZIN class. 
n = tin — mu, classifier, 327, 

367, 551. 
;/ (= ill) classifier, 388-389,391, 

477-480. 
;/ pronoun, 639*. 
;/, copulative prefix, 583, 1035. 
na, prefix in substantives, 347, 

350. 
na, auxiliary, 918-929, 946. 
na, preposition, 570. 573, 578, 

682, 704, 940," 1037. 
na, in locative expressions, 579, 

1 040- 1 046. 

— in Congo, 537, 542, 549. 

na, conjunction iin Ganda, III, 

939- 
na " to have ", 1037. 

— na, locative suffix, 553. 

— na, pronominal suffix, 689, 
698. 

nail, 525. 

naked, 1034. 

name, 99, 1 15, 147, ^T?>, 220, 

410*, 423. 
Nano language, 132, 133. 

— its article, 321 (2). 
NASALS — 

— suppressed, or half-suppressed. 



Alphahctical Index. 



331 



77, 78, 151, 166, 183-196, 
225, 283, 607, 

— their peculiar influence on 
following consonants, 51, 52, 
S5-59, 67, 69, -Ji, 77, 78, 80, 
83, 93. 94. 95, "4, 127,129, 
140, 170-198, 214-216, 283, 
412, 479, 608, 609, 649. 

nations, names of, 322*, 365 (5). 

nci, 773. 

ND = T, TH, 193. 

W^, connective pronoun, 639*. 

ndi, relative particle, 718*, 721, 

771. 
ndi, copulative prefix, 583,587, 

1035. 
mil, preposition, 570, 573, 940. 
-ndini, vocative suffix, 595. 
NDL = TL-- NZ, 208. 
Ndonga language, 132-133. 
udn, relative particle, 718*, 721, 

771. 
ndyi, pronoun, 639*. 
ne, auxiliary, 918, 930-931. 
;/6', copulative particle, 588, 1035. 
ne, xie, preposition, 570, 573, 

940. 
X^e, conjunction, 939. 
near, 533*, 541, 581 (2), 764. 
neck, 136, 142. 
negative auxiliaries, 875-891. 
negative clauses and tenses, 832, 

833, 872, 875-891, 964, 967, 

976. 

— containing the copula, 1036. 
— containing the verb "to have," 

1038. 

negative particle before num- 
bers, 798. 

negative notion, 502. 

Negro languages, 830. 

nest, 500. 

nestling, 418. 

never, 046, 960-962, 964. 

new, 94, 105, 127, 129, 137, 
147, 601*, 779. 

NF= KH, 187. 

NG = a; 190. 

— dropped, 210. 
N<& = MU, 1053. 

— — NI, 200. 

-wCC, relative and locative suffix, 
532, 552, 718*, 727, 734, 
802. 

nga^ relative particle, 718*, 721, 
771. 

nga, auxiliary, 875, sqq., 995- 
1003. 

ngay copulative prefix, 583, 1035. 

nga, preposition, 573, 574. 576. 

•nga^ suffix in the number 
" one ", 792. 

•nga^ verbal suffix, 920. 

ngai ?, 800. 

ngaiiga, 385*, 409 (i), p. 290, 
p. 295. 

nganga^ preposition and con- 
junction, 576. 

-ngapi?, 800. 

itge, auxiliary, 995, sqq. 



Ngete tribe, p. 286, p. 923. 
-wo;/, locative suffix, 553. 
wf«, relative particle, 718*, 773. 
ngtt, copulative particle, 583, 

1035- 
lidi^lV = MO, 204, 207. 
NI= AfU= N<&, 581,200. 
;//, classifier, 387, 411. 
Ill, pronoun, 639*. 
;//, copulative particle, 583, 

587, 1035. 
VI, preposition, 1037. 
ni\ conjunction, 939. 
71 i, 801, 803. 
-ni, locative suffix, 532, 548, 

553, 555, 590. 
-711, pronoun suffixed, 855. 
nice, 601. 
Niger languages, related to 

i^antu, 598. 
night, 128, 174, 440*, 443. 453, 

456, 461 (5). 
night, at, 556. 
Nika cluster of languages, 14. 

— sources for its study, ^q. 
Nika language, passi7ii. 

— its phonetic features, 92-96. 
Nika tribes, 1 10. 

Nile, sources of the, 80-82. 

nine, 789, 796. 

NJ= K = TS, 191. 

Njenji language, 141 (3). 

iiji, relative particle. 718*, 721, 

771, 173- 

NJW= MBW, 1053. 

7ika, nominal prefix, 527. 

nki?, 801. 

nle, conjunction, 939. 

n7ta, auxiliary, 929, 941-947. 

niia, copula, 103 1. 

-7ina, pronominal suffix, 689. 

-ww<?, 792*. 

710, nominal prefix, 347. 

no, not, 872, 875-891, 1036. 

no longer, 987, 991. 

no more, 987. 

no one, 798. 

•710, demonstrative suffix, 698. 

1100 = 7ie-ku, 946. 

non-quantitative adjectives, 601 , 
624-628. 

North-African languages, $. 

nose, 133,402. 

not at all, 964, 989. 

not yet, 929, 960, 963, 974, 
987, 992. 

nothing, 798. 

now, 421. 

nowhere, 798. 

Northern traders in South- 
Africa, 79-82. 

NS = //, 194. 

- = T= T//= TL/I= X,i94. 

NsuTidti people, 10. 

Nr:=^T= TH, 192. 

lUse, auxiliary, 945. 

NUMERALS, 789-798. 

numeration in Bantu, 789, 830. 

NV -^ C, 186. 

NY = MU, 122, 581, 1053. 



— = A^, 196. 

;/l', classifier, 478. 
NY A - MUA, 26S. 
7tya, nominal prefix, 465. 
-ttya, prnnoininal suffix, 689. 
Nyambane cluster of languages, 
14. 

— sources for its study, 62. 
Nyambane language, 210. 
Xyambu language, 119. 
Nyan;wezi cluster of languages, 

J4. 

— sources for its study, ?f. 
Nyamwezi language, /t/.fi////. 

— its phonetic features, 73-76 
Nyamwezi tribes, 50 (foot-note). 
-itya7ia, nominal suffix, 518,590. 
Nyanja, or Nyassa, language, 

see .Senna. 
7iye, 829. 

Nyengo language, 142. 
7iyi, pronoun, 639*. 
Nyika, see Nika. 
-7tyo, pronominal suffix, 689. 
Nywema cluster of languages,/^. 

— sources for its study, -,-7. 
Nywema language, passitn. 

— its phonetic features, 163- 
168. 

NZ= D = TH= T = TL, 
210, 195. 

— = DZ, 211. 

— = N= NY, 196, 197. 

— = X, 19s. 

jizi, relative particle, 7 18*. 721, 

771. 
jizt?, 801. 

0, SD, how pronounced, 20. 

— = A-0,orA-O, 249. 

— = A- AT, 907, 

— = MU, 164. 

— = U, 200, 262. 

