Comparative grammar of the Greek language

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THE STUDENTS' SERIES OF

HISTORICAL AND COMPARATIVE

GRAMMARS

EDITED BY JOSEPH WRIGHT

LaGr.Gr
W95IC

COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR

OF THE

GREEK LANGUAGE

BY

JOSEPH WRIGHT

PH.D., D.C.L., LL.D., LITT.D.

FELLOW OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY

PROFESSOR OF COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY IN THE

UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD

' Nur das Beispiel fflhrt zum Licht ;
Vieles Reden thut es nicht '

t>:\\^''

HENRY FROWDE

i

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

LONDON, NEW YORK AND TORONTO

1912

\^All rights reserved^

OXFORD : HORACE HART
PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY

PREFACE

In writing this Grammar I have followed as far as
possible the plan adopted in the other Grammars of the
Series, my object being to furnish students with a concise
account of the phonology, word-formation, and inflexions
of the language. As the book is not intended for specialists *
some more or less important details have been intentionally
omitted. This is especially the case in regard to those
dialects which have been preserved in such scanty fragments
as to render it impossible for us to give a full account
of their phonology. It must not, however, be assumed
that these dialects have heen entirely omitted ; on the
contrary, I have made considerable use of them in the
phonology and elsewhere, wherever they have helped to
throw light upon the development and history of the other
dialects, such as Attic, Ionic, Doric, Aeolic.

Much of the time and labour spent on this Grammar
has been taken up with selecting examples from the vast
amount of material which I had collected to illustrate the
sound-laws of the various dialects. This selection was
necessary if I was to keep steadily in view the class of
students for whom the Series of Grammars was originally
planned, otherwise it would have been far easier to
produce a Comparative Greek Grammar at least three
times the size of the present one. In spite of this great
compression of the material, I venture to think that I have
included within a modest compass all that the ordinary

1 In Greek Philology.

vi Preface

student will require to know about the subject, and I
believe that the student who thoroughly masters the book
will not only have gained a comprehensive knowledge of
Comparative Greek Grammar in particular, but will also
have acquired the elements of the Comparative Grammar
of the Sanskrit, Latin, and Germanic languages. Examples
have been more copiously used from these than from the
other branches of the Indo-Germanic family of languages,
because it can be safely inferred that the students who
study this Grammar will already possess a practical
knowledge of one or more of them.

This Grammar makes no pretence whatever of being an
original and exhaustive treatise on the subject. In a book
of this kind there is practically no scope for a display of
either of these features, but I have contrived to bring
within a comparatively small space a great deal of matter
which will be new to students, and especially to those
who are unable to study the subject in works written in
foreign languages. All that I have attempted to do is to
furnish our countrymen with a systematic and scientific
treatment of Comparative Greek Grammar based upon the
philological books and articles of the best workers of the
present day in the wide field of Comparative Philology.
Specialists in the subject will accordingly find little that
is new in the book.

In Greek as in all the other Indo-Germanic languages
there are still innumerable points which have never been
satisfactorily explained, and not a few points about which
there is a great divergence of opinion even among the best
philologists. In all such cases I have carefully considered
the various explanations which have been proposed, and
have given those with which I agreed without, as a rule.

Preface vii

stating my authority, but where I was unable to agree
with any of the proposed explanations I have generally
preferred to state that the phenomenon in question has
never been satisfactorily explained or that the explanation
is unknown, rather than burden the book with attempted
explanations with which I did not agree. I have generally
omitted to give the authorities for various statements made
throughout the Grammar, except in special cases where
I thought it desirable to refer the student for further
information to the sources which deal more fully with the
case in point.

I gratefully acknowledge the help I have derived from
the learned books and articles by the splendid band of
German Philologists who have done so much to throw
light upon the history and philology of the various Indo-
Germanic languages. On pp. xiv-xvii will be found a select
list of the books and articles which I have found most
useful in the writing of this book, but a mere place in a list
would not adequately express my indebtedness to the
works of Brugmann, Hirt, Gustav Meyer, Osthoff, Jo-
hannes Schmidt, and Wackernagel. In conclusion I wish
to express my sincere thanks to the Controller of the
University Press for his great kindness in complying with
my wishes in regard to special type; to Mr. A. Davidson,
for his valuable collaboration in the making of the index
verborum ; and lastly to the press-reader, Mr. W. F. R.
Shilleto, for his invaluable help with the reading of the
proofs.

JOSEPH WRIGHT.

Oxford,
January^ 1912.

CONTENTS

PAGES

INTRODUCTION 1-4

Classification of the Indo-Germanic languages (§ i).
The Greek dialects and their classification (§ 2).

CHAPTER I

Pronunciation and Accentuation 5-18

Vowels (§§4-18) ; Consonants (§§ 19-27). Pitch and
stress accent (§ 28) ; * broken ' or acute and ' slurred ' or
circumflex accent (§ 29) ; word-accent (§§ 30-4) ; sen-
tence-accent (§§ 35-40).

CHAPTER II

The Primitive Indo-Germanic Vowel-sounds . 18-20

The Indo-Germanic vowel-system (§ 41). Table of
the normal development of the prim. Indg. short and
long vowels, short diphthongs, and short vocalic nasals
and liquids in Greek, Sanskrit, Latin, Old Irish, Gothic,
Old English, Lithuanian and Old Slavonic (§ 42).

CHAPTER III

The Greek Development of the Indo-Germanic Vowel-
system 21-49

The short vowels :— a (§ 43) ; e (§ 44) ; i (§ 45) ; o
(§ 46) ; u (§§ 47-8) ; 9 (§ 49). The long vowels :—
a (§§ 50-1) ; e (§ 52) ; 1 (§ 53) ; 0 (§ 54) ; u (§ 55). The
short diphthongs :— ai (§§ 56-7) ; ei (§ 58) ; oi (§ 59) ;
au (§ 60) ; eu (§ 61) ; ou (§ 62). The long diphthongs
(§ 63). General remarks on the short vocalic nasals and
liquids (§ 64) ; short vocalic nasals (§ 65) ; short vocalic

Contents ix

PAGES

liquids (§§ 66-7). The long vocalic nasals and liquids
(§ 68). The lengthening of short vowels (§ 69). The
shortening of long vowels (§§ 70-1) ; quantitative meta-
thesis (§ 72). Assimilation of vowels (§§ 73-4). Epen-
thesis (§§ 75-6). Prothesis (§ 77). Anaptyxis (§ 78).
Vowel-contraction (§§ 79-80).

CHAPTER IV

Ablaut 49-6i

General remarks on ablaut (§§ 81-5). The weakening
or loss of vowels (§§ 86-90). The lengthening of vowels
(§§ 9i~4)' The ablaut-series (§§ 95-6). Dissyllabic
bases (§ 97).

CHAPTER V

The Primitive Indo-Germanic Consonants . . . 62-71

Tableof the prim. Indg. consonants (§ 98). The normal
equivalents of the prim. Indg, explosives in Greek,
Latin, Old Irish, prim. Germanic, Gothic, Sanskrit,
Lithuanian and Old Slavonic: — the tenues (§ 100);
the mediae (§ loi); the tenues aspiratae (§ 102); the
mediae aspiratae (§ 103). Consonantal sound-changes
which took place during the prim. Indg. period
(§§ 105-12).

CHAPTER VI

The Greek Development of the Indg Germanic Con-
sonant-system 71-111

The change of mediae aspiratae to tenues aspiratae
(§ 114). De-aspiration of aspirates (§ 115). Assimilation
of consonants (?§ 1 16-17). General remarks on the semi-
vowels (§§ 118-19) ; w (§§ 120-6); j (§§ 127-30). General
remarks on the liquids (§ 131) ; 1 (§§ 132-5) ; r (§§ 136-8).
General remarks on the nasals (§ 139); m (§§ 140-6) ;
n (§§ 147-54) ; n. r) (§§ ^55-6). The labials :— p (§§ 157-8) ;
b (§§ 159-60) ; ph (§ 161); bh (§§ 162-3). The dentals :—
t (§§ 164-70); d (§§ 171-4); th (§§ 175-6); dh(§§ 177-
80). The normal equivalents of the prim. Indg. palatals,

^3

X Contents

PAGES

pure velars and labialized velars in Greek, Latin,
Old Irish, Germanic, Sanskrit, Lithuanian and Old Sla-
vonic (§ i8i). The palatals :— k (§§ 182-7) ; g (§§ 188-
91); kh(§ 192); gh (§§ 193-4). The pure velars:— q
(§§ 195-6); 3 (§§ 197-9) ; qh (§ 200); Qh (§ 201). The
labialized velars:— q* (§§ 202-4); q* (§§ 205-7); <l"h
(§208); g''h(§§ 209-10). The spirants :-s(§§ 212-23);
z (§ 224) ; sh, zh (§ 225) ; J>, I>h, d, dh (§ 226) ; j (§ 227).

CHAPTER VII
Sandhi 111-116

General remarks on sandhi (§ 228) ; final sounds
(§-§ 229-30); initial sounds (§§ 231-2).

CHAPTER VIII

The Formation of Nouns and Adjectives . . 116- 138

General remarks (§ 233). Root-nouns (§ 234). Suffixes
ending in a vowel :— ja- (§ 235) ; -o-, -a- (§ 236); •(i)jo-,
•(i)ja-, -ejo-, •ew(i)jo- (§ 237) ; -wo-, -wa- (§ 238) ; -mo-,
•ma- (§ 239) ; -meno-, -mena- (§ 240) ; -no-, -na- (§§ 241-
2) ; -ino-, -ina- (§ 243) ; -Ino-, -ina- (§ 244) ; -s-no-, -s-na-
(§ 245) ; -(TWO; -<rvva- (§ 246) ; -lo-, -la- (§ 247) ; -ro-,
•ra- (§ 248) ; -bho-, -bha- (§ 249) ; -dhlo-, -dhla- (§ 250) ;
■dhro-, -dhra- (§ 251) ; -ko-, -ka-, -qo-, -qa- (§ 252) ; -sko-,
-ska-, -isko-, -iska- (§ 253) ; -tero-, -tera- (§ 254) ; -tewo-,
•tewa- (§ 255) ; -tro- (§ 257); -to-, -ta- (§ 258) ; -is-to-, -is-ta-
(§ 259) ; -i- (§ 260) ; -mi-, -ni-, -ri- (§ 261) ; -ti- (§ 262) ; .1-
(§ 263) ; -u- {§ 264) ; -lu-, -nu-, -ra- (§ 265) ; -tu- (§ 266) ;
•u- (§ 267); -eu- (§ 268). Suffixes ending in a con-
sonant:— en- (§ 269) ; -(i)jen- (§ 270); -wen- (§ 271) ;
-d-en- (§ 272) ; -men- (§ 273) ; -t-, -dh-, -s- (§ 274) ; -nt-
(§ 275) ; -went- (§ 276) ; -er- (§ 277) ; -ter- (§ 278) ; -es-
(§ 279) ; -n-es-, -w-es-, -dh-es- (§ 280) ; -jes- (§ 281), -wes-
(§ 282) ; -as. (§ 283) ; -tat- (§ 284) ; -t-. -k-, -d-, -g- (§ 285).
The formation of compound nouns and adjectives
(^§ 287-92).

Contents xi

PAGES

CHAPTER IX
Declension of Nouns 139-213

The number and gender of nouns (§§ 293-5). Cases
(§ 296). Case-formation in the parent Indg. language : —
The cases of the singular (§§ 298-306), dual (§§ 307-10),
plural (§§ 311-17). Syncretism (§ 318). Strong and
weak case-forms (§ 319).

A. The vocalic declension : — Feminine a-stems
(§§ 320-1) ; -ja-stems (§ 322) ; masculine a-stems (§ 323).
Masculine and feminine o-stems (§§ 324-5) ; neuter
o-stems (§ 326) ; the so-called Attic declension (§ 327).
Masculine and feminine short i-stems (§ 328) ; neuter
short i-stems (§ 329) ; the long i-stems (§ 330). Mascu-
line and feminine short u-stems (§§ 331-2) ; neuter short
u-stems {§ 333) ; the long u-stems (§ 334). The diph-
thongal stems :— au-stems (§ 336) ; eu-stems (§§ 337-8) ;
ou-stems (§§ 339-40) ; oi-stems (§ 341).

B. The consonantal declension :— Stems ending in
an explosive (§§ 342-4) ; stems ending in -n (§§345-50) ;
stems ending in -nt (§§ 351-5) ; stems ending in -went
(§§ 356-7) ; stems ending in -1 (§ 358) ; stems ending in
•r (§§ 359-62) ; neuter stems in -as-, -os- (§§ 364-5) ;
nouns and adjectives of the type Svantpfjv (§§ 366-7) ;
stems in -os, -os- (§ 368) ; stems in -jes-, -jos-, -jos-
(§ 369) ; neuter stems in -as- (§ 370). The r- : n-de-
clension (§ 371).

CHAPTER X
Adjectives 213-232

The declension of adjectives (§§ 372-4). The com-
parison of adjectives :— The comparative degree (§§ 375-
6) ; the superlative degree (§ 377); irregular comparison
(§ 37s)- Numerals :— Cardinal numerals (§§ 379-88);
ordinal numerals (§§389-93) ; other numerals (§§ 394-6).

xii Contents

PAGES

CHAPTER XI

Pronouns 232-249

General remarks on the pronouns (§§ 397-401).
Personal pronouns (§§ 402-3). Reflexive pronouns
(§§ 404-5). Possessive pronouns (§ 406). Demonstra-
tive pronouns (§§ 407-12). Relative pronouns (§ 413).
Interrogative and indefinite pronouns (§§414-15). Other
pronouns (§ 416).

CHAPTER XII
Verbs 249-340

General remarks on the verbs (§ 417). Number (§ 418).
Voices (§§ 419-22). Mode or manner of action (§§ 423-5).
Tense formation (§ 426). Moods (§§ 427-8). Reduplica-
tion (§ 429). The augment (§§ 430-1). General remarks
on the personal endings (§ 432). The personal endings
of the active (§§ 433-41). The personal endings of the
middle (§§ 442-8).

The formation oi the present : — The classification ot
the various ways in which the present is formed (§ 449) ;
the athematic and thematic conjugations (§ 450). The
various classes of the present : — Class I : Unreduplicated
monosyllabic light or heavy ablaut-bases (§§ 452-4).
Class II : Reduplicated monosyllabic athematic heavy
ablaut-bases (§ 455). Class III : Dissyllabic light bases
with or without reduplication (§§ 456-7). Class IV:
Dissyllabic athematic heavy ablaut-baseswith or without
reduplication (§§ 458-9). General remarks on the
formation of the various classes (V-VIII) of nasal-
presents (§ 460). Class V : Verbs of the type 8h/xi^;ii
(§§ 461-2). Class VI : Verbs of the type aropyvfu
(§§ 463-5)' Class VII : Verbs which have a nasal
infixed before the final consonant of the root-syllable
(§466). Class VIII : The verbs in -(irw (§ 467). Class
IX : The s-presents (§ 468). Class X : The sko-presents
(§§469-71). Class XI : Presents containing one of the
dental suffixes -to-, -do- or -dho- (§§ 472-5). Class XII :

Contents xiii

PAGES

The various types of j-presents (§§ 476-97) : — Primary
thematic presents (§§ 477-So) ; primary athematic
presents (§ 481) ; denominative verbs (§§ 482-96) ;
causative and iterative verbs (§ 497).

The future (§§ 498-501). The Aorist: — General re-
marks on the aorist (§ 502). The root- or strong aorist
(§§503-6). The s-aorist (§§ 507-13). The passive aorist
(§ 514). The perfect (§§ 515-22). The pluperfect

(§ 523).

The moods : — The injunctive (§ 524) ; the subjunctive
(§§ 525-9) ; the optative (§§ 530-8) ; the imperative
(§§ 539-44) ; the infinitive (§§545-5o)-

Participles (§§ 551-4). Verbal adjectives (§§ 555-6).

CHAPTER XIII
Adverbs (§§ 557-75) 341-345

INDEX 346-384

SELECT LIST OF BOOKS USED

Bartholomae, Chr. Studien zur indogermanischen Sprachge-
schichte. Halle, 1890-1.

Baunack, Johannes und Theodor. Studien auf dem Gebiete des
Griechischen und der arischen Sprachen. Leipzig, 1886.

Bechtel, Friedrich. Die Vocalcontraction bei Homer. Halle,
1908.

Bechtel, Frits. Die Hauptprobleme der indogermanischen
Lautlehre seit Schleicher. Gottingen, 1892.

Blass, Friedrich. tjber die Aussprache des Griechischen.
Berlin, 1888.

Boisacq, Emile. Les dialectes doriens. Paris and Liege, 1891.

Bnigmann, Karl. Kurze vergleichende Grammatik der indo-
germanischen Sprachen. Strassburg, 1902-4.

Griechische Grammatik. MUnchen, 1900.

Die Demonstrativpronomina der indogermanischen Spra-
chen. Leipzig, 1904.

Brugmann, Karl, und Delbriick, Berthold. Grundriss der ver-
gleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen.
Strassburg, 1886-1900. Vol. I (Einleitung und Lautlehre),
1886; vol. n (Wortbildungslehre = Stammbildungs- und
Formenlehre), 1889-92, by K. Brugmann. Vols. HI-V
(Syntax), 1893-1900, by B. Delbrtick. Second edition : —
vol. I (Einleitung und Lautlehre), 1897; vol. H (Lehre
von den Wortformen und ihrem Gebrauch), 1906-11.

Curiitis, Georg. Das Verbum der griechischen Sprache seinem
Baue nach dargestellt. Leipzig, 1877-80.

Fraenkel, Ernst. Geschichte der griechischen Nomina agentis
auf -Tijp, -rap, -TTjs (-T-), erster Tell. Strassburg, 1910.

Select List of Books used xv

Giles, P. A short manual of Comparative Philology for
Classical Students. London, 1901.

Henry, Victor. Precis de grammaire comparee du grec et du
latin. Paris, 1908.

Hirt, Hermann. Handbuch der griechischen Laut- und For-
menlehre. Heidelberg, 1902.
Der indogermanische Ablaut. Strassburg, 1900.
Der indogermanische Akzent. Strassburg, 1895.

Hoffmann, Otto. Die griechischen Dialekte in ihrem histori-
schen Zusammenhange. Gottingen, 1891-8.

Jacohi, H. G. Compositum und Nebensatz, Studien iiber die
indogermanische Sprachentwicklung. Bonn, 1897.

Johansson, K. F. De derivatis verbis contractis linguae graecae
quaestiones. Upsala, 1886.
BeitrSge zur griechischen Sprachkunde. Upsala, 1891.

King, J. E., and Cookson, C. The principles of sqund and
inflexion as illustrated in the Greek and Latinlanguages.
Oxford, 1888.

Kretschmer, Paul. Einleitung in die Geschfchte der griechi-
schen Sprache. Gottingen, 1896.
Kuhner, Raphael. Ausfilhrliche Grammatik der griechischen

Sprache, dritte Auflage in zwei BSnden, besorgt von

Friedrich Blass. Hannover, 1890-2.
Kurschat, Friedrich. Grammatik der littauischen Sprache.

Halle, 1876.
Lagercraniz, O. Zur griechischen Lautgeschichte. Upsala,

1898.
Leskien, A. Grammatik der altbulgarischen (altkirchenslavi-

schen) Sprache. Heidelberg, 1909.
Handbuch der altbulgarischen (altkirchenslavischen)

Sprache. Weimar, 1898.
Meillet, A. Introduction a I'etude comparative des langues

indo'europeennes. Paris, 1908.
Meister, R. Die griechischen Dialekte. Gottingen, 1882-9.
Meisterhans, K. Grammatik der attischen Inschriften. Berlin,

1888.

xvi Select List of Books used

Meringer, Rudolph. Indogermanische Sprachwissenschaft.
Leipzig, 1903.
Beitrage zur Geschichte der indogermanischen Deklination.
Wien, 1891.
Meyer, Gustav. Griechische Grammatik. Leipzig, 1896.

Meyer, Leo. Vergleichende Grammatik der griechischen und
lateinischen Sprache. Berlin, 1882-4.

Monro, D. B. A Grammar of the Homeric dialect. Oxford,

1891.
Osthoff, Hermann. Zur Geschichte des Perfects im Indoger-
manischen mit besonderer RQcksicht auf Griechisch und

Lateinisch. Strassburg, 1884.
Vom Suppletivwesen der indogermanischen Sprachen.

Heidelberg, 1900.
Osthoff, Hermann, und Brugmann, Karl. Morphologische

Untersuchungen auf dem Gebiete der indogermanischen

Sprachen. Leipzig, 1878-90.
Persson, Per. Studien zur Lehre von der Wurzelerweiterung

und Wurzelvariation. Upsala, 1891.
Pezzi, Domenico. La lingua greca antica, breve trattazione

comparativa e storica. Torino, 1888.
Saussure, Ferdinand de. Memoire sur le systeme primitif des

voyelles dans les langues indo-europ6ennes. Leipzig,

1879, and Paris, 1887.
Schmidt, Johannes. Kritik der Sonantentheorie. Weimar,

1895.
Die Pluralbildungen der indogermanischen Neutra. Weimar,

1889.
Schulze, Guilelmus. Quaestiones epicae. Gueterslohae, 1892.
Smyth, Herbert Weir. The sounds and inflexions of the Greek

dialects — Ionic. Oxford, 1894.
Solmsen, F. Untersuchungen zur griechischen Laut- und

Verslehre. Strassburg, 1901.

Sommer, Ferdinand. Griechische Lautstudien. Strassburg,
1905.
Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre.
Heidelberg, 1902.

Select List of Books used xvii

Stolz, Friedrich, und Schmalz, J. H. Lateinische Grammatik.

Mtinchen, 1910.
SuUerlin, L. Zur Geschichte der Verba denominativa im

Altgriechischen. Strassburg, 1891.
Thumbs Albert. Handbuch dergriechischen Dialekte. Heidel-
berg, 1909.
Handbuch des Sanskrit mit Texten und Glossar. Heidel-
berg, 1905.
Die griechische Sprache im Zeitalter des Hellenismus.

Strassburg, 1901.
Handbuch der neugriechischen Volkssprache. Strassburg,

1895.
Untersuchungen flber den Spiritus Asper im Griechischen.
Strassburg, 1889.
Thurneysen, Rudolf. Handbuch des Alt-irischen. Heidelberg,

1909.
Wackernagel, Jakob. Altindische Grammatik. Gottingen, 1896-
1905.
Das Dehnungsgesetz der griechischen Composita. Basel,

1889.
Vermischte BeitrSge zur griechischen Sprachkunde. Basel,
1897.
Wheeler, Benjamin Ide. Der griechische Nominalaccent Strass-
burg, 1885.
Whitney, William Dwight. A Sanskrit Grammar. Leipzig and

London, 1896.
Wright, Joseph. Grammar of the Gothic language. Oxford,
1910.

ABBREVIATIONS

abl.

Aeol.

A read.

Arm.

Att.

Bait.

Boeot.

Cret.

Sr

Dor.
El.

Germ.

Goth.

Gr.

Heracl.

Herod.

Hesych.

Hom.

Indg.

instr.

Ion.

Lac.

: Ablative
= Aeolic

Arcadian

Armenian

Attic

Baltic

Boeotian
: Cretan
: Cyprian
: dialect (s
: Doric
■■ Elean
■■ epic
: German
■ Gothic
: Greek

Heraclean

Herodotus

Hesychius

Homer(ic

Indo-Germanic

instrumental

Ionic

Laconian

Lat. = Latin

Lesb. = Lesbian

Lith. = Lithuanian

loc. = locative

Locr. = Locrian

ME. = Middle English

NE. = New English

NHG. = New High German

M.Ir. = Middle Irish

OE. = Old English

OHG. = Old High German

O.Icel. = Old Icelandic

O.Ir. = Old Irish

O.Lat. = Old Latin

OS. = Old Saxon

Osc. = Oscan

O.Slav. = Old Slavonic

Pamph. = Pamphylian

prim. = primitive

Skr. = Sanskrit

Thess. = Thessalian

Umbr. = Umbrian

Ved. = Vedic

The asterisk * prefixed to a word denotes a theoretical form,
as ^a from *^<ra = Indg. *esm ; a-iraipa> from *a7rapja = Indg.
*sprjo.

TRANSCRIPTION

In the following remarks on transcription we shall only
deal with such points as are likely to present a difficulty to
the student who is unfamiliar with the transcription used
throughout this Grammar.

Long vowels are generally indicated by "~, as a, i, u ;
nasal vowels by ^, as ^, 9 ; close vowels by . or *, as e or 6 ;
vocalic liquids and nasals by ^, as 1, m, n, r ; o = the 6 in
German Gotter, and ii the ii in Mutter.

Sanskrit : — n = the palatal, and q the guttural ng-sound.
j = the j in NE. just. The dot . is placed under a dental, n
and §, to indicate the cerebral pronunciation of these con-
sonants, as t, d, n, s. The combination explosive + h is pro-
nounced as a voiceless or voiced aspirate according as the
first element is voiceless or voiced, as th, ph, dh, bh.
c = the ch in NE. church, s is the palatal and s the cere-
bral sh-sound. Final -h from older -s or -s = h in NE.
hand.

Primitive Germanic: — In the writing of primitive Ger-
manic forms the signs J> = the th in NE. thin ; d, tS the th
in NE. then; b = a bilabial spirant which may be pro-
nounced like the v in NE. vine; 5 = a voiced spirant,
often heard in the pronunciation of German sagen ; x =
German ch and the ch in Scotch loch,

Gothic : — al = the e in NE. get; di = nearly the i in
NE. five ; aii = the o in NE. lot ; du = nearly the ou in
NE. house; ei = i like the ie in German sie and nearly
like the ee in NE. feed, p = the th in NE. thin ; medially
after vowels b, d = the v in NE. living and the th in then ;
medially between vowels g = prim. Germanic 5, before
another guttural it was pronounced like the n, ng in NE.

XX Transcription

think, sing; j = NE. y in you; initially before and me-
dially between vowels h = the h in NE. hand, but in other
positions it was like the ch in Scotch loch ; h; = the wh
in the Scotch pronunciation of when ; q = the qu in NE.
queen.

Lithuanian: — e= thee in NE.get; e = long close e like
the first e in German leben ; o = long close 6 like the o
in German Bote ; e = the diphthong ie or ia ; u = the
diphthong ug or ua ; y = i like the ie in German sie and
nearly like the ee in NE. feed, j = the y in NE. you;
z = the s in NE. measure and the j in French jour;
c = the ts in NE. cats; cz = the ch in NE. church;
sz = the sh in NE. ship.

Old Slavonic : — e = a long close e like the first e in
German leben, but in some positions it was probably
a diphthong ia or f a ; i = a very close e nearly like the
6 in French ete ; u = a very close o or 6 ; y was probably
an unrounded u-sound. j = the y in NE. you; c = the
ts in NE. cats; c = the ch in NE. chxirch ; ch = the ch
in Scotch loch.

INTRODUCTION

§ 1. Greek forms one branch of the Indo-Germanic family
of languages. This great family of languages is usually
divided into eight branches : —

I. Aryan, consisting of: (i) The Indian group, including
Vedic (the language of the Vedas), classical Sanskrit, and
the Prakrit dialects. The oldest portions of the Vedas
date at least as far back as 1500 b. c, and some scholars
fix their date at a much earlier period, see Winternitz,
Geschichte der indischen Litteratur, pp. 246-58. (2) The
Iranian group, including {a) West Iranian (Old Persian,
the language of the Persian cuneiform inscriptions, dating
from about 520-350 b. c.) ; {b) East Iranian (A vesta — some-
times called Zend-Avesta, Zend, and Old Bactrian — the
language of the Avesta, the sacred books of the Zoro-
astrians).

II. Armenian, the oldest monuments of which belong to
the fifth century a. d.

III. Greek, with its numerous dialects (§ 2).

IV. Albanian, the language of ancient Illyria. The
oldest monuments belong to the seventeenth century.

V. Italic, consisting of Latin and the Umbrian-Samnitic
dialects. From the popular form of Latin are descended
the Romance languages : Portuguese, Spanish, Catalanian,
Provencal, French, Italian, Raetoromanic, Roumanian or
Wallachian.

VI. Keltic, consisting of: (i) Gaulish (known to us by
Keltic names and words quoted by Latin and Greek authors,
and inscriptions on coins) ; (2) Britannic, including Cymric
or Welsh, Cornish, and Bas Breton or Armorican (the

B

2 Introduction [f i

oldest records of Cymric and Bas Breton date back to the
eighth or ninth century) ; (3) Gaelic, including Irish-Gaelic,
Scotch-Gaelic, and Manx. The oldest monuments are the
Old Gaelic ogam inscriptions which probably date as far
back as about 500 a. d.

VII. Germanic, consisting of: —

(i) Gothic. Almost the only source of our knowledge of
the Gothic language is the fragments of the biblical trans-
lation made in the fourth century by Ulfilas, the Bishop of
the West Goths.

(2) Scandinavian or North Germanic, which is sub-
divided into two groups : (a) East Scandinavian, including
Swedish, Gutnish, and Danish ; {b) West Scandinavian,
including Norwegian, and Icelandic.

The oldest records of this branch are the runic inscrip-
tions, some of which date as far back as the third or fourth
century.

(3) West Germanic, which is composed of: —

(a) High German, the oldest monuments of which belong
to about the middle of the eighth century.

{b) Low Franconian, called Old Low Franconian or Old
Dutch until about 1200,

{c) Low German, with records dating back to the ninth
century. Up to about 1200 it is generally called Old
Saxon.

(d) Frisian, the oldest records of which belong to the
fourteenth century.

{e) English, the oldest records of which belong to about
the end of the seventh century.

VIII. Baltic- Slavonic, consisting of: (i) The Baltic
division, embracing (a) Old Prussian, which became extinct
in the seventeenth century, (b) Lithuanian, (c) Lettic (the
oldest records of Lithuanian and Lettic belong to the
sixteenth century) ; (2) the Slavonic division, embracing :
{a) the South-Eastern group, including Russian (Great

§ 2] Introduction 3

Russian, White Russian, and Little Russian), Bulgarian,
and Illyrian (Servian, Croatian, Slovenian); {b) the Western
group, including Czech (Bohemian), Sorabian (Wendish),
Polish and Polabian. The oldest records (Old Bulgarian,
also called Old Church Slavonic) belong to the second half
of the ninth century a.d.

§ 2. The oldest Greek records exhibit clearly defined
dialectal peculiarities which have been treated in some
detail in the phonology and accidence of this book. For
a detailed account of the Greek dialects and of the literature
on the subject see Thumb, Handbuch der griechischen
Dialekte (1909).

It is to Greek inscriptions that we must look for the
purest forms of the various dialects. The literary language,
especially that of the poets, is in many respects artificially
constructed. Towards the end of the fifth century b. c.
was gradually formed on the basis of the Attic dialect
a literary language common to all Greeks, which almost
entirely excluded the use of the other dialects from the
later prose literature of antiquity. In this grammar Attic
is taken as the standard and is treated in greater detail
than the other dialects. It was formerly the custom to
divide the Greek dialects into three groups : — Ionic-Attic,
Doric, and Aeolic. This threefold division was both un-
satisfactory and unscientific, because Aeolic was made to
embrace all Greek dialects which were not either Ionic-
Attic or Doric, whereas strictly speaking Aeolic proper only
embraces the North-East group of dialects. The only
really scientific classification of the dialects must be based
on the lexicographical and grammatical peculiarities as
exhibited on the oldest inscriptions. In this manner Greek
can be conveniently divided into the following dialects or
groups of dialects : —

I. Ionic- Attic : (i) Ionic including the dialects of (a) The
central portion of the West Coast of Asia Minor together

B 2

4 Introduction [§ 2

with the islands of Chios and Samos ; {b) The Cyclades :
Naxos, Ceos, Delos, Paros, Thasos, Siphnos, Andros, los,
Myconos ; (c) Euboea. (2) The dialect of Attica.

II. The Doric group including the dialects of (i)
Laconia together with the dialects of Tarentum and
Heraclea ; (2) Messenia ; (3) Argolis and Aegina ; (4)
Corinth together with Corcyra; (5) Megara together with
Byzantium and Selinus ; (6) The Peloponnesian colonies
of Sicily; (7) Crete; (8) Melos and Thera together with
Cyrene ; (9) Rhodes together with Gela and Acragas ;
(10) The other Doric islands in the Aegean : Anaphe,
Astypalaea, Telos, Nisyros, Cnidos, Calymna, Cos, &c.

III. The dialect of Achaia and its colonies.

IV. The dialect of Elis.

V. The North- West group including the dialects of
(i) Epirus, Acarnania, Aetolia, Phthiotis and of the
Aenianes ; (2) Locris and Phocis including Delphi.

VI. The Arcadian-Cyprian group including the dialects
of (i) Arcadia ; (2) Cyprus.

VII. The North-East or Aeolic group including the
dialects of (i) Lesbos and the coast of Asia Minor adjoin-
ing ; (2) Thessaly except Phthiotis ; (3) Boeotia.

VIII. The dialect of Pamphylia.

PHONOLOGY

CHAPTER I

PRONUNCIATION

§ 3. The account of Greek pronunciation given below is
only approximately accurate. It is impossible to ascertain
with perfect certainty the exact pronunciation of any lan-
guage in its oldest period. The Greek letters had not
always the same sound-value in all the dialects, and at
different periods the same letter was often used to express
different sounds. Many examples of this kind will be
found in the phonology. For a detailed account of Greek
pronunciation see Blass, Uber die Aussprache des Grie-
chischen, third edition (1888) ; and for the history of the
alphabet see Kirchhoff, Studien zur Geschichte des grie-
chischen Alphabets, fourth edition (1887), and Giles, Manual
of Comparative Philology, second edition (1901), pp. 517-22,
where other literature on the subject will also be found.

A. The Vowels.

§ 4. a, I, V were used to express both short and long
vowels. When long they are expressed in this grammar
by a, I, V. e, 0 were short, the corresponding long of
which were expressed by rj, co.

§ 5. a had approximately the same sound as in German
Mann, Gast, and northern English dial, lad, as dypos,
Tifidm, SaKpv, olSa ; nari^p, (rraTOi ; SiKa, raros ; /SaXXo),
nXarvs ; Odpaos, iSpaKov.

6 Phonology [§§ 6-9

& had the same sound as the a in English father, as
TlfiaTi, fi(Xd9, X®P*> Dor. aSv9, fidrrip, Tifid.

§ 6. c was a close vowel in Attic and Ionic like the e in
French €t€, as eSco, <f>ipa>, oiSe. That e was close in these
dialects is shown by the contraction of cc to (i (§ 12) in
words like (f>i\e?T€ from <f>iX€€T€. In Aeolic and some
Doric dialects the e was open, hence the contraction of ec
to r) in words like (l>iXrj, ^)(^ov=Att. (f)iX(i, €i)(ot/ ; and it
must also have been open in Elean and Locrian where
e partly became a (§ 44, note 2).

T) was an open vowel like the ai in English air and the
k in French p6re, as Zfjj/, riOrj/ii, itr^s ; Att. Ion. fnJTrjp,
(<f)T]va, (TiX-qvt) beside Dor. fidrrjp, i<f)dva, aiXdvd. The r)
from older a was originally more open than the 77 = Indg.
e, the former was written H and the latter E on old Ionic
inscriptions, but the two sounds fell together in Attic in
the fifth century b. c, see §§ 60, 51.

§7. It cannot be determined whether / was an open
vowel like the i in English bit or a close vowel like the i in
French fini, as ifnv, iroXi^, rpia-i.

I was probably close like the ie in German Vieh (=n),
and nearly like the ee in English see, as i/ias, ttTOi, irtoav,
kXivco.

§ 8. 0 was a close vowel which is common in some
English dialects in such words as coal (kol), foal (fol), and
in the final syllable of such words as fellow (felo), window
(windo). It corresponded in quality but not in quantity to
the o in German Bote (bota), as oktco, Trorepoy, npo. That
o was close in Attic and Ionic is shown by the contraction
of 00 to ov (§ 17) in words like SrjXovficv from SrjXoofiev.

0) was an open vowel like the au in English aught, as
Si8a)fii, SdoTCop, (f)epa>.

§9. In Attic, Ionic and probably also in some other
dialects f (=ii) had the same sound as the u in French tu,
as kpvOpos, (vyov, jiidv. The original u-sound (=the u in

§§ 10-17] Pronunciation 7

English full) remained in Laconian, Boeotian, Lesbian,
Thessalian, Arcadian, Cyprian and Pamphylian, but was
generally written ov (see § 47, note i).

i7=fl in those dialects which changed short u to ii, as
€(f>VTOU, dvfios, jivs.

§10. The short diphthongs ai, ei, oi; av, cv, ov; vc = a,
€, o + i; a, 6, o + v ; v + i, but the original u quality was
preserved in the second element of the u-diphthongs.

§11. ai was nearly like the i in English five, as atOco,
(f>epeTai ; ^aiva>, riKTaiva.

§ 12. u (=Indg. ei, § 58) had nearly the same sound as
the ai in English stain until about the beginning of the
fifth century b. c, it then became long close e in Attic,
Ionic and the milder Doric dialects, although the n was
retained in writing, as etat, Xfirro), ireidco; KTfivco, <f>$fip(i).
The €1 was then used to express the long close e which
arose from contraction and from compensation lengthening,
as <f)iXei, rpeiy, eJxov from <f>i\ii, *Tp€j€9, *e-€Xoi/; th —
Cret. ei/y, rtOei?, xapui^ from *TLdevTs, *xapLfiVT^ ; this €t
was written e on the oldest Attic inscriptions, whereas prim-
Greek €1 was always written a.

§ 13. 01 had the same sound as the oy in English boy,
as oi8a, (f)€poifi€i^, XvKOi.

§14. VI =m (see v above) was a special Greek develop-
ment and arose partly from the loss of an intervening con-
sonant and partly from contraction, as iSvta, vios from
*fi8v(rja, *(rvijos, loc. sing. Hom. ttXtjOvT.

§ 15. av had the same sound as the au in German Haus,
and was nearly like the ou in standard English house, as
av^duQ), ravpos.

§16. iv had approximately the same sound as is often
heard in the southern English dialect pronunciation of
house (eus), mouse (meus), as yevco, mvOofiai, ZeO.

§ 17. ov (= Indg. ou, § 62) = o + v (see o above) until the
fifth century b. c, it then became long close u through the

& Phonology [§§ 18-21

intermediate stage of long close 6, although the ov was
retained in writing. The ov was then used to express the
long close 6 later u which arose from contraction and com-
pensation lengthening, as vovs, \vkov, SrjXovfiiv, from voos,
&c. ; Sovpos from *8opf6s ; <f>€pov(ri = Dor. <f)ipovTi, Xvkov^
= Cret. \vK0v9, SiSov? from *Si8ovt9 ; this ov was written
o on the oldest Attic inscriptions, whereas prim. Greek ov
was always written ov.

§ 18. The original long diphthongs 31, ei, 6i ; iu, eu, 6u
became short before consonants already' in prim. Greek, as in
Spaifjiev,ypa<f>eTfiev,XvK0i9; vavs,Ziv^,Pov^, from *Spdifi(v,
&.C. (§ 63). The second element of the long final diph-
thongs -di, -rji, -coi ceased to be pronounced in the second
century B.C., and in rji probably much earlier. The
modern mode of writing these diphthongs as a, fj, at {6f^,
Xmpa, Tlfifj, \vKa>) only dates back to manuscripts of the
twelfth century.

B. The Consonants.

§ 19. The voiceless explosives n, t, k, the voiced ex-
plosives /3, 8, the nasals fi, v and the liquid X had approxi-
mately the same sound-values as in English. The remaining
consonants require special attention.

§ 20. In the oldest period of the language y was in all
positions a voiced explosive like the g in English go or
ago, as yivo9, yvvq, dypos, dfie\ya>, oXiyo?, but already at
an early period it became a voiced spirant in the popular
dialect medially between vowels. The guttural nasal r)
(=the n in English think and the ng in sing) was expressed
by V on the oldest inscriptions, but after the combinations
yv, y/jL had become qn, gm in such words as ytyvofiai,
dy/j.6? (§ 155), it came to be expressed by y, as ayycXoy,
dyKcov, dyxa>, a-(f>iy^.

§ 21. In the earliest historic period of the language ^
was a compound consonant like the zd in English blaz(e)d

§§ 22-4] Pronunciation 9

and arose from older dz by metathesis (§ 129, 8), as ^vyov,
Z€V9, kXiri^O), Tre^oy, d^o/iai. The dz must have become
zd before the r disappeared in words Hke 'AO-qva^i from
*A6avavz-8i (§ 153) ; cp. also forms like Slo^otos, Bio^oTos
beside ScoaSoTo^, deSaSoTo^. ( probably became z in Attic
some time during the fourth century b. c. Some scholars
assume that ( was pronounced like the s (= z) in English
measure, pleasure already in the earliest period of the
language.

§ 22. p had a strong trill formed by trilling the point of
the tongue against the gums. It was voiceless initially
(written p, see § 215), and medially after 0, 6, \ and probably
after all other voiceless consonants. In other positions
it was voiced like the Scotch r in hard, bearing, bear, as
epvdpos, (f>ip(o, aypoy, eap.

§ 23. a- was voiced (= z) before voiced explosives, as
Trpecr/Suy, a-^ivvvfii, BloctSotos, ///o-yo), but voiceless in
other positions, as a-raTos, Odpcros, Xvko^. It is doubtful
how the Ionic -(Tcr- and Attic, Boeotian, Thessalian and
Cretan -tt- were pronounced in such words as Ion. Tria-aa,
6a(r<ra>v, nprja-a-cov beside Attic, &c. iriTTa, OoLttodv, Trpdrroov
(cp. § 129, 7). Some scholars assume that the -<ra; -tt- was
like the th in EngUsh thin or a kind of lisped s, whilst others
think that the sound was the same as the sh in English she.

§ 24. (f>, 6, X were aspirated voiceless explosives like
the p, t, k in German paar, teil, kein and in the Anglo-
Irish pronunciation of pair, tell, kill, as 0epa), vi(f>09, 6(f) pv^ ;
Oepfios, TTiiOo), Ti6r]/xi, olaBa ; \iLpxav, \^L\a>, dy^co. 6
became a spirant (= th in English thin) at an early period
in some dialects. <f> and x also became spirants later, but
<f>, 6, X must have been aspirated voiceless explosives at
the time de-aspiration took place, cp. 7re0€uya, rpe^o),
K€\vKa : <f>€vyco, Bpi-^oo, \i<o (§ 115) ; and also when tt, r, k
became aspirated before a following rough breathing, cp.
d<P' S)y, dvB' ov, ov\ oncos.

10 Phonology [§§ 25-8

§ 26. ^, ^ probably represented the combinations /cy, Try
(often written y(js, <f>s), as c^co, Xc^o, ypdyfrco, Xct'^/rto.

§ 26. The spiritus asper ' corresponded to the English
h in house, and was originally represented by H. It
disappeared in the prehistoric period in Lesbian, Elean,
the dialect of Gortyn, and the Ionic of Asia Minor. H then
came to be used in Ionic to represent the 6 from older 9,
(§ 61). At a later period the H was halved h, ^, and the
former was used for the spiritus asper and the latter for the
lenis. From these fragments came the later signs ' and '.

§ 27. On f and 9 see § 120 and § 47, note 2.

Accent.

§ 28. By accent in its widest sense is meant the
gradation of a word or word-group according to the degree
of stress or of pitch with which its various syllables are
uttered. Although strictly speaking there are as many
different degrees of accent in a word or word-group as
there are syllables, yet for ordinary purposes it is only
necessary to distinguish three degrees, the principal accent,
the secondary accent, and the weak accent or as it is
generally termed the absence of accent. The secondary
accent is as a rule separated from the principal accent by
at least one intervening syllable.

All the Indo-Germanic languages have partly pitch
(musical) and partly stress (expiratory) accent, but one or
other of the two systems of accentuation always pre-
dominates in each language, thus in Greek and Vedic the
accent was predominantly pitch, whereas in the oldest
periods of the Italic dialects, and the Keltic and Germanic
languages, the accent was predominantly stress. The
effect of this difference in the system of accentuation is
clearly seen by the preservation of the vowels in unaccented
syllables in the former languages and by the weakening or
loss of them in the latter. In the early period of the

§ 29] Accentuation 1 1

parent Indg. language, the stress accent must have been
more predominant than the pitch accent, because it is only
upon this assumption that we are able to account for the
origin of the various phenomena of quantitative ablaut
(§§ 86-90). It is now a generally accepted theory that at
-a later period of the parent language the system of ac-
centuation became predominantly pitch with which was
probably connected the origin of qualitative ablaut (§ 83).
This pitch accent was preserved in Greek and Vedic, but
became predominantly stress again in the primitive period
of nearly all the other languages. It had also become
predominantly stress in Greek by about the beginning of^
the Christian era, see Kretschmer, Kuhn*s Zeitschrift,
XXX, pp. 591-600.

§ 29. The quality of the prim. Indg. syllable-accent was
of two kinds, the ' broken ' or acute and the ' slurred * or
circumflex. The former was a rising and the latter.?
a rising- falling accent. Long vowels with the acute accent
were bimoric and those with the circumflex trimoric. All
original long vowels including the first element of long
diphthongs had the acute accent. The circumflex accent
was unoriginal and arose in prim. I ndo- Germanic in the
following manner : — {a) From the contraction of vowels, as
•as from -a-es in the nom. pi. of a-stems, -os from -c-es in
the nom. pi. of o-stems, -oi from -o-ai in the dat. sing, of
o-stems, cp. O^m, see § 79. The circumflex also arose by
vowel contraction within Greek itself, as rpd^ from *Tp€jes,
rj)(ovs from i7Xoos'> (f>op€LT€ from (f>op€€Te, (f>opco from (f>opia).
(b) When a short vowel disappeared after a long vowel, as
in gen. sing. 0eay from an original form *dh>vesaso (cp.
§ 92 [a)), cp. also vav9 from an original form *nawos
beside Z^vs from *djewos. (c) When a medial long diph-
thong lost its second element, as in ace. sing. /Scor, Vedic
gam (= metrically gaam), Zrju, Vedic dyam (= metrically
dyaam), from *gom, *djem, older *g6um, *djeum. The

12 Phonology [§ 30

same change from the acute to the circumflex accent also
took place in prim. Indo-Germanic when a nasal or liquid
disappeared after a long vowel, as Lith. akmu (= -o), stone
beside ijyefiav; Goth, tuggd (=-o), tongue beside hana
(= •on or 'Cn), cock; Lith. moti (= -e), wife beside naT^p.
This distinction in the quality of the accent was preserved
in final syllables containing a long vowel in Greek, Vedic,
Lithuanian, and in the oldest periods of the Germanic
languages. The old inherited difference in the quality of
the syllable-accent was also preserved in Greek in final
syllables which had not the principal accent, cp. loc. sing.
oiKot, <f>(po/ji€voi beside 'laOfiol and nom. pi. oIkoi, (fxpo-
fifvoi beside laOfioi, dfoi ; opt. Xunoi, cp. Lith. te'suke, he
shall turn. The circumflexed trimoric and the acuted di*
moric short diphthongs of final syllables had each lost
a mora in prim. Greek before the trisyllabic law came into
operation (§ 30).

§ 30. The word-accent in the parent Indg. language was
free or movable, that is its position was not determined
either by the number or the length of the syllables which
a word contained. This freedom in the position of the
principal accent of a word was better preserved in Vedic
than in any of the other Indg. languages. The free accent
was still preserved in prim. Germanic at the time when
Verner's Law operated, whereby the voiceless spirants
became voiced when the vowel immediately preceding
them did not bear the principal accent of the word (§ 100,
note 4). At a later period of the prim. Germanic language,
the principal accent became confined to the first syllable
of the word. And in like manner the principal accent of
the word became confined to the first syllable in prim.
Italic and Keltic, for the further history of the principal
accent in these branches see Brugmann, Grundriss, &'c.,
vol. i, second ed., pp. 971-80.

The word-accent became restricted in its freedom in

§§ 31-2] Accentuation 13

prim. Greek by the development of the so-called trisyllabic
law whereby the principal accent could not be further than
the third syllable from the end of the word nor further than''
the second syllable when the last syllable was originally
long, as dTTOTKTi^ from *oiTroTi(ns : Skr. dpa-citih, (f>ip6'
/x€vo9, (fxpofiivoio from *(f>epofiivo9, *<l>ipofj.€j/oio : Skr.
bhiramanah, bhdramanasya, yiv€a>v from *y€V€(ra)v :
Skr. janasam, rjStcoi^ : Skr. svadiyan, riSto) from *(rfdSl'
/oa-a, cp. Skr. svadiy^sam. Words of the type noXecos
from older ttoXtjos by quantitative metathesis (§ 72) are not
exceptions to the above law, which was older than the
change of rjo to eoo. At the time when this new system of
accentuation came into existence the original trimoric long
vowels and short diphthongs and the original bimoric short
diphthongs -oi, -ai, -ei had each lost a mora (§ 29), cp.
yeuecov from Indg. *genesom, loc. sing. (f)€pofX€voi beside
nom. pi. <p€p6/x€voi; (pipecrOai, (f)epo/j.ai.

The new system of accentuation was also extended to
polysyllabic enclitic words in which more than the two or
respectively three last morae were unaccented, as Trorepoy,
TToripoio from *-7roTepoy, *-7roT(poio, rjficov, fifiiv from
*'-r)/jia>t/, *-rifiiu (cp. fiov, fioi) ; Atrrco/xej/, SiSopKa from *-\i'
7ra)/Z€i/, *-Si8opKa (§ 38).

Note. — In the Lesbian dialect the accent was in all cases
thrown as far back as the trisyllabic law would permit, as
y3a(7tXeus, epvOpo^, Ovfios, Ztvs, Trora/io?, (ro^os=Att. y3a(riA.€V9.
ipvOpo^, 6vp6<;, Z£V5, TTora/tds, (ro<^o9. For peculiarities of the
Doric dialect see § 38, note.

§ 31. In words ending in a trochee with a long vowel or
a diphthong in the penultimate, the highest pitch went
from the second mora of the syllable to the first, as TJp.a
from *rjfjLa, 1/7769 from *vafis, hence also i<rTa>Tis from

§ 32. Dactylic oxytona or oxytona ending in a dactyl

■14 Phonology [§§ 33-5

became paroxytona, as ay<i/Aoy, aloXo^, PoT]Sp6fio9, yofi-
<f>io9, Orjpiov, KafiirvXas, \oyoypd(po9, 6(f>pvos, ttoikiXo^,
T(X€(r<f>6po9, beside aiyofioaKo^, TrayyXos, &c. This law
has numerous exceptions owing to analogical formations,
as 8r}fiofi6po9, aiaxpoXoyo? after the analogy of forms like
T€X€<r<l>6po9 ; dpiaTepos after ^e^irepoy ; alpiTos, aiviTo^
after /kvctos, &c. ; XeXv/iivo^, TfTafiivos after irfrrXr)-
yfi€V09, n€(f>vyfjLiyo9-

§ 33. But apart from the above changes and analogical
formations like xpv(rov9 for *\pv(rovs after the analogy of
\pv<rov, m, and conversely ivvov, -co for *ivvov, -£ after
ivvov^ ; TiOilcri, 8i8ov<ri for *Ti6€iai, *Si$ov<ri after Icrrdai
from *laTda<n (§ 439) ; kfios, Tios, coy for *l/ioy, *Tifos,
*cfoy after *fi6s, <r6y, /^6y, the original Indg. accent generally
remained in Greek when it did not come in conflict with
the trisyllabic law, cp. yevos, yci'foy : Skr. jdnah, jdnasah,
fiiOv : Skr. m4dhu, Ovyarep : Skr. diahitar, <PpdTop€9 : Skr.
bhratarah, ovdap : Skr. udhar, Scorcop : Skr. data, Trar^p,
■jraTepa, irarpdai : Skr. pita, pitdram, pitf|u, Dor. Treoy,
TToSos, TToai: Skr. pat, paddh, patsu, yeveTijp : Skr. janita,
KXvTOf : Skr. irutdh, kpvOpo^ : Skr. rudirdh, ^apvs : Skr.
gun^h, w/cuy : Skr. astih, cTrra : Skr. saptd, &c.

§ 34. As we have already seen (§ 28) there are strictly
speaking as many grades of accent in a word as there are
syllables. In Greek the principal accent of a word was
• indicated by the acute or circumflex and all other syllables
were regarded as unaccented. And as papyri show an
attempt was sometimes made to indicate such syllables by
the grave accent, as in 6\6<t8oto9. But in ordinary Greek
the grave accent became restricted to final syllables and
merely denoted the absence of accent as contrasted with
the acute, as dv8pl tovt<o, irept tovtov beside tovtov tripi.

§ 35. In sentence-accent we have to do with the accentual
relations between the various members of a sentence or
word-group. No word of whatever part of speech was

i

§§ 36-8] Accentuation 15

originally always accented in every position in the sentence.
Any word could under certain conditions lose its inde-
pendent accent and thus become enclitic. Certain particles
were always enclitic already in the parent Indg. language,
as *qe = re, Skr. ca, Lat. que, *ge in e/xe-ye = Goth, mi-k,
OE. me-c, *de in oiKov-Si, &c. The original distinction
between the accented and unaccented forms of the pronouns
was still preserved in the oldest periods of the separate
Indg. languages and in many of these languages it has
been preserved down to the present day (§§ 397 ff.).

§ 88. The vocative was originally partly accented and
partly enclitic or unaccented. It was accented at the
beginning of a sentence and unaccented in other positions.
The accented form became for the most part generalized in
prim. Greek and thus came to have the same accentuation
as the nominative. Vocatives like d$eX(f>€, dvyarcp,
TTovrjpe, iioyOrjpi, 'Aydfi^fivov probably represent the
original forms *-d8€\(f)(, *-dvyaTip, &c., cp. noTipos from
*-7roT(po9 (§ 30), and that forms like Zev — Ziv, irdrep,
dvip for *'-Ziv, *-7raT€p, *-di/(p were accented after the
analogy of the trisyllabic forms which were subject to the
trisyllabic law. In Vedic the accent was always thrown
back on to the first syllable when the sentence began with
the vocative, as dgne, devi, v4dhu, pitar, beside nom.
agnih, ^re, devi, goddess, vadhuh, woman, pita, ace.
pitkrata, father.

§ 87. When one word defined another more closely in
compounds the first element was generally accented and
the second became enclitic, as dvd-^aa-is, ip-virvos, trapd-
Trav, Trp6-8o<Ti9, ifrrip-fiopov, cp. Lat. denuo = de novo ;
d-8copo9, d-XvTos, d-(pOiT09, cp. OE.un-cup, unknown ; Ned-
TroXf y, ird/x-irav, cp. Lat. dec6m-viri ; 'iv-8iKa, 8di-8iKa =
Skr. dva-dasa, eKarofji-^r), 8i-(f>pos ; Aioa-Kovpoi, Aioa-
SoTO^, ' EWfja-novTOs.

§ 88. In prim. Indo-Germanic the finite forms of the

1 6 Phonology [§ 38

verb were partly accented and partly enclitic. But when
the one and when the other form was used, it is impossible
to determine for all cases because the original system of
verbal accentuation has not been preserved in the historic
period of any of the languages. It was best preserved in
Vedic in which the finite forms of the verb were always
accented in subordinate sentences and at the beginning of
principal sentences, but unaccented in all other positions,
cp. yidi pragdcchati, ifhegoesforward^ apnoti im^ 15kdm,
he obtains this world, beside prd gacchati, he goes forward,
nf padyate, he lies down, d*bharam = i-(f>epoy, but the
fixed rule that the finite forms were always accented in
subordinate sentences, independently of their position in
the sentence, was doubtless a special development within
Vedic itself. The original rule in the parent Indg. lan-
guage probably was that the finite forms were accented
when they began the sentence, but unaccented when they
came after the subject. But after negatives and other
adverbs including the augment, they were partly accented
and partly unaccented. The type ov <f>rjfiL, dno-Xa^e, rrpoa-
\a^€, i-Xa^ov was probably the rule at the beginning of
the sentence, and also after unaccented words, as wap-eK-
Soi, (rv/i-7rp6-es, Trap-i-(r\ov, 7rpo<T-€L\ov.

The original rule that the finite forms were accented
when they began the sentence was preserved in Greek in
a few aorist imperatives like eiVe, e\6i, evpi, Xa/Sc (§ 540)
beside aTrenre, d-m\6i, e^efpe, drroXa^e, and such impera-
tive forms became generalized for all positions in the sen-
tence, cp. also aor. mid. imperatives like Xa^ov, Xnrov, &zc.
In other respects it became the rule in prim. Greek to
throw back the accent of the finite forms as far as was
permitted by the trisyllabic law, as i<f>€pov, (pipova-i, <pep6-
jXiOa, ecfxpofxeOa, iXnrofirjv ; i/xev, iSfid/ {ia/jL(v), SiSofiey,
SiSopKa for older *t/xer, *fiSfj.iv, *8i8ofiiv, *8^S6pKa = Skr.
imdh, vidmd, da-d-mdh, daddria ; Xiirov, Xino/icv for

§§ 39-4©] Accentuation 17

older *\LTr6v, *\nr6fiiv, &c. The original unaccented or
enclitic forms then came to be accented after the analogy
of the original accented forms. The original accented and
unaccented forms were preserved side by side in el, t<rri,
<Pfjs beside dfd, earl, (f>r}fii, <f>r](ri, &c.

Note. — Doric had a processive accent both in verbs and
nouns as compared with Attic, as iXd^ov, ikvarav, ia-Taa-av,
i<f>i\aO€V =: Att. eXaftov, fXxxraVf ioT-qaav, i<^i\y)6tv ; ay/ikoi, oiyc?,
avOptoTTOi, ff>i.\o<r6<f>oi ^ Att. ayyeXoi, atycs, avOponroi, <f>LX.6(ro<f>oi.

§ 30. Oxytona preserved their accent in pausa, but other-
wise became proclitic, as dv8pl tovtco. The only exception
is the interrogative pronoun r/y which always preserved its
accent.

§ 40. The accented word in combinations consisting of
an accented word and an enclitic preserved its original
accentuation when the combination was in accordance with
the trisyllabic law, as ^f'Xoy rty, TroXAa/cty ye, /caXoy rty,
dyados Tis, 0<»y T€, irarrip fxov, Tl/xrj^ re, dyaOd riva,
KttXoy kcTTi, TTOTa/iOL Tivf?, avTos (f>-qa^LV.

If the enclitic became accented by the trisyllabic law, the
first word was accented in the same manner as it would be
if followed by another originally accented word, as ai/ros
TTorepov, Trarrip T]fjL€(ov, &c. Forms like ijKova-d tivcov,
iraiSes tivcov, Ka\S>v tiucov, &c. for *iJKov(ra rivcov, &c.
were due to the analogy of iJKovo-d tlvos, &c. ; and con-
versely (£Xyea rmiv for *aXyea t^iilv after the analogy of

In other cases where we should expect the original
accentuation to be regulated by the trisyllabic law, we find
nothing but deviations from the law. These deviations
were due to the tendency in the language to preserve the
position and individuahty of the accent of the first word,
and partly also to prevent two acutes following each other in
successive syllables. The trisyllabic law only held good for

1 8 Phonology [§ 41

these combinations in so far as not more than two syllables
were allowed to be unaccented after the principal accent: —

The first word, whether proparoxytone or properispo-
menon, got the acute accent on the final syllable in addition
to its own accent, &v6pa>ir6v riva, dyyeXo^ tis, TroXcfiov
Tiva, TTpmTos <f>T)(ri, aco/id re, a-co/xd ttov, aoafid tivo^. This
acute was the same which unaccented words had before
enclitics, as mpi re, dWd rive^, ef ttov, &c.

Paroxytona remained unchanged before monosyllabic
enclitics containing a long vowel, as dWrn^ Treoy, noWdKif

TTCOy.

Dissj'llabic enclitics got a principal accent after par-
oxytona, as 0t'Xoy io-Ti, Tiyv-q^ tivos, dWoav tivcov. This
was the same accent which enclitics had at the beginning
of a sentence, as tivoov jiiv. See Brugmann, Griechische
Grammatik, pp. 157-9.

CHAPTER II

THE PRIMITIVE INDO-GERMANIC VOWEL-
SOUNDS

§ 41. The parent Indo-Germanic language had the follow-
ing vowel-system : —

Short vowels a, e, i, o, u, a
Long ,, a, e, i, 6, u

Short diphthongs ai, ei, oi, au, eu, ou
Long „ ai, ei, oi, a,u, eu, du

Short vocalic 1, m, n, r

o 000

Note. — i. The short vowels i, u, a, the long vowels i, u,
and vocalic J, q^, 9, y occurred originally only in syllables
which did not bear the principal accent of the word.

§42] Indo-Germanic Vowel-Sounds 19

The short vowels i, u, and vocalic J, ^, n, j- arose from the
loss of e in the strong forms ei, eu, el, em, en, er, which was
caused by the principal accent having been shifted to some
other syllable in the word.

3, the quality of which cannot be precisely defined, arose
from the weakening of an original a, e, or 6, caused by the
loss of accent. It is generally pronounced Uke the final vowel
in German Gabe, gift.

i and u were contractions of weak diphthongs which arose
from the strong forms eia, ai, ei, 6i ; eua, au, eu, 6u through
the loss of accent. The e in eia, eua had disappeared before
the contraction took place. Although the ai, au, which arose
from the weakening of long diphthongs, generally became
contracted to I, u, there are phonological reasons for assuming
that they occasionally became ai, au under certain unknown
conditions and thus fell together with original ai, au, but the
uncontracted forms were so rare in the parent Indg. language
that no further account will be taken of them in this Grammar.

The diphthongs were falling diphthongs, that is the accent
was on the first element (see § 98, note 4). Strictly speaking
the combination a, e, or 0 + nasal or liquid is also a diphthong,
because the history and development of such combinations are
precisely parallel with those of the diphthongs ai, ei, oi and
au, eu, ou. See Ch. IV.

2. Upon theoretical grounds it is generally assumed that
the parent Indg. language contained long vocalic J, ^, ^, f,
see § 68.

§ 42. In the following table is given the normal develop-
ment of the prim. Indo-Germanic short and long vowels,
short diphthongs, and short vocalic nasals and liquids in
the more important languages, viz. Greek, Sanskrit, Latin^
Old Irish, Gothic, Old English, Lithuanian and Old
Slavonic : —

c 2

20

Phonology

[§

42

1

fndg.

Gr.

Skr.

Ut.

O.Ir.

Goth.

OE.

Lith.

O.Slav.

i

a

e

a

a

a

a

a

8B,(a)

a

o

e

a

e,(o,i)

e,(i)

i.(af)

Mi)
i

e

e

1

i

t

i

i

i,(e)

i. (ai)

i

i

o
u

3

0

a, (a)
u

o,(u)

o,(u)

a

aB,(a)

a

o

V

u 1 o, (u)

u, (aii)

u,(o)

u

ii

a

i

a a

a

ae,(a) a

o

e

a,{v)

&

a

a

5

o

5

a

V

a

e

i

e

se

e

h

i
5
u

I

i

i

i

ei

i

y

i

<o

a

o

a

5

5

fi

a

V

u

u

ii

ii

u

ii

y

al
ei

ai

e

ai, (ae)

ai, (ae)

di

a

ai,(e)

h

€1

e

ei,(i)

e,(ia)
oi, (oe)

ei

i

ei. (e)

i

oi
au

01

e

oi, (oe,
u)

4i

a

ai,(e)

e

av

5

au

6, (ua)

au

ea

au

u

eu

€V

o

ou, (u)

o, (ua)

iu

eo

au

u

ou

ov

5

ou, (ii)

6, (ua)

au

ea

au

u

9

a, (a/z)

a, (am)

em

im,(am)

um

um
un

ol

im,(im) f , (Tm)
iii,(in)?,(in)

9

a, iav)

a, (an)

en

in, (an)

un

I

r

aX, (\a)

ur)

ol,(ul),
al

Ii, (al,
la)

ul, (lu)

il,(il) ^\^l'

ap, ipa)

ur)

or, (ur),
ar

ri, (ar,
ra)

aur, (ru)

or

iMir)^^;if'

f

NOTE.-

or whicl
)e consul

—From
1 the g
ted.

the abov(
rammars

I table ar
of the

e omitted
separate

numei
langua

rous detj
jes shoi

lils
lid

§§ 43-4] The Short Vowels 21

CHAPTER III

THE GREEK DEVELOPMENT OF THE INDO-
GERMANIC VOWEL-SYSTEM

A. The Short Vowels.
a
§ 43. Indg. a remained in Greek as also in the oldest
periods of the other languages except Old Slavonic where
it became o, as aypoy, Skr. djrah, Lat. ager, Goth, akrs,
field) ayco, Skr. djami, Lat. ago, O.Ir. agim, / drive,
lead, O.I eel. aka, to drive; ayx®> Lat. ango, cp. Goth,
aggwus, narrow, dXXos, Lat. alius, Goth, aljis, other;
aXy, Lat. gen. salis, O.Ir. salann, Goth, salt, O.Slav,
soli, salt; d/xcfxo, Lat. ambo ; dvifios, wind, Lat. animus,
mind, O.Ir. anim, soul, Skr. dniti, he breathes, Goth.us-anan,
to breathe out, expire ; dvTL, Skr. dnti, opposite, before, Lat.
ante, before, Goth, and, along, on, Lith. ant, on ; d^oav, Skr.
dk|ah, Lat. axis, OHG. ahsa, Lith. aszis, axle ; diro, Skr.
dpa, Lat. ab, Goth, af, from, away from ; dpoco, Lat. aro,
Goth, arja, Lith. ariii, I plough, cp. O.Ir. arathar, />/o«^/( ;
SaKpv, Lat. dacruma, lacruma, Goth, tagr, tear; Kairpos,
wild boar, Lat. caper, O.Icel. hafr, he-goat; oT5a = Skr.
veda.

e
§ 44. Indg. e (=Skr. a, Lat. e, (o, i), O.Ir. e, (i), Goth.
i, (ai), OE. e, (i), Lith. O.Slav, e) generally remained in
Greek, as yivo^, Skr. jdnah, Lat. genus, race, generation ;
yefi/y, Skr. hktmh, jawbone, Lat. gena, Goth, kinnus, cheek;
SeKa, Skr. ddia, Lat. decern, Goth, taihun, ten ; kyd>, Skr.
ahdm, Lat. ego, Goth, ik, 1 ; cSo^, Skr. sddah, seat, Lat.
sedere, OE. sittan, to sit; iSco, Skr. 4dmi, Lat. edo, OE.
ete, / eat ; eVoy, Skr. sdnah, Lat. senex, O.Ir. sen, Goth.

22 Phonology [§45

sineigs, Lith. senas, old; fneTac, Skr. sdcate, Lat. seqtii*
tur, he follows, Lith. sekti, I follow ; inrd, Skr. sapid, Lat.
septem, O.Ir. secht, Goth, sibun, Lith. septyni, sevefj ;
epTTG), Skr. sdrpami, Lat. serpo, / creep ; kari, Skr. dsti,
Lat. est, Goth, ist, Lith. esti, is ; KXiuTOi, Lat. clepo, Goth.
hlifa, I steal ] fie<rcro9, iikaos from *fii6jos, Skr. mddhyah,
Lat. medius, Goth, midjis, middle ; irivTf, Skr. pdhca,
Goth, fimf, Lith. penki, five ; -mpi, Skr. pdri, around,
about, Lat. per-, O.Ir. er-, Goth, fair-, Lith. per-, thrjugh ;
re, Skr. ca, Lat. que, and ; (^kpm, Skr. bh4rami, Lat. fero,
O.Ir. berim, OE. bere, O.Slav, ber^, / bear; Cret. rp€e9,
Att. TpiLs, Skr. trdyah, from *tr6jes, three; vi{F)o?, Skr.
nivah, Lat. novos, -us, Goth, niujis, new; ^i{F)€i, Skr.
srdvati, it flows; dye, Lat. age ; 5e5op<a= Skr. daddria ;
€<Pipov = Skr. dbharam, \vk€ — Skr. vfka, Lat. lupe ;
yei^eoy = Skr. jdnasah, Lat. generis; narkpes = Skr.
pitdrah; 0€p€re=Skr. bMratha, Goth, bafrij), O.Slav,
berete.

Note. — i. It is difficult to account for the t beside e in Xadi :
ioTi, 'umrj, UrTid '. cortia, KipvrffiL : KCpavvvfii, KpLfivrjjxi : Kpepdvvvp.i,
opiyvdopML ; opeyw, Hom. iriVvpcs : Att. Tcrrapc?, iriTvrjfjn : Trcrav-
vvfii, (TKi8vT]fxi : (T/ctSavKu/At, ;)(^i4ds : x^*^> X'^'*^' from *x<'o'Au)t :
Xct'Aiot from *x€(rAioi = Lesb. x«AAioi ; nrTros : Lat. equos. In
some of the above examples the i : e may be due to vowel-
assimilation, cp. §§ 73-4.

2. € became a before p in the dialects of Elis and Locris, as
fdpyov, irardpa, <f)dpr)v = Ipyov, Trarepo, tftkpetv.

3. € became i before guttural vowels in Boeot. Cypr. Pamph.
Thessal. and some of the Doric dialects (Arg. Cret. Heracl.
and Lac), as 6i6s = ^eo?; Boeot. ftna = Irea; Cret. tiavri =
Att. cwcri.

i

§ 45. Indg. i remained in Greek and generally also in
the oldest periods of the other languages, in Latin it became
e finally (mare beside pi. maria) and before r from older s

§ 46] The Short Vowels 23

(gen. cineris beside nom. cinis), as ^i- from *5f f-, Skr. dvi»,
Lat. bi-, OE. twi-, two) Horn. fiSfiiv, iBixiv, Skr. vidmd,
OE. witon, we know, cp. Lat. videre ; ifi^v = Skr. imdh,
cp. Lat. itum ; Dor. ace. iv, him, Lat. Goth, is, Lith. jis, he ;
fxivvOoi, Skr. mitiomi, Lat. minuo, / /<?ss^«, Goth, mins,
less ; iriaaa, ttittu from *7riKja, Lat. pix, Lith. pikis, /»//cA ;
r/y, Lat. quis, who ? ; loe. pi. Tpiai, Skr. trisd, Lat. tribus,
O.Ir. trib, Goth. J)rim, Lith. tris6, tribus; ^Siaros, Skr.
svadisthah, Goth, sutists, sw^^fes/ ; I'a-Td/jii, ro-r?//zi = Skr.
tisthami, cp. Lat. sisto ; d/ii, Skr. dsmi, Lith. esmi, am ;
kari, Skr. dsti, Lith. esti, is; Dor. (f)kpovTL = Skv. bhdranti ;
itoXls, ttoXlv, cp. Skr. dvih, ace. dvim, sheep, Lat. turris,
turrim; loc. sing. /jLi]Tpi = Skr. matdri, Lat. matre, O.Slav.
mated.

§ 46. Indg. o (Skr. a, also a in open syllables, Lat. O.Ir.
o, (u), Goth. Lith. a, O.Slav, o) remained in Greek, as
y6/x0os, naii, bolt, Skr. jdmbhah, tooth, OE. camb, comb ;
8(SopK€ = Skr. daddr^a ; 5o/ioy, Lat. domus ; 61s, Skr.
dvih, Lat. ovis, Lith. avis, sheep, cp. Goth, awistr, sheep-
fold ; OKTO}, Skr. a|ta, astau, Lat. octo, O.Ir. ocht, Goth.
ahtiu, eight ; oy, Skr. ydh, wAo ; dual oaa-^, cp. Lat. oculus,
Lith. akis, O.Slav, oko, eye; iropKo^, Lat. porous, O.Ir.
ore, OHG. farah, pig, boar; noa-is, Lith. pMs, husband,
Skr. pdtih, master, cp. Lat. potis ; TroTcpos, Skr. katardh,
Goth, hrajjar, Lith. katrks, which of two? ; irpd, Skr. prd,
A<?/br^, Lat. pro-, O.Ir. ro-, Goth, fra-, Lith. pra-, O.Slav,
pro- ; TO, Skr. tdd, Goth, fat-a, O.Slav, to, the, this ; Xvkos
= Skr. vfkah, Lat. lupus, wolf; yei/oy, Skr. j4nah, Lat.
genus, race, generation ; (vyov, Skr. yugdm, Lat. jugum,
yoke, Dor. (f>ipo/x€9, Skr. bhdramah, Goth, bairam, we bear ;
Dor. <f>ipovTi, Skr. bhdranti, Lat. ferunt, Goth, bairand,
they bear; €(p€pov=Skr. khha.ra.m.