— = UA, IV A, UE, WE, 
265, 270, 659. 

— = UO, 263. 

0, article, 317, 352, 353. 

0, classifier, 330, 331, 367, 

449, 465, 480. 
0, connective pronoun, 639 . 
0, relative particle, 718*, 723. 

724. 
•0^ pronominal suffix, 659, 69S. 
oba, 982. 
object of a verb, how expressed, 

653. . , 

— in relative clauses, 735-742- 

OBJECTIVE VER15S, SCC AI'l'LI- 
CATIVE. 

of, 577, 589. 

Ogowe River, 246. 

oil, 66,75, 177, 220, see fat. 

ojo, auxiliary, 949. 

•oka, -ola, -olola, •oloka, verbal 

suffixes, 1080-1083. 
old, 601*. 
old man, 139, 500. 
old women among Kahrs, 

p. 313- 
olo, auxiliary, 920, 942. 



332 



South-African Bantu La^iguages. 



on, 544, 563, 564, 565, 1065. 
once, 525, 797, 974. 
ondo, auxiliary, 918, 937, 949. 
one, 122, 235, 789, 792*. 
one... another, 828-829. 
one who, the, 718. 
O'Neil, on South- African in- 
scriptions, iS. 

ONOMATOPOETIC WORDS, 596. 
open, to, 1059, 1081. 
Ophir, 85. 
ordeals for sorcerers and thieves, 

pp. 283-285. 
ordinal numbers, 797. 
ore, 455. 

ORIGIN OF THE KANTU, yi-IOO. 

ORTHOGRAPHY, regarding the 
separation of the words, 
892 (N. B.j. 

ostrich, 388, 390, 401. 

other, 826-829. 

our, 745, sqq. 

ours, 768-777. 

outside, 136, 195, 208, 533*, 

581 (3). 
over, 531, 563, 564. 
ox, 202, see cow. 
oxen, pack-, y2. 

Py how pronounced, 21. 
~ = B = V^H, 137, 138, 
166, 180, 211, 215. 

— = BF, 94. 

— =^F, 180. 
--7,89. 

— = MB, 185, 479. 

— ^ MP= PH, 184. 

— = NV, 186. 

— weakened, or suppressed, 
64,69, 7Z,TA,17, 117, 148, 
292. 

pa, locative classifier, 533-581. 

— its transformations, 534-541. 

— its use, 562-568. 

— its meaning, 581. 

pa, connective pronoun, 639*. 
pa, relative particle, 718*. 
pa, negative auxiliary, 875, sqq. 
pa, conjunction, 785. 
paddle, 142, 50Q. 
palm -leaf, 500. 
fana, 580. 

Papuan languages, g^. 
Parsees in South-Africa, gj. 

p. 292. 
participles, 851, 910, 931-935. 

979, 980, 993. 
particles changing their forms, 

291-298. 
Paruain, Sj. 

PASSIVE VERBS, IO47-I063. 

— the name of the agent after 
them, 589, 1042. 

past, 498. 

past tenses, S92-907, 930-936, 

909, 910, 917, 966. 
path, 97, 142, 147, 385*. 

409 (4), see road. 
Paz, <?j. 
/><?, pronoun, 639. 



pe, negative particle, 872. 
pebble, 504*. 

Pedro Dias, Father, see Dias. 
people, 210, 232, 322*, 340. 
perfect forms and tenses, 70, 

860-871, 892, 904, 905, 981. 
permanently, 810. 
Persians in South-Africa, 95', 

p. 292. 
person, 133, 139, 142,192, 223, 

241, 243, 244, 322*, 340, 

365(1). 

PERSONAL PRONOUNS, 635- 
692. 

persons, names of, 357. 
personified, things, 360. 
PH = MB = P, 184. 
PBF = CHW, 203. 

PHONETIC CHANGES — 

— their general laws, 47-59, 
247-300. 

— their main cause, 50. 

— specimens, 52*, and passim. 

— in the various languages, 
60-246. 

— in the perfect form, 861. 

— caused by suffixes, 596,1053. 
PI = TSH, 122. 

pierce, to, 202. 

pig, 233. 

pipe, 404. 

pit, 193, 377- 

place, 403, 537, 556, 782, 783. 

place, to, 1077. 

plain, 374. 

plant, to, 122. 

pleasant, 601*. 

plural, for the singular, 343, 

344, 750- 
PO = CIV, 203. 
point, 389. 
Pokomo cluster of languages, 

14. 

— sources for its study, 40. 
Pokomo language, passim. 

— its phonetic features, 92-96. 
Polynesian languages, gj. 
pool, 374. 

poor, the, 554, 601*. 
porridge, 404. 

POSSESSIVE ADJECTIVES AND 

EXPRESSIONS, 577, 659, 684, 

743-780. 

pot, 500, 525. 

potato, 500. 

pot-clay, 455, 525. 

pour water, to, 1066. 

powder, 378. 

Prasos, Cape, g6. 

pray, to, 1067. 

prayer, 487. 

prayers of the Bantu, 365 (6), 

pp. 287-290. 
Predicates, adjectives as, 618- 

623. 
Prefixes of the substantives, 

see CLASSIFIERS. 
PREPOSITIONS, 530-581, 674- 

688, 940, io86. 



present tenses, 930-936, sqq. 

priest, see cacice. 

privative notion, 502. 

productive notion, 502. 

PRONOUNS, 635-830. 

proper names of persons, 346. 

provoke, to, 1 059. 

Pa^ TSH, 122. 

pumpkin, 415. 

Pun, land of, 84. 

put out a light, to, 147. 

Q, how pronounced, 37. 

qa, 792, 794. 

Qajana, the tale of, p. 305, 

P- 313- 
quantitative adjectives, 601. 
question, 206. 

R, how pronounced, 23. 

— = T, 172, 210, 211, 214. 

— = Z=Ai73-. 

ra, nominal prefix in Timneh, 

471. 
•ra, suffix, 594. 
race, 482. 
raft, 482. 
rain, 66, ^i, 79, 107, 114, 116, 

123, 143, 186, 224, 243, 385*, 

403, 409(4)- . 
rain, how obtained, pp. 287-290. 
rain, to, 1071. 
rain-bow, 375. 
raise, to, 1076, 1082. 
raising the dead, Monze, p. 290. 
razor, 478. 
RE = TSH, 206. 
re, pronoun, 639*. 
re, auxiliary, 875^ sqq., 1004- 

1012. 
Rebmann's mode of spelling, 

92, lOI. 
— his enthusiasm for the Nyassa 

language, 98. 

RECIPROCAL VER15S, I084. 

recover, to, 52*, 1076. 
red, 624. 

red clay, red ground, 626. 
reduplicative forms, 632(2), 
1079. 

REFLEXIVE PRONOUN, 655, 
198. 

Regga language, 14. 

— sources for its study; 36. 

RELATIVE CLAUSES AND EX- 
PRESSIONS. — 

— used substantively, 768-777. 

— negative, 878. 

— their construction, 717-742. 

— forms of the verb in them, 
844. 

RELATIVE PARTICLES, 7 1 8-746. 

— in what they differ from rela- 
tive pronouns, 718. 

— their forms, 719. 

— their etymology and nature, 
830. 

— their use before relative 
clauses, 728, 731-742, 769- 
111' 



llphabetical Index. 



333 



— their use before possessive 
expressions, 769-777. 

— their use before adjectives, 
005, 616-617. 

RKLATIVK PRONOUNS, 717-746. 
remain, to, 52*, 126, 941 -9471 

1031-1033. 
repetitive tenses, 946. 
return, to, 1074. 

REVERSIVE VERT.S, I080-I083. 

rhinoceros, 500, 502. 

r», classifier, 411. 

r/', connective pronoun, ^39*' 

r/, reflexive pronoun, 655. 

7-/, copula, 1022, 1024, 1026. 

rich, 233. 

riem, p. 313. 

n7<?, auxiliary, 1008. 

rire^ copula, 1022, 1026. 

ring, 404. 

rise, to, 1076. 

river, 203, 366*, 374, 384(9). 

470*, 490(2), 525. 
rivers, names of, 466, 470*) 486. 
Roa, or Rwa, people, 3. 
road, 72, 88, 97, 126, 142, I47, 

187, 195, 224, 239. 
rod, 404. 
roof, 482. 

rope, 470*. 485, 490(3)- 
ropes, how made, 49o(3)- 
Rotse cluster of languages, 14. 

— sources for its study, 5/. 
Rotse language, passim. 

— its phonetic features, 135- 
141. 

Rotse nation, 9J, pp. 283-286, 

p. 292. 
round, 564, 1065. 
rouse, to, 174. 
row, 482. 

rii, classifier, 490, 509. 
rti, pronoun, 639. 
Rua language, 14. 

— sources for its study, S^. 

— its phonetic features, 145. 
ruins in South- Africa, iS. 
Runda, see Lunda. 

S, %^ how pronounced, 24. 
-=C, 176. 

— = A =7,136. 

— = 2), 82. 

— = F, 410*, 656*. 

— = Zf, 123, 174. 

— = %,W, 105. 

— = 7; 90, 128, 174, 239. 

— = TLH, 174. 
-^TSH, 174. 

— = TY, 214. 

— = AT, 106, 133, 136. 

— = Z, 214. 

— suppressed, 174. 

ja, nominal prefix, 347. 

sa, auxiliary, 875, sqq., 9S6, 

991, 992, 994. 
Saba, the queen of, 8j. 
Saba^ans, 83-8O, 365(6). 
sacrifices, pp. 286-288, p. 294. 
saddle, 500. 



Sagara cluster of languages, /-/. 

— sources for its study, 34. 
.Sagara language, passim. 

— its phonetic features, 77. 
Sagaraland, S3. 
same, 825. 
sand, 485. 
sandy ground, 420. 
'Sano^ 792*. 
Sasos, 80y 8j. 
satistied, to be, 1074. 
saw, 422. 

say, to, 834, 1004-ion, 1079. 
se, common classilier, 492. 
se, locative prefix, 583. 
se^ nominal prefix, 348. 
se, pronoun, 639*. 
se, auxiliary, 875, jy*/. 991, 992. 
sea, 470*, 478, 486, 488. 



Shona language, 1 10. 
Shona tribes, 50 (fcx>l-n«»it') 
short, 187, 500, 502, 6ui* 

(I), 
should, 395, Si/,/. 
shoulder, 468, (2). 
shout, to, 175, 
Shukulumbue nation, p 

p. 293. 
shut, to, 1081. 
S/= A\ ,74. 
SI, classifier. 396, 492. 523 
si, nominal prefix, 347. 
si, pronoun, 639*. 
si, auxiliary, 875, stj/ 

990, 994. 
St copulative prefix, 5S3. 
side, 83. 
side of a river, 421. 



2S' 



sea-cow, 99, see hijipopotanius. sin, classifier, 396. 



seasons, p. 287, p. 294. 
seat, 491*, 500, 503(4). 
Sebituane, p. 284, p. 293. 
Se-chwana, Se-kololo, Se-suto, 

etc., see Chwana, Kololo, 

Suto, etc. 
second, 797. 

see, to, 52*, 126, 179, 835. 
seeds, 185. 

seize, to, 107, 108, 1048, 1073. 
Sekeletu, 1095. 
self, 689, 816, 824-825. 
Semi-Bantu, 598, 830. 
Semitic languages, distantly 

related to Bantu, 599. 
send, to, 52*, 172, 216, 232, 

220, 1070. 



sitt^a, sinka, auxiliary, looi. 
Siongo, 74, 499, p. 289, p. 295. 
Sipopo, p. 284, p. 285, p. 293. 
Siraf, <p3. 
sit, to, 52*, 70, 941-94: 

1033. 
six, 789, 792*, 796. 
Siyuna, 73, 1 10. 
skeleton, 161. 
skin, 419, 4S4. 
sky, 115, 126, 410*, 420, 439 

(7). 
slave, 143, 418. 
small, 228, 525, 595, 601*, 632 

(I), 
small-pox, 455. 
smoke, 147, 455. 



Senegambia languages, related snake, 68, 162, 175, 195, 197, 



to Bantu, 598. 
Senna, 73, 1 10 (foot-note). 
Senna cluster of languages, 14. 

— sources for its study, 30. 
Senna language, passim. 

— its importance, 103. 

— its partial loss of the classi- 
fiers ^7 and LU, 380. 

— its suppressed nasals and 
double consonants, 94, 412. 

sensations, 405. 

separation of the words, 892 

(N. B.). 
servant, 211, 322*, 363(2). 
Sesheke, p. 285. 
seven, 789, 796. 
shadow, 375. 
shaft, 478. 
Shambala cluster of languages, 

14. 

— sources for its study, 43. 
Shambala language, passim. 

— its phonetic features, 78. 
shame, 79, 82, 126. 151, 194, 

208, 214, 385*, 409 (4). 
shape, to, 52*. 
sheathe, to, 10S2. 
sheep, 390, 401. 
shield, 192, 202, 404, 500. 
shoe, 194, 20S, 404. 



233. 385*, 427. 
snakes, charmed, p. 292. 
snakes, used as dogs, p. 292, 

p. 295. 
snow, 454. 
Sofala, 7j, 83. 
Sofala language, 102. 
soil, 374. 
Solomon, 83. 
some, 828 829. 
son, 322*, 364, 365 (3), 7:- 

753, see child, 
soon, 1018. 

sorcerers, p. 283, pp. 290-295. 
soul, 232, 365 (6), 375. 
sound, 423. 
sound, to, 1075. 
soup, 378. 
SOURCES FOR THE STUDY OF 

THE BANTU LANGUAGES, id- 

70. 

Souza, Manuel Antonio de, 

p. 285, p. 293. 
sow, to, 179. 
speak, to, 113, X004-1011, 1058, 

1079. 
spear, 80, 410*, 422, 439 (5). 
spirit, 232, 365 (6). 
spirit, pernicious, 410*. 
spit, to, 80. 