24 Phonology [§47

u

§ 47. Indg. u remained in the oldest Greek and generally
also in the oldest periods of the other languages, but already
at an early period it became ii in Attic and Ionic and pro-
bably also in many of the other dialects, as kpvOpo^, Skr.
rudhirdh, Lat. ruber, red; (vyov, Skr. yugdm, Lat. jugum,
Goth, juk, yoke ; Ovydrijp, Skr. duhitdr-, Goth, dadhtar,
Lith. duktl, daughter ; kXvto?, Skr. irutdh, Lat. in-clutus,
renowned; gen. kwo^ = Skr. sunah, Lith. szufis, cp. OE.
hund, hound) vvos, Skr. snu|a, Lat. nurus, daughter-in-
law; ^apvs, Skr. gurtih, Goth, kaiirus, /[mt^y; ^a/cpi;, Lat.
dacruma, lacruma; )7(5uy=Skr. svSdtih ; n^6v, wine, Skr.
midhu, Lith. medds, honey, 0£. medu, mead.

Note. — r. The original u-sound seems to have been regularly
preserved in the Laconian, Boeotian, Lesbian, Thessalian,
Arcadian, Cyprian and Pamphylian dialects. In these dia-
lects it is mostly represented by ov (sometimes also by o) after
the introduction of the Ionic alphabet at about the end of the
fifth century b. c. In Boeotian u became ju (lov) after dental
explosives and X, v, o-.

2, We have no means of determining the approximate date
at which u became u (= the u in French tu) in Attic and
Ionic. But it is certain that Ionic v was no longer pronounced
like the u in English put at the end of the fifth century b. c,
otherwise the Boeotians, &c., would not have taken ov to
represent their u-sound, when they adopted the Ionic alphabet.
Original u must have become a front vowel (ii) in Attic at the
period of the oldest inscriptions, because before y the guttural
tenuis is always represented by K and never by 9, see Meister-
hans, Grammatik der att. Inschriften, pp. 3, 22. On the other
hand the Attic and Ionic change of u to ii must be older than
the ii (written ov) which arose from older 00, to (§ 80), other-
wise this u would have fallen together with original Indg. ii
(§ 65), cp. gen. sing. Xoyov from *Xoyoo, ycVov?, older ycvcos
from *yei'6<ros = Skr. jdnasah, beside p.v% — Skr. miii-, Lat.
OE. mus.

§§ 48-50] The Long Vowels 25

§ 48. Indg. initial u appears as v. It is difficult to
account for this change unless we may assume that u
became i) through the intermediate stages ii, iu, jti (cp.
§ 127), cp. the development of Old French u in words like
NE. use (jdz, northern dial, iuz), ME. iisen from O.Fr.
user : — v8po9, v8pd, water serpent, Skr. udrdh, water
animal, Lith. udra, otter; vrrep, Skr. updri, Lat. s-uper,
Goth, ufar, over, above ; v(TT€po9, Skr. uttarah, latter,
later.

§ 49. 3, which arose from the weakening of original
a, e, 6 (§ 87), became a in all the Indg. languages, except
the Aryan branch where it became i, as irarrip, Lat. pater,
O.Ir. athir, Goth, fadar, Skr. pitdr-, father ; arraTo^, Lat.
status, Skr. sthitdh, standing, Goth. sta}>s, place ; 6vyd-
TTjp, Skr. duhitdr-, daughter; irav-SafiaTcop, cp. Skr. da*
mitdr-, tamer; Kct/tarop = Skr. lamitdh ; dve/io?: Skr.
dniti, he breathes ; yevirap = Skr. janitdr- ; Kpias, Skr.
krsivih, Jlesh, raw meat ; nom. ace. neut. pi. <f)ipovTa = Skr.
bhdranti.

Note. — In forms like ^ctos, Skr. hit4h, ti^c/acv for *TL6afuv :
tlOtj/xi ; 8ot6^, Lat. datus, SiSofiev for *8i8a/xfv : 8i8<ofxi the
€, o was due to qualitative assimilation to the r/, w, but this
does not account for the c in the second syllable of dissyllabic
heavy bases like yivlrwp : Skr. janitdr-.

B. The Long Vowels.
a
§ 60. Indg. a (= Skr. Lat. O.Ir. a, Germanic Lith. 5,
O.Slav, a) remained in all the Greek dialects except Ionic and
Attic, as Dor. aSvs, Skr. svadtih, Lat. suavis, OS. swoti,
sweet; Dor. ficcTijp, Skr. matdr-, Lat. mater, O.Ir. mathir,
OE. mddor, O.Slav, mati, mother, Lith. mote, wife; Dor.
0ay6y, a kind 0/ oak, Lat. fagus, OE. boc-treow, beech;

26 Phonology [§§ 51-2

Dor. (f>paTrip, member of a clan, Skr. bhritar*, Lat. frater,
O.Ir. brathir, OE. brojjor, brother, Lith. broterSlis, little
brother; Dor. tfidv, Skr. dgam, / went ; Dor. tardv, Skr.
dstham, / stood, Lat. stare, to stand, cp. OE. stod,
/ stood; nom. ace. sing. Dor. rliia, Tlfidv, cp. Skr. d^va,
dsvam, war^ ; ending of the third pers. dual active Dor.
• TOLV = Skr. 'tarn.

§ 51. Indg. a became 7; (=long open e) in prim. Attic
and Ionic. In the oldest historic period this 77 was more
open than the r) — Indg. e (§ 52), the former being written
H and the latter E in the oldest Ionic inscriptions. 77 from
older a remained in Ionic, but became d again in Attic
after p, €, t, as Dor. a8v9, la-Tdfii, fictTrjp, (f>dfii, t^dv, Tlfxa
= Attic, Ionic r}8vs, taTrjfii, &c. Attic nparTO), x^P°-'
yevfd, vidvids, fiid, KapSid = Ionic irprjaaoi, X^PV> y^^^V>
vir]vi-qs, ^iTj, KpaSiT], But rj did not become d after p in
Attic when an intervening F had disappeared, as Att. Koprj,
Ion. Koijpr], Arcad. Kopfd ; Att. Siprj, Ion. Suprj, Lesb.
Seppd, from *Sepfd.

e
§ 52. Indg. e (= Skr. a, Lat. Goth, e, O.Ir. i, Lith. e,
OE. ae, O.Slav. S) generally remained in Greek, as drj/jLi
from *d-frj-/ii, Skr. vami, / blow, Lith. vejas, wind; Hom.
^a, Skr. asam, / was; tj/jli-, Skr. sami, Lat. semi-, half;
ace. Zrji/ = Skr. dyam, sky; jiriv, Lat. mensis, O.Ir. mi,
month, Skr. mas-, Goth, mena, Lith. m6nu, moon ;
irXriOoi, I am full, Skr. pratdh, Lat. im-pletus, full, filed ;
Tidijfii = Skr. dddhami, cp. Lith. dHi, to put, place; eirjs,
Skr. syah, O.Lat. sies, thou mayest be.

Note. — i. In the oldest Attic and Ionic r) — Indg. e was
closer than -q from Indg. a (§ 51), the former being written E
and the latter H in the oldest Ionic inscriptions, as ME =
Dor. firi, but AHMOS = Dor. Sap)s. The two sounds fell
together in Attic in the fifth century b. c.

§§ 53-4] The Long Vowels 2j

2. Indg. e became a very open sound (a) in the dialect
of Elis, which was often written a, as /ao, Trarap = ixrj, Tra-n/jp.
In Boeotian, Thessalian and Pamphylian it became long close
e which was written « (§§ 12, 58) after the introduction of the
Ionic alphabet in the fifth century b. c, as Boeot. Thess.
iOeiKOf fi€i, Pamph. MeyoXct? = €$r)Ka, fii^, M.eyaXr]<i.

§ 53. Indg. 1 remained in Greek and generally also in
the oldest periods of the other languages, as tfid?, leathern
strap, Skr. simdn-, parting of the hair on the top of the head,
OE, sima, rope, cord; iTid, willow, Lat. vitis, vine, Lith.
v:^ti, O.Slav, viti, to wind, plait; los from *fl<ros, Lat.
virus, O.Ir. % poison; fy = Lat. vis; ttWi, drink thou,
Skr. pitdh, having drunk, O.Slav, piti, to drink ; 7rr{f)oy,
irt{f)a>v, Skr. pivan-, fat, plump ; KopaKLvo^, cp. Skr. na«
vinah, new, Lat. haedinus, Goth, gditeins, belonging to
a goat.

b

§ 54. Indg. 6 (= Skr. O.Ir. a, Lat. and Germanic 6,
Lith. fi, O.Slav, a) remained in Greek, as ace. sing. Dor.
^Mv = Skr. gam ; yfcoroy, Skr. jiiatdh, Lat. (g)n6tus, O.Ir.
gnath, known ; SiScofxi = Skr. dddami ; 8S>pov, Skr. danam,
Lat. donum, O.Ir. dan, gift, Lith. duti, O.Slav, dati, to
give; 8v(o, Vedic duva, dva, O.Ir. da, two; niTrcoKa, Lat.
potavi, / have drunk, Skr. pati, he drinks ; TrXcoroy, swim-
ming, Goth, flodus, OE. fioA, flood, tide, cp. Lat. plorare,
to weep aloud; Dor. 7rd)9 (Att. Ion. irovs, the ov of which
has never been satisfactorily explained), Skr. pat, OE. fot,
foot; a>KV9, Skr. asuh, quick, Lat. ocior, quicker; Scorcop,
Skr. data, giver; nom. ace. dual of o-stems \vkco = Vedic
v^ka ; TiKTcov, Skr. taksa, carpenter ; <l>ep<o = Skr. bhdra-
mi; <f>€piT<o = Skr. bhdratad, cp. O.Lat. estdd.

Note. — 6 became u (written ov) in the Thessalian dialect, as
IBovKf, yvovfia. = Att. IStuKe, yv<i>fir].

28 Phonology [§§ 55-7

u

§ 55. Indg. u remained in the oldest Greek and generally
also in the oldest periods of the other languages, but already
at an early period it became ii in those dialects which
changed u to ii (§ 47), as i<f>vTov, Skr. dbhutam, ye two
were, cp. Lith. biiti, to be ; $v/ji69, courage, passion, Skr.
dhum&h, Lat. fumus, Lith. dumai (pi.), smoke; o-kCtos,
Lat. scutum, shie/d ; fiv^, Skr. muh-, Lat. OE. mus, mouse ;
vvv, Skr. OE. nu, now, 6<l>pvs, Skr. bruh, OE. brii, eye-
brow ; irvBco, I make to rot, Skr. piiyati, he stinks, Lith.
ptiti, to rot, OE. fui, foul, rotten; V9, Lat. sus, OE. su,
sow, pig, Skr. su-kardh, boar.

C. The Short Diphthongs.
ai
§ 56. Indg. ai (= Skr. e, Lat. O.Ir. ae (older ai), Goth.
di, OE. a, Lith. ai, (e), O.Slav. 6) generally remained in
Greek, as aiOo), I burn, Skr. edhah, ^rewood, Lat. aedes,
sanctuary, originally fire-place, hearth, O.Ir. aed, fire, OE.
2A, funeral, pile; aia>y, Lat. aevum, Goth, diws, life-time,
eternity; \a169, Lat. laevus, left; o-Kaios, Lat. scaevus,
left ; fem. nom. pi. rai = Skr. t6, Lat. is-tae ; (piperai,
(pipoyrai = Skr. bhdrate, bhdrante.

Note. — In Boeotian at became ae in the fifth century r c,
which a century later became 17, and then still later long close tj
(written «).

§ 57. The combination -aif- became -a- before 6- and i-
vowels in Attic and Ionic, as Sdi^p from *8aif-qp, Skr.
devdr-, Lat. levir, Lith. deveris, brother-in-law ; au, Cypr.
aifu, beside aldtv ; kcLh, kXcLh from *Kaifei, *K\aif€i,
beside Kaioo, K\ai(o ; Ion. di<r(ra), Att. uttoo from *aifiKj(o.
Forms like kcLco, K\da> were new formations due to levelling
out the a in forms like Kaa, kXcLci. In Att. aUi the ai
was due to the influence of aia>v. See §§ 75, 125.

§§ 58-9] The Short Diphthongs 29

ei

§ 58. Indg. ei (= Skr. e, O.Lat. ei, later i, O.Ir. e, (ia),
OE. i, Goth, i (written ei), Lith. ei, (e), O.Slav, i) remained
in Greek until about the beginning of the fifth century B.C.,
when it became long close e in Attic, Ionic and the milder
Doric dialects, although 6f was retained in writing. This
accounts for the writing of ^l for older ee in such forms as
Att. rpih from *Tpyis = Skr. trdyah. The old diph-
thongal pronunciation was still preserved at the time when
vowel contraction took place in such forms as Att. &8(o =
dfiSoo, vlKa^ = viKoiii^, as compared with <f>dv6s = (f>a€iv6s
from *<f)afiav6s, vlKdv=^vlKdiiv from *viKde€v. Examples
are : — SciKvvfii, I show, Lat. dico, / say, Goth, ga-teihan,
lo tell, announce ; ilai, Skr. eti, Lith. eiti, eit, he goes, Lat.
is, thou goest) Xiiiroo, Lith. lekti, / leave, Goth, leihran, to
lend; neido), Lat. fido, cp. OE. bidan, io remain', (miya>,
cp. OE. stigan, to rise.

Note. — In Boeotian ei had become i already in the fifth
century b. c, as diSw = dciSw.

oi

§ 59. Indg. oi (= Skr. e, O.Lat. oi, oe, later u, O.Ir. oi,
(oe), Goth, di, OE. a, Lith. ai, (e), O.Slav. 6) remained in
Greek, as 6l8a, Skr. veda, Goth, wdit, OE. wat, / know,
otvri, oiv^, the one on dice, Lat. oinos, unus, O.Ir. oen,
Goth, dins, OE. an, one; masc. nom. pi. tol, Skr. t^,
Goth. J)di, OE. J)a, Lith. te, the, these; XiXonrf, Skr.
rireca, has left, Goth. Idihr, OE. lah, he lent; loc. pi.
\vKoi-<n — Skr. vfke-§u.

Note.— In Boeotian 01 became oe in the fifth century B.C.,
which two centuries later became fi and then still later I
(written «).

30 Phonology [§§ 60-:

au

§ 60. Indg, au (=Skr. 6, Lat. Lith. au, O.Ir. 5, (ua),
Goth, du, OE. ea, O.Slav, u) remained in Greek, as av^oa,
av^dvm, Lat. augeo, Goth, duka, Lith. dugu, / grow,
increase, cp. Skr. ojas-, strength ; auoy from *a-avaos, OE.
sear, Lith. sausas, dry, withered; kuvXo?, Lat. caulis,
sta/k ; Tttvpo^, Lat. taurus, bu// ; av, av-re, again, Lat.
au-t, au-tem.

eu

§ 61. Indg. eu (= Skr. 5, O.Lat. ou, later u, O.Ir. 5, (ua),
Goth, iu, OE. eo, Lith. au, O.Slav, u) remained in Greek,
as €va), Skr. osami, Lat. uro, / burn ; yeva>, I give a taste
of, Skr. josati, he tastes, Goth, kiusan, OE. ceosan, to
choose ; Trcvdo/xat., I inquire, Skr. bodhati, he is awake,
learns, Goth, ana-biudan, to order, command, OE. beodan,
to offer ; ^ivyfia = Lat. jumentum, vev/xa = Lat. numen,
voc. Z^v Trdrep = Lat. Jupiter.

ou

§ 62. Indg. ou (= Skr. 5, O.Lat. ou, later u, O.Ir. 5, (ua),
Goth, du, OE. ea, Lith. au, O.Slav, u) remained in the
oldest period of the language, but in Attic and Ionic it
became u through the intermediate stage of long close 6
in the fifth century b. c, although the ov was retained in
writing. This accounts for the writing of ov for older oo
in such forms as gen. ittttov from older *i7nroo (§ 325) and
in iTTTTovs from older imrous (§ 69). From our knowledge
of the other Indg. langiiages the diphthong ou must have
been fairly common in the parent language, but in Greek
there are only a few words which contain it, as cckovoo,
Goth, hdusja, / hear. It occurred originally especially in
the perfect active singular of verbs which have -ev- in the
present stem-forms and in nouns related to such verbs, as

§ 63] The Long Diphthongs 31

Horn. il\r\kovQi : fut. eXeva-ofiai from *iX€vO(TO/iai; a-irovSTJ:
a-irevSo) ; but in verbs like k^vBco, revxco, (f)evyco the perfect
active KiKevOa, T€T€V)(a, 7re0€i/ya for *K^KOvda, &c., was
formed direct from the present, see § 518.

D. The Long Diphthongs.

§ 63. The parent language had the same number of long
as of short diphthongs, but the history of the former in the
separate languages differs materially from that of the latter.
The second element of long diphthongs often disappeared
medially before consonants (especially m), and also finally,
as ace. sing. Horn, and Dor. ^Siv = Skr. gam beside nom.
gadh; o/crw, Lat. octo, Skr. astau beside asta, Goth,
ahtdu, Indg. *okt6u. The exact conditions under which
the second element remained or disappeared have never
been ascertained. When the second element was preserved
in the European languages, the first element was regularly
shortened before a following consonant, as Zev^ from
*Zr)vs — Skr. dyauh, sky ; \vkols, Lat. lupis, Lith. vilkaTs,
beside Skr. vfkaih. When the second element of a long
diphthong disappeared or when the first element was
simply shortened, the resultant long vowel or short diph-
thong had the same further development in the different
languages as the original simple long vowels or short
diphthongs.

ai: Opt. Spalniv from *8pdifi€v, beside indie. iSpd/iei/ ;
Sr}^aL-yevrj^, fie(rai-Tr6\i09 ; dat. sing, xc^pa, Oea, cp. Skr.
senayai, io an army, Lat. mensae, Osc. deivai, divae, Goth,
gibdi, to a gift, Lith. raHkai, to a hand.

ei: Opt. ypa(f>(Tfi€v from *ypa(f>r]i/x€v, beside indie.
kypd(f>r}v ; aor. tXn-^a from *iXr}Ly^a = Skr. draiksam,
Indg. *61eiqsm(cp. § 507); dr]-\ri, 6fj<r6ai, cp. Lat. fe-mina,
fe-lare, root dhei-, suckle.

6i : XvKois, Lat. lupis, Lith. vilkais, beside Skr. v^kaih ;

32 Phonology [§ 64

opt. yvoTfiep from *yi'<oifi€v, beside indie, iyvoifiiv ; dat.
sing. \vK((>, Lat. lupo, Lith. vilkui, beside Skr. v^kaya
(with the enchtic particle -a), cp. Skr. dat. sing, t^smdi,
hint.

au: vavs beside Skr. natih, ship; loc. pi. vavai, Skr.
nau^li.

eu : Ziv^ from *Zrivs — Skr. dyatih, sky ; i^iv^a = Skr.
^yauksam, Indg. *6jeuqsi|i (cp. § 607); ace. Zfjv = Skr.
dyam.

6u : /SoOy from *Pa)vs = Skr. gauh ; ace. Dor. ^mv —
Skr. gam ; dual of c-stems \vk(o = Skr. vfkau beside
vfka; irXcoTos, cp. OE. flod, flood, tide, beside Lith.
pliuju, / rinse.

E. The Vocalic Nasals and Liquids.

§ 64. The vocalic nasals and liquids, generally written
m, n, 1, r in order to distinguish them from the correspond-
ing consonants m, n, 1, r, occurred originally in unaccented
syllables only. They arose in the parent Indg. language
through the loss of a preceding (rarely following) vowel.
This loss was caused by the shifting of the principal accent
from the syllable originally containing the vowel to some
other syllable in the word. Then consonantal m, n, 1, r
became vocalic just in the same manner as consonantal i
and u in the combinations ei and eu became vocalic after
the loss of e in such words as tXnrov : XetVo), e<pvyov :
<f)€vya), so also <f)paai : <f>pivis, tiraOov : nivOos, eSpaKov :
SipKo/iai. But already in the parent language or at least
in the prehistoric period of all the Indg. languages, the
vocalic nasals and liquids came analogically to have the
principal accent in certain words, as iirrd, Skr. sapid,
Lat. septem, from *septifi, older *s6ptm, seven ; Xvkos,
Skr. vfkah, Lat. lupus, Goth, wulfs, Lith. vilkas, from
*wiqos, older *wlq6s.

§ 65] Vocalic Nasals and Liquids 33

I. Short Vocalic Nasals.

§ 65. In Greek and Sanskrit m, n had a twofold develop-
ment according to their position in the word : —

1. Finally and before consonants except semivowels
they became a in these two languages, and in Lat. em, en,
Germanic um, un, Lith. im (im), in (in), O.Slav, f , (im, in),
as 8iKa, Skr. ddsa, Lat. decern, Goth, taihun, from *d6km,
beside Lith. desimt-, O.Slav, desft-, from *d6kmt- ten;
i-Karov, Skr. satdm, Lat. centum, Goth, hund, from
*kint6m, hundred; ^d<ri9, Skr. gdtih, gait, step, Goth, ga-
qumjjs, assembly, from *gmtis; d-Tra^, Skr. sa-kft, once,
Lat. sim-plex older *semplex, from *sm : eV from *sem,
one ; ace. sing, of consonantal stems as noSa, (jyipovTa,
Lat. pedem, ferentem ; Hom. ^a from *esm, / was.

raro?, Skr. tatdh, Lat. tentus, from Hntds, stretched ;
8aa-v9, Lat. densus; <f>aT69, Skr. hatdh, killed: ^ovo^ ;
d-yvMTos, Skr. 4-jnatah, Goth. un-kun]7S, unknown, from
*n-: *ne, not; 6vo/xa, Skr. nama, Lat. nomen, name; ace.
pi. of consonantal stems, as iroBa^, Skr. padah, Lat. pedes
from *pedens, Goth, fotuns, feet ; loc. pi. of n-stems, as
<f>pa(ri : <f>pii/€s, in this case the regular development was
almost entirely obliterated in Greek by new formations
formed after the analogy of the other cases, as iroifii<n for
*noifidaL, Kva-L for *Kvaai = Skr. svdsu (§ 345) ; fie/xdT<o'=
Lat. mementd ; Hom. ijarai, Skr. asate, from *esntai,
they sit ; Tre^arat : 06j/oy, and similarly yiya/xey, /xijjLafKv,
tiraOov : ykyova, fie/iova, nirrovOa.

2. Before vowels and semivowels m, n became am, an
in Greek and Sanskrit, but in Lat. Germanic and Lith.
they had the same development as in i. Some scholars
maintain that the original vowel did not entirely disappear
in these positions, but that it merely became reduced in
quality. Instead of iji, n they accordingly write ®m, ^n
and assume that the « became a in Greek and Sanskrit

34 Phonology [§ ^^'

and the consonants m, n remained. Other scholars write
the sounds in question as i|im, gn before vowels and i|i, n
before semivowels. The correct interpretation of the
development is probably that the off-glide of the nasal
remained consonantal, and that this eventually became
a full nasal consonant, cp. the consonantal off-glide in NE.
seldm iz, seldom t's, ritn it, written it.

afiO' (in dfjLodev), Skr. sama-, Goth. pi. sum4i, from
*smo-, some one, any one; rafiuv : re/zj/o).

Tavv- (in Tavv-SpofMos, Tavv-nov^), Skr. tantih, Lat. tenuis,
OHG. dunni, from *tnu-, stretched, thin ; Boeot. fiai/d,
Vedic gana-, O.Icel. kona, from *gna- : Goth, qind,
woman; dvvSpos, Skr. anudrdh, waterless ; Tavvrai = Skr.
tanute ; Kraviiv : ktuvoh from *Kr^vj<o.

Horn. iKavoi from *iKavfa) ; fidvo^, fiavos, from *fiavf6^.

•afij- and -avj- became -aiv- (§ 75), as ^aivo) from *^avj<o,
older *^afij<i), Lat. venio from *gwenj6, older *gwemj6,
Indg. *gmj6, cp. Skr. opt. gamyat, he may go. Kaivo) from
*Kavj(o ; and similarly KTaivco, fiaivofiai, Troifiaiva), opo/xaivco,
Tmraiva), crirep/jLatva).

2. Short Vocalic Liquids.

§ 66. Many points connected with the development of the
Indg. vocalic liquids in the various languages have never been
definitely settled. The vowel which was developed before
or respectively after liquids in the prehistoric period of the
European languages seems to have been unstable in quality,
when it was preceded or followed by a labial or guttural.
In Greek, Latin, Keltic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages
the vowel sometimes appears in this position as u, as in Gr.
\vK09, Lat. lupus, O.Slav, vlukfi, beside Skr. v^kah, Indg.
*wlqos, wolf; (^vWov from *<j>v\jov, beside Lat. folium ;
dyvpi9 : dyfipo). For further examples, see Brugmann's
Grundriss, &c., vol. i, second ed., pp. 453-5. It will also
be noticed from the normal development of the vocalic

§ 67] Vocalic Nasals and Liquids 35

liquids given below that the vowel sometimes appears
before and sometimes after the liquid. The reason for this
twofold development is unknown. In Greek \a, pa beside
dX, ap only occur before consonants. In all other posi-
tions we have a\, ap. Various attempts have been made
by scholars to account for the difference in the position of
the vowel, but they all leave a large residuum of unex-
plained forms.

§ 67. In several languages 1, r had a twofold develop-
ment according to their position in the word : —

1. Before consonants. In this position they became in
Gr. a\, \a ; ap, pa, Skr. r, Lat. ol, ul ; or, ur, prim.
Germanic ul, ur (rarely lu, ru) = Goth, ul, aur, but ol, or
in the other Germanic languages, Keltic li, ri,prim. Baltic-
Slavonic il, ir, as irXarvs, Skr. prthuh, broad, OE. folde,
Skr. prthivi, earth ; -iriTrXa/jLiv, Skr. piprmdh, we fill;
T^TaXfiaL : rlAAco ; (o-TaX/jiai, ardXais : ariXXa) ; eKXawrju :
KXiTTTco. arKaXXo} from *(rKaXja>, I stir up, Lith. skiliii,
/ strike fire, Indg. *sqlj6 ; and similarly ^aXXoD, TraXXo), &c.

KapSid, Ion. KpaSirj, Lat. cor (gen. cordis), O.Ir. cride,
Lith. szirdis, heart; eSpaKou = Skr. ddriam: SepKO/iai;
dap(rv9, Bpaavs : Aeol. O^paos, cp. Skr. dhrsnoti, he dares,
Goth, ga-daursan, to dare ; Kpdvo^, Kpdvov, Lat. cornus,
cornxxoL, cornel-tree; Teraproy, Hom. rirparos froin*TiTfpa-
ros, Lith. ketviftas, fourth ; dpa-qv : Ion. tpariv ; Odpaos,
Kpdroi : Aeol. Oepao?, Kpiros ; loc. pi, iraTpdcri, Skr.
pitfSu, OE. faederum, to fathers; Bapros, Sparo?, SeSap-
fxii/os : Sipa> ; and similarly (Eirpadov, ea-nap/xac, Triirap/iai,
Kapais, Tapaos, rpaneiv, Tpa(j>ui^ : nipOco, anfipa), nfipco,
KcipcD, Tipaofiai, rpcTTO), Tpi<pa). The combination -apj-
became -aip- (§ 75), as a-naipo) from *<nrapj<o, I struggle
convulsively, Lith. spiriii, I push with the foot ; and similarly
i\daipQ>, TTTaipco, (TKaipQ), xaipd), daipos from *dfapj09,
Indg. Mhwrjos.

2. Before vowels 1, r (cp. § 65, 2) became in Gr. aX, ap,

D 2

3^ Phonology [§ 68

Skr. ul (= Indg. J), ur, ir (= Indg. J. |-), Lat. al, ar,
Keltic al, ar, Germanic and Baltic-Slavonic as in i, as
rdXa^, enduring, Skr. tuli, balance, scale, O.Ir. talla, he
takes away, Goth. ]7Ulan, OE. ]>olian, to suffer, endure;
naXvvo), I strew, Lat. palea, chaff^; KaXid, Skr. kuliyam,
hut, nest; fiaXuy, eaTdXrji/ : /3eAoy, (rreXXa).

fiapv^, Skr. gurtih, Goth, kat^rus, Indg. *gf<as, heavy;
ndpos, Skr. purdh, Goth, falira, OE. fore, before; Kdpa,
Skr. siras-, head; kSdprjv, Trrapfios : ^epo), VTopo?.

Examples of final r in Greek are : ^nap, Skr. yak^,
Lat. jecur, liver ; vi^ap : rjfikpa ; tap from Indg. *w6s|'.

3. Long Vocalic Nasals and Liquids.

§ 68. Whilst all scholars agree that the parent Indg.
language possessed short vocalic nasals and liquids, there
is considerable difference of opinion as to whether long
vocalic nasals and liquids existed in the parent language.
Just as i, u, ni, n, 1, r arose from the weakening and
eventual loss of e in the diphthongs ei, eu, em, en, el, er,
and as i, u arose from the weakening and eventual loss of
e in the combinations eja, ewa, it can be assumed upon
theoretical grounds that m, n, 1, r arose in the parent
language from the weakening and eventual loss of e in the
combinations ema, ena, ela, era, where a represents the
weakening of a, e, or 6 (§ 87). But whereas i and ii regu-
larly appear in the oldest stages of all the Indg. languages,
no language has preserved a long vocalic nasal or liquid in
historic times. Notwithstanding the above parallels the sub-
ject still requires further investigation before it can be estab-
lished with any degree of certainty that these sounds existed
in the parent language. Most of the forms which are sup-
posed to represent a long vocalic nasal or liquid in Greek,
Latin and Keltic admit of an entirely different explanation,
viz. as being dissyllabic heavy bases with loss of vowel in
the first syllable and preservation of an original long vowel in

§ 68] Vocalic Nasals and Liquids

37

I

the second syllable (§ 90), as *gnat6s from the base *gena-,
whence Lat. (g)natus, born : genitor, but this would not
account for Skr. jatdh, born, begotten, which presupposes
an original form *gnt6s ; *dhwnat6s, whence Dor. Ovdros,
Att. Ion. dvrjTo?, beside ddvaros from *dhwnat6s ; *gr5ter
from the base *ger6-, whence Gr. ^pmr-jp, beside ^dpadpov
from *gradhrom. But this explanation of the Greek and
Latin forms would not account for the equivalents in
Sanskrit, Germanic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages.
From what has been said above it will be seen that the
whole subject is at present beset with unsolved difficulties.
Brugmann, Kurze vergleichende Grammatik, pp. 121-38,
regards the following as the normal development of the
long vocalic nasais and liquids in the various languages.
For the treatment of the whole subject from an entirely
different standpoint, the student should consult Hirt, Der
indogermanische Ablaut.

Indg.

Gr. (Dor.)

Skr.

Lat.

Keltic

Germanic

Lith.

^

/xd

a, am

ma

ma

um

fm

9

vd

a, an

na

na

un

fn

i

\(0

ir, ur

la

la

ul, (lu)

a

f

pOD

ir, ur

ra

ra

ur, (ru)

ir

Note.— m, n regularly became am, an before a following y
in Sanskrit.

Examples are : veo-S/xdro^, -S/jltjto^, new-built, Lat. ma-
teries, from *dma- : Sifioo; 8/xt]ti^p, S/itjtos, from *Sfid;
Skr. damyati, he tames : Lat. domitor, domitus.

Kvrj/xr), older *Kvdfid, shin-bone, leg, O.Ir. pi. cnamai,
bones ) vrjaaa from older *vd(Taa, duck, Skr. ati, a kind of
aquatic bird : Lat. gen. anatis, Lith. dntis, duck ; Skr.

38 Phonology [§ 69

jatdh, Lat. (g)natus, borft, Goth. air])a'kunds, born of the
eariti : Lat. genitor.

^\(o6p6s, tall, Skr. murdhdii', height, head ; Skr. urn&,
Lat. lana, OE. wuUe, Lith. vilna, from *wjna, wool: Gr.
ovXo^ from *fo\vo^, thick, fleecy, Skr. jfurnkh, flllcd, O.Ir.
Ian, Lith. pilnas,/«//.

fipcoTTJp, devourer, Skr. girndh, swallowed up, Lith.
girtas, drunken; a-Tpcoros, Lat. stratus, Skr. stirndh,
spread, strewed ; Dor. Ion. Tcrpco-KovTa, Lat. quadra-ginta ;
npaTOs from *Trpa)faTos, Skr. purvy4h,y?rs/.

The Lengthening of Short Vowels.

§ 69. Short vowels were often lengthened through the
loss of a following consonant. This process is sometimes
called compensation lengthening. In Att. and Ion. e became
long close e (written et, see § 58), and o became u (written
ov, see § 62) through the intermediate stage of long close 6.
In Dor. they became -q and co. The following are the prin-
cipal cases in which short vowels were lengthened : —

I. In final or medial syllables in Attic and Ionic through
the loss of a nasal before a following s whether original or
developed from some other source, the long vowel having
passed through the intermediate stage of a long nasalized
vowel, as ely from *sems, Cret. Iry. Masc. nom. sing.
fieXds, raXdy, from *fiiXavs, *TdXavs- Ace. pi. rlfid^,
Cret. -ai'y ; Xvkov?, Cret. -ovs, Goth, wulfans; Heraclean
rpU (Att. Ion. Tpeh was the nom. used for the ace), Cret.
rpivs, Goth. ))rins. Masc. nom. sing, y/yay, Tidii^, \apU19
(cp. Skr. pad'Vdnt-, having feet), SiSov?, from *yiyavT9,
*TL6kvTS, *\apifiVTs, *8l86vts. irda-a from *TravTJa ;
fiovaa. Dor. fiaxra, from ^jiovTJa ; (f)(pov(Ti = Dor. <f>tpovTL,
Skr. bhdranti, Goth, bairand ; fern, participle (f>ipovaa,
from *(f>epoi/Tja, see § 129, 6. The same lengthening also
occurs through the loss of a nasal in the combination Ion.
•d<r<r; Att. -dTT-, from older -ayxJ' (§ 156), as Ion. d<T<Tov

i

§ 69] Lengthening of Short Voivels 39

from *dva-(TOv, older *dy\jov, cp. oiy\L ; Ion. iXaaawi^, Att.
eXarrcoj/, from *eAayxyW; Ion. dao-acoj', Att. OaTToav, from

2. s in the combination ms, ns + vowel became voiced
and then became assimilated to the preceding nasal. The
long (double) nasal remained in Lesbian, but in the other
dialects it was shortened or simplified and the preceding
vowel was lengthened by transferring the long quantity of
the consonant to the vowel, as gen. Att. Ion. xrjvos, Dor.
Xavos, cp. Skr. h§.sd-, Lat. anser for older *hanser, Germ,
gans, goose; aorist Att. Ion. t<f>rjva, Dor. i(f>ava, from
*t<f>avaa ; Att. Ion. e/xitua, Dor. €fir)i/a, Lesb. efievva, from
*€fi€V(ra; Att. Ion. ivufxa, Dor. ivqfia, Lesb. (vefifia,
from *iviiiaa ; %Kpiva from *eKptvara. vt<ro/xai from *i/ii^-
(To/xac.

3. uj, pj became vv, pp which remained in Lesbian, but
became simplified in Att. Ion. with lengthening of the pre-
ceding e, I, V, cp. 2, as Att. Ion. ktuvco, (f>6^ipa>, Lesb.
KT(.vv(o, (f>dippa>, from *<T6iy'a), *<f>dipJ<o ; ireipa from *7r€pja ;
Att. Ion. AcXtVo), oiKTipo}, I pity, Lesb. k\lvv(o, oiKTippo),
from *K\iuja>, *oiKTipjQ) ; oTpvt/co from *0Tpvvj(a. See
§ 120, 4.

4. s in the combination s + liquid or nasal became voiced
and then became assimilated to the following liquid or nasal.
The long (double) consonant remained in Lesbian, but was
simplified in the other dialects with lengthening of the pre-
ceding vowel, cp. 2, as Ion. rpijpcoi/ from ^Tpdapoav ; Att.
Ion. yjeiXioi, Lesb. ^kWioi, cp. Skr. sa-hdsram, thousand;
Att. Ion. (TiXrjvq, Dor. (r^Xavd, Lesb. cnXdvvd, from *(ri-
Xdavd ; Att. Ion. rjfieTs, Dor. a/xey, Lesb. djx^is, from
*a(r/ie- = Skr. asmd-, Indg. *n-sme' ; dni, Dor. jj/zi", Lesb.
kp-fii = Skr. 4smi, Indg. *esmi ; Att. <f>dv6^, Ion. (f>aii.v6s,
Lesb. (fidivvos, from *<f>afi(Tv6s ; tXaoy, Lesb. fXXaoy, from
*(7/(rXa/'oy.

5. Intervocalic <Tf disappeared with lengthening of the

40 Phonology [§§ 70-1

preceding vowel, as Dor. vab^, Ion. 1/1769, Att. vidas (§ 72),
from *va<rf69 ; Horn. reXi^ds, riXeios, from *Ti\€<rFfVT9,
*reX€(r/'oy ; toy from *i(rf09.

6. '\v- became -XX- by assimilation, which remained in
Lesbian and Thessalian, but in the other dialects the long
(double) consonant was simplified with lengthening of the
preceding vowel, cp. 2, as Att. Ion. txTrjXr], Dor. aToKa,
Lesb. ardWa, from *(XTa\vd ; Hom. (tXo/jLai from *f eXj/o-
/xai ; 6<f>eiX(o from *fo(f)iXva) ; fiovXrj, Lesb. ^oXXd, from
*^oXvd ; ^ovXofiat from *fioXvo/j.ai. See § 148.

7. Short vowels were lengthened in Ionic, but not in
Attic, with the loss of f in the combinations yf, Xf, pf, as
Ion. (f>6dv<o, Att. ^ddvco, from *(f>6dvfa); Ion. /cdXoy, Att.
/caXoy, Dor. KoXfos ; Ion. Kovpr), Att. /fop?;, Dor. Kopfd ;
and similarly Ion. dvaros, areivos, iftvos, rtvco, <f>6iva>,
Bovpos, ovpos, yovva, beside Att. tvaros, <tt(v6s, ^^vos, tlv<o,
<p6iva), Sopos, opos, yovara. See § 124, 6.

The Shortening of Long Vowels.

§ 70. Long vowels were shortened in prim. Greek before
a following nasal, liquid, or semivowel + consonant, as third
pers. plural t^av from *i^dvT, trXav from *lrXdj/r, e/xiyev
from *ifiLyr)VT, tyvov from *(eyvoavT, €(f>vv from *i<pvvT,
beside first pers. sing, i^r^v, Dor. i^dv, trX-qv, Dor. irXdv,
ffjLiyrji/, iyvcov, t(f>vv ; forms like Hom. ttXtjuto, a-qvTai, e/z-
nXrjvTo for *TrXavTO, *d€VTai, *-nX(VTo were new formations
with the long vowel levelled out from the other persons ;
ace. pi. xmpds from -avs (§ 69), older -dvs ; futs, month,
from *fi(vs, older *fJi'qv?, cp. Lesb. gen. /xfjvvo? from
*/j.ijva-os ; TTTipva from *TrTr)p<rva, cp. Skr. parsnih, heel ;
in participles like divT-, yvdvr- from *dfr)VT- (cp. drjo-i, Skr.
vati, he blows), *yvd>PT: For examples of the shortening
of long vowels before a semivowel + consonant, see § 63.

§ 71. Long vowels were shortened before long vowels
especially in Attic and Ionic and partly also in Doric.

§§ 72-3] Assimilation of Vowels 41

There was also a tendency to shorten them before short
vowels in Ionic and Doric, but the exact conditions under
which the shortening took place are difficult to determine,
see Brugmann, Griech. Grammatik, pp. 56-7. Examples
are : — ecoy, Horn, ^wy ; Lesb. ava>s from *ai;o-a)y, cp. Lat.
aurora ; dea. Dor. 6ad ; Att. v^mv, Hom. vrfrnv, Skr.
navam; Att. ^aa-iXicoi/, Hom. fiaaiX-qoav from -ijfcov. Ion.
Dor. ^aa-iXeos beside Hom. fiaa-iX^o^.

§ 72. The combinations rjo, rjd became €<», €d in prim.
Attic and Ionic, but in later Ionic the law was greatly
obscured by various new formations due to analogy and
by dialectal differences within Ionic itself, as gen. Att.
v€<o9, Hom. vrjos, Skr. navdh ; ^aaiXia>s, Hom. -rjos,
Cyprian -Tjfos ; TroXecoy, Hom. noX-qos ; nom. Aecoy, i/ec6y,
Hom. Xaoy, Dor. vaos) ace. ^aa-iXed, Hom. fiaa-iXfja.
Hom. <TT€(io/xeu, ricoy beside a-TrjOfiiv, rrjo^.

Assimilation of Vowels.

§ 73. The vowel in an originally unaccented syllable was
often assimilated either partially or entirely in quality to
the vowel of the following syllable. The examples occur
mostly on inscriptions in the various dialects, and show
how valuable inscriptional forms are for philological pur-
poses as compared with the forms in ordinary literature.

a to € before a following e, as Att. epcri; beside dpeTrj ;
iyX^Xvo9 from *dy)(€Xvo9, cp. Lat. anguilla; Boeot. rpi-
ncSSa, cp. Att. rpdrre^a.

a to € before a following 0 and o). This assimilation of
a to € probably took place in prim. Greek, but owing to
levelling the a was mostly restored again, cp. i^/Seco beside
r]fid<owith a from rj^dec^, Sic, and conversely ri^ieis, ij^Ui
with 6 from i^/Seco, rj^io/xij/; Hom. fX€uoiv€ou : /liuoivda,
ofioKXiov : ofiOKXa, o^5eoy : ovSas ; Herod, opico : opas; and
similarly on inscriptions of the Cretan, Elean and North-
western dialects.

42 Phonology [§§ 74-5

a to 0 before a following 0 and o), as Soxfios from
*8axfi6s ; Koxa>vq from */caxci)»'77 ; ofiopyvvfii, cp. dfiipyo) ;
Att. oppooSuv beside Ion. dppcoSfiu ; aopcovis beside a-apoy-
viS^s ; ffo<f)69 beside o-a0a ; Arcad. c/coroi/ from iKarov.

€ to a before a following a, as late Att. XaKdvr]=\cKdvTi ;
Att. SdpaTTis beside Sipanis; Corinth. FaKufid, Att.
'EKa^T) ; Heracl. gen. xapdSfo^, cp. Hom. nom. xfpaSo^ ;
Arcad. MaXayKo/xd^ beside M^XayKOfidi ; yjruKd^ beside

e to 0 before a following 0 and co, as o/8oX6y, opo^os =
o^eXos, *(po^o^ ; 'Op\ofiiv6s beside 'Epxojiivo^ ; Topcovrj,
Tpo<f>d)vios beside Tcpwvr}, Tpi<f>d>vLO^.

e to o before a following v, as yopyvpa from *yipyvpa ;
Kpofwov beside Kpifivov (Hesych.) ; opoyvia, cp. opeyo) ;
oSvpo/xai from *k8vpoiiai ; KopKvpa beside KepKvpa.

0 to a before a following a, as daraKos, d(rTa<f>is = oarra-
Koy, 6(rTa(f>i9.

1 to i; before a following v, as Att. inscription ijfivavs =
TJfXKTvsi ; KvvSv€V9 beside KiuSvev^.

V to c before a following i, as fii^Xiov from ^vfiXiov.

For a detailed treatment of vowel assimilation in Greek
see J. Schmidt, Kuhn's Zeitschrift, vol. xxxii, pp. 321-94.

§ 74. The change of a to e after i and v is also due to
partial assimilation in such double forms as Upos, (TKi^pos,
atiXov, yjricdo?, x^ifpos", </>i€Xr}, iri€^a>, irveXos, vfXof, beside
iapos, nvaXof, &c.

Epenthesis.

§ 76. In the combinations a, o + vj, pj\ fj the j palatalized
the preceding consonant and then disappeared. The
palatal element in the consonant then combined with the
preceding vowel to form a diphthong, as ^aip<o from *^avjoi
older *fiafija), Indg. *gnij6, cp. Lat. venio, Goth, qima,
/ come ; (f>aLva> from *(f)avjm ; fem. TiKraiva from *TiKTavJa,
and similarly fitXaiva, rdXaiva, Xiaiva ; Att. dyKoiva from

§§ 76-8] Prothests 43

*dyKovja. <nraipa) from *<nrapj<o, Indg. *spp6 ; $aip6s from
*6fapj09, Indg. *dhwrjos, hinge of a door-, noTpa from
*p.opja, cp. fi6po9, Saico from *Saifa) older *8afja), and
similarly /cato), K\ai<o. See § 129, 3.

§ 76. The combinations aoy) ooyj eoy) vaj became ai, 01,
ii, VI (through the intermediate stage ahj, &c.), and then
the second element of the diphthong partly disappeared in
Attic and Ionic before a following 0, as Hom. XiXaio/iai
from *Xi\a(rjofxai ; vaico from *va(T/(o, cp. aor. vda-aai ;
Hom. ToTo, Skr. tdsya ; Hom. €/jl€To, from *kfi€<TJo ; opt.
e^Tyj/ from *€<rjr]v, Skr. syam; Hom. reXcfO), reAeo), Att.
r€Xc5, from *reXeor/'a) ; aX77^cfa from *d\d$i(rja, cp. dXrjOrjs,
■is ; pf. part. fern. Hom. t'^ura from *fi8vaja = Skr. viddsi.
See § 129, 9.

Prothesis.

§ 77. It used to be assumed that prothesis took place in
Greek before an initial liquid, nasal or f + vowel, but most
scholars are now generally agreed that a prothetic vowel
was only developed in the initial combination Indg. r +
vowel, as epe/Soy, Skr. rdjah, Goth, riqis, darkness; epvOpos,
Skr. rudhirdh, Lat. ruber, OE. read, red ; opiyco beside
Lat. rego. Even in these examples it is not improbable
that the initial vowel represents a phase of ablaut which
has not been preserved in these and similar words in the
other Indg. languages. Forms like dX€i<p<o beside Xittos ;
dXtvoi beside Lat. lino ; dfiiXyco beside Lat. mulgeo ; durjp
beside Skr. ndr-, man ; 6vop.a beside Lat. nomen ; a{f)r)<n
beside Skr. vati, he blows ; Hom. k{f)ip(Tr) beside ip(rr] ;
which were formerly regarded as containing a prothetic
vowel, represent a different grade of ablaut.

Anaptyxis.
§ 78. By anaptyxis is meant the development of a vowel
between a liquid or nasal + a preceding or following con-
sonant. Vowels of this kind are found in the old and

44 Phonology [§ 79

modern periods of most of the Indg. languages. No sure
examples occur in classical Greek, but they are not alto-
gether uncommon on inscriptions, &c., as Attic (Vase)
'Epe/i^?, Tiponoiv for 'Epfifj^, Tipncov ; ^apdyxo? (Hip-
ponax) for ^pdy\o?, Topovo^ (quoted by Hesychius for
Tarentum) beside Topvo^, a-KopoSov beside aKopSov. Cp.
Lat. pocolum, poculum beside poclum, French canif
beside English knife, mod. northern dial, starak, st5k
beside Old English styric, styrc, calf; filam, marabl
beside standard English film, marble.

Vowel-contraction.

§ 79. In treating of vowel-contraction it is necessary to
distinguish three periods : (i) contractions which took place
already in the Indg. parent language, (2) those which took
place in primitive Greek, and were accordingly common to
all the Greek dialects, and (3) those which took place in the
individual dialects.

To treat in detail the question of vowel-contraction in the
first period would be beyond the plan and scope of this
grammar, because the resultant long vowels or diphthongs
were not merely common to Greek, but to all the Indg.
languages. It will therefore be sufficient to give here only
a few examples of such contractions : —

e + e > e, as tju, Skr. asam, from *esm, older *e
(augment) + esm, / was.

o -f a > o in the dat. sing, of o-stems, as Bi^ from
*dhweso + ai, cp. the original ending preserved in infini-
tives like iSficvai, Skr. vidmdne, io know; Att. Sovvai,
Cypr. Sofevai, Skr. davdne, to give.

o -t- e > o in the nom. pi. of O'Stems, as Skr. v^kah,
Goth, wulfos, from *wlqos, older *wlqo + es, wolves, cp.
Trarepey.

a -f- e > a in the nom. pi. of a^stems, as Skr. vfkah,
she-tvolves, from *wlqa + es.

I

§ 80] Vowel-contraction 45

a + a > a in the dat. sing, of a-stems, as did, cp. Goth.
f^hiti, for a gift, Indg. -a + ai.

Most of the contractions were due to the loss of inter-
vocaHc s (through the intermediate stage h) and j in primi-
tive Greek. After the loss of these consonants the com-
binations a, e, 6 + 1 or u were contracted in certain cases
in the prehistoric period of all the dialects. The loss of
intervocalic f took place at a much later period and
accordingly belongs to the history of the separate dialects
(§ 122). But the great majority of vowel-contractions took
place after primitive Greek became differentiated into the
various separate dialects. Vowels were contracted in Attic
more extensively than in any of the other dialects, although
even in this dialect there were certain combinations which
did not undergo contraction in all cases : —

(i) The combinations €o, eo), ea, where an intervocalic
s or j had disappeared, remained in dissyllables, but under-
went contraction in words of more than two syllables, as
^€09 from *$f€ao9, but Qov<f>i\o9, 0ov<f>pa(rTos ; |eo) from
*|€(rci), but ^ov/xii', ^ova-i ; tap from *F€(rap, but gen. ^poy
from *fiaapo9 ; 8io9 from *Sf€jo9 ; Seo) from *8cjQi, I bind,
but 8oviiiv, Sov(Ti. But when the same combinations arose
after the loss of F they remained uncontracted in older
Attic even in words of more than two syllables, as vi(f)o^,
v€{f)o)(fi69, gen. r}S€{f)o9, 7r\i{f)ofjL(u ; ecoy, Hom. rjos, Dor.
ay, from *af 09, until ; fiaaiXicos, Hom. -fjos, Cypr. -rjfos;
rj8i{f)coi/; Kpi{f)a9, €vv€{F)a, v€{f)ap69, ri8€{f)a. In like
manner the combinations a?;, eov, oa remained uncontracted
after the loss of f, as d{f)rj8a)v, \6{f)avo<i, X°(F)<^^V> g^n-
UipiKXkovs, from *-KXif((T09.

(2) The combinations €a, ceo were contracted when preceded
by I, but remained in other cases, as ace. aXid, dXmy, beside
^aaiXid, -ids ; gen. aXim, aXimu, beside ^aa-iXicos, -iay,

§ 80. Below is given a classification of the contractions
arranged according to the nature of the first vowel.

46 Phonology [§ 80

a + a > a in all the dialects, as Horn, Ion. arri from ^afdra ;

Horn. 8ind from *8iira(Ta ; raXAa = ra <?XAa.
a + € > d in Att. Ion., but rj in Dor., as aKcov from ae/ccof ;

apa> from aepco; Att. Ion. Tl/idrc, Dor. TlfifjTi from

TifidcT€ ; Dor. op?; from ^pae.
a-l-/ >a/, as Trafy from *Trdfi9 ; aiaddvofiai from *a/"(-

aBdvofiai ; ycpai from yipai.
a + o > a> in Att. Ion., but d in Dor. Aeol. and Elean, as

dyrjpois, Hom. dyrjpaoi ; dpa> from 6pda>; Tl[iS>iJiiv

from Tlfido/jLev ; Dor. (Theocritus) kna^d from -ao ;

Boeot. <f>v(rdvTi^ from -dovre?.
a + v > av, SiS SavXos from *5a<n;Xoy, Indg. Mnsulos.
a + d > d in all the dialects, as fi(fid<ri, larda-i, from

■ad<Ti.
a + r] > din. Att. Ion., but r) in Dor. Locr., as subj. Ti/idre,

Dor. Tl/if}T€, from Tl/jLdrjT€ ; Ion. a^jyy from drjSrj^.
a + D > q., as subj. rf/ta from Tlfidrj.
a + 0) > o), as rf/^ from Tijxd<o.
a + €i (= e) > d in Att., as ^dvos, Ion. <f)auv6i, from *0a-

fiavo^ ; dpds from ae/pdy.
a + 6f (= prim. Gr. €<) > 9 in Att. Ion., but ?; in Dor., as

aS<a from *d{f)ii8co ; indie, rt/xa from rlfida ; Dor. 6p,^

from opacf.
a + oi > o), as <o8ri from d{f)ot8ij ; Tlfi<o, Tifji£fi€v, from

Tlfldoi, TljldoLjliV.

a + ou > 0), as krlfiw, Tifimai, from krl/jidov, Tifidov<ri.

€ + a > 7;, as gen. ^poy from *fkcrapo^; yivrj from *yiv€(ra.

6 + e > €f (= long close e) in Att. Ion. and mild Dor., but rj

in Aeolic and severe Dor., as (f>i\€i, severe Dor. <f>i\r],

from 0tXe€; (l\ov, Lesb. severe Dor. ^x<"'» ^'"<^"^

e^xo*' ; Tper?, Lesb. rpfj^, from *Tpej€9.
i + i > (I, as €? from *€(r^ = Skr. dsi ; rroXd from TroAei' ;

ykuei from *yiv€(rt.
€ + 0 > Of (=6, later u) in Att., co in Dor., and (v in Ion.

and Boeot., as Att. yipovs from *yej'60-oy ; 8ovp.iv from

§ 8o] Vowel-contraction 47

*S€jofjL€v ; Bov<f)iXo^ beside deoy ; Dor. €/i<£y from

€fjL€09 ; €v\api(TTa>/jiCi froiTi -eo/jLc^ ; Ion. Boeot. /3eA€f 9

from /ScXeo? older */8eA€croy.
e 4- a > €7/ > ?; in Ion. (§ 51), as ^opfJ9, vfj = fiop^ds, via.
e + a > €?; > 77 in Ion., as dat, yei'^ = Att. yevca.
( + T) > T) in all the dialects, as <pi\fJTe from (piXitjTc ;

IIcpiKXrjs from -€?;y.
e + »; > 77, as 0iX^ from (PiXer}.
f + <a><o in Att., as 0fXw, aXim, beside Ion. 0<Aea),

€ + at >»;, as indie, mid, <f>€pr) from 0epe(o-)af = Skr. bhdrase.
e + ef (= e, § 58) > ei (= long close e), as kX€iv6s from

VAcetroy, older *KX€f((rvo9.
€ + €i (= prim. Gr. ei) > et, as (f>iX€i {rom (f>iX€€i.
€ + 01 > 01 in Att., as <f>iXoT, <f>iXoifX€u, from <f>iX€oi, (f>i-

XiOl/XiV.

€ + ov > ov, as 0f AoO, (PiXov<ri, from (f>iX€ov, <f>iXiov(rc.

i + i > J, as Jt from Jfft', Att. Ja' had its t from the

genitive.
o + a > CO, as alSco from alSoa, Indg. *aidosm ; fira from

^ara ; Ar^fioiva^ from Arjfio- + aca^.
o + e > ov in Att. Ion. mild Dor., but a> in severe Dor., as

fiiardovTf, severe Dor. -wre, from -o^re ; Xovrpov from

Ao€Tp6i/ ; Att. cAarrovy, Ion. kXa<r<Tovs, Dor. eAaao-coy,

from -oey, Indg. ♦•oses.
o + i> 01, as KOiAoy from *KoftXoi ; oh from *of(y = Lat.

ovis, Skr. dvih.
o + o>ov in Att. Ion. and mild Dor., but co in Aeol. and severe

Dor., as vovs from i/6oy ; Ai^/cof, Boeot. Lesb. severe Dor.

XvKco ; /jLiadowTf?, severe Dor. -aJi/rey, from -oovrcs.
o + rj > <o, as SrjXcoTf from SrjXorjTc ; Ion. ficodim = fiorideoo.
o + rj > 01, as subj. SrjXoh, 8r]Xoi, from -ot/.
0 + 0) > o) in all the dialects, as SrfXco from SrjXoco, SrjXco/ifi'

from SrjXocofKv.
0 + 6) > 0) in all the dialects, as d7rA« from d7rA6ci>.

48 Phonology [§ 80

o + u{— long close e) > ov, as StjXovp from SijXodv, oluovs

from olvofi?.
o + ei (= prim. Gr. (i) > 01, as SrjXoi from SijXoei ; ofyco

beside Lesb. inf. ofuyrjv.
o-\-oi > 01, as 8t]Xoi9, SijXoiTf, from SrjXooi?, SrjXooiTe ;

eui/of from edvooi.
o + ov > ov, as vov from i/oou, SriXovai from SijXoovai ; aovjiai

from aoovjiai, older *aof6onai.
v + v > V, 2iS Att. (inscription) yy = vu?.
a + a > a, Att. Xay beside Hom. Aaay ; Dor. ya from *yaa.
d + e > d in Dor. and Aeol., as Dor. aXtoy, Lesb. aXtoy

from aeXtoy ; Dor. (fxovdvTa from ^ooi/ae^Ta.
d + t > §5, 27» ^ ^T€po9, ^f}T€pof from pdirepos, prftrepo? ;

Ovrja-Kco from *Bvat(rKO) ; ypdBiov from ypa-i8tov.
a + o > rjo, €0) (§ 72) in Att. Ion., but d in Dor. and Aeol.,

as Hom. ^oy, Att. Icoy, Dor. Boeot. ay, from Soy, until;

gen. ArpuSiOi, Dor. -d ; Dor. Lesb. evepyird from

-do. See § 323.
d + d > d in all the dialects, as 'AOrivd from -ad ; gen. Dor.

yay from -ady, cp. § 323.
d + a > a, as dat. Dor. ya from *yda.
a + a>> a in Dor. and Aeol., gen. pi. rdv, Att. tcov, from

TcLmv, older *Ta<ra>v = Skr. tasam.
1/ -f € > 7; in all the dialects, as ^aa-iXfjs from -^f ey ; Ion.

ace. Tl/j.fjyTa from Tlfi'jei'Ta.
rj + rj > T) in all the dialects, as Att. subj. ^^re, (f>avfJT€, from

*^^»7Tf, * (f>avr)rjT€.
V + V > 27 in all the dialects, as Att. subj. ^77 from *Cvv-
T) + ci {= long close e) > ?; in Att. Ion. and mild Dor., as

Ion. nom. Tlfifjs from Tl/jirJ€i?.
r] + €i (=prim. Gr. €i) > »; in all the dialects, as Att. {fj

from *^77€f ; ^Sij from *rjfei8r].
0) + a > o) in Att. Lesb., but d in Dor. and Boeot., as Att.

Lesb. nparos, Dor. Boeot. irparo?, from *7r/xl)faroy ;

^/xo from ^/Moa ; wi^a^ = 3) dva^.

§§ 8i-2] Ablaut 49

CO -f- e > CO, as ripoa^ from rjpQ)f9 ; Att. plya>T€ from -coere.

0) + 1 > 0), as fjpa> from ^/oft)f .

co + o > 0) in all the dialects, as o-coy from <rcooy; /otyooi/res

from -(oovTe^.
(o+rj > CO, as subj. ply core from -c6»/r€.
co + j; > 00, as subj. /ofyS from -co?;,
co + co > 0) in all the dialects, as plym from piyaxo; subj.

dXm/zet' from dXcoco/ztj/.
a)+ef (= prim. Gr. et) > co, as plym from filydoii.
CO + 04 > CO, as plymiu from *-cooi€i'.
0) + Of > 0), as plyaxra from -coova-a.

CHAPTER IV
ABLAUT

§ 81. Up to this point we have treated the Indg. vowels
and their equivalents in the more important languages
without any reference to the manner in which these vowels
stand to each other in any one language. It now remains
to illustrate and formulate the manner in which they stand
to each other, or in other words to discuss the phenomenon
of what is called ablaut or vowel gradation. And for this
purpose we shall confine our examples almost entirely to
Greek, partly because it is the language which concerns us
most intimately in this book and partly because, having
preserved the Indg. vowels more faithfully than any other '^
language, it is best fitted to illustrate the various phenomena
of ablaut.

§ 82. By ablaut or vowel gradation is meant such
quantitative, qualitative and accentual differences in the
vocalic elements of groups of etymologically and morpho-
logically related words as were caused by sound-laws
which operated in the prim. Indg. language before it

50 Phonology [§83

became differentiated into the separate languages. Such
are e.g. the differences in the root-syllables of \iiir<o:
\i\onra : eXinou, ireTOfiai : iroTiOfiai : knTOfir^v, ^epo) :
(f>6p09 : (f)a>p : (papirpd : 8i-(j>pos, Lat. pedem : rroSa : Lat.
pes : Dor. ttq)? : ini-^Sai. dyco : oyfio^. prjyvvfj.i : tp-
payya : payfjvai. 8i-8<o-/j.i : Lat. datus : Skr. da*d-mdh, we
give. Dor. (f>dfii : (fxovrj : <f>afiiv. Examples in other than
root-syllables are \vk€ : Xvkov : Goth, wulfos, wolves,
(f)ep€Te : Dor. (f>tpovTL, TTOtp.iva : Saifiova : uocfirjv : Saifioav :

TTOl/iVT}, TTUTip^S ' iV-TTaTOpiS '- TraTTJP '. CV-TTaTCOp '. TTttrpSs,

Sva-fiiViS : 8v<Tfxevi]9, iroXis : noXcis from *TroXcjf9, SoTrjp :
8ui)Ta>p.

§ 83. According as the vowels which stand in ablaut
relation to each other differ in quality or in quantity only,
or both in quality and quantity, we have what is called
qualitative, quantitative or qualitative-quantitative ablaut.

Qualitative ablaut only occurs in syllables which have
the strong grade of ablaut and is for the most part confined
to the interchange of e : o and of e : 6 in the e-series of
ablaut (§ 96), as 0epa) : 06poy, XetVo) : XkXonra, Trarrjp :
(v-ndrcop. dyco : oyfios. prjyvv/xi : €p-pcoya. Dor. ^d/xt' :
(fxovij. It is most difficult to account for this phase of
ablaut. The interchange between e and o and between e
and 5 seems to have been so regulated that e originally
stood in the chief-accented syllable and 6 in the next
following syllable, as in 0pei/ey, (f>pTJv : d(f>pov€9, d<f>p(i)v ;
rrarepey, TraTrjp : ^v-ndTopis, cv-Trdroop.

Quantitative and qualitative-quantitative ablaut mostly
arose through the loss or weakening of vowels in un-
accented syllables, as i-fiiP : u-fxi = Skr. i-mdh : e-mi,
XiTTiiv : Xitnoo, (fivyeTv : (fxvyco, i8paKov : 8epK0/j.ai, TTTiaOai :
nirofjiai, Trarpoy : iraTepa, /iifivco : fiipco. Lat. datus : 8l-
Soa-fii = Indg. 9 : 6. lo-rafiev : Dor. lo-Tdfii = Indg. a : &.
The stress accent must have been more predominant than
the pitch accent at the time quantitative ablaut came into

§§ 84-5] Ablaut 51

existence, because it is only upon this assumption that we
are able to account for the weakening and eventual loss of
vowels in unaccented syllables. See § 28.

§ 84. Scholars are now generally agreed that the factors
which brought about the phenomenon called ablaut were ol
various kinds. Although the prime factor was doubtless
the system of accentuation which prevailed at different
periods in the parent Indg. language, there were also
several other factors more or less connected with accent,
such as vowel-contraction, lengthening of vowels by com-
pensation for the loss of a vowel in the next syllable,
rhythmical lengthening (see Wackernagel, Das Dehnungs-
gesetz der griech. Composita), numerous analogical forma-
tions, the mixing up of the various ablaut-series through
the influence of analogy, &c. And as all these vowel-
changes and probably many others connected with ablaut
took place long before the separate languages came into
existence, it is practically impossible to determine their
chronological order or to be certain about the precise
nature of some of the vowel-changes. In the following
account of ablaut certain more or less problematical details
have been omitted as being beyond the scope of this book.
The student who wishes to pursue the subject in greater
detail should consult Brugmann's Grundriss, vol. i, second
ed., pp. 482-505, and Kurze vergleichende Grammatik,
pp. 138-50 ; Hirt's Der indogermanische Ablaut and the
excellent epitome in his Handhuch der griech. Laut- und
Formenlehre, pp. 84-105.

§ 85. From the examples given above (§§ 82-3) it will be
seen that ablaut is not confined to what is generally called
root-syllables but that it also occurs equally in other
syllables. For practical purposes it is convenient to divide
words into root-bases and suffix-bases, as in (pipc-rpo-v :
Skr. bhari-tra-m, arm, Tra-rep-a : iv-trd-Top-a : Tra-Trjp:
(v-nd-TCDp ; Tra-rp-oy, Dor. (f)ipo-fX€9 : Lat. feri*mus (older

E 2

52 Phoyiology [§ 86

■mos), OHG. bera-mes. In the following paragraphs we
shall call root-bases simply bases or ablaut-bases, and
suffix-bases simply suffixes. Bases or ablaut-bases are
mostly monosyllabic or dissyllabic. The monosyllabic
bases are called heavy or light according as they contain
a long or a short vowel, as *dhe-, *d5-, *bha- in Ti-d-q-fii,
Sc-Sayfii, Dor. <f)a.-fjii ; *es-, *ei- in ecr-ri, eJ-fii. The dis-
syllabic bases are called heavy when the first syllable
contains a short vowel and the second syllable a long vowel,
and light when both syllables contain a short vowel, as
*pele-, /ill, *gen6-, know, *peta', fly, see § 458 ; *leiqe-,
leave, in Aet'Tre-re : Xiwuv. The bases underwent numerous
vowel-changes owing to the operation of various sound-laws
which took place in the prim. Indg. period. The more
important of these changes were : —

I. The Weakening or Loss of Vowels.

§ 86. Vowels were weakened or disappeared in syllables
which did not have the chief accent of the word. Such
syllables are said to have the weak grade of ablaut. The
weak grade is subdivided into weak grade i (wg. i) and
weak grade 2 (wg. 2) according as the syllable in which it
occurs originally had the secondary accent or was unac-
cented. In the former case short vowels merely became
reduced in quality (generally written e, o, a) and long
yowels became reduced in quality and quantity (generally
written 3, § 49), whereas in the latter case both short and
long vowels disappeared through the intermediate stage
of reduced vowels. At a later period in the parent Indg.
language the reduced short vowels e, o, a regained their
full quality again and thus fell together with the original
strong grade vowels e, o, a. When the vowel e entirely
disappeared in diphthongs (ei, eu, em, en, el, er) the
second element of the diphthong became vocalic or re-

§§ 87-9] IVeakcning or Loss of Vowels 53

mained consonantal according as it was followed by a con-
sonant or a vowel in the next syllable.

§ 87. Long vowels were reduced to a (= Aryan i but a in
the other languges) or disappeared in the heavy ablaut-
series (§ 49), as Zeros' for *6aT6s (§ 49, note), Skr. hit&h,
Indg, *dhat6s : Ti-dr^-fxi, Xayapos : Xi^yco, payfji/ac : prj-
yvvfii ; 8ot6s for *SaT6? (§ 49, note), Lat. datus, Skr. d-dita
= i-SoTo : Si-Sco-fic, Lat. donum ; a-Taro^, Skr. sthitdh,
Lat. status, Indg. *st3t6s : Dor. icrTd-/jii, Lat. stare, cpa/xiu :
Dor. (l>dfiL, Skr. bhdvi-tum, Indg. *bh6wa-tum, to be : base
*bhewa-. Skr. pi. da-dh-mdh : sing, dd-dha-mi, ri-Orj-fii,
pi. da-d-mdh : sing, dd-da-mi, 8i-8a)-/xi, devd-ttah, given by
the gods, with -ttah from older *-d-tos beside Lat. datus,
^vcris beside e-0i? from *e-bhw9t : base *bhewa-.

§ 88. The first element of the long diphthongs ei, 5i, 2li,
eu, ou, au was reduced to a. The ai, au then became
contracted to i, ii before a following consonant already in
the prim. Indg. period. But as the second element of long
diphthongs often disappeared in the parent language (§ 63)
we thus have the ablaut relation i : e, 6, a and u : e, o, a in
the earliest historic period of all the languages, as Skr.
dhltdh, pp., sucked, Lat. filius : 6rj<raTo, he sucked, Lat.
felare, aKincou : a-KfjiTTpou, nidi : Tr&na beside Skr. pdy-
dyati, he gives to drink : inf. patum, to drink ; Skr. miilam,
root : fiSaXv, Skr. ildhar, udder : ovOap from *a>v6ap (§ 70),
fivfiup : fico/xap, Skr. miirdh, dul/, stupid : fia>pos, Lat.
morus. When i and u became unaccented they were
shortened to i and u, as o^pi/io^ : ^ptOm, ivpi-aKca : evpij-a-o),
Xdpi-9 : xapi^-vai, dXi-a-KOfxai : aXco-uai, Lat. di-rtitus : pvTO?,
TrXvai^ : nXcoTo^.

§ 89. In the light ablaut-series the short vowels e, o, a
were reduced to voiceless (?) e, o, a or disappeared through
the intermediate stage of e, o, a. At a later period in the
parent Indg. language the reduced vowels regained their
full quality again and thus fell together with the original

54 Phonology [§ 90

strong grade vowels e, o, a, as ncrrTo^, Indg. *peqt6s,
gen. sing. Lat. pedis, Skr. paddh, Indg. *ped6s ; oTrreoi/
from *oq- : oyjro/jLai ; -uktos, Indg. *akt6s : dya>. In
Greek there are no sure examples of the loss of o, a in the
light ablaut-series. It should also be noted that the above
o is not the same as the o which stands in ablaut relation
to e, as in <p6pos : 0€pa). Examples of the loss of e are
kirrofir^v : iriTOfiai, ianiaSai. : (iro/iai from *(re-rrofjLai, Skr.
pi. s>m&h : ds-mi, I am= Indg. *s-m6s : *6s-mi, iwi-^Sai :
Lat. pedem, i^co from *(Ti-<r8-co : e5oy from *<Ti8o^, ia-\<o
from *o-i-<Txa) : i\co from *<r€X(o.

When the vowel e entirely disappeared in the diphthongs
ei, eu, em, en, el, er the second element of the diphthong
became vocalic or remained consonantal according as it was
followed by a consonant or a vowel in the next syllable, as
i/iev : el/xi = Skr. imdh : emi, Xnretv, iXinou : Xeiira ;
Ki\vTaL : \i(f)oi), kXvto^ : KXk{f)os, (pvyeTv, i<f>vyov : (f>(vy<o ;
a-na^ : ely from *<r€fi9 ; dafiivos from *na-fji(V09 : viofiai,
ewadov : iri-novda, fxaivofiat from *finjofjLai : /xi-fxoi'a, fit-
/ia/x(v : fii-fiova, (ppaaticppevo? ; kKXdirr}v : /fXcTrro); eSpaKoy;
SipKOfxai, SeSapfiiuos : Sipco, TraTpdai, Skr. pitrsu : -rraTipa.
Skr. y-dnti, they go : i-mdh, we go = Indg. *j-6nti : *i-m6s ;
Hom. irdpara from *7r(pf-aTa : Trpv-fxuo^ ; yi-yvofiai : e
yiViTo, /xi-/xva> : fxeyco, vio-yvo^ : ykvo<i\ 8i-<ppo^ : <l>€p<o,
Trarpos : iraTepa.

§ 90. The combinations ema, ena, ela, era had in heavy
bases (§ 87) a threefold development in prim. Greek.
They became (i) dfia, dva, dXa, apa when the first element
had the secondary accent, (2) fid, pa, Xd, pd (see § 68) when
the last element had the secondary accent and the first
element disappeared, and (3) fia, pa, Xa, pa when neither
the first nor the last element had the secondary accent ;
and (e)ja, (e)wa became i, u, as hdXacraa (Hesych.) : tXtjto?,
Lat. IMus ; ddparos : Optjtos, Dor. dpdTos ; Kdprjpop from
*Kapa<TPOP : Kpdros from *KpdaaTos ; Kdfiaro^ : k/jltjto?,

I

§§ 91-2] Lengthening of Vowels 55

Dor. KfidTo^, ueo-S/xaTos : Sifias ; ypijTo^, Lat. (g)natus ;
Dor. \dv09, Lat. lana. i-r/iayou : rifiaxo?, Ti-Tjir)Ka ; ri-
6ua/j,€u : ddvaT09; Ti-rXadi : reXa/^cor, Ka-)(\d^a> : K^-\\d8a ;
a-rpaTos : e-aTopecra. iTid : base *weje- ; e-0i7 : Skr.inf.
bh4vitum, to be, base *bhewa-.

2. The Lengthening of Vowels.

§ 91. Several kinds of vowel lengthening took place in
the prim. Indg. period, as lengthening by compensation for
the loss of a syllable, contraction of vowels and rhythmical
lengthening. See Streitberg, Indogermanische Forschungen,
iii, pp. 305-416.

§ 92. With quantitative ablaut is connected the prim.
Indg. lengthening of vowels by compensation for the loss
of a syllable. The vowels thus lengthened have what is
called the lengthened grade of ablaut (Ig.). The vowels in
nearly all the examples which have this lengthening belong
to the e-series of ablaut. And the lengthened vowels e, o
are respectively called Ig. i and Ig. 2.

(a) A short accented vowel in an originally open syllable
became lengthened if the following syllable entirely dis-
appeared. This occurs especially in the nom. singular of
nouns, as Lat. pes. Dor. rrcoy from prim. Indg. *pets, *p6ts,
*p6des or -os, *p6des or -os, beside ace. pedem, iroSa,
Indg. *p6dm, *p6dm; Trarrip from prim. Indg. *pat6re
beside Trarepa, Indg. *p9term; and similarly Orjp : Lat.
ferus, KTJp : base *kered-, cp. KapSid, noifirju : noifiiva,
<Ppriv : (f>piva, /3Aco\/r : (SX^ttco, 8ac/xa>p : Saifioua, Horn.
iSpco9 : iSpoa, KXMyjr^ : kXotto^, (f)d)p : <j)6po9, coyjr : 6-^Ofiai.

Note. — Also when a short vowel disappeared after a long
vowel, as in gen. ^cas from an original form *dhwesfi.so : nom.
dti.

(b) The e was also lengthened in prim. Indg. in the
active singular of the s-aorist, as *leks^ from older

56 Phonology [§§ 93-5

^legesip, cp. Lat. lexi : pres. legit ; Lat. vexi, Skr.
^•vakSam : pres. vehit, vdhati. The s-aorist in Greek
was a new formation with the vowel from the present, as
€-Xe|a, €-X€i'^a, but Skr. d-raik§am, see § 507.

§ 93. Contraction of the augment with a following vowel,
as in ^a (§ 79), Skr. isam, Indg. *es^ from older *6-esi|i ;
^a for *^a, Skr. iyam, Indg. *eji|i from older *6-eji|i ;
^yop, Dor. ayov, Skr. djam : pres. dyco, kj&mi.

The contraction of case-endings with the stem, as -as
from -a-es in the nom. plural of a-stems ; -oi from 'O-ai in
the dat. singular of o-stems ; 'OS from -o-es in the nom.
plural of o-stems, see § 79.

§ 94. Rhythmical lengthening in the first elements of
compounds and before suffixes so as to avoid a long suc-
cession of short vowels, as Trpco-nipva-i, Upaxrvvrj : Upof,
Hom. iripoodi, erepcoo-e, iripmOiv : er^po^.

Ablaut-Series.

§ 95. The vowels vary within certain series of related
vowels called ablaut-series. The parent Indg. language
had six such series, three light and three heavy, viz.

Sg. I.

sg. 2.

lg.I.

Ig. 2.

Wg. I.

wg. 2

I.

e-series

6

0

e

5

e

—

II.

o-series

6

0

0

0

0

—

III.

a-series

d

0

J.
a

0

a

—

IV.

e-series

e

0

3

—

V.

6-series

0

0

9

—

VI.

a-series

i

0

a

—

Strong grade i is taken as the normal grade in all the
series. The three light series have three grades, strong
grade, lengthened grade, and weak grade, whereas the
three heavy series have only the two grades, strong and
weak. The origin of the difference between the strong
and the weak grade and between the strong and the

§ 96] Ablaut-Series 57

lengthened grade have already been explained in the pre-
ceding paragraphs. And some indication of the probable
origin of the difference between strong grade i and strong
grade 2 has been given in § 83, but much still remains
obscure about the origin of these qualitative differences.

The first ablaut-series is by far the most important. It
is found in many monosyllables and always in the first
syllable of dissyllabic heavy bases and in the second
syllable of dissyllabic light bases and nearly always in the
first syllable of dissyllabic light bases. And one or other
grade of this series occurs in nearly all suffixes. The
second and third series are exceedingly rare. Apart from
a few monosyllabic heavy bases the fourth, fifth, and sixth
series only occur in the second syllable of dissyllabic heavy
bases, and even here the number of examples is not very
great. The e in the fourth series often came to be re-
garded as a formative element in prim. Greek and was
then extended by analogy to bases to which it did not
originally belong, see §§ 458, 500.

§ 96. Many examples of the various grades of ablaut
have been given in the preceding paragraphs. In this
and the following paragraph are given examples of the
various ablaut-series, and of their application to dissyllabic
light and heavy bases.

I.

The

e-series.

Sg. I.

sg. 2.
0

Ig. I. Ig. 2.
e 0

wg. 2.

ireSa

TToSa

Lat. pes na>9

im-^Sai

Trirofiat

fTTOfXai

TTorio/xai

TTCordofiai

iTTTO/Xrfl/

((Tiria-Oai

X6yf
. <pepo/ji€s

\6y09
Lat. feri-

mus

OHG. bera-mes

icrxco

58

Phonology

[§96

sg. I.

<f>ip€-T€

sg. 2.
Dor. <f)epo-

Ig. I.

Ig. 2.

wg. 2.

\eiir<o

XiXoirra

Skr. d-raik|am

Ximty

TTuOco

Trenoida

TTiOiadac

uSofiai

oJSa

rS/ifv

elfjLt

piiF)<o

i\€v{6)(rofiai

po{F)a
iiXrjXovOa

pvrds
ijXvdov

ir€v6o/xat
<P€vy<o

TTVO-Tl?

t^vyov

ve/ico
eh from

v6fi09
6/jlov

&/ia, a-Tra^

*sems

7rh6o9

ixifiova
Tritrovda

Hk-jia-fjiev
tnadov

k-yiviTo

ykyova

yi-yvo-fiai,
yi-ya-jjiiv

fiiv<o

noi-fjiiva

(ftpiva

KXetTTO)

8a(-[jiova
ev-(f)pova
K€KXo<pa

TTOi-iiriv
(ppriu

cv-<f>poov

fjLlfiVCO
TTOl-fiUJJ

(Ppaai
kKXdTrr)v

Tpinco

SepKOfiai

<pipa>

rpoirri

SiSopKa

(Popeoo

Tpomdoo
(t>6p

rpatruv

fSpUKOV

8i-<Ppos

7ra-T6/3-€y

iv-Trd-Top-€9 ira-Tiqp

ev-Trd-Tcop

na-rp-os

II. The o-series.

sg. I.
6

sg. 2.
0

Ig.i.
0

Ig. 2.
0

wg. I.
0

SylfOfiai

(2f
/SoOy from

OTTTeoy

iKaTO/jt-^T}

§97]

Dissyllabic Bases

59

III. The a-series.

Ig. I.

Ig. 2.

Sg. I. Sg. 2.

k o a o

dyat oyfjLOf Lat. amb-ages dya/yrj

IV. The e-series.

sg. I. sg. 2.

e 6

Skr. dd*dha-mi
prjyvviJLi €p-pa>ya

Xrjyoi

wg. I.

^eroy for *6aT6s
hitdh
payrjvat
\ayap69
eT09 lor arof

wg. I. wg. 2.

a
-a/CToy

Wg. 2.

da'dh'mih

d((>-i-ay-Ka

V. The 6-series.

sg. I.
o

Lat. donum, 8S>pov

sg. I.
a
Dor. ^d/f/
Dor. la-Td/ii
Dor. i-TTTd^a
Dor. TaKG)

wg. 2.

sg. 2. wg. I.
6 a —

^oToy for *SaT6^ Skr. da-d*m4h
Lat. datus, Savoy

VI. The a-series.

sg. 2.
5

irTai\6y

wg. I.

3

<f>afjL€V

tarafiiv, aTUToy

•TTTaKOiV

TaKfpoy

wg. 2.

Dissyllabic Bases.

§ 97. In the parent Indg. language either the first or
the second syllable of dissyllabic bases always contained the
weak grade of ablaut. Both syllables could have the weak,
but not the strong grade. From this it follows that forms

6o Phonology [§97

of the type 0cp€, <l>4p€-Ti, Dor. <f>€po-fi(9, and yi-yi/o-fiai
cannot be original. The prim. Indg. forms corresponding
to the former were *bh6r, *bh|-.t(h)6, *bh|-.m6s = prim.
Gr. *0€p, *0par€, *<f>pafiis, and to the latter *gi-gnd-mai =
prim. Gr. *yi-yva-fJLai. 06/36, (f>€p(-T€, (f)ipo-fi€i, yi-yuo-f^ai
and similar forms contained the thematic vowels, e, o. See
§§ 450, 456. And in like manner forms of the type yivo9
(stem y€V€9-, Skr. j4nas>, Lat. gener-), <p6po-9, &c. were
new formations which came into existence long after the
factors which caused the phenomenon of ablaut had
ceased to operate. Such new formations took place partly
in the parent Indg. language itself and partly in the pre-
historic period of the separate languages.

In the following examples of dissyllabic bases the grade
of ablaut before the + refers to the first syllable of the
base and the one after the + to the second syllable.

(a) Dissyllabic light bases: — sg. i+wg. 2 Lith. lek-mi,
/ leave, sg. 2 + wg. 2 Xi-Xoiir-a, Ig. i + wg. 2 Skr. 4-r3.ik^*
am (§ 507), wg. 2 + sg. i l-XfTre-y, wg. 2 + sg. 2 €-\ino-v :
*16iq(e)-, *liq«6.. sg. i + wg. 2 (pip-Tpov, (l>ipT€, Lat. fer-tis,
Ig. 2 + wg. 2 0®p (§ 92 (a)), wg. 2-fsg. 2 Si-<PpO'S: base
*bhere-. sg. i+wg. 2 Lat. genu, sg. 2 + wg. 2 yow,
wg. 2 + sg. I Goth, kniu, Ig. 2 + wg. 2 ya>v-ia, wg. 2 + wg. 2
Skr. abhi-jM, down to the knee, yvv^ : base *geneu-.
sg. I +wg. 2 8iKa-Tos, wg. 2 + sg. 2 -/foj/Ta=Indg. *-dkomta,
wg. 2 + wg. 2 ft-^ari = Indg. *.dkmti : base *dekemt-.
sg. i+wg. 2 aif^a>, Lat. augere, wg. 2 + sg. i Lat. vegeo,
wg. 2 + lg. 2 OE. wocor, progeny, usury, wg. 2 + sg. 2
Goth, wahsjan, to grow, wg. 2 + wg. 2 Skr. ugrdh, mighty :
base *aweg-, increase, wg. 2 + sg. i €ap from *wesr,
wg, 2 + lg. I Lat. ver from *wesr-, Ig. i + wg. 2 rjm from
*3,us5s, wg. 2 + wg. 2 Skr. u§ds-, dawn : base *aweS',
shine, flash up.

(b) Dissyllabic heavy bases. The long vowel (e, 6, a)
in the second syllable of these bases was weakened to a

§ 97] Dissyllabic Bases 6i

when the accent was on the first syllable (§ 458). When
the accent was on the second syllable the long vowel was
preserved and the short vowel of the first syllable dis-
appeared, as *t6m9', *gen9-, *p6t9- beside *tme-, *gn6-,
*pta«. It is therefore impossible to determine to which of
the long vowels the a goes back unless forms have been
preserved in which the second syllable of the base origin-
ally had the accent. The same difficulty also exists with
the prim. Indg. combinations ema, ena, ela, era, which
became in prim. Greek fid, vd, \d, pa when the last element
of the combination had the secondary accent (§ 90). They
thus fell together with the base forms of the type *pta- with
long a. Examples are— sg. i +wg. i re/^a-xoy, wg. 2 + sg. i
Ti-Tji-q-Ka : base *teme-, cut. sg. H-wg. i Skr. veman-
from *vayiman-, loom, sg. 2 + wg. 2 {F)oi<ro^, wg. 2-f sg. i
Lat. viere, wg. 2 + wg. i fred, Lat. vitis, wg. 2 + wg. 2 fri/y :
base *weie; plait, wind. sg. i + wg. i Skr. jdni-toh, to beget,
yivi-cris for *yiva-(ris, wg. 2-|-sg. i yvcoTos, t-yv(ov, Lat.
(g)notus, OE. cnawan (*gne"), to know, wg. 2-Hwg. i Skr.
j4-jilih, germinating : base *gen6., *gene-, gignere. sg. i -f-
wg. I Trira-fiai, sg. 2 + wg. i Trord-ofiai, Ig. 2 + wg. i Trcora-
oiiai, wg. 2 + sg. I vrfj-vai : base *peta-, spread out, fly.
sg. i+wg. I Skr. bhAvi-tum from *bhewi-tum, to he,
wg. 2 + sg. I Lat. -bam from *-bhwam, wg. 2 + wg. i €-0u
from *6.bhw9t, wg. 2 + wg. 2 (f>v-arc9 : base *bhewa-, be.
sg. I + wg. I Kepa-(rai, wg. 2 + sg. i Ki-Kpd-/iai : base
*kera-, mix. sg. i + wg. i T€\a-fia>v, wg. i + wg. i e-rdXa'
(T<ra (Hesych.), wg. 2 + sg. i tXtjtos, Dor. rAaro9, Lat.
latus : base *teia-, bear, endure.

62 Phonology [§ 98

CHAPTER V

THE PRIMITIVE INDO-GERMANIC
CONSONANTS

§ 98. The Indo-Germanic parent language had the
following system of consonants :—

Labial. Dental. Palatal. Velar.

S /tenues p

'% J mediae b

"^ tenues aspiratae ph

kj V mediae aspiratae bh

-, . ^ f voiceless
Spirants \ . ,
^ { voiced

Nasals m

Liquids

Semivowels w (u) j (i)

Note. — i. Explosives are consonants which are formed with
complete closure of the mouth passage, and may be pronounced
with or without voice, i. e. with or without the vocal cords
being set in action ; in the former case they are said to be
voiced (e. g. the mediae), and in the latter voiceless (e. g. the
tenues). The aspirates are pronounced like the simple tenues
and mediae followed by an h, like the Anglo-Irish pronuncia-
tion of t in tell.

The palatal explosives are formed by the front or middle of
the tongue and the roof of the mouth (hard palate), like g, k (c)
in English get, good, kid, could ; whereas the velars are
formed by the root of the tongue and the soft palate (velum).
The latter do not occur in English, but are common in Hebrew,
and are often heard in the Swiss pronunciation of German. In
the parent Indo-Germanic language there were two kinds of
velars, viz. pure velars and velars with lip rounding. The
latter are here indicated by w. The palatal and velar nasals

t

k

q. q''

d

g

^'9"

th

kh

qh, qwfa

dh

gh

gh,gwh

s

z

?j

n

fi

^

l,r

§ pS] Primitive Indo-Germanic Consonants 6t,

only occurred before their corresponding explosives, fik, fig ;
qq, qg, &c.

2. Spirants are consonants formed by the mouth passage
being narrowed at one spot in such a manner that the outgoing
breath gives rise to a frictional sound at the narrowed part.

z only occurred before voiced explosives, e. g. *nizdos = Lat.
nidus, English nest ; *ozdos = Gr, 6l!,o<i, Goth, asts, bough.

3. The nasals and liquids had the functions both of vowels
and consonants (§ 64).

4. The essential difference between the so-called semivowels
and full vowels is that the latter always bear the accent of the
syllable in which they occur, e. g. in English c6w, stdin the
first element of the diphthong is a vowel, the second a con-
sonant ; but in words like French rw4 (written roi), bj^r
(written biere), the first element of the diphthong is a con-
sonant, the second a vowel. In consequence of this twofold
function, a diphthong may be defined as the combination of
a sonantal with a consonantal vowel. And it is called a falling
or rising diphthong according as the stress is upon the first or
second element.

5. From the above system of consonants have been excluded
certain rare sounds which only existed in the parent language
in combination with other sounds, viz. sh and zh, )> and d,
})h and dh.

sh and zh only occurred in combination with tenues and
mediae and arose from the older combinations, tenues aspiratae
and mediae aspiratae -f s, as tsh, psh, dzh, bzh from older
ths, phs, dhs, bhs.

)) and d only occurred after palatals and velars which were
originally unaspirated, as k)), q]j, gd, gd.

Jjh and dh only occurred after palatals and velars which
were originally aspirated, as kj)h, qj)h, gdh, gdh from older
khj), qh)>, ghd, ghd. In the present state of our knowledge
it is impossible to determine how these four spirants were pro-
nounced in the parent language. In Greek they became
t'sounds, and in Sanskrit, Latin, Germanic and the Baltic-
Slavonic languages they became s-sounds. See §§ 226-6.

64

Phonology

[§§ 99-100

6. The tenues aspiratae and the mediae aspiratae only
occurred before vowels, semivowels, liquids and nasals. When
they came to stand before explosives or spirants, they became
deaspirated, as pth, bdh, tsh, dzh from older pht, bht, ths,
dhs, see § 108.

7. It is doubtful whether the parent language had a spirant j,
see § 227.

§ 90. The following tables contain the normal equivalents
of the Indg. explosives in Greek, Latin, Old Irish, prim.
Germanic, Gothic, Sanskrit and the Baltic-Slavonic lan-
guages. For examples see the paragraphs dealing with
labial, dental, palatal and velar explosives.

§100.

I. The Tenues.

Indg.

Gr.

Lat.

O.Ir.

p. Ger-
manic.

Goth.

Skr.

Lith.

O.Slav.

P

n

P

—

f, t),b

f,b,b

P

P

P

t

T

t

t,th

>,d,d

)>,d,d
h,5, g

t

t

t

k

K

c

c

X.S

i

sz

s

q

K

c

c

X>8

h.5»g

k,c

k

k,£

qw

Tr,T,K

qu,c

c

xw,5w

lv,5,w

k, c

k

k.2

Note. — i. On the development of the Indg. pure and
labialized velars in Greek, Sanskrit, Lithuanian and Old
Slavonic see §§ 195-210.

2. In Lat. p and c disappeared medially before s-f- con-
sonant and initially before s; pn, tn, tsn>nn; tt, ts>s8;
tsl>ll; tl>l initially and cl medially; cn>gn; and ncn>n
with lengthening of a preceding vowel ; qu > c before u and
consonants.

3. In O.Ir. p disappeared initially and medially between
vowels ; sp > s, f initially and so medially ; pt, ps, rp > cht, ss,

§ loi]

The Mediae

65

rr; tt, ts, st>ss; t and c disappeared before nasals and
liquids ; cs, ct, ret, nc > ss, cht, rt, gg.

4. The Indg. tenues p, t, k, q, q^ became in prim. Germanic
the voiceless spirants f, J>, x> X^ = Goth, f, J), h, hr. These
voiceless spirants as also Indg. s became by Vemer's Law the
voiced spirants ft, a, g, jw, z (see § 103, note 2) medially and
finally when the vowel next preceding them did not, according
to the original Indg. system of accentuation, bear the principal
accent of the word. The Indg. tenues remained unshifted in
the combination s + tenuis, and t also remained unshifted in
the Indg. combinations pt, kt, qt. In some words the Indg.
velars, when preceded or followed by a w or another labial in
the same word, appear in the Germanic languages as labials by
assimilation, as Goth. fimf,yfy^, wulfs, wolf— Indg. *per)q'^e,
*wlqWos.

§ 101. 2. The Mediae.

Indg.

Gr.

Lat.

O.Ir.

P. Ger-
manic.

Goth.

Skr.

Lith.

O.Slav.

b

/3

b

b

P

P

b

b

b

d

5

d

d

t

t

d

d

d

g

y

g

g

k

k

J

z

z

9

y

g

g

k

k

g.j

g

g,2

9'

^Ay

v,gu,g

b,g

kw

q

gj

g

%,i

Note. — i. On the development of the Indg. pure and
labialized velars in Gr. Lat. Skr. Lith. and O.Slav, see
§§ 196-210.

2. In Lat. bn, dn, dm, dl>mn, nn, mm, 11 (but 1 initially),
ld>ll; initial dj, dw, gn>j, b, n.

3. In O.Ir. d, g disappeared before 1, n, r; bn>mn; mb,
dm > mm ; db, gb > bb ; dg > gg ; gd > dd.

4. The Indg. mediae b, d, g, g, gw became in prim. Ger-
manic the tenues p, t, k, kw.

r

66

§102.

Phonology

3. The Tenues Aspiratae.

[§ lOJ

, The tenues aspiratae were rare sounds in the Indg.
parent language. Sanskrit and Greek were the only
languages which preserved them in historic times. In
prim. Keltic, Germanic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages
they fell together with the original tenues.

Indg.

Gr.

Lat.

O.Ir.

P. Ger-
manic.

Goth.

Skr.

Lith.

O.Slavi

ph

<t>

f,b

—

f,t),b

f,t>,b

ph

P

P

th

6

f,b,d

t, th

)',d,d

^d, d

th

t

t

kh

X

h,f,g

c

X'§

h»5»g

?ch

sz

s

qh

X

li,(f),g

c

Xi S

h, 5, g

kh,ch

k

k,£

qwh

0>^.X

f,v,gu

c

XW, gw

hr,5,w

kh,ch

k

k,2

Examples of the tenues aspiratae in Greek and Sanskrit
are : —

ph: cr(f>apaYio/j.ai, I crack, crackle, Skr. sphurjati, he
cracks; <T(f>rjv, Skr. sphydh, wedge; o-^eAay, Skr. phdla-
\LSiva., footstool.

th: olada, Skr. vettha, thouknowest; vXaOavov, a platter
or mould to bake in, Skr. prthiih, broad; fiodos, battle-din,
Skr. mdnthati, he shakes, twists. Indg. sth became <tt,
as i(rTT]fjLi, Skr. tisthami, / stand; o-tvXo?, pillar, Skr.
sthurdh, strong; superlative suffix -icttos = Skr. -isthah.

kh : a-xi^co, Lat. scindo, / split, Skr. chindtti from
*skhindtti, he splits, OE. scadan, to divide; a-ydco, I slit,
Skr. chydti, he slits.

qh : Kaxd^co, I laugh, Skr. kakhati, he laughs ; Koyxos,
Lat. congius, Skr. saijkhih, muscle.

§ I03]

The Mediae Aspiratae

67

q^h: <f>dX\ri, OE. hwael, whale; <r^dX\ofiat, I stumble,
Skr. skhalate, he stumbles.

§103.

4. The Mediae Aspiratae,

Indg.

Gr.

Lat.

O.Ir. PGer-

manic.

Goth.

Skr.

Lith.

O.Slav.

bh

0

f,b

b i b,b

b,b

bh

b
d

b

dh

d

f,b,d

d 1 d,d

d, d

dh

d

gh

X

h,f,g

g

s.g

S'g

h

z

z

9h

X

h,(f).g

g

s»s

5.g

gh,h

g

S.i

gwh

0.^,X

f, v,gu

g

5W,5,w

S'W

gh,h

g

e,i

Note. — i. In prim. Greek and Italic (Lat. Oscan, Umbrian,
&c.) the mediae aspiratae became voiceless and thus fell
together with the original tenues aspiratae.

2. The mediae aspiratae became in prim. Germanic the
voiced spirants, t>, d, §, §w, and thus fell together with the
voiced spirants which arose from the Indg. tenues by Vemer's
Law (§ 100, note 4). These sounds underwent the following
changes during the prim. Germanic period : — b, d initially, and
b, d, 5 medially after their corresponding nasals, became the
voiced explosives, b, d, g. b, d, g remained in other positions,
and their further development belongs to the history of the
separate Germanic languages. In Goth, b, d (written b, d)
remained medially after vowels, but became explosives (b, d)
after consonants. They became f, p finally after vowels and
before final -s. § remained medially between vowels, and
medially after vowels before voiced consonants, but became x
(written g) finally after vowels and before final -s. It became
g initially, and also medially after consonants.

Prim. Germanic gw became § before u, in other cases
it became w.

F 2

68 Phonology [§§ 104-6

§ 104. From what has been said in §§ 100-3 it will be
seen that several of the Indg. explosives fell together in
the various languages. In Keltic, Germanic and the
Baltic-Slavonic languages the tenues aspiratae fell together
with the original tenues. Sanskrit is the only language
which preserved the original mediae aspiratae. In Greek
and Latin they fell together with the original tenues aspira-
tae. In Keltic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages they fell
together with the original mediae. In Greek, Latin, Keltic
and the Germanic languages the pure velars fell together
with the original palatals, but were kept apart in Sanskrit
and the Baltic-Slavonic languages. In Sanskrit and the
Baltic-Slavonic languages the labialized velars fell together
with the pure velars, but were kept apart in Greek, Latin,
Germanic and partly also in the Keltic languages.

Indg. Sound-Changes.

§ 106. The consonants underwent various sound-changes
during the prim. Indg. period, i. e. before the parent lan-
guage became differentiated into the separate I ndo-Germanic
languages. The most important of these sound-changes
are given in the following paragraphs.

§ 106. Mediae became tenues before voiceless conso-
nants, as ^€vkt6s, Skr. yuktdh, Lat. junctus, Lith,
jiinktas, Indg. *juqt6s, yoked, beside (vyov, Skr. yugdm,
Lat. jugum, Indg. "jugdm, _yo^^ ; olcrda, Skr. vettha, thou
knowest, beside ol8a, veda, / know ; loc. pi. noaai, noai,
Skr. patsu, beside nom. pi. iroSis, padah ; Lat. nuptum,
nupsi : nubere ; rectum, rexi : regere ; Goth, giban, to
give, beside fra-gifts, a giving, espousal; OE. bringan, to
bring, beside brohte, / brought ; and similarly in Gr. av^co,
aif^dva) : Lat. augeo, Lith. dugu, / increase, grow ; d-vivTos,
unwashed, Skr. niktdh, washed, i^tyjro) : vi^o) from *nigjo ;
Xi^co, i\iKTo : Xeyct) ; Tptyjrco, TiTpinraL : Tpt^co.

§§ 107-9] Indg. Sound-Changes 69

§ 107. Voiceless consonants became voiced before voiced
explosives and z, as (^Sofio^ : iTTTci ; kiri-^Sai (nom. pi.),
the day after the feast, where -/S^- is the weak form of *ped-,
foot, cp. Skr. upa-bdd-, stamping, trampling ; Skr. niddh,
Lat. nidus, OE. nest, from *ni-zdos, nest, where n\'=down,
and -zd- is the weak form of *sed-, sit ; /S^eco from *^z8€ot>
where ^zS is the weak form of *pezd- which occurs in Lat.
pedo; and similarly Kv^Srji/, nXiySrjv, KXi^S-qv : kvuto),
irXiKO), KXeTTTCo ; ypdpSrju, ^piy8r)v : yiy pavTai, ^i^peKvai ;
Hom. i!'/8/3aXXco : v7ro-^dXX<o.

§ 108. When two aspiratae came together the first one
became de-aspirated, as imperative TreTriadi from *bhebhid«.
dhi, older *bhebhidh.dhi : TriiroiOa. This combination of
consonants was rare in the parent language.

§ 109. When an aspirata came to stand before s or before
one or more unaspirated explosives, the aspiration became
transferred to the last consonant. When the aspirata was
voiced the whole group became voiced, as aia-xos from
*aighskos, Goth, diwiski from *ai5wisk-, shame, disgrace ;
ia-y^aros from *eghskatos : e^ ; Xia^xv from "^legzgha,
older *leghska : Xexoy; ndayo} from *patskh6, older
*pnthsko, Indg. *qnthsk6 : naduu ; ^ii/09 from *gzhen-,
older *ghsenv Goth, gasts, guest, stranger, Lat. hostis ;
■^coco from *bzh6-, older *bhs6- : Skr. bd-bhasti, he chews,
devours. Cp. § 225.

The sound-law whereby bht, ght became bdh, gdh =
prim. Greek nd, k6 was obliterated by new formations
made after the analogy of forms which regularly had r, as
in /SXtTTToy : /SXeTTCo ; TiTpnrTai, d-rpiTTTOs : rpf^co ; iri-
nXcKTUi, 7rXe<r6y : TrXiKot) ; eXe/cro, Xe/croy : Xeyco. And as
combinations like psh, bzh, from older phs, bhs, regularly
became ps in prim. Greek (§ 225), the above sound-laws
may, so far as historic Greek is concerned, be formulated
as follows : 0, x appear as tt, k before a following r or cr,
as yiy parrrai, ypd-^oa : ypd(f>a) ; aXen^eo : dXd(f>(6 ; poTrrSs :

70 Phonology [§§ iic-12

(TTei^co : (rTci\a).

Every Indg. dental + s became ts (§110) in prim. Greek,
for the further development of which see § 166.

§ 110. When two dental explosives came together a
spirantal glide was developed between them, which is
generally written •»*, as t«t, Mh, d'd, d'dh. These com-
binations became in prim. Greek o-t (= Skr. tt, Lat.
Germanic ss), (r$, z8, a-6. Every original dental + t
appears in Greek as o-t. Examples are : — d-ta-TO?, unseen,
unknown, Skr. vittdh, known, OE. ge-wiss, sure, certain,
Lat. visus from *vissus ; fcrre : ol8a ; vcTTipos, Skr.
iittarah, latter; pp. Skr. sattdh, sitten, OE. sess, seat,
Lat. ob-sessor : *sed-, sit; dwaro^, d-naa-To^ : dvvTco,
7raT€0fj.ai ; kco-to^ from *kcvt-t69 : Kfureeo. KkKoarai :
K€Ka8fi€U09 ; i-^eva-Tai : yjrfvSa). oia6a, Skr. vettha, thou
knowest : oJSa, veda, / know. TrkirnaTaL : ttciOco. rjpei-
a6r}v : epeiSoo. ineia-drju : TTfiOco. fia(6s, breast, Skr.
medah, fat.

§ 111. Tenues often alternated with mediae especially
before or after nasals, as a-KaTrdvr) : Lat. scabo ; Skr.
dasdt- : SckuS- ; Trdaa-aXos from *7raK/'aXoy : Trriyvvfii,
Lat. pango, TroiKiXo^ : Lat. pingo, Slkt], Lat. dice : SeSn-
yjiai, eiKO<ri : Lat. viginti.

The alternation between mediae aspiratae and mediae
was also not uncommon, as acrre/z^T^y : o-tI/z/Sco, d<f)p6^ :
ofi^po9 ; nXivOos : English flint, TrvOfiijv : irvv8a^ ; Skr.
ahdm : ky6, Lat. ego, Goth, ik ; Skr. hdnuh, jawbone :
yevv9, Goth, kinnus, cheek ; Skr. mahan : fiiyas, Goth,
mikils; and similarly between tenues and tenues aspiratae,
as 7rXaTV9 : Skr. prthuh, broad, rrXdOavov, board ; irdro? :
Skr. p4nthah, path. The reasons for these alternations
are unknown. For further examples see Brugmann,
Grundriss, 4'C; vol. i, second ed., pp. 629-35.

§ 112. s + consonant often alternated with the simple

§§ "3-T5] Indg. Consonant-System 71

consonant, as a-Tiyo^ : T€yo9, Lat. tego ; a-Tevoo, I groan :
Lat. tonare ; cKaipco : KopSd^ ; a-fitXr} : Goth, mditan,
to cut, hew.

CHAPTER VI

THE GREEK DEVELOPMENT OF THE INDG.
CONSONANT-SYSTEM

§ 118. Before entering upon the history of the individual
consonants, it will be well to treat here several points
concerning the Greek consonants in general.

§ 114. The Indg. mediae aspiratae became tenues aspi-
ratae in prim. Greek as also in prim. Italic, and thus fell
together with and underwent all further changes in common
with the Indg. tenues aspiratae (§ 103, note i). For examples
see §§ 162, 177, 193, 201, 209.

§ 116. Aspirates became de-aspirated in prim. Greek as
also in prim. Sanskrit when the next syllable or the next
but one began with an aspirate : —

7raxv9, thick, targe, stout, Skr. bahiih, abundant; ndOay,
Lat. fide, Indg. *bh6idh6 ; mvO^TaL, he asks, inquires, Skr.
bodhati, he learns, is awake; ttvO/jlt]!/, Skr. budhndh,
bottom, depth ; d/ji7r€)(Q> from *dfj.<f>-ex^'

TaxLCTTOs : 6a(T(T(i)v, Odrrcov ; TLOrjfii from *dhidhemi, Skr.
dddhami, I put, place ; Tpi\a) : dpi^ofiai ; Tp€(f>(o : OpiyjrcD;
Tpixo? : 6pi^.

Kixv/iai, K€XVKa : xico ; Kixprifiai : xpaofiai ; K€<PaXT]
from *x€(f>a\d ; XiKpi<pi9 : Xexp^oy.

And similarly with the spiritus asper, as dfxados : Engl.
sand; avo9 from *avho9 older *havho9, Lith. sausos, dry,
withered; eSidXou : e<5oy, Skr. sddas*, seat; txco : e^co,
o-Xe^i/. See §213,1.

Note. — Forms like irfvaofiai, ttcio-w, ixv07]v, i(fidv$r]v, &c.
were new formations due to the influence of forms like irfvOofiai,

72 Phonology [§§ 1 16-17

§ 116. A tenuis, whether original or from an older media
(§ 106), was written tenuis aspirata before a following 0.
This was not a sound-change but merely a kind of graphic
assimilation, as iKXicpdrjv, e7re/jL(f>6r}v, kppi(f)6r}v, kTpi<f>Br)v,
kTr\iy6r)v : KXi-rrTco, TrifMuoo, ptTTTco, Tpiirco, TrXe/cco ;
€Tpi<f>6T]u, k\^\6-qv, e/j.i\6r}v : rpi/Sco, Xeyco, jiLyvvjJii.

Assimilation of Consonants.

§ 117. TT, ft, (f> + fi > /z//,as ^Xefi/xa : pXeirco; XiXei/xfxai :
XetTTO) ; ofifjLa from *67r/xa : Lat. oculus, Lith. akis, eye ;
T€Tpififiai : rpt^a> ; ypdiifia, yiypa/x/xai : ypd(f>(o ; yjrdnfios :

/81/ > fiv, as a//»/oy from *d^v6s : Lat. agnus ; ipefivos :
€p€^09 ; (re/jLvos : ai^ofiai.

S, r + TT > TTir, as Hom. oirncos from *6'5-7rci)y ; Kdnir^cn
from */far-7reo-e.

(5A > XX, as Lac. eXXa, Lat. sella, from *sedla : OE.
setl, seat; TriXXCrpov from *Tri8-XvTpov.

yv > yv, as ylyvojiaL = yif^uo/xai. See § 189.

Xi/ > XX, as oXXvfii from *6Xvvfii ; Lesb. ^oXXofiai from
*^6Xj/o/;£a^

Before explosives »' became the corresponding homor-
ganic nasal, as TraXifXTvai?, a-v/jL^dXXoo, TraXiyyeveaia.

uX > XX, as TraXfXXoyoy, o-vXXoyoy.

pfi > jiji, as kiniivo), aviijxayo^.

vp > pp, as <Tvppd7rT(o, crvppio).

Antevocalic fia > /x/x in Lesb. and Thess., which became
simplified to fx in the other dialects with lengthening of the
preceding vowel, as Lesb. evefx/ia, Att. Ion. evei/xa, Dor.
evTj/xa : vifxco. See § 216.

Antevocalic va- > vv in Lesb. and Thess., which became
simplified to v in the other dialects with lengthening of the
preceding vowel, as Lesb. fxfjvuo?, Thess. /x(lvv6s, Dor.
Att. Ion. fiT]v69 : Lat. mensis. See § 216.

Medial <rX > XX, which remained in Lesb., after short

§ ii8] The Semivowels 73

vowels, but became simplified to X in the other dialects, as
Lesb. XWao^f Att. 'Ckao^, from *(ncr\afo9. See § 215.

Medial a/i > /x/x in Lesb. and Thess., which became
simplified to fi in the other dialects with lengthening of the
preceding vowel, as Lesb. Thess. efifii, Dor. ri/iC, Att. Ion.
el /XL : Skr. dsmi, / am. See § 214.

Medial av > vv in Lesb. and Thess., which became
simplified to v in the other dialects, as Lesb. <f>aevv6^, Ion.
<pa€iu69, Att. (p&vos, from *(J)af€(ru6s. See § 214.

On the prim. Gr. assimilation of the combination T<r, see
§166.

T<rv > vv, as fiXivvos from *PX€t<tvo9, see § 223.

The Semivowels.

§ 118. w and j, generally called u- and i-consonant, are
the consonants corresponding to the vowels u and i with
which they often interchange in different forms of the same
word, as Indg. *swepnos, Skr. svdpnah, beside *supn6s,
Gr. vTTvos; Ion. yovva from *yovfa beside yovv; (f>evy(o
beside i(f>vyov] Indg. *djetis, Skr. dyauh, sky, Gr. ZeiJy
beside loc. Skr. divi, Gr. ALfi) Indg. *jenti, Skr. ydnti,
they go, beside *im6s, Skr. imdh, Dor. f/zes, we go ; XetVei)
beside iXivov. In many philological works u- and i-conso-
nant are written u and i in order to indicate their close
relationship to the vowels u and i. In this grammar they
are written u and i when they form the second element of
a tautosyllabic diphthong, as (f>€ijya), Xeiirco, oiKei, Zev, in
all other positions they are written w or respectively f and
j. It should be noted that u-consonant remained in the
oldest period of the language not only as the second
element of diphthongs but also in other positions ; whereas
i-consonant only remained as the second element of tauto-
syllabic diphthongs, in all other positions it either dis-
appeared or became some other sound.

Beside i-consonant it is generally supposed that the Indg.

74 Phonology [§§ 119-20

parent language had a spirant j initially which is repre-
sented in Greek by ^, but which fell together with i-con-
sonant in all the other Indg. languages, cp. (vyov, Skr.
yugdm, Lat. jugum, Goth, juk, yoke, beside vfids, Skr.
yuydm, Goth, jus, Lith. jus,^^. It is probable however
that this distinction is not original, but is due to a sound-
change which took place in prim. Greek under conditions
that have not yet been discovered. See § 227.

§ 119. In the Indg. parent language postconsonantal w,
j alternated with uw, ij. The former regularly occurred
after short and the latter after long syllables. This original
distinction was best preserved in Sanskrit. In the other
languages it became greatly obscured owing partly to
special sound laws which took place in the separate lan-
guages, and partly to numerous analogical formations
whereby forms with short syllables were remodelled on the
analogy of those with long syllables and vice versa. Regu-
lar forms were : Ion. ovXos, Att. oXoy, from *6\fos = Skr.
sdrvah, whole, all; and similarly Sovpos, Sopos ; fiovvos,
fjLovos ; beside gen. 6(f>pvo9 from *6(f)pvFo^ = Skr. bhnivdh,
cp. OE. nom. pi. bru^wa, eyebrows; Ixdvo^ from *iy6vfo^ ;
SaKpvo^ from *SdKpvf09 : SuKpv ; ^orpvos from *^6Tpvfos :
^orpvs ; dyvvdai from *dyvvfd<TL, cp. Skr. BsnuvktiH, they
attain. dXXos from *d\jos, Lat. alius, Goth, aljis, other;
fii(T<TO^, fiia-os, from Indg. *medhjos = Skr. mddhyah,
Lat. medius, Goth, midjis, middle ; Tre^oy from *Tri8j6^ =
Skr. pidjah, on foot; Xiaiua from *Xi fay/a ; beside dypco^
from *dypijo9 = Skr. ajrfyah ; 1^77(^)^0? = Skr. naviyah ;
Trarp^oy, Skr. pitriyah, Lat. patrius, Indg. *p3trijos,
paternal; dKpios from *dKpi/o9 : dKpis ; gen. rpicov = Goth.

w
§ 120. Indg. w, which probably had the same sound-
value as NE. w in win, remained in the oldest period ot
all the Greek dialects. It was the sixth letter of the

§ i2i] The Semivowels 75

alphabet and was called digamma by later grammarians.
In Att. Ion. it disappeared so early that hardly any trace
of it is left, but in the other dialects the sound remained
until far into historic times, as is shown by inscriptions in
the various dialects. It also began to disappear in these
dialects about the end of the fifth century b. c. In all the
dialects it began to disappear earlier medially than initially,
and initially earlier before o, o), ov than before other vowels.
Upon metrical grounds it can be shown that f must have
been a living sound at the flourishing period of the Greek
epic. It was also still in existence initially among the
Boeotians at the time they adopted the Ionic alphabet at
the end of the fifth century b. c.

§ 121. Initial w disappeared in Att. Ion., but remained
in the oldest period of the other dialects. It also remained
in Latin and the old Germanic languages, but became the
spirant v (= NE. v) in Sanskrit and the Baltic- Slavonic
languages, and f in O.Irish, as oX^a^ Hom. folBa^ Skr.
veda, OE. wat, / know^ Lat. videre ; ^LKoai, Dor. feiKari,
Boeot. F^Kari, Skr. vjlati-, Lat. viginti, O.Ir. fiche, twenty ;
01K09, Cypr. foiKos, Skr. vesdh, house, Lat. vicus, Goth,
weihs, village; oxos : Pamph. F^X^> ^^^- vdhami, Lat.
veho, OE. wege, / carry ; €pyov, Cretan fipyov, Elean
fdpyov, OE. weorc, work) and similarly tap, Lat. ver;
€7roy, Lat. vox ; icrOrjs, Lat. vestis ; eroy, Lat. vetus ; 169,
Lat. virus ; h, U, Lat. vis ; cTid, Lat. vitis ; ohos, Lat.
vinum. Xd<no9 from *f\dTLos ; Xvkos, Skr. vfkah, OE.
wulf, Lith. vilkas, Indg. *wlqos, wolf. Att. ^rJTpd, Elean
fpcLTpd, saying, maxim, Skr. \r2i\Am, command ) pi(a, OE.
wyrt, root ; Att. /cJ^^^y = Lesb. Fpvi^^- Initial f before
consonants was sometimes written /8 in Lesbian and
Boeotian. But as Lesbian inscriptions of the fourth
century b. c. have only p it follows that the /8p in earlier
Lesbian was merely graphical.

Note. — In a few instances we have the spiritus asper where

76 Phonology [f§ 122-3

we should regularly expect the lenis, as Att. Iwviii from
*f(avvfu beside ia-Oi^ ; coTrcpos, Lat. vesper ; cori'd, Lat. Vesta ;
17X09, Lat. vallus ; icn-wp beside r<rr<i>p ; Ikwv, wiliing, Skr.
v&iah, will, pleasure. A satisfactory explanation for the
spiritus asper in these words has not yet been found. It is
highly probable that it has nothing to do with the f, but is due
to the unsettled state of the spiritus asper in Attic of the
fourth century b. c. Cp. its misuse in words like aTrrw, Lat.
apto ; CO)?, Hom. ^cjs, Dor. ows ; tmroS) Lat. equus.

§ 122. Intervocalic f disappeared in Att. Ion., but is fre-
quently met with in some of the other dialects, as Att. Ion.
i/€oy, Skr. ndvah, Lat. nevus, new ; kv-vka, Skr, ndva, Lat.
novem, nine; oU, Skr. dvih, Lat. ovis, Lith. avis, sheep, Goth.
awistr, sheepfold; irrnVf/at, Skr. pivan; swelling ; -q-iOfo^
*ri-fi6efos, bachelor, Skr. vidhdva, O.Ir. fedb, OE. widewe,
widow, cp. Lat. vidua ; gen. Ai(f)6^, Lat. Jovis, cp. Skr.
divdh, of the sky ; gen. Att. fiaa-iXicos, Hom. ^aaiXfjo^,
Cypr. Pa(n\rjfo9 ; /cMoy, dial, of Phocis KXifo^, Skr.
srdvah, renown ; (f>aiiv6^ from *^afi<Tvos ; \apUi^ from
*yapLfiVTi (§ 68, 1) ; XiaLva from *X^favja ; pin, Skr.
srdvati, it flows ; and similarly 6ia>, Opiofiai, vicD (aor.
€veva-a), nXico, nvim, y€<o ; poos, pov9, Cypr. pofos, Skr.
srdvah, Lith. srav^, stream ; and similarly 6o6s, ttXoos,
yoos. It also disappeared between a diphthong and
a following vowel, as Xaios, Lat. laevus ; olos, Cypr.
olfos ; on forms like Sd-qp from *8aiFr]p, au, Cypr. and
dial, of Phocis aifu, see § 57.

§ 128. Medial f before p and X regularly combined with
a preceding vowel to form a diphthong, as Aeol. dvovpay
from *dirofpas ; evpayrj, avprjKTO?, Att. kppdyrj, dpp-qKTOs ;
KaXavpoyjr : poiraXov older *fp6TraXov ; raXavplvos = TaXd-
fplvo9, cp. Lesb. fpTvos, skin, hide. Forms like Att. kppdyrj,
dpp-qKTOs, tppr]^a, fppcoya ; ipp-qdrjv, dpprjTos beside prjTos
had their pp from the initial position before pp became
simplified to p, see § 138.

§ 124] The Semivowels 77

§ 124. Indg. postconsonantal w. In this combination
it is necessary to take into consideration the nature of the
preceding consonant.

1. f disappeared after it, <f>, 6, k = Indg. p, bh, dh (gh),
and pure velar q (§ 195), as vrJTrios from *vi]-7rfios, m/ans.
v7r€p<f>[aXo9, (j>LTv, from *v7r€p-<f)fiaXo^, *<f)flTv, root *bheu«,
be. 6pt}t69, Odvaros from *6fvaT69, *6fdvaTos, cp. Skr.
dhvantdh, covered, dark; opdos, Skr. urdhvdh, straight',
Oaipo^, 60X69, deos, fii6r) from *6fapjos, *BfoX6s, *6fi<ro9,
*fxi6Fr} ; 6-qp, Lesb. <(>Tqp, Lith. zveris, wt'ld animal, Lat.
ferus. Kawvos, Lat. vapor, Lith. kvapas, smoke, vapour.

2. kw became TTTr which was simplified later to tt initially,
as TTTTroy, Skr. dsvah, Lat. equus, horse, Goth, aihra-tundi,
thornbush, lit. horse tooth ; Boeot. to, mrdfiaTa beside Dor.
trdiia, ndcraaOai, from *kwa-, cp. Skr. svatrih, flourish-
ing, prosperous.

3. Initial tw- became aa- which was simplified later to a-,
as o-e, Skr. tva, tvam, thee; <t6s, Skr. tvdh, thy; adKos
beside (Pepe-arcraKij^, cp. Skr. tvdc-, hide, skin, cover;
(Tita) beside Hom. kTn-aadoav, cp. Skr. tvis-, to be excited ;
aopos, coffin, Lith. tveriii, / hold, contain. Medial -tw-
became -tt- in Att. and Boeot., and -o-cr- in the other
dialects, as Att. TiTTapes, Boeot. Trerrapey, Hom. T€(r(rap€9,
Skr. catvarah, Goth. Qdwor, /our.

4. F disappeared after 8, as 8is, Skr. dvih, O.Lat. duis,
later bis, twice ; Sco-ScKa, Skr. dva-d^sa, twelve, cp. Goth.
twdi, two ; in Homer sometimes with metrical lengthening
of a preceding short vowel or with doubling of the 8, as
Hom. voc. d8ii9, 01/869, 8€i8tfXiv, Att. d^eey, 6869, 8i8tfi€y ;
Hom. 6€ov8rJ9 from *0eo8fTJ9, e88€ia-(i', root *dwei-, to fear.

5. Initial sw- became the spiritus asper in Att. Ion., as
iKvp69, Skr. svd^urah, Goth, swaihra., father-in-law ; ^8v9,
Dor. d8v9, Skr. svadiih, Lat. sua vis from *swadwis, OE.
swete, sweet; 09, Skr. svdh, his ; Hom. 6mr(09 from *(rfo8'
TTws; and similarly e,or,Hom. otti, from *afi,*(TfoL, *(xfo8-Ti.

78 Phonology [§§ 125-8

Intervocalic -sw^ disappeared with lengthening of the pre-
ceding vowel, as Dor. vaos, Ion. i^T/oy, Att. i/ewy (§ 72), from
*vaafos ; reX^e^y hom*T(Xi(rfiVTs (§69,1) ; toy from *i<rfo9,
arrow.

6. The combinations uf, pf, Xf remained unchanged in
some dialects until after the beginning of historic times.
In Ionic and some of the Doric dialects the f disappeared
with lengthening of a preceding vowel, and in Attic and
the other dialects without such lengthening, as Ion. tivco,
Att. TivM from *Tivf<j£>, cp. Skr. cinvdti, cinoti, he arranges,
piles up ; and similarly Ion. Kixavoi, (f)ddva>, (pdit/co, beside
Att. Kiy\dv(ji>, (f>6dva>, (f>6iya>; Ion. (ivaros, khvos, fiovvos,
^iLvos, beside Att. ivaros, k€v6s, /jlovos, ^ivos. Ion. ouXoy,
Att. oXoy, Skr. sdrvah, a//; Ion. /cdXoy, Att. /caXoy, Dor.
KaXfos. Ion. Kovprj, Cret. Kcopot, Att. Koprj, Arcad. Kopfa; Ion.
fipo/xai, Sovpo^, (f>dpo9, ovpos, Att. fpo/xat, Sopo^, <pdpo9, opos.

§ 125. Medial f disappeared before j, as 8los from *8lFJos,
Skr. divydh, divine, celestial', Tea-aapd^oios from *-^ofjos
= Skr. gdvyah, consisting of or relating to cattle ; 8ai<o,
KXam, from *8afj<o, *K\afja). See § 129, 5.

§ 126. f disappeared between consonants, as Hom. rirpa-
Tos from *TiTf pares, Lith. ketvirtas, fourth ; Ion. Tirpdy-
KovTa{rom*T€Tfp<t)- ; fem. ttoXXj? lrom*7roX/7'a, cp. Skr. fem.
purvi, many, gen. purvyih.

J

§ 127. Initial j became in Greek the spiritus asper through
the intermediate stage of voiceless j. It remained in all
the other Indg. languages with the exception of Old Irish
where it disappeared, as rjuap, Skr. y^krt, Lat. jecur,
Lith. pi. jeiinos, liver ; oy, Skr. ydh, who, Goth, ja-bdi, tf;
v-fiiT9, Skr. yuydm, Goth, jus, Lith. jus, ^^; d^o/xai from
*jayjo/iai, I honour, Skr. ydjati, he honours.

§ 128. Intervocalic j disappeared in Greek, Latin and
the Keltic languages, but remained in Sanskrit and the

§129] The Semivowels 79

Baltic-Slavonic languages and also in Gothic between
vowels which remained as such in the historic period of
the language, as rpciy, Cret. rpeey, Skr. trdyah, Lat. tres,
O.Ir. tri, Goth. neut. Jjrija, O.Slav, trije, Indg. *trejes,
three ; ^eco from *8ija> ; 5eoy from *8f€jo9 ; gen. klos from
*Kij6s (§330); in adjectives denoting the material of which
a thing is made, as XlO^os from *\[6€jos ; and similarly
dpyvpios, aiy€09, Kvveos, oIkuo^, cp. Lat. aureus, lapideus ;
in iterative, causative and denominative verbs, as Trorio/xai,
Skr. patdyami, / hover ; 6\^(o, Skr. vahdyami, / let drive,
Goth, wagja, / move, shake ; and similarly rpofxio), Tpoirico,
<f)opico, ^o^ico, cp. verbs like Lat. doceo, moneo, noceo,
torreo ; Tlfido), (f>iXi(io, from *Tifidjco, *^iX€ja) ; and similarly
(ouiojxai, ^a(Ti\€V(o, voficvo) (see however § 489), kovlod,
fiaa-Tico, d)(Xva>, yrjpvco, fi^dvco, cp. verbs like Skr. devaydti,
he honours the gods, from devdh, god; Lat. planto, albeo,
finio, statue, from *plantaj6, *albejo, *fmijo, *statuj6.

§ 120. Indg. postconsonantal j. In this combination it
is necessary to take into consideration the nature of the
preceding consonant.

1. wj became ttt, as tttvq) from *7rjvja), Lith. spiduju,
/ spit out ; and similarly OdTrToo, /cXeTrrco, TTTva-a-co, yaXinTai.

2. Xj became XX, as aXXoy, Lat. alius, Goth, aljis, other ;
(f)vXXou, Lat. folium ; icaXXoy, beauty, Skr. kalyah, healthy ;
/3aXXci) from *gjj6 beside e^aXou ; and similarly dXXfcrdai,
ayyeXXo), taXXoa, /iiXXa>, trdXXco, ttoiklXXo), aKdXXo), oreXXo),
TcXXct).

Note. — r. In the Cyprian dial, the j merely palatalized the
X, and the X thus palatalized was expressed by iX, as alXwy,
'AttciXwv = aXXwv, 'AWXXwi', cp. the similar process in O.Ir.
aile from *aljos, *alja, otAer.

3. The combinations a, o + vj, pj, fj became aiv, aip, at,
oiu, oip, as Spaivco from *8pai/ja), Indg. *drnj6 ; and
similarly Kpaivco, fiaiyofiai, fieXaivo), oi/o/xaLvo), iroifxaivco,

Sq Phonology [§ 129

^aivQ); (rnaipct) from *<nrapj<o, Indg. *spj'j6; and similarly
i\6aipa), (TKaipoi ; Bato) from "Safj'co ; koivos from *Koiy6y,
older *K0fj,j6^, cp. Lat. cum ; /zofpa from *fiopja. For
further examples see § 76.

4- *!/» Py^ preceded by e, i, v, became vi^, pp, which re-
mained in Lesbian, but became simplified in Att. Ion. with
lengthening of the vowel, as Att. Ion. /creiVoo, <p6(ip(o,
Arcad. <f)6rjpa>, kXivco, oiKTipoi, 6Xo(Pvpop.ai, beside Lesb.
Krivvo), (pOeppcD, kXlvvco, oiKTippeo, 6Xo(f)vppa> ; and similarly
Tfivoo, kyupoa, Kupco, fjL€ipo/xai, wfipa, T€ip<o, Kptva, irXvv<o,
Kvpco, fjivpo/xai. See § 69, 3.

5. f disappeared in the intervocalic combination fj and
then the j combined with the preceding vowel to form
a diphthong, except in the case of i which simply became
lengthened, as Saico, €vp€ca, Tiora-apd^oios, from *8afj(o,
*evpifja, *-^ofjos, but 8los from 81FJ09. See 3 and 4 above.

6. Indg. t, th, dh+j became to- in prim. Greek, to-
then became <r initially and medially after long vowels,
diphthongs, and consonants, but medially between vowels
it became tt in Boeotian and Cretan (Cret. also (), a- in
Attic and Ionic, and (ra; a in the other dialects, as (ro^€<o,
I scare away, Skr. tyajayati, he expels ; a^fxa, Dor. ordfia,
from *6jdfia, sign, token, Skr. dhyaman-, thought-, aiaa,
ird(Ta, So^a, from *aiTJa, *TravTJa, *8oKTJa ; nom. ace. neut.
pi. Att. oiTTa, Ion. daaa, from *d-TJa ; TiTpa^os from *T€Tpa-
X^jos : T€Tpa\Bd', Ion. 8l^6s, rpi^os : 8c\$d, rpixOd; Lesb.
Hom. jxiacros, Att. Ion. n^ao^, Skr. mddhyah, Lat. medius,
Goth, midjis, middle; Hom. ve/jLiaa-dco, Att. ue/ica-doD, from
*P€/jL€T/a<o ; and similarly Trocro-oy, irpoaaoi, Toaa-os, Att. Ion.
TToao^, 7rp6<Too, Toffos; Boeot. dwoTTos, Cret. oitottos, Att.
oTfocoy.

Note. — 2. The presents of verbs in -j'w, the comparatives
in -j'oiv and feminines in -ja, formed from dental stems, were
in all the dialects remodelled on the analogy of those formed
from K-stems (see 7 below), as Xiaaropju : aor. Xtreo-^ai ; ipirrm,

§ 129] The Semivowels 8i

ipeaa-o) : cpenys ; Kopvorcrtti : Kopvs, Stem Kopvd; like ttcttw, irco-trw ;
fiaXoLTru), /xaXdacru) /taXaxo?. Att. KpeiTTwv, Ion. KpicrcraiV like
YTTwv, ^o-o-wv : ^Kiora. Kirra, Kto"<ra : Kotrai ; fi^Xirra, fieXuraa :
gen. /ncAtTOS ; Orjao-a : ^7/9, gen. drjTOS, like avao-o-a : ava^ ;
<f>oivi(rcra : <f>6tvii.

7. Indg. k, q, kh, qh, gh, gh+j became rr in Att.
Boeot. Thessal. Cret. (Cret. also 60), but (r<r in the other
dialects, as Att. nirra, Ion. mara-a, from *7riKja, Lat. pix,
Lith. pikis, ^//c/f ; Att. rriTTco, Ion. Trecro-eo, / coo^, r/^^«,
Skr. pdcyate, it ripens; Att. Outtcop, Ion. Oda-acou, cp.
rax^y; and similarly Att. TrpctTTO), TrXrJTTco, eXaTxcoi/,
TapaTTco, y\S>TTa = Ion. 7rprj(r<r<o, 7r\rj(T<TQ), kXaaaoav,
Tapdacra), yXaxraa.

TT, <r<r were simplified to r, o- initially, as Hom. o-eve
beside e-o-o-eve, cp. Skr. cydvate, Z;^ moves himself; Att.
T-q/xepou, Ion. (Trjp.€pov, from *Kjd/jL€pov ; Att. reCrXoi/, Ion.
treOrXoi'.

8, Indg. dj and g, g+j became in prim. Greek dz and
then later zd by metathesis. Initial dz became S in Boeot.
Cret. and Laconian, but ^ (= zd) in the other dialects.
Medially after consonants it became S in all the dialects.
Medially after vowels it became SS in Boeot. and Cretan,
but ( (sometimes written aS) in the other dialects, as Att.
Ion. Zei»y, Boeot. Cret. and Laconian Jci^y, Indg. *djeus, cp.
Skr. dyarih, sky ; Boeot. Cret. 8a>€t = Att. Ion. ^mij. tpSoa
from *tpyja). m(6^ from *7re8j69, Skr. pddyah, on foot ;
^X^C^t cp. Skr. chidydte, it is cut off; pi^co, Boeot. piSSco,
from *piyj(o ; <7-0a^o), Boeot. (r(f)d88(o, from *(r(l)dyja> ; and
similarly e^o/xai, kXiri^a), fiiyd^ofiai, d^ofxai, &pTrd^a>, vi(<i>.

9. Initial a-j became the spiritus asper through the inter-
rtiediate stage of voiceless j, as iffx'qv, thin skin, vp.vo^, hymn,
song, Skr. syilman-, string, cord, sjoitdh, sewn.

The medial combinations aaj, oaj, ecj, v<TJ became at, 01,
(I, VI, but laj became I, as vai<o from ^vacrjaa, cp. vdaaai ;

G

82 Phonology [§§ 130-2

XiXaiofiat from *\iXa(Tjofjiai ; Horn, tolo from *Toajo — Skr.
tdsya ; Horn. TeXet'o), reXeo), Att. reXcS, from *reXe{r;"<u,
cfjyv from *i(rjr}v, Skr. syam, / way be ; Horn, t^ura from
*fi8v(rja = Skr. vidti§i, gen. vidiiSyah ; Koytco from */for^-
<r/co. For further examples see § 76.

§ 130. j disappeared after a consonant + nasal, as iXavuco
from *k\afvja) ; Oepfio) from *$€p/iJ(o ; ^aetVco from *0a-
f€<ryj<o ; and similarly fiipifiva, ToXfia.

The Liquids.
§ 131. The Indg. parent language had two liquids : 1 and
r. Apart from cases of dissimilation, which are common
in most languages, the two sounds were regularly kept
apart in Armenian and the European languages, but in
Iranian and partly also in the Indian group of dialects
they fell together in r. According to Whitney, Sanskrit
Grammar, § 53, ' r and 1 are very widely interchangeable
in Sanskrit, both in roots and in suffixes, and even in
prefixes : there are few roots containing 1 which do not
show also forms with r ; words written with the one letter
are found in other texts, or in other parts of the same text,
written with the other. In the later periods of the language
they are more separated, and the 1 becomes decidedly more
frequent, though always much rarer than the r.* From this
it may be inferred that where 1 and r exist side by side in
the same word, it is due to a mixture of dialects, as in
lehmi beside rehmi, / itck.

1
§ 132. Indg. 1 generally remained in Greek as also in
the other European languages, as dXXo?, Lat. alius, O.Ir.
aile, Goth, aljis, other; aXy, Lat. sal, O.Ir. salann, OE.
sealt, salt; d/iiXyco, Lat. mulgeo, OE. meolce, I milk;
/fXeTrro), Lat. clepo, Goth, hlifa, / steal; kXvto^, Skr.
Irutdh, Lat. in-clutus, renowned, cp. O.Ir. cloth, renown,
OE. hleo]>or, sound, melody; Xiiiroi, Lat. linquo, Lith.

§§ 133-6] The Liquids 83

lekd, / leave, Skr. rindkti, he leaves, Goth, leihra, / lend ;
pf. \k\onra ■=■ Skr. rireca ; Xetxa), Skr. rehmi, lehmi, Lat.
lingo, OE. liccie, / lick) Xexoy, Lat. lectus, O.Ir. lige,
^^4 co«c/!, OE. licgan, to lie down ; ve(f>i\rj, Lat. nebula,
OHG. nebul, cloud, mist; Ion. oyXoy, Att. oXos, Skr.
sdrvah, wAo/?, all.

§ 133. In some of the Doric dialects X became v before
T and 6, as pivria-To^, (piPTarai, ei^cov, ^vdc^ = ^iXria-TO^,
(f>i\TaTai, eXdcou, ^X6(9.

§ 134. In the Cretan dialect anteconsonantal X became
u-consonant and then combined with the preceding vowel to
form a diphthong, as avKcc, avy€iv=^d\Krj, dXyeij/ ; devyco,
€v6hv, d8€v<f>iaL = Hom. diXyco, iXOdv, d8eX(f>eai, sisters.
Cp. Mod. northern dialects aud, oud, old) kaud, koud, cold.

§ 136. Occasionally X became p and vice versa by dis-
similation. This phenomenon is common in all the Indg.
languages and especially in Greek and Latin, as dpyaXios
from *aXyaXeoy ; K€(paXapycd beside K€(f)aXaXyLd ; Lat.
Aleria beside JlXaXi'a ; Lat. caeruleus : caelum. Q-qX-qr-qp
beside Oqprjrqp ; fiop/j.oXvTToiJ.aL : fxopfiopo^ ; Lat. culter
from *certros ; pelegrinus from peregrinus ; fraglo beside
fra.gro.

§ 136. Indg. r generally remained in Greek, as ipvOpo^,
Skr. rudhirdh, Lat. ruber, O.Ir. ruad, OE. read, Lith.
raMas, red) epe^o^, Skr. rdjas-, Goth, riqis, darkness;
l/OTTO), Skr. sdrpRmi, Lat. serpo, / creep ) ^epco, Skr.
bhdrami, Lat. fero, O.Ir. berim, Goth, baira, O.Slav,
bera, / hear) rpeh, Skr. triyah, Lat. tres, O.Ir. tri,
Goth. ))reis, O.Slav, trije, three) dp6<o, Lat. aro, Goth,
arja, Lith. ariii, I plough, O.Ir. arathar, />/o«^A ; aypoy,
Lat. ager, Goth, akrs, field, Skr. djrah, a plain ; iropKo^,
Lat. porous, OE. fearh, pig) irar-qp, Skr. pitdr., Lat.
pater, O.Ir. athir, OE. idtder, father. See § 77.

G 2

84 Phonology [§§ 137-40

§ 137. Indg. sr became voiceless pp which was later
simplified to p initially, as pkcc, Skr. srdvami, Lith. sraviii,
I flow, beside KaTa-pp((o ; po(fii<o, Lat. sorbeo, Lith. srebiil,
I gulp down. See § 215.

§ 138. Indg. wr became p initially (through the inter-
mediate stage of pp) in the course of the individual dialects,
as Att. prjTpd, Elean Fparpd, saytng, maxim, Skr. vratdm,
command, saying. See § 121.

The Nasals.

§ 139. The Indg. parent language had four kinds of
nasals — labial m, dental n, palatal fl, and velar q, corre-
sponding to the four classes of explosives p, t, k, q. Of
these the palatal and velar nasals only occurred before
their corresponding explosives and underwent in the
different languages all changes in the place of articulation
in common with these explosives, as Indg. *per)qe = nevTi,
Lesb. Tri/iwe, Skr. pdiica, Goth, fimf, Lith. penki, flve ;
Indg. *p^r)qtos = nifiirTo?, Lat. quintus, Goth, fimfta-,
Lith. pefiktas, fl/ih ; Indg. *aiigho = dyxco, Lat. ango,
cp. Goth, aggwus, OE. enge, narrow. The dental and
labial nasals occurred also in other positions. All the
nasals had in Greek a weak articulation before explosives
and (T which accounts for their frequent omission on
inscriptions and for nasals of all kinds being expressed by
V in archaic Greek orthography.

m

§ 140. Indg. m generally remained initially and medially
in Greek, as Att. Ion. p-rjTrjp, Dor. fiar-qp, Skr. matdr*,
Lat. mater, O.Ir. mathir, OE. modor, O.Slav, mati,
mother; /xiXi, Lat. mel, O.Ir. mil, Goth, mill)), honey;
fiv9, Skr. mils-, Lat. OE. miis, mouse; y6/x0oy, boU, nail,
Skr. jdmbhah, tooth, OE. camb, comb ; djii, Skr. dsmi,

§§ 1 4 1-5] The Nasals 85

Lat. sum, Lith. esmi, / am ; e/iico, Skr. vdmami, Lat.
vomo, / vomit) r\\Li-y Skr. sami, Lat. semi., OE. sam-,
half\ <pipo/ji€i^, Skr. bhdramah, Lat. ferimus, Goth.bairam,
we bear.

§ 141. Final m became n, as iKarov, Skr. satdm, Lat.
centum, hundred ; (vyov, Skr. yugdm, Lat. jugum, yoke ;,
i(f>ipov — Skr. dbharam, cp. Lat. eram ; gen. pi. Xvkohv
— Skr. vfkanam; ace. sing, of vocalic stems, asXuKOj/=Skr.
vf kam, Lat. lupum ; top = Skr. tdm, Lat. is-tum ; Skr.
dsvam = Lat. equam, cp. x^P^^ > tV'^ — Skr. tam, Lat.
is-tam ; ^daiv = Skr. gdtim, cp. Lat. partim, sitim ;
ilBvv = Skr. svaddm. eV, x'^^^y ^^^' ksam-, earth ; X'-^^*
Lat. hiem', winter, from *'4ii, *xOco/ji, *x^^A'> with u levelled
out into the oblique cases : eVoy, x^ov^9, X'-^^^^> ^^'

§ 142. mj became nj, as /SatVco from *^auj<o, older *^a/xjco,
Indg. *gmj6, Lat. venio, cp. Goth, qiman, to come ; koivos
from *Kovjos, older *KOfxjos, cp. Lat. cum, com-, and quon-
iam from *quom-jam.

§ 143. mt became nt, as avr\ov, cp. dfxdo), I gather in ;
fipouTTJ, cp. ^p€/x<o, I roar; yivTo, he grasped, cp. M.Ir.
%emQ\, fetter.

§ 144. ms became ns and then the nasal disappeared in
all the dialects in the combination ns + consonant without
lengthening of the preceding vowel (see § 153), as Sea-rroTrji
from *8€/i9, gen. of *^e/z-, house. When the ns was not
followed by another consonant the nasal disappeared in
most of the dialects with lengthening of the preceding
vowel, as Att. Ion. ely, Dor. rj^, but Cret. €vs, from *e/zy,
cp. Lat. semel, semper.

§ 145. ml, mr became mbl, mbr which were simplified to
bl, br initially, as /3Ac6o-/coo, /xefx^XooKa, e/xo\ou ; ^XaSapo^,
flaccid, Skr. mrduh, soft; /3Aa^, ^Xrjxpo?, beside fxaXaKos ;
PXco6p6^, shooting up, high growing, Skr. murdha, head;
ISXiTTCD from *fiXiTT(o, cp. p-iXi. fiporSs = Skr. mrtdh,
mortal, beside dji^poTos — Skr. am^tah ; fxia-qn^pta, mid-

86 Phonology [§§146-8

day, beside rifiipd. Cp. words like NE. humble, number,
Fr. humble, nombre, beside Lat. ace. humilem, numerum.

§ 146. Prim. Greek -fiv-, the weak grade of -fieu; was
simplified to -v- after long vowels, as inf. yvwvai from
*yva>iivai beside y)/d>fi€vai ; and similarly dfjvai, Safjuai,
(TTrjvai, &c., cp. § 546.

n

§147. n generally remained in Greek, as Ao^, Skr.
ndvah, Lat. nevus, Goth, niujis, Lith. naujas, new ; vk(l>os,
cloud, Skr. ndbhas-, Lat. nebula, OHG. nebul, /o^, mist)
vv^, Skr. ndktih, Lat. nox, Goth, nahts, Lith. naktis,
night; ovofia, Skr. nama, Lat. nomen, OE. nama, name ;
ivr}, the day before the new moon, Skr. sdnah, Lat. senex,
O.Ir. sen, Goth, sineigs, Lith. senas, old; ykvos, Skr.
jdnas-, Lat. genus, Goth, kuni, race, generation ; yvcoro?,
Skr. jiiatdh, known ; Dor. (j>ipovTi, Skr. bharanti, Lat.
ferunt, Goth, bairand, they bear; vttvos, Skr. svdpnah,
sleep ; voc. kvov, Skr. svdn, dog, hound.

§ 148. Indg. In became 11 in prim. Greek, Latin, Keltic
and Germanic. In Greek it is necessary to distinguish
three categories all of which belong to the prehistoric
period of the language.

1. The Indg. In which became 11 in prim. Greek. This
11 remained in Lesb. and Thessalian, but in the other
dialects it became simplified to 1 with lengthening of the
preceding vowel, as Lesb. a7r-eXXco, Dor. ^77X0), Hom. dXo),
from *F€Xpa}; Lesb. fioWofxai, Thess. ^iXXofiai, Dor.
BrjXoixai, Att. fiovXo/xai from *^6Xvo/xai : Lesb. ^oXXd,
Att. ^ovXrj ; Hom. oyXoy from *foXvo^, fleecy ; Lesb. Thess.
(TTaXXd, Dor. <rraXa, Att. Ion. o-t^Xt), from *(rraXi/d.
See § 69, 6.

2. When Xp came together at a later period it became
XX and remained as such in all the dialects, as TrdXXa^,
girl, IlaXXds, Pallas, epith. of Athena, to stem *7raX€i'-,
cp. O E. fola, foal, gen. folan for *fulen ; eXXoy, to stem

§§ 149-53] The Nasals 87

*k\fiV; cp. O.Slav, jelen-, Lith. 6lrds, young deer ; oWvfit
from *6\vvfii, beside oXia-ai.

3. When \v came together at a still later period, it
remained, as niXvafxai, ttiXvtj/jli, ttiXvo^.

§ 149. When uX came together in composition it became
assimilated to XX, as dXXeyov, iXXd/iTrco, a-uXXoyos, iraXiX-
Xoyoy.

§ 150. vfj. became assimilated to fjtfi, as kfifihrn, avfifHTpo^,
(rvjXfia\os; pf.fj(r)(yfjLfiai : ai<r)(yvoo, KeKoiXafifiai : KoiXaiPco,
ficf/Mpa/jL/xai : fxcopaiuco.

§ 151. Before explosives v became the corresponding
homorganic nasal, as avji^aXXo), a-v/xirXico, av/Kpcvyco,
iraXtfiTTai^, traXLyy^veaia, TraXiyKaTrrjXivco.