Shona country, identified with springbock, 203. 
Siyuna, no. stand, to, 977, 1016. 



334 



South-African Bantu Languages. 



Stanley, i68. 

star, 403, 525. 

start, to, 527, 965. 

steal, to, 52*, 139. 

stick, S04*- 

still, 9S7, 989, 990, 991. 

sting, 389. 

stone, 72, 122, 126, 133, 139, 

141 (2), 243, 380, 410*, 414, 

415, 420, 438, 439 (7)' 485. 
stool, 491*, 503 (4). 
stop, to, 977, 1016. 
story, 69, 83. 

straight, 220, 625, 626, 778. 
straightway, 971, 1018. 
stranger, 826. 
straw, 443. 
strength, 173. 
string, 470*, 478, 490 (3). 
strong, 624, 626. 
stump, 491*, 503 (6). 
sii, classifier, 478. 
j«, nominal prefix, 348. 
sub-classes of substantives, 315. 
Subia language, 65. 
Subia tribe, p. 285, p. 292. 
subject, how expressed, 638, 

644. 
subjunctive mood and tenses, 

832, 855-859, 955-958> 969. 

SUBSTANTIVES, 313-599. 

SUBSTANTIVE PERSONAL PRO- 
NOUNS, 656-692, 830. 

SUBSTANTIVE VERB, IOI8, sqq. 

such, 498, 628. 

such, to, 1073. 

suckle, to, 1073. 

suffer, to, 1074. 

suffixes of substantives, 590-595. 

summer, 499. 

sun, 136, 141 (2), 162, 211, 239, 
243, 410*, 421,430, 438, 439 
(2). 

Sun, Table of the, <?/, 82. 

Sundi tribe, 10. 

SUPERLATIVES, 632-634, IO79. 

superlative, quasi-, pronouns. 

813. 
suppose that, supposing that, 

786, 988. 
surpass, to, 631, 1079. 
Sato language, 169. 
Suto nation, 365 (5), 10. 
Swahili cluster of languages, 14. 

— sources for its study, 42. 
Swahili language, passim. 

— its phonetic features, 84-91. 
swallow, 151. 

sweep, to, 122. 

Sylveira, Father Gon9alo da, 
p. 294. 

7", how pronounced, 25. 

— = C, or CH, 90, 139. 

— = ^, 93. 

— = a; 244. 

— — L, 220, 232. 

— = ND, or NL, 193, 479. 

— ^ NH, 479. 

— = ivz; 192. 



— = NZ, 210. 

— = A', 172, 198, 210, 211, 
214. 

— = ^, 90, 174, 239. 

— = TLH, 949. 

— = Z, 136, 239. 

ta, auxiliary, 875, sqq., 948, 

949, 953- 
Tabele, see Tebele. 
table, 422, 500. 
Table of the Sun, 81, 82. 
tail, 96, 150, 153, 176, 366*, 

384 (2). 
Taita cluster of languages, 14. 

— sources for its study, jS. 
Taita language, passim. 

— its phonetic features, 80. 
take, toi 528. 

tall, 601*. 

tankhara, 80. 

-tiino, 792*. 

Taprobana, g6. 

-tatii, 792. 

te, auxiliary, loio. 

tear, tears, 126, 136. 

Tebele language, see Kafir. 

Tebele nation, p. 286. 

tear, 105. 

teeth, see tooth. 

teeth, filed, or knocked out, ^2, 

50, 209, 210. 
Teke language, 159-162. 
Tekeza language, 200. 
ten, 131, 175, 225, 789, 792*. 
Tette, see Senna. 
TH = NT, 192. 

— = NZ, 195. 
that, 693-716. 

Theal, M'^ Call, p. 300. 

thee, 639*, 653, 656*. 

their, 745, sqq. 

theirs, 768-777. 

them, 639*, 653, 656*. 

then, 1016, 1018. 

there, 693, 693*. 

these, 693-716. 

they, 637, 639*, 656*. 

thick, 500, 502. 

thieves, ordeals for, p. 284. 

thine, 175, 211, 768-777. 

thing, 176, 491*, 497, 502, 503 

(I), 781(1), 782(2). 
third, 797. 
this, 693-716. 
thorn, 525. 
those, 693-716. 
those who, 718. 
thou, 637, 639*, 656*. 
three, 172, 198, 210, 211, 214, 

220, 232, 238, 244, 789, 792*. 
throat, 484. 
through, 573. 
thunderclap, 425. 
thy, 745» sqq. 
//', classifier, 512. 
//, pronoun, 639*. 
fi, peculiar verb in Bantu, 596, 

834, 1004-1011. 
ii, negative auxiliary, 875, sqq. 
tie, to, 1082. 



tiger, 517. 

till, 955-959, 97i. 

till, to, 52* {lima), 1072. 

time, 504, 72,7. 

times, 3, 4, etc., 797. 

Timneh language, 471. 

Titles of dignity, 356. 

TL, how pronounced, 32, 33, 

— = NDL r- NZ, iq5, 208. 

— - TLH, 20^. 

— its use in Kafir, 121. 
TLH, how pronounced, 32. 

-= S=NS= T, 174, 949. 
tla, //ha, auxiliary, 948, 955, 

958; 
Tlhaping language, 169. 
to, 563, 1065. 
tobacco, 632. 
together, 533*, 541, 581 (6), 

810. 
to-morrow, 142, 421^ 533*, 

581 (8). 
Tonga cluster of languages, 14. 

— sources for its study, 2<p. 
Tonga language, passim. 

— its phonetic features, 62-64. 

— taken as standard, 2. 
Tonga tribes, 29 (foot-note), 50, 

pp. 28S-295. 
tongue, 133,143, 145, 243,470*, 

478, 484, 488, 490(1), 583. 
tools, 372. 
tooth, teeth, 126, 143, 145,205, 

233, 235, 243, 410*, 419. 
tortoise, 205, 418, 500. 
touch, to, 1084. 
town, 136, 142, 147, 229. 
trade, to, 1084. 
Trade in South-Africa, 7g-gg. 
transient actions, 832. 
transitory tenses, 971, 972, 974. 
tree, 153, 164, 206, 210, 211, 

.366*, 371, 425, 526. 
tribal names, 322*, 376. 
tnpe, p. 313. 
Troglodytes, j. 
Troglodytica, 80. 
true, 780. 
TS = C, 206. 

— = DJ, 205. 

— = K, 1037. 

— = NJ, 191. 

— = NZ, 195. 

— = 6- after iV, 288. 
TSH^ PU,ot PI, 222. 

— — RE, 206. 

— - S, 174. 

1 shagga cluster of languages, 14. 

— sources for its study, 65-. 
Tshagga language, 211. 
tsho, peculiar verb, 8^4. 
7'^= 7:9//, 144. 

tu, connective pronoun, 639*. 
hi, relative particle, 718*. 
Tua people, j. 
tusk, 419, 484. 
tu-iii^a, nominal prefix, 515. 
twice, 504* (a second time), 797. 
two, 131, 145, 217, 233, 789, 
792*. 