§ 152. nr became ndr which was simplified to dr initially,
as dv8p6s from *dyp6s : dvrjp; aivSpo^ : aivapos, hurt,
damaged) Hesychius 8pd)\jr' dvOpoairos. Cp. words like
NE. gander, thunder, beside OE. ganra, )>unor.

§ 153. n disappeared in prim. Greek before s or z + con-
sonant without lengthening of the preceding vowel. This
sound-change took place both when s, z were original or
arose from some other source, as Aceo-roy from *k€v<tt6^ :
KiVT€Q>\ TpiaKoaros from *TpidKou(TT69 ; imperative mid.
(f)€p6a6a}u from *-ov<Tda>v ; ey tovto beside cry, e/y avTo;
'A6rjva(€ from *'A6avavz-8i. irXd^co from *nXdpz8<o:
tnXay^a ; a-aXm^co from *aaXirLvs8(>i : €(rdXiriy^a ; crv^v-
yoy from *avv-z8vyo^, see § 155. Here belong also the
various dialect forms of the ace. pi. of o« and a-stems. In
prim. Greek the regular endings were : -oy, -ay when the
next word began with a consonant and -or y, -aj/y in pausa
and when the next word began with a vowel, as roy Xvkov^,
but Toi/y kXivOepovs. This original distinction was fairly
well preserved in the dialect of Crete. The other dialects
generalized the -oi^y, -ai/y, the v of which then disappeared
with lengthening of the preceding vowel, whence Att. Ion.
•oyy, -ay, Dor. -wy, -ay, Lesb. -ois, -ats. See § 69, i.

88 Phonology [§§ 154-5

Note. — When n came to stand in the above combination at
a later period it disappeared with lengthening of the preceding
vowel in Att. Ion. and in most of the other dialects, as Att.
co-Treiorai from *l(nrev(TTai with v re-introduced from the pres.
o-TrtVSu), the regular form would have been *€o-7r€o-Tai ; Ion.
TTctcr/Aa from *Trev(rfia which was a new formation for *'ir€v6ijua..

§ 154. V remained in Arcad. Arg. Cret. and Thessalian
before final -y and the medial -o-- which arose from the
assimilation of consonants, but in the other dialects — except
Lesbian — the v disappeared with lengthening of a preceding
short vowel. In Lesb. the v<t became la, the i of which
combined with a preceding short vowel to form a diphthong,
as Att. Ion. ely, Dor. ^y, Cret. ivs, Lesb. eTy, one (§ 144) ;
Att. Ion. fiiXcts, TdXa,9, from *fik\avs, *Td\avs ) y^'yay,
TiBiis, S180V9, from *yiyavT9, *ti6€1'ts, *8l8ovts) ndcra from
*TxavTJa beside Lesb. TraXtra ; ScSovaa, TiOuaa from *8i-
BovTJa, *Ti$(VTja ; Att. Ion. dyovai, dycoai = Dor. and
prim. Gr. dyovTi, dya>vTi, beside Lesb. dyoLai, dycoai.

a, I)

§ 155. The oldest mode of representing these nasals in
Greek was by v which is common on inscriptions. They
came to be represented by y after the combinations gn, gm
had become assimilated to qn, Tjm (§ 189), as in Att.
ytyvonaL, ay/ioy = yipvofiaL, dpfios. It has already been
pointed out that these nasals only occurred in the parent
language before their corresponding explosives and under-
went in the different languages all changes in the place of
articulation in common with these explosives (§ 139). ii :
rjpeyKu, I bore, Skr. an^sa, he obtained, cp. Lat. nanciscor ;
dyxco, Lat. ango, cp. Goth. aggAvus, narroiu. r) : dyKcou,
O.Lat. ancus, cp. Skr. aijkdh, hook, OE. angel, fish-hook ;
Trii^Tc, Lesb. TreyUTre, Skr. pdnca, Lat. quinque, O.Welsh
pimp, Goth, fimf, Lith. penklf/ive; \ifi7rduc0, Lat. linquo,
cp. Skr. riiicinti, they leave.

§§ 156-9] The Labials S9

§ 156. The nasal disappeared with lengthening of the
preceding vowel before Ion. (t(t^ Att. tt from prim. Greek
XJ— Indg. ghj (§ 129, 7), as Ion. aacrov from *dyyJov, cp.
dy\i ; Ion. k\a<raa)v, Att. eAarrooi/, from *k\ayxJ(ov ; Ion.
6a<T(T(ov, Att. duTTCov, from *6ay)(Ja>u.

It also disappeared, but without lengthening of the pre-
ceding vowel, before ^ from prim. Gr. yj, as K\d((o from
*KXayyjco : Lat. clango; nXd^od from *7r\ayyj(o : Lat.
plango ; a-aXTri^oi : gen. (rdXiriyyos.

The Labials.

P

§ 157. Indg. p (= Skr. Lat. Lith. O.Slav, p, Germanic f,
b. In O.Ir. it disappeared initially and medially between
vowels) remained in Greek initially and generally also
medially, as TraT-qp, Skr. pitdr-, Lat. pater, O.Ir. athir,
OE. feeder, father ; nov?, Skr. pat (gen. paddh), Lat. pes,
OE. fot, foot; npo, Skr. prd, Lat. pro-, O.Slav, pro-,
be/ore ; noXvs, Skr. puriih, O.Ir. il, Goth, filu, much, many ;
TrXe/cco, Lat. plecto ; lirTd, Skr. saptd, Lat. septem, Goth,
sibtin, seven ; cpTrco, Skr. sdrpami, Lat. serpo, / creep ;
iiTTip, Lat. s-uper, OE. ofer, over, Skr. updri, above ; vttvo^,
Skr. svdpnah, Lat. somnus from *swepnos, O.Ir. suan,
sleep, OE. swefan, to sleep ; Kdnpos, Lat. caper.

§ 158. TT// became iip,, as ^Xifi/xa : /SXcttoi) (see § 117). tt
became /3 before S, as KXi^Srjv, by stealth : KXeTrro); e^Sofios :
inrd; kni-^Sai (nom. pi.), ///^ flfrt)' after the feast, where -138-
is the weak form of *ped;foot, cp. Skr. upa-bdd-, stamping,
trampling. See § 107.

§ 159. Indg. b (= Skr. Lat. O.Ir. Lith. O.Slav, b, Ger-
manic p) remained in Greek initially and generally also
medially, as ^vktij^, blustering, Skr. buk-karah, the roaring

90 . Phonology [§§ 160-3

of a lion, Lat. bucina, trumpet, O.Slav, bu^ati, to roar,
bellow ; ^dp^apos, foreign, Skr. barbarah, stammering ;
fiaWi^co, I dance, Skr. baUbaliti, he whirls ; Xei'/Sco, Lat.
libo ; Sfji^pos, Lat. imber, cp. Skr. dmbu, water. It should
be noted that b was a rare sound in the parent Indg.
language.

§ 160. On the change of /3 to tt before voiceless sounds,
as in Tptyjrco, TeTpivTai : rpt/Sco, see § 106. /3/x became fi/x,
as Tirpifji/jiai : rptfico, see § 117.

ph

§ 161. ph was one of the rarest sounds in the parent
language. It was preserved in Sanskrit and Greek, but in
prim. Latin it fell together with original bh, and in prim.
Keltic, Germanic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages with
original p. a^apayiofiai, I crack, crackle, Skr. sphiirjati,
he cracks ; (T^rjv, Skr. sphydh, wedge ; o-0€Aay, Skr.
phdlakam,/oo/'stoo/, see § 102.

bh

§ 162. Indg. bh (= Skr. bh, Lat. f initially and b me-
dially, Germanic b, b, Keltic and Baltic-Slavonic b) became
voiceless <f> in Greek, as 0epco, Skr. bhdrami, Lat. fero,
O.Ir. berim, OE. bere, O.Slav, bera, / bear; (^par-qp,
member of a (Ppdrpd, Skr. bhratar-, Lat. frater, O.Ir.
brathir, OE. br6))or, brother; 6(f>pvs, Skr. bhriah, OE.
bru, Lith. bruvis, eyebrow; vi<j>os, cloud, Skr. ndbhas-,
Lat. nebula, OHG. nebul, mist; 6fjL(f>aX6s, Lat. umbilicus ;
y6/x(f)o?, nail, Skr. jdmbhah, tooth, OE. camb, comb.

§ 163. 0/z became /x/i, as yiypaii/xat : ypdcfxo, see § 117.

On the change of 0 to tt before voiceless sounds, as in
ypdyjra), yeypaTrrai : ypd(f)a>, see § 109. On the de-aspira-
tion of 0, as in ni^evya : 0ei;ya), see § 115.

§§ 164-6] The Dentals 91

The Dentals.

§ 164. Indg. t (= Skr. Lat. Lith. O.Slav, t, O.Ir. t, th,
Germanic J), d, but t in the Indg. combinations pt, kt, qt,
st) generally remained in Greek initially and medially, as
TcA/cD, Lat. tendo, OE. ))enne, / stretch, Skr. tanoti, he
stretches ; Lat. tenuis, O.Ir. tana, Lith. tenvas, OE. J)ynne,
thin) TUTos, Skr. tatdh, Lat. tentus, stretched; to, Skr.
tdd, Lat. is-tud, OE. Jjaet, the, that; rpeis, Skr. trdyah,
Lat. tres, O.Ir. tri, OE. Jjri, O.Slav, trije, three; Tpifiw,
Lat. tremo ; iraT-qp, Skr. pitdr-, Lat. pater, O.Ir. athir,
OE. feeder, father ; ^ep^Ti, Skr. bhdratha, Lat. (imper.)
ferte, Goth. bairij>, O.Slav, berete, ye bear; eroy, Lat.
vetus ; kXvto^, Skr. srutdh, Lat. in-clutus, renowned, O.Ir.
cloth, renown ; iari, Skr. dsti, Lat. est, Goth, ist, Lith.
esti, he t's ; KXiirrrj^, Goth, hliftus, tht'e/; oktoo, Skr. astati,
asta, Lat. octo, O.Ir. ocht, OE. eahta, eight.

§ 165. TTT became TTTr, as Hom. Kdmna-ov from KaTin€<rov :

KaTaTrLTTTOi).

§ 166. Prim. Greek T(r (§ 109) became a double spirant
the precise pronunciation of which is uncertain. Most
scholars assume that it was )>)>(= th in Engl, thin) or a kind
of lisped ss. Before and after consonants, and finally it
became a- through the intermediate stage <T<r in all the
dialects, as Hom. tcroy, Att. fcroy, Cret. fiafos from *fiT(Tfos,
older *widswos; Att. ^aXXovai, Cret. ^dXKovai, from
*PdWovTaL : ^dXXcov ; voao? from *v6T(rfo^ ; Trda\a> from
*ndT(r\a> : TraOdv ; Att. €<nr€i<ra, Cret. i<T'mvaa, from
*t(TniVTaa : an^vBco ; iirepaa from *€7repT(ra : TripBco ; nom.
vv^, vfOTT)^, 7rov9, Kopv^, yiyds, StSov?, tlOu^, beside stem

VVKT-, ViOTrjT-, iroS; KOpvO-, yiyUUT-, 8l86vT-, TlOiUT:

Medially after long vowels and diphthongs it became <r in
all the dialects, as dat. pi. (fxoa-i from *<P<ot(ti; aniva-co from
*(rn(VT<TQ) : a-rnvSo) ; cTTctca from *e7r€<ro"a : ndB<o.

92 Phonology [§§ 167-9

Medially between short vowels it became tt in Boeot.
Cret. (Cret. also (), <t in Att. Ion., and (ra, a in the other
dialects, as aor. Horn. Sda-a-aa-Oai, Att. SdaaaOai, Cret.
8dTTa$$ai, Sd^aOai : Sario/Jiai ; loc. pi. Horn, noaai, Att.
TToo-i, Skr. patsu, beside nom. noSes, Skr. padah.

§ 167. Indg. tj became ts in prim. Greek and then had
the same further development as the ts in § 166, as Horn.
Att. Boeot. Trdara, Lesb. iraia-a, Thess. Cret. rrdva-a, from
*TTavTJa ; hd^a from *86KTJa ; oua-a from *alrja ; Horn.
Toaao^i t6(tos, Lesb. Toaaos, Att. toctos, from *t6tjos. See
§ 129, 6.

§ 168. Initial tw- became (ra- which was simplified
later to a--, as (re, Skr. tva, tvam, thee. Medial -tw*
became -tt- in Att. and Boeot., and -a-a- in the other dialects,
as Att. T^TTap^s, Boeot. niTTape^, Horn. Teaaape^, Skr.
csLtvarsih, /our. For further examples see § 124, 3.

§ 169. Ti remained initially and also in the combination
(TTi, as rtV^y, (o-ti, ttio-ti^, aTL(f>p6^. Medially it partly
became <n and partly remained. The reason for this two-
fold treatment has never been satisfactorily explained.
P. Kretschmer — Kuhn^s Zeitschrift, vol. xxx, pp. 565-91 —
after investigating the subject in great detail, arrives at the
following result : ti remained medially when the i was
accented, and also finally when the accent was on the
penultima, but it became at when the i was unaccented.
On the other hand Brugmann — Grundriss, vol. i, p. 662 —
assumes that the i became consonantal before vowels, as in
TrXov(TLO^ from *7rXovTjo9 ; gen. Ion. ^dcrio^ from *pdTj09
and then the a was levelled out into the nom. and ace. sing.
fidais, ^daiv. A careful examination of the material
collected by Kretschmer shows that both explanations
leave a large residuum of unexplained forms, even when due
allowance is made for a considerable number of analogical
formations. The ti-stems and likewise the adjectives in
*-Tio^ have ai, as ^da-is, ttoo-is, 86(tis, (pvais; nXovaios,

§§ 170-5] The Dentals 93

iviav<Tio?, d/x^poa-ios. The pres. third pers. sing, of /ii-
verbs and the third pers. pi. of a>- verbs have -a-i in Att. Ion.,
but -TL in Dor. and Boeotian, as Att. 8180x71, TiOrjai <pipov(rL
beside Dor. 8L8a)Ti, tiOtjti, (f>epovTi.

§ 170. T became <r before a following r, as dtraaTO^ :
irariofiat ; K€<tt6s from *K€vt-t6s : K€VTia> ; vcmpos, Skr.
tittarah, latter. See § 110.

§ 171. Indg. d (= Skr. Lat. O.Ir. Lith. O.Slav, d, Ger-
manic t) generally remained initially and medially in Greek,
as 8iKa, Skr. ddsa, Lat. decern, O.Ir. deich, Goth, taihun,
OE. tien, Lith dezimt-, ten; 8i8a>ij,i, Skr. dddami, Lat. do,
/ give, O.Slav, dati, to give ; 86110s, Skr. ddmah, Lat.
domus, O.Slav, domii, house ; Svco, Skr. dvau, dva, Lat.
duo, O.Ir. dau, do, Lith. dii, OE. twa, two; €8<o, Skr.
ddmi, Lat. edo, OE. ete,I eat; e^oy, Skr. sddas-, s^a/, Lat.
sedere, OE. sittan, to sit; Kap8Ld, KpaSir], Lat. gen. cordis,
O.Ir. cride, Lith. szirdis, OE. heorte, heart; oi8(, Skr.
veda, OE. wat, he knows, Lat. videre, to see; ace. ir68a,
Skr. padam, Lat. pedem, OE. fot, foot.

§ 172. S\ became AX, as TriWDrpou from *7ri8-\vTpou,
bandage worn by runners on the ankle ; Lac. i\Xa = Lat.
sella, from *sedla, OE. setl, seat.

8Tr became tttt, as Hom. Sttitcos from *o8-7r<os older
*(rF68-7rQ)s, quomodo.

§ 173. Indg. dj became (, as Zevs, cp. Skr. dyaiih, sky ;
Tre^oy, Skr, padydh, on foot. See § 129, 8.

§ 174. 8 became a before a following voiceless dental, as
oiaOa : ol8a ; (^y^evaTai : '^€v8o/jLai. See § 110.

th

§ 175. th was a rare sound in the parent language. It
was preserved in Sanskrit and Greek, but in prim. Latin
it fell together with original dh, and in prim. Keltic,

94 Phonology [§§ 176-81

Germanic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages with original
t. olaOa, Skr. vettha, thou knowest ; nXddauou, a platter
or mould to bake in, Skr. prthuh, broad; fi66o9, battle-din,
Skr. mdnthati, he twists, shakes, see § 102.

§ 176. Indg. sth became (tt, as laTrj/xi, Skr. tisthami,
I stand; orOXoy, pillar, Skr. sturdh, strong; superlative
suffix -la-Tos = Skr. -i^thah, see § 102.

dh

§ 177. Indg. dh (= Skr. dh, Lat. f initially, b medially
before and after r, before 1 and after u (w), in other cases
d, Keltic and Baltic-Slavonic languages d, Germanic d, d)
became voiceless 6 in Greek, as Orjaaa-Oai, to suck, Skr.
dhiyanti, O.Ir. denait, they suck, Lat. felare, Goth,
daddjan, to suckle ; Ov/xos, courage, passion, Skr. dhumdh,
Lat. fumus, Lith. pi. dtimai, smoke; Bvpd, OE. duru, pi.
Lat. fores, Lith. diirys, door ; tiOtj/xl, Skr. dddhami, I put,
place, OE. daed, deed, Lith. deti, O.Slav. dSti, to lay, cp.
Lat. facie, feci; fxiOv, wine, Skr. mddhu, O.Ir. mid, OE.
medu, meodu, Lith. mediis, mead, honey ; kpvOpo^, Skr.
rudhirdh, Lat. ruber, OE. read, red; atdoi, I burn, Skr.
edhas*, fire-wood, Lat. aedes, sanctuary, originally, fire-
place, hearth, OE. ad, funeral pile ; ovOap, Skr. udhar,
Lat. uber, OE. iider, udder; niidco, hat. fide; imperative
KXvdi = Skr. srudhi, hear thou.

§ 178. Indg. dhj became era, cr, as fii(ra-09, fiia-oi, Skr.
mddhyah, middle, see § 129, 6.

§ 179. Indg. dh appears as o- before voiceless dentals, as
Triweia-Tai, kfrdaO-qv : irdOca, see § 110.

§ 180. On the de-aspiration of B, as in tiBtj/h, see § 115.

The Palatals and the Velar Gutturals.

§ 181. In treating the history of these consonants in the
various languages it is convenient to divide the Indg.
family of languages into two great groups according to the

§ i8i] The Palatals and Velar Gutturals 95

different development which these sounds underwent in
the two groups. The palatal explosives k, kh, g and gh
usually appear in Greek, Italic (Latin, Oscan, Umbrian),
Keltic and the Germanic languages as explosives or as
sounds which are directly developed from explosives,
whereas in the Aryan, Armenian, Albanian and Baltic-
Slavonic languages they usually appear as spirants. The
former group is generally called the centum- and the latter
the satam-group of languages, where Latin centum and Zend
satam represent the original Indg. word *kmt6m, hundred.
This twofold development of the palatals is probably due
to dialectal differences which already existed in the Indg.
parent language. In addition to the palatals the parent
language also had two kinds of velars, viz. pure velars and
labialized velars or velars with lip-rounding. The pure
velars fell together with the palatals in the centum-
languages, but were kept apart in the satam-languages.
On the other hand the pure velars fell together with the
labialized velars in the satam-languages, but were kept
apart in the centum-languages.

The following table contains the normal development
of the palatals and velar gutturals in the various languages.
The labialized velars are here indicated by ^. In other
parts of this grammar the ^ is almost always omitted as
being unnecessary, because the Greek words themselves
generally indicate whether they originally contained a pure
velar or a labialized velar.

96

Pho7wlogy

[§ '8r

>

.

js

>o

>N

>*)

>o

>N

>N

??

c75

CO

N

N

«^

•«

•«

«h

-

d

M

bo

bo

.!4

bO

bo

3)

' '

' I

1

1 1

c

.ri

•^

•t>>

n

•N

•N

^

bo

bO

^

bo

«o

•-]

^

S

1

,

rt

13

u

o

•*-»

A

u

"->

ja

(fl

JM

•*<n

'f~t

A

^

«h

•>

(/)

^

bo

bo

M

bo

•s

fi

«M

u

SK

(4

^

W3
b0

bo

M

»0
bo

u

J3

JC

»o

X

bO

o

i

bo

CO

A

1 1

•— 1

o

U)

bO

u

<«

bo

u

bo

bo

3)

d

.Q

,

bo

bo

o

bo

s>

3

c

c3

u

bo

43

u

bo

S

i

i

>

<u

gC

>

(M

U

V

>*

X

u

O

V

N

X

V

N

X

k"

tT

01

c

M

U)

■a

o*

«P

•§D

03

.a

l-H

1 "

•SIB^BIBJ

I

•sjHpA-'qBl

§§ 182-7] The Palatals 97

I. The Palatals.

§ 182. Indg. k (= Lat. O.Ir. c, Germanic h ; g, 5, Skr. I,
Lith. sz, O.Slav, s) remained in Greek initially and
generally also medially, as iKarov, Lat. centum, O.Ir. cet,
OE. hund, Skr. satdm, Lith. szimtas, hundred; KapSid,
KpaSiT], Lat. cor, O.Ir. cride, OE. heorte, Lith. szirdis,
heart; KXiirT<o, Lat. clepo, Goth, hlifa, / steal ; kXvto^,
Lat. in-clutus, Skr. srutdh, renowned, O.Ir. cloth, renown ;
Kvcov, Lat. canis, O.Ir. cu, OE. hund, Skr. ^va, gen. ^linah,
Lith. szu, gen. szufis, dog, hound; SiKa, Lat. decern, Goth,
talhun, Skr. ddia, Lith. deszimt-, ten ; SiSopKe, Skr.
dad^rsa, he has seen ; oIkos, Foikos, Skr. vesdh, house,
Lat. vicus, village; oktco, Lat. octo, OE. eahta, Skr.
astaii, a|ta, Lith. asztuni, eight; <aKvs, Skr. a§iih, quick,
Lat. ocior.

§ 183. kw became tttt, as lttttos, Lat. equus, OE. eoh,
Skr. divah, horse. See § 124, 2.

§ 184. Medial kj became tt in Att. and <t<t in Ion., as
iJT'ixov, ija-a-cov : i]Ki<rTos ; vaTTaXos, TrdaraaXo^ : root *pak-.
TT and <T(T were simplified to r, and a- initially, as Att.
T-qix^pov, Ion. (TTJiiipov from *KJaix^pov. See § 129, 7.

§ 185. ks became x before a liquid or nasal, as fivxXos
from *ijlvk(tXo9, stallion-ass : Lat. mulus ; Xixpios : Xo^o^,
Lat. luxus ; dpaxt^v from *dpaK(rvd, Lat. aranea ; Xd^vrj
from XdKavd; Xv\vos from *XvK(rvos : Lat. luna from
*louksna ; ird^vr} from *TTaK(Tvd ; irXo^fiS^ : nXoKafios.
See § 218.

§ 186. k disappeared before sk, as 8i<tko9 from *8tK<rKos :
SiKiiv ; iia-KQ} from *f^fiK(TK(i> : eo^ica ; Xda-KOi from *Xa/ca-/ca) :
XaKiiv ; SiSdaKco {rom.*SL8aK(rKa>.

§ 187. K became y before voiced sounds, as nXiySijv :
nXiKco. See § 107.

H

98 Phonology [§§ 188-92

§ 188. Indg. g {= Lat. O.Ir. g, Germanic k, Skr. j, Lith.
z, O.Slav, z) remained in Greek initially and generally
also medially, as yci/oy, Lat. genus, Goth, kuni, Skr.
jdnas-, race, generation, O.Ir. gein, birth; ytvofiai, Lat.
gusto, / taste, OE. ceosan, to choose, Skr. juSdte, he tastes ;
yovv, Lat. genu, OE. cneo, Skr. janu, ^«^^ ; yj/coroy, Lat.
(g)n6tus, O.Ir. gnath, Skr. jnatdh, known, OE. cnawan,
O.Slav, znati, to know; aypoy, Lat. ager, Goth, akrs,
Skr. kjrah, /ield, acre; dyoi, Lat. ago, O.Ir. agim, Skr.
djami, / drive; eyco, Lat. ego, OE. ic, /; ipyov, OE.
weorc, work; dfiiXyco, Lat. mulgeo, M.Ir. bligim, OE.
meolce, Lith. m^lzu, / mi/k, Skr. mrjdti, he wipes, rubs.

§ 189. Medial yv, y/x became ^v, pjx, as in yiyvaxTKoa,
yiyvofiai, a-rvyvos, dyfios. This explains \vhy the guttural
nasal came to be expressed by y in Greek (§ 155). At
a later period f;v was simplified to v, as yivaxTKco, yiuofiai.
The V occurs on inscriptions in Ion. already in the fifth
and in Att. about the end of the fourth century b. c.

§ 190. gj became ^, as a^o/iai from *ayjofiaL, I stand in
awe of, Skr. ydjate, he honours ; apTrd^co from *dp7rayja}.
See § 129, 8.

§ 191. y became k before voiceless consonants, as Xi^<o,
XiXfKTai : Xiyoo. See § 106.

kh

§ 192. kh was one of the rarest sounds in the parent
Indg. language. It was generally preserved in Greek, but
in prim. Latin it fell together with original gh, and in the
prim. Keltic, Germanic and Baltic-Slavonic languages with
original k. It is doubtful what simple kh would have
become in Sanskrit, because it only occurs in the original
combination skh which became ch initially and cch
medially. — o"X'Y®' ^^^' scindo, / split, Skr. chindtti from

§§ 193-5] The Pure Velars 99

*skhin4tti, he splits, OE. scadan, to divide ; cr\d(o, I slit,
Skr. chydti, he slits, see § 102.

gh

§ 193. Indg. gh (= Lat. h medially between vowels and
also initially before vowels except u, f initially before u,
g before and after consonants, O.Ir. g, Germanic g, 5,
Skr. h, Lith. z, O.Slav, z) became voiceless x in Greek, as
Xia>v, Skr. himdh, snow; x€t/jL<x>u, Lat. hiems, O.Ir. gaim,
Lith. zemk, O.Slav, zima, winter, Skr. heman, in winter;
XO'M<^h on the ground, Lat. humus, Lith. zeme, O.Slav,
zemlja, earth, ground; x^(/^H Lat. fundo, OE. geote,
I pour, Skr. hntkh, poured, sacrificed; x^^> Lat. (h)anser,
OE. g5s, Skr. hasah, goose; X^ix^' Lat. lingo, O.Ir.
ligim, Skr. rehmi, lehmi, Lith. leziii, O.Slav, liza, / lick ;
Pamph. F^X^i Lat. veho, OE. wege, Skr. vahami, Lith.
vezti, O.Slav, veza, / bear, carry, move ; dyx<», Lat. ango,
I press tight, Skr. dhas-, need, distress, OE. enge, narrow;
nfjxv?, fore-arm, Skr. bahtih, arm.

§ 194. ghj became rr in Att. and cro- in Ion., as Att.
Barrdiv, Ion. Oda-crcov : raxvs, rdxicTTOS. See § 129, 7.

2. The Pure Velars.

q

§ 195. Indg. q (= Lat. O.Ir. c, Germanic h ; g, 5, Skr.
k but c before i, and a = Indg. e, Lith. k, O.Slav, k but c
before palatal vowels) became ac in Greek initially and
generally also medially, as KapKLvos, Lat. cancer, Skr.
karkatah, cm6 ; koXv^, Skr. ]l2M^?l, flower-bud ; Kapiros,
fruit, Lat. carpo, I pluck, pick, OE. haerfest, autumn, Skr.
krpanah, sword, Lith. kerpti, / shear; KaXico, Lat. calo,
/ call, call out, Lith. kalbk, speech ; AcaXoy, Skr. kalyanah,
beautiful; K^Xaivos, Skr. kalah, black, cp. Lat. caligo ;
KiXXco, I drive, Skr. kaldyati, kaldyati, he drives, Lat.
celer, quick; koXcovos, Lat. collis, hill, Lith. kdlnas,

H 2

loo Phonology [§§ 196-200

mountain; Kpia^, flesh, OE. hra(w), corpse, carrion, Skr.
kraviS-, raw meat, Lat. cruor, O.Ir. crii, Lith. kraujas,
blood, gore ; dyKa)v, dyKos, O.Lat. ancus, Skr. drjkas*,
bend, hollow, Lith. anka, loop, knot ; (ivKTo^, Lat. junctus,
Skr. yuktdh, Lith. ydxt^LXscs, yoked; fifipa^, Skr.maryakdh,
boy, young man.

§ 190. qj became tt in Att. and a-a in Ion., as Att.
7r\i^TT<o, Ion. 7rXiq<r<r<o, root *plaq-. See § 120, 7.

9

§ 197. Indg. g (= Lat. O.Ir. g, Germanic k, Skr. g but j
before i, and a = Indg. e, Lith. g, O.Slav, g but i before
palatal vowels) became y in Greek initially and generally
also medially, as yipavos, Lat. grus, OE. cran, Lith.
g6rve, crane; ay 09, guilt, Skr. agas>, offence, crime, sin;
dyopd, assembly, dydpa, I assemble, Lat. grex, herd, flock,
O.Ir. graig, herd of horses, Skr. gramah, crowd; C^yov,
Lat. jugum, Goth, juk, Skr. yugdm, O.Slav, igo, yoke ;
oreyoy, reyoy, OE. )>aec, Lith. st6gas, roof, O.Ir. teg,
house : <TTiy<o, Lat. tego, / cover, Skr. sthdgati, sthagayati,
he hides, conceals.

§ 198. gj became ^, as a-Ti^o) from *(xriyj<ii> : ariyiia, cp.
Skr. tigmdh, pointed, sharp, Lat. in-stigo. See § 129, 8.

§ 199. y became k before voiceless consonants, as ari^o) :
creyo); av^co, av^dvao : Lat. augeo, Goth, duka, Lith.
dugu, I grow, increase, add. See § 106.

qh

§ 200. qh was of rare occurrence in the parent language.
It became x in Greek, kh but ch before i and a = Indg. e
in Sanskrit ; in prim. Lat. it fell together with original gh,
Qh, in prim. Keltic and Germanic with original k, q, in
Lith. and O.Slav, with original q. Kayd^w, I laugh, Skr.
kakhati, he laughs ; Koyyos, Lat. congius (a small liquid
measure), Skr. sarjkhdh, muscle, see § 102.

§§ 201-2] The Labialized Velars loi

§ 201. Indg. gh (= Skr. gh but h before i, and a = Indg.
e, Lat. h initially before and medially between vowels,
g before and after consonants, O.Ir. g, Germanic g, g, Lith.
g, O.Slav, g but 2 before palatal vowels) became voiceless
X in Greek, as yoKKos, brass, Lith. gelezis, iron ; yavBdvco,
I lay hold of, Lat. pre-hendo, / seize, Goth, bi-gita, I find,
O.Slav, gadajfi, / guess, divine ; 80X1x69, Lat. longus,
OE. lang, Skr. dirghdh, /o«^ ; Xexoy, O.Ir.lige,^^^, Goth,
ligan, O.Slav, le^ati, to lie down ; ofiixXr}, Lith. mig\k,/og,
mist, Skr. meghdh, cloud; (miyo), O.Ir. tiagu, I go, OE.
stige, / rise, O.Slav, stigna, / come.

3. The Labialized Velars.
qw

§ 202. Indg. qw (= Lat. qu before vowels except u, but
c before u and consonants, O.Ir. c, Germanic hw, h ; gw,
§, w ; f, b (§ 181), Skr. k but c before i, and a = Indg. e,
Lith. k, O.Slav, k but c before palatal vowels) had
a threefold development in Greek. It became it before all
sounds except i, e, v and/; r before l and € ; k before and
after v, as tto-Ocu, whence, Lat. quis, O.Ir. cia, OE. hwa,
.Skr. kdh, Lith. kks, who?; iroTepos, OE. hwaB))er, Skr.
katardh, which of two ? ; npiaaOai, to buy, Skr. krinami,
I buy; TTOiprj : Tia-is,penalty,Skr.ci.ya.te,he avenges, punishes ;
irdXai, long ago, formerly, Skr. caramdh, the last; Xurroi,
Lat. linquo, O.Ir. lecim, Lith. lekii, / leave, Skr. rindkti,
he leaves, Goth, leilvan, to lend; €7ro/xai, Lat. sequor, Lith.
sekh, I follow, Skr. sdcate, he follows; ^wap, Lat. jecur,
Skr. ydkjl, Lith. pi. jeknos, liver; ttcittos, Lat. coctus,
Skr. paktdh, cooked.

T19, TL, Lat. quis, quid, Oscan pis, pid, Skr. indef. pro-
noun cid; Horn, rio, Goth, hris, O.Slav, ceso, whose?;
rirrapi^, Tinaapi^, Lat. quattuor, O.Ir. cethir, Goth.

I02 Phonology [§§ 203-5

fidwor, Skr. catvirah, Lith. keturi, /o«^; n, Lat. -que,
Skr. ca, and] riXos : ndXai ; Tiais : Troivrj ; nevre, Lat.
qtiinque, O.Ir. coic, Goth, fimf, Skr. pdiica, Lith. penki,
Jive.

XvK09, Goth, wulfs, Skr. vfkah, wo//; vv^, vvktos, Lat.
nox, noctis, Goth, nahts, Skr. ndkti-, Lith. naktis, night;
kvkXos, OE. hweol, Skr. cakrdh, wheel; BaXvKpo^ : OdXnos.

Note. — i. Forms derived from the pronominal stem q'^o-
have K instead of tt, especially in the Ionic dialect of Herodotus
and Herondas, as koo-os, Korcpo^, kov, koios, kw?, o-/c<ds, but only
the regular forms with tt are found on Ion. inscriptions ; in
Thess. Kis also occurs beside tis. It is difficult to account for
the K-forms unless we may suppose that they first arose in
combination with the negative particle, as in ov/cws, ov/cis, where
the original velar would regularly become k because of the pre-
ceding V. In like manner may also be explained TroAAaKts
a new formation for older *7roXvKts.

2. In the Aeolic dialects tt occurs beside t before palatal

vowels, as Lesb. ttco-ot^pc?, Hom. Trurvpcs, Boeot. Trcrra/xs,

beside Att. Tcrrapes ; Lesb. Thess. irefiirc beside ttcvtc ; Thess.
TTcto-ai beside Att. rcio-at.

3. Forms like XeiVcis, XctVei, XctVcre were due to levelling out
the regular 7r-forms XciVa), XuTrofjiey, XciVovo-i; and similarly
gen. cTreos for *£T€os, with tt from tiro^.

§ 203. q^j became tt, acr, as Att. tt^ttod, Ion. neaaa) :
iriy^oo, imrTo^, Lat. coquo, O.Slav, peka, 1 cook, bake, Skr.
pdcati, he cooks. See § 129, 7.

§ 204. TTii became iifi, as X€X€i/x/j.ai : Xciirco ; ofi/ia from
*67r/ia, cp. Lat. ociilus, Lith. akis, eye. See § 117.

§ 205. Indg. gw (= Lat. v but gu after n, and g when
the labialized element had been lost, O.Ir. b but g before
old j, Germanic kw, k, Skr. g but j before i, and a = Indg.
e, Lith. g, O.Slav, g but i before palatal vowels) had

§ 2o6] The Labialized Velars 103

a threefold development in Greek. It became )8 before all
sounds except €, v and/; 5 before e; y before and after v,
as ^aivca^ I go, Lat. venio, Goth, qima, / come, Skr. gd-
mati, he goes, ja-gama, /(g has gone; fidXavos, Lat. glans,
Lith. glle, acorn ; ^d\\<o, I throw, Skr. gdlati, /f^ trickles
down; Boeot. ^avd, O.Ir. ben, Goth, qino, OE. cwene,
O.Slav. 2ena, woman, Skr. ^sA;wife of a god -, ^apvs, Lat.
gravis, Goth, kaiirus, Skr. guriih, heavy ; /Sof/y, Skr. gauh,
ox, O.Ir. b5, OE. cu, cow, Lat. bos for *v6s is an Umbrian-
Samnitic loanword ; Att. fiovXiTui : Dor. SijXcrai ; epe^os,
Goth, riqis, Skr. rdjas-, darkness ; e^rji/, e/3av, / went, Skr.
dgat, he went ; rdp^os, fright, Lat. torvos, fierce, grim,
Skr. tdrjati, /jg threatens ; ^ifiofiai, 1 flee from, Lith. begu,

SeX(f)vs, Skr. gdrbhah, w«/ri";v ; a^jyi/, ^/awa?, Lat. inguen,
^ro/'« ; Dor. SrjXcTai : Att. ^ovXerai.

In a few words /3 occurs before i where we should regu-
larly expect 8, as ^id, bodily strength, force, might, Skr.
jy^, jiya, supreme power, upper hand ; ^109, life, Lat. vivos,
O.Ir. biu, Goth, qius, Skr. jivih, alive; jStoy, bow, Skr.
jya, bow-string. These forms have never been satisfactorily
explained. Some scholars assume that g^i regularly
became ^i and that Si^po^ is not etymologically connected
with Skr. jirdh.

yvvri : Boeot. ^ava ; <l>€vya>, €<pvyov : (pi^ofiai ; gen.
olv6-<f>Xvyos : gen. <f)X€^6s ; v-yi-q^, sound, healthy, lit. well
living : /St'oy.

Note. — i. In the Aeolic dialects /8 occurs beside S before
palatal vowels, as Lesb. ^€X<l>lv; Boeot. (SeXcfiLv- : Att. ScXtfiiv- ;
Boeot. /SciAojMcvo?, Thess. ySeAXcrai : Dor. SiyXerat, Att. ^ovXerai.

2. Forms like (fiofifw, <f}of34ofxai were new formations after
the analogy of <f)i/3ofiai ; and similarly gen. ipefieos for *€p<8€os,
with /8 from c/wySos.

§ 206. Q^j became ^, as »'iVe<, O.Ir. nigid, he washes,

I04 Phonology [§§ 307-9

Skr. nij-, wash ; Xd^ofiai : XufiPdvco, Xafiiiv ; ^fjv : ^ia>vai,
fim. See § 129, 8.

§ 207. ^p became /jlv, as d/iv6s from *dPv6^, Lat. agnus ;
cfftySs : <rifio/jLai ; kp^fivos : epefios. See § 117.

qli

§ 208. q'^h was a rare sound in the parent language.
In Skr. it fell together with original qh, in Lat. and Gr.
with g"h, in Keltic and Germanic with q"*, in Lith. and
O.Slav, with q, q". <pd\\r}, OE. hwael, wha/e ; (r(pd\\o/jLai,
I stumble, Skr. skhalate, he stumbles. See § 102.

§ 209. Indg. g"^ (= Lat. f initially, v medially except
that after n it became gu, O.Ir. g, Germanic jw, 5, w,
Skr. gh but h before i, and a = Indg. e, Lith. g, O.Slav, g
but i before palatal vowels) had a threefold development in
Greek. It became <p before all sounds except e, v and/;
B before e ; x before and after v, as <l>aT6?, Skr. hatdh for
*ghatdh, killed, slain : <p6vo9, Odvoa ; (f>aiSp6s, beaming,
radiant, Lith. gaidriis, serene, clear; €\a<pp6s : iXaxvs ;
d\<prj older *dX(f>a, produce, gain, Lith. algk, pay, reward ;
6<T-^paiuofiai, I smell, Skr. ghrati, he smells ; ace. vt(f>a,
Lat. nivem, nom. Lith. snegas, Goth, sndiws, OE. snaw,
snow; v€i^€i, vt(f>€i with <f> for 6 from forms like vi(f><ap,
yi^6fi€V09, Lat. ninguit, Lith. sninga, it snows, O.lr.
snigid, // rains ; 6(pi9, Skr. dhih, Lith. angis, Lat. anguis,
snake, serpent.

depfios, Lat. formus, OE. wearm,a;an«, Skr. gharmdh,
glow, heat, O.Ir. guirim, / heat, O.Slav, goreti, to bum ;
Beivco, Lat. oMendo, I strike, O.Ir. gonim, I wound, kill, Skr.
hdnti, he strikes, slays, ghndnti, they strike.

iXaxv9, small, little, Skr. laghiih, light, quick : kXa(f>p6^ ;
iiyonai, I pray, Skr. v^ghit-, tnstitutor of a sacrifice ;

§§ 210-12] The Spirants 105

6vv^, 6yvxo9, Lat. unguis, O.Ir. ingen, Lith. nagas, c/aw,
nail.

§ 210. g^hj became tt, era; as eXotTTCov, iXda-<r(cv : i\axv9.
See § 129, 7.

The Spirants.

§ 211. The Indg. parent language had at least the two
spirants s and z. s occurred both initially, medially and
finally, z only occurred in combination with a following
media or media aspirata. In those languages where the
mediae and mediae aspiratae became voiceless the z also
became voiceless at the same time, as Goth, asts beside
^^09, Indg. *ozdos, branch, iwig; niaOos beside Goth,
mizdd, O.Slav, mizda, pay, reward. See §§ 224-6.

s
§ 212. Indg. s remained in the oldest Greek in the
following cases : —

1. In combination with voiceless explosives, as <riraip<o,
I struggle convulsively, Lith. STpirih, I push with the foot -.
Lat. spemere, to despise, OE. spornan, spurnan, to kick ;
eo-TTc/ooy, Lat. vesper ; o-tutos, Lat. status ; ea-ri, Skr.
dsti, Lat. est, Goth, ist, Lith. esti, is ; o-kotos, darkness,
gloom, Goth, skadus, OE. sceadu, shade, shadow ; yiyvd>-
aKQ), Lat. nosco ; (r<j)dXXo/j.ai, I stumble, Skr. skhalate, he
stumbles ; (T\i(a), Lat. scindo ; Xii-^o), ypd'^co : AeZ/So),
ypd(f>co ; d^oov, Lat. axis ; Ae^co : Xiyo). But rcr became
a-a, (T, as Hom. noa-a-i, Att. noai beside Skr. patsli, see
§166.

Note. — Forms like rcyo?, OE. faec, roof, O.Ir. teg, Aouse,
beside crreyos, Lith. 8t6gas, roof, probably existed already
in the parent language, see § 112.

2. Intervocalic <r<r became simplified to <r in Attic, as aor.
Hom. (ia-a-a, Att. e^caa : ^ico, Skr. yds^mi, / seethe, bubble ;
Hom. ereAeo-o-a, Att. iTiXeaa : xeAeo) from *T€Xi(rjQ) ; Hom.

io6 Phonology [§213

cTreo-o-f, (weai, Att. C7re<rf = Skr. vdcassu. But before and
after consonants aa became simplified to a in all the
dialects, as SvaT-qvos from *8v(T-aTavos ; loc. pi. Att. fxrjai,
Cret. /j.T)v<Tc from *fi-qv<T-(rL ; late Gr. aor. Tiparaadai from
*Tep(rcra(r6ai : r^paofiai.

3. In combination with a preceding liquid (see however
§ 217), as TiXaov : rlAoy ; KiXaco, e/feXcra : kcXXo) ; Horn.
6dp<T09, Lesb. dipao^ ; Horn, dpa-qv, Ion. tparjv ; Ion.
Kopa-rj. This po- became pp in Att., as 6dppo9, dpprjv,
Kopp-q.

4. Finally, as Xi^/coy, Lat. lupus, Goth, wulfs, wo^;
r]8ia-T09, Goth, sutists, sweetest; tls, Lat. quis ; <f>epoi9,
Goth, bairdis, //iom ntayest bear.

§ 213. s became h in prim. Greek initially before vowels
and medially between vowels, and then in the latter case
the h disappeared altogether.

I. Initially : aXXofxai, Lat. salio ; d'Xy, Lat. sal, OE.
sealtiSali; e5oy, Skr. sddas-, Lat. sedes, seat; evo9, Skr.
sdnah, Lat. sen-ex, Goth, sin-eigs, Lith. senas, old;
epTTco, Skr. sdrpami, Lat. serpo, / creep ; enrd, Skr. saptd,
Lat. septem, O.Ir. secht, Goth, sibun, Lith. septyni, sevett ;
eireTai, Skr. sdcate, Lat. sequitur, he follows ; ri/xi-, Skr.
sami, Lat. semi-, half; 6, Skr. sd, Goth, sa, tlie; it is
difficult to account for o-i/y beside 5y, Lat. sus, OE. su, sow,
pig.

Initial h- disappeared in the prehistoric period of Greek
when the next syllable or the next but one began with an
aspirate, as exco : e^eo, (rxrj<ra) ; i<Txa> from *i(t\(o older
*(Tia-xci); avo9 from *avho9 older *havhos, Lith. sausas,
dry ; tSeOXov, bottom : e5oy, Skr. sddas-, seat ; dfioOiv :
d/icoy. See § 115.

Note. — In the prehistoric period of some of the Doric
dialects and in the Lesb., Elean and Asiatic-Ionic dialects the
spiritus asper became the spiritus lenis.

§§ 214-15] The Spirants 107

2. Medially ( = Lat. r, Goth, z but r in the other Germanic
languages): Aeol. al/coy, Ion. ^coy, Att. ecoy, from *ausos,
Lat. aurora ; gen. yli/eoy = Skr. jdnasah, Lat. generis ;
Hom. r\a, Skr. asam, / was ; j^^tW from *(rfa8L(Ta)v, Goth.
sutiza, OE. swetra, sweeter; ios, Lat. virus; gen. /xuop,
Lat. muris ; viofiai, I come, Skr. ndsate, he joins ; ovar-,
Lat. auris, OE. eare, ear) gen. pi. fern. Hom. tcLohv, Skr.
tasam, Lat. is-tarum, Goth. ]>iz6, masc. Goth. ))ize, OE.
Jjara, of the) (Repeal, cpiprj = Skr. bhdrase, Goth, bairaza.

See § 129, 9 for initial and medial sj ; and § 124, 5 for
initial and medial sw.

§ 214. Initial sm, sn became /x, v through the inter-
mediate stage of \nx, vv, as fx€i8d(t>, I smile, Skr. smdyate,
he smiles : Hom. (piXo-fificiSr)^ ; fi€ipofj,ai, I receive as my
due, Skr. smdrati, he remembers : Hom. e-fifiope ; /xiXSco,
OHG. smilzu, / melt; fxia from *<r/jLia : eV, Lat. sem-el;
via), I spin, O. It. sn?iihQ, thread -. Hom. ^-vveov, ace. vi(f)a,
Lat. nivem, nom. OE. snaw, Lith. snBgas, snow : dyd-
pukPos; v6o9, mind, OE. snot(t)or, prudent, wise; vvo^,
Skr. snusa, Lat. nurus, OE. snoru, daughter-in-law. It
is difficult to account for the <r//- in afxepSaXios, o-fxepSvos,
terrible, OE. smeortan, to smart; a-fxtXr], knife for cutting
or carving, OE. smi]7, smith, carpenter; crfilKpos beside
fjLiKpos ; ajjLv^oi), I burn in a smouldering fire, OE. smeocan,
to smoke.

Medial sm, sn became fifi, vv, which remained in Lesb.
and Thess., but became 11, v with lengthening of the pre-
ceding vowel in the other dialects, as Lesb. Thess. kjini,
Att. Ion. dfii, Dor. r)fxi, Skr. dsmi, Lith. esmi, / am ; Att.
^fiiv, Skr. asma, we were; Lesb. dfifi€9, Att. Ion. ^iids,
Dor. Boeot. ayttey, Skr. asmd-, we; Lesb. areXdvva, Att.
CTiXrivri, from *(riXd(Tvd ; Lesb. (f>d€vvos, Ion. (paeiuo^, Att.
^dvo^, from *(l>af€a-v6s ; Ion. uvvfiL from *f€(rvvfjLi.

§ 215. Initial sr, si became /d, X through the intermediate
stage of pp, XX, as pu, Skr. srdvati, he flows : Hom. e-ppeou ;

io8 Phonology [§§ 216-17

^o<f>ia>, Lith. srebiii, I gulp down ; Xet/Seo, Lat. libo, I pour
out, OHG. slifan, to slide, glide : Horn. 6(f>pa XXciyjravTf ;
\rjya>, I cease, NE. slack : Horn. d-WrjKTos.

Medial sr, si became pp, XX, which remained in Lesb.
after short vowels, but became p, X with lengthening of the
preceding vowel in the other dialects, as Horn, rp-qpoav from
*Tpd<rpa>v : Tpi{(r)a> ; vavKpapos from *vavKpa<rpo9 ; Lesb.
XiXXioi, Att. Ion. xiiXioi, Skr. sa-hdsram, thousand; Lesb.
iXXaos, Att. lXao9, from *<TiaXafos.

Medial sr, si became p, X after long vowels and diph-
thongs already in prim. Greek, as aijpiov from *aij<TpLov,
to-morrow, Skr. usrdh, matutinal; o-cipos from *(T€i(rp69 :
<T€(reiafiai ; OpavXos from *6pav(TX6s : Opavaros.

§ 216. Antevocalic ms, ns became fifi, vv, which remained
in Lesbian and Thessalian, but became fx, v with lengthen-
ing of the preceding vowel in the other dialects, as Lesb.
ivififia, Att. Ion. tv^ifia. Dor. evrj/xa : vifico ; wfio^ from
*a)fi(T09, Lat. umerus, Goth, ams, shoulder; eyrjfia from
*€yafi(ra : ya/xico. Gen. Lesb. firjvvo^, Thess. fieivvos, Dor.
Att. Ion. /jltjvos, Lat. mensis; gen. x^^'oy : Lat. anser,
German gans, goose ; Lesb. tjiivva, Att. Ion. eficiva, Dor.
ifiriva : /xii/a>; i(f>rjva, ^<pdva from *e(pav(ra : (f)aiva> ; and
similarly eKTCiva, ereiva, eOeiua, v(f)rji/a, eKipSdva, Ion.
kKipBrjva, k^rjpdva, MVOfirjva.

§ 217. Antevocalic is, rs. It is doubtful what is the
regular development of these combinations in Greek.
Some scholars assume that they regularly remained in
prim. Greek when immediately preceded by the accent
and that rs then became pp in Attic, but that in other
cases they had the same development as antevocalic ms,
ns (§ 216). Other scholars assume that is, rs regularly
remained except that the latter combination became pp in
Attic, and that aorists like enrfXa : ndiXXa), ea^rjXa : (r(f>dXXa),
iaTiiXa : o-TeXXo), i^yyuXa : dyyiXXco, ertXa : tiXXcd, eSfipa :
depco, €(l>deipa : (f>$eipa>, icrvpa : o-vpco were new formations

§§ 218-2 2] The Spirants 109

after the analogy ofevci/ia : vifuo, tfieiva : /^ei/o), &c. ^K^Xaa :
KfX\a>, €K€p<Ta : Keipco, mpaa : opyv/xi ; Horn. Odpaos, Lesb.
Oipcros, Att. Odppos ; Oaporkco, Att. Oappico ; Horn, dpa-qv,
Ion. Cret. epo-riv, Att. dpprji/ ; Koparj, Att. Kopprj : Kovpev^,
ovpa : Att. oppos. See however § 212, 3.

§ 218. s between a tenuis and a following liquid or nasal
became h and then combined with the preceding tenuis to
form a tenuis aspirata, as (rTi(f>p6s from *(TTnr<rp6s : crrt-
fiapos ; Xi^x'^oy fro"^ *Ai;>ccn'os : Lat. luna from *louksna.
For further examples see § 185.

§ 219. When intervocalic -h- from -a-- belonged to the
second vowel it became transposed so as to stand in front
of the first vowel, as Hom. euco, Lat. uro, / burn, singe,
Skr. osati, he burns; Hom. Att. Upo?, Dor. Boeot. Thess.
lapos, holy, Skr. isirdh, swift, active, strong; dnoiirjv from
*€h€7r6fir}i' : ^irofxai, Lat. sequor. But if the first vowel
was preceded by a tenuis the tenuis became tenuis aspi-
rata, as (f>pov8o^ from *rrpo-ho8os; (f>povpd, Ion. <Ppovprj
from *irpo-hopd.

§ 220. When a tenuis came to stand before h, it combined
with the h to form a tenuis aspirata, as Kadi^a> : i^<o ; k(j>-
la-TTjfit : la-Trjfii ; and similarly in d<l>ii]/ii : iij/it ; €(pnr7ro9,
Te$pnnrov : ittttos.

§ 221, Interconsonantal s disappeared when the first
consonant was not a nasal and the last consonant was not
w or j, but in the combination ksk the first consonant
disappeared (§ 186), as dXro, dXjievos : aXXofiai, ndXTo :
eVj/Xa, eaTuXro : otIAXco, dpfi€Uos : ^p<ra, a>pTO : mpaa,
nripva from *'nT^pava ; Hom. X^kto : eXe^a, and similarly
SeKTo, efiiKTO, KaTiTrrjKTo ; '4kto^ : €^, eKTiivo), €K(f>epQ> from
*iK(rT€ii/a), *iK(r(p€p(o; y^y pd^Oai from *y^y pdirdQai :
ypd(f)co, and similarly Sixdai, neirXixOai, XeX€i(f>dai,

TiTpd(f)6ai, TiTpi<f>$ai.

§ 222. The prepositional forms e^, e/c, €y (Boeot. and
Thessal.) were due to sandhi relations, e^ regularly

I lo Phonology [§§ 223-6

occurred before a following vowel, c/c before consonants
(except k), and ey before k (§ 186).

§ 223. tsn became nn through the intermediate stage zn,
as fiXiuvo^ from *pXiT<rvos, mucous matter, Skr. m|'tsna,
clay ; 8ivvos from *8iT(rvos, see § 117.

§ 224. Indg. z (generally written a before ^, y) remained
before voiced mediae, but before voiced aspiratae it became
voiceless at the same time the voiced aspiratae became
voiceless (§ 103), as i'^oo from *sizdo, Lat. side ; o^os, Lesb.
vaSos, Goth, asts, from *ozdos, branch, tivig; fji[<ryco from
*mizg5, / mix, Lith. mazg6ti, to wash; and similarly
npia-^v?, (T^ivvvfii. fiiaOo^ from *mizdhos, Goth, mizdd,
pay, reward; icrOi, Zend zdi from *zdhi, be thou; fioa^o^
from *mozghos, Lith. md.zgas, sprout, bud; ta-^ov from
*ezghom.

sh, zh
§ 225. The spirants sh, zh only occurred in combination
with tenues and mediae and arose in prim. Indo-Germanic
from the combinations tenues aspiratae and mediae aspira-
tae + s, as tsh, psh, ksh, qsh ; dzh, bzh, gzh, gzh from
older ths, phs, khs, qhs; dhs, bhs, ghs, ghs. These
combinations had in Greek the same development as the
original tenues + s, cp. fut. Tnia-o/xai : iripOos, grief, sorrow,
Lith. Viqsiu, I suj^er, prim. Indg. *qent.sh- from *qenth-s«;
yjraxi), I rub in pieces : Skr. psati, he chews, prim. Indg. *bzh5-
from *bhs6- ; ^ivos : Lat. hostis, prim. Indg. *gzhen-, from
*ghsen-.

p, ]>h ; d, dh

§ 226. y> and d only occurred after palatals and velars
which were originally unaspirated, as k)), qj>, gd, gd. J)h
and dh only occurred after palatals and velars which were
originally aspirated, as k])h, qj)h, gdh, gdh from older

§§ 227-8] Sandhi iii

khj>, qh)), ghd, ghd. In the present state of our knowledge
it is impossible to determine how these four spirants were
pronounced in the parent language. In Greek they became
t-sounds, and in Sanskrit, Latin, Germanic and the Baltic-
Slavonic languages they became s-sounds : — (k]>), ktio-i^ :
Skr. ksitih, abode ; dpKTo? : Skr. f k|ah, bear; TeKToav : Skr.
taksan-, carpenter; (qj>), ktsluco : Skr. ksanoti, he wounds,
injures; (q)jh), ^Oivoa : Skr. ksinati, he destroys; (gdh),
yOoiv : Skr. ksam-, earth.

J
§ 227. It is doubtful whether the parent Indg. language
had a spirant j beside i-consonant (§ 118). The initial ^,
which occurs in a few Greek words where the other Indg.
languages have i-consonant, is probably due to a sound-
change which took place in prim. Greek under conditions
that have not yet been discovered. Examples are : — (eid,
spelt, Skr. ydvah, grain, corn ; ^ico, Skr. ydsami, / seethe,
OHG. jesan, to ferment; (yybv, Skr. yugdm, Lat. jugum,
Goth, juk, yoke ; C^firj, leaven, Skr. yusam, broth, Lat. jus.

CHAPTER VII
SANDHI

§ 228. By sandhi is meant the changes which the initial
and final sounds of words undergo when used in a word-
group or sentence. The term is borrowed from the Sanskrit
grammarians and means combination, lit. putting together.
In dealing with sandhi it is necessary to distinguish between
the sounds which begin and end a word-group or sentence
and those which occur medially. In the former case the
sound-changes are the same as those which take place at
the beginning or end of a word when used alone, but in the
latter case the changes are subject to the same laws which

1 1 2 Phonology [§328

obtain for the medial parts of a word. The result of these
twofold changes often gives rise to what are called sentence-
doublets. At a later period these sentence-doublets not
unfrequently come to be used beyond their original sphere
and then one of the forms becomes generalized and the
other dies out. Greek like all the other Indg. languages
has numerous examples of this kind, but for our present
purpose two or three examples will suffice. In prim. Indg.
•j alternated with -i in sandhi. The former was used when
the next word began with a vowel and the latter when it
began with a consonant, as in Trpoy from *7rpoTJ (§ 167)
beside rrpoTi, cp. Trpoa-idijKa like Skr. prity adham, but
7rpoTi-6i](r(o like Skr. prdti dhasyami. npSs then came to
be used before consonants and became generalized in Attic,
whereas npoTL survived and Trpoy disappeared in other
dialects. Prepositional forms like dv', an', kut', in,
regularly arose by elision when the next word began
with a vowel, but already in Homer they came to be
used before a following consonant and even underwent
assimilation with it, as Ka/S/SaXAco, i>PPdW(o beside Kara-
fidWo), vTro^dWco. The original ending of the ace. plural
of o-stems was -ens. This remained in prim. Greek in
pausa and when the next word began with a vowel, but
became -oy when the next word began with a consonant
(§ 153). The former became generalized in Att. Ion. mild
Dor. -ovs, Boeot. and severe Dor. -coy, Lesb. -019, and the
latter in Arcad. and Thess. -oy, whereas in Cretan the -ops
and -oy existed side by side. The nom. singular of n-stems
originally ended partly in -en, -on and partly in -e, -o
(§ 29). The former became generalized in Greek, the
latter in Sanskrit, Latin and Lithuanian, whereas in prim.
Germanic the two forms were preserved side by side.
We have already seen in other parts of the Phonology
that the sound-laws, which govern the pausa form of
a word, vary considerably in the diflferent languages, but

§ 229] Final Sounds 113

this is infinitely more so in regard to the laws of sandhi.
It would therefore be beyond the plan and scope of this
grammar to treat the subject from a comparative point of
view. The phenomena of sandhi can be conveniently
divided into two categories according as they relate to the
end or the beginning of a word.

I. Final Sounds.

§ 229. All vowels and diphthongs remained when abso-
lutely final, as ol8a, dye, \vk€, kaTi, npo, SaKpv, fiiOv, Dor.
Ti/id, Att. Ion. Tl/jirj, Svco, (f)€pco, (fiip^Tai, Xvkoi, (/>€p6fi€Voi,
av, Zed, Bed, Xvkco, &c.

The vowels -a, •€, -0 were elided before a following vowel
in prim. Greek, and then after the analogy of these -i was
also elided, as kut' dWo, dir' avrcov, to. 8' dWa, ovk eyco
(ov-Ki), CTT* dv$pco7ra>, kir' avTov, Xiyoifi dv. This rule then
became extended to the final vowel of the first element of
compounds, as Si-iXafiou, TriuT-o^o?, dTr-aya>yrj, dir-aiTiO),
iTTir-ayoDyos, kir-apoiyos. The o in "rrpo, to was never
elided. The antevocalic forms of prepositions were some-
times used for the anteconsonantal, cp. Horn, dv, kut,
nap for dvd, Kara, vapd. Elision also took place before
a following ' and after the loss of F; as vvx'^' oXrjv = i/tJ/cra
oXrju, ov8' eh, 8' eros, dir epyov, &c.

Beside elision we also find contraction with a following
vowel (crasis). The reason for this twofold treatment is
unknown. These contractions originally followed the
rules for contraction in medial and final syllables (§§ 79,
80), and then at a later period the product of the con-
traction was determined by the quality of the initial vowel
of the second word, as rdXXa = rd dXXa, rayadd = rd
dyaOd, Tovvo/ia = to 6vofia, trpovpyov = Trpo epyov, ey&8a
= eyo) o'l8a, a>yade = S> dyaOe, Ion. Dor. wvrjp beside Att.
dvqp = 6 dviqp, and similarly Att. Tav8p6s, Tav8pi.

Consonantal -i in the combinations -ai, -oi regularly dis-

114 Phonology [§230

appeared in prim. Greek before a following vowel (§ 128),
and then the -a, -o was either elided or contracted with the
following vowel, as Horn. PovXofi eyco = ^ovXofiai eyto,
6s fi eOeXey = 6'y fioi eOeXev ; kuXXcos = Ka{i) dXXcos, kuvtos
= Ka{i) avTos, Kav = /fa(t) &v, Kant, Dor. Krjiri = Ka{i) knt,
rapa = toi dpa, a8iX(f>oi = ol dSeX^oi. At a later period
the pausa and anteconsonantal form came to be used
before vowels and then the -i = -j was preserved and pro-
nounced as the initial of the following word, as Kal itri =
Ka-j€Tn, Hom. dvBpa fiOi ivviin = /xd jevvem.

Simple long vowels were shortened when the next word
began with a vowel, hence the metrical rule : — ' vocalis ante
vocalem corripitur,' as Hom. TrXayx^^ kiru Tpoirjs, Att.
avT^-t, TovTov-t, Cret. jxe €pSikou = /xrj ivSiKov, see § 71.

Long diphthongs were shortened in prim. Greek when
the next word began with a consonant (cp. § 70), hence -oi,
-ai beside -o), -a in the dat. singular of 0- and a-stems, the
former of which became generalized in some dialects, and
the latter in others, see §§ 321, 325.

§ 230. All originally final explosives disappeared, as
€(f>€p€, Skr. dbharat, eirj, Skr. syat, O.Lat. siet, fiiXi :
fiiXiTos, voc. yepov, \apUv : yipovros, xapUvros. ti, Lat.
qtiid, ea-TO), O.Lat. estdd, to, Skr. tdd, Lat. is-tud, dXXo,
Lat. aliud, Kfjp, cp. KapSid, Lat. cord-is, voc. ttul : iraiSoy.
Kpi : KplOrj. voc. yvvai : yvvaiKos. ydXa : ydXaKTOs, ^
from *^KT, he spoke, voc. dva : dvaKTOs.

Note. — Prepositional forms like d7r*, iir\ /car' regularly pre-
served their final consonant after the apocope of the vowel or
else became assimilated to the following consonant (§ 228), and
similarly with the negative ovk, oix (before a rough breathing).

Indg. final -m became -n in prim. Greek and thus fell
together with original -n, as e^cpoy, Skr. dbharam, etrjy,
Skr. syim, O.Lat. siem, t6v, Skr. tarn, Lat. is-tum, Xvkov,
Skr. v^kam, Lat. lupum, Trarpcov, Skr. pitrnam ; on Ieu,

§§231-2] Initial Sounds 115

xOmv, xia>v, see § 141. Original -n and the -n from older
•m became -/z before labials, -y (= •!)) before gutturals,
and completely assimilated to a following liquid, nasal or
<T; although the -v was often retained in writing, as ifXTrirrToo,
T^fi TToXiv, ifxISdXXco, <Tv/x^acuQ>, e/x(f>ipco; ey/cuKXoy, kyy^vq^,
avyxeco ; eXXetVco, avWoyos, toX Xoyov ; (rvppicD; k^jx^vo) ;
(rv(Tcrco/xo9. On the so-called 1/ €(f)€XKv<TTiK6u, see §§ 306,
316.

In prim. Indg. -s alternated with -z. The former occurred
in pausa and before voiceless explosives, and the latter
before voiced explosives. The -z was probably preserved in
Greek before voiced mediae, although it was not indicated
in writing. On forms with and without final -y, as in
d/jL(f)L9, TToXXaKis, ovTcos beside dfi(f>i, ttoXXuki, ovtco, see
§ 575.

Tenues became aspirates before a rough breathing, as
d(j)' ov = dir' ov, vv^O' oXrjv = vvkt 6Xr]v, d(f)tr]fii = dir-
trifii, Kadaipico = Kar-alpico. -5 + rough breathing became
6, as ovdds, ovO^v = 01)8' ely, ovB' '4v.

2. Initial Sounds.

§ 231. On the contraction which took place when one
word ended in a vowel and the following word began with
a vowel, see § 229. On the development of prothetic
vowels, as in epe^o^, epvdpos : Skr. rdjah, rudhirdh,
see § 77.

§ 232. Forms like ^vv : <rvu, ^vXlvos : a-vXLVo^f y^eXXi^ca :
acXXi^Q) are probably sentence-doublets, but the conditions
under which they arose are unknown.

Geminated consonants, which arose from assimilation,
were preserved in prim. Greek, but became mostly
simplified already in the prehistoric period of the language
when the words containing them were used alone or began
the sentence, as p€i, Skr. srdvati, beside e-ppa, Skr.
4-sravat, prjyi'v/xi : ^-pprj^a, d-pprjKTO^, fifipo/iai : t-jifiopf,

I 2

ii6 Formation of Nouns and Adjectives [§ 233

A^yo) : d-Wr^KTo^, /leiSfjarai : (j>i\o-/j.fi(i8^9, v[<f>a ; dyd-
vvi(f>os, foy [fhos) : Horn, narfpi ff^, Horn. o-cOe : i-<T(rev€,
(rdK09 : <Pep€-a(TaKrji, Boeot. to. mrd/xaTa : irdfia.

On forms like d(f>tT]fii = dir-i-qfii., see § 230. The rough
breathing regularly disappeared after -cr, -i/, -p, as in €<r-,
cr-, vnep-dWofiai beside SiXXo/iai, but it was often restored
again after the analogy of the simplex. The initial rough
became the smooth breathing in Asiatic Ionic, Lesbian,
Elean and in a part of the Cretan dialect.

CHAPTER VHI

THE FORMATION OF NOUNS AND
ADJECTIVES

§ 233. In the formation of nouns and adjectives it is
necessary to distinguish between the so-called root-nouns
(§ 234) and nouns and adjectives which contain a suffix or
formative element (§§ 235-86). Little is known of the
origin of the numerous suffixes in the parent Indg. language
and in the oldest periods of the separate languages. It is
probable that most of the suffixes had originally an in-
> dependent meaning and that in some cases they were
independent words which sank down to be merely formative
elements already in prim. Indo-Germanic. There is no
reason to doubt but that many of the Indg, suffixes arose
in the same or similar manner»as we see them arise in the
history of the individual languages, cp. the English suffixes
•dom, •hood, -ly, all of which existed as independent words
in the oldest period of the language, as cynedom, kingdom,
freoddm, freedom, beside the simplex dom, Goth, doms,
judgment) cildhad, childhood, preosthad, priesthood, beside
the simplex had, rank, grade, Goth, hdidus, manner)
gearlic, yearly, mennisclic, human, beside the simplex lie,

§ 234] Root-Nouns 117

Goth, leik, body. It should be noted that when a suffix
is added to a stem which already contains a suffix, it^
is called a secondary suffix, as in (f>€pov(ra from *(f>^po-
vT-ja, fiavTi-Ko-s : fidvri-s, nepvai-vo^ : nepva-i. Prior
to the time when case-endings, personal endings, &c.
came into existence, the only difference between nouns
and verbs was one of meaning and not merely of form.
And this is the reason why so many of the same suffixes
occur in the formation both of nouns and verbs, and
similarly with reduplication, as in ^dp^apos, yepyepoy,
fiopfiopos, Trdinra, rdra, TrjOrj, SXoXvs, kScoBrj, naindXr],
TiTavos, &c. See § 429.

In the following paragraphs the suffixes are divided into
two great classes according as they end in a vowel (§§ 235-
68) or a consonant (§§ 269-86).

I. Root-Nouns.

§ 284. Root-nouns, that is nouns in which the case-
endings are added to the bare root without an intervening ^
suffix or formative element. The root-nouns originally
had various ablaut-grades in the different cases, but already
in the parent Indg. language the levelling out of one or
other of the ablaut-grades began to take place whereby
one or more of the grades entirely disappeared. This
process of levelling went still further in the prehistoric
period of the separate languages with the result that one
or other of the grades often became generalized throughout
all the case-forms. In Greek the root-nouns may be
divided into two categories, viz. those which preserve two
or more ablaut-grades, and those which have the same
grade throughout all case-forms.

I. Nouns which preserve two or more ablaut-grades, as
TToi/y, Dor. Trcoy, Skr. pat, Lat. pes, OE. fot; ace. iroSa,
Skr. padam, Lat. pedem (cp. prep. TreSa), OE. fot; gen.
noSos, Skr. paddh, Lat. pedis, see § 842.

1 18 Formation of Nouns and Adjectives [§ 235

/3oiJy from */3<Bi;y, Skr. gauh ; ace. Dor. ^5>v, Skr. gam ;
gen. Poos, see § 339.

Zivs from *djeus, Skr. dyauh ; ace. Zfjv, Skr. dyam ;
gen. Alos, Skr. div4h, see § 337.

•)(6a)v from *)(Oa)fj., ^mv from *\i(t)fi, gen. x^oi/oy, x'o^'oy*
see § 346.

2. Nouns which have the same ablaut-grade throughout
all case-forms. The strong grade was generalized in Kp^^,
(f>\iyjr, 86p^, 6-^, <p\o^ ) the lengthened grade in B<i>s, kXco-^,
pco^, crK<i>y^, tttco^, Tpa>^, (f>a>p, Syjr, Orjp, Krjp from *K-qp8
(§ 230), y^-fjp ; and the weak grade in Bpi^, h (§ 330), vi<pa
(ace), 0pi^, KLs, gen. kios (§ 330), <ttv^, ixOvs, gen. i-)(6vos
(§ 334), and similarly /zCy, o(j)pvs, vs.

In vavs from *;/ays', Skr. nauh the long diphthong was
levelled out into all the cases already in the parent Indg.
language, see § 336.

2. Suffixes ending in a Vowel.

§ 235. -ja-. This sufSx was chiefly used in the formation
^of feminine nouns and adjectives from the masculine of u-
and consonant-stems, as ri8^'ia from *a-fa8(Fja '• v8vs =
Skr. svadvi : svaduh, sweet, and similarly fiapua, yXvKua,
wXaTiia ; TiKTaiva from *TiKTavja : t^ktodv = Skr. tak^ni :
tdksan-, carpenteVy and similarly ydraiva, Oepdnaiva,
X^aipa, &c. ; -aiua became extracted as an independent
suffix for the formation of the feminine of the names of
persons and animals from o-stems, as rjfiiOeaiya, Kanpaipa,
XvKaiva; (j>^pova-a from *(f)epoi'Tja : (f>ipovT- = Skr. bhd-
ranti : bhdrant- ; yapUaaa from *-f€Tja ; Sorapa from
*8oT€pja : 8oT^p = Skr. datri : datdr- ; Att. Dor. yeyouda
from *-fe(rja, Ion. yeyouvia from *-v<Tja : Skr. -usi (§ 552) ;
yXcoaa-a from *yXa)Xja, Brjaaa from *Or]TJa, &c. ; in this
manner was also occasionally formed the feminine from
o-stems, as ninpa : nlepos = Skr. pivari : pivar^h; Iraipa :
crapes, /xoipa : /xopos.

§ 236] Suffixes ending in a Vowel 119

On the form of the nominative singular in Greek and for
further examples see § 322.

§ 236. The suffixes -o-, -a-. The -o- originally formed
the second syllable of dissyllabic light bases and was
regular in such words as AiJ/coy, Skr. vfkah, Lat. lupus,
from an original Indg. form *wlq6s, wolf, and similarly in
Cvyou, Skr. yugdm, Lat. jugum, yoke. From such words
the -o- became extracted as a suffix and was extended to
bases which had not originally the accent on the second
syllable (cp. § 456). The -o- stood in ablaut relation to -e-
just as in the verbal forms 0epo-/z€i/ : 0€/oe-re, cp. \vko-9, Skr.
v^ka-h, Lat. lupu-s : voc. Xvk€, vf ka, lupe. In like manner
the -a- probably formed originally the second syllable of
dissyllabic heavy bases (cp. § 458) from which the -a- was
extracted as a suffix already in the prim. Indg. period and
then became used for the formation of the feminine.

With the suffixes -o-, "a- were formed a large number of
nomina actionis, nomina agentis, verbal abstract nouns, and
adjectives, as /Spo/ioy, yovos, Spofios, Aoxoy, TrXooy, tokos,
Tp6/i09, TpoTTos, rpoxps, (l>d6po9, (f>6^09, <f>6vos, X^°y> ^nd
with changed meaning, as 56/Ltoy (Skr. ddmah) : ^e/ico, and
similarly aWos, ^oXos, y6fi(f>os, \6yos, vo/jlos, oyKos, o1ko9
(Skr. velah, Lat. vicus), ttXokos, poos, (rTp6(f)os, ororxoy,
ToT\os, TOfxos, rpoTTos, Tpoyos, (t>opos.

doiSos, dpxos, kXottos, Trofnros, Tpo(f>6s ; cp. Lat. procus :
precari.

d/jLoifiiq, doiSiq, ^a<f>rj, tSoXrj, yourj, vo/xrj, TrXoKrj, ttoixtttJ,
a-KOTTiq, o-TTOvSrj, a-riyT], <TTpo(f)rj, TOfxrj, rpOTrrj, Tpo(f)i], rpoxv,
(pdopd, (t>opa ; Slkt), p.dxv> P^'^Vi ^^VV (Lat. fuga). ^opd,
epar) (Hom. kipo-rf), pot], yvvrj (Boeot. ^avd), SovXi],
Kopr}, &c.

alOo?, ^opos, Xoiiros, (TTpa^os, ro/ios, (f>op69.

With -o-, -a-, as secondary suffixes, were formed nouns
like IdTpos : iarrip, vSpos (Skr. udrdh) : v8a>p, adj. mapos :
irlap. niSov (Skr. pad4m) : *ped-, foot, wiXeKKov from

I20 Formation of Nouns and Adjectives [§237

*iT€\iKvov : iriXiKvs, darpov : darrip, rfTpov : rjTop. TrTV\ri :
TTTv^i <PpaTpd : <f>pdTT]p, ^piKt] : <f>pt^.

§ 237. '(ijao-, -(ijja.'. These suffixes were chiefly used in
the parent Indg. language for the formation of (i) denomina-
tive adjectives, (2) verbal adjectives, and (3) adjectives with
a comparative meaning. The neuter and feminine of
(i) and (2) often became used as nouns in Greek.

I. Denominative adjectives, as iiririos, Skr. dsvyah:
iTTTTos, dsvah, horse, d^ios : 6(6s, rifiios : tI/jlij, and similarly
dypio9, dpTio9, yofji(f>io9, S109 (Skr. divydh), 86\fiio^,

TJ(TV\109, KOIVOS, KVKXlOS, /X€l\l\lO^, ^€1^109, 6/i(3pi09, T€<r<Tapd'

^oios from *-^ofjo9, yjeiXioi. Oeiot/, kvvirviov. ifvid,
after the analogy of which were formed nouns like dyyiXia,
<ro(f)id.

Xifxivios : Xi/irju, Saifiovios : Satfioov, and similarly dycovios,
av\ii^ios, 7roi/i€vio9, xBovio^. dpviov, Xifiviou, troifiviov.

TTdrpLOs, Skr. pftr(i)yah, Lat. patrius : TrarTJp, pit^r>,
pater, acoTijpio^ : aa>Trjp, and similarly aiOipios, darepios,
dvaKTopio^, OiXKTrjpios, fiaKupio^, (pd>pi09- dv8piov, aijpiov,
OiXKTrjpiov. dvaKToptd, acoTtjpid. From forms like OcXKTiq-
pios was extracted the suffix -T-qpio- which became used in
forming words like SaTrjpio9, SrjKTijpios, Siafiarijpios, Ikc-
T-fjpios ; dKpodrrjpiov, SiinvijTrjpiou.

n€^6s (Skr. padydh) from *7r6^'oy, ijfidTios : rit^a-p (gen.
ij/jiaTOs), <f)iXoTrj<rios : (f>iX6Tr)T-, yipov<rios : yipovT;iKov(rio9:

iKOVT-, Sl)(6d8lOS : 8L\6d8; Xl]t8tOS : XT]t8: \ipild8L0V,

opvtOiov, 7rai8iov. From forms like d<nri8iov : da-ms (gen.
d<rm8os) was extracted the suffix •t8to- which became used
in forming neuter diminutives like dypi8iop, d8€X(f>i8iov,
aiyi8iov, ^i(f>i8iov, &c.

yrjpaio^ : yfjpa?, erctoy : eroy (gen. €T€09), ai8oL09 : aiSd><i
(gen. al86os), and similarly yipaios, Ky€(f)aio9, ipKcToy, 6p€i09,
Tjolos ', after the analogy of which were formed 8iKaio9,
8ovX€ios, inneio?, xpvaeios, Sec.

dyopaios : dyopd, and similarly dvayKoios, dvTinepaios,

§§ 238-9] Suffixes ending in a Vowel 121

TTiTpam, after the analogy of which were formed oSaios,

With -ejo- (= -€o-, Skr. -aya-, Lat. -eo-) were formed
adjectives like afyeoy, dpyvpios, Kvueos, XiOeos, (TiSrjpeos,
(f>\6yios, xpi'o-eoy; cp. Lat. aureus, igneus, lapideus.

OpV^OV, OCT^OV.

With •ew(i)jo- were formed d<TTiios : d<TTv, yiv^Lov :
yivvs, x^Ae^oi/ : xe^^S"'

Att. ^aa-iXiios, xdXKuos, Ion. ^a<Tc\iji09, xaXKrjio?, from
-»;fioy older -rjfijos, after the analogy of which was formed
Att. wo\ifjLeio9, Ion. iroXifiriio^ : noXijios.

2. Verbal adjectives, as ay^oy (Skr. ydjyah) : a^ofiai,
irdyios, (TTvyios, a-<pdyi09. <r(f)dycoy, /lavid, trevia.

3. With originally comparative meaning, as aXXoy (§ 129,
2), Lat. alius, Goth. aljis,o//f^r; /i€(<r)(ros from */i€^oy, Skr.
mddhyah, Lat. medius, Goth, midjis, middle.

4. From adverbs ending in -i, and from the locative in -i,
as dvTLo^ : dvri, dpTLos : dpn, Trpmios : npooi; ivdXi-os,
kmyOovL-o^, KaraxOovi-o?, viroyjeipL-os.

§ 238. -wo-, -wa-. These suffixes were comparatively
rare in the parent I ndg. language, and did not become very
productive in any of the separate languages. Examples
are : TTTTroy (§ 124, 2), Skr. divah, Lat. equos, horse, Att.
6X0S, Ion. ovXos (Skr. sdrvah) from *<roXfo9, Att. o-repos,
Ion. <rT€iu6s from *<TT€vfos, 6p66s (Skr. urdhvdh, Lat.
arduus), Hom. riXeios from *t€X€(tFo9, and similarly ^aXios,
Se^io^, rjiOios, Xaios (Lat. laevos), 0109, TreXfoy, TroX^oy,
a-Kaios (Lat. scaevos), (Paio^, (paXio?, k^vo^, Ion. khvos,
fidvSs, fiovos, Ion. fiovi/09, Att. lei'oy, Ion. ieivo^, Att. opoy,
Ion. ovpo9, Att. K6po9, Koprj, Ion. Kovpo9, Kovprj, Hom. icoy,
Att. aroy from *fiT(Tfos. iroia.

§ 239. •mo-, 'ma- were chiefly used in the formation of
verbal abstract nouns, many of which became concrete in
Greek, as dvifios, dpS/xo^, dpfios, dpnayfio^, Ovfxos, Oco/jlSs,
IvyfioSfKaXa/jios, K€pafi09,Kiv6ix69, Krjpvyfios, Kvijfios, Kop/xos,

122 Formation of Nouns and Adjectives [§§ 240-1

Kpvfios, Xl/io?, XoifiSs, fivyfio^, ^y/ioy (Skr. &jma^), oSvpfio?,
olfios, opfio?, TTTapiJLOs, Topfios, (f>\oyfi69, (f>opfi69. Adjectives
like 80x116^, depfios {Skr. ghB.rmkh,heai, Lat. formus), crt/zoy.

dKfirj, yua>fir), $ipfir}, Kvrjfir), Xoxf^Vf H-^^M> ^^Mi opfirj^
irvyfirj, a-KaXfiT), tI/jltj, <t>WVf XW^-

Beside 'ino-, -ma- there also occur 'dhmo-, •dhma-, where
•dh- is the so-called root-determinative found in verbs like
TrXrjOcti (§ 476), and more rarely -smO', 'Sma-, •tmo-, -tma-,
as dpOfio^, dpi6fi69, ^a6/x6s, yevOfios, K-qX-qO^o^, KXavOfios,
Kw(r]6fi69, fiTjviOfios, nopOfiSs, pvd/xo^, (ttuO^os ; €i(ri6/jLT],
aTaO/xT]. Saa/jios : Sariofiai, <T\Laii6s ; 6(7/117 for older 68^"^ ;
and with regular loss of interconsonantal -cr- (§ 185) in
IwxiMi, nXox/jLos, poaxi^os ', oclxfiV- ^p^Tfioi : kpir-q^ ;
€(f>€TfjLrj : e<f>iTris.

•i-mo-, where •!• was of various origin, was used as a
secondary suffix in the formation of adjectives like aiaifios,
dXKi-fios (Hom. loc. uXki), Pda-i/ios : ^dai?, KdXXi/xo9,

Kv8l/J.0S, XvaLflOS, f/.6pi/X09, 6^pifJL09, O'^l/XOS, (PaiSifios,

(f>v^i/xo9, xp»70-^/xoy.

§ 240. -meno-, -mena- were used in the formation of the
medio-passive participles. The original forms probably
were •m6no- (preserved in the perfect participles, as TreTW-
afxivo^, XiXeifMfJievos), - -mono- (preserved in Sanskrit in
participles like bodhamanah), and -mnd- (preserved in
Greek in forms like o-rdfiyos, ^iXcfivop, Kpifivov ; cp. Lat.
alumnus, autumnus), see § 653.

§ 241. •no-, -na- occur as primary and secondary suffixes
in the formation of a large number of nouns and adjectives.

I. Primary in alvos, dfivos, Opovos, Qvvos, Kanvos, kvkvos,
oTvos, oKvos, Topvo^, VITVOS (Skr. svdpnah), 0pOj/oy, xpo^'oy,
S)yo9 ; Kpdvov, (TTepvov, Tf-Kvov ; atvr], ^wvrj, iroivrj, ^epvij,
(PpvvT), d)vfi ; 8dvos.

dyvos (Skr. yajndh), Hom. dXaTra8v6s, yvfiyos, 8iLv6s,
Xdyvos, Xixvos, piKvos, aifivos, anip8v6^, airapvos, (mypos,
(TTvyvos.

§§ 242-7] Suffixes ending in a Vowel 123

2. Secondary in kapivo^ : loc. €api, iairepivo^, rifiepivo^,
vvKT^pivos, irepvcTLVo^ : Tripvcri, \€cfjL€piv6s, &c. (fyaeivos from
*<paf€<Tyo9 : 0aoy, and similarly dXyeivo^, iXeeivo?, AceXa-
Siivos ; a-eXrjvT) : (reAay.

§ 242. -ai/o-, -ara- in nouns and adjectives, as Koipavo^,
ovpavo^, pd<f)avo9, (TTi<f)avo9, yoBavo^ ; Speiravov, iBpavov,
$riyavov, Koiravov, Troiravov, a-Kiiravov, rvfjnravou ; SpevdvT],
6-qydvr], firj^avri, (TTeydurj, a-Tecpdvrj.

^d<TKavos, kSavos, iKavos, oXiaOauos, iriOavos, a-Kinavos,
(TTeyavo?.

§ 243. -ino-, used in forming adjectives denoting material,
origin, &c., as aXivos, du6iuo9, dvOpwinvo^, ^v^Xlvos, yq'Cvos,
i\6v'Cv6s, Kip8ii^09, Xdivos, ttv^ivos, <f)ijycvos (Lat. faginus),
(pX6yivo9, \VTpivos.

§ 244. •ino-, -ina-, used in forming adjectives and nouns,
as dy^LO-Tlvos, ytXaalvos, epv$pTuo9, K€crTpiP09, KopaKLVos,
Tv(pXiuo9, <f>o^Li/o9, x^Tpifos ', cp. Skr. navinah, new, Lat.
divinus, equinus, suinus.

SiXcfiaKivr}, TroXvTToStvT], \oiptvr).

§ 245. •s-no-, -s-na-jused in forming nouns and adjectives,
as dpd^vrj from *dpaKavd, Xv\vo9 from *Xvk(tvos (§ 185),
and similarly dyvrj, ird^vr} ; Xd\vo9, ii6p(f)V09, a-v\v69,
Sivvos from *S€T(ruos.

§ 240. -(Tvuo-, -(Tvud-. The origin of these secondary
suffixes is unknown. They were used in forming adjectives
the feminine of which became used as abstract nouns, as
yrjOoa-vpos, SovXocrvvos, Bdpavvo^ from *6apcro-(ruvos, mavvo^
from *'iri<TO-avvo9 ; BiKaiocrvvr}, SovXoavvri, KXeirToavvq, p-vr)'
jxoavvq, <T<o(f>poa-vi'r) ; after the analogy of these were formed
Kip8oavvr] : KepSos (neut.), fxauToavvrj : jidvTis, &c.

§ 247. -lo-, -la-, used both as primary and secondary
suffixes, especially the latter, in the formation of nouns and
adjectives.

I. Primary, as /3j;X6y, yauXoy, yavXos, KavXos, o-rOXoy,
TvXos ; ivXoi/, (TKvXou, <l>vXou, nhaXou; {cvyXr}, 6rjX^,

124 Formation of Nouns and Adjectives [§248

o/jLixXr), (TTpi^Xr], tvXt], 0uXi7, deWa from *afikja : drmi,
KfcpaXij.

^eiXoy, (K7rayXo9, crrpe^Xos, TV(f)X6s, TTiraXos.

2. Secondary, as eXyyeXoy, KaTrrjXos ; SiiKeXov ; dyiXr],
$vfieXr), p((l)iXr], nlfieXiq, dyKiuXrj, ivy((i)X-q, navcrcoXi], rep-
ttcoXt], (f)ei8a>Xr}.

ofiaXos, TrtaXos, xOanaXo^, d{f)(i8€Xos, SffXS?, (rrvcftiXos,
dyKvXos, SplfivXo?, rjSvXos, TTa\vX6s, dnaTrjXo?, (xlyrjXos,
KaraplyrjXos, fil/xrjXo?, a-TpofilXo^, (PeiScoXos. From forms
like ^8vXo9, Tra\vX6s with diminutive meaning was extracted
the suffix 'vXo- which became extended to forms hke
dpKTvXos : dpKT09, fiiKKiuXos : /jlikko^, and similarly with the
extensions -vXXo-, -vXXio-, -vXXiS-, vXXiSio-, as KaOdpvXXo? :
KaBapo^, duOvXXiop : av6o^, efrvXXiov : evroy, dKavOvXXis
{■iSos) : dKavOis {-1809), fi€ipaKvXXL8L0v : fieipaKiop. maXios
from *7riaX€Fo9 : ntaXos, and similarly al/xaXios, iKfiaXio?,
Kpv/xaXios, from which -aXeoy was extracted as a suffix and ex-
tended to forms like 8LyfraXio9 : 8iyjro9, virvaXios, ylr€v8aXio?.

§ 248. -ro-, -ra-, used both as primary and secondary
suffixes in the formation of nouns and adjectives.

1. Primary, asaypoy (Skr. djrah, Lat. ager, Goth, akrs),
a0p6y, /860poy, Kanpo^ (Lat. caper), KXrjpos, veKpo?, V€(f)p69,
ofi^po9, TaXapo?, ravpo? (Lat. taurus), •^^ifiapo^ ; 8S>pov,
nX^vpov ; '48pd, rd^prj, )^a>pd.

cLKpos, ipvOpos (Skr. rudhirdh, Lat. ruber), Xa/nrpo^,
XcTrpdy, Xvnpos, fxaKpos, /xlKpos {(T/iiKp6s), p-oopos, niKpo?,
(Tanpos, aLv8p6s, crKXrjpos, rpr^pos, (f)ai8p69, XVP°^> X^^P^^>
\oTpos, yjrvSpos, y^copo^ ; ^piapos, yepapos, lapos, Xnrapos,
TTiapo^, v8ap69.

2. Secondary, as mvOepos, Trrcpou, dpyvpo^, ^e0i;/)oy,
/xdpTvpo9.

^Xa^epo^, 8po(T€p6s, iXevOepos, OaXepos, Kpanpos, i^po?,
oryyepoy, a^ipos, (f)ofiep69, yXa^vpos, ex^poy, Kawpo?,
Kivvpos, XiyvpSs, /icoXi/poy, "^lOvpos, dvidpos, da-rjpo^, oSv-
vqpo^, oKvrjpos, 6Xi(r6r]p6s, TTOurjpos, lcr)(vp6s, oi^vpos.

§§ 249-54] Suffixes ending in a Vowel 125

§ 249. The suffixes "bho-, -bha- became productive in
Greek, especially in the formation of the names of animals,
as a<jKd\a(^Q<s, eXacpos, €pi(f>os, Ki8d<f)T], Ki8a(f>09, Kipa(f)09,
K6pa(f)09, Koorav^os, Att. K6TTv(f>09, (rep(f>o^. dXcpS^, eSa(f>09,
Kepa<l>09, K6\a<f)09, Kopv(f>TJ, Kporacf^o^, (pXrjva<po9. dpyv<p09,
(TTipL(f>09. From the nouns in -a^o^ was formed the
diminutive suffix ■d<f>LOv, as in B-qpd^iov, ^vXd(piov,
^vpd(f)i.ov.

§ 250. -dhlo-, -dhla-. The origin of these suffixes is
unknown. Examples are : yiueOXoy, eSeOXou, O^fi^OXov,
BvaOXov ; yeviOXr], ifidadXrj ; eo-^Xoy.

§ 251. -dhro-,-dhra-,used in formingnouns and adjectives,
as fwXcoOpof, oX^.Opos ; dpdpov, ^dOpov, ^dpaOpov, KiqXrjOpov,
Koprjdpou, fiiXTTTjOpou, TT^XeBpov, wXiBpou, peiBpou, ripBpov ;
KoifjLrjBpd, Kpe/xdBpd.

^X(oBp69, XdXrjBpos, (TKiBpos, (TKvBpo^.

§ 252. -ko-, -ka-, or -qo-, -qa.. These secondary suffixes
were common in all the languages, especially in the forms
•iko-, "ika- which started out from i-stems [jxavTiKo^ ;
/jLdvTt-9) and then became extended to other kinds of stems,
as dycoviKO^, dvSpiKos, da-riKo^, kBvLKos, B-qXvKo^, Ittttikos,

KpiTlKO^, fXaBrjTlKOS, fiepiKOS, VVIl(f>LK6s, Trr]XlK09, Tr]XlK09,

TifirjTLKos, (jivcTLKos) cp. Lat. modicus. lipdKos, ttiBtjko?,
Dor. TriBdKos ; trpoKa : irpo ; BrJKi].

In derivatives of jo-formations we have -m^oy, as
KapSiaKos, KvpcaKos, irXovaLaKo^, a-KiuKos.

§ 253. -sko-, -ska* are related to the presents in -sko'
(§ 468), as in dpeaKo^ : dpi(TK(o, ^oa-Krj : l36<rK(o, Siotkos from
*8lK(TK09 (§ 186).

It is doubtful whether the -sk- in •isko-, 'iska- is of the
same origin. These suffixes became productive, especially
in the formation of diminutives, as dvBpa>7rc<rK09, SearwoTicrKo?,
vidVL<TKOs, oIki<tkos, naiSia-KO?, xoipia-Ko?; da-TriSia-Kij,
oiKicTKrj, TraiSia-KT}, vSpiarKr].

§ 254. -tero", 'tera- were common suffixes in the forma-

126 Formation of Nouns and Adjectives [§§ 255-8

tion of comparatives from adjectives, adverbs, nouns and
pronouns, as Kov<l>6T€p09, (ro<fxoT€po?, yXvKVTfpo^, d\r}6e<TT€-
po9, xapL^cmpos, ycpairepos, ficaaiTepos, nenatTepo?,
arxoXaiTipos, Bi^inpos, see § 376. dva)Tep09, d(f>dpTipo9,
TrpoTepo?, vnepTepo^, naXaiTepo^, vyjriTepos. dyporepos,
fiaai\evT€po9, Stj/ioTepos, 6r]\vT€po9, KvvT€po9, opiaTcpo?.
ij/iirepos, vfiirepo^ (see § 406), erepo^, Dor. drepos.

§ 255. -tewo-, -tewa.-, used in the formation of verbal
adjectives, as ypairrios, Sorios, Spaa-rios, Xuinios, XvTeo^,
TlfiTjrio?, see § 556.

§ 256. -tic-, -tla- which are of doubtful origin, as in
dvrXos ; aevrXoy, \vtXov; €\iTXr].

§ 267. 'trO', used especially in the formation of neuter
nouns denoting an implement, as dporpov (Lat. aratrum),
PdKTpov, SiXerpov, tXvrpov, (SxTTpov, Kivrpov, XtKTpov,
XovTpov, fiirpov, fJL-ffvvTpov, vinrpov, irXrJKTpov, ariyacrTpov,
rip€Tpov, (piperpov {(f>tpTpov).

§ 258. -to-, -ta-. These suffixes were chiefly used in the
parent Indg. language in the formation of verbal adjectives,
and of ordinal numerals.

I. The verbal adjectives had originally the accent on
the suffix and the base had accordingly the weak grade of
ablaut, but in Greek as in other languages the verbal
adjective was sometimes formed direct from the present
with the strong grade of ablaut, as d-ia-ros, d-KpiTos, a-
viTTTos, d-TTvcTTos, ^aTo? (Skr. gatdh, Lat. in-ventus),
Sparos (Sapros) : Sipo), kXvtos (Skr. Initdh, Lat. in-clutus),
TTCTTToy (Lat. coctus), pvTos (Skr. srutdh), o-xcToy : <rx€iv,
TUTo^ (Lat, tentus), (f)aT6?, <f>diT6^, d-Sd/xaTos, d-KpdTos,
PpcoTos, yvoiTo^ (Skr. jfiatdh, Lat. notus), 8ot6s (Lat.
datus), eXaroy, e/xeroy (Lat. vomitus), 0er6y (Skr. hitdh),
BvqTo^, KfiTfTos, (TTaTos (Skr. sthitdh, Lat. status), a-TpcoTo^;
^€vkt69 beside Skr. yuktdh, and similarly yei/oroy, ^(pros,
(jiiVKTos, TrrjKTos. See § 555.

The masculine, feminine and rarely the neuter of the

§§ 259-6o] Suffixes ending in a Vowel 127

verbal adjectives often came to be used as abstract nouns
(sometimes with concrete meaning) in Greek as also in
other languages, as a/ir/roy, /Si'oroy, ^Xaa-ros, €fi€T09, Odva-
T09, Ka/xaro?, vL(f)eT6^, i/6(ttos, oItos, Trayeroy, ttAoOto?,
^opros, \6pT0^. drjTt}, aKTrj, dpeTrj, dvTTJ, ^lorrj, ^Xda-rr],
^povTTj, yev^Tri, kv-^T-q, koltt], ficXiTT}, ttivvttj, cnrdpTTj,
reXiVTrj. cnrdpTou, (f)VT6u.

The feminine abstract nouns, which came to denote
persons, became masculine and then took -s in the nomina-
tive and formed their gen. singular after the analogy of the
©•declension (§ 323), and similarly with the denominatives
in -ta,-, as yivirrjs, 8iKTr}s, Secr/xcoTrjs, ifXeTTTT/y, Kocr [ir^Trj^,
KpiTrJ9, fiaOrjT'q?, oiKirrj^, TTOirjrrjs, {>(f>dvTT)^, 7rpo(f>rjrrj^,
yjrdXTrjs ; dypoTtj^, d(nria-TiJ9, Sio-TroTT)?, Stj/xottj^, ISicottj^,

iTTTrOTT]?, KOpV(TT^?f TToXv^OVTrj^, (TTpaTKaTrjS, T€X€<TTrJ9,

to^6tt]9, (f>vXiTT]9. After the analogy of o^itt]^ : o0^y,
'iroXtrr]s : TroX^y were formed oSitt]^ : 6869, dirXiTri^ : ottXov,
Ti\vtTr]9 : Texi^r].

2. In ordinals, as rpiTO^, TerapTos (Lat. quartus),
Trl/LtTTToy (Lat. quintus, Lith. peiiktas), e/croy (Lat. sextus,
Goth, saihsta), SeKaro?, eiKoa-Tos, &c. See §§ 389-93.

On the superlative ending -raTO; as in dXrjdia-raTO?,
^eXraTO?, Kov(f>6TaT09, ficXduTaTOs, o^vTaros, <ro(f>d)TaTOf,
^ipTUTos, (PiXtuto?, &c., see § 377, 4.

§ 259. -is-to-, -is-ta- (Skr. -istha-, Goth, -ista-), used in
the formation of the superlative of adjectives, as in aicrxt-

(TTO?, apiCTTOS, ISiXTKTTOS, €Xd\l(TT09, ixBiaTO^, fj8l<TT09,

KaXXiaro^, KpaTiaTO^, Kv8iaT09, fxiyiaTos, dXiyiCTOS, Trd\i-
(TToy, 7rXeL(TT09, npcoTia-ros, rdy^io-TO^, <j)€pi<TT09, \€ipt(rT09.
See § 377, 2.

§ 260. -i-. This suffix is probably identical in origin
with the 'i- which occurs in the second syllable of dis-
syllabic heavy bases (cp. § 481). In Greek it is fairly
common in nouns but rare in adjectives, as dp8i9, 8fjpis :
8ipa), €pi9, fifjyis, 6c9, oh (Skr. dvih, Lat. ovis, Lith. avis),

1 28 Formation of Nouns and Adjectives [§§ 261-4

Sp\i9, 6^19 (Skr. dhih), nSXi^, rropis, (rTp6(f>is : (rTpo<f>i<i),
rpovi?, Tp6\i9 ; Tp6<pi9. On the various grades of ablaut
which originally occurred in the different cases see § 328.
The oblique cases of some i-stems were often formed after
the analogy of stems in -iS- (§ 343), cp. epis (Skr. drih,
enemy), ace. epiv beside gen. epiSo?, &c., firjvi^, Tponi?,
gen. ixrjviSo^, TponiSos.

§ 261. The suflfixes •mi-, -ni-, -ri- were very rare in Greek
as also in most of the other Indg. languages, as eX/i^y,
wortfi, $cfiis (gen. Oi/jitTo^, OefiiSos after the analogy of
stems ending in a dental), (f>fjfiis ; evvis ; dKpis, oKpis (Skr.
d^rih, Lat. ocris) ; iSpi^.

§ 262. The suffix -ti* became productive in all the Indg.
languages in the formation of primary verbal abstract
nouns of the feminine gender. The root-syllable had
originally the weak grade of ablaut, as fidacs (Skr. gdtih),
k\l<tls, KTL<ns, mcTTis, ttXvo-i?, TTva-Ti?, pxxTLS (Skr, srutih),
<y\k<Ti9, <r\i(Ti9, Tdai9, Ti(ri9, (p6ia-i9, x^^^^ > ^^o"'?, SSaty,
6i<ri9, 0Td<Ti9 (Skr. sthitih), (fydais ; drfo-Ls, PpSxTL^, yeyea-i^,
yvaxri? (Skr. jnatih), ifxecris, Kpefiacns, ovqai^, rdpa^i^,
<f>pd(ri9, <pv<Ti9. Forms with the strong grade of ablaut in
the root-syllable were new formations, as dfi-Trari?, Sei^i^
(cp. Skr. distih), eK-Xeiyjns, C^v^^s (Skr. yuktih), Xfj^iy,
nfj^is, p€vcri9 beside pvats, Tipyjn^, (fxv^i^. d^iaxri^,
Koa/J-Tjari?, opda-i^, ^oprjat^. The masculine fidvris was
also originally a feminine abstract noun. See § 160.

§ 263. -i- (but -ij- before vowels, cp. Skr. nadih, river,
gen. nadiyah, &c.), used in forming feminine nouns and
adjectives. The nouns and adjectives containing this
suffix mostly came to be inflected after the analogy of
dental-stems already in prim. Greek (§§ 330, 343), cp. Hom.
7]vl9 (ace. ijvii^), KvqfiU, gen. KvrjfuSo?, and similarly /3Ao-
avpd>m9, ivirXoKapis.

§ 264. -u-. This suffix was used in the formation of nouns
and adjectives, especially the latter, as ^a6v9, ^apv9 (Skr.

§§ 265-8] Suffixes ending in a Vowel 129

gtirtih, Goth, kaiirus), PpaSv^, fipa^v^, yXvKV9, eXax^y,
evpv9, ri8v9 (Skr. svadtih), dpaav?, Kparvs, \1yv9, naxv^
(Skr. bahuh), ir\aTV9, noXv9 (Skr. purtih), Tap(l>v9, rpaxv?,
<oKV9 (Skr. aliih). Trfjxus (Skr. bahiih), dpKvs, yiuvs (Skr.
hdnuh, Goth, kinnus), yfjpv?, ardxy^ ; y\d(f>v, ydvv (Skr.
jdnu), hopv (Skr. daru), \ikQv (Skr. mddhu), irmv. See
§ 348. On the various grades of ablaut which originally
occurred in the different cases see § 331.

§ 265. The suffixes -lu-, -nu-, -ru. were very rare in
Greek as also in the other Indg. languages, as OfjXv^ (Skr.
dharuh) ; Xiyvvy, Horn. 6pfji/v9 ; ^orpv?, SccKpv (Lat.
lacni-ma).

§ 266. 'tu-, especially used in the formation of verbal
abstract nouns which are feminine in Greek, but masculine
in Latin and mostly also in Aryan and the Germanic
languages, as aKovTiarv^, dXacoTvs, drr-iCTTv^ : kart, dpira-
KTV9, dpTV9 (Lat. artus), darTraarvs, Porjrv^, ^pcorvs, ypa-
TTTvs, SaiTvs, iSijTvs, ITV9 (Lat. Vitus), kXcctv? (kXItvs),
6pxT](TTV9, rriTvs (Skr. pitlih), irodr)TV9, pvaraKrvs, (ppacrrvf,
XaXeTTTv^. This type of noun became very productive in
Ionic. The same suffix also occurs in the neuter nouns
da-TV (Skr. vdstu, place), (f)iTv, and in feminine numerals
like TpiTTV9, TeTpaKTV9, iriVTrjKoaTvs, iKaToarrvs, x^^'OOTvy.

§ 267. 'U- (but 'Uw- before vowels, cp. Skr. tanuh, body,
gen. tanuvah), used in forming feminine nouns, as 1X69,
iO'X^^) o<T(pv9, 6(f>pv9, nXT]6v9, x^^^^' The nouns belonging
to this type preserved their original inflexion (§ 334) in
Greek, Aryan and the Baltic-Slavonic languages, but in
the other languages they went over into the U'declension.

§ 268. Prim. Greek -eu- (but -ew- before vowels) occurs
almost exclusively in the formation of nomina agentis, as
fiaaiXev^, yof evy, ypa(f>(V9, 'fjuiox^v?, /epct^y, iiririvs, vo/i(vs,
TTOfinev?, T0KfV9, (f)ou(V9, (f>opiV9. For the inflexion of
nouns belonging to this type see § 334. The origin of the
•eu-, which is not found in the other Indg. languages, has

K

130 Formation 0/ Nouns and Adjectives [§§ 269-72

never been satisfactorily explained. According to Brug-
mann, Griech. Grammatik (§ 182) it probably started out
from verbal adjectives in •ri-f{o)- to verbs in -eo), as
*<Popr]f{o)9 (cp. ^oprjTos) : <f>opi(o which would regularly
become <f)opev9 (§ 63),

3. Suffixes ending in a Consonant.

§ 269. -en- with the various ablaut-grades -en', -on-, -en,
-on, -n- but -n- before consonants, see § 345. This suffix
had various functions. It was especially used in the
formation of nouns denoting (i) animate objects, as dprjyoav,
yiiTcoy, Kvcov (Skr. svdn-), a-Tiycou, t^kto^v (Skr. tdk^n-),
rpvycou, dprjv, dparjv [dpp-qv, Ion. tpar^v) ; aiOoav, ydarpKov,
yvdOoiv, Spofitou, Kv<f>a)V, a-Tpd^oav, rpi^coy, Tp'fjp<t>v, yj/vdcov ;
ovpavioiv : ovpdvLOs, from this and similar forms the -tW
was extracted and extended to o-stems, as BuXaKpioDv :
SeiXaKpos, fiaXuKtcov : [laXaKos. (2) Parts of the body, as
dyKOiv, Pov^d>v, Trvya>v, (f>ayoi>v, dSrjv, av\TJi/, (rrrXrjv,
(ppTJf.

The origin of the formation of the nouns in -eo*/ (Ion.
'cd>v) denoting a place is unknown, as dv8pa>y, 8a<^va>v,
imrcov, Xacrmv, irapBivmv {irapOiViOiv).

§ 270. -(iljen- with the various ablaut-grades -{ijjen-,

•(ijjon-, -(iijen, -(i)j5n, -in-, -in-, the -in- of which became

generalized in Greek, see § 348. This suffix only occurs

in the formation of a small number of nouns, as dKT'iv-,

yXo!)-)(Jv-, SeX<pTv; mSTv-.

§ 271. The suffix -wen- with the same ablaut-grades as
■en- was rare in Greek, as ntcov (Skr. pivan-), d-7rupa>v
from *diripf(av ; 8(XiaT- from *8iXifaT- : SiXeap, Horn.
tiSuT- : clSap, ovdaT- : ovuap, mipaT- : nupap, see § 871.
Infinitive Cypr. Sofevat, Att. Sovvai (§ 546).

§ 272. -d-en- with the same ablaut-grades as 'en-
occurs in the formation of nouns from verbal stems, as
dXyr]8(tiV, d)(6ri8Q)V, KXiri8<ji>v, fiiXr]8a>v {fiiX(8cov), TTifK^pi]-

§§ 273-5] Suffixes ending in a Consonant 131

^mv, TrprjScov, (rrjircScoy, (rtraSoiV, a\aSa>v, TrjKeScoi', Tv(jie8cov,
yaipr]8a>v, cp. formations like Lat. frigedo, rubedo.

§ 273. -men- with the various ablaut-grades -men-, -mon.,
•men, -mon, -mn- but -mn- before consonants (§ 845) and
•mn in the nominative and accusative singular of neuter
nouns (§ 360). This suffix was used partly in the forma-
tion of nomina actionis (masculine and neuter) which often
came to be used for the names of objects, and partly in the
formation of nomina agentis and adjectives, as ccKfxcov
(Skr. dlmaii'), dX-q/imv, yvmficov, riyefxcop, Orj/iatv, K€v6/xa>u,
KrjSi/mv, Xeificov, (TTrfpxov, rcXafxaiu, Tep/xcov (Lat. termo),
\€ifjLa>v, Xifirji/, TTotfirjp, TrvBfiiju, vfxrjp ; used as a secondary
suffix in uKpe/jLcov : a^poy, Sacrvficou : Sairvs. Adjectives
like dXriiioiv, iXcij/xcou, ev-ei/juov, €v-6ijfi<ap, t8fia>v, tXthjuov.
Neuters, as iXfia (Skr. vdsma, cover), vrj/xa (Lat. nemen),
6vofj.a (Skr. nama, Lat. nomen, Goth, namd), arpcofia
(Lat. stramen), and similarly dvd-drjfia, ^fj/xa, ^Xfj/xa,
yvco/ia, Setjxa, Sep/jLU, iiri-o-Trjfia, ipfxa, ^evyfia, rjfx.a, Xufifia,
/xi<r6Q)/xa, fivrj/xa, uevfia, i/6r}fia, opctfia, opcy/ia, wvevfia,
nm/xa, pcvfia, (reXfia, arjixa, a-rififia, a-xvp-a, rippa, v-rro-B-q p,a,
<l>€ppa, (f)Xiypa, (f>vpa, x^cpa, X€vp.a, XPW^- For the
inflexion of these nouns see § 350.

The suffix •men- also occurs in the Lesbian and Homeric
infinitives (dative) like iSpevai (Vedic vidmdne), Bop^vai
(Vedic damane), iSpivai, yucopeuai, Oipevai, <f>avripivai,
^evyvvpcvai, kardpivaL, TerXdpiuai, &c., see § 546 ; and
also in infinitives (endingless locative) like iSpcv, riOipev,
Oipiv, 86p€u, iardp^v, opvvpiv, &c., see § 649.

§ 274. -t-, -dh-, -s- (of various origin) + -men-, as in
diJTprjv, XoLTpa ; lOpa ; TrXdapa : irXdaaco, ipeicrpa : ipeiSco,
damaapa : dand^opai, vopicrpa : vopi^ca, KXSxrpa : acAco^Q),
km-Xricr poiv : kiri-XriOoi,

§ 275. -nt- with the various ablaut-grades -6nt-, -ont-,
•nt-, -nt-. With this suffix were formed the masculine and
neuter of all active participles except the perfect. For the

K 2

132 Formation of Nouns and Adjectives [$§276-8

history of the various ablaut-grades in Greek and for the
inflexion of the participles see §§ 362-5. Here belong also
a number of verbal nomina which became nominal in Greek
and a few pure nominal forms, as dpxcov, yipa>v, SpaKcov,
ixcov, Kpftcov, /leScov, fiiXXcop, opi^fov, ^aiOcov, Tray, oSovs
(Skr. dint-, dat-, Lat. dens, dentis).

§ 276. -went- (= -FiVT-, Skr. -vant-), weak grade -w^t*
(-f 6T- with -e- for -a- through the influence of -F^vt-, Skr.
•vat"), see § 366. This suffix was used in Greek and San-
skrit in the formation of denominative adjectives denoting
possessing, endowed with, as onods, juicy = Skr. dpavant*,
watery, SoXods, rjvi/jLoeis, oiv6(i9, arovoei?, \api(i9 ; from
forms like *aTov6fiVT - : (ttovo^ the -of^vT- was extracted
and extended to other kinds of stems, as a-Kioei^, /irjTiods,
i\6v6ci9, vi<p6ei9, KXcofiUKoeis, dfpofis, Kcpoas, alfxaTon^;
alyXijfi?, Xaxftjei?, Tifirjn^ ; from forms like *TlfiafiVT- :
Tlfia the -dfivT- was extracted and extended to other kinds
of stems, as fnarjus, (fioivrjus, BevSp-qm, oloTprjcis, TfXrjds,

§ 277. -er- with the ablaut-grades -er-, -or-, -er, -or, -r*
but I" before consonants, see § 359. In Greek this suffix
only occurs in a few nouns, as Sd^p (Skr. dev4r-), dvrjp,
drjp, aWrip.

§ 278. -ter- with the various ablaut-grades -ter-, -tor-,
•ter, -tor, -tr- but -tr- before consonants, see §§ 859-61.
This suffix was especially used in the formation of names
of relationship and nomina agentis, as TraTrjp (Skr. pitdr-,
Lat. pater, Goth, fadar), /xi^Trjp (Skr. matdr-, Lat. mater,
OE. modor), Ovydr-qp (Skr. duhitdr-, Goth, dauhtar),
<f>paTr)p, (ftpaToap, member of a <f>pdTpid (Skr. bhritar-,
Lat. frater, Goth, brojjar, brother), cv-naTcop, naii-/jL^Tcop.
aKToyp (Lat. actor), d<p-rJTa>p, /ScorcD/a, yevirap (Skr. janitdr*,
Lat. genitor), dcortop (Skr. datdr-, Lat. dator), €rri-firJT<ap,
drjpdroop, i(rTa>p, KaXrjrcop, KTiaTCop, fiija-Tcop, nav-SafidTcop
(Skr. damitdr-), prjTcop, a-rjfidvrcop, dXf^rjriqp, dpor-qp (Lat.
orator), avXrjrijp, yfverijp, SfirjTTJp, doTijp, ScoTijp, kXarrjp,

§§ 279-81 ] Suffixes ending in a Consonant 133

en-aKTrjp, ^(VKTrjp (Skr. yoktdr-), OrjpdTrjp, oXerijp, oivo-
noTrjp (Skr. patdr-, Lat. potor, drinker), ^vXaKT-qp. darrip,
yaa-TTjp.

§ 279. -es- with the ablaut-grades -es-, -os-, -es (§ 366),
•OS (§ 368). This suffix was used in the formation of neuter
nouns (mostly abstract), see § 364, and compound adjectives
related to such nouns, see § 366, as well as in the formation
of a few masculine and feminine nouns, see § 368. (a)
Neuter nouns, as yei/oy (Skr. jdnas-, Lat. genus), /cXioy
(Skr. ^rdvas-), /x€vo9 (Skr. mdnas-), ve/xos (Lat. nemus),
pTyo9 (Lat. frigus), and similarly dyKos, ayoy, aJOos, ukos,
dvOos, d)(ps, PdOos, /SeXoy, fiiv6os, SaKOs, Sios, e5oy, €1809,
eXeyxoy, eXicoy, eXoy, eTToy, epe^o?, epKo?, €roy, evpos,
^eOyoy, Oipos, 6pd<ro9 (Odpa-os), Kr]8o9, Kpdro^ {Kapros),
KvSos, Xe^oy, \fjd09, XiVoy, fifJKos, vi<f>09, Trdxos, rreKoy,
irevOo^, TrXdroi, nvos, (raKos, (rOivo^, aKiXo?, a-riyos (xeyoy),
aT€p(Pos (rep0oy), Td<po9, Td\os, Tei\09, tckos, yjrevSos.
(b) Compound adjectives, as d-KXerj^, d-X-qB^s, dv-aiSrjs,
d-adivrj^, avTo-(f>vi^9, d-yjrevSris, Sva-KXeij^, d-/x€vrjs, Svar-
fi€viq9 (Skr. dur-manah), ev-ficpi^?, €v-y€vr]9, and the back-
formations eXeyx^y, (ppaSrj^, yjrivSijs, see § 366. (c) Mascu-
line and feminine nouns, as ylXcoy, epcoy, 18pm, ai8m, Hom.
rjm, Att. ecoy, see § 368. This type of noun became
productive in Latin, cp. O.Lat. arbos, bonds, &c.

§ 280. -n-es", -w-eS', -dh^es-, as in the neuter nouns
yX^f oy, 8dvos, iOvos, epuo^, iX^^^> (^H-W°^ > Hom. elpoy
from *€pf09, m{f)os (Skr. pivas-), o-rea/oy from *<mvfo^,
(jidpoi, Att. (f>dpo9 from *(f>apFo^ ; Ppi6o9, /xiyiOos, vX^Oo?,

<TTrj$OS.

§ 281. -jes- with the ablaut-grades -jes-, -jos-, -jos, •iS',
and 'i-jes-, -i-jos-, used in the formation of the comparative
of adjectives. This mode of forming the comparative was
only preserved in Greek in the accusative singular masculine
and feminine, the nominative plural masculine and feminine,
and the nominative and accusative of the neuter plural

134 Formation of Notms and Adjectives [§§ 282-5

(§ 360). For the formation of the comparative in Greek
see §§ 375-6.

§ 282. -wes- with the ablaut-grades -wes-, -wos-, -wos,
•us-, and -wet-, -wot-, used in Greek, Aryan and the
Baltic-Slavonic languages in the formation of the perfect
active participle, see § 552.

§ 283. -as- ( = Gr. -ay-, Skr. •!§•), the -9 of which probably
belonged originally to the second syllable of dissyllabic
heavy bases with the accent on the first syllable. The
•as- is the weak grade of the -ds in paragraph 279, and
became generalized already in the parent Indg. language.
It occurs in a considerable number of neuter nouns, as
/Speray, yepay, yrjpa^, Sifiai, Sina^, Kipas, Kpias (Skr.
kravis^, raw flesh), ovSa^, nipas, treXay, cr/f67ray, (r(f>eXa9,
ripa^, &c. For the inflexion of these nouns see § 370.

§ 284. 'tat- (Skr. and Lat. -tat-), used in the formation of
feminine abstract nouns from adjectives, as v^ott]?, Lat.
novitas : vio9, novos ; oXorrj^, Skr. sarvdtat- : oAoy,
sdrvah, and similarly airXorij^, la-oTtj^, KUKorr]^, opBoTrj^,
aKaioTT]^, (PiXoTTj^, ^apvTTjs, ^paSvTTj^, yXvKVTr]9, nayvTrjs,
Ta^vTrj^. From forms like *v€foTdT- the -oraT- (cp. § 51)
was extracted as a suffix and extended to consonantal stems
€v6tt)9, fiiXavoTT}^, iravTOT-qs, xapi^vTOTt]^. See § 343.

§ 285. In a considerable number of nouns and adjectives
the suffix seems to consist of a simple explosive (t, k (= Indg.
k and q), d, g) which in some cases at least was the weak
grade form of an explosive + -o- or -a-, cp. a-yrwy : d-yva>-
T09, Lat. i-gno-ttis ; yvfivij? : yvfiv^rrjs ; //eFpa^ : Skr.
maryakd-h, manikin ; &c.

•t-. It occurs especially in the formation of compound
verbal adjectives and in masculine nouns, as a-yj/coy, d-8fxi]9,
8opi-KfJLi^9, TTpo-^X-fj^, co/xo-l3pa>9 ; yvfivq^, Orjs, KiXrj^, Xi^rj^,
7rkvr)s, x^P^V^i TrAcoy, dva^ ; i/v^. It occurs as a secondary
suffix in Bifiis, X'^'P'-^ » yaAa (yaAa^roy), fiiXi {fiiXnos).

•k-. It occurs in the formation of nouns, as dXa>irr]^,

§§ 286-7] Compound Nouns and Adjectives 135

$€\<f>ai, Ion. 6<opr]^, i'^vi, Kopai, XcTfia^, fiiipai, yjfrjXrii ;
fiifi^l^, vipSl^, cp. Lat. comix, radix, &c.

•d.. It occurs especially in the formation of nouns and
adjectives in -ay, gen. -dSo?, and in nouns in -c?, gen. -1809,
as yevcids, Spo/id?, K€/jid9, Xa/nrd?, vi(f>d9, TreXemy ; fiiyds,
vofxds, T€(f>pds, TOKd^, 0uyay ; da-Tri9, y\v(f)L9, Sah, kiriyov-
vh, €pi9 (ace. €piy), /caAvriy (ace. KdXTriv), kXtjis, \rjc9, om^,
cp. Lat. lapis, gen. lapidis ; ifiV9, nrjXa/xv?.

•g: It occurs especially in the combination -yy- in
diminutives and in nouns denoting a hollow or a musical
instrument, as Kvcmy^, Xdl'y^, Xdpvy^, padd/xiy^, ardXnLy^,
a-rjpayi, a-rrijXvyi, aTopOvy^, crvpiy^, (pdXay}, (pdpay^,
(f>dpvy^ {gen. (f>dpvyos!), (f>6p/jLiy^, y^dXriy^. kokkv^, Xdra^,
lid(TTl^, Trifi^l^, TTTepv^, riTTi^.

§ 286. For the formation and inflexion of nouns belonging
to the r- : n-declension see § 371.

4. The Formation of Compound Nouns and
Adjectives.

§ 287. Most of the Greek compound nouns and adjectives
consist of the compounding of two words each of which had
an independent existence in the historic period of the
language. The number of compounds, in which the first
or last member or both members did not exist as indepen-
dent words, was comparatively small, as in compounds like
d-di09, di/-6/xoi09 where a-, dv- (= Indg. n-, Skr. a-, an-,
Lat. in-, English un-) is the weak grade of the prim. Indg.
negative particle *ne, not; a-ira^, d-frXoos where d- = Skr.
sa-, Indg. *sm- the weak grade of *seni-, one; Sd-neSov
where 8a- = Indg. *dm- the weak grade of 80 /x- in 86fios ;
iKaTOfx-^r) : /SoCy ; vio-\p.6s : x6(ji)V ; eu-Sou with •8ov from
*-8o/jL in 56/xoy ; Trip-vat where the -v<r- in -va-i from older
-vT-i- is the weak grade of feros ; rpd-in^a where rpa- is
the weak grade of TiTpa-, four, and -Tre^a from *'m8ja :
TTovs ; apLCTTov from *dj€pi, in the morning, and *'<ttov from

136 Formation of Nouns and Adjectives [§§ 288-9

*-8tov, the participle to tSay ; Ion. a-qfupov, Att. T'^fupovirom
*KJafi€pov (§ 129, 7) : *klo-, this, and rjnepd.

§ 288. The compounds may be conveniently divided into
four classes. In Class I the first member was the stem of
a declinable noun, adjective or pronoun, or an indeclinable
numeral. In Class II the first member was an indeclinable
particle which only occurred in compounds already in the
parent Indg. language. In Class III the first member was
an original adverb which also existed as an independent
word. In Class IV the first member was a case-form or
a form which came to be used as an adverb in Greek.

Class I.

§ 289. To this class belongs a very large number of
compound nouns and adjectives. In such compounds the
first member consists merely of the stem. This mode of
forming compounds goes back to the prim. Indg. period
and arose before the so-called case-endings came into
existence. Regular forms were : aKpo-noXis, avrO'/jLaTo?,
Aoyo-ypa0oy, Imro-fia^id, Imro-TroTa/jLO^, fJiouo-yeurj^,
Tavpo-<f)6vos ; dyye\id-(f)6pos, ^ovXr)-(f)6po9, /JLOiprj-yeuTJ^ ;

fXaVTl-TToXoS, TTToXi-TTOpBoS, Tpt-TTOV^ ) d<TTV-v6/i09, rjSv-

(f)€7r77y, TToXv-avOris, wKv-TriTrj^ ; av-aypos ', ^ov-vofios,
fiov-TTais, vav-apyo^, vav-Trrjyos, vav-Kparr)?; dppev-coTTO^,
TiKT6v-ap')^o^, Kvv-coTTis, 6vo/xd-KXvT09, 7rduT-ap)(os ; di/Sp-
^X^V^> TraTp-d8iX<l>os ; vvKT-aUros, opvtd-apxos, noS-dpKrjs,
TTvy-fidxos ; ktrta-^oXo^, (raK€a--(f>6po9, Kepaa-fioXos, (nXaa--
<f)6po?, /j.vcr-<p6uo9, l(»)<r-(f>6pos. After the analogy of the
o-stems the -o- became extended to all kinds of stems, as
T)/xcpo-Sp6/xo9, NiK6'fia\os, iXo-TOfio^, ylrv\o-7ro/j.7r6^ ; (f)v<rio-
\6yos ; i\6vo-(l>dyo^, ovo-ktovos ', ^o-o-KXeyjr^ ; dycovo-Birri^,
dK/JLO-d^Tov, dpp€v6-7rais, Kvvo-K(.(f>aXo^, (f>p(vo-/xapTJs, al/io-
^a(f>iq9, cra)fjLaTO-€L8rJ9, TravTO-ae/ivos ; al6p6-TOK09, dvSpo-
<pdyos, da-Tepo-iiSrjs, TraTpo-(p6uos, pr)Topo-8iSd(TKaXos ; aiyo-
^OTOS, dainBo-iTrjyos, vl^o-^oXo^, opvlOo-aKonoSy naido-^ouos;

§§ 290-1] Compound Nouns and Adjectives 137

kno-iroios, cipo-K6fio9. The -a-, -t;- of the a-stems was often
extended analogically to other stems, especially for metrical
purposes in poetry, as a/cpa-xoXoy, 6avaTri-(f>6po9, ved-yevrjs ;
fio-r)-u6fi09; d<nn8r]-(f)6pos, &c. Regular forms were Tirpd-
TToi/y, iTTTa-nov?, SeKa-wov?, after the analogy of which were
formed Trei/ra-Trovy, i^d-irov?, &c. Regularly contracted
forms were Dor. (rrpaTdyo^, Kparepcovv^, (JyiXrjperfios, mfiij-
a-Ti]?, &c,, after the analogy of which were formed Kvv-ayos,
aiy-S)vv^, iro\v'ai<f>i\rjs, ^o-rjXaatd, nav-riyvpis, &c.

The adjectives in -po- have -i- in compounds, as dpyi-
Kipavvos : dpyos from *dpypos, Kv8i-du€ipa : KvSpos, XaOi-
KrjSrjs : XdOprj, yaXi-<f>poiv : x<^Xap69. This formation has
never been satisfactorily explained, see Hirt, Handbuch der
griech. Laut- und Formenlehre, p. 328.

There are numerous Greek compounds in which the
first member was either verbal or came to be felt as being
verbal, as dp\e-KaKos, 8aKi-$v/xo9, TaXa-irivOrjs, (fxpi-Kaprros;
dpK€(ri-yvios, Xva-i-irovos, Tavvai-TrTepos, Tipy^i-fi^poTos,
(f>v<ri-(oos. These latter formations came to be associated
with the s-aorist and then became productive, as <f>Quai'

Class II.

§ 290. In this class the first member was an indeclinable
particle which only occurred in compounds already in the
parent Indg. language, as a-, dv- (Skr. a-, an-, Lat. in-, Engl,
un-) the weak grade of Indg. *ne, not (§ 65, i), cp. d-yvmros
(Skr. A-jftatah), d-Oeos, d-Tlfji09, d-rraLs, dv-v8po9 (Skr.
an-udrdh), dv-airios, du-o/xoio?. a- (Skr. sa-) = Indg. *sm
the weak grade of *sem-, one, cp. d-ira^, d-TrXooy. 8v<T'
(Skr. dur-), cp. 8va-aXyrj?, 8v(r-6v/ios, 8v<r-/x(vrJ9 (Skr.
dur-manah), 8v(r-ijLrJTrjp, 8v(r-TV)(fi^, 8vcr-<paTos.

Class III.
§ 291. In this class the first member was an original
adverb which also existed as an independent word, as

138 Formation of Nouns and Adjectives [§292

dfi<l)L-S€^io9, dix(f>L-TToXos, dvd-Xoyos, dud-fieao?, drro-Tta-i?,
dn6-<povo^, iK-yivri^, iK-vofxos, kni-yaLOs, (Tri-Oeros (Skr.
dpi-hitah), kTTL-\a\Ko^, KaTd-\pv<ro^, napd-Xoyos, rrapa-
Xpfjfjia, Trpo-rjye/jMV, Trpo-KUKOS, npoa-io-irepo^, npocr-conou,
avv-SovXos, avv-Tpn^, V7r€p-du6pa>Tros, virep-Se^io^, vtt-
apyos, vn6-6i(ris (Skr. iipa-hitih), viro-deTo^, vtto-^vXos.

Class IV.

§ 292. In this class the first member was a case-form or
a form which came to be used as an adverb in Greek, as
Sco-ScKa (Skr. dva-dasa), Ncd-noXis ; yovv-extj?, nav-fjfxap ;

idl6(r-SoT09, Al6<T-K0VP0L, KVVOa-OVpa, ViOXX-OLKOS, UiXowov-

vrjao^ from IUXonos vija-os; Apr)t-<f>cXo9, Sopi-novo^, kapi-
Sp€TrT09, /xca-ai-TToXcos, 68oi-7r6po9, opei-Pdrr^s, nvpi-Kava-To?;
BaKpvai-aTaKTos, vavai-KXvTO?, opeaa-i-yiv^^, nda-t-<PiXos.
afia-rpoxtd, 7raXai-(f>aT0i, nav-aioXos, xafxaL-yivrj^.

ACCIDENCE

CHAPTER IX
DECLENSION OF NOUNS

§ 293. In the parent Indg. language nouns and adjectives
were declined alike without any distinction in endings.
This system was preserved in Greek, Latin, Sanskrit and
most of the other languages. They are divided into two
great classes according as the stem ends in a vowel or
a consonant. In the former case they belong to the vocalic
and in the latter to the consonantal declension.

§ 294. Nouns had originally three numbers : singular,
dual and plural. The singular and plural were used in the
same manner as in the historic periods of the separate
languages. The dual is in form a singular, the formative
elements of which originally expressed the idea of what
belonged naturally together in a pair or couple, as 6(l>6a\fm,
ofi/xaTc, 6(Ta-€, Skr. aksi, bofh eyes ; X^^P^> ^^^' hdstau,
both hands ; ttt^x^ f> Skr. bahii, both arms ; noSe, Skr.
padau, both feet; and similarly firjpM, (b/md, &c. It then
came to be used for two objects which were associated
together, as Hom. /Soe, Skr. gavau, a yoke of oxen ; Hom.
iTnTO), Skr. dsva, a pair of horses ; Hom. dpve, a pair of
lambs for sacrifice ; rw 6^a>, the two goddesses (Demeter and
Persephone) ; ro) rafxia, the two treasurers (of Demeter and
Persephone). When two different objects were associated
together only the first of them was named and put in the
dual. This is called the elliptical dual, as Skr. u|asa,
morning and night ; dhani, day and night ; dyava, heaven
and earth ; pitdrau, father and mother, parents ; Hom.

I40 Accidence [§ 294

AtavTe, Ajax and Teukros. In prim. Indo-Germanic the
words for both (Skr. ubhau, dfjL<f>Q), Lat. ambo) and two
(Skr. dvau, Svco, 8vo, Lat. duo) were also used along with
the dual, the former to express collectivity and the latter
separate objects or two out of many, i. e. plurality. At
a later stage these two words came to be regarded as
expressing the duality and then the noun was often put
in the plural. This was the beginning of the loss of the
dual in the separate languages. In Greek and Vedic the
dual was rarely used without the word for two except when
the objects referred to were regarded as a pair or couple.
But even in prim. Indo-Germanic the dual was not a fully
developed number like the singular and plural. Each of
the latter numbers had many more case-forms than the
dual. The dual had only one form for the nom. voc. and
ace. masculine and feminine, one for the nom. voc. and ace.
neuter, one for the dat. abl. and instr. all genders, and
similarly one for the gen. and one for the locative. It was
preserved in Aryan, Greek, Old Irish and also to a great
extent in Baltic-Slavonic, but it disappeared almost entirely
in the prehistoric period of all the other languages. The
dual was fast becoming obsolescent in the oldest historic
period of the Greek language. In Homer objects which
go in pairs or couples were expressed more frequently by
the plural than the dual, and it is remarkable that the word
for parents is only used once by him in the dual — drap ov
TL jioL aiTiOS dWos, dWa toktJ€ Svco, tco /xf] yuvaaOai
6(l>iXkov, 6 312. In some dialects the dual is not found at
all. It occurs in Boeotian, Arcadian and also occasionally
in Doric. It survived longest in Attic, in the oldest period
of which it was used almost in the same manner as in
Homer. After it had become obsolete in the Attic verna-
cular it was later restored again artificially in literature.
By about the end of the fourth century b. c. it had dis-
appeared in the vernacular of all the Greek dialects.

§295] Declension of Nouns 141

§ 295. It is now a generally accepted theory that nouns
had the three genders — masculine, feminine and neuter — at
the time the parent Indg. language became differentiated
into the separate branches of Aryan, Greek, Italic, Keltic,
Germanic, Baltic-Slavonic, &c. But in an earlier period-
of the parent Indg. language there must have been a stage
when there was no characteristic inherent in the form of
a noun which indicated whether it belonged to the masculine,
feminine or neuter gender ; compare for example the r-, n-
and other consonantal-stems in Greek, Latin and Sanskrit.
In the consonantal declension nouns denoting males must
originally have been masculine and those denoting females
must have been feminine, irrespective of their form. But
the exact process whereby inanimate objects came to be
masculine or feminine in this declension will probably
always remain an unsolved problem. And these remarks
also apply to the !•, u- and diphthongal-declensions. In all
these classes of nouns the gender could not be determined
by the form, but only by the meaning or by an accompany-
ing attribute such as a demonstrative pronoun, which in
the earliest period of the Indg. language had distinctive
forms for the masculine, feminine and neuter gender ; cp.
Indg. *so, *sa, *tod = 6, 17, ro, Skr. sd, sa, tdt, Goth, sa,
s5, ))at-a. Even in the a-declension the -a of the nomina-
tive had originally nothing to do either with gender or case,
it was simply the bare stem-ending of a dissyllabic heavy
base. It is probable that in this declension a certain
number of nouns ending in -a originally denoted females,
as Vedic gana-, wife of a god, Boeot. ^avd, Att. yvvq,
woman, and that then by analogy all nouns ending in
•a became feminine. The dem. pronoun may also have
been an important factor in bringing it about that all nouns
belonging to this declension became feminine. The Greek,
Latin and Baltic-Slavonic masculines belonging to this
declension were all nouns which had changed their gender

142 Accidence [§ 295

in these languages separately (§ 323), After the a-declen-
sion had become fully established as being the only
declension which contained exclusively feminine nouns,
it then came to be regarded as specially characteristic of
the feminine gender in general. And from this declension
or rather a sub-division of it (§ 322) there was formed the
grammatical feminine to those classes of nouns which did
not originally distinguish the masculine and feminine in
form, viz. the i-, u-, r-, n-, nt-, -s- and other consonantal-
stems. And it even sometimes was used to form the
feminine from o-stems, cp. Skr. vrki, she-wolf, devi,
goddess : to the masculine vfkah, dev4h beside dsv^,
mare, masculine dsvah. And in like manner, apart from
the neuter nouns about which we shall speak presently, it
is also probable that a certain number of nouns whose stems
ended in -o originally denoted males, as Skr. dsvah, Lat.
equus, horse ; \vkos, Skr. vf kah, Lat. lupus, Goth, wulfs,
Lith. viikas, he-wolf, and that then by analogy all nouns
whose stems ended in 'O became masculine. See § 324.
By comparing the oldest periods of the separate languages,
it is clear that this development of grammatical gender in
the a- and c-declensions must have taken place during
the prim. Indg. period. Through causes which it is now
impossible to determine grammatical gender was further
developed during this period whereby i- and u-stems,
monosyllabic abstract nouns, abstract nouns with the
stem-endings -ti, -ni, -den, •don, -(iijon, •in, -t, -tat and
•tut all became feminine ; and abstract nouns with the
stem-endings -tu, •nu and nouns with the stem-endings
•en, 'On denoting parts of the body, all became masculine
(Brugmann, Grundriss, &c., vol. ii, part 2, second ed.,
pp. 99-101). From the above account of the masculine
and feminine genders we have generally left out of con^
sideration the change of gender which took place in the
individual languages, such as that in Greek and Latin

§295] Declension of Nouns 143

grammatical gender sometimes became subordinate to
natural gender, as 17 dudpcoTro^, rj deo?, haec lupus after
the analogy of nouns like 17 yvvi^, haec femina ; or that
in Greek and the Germanic languages natural gender
often became subordinate to grammatical gender, as in
words like rj Sd/xap, rj Sap, in diminutives like yvvaiov,
iraTpiSiov, iratSiov, or in OE. neuters like cild, child; folc,
folk ; hers, horse ; lamb, lamb ; wif, wife ; or that o-stems
denoting the names of trees are feminine in Greek and
Latin and the names of rivers masculine, whereas in the
Germanic and several other languages the latter are mostly
feminine.

The neuter gender differed from the masculine and
feminine insomuch that it only had one form for the
nominative and accusative singular. As we have seen
above, there was originally no characteristic inherent in
the form of a noun to indicate whether it belonged to the
masculine, feminine or neuter gender. The grammatical
neuter gender, as such, only came into existence after the
masculine and feminine had become fully established. In
its earliest stage it was only used to represent inanimate
objects and these only in the nominative and accusative
singular, for which the bare stem was used in the i-, u- and
all consonantal-stems, and the accusative in the o-stems.
The other cases of the singular were formed at a later
period after the analogy of the masculines. The i-, u- and
consonantal-stems mostly denoted the names of material,
inert mass, or substance of being or action. The form in
•om, as compared with the masculine nominative in -os,
expressed the passive or inactive recipient, that is the
accusative, which practically agrees with the meanings of
the former classes of nouns. But as in the i-, u* and con-
sonantal-stems there was no distinction in form between
the nominative and accusative, the accusative in •cm also
came to be used for the nominative. Here as in the mas-

144 Accidence [§ 296

culines and feminines natural gender was often made
subordinate to the grammatical gender in the individual
languages, cp. 17 Sdfiap, to yvvaiov or OE. wif, wife, cild,
child.

What is called the neuter plural in the oldest periods of
the separate Indg. languages was originally a feminine
collective singular. This applies not only to the o-stems
(§ 326) but also to the i-, u* and consonantal-stems. The
nominative and accusative ending -a of the o-stems agrees
with the nominative singular ending of the a-stems. -a
(Skr. -i, Gr. -a), the ending of the nominative and accusa-
tive of the consonantal stems, was in all probability the
weak grade ablaut of the above •&. The nominative and
accusative endings of the i- and u-stems were -i and -u,
which may also be a contraction of -i, -u + a. The -i how-
ever can also be the -i of the nominative singular of the
ja-stems (§ 322). During the prim. Indg. period these
feminine collective singulars ceased to be felt as such and
came to be regarded as plurals, and then the other cases
of the plural were formed after the analogy of the mascu-
lines just as had previously been done in the singular.
This accounts for the fact that in Greek and Sanskrit the
nominative plural takes the verb in the singular, see § 326.

§ 296. The parent Indg. language had at least eight
cases — probably more — if we call the vocative a case,
which strictly speaking it is not because it does not
stand in any syntactical relation to the other members of
the sentence. These were : the Nominative, Vocative,
Accusative, Genitive, Ablative, Dative, Locative and In-
strumental, all of which were preserved in Sanskrit. The
original functions and uses of these cases belong to com-
parative syntax. Of the origin of the case-endings practi-
cally nothing is known. Although much has been written
upon the subject, it is all mere guess-work without any
solid foundation. It is reasonable to suppose that the

§§297-8] Declension of Nouns 145

case-endings were originally independent words, but what
their precise meaning was in each particular case it is
impossible to determine. It is remarkable that Greek,
which in other respects is so archaic, should have lost so
many of the original case-forms. In the following brief
description of the formation of the case-endings in the
parent Indg. language many details are omitted, especially
such as relate to analogical formations in the individual
languages. For details of this kind the student should
consult the declensions themselves.

§ 297. In order not to have to repeat in each case the
meanings of the Sanskrit, Gothic and Lithuanian words
used to illustrate the various case-endings, a list of the
words is given here for easy reference. Sanskrit : agnfh,
fire) dksi, eye; dsva, mare; eivih, sheep; bhdran (stem
bhirant-, bhdrat-), bearing; bhiih, earth; data, giver;
davdne, to give ; devi, goddess ; dhara, stream ; dhih,
thought ; durmanah (stem durmanas-), dispirited ; dyauh,
sky, day ; gauh, cow, ox ; jdnah (stem jdnas-), race ; loc.
miirdhdn, o« the head; nadih, river ; nama (stem naman-),
name ; nauh, ship ; pdsu, cattle ; pat (stem pad-, pad-),
foot; pita (stem ^iti,r'\ father ; purii, much, many; raja
(stem rajan-), king; sunuh, son; tanilh, body; neut. tri,
three; vari, water; vidmdne, to know; vfkah, wolf;
yugiim, yoke. Gothic: ansts, favour; hsiirsinds, bearing ;
br6|)ar, brother ; fadar, father ; fafhu, cattle ; giba, gift ;
guma, man; i\ik.,yoke; ma.wi, girl; sunus, son; tuggo,
tongue ; wulfs, wolf. Lithuanian : avis, sheep ; rankk,
hand; vilkas, wolf.

Singular.

§ 298. The nominative of the masculine and feminine
was formed in four ways, (a) In the a- and ja-declensions
by the bare stem without case-ending, as xatpd ; Skr. dsva,
Lat. equa, mare, Goth, giba, gift (§ 321) ; -i beside -(ijija,

L

146 Accidence [§ 299

the former occurs in Skr. devi, goddess, Goth, mawi, girl,
and the latter in <pipovara from *<f>ipovTja (§ 322). {b) In the
n-, r- and s-stems by simply lengthening the vowel of the
stem-ending, as TroifMrjv, Saificou ; Goth, guma, tnan, Skr.
rija, king, Lat. homo, sermo ; Goth, tuggo, tongue (§ 345) ;
Trarrjp, Lat, pater, Goth, fadar, Skr. pita, father (§ 360) ;
SmTcop, Lat. dator, Skr. data, giver (§ 361) ; 8va-/u.€urj^,
hostile, Skr. durmanah, dispirited (§ 366) ; ylXcoy, alSco?
(§ 368). (c) The o-, i-, u-, i> and ii-stems and also stems
ending in an explosive (except monosyllabic or root nouns)
had simply the case-ending -s, as Xu/coy, Skr. vfkah, Lat.
lupus, Goth, wulfs, Lith. vilkas, wolf (§ 325) ; noXi?, 61?,
Skr. dvih, Lat. ovis, Lith. avis, sheep (§ 328) ; nijxv?,
arm, Skr. sunlah, Goth, sunus, son, Lat. fructus (§ 331) ;
kU, weevil, Skr. dhih, thought (§330); ix^v^y fish, Skr.
taniih, body (§ 334) ; (j>vXa^, /xda-rl^, KaTrjXi-^, Xafind?,
Kopvs, veoTij^ from *v€FoTdT9 (§§ 342-3) ; Skr. bhdran from
*bh4rants, Lat. ferens, Goth, bairands, bearing (§ 352) ;
SiSovs from *8iSoPT9, and similarly Sa/xva,?, SdKvvs, riBds,
&c. (§ 354) ; xapf'fiy from *xapiF(vr? (§ 356). (d) The
diphthongal stems and the monosyllabic consonantal stems
had the case-ending -s and lengthening of the stem-ending,
as vav?, Skr. nauh, ship (§ 336) ; Zcv?, cp. Skr. dyauh,
sky (§ 337) ; fiaaiXev^ (§ 338) ; /Sou?, Skr. gauh, cow, ox
(§ 339); 7rov9, Skr. pat, Lat. pes, OE. fdt,/oot (§ 342).

§ 290. The vocative of the masculine and feminine had
no special case-ending. In the a- and o-declensions it
ended respectively in -a and -e which stood in ablaut
relation to the -a and -o of the nominative, as Hom. pvfi(f)d,
Sea-iroTd (§ 321) ; XvKe, Skr. vfka, Lat. lupe, Goth, wulf,
wolf (§ 325). The original ending of the i-stems was -i
when the preceding syllable had the chief accent of the
word, and -ei or -oi when the accent was on the ending.
Greek and the Germanic languages generalized the former
and Sanskrit the latter, as woXi ; Goth. a.nsi,/avour, beside

§ 3°°] Declension of Nouns t^y

Skr. dgne : nom. agnih, fire (§ 328). And similarly -u
beside -eu or -ou in the u-declension, as tt^x*^' Goth,
sunu, beside Skr. siino (§ 331). The long i- and u-stems
originally ended in -i, -u beside -i, u, the former became
generalized in Sanskrit and the latter in Greek, as Skr.
nddi : nom. nadih, river, tdnu : nom. tanuh, body, av,
Ix^^' In the monosyllabic i-stems the nom. was used for
the vocative in both languages, as kls, dhih (§ 330) ; and
similarly with the monosyllabic u-stems in Sanskrit, as
bhuh, earth (§ 334). The diphthongal and the n-, nt*,
went-, r- and s-stems had the bare stem-ending, as fiov
(§ 339), ZeO, Lat. Ju-piter (§ 337), ^aa-iXev (§ 338) ; Sai/xoi^,
cp. Skr. rajan (§ 345); yepor, cp. Skr. bhdran from
*bh4rant (§ 352) ; xapkv from *X0'PlF^vt (§ 358) ; irdrep,
Skr. pftar (§ 360), Smrop, Skr. datar (§ 361) ; Sva-fxeuh,
Skr. durmanah (§ 366). The nominative was used for
the vocative of stems ending in a simple explosive
(§ 342).