4lphabetical Index. 



335 



'TY = BU, or/>Y, 122, 445. 
'iye, nominal . suffix, 519, 593. 
iyi, classifier, 492. 
iyi, pronoun, 639*. 
tyj\ conjunction, 787. 
iyi?, So I. 
tyti, pronoun, 639. 
TYIV= BU, 122. 

U, how pronounoed, 26. 

— = ^, 273. 

— = /, 276. 

— = MU, 279, 560. 

— = 0, 200. 

— - UA, 332. 

— = UE, or IVE, 266. 

— = UI, 267. 

— = /F, 261. 

— elided, 264, 

— how changed before vowels, 
261-268. 

— suppressed, 278. 
«, article, 317. 

«, common classifier, 329, 367, 

448, 465, 490, 509. 
u, locative classifier, 543. 
u, connective pronoun, 639*. 
u, relative particle, 718*. 
UA = OA, 262. 
-ua, passive suffix, 1047, 1053, 

1062. 
uda, 1007. 
(7£= O, 265, 659. 
-«/<?, pronominal suffix, 660. 
-uka, verbal suffix, 1050, 1083. 
M kuba, 982, 1007. 
M kiiti, 1007. 
u ktcze, 959. 
-ula,-tiluia,-uluka, tina, -ununa, 

verbal suffixes, 1057, io8o- 

1083. 
tin, pronoun, 639*. 
unbind, to, 1082, 1083. 
undo, to, 1083. 
undress, to, 1081. 
Ungu cluster of languages, 14. 

— sources for its study, jj. 
unite, to, 1082. 
unproductive animals, 418. 
unsheathe, to, 1082. 
untie, to, 1082. 

until, 955-959, 1016. 

up, 562. 

Upaz, Sj. 

upon, 533*, 541, 581 (4). 

us, 653, 639*, 656*. 

V, ^9, how pronounced, 27. 
F = i5F,94,99. 

— = a; 233. 

— = P, 137, 148, 180, 211, 

215- 

— = Z, 91,63. 

— = suppressed, 66. 

va, common classifier, 338. 
va^ locative classifier, 537. 
va, pronoun, 639*. 
Vasco de Gama, 9^. 
ve, pronoun, 639*. 
vein, 402. 



verbal suflixcs, 1047-1084. 

Verhs, 831-1085. 

very, 633, 689, 824. 

very far, 533*. 

vt, classifier, 369, 404, 496, 

510, 522. 
vi, pronoun, 639*. 
vi?,Soi. 

Victoria Falls, 7^, 499, p. 289, 
. p. 295. 
village, 136, 142, 147, see town. 
Viti cluster of languages, 14. 

— sources for its study, j/. 
Viti tribes, 95. 

vo, auxiliary, 1012, 1015. 
VOWELS, changed, 559. 

— elided, 49, 76. 

— indifferent, 833. 

— remarkably firm in 
Bantu, 48. 

— weakened, 235, 892, 904, 

905- 
VOWEL-STEMS, or slems vvhich 
begin with a vowel, 46 (3). 

— their peculiar laws, 46 (2), 
67, 87, 113, 415, 478, 611, 
648, 832, 837-841, 843, 851. 

y[/, meaning of the element, 

409(2). 
vulture, 358. 
Vumbe tribe, p. 286. 

l^V, how pronounced, 28. 

— = A- 175. 

— — P, 272. 

— = C/, 28. 

— euphonic, 295. 

7i/, classifier, 448, 465, 490. 

za, pronoun, 642. 

7aa, common classifier, 336. 

zoa, locative classifier, 536. 

zc/a, pronoun, 639*. 

•zaa, passive suffix, 1047, 1053, 

1062. 
Wakwak, 73, 84, 93, p. 312. 
walk, to, 52*, 1075. 
wallets, p. 295. 
Wange, the chief, pp. 286-288, 

p. 294. 
Wangwana, 246. 
Wankie, see Wange. 
wash, to, 174, 208, 10S2. 
watch over, to, 193. 
watching over gardens, p. 305. 
water, 89, 115, 133, 136, 143, 
195, 210, 211, 440*, 454, 
461(10). 
watercourse, 470*, 490(2). 
ive, pronoun, 639*, 656*. 

we, 128, 214, 637, 639*, 656*. 

well, 499. 

what?, 801-803. 

whatever, 813. 

when, 784, 785, 787, 788, 902, 
970, 993, 1008-1012. 

when ?, 808. 

whence?, 533*, 581(11). 

whenever, 993. 

where?, 533*, 581(11). 

where, wherein, 785. 



which, 717-746. 

which ?, 8o6-»o7. 

while, 787, 788, 970, 988, 989. 

white, 624, 62S, 778, 

white man, 355, 365(0,432. 

whither .>, 533% 581(11). 

who, 717-746. 

who ?, 804. 

whoever, 813. 

whole, 601 *, 810-812. 

whom, 717-746. 

whose?, 740-741, 805. 

'ivi, pronoun, 639*. 

wicker-work among Kafirs, ;,. 
321. 

wide, 624. 

wife, 173, 322*, see woman. 

wild beast, 502. 

wind, 69, JT,, 77, 79, 137, 142, 
149, 184, 405. 

window, 503(6). 

wine, 440*, 455, 461(3). 

wing, 419. 

winter, 137, 142, 405, sec 
wind. 

wish, to, 126, 995, 1003. 

with, 570, 573, 575. 

within, 194, 533, 533», 581(1). 

wizard, 143, see sorcerer. 

Wolof language, 830, 

woman, 142, 143, 211, 239, 
243» 322*, 365(4). 

wool, 139, 440*. 

work, 379. 

would, 995, sqq. 

wound, 423. 

write, to, 1070. 

writing, 487. 

writing in South-Africa, /<$, 17. 

written language, when differ- 
ing from the spoken, 253. 

'ti'it, classifier, 447. 

'u>u, pronoun, 639*. 

X, how pronounced, 29, 38. 

— = NS, 194. 

— = NZ, 195. 

— = SI, 174. 

Xosa language, passim, see 
Kafir. 

— its peculiar sounds, 33-38. 

— its phonetic features, 120- 
124. 

Y, how pronounced, 30. 

— = Z, 96, 97. 

— = M, or N, 295. 
y, classifier, 496. 

y, pronoun, 639, 642. 

ya, pronoun, 639*. 

ya, auxiliary, 911-917, 920. 

ya, preposition, 570. 

-ya, demonstrative suffix, 698. 

Vansi cluster of languages, 14, 

Vansi language, 159-162. 

Vao language, 14. 

— sources for its stutly, 47. 

— its phonetic features, 66-72. 

— its peculiar plurals, 354. 

— its relation to Chwana, 72. 



336 



South-African Bantu Languages. 



ye, auxiliary, 916, 917. 

year, 366*, 379, 384(11). 

yesterday, 421, 533*, 581(7). 

yet, 991. 