§ 300. The case-ending of the masculine and feminine
accusative was -m or -m (= a, Skr. -a, Lat. -em, § 65, i)
according as the stem ended in a vowel or a consonant, as
\a)pav, Skr. dsvam, Lat. equam, Goth, giba ; Xvkov, Skr.
vfkam, Lat. lupum ; iroXiv, cp. Skr. agnim, fire, Lat.
sitim, partim ; nrjxvv, cp. Skr. suniim, Lat. fructum ;
Zriv, cp. Skr. dyam, sky, from *dje(u)m ; ^atv, Skr. gam,
cow, ox, from *g6(u)m; the long i- and u-stems had -im,
•um beside -ijip, -uwm, as kIv, Ix^vi^, Skr. dhiyara, tanii-
vam; Hom. vfja, Skr. navam, Lat. navem, skip, from
*nawm ; ^aa-iXfja, -ia, from *-r)fa ; noSa, Skr. padam,
Lat. pedem; noifiiva, Baifiova, Skr. rajanam ; <pipovTa,
Skr. bhdrantam, Lat. ferentem ; x^P^^^^^ from *x^P'-'
fivra; Traripa, Skr. pitdram, Lat. patrem; Sdoropa, Skr.
datdram, Lat. datorem ; Sva/xevia, -rj, Skr. durmanasam ;
alSo) from *al8oa-a. The Sanskrit ending -am of the con-
sonantal stems had the -m from the accusative of the vocalic

L 2

148 Accidence [§§ 301-2

stems ; and similarly -av for -a in the Cyprian dialect and
also occasionally in other dialects.

§ 301. The case-ending of the nom. voc. and ace. neuter
was -m in the o-declension, as C^yov, Skr. yugim, Lat.
jugum,^o^g (§ 326). All other neuters had the bare stem-
ending, as Upi, cp. Skr. viri, water; da-rv, ijBv, cp. Skr.
pdsu, Lat. pecu, Goth. Udhn, cattle ; Krjp, ydXa, fiiXi, from
*Krjp8, *ya\aKT, */x6Xir; ovofia, Skr. nama, Lat. ndmen,
name ; <j>kpov from *(f>ipovT, cp. Skr. bhirat (§ 353), bear-
ing ; and similarly Safxvdv, Sukvvv, 8l86v, riOiv, &c., \apUp ;
dwdTop ; yiuos, Skr. jdnah, Lat. genus, race ; Svafuvh,
Skr. durmanah.

§ 302. The original genitive case-ending was -es, -os
and -s, which stand in ablaut relation to each other,
•s occurred after vowels and -es, -os after consonants, ^es
was originally used when it had the chief accent of the
word, and -os when the accent preceded the case-ending.
Latin generalized the former and Greek the latter. It
cannot be determined whether the Sanskrit ending -ah
represents -es or -os because e and o regularly fell together
in a. Examples are : xd>pd9, (tklSLs, Tififjs, cp. Skr. dsvay.
ah, o/a mare, Goth, gibds, o/a gift, Lat. familias, all from
•Es; Skr. agneh, of fire, Goth, anstdis, from -els or 01s;
Skr. sunoh, Goth, sundus, of a son, from -eus or -ous ;
on the Greek forms, see §§ 328, 331 ; K169 from *kijos, cp.
Skr. dhiydh ; IxOvos from *ixOvfo9, cp. Skr. tanuvah ;
Ion. yovvoi, ^oypoyfrom *yovfo9, *8opfos, cp. Skr. pasvih,
of cattle', Ion. vrjo^, Att. vims, Skr. nav^, Lat. navis ;
J/oy, Skr. divdh ; ^009, Vedic gdvah ; Tro^oy, Skr. pad^,
Lat. pedis ; iroinivos, 8aifioi/o9, cp. Skr. rajnah ; (^epovTos,
Skr. bh^atah, Lat. ferentis ; warpos, 8d>Topos, Lat. patris,
datdris; yei^eoy, ykvov^, Skr. jdnasah, Lat. generis;
Sva/jLivios, 'ovs, Skr. durmanasah ; ai8ovs from *ai8o(ros ;
TJnaTos.

The genitive of the o>stems was formed after the analogy

§§303-5] Declension of Nouns 149

of the genitive of the demonstrative pronoun in prim. Indo-
Germanic, cp. Hom. \vkoio = Skr. vfkasya, beside tolo,
Skr. tdsya, Indg. *tosjo; and also prim. Greek *fXvKo<To
= Att. Ion. and mild Dor. Xvkov, Boeot. Lesb. and severe
Dor. XvKot), beside tov, too from Indg. *toso.

§ 303. The ablative case-ending was originally the same
as that of the genitive in all stems, but during the prim.
Indg. period special case-endings for the ablative (•ed, -od)
and the genitive (-sjo) of the o-stems were formed after the
analogy of the pronominal endings (§ 408). This ablative
case-ending was preserved in Sanskrit and Old Latin, as
vfkat : nom. vfkah, yugat : nom. yugdm,O.Lat. Gnaivod
meritdd, inscrip. facilumed = facillumed. But it dis
appeared in Greek except in isolated forms, as Delph
foiKco, dotno, Cret. Tw-Se, hinc, S>, oirco, unde. Its disappear
ance was doubtless due to the analogy of the other declen
sions in which the genitive and ablative were alike in
form. The adverbial particle -Oiv, which originally be-
longed to words like iroOiv, came to be used to express the
ablative, as oikoO^v, ovpavoOev.

§ 304. The dative case-ending was originally -ai for all
stems. In the a- and o-declensions it became contracted
in prim. Indo-Germanic with the stem-ending whereby -a-j-
ai became -ai and -o -h ai became -oi, as x^pa, rlfifj, Skr.
^svay-ai, Lat. equae, Goth, gibdi ; Oem, Xvko), Skr.
vrkay-a, Lat. lupo (O.Lat. populoi). In the other stems
the old dative was supplanted by the locative in Greek, but
the original dative was preserved in isolated forms, such as
inf. Att. Sovvai, Cypr. Sofeuai = Skr. davdne, Hom. i8/x€uai
— Skr. vidmdne, adv. x^f^^h Lat. humi. It was regularly
preserved in Sanskrit and Latin, as agndy-e, hosti ; sun*
dve, fructui ; gdve, bovi ; nave, navi ; pad^, pedi ;
rajne, homini ; namne, nomini ; bhdrate, ferenti ; pitre,
datre, patri, datori; jdnase, generi.

§ 305. The locative case-ending was -i in the a.; o-, I-, u.

150 Accidence [§ 306

and consonantal-stems (but see below). In the i- and
u-stems the locative ended in •§! (-e, § 63) and -eu which
were the lengthened form of the full stems. The n-, r- and
S'Stems had -i beside no special case-ending. Forms of the
latter have only been preserved in isolated forms, as aUv,
aU?, inf. Sofiev, iSfifv ; Skr. murdhin, on the head.

In the a- and c-declensions the -i combined with the
stem-endings to form the diphthongs -ai and 'OT, -el beside
•oi and -ei. The locative of the a-declension thus fell
together with the original dative. In Greek the locative
of the o-declension only occurs in isolated forms. Examples
are : x*^Pf > ^^^' ^'A*^> ^^^- Romae, O.Lat. Romai ; 'laOfxoT
and in adverbs like troT, nu, ckcT beside oikoi, olkh, cp.
Skr. vfke, Lat. belli, domi. ku from *klji, Skr. dhiyi;
i\6vC from *i-)(Bvfi, Skr. tantivi; Att. Ion. prjt, Skr. navi,
Lat. nave ; ^aaiXiji from *^a(TiXr)Fi ; /Sof, Skr. gdvi, Lat.
bove ; noSi, Skr. padi, Lat. pede ; iroifjiivi, Saifiovi, Skr.
rajani, Lat. homine ; (f>ipoi^Ti, Skr. bhdrati, Lat. ferente ;
TTUTipi, Skr. pitdri, Lat. patre ; ykvn, Skr. jdnasi, Lat.
genere ; Sva-fievd, Skr. durmanasi ; alSoT from *al8o(n.
The adverbial particle -Ot also came to be used to express
the locative, as dWoQi, ovpav66i.

The locative of the i- and u-stems was remodelled in
prim. Greek after the analogy of the consonantal and
other stems where -i was regular (§§ 328, 331). The
regular forms were preserved in Sanskrit, Latin and Gothic,
as Vedic agna (see above), Lat. hosti, Goth, anstai; Skr.
sunau, Goth, sundu, Lat. senatu, fructu. In the i-stems
the dative and locative regularly fell together in Latin.

§ 306. The instrumental was not preserved in Greek
except in isolated forms. It is doubtful what was its
original ending in most of the stems, because there is no
clear agreement in its formation among the languages which
have an instrumental in historic times. In the a-, o-, i- and
u-declensions it ended in -a, -6 (-e), -i and -u, as Vedic dlvS,

§§30 7-8] Declension of Nouns 151

with a mare ; dharS, with the stream ; Kpv(f>rj, XdOpd, -rj ;
Vedic vfka, Goth, wulfa, Lith. vilkii, nc^-TroTe, Horn.
knKTyepd), afxapTrj. In the other stems it probably ended
in -a beside -bhi and 'mi which resulted from the endings
of three originally different cases being used for the instru-
mental. The -bhi is the same as the instrumental plural
ending in Sanskrit -bhi-h. In Greek it only occurs in the
epic language of Homer and his imitators, and there mostly
with the a- and o-stems, rarely with other stems. In
Homer it had more frequently a plural than a singular
meaning, and it was used to express both the instrumental,
ablative and locative, seldom the genitive and dative. The
•mi occurs in the Baltic-Slavonic languages in the singular
and the plural and in the Germanic languages only in the
latter. The -a occurs in adverbs like d'/za, irapd, ncSd, and
possibly also in the Latin consonantal stems, homine,
patre, &c., but as the locative (-i) and instrumental (-a)
endings regularly fell together, the -e can represent either
case. Examples of -bhi are : dy^Xr}(f>L, pCr)(f>i{v), K€(f>a\rj<f>iu ;
6€6<f>i{y), ^vy6<f)LV, 'lXi6<f)iv, J(f>i, yav(f>i{v), kp^^€(r(f>i, 6p€a-(f)i{v).
The -v was of the same origin as in the locative plural
(§ 316).

Dual.

§ 307. For an account of the original case-forms and
uses of the dual in the parent Indg. language see § 294.

§ 308. The nominative, vocative and accusative of the
masculine and feminine was formed differently in the differ-
ent stems. In the a-stems the ending was ^ai, as Skr.
dive, on Gr. x^P^' '^^H-°'> see § 321. In the o-stems it was
•6u beside '6, Greek generalized the latter, as Xvkco, Lith.
vilkd, Vedic vfkau beside vfka. In Sanskrit the -au, •&
was extended by analogy to the !•, u- and all consonantal-
stems. In the i- and u-stems it was -i and -u, as Skr. agni,
suni!, on Gr. noXec, noXei, see § 328, and on ttijx^^i """VX^h

152 Accidence [§§ 309-

II

§ 331. In the !•, u-, diphthongal and consonantal-stems
Greek has •€ which seems to be the original case-ending in
all these stems, but it is not certain because just as the -au,
•a of the O'Stems was extended by analogy to the i-, u- and
consonantal-stems in Sanskrit, so also the Greek -e may be
a new formation after the relation of the old nom. plural
ending *-coy (§ 324) : to the nom. plural ending -ey so to
the dual ending -o) an -e may have been formed. Examples
are : kU, Ix^^^) ^V^> /3oe, noSc, woi/xive, cpepourc, \apUvri,
Traripe, Sva-fni/ie, -ei.

§ 309. The nominative, vocative and accusative neuter
ending was -oi in the o-stems, as Vedic yuge, on Gr. ^vya>,
see § 326. In all the other stems the ending was probably
•i, which was supplanted by the -e of the masculine and
feminine in Greek, as Skr. aksi, namani, jdnas! = oaa-e,
ovojiar^, yiv€€.

§ 310. It is impossible to determine what was the original
case-ending of the genitive and locative in the various
declensions because there is no agreement among the
languages which have preserved the dual in historic times.
Some scholars assume that it was -ous = the Skr. -oh in
dsvayoh, vfkayoh, agnyoh, sunoh, padoh, rajftoh,
pitroh, &c. The dative, ablative and instrumental ending
contained the element -bh- (Skr. -bhyam) beside -m-, but
what the Indg. vocalism was it is impossible to determine.
In Greek Horn, -oliv, Att. Ion. Szc. -olv became used in all
stems except the a-stems to express the functions of all the
five cases. On the origin of -ollv, -oiv and -aiLV, -aiu, see
§§ 321, 325.

Plural.

§ 811. The separate languages show that the nominative
was used for the vocative already in prim. Indo-Germanic.
The original case-ending of the masculine and feminine
nominative and vocative was -es in all stems. The -es

§§312-13] Declension of Nouns 153

became contracted with the stem-endings of the a- and
o-stems in prim. Indg. whereby -a + es became -as and
-o + es became -os, as Skr. dsvah, Osc. scriftas, scriptae,
Umbr. urtas, ortae, Goth. gib5s. Skr. vfkah, Goth,
wulfos, Osc. Niivlanus, Nolani. On the endings in
Greek and Latin see §§ 321, 325. iroXeis, Skr. agnayah,
Lat hostes, Goth, ansteis, all from -ejes ; Ion. Tn^x^ej,
Att. nrj^et?, Skr. siindvah, from -ewes; kUs, Skr. dhiyah,
from -ijes ; i^6v€^, Skr. taniivah, from -uwes ; Dor. j'aey,
Att. Ion. vrie^, Skr. navah ; /Socy, Skr. gavah ; ttoS^s, Skr.
padah ; 7rot/xiu€9, Skr. rajanah ; (f>epovT€9, vSkr. bhd-
rantah ; Trarip^s, Skr. pitarah ; ^fcr/ze^ees, -ery, Skr. dur-
manasah.

§ 312. The case-ending of the masculine and feminine
accusative was -ns or -ns (= -ay, Skr. -ah, Lat. -es, Goth,
•uns) according as the stem ended in a vowel or a conso-
nant, as Cret. Tl/xdu9, Att. Ion. Dor. Tlfid?, Lat. equas ; on
the endings in Skr. dsvah and Goth, gibos see § 321 ;
Cret. XvKoi^9, Att. Ion. and mild Dor. -ovy, Boeot. and severe
Dor. -coy, Lesb. -019, Lat. lupos, Goth, wiilfans; Cret.
7r6\iu9, Ion. TToXty, Lat. hostis, Goth, anstins ; Cret. vlvu9,
Goth, sununs, Lat. fructus. Kta?, Skr. dhiyah ; i\6va^,
Skr. taniivah; Ion. vrjas, Skr. navah, Lat. naves; /36ay,
Lat. boves ; iroSa?, Skr. paddh, Lat. pedes ; noifieva^,
Skr. rajnah, Lat. homines; (f>ipovras, Skr. bhdratah,
Lat. ferentes ; Trarepay, Lat. patres, cp. Goth. br5))runs,
brothers ; Sva/xevia^, Skr. durmanasah. The Cret. dialect
had -aj'y after the analogy of the vocalic stems.

§ 313. The ending of the nominative, vocative and
accusative neuter was -a in the c-stems, -i in the i-stems, "U
in the u-stems, and a (=-a, Skr. •!) in the consonantal stems,
see § 295. Vedic yuga, Lat. juga, Goth, juka, yokes, on
Cvyd, see § 326 ; Vedic tri, tria, on rpia, tSpia, see § 320 ;
Vedic purij, much, many, on darr], ifSia, see § 333. 6v6-
fiara, Skr. namani ; (f>ipoi/Ta, Skr. bhdranti.

154 Accidence [§§ 3M-i6

§ 314. The original genitive ending was probably -km.,
a contraction of -5 + 6m, in the a-stems, and -om (= -Stv,
Skr. -am, Lat. •cm, 'Um) in all other stems. In prim. Greek
and Latin the genitive of the a-stems was remodelled after
the analogy of the pronouns, cp. Horn, tolcov from *Ta<Ta)v,
Skr. tdsam, Lat is-tarum, Indg. *tas6m, whence Horn.
(Aeolic) Oiaoiv, Boeot. -aoiv, Ion, -ioav from older -rjuyv, Att.
•S>v, Dor. -dv Lesb. -dv, Lat. equarum. Xvkoov, dea>v, O.Lat.
Romanom, deum, class. Lat. luporum with pronominal
ending ; troXicop, TpiStv, Lat. hostium, trium ; Lat. fru-
ctuom, -uum, -um, on Trriy^eoav, see § 331; klcov, Skr.
dhiyam; iyOvoav] Horn, vqaiv, Skr. navam ; ^oa>v, Skr.
gdvam, Lat. bovom, boum; iTo8a>v, Skr. padam, Lat.
pedum ; noi/xivcov, Skr. rajiiam, Lat. hominum ; (fxpovrav,
Skr. bhdratam ; irarpoav, Lat. patrum ; yiv^cav, yiva>v,
Skr. jdnasam, Lat. generum ; Sva-fieviccv, -mp, Skr.
durmanasam.

§ 315. The dative and ablative ending contained the
element -bh- (Skr. -bhyah, Lat. -bos, -bus) beside -m-, but
it is uncertain what was the Indg. vocalism.

§ 316. It is doubtful what was the original case-ending
of the locative. Sanskrit and Lithuanian (dial.) has -su
and Old Slavonic -chu = su. Greek has -si. Most scholars
assume that -su is the original ending and that -si was
a new formation with the substitution of •! for -u after the
analogy of the •! of the locative singular. It is however
possible that the original ending was simply -s and that -u
and -i were deictic locative particles, the latter of which
became generalized in Greek and the former in the other
languages. In the vocalic and n- and r«stems the inter-
vocalic -s* would regularly have disappeared in Greek
(§ 213, 2), but it was restored again after the analogy of
stems ending in an explosive or -s, as in noa-ari, Troai, Skr.
patsu, (j>v\a^L, 0Xe^i, yheaai, yip€<n, Skr. jdnahsu.
Such new formations are : Ovpdai (§ 321), Skr. dsvasu ;

§§ 317-18] Declension 0/ Norms 155

XvKouri, Skr. vfkeSu ; rpiai, Skr. trisu ; 7rrJx€<Ti, Skr.
sundlu ; Kiai, Skr. dhi§u ; i\dv<Ti, Skr. tanusu ; vavai,
Skr. nausu ; ^ovcrt, Skr. g6|u ; Troifxicri, Skr. rajasu ;
iraTpda-L, Skr. pitfsu. In the Aeolic dialect including
Homer the ending -iaa-L later -eo-^ of the s-stems was ex-
tended by analogy to all stems except the a-, ja- and
o-stems, as iroXuaa-i, Ta\je€(r<Ti, arvia-ai, vrjia-a-i, ^oveaai,
^aa-iXrjca-a-i, rroSi(r<Tc, dycovea-ai, irdvTeaa-i, dv8pi<T(Ti, Ovya-
repeaa-i. The ending -a-iv had its -v from pronouns like
rj/iiu, rjfjuv, Lesb. d/xixi{u) ; v/xiu, vfuv, Lesb. vfji/xi{v).

§ 317. The case-ending of the instrumental was -bhis
(Skr. -bhih) beside 'inis except in the o-stems which had
«oTs, as 6(019, XvKoi9, Skr. vfkaih, Lat. lupis, Lith. vilkals.
On the -bh- and -m- forms, see the instrumental singular
(§ 306). And on )(d>pai9, (TKiai^, see § 321.

§ 318. Few Indg. languages preserved the eight cases
described in the foregoing paragraphs. They were all pre-
served in Sanskrit as also in the Baltic-Slavonic languages
with the exception of the ablative. Through syncretism it
arose in Greek that in the place ot several case-forms with
different meanings one case-form became used which
united the functions of these. Thus the case which we
call the dative in Greek grammar embraces both a dative,
locative and instrumental meaning. But the dative forms
of Greek grammar were originally partly old dative forms
as XvK(0, partly locative forms, as ttoSi, iroai, and partly
instrumental forms as Xvkoi9. Hence it arose in Greek
that certain dative forms had at the same time the functions
of the locative and instrumental ; certain locative forms at
the same time the functions of the dative and instrumental ;
and certain instrumental forms at the same time the
functions of the dative and locative. Also what is called
the genitive and dative dual in Greek grammar was used
to express the functions of both the genitive, locative,
dative, ablative, and instrumental. By syncretism it also

156 Accidence [§319

arose in Greek that the genitive acquired both the functions
of the old genitive and ablative. And similarly the case,
which we call the ablative singular in Latin grammar,
embraces both an ablative, locative and instrumental
meaning. But the Latin ablative forms were originally
partly old ablative forms, as equ6(d), and partly old locative
and instrumental forms, as pede, patre, homine. And in
like manner what is called the dative singular in Gothic is
originally the instrumental in the a- and masculine i-stems,
the locative in the feminine i-, the u-, and all consonantal-
stems ; and the dative only in the 6-stems. And what is
called the dative plural is in form the instrumental.

§ 319. In the declension of nouns and adjectives it is
not only necessary to take into consideration the case-
endings, but also the stem-endings which often formed an
important factor especially in the declension of the i-, u-
and diphthongal stems as well as in most of the consonantal
stems. These classes of nouns and adjectives originally
contained various grades of ablaut either in the root-
syllable, as in the monosyllabic consonantal stems and in
some of the diphthongal stems, which contained no suffix
or formative element, cp. trm, Lat. pes : iroS-, pad- (§ 342) ;
nom. *djeus, ZeiJy : loc. *dj6wi, Vedic dydvi : gen. *diw6s,
Skr. divdh (§ 337) ; or in the stem-ending, as in the i-, u-,
n-, r- and s-stems, cp. nom. sing, -i-s, -u-s : nom. pi. -ej-es,
•ew-es : loc. sing, -ei, -ei, -eu, -eu (§§ 328, 331) ; 7roi-firji> :
noi-/jLiu-a : *Troi-/xv-09, *7roi-fia-(n (§ 345) ; ira-T-qp : ira-rip-a :
ira-Tp-o^, ira-Tpd-aL (§ 360); yii/os, Hom. ISpoa from
*t8p6<T-a : yiuea- : i8pa>9. According as the stem-ending in
the diphthongal and consonantal stems originally contained
the strong or weak grade of ablaut, the various cases are
divided into strong or weak case-forms. The strong case-
forms were : the nominative, vocative and accusative
singular and dual, the locative singular and nominative
plural, and possibly also the accusative plural (§ 346).

§§ 32o-i] Declension of Nouns

15%

All the rest were weak case-forms. This original distinction
between strong and weak case-forms was most faithfully
preserved in Sanskrit, but in most of the other Indg.
languages it became considerably obliterated through new
formations caused by levelling out one or other of the
stem-forms, cp. the n-declension in Greek (§ 345).

A. THE VOCALIC DECLENSION

1. The a-DECLENSION.

§ 320. The a-declension originally contained only
feminine nouns as in Sanskrit and the Germanic languages,
but in Greek, Latin and the Baltic-Slavonic languages
a certain number of original abstract nouns acquired
a concrete meaning and then became masculine (§ 323).
The a-declension is divided into a-stems and ja-stems.
On the change of a to e in Attic and Ionic see § 51.

§321.

a.

i^EMINlNE a-STEMS.

Indg.

Singular.

Nom.

•a

X<opd

(TKld

rlfiV

Voc.

-&

Xyd

(TKia

Tlfiri^

Ace.

•am

\a>pav

(TKiav

Tlfl-qp

Gen.

•as

x<»pay

(TKlds

TlfJLfJ9

Dat.

-Ii

X(opa
Dual.

(TKta

Tl/Xfi

Nom. Voc.

Ace.

•ai

Xyd

(TKld

Tifid

Gen.

Dat.

.?

X<opaiv
Plural.

(TKiaiV

Tljialv

Nom. Voc.

•as

Xcopai

(TKiai

TlfjLat

Ace.

•ans

X<»pay

(TKlds

Tlfids

Gen

•am

Xcopoii'

(TKIOOV

TlflSiV

Dat.

•asu

(loc.) X'^P^^^

(TKiah

Tifiais

158 Accidence [§ 32»

Singular : The -d, -t; corresponds to the nom. endings
in Skr. 4§va, mare, Lat. equa ; Goth, giba, gift, Lith.
rankk, O.Slav. r§ika, hand, with regular shortening of the
•a in all these languages except Sanskrit.

•a, the original voc. ending was preserved in Homeric
vvfjL<f>a and in Homeric masculines like drra, Trdmra,
(Tv^mra, Att. SiavoTa, To^Sra, Ilipcra, and in O.Slav,
rftko beside nom. rfika. In Greek and Goth, the nom.
came to be used for the voc. already in the prehistoric
period of these languages, probably owing to the fact that
these two cases were alike in the plural in the parent Indg.
language. The regular voc. would have been *gif in
Gothic. As final Indg. -a and -a regularly fell together in
Lat. and Lith. it cannot be determined whether equa,
rankk represent the original voc. or whether they are the
nom. used for the vocative.

The -av, -rju (§ 141) regularly corresponds to the ace.
endings in Skr. d^vam, Lat. equam, Goth, giba, Lith.
rankgt, O.Slav. r§ik?i.

The -dy, -ay, -rj? regularly corresponds to the gen, endings
in Skr. d^vay-ah, O.Lat. familias, fortunas, vias, &c.,
Goth, gibos, Lith. rafikos; Arcad. yav, (dfiidv, oiKidv, &c.,
beside -dy, -ay, with -dv from the masc. a-stems (§ 323).

The -a, -a, -f} = Indg. -ai and the dat. endings in
Skr. d^vay-ai, Lat. equae, Goth, gibdi, Lith. rafikai.

By contraction of the original case-endings with the
stem-vowel, the dat. (-a-f ai) and loc. (-a-f-i) fell together
in -ai in the parent Indg. language (§ 79). The long
diphthong -ai was shortened to -ai before consonants in
prim. Greek (§ 63), as in /xeaaf-TroA^oy, Grj^ai-, rraXai-,
yafiaL-y^vrjs. In some dialects, e.g. the Arcadian, Boeotian,
Elean, the -ai became generalized for the dat. and loc. (cp.
§ 325), whereas the other dialects, with the exception of
a few isolated forms, generalized the antevocalic or pausa
form for both cases.

§ 32i] Declension of Nouns 159

The original ending of the instrumental was -a which
was preserved in Vedic dsva. In Greek the case-form
disappeared except in adverbs like Att. irfj, ravrrj, Dor.
ravra, Att. Kpv<f>fj, Dor. Kpv(pd, Att. XdBpa, Ion. XdOprj,
Lesb. dXXd, omra.

Dual : The original ending of the nom. voc. and ace.
was -ai as in Skr. dsve = Indg. *ekwai. Some scholars
assume that the Gr. nom. pi. represents the old dual form,
but it is highly improbable that the old dual should have
become used for the plural and that then a new dual was
created. The ending -a is doubtless a new formation
because it does not correspond to the dual ending in any
of the other Indg. languages. It must also have come
into existence in late prehistoric Greek, otherwise it would
have become -7; in Ionic and partly also in Attic (§ 51).
The nom. voc. and ace. dual of this declension does not
occur in Homer except in a few masculines like 'ArpeiSd,
(oKvirird. It is probable that the ending -a was an ana-
logical formation due to the influence of the -o) of the
o-declension, cp. the similar new formations in the endings
•aip, -ai, -ai?. The fact that the Gr. o-declension contained
both masculine and feminine nouns (§ 324) might have
helped to bring about the new formations in the dual and
in the nom. and dat. plural.

It is quite uncertain what were the original endings of
the gen. dat. loc. abl. and instr. cases, as there is no
agreement among the Aryan, Greek, Irish and Baltic-
Slavonic languages which preserved the dual in historic
times. The Greek gen. and dat. ending -aiu, -auv was
a new formation made after the analogy oi -olv, -oiiv of the
o-declension.

Plural : The Indg. ending of the nom. and voc. pi. was
-Is from older -a + es, which regularly corresponds to the
endings in Skr. dsvah, Oscan scriftas, scriptae, Umbrian
urtas, ortae, Goth, gibos, Lith. rafikos. The Gr. nom.

i6o Accidence [§321

pi. was remodelled after the analogy of the -oi of the
©•declension, cp. the similar process in Lat. equae from
older *equai beside equi from older *equoi.

•ans the original ending of the ace. corresponds to the
endings in Att. Ion. Dor. rf/xdy, Cret. Tlfidv^, Lesb. -aij
(§ 153), Lat. equas, Osc. viass, vias, Lith. rankks. -ans
was shortened to -ans in the prehistoric period of these
languages and then became -as in Att. Ion. Dor. Lat. Osc.
and Lith. through the intermediate stage of a long nasal
vowel. This change of -ans to -as was later than that of
Indg. a to 7; in Att. and Ion., otherwise we should have
*TLfirjs in these dialects. The n in -ans regularly dis-
appeared in prim. Greek before consonants without
lengthening of the preceding vowel, as in 'AB-qva^e from
*'A6dvavz-8i, 6vpa^€ (§ 153). Some scholars regard -as
as the original ending of the ace. in order to account for
Skr. dsvah, Goth, gibds, but it is far more reasonable to
assume that the Skr. and Goth, forms are the nom. used
for the ace. than to suppose that "i-ns was a new formation
in the other languages with n from the o-, i- and u-declen-
sions.

The original Indg. gen. ending was probably -am, a con-
traction of older -a + om. Skr. dsva-nam for *4svam was
a new formation with -nam from the n-declension {§ 345).
In prim. Greek and Italic the gen. was remodelled after the
analogy of the pronominal declension, cp. the Homeric fem.
gen. pi. rdoop from *Tda-a>i/ = Skr. tasam, Lat. is-tarum =
Indg. *tas6m, whence Horn. (Aeolic) Oedcop, Boeot. -dcou,
Ion. -ecDf from older -77001/ (§ 72), Att. -cop, Dor. -dp, Lesb. -dp
(§ 80). And similarly Lat. equarum, Osc. -azum, Umbr.
•arum from *'azom older *-as6m.

It is uncertain what was the ending of the loc. of this
declension in the parent Indg. language. Skr. has -asu
(divasu), Lith. -osu (raiikosu), and Gr. -da-i, -tjo-i ; -aa-i,
•U<ri; and -aLO-i, -ais (Hom. -jyy). It is possible that the

§ 322] Declension of Nouns i6i

original ending was -asu and that it was changed to -asi in
early prim. Greek through the influence of the -i in the loc.
singular (§ 305). This -asi would regularly have become
'Tj in Ion., -r], -a in Att. and -a in the other dialects (§ 213, 2),
but no such endings have been preserved in the historic
period of any of the dialects. After the law had ceased to
operate whereby intervocalic -o-- disappeared, a new loc.
was formed by adding -ctl from the loc. of the consonantal
stems direct to the stem, as in the inscriptional forms Ion.
8€<nr6vr](TLv, Att. SiKrja-i, Spa^^rjaL, rafxiaa-L, preserved later
only in adverbial forms Hke AOrjvijcn, Qri^rja-i, dvpda-i,
wpaari. It is generally assumed that the endings Ion. -rja-c,
Att. -fjo-i, -aa-i were new formations after the analogy of
-oicri of the o-declension, but it is also possible that they
really represent double loc. endings formed by adding -a-i
to -JJ, -a (see above). The endings -tjcti, -rja-i (Att. also
•dUri, -ao-i) disappeared on Att. inscriptions after about
420 B. c. and on Ion. inscriptions after about the beginning
of the fourth century b. c, and their place was taken by
•ais. The endings -ais (Hom. -ijs), -aiai were formed on
analogy with the -ois, -oi<ri of the o-declension. Cp. the
similar formation in Lat. -is, Osc. -ais.

b. ja-STEMS.

§ 322. In Greek the ja-stems only differ from the
declension of the a-stems in the nom. voc. and ace. singular.
The suffix -ja- was chiefly used in the parent Indg. language
to form feminine nouns and adjectives from the masculine
of u- and consonant-stems, as i^Sda from *(rfa8ifja : 7^5i/y
= Skr. svadvi : svaduh, sweet; TiKTaiua from *T(KTavja,
older *T€KTnja : TiKTcou = Skr. taksni : tiksan-, carpenter;
SoTiipa from *SoT€pja : Sorrjp = Skr. datri : datdr-, giver;
(pipova-a from *(l>epouTja : (f>ipouT- = Skr. bhdranti : bhd-
rant-, bearing ; and similarly ^apaa, yXvKiia, irXaTiia ;

M

1 62 Accidence [§322

BiaiToiva, Bcpdnaiva, Xiaiva, fiiXaiva, riptiva ; yevireipa,
fioipa, Treipa, a<f>aipa; SuKvvaa, 8i8ov<ra, riOiiaa, iaraaa,
Xvaaaa, fiovcra, irdva, y^apUcrcra. Pf. part. act. Trfcpvvia
from *7r((f)vv(r/'a : ire^vm = Skr. babhuvia^i : babhuv|.S' for
older *'\ks-, having been ; dSvia, Horn. iSvTa : €18(09 — Skr.
vidtiSi : vidv|.s-, knowing. yXaxra-a from *yX<ja\ja, 86^a
from *8oKTja, Ofj<T<ra from *6-qTja, pi(a from *fpL8ja, (f>v^a
from *<f>vyja, djia^a, Siyjra, BdXaaaa, (T\t^a. The j dis-
appeared after a consonant + nasal (§130), as €\i8va, /xe-
pLjiva, TTTepva, ToXfia. Some scholars assume that these
words had simply the ending -9 in prim. Indg., whilst
others regard them as being new formations from original
stems in -a. voTVLa : ttoo-ls = Skr. pdtni : p4tih» master,
husband; yjrdXTpia, fiia from *a-fiia.

The nom. sing, originally ended in -i beside '(ijja. The
reason for this difference is unknown. The various Indg.
languages generalized one or other of the two forms in
prehistoric times. The former occurs in Sanskrit, Gothic
and Lithuanian, as Skr. devi, goddess, b^hati, great, svad*
-vi, sweet; Goth.mawi,^/^/, frij5ndi,/nV«^; Lith. vezanti,
vehens, and the latter in Greek. In prim. Greek -(ijja regu-
larly became -ja after short and -la after long syllables, but
this differentiation was greatly obscured at a later period
owing to numerous analogical formations whereby forms
with long syllables were remodelled on the analogy of
those with short syllables and vice versa (§ 119).

It is uncertain what was the original ending of the voca-
tive. In the Aryan branch it is -i, as Skr. devi, bfhati,
svadvi, but in the other languages the nom. was used for
the voc, as in Gr. rjSiia, iroTvia, Goth, mawri, frijondi.

There is not sufficient agreement among the different
branches of the Indg. languages to enable us to determine
what was the original ending of the accusative. It was
probably •(i)jam beside -(iijam, the former of which is
represented by Goth, mduja, frijondja, Lith. vg^anczft,

§323] Declension of Nouns 163

O.Slav. vezfiStfi, vehentem, and the latter by Gr. r^8uav,
T^KTaivav, (f>ipov<Tav, rroTvcav, &c. The Aryan ending -im,
as in Skr. devim, brhatim, svadim would then be a new
formation with -i- from the nominative.

Gen. -T]9, ■dy=Indg. -(ijtjas and corresponding to the
endings in Skr. devyah, svadyah, Goth, mdujos, frijond-
jos, Lith. vezanczos.

Dat. 'fj, -a = Indg. •{i^M and corresponding to the
endings in Skr. devyai, svadyai, Goth, miujdi, frijondjdi,
Lith. v&zanczai.

c. Masculine a-sxEMs.

§ 323. As we have seen above (§ 320) the nouns belonging
to this class were originally feminine abstract nouns which
acquired a concrete meaning and then became masculine.
In declension they only differ from the feminine a-stems in
the nom. voc. and gen. singular. The masculine nouns of
this type were declined in Latin exactly like the feminine
a-stems. It is however possible that in the oldest Latin,
as in Greek, the nominative took -s after the analogy of
the o-declension, and that this ending is preserved in the
two isolated O.Latin forms hosticapas, hostium captor]
paricidas, parricide.

After the change of gender had taken place the nouns of
this class took -s in the nom. after the analogy of the o*
declension, as vedvids, TroXiTrj^, IleparTjs.

In the vocative two forms are to be distinguished, viz. -a
and -a, -rj. The former is the original voc. ending of a-
stems and occurs in nouns which have -XT/y in the nomina-
tive, in names of peoples, and in compound nouns, as
TToXTra, Siairora beside nom. Sea-iroT-qs, SKvOa, Ilipa-a,
yfay-fiirpa ; and the latter is the original nominative used
for the vocative (§ 321) and generally occurs in all other
nouns, as vedvid, KpoviSrj. Forms like imrSTa {Niaroop),
V€(f)i\r)y€p€Ta (Zcuy), firjTUTa (Zeuy), which are common in

M a

1 64 Accidence (§324

epic poetry and occur almost exclusively in combination
with prof>er names, are probably old vocatives which came
to be used attributively as nominatives. And similarly it
is probably more correct to regard the Boeot. nominatives
NfOTiSa, IIvdiovtKd, &c. as vocatives which came to be used
as nominatives than to assume that the original asigmatic
nominative was preserved in this dialect. The genitive
originally ended in -dy, as in the feminine a-stems. To -ay
was added -0 from the old genitive {*Xvkoo, Xvkoio) of the
o-declension. *-d<ro regularly became -ao in Boeot., Thess.
and Hom. {ArpfiSao), -dv in Arcad., Cypr., and Pamphylian,
-60) from older -770 (§ 72), -© in Ionic, -a by contraction of
-do in Dor. [ArpeiSd), Lesb. and Elean. Att. TroXtrov, &c.
had -ov direct from the o-declension. Boeot. -ay beside
•do was a new formation due to the influence of the nomi-
natives in -d, see the voc. above. Beside Ion. -eco, -ca there
also occurs -ev from older *-eo with -0 for -cd re-introduced
from *XvKoo.

Note. — In some dialects and especially in Ionic the
accusative and genitive singular were often formed after
the analogy of the masculine es-stems (§ 366) owing to the
nominative singular being alike in both declensions.

2. The o-declension.

§ 324. Greek and Latin are the only Indg. languages in
which the o«declension contains masculine, feminine and
neuter nouns. It is far more probable that a number of
originally masculine nouns became feminine in these two
languages than that the feminine was lost in the prehistoric
period of all the other languages. The masculines and the
feminines are declined alike in Greek and Latin.

§ 325]

Declension of Nouns

165

§ 326. a. Masculine and Feminine o-stems.

Singular.

Indg.

Nom.

-OS

\VK0^

Voc.

•e

\iJK€

Ace.

•om

\VK0V

Gen.

•Gsjo, -so

XVKOIO, XvKOV

Dat.

•oi

\vK(o, 6em

Loc.

( -oi, -ei
1 -oI, .ei

OlKOt, OlK€l

'la-dflOl, €K€l

Dual.

Nom. Voc. Ace.

■6u, -5

\VK(0

Gen. Dat.

•?

Plural.

XVKOUV, XVKOLV

Nom. Voc.

.at
•OS

XVKOI

Ace.

•ens

XvKOP^t XVKOVS

Gen.

'Om

XVKCOU, 6iS>V

Dat.

•ois, -ois (instr.)

XvKOL^, Oeois

Loc.

•oisu

XVKOKTI

Singular: The Indg. endings were remarkably well pre-
served in Greek. Nom. Xvko9 = Skr. v^kah, Lat. lupus,
Goth, wulfs, Lith. vilkas, wolf. Voc. Xvk€ = Skr. vfka,
Lat. lupe, Goth, wulf, Lith. vilkd. Ace. XvKot/ = Skr.
vfkam, Lat. lupum, Lith. viikfi.

It is impossible to determine what was the original Indg.
ending of the genitive. In the declension of all other
stems the genitive and ablative were originally alike, but
in the o-declension the form of these two eases seems to
have been partly differentiated during the prim. Indg.
period, whereby a special genitive form with pronominal
ending was created, cp. Indg. *tosjo = toTo, Skr. tdsya :
XvKoio, Skr. v^kasya, beside Indg. *toso = tov, r<5 : prim.
Gr. *fXvKoao, whence Att. Ion. and mild Dor. Xvkov,

1 66 Accidence [§325

Boeot. Lesb. and severe Dor. Xvko), Goth, wulfis with -is
from ))is, of the. The Greek, Aryan and Germanic lan-
guages accordingly have pronominal endings. What cor-
responds to the ablative in the other languages is used for
the genitive and ablative in Baltic-Slavonic, as Lith. vilko,
O.Slav, vluka. The Latin ending -i, which must also
have existed in prim. Keltic, is of unknown origin, -oio
and -ov, the latter of which can often be read as -oo, exist
side by side in Homer. The ending -oio was however
archaic already in Homer, but through imitation of him it
is found in the language of poets of all periods. In
Thessalian the ending -oi occurs beside -ov, -o), -oio. It is
difficult to account for the -oi unless we may suppose that
it arose from -olo by elision of -0. Some scholars regard it
as the locative ending used for the genitive, and others as
being of the same origin as the Latin genitive ending -i,
but both these proposed explanations are very doubtful.

The Indg. ending of the dative was -oi, from older -o + ai,
corresponding to the endings in 6iZ, \vk<o, Lat. Iup5,
O.Lat. populoi Romanoi, Numasioi, Numerio, Lith. vil-
kui, Skr. vfkay-a for older *vfkai. -oi was shortened to
•oi before consonants in prim. Greek (§ 63). Anteconso-
nantal -oi then became generalized for the dative in
Arcadian, Boeotian, Elean, Thessalian and the North-
West group of dialects. The locative and dative thus fell
together in these dialects (cp. § 321). On the other hand
what is called the dative in these dialects may simply be
the original locative used for the dative.

In the parent Indg. language the locative seems to have
ended in -oi, -ei beside -oi, -ei. The former occur in of/cof,
oLKiL, Lat. belli, domi, humi, Corinthi, and Skr. vfke, and
the latter in 'ladfioi and in adverbs like noi, whither ; iKu,
there ; Dor. rer-Se, here ; Tiyi/e?, there ; nu, where.

The original ending of the ablative was -od, -ed, which
was preserved in Skr. vrkad, vfkat, O.Lat. inscriptions

§325] Declension of Nouns 167

Gnaivdd, merited, facilumed = later Lat. Gnaeo, merito,
facillime. This case-form disappeared in Greek except in
a few isolated adverbial forms, as Delph. foiKO), domo ;
Cret. Tco-Se, htnc; Cret, a), oirco, Locr. S), oirco, unde. It
probably also occurs in adverbs like ovt<o, ovray^, ao^m-^.
In the Germanic languages the old ablative of adjectives
came to be used adverbially, as sinteind, continually, nom.
sinteins, continual.

The original ending of the instrumental was -d, -e, which
is found in Vedic vf-ka, Goth, wulfa (used for the dative),
Lith. vilkti. The case-form disappeared in Greek except
in a few isolated adverbial forms, as Trco-TTore, ov-Trco, d(f>va>,
dfiapTTJ, oTTT], Laconian nrj-iroKa, usquam or unquam.

Dual: The original ending of the nom. voc. and ace.
was -ou beside -o (§ 63), the latter of which was generalized
in Greek and Baltic- Slavonic, as Xu/cco, Lith. vilkd, O.Slav,
vliika. Both endings occur in Vedic vfkau, vfka, but
only the former in classical Sanskrit.

It is impossible to determine what were the original
endings of the gen. dat. loc. abl. and instrumental, as there
is no agreement among the languages which preserved the
dual in historic times (cp. § 321). Greek -ouv, -oiv, which
came to be used in all kinds of stems except the a-stems,
has never been satisfactorily explained. The most probable
explanation is that it arose from -ol, the original ending of
the nom. voc. ace. neuter (§ 326), to which was added the
dual pronominal ending -lv from vmCv, a(f>(oiv — Aii. vStv,
<j(f>cov (§§ 402, 404). It may possibly also have arisen
from -OL + the ending -cr^{j/) from the loc. plural of conso-
nantal stems, but this would presuppose that v k<f)iXKvaTiK6v
became a fixture in this form at a very early period, -oiiv is
the regular ending in Homer and -oiv in Attic.

Plural: The Indg. ending of the nom. and voc. was -os
from older -o + es, which corresponds to the endings in
Skr. vfkah, Goth, wulfos, Osc. Nuvlanus, Nolani. Greek,

1 68 Accidence [§325

Latin and Baltic-Slavonic have the pronominal ending.
The Germanic languages also have it in the adjectives, cp.
nom. TOL, Lat. is-ti, Goth. )>di, O.Slav, ti, Skr. te, Indg.
*toi, the : XvKoi, Lat. lupi, O.Slav, vliici, wolves; Goth,
blinddi wulfds, blind wolves.

The original ending of the accusative was -ons which
corresponds to the endings in Lat. lupos, Goth, 'wulfans,
Cret. XvKovs beside -oy, Att. Ion. and mild Dor. -ouy, Boeot.
and severe Dor. -coy, Lesb. -ois, Arcadian and Thessalian
-OS. -0P9 remained in prim. Greek in pausa and when the
next word began with a vowel, but became -oy when the
next word began with a consonant (§ 153). The different
dialects mostly generalized one or other of the sandhi
forms, as Att. Ion. -oi/y, Boeot. -(By, Lesb. -ois from older
■oys through the intermediate stage of a long nasal vowel.

The Indg. ending of the genitive was -om which corre-
sponds to the endings in Oi&p, Xvkcov, Skr. vrkan-am (with
•an- from the n-stems), O.Lat. Rdmanom, deum, medium,
classical Lat. luporum with pronominal ending, cp. istd-
rum, Osc. Niivlanum, Nolanorum, OE. wulfa, Lith. vilku
with regular loss of the final nasal in the last two languages.

Oioh, \vK019 and Lat. lupis were originally the instru-
mental which came to be used for the dative. The Indg.
ending of the instrumental was -ols corresponding to the
endings in Skr. vrkaih, Lith. vilkais. On the shortening
of the long diphthong in Greek see § 63.

The original ending of the locative was probably -oisu
which corresponds to the ending in the Skr. loc. vfkesu.
•oisu may have become -oisi in prim. Greek through the
influence of the -i in the loc. singular (§ 305), and then
•oisi would have become *-oii during the same period.
XvKoiai admits of a twofold explanation. Either the ending
•ois (see above) was changed to -oia-i through the influence
of the -a-i of the consonantal stems or else it was formed
direct from the nom. pi. Xvkoi with -<rc from the consonantal

§ 326] Declension of Nouns 169

stems. In either case the -okfl must have come into exis-
tence after the law had ceased to operate whereby inter-
vocalic -<r- disappeared (§ 213, 2). -olo-l is the regular form
in Homer (and then later imitated by other poets), Hero-
dotus, Lesbian and O. Attic. Until 444 b. c. -olo-l beside
•ois was equally common on Attic inscriptions, but the
longer form had disappeared by the end of the century.
And in like manner -ol<tl beside -oty was common on Ionic
inscriptions in the fifth century b. c, but the longer form
had disappeared by about the beginning of the fourth
century. Xvkolo-l like \vkol9 was used for the dative.

b. Neuter o-stems.

§ 326. In Greek the declension of the neuter o-stems
only differs from the masculine in the nom. voc. singular
and the nom. voc. and ace. plural.

The original ending of the nom. voc. and ace, singular
was -om which corresponds to the endings in (vyov, Skr.
yugdm, Lat. jugum, yoke. The ending regularly dis-
appeared in the Germanic languages, as Goth. ^xi)s.,yoke.

The Indg. ending of the nom. voc. and ace. dual was -oi
which occurs in Skr. yuge, and in dve, Vedic duve = OE.
twa, two. In Greek the regular form would have been
*(vyoL which was changed to (vyoi) after the analogy of the
masculines.

What is called the nom. voc. and ace. plural was
originally a feminine collective singular which accounts
for the fact that in Greek and Sanskrit the nom. pi. neuter
takes the verb in the singular. It also accounts for the
double plurals like Sea-jxoL, kvkXol, (TTaSLOL beside Sea-fid,
KVKXa, ardSia, Lat. joci, loci beside joca, loca, the former
of which originally meant separate objects and the latter
the objects taken collectively. The original ending was
•a which corresponds to the endings in Vedic yuga beside
classical Skr. yuga-ni with -ni from the n-stems, Lat. juga,

lyo Accidence [§§ 327-8

Goth, juka with regular shortening of the final vowel in
these two languages, (vyd was formed after the analogy
of the consonantal stems. This new formation must have
taken place in prim. Greek, otherwise we should have had
the regular ending *-ri in Attic and Ionic, and *-a in the
other dialects.

§ 327. The so-called Attic declension had in prim.
Greek the same case-endings as the ordinary o-declension.
The prim. Greek forms of a noun like j/ecoy (Dor. vdos,
Ion. vr}6si) were : sing. *vd09, *vaov, *vaoo, *pd<oi ; dual
*vda>, *vdoiv ; pi. *vdoL, *vdovs, *vd(ov, *vda)is, which with
the regular change of -a- to -rj- (§ 51) together with shorten-
ing (§ 71) and quantitative metathesis (§ 72) became in Attic
vem, vid>v (sometimes also viw after the analogy of rjpoi
from *^pa>a, see § 340), v(co or P(co from *i/€coo older *vrjoo,
vtco) V€oo, vecSv; veco, j/eo)?, vemv, vemy.

3. The I'DECLENSION.

§ 328. a. Masculine and Feminine short i-STEMs.

Indg.

Singular.

Nom

. -is

TToXlS

Voc.

•i, ^ei or

•oi TToXt

Ace.

•im

TToXlV

Gen.

•eis, -ois

Tr6\€co9, n6\r]09, TToXeoy, noXio^

Dat.

•ei (loc),
(loc.)

•ei TToXci, TToXu, TToXrjl', voXl
Dual.

Nom. Voc.

Ace. -i

TToXee, iroXiL

Gen.

Dat. ?

iroXioiv
Plural.

Nom. Voc.

•ejes

7r6X€i9, TToXicy, 7roX7;ey

Ace.

■ins

TToXe^y, TToXias, 7r6X?;ay, TToXfy,

TToXlVS

Gen.

(i)j6m

TToXecov, TToXimv

Dat.

•isu (loc.

\ rroXfori, woXiai, iroXU<r<Tf.

§328] Declension of Nouns 171

In the original Indg. declension the stem-forms contained
various grades of ablaut nearly all of which disappeared in
Greek owing to various new formations in several of the
cases.

Singular : The Greek nominative ending corresponds to
the endings in the other languages, as Skr. agnih, fire ;
Skr. dvih, ols, Lat. ovis, Lith. avis, sheep ; Goth, ansts,
favour.

The original ending of the vocative was -i when the
preceding syllable had the chief accent of the word, and
•ei or 'Oi when the accent was on the ending. Greek and
the Germanic languages generalized the former and Sanskrit
the latter form, as iroXi, Goth, anst, beside Skr. agne. In
Latin the nom. was used for the vocative.

•IV from Indg. -im (§ 141) corresponds to the accusative
endings in Skr. agnim, dvim, Lat. sitim, partim. Forms
like Lat. ovem, hostem were new formations with -em
from the ace. of the consonantal stems. The ending -im
regularly disappeared in Gothic, as anst.

The endings in Skr. agneh, Goth, anstdis, Lith. naktSs
(nom. naktis, night) were regularly developed from the
original endings of the genitive, which disappeared entirely
in Greek and their place was taken by various new forma-
tions after the analogy of the u- and i-declensions. ttoXio^,
which occurs in all the dialects except Attic, had -foy from
forms like kio^ (§ 330). Att. TroAeoy from *7r6A€/^oy with
•if- from the u-declension. Hom. ttoXijos with •!]• from
the dative. Attic TroAecDy from older *7roXT;oy by quantitative
metathesis (§ 72). Lat. ovis, partis, hostis had -is from
the genitive of the consonantal stems.

The original locative ending -ei became di in Gothic, as
anstdi. The -i in Lat. ovi, hosti can represent both
Indg. -ei and -ei. All the Greek forms were new forma-
tions. Att. and Hom. TroXe^, Hom. noXfi from *Tr6Xijt
with -i from the dative of the consonantal stems in all the

172 Accidence [§ 328

Greek forms of the dative. Horn, and Att. (inscriptions
410-335 B. c.) TToXri'C is difficult to explain. Two solutions
of the difficulty have been proposed, but neither of them
is quite satisfactory. Some scholars assume that a locative
ending -e existed beside -ei in the parent Indg. language
(cp. § 63), and that the former occurs in the Vedic locative
agna beside agniu (a new formation after the analogy
of the U'declension) and in Greek voX-q + i' with -t. from the
dative of the consonantal stems. If this explanation is right
TroXrfCmnst have been formed in fairly late prehistoric Greek,
otherwise it would not have remained trisyllabic. Others
assume that iroXTj'i stands for an older *7r6X7;f + 1 with -77 f-
from the u-declension like the -au in agnau, but no trace
of ■r]f- exists in any of the dialects (§ 331). Ion. Cret.
Boeot. Lesb., &c. noXl from *'rroXu,

Dual : The nom. voc. and ace. originally ended in -i, as
in Skr. agni. TroXee, noXfi were from *7roAe;'e with -€/-
from the nom. plural and -6 from the dual of the conso-
nantal stems. On the ending -ocv in the genitive and
dative see § 325.

Plural: The endings in TroXety, Skr. agndyah, Lat.
eves, hostes, Goth, ansteis were all regularly developed
from the Indg. nominative ending -ejes. Ion. Cret., &c.
TToXtey was from forms like kUs, Hom. noXrje^ had the
same -r}- as in ttoXtjI'.

The original ending of the accusative was preserved in
Cret. TToXivs and Goth, anstins. Ion. TroXfy like Lat.
ovis, turns had regular loss of the nasal and lengthening
of the preceding vowel (§ 69, i). Lat. oves, hostes may
be either the nom. used for the ace. or else have -es from
the ace. of the consonantal stems. Att. Ion. TroXeiy was
the nom. used for the accusative. Hom. Dor. and Lesb.
TToXiay had -my from forms like /ctay. Hom. iroX-qas (see
TroXrfi) with -ay from Aft'ay.

The endings in rpioov, Lat. trium, Ion. Dor. and Lesb.

§§329-30] Declension of Nouns 173

TToXicDv, Lat. ovium, hostium correspond to the original
Indg. genitive ending -(ijjom. Att, iroXecov had -€- from
the nominative.

The original locative ending was preserved in Skr.
tris{i, tribus, agnisu. rpiai, Ion. ttoXio-l had -cri from the
dat. of the consonantal stems, and similarly TroXeo-f but
with -€- from the nominative. Horn. 7ro\U<r<ri had -ea-a-i
from the dat. of the s-stems (§ 364). voXiois in the North-
West group of dialects was a new formation after the analogy
of the dative of the o-declension.

b. Neuter short i-sTEMs.

§ 329. In Greek the declension of the neuters only
differed from the masculines and feminines in the nom.
and ace. singular, and the nom. voc. and ace. plural. The
nom. voc. and ace. singular originally ended in -i which
was preserved in Skr. vari, water, iSpi, but became -e in
Latin, as mare, leve. The nom. voc. and ace. plural
originally ended in -i which was preserved in Vedic tri,
irta. rpia, iSpia had -a from the plural of the consonantal
stems, whereas Lat. tria, Goth. }>rija, three were new
formations after the analogy of the o-declension.

c. The long i-stems.
§ 330. The long i-stems originally contained mono-
syllabic nouns like Skr. dhih, thought, kU, Xt?, h, Lat. vis,
and nouns of more than one syllable like Vedic nadih,
rwer. The latter class of nouns went over into the con-
sonantal declension in prim. Greek (§ 343).

Indg. Sf*

tguiar.

Nom.

•is

kU

dhih

nadih

Voc.

-i,-i

kU

dhih

Dddi

Ace.

-ij^, -im

Kit/

dhfyam

nadiyam

Gen.

-ijos

KIOS

dhiydh

nadiyah

Dat.

-iji (= loc.)

Kli

dhiyi

(nadiyam

174

Accidence

Dual.

Nom. Voc. Ace. -ije

kU

Gen. Dat. ?

KioTf

Plural.

Nom. Voc. -ijes

kUs

Ace. -ijns

Kias

[§ 331

dhiyah
dhiyah
dhiyam
dhiSu

nadfyah
nadiyah
(nadinSm)
nadisu

The former was

Gen. -ijoSi kicov

Dat. •isu(=loc.) KKTi

•ij- = Skr, -iy- alternated with
regular before vowels and the latter before consonants.
In Greek the -ij' regularly became -i- (§ 128).

All the Greek forms, except the voc. singular, gen. and
dat. dual, and dat. plural, were regularly developed from
the original Indg. forms. The nom. was used for the voc.
in Greek and in Skr. dhih. The regular ending of the
ace. singular would have been *-iya in Skr. {§ 65, i), but
•m, which originally belonged only to the a-, o-, i- and u-
declensions, was extended to the masc. and fem. ace. sing,
of all declensions. Ace. 7i/a for *tv, vitn, with -a added
from the ace. of the consonantal stems. From iva was
then formed a new gen. ivos, pi. iJ'ey, cp. the similar new
formations in Zrjva : Zrjv (§ 337), riva : *tlv. The gen.
and dat. dual kioiv from *kljoIv had -oiv from the O'declen-
sion. The dat. plural kkjI had -l- from the other cases of
the plural and -o-f from the dat. of the consonantal stems.

4. The fi-DECLENSION.

§ 331. a. Masculine and Feminine short u-stems.
Indg. Singular.

Nom. -us irfi^^yi rjSvs

Voc. -u, 'CU or -ou nrjxv r]8v

Ace. "Um tttj^vi/ -qSvv

Gen. -efis, -ous 7rJ7;(ea)y, TT-qyio^ fjSios

Dat. -eu (loc), """VX^h ^VX^"- ^^^^> V^^^
•eu (loc.)

§ 33i] Declension of Nouns 175

Dual.

Nom. Voc. Ace. -u t^VX^^> '"'VX^'^ V^^^i V^^^

Gen. Dat. ? Trriyeoiv rjSioiv

Plural.

Nom. Voc. -ewes nijxus, nrj^ies "fjdeTs, rjSies

Ace. -uns 7rri)(^€is, nrj^ias rjSfT^

Gen. •(u)w6& Trrj-^ioav rjSicDu

Dat. -USU (= loc.) 7rri)(^i(Tt rjSia-i

The stem-forms of the u* hke the i-declension originally
contained various grades of ablaut nearly all of which
disappeared in Greek owing to various new formations in
several of the cases.

Singular: The Greek nominative ending corresponds to
the endings in the other languages, as Skr. sunuh, Goth.
sunus, Lith. suniis, son, Lat. fructus, manus.

The original ending of the vocative was -u when the
preceding syllable had the chief accent of the word and
•eu or -ou when the accent was on the ending. Greek
and the Germanic languages generalized the former and
Sanskrit and Lithuanian the latter, as 7rfj)(y, ^8v, Goth,
sunu, beside Skr. siino, Lith. sunau. In Latin the nom.
was used for the vocative.

■vu from Indg. -urn (§ 141) corresponds to the accusative
endings in Skr. suniim, Lat. fructum, Lith. suny, Goth,
sunu with regular loss of the -m. Hom. ivpia for €vpvv
was formed after the analogy of the ace. plural.

The endings in Skr. sunoh, Goth, sundus, Lith. sunaus,
Lat. fructus were regularly developed from the original
endings of the genitive, which disappeared entirely in
Greek and their place was taken by new formations. The
ending in m^xicos, which only occurs in the nouns, was
formed after the analogy of noXecos of the i-declension.
The cause of the new formation was probably due to the
fact that in Greek the endings of the dat. sing. -e(y)t, -e(/^)t

176 Accidence [§ 333

and nom. pi. -€(/)€?, •€(f)fr fell together in these two
declensions. 7)8^0^, Horn. 7n7xeoy, older *-€foy with -if-
from the dative.

The endings in Skr. suniu, Goth, sundu were regularly
developed from the original locative ending -eu. The -u
in Lat. fructu can represent both -eu and -eu. The Gr.
endings -u, -€i are from older *-ef t with -l from the dative
of the consonantal stems, cp. the similar new formation in
Vedic sundvi beside sunau.

Dual : The original ending of the nom. voc. and ace.
was preserved in Skr. sunil. Trrj\ie, trriy^ei was from
older *-e/^€ with -€f- from the nom. plural and -€ from the
dual of the consonantal stems. On the ending -oiv in the
gen. and dat. see § 325.

Plural: The endings in Att. TrriyjeLS, Ion. 7rJ7Xfey, and
Skr. sundvah were regularly developed from the Indg.
nominative ending -ewes. Lat. fructiis was the ace. used
for the nominative.

The original ending of the accusative was preserved in
Cret. vivv9, sons and Goth, sununs. Tr-qy^ns, tjSh? were
the nom. used for the accusative. Ion. Tr-q^ias, €vpia9
were new formations after the analogy of the u-stems
(§ 334). Lat. fructiis was from older *fructuns with
regular loss of the -O' and lengthening of the preceding
vowel.

7rr])(€cov from older *Trr}')(j^foi)v was a new formation with
-€f- from the nom. plural. The normal development of
the original genitive ending occurs in Lat. fructuom,
•uum, -um.

The original ending of the locative was preserved in
Skr. sunusu. Tr-qy^^ai, r)Si<n for older *-v(ri with -e- from
the nom. plural and -cri from the dative of the consonantal
stems. The Hom. ending '€(r<Ti was from the systems
(§ 364).

§ 332. In the declension of the word for son two stems

§§333-4] Declension of Nouns 177

are to be taken into consideration, viz. prim. Greek *sfiijos
= vm which was declined hke an ordinary o-stem (§ 326) ;
and prim. Greek *suijus = vlvs, Cret. vivs, ace. Arcadian
vlvv, Cret. vlvv, ace. pi. Cret. vivvs. The remaining cases
of the singular, dual and plural were formed from the
generalized stem form vUf-, as vlios, vli'i {vUi) ; vlie,
vUoiv ; vUTs (vUe?), vUa>v, vlea-i. The Horn, accusatives
vUa, vUas were new formations after the analogy of the
consonantal stems. At a later stage vl- came to be
regarded as the stem-form, from which was made a new
declension after the analogy of the inflected forms of
TTUT-qp (§ 360), as *vls, via, vlos, vu ; vU ; vh?, may,
*vlS>v, vidci.

b. Neuter short u-stems.

§ 333. In Greek the declension of the neuters only
differed from the masculines and feminines in the nom.
and ace. singular, and the nom. voc. and ace. plural. The
nom. voc. and ace. singular originally ended in -u which
was preserved in Skr. midhu, mead; Skr. pdsu = Goth.
faihu, cattle; da-rv, r)8v. The origin of the ending in
Lat. cornu, genu, pecu is obscure. The nom. voc. and
ace. plural originally ended in -u which was preserved in
Vedic puril, much, many ; mddhu, beside purdni, mddhu*
ni. Lat. cornua, genua was a new formation after the
analogy of the o-declension. In Greek the nouns and
adjectives differed in the formation of the nom. plural.
The former had -t], as da-rr), from older *-€<ra, the ending
of the neuter s-stems (§ 364), and the latter had -ea, as
ijSia, from older *-e/'a with -if- from the masc. and fem.
nom. plural, and -a from the nom. plural of consonantal
stems.

c. The long u-stems.
§ 334. The long u-stems contain monosyllabic nouns
like (Tvy, uy, Lat. sus, OE. su, pig, sow; and /xv^ which

N

178

Accidence

[§ 334

originally belonged to the s-declension ; Skr. bhuh, earth ;
and nouns of more than one syllable like lx^v9, tOv? ; Vedic
tanuh, body.

Singular.

bhiah

Nom.

Voc.

Ace.

Gen.
Dat.

Indg.
•us
•u, -u
•uwm,
•um
•uwos

(rv9

<rv

avv

<rv6s

-uwi(=loc.) avi

Dual.

bhuh
bhiavam

bhuv4h
bhuvf

ix6v9

Ixdv

lx$vu

tanilh

tdnu

tanuvam

Nom. Voc. Ace. -uwe
Gen. Dat. ?

Nom. Voc. -u-wes
Ace. -uwns

O

Gen. -uwom
Dat. •usu(=loc.)

(rv€
(Tvoiv

l\6vos tanuvah
i\6vC tanuvi

ixOvi
i\6votv

l\6vis tanuvah
iyOva^ tantivah

Plural.

aves bhiivah
(Tva^ bhtivah
(Tva>v bhuvam /^(ducoj/ (tanunam)
<TV(Ti bhuSti IxOvai tanuSu

-uw- = -vf; Skr. -uv- alternated with -u-. The former
was regular before vowels and the latter before consonants.
In Greek the -vf- regularly became -v- (§ 119).

All the Greek forms except the gen. and dat. dual, and
the dat. plural were regularly developed from the original
Indg. forms. ovoTv, l\6voiv from *<rvfoTv, *ixOvfoLv had
•OLv from the o-declension. avai, lx6v(ri had v for v from
the other cases of the plural and -a-i from the dative of
the consonantal stems. Hom. crvia-ai with -eo-o-t from the
s-stems. In the Sanskrit monosyllabic nouns the nom.
was used for the vocative. Beside the regular ace. sing.
Ix^w there also occurs in later Greek ix^va formed after
the analogy of the ace. plural. On the ending in Sanskrit
bhtivam, tantivam, see § 330. Beside the regular ace.
pi. (Tvas, Ix^vas there also occurs in Attic and Ionic oT/y,

§§335-6] Declension of Nouns 179

IxQvs from older -vv^ which was formed after the analogy
of the ace. singular. This new formation was also occasion-
ally used for the nominative. For nouns which have -v-
throughout all cases see §§ 265-6.

5. The Diphthongal Declension.

§ 335. This declension contains monosyllabic nouns and
nouns of more than one syllable. It is subdivided into
four categories according as the stem ends in -au-, 'Cu-,
•6u- or -oi*. The stem-forms of each category originally
contained various grades of ablaut, but in Greek as in the
other Indg. languages one or other of the stem-forms was
generally extended to all the cases by levelling.

a. au-sTEMS.

§ 336.

Nom. Voc.
Ace.
Gen.
Dat. (=loc.)

Singular.
Indg.
*naus raOy, j/t/Op
*nawm vavv, vfja, via
*naw6s vem, vrjos, vi6<s, vdSs
*nawi vrft, vat

Nom. Voc. Ace.
Gen. Dat.

Dual.
*nawe vrje
? veolv

Nom. Voc.
Ace.
Gen.
Dat. (=loc.)

Plural.
*nawes j/jyey, fley, mey
*na^vns vav^, vr\as, veay, vaa^
*naw6m vi&v, vr]a>v, vdcov
*nausti vava-t, vrfvcri, vrjea-a-i, v€€(r<Ti,

vaeaai

•aw- = prim. Gr. -df-, Skr. and Lat. -av- regularly
alternated with -au*. The former occurred before vowels
and the latter before consonants. The au-stems seem to
have levelled out the -a- of -aw-, -au- already in the parent

N 2

i8o Accidence [§ 336

Indg. language. Intervocalic -f- regularly disappeared
in Greek (§ 122). The -c- in forms like via, vios, vkas, &:c.
which occur in Homer and Herodotus was due to the
shortening of older -rj- before the following vowel (§ 71).

Singular: In the nominative vaOy the first element of
the diphthong was shortened in prim. Greek (§ 63), cp.
Skr. nauh, Lat. navis with the ending of the i-declension
in all its cases. The 77 in Horn, vqv^ and also in the dat.
pi. vr)vai was due to levelling out the 77 of the other cases
where it was regular.

The accusative form vavv was a new formation from the
nominative. Hom. vrja from older *vfjfa, *vdfa corresponds
to Indg. *nawm, Skr. navam (see § 330), Lat. navem.

The original genitive *naw6s corresponds to Dor. vdos,
Ion. vrio^ and Att. vim with quantitative metathesis (§ 72),
Skr. navih, Lat. navis.

The dative Dor. vat, Lesb. vat, Att. Ion. vrjt were all
from prim. Greek *vdfi —\r\dg. *nawi, Skr. navi, cp.
Lat. navi.

Dual: Nom. voc. and ace. vrje from prim. Greek vafi =
Indg. *nawe, Skr. navau probably had its ending from
the u-declension. Gen. dat. v^oiv from older *vr}foTv,
*vdfoiv (§ 325), see vea, &c. above.

Plural : The nominative Dor. j/aey, Att. Ion. v^ey were
from prim. Greek *vdf€9 = Indg. *nawes, Skr. ndvah,
Lat. naves.

The Attic accusative vavs was a new formation after the
analogy of the accusative singular. Dor. vaa^, Ion. vrja^
= prim. Greek *vafa^, Skr. n4vah, Lat. naves.

The Att. Ion. genitive viS>v was from older vriS>v with
shortening of 77 to e (§ 71). Dor. vd5>v, Hom. vqStv from
prim. Greek *vdfS>v = Indg. *naw6m, Skr. navam, Lat.
navium.

The dative *vdv(ri was shortened to vavai in prim. Greek
(§ 63), cp. the nom. singular. Ion. vr^vai like vrjvs had tj

§337] Declension of Nouns i8i

from the other cases. The ending -(ri was from the dat.
of the consonantal stems. Dor. va^aai, Hom. vrjio-cri with
-e<7o-i from the s-stems.

b. eU-STEMS.

§ 337. Some of the original ablaut-grades were preserved
in the declension of Z^vs ; Skr. dyauh, sky, day, Lat.
dies, Jov-, viz. djeu- in ZeiJy, Skr. dyauh, Lat. dies, and
O.Lat. Diespiter ; djeu- in Ziv, Lat. Ju-piter, Jov- ; and
diw- in Alos, Skr. divih.

Indg.

Nom. *djeus

Zivs

dyauh

(dies)

Voc. *djeu

Ziv

(dyauh)

Ju-piter

Ace. *dje(u)m

Zr)v

dyam

diem, (Jovem)

Gen. *diw6s

Alos

divdh

(Jovis)

Dat.( = loc.) *dj6wi

Alt, At

dydvi

Jove

The nominative Z^vs was regularly developed from the
original form *djeus (§§ 63, 129, 8). Latin dies was a new
formation from the ace. before *diem was shortened to
diem.

Z^v corresponds to the original vocative *dj6u and to
the Ju- in Jupiter = Z^v iraTip. Jiipiter then came to be
used as a nominative.

The accusative Zfju corresponds to Vedic dyam, Lat.
diem, Indg. *dje(u)m (§ 63). From Zfju a new ace.
Zfjva was formed with -a from the ace. of consonantal
stems. From Zrjva was then formed a new gen. ZrjvSs,
dat. Zr]vi.

Aia from *Aifa, like classical Skr. divam beside Vedic
dyam, was a new formation from the gen. with -a from
the ace. of consonantal stems. And similarly Lat. Jovem,
gen. Jovis were formed after the analogy of Jove.

The genitive Am from *Aif6s, Skr. divdh was regularly
developed from the original form *diw6s.

1 82 Accidence [§ 338

The dative Ait, At from *Aifi, like classical Skr. divi
beside Vedic dydvi = Lat. Jove, was formed after the
analogy of the genitive.

§ 338. In the declension of ^aaiXev^ and similar words
the ablaut-grade -eu- originally belonged only to the stem
of the nom. singular. The -eu- (= •ew- before vowels)
was in prim. Greek levelled out into all the cases except
the voc. singular which retained the old ablaut-grade -eu.
To this declension belonged also the Hom. proper names
like Arpevs, IlrjXevs which generalized the ablaut-grade
•eu- (= -ew- before vowels) in the oblique cases, as voc.
•fv, ace. 'i{F)oc, gen. •i{F)os, dat. -€(f)^ The nom. ending
-eiJy was a shortening of older *-?;uy (§ 68).

Singular.

Prim. Greek.

Nom

-T}V9

^aaiXivs

Voc.

-eu

fiaaiXiv

Ace.

•T}fa

^aa-iXid, ^aaiXfja, fSaa-iXia

Gen.

-VFo9

^a(riXi<os, ^a(riXfjo9, fiaa-iXeo?

Dat.

-VFi

^aa-iXii, ^a(TiXi]i, ^aanXii
Dual.

Nom. Voc.

Ace.

-VF^

^aaiXee, ^aaiXfji

Gen.

Dat.

•■qfoiV

^aa-iXioiv
Plural.

Nom. Voc.

•r]f(9

^acTiXch, fiaa-iXfjs, fiaaiXfj^s,
/Sao-iAeey

Ace.

-■qfa^

^aariXeas, Paa-iXrjas, ^aaiXias

Gen.

-rjfcov

^aaiXioiv, ^ao-iXijcov

Dat.

•rival

^aaiXcvai

In the nom. singular and dat. plural the -rjv- was shortened
to -ev- in prim. Greek. In the Arcadian and Cyprian
dialects a new nom. singular in -rjs was formed with -j;-

§339] Declension of Nouns 183

from the gen. and dative. The endings --qfa, -rjfos, -rjfas
regularly beame -ed, -ecop, -edy in Attic by loss of -f- and
quantitative metathesis (§ 72). The -e- in the Ionic and
Doric endings -ea, -eoy, -et*, -eey, -eas was due to the
shortening of -77- before the following vowel (§ 71) ; and
similarly in the Attic endings -ei, -€e (nom. dual), -ioiv,
■€cou. The forms with -7;- belong to the Hom. Cypr. Lesb.
and Boeotian (written -cT- in Boeot.) dialects, -rjs contracted
from -r)€9 (on inscriptions) was the regular ending of the
nom. plural in Attic until after the middle of the fourth
century B.C. At about this time a new nom. ending -€??
was formed after the analogy of the nom. of the u-declen-
sion owing to the gen. plural being alike in both declensions.
From about the end of the fourth century ^aa-iXeis came
to be used also for the accusative. The older nom.
^aacX^^ was used for the accusative at a much earlier
period. See § 268.

C. OU-STEMS.

§ 339. In the original declension of the word for cow, ox
the stem-forms had the three ablaut-grades gou-, gou*
(= gow- before vowels) and gu-. The form gu- does not
occur in the declension of *g6us (§ 205) in any of the
languages. It is therefore probable that it disappeared
already in the parent Indg. language and that its place
was taken by the stem-form gou- in the gen. singular,
gen. and dat. dual, and in the gen. and loc. plural. In
writing down the hypothetical Indg. forms the accent
has been omitted in the gen. and dat. of the singular and
plural, because of the difference in the accentuation of the
Greek and Sanskrit forms. The Greek doubtless re-
presents the original accentuation except in the dat.
singular.

1^4

Accidence
Singular.

[§ 339

Indg.

Nom.

*g6us

fiovs, /So)?

giuh

bos

Voc.

*g6u

/3oO

(giu^)

(bos)

Ace.

*go(u)m

^OVV, ^MV

gdm

(bovem)

Gen.

*gowos

Po6?

(g6h)

bovis

Dat. (=

=loc.) *gowi

Pot

g^vi

bove

Dual.

I. Voc. Ace.

*g6we

PSe

givau

Gen. Dat.

?

PooTv

Plural.

Nom. Voc.

*g6wes

/36ey

gavah

boves

Ace.

*g6wns

/3wy

(g^h)

boves

Gen.

*gow6m

Po5>v

givam

bovom,
bourn

Dat. ( = loc.) *gousu ^ovai, ^oeea-i g6|u

Singular: The prim. Greek nominative */8a)fy was
regularly shortened to /3oi/y (§ 63). Dor. /Stay was a new
formation from the original accusative, and probably also
Lat. bos (a loan word from one of the other Italic dialects).

The accusative ^ovv was a new formation after the
analogy of the nominative. Dor. ^mv — Skr. gam and
Indg. *g6(u)m. Lat. bovem was a new formation after
the analogy of bovis, bove.

The genitive /3o6y corresponds to Vedie gdvah beside
classical Sanskrit goh, Lat. bovis, Indg. *gowos.

The dative ^ot, Skr. gdvi and Lat. bove were all
regularly developed from the original form *gowi.

Dual: The Greek dual forms were new formations with
/So-, older *Pof-, from forms where it was regular, as in
/Sooy, /Soey, The original stem *g6w- occurs in Skr.
gavau with the ending -au from the u-declension.

§ 34o] Declension of Nouns 185

Plural : The nominative /36€9 was from the original form
*g6wes. Skr. gavah can represent a prim. Aryan form
*gdvas (= *g6wes) or *gavas in which case the latter
would be a new formation. Lat. boves was the ace. used
for the nominative.

/SoCy, /Sftiy and Skr. gah were new formations after the
analogy of the ace. singular. Some scholars assume that
there existed in the parent Indg. language an ace. form
*g6(u)ms beside *g6wns, and that the former occurs in
Dor. ^m, Skr. gah and the latter in Horn. /86ay, older
Skr. gavah, and Lat. boves.

^oSiv, Skr. givam and Lat. bovom, bourn were all
regularly developed from the original genitive form
*gow^ofii.

The stem in the dative ^ovai corresponds to the original
stem *gou- and to the go- in Skr. gosu ; -ai was from the
dat. ending of the consonantal stems. Hom. ^oea-an was
a new formation with /3o-, older *^of; from the other
cases of the plural and -(a-an from the dat. plural of the
s-stems.

§ 340, It cannot be determined with certainty whether
nouns like S/jua^, rjpa>9, fi-qxpcos, Trdrpms, Tpcos were originally
ou-stems or whether they were o-stems which underwent
contraction after the loss of intervocalic -f-, as Trarpooy from
*7raTp(ofo9, and then became declined like consonantal
stems. If they were originally ou-stems we must assume
that the ablaut-grade -ou- (= -ow- before vowels), which
belonged properly to the stem of the nom. singular only,
was levelled out into all the cases in prim. Greek, and that
then there were formed a new nom. singular Trarpcoy for
*7raTpcov9, and dat. plural Trdrpcoa-i for *TraTpcov(n, the -cov-
of which would have been shortened to -ov, cp. ^a<n\€V9,
^acrcXeva-i.

1 86 Accidence [§ 341

Singular.
Prim. Greek.

Nom. Voc. -coyy or -coy 7rdTp<09

Ace. -cofa TraTpoia, Trdrpo), ndrpaiv

Gen. -cofoy ndrpcDO?

Dat. (=loc.) -cofi Trdrpm, ndrpco
Dual.

Nom. Voc. Ace. -cofe ndrpcoi

Gen. Dat. -(ofoiv Trarpcooiv
Plural.

Nom. Voc. -cofey Trdrpaxs, ndrpcos

Ace. -cof ay Trdrpcoas, ndrpcos

Gen. -cofcov naTpcooov

Dat. (=loc.) -couo-f or -cocri TrdTpcoa-i

In Attic irdrpcoa, Trarpcoey, irdTpooas were generally con-
tracted into Trdrpco, Trdrpm. Att. Ion. Trdrpcov, ndrpoi
were formed after the analogy of i/ecoi/, i/eo) : i^eoiy (§ 327) ;
and similarly a gen. Trarpw beside the regular form xrarpcooy
also occurs. The Cretan ace. plural Trdrpcoav? was formed
after the analogy of the ace. plural of a-, o-, i- and u-stems.

d. Oi-STEMS.

§ 341. To this declension belong the feminine nouns
€ve(TTd), rjxdf, AeX*^' neiOd) and proper names like KaXvyjrd),
Atjtco. It is doubtful whether nouns like drjSd), eiKco beside
drjSdfv, c/kcdi/ originally belonged to this class or to the
n-declension. The stem-forms originally had the three
ablaut-grades -oi-, -oi- and -i- with regular change of -i- to
•j- before case-endings beginning with a vowel. All three
grades occur in the Sanskrit declension of sdkha, friend,
as singular ace. s^khayam, voc. sdkhe, gen. sikhyuh ;
plural nom. sdkhayah, loc. s^khisu. In Greek the -oi-
grade was generalized in the oblique cases. The nom.
singular may have ended in -oi beside -6 (nom. Skr. sdkha,

§ 342] Declension of Nouns 187

Gr, ireiOa)) in the parent Indg. language (§ 63), and it is
possible that the ending -(ol, which occurs on old Corinthian
inscriptions, represents the original -oi. The -i however
may have come from the vocative. Skr. sdkha and similar
nouns were declined in the singular, dual and plural, but
few of the words belonging to this declension admit of
a plural in Greek. Those which do have a plural form it
after the analogy of the o- or n-declension.

Prim. Greek.

Nom.

-ot) or -cot

neidco, TreiOco

Voc.

•01

ireiOoi

Ace.

•oja

TTildcO

Gen.

•oj'of

TreiOovs

Dat. (=loc.)

-OJI

7r€l$0L

The Dor. Boeot. and Lesb. dialects had the case-endings
-ct), -CO!/, -coy, -co after the analogy of the similar quantitative
endings of the a-declension. The origin of the Ion. ace.
ending -ovi/ (Herodotus ArjTovu, &c.) is obscure. Ion. had
the gen. ending -ooy beside Att. Ion. -oOy. If nouns like
drj8a>u originally belonged to this class the -u was first added
in the nom. singular and then they passed over into the
n-declension.

B. THE CONSONANTAL DECLENSION
I. Stems ending in an Explosive.

§ 842. The stems of nouns belonging to this class end in
a dental, labial or guttural. The stem of the monosyllabic
nouns had originally various grades of ablaut in the differ-
ent cases, but in Greek as in the other languages one or
other of the grades was generally levelled out into all the
cases, thus the ablaut-grade 6, which originally belonged
only to the nom. singular, was generalized in Sanskrit vak
= Lat. vox, 6"^, voice ; ace. vacam, vocem, orra ; gen.
vacdh, vocis, ottoj ; loc. vacf, voce, oiri, whereas in Greek

i8d

Accidence

[§ 343

the grade o, which originally belonged to the oblique cases,
was levelled out into the nominative ; and similarly Lat.
lex, rex beside <p\iyjr, 0Xo^ ; and conversely KXayjr, <TKa>y^,
&y\r beside Lat. nex, ops. The original ablaut-grades were
better preserved in the declension of the Indg. word *p6ts,
*pets,/oo/. See § 234, i.

Singular.

Indg.

Nom. Voc.

•s

TTovs, TToy, TroSy

pat

pes

Ace.

•^

TToBa

padam

pedem

Gen.

•OS, -es

TToSoS

paddh

pedis

Dat. (=loc.)

•i

iroSi
Dual

padi

pede

Nom. Voc. Ace.

•e

iroSi

(pidau)

Gen. Dat.

?

TToSoiv

Plural

Nom. Voc.

•es

TToSe?

padah

(pedes)

Ace.

-ns

TToBas

paddh

pedes

Gen.

•om

TToSmi/

padam

pedum

Dat. (=loc.)

•su

nocrai,

TToai

patsti

Dor. Tra)s from *p5ts represents the original form. Troy
was a new formation with -o- from the oblique cases. It is
difficult to account for Trouy which seems to be merely
a lengthening of 7r6y. Hom. iroa-at beside iroat (§ 212).
Horn. TToSfo-a-t was formed from the stem ttoS- with the dat.
ending of the s-stems. In Lat. the ace. pedes from 'pedens
was used for the nominative. The e grade of ablaut occurs
in TTiSov and in the Boeot. Lesb. Cret. and Arcadian pre-
position neSd, with, after.

§ 343. The stem-endings -d, -b, •g became 't, -p, -k before
the case-endings -s, •su in prim. Indo-Germanic (§ 106).
The original stem-endings -dh, •th, •bh, -ph, -gh, -kh like-
wise became -t, ^p, -k before these case-endings in prim.

§§344-5] Declension of Nouns 189

Greek (§ 109). Prim. Greek ps and ks remained in the
historic period of the language, ts became ss, which was
simplified to s finally. Medial ss remained in the oldest
Greek, but already in Homer s existed beside ss (§ 166).
Examples are : /cXcox/r, kKkh-^I : /cXcott-, 0X€\|r : 0Xe/3-, Karr\-
Xiyjr : KaTr]Xi(f>-, (f)v\a^, (f>v\a^i : (f>v\aK-, /xdcrTt^ : /xaarly-,
a-dXtriy^ : a-aX-myy; 6pi^, dpi^i : TpL\; veorr}^ from *vifo-
TdT9, Lat. novitas : v^ottjt-, novitat-, vv^ : uvkt-, cp. Lat.
nox : noct-, dua^ : dvaKT-, ttovs, rroaal, noa-i : 7ro8;Xafi7rds :

XaflTTaS; KOpVS '. KOpvd; 6pvl9 '. Opvld:

The nom. singular of stems ending in -it, -18, -lO, -vS, -vB
regularly fell together with the nominative of the i- and u-
declensions which gave rise to various new formations
especially in the voc. and ace. singular, as voc. 'UpTCfii, iXni,
tpi, TTOL, Tvpavvi : ApTCfiiS; (XttiS; ipi8; 7ra{F)i8; rvpavvi.8:
Ace. xdpiv, tpiv, KXelv, vrjiv, oiriv, opvlv, (f>vXoTnv, Kopvv :
\dpiTa, ipi8a, KXei8a, viji8a, 6'm8a, opvlOa, <f>vX6in8a,
KopvOa. And similarly accusatives like ttoXvttovu, Tpiirovv
(Horn. Tpiiro8a) were formed after the analogy of ivvovv :

It is improbable that the vocatives dva, yvvai from
*dvaKr, *yvvaiK represent an original distinction between
the nom. and voc. in this class of nouns.

§ 344. The bare stem was originally used for the nom.
voc. and ace. neuter. In Greek the operation of the laws
of final consonants has to be taken into consideration
(§ 230), as Krjp from *Kr)p8 ; the gen. KTJpo9 was a new
formation from the nominative, cp. Lat. cor, cordis ; ydXa
from *yaXaKT, cp. Lat. lac, lactis ; fieXi from *fjL€XiT.

2. The n-DECLENSioN.

§ 345. The stems in -/jlov-, -fifv- {8aijj.a>v : Saifiov-, Tipfioav :
Tipfiov-, TTOip-rfv : TTOi/xcv-) and in -ov-, -(v- {rriTTCov : imrov-,
reKTcou : reKTov-, riprji/ : npiv-, (Pprjv : (^pev-) originally had
various grades of ablaut in the stem-endings of the different

I90 Accidence [§ 345

cases, as -mon, 'men ; •monv -men' ; -mn- before vowels,
but -m^- before consonants ; 'On, -en ; -on*, -en- ; -n-
before vowels, but -n- before consonants. The alternation
between I and o originally depended upon the position of
the accent of the word. The former stood in the syllable
containing the chief accent and the latter in the next
syllable following it, as troifi'qv, Troifxivcs : tXij/kov, tXtj/xovcs ;
<f>pTJv, (f>piy€s : &(f>pa>v, d(f>povi9 (cp. § 83). When the
accent was shifted to the case-ending the vowel disappeared
and then the n remained consonantal or became vocalic
according as the next syllable began with a vowel or
a consonant, as dp^v, kvcov, gen. dpvo?, dat. pi. *dpa<rL,
*Kva<ri. In the parent Indg. language e alternated with
o in the declension of the same word. This distinction
was preserved in Gothic, as guma, man, dat. gumin, ace.
guman where the endings -in, -an represent original -eni,
•onm ; and similarly in the Baltic-Slavonic languages. In
Sanskrit Indg. e and o fell together in a (§ 42) whereby
the original distinction became obliterated. It may be
however that the two vowels only regularly fell together in
closed syllables, but that in open syllables the former vowel
became a and the latter a. This would account for the
long a in the ace. sing, rajanam, king, nom. pi. raj3.nah,
beside loc. sing, raj-ani = Indg. -eni. In Greek the dis-
tinction became entirely obliterated by the levelling out of
one or other of the two vowels. Then those stems which
levelled out the e came to have 77 in the nom. singular and
those which levelled out the o came to have co. In the
present state of our knowledge it cannot be determined
with any degree of certainty which of the strong cases
originally had e and which had o. In reconstructing the
primitive stem-forms we shall therefore not attempt to dis-
tinguish between e and o in the declension of the same
word, -mdn, -men, -on, -en regularly belonged to the nom.
singular only ; -01011-, -men-, -on-, -en- to the voc. ace. and

§ 345]

Declension of Nouns

191

dat. (= loc.) singular, the nom. plural, and the nom. voc.
and ace. dual ; •mn-, -n- to the gen. singular and plural,
gen. and dat. dual, and ace. plural ; and 'inn", -n- to the dat.
(= loc.) plural (§ 319). In Greek e or 6 regularly appears in
the nom. singular. The oblique cases have generally levelled
out the e or o, but in some words the e or 0 of the nomina-
tive was levelled out into the oblique cases, and in others
the stem-form of the weak cases became generalized, as
-iroifirjv, TTOi/xiva, TroLjiivo^ for *TroifjLP09 ; Saifxcov, Sai^ova,
8a[fiovo9 for *8acfivo9 ; irevdiju, TrevOfji/o?, kXvSoov, kXvScovos;
Kva>v, Kvva, kvvl for *Kvova, *kvovl ; ipar^v regular gen.
dpavos to which was formed a new nominative apa-rjv, gen.
dpa-evos. Cp. the similar levellings in Lat. homo, homi-
nem, hominis, homine, homines, hominum, hominibus ;
sermo, sermonem, sermonis, sermone; caro, camem,
camis, came; and in Goth, tuggd, tongue, ace. tuggon,
gen. tuggdns, dat. tuggon.

Singular.
Indg.

Nom.

•en, -on 1 noifirju
•e, -o J

oai/xmv

raja, king

Voc. .

•en, -on Troifirjv

SaifjLov

rajan

Ace.

•en-m, -on-m Troi/xiva

SaifjLova

rajanam

Gen.

•n-os, -n-es iroi/xivos

Saijxovos

rajnah

Dat. (= loc.)

•en-i, "On-i ttoi/xcvi
Dual.

Saifxoyi

rajani,
rajai

Nom. Voc. Ace.

•en-e, 'Cn-e noi/jLipe

8aifiov€

(rajanau)

Gen, Dat.

? TTOlfliuOlU

Plural.

Saijiovoiv

Nom. Voc.

•en>es, -on-es Troifieve^

8ai/iov€9

raj9.nah

Ace.

•n-^s troifiiva^

8ai/ioua9

rajiiah

Gen.

•n*oi5k TToi/xipcoi/

8aL(JL6v(x)V

rajfiam

Dat. (= loc.:

1 'n-su irotfii(ri

8a([io(n

rajasu

192 Accidence (§345

Singular: The nominative ended in the parent Indg.
language in -en, -on beside -e, -o. The reason for this
difference is unknown (cp. § 29). The former was general-
ized in Greek (but see § 341) and also in the Gothic
masculines, as guma, man, with -a from older -en or -on ;
and the latter in Sanskrit, Latin and also in the Gothic
feminines and neuters, as homo, sermo; tuggo, tongue,
hafrtd, heart.

The vocative originally ended in -en, -on, which occurs
in Skr. rajan and in Gr. barytones with nominatives in -oiv,
as Sai/iov, Kvov, Triirop. In the cxytones with nominatives
in -cov and in all -fiev-, -ei'-stems the nominative came to be
used for the vocative, as rjyf/xcov, iroifirjv, &c. In Latin and
Gothic the nominative was also used for the vocative.

The accusatives noifiiva, Sai/iova, Lat. hominem, Goth,
guman regularly correspond to the original stem- and case-
ending. Forms like dppa for *dpiva, Kvva for *Kvova —
Skr. svanam were new formations after the analogy of the
gen. singular and plural ; and similarly Lat. camem for
*carinem.

Regular forms of the genitive were dpvos, kvvo^ (= Skr.
Itinah), Skr. rajiiah, Lat. carnis. The stem-forms dpv-,
Kvv- then became levelled out into all the cases except the
nom. singular and dat. plural ; and similarly with the Lat.
stem cam*, noifiivo?, Saifiovos, &c. were new formations
with -ey-, -ov- from cases like the accusative ; and similarly
Lat. hominis, Goth, gumins.

Regular forms of the original locative were noifievi,
SaifjLovi, &c., Skr. rajani, Lat. homine, Goth, gumin.
Skr. rajiii was a new formation with -jft. from the genitive.

Dual : The genitive and dative had -en-, •on- from the
strong stem-forms. On the ending -oiv see § 325.

Plural : It has been assumed above that the accusative
had originally the weak stem-ending -n- corresponding to
dpvas, Kvva^ and Skr. rajnah, but the Greek forms prove

§§346-7] Declension of Nouns 193

nothing because the weak stem-ending of these two words
was generalized in prim. Greek (see gen. singular). And
Skr. rajnah may be a new formation after the analogy of
the genitive. It is therefore not improbable that the
accusative originally had the strong stem-ending -en-,
•on- as in Troi/iivas, Saifxovas, Lat. homines and in other
languages. Goth, gumans is the nom. used for the
accusative.

The regularly developed forms of the genitive were
dpv5>v, Kvvcou, Skr. rajii^m. Troi/xit/cov, Saifiovoav, Lat.
hominum, Goth, gumane were new formations after the
analogy of the nominative.

Skr. rajasu with -asu from -nsu represents the original
locative. The -a- = Indg. -n- was preserved in (f>pa(ri
(beside the later new formation (f>p€(ri) which occurs in
Pindar and on an Attic inscription belonging to the begin-
ning of the sixth century b. c, and also in dpvd<n for *dpaa-i
with -f- from *dpv6s, &c. But in other words the dative
was a new formation with the substitution of the vowel in
the generalized stem-form for -a-, and with -a-i from the dat.
of consonantal stems where the -o-- was not originally inter-
vocalic, as in TToarai, rroa-i from *troT(Ti (§ 343), as noi/xi<ri,
8aifio<n, KXvSaxri with -ea-i, -oa-t, -axn for -aai ; Kva-t for
*Kva<TL after the analogy of kvvos, &c.

§ 346. Here may conveniently be placed : x$av from
*xdcofi, cp. x^f^^^' ^^^' kSdmi, on the ground, \ia)v from
*Xia>li, cp. Lat. hiems, neut. ei/from *(re/z, cp. Lat. sem-per,
where final -fi regularly became -v (§ 141) and then the -v
was levelled out into the oblique cases, as gen. x^oi/oy,
Xiovos, ipos for older *x0ofi69, *xiofios, *ifi6s.

§ 347. Att. fjLrju, x'?!' were originally s-stems. Nom. Ion.
fiii^, Dor. /Lti7y from */!€»'$■, older */xt]i/9 (§ 70), gen. Lesb.
/xrjvvos, Att. Ion. Dor. firjvos from */xr]i/ao9 (§ 216), from
which was formed a new Attic nom. /jiiju after the analogy
of the n-declension ; and similarly prim. Greek *xay from

o

194 Accidence [§§ 348-50

*XCLv^, gen. xiavo^f XV^°^ fro"^ *Xa»'(roy (§ 69, 2), from
which was formed a new nom. Dor. x^^t Att. xv^^

§ 348. Beside the stems -men-, -mon-, -en-, -on- there
also existed in the parent Indg. language stems in •(ijjen-,
•(ijjon- with the ablaut-grades -(ijjen, -(1)360; -(ijjen-,
•(ijjon- ; -in-, -in- and with the same distribution of the
grades as in the -men-, -men-stems (§ 345). The original
type of inflection was preserved in the Gothic jan-stems,
as nom. arbja, heir, ace. arbjan, gen. arbjins, dat. arbjin.
In Sanskrit the weak stem-ending -in- became generalized,
as masc. nom. bah for *balya, strong, voc. bdlin, ace.
balfnam, gen. balinah, loc. balini. In Latin the -(i)jon
grade became generalized, as in legio, legionem, legidnis,
legione; and similarly in Greek words like tOvnTicov,
/xaXaKLcov, ovpaviatv, gen. -tcovos. But the weak stem-
ending -in- became generalized in stems like aKTiv-, yXcoxTi^;
8cX(f>Tv-, $iv; plv-, gen. -Xvo^ ; and similarly in Gothic
feminine nouns like managei, multitude, gen. manageins.
From the stem-form in -iv- a new nominative was formed
in prim. Greek after the analogy of the nominatives in -s.
And then the -v- disappeared (§ 154). At a later period
new nominatives in -v were formed after the analogy of
the nominative of the -men-, -men-, -en-, -on-stems, as
yXoayiv, 8c\(f)tv, 6iv, ptv beside y\(axU, 8i\<l>U, 6U, pU.

§ 349. From the generalized stem fieXay- (gen. fiiXavos)
was formed the nom. /xlXay older *fiiXav9 (§ 154) after the
analogy of the nominatives in -s. It is probable that this
word originally belonged to. the o-declension, cp. Skr.
malindh, Indg. *melanos, Gr. */xiXavo9, black, dirty, and
fieXavO'Xpoos beside jxeXdy-Xpoo?. fiiXav- may have come
to be regarded as the stem in prim. Greek through the
influence of the feminine fieXaiva from *fiiXavja (§ 322).

§ 350. The neuter nouns and adjectives were originally
declined alike as in Sanskrit and Gothic, but in prim.
Greek the generalized stem-form of the masculine became

J

§ 350]

Declension of Nouns

195

used for the nom. voc. and ace. singular of the adjectives,
as Tipiv, dpaeu, Trivov, (rco<f>pov, fiiXau. Nom. voc. and
ace. plural ripeva, Tr^irova, fiiXava, &e. with -a — Skr. -i,
Indg. -a (§ 358).

The original declension of the nouns was preserved in
Sanskrit and Latin, but in Greek all the inflected forms
were new formations.

Singular.
Indg.

Nom. Voc. Ace. 'inn

o

Gen, -mn'Os, ^es

Dat. (=loc.) -men-i, •mon-i

nima

nimnah

namani

nomen

nominis

ndmine

namani

nimani

namn3.m
ntmasu

nomina
ndminum

ovona

6v6fiaT09

ovofiaTi

Dual.
Nom. Voc. Ace. -en-i, -i ouofiaTe

Gen. Dat. ? ovofiaToiv

Plural.
Nom. Voc. Ace. -men-a, -mon-d ^

•men-a, -mon-a J ouo/iara
Gen. •mn-dm ovofiaTcav

Dat. ( = loc.) -mn-su ovofiacrt.

The endings in 6vo[ia, nama, ndmen, name correspond
to the original ending of the nom. ace. singular. Latin
generalized the stem-form nomen-. The Sanskrit ending
of the nom. plural corresponds to Indg. -mon-a, and the
Latin ending to Indg. -men-a, except that the -a for -e was
from the nom. pi. of the neuter o-stems. The dual ovo/xarc
had -€ from the masculines.

Prim. Greek probably had the generalized stem-form
*6vop.av- except in the dat. plural, as ovofia, *6v6fiavo^ for
*ouofxuo9 = Skr. namnah, *6v6navi ; *6v6iiava, *6vondvaiv,
6v6fia(TL which can also be from *6v6/jLaTai (§ 166). It is
difficult to account satisfactorily for the -r- in historic
Greek. It may have arisen from the Indg. adverbial
particle -tos which occurs in (k-t6s, h-rS? = Lat. in-tus»

o 2

196 Accidence [§ 351

cp. also Skr. i-t4h, inde. In Sanskrit -tab came to have the
meaning of the ablative, as n3,ma*tah, by name, with which
the gen. hvojia-ro^ corresponds in form. ovSfiaro^ may
then have come to be used for the gen. instead of the
regular form *6vo/xvo9 = Skr. ndmnah, and the -t- of the
gen. have become levelled out into all the inflected
forms. But Brugmann's explanation {Grundriss, &c.,
vol. ii, second ed., p. 237) is probably the right one. He
assumes that it probably arose from the blending of -men.
and •mn*to- into one paradigm, as Lat. str3,men : str9.mina,
straminum = *(TTpw^ava, *crTpa>iidv<ov beside str9.men<
txim : str&menta, str^mentdrum = aTpco/xara, aTpcofidrcov.
After the analogy of a-Tpd)/xaTa, o-Tpco/xaTcou beside *a-Tpco-
fiava, *(rTpa>/xdvcov there were formed <TTpd>/xaTo^, <TTpa>fiaTt,
beside *<TTpdiixavos, *(rTpd>fjiavt and then all the forms with
the stem *(TTp<o/xap- eventually disappeared. There is
however a third possible explanation which has much in
its favour, viz. that in the parent Indg. language con-
sonantal and c-stems of the same word often existed side
by side, as riprjv : T€p€V09, map : nlapos, novs : niSov,
cogndmen, stramen : cogndmentum, stramentum. A
large number of similar examples in the various languages
has been collected by Brugmann in Indogermanische For-
schungen, vol. ix, pp. 366-8. It is therefore quite possible
that -mnt- existed beside -mnt'O- and that some of the

o o

Greek neuters in -fia originally ended in -mnt which
became generalized, whereas Latin generalized •mnt>o>.
ovofia may therefore stand for older *6vofiaT (§ 230) with
-T- regularly preserved in the inflected forms. Cp. ovofxa,
arpatna, ^evy/xa beside cognomenttim, stramentum, ju-
mentum from *jouxmentom.

3. Stems ending in 'iit.

§ 351. To this class belong the masculine and neuter of
all active participles except the perfect (§ 552).

352]

Declension of Nouns

197

a. Thematic Participles.

§ 352. These comprise the participles of the present and
second aorist together with a few isolated participles which
were no longer used as such in the oldest Greek, as yepcoi/,
iKOiv, Kpeicov (Kpicoi/), fiiScou, fiiXXcov. Xecov was originally
an n-stem which passed into this class owing to the nom.
and voc. singular being alike in both declensions, cp. the
feminine Xiaiva, and Lat. leo, leonis.

Singular.

Indg.

Nom. 'Ont-s

<f>€p(lOV

bhdran

ferens

Voc. -ont

(f>ip(i)V

bhdran

(ferens)

Ace. •ont-m

<l>ipovTa

bhdrantam

ferentem

Gen. -nt-os, ■

■es (f>ipovTos

bhdratah

ferentis

Dat.(=loc.)-nt-i

(pipovTc
Dual.

bhdrati

ferente

Nom. Voc. Ace. -ont-e

(f>€pOVT€

(bhdrantau)

Gen. Dat. ?

(f)ip6vT0lV

Plural.

Nom. Voc. -ont-es

(PipOVT€9

bhdrantah

(ferentes)

Ace. "^t'^s

(f>epovTas

bhdratah

ferentes

Gen. -nt-om

(PepovToou

bhdratam

(ferentium)

Dat. (=loc.) -nt-su

(f>ipov(Ti

bhdratsu

The strong form -ont- originally belonged to the nom.
voc. and ace. singular and dual and the nom. plural, and
the weak form -nt- to all the other cases. The original
distinction between the strong and weak forms of the suffix
was preserved in Sanskrit. But Greek generalized the
•ont- and Latin the -nt-form. Some scholars assume that
this class of words had -ont- in all the cases in the parent
Indg. language, and that the Sanskrit forms with -at* =

198 Accidence [§§ 353-4

Indg. -gt- were new formations after the analogy of the
stems in -went- (§ 366), but this would not account for
the Latin forms all of which point to the ablaut-grade -gt'.

The original nom. singular was *bh6ronts, bearing,
which corresponds to Skr. bhdran with regular loss of
the final -ts, and Goth, balrands. Lat. ferens was from
*ferents with -ent* from the gen., &c. (f>€pa>v was a new
formation after the analogy of the n-stems. The new
formation first took place in words like Ikcov, fiiXXcou where
the neuter iKoy, fiiWop from *€k6vt, *niXXoi/T was like an
n-stem. To iKov, fiiXXov a new masc. nom. iKcoy, /zeXXooj/
was formed after the analogy of mop : ntcov. And then to
the neuter <pipov a new masc. nom. (f)€pa>v was formed.

The vocative (f>€p<ioi/ like Lat. ferens was the nom. used
for the vocative. The old voc. was preserved in forms
like yipov, Ikov, &c. and in Skr. bhdran. Dat. pi. (f>ipov(ri
from *(f>€povT<Ti.

§ 353. The Indg. form of the nom. voc. and ace. singular
neuter was *bh6rnt which became bhdrat in Sanskrit.

O

Lat. ferens can also be from *bh6rnt, because -nt would
regularly become -ens in Latin. Or it may simply be the
masc. used for the neuter. <f>€pov from older *<p€poPT with
•OPT from forms where it was regular.

The original form of the nom. voc. and ace. plural was
*bh6ront9 = (f>ipopTa, Skr. bhdranti. Lat. ferentia like
ferentium was a new formation after the analogy of the
i'declension.

b. Athematic Participles.

§ 354. Three categories are to be distinguished in the
participles belonging to this class, (i) Participles which
originally had -ent- in the strong and -nt- in the weak
cases (§ 319). (2) Those which had -nt* in all cases. (3)
Those which had -nt- in all cases. The first and second
categories were preserved in Sanskrit, but the third was

§ 354] Declension of Nouns 1 99

remodelled after the analogy of the first. The original
distinctions in the three categories were almost entirely
obliterated in prim, Greek by analogical formations. The
■nt-, which originally belonged only to the third category,
was extended by analogy to all participles. And then the
vowel preceding the 'iit- was made the same as the vowel
in the plural of the corresponding indicative. Examples
are : (i) Skr. krin-dnt- with -dnt- from *-ent-, krin-at-
with -at- from -nt- : krinami, / buy, krindnti, they buy,
but Gr. Sa/jLvds from *8afxvai/TS for *8afiuevTs, gen. Safx-
vdpTos for *Sa/j.vaTos : SdjxvrjiiL, Safxya/x^u ; Skr. sunv-dnt-,
sunv-at- : sunomi, / press out, sunvdnti, they press out ;
SeiKvvs from *8eLKwvTs for *8eLKW€VTS, gen. SeiKvvuros
for *S€iKvvaT09 : SeiKvv/xi, SeiKuvfiev. The only certain
trace of the original ablaut-grade -^nt- occurs in the Doric
nom. pi. €i/T€9 from *sentes, being, with e for *l after the
analogy of other parts of the verb ; and similarly with the
smooth breathing in Ion. ewi/, Att. mv. ka>v, atv, stem
*sont-, Skr. s4nt-, sat-, being, and ia>v, stem *iont- for
*jont- (with i- for j- after the analogy of tfi^v, lt^), Skr.
ydnt-, yat-, going, went over into the thematic declension
in prim. Greek. This •ont- grade of ablaut was also pre-
served in the old isolated participle 6-8ovs from *6-8ovts,
gen. o-SovTOs, Skr. dint-, dat-, tooth.

(2) Skr. dddat, gen. dddatah with -at- from -nt- : dd-
dami, I give, dddati, they give, but Gr. SiSovs from *8iSovts
for *8iSaTS, gen. SiSovros for *Si8aT09 : SiSa/xi, 8lSo/i€u ;
Skr. dddhat, gen. dddhatah : dddhami, / put, place,
dddhati, they put, place, but riOiis from *TL6iVTs for *TiOaTs,
gen. Tidii/Tos for *Ti$aTOS : TiOrj/ii, riOefieu ; and similarly
laToL^, laravTO^ : la-Ta/xev, and aorists active like Xuo-dy,
XvaavTos : iXvaafiev, iXvaav ; (pijvds, ^rjvavTos : k(f>rivaii€v,

(3) In this category the -nt- was originally preceded either
by a long vowel in all the cases or by a long vowel in the

200 Accidence (§§ 355-6

strong cases and by -a- (= Gr. a, Skr. i, § 49) in the weak
cases. To the former belong aorist active participles like
yvovs from *yvovT^ older *yvaiVT^ (§ 70), gen. yvovTo? :
eyj/coi/ ; Spa? from *8pavTS older *8pdvTs, gen. Spavros :
e^pai' ; and similarly the aorist passive participles in -e^y,
as <f>aviis : €(f>dvT]v, (pavdcis : k<f>dv6-qv, XvO^h : kXvOr^v.
And to the latter belong the aorist active participles
8ov^, 6(19 (Cret. KaTa-Bivs), <rray, from *8ovt9, *6iVT9,
*<TTavT9, gen. 86vtos, 6ivTos, a-Tavro? : i8ofX€v, eOefiev,
iorrjfiev older *e<TTdfiiy. The original inflection of these
participles was nom. *d6nts, *dhents, *stants, gen. *d9nt6s,
*dh3nt6s, *stant6s, and it is possible that 8ov9, Ods, gen.
86vTos, 6iVT09 represent the generalized forms *d6nt-,
*dhent- which would regularly become 8ovt; Oivr- (§ 70).
(TTcLs, ardvTOi can be from the strong stem *stant- or the
weak stem *stant- (§ 49) ; and similarly with the old
isolated participial form Tray from *7ra^ry older *irdvT9,
gen. travTos, Indg. *kwants, gen. *kw^9nt6s. The neuter
Trdv had a from Tray, cp. Trpoirdv.

§ 355. The nom. voc. and ace. neuter singular has the
bare stem with regular loss of the final -r (§ 230), as 8afivdv,
8iiKvvv, 8l86v, TiOev, la-rdv, Xvaau, yvou, 86v, 6(v, ardv,
irdv with a from Tray. The prim. Greek ending -vt and
the vowel preceding it were of the same origin as in the
stem of the corresponding masculines.

The nom. voc. and ace. plural originally ended in -a = -a,
Skr. 'i, as 8i86vTa, Skr. d4da(n)ti, giving.

4. Stems ending in -went.

§ 356. The suffix of the adjectives belonging to this class
had originally two grades of ablaut. The strong form
-went-, Skr. -vant-, Gr. -fiVT- belonged to the nom. voc.
and ace. singular and dual, and the nom. plural. The
weak form -wnt-, Skr. -vat-, Gr. *-faT- belonged to all the
other cases. Sanskrit preserved the original distinction

§ 357]

Declension of Nouns

20I

between the strong and weak form of the suffix, as ace.
sing, bhdgavantam, blessed, gen. bhdgavatah. But in
Greek the strong form -fei/r- was levelled out into all the
cases except the dat. plural.

Singular.

Indg.

Nom.

•went'S

\apUif

bhdgavgn

Voc.

•went

XapUv

bhdgavan

Ace.

•went-m

\apievTa

bhdgavantam

Gen.

•wnt-os,

•es

Xapi€VT09

bhdgavatah

Dat. (=loc.)

•wnM

yapUvTi

bhdgavati

Dual.

Nom. Voc. Ace.

•went-e

yapUvT€

(bhdgavantau)

Gen. Dat.

yapiivTOLV

Plural.

Nom. Voc.

•went-es

Xapi€VT€9

bhdgavantah

Ace.

•wnt-ns

XapUvras

bhdgavatah

Gen.

•wnt-om

•)(apuvT(ii)v

bhdgavatam

Dat.(=loc.)

•wnt-su

o

\api€a-i

bhdgavatsu

The nom. singular may originally have ended in -went-s
corresponding to the Sanskrit ending -van. The ending
-€fy can be from either prim. Gr. -frjvT-s (§ 70) or -fcvr-s
(§ 69, i). The prim. Greek dat. pi. was *\apifaT(ri which
became *)(apif€T<TL through the influence of the € in -FevT:
Then *^apifiT<rL regularly became xapUa-L through the
intermediate stage *yapi{F)^(T(TL (§ 166). Of like origin is
the € in the fem. \apU(T(ra, prim. Gr. *\apifaTja, and in
Xapi€<rT€po9, xapifo-Taros.

§ 357. The regular form of the nom. voc. and ace. neuter
singular would have been *xapia from *\apifaT, cp. Skr.
bhdgavat. yapUv from *\apLf€VT was a new formation
with -F^vT for -far as in the gen. singular, &c.

202 Accidence [§§ 358-9

The nom. voc. and ace. plural \apUvTa was from *x«P'*
Ffvra, cp. Skr. bhdgavanti, with -fiVTa, Skr. 'vanti from
Indg. -wenta.

5. Stems ending in a Liquid.

§ 368. The only stem ending in -1 is a'Ay {aXa, dX^y, &c.)
which regularly has -y in the nominative.

Stems ending in -r.

§ 369. To this class belong : (i) The nouns of relationship
naTJjp, firjTrjp, OvyaT-qp and Sarjp from *8atfT]p (§ 57) ;
(f>paTrjp, (ppuTcop = Skr. bhratar*, brother, became isolated
from this category owing to their change in meaning.
(2) The nomina agentis, as Sottjp, Sarcop, yfveTrjp, yiViTa>p,
PV'VPf PVT^Pt &c. (3) A few other nouns which belong to
neither of these two categories, as drjp, aiOrjp, dOijp, da-Trjp,
yaa-Ttjp, dvrjp, and the monosyllables Orfp, (fmp.

The stem-endings originally had various grades of ablaut
in the different cases, as -ter, -tor ; -ter-, -tor- ; -tr- before
vowels, but -tr- before consonants, and similarly -er, -er-,
•r-, -I"-. The alternation between e and 6 was the same as
in the n-declension (§ 345). In the weak case-forms the
vowel disappeared and then the -r- remained consonantal
or became vocalic according as the next syllable began
with a vowel or a consonant, as Trarpoy, TraTpcov, Trarpda-i,
cp. Skr. pitrsu. -ter, -tor, -er regularly belonged to the
nom. singular only ; -ter-, 'tor-, -er- to the voc. ace. and
dat. (= loc.) singular, the nom. plural, and the nom. voc.
and ace. dual ; -tr-, -r- to the gen. singular and plural, gen.
and dat. dual, and ace. plural ; and -tr-, -r- to the dat.
(= loc.) plural. In Greek e or o regularly appears in the
nom. singular. In the nouns of relationship the original
distinction between -ter, -ter-, -tr-, -tr- was preserved in
Sanskrit and also in Greek apart from the new formations

§36o]

Declension of Nouns

203

explained below, but in Latin the weak stem-ending -tr-
became generalized in the oblique cases.

The nomina agentis were originally declined like the
nouns of relationship as in Sanskrit, but in Latin -tor-
became generalized. In Greek the -7/- of the nom. of
nouns ending in •T'qp was levelled out into all the cases,
as SoTTjp, prjTrfp, acoT-qp, gen. Sorfjpo?, prjTrjpos, acoTrjpo^
except that the voc. of a-corijp was a-coTcp ; and similarly
the monosyllable 6i^p, Qrjpos. Those ending in -rcDp
generalized the ablaut-grade -Top-, as ScoTcop, pi]Ta>p, gen.
8coTopo9, prJTopo9 ; and similarly <f>pdTa>p, (ppdropos. In
/xrja-Toop, /iijaTcopos and the monosyllable (f>a>p, (jxopo? the
-eo- of the nom. was generalized.

§860.

Indg.

Singular.

Nom.

•ter, -te

iraTrip

pita

pater

Voc.

•ter

TTUTip

pitar

pater

Ace.

•ter.ip

iraripa

pitdram

patrem

Gen.

•tr-os, ■(

is iraTpos

pitur

patris

Dat.(

=loc.)

•ter-i

naTipi
Dual.

pitdri

patre

Nom. Voc.

Ace.

•ter-e

iraripi

(pitdrau)

Gen.

Dat.

?

rrarepoiv
Plural.

Nom. Voc.

■ter-es

Trarepey

pitdrah

(patres)

Ace.

-tr-ns

iraripas

(pitrn/

patres

Gen.

•tr-om

Trarpcou

(pitrnam)

patrum

Dat.

-t|--su

irarpda-i

pitfSu

The nom. singular ended in the parent Indg. language
in -ter beside -te (cp. § 29). The reason for this difference
is unknown. The former was generalized in Greek, Latin
and the Germanic languages and the latter in Sanskrit and

204

Accidence

[§361

the Baltic-Slavonic languages. The Greek stem- and case-
endings of the inflected forms given above correspond to
the Indg. stem- and case-endings except the ace. and dat.
plural. It is possible that the accusative originally had
the stem-ending -ter- corresponding to Trarlpay. narpda-i
had -ai from the dat. of consonantal stems w^here the -<r-
was not originally intervocalic as in noa-ai, rroai (§ 342).
On the final -i see § 316. Beside the regular forms the
nouns of relationship often have analogical formations in
the oblique cases, especially in the gen. and dat. singular
and gen. plural, as Hom. narepo?, fjLrjripos, Hom. and Att.
Traripcov, Ovyaripos with the substitution of -r€/> for -t/>
after the analogy of the strong stem-endings and vice versa
Trarpi, Ovyarpa, Ovyarpes.

Like TraTrjp was also declined yacrrrip. The regular
inflection of dv-qp was dvrip, dvep, dvepa, dvSpo?, dvipi ;
dvipe, dpSpoLV ; dvep^s, dv8pas or dvkpa^, dvSpoav, dvSpdcri.
-vp- regularly became -vSp- (§ 152) in the weak stem-forms.
dv€pos for dpSpos was formed after the analogy of forms
like dvep, dvepa ; and similarly dvSpa, dvSpi, dvSpe, d^Spes
after forms like du8p69, dvSpcov.

Saiqp (voc. Sdep), (f>pdTr}p, arjp, aiOrjp, dOrjp and d<TTijp
generalized the strong stem-endings -re/a-, -6/> in all the
oblique cases, as gen. 8d€po9, (f>pdT€po9, dipos, aiOepos,
dOepos, daripos, but dat. pi. darpaai.

§361.

Indg.
Nom. -ter, -tor )
.tl,.to. ]
Voc. -ter, -tor
Ace. -ter-m, -tor-m

o ' o

Gen. -tr-cs, -es
Dat.(=loc.)

•ter-i, -tor-i

Singular.
80T1JP 8d)T<op

8oTr}p
8oTr\pa

8oTTJp09

ScoTop

ScoTopa

8doTopo9

data
datar
dataram
datlir

dator

dator

datorem

datoris

Sorijpi 8a)Topi datdri datore

§ 362] Declension of Nouns 205

Dual.
Nom. Voc. Ace.

•ter-e, "tor-e SoTfjpc Swrope (datarSu)
Gen. Dat.

? SoTTJpOlV SoiTOpOLV

Plural.

Nom. Voc. -ter.esj'tor-es Sorfjpc^ Scoropes datirah datdres

Ace. -tr-ns SoTrjpas Scoropa^ (dat^) datores

Gen. -tr-om SoTrjpcot/ SooTopcov (datfnam) datdrum

Dat. (=loe.)

•tr-su SoTrjpai 8a>Top<n datfSu

On the levelling out of the ablaut-grades -Tr^p-, -Top- see
§ 359. On the ending of the nom. singular in Sanskrit
see § 360. The -a- in Skr. dataram, giver, datarau,
datdrah is of the same origin as in rajanam (§ 345).
Beside the gen. case-endings -os, -es the parent Indg.
language had also -s (§ 302) which occurs in datur, pitur ;
•rs regularly became -ur through the intermediate stages
•rs, -rz, 'IT. The ace. and gen. plural datrn, pitrn,
datfnam, pitrnim were new formations after the analogy
of the i- and u-declensions (Thumb, Handbuch des Sanskrit,
§ 302). The regular forms would have been *datrAh,
♦pitrdh, *datram, *pitram. The old gen. was preserved
in Vedic naram = dvSpcou.

§ 362. It is difficult to account satisfactorily for Att. Ion.
X€ip and the inflected forms, because it is not certain what
was the original stem. The most probable explanation is
that beside the stem x^p- there once existed a stem x^pi-
with nom. ace. dual x^ipe from *\€pj€. From the dual
a new nominative singular Att. Ion. x^^P was formed.
Att. then generalized the -ei-, as x^^P^> X^'P^*-, X^'PO
Xerpey, x^^pay, X^'-P^^> ^"^ X^P°^^> X^P^^ from stem x^P**
And Ion. generalized the stem x^P-> as x^P^> X^P^^> X^P^>

2o6 Accideucc [§$ 363-4

X^pey, x^P°-^< X^P^^i X^P^h but Horn, ^upio-i, -iaari
from x^ip-. The nom. x*py in Timocreon 9 was, like
Att. fidprvs from *fjLdpTvp9, a new formation after the
analogy of the nominatives in -s.

6. S-STEMS.

§ 368. The s-stems contain masculine, feminine and
neuter nouns and adjectives. They can be conveniently
divided into five sub-divisions : (a) The large class of neuter
nouns with the ablaut-grades -es-, -os-. (b) Nouns and
adjectives of the type Svafi^vq^. {c) Nouns with the ablaut-
grades "OS, -OS-, [d) The comparative of adjectives with
the ablaut-grades -jes-, -jos-, -jos. {e) Neuter nouns with
the stem-ending -as.

a. Neuter stems in -es-, -os-.

§ 864. To this sub-division belongs a large number of
nouns in Greek, Sanskrit and Latin. In the Germanic
languages nearly all of them went over into other declen-
sions. They originally had either the strong grade of
ablaut in the root and the weak in the stem-ending or
the weak grade in the root and the strong in the stem-
ending. A comparison of the forms in the various
languages shows that this original distinction must have
become obliterated during the prim. Indg. period by the
ablaut-grade -es- being levelled out into all the inflected
forms.

Singular.
Indg.
Nom. Voc. Ace. -os yevos jinah, race genus

Gen. -es-os, "CS yivio^, yivov? jinasah generis

Dat. (=loc.) -es-i yivei, yivci jdnasi genera

Dual.
Nom. Voc. Ace. -es-i, -i ycva, yei'ec jdnasi
Gen. Dat. ? ytvotv, ytvcoiy

§ 365] Declension of Nouns 207

Plural.
Norn. Voc. Ace. -es-a, -os-a yei^ea, yevrj (jdnflsi) genera
Gen. -es-om y€via>v, yevZu jdnasam generum

Dat. (=loc.) -es-su yii/eaa-i, yevea-i jdnahsu

Intervocalic -s- disappeared in prim. Greek (§ 213, 2), but
became -r- in Latin. In Sanskrit -es- and -os- regularly
fell together in -as- (§ 42). The Ionic uncontracted and
the Attic contracted forms correspond to the Indg. stem-
and case-endings except yipu and yevee. The -i in the
Ionic trisyllabic form yivei was due to the influence of
datives like noSi. The dual yevei represents an older
yeree which is common in manuscripts, ylree from older
*yei/€(r€ had -€ after the analogy of forms like Sva-ficvie,
TToSe. Hom. has yiuea-a-i beside yivecrt (§ 212, 2). After
the analogy of yiveaa-i the ending -eacri became used to
form the dative plural of i-, u-, and of all kinds of conso-
nantal-stems. In Homer even forms like kirieaai occur
owing to the stem being regarded as kirk-, Sanskrit jdn|.si
(with nasalized •^•) was a new formation after the analogy
of the nt-stems. The regular form would have been *jdnasi
or *j4nasi. jdnahsu = jdnassu.

§ 366. Att. (f)m, light = Hom., &c. 0aoy from *(pafoy,
gen. (f>dov9 from *<f>afo(ro^, Hom. dat. 0aet from *<f>af€(rt,
nom. pi. <f>dea from *(f>af€(ra. The other cases were formed
after the analogy of the dental stems, as ^coroy, (fxcTi, pi.
<f>S>Ta, <f>d>Taiv.

There seems to have been in prim. Greek two forms for
the word ear, ovs from *ooy, older *ov<ro9 and Dor. Ion. wy
from Indg. *6(u)s (§ 63). Hom. ovaro9, oUara, oxja<Ti, from
*ov<TaTos, &c. after the analogy of the stems in -/za (§ 350),
and Attic, &c. coroy, d>TL, pi. onTa, arcou, dxri (also Hom.) from
the form wy after the analogy of the dental stems, oyy,
oljaros, &c. had the smooth for the rough breathing after
the analogy of S>s, coroy, &c. See § 210.

208

Accidence

(§366

§ 366. Nouns and adjectives of the type Sva-jiivrj^, ill-
affected, hostile, Skr. durman&h, dispirited, only exist in
Greek and Sanskrit. And originally they occurred only in
compounds. Simple forms like fiiyrfs, (f>pa8ri^, yjrevSTJ^
beside (rvfifJiiyrJ9,d(j>pa8iq9, (f)i\oylrevSi^9WQre back-formations
made direct from the compounds. These compounds are
closely related to the neuter stems in -es-, -os-, the -es-
having become generalized in the parent Indg. language,
cp. d/x€vrJ9, Sva-fievrj^, iVfiivrj^ : fievo^, evyit/rj^ : yei/oy,

Singular.

Nom.
Voc.
Ace.
Gen.

Indg.
•es
•es
•es-m

o

•es'Os,

■es

Dat. (=loc.) -es^i

8v(rfi€urjs

8v(rfjL€V€S

8v(rfi€via, -fj
8vafji€vio9, -oyy
8v(TixiV€L, -ei'

Nom. Voc. Ace.
Gen. Dat.

Nom. Voc.
Ace.
Gen.

•es-e
9

•es-es
■es-ns

o

•es^om

Dual.

8v<Tll^Vii, -it

8vcr/ji€Vioiv, -oTv

Plural.

8v(rfi€vi€9, -6??
8v(r/i€pia9
8v(rfi€via)v, -cou

Dat. (=loc.) •es^su 8v(rfi€V€<n

durmanah

durmanah

durmanasam

durmanasah

durmanasi

(durmanasau)

durmanasah
durmanasah
durmanasam
durmanahsu

The intervocalic -s^ regularly disappeared (§ 213, 2).
The -779 of the nom. singular is a lengthening of the stem-
ending 'CS-. It is improbable that the original ending was
•es^s. The i" in 8vaixiViL is of the same origin as in yivu
(§ 364). Apart from the dat. plural all the other forms

§§ 367-8] Declension of Nouns 209

both contracted and uncontracted represent the original
stem- and case-endings. Sva-fxevia-i, older Sv(Tfi€vicr<Ti, on
the final -i of which see § 316. In Attic the nom. plural
was used for the accusative. In Attic the compounded
proper names in -Kpar-q^, •fiivijs, -o-divrj^, •<f>dvrjs and also
other compounds often had -rjv in the accusative after the
analogy of the masculine a-declension. This also occurred
occasionally in the Ionic, Aeolic, Cretan, Arcadian and
Cyprian dialects. And in like manner the Attic genitive,
and more rarely the dative, were sometimes formed after
the analogy of the a-declension. The Lesbian voc. gen.
and dat. endings -€, -77, -jj were also similar analogical
formations.

§ 367. The original ending of the nom. voc. and ace.
neuter singular was -es, as in Sva-fxives = Skr. durmanabi ;
and of the plural -es-a as in Sva-fXivia, -fj.

c. Stems in -Ss, -os-.

§ 868. These nouns had originally the ablaut-grades -os,
■OS-, but the -OS- became generalized in prim. Greek in the
inflected forms. Nouns of this type occur only in Greek,
Latin and Sanskrit.

Nom. yeAooy, tpoas, ISpm, alSm, voc. alSoifor *al8os after
the analogy ofireiOoi (§ 341), ace. alSm from *al8o<ra, Hom.
ISpco, gen. at8ov9 from *aiSoa-o9, dat. al8oT from *al8o<n;
and similarly ace alco from *aifo(ra beside aiS>va : nom.
amv, gen. aia>uo9. Cp. O.Lat. arbds, arborem beside
bonds, hondrem with -6- of the nom. levelled out into the
oblique cases. yeXcoy, epcos and /^peoy were generally
declined after the analogy of the dental stems (§ 342), gen.
ycXcoroy, €pa>Tos, ISparos ; also Att. ace. yiXcov, Hom. dat.
yeXo), t8pM after the analogy of the o-stems (§ 327), ace.
yeXo) after the analogy of the 5u-stems (§ 340).

Hom. rjdo9 from *ausos, cp. Skr. u§ah, dawn, Lat.
auror-a from *ausos-a with -a from the a-declension, voc.

p

2IO Accidence [J§ 369-70

^0? after the analogy oi wnOot {\ 341), ace. ^co from *r)oaa,
Skr. uSisam, gen. rjovs from *T)o<ro9, Skr. uSdsah, dat. rjoi
from *rio<Ti, Skr. u|&si. Attic fcoy from rjcos (§ 71) went
over into the so-called Attic second declension (§ 327).

d. The Comparative of Adjectives.

§ 369. One of the numerous ways of forming the com-
parative of adjectives in the parent Indg. language was by
means of a suffix with the ablaut-grades -jes*, -jos*, -jos,
•is-. The grades -jes- and -jos- regularly fell together in
•J2tS' (§ 42) in Sanskrit. In Latin -jos- only occurs in the
nom. voc. and ace. neuter, as O.Lat. majos, later majus.
In all the other forms of the masculine, feminine and neuter
•jos, which originally belonged only to the masculine nom.
singular, became generalized, as O.Lat. majos, novids,
ace. majorem, novidrem. In Greek -jes-, -jos do not
occur at all, and -jos- only occurs in three forms, viz. in the
ace. singular masculine and feminine, as /i€i^co, Ion. /xc^co
from *fiiyjoaa, Indg. *megjosm, masc. and fem. nom.
plural fi€i^ov9, fie^ovs from *fii'Yjo(T€?, neut. nom. ace.
plural fi€i^Q), /xe^o) from */j.iyjo(Ta with -a = Indg. 9. See
§375.

e. Neuter stems in -as-.

§ 370. Nouns of this type are found only in Greek and
Sanskrit, -as-, Gr. -ay-, Skr. •!§• is the weak grade of the
•6s in paragraph 308, but the -as- grade became generalized
already in the parent Indg. language.

Singular.

Indg.

Nom. Voc. Ace. -as yepay havlh, oblation

Gen. -aS'OS, -es yipao?, yepcoy haviSatt

Dat. (= loc.) -as-i y^pai, yepat haviSi

§ 37i] Declension of Nouns 211

Dual.
Nom. Voc. Ace. -as-i, -i y^pae, yipa havfsi
Gen. Dat. ? yepdoiu, yepmv

Plural.

Nom. Voc. Ace. -as-a ykpaa, ykpa (havjsi)

Gen. 'as-om yipdcov, yepoov havif3,m

Dat. (=loc.) -as-su yipaaa-i, yipatri havihsu

The dat. yepai'and dual ykpae, yipd were new formations
of the same kind as in yiui'i and yiu€i, yiv€€ (§ 364). On
the -t in yipaaai see § 816. The remaining Ionic uncon-
tracted and the Attic contracted forms are normally de-
veloped from the corresponding Indg. stem- and case-end-
ings. But most of the nouns belonging to this class were
also declined after the analogy of the stems in -fxa (§ 350),
as iriparos, riparo?, Kepdro^ from *KipaaTos, pi. iripara,
repara, Kepdra. Poetic forms like Hom. ovSeos, ovSei,
oxj8iL ; K^peos, Kepe'i, pi. Kepea ; Att. ^pireos, pi. Pp^rrj,
^pericou were formed after the analogy of the corresponding
cases of yei/oy (§ 364). The -a in the nom. ace. plural of
forms like yipd, Kpid beside the regular forms yepd, Kpid
was due to the analogy of the nom. ace. of other conso-
nantal stems. It is difficult to explain datives like Kpia, yf\pa.
which occur in Attic texts. They seem to be new forma-
tions after the analogy of the dat. of the a-declension, but it
is not clear how the change could have come about.

The r- : d-declension.
§371. The parent Indg. language had a declension of
neuter nouns which consisted of the blending of two stems.
The stem of the nom. and ace. singular generally ended in
one of the ablaut-grades -er (Skr. -ar, Lat. -er) ; -or (Gr.
-o)p) ; and -r (Gr. -ap, Lat. -ur), but also occasionally in -j"
+a consonant, as Skr. dhar, day, ildhar, udder, Lat. iter;
cXcop, ni\a>p, vS<op ; rjirap, ovOap, Lat. femur, jecur ; Skr.

p 2

212 Accidence [§ 371

ydkft, heart, ds^k, blood. The stem of the oblique cases
ended in -n or '^, as gen. Skr. dhn-ah, udhn>ah, udn-&h,
of water, Gr. yjira-To?, C8a-T09, Lat. feminis, *itinis, *jeci-
nis (femoris, iteris, itineris, jecoris, jecinoris were ana-
logical formations through the mixing of the two stems) ;
Skr. jakn-&h, asn-4h.

This declension was best preserved in Sanskrit and
Greek, in the other languages one or other of the stems
mostly became generalized, as in Lat. uber, OE. uder,
udder; OE. waeter beside Goth. wat5 (dat. watin = Skr.
uddni), water ; and similarly in the three Greek words eap
from *fi(rap (gen. eapo^), Lat. ver ; nvp, gen. Trvpos beside
Goth, ton, Jire, gen. funins; Biuap, gen. Oivapos.

Many of the words belonging to this declension are
found in Greek only in the nom. and ace. singular, as
dkKap, flXap, eXcop, ovap, niXcop, map, riK/iap, riKfjuop,
vnap. Inflected forms of the following nouns occur, all of
which were formed after the analogy of the stems in -/xa
(§ 850) : dX^ap, from *dXifap, dXn^ap, SiXeap from
*5€X€fap, elSap from *k8fap, ^fiap, rjnap, Horn, ovuap read
ovTjap from *6vdfap, ovOap, neipap from *irepfap, crKcop,
(TTiap, v8a>p, <f)pidp from *(f>pr}fap (cp. § 72).

Many attempts have been made to explain the origin of
this declension, but none of them are satisfactory. The
original inflexions were better preserved in Vedic than in
classical Sanskrit. The declension of Vedic dhar, day and
Greek rjirap will serve as models for all nouns belonging to
this class. The stem- and case-endings of the inflected
forms in both languages correspond to those of the neuter
n-declension (§ 350).

Singular.

Nom. Voc. Ace. rjirap

dhar

Gen. rjTTaTos

dhnah

Dat. (= loc.) i^naTi

dhani, dhan

372] Adjectives 213

Dual.

Nom. Voc. Ace.

^Trare

dhani

Gen. Dat.

rjirdroiv
Plural.

Nom. Voc. Ace.

ijTraTa

dhani

Gen.

fjTTdTOiV

dhnam

Dat. (=loc.)

^TTaart

dhasu

CHAPTER X

ADJECTIVES

A. THE DECLENSION OF ADJECTIVES

§ 872. The development of grammatical gender in nouns
was older than in adjectives, but adjectives had before the
close of the prim. Indg. period come to be inflected for
number, gender and case like nouns. At an earlier period
there must however have been a stage when the bare stem
of the adjective was used along with the noun without
anything to indicate its number, gender and case, something
like Modern English which has got rid of the superfluous
luxury of inflexion and gender. After the a-stems of nouns
had become characteristic of the feminine gender, and the
o-stems of the masculine and neuter genders (§ 295), the
adjectival o-stems began to have inflexions for number,
gender and case after the analogy of such nouns when
used along with them as attributes. Nouns of the type
y6po9 : yovrj, to/mos : to/xt^ with like meaning in both
genders, and words like *ekwos, Lat. equus : *6kwa,
Lat. equa, were probably also an important factor in the
development. At a still later period the adjectives of the
type 'OS, -a, •cm (-oy, -a, -ij ; -ov, Skr. -ah, -a, -am, Lat. -us,
•a, -um) came to be used along with nouns belonging to
the i-, U-, diphthongal- and consonantal-declensions. The

214 Accidence [§373

development of the feminine gender in the other adjectival
stems went parallel with the formation of the feminine
gender in the corresponding substantival stems, i.e. they
were formed after the analogy of the ja-stems (§ 822). The
adjectives of this type then acquired the gender and
inflexion of the corresponding masculine and neuter nouns
and became used along with all kinds of nouns.

§ 378. In Greek the adjectives are declined like the
corresponding nouns, but as we have seen above the
feminine of the u-, n- and nt-stems is declined like a ja-
stem. There is however a large number of adjectives in
Greek, which has only one ending (-os) for the masculine
and feminine. The adjectives of this type are partly com-
pound and partly simple. They were originally nouns,
denoting living beings possessing the characteristic implied
in the word, which later came to be used as adjectives, as
poSo8dKTv\o9, lit. a man with rosy fingers ; Ovfio^opo?, lit.
soul-devourer ; XaAoy, lit. a chatterer, babbler; rjavxo?, lit.
a quiet, gentle kind of man ; and similarly cAfT/Xoy, ^fnpos,
rXaoy, Xd^po9, Xoi8opo9, &c. After the analogy of such ad-
jectives, simple adjectives which were not originally nouns
denoting living beings came to have only the two endings,
■09, -ov, as ccoAoy, vvKT^pos, x^pcro^, &c. The gender of com-
pound nouns was determined by the second element. When
such compound nouns came to be used attributively in
apposition to other nouns (cp. John Lackland) they became
adjectival and were inflected like ordinary adjectives, except
that they preserved their original masculine ending when
used along with a feminine noun, as po8o8dKTv\os r)d>s ;
and similarly neuter compounds like *Ka\\tor(f)vpov, beauti-
ful ankle, when they became adjectives, had -os for both
the masculine and feminine. But when the second element
of the compound was originally an adjective, it regularly
had the three endings. The adjectives of this type had
sometimes however only two endings after the analogy of

§§374-5] Adjectives 215

the first type. The compound adjectives in -77? like
8v(r/x€vrJ9 (§ 366) never had different forms for the masculine
and feminine. On the simple adjectives like /J'ly^s, (ppaSi^s,

^(vSrjs, see § see.

Note. — The inflexion of contracted adjectives like oTrXov?
from aTr\6o<s was regular in the masculine and neuter except in
the nominative and accusative neuter plural. The feminine

a-n-Xr] (for *a7rAai from dirXorj), &C. and (iTrAa (for *d7rXw from

uTrXoa) were formed after the analogy of forms like votfirj, &c.
and (roff>d.

§ 374. In the following adjectives the declension is made
up of the blending together of two different stems : nom.
ace. masc. sing. TroXiJy, noXvu, neut. voXv, stem rroXv-, and
fem. nom. sing. 7roXXi7 from *7roX{F)jd, gen. ttoXX^? from
*7roX{F)jd9, from which was formed a masc. and neut. stem
*7roX{f)Jo- = TfoXXo- for all the other forms of the masculine
and neuter. The old forms of the u-stem were preserved
in Hom., as rroXios, TroXeey, TroXeay, iroXian. And similarly
nom. ace. masc. sing, fiiya?, fxeyap, neut. /iiya, and fem.
nom. sing. jnydXr} from which was formed a masc. and
stem /iiydXo- for all the other forms of the masculine and
neuter.

B. THE COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES

I. The Comparative Degree.

§ 375. The parent Indg. language had several suffixes
by means of which the comparative degree was formed.
But in the individual branches of the parent language one
of the suffixes generally became more productive than the
rest, and in course of time came to be the principal one
from which the comparative was formed, the other suffixes
only being preserved in isolated forms.

The oldest and most original mode of forming the com-
parative of adjectives in prim. Indo-Germanic was by

2i6 Accidence [§375

means of the suffix -jes- with the ablaut-grades -jos-, -jos-
and 'is*, which was added direct to the root-syllable. The
root-syllable originally had the strong grade of ablaut. This
suffix became the normal one in Latin for the formation
of the comparative (§ 369), but in Greek and the Germanic
languages it practically remained unproductive. In the
oldest Sanskrit it was more productive than in the later
language. In classical Sanskrit only a limited number of
comparatives occur with this suffix, -is- the weak grade
form of the suffix occurs in Latin adverbs like magis,
nimis, satis, and in Gothic adverbs like miiis, less, wairs,
worse, from *minniz, *wirsiz. -jes-, -jos- do not occur
at all in Greek, and -jos- only occurs in three forms of the
declension, viz. in the masc. and fem. ace. singular, as
fxei^co, Ion. /i€^a> from *fieyjo<ra, Indg. *m^gjosm, masc.
and fem. nom. plural fiei^ov?, fii^ovs from * fiiyjocre?, and
neut. nom. ace. plural fid^oa, fJ.^^<o from *\iiyjo(Ta. And
similarly ^da-aco, Ppdaraco, yXva-aco, kXaa-aco, f]TTQ} [rja-a-co),
6dcrcr<o, Kp€<r(T<o, /xdcrcco, ndcrcrco. From these and similar
forms a new nom. fie^cov, yt/e^oi/, fidara-oiv, ^daaov was
formed after the analogy of rjStcoy, rjStov : ^Sta>, which then
came to be declined like rjStcov. Why the stem-vowel was
long in Att. fid^at, KpeiTTco, eXaTTCo, 6a.TTco, but short in the
corresponding Ionic forms, is still an unsolved problem.
Beside the suffix form -jeS', -jos- there was also in prim.
Indg. the suffix form -i-jes-, -i-jos-, the i, i of which stood
in ablaut relation to each other. The -i- was preserved
in Greek, but Sanskrit generalized the -i-, as Skr.
svadiyas-, sweeter; masc. and fem. ace. singular rjSto),
masc. and fem. nom. plural r]8iovs (also used for the ace),
neut. nom. ace. plural rjStco, from *(Tfa8ljoaa, *afd8ljocr€s,
*(rfdSijo<ra, beside KaXXtco from *KaXXijo(ra, k\6ta), prjtco.
All the other forms of the declension in Greek were formed
from the weak grade ■is--t-an n-suffix with the ablaut-grades
•en-, -on-, -on (§ 345), as tiSkov, rjSiova, r^Slovos, neut. ijStoy,

§376] Adjectives 217

from *<rfd8i(ra>v, *(rfdSi(rova, *(Tfd8t(Toyo9, *crfdSi<Toy, pi.
■fjStovis, neut. r^Stova, from *(rfd8i<roves, *(Tfd8i<Tova ; and
similarly in Goth. masc. nom. sut-iz-a, sweeter, ace. sut-iz«
an, gen. sut-iz-ins. The -i- was generally long in Attic
poetry and short in Doric and the old epic poetry. This
fluctuation between the long and short -l- was due to the
levelling out of t or ? in the forms where it was regular, as
in T)8t<o, TjStovi beside ri8t<ov, r]8tova, &c., ixOio), /caXAfco,
pr]tai. The feminine of this type of comparative was
originally formed as a ja-stem (§ 322), as Skr. ndv-jas-i,
newer, gdr-iyas-i, heavier, but in Greek and Latin the
masculine became also used for the feminine.

Note. — From what has been said above it will be seen that
the Greek declension of words of the type rjhitav is made up of
the two different stem-forms *(rfd8-ljo(T- and *a-fa.8-ur-ov-, which
originally had different meanings. The former denoted the
adjectival form of the comparative, sweeter, and the latter the
substantival, the sweeter. But this original distinction in the
meaning of the two stem-forms was obliterated in prim. Greek
whereby the substantival form became adjectival. And simi-
larly in the Germanic languages, as Goth, sut-iz-a (ace. sflt-iz-
an, gen. sat-iz-ins) which originally meant the sweeter.

§ 376. The secondary suffixes -ero-, -tero- were origin-
ally confined to words relating to place and to certain pro-
nominal forms, as Skr. liparah, ddharah, lower, Lat.
s-uperus, infenis ; Goth, unsar, our, izwar, your. Skr.
katardh, norepo?, Goth. hra))ar, which of two ; ^fierepo?,
vji^T^pos, Lat. noster, vaster ; Lat. exterus, dexterus.
The suffix •ere- remained unproductive in all the languages.
The suffix -tero- remained unproductive in Latin and the
Germanic languages, but in Greek and Sanskrit it had
become in the prehistoric periods of these languages the
ordinary suffix for the formation of the comparative ol
adjectives. The -tero- was originally added to the ad-

2i8 Accidence [§376

verbial form, which in the i*, u- and consonantal-stems
was identical with the neuter singular, as ^r^t-npos, vyjri-
repos ; yXvKv-repo^, o^v-rcpos ; /leXdv-Tcpos, \apLia-Tipo^
from *)(apif€VT-Tepo9 ; Trevia-Tepos from *7r€V€T-Tcpo9 ; fia-
Kap-Tcpos ; d\r)6icr-T€pos, ^vn^vicr-T^pos ', Skr. stici-tarah,
purer ; caru-tarah, dearer ; bhdgavat-tarah (stem bhaga>
vant"), more blessed; tavds-tarah, stronger; TraXat'-repop,
fiearai-repos which at a later period came to be felt as being
formed from naXam, ixia-os, and then after the analogy of
these were formed such comparatives as yepai-repo^, -ficrv-
yat-Tipo^, iaai-Tepos, fW)(ai-Tepo^, (T^oXai-npo^, TrXrja-iai-
repoy. And in like manner from such comparatives as
Xapiecr-Tipos, dXT}6€(T-T€po9, the -ea-Tepos was abstracted
and used for forming comparatives like (ra>(f)pov-€<r-T€pos,
evSaifiOP-iar-repos, da-fi€v-i(r-Tepos : d<TfJLevo9, (vuovaTepos
from *€vvo-€<r-T€pos : eijvovs. And similarly from compara-
tives like d)(apL<T-T€po9 : d)(api9, 'iro9, ya(TTpi(T-T€pos :
yda-Tpis, was extracted the •ia-Tipos, which became used
for forming comparatives like XaX-i<r-T€po9 : XdXo9, 7rT(o)(-i<r-
T€po9 : 7rToo\69, ^XdK-i(r-T€po9 : gen. ^XdKos, KX€7rT-i(r-T€po9 :
KXeTTTrj^.