Yeye language, 109. 

J'/, pronoun, 639*. 

yo, suffixed to verbs in relative 

clauses, 723, 734. 
yonder, 693, 693*. 
you, 637, 639*, 656*. 
young, 601*. 
young of animal, 418, 
your, 745, sqq. 
yours, 768-777. 
youth, 504*. 
yo = yc, 916. 
yii, pronoun, 639*, 652. 

Z, how pronounced, 31. 

— = BZ = BV, 99. 

— = D,ox R, 173, 220. 

— = A or r, 136. 

— = DY, 123, 214. 

— = DZ, 94, 99. 

— =J, 89, 106, 115, 143, 147. 

— = L, 165, 173 (cf. 9), 211, 
214, 232. 



— = N, 232. 

— = 7; 239. 

— = F, 91, 115. 

— — Y, 126, 225. 

— suppressed, 66, 81. 
5, how pronounced, 31. 

— its use, 105, 123, 133. 
^a, classifier, 490. 

za, auxiliary, 948, 950. 
-za, verbal suffix, 1079. 
Zambezi, 486. 
Zaramo language, 14, 

— sources for its study, 4^, 
ze, auxiliary, 955. 

zebra, 133, 136, 401. 
Zendj, see Zindj. 
zi, classifier, 491-503. 

— its transformations, 496. 

— its use, 497-501. 

— its original meaning, 502. 
zi, connective pronoun, 639*. 
zi, reflexive pronoun; 655. 
zi, relative particle, 718*. 

zi, copulative prefix, 583. 
-zi, suffix in the number "one" 

792. 
-zia, verbal sulfix, 1079. 



Zimba, Zimbawe, Zinibabye, 

Zimbaze, g. 
Zimbabye, or Zimbaze, ruins. — 

— inscriptions found on them, 
j8. 

— their description, 7j. 
-— their origin, 7S'74- 
zin, classifier, 385-409. 

— its transformatic^s, 391-398. 

— its use, 399-406, 477-4S0. 

— its original meaning, 408. 
Zindj, who they are, 8. 

— their ancient trade, 80. 

— their origin, 72. 
zon, classifier, 397, 
zo-o — za-kji, 950. 

zti, meaning of the element, 

409(2). 
Zulu language, see Kafir. 

— its difference from Xosa, 
124. 

— its peculiar sounds, 33-38. 
Zulu tribes, origin of the, 95, 

365(5). 
Zumbo language, 102. 
Yivi, classifier, 496. 
Yivi, pronoun, 639*. 



H. ffl. ». 6. 



Descl^e, De Brouwer, and C"., Bruges, Belgium. 



-HdDitions anD Corrections. 

NGONI LANGUAGE. 

Sources : Introductory Grammar of the Ngony langua^e^ by W. A. Elmslie, M. B., 1891. 
Ikaiekisma la Hari...^ ngu W. A. Elmslie, 1890. 
Izindaba zombuso ka Mlungu, 1890. 

There are in South Africa several different tribes which go by the name of 
Ngoni. Those among which the Rev. W. A. Elmslie has passed several years live 
under the rule of Mombera, on the western side of Lake Nyassa. Their language 
must not be coupled with Bunga (p. xix of this work), but with Mfengu, Zulu, 
Xosa, and Tebele, in the Kafir cluster. In the sources mentioned above I have 
scarcely found more than two or three words which may not be heard amonL^ the 
Kafirs of Cape Colony and Natal. 

The demonstrative pronouns and a few other forms are the same as in Zulu, nut 
as in Xosa (n. 124). A few grammatical forms are proper to Ngoni, or borrowed 
from the dialects of the Nyassa region. Thus the classifiers ci and vi replace si and 
zt of Kafir {ci and zi of Tonga) ; and the connective pronouns of the plural number 
in the i''^^ and 2^ person are // " we " instead of the Kafir si ; tnu or //' " you " 
instead of the Kafir ni. Consequently, the substantive pronoun inwena or Una 
" you " replaces nina. (See pp. 153 and 160). Were it not for these few difierences, 
all good Zulu and Kafir books might be used among the Ngoni of Nyassaland. 

KAFIR. 

The Xosa auxiliary ba (Zulu ;;/«, nn. 977 and 978) in some of its uses, though 
not in all, is certainly the same verb as the Chwana -bwa, to say (Tonga -amba). 
Thus a Kafir in a letter, speaking of the animals (i zilwanyana) set up in a museum, 
says of them : E zinye imgake woiuke 2^-be zisa piliie, of some of these you would 
say in your surprise that they were alive. This explains why in Kafir u kii-ba (Zulu 
u-)nd) and u ku-ii " to say " may be used indifferently after several verbs of snying, 
thinking, and willing. 

BIHE. 

New source : Ne%u Testament, A. B. C. F. M., 1889. 

The z of the main group of the Bantu languages is not always changed to / in 
Bihe (n. 131); in some words it is dropped, in others it is changed to j, Ex. : w-bia^ 
a pot (Kafir i7n-biza)\ku-i, to know (Tonga ku-zi); n-kae^ a woman (Tonga mu kazi); 
ku-yela, to be white (Angola ku-zela). 

The influence of the nasal on some consonants reminds one of Nyamwezi. Thus 
n replaces nt, as in mu-nu^ a person (Tonga mii-?itu), vi-Jia^ things (T zi-niu) ; 
hence, e, g., n-uma, I send, for n-Uivia ; n-ava, I believe, for ntava ; nembeUy?i 
temple, for n-te7npele. M replaces mp and np ; hence, e. g,, vi-anga, I wish, for 
n-panga ; ?n-inga, I ask, for n-pinga ; m-opia, I say, for n-popia. ^and /; replace nk^ 
as in hali, a hard thing, (Tonga in-kali) ; hence huatela or nuatela, I hold, for 
n-kuatela ; huami or iiuavii^ follow me, for n-kuami. Mbw replaces nw as in 7va-m- 
bivaveka, he anointed me, from ku-zvaveka^ to anoint. Nd replaces ;// as in most 
other Bantu languages. 

In the same language the article seems to be regularly dropped before vowels, as 
in i-so, the eye, for e i-so ; u-titna, the heart, for o u-iima ; itima, the hearts, for 
i-tima. The locative classifier corresponding to ijiu is vu, as in v-utima, in the heart, 
for vu u-tima.T\ie reflexive pronoun is //, as in Yao. Ex. : Li-lekise, show thyself. The 
pronouns u " thou " and vu " you " are generally used before nouns in the vocative. 
Nundepo konyivia, u Satana, Go behind me,Satan (Marc, 8. 33). Vu pata liolomaia ! 



O incredulous generation ! (Marc, 9-18). The copulative prefix before nouns and 
pronouns is ha (== Chwana ke). Ex. : ha situ, it is meat. We find " to be " rendered 
sometimes by na, sometimes by kasi, which is the perfect of kala, in sentences which 
in other respects are identical. Ex. Isiene z^kasi ko vailu, or Isiene ?/na ko vailu, 
Your Father who is in Heaven (Mat., 5, 46 ; 6, i, etc.). 

The Bihe equivalent of the puzzling Tonga verb kue or kui (964 and 1038) is 
kuete, pft. of ku-kuata, to hold. Ex. O vinyii ka va-kuete^ they have no wine. This 
shows that the Swahili and Pokomo form st-kw-ona, I have not seen, is essentially 
different from the Tonga form si kue ?idaka bona, I never saw. 

BOKO. 

Source: Essai sur lalangue congolaise, par le R. P. Cambier, C. C. I. M., 1891. 

The Boko (I-boko) language is that of som.e tribes living on the Congo near and 
north of the Equator. It belongs to the main group of the Bantu languages, and is 
particularly related to Yansi. 

It drops ^ in many words, as in a7iou^ my father (Yansi sangu), -atu, three (Yansi 
-satu)y i-anga, an island (Yansi ki-sanga), -umba, to buy {-sufnba in several languages), 
jiu, an eye (Yansi disu), bo, the forehead {buso in many languages). It also drops k 
in some cases, z before /', and/ before u. Ex. : njo, a snake {tijoka or nyoka in several 
languages), ma-i, water {ina-nzi^ ma-zi, ma-dzi^ etc., in various languages), -eba^ to 
know (Tonga -ziba), -ua, to die (Tonga -fua), 7?ia-uta, oil (Tonga ma-futa).T\\^ vowel 
e is often interchanged with /, and with u, as in several other Bantu languages. 

These phonetic peculiarities account for the following changes in the forms of the 
classifiers. The classifier si of Kafir (Tonga ci) is pronounced e or / in Boko. The 
locative classifier ku is reduced to 0. The other classifier ku has disappeared even 
before the infinitive forms of verbs. It is replaced by the classifier e ( = ci, si, ki) in 
the two words e-boko, an arm (Tonga ku-boko), and e-kolo, a leg (Tonga ku-ulu). The 
plural classifier zifi of Tonga is not only reduced to ?i before substantives as in several 
other languages, but drops its z even in personal and demonstrative pronouns. 

The only traces that I find in Boko of the locative classifier/^ are the demonstra- 
tive particles wa, here, wana, there, and wai ?, where ? The locative classifier 7?tu 
seems to be reduced to o. Ex. bo-atu, in a canoe (Tonga niu bu-ato). The regular 
ending of the present indicative tense seems to be /instead oi a. Ex. na-jibi, I shut. 

FANG. 

Source : Didionnaire Fmn^ais-Fang, par le R. P. Lejeune, C. S. E., 1892. 

This is the language which has been termed Fan in the course of this work, but 
wrongly, as may now be judged from the work of Father Lejeune. 

The most remarkable transitions of sounds in this language are given correctly on 
p. 48, with but one exception. Namely, in n. 233 the two lines referring to l=s (?) 
must be left out, as, etymologically speaking, en-soon, mouth, is not the same word 
as mu-lomo, and a-son, a tooth, more correctly a-song or a-shong, is related, not to the 
Tonga li-no, but to the Dualla i-sunga. It must also be remarked that k in en-sok, an 
elephant, and, in general, wherever it occupies the place of the Tonga syllable vu, 
is pronounced like the German ch in nach. In n. 232 kaba and doa do not seem to be 
the same word as the Guha ka-bia, a flame, pi. tu-bia. 

In the chapter on substantives I considered as doubtful the forms of several Fang 
classifiers. They are now certain, and for the most part very interesting. Thus : 

Class MU-BA. — In Fang this class includes the nouns which require the same 
concord as m-ur, or 7n-oru, a person, pi. b-ur, oxb-oru. When the stem of these words 
begins with a vowel, their classifier is m in the singular, b- in the plural, as in ;;/-^;^^, 
a child, pi. bone (p. 67). When their stem begins with a consonant, their classifier is. 



generally speaking, m before labials, n before other consonants. In the plural their 
classifier be in most words keeps the m or 71 of the singular, which gives bem or bm. 
When they do not keep this nasal, the initial consonant of their stem generally un- 
dergoes a phonetic change. Ex. : n-dji, a man who eats, pi. be-n-dji ; m-vong, a kind 
of fish, pi. be-fn-vong ; n-gal, a female, pi. be-yal. 

Class MU-MI. — In Fang the classifiers of this class are n in the singular (m 
before b), mi in the plural {viin, when the n of the singular is kept). Ex. : nlu or 
7i-n7i, the head, pi. ini-lu, or mi-n-lu ; n-Um or n-uem, the heart, pi. mi-lem or minUm ; 
n-lo or n-no, a river, pi. mi-lo or mi-n-lo. If these words be compared with those given 
in pp. 76-78, one should bear in mind that Fang changes to / the / of the main 
group of Bantu languages (n. 232). 

Class IN-ZIN. — In the singular the classifier n of this class is dropped in Fang 
before hard consonants, such as k,f,s, as in several other Bantu languages. In the 
plural this class generally borrows the classifier be of cl. MU-BA, as it borrows the 
classifier wa in Swahili. In a few words it borrows the classifier me. The nasal sound 
of the singular is always kept in the plural. Ex. : n-go, a dress, pi. be-n-go ; n-?o^ or 
n-j6^, an elephant, pi. be-ii-zd^ or be-?i-jo^ ; 71-gan, a doctor, j)!. be-n-gan ; khuma, a 
chief, pi. be-khuma ; n-gon^ a month, pi. 7ne-7i-gon ; n-oana, a story, pi. 77ie-n-gana. 

Class LI-MA. — It cannot be doubted that in Fang the classifier of this class in 
the singular is a before consonants. Before vowels its form is generally dy^ in some 
cases dz. The plural classifier is ;;/d, in some words 771a, 771 before vowels. Ex : a shortly 
a tooth, pi. 77ie-sho7ig {^, 89) ; a-gu77i, ten, pi. 77ie-giwi (p. 205) ; a-bi, a woman's breast, 
pi. ?7ia-bi ; a-ko7ig^ a spear, pi. 77ie-ko7ig (^. 89); dy-ise, ovdy-ts, or dy-it^ an eye, pi. w-/><r, 
or 77i-ts or 77i-it (p. 88) ; dz-a77i^ a thing, pi. 77i-a»L {l-a77ibo^ pi. 77i-a77ibo in Dualla). 

Class BU-MA. — I find in Fang only one word belonging to this class, vh.bi-al^ 
a canoe, pi. 7ft-al (p. 97) ; but several examples may be given of words which are used 
only with the classifier w<?, such as 77ie-dji77i, water (p. 98) ; ;//<?-//, saliva ; 77ie-kt\ blood 
(Dualla 77ia-kiya). 

Class KU-MA. — This is not found in Fang. Some trace of it may perhaps be 
seen in the word w-o^ an arm, pi. 771-0 (Tonga kii-boko^ pi. 77ta-boko). Before the infini- 
tive forms of verbs we find e instead of the Bantu ku. 

Class CI-ZI. — In Fang its classifiers are e or / before consonants,/ before vowels 
in the singular, bi\n all cases in the plural. Ex. : e-lt^ a tree, pi. bi-ii ; j-u77t, a thing, 
pi. bi-2nn (p. 109) ; e-b77ia, or e-bu77ia^ a fruit, pi. bi-b77ia or bi-bu77ia (Dualla e-pu77ia. pi. 
be-pu77ia ; Benga e-bu7)ia^ pi. be-bu77ia). 

Class KA-TU. — To this corresponds in Fang the class VI-LO. Ex.: vi-ong^ an 
antelope, pi. l-ong ; vi-o, a bit of grass, pi. l-o. Etymologically speaking, the classifier 
lo is the same as the Tonga tu (n. 511). With regard to vi see nn. 520-523. 

Class LU-ZIN. — To this seems to correspond in Fang the class 0-A. Ex. : 0-71071^ 
a bird, pi. a-7ion ; o-kee, a leaf, pi. a-kee ; o-bo7i^ or 7i-bo7i^ a collar, pi. a-boti ; o-nu^ a 
finger, pi. a-nu. The change of lu to is regular (n. 232). The change of zin to a is 
more puzzling. But it should be noticed that this Fang classifier a gives us the pos- 
sessive pronouns da77i^ mine, di-7ia^ yours, etc., the demonstrative pronouns ^^//, edina^ 
edi7ie, and before verbs the pronoun do. Whence we may infer that this classifier a 
stands for da, or di^ which corresponds regularly to zi. And we have seen above 
that Fang gives the form a to the classifier which in the other Bantu languages is 
variously pronounced /, //, or di. Therefore the change of / to a is not entirely new. 
Locative Expressions. — These in Fang have nothing of the nature of substan- 
tives, that is to say, their first element, which generally is (= Mpongwe go) or e, is 
not a classifier, but. merely a preposition without any governing power. Ex. : ^ shu 
Nza77te, before God, not shu Nzame (cf. in Mpong^ve ^ojo ^N\47tya7/ibie). 

Adjectives. — In adjectives proper, Fang has kept better than in substantives the 
distinction between the classifiers 71 = 77111 and « =/«. For in this language, as in 



several others, « = in disappears before hard consonants, and, when it comes before 
a soft consonant, in some cases it dentalizes it, in others it strengthens it. On the 
contrary, « = w// disappears only before ;?, and does not strengthen the following 
consonant. It, however, changes v to b. Thus, with the classifier n = in^ we find n-zali 
n-den, a large gun, for n-zali n-7ien ; n-zali fork, another gun, for n-zali n-vork ; nyiil 
fork, a small body, for nyul n-tork ; while the classifier n = mu gives us n-Jue nen, a 
great leader, for n-jue n-nen ; m-ur n-tork^ a small man ; 7i-nu m-bork^ another head, 
for n-7iu n-vork. 

I also notice that the classifier vi requires the sam€ concord as the classifier o, Ex.: 
m-ong o-iork, a small antelope, instead oivi-ongvi-tork. 

Verbs. — The forms corresponding to the Tonga ndi-bona^ ?idi-bone, and 7idi- 
bonide, are respectively 77t-ayen (without the final a), 7?ie ye7i-ege (with the subjunctive 
ending -ege instead of the simple -e), and me yc7t or 7ne ye7ia (with no ending, or the 
ending -^r, instead of -ide or -He), 

The auxiliary of the future tense is the verb -ke^ to go. This confirms the opinion 
given in n. 965, that the auxiliary ka., which in several languages is expressive of" 
future, is related to the verb -i7ika., to go. It would be surprising that the various forms 
of derivative verbs should not be found in Fang. Father Lejeune, however, mentions 
only two of these, viz., the passive and the reciprocal. The passive ending is -eba in 
the present, -ea in the perfect.Ex. : ine ye7i-eba, I am seen, 7ne yen-ea, I have been seen. 
The reciprocal ending is -ana, as in the other Bantu languages. Some Fang tribes 
reduce this to -a. Ex. : e7iyegha7ia, or e7iyegha^ to love one another. 

Co7iclusion. — Judging from the work of Father Lejeune, the Fang language differs 
considerably from the Bantu languages of the main group. The difference, on the 
whole, may even be said to amount to something like the difference between Greek 
and Latin. But it has much in common with Mpongwe, Benga, Kele, and Dualla. 
Hence these languages, together with some others that are not so well known, may 
be said to form a special group in the classification of the Bantu languages, I should 
thus be led now to divide this family of languages, inasmuch as I know it, into four 
groups, viz. i) the main group, 2) the Kua or Kuana group, including Chuana, Suto, 
the dialects of the coast of Mozambique, etc., 3) the north-western group, including 
Mpongwe, Fang, etc., 4) The Fernandian group. 



NEW SOURCES TO HAND ON VARIOUS LANGUAGES. 

Nyassa. a Grammar of Chinyanj a, by George Henry, M. A., Aberdeen, 1891. 

— Chinyanja Dictionary. Tentative edition. 

TuMBUKA (West of Lake Nyassa) : Notes on the Tumbuka Language, by the Rev. W. A. Elmslie, 

M. A., Aberdeen, 1891. 
KONDE. Collections for a Handbook of tJie Makonde Language, Zanzibar, 1876. 

SwAHiLi. Diciionnaire Franfais-Swahili, par le R. P. Ch. Sacleux, C. S. E., Zanzibar, 1891. 

— African Aphorisms, by the Rev. W. E. Taylor, M. A., S. P. C. K., 1891. 
GiRYAMA (Nika cluster). Vocabtdary and Collections, by the Rev. W. E. Taylor, M. A., S. P. C. 

K., 1891. 
Ganda. Collections for a Lexicon, by Rev. P. O'Flaherty, C. M. S., S. P. C. K. 

— Kitabti ky^esala, Alger, 1891. 

— Hymns, by G. L. P., B. a., S. P. C. K. 

— Ngero za Jiiu Kiiabu, S. P. C. K. 
Angola. Jisabu...., by Jakim ria Matta, lyisboa, 1891, 

Fernandian. /V?V//t/r/«j£» d la lengua Bubi, por el Rdo P. Joaquin Juanola, Madrid, 1890. 

TsWA (a dialect of Gwamba). Ti-vangeli..., Amer. B. S., 1891. 

Pedi (a Chwana dialect). New Testament, B. F. B. S., 1890. 

Kafir. New Testament (revised translation), B. Y. B. S., 1888. 

Zulu. St John and Acts (revised translation), B. F. B. S. 1890. 

Dualla. New Testament, translated by Rev. A. Saker, B. T. S., 1882. 

Benga. Gospels and Acts, B. F. B. S., 1881. 

BOONDEI. Anjili kua Mattayo, B. F. B. S., 1890. 

GOGO. Mattayo..., B. F. B. S., 1891. 

Yao. Johanna...,^. F. B. S., 1889. M<^y ^S, iSg2. 



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Torrend, J, 

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