In the ordinary formation of the comparative of o-stems,
as in d^id>-T€po?, a-o(f>d>-Tepo9 beside Kov(f>6-T€po9, niKpo-

T€p09, TTOVrjpO-TepOS, <Te/iv6-T€p09, K€P6-T€p09, (TTiVO-TipO^

from older *K€vf6-r€pos, *<rT€vf6-T€pos, there is a difference
of opinion among scholars about the explanation of the -cd-
beside -0-. Some scholars assume that the -o- became -co-
in prim. Greek by rhythmic lengthening when the pre-
ceding syllable was short, but that it remained short when
the preceding syllable was long by nature or position.
Other scholars maintain, and probably rightly, that the
comparative of o-stems was formed precisely in the same
manner as in the other stems, that is, from the adverbial
form which in the o-stems was originally the ablative
(§ 303) of the adjective used adverbially and accordingly

§ 377] Adjectives 219

ended in -w. This explanation agrees with the formation
of the comparative in the Germanic languages (cp, Goth.
swin])6-Z'a : swin))S, strong), where the -o- can have no
connexion with what is called rhythmic lengthening. It
is therefore probable that all comparatives of o-stems had
originally -co- irrespective of the quantity of the preceding
syllable. The -co- only remained in those comparatives in
which a succession of short syllables would have arisen by
the substitution of -0-. In other cases the comparative
came to be formed direct from the o«stem of the adjective
after the analogy of the i-, u- and consonantal-stems. Then
the relation of -co- to -0- gave rise to what is improperly
called rhythmic lengthening.

2. The Superlative Degree.

§ 377. The superlative, like the comparative degree, was
formed in the parent Indg. language by means of several
suffixes. But in the individual branches of the parent
language one of the suffixes generally became more pro-
ductive than the rest, and in the course of time came to be
the principal one from which the superlative was formed,
the other suffixes only being preserved in isolated forms.
The principal suffixes were :

1. -to- which was only preserved in the formation of
ordinal numerals, as e/croy, Skr. sasthdh, Lat. sextus,
Goth, saihsta, sixth ; SiKaro^ from *dekmtos.

2. -is-to-. This suffix is made up of -is- the weak grade
of the comparative suffix -jes- (§ 375), as in Lat. magis, and
the -to- which occurs in ordinal numerals like e/croy, &c.
In the comparative the root-syllable originally had the
strong grade of ablaut, but in the superlative the weak
grade with the accent on the ending of the suffix -is-td-, cp.
Kpiicra-oav, 6\iL(<cv (inscriptional form) beside Kpar-iarof,
6\iy-i(TT09. This original distinction became almost entirely
obliterated in Greek and Sanskrit by analogical formations.

220 Accidence [§377

The suffix disappeared completely in Latin, but became
productive in the Germanic languages, and also in Greek
and Sanskrit for those adjectives which had -cof, -ta>v,
•i(y)as- in the comparative, as fiei^cov, fie^cov : fxey-ia-Tos —
Skr. m&hiyas- : mih-i|tliah ; i^Stcov : ij8-i(TT09 = Skr.
svadiyas- : svad-i|thah, Goth. siit*ists, sweetest.

3. -m-o-, •m-o-, which like •to- appears chiefly in ordinal
numerals, as Skr. dasamdh, Lat. decimus, from *dekm-os,
tenth; Lat. stimm.us from *sup-mos, infimus; Skr. upa-
mdh, uppermost ; adhamdh, lowest ; Goth, fruma, first ;
innuma, innermost. It remained unproductive in Greek,
and almost so in Latin, Sanskrit and the Germanic
languages. -m-O' would have become -a/i-o- (§ 65, 2) in
Greek, but it was supplanted by the -aTos in ivaros, 8(-
KUTo^, from *newntos, *dek^tos, as iayaro^, fiia-a-aros,
viaros, vnaro^. This change of -afi-o- to -aT-o- was doubt-
less also partly due to the influence of the sufiixal ending
•to-.

4. -tip-o- which appears in ordinal numbers, as Skr,
saptamdh, Lat. septimus, from *septm-os, seventh. Skr.
dntamah, next) uttamdh, highest, best. In Latin and the
Germanic languages it was only preserved in isolated forms,
as Lat. intimus, extimus, ultimus, optimus, dextimus ;
Goth, aftuma, next, posterns ; iftuma, the following, next.
In Sanskrit it was productive and became the regular
superlative ending -tama-h to adjectives which formed their
comparative in -tara-h (§ 376), as cinitarah, dearer : caru-
tamah; tavdstarah, stronger : tavds-tamah. -tm-o-
would have become -Tafi-o- in Greek, but -Tafi-o- became
•TaT-o- in the prehistoric period of the language through
the influence of forms like eyaro?, SeKaros and the -to-^ in
the superlative ending -la-To-y. -TaT-o- then became the
ordinary superlative suffix for adjectives which had -Tcpo-
in the comparative.

§ 378] Adjectives 221

3. Irregular Comparison.

§ 378. It is a peculiarity of all the Indg. languages that
certain adjectives, especially those denoting good, bad,
great, small, much, little, do not admit of a comparative and
a superlative being formed directly from them. It is
usually said that such adjectives are defective or that they
form their comparatives and superlatives from a different
root than the positive or that the comparatives and superla-
tives have no positives with which they are etymologically
related. The real explanation is that such adjectives
escaped from being brought into the grammatical system of
comparison. In the early prim. Indg. period the compara-
tive and superlative stood in no grammatical relation to the
so-called positive. It was not until a relatively late period
of the prim. Indg. language that the comparative and
superlative came to be associated grammatically with what
we call the positive. The forms in -jes- (§ 375) and -is-to-
(§ 377, 2) originally partook of the nature of participles or
verbal adjectives and denoted that the verbal action was
especially prominent in the object with which they stood
attributively, as Vedic tdriyas-, easily piercing through, Gr.
^€pi<TT09, lit. bringing best. After such forms had also
become purely nominal they were brought into relation
with adjectives which were not comparative in form and
which in regard to the comparative forms were called the
positive. The forms in -erO', -tero- (§ 376) were originally
confined to words relating to place and to certain pro-
nominal forms, and were primarily used to express contrast
of comparison, as *upero-s, above and not below, *ndhero-s,
below and not above, Sf^irepo-^, the right and not the left
(dpLCTTepo-s;), rjfiiTepo-^, our and not your {vfi€Tepo-9), BrjXv-
Tipo-s, feminine and not masculine (Arcad. appevrepo-s).
Then e. g. forms like *newotero-s (f ecorepoy), new, became
used not only in contrast with *senotero-s, old, but also

222 Accidence [§379

with the contrasted meaning not so new, less new, and then
older. At this stage *senotero-s became associated to
*seno-s (cfoy). These formations thus came into the sphere
of gradation which the -jes- forms already possessed and
entered into competition with them. Although the two
pairs of suffixes had originally different meanings, the
difference entirely disappeared already in prim. Greek so far
as the comparison of adjectives was concerned. After the
three-membered series of gradation had been established
in which the positive was regarded as the fundamental form,
comparative and superlative forms began to be created
from all kinds of adjectives, see Brugmann, Grundriss, ^c,
vol. ii (second ed.), pp. 654-60, and Delbriick in vol. iii,
pp. 411-15.^

dyaOos : dfi^ivcov, dpeicoy, ^iXTioov, /SeArepoy, KpiiTTcov,
Kp€t<T<Ta>v, Ion. Kpiaaatv, <pepT€po9, Xcocou, Xancop, Xcoirepo? :
api(rTos,PiXTi(rT09, ^eXraTO^, KpaTiaro^, KapTiaTos (: Kparv?),
<f>€pTaTos, <f>ipi(rT09, ASoroy. dfidvcov has the pure diph-
thong -cf- and therefore cannot be from *dfiivj(ov. It is
probably not a comparative in form. Kpurrcov, Kpuaa-cov
probably had -6i- from dfi€iva>v.

KOKo^ : yjeipoiv from *)(€p(rja)v, yep^icav from stem \ep((r;
cp. xipT]€9, x€ip6T€po9, X€pei6T€po9, f)TTa>v, fjaaoav : \dpL-

arOS, T}KC<TT09.

TToXv? : TrXdodv with -ei- from the superlative, TrXia>v from
stem ttAc-, Att. TrAer^ (neut.) was a remodelling of *TrXiis
from *pleis : TrAero-roy from *pleis-to-s.

IxlKpos : fX€i<ov, iXoLTTcop, €Xd<T(r(ov (: eAa^i^y) : fiu<TTOs,
iXdxKTTos.

C. NUMERALS

I. Cardinal.

§ 379. The cardinal numbers one to nineteen were
adjectival, one to four being declinable and five to nineteen
indeclinable, but in eleven to fourteen the units were

§§ 380-1] Adjectives 223

originally declined. The decades and the words for hun-
dred and thousand were originally substantives.

§ 380. The parent Indg. language had several words
with slightly different meanings to express the idea of one.
In the ordinary Greek word for one four stem-forms are to
be distinguished :

{a) *sem-. Masc. nom. Att. Ion. ely, Dor. ^y, Cret. ei/y,
from *cr€/i9, neut. €v from *(r€/i ; masc. and neut. gen. ivos
for *€/i6y with -v- from the nominative (§ 346), and similarly,
eVt, cp. Lat. sem-per.

(b) *som-. 6/J169, one and the same, Skr. sama-, Goth,
sama, same.

{c) *siji-. afia] d-na^, Lat. sem-el, Skr. sa-kft, once;
a-nXovs, Dor. a-repoy ; i-KUTov and Att. ^-npos for *a-KaT6v,
*d-T€po9 with e- for d- from eV. See § 290.

(d) *sm-. Fem. nom. sing, /xia from *<TfjLia (§ 322), cp.
fiSivv^ for *o-fia>vv^, having one hoof.

Indg. *oinos, otVoy, olvrj, otvrj, the ace on dice, O.Lat.
oinos, later unus, Goth, dins, OE. an, one,

Indg. *oiwos, O.Pers. aiva-, one, ohs, alone, by oneself,
Cypr. olfos, alone.

Fem. Hom. Lesb. and Thessalian ta, Hom. gen. 0}^, dat.
l^, and Hom. neut. dat. m were probably of pronominal
origin ; cp. § 411.

§ 381. Indg. *duwo(u), *dw6(u) was inflected like a dual.
Hom. 8v<i> (indeclinable) from *<5iJf co = Vedic duva(u) beside
*8foi> = Skr. dvd, in 8a>8€Ka ; gen. dat. 8voiv probably from
a plural form *8voT<riv. The original nom. ace. neuter was
*duwoi = Vedic duve, prim. Gr. *8vfoi which became 8vo
when the next word began with a vowel (§ 229). 8vo then
became generalized and indeclinable for all genders in Att.
Dor. &c. and often also in Homer. In some dialects, e. g. in
Herodotus, it became inflected Hke a plural just as in Latin
and the Germanic languages, as Herod. Svav, 8voi<ri, Ion.
also 8va>p, 8v<TL after the analogy of rpmv, Tpta-i.

224 Accidence [§§ 382-4

Indg. *dwi-, *di- in compounds with •!• after the analogy
of *tri-, as in 8i-7rov9, Skr. dvi-p4d-, Lat. bi-pes, OE. twi-
fete, two-footed.

§ 382. Masc. and fem. nom. Att. &c. rpeh, Cret rpee^,
Skr. trdyah, Lat. tres, from *trejes ; ace. Cret. rpivs, Ion.
Dor. Boeot. rpU, Goth. )>rins, from *trins, Att. rpus like
Lat. tres was the nom. used for the accusative ; nom. ace.
neut. Indg. *tri, Vedic tri, on rpia, Lat. tria, Goth. J>rija,
see § 329 ; gen. rpiZv, Lat. trium, from *trijom ; dat. rpia-i,
Skr. triSu, Lith. tris6.

Indg. *tri- in compounds, as rpi-irovs, Skr. tri-pdd-, Lat.
tri-pes, OE. Jjri-fete, three-footed.

§ 383. The Indg. word ior four had various grades of
ablaut in the stem-ending of the different cases, as masc.
nom. *qetwores, Skr. catvarah, Lat. quattuor, Goth.
fidv^or, Dor. and North- West Gr. rkrop^^ with -r- from
T€Tp<oK0VTa (§ 386), Att. TiTTapi^, Hom. rea-a-ape^, Boeot.
TTcrrapey with -a- from the dative, Ion. ricra-epes for -opes
by assimilation, Hom. mavpes with -v- from the ace. and
genitive ; ace. masc. *qeturns, Skr. catiirah, Hom.
niavpas ; Att. rirrapas with the first -a- from the dative ;
nom. ace. neut. *qetwora, Skr. catvari, Att. rirrapa, Hom.
reara-apa, Boeot. Trirrapa with -a- from the dative, Lesb.
TTio-avpa, TTLovpa with -u- from the genitive ; gen. *qetiir6m,
Lesb. TTiavpoiv ; Att. TCTTdpoov with -a- from the dative ;
dat. = (loe.) *qetwrsu, poet. Terpaa-i from *riTFpa(ri, Att.
TeTTapcri.

Indg. *q{e)twr. beside *q(e)tru- in compounds, as in
T€Tpd-^vyo9 from *TiTfpa; Tpd-ire^a, beside Tpv-(l>d\iLa.

§ 384. Indg. *per)qe, Trei/re, Skr. pdfica ; Aeol. nkinT€,
Lat. quinque, O.Ir. coic, Goth, fimf, OE. fif, all with
assimilation of consonants. In compounds 7rei/T€- beside
TT^vTa- with -a- from forms like inTd, Sixa.

Indg. *s{w)eks = prim. Gr. *o-f€^, Lac. fi^, beside *<ri^
= Att. Ion. Dor. Boeot. Sec. e^, Lat. sex, O.Ir. se, Goth.

§ 385] Adjectives 225

saihs, Skr. sds with unexplained initial s-. In compounds
^|- beside e^a- with -a- from iTTrd, &c.

Indg. *septm, iTTTci, Vedic saptd, classical Skr. sdpta,
Lat. septem, O.Ir. secht, Goth, sibun.

Indg. *okt6(u), which is dual in form, o/crol), Elean otttco
after the analogy of eVra, Lesb. Boeot. okto, probably like
Svo the old neut. form, Skr. a§ta(u), Lat. octo, Goth.
ahtiiu.

Indg. *n6wn beside *6nwn, the former occurs in Skr.
ndva, Lat. novem with -m for -n after the analogy of
septem, decern, cp. nonus, Goth, niun, and the latter in
Ion. dvd-vv)(j^s , €ivd-€T€s, dva-Koa-ioi, from *kvfa: kvvia has
never been satisfactorily explained. Some scholars assume
that it stands for *kv vefa, lit. nine in all, and others that it
arose from a contamination of *kvfa and *v€fa=Skr. ndva.
In compounds etVa* beside kvvea-, as in dva-vvx^^ beside
kvvid-[ir]vo^.

Indg. *dekm, 8kKa, Skr. ddla, Lat. decern, O.Ir. deich,
Goth, taihun.

§ 385. In the cardinals eleven to nineteen the units
originally preceded the decade, as in eWe<a where kv- is
the nom. ace. neuter, Lat. un-decim from *oinom-decem,
Skr, eka-dasa ; Sco-SeKa (Hom. Svco-SiKo) where Soy is the
masc. form beside Hom. Svo koL SeKa {Svo-Kai-S^Ko), Lat.
duO'decim, Skr. dva-dasa; Lat. tre-decim from *tres-
decern, Skr. trdyo-da^a, but from thirteen onwards only
with Kai in Greek, as rpiis or rpia koi SeKa. But in Greek
and Latin the units could follow the decade, as <Se/ca ely,
SeKa Svo, SeKa TpH9, Lat. decern et unus, decern et tres,
decern tres, decem novem. <Se/ca Svo, SeKa rp^h, &c. were
used when the substantive or a larger number preceded,
but Svo-Kal-S^Ka, Tpus koi SiKa when the substantive
followed, as Spa\p.al SkKa Tp€i7, but rpeh Kal SiKa Spa-
X/ia/. The units in eleven to fourteen ceased to be inflected
in the prehistoric period of most languages. A remnant

226 Accidence [§§ 386-7

of the inflected forms of the units occurs in rpia-KaiScKa
where rpty-, prim. Gr. *Tpiv?; is the masc. accusative.

§ 386. The Indg. word for twenty was a dual form *w!.
k^ti, Ht. both decades. The expressions for thirty to ninety
originally meant three decades, four decades, &c. The unit
and the word for decade, a neuter substantive *komt- from
*dkomt- and related to *d6k^, ten, were both inflected so
far as the units were declinable and governed the following
substantive in the genitive case. Regular forms were :
*tri komta, //»Wy ; *qetwor9 komta, /or(y; "^peijqe komta,
fifty. Various new formations seem to have taken place
already in the parent language, thus after the analogy of
*tri komta were formed *qetwr komta = Ion. Dor. rerfxa-
Kovra (§ 68), Lat. quadra-ginta ; *perjqe komta = mvTri-
Kovra, Skr. panca-s4t*, the -rj- of which was extended in
Greek to i^rJKovTa, i^SofirJKovTa, Att. oyBorjKovTa (but
Hom. oySco-KovTa = Lat. oct5-ginta), Hom. kw-ffKovTa,
Att. Ion. also Hom. kv^vrjKovTa ; and similarly in Lat.
qu!nqu9.-ginta, sexa-ginta, n5na-gint9, with medial -a.'
from quadra-ginta.

Indg. *wi-kmti, Dor. Boeot. Elean, Pamphylian and
Arcadian ft-KarL, Skr. vi-^tih, Lat. vi-ginti, O.Ir. fiche,
twenty ; Att. Ion. &c. u-Koa-i from *€ft-KO(ri with prothetic 6-
and -0- for -a- after the analogy of the other decades. Att. &c.
Tpid-Kovra, Ion. Tpirj-Kovra, for *Tpid-KovTa after the analogy
of T€Tpco; TTtvTrj-KovTa. Thc Original form of the unit was
preserved in Lat. tri-ginta. The old neuter of the unit
occurs in retraapa-, TfTTapd-, Boeot. tnTTapd-KovTa. It
is difficult to explain why the Greek first element of the
decades for seventy to ninety should contain the ordinal
instead of the cardinal form of the unit. With kvvrj-KovTa,
ivivq-KovTa, cp. Lat. nona-ginta beside masc. nonus from
*nowenos. All the decades became adjectival in con-
struction in prim. Greek.

§ 387. The Indg. word for hundred was *kmt6m, lit.

§ 387I Adjectives 227

a decade of tens, corresponding to Skr. satdm, Lat.
centum, O.Ir. cet, Goth, hund, and -Karbv in i-Karou,
lit. one hundred, with e- for d- after the analogy of ev. It
was a neuter substantive, related to *d6km, ten, and
governed the gen. case as in Sanskrit and the Germanic
languages, but in Greek and Latin it had become adjectival
in construction in the prehistoric period of the languages.

The hundreds from two to nine hundred were originally
expressed in two ways, {a) Either both members were
inflected for two, three and four hundred, and the second
member only for the others, as in Skr. dve sate = Indg.
dual *dwoi kmtoi, Goth, twa hunda, two hundred; Skr.
pdiica iatani, Goth, fimf hnnAa., five hundred; and simi-
larly in the Keltic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages.
{b) Or both members formed a compound without either
of them being inflected, as in Skr. dvi-satdm, two hundred,
tri-^atdm, three hundred; O.Lat. du-centum auri, argenti
ses-centum, but already at an early period the hundreds
became plural adjectives and were inflected as such, as
ducenti homines, ducentae mulieres. To this manner
of forming the hundreds also belong the prim. Greek
compound forms : *8i-KaTou, *Tpi-KaTov, *T€Tpa-KaTov,
*7r€VTa-KaTov, *i^a-KaTov, *i'rrTa-KaTov, *6KTa>-KaT0i/, *kvfa'
KUTov. When the second element of these compound
nouns became adjectival in meaning there was formed
beside *-KaTov an adjectival form -Karioi, -ai, -a = Dor.
Boeot. -Kariot, Arcad. -Kaa-ioi, Att. Ion. Lesb. -Kocrioi with
■0- from -KovTa, and then various analogical formations
took place in the first element of the compounds, rpi'
became Tpia-, Ion. rpiri- after the analogy of Tpid-KoPTa ;
Si- became Sid-, Ion. Sttj- after rpid- ; and 6ktq>- became
oKTu- after inTa-, &c. The forms thus became Att. Sid'
Koaioi, rpidKoaioi, Ion. SiriKoaioi, Tpir)K6<noL, TiTpaKoa-ioi,
TT^VTaKocrioi, i^uKoa-ioi, iiTTaKocnoi, oKTaKoa-toi, kva-, elua-
Koa-ioi.

Q2

228 Accidence [§§ 388-90

§ 388. If we compare the word for thousand in the various
languages we see that it is practically impossible to deter-
mine what was the original form of the word for thousand
in the parent Indg. language, cp. Lat. neut. mille, O.Ir.
fem. mile, Goth. fern. J)usundi, Lith. masc. tiikstantis,
O.Slav, fem. tysfSta, Skr. neut. sa-hdsram, lit. one
thousand, where sa- = Indg. sm- (§ 380), prim. Gr. neut.
*\'^a\ov=SkT. -hdsram, Indg. *gheslom. *yjea\ov became
adjectival in meaning in prim. Greek, and then from it was
formed the adjectival form *\ia\LOL, -at, -a — Ion. Boeot,
XCiXiOi, Lesb. \i\\ioi, Dor. \-qXioi, Att. ytXioi, which
corresponds in form to the Sanskrit adjective sa-hasriya«.

2. Ordinal.

§ 389. The ordinal numbers in the various languages
were with few exceptions superlatives in form and were
formed from the cardinal numbers with the same suffixes
which we have already had in the formation of the super-
lative of adjectives (§ 377).

§ 390. The word for first was not related to the word for
one in any of the languages, as Trpwroy, Dor. TrpaTos either
from *7rpa>f-aT09 with -aro^ from forms like TiTparos, SeKaros
and related to Skr. pilrvah, purvydh, prior, first, or from
*Trpo-aTos : npo, Skr. prd, before, in front of; Lat. primus
from *pris.mos : adv. *pris, prtus, Goth, firuma, prius,
first. Hom. Trpwria-ros like Goth, frumists was a double
superlative.

S(VT€po? denoted originally standing off from anything,
at a distance from, inferior in rank and is related to the
verb Bivojxai and to Skr. ddviyah, farther; Skr. dvi-
tiyah : dvi-, two ; Lat. secundus : sequor ; Lat. alter,
Goth. an))ar, Lith. antras all lit. meaning the other as
compared with one who is first. SevraTos with -aros as in
TiTparo^.

rpiTos, Lesb. T€pToy= Lat. tertius, Goth. J>ridja. Hom.

§ 39 1] Adjectives 229

rpiT-aros after the analogy of rirpaTo?, SiKarof, and simi-
larly Horn. i^Sofxaro?, dySoaro?.

rirapTo^ from *T€TfapT09, Hom. TerpaTo^, Boeot. Trerpa-
T09, Skr. caturthdh, OE. feo(we)rJ)a, Indg. *qetwrt6s.

Tre/xTTToy (Cret. wivTos from *iTevTTos, older TrifiiTTo^,
cp. erra = eTrrct), Lat. quintus, OE. fifta, Lith. peiiktas,
Indg. *per)qt6s ; Skr. pancathah beside paftcamdh.

(KT09, Skr. sasthdh, Indg. *s(w)ekt6s ; Lat. sextus and
Goth, saihsta were formed direct from sex, saihs.

e^So/ios (§ 107) probably for older *'i^8aiio<s, Skr. sapta*
mdh, Lat. Septimus, Indg. *septm-6s, *?sebdi|i6s, Hom.
i/386/xaT09, see rpcro^.

oySoos from *6y8ofos with the mediae -y^-after the analogy
of?(l38ofjLos, Skr. astamdh; Hom. 6y86aT09, see rptros.

€vaT09, Hom. ciuaTo? from *kvfaTo^, Indg. *enwnt6s
beside Lat. nonus, Skr. navamdh with -m- from daiamdh,
Indg. *newn.6s.

8eKaTos (Lesb. Arcad. 8iKOTos with -0- from -kovto), Goth,
taihunda, Indg. *dekmt6s beside Skr. dalamdh, Lat.
decimus, Indg. *dekni-6s.

§ 391. The ordinals from eleventh to nineteenth could
be formed in two ways : {a) Either with the cardinal units
+ the ordinal for tenth, as iv8iKaT09, 8a>8iKaTos (Hom.
SvcoSeKaros), these two forms were used in all the dialects ;
and similarly in Lat. undecimus, duodecimus, Skr. eka-
dasdh, dva-dasdh or -dasamdh. In this way were also
formed the other ordinals in Ion. and Boeotian, as rpicrKai-
8eKaT09, T€(rar€p€S; T€(T(rapaKai8€KaT09, Tr€VT€Kai8eKaT09i
iKKai8€KaTos, iTrTaKac8€KaTos, 6KTa>Kai8iKaT09, €i'vcaKat8l
KaT09 ; and similarly Skr. trayO'dasdh, thirteenth, catur
daikh, fourteenth, pailca-dasdh or •dasa.tn&la, f/teenth, &c
{b) Or with ordinals in both components, as rpiro^ koI
SeKUTo^, T€TapT09 Kal 8€KaT09, &c. ; and similarly Lat
tertius decimus, quartus decimus, &c. ; Goth, fimfta
iBihuiidB., fifteenth, with the first element uninflected.

230 Accidence [§§ 392-4

§ 392. The original second element of the ordinals of the
tens was *-kmt-t6s beside *-k^t-tm-6s, the former occurs
in Boeot. ff-zcao-roy (§ 110), Att. dKoaros from ^kflKoa-Tos
with the first -o- for -a- after the analogyof rpidKoo-Toy,-^oj/ra.
The other ordinals were formed in prim. Greek either
direct from the stem of the corresponding cardinal + -Toy,
thus *TpiaKovT + 709 became *TpiaKov(rT6^ (§110) and then
later TpidKocrTos (§ 153), or else with -koo-to^ for *->fao-r6r =
Indg. *kmt-t6s, with the first -o- for -a- after the analogy of
'Kovra ; and similarly naa-apa; reTrapa-, TfTpaxoaTo^,
TTiVT-qKoa-TO^, i^rjKoa-TO^, i^So/xrjKoa-TO^, oySorjKoaTO^, eveurj-
KoaTos', beside Lat. vicesimus, vigesimus, tricesimus,
trigesimus, quadragesimus, quinquagesimus, &:c. = Skr.
v|latitamdh, trfsattamdh, catvaq^attamdh, paficaiatta*
takh, &c., from Indg. *-kmt-tm-6s.

§ 393. The ordinals of the hundreds were formed in
prim. Greek from the corresponding cardinals with -oa-ros
from the ordinals of the tens, as eKUT-oa-To^, SidKoa-t-oa-Tos,
TpLOLKoa-L-oa-Tos, &c. ; and similarly in Latin, cent-esimus,
ducent-esimus, trecent-esimus, &c. In like manner were
also formed the ordinals of the thousands, as •)^1\i-o(tt69,
8i(t\1\l-o<tt6^, &c., cp. also Lat. mill-esimus.

3. Other Numerals.

§ 394. The multiplicative numeral adverbs were formed
differently in the different languages. Greek, Latin and
Sanskrit have similar words for twice and thrice, as 8h,
TpL9, Lat. bis, ter from *tris, Skr. dvih, trih, but for the
other numerals they had different formations, as a-ira^ :
TT^yyvfii, Lat. sem-el, Skr. sa-kft (§ 380) ; rerpaKis, Lat.
quater, Skr. catiih ; TTivTaKi^, Lat. quinquies, Skr. pan-
cakrtvah, &c. From four times onwards the Greek
numerals were formed from the cardinals by means of the
suffix -Ki^ in Attic beside -kl in various other dialects, -kl^
had its -s from 8is and rpis, and -ki- corresponds to the

§§ 395-6] Adjectives 231

Sanskrit adverbial particle cid which was originally the
neuter of the interrogative pronoun, Indg. *qid, Lat. quid
(§ 202, note i), cp. Horn. noWd-Ki for older *no\\v-KL —
Skr. pdru cid, many times (cp. § 202, note 2). From forms
like T€Tpd-KLs, iTTTcc-Ki?, kvd-KL^, SiKu-Ki^, TpidKovTa-Ki^ the
•aKL^ became extended by analogy to all the other numerals,
as TrevTaKis, i^dKt9, oktuki^, elKoa-aKis ; iKarov-TdKis with
•TdKi9 after the analogy of TpidKourdKis, T€(ra-apaKovTdKi9,
&c. ; SidKoa-L-dKi^, )(l\i-dKi^.

§ 395. The multiplicative adjectives were formed by
adding -TrXooy, -ttXoi;? : irXico to the forms of the cardinal
numerals as they appear in the multiplicative adverbs, as
a-nXovs, 8i-7rXov^, rpL-irXov^, rerpa-TrXoOy, Trevra-TrAoi)?, &c.
And similarly d-7rXoy, St-nXos, the -TrXoy of which corre-
sponds to the -plus in Lat. sim-plus, du-plus. With -rrXos
is also related the -TrXdaios from *irXaTijos in 8i-7rXd<rio9,
Tpi-TrXdaios, T^Tpa-TrXdaios, &c.

8ia-(r6^, rpio-aos, Att. Scttos, rpiTTOs from *8ixjof, *Tpi-
XJ09 were formed from the stems 8ix; ^pi-X' ^" ^^^ adverbs
8L\a, Tpixa; and similarly Ion. 8i^6s, rpc^o^, rerpa^os,
TT^vTa^os, from *8ix0jos, &c. were formed from the adverbs
8ix0d, rpix^d, &c. The formation of these adverbs in -xa,
•xOa has never been satisfactorily explained.

§ 396. The feminine nouns of number in -ay gen. •d8os
with -a- from -m., -n-, which was original in iTrrds, ipveds
{(Ivds) and 8€Kds. After the analogy of these were then
formed, fiovds, ivds, 8vds, rpid^, rerpds, nfurds {nefiirds),
i^ds, i^Sofxds, oKTds, 6y8ods. It is difficult to account for
the -8- suffix in the above forms unless we may suppose
that -d- stood beside -t- in prim. Indg., cp. the stem 8€Kd8-
beside Skr. daldt-, Lith. deszimt-, O.Slav. des§t- (§ 111).
It is probable however that the suffix was originally -t-, as
it certainly was in etWy, &c. and that the new formation in
the inflected forms went out from the nom. singular where
t- and d-stems regularly fell together (§ 343). In ikus,

232 Accidence [§ 397

6i/cay, rpidKas with -a- after the analogy of rpiaKovra, -Ka?
represents Indg. *-kmt-s and the Sanskrit stem -s^t'.
e/caTov-raj- with the second -r- from the ordinal eVarooroy.
For feminine numerals like Tptrrus, rerpaKTv?, &c. see
§266.

CHAPTER XI

PRONOUNS

§ 307. The most difficult chapter in works on compara.
tive grammar is the one dealing with the pronouns. It is
impossible to state with any degree of certainty how many
pronouns the parent Indg. language had and what forms
they had assumed at the time it became differentiated into
the various branches which constitute the Indg. family of
languages. The difficulty is rendered still more compli-
cated by the fact that most of the pronouns, especially the
personal and demonstrative, must have had accented and
unaccented forms existing side by side in the parent lan-
guage itself; and that one or other of the forms became
generalized already in the prehistoric period of the in-
dividual branches of the parent language. And then at
a later period, but still in prehistoric times, there arose
new accented and unaccented forms side by side in the
individual branches, as e. g. beside the accented form *me,
me there existed in prim. Indg. the unaccented form *me,
the former of which became generalized in Latin. In
Sanskrit the original accented form ma = Indg. *me came
to be used for the unaccented form and then a new accented
form mam was created with -m from ahdm, /. In Greek
the accented form died out and then to the old unaccented
form /j,i a new accented form e//e was created with e from
iya> ; and similarly Skr. tva = Indg. *twe, t/tee beside
tvam; Gr. o-e from Indg. *twe beside the new accented

§ 3971 Pronouns 233

form o-e. And in like manner Indg. *tu, thou beside *tu,
both forms of which were preserved in Greek and Old
English, as Horn, tv-vt], OE. \>vi, thou beside Dor. vu, Att.
(TV, OE. ))U, but the former became generalized in Latin
and the latter in most of the Greek dialects. The original
accented accusatives nos, vos became generalized in Latin
whereas Sanskrit preserved the old distinctions between
the accented (asman, yiisman) and the unaccented (nah,
vah) forms. The following examples will illustrate the
manner in which such double forms come into existence :
The prim. Germanic accented form for / was *ek beside
the unaccented form *ik. The separate Germanic lan-
guages generalized one or other of these forms before the
beginning of the oldest literary monuments and then new
accented beside unaccented forms came into existence
again. And similarly during the historic periods of the
different languages. Thus, e. g. the OE. for / is ic, this
became in ME. ich accented form beside i unaccented
form, ich then disappeared in standard ME. (but it is still
preserved in one of the modern dialects of Somersetshire)
and i came to be used as the accented and unaccented
form. At a later period it became i when accented and
remained i when unaccented. The former has become
NE. /, and the latter has disappeared from the literary
language, but it is still preserved in many northern Engl,
dialects, as i. In these dialects i is regularly used in
interrogative and subordinate sentences; the ME. accented
form i has become ai and is only used in the dialects to
express special emphasis, and from it a new unaccented
form a has been developed which can only be used in
making direct assertions. Thus in one and the same
dialect (Windhill, Yorks.) we arrive at three forms : ai, a,
i, which are never mixed up syntactically by genuine native
dialect speakers. This old distinction between the accented
and unaccented forms of the personal pronouns has given

234 Accidence [§§ 398-9

rise in many of the South Midland dialects to an entirely
new classification whereby the old subjective form has
come to be used for the subject and object when accented,
and the old objective form for the subject and object when
unaccented, as she saw she, her saw her, she saw her, her saw
she, which have quite different meanings according as she
and her are accented or unaccented. Something similar
to what has happened, and still is happening in the modern
dialects, must also have taken place in the prehistoric and
historic periods of all the Indg. languages ; hence in the
prehistoric forms of the pronouns given in the following
paragraphs, it must not be assumed that they were the
only ones existing in prim. Indo-Germanic or prim. Greek.
They are merely given as the nearest ascertainable forms
from which the historic Greek forms were descended.

§ 398. The pronouns are usually divided into personal,
reflexive, possessive, demonstrative, interrogative, and in-
definite pronouns. There is among the various languages
considerable agreement in the formation of the personal
pronouns of the first and second persons, and of the simple
reflexive, simple demonstrative and interrogative pronouns.
But all the other classes or parts of classes of pronouns
were formed more or less differently in each branch of the
parent Indg. language, so that the words used to express
such pronouns do not stand in any etymological relation to
each other. Owing to this great multiplicity of forms in
the oldest historic period of the individual languages, it is
impossible in most classes of the pronouns to reconstruct
the prim. Indg. paradigms with any degree of certainty or
accuracy.

§ 399. In the parent Indg. language the formation of
most of the cases of pronouns which had special forms for
the masculine, feminine and neuter differed considerably
from that of the nouns, cp. 0, Skr. sd, Goth, sa beside
Ay/coy, Skr. vfkah, Goth, wulfs, wolf; to, Skr. tdt, Lat.

§ 40o] Pronouns 235

is-tud beside (vyov, Skr. yugdm, Lat. jugum, yoke ; nom.
pi. ol, Toi, Skr. te, Goth. J)4i beside Skr. vfkah, Goth,
wulfos. This original distinction was not so well preserved
in Greek as in most of the other Indg. languages. In
Greek there were few differences between the case-endings
of nouns and pronouns because of various analogical forma-
tions whereby the pronouns came to have noun-endings
and vice versa, cp. tcou (§ 408) : Xvkccv beside Skr. te|am :
v^kanam, but Xvkol (§ 325) : oi, toi beside Skr. vfkah : te,
Hom. d^acov (§ 321) : Taoav beside Skr. dsvanam, of mares :
tasam.

§ 400. In the personal pronouns we have not only to
take into consideration the distinction between original
accented and unaccented forms, but also between the
different stems and different words which go to form the
paradigms of the first and second persons. Many forms
had no real case-endings at all, and the so-called cases
were formed from entirely different words which were not
etymologically related, as in English /, me ; we, us ; thou,
you, corresponding in meaning to Skr. ahdm, mam ;
vaydm, asman ; tvdm, nom. yuydm, ace. yusman, but in
Greek and Latin the original distinction between we and us
became obliterated, as 17/xery, ace. rjfiia?, rifxa^ from the same
stem as the nominative, Lat. nom. and ace. nos. The
reason why the plural of / was formed from an entirely
different word is obvious, because it not only includes the
speaker but also the person or persons spoken to or of.
But why the plural of thou should be an entirely different
word in all the Indg. languages is not known. The plural
endings of these pronouns in Greek and the other languages
are not original. So far as the forms for the plural were
inflected at all, they were originally inflected as singulars.
Such personal pronouns as have real case-endings have
them mostly afler the analogy of the nouns. This is
especially so in Greek. The pronouns of the third person

236 Accidence [§§ 401-2

were originally demonstrative in origin. In the parent
language as in Greek, Latin, Sanskrit, &c. the nomina-
tive of the personal pronouns was rarely used except to
express emphasis, because it was sufficiently indicated by
the personal endings of the verb.

§ 401. In many of the Indg. languages certain particles
occur, which are attached enclitically to the personal pro-
nouns, and in some forms have become an integral part of
the pronoun, as in kya)-v, kydi-vrj, tyayye, e/xeyc (= Goth,
mik, OE. mec, OHG. mih, where the particle became an
integral part of the word), Skr. ahd-m, /, vay-dm : OE.
we, Goth, weis, Indg. *wei, we; Lat. ego-met; and
similarly in demonstrative pronouns, as o^e, ovToat ; Lat.
id-em, Skr. id-dm, beside Lat. id ; Lat. hie for older hi-ce ;
Skr. nom. fem. a-sa-u, thai; and even medially in ovtos
from *so 4-u + to-s (§ 411). Many of these particles are of
obscure origin and it is therefore impossible to determine
in all cases what was their original force or meaning.

I. Personal.
First Person.

§ 402. Singular : It is impossible to determine with
certainty what was the original form or forms of the
nominative. It probably was *eg6 = eyco, eyco-ye, cyca-j/
(mostly before vowels, entirely so in Homer), kya>-vq,
Boeot. ia>v, Icop from kyco-p through the intermediate stages
*ija)v,*ijcov, beside ia>v-ii, O.Lat. ego, beside the unaccented
form *ego = Lat. ego, Goth, ik, Skr. ah4-m from *egho-m
with the same interchange between g and gh as in /zeyay
beside Skr. mahan, great. This interchange between
media and media aspirata existed in the parent Indg.
language under certain unknown conditions (§ HI).

The original form of the accusative was *iiie beside *me.

§ 402] Pronouns 237

the former occurs in Skr. ma, ma-m, Lat. me, and the
latter in e/i€, ifie-ye, fxk, Goth, mik = i/xi-ye.

The stem-form *me was probably used for the genitive
in the parent language. From *me was formed in each
branch of the various languages a new genitive in different
ways, cp. €/xov, Skr. mdma, Lat. mei, mis, Goth, meina.
In Greek it was mostly formed from e/ze, fik by means of
■a-Jo, -(TO from the simple demonstrative pronoun (§ 408),
as Hom. ifi€io from *ifjie(rjo, Att. ifioO, /xov, Ion. €/z€o, e/jicv,
/ji€v, from *ifj.e(ro, *fii<ro ; Dor. Lesb. i/Jtovs, Dor. efiios,
€fi€V9, from €fi€ + 09 from the genitive of the consonantal
stems (§ 302) ; Hom. Lesb. and Dor. e/ii-dcv with the same
ablative adverbial particle which occurs in vodeu (§ 568).

The dative ifxoi, /xol, Skr. me, Lat. mi represents the
original unaccented form *moi which was also used for
the genitive. The original accented form seems to occur
in Skr. mdhya-m, Lat. mihi. Dor. iixiv was formed after
the analogy of the dative = locative plural a/xiv ; Hom.
efii-Oev is the same as in the genitive.

Dual : The nom. and ace. va> belongs, like the Skr. un-
accented form nau, to the plural stem no- which occurs in
Skr. nah, Lat. nos, we ; Hom. vmi from *voi)fi with the
numeral pf, both, two (§ 386).

The gen. and dat. u^v, Hom. vml'u from vrnfiv with -v
from the dat. plural.

Plural : The original form of the nominative was *wei,
which occurs in Skr. vay-4m, Goth, wei-s, we. The
Greek nominative was formed from the stem of the ac-
cusative = Indg. *ns-me, and with -s after the analogy of
the consonantal stems (§ 311). *ns-me-s regularly became
*ao-/xey in prim. Greek, and corresponds to Hom. Lesb.
dfi/x€s (§ 214), Dor. Boeot. a/xey ; Att. Ion. Hom. -fifiiis
with -ih after the analogy of the masc. s-stems (§ 366).
All the forms of the nom. ace. gen. and dat. plural with
the spiritus asper had it from vfids, &c.

238 Accidence [§ 403

The original form of the accusative was *ns-me, probably
from older *ns-sme, where ns- (= Goth, uns, us, ay-, Skr.
as-) is the weak grade of no-, which occurs in Skr. nah,
Lat. nos, we, and -sme corresponds to the Sanskrit enclitic
particle sma, ever; indeed, certainly, cp. the Skr. ace.
asman, us. *ns-me regularly became *d<T/j.€ in prim.
Greek = Hom. Lesb. dfi/xf, Dor. a/ie, but Ion. rj/xia^ with
-ay from the accusative of the consonantal stems (§ 312),
and similarly Att. 17/zay from older -eay, the regular con-
traction of which would have been -^y.

The genitive plural was originally inflected like a singular.
In Greek it was formed from the stem of the accusative
plural and a pluralized form of the ending of the gen.
singular, as Hom. rj/xeLcop, Hom. and Ion. tijjl€cov, Att.
rifiStv, Dor. oLfxioiv, aficov, Lesb. djijiioiv.

The original locative ending was probably -smin which
occurs in the Sanskrit loc. sing, tdsmin : nom. sd, this
(§ 408). The Greek dative = locative was formed from
the prim. Greek stem-form *a(r/z(€)- with the addition of
the ending -lv, as Aeolic dfifiiv beside dfi/j.i with -i from
the ending of the dat. plural of consonantal stems (§ 316),
Dor. afiiu, Att. Ion. rj/iiu beside Att. rj/xTv with long -?•
after the analogy of the long vowel in the other plural
case-endings ; Lesb. dfi/jnaLv was formed from the nom.
plural + the ending -iv.

Second Person.

§ 403. Singular : The original nominative was *tu beside
*tu, the former occurs in Hom. Dor. Tv-ft], Lac. Tov-vq
{ov = u), Boeot. rov-v (ov = v), Lat. tu, OE. J)u, and the
latter in Dor. Lesb, rv, Att. Ion. Lesb. av with cr- from
the accusative, OE. ))U.

The original accusative was *te, *twe beside *te, *twe.
The *te corresponds to Lat. te, and *twe to Skr. tva,
tva-m. *te corresponds to Dor. re, unless the r- was from

§ 403] Pronouns 239

the nominative, OE. )>e-c, OHG. di-h, and *twe to Att.
Ion. &c. o-€ from *rfe (§ 168). Dor. Boeot. tlv was the
locative in form, cp. kfiiv (§ 402). In Dor. the nom. tv was
also used for the accusative.

The original form of the genitive was *tewe, which
occurs in Skr. tdva, of thee. In Greek, Lat. and the
Germanic languages it was formed in the same manner as
the genitive of the first person, as Hom. (nio from *Tfe<rjo ;
Att. aov, Ion. creo, aev, from *TF€(ro ; Dor. T€o, t€v, from *re(ro ;
Dor. Boeot. reoy, T€V9 from re + os from the genitive of the
consonantal stems (§ 302) ; Dor. Boeot. t€ov9 from t€o + oy
with double genitive ending ; Dor. reov with -eov from
Tiovs ; Lesb. a-idev as in kfjiiOev. Lat. tui, tis, Goth. J^eina.

The original form of the locative was *twoi beside *toi
which was also used for the genitive, the former occurs in
the Greek dative aoi from *Tfoi, and in the Sanskrit
accented form tve, and the latter in Hom. Dor. rot and in
the Sanskrit unaccented form te. Dor. tlv and Hom. Dor.
ritv were locatives formed like kjxiv.

Dual : The nominative and accusative was in prim.
Greek *crfa> from older *Tf<o, which was changed to <T<f>m
either through the influence of the ending in dfx-(f><o or of
the O-0- in the reflexive pronominal form <T<f>i{v) ; Hom.
a-<j>S)C was formed like vm.

The genitive and dative o-^oJi', Hom. cr<f>mv, was formed
like voav, vmv.

Plural : The original nominative was *jus which occurs
in Goth, jfis, Lith. jus; Skr. *yu§-dm was changed to
yuydm after the analogy of vaydm, we. The Greek
nominative was formed from the stem-form of the accusa-
tive as in the first person, as Att. Ion. v/xeT^, Ion. v/ieh,
Hom. Lesb. ^yw/xey, Dor. Boeot. vfie?.

The original form of the accusative was *us-me probably
from older *us'sme, where us- is the weak grade of *w6s
which occurs in Skr. va^, Lat. vos. From prim. Greek

240 Accidence [§ 404

*v<r-fi€ were formed with the same endings as in the first
person, Hom. Lesb. v/ifxi (§§ 214, 402), Dor. vfii, Ion.
vfxeas, vfiias, Att. vfids.

The genitive was formed in the same manner as in the
first person, as Hom. vfiticov, Ion. Dor. v/xicou, Ion. vfiecov,
Att. Dor. vficou, Lesb. v/x/jlccov.

The Greek dative = locative was formed from the prim.
Greek stem-form *i/o-/x(e)- with the same endings as in the
first person, as Aeolic v/^Lfiip beside vfifii, Dor. vfiiy, Att.
Ion. vfuy, Ion. also vfuv.

2. Reflexive.

§ 404. The reflexive pronoun originally referred to the
chief person of the sentence (generally the subject), irre-
spectively as to whether the subject was the first, second,
or third person singular or plural. This usage was in
a great measure preserved in Sanskrit and the Baltic-
Slavonic languages, but in Greek, Latin and the Germanic
languages the original reflexive pronoun became restricted
to the third person, and then the reflexive pronouns for
the first and second persons came to be expressed differently
in the different languages. The original stem-forms of
the reflexive pronoun were *se- and *sewe' beside *swe'.
*se-, the strong grade form, occurs in Lat. se, si-bi and in
Goth, si-k, himself, and s-, the weak grade form, in (r-(l>L{v)
where ■(l>i{v) is the same suffix which often appears in nouns
(§ 306). After the analogy of the datives o-cPlu : fiv there
was formed (r0e beside fi. At first the forms a-0tV, (r0e
were used beside f tV, f e without any distinction in meaning,
but at a later period the o-0-forms gradually came to be
used more and more for the plural only, and then special
plural forms for the other cases were made chiefly after
the analogy of the personal pronouns of the first and
second persons. For examples of *sewe" beside *swe«
see below.

§ 405] Pronouns 241

Singular : The original form of the accusative was *se
beside *sewe, *swe, the former occurs in Lat. 'se, Goth,
si-k, himself, and the latter in Hom. ee from *o-€fe, Att.
Horn. Dor. e, Lesb. fe, from *<rf€.

The original form of the genitive was *swe which was
also used for the accusative. In Greek the two cases
became differentiated by the creation of a new form for
the genitive just as in the personal pronoun of the first
person, as Hom. €io from *(Tf€(rjo ; Att. Dor. ov, Hom. eo,
Ion. el, from *<Tfe(ro ; Dor. Boeot. eouy, Dor. oiJy, Locr.
floy, from Vfe + oy from the genitive of the consonantal
stems (§ 302) ; Dor. eoO after the analogy of eoCy ; Lesb.
F^Oiv, Hom. Dor. I^ei/ with -Oev as in efiiOev (§ 402).

The Att. Ion. Dor. dative ol can be from prim. Greek
*(rfoi or from *(roi, et'us, et, Lesb. foT, Cypr. foi from *(rFoi;
Hom. ioi from *<r€foL ; Dor. fiv, Boeot. uv from *(T€fi.v
were old locative forms like efxiv (§ 402).

Dual : From o-0e and (T(f)Lv were formed the Hom. nom.
and ace. <r0coe, and gen. and dat. a-cjxotv.

Plural : The nom. a-cfxT^, ace. Ion. (r<f)€a9, Att. also Hom.
<r0ay, gen. Hom. Dor. Lesb. (T(f>iia>v, Ion. a-cpicoi/, Att. also
Hom. (T(l>a)i/, were all formed after the analogy of the
personal pronouns of the first and second persons. On the
Dor. Lesb. ace. <T(f>€, and Ion. Dor. Lesb. dat. <r<pt{v), see
above ; the Att. Ion. dat. (r<f)i(ri{v) was formed after the
analogy of the dative of the consonantal stems (§ 316).

§ 405. The singular of the compound reflexive pronouns
was formed from the personal pronouns + avro^, which in
Homer is always written as two separate words, as e/zot
avTco, (Toi aifTca, ol avrm, &c., but in the other dialects as
one word, as ace. Att. e/xavrSv, (redvTov, aavToy, idvTov,
dvTov, Ion. f/xecDVTOu, &c. ; gen. Att. efidvrov, oredvTov,
advTov, idvTov, dbrov, Ion. ifiecovrov, &c. ; dat. Att. c/xdvTm,
(TidvrS), <TdvT<o, idvrco, dvTm, Ion. ifieoovrm, &c. Regular
forms were Att. idvT&, Ion. ecovra, from ioT (dat. of the

R

242 Accidence [§§ 406-7

possessive pronoun) + at-rS, Att. &bT^ from oT+avr£, then
after the analogy of these the a and o) were extended to
the other cases.

In the plural the two pronouns were inflected separately
in the first and second persons and often also in the third,
as 1^/iay ovtov^, vfids avrovs, (rcpds avTovs beside simply

aVT0V9.

The origin of avro? is uncertain. Some scholars assume
that it is from *d<rv' + the pronominal stem to-, where *d(rv-
corresponds to Skr. asu-, h/e, life of the soul. Others
assume that it is composed of the adverb av, again + to-^.
The oblique cases of avrS^ were used to express the
personal pronoun of the third person. The reflexive forms
<T(f>eis, (T<f)d9, <T(f>S)V, <r<pL(TL were also used to express the
plural of the third person.

3. Possessive.

§ 406. The possessive pronouns were inflected like
ordinary adjectives : e/^oy ; Att. aoy, Skr. tvdh, Indg. *twos,
thy, beside Hom. Dor. Lesb. nos, Boeot. tios, O.Lat.
tovos, later tuos, tuus, Indg. *tewos ; Att. Hom. oy, Cret.
fos, Skr. svdh, Indg. *swos, his, beside Hom. eoy, Boeot.
€V6y, O.Lat. sovos, later suos, suus, Indg. *sewos; Hom.
<r06y was formed after the analogy of oy, eoy. Att. Ion.
^/z€-T€poy, Dor. a/ze-repoy, Lesb. a/i/ze-repoy, Att. Ion. Dor.
iz/ze-repoy, o-0e-Tepoy, Hom. vm-npos, <r(p<ot-T€pos, like Lat.
nos-ter, ves-ter, were formed with the comparative suffix
•terc- (§ 376) ; Lesb. d/xfios, vfifio9, Dor. a/z6y, v/j.69 were
formed direct from the accusative stems of the personal
pronouns.

4. Demonstrative.

§ 407. In the parent Indg. language the nominative
singular masculine and feminine was *so, *sa = 6, Dor. a,
Att. Ion. 1^, Skr. s4, sa, Goth, sa, so, this, that, the. All

§ 4o8] Pronouns 243

the other cases of the singular, dual and plural were formed
from the stems to-, te-, fem. ta*. On the Greek case-
endings of the inflected forms see § 399.

a. Masculine and Neuter.

§ 408. Singular : The nominative masculine 6 corre-
sponds to Skr. sd, Goth, sa, Indg. *so. The accusative
masculine tov = Skr. tdm, Lat. is-tum, Goth. J>an-a, Indg.
*tom. The nom. and ace. neuter to — Skr. tdt, Lat. is-tud,
Goth. ])at-a, OE. Jjaet, Indg. *tod. The original form of
the genitive was *tosjo beside *toso, *teso, the former
occurs in Hom. roio from *Toajo, Skr. tdsya, and *toso in
Att. Ion. TOV, Dor. tS>, and *teso in Goth. ))is, OHG. des.
The original form of the dative was *t6i beside *tosm5i,
the former occurs in r£, Lat. is-to, and the latter in Skr.
tdsmai.

Dual : The original case-endings of the nominative and
accusative dual were the same as those of the o«declension
of nouns (§ 325). Masc. *t6u = Skr. tau, beside *t6 = toc),
Skr. ta ; neut. *toi = Skr. te, Gr. rco for *tol was a new
formation like (vyoi> (§ 326). On the gen. and dat. touv,
ToTv see § 325.

Plural : The original masculine nominative was *toi =
Dor. &c. Toi, Skr. te, Lat. is-ti, Goth. ))di ; Att. Ion. Cret.
Lesb. Thess. Arcad. and Cyprian ol was a new formation
after the analogy of 6. The original masculine accusative
was *tons = Cret. tops, Att. Ion. &c. tovs, Skr. tan, Lat.
is-tds, Goth. )>ans. Nom. and ace. neut. Indg. *ta =Vedic
ta, Lat. is-ta, Goth. J)o ; Gr. to, was a new formation like
^vyd (§ 326). The Greek gen. tS>v was formed after the
analogy of the o-declension of nouns (§ 399), the original
genitive was *tois6m which occurs in Skr. teS^m. The
original form of the locative was *toisu = Skr. teSu ; Totai
with -a-- restored as in Xvkol<ti (§ 325). The Greek dative

R 3

244 Accidence [§§409-11

Tols corresponds to the original instrumental *t5is = Skr.
taih, Lat. is*tis, Lith. tals.

b. Feminine.

§ 409. Singular : Nominative Indg. *sa = Dor. a, Att.
Ion. 17, Skr. sa, Goth. so. Accusative Indg. *tam = r-ffv,
Skr. tam, Lat. is-tam, Goth. ))0. The Greek gen. and dat.
rfjs, TTJ had the endings of the a-declension of nouns
(§ 321), the original forms were gen. *tosjas or *tesjas =
Skr. tdsyah, beside *tesas = Goth. ))izos ; dat. *tosjai or
*tesjai = Skr. tisyai, beside *tesai = Goth. ]}izdi.

Dual : Nominative and accusative Indg. *tai = Skr.
te ; Gr. to, was a new formation like xcopd (§ 321) ; instead
of TO. the masc. rc6 was mostly used, and similarly gen. and
dat. ToTv for tuTv (see § 325).

Plural : Nominative Indg. *tas = Skr. tih, Goth. J)6s,
Lith. tos ; Gr. rai, at were new formations after the analogy
of Toi, oi (cp. § 321). Accusative Indg. *tans = Cret. ray?,
Att. &c. ray, Lat. is-tas; Skr. tah, Goth. ]>bs were the
nom. used for the accusative. Genitive Indg. *tasam
(cp. § 314) or -dm = Hom. racov, Dor. Tav, Att. &c. rcoy,
Lat. is-tarum. Locative Indg. *tasu = Skr. tasu; on the
Gr. dative forms rais, raia-i, r^y, Trja-i see § 321.

§ 410. The origin of the second element of o-Sf, ij-Se,
t6-8€ is unknown. Inflected forms of the second element
occur in Hom. ToTa-Sea-a-i, To?<T-8ea-i and in the Lesb. gen.
pi. Ta>v-8e(ov. Traces of similar compounds of the simple
demonstrative with particles of unknown origin occur in the
Thessalian neut. nom. sing. t6-v(, pi. Td-v€ and with both
elements inflected in the gen. sing. toi-v€09 and gen. pi.
Tovv-veovv ; in the Arcadian gen. sing, tod-vi, ace. fem. tolv-
VI, neut. pi. ra-uv ; and in the Cyprian nom. o-w.

§ 411. The prim. Greek forms corresponding to ovto^,
avTt], TovTo were : *6-v-to, *a-v-TO, *to8-v-to ; ace. *tov-v-to,
*Tav-v-TO, *To5-y-ro ; gen. *to<to-v-to, *Tda-v-To, *to<to-v-to,&c.,

§412] Pronouns 245

consisting of the simple demonstrative + the deictic particle
V, which is also common in Sanskrit pronouns (cp. nom.
fem. asau = a + sa (= Gr. a-) + u, that, ace. masc. amtim
= am + u + m, that), together with the uninflected pro-
nominal stem TO: During the prehistoric period of the
language the inflexion was then transplanted from the first
to the last element of the compound, as ace. tovtov, ravT-qv,
TOVTO, from *to-V'Tov, *Ta-v-Tdv, *to-v-to8 ; gen. tovtov,
TuvTTjs, from *to-v-too, *Td-v-Td9, &c. ; and the old nomina-
tives *ovTo, *avTo became ovtos, avTr) after the analogy of
the nom. singular of adjectives. The Att. Ion. nom. pi.
oZtol, avTat beside Dor. tovtoi, tuvtui were new forma-
tions after the analogy of the nom. singular. The nom.
ace. pi. neut. TavTa had -av- from the feminine stem. The
masc. forms of the dual were used for all genders ; and
similarly in Att. Ion. the gen. pi. tovtcou beside Dor. and
Lesb. fem. TovToiv.

In the Boeotian dialect the stem-form of the masc. nom.
singular became generalized, as ace. ovtov, neut. o^to, gen.
ovTco, nom. pi. ovtoi, neut. ovTa, ace. ourcoy, gen. ovtcou.

The deictic particles -t, -lu, originally the feminine
nominative and accusative singular of a demonstrative pro-
noun, were often attached to the above compound demon-
stratives to express emphasis, as d8t, r]8i, toSi, ovToat or -ip,
avTrjt, TovTovt, TovT<i>vt. This -f is the same as in the
Sanskrit fem. nom. sing, iydm from *i-am, this, and in the
Gothic fem. ace. ija, her, and is related to Hom. ta, lav,
/^y, ^'i? (cp. § 880).

§ 412. Att. kKHvo^, also poet, kuvo^, Ion. kK€ivo^, K€ivo9,
Dor. Lesb. Krji/os. €K€7vos is composed of € = the isolated
pronominal particle which occurs in Skr. asau, that, and
Kiiuos from */c€-ei/oy where k€- corresponds to the Latin
particle ce in cC'do, huiuS'Ce, and ivo- is an old pronominal
stem (§ 416) ; and similarly Dor. r^j/oy from *re-€j/oy. On
forms like kK^iPoai, iKuvcavt see above.

246 Accidence [§§ 4«3-m

5. Relative.

§ 413. The Indg. stem-forms of the relative pronoun
were masculine and neuter jo-, feminine ja- = 6-, 17-, Skr.
ya-, ya-, as sing. nom. oy (Phrygian toy), ^, 0, Skr. ydh,
ya, ydt, Indg. *jos, *ja, *jod ; gen. ov from *jo<To, ^y (a new
formation like r^y, § 409), Skr. ydsya, ydsyah ; the Hom.
gen oov (jB 325, a 70) and ej;y (IT 208) are incorrect forms ;
pi. nom. Of', a'i (a new formation like ai, § 409), a, Skr.
ye, yah, Vedic ya, Indg. *joi, *jas, *ja. The simple
demonstrative, especially the r-forms, was often also used
for the relative in Homer, Herodotus, Dor. Lesb. Boeot.
and Arcadian.

6. Interrogative and Indefinite.

§ 414. The parent Indg. language had several stems
from which the interrogative pronoun was formed, viz.
qo-, qe-, fem. qa- ; qi-, qu-, with labialized q (§ 202). It is
impossible to determine to which cases the various stems
originally belonged owing to the levelling which took place
in the prehistoric period of the separate languages.

qo- occurs in Skr. kih, Goth, tuas, Lith. kks, who f,
neut. Lat. quod, Goth, lua, OE. hwaet, what?, Indg. *qos,
*qod. In Greek it only occurs in pronominal adjectives
and adverbs, as noTepos, Skr. katardh, Goth. hiSLpar,
which of two?, 7roio9, Trocroy ; ttoi, nod^v, irore, ir(o-7roT€,
TTcoy, Cret. o-ttco.

qe- occurs in the gen. sing. Goth, hris, O.Slav, ceso,
Hom. rio (Att. rod, Ion. t€v), from Indg. *qeso, whose ?
From Tio was formed ricov and then further reo) (Att. rS),
TeoKTi ; and similarly to oreo (Att. otov, Ion. ot€v) were
formed orecov (Att. orcor), oreoD (Att. otcd), oTeoia-i (Att.
oTois). It also occurs in Dor. nu for *Td and in the
conjunction re, Skr. ca, Lat. que, and.

qa- occurs in the fem. nom. Skr. ka, Goth, luo, who ?,

§ 415] Pronouns 247

ace. Skr. kam» Goth. Iu5, whom ?, and in Dor. na,
Att. rrfj.

The stem qu« is only found in adverbs, as Dor. o-7ri7y
(Rhodes), o-ttvl (Gortyn), irvs (Syracuse), whither) Skr.
ku, Lith. kur, where ; Lat. ali-cu-bi, ne-cu-bi, &c.

It is probable that qi- belonged originally only to the
masc. and neut. nom. and ace. singular, cp. r/y, ri, Lat.
quis, quid, Indg. *qis, *qid; masc. ace. *TtV, Lat. quem
for older *quim« In Greek the stem tl- became generalized
for all cases and genders. From *tiu was formed a new
accusative riva after the analogy of such words as €va,
cp. also § 330. The -v- in tlvo. was then levelled out into
the other cases, as rtVoy, tlvi ; rive, tlvolv ; rtVey, Tivas,
TLva, TLvoiv, but Ti<TL '. TiP€9 after the analogy of such forms
as <f>p€ai, Kvat : <f)piv€9, kvv€s. From the stem ti- were also
formed Lesb. tlco, tioio-lv ; Cret. 6-tIiil from *-ti<t/xi, Indg.
*qismi beside the Skr. loe. kdsmin. Megarian neut. pi.
ad from *T/a for rtua (Arist. Ach. 757, 784) ; indef. Att.
drra, Ion. daraa for initial *Td, *(rd (§ 167), which arose
from a mistaken division of the words in such combinations
as ottol' drra, ar/xiKp' drra for oirold ttu (cp. Hom. oiriroid
ca-a, T 218), (T/xiKpd rra ; indef. rel. Att. drra, Ion. d<r(ra,
from *d-Tja. In like manner is also declined the simple
indefinite pronoun which only differs from the interrogative
in accent.

§ 415. Silica is always accompanied by the def article
whether it remains uninflected for both numbers and all
genders and cases or whether it is inflected. It is
originally a compound of oSc + the pronominal stem -ero-
whieh occurs in eK^iuo^ from *€-K€-ivo-9 (§ 412), so that the
original nominative masc. was *6S€Tvo9, ace. *Toi/8€tyov, &e.
For the explanation of Sdva we have to start out from the
neut. plural form raSeTva = *Td8€4va which, by a mistaken
division of the compound, came to be regarded as being
for Ta-Sava. At a later period Suva in the combination

248 Accidence [§416

Tov Suva came to be regarded as the accusative of
a consonantal stem (cp. Ttva, tivos, § 414) to which were
then formed Siivo^, Sdvi, pi. Stivi^, Buva^, Siivav.

7. Other Pronouns.

§ 4ie. The parent Indg. language had several pronouns
besides those dealt with in the preceding paragraphs.
Some of these were not preserved in Greek and others
were only preserved in scanty fragments, as

e-. The original forms were nom. *es, ace. *em, neut.
*ed, gen. *esjo (Skr. asyd, of this) beside *eso (OHG. es,
Goth, is, of it), fem. *esjas (Skr. asyah), loc. *ei (preserved
in et, el-ra, and the Goth, relative particle ei), instr. *e
(preserved in ^, i'l-Toi, kmi-ri). The stem e- occurs in
words like k-Kuvo^, e-KU, e-K€idiv, e-x^ey, &c., cp. Skr.
a-saxifJhat, Lat. e-quidem.

eno-, onO", the former of which occurs in c/cto/oy, kcTvos,
Dor. Kfjvo9, from *K€-evo9, Dor. Trjt/09 from *T(-fvos, and
<svr}, and the latter in Lith. anks, that, O.Slav, onii,
that, he.

The locative of an old fem. stem a- is preserved in the
Dor. conj. ai, if

i-, Lat. is, Goth, is, he ; ace. Indg. *im, Cypr. iv, O.Lat.
im, Goth, in-a, him, Skr. im-dm, this. The stem also
occurs in Hom. t'^e, and, Skr. i-da, now, in this moment,
i-hd, here. With tv, O.Lat. im are also probably related
Hom. fiiv used for all genders but only in the singular, and
post-Homeric poet, viv used for the singular and plural all
genders. The exact formation of these two pronouns is
obscure.

The feminine stem i- which occurs in the Skr. nom.
iydm from *i-4m, this, and the particle -i as in ovroa-i,
kKuvoa-t, &c. ; the ace. Indg. *ijam (Goth, ija, her) beside
*im, *ijm (cp. § 380) occurs in the particle -Iv, as ovto(t-Iv.
With this pronoun is also related Hom. ta, lav, lijs, l^,

§ 417] Verbs 249

to which was formed a masc. 109, dat. i^ in Horn, and
Cretan.

The fern, pronoun *si = f, O.Ir. OHG. si, Goth, si, s/r^.

ko-, ke-, the latter stem occurs in kKeivos from *k-Ki-ivos,
in Lat. ce-do, huius-ce, and in k-Ku, ku-O^v, k€T-6c, &c.
where KeT is the old locative.

CHAPTER XII

VERBS

§ 417. The forms constituting the Greek verbal-system are
of two kinds : the finite and the infinite forms. The finite
forms consist of the indicative, subjunctive, optative,.impera-
tive and the so-called injunctive (§ 524). Their special
characteristics are the personal endings, the augment, re-
duplication and the distinction of voice, tense and mood.
The infinite forms are the infinitive, participles, and the
verbal adjectives. The participles had become a part of the
verbal-system in the parent Indg. language, and accordingly
had voice- and tense-forms ; whereas the infinitive, which
is originally an isolated singular case-form of a nomen
actionis, became for the most part associated with the verbal-
system in the prehistoric period of the separate languages
(§ 545). On the verbal adjectives see §§ 555-6.

Primitive Greek inherited almost the entire verbal-
system of the parent Indg. language, to which it added
considerably by the creation of numerous new formations,
so that in course of time its verbal-system became more
extensive than that of any other Indg. language. Such
new formations were the passive aorist in -Orjv, the future
passive in -drja-ofiai, the passive participle in -Oei^, the
so-called future perfect, the pluperfect, the future optative,
the optative of the s-aorist, &c.

In the following paragraphs most of the remarks con-

250 Accidence [§§ 418-20

earning the finite forms of the verb properly belong to
the province of syntax. And only such points are men-
tioned here as are necessary for understanding the finite
forms. For the full treatment of the subject the student
should consult Brugmann's Griech. Grammatik, third ed.,
PP- 458-568.

§ 418. Number : The Indg. finite forms of the verb
had like nouns the three numbers — singular, dual and
plural— which were preserved in the oldest period of Greek
as also in the Aryan, Gothic and Baltic-Slavonic languages,
but the dual had practically disappeared in the prehistoric
period of the other languages. And even in prim. Greek
the first person of the dual was supplanted by the plural.
The second and third persons of the dual remained longer
in Attic than in the other dialects, but even in this dialect
they had become obsolete in the vernacular from about
the beginning of the fourth century b. c.

§419. Voices; The parent Indg. language had two
voices — the active and the middle. The former was
preserved in the historic period of all the separate lan-
guages, and the latter was preserved in Greek, Aryan and
Latin and partly also in Gothic. It had no special forms
which were exclusively used to express the passive, but
before the parent language had become differentiated into
the separate languages the middle forms had to some
extent begun to be used to express the passive. This mode
of expressing the passive underwent further development
in Greek, Sanskrit and Latin. And such middle forms as
were preserved in Gothic became exclusively passive in
meaning. The Greek second aorist passive in --qv was
originally active in form (§ 458), and the first aorist passive
in -B-qv was a special Greek new formation (§ 514).

§ 420. The middle denoted that the action of the verb
was directed towards the agent. The use in which the
agent was the direct object was rare, as in Xovofxai [Xovfiai),

§§ 42 1-2] Verbs 251

/ wash myself. The original difference in meaning between
the middle and active was probably very slight, and this
would account for the fact that many verbs with only
middle forms have purely an active meaning without any
idea of the reflexive meaning, cp. rjaraL, Skr. aste, he sits ;
Skr. sdcate, he follows, Gr. €Tro/xai, Lat. sequor ; /xr)Tio/iai,
Lat. metier; kutui, Skr. sete, he lies down ; and similarly
dya/jLai, d^o/jiai, a\Xo/xai, ^ov\o/j,ai, epevyofiai, Kpi/xafiac,
fii/i(f}o/jLai, OL)(^o/xai, irXd^o/xai, a-e^o/xai, aK^TTTO^ai, ripa-ofiai,
(l)€l3ofjLai, &c. To such middle forms were often created
active forms in the historic period of the language, as
a^o), a-i^o) : d^ofxai, ai^o/xai. These new formations were
based on the analogy of verbs which originally had active
and middle forms side by side.

§ 421. Already in the parent Indg. language middle verbs
sometimes had an active perfect, and some such verbs were
also preserved in Greek, Sanskrit and Latin, as -^i^ovXa :
^ovXojxai, yiyova : ytyvoiiaL, 8e8opKa, Skr. daddrsa : Sip-
KO/xai, /xi/jiTjva : fxaivofxai, oXcoAa : oXXv/iai ; Skr. papada :
pddyate, he falls, vavdrta : vdrtate, he turns; Lat. reverti :
reverter, assensi : assentior.

§ 422. Many verbs, which are otherwise active in form,
have a future middle with active meaning. This is
especially the case with such verbs as have a second
aorist in use, as Tev^ofxai : ^tvxou, ir^iaoixai : iiraOov,
XTjyjrofjiai : tXa^ov, and similarly dfiapTrjaro/xai, ^rjaofiac,
yvaxTOjiai, 8pa/jLovfjLac, Oavov/iai, Oi^o/xaL, Ka/xovfiai, Xrj-
io/iai, ^€v^ofiai, &c. This phenomenon is peculiar to
Greek and is connected with the intransitive use of the
second aorist. To aorists like €a-Trjv, i(f>vv were formed
the future a-T'qa-o/jiai, (f>v(rofiai, because a-Trjo-o), (f>v(r<o were
transitive ; ^ija-co became transitive after the analogy of
(TTijara), and then to €^r}p was formed the future ^rjao/xai.
This mode of forming a middle future then became extended
to other verbs.

252 Accidence [§§ 423-4

§ 423. Mode or manner of action : It is important to
note that tenses in the sense in which we generally use
that word were of comparatively late development in the
Indg. languages. The verbal forms — whether presential
or preterite — had originally in themselves no inherent
characteristic to indicate whether an action referred to
the present, past or future. If we compare together the
augmented tenses we see that they originally expressed
something other than what we generally understand by
the word tense. In the imperfect, aorist and pluperfect
the verbal form itself merely denoted the mode or manner
of the action according as it was durative or only momen-
tary, as in English seek beside find, and it was merely the
augment which denoted the past time, but the fact that
the augment does not appear in the Latin, Old Germanic
and Baltic-Slavonic languages shows that even the augment
was not originally necessary to express past time. When
the time of the action was sufficiently indicated by the
context the augment was not used in the parent Indg.
language, see § 430.

§ 424. In the following classification of the mode or
manner in which the action takes place (actio verbi, or
Aktionsart as it is generally called in German), it is as
a' rule only necessary to grasp clearly the difference
between the momentary and the durative action. The
mode or manner in which an action takes place can be
conveniently divided into five types : —

(i) An action is said to be momentary, perfective or
aoristic when it is practically completed at the moment
it begins, as in English find, strike. Since this mode of
action has no duration it was seldom used to express the
present, therefore unaugmented momentary formations
generally have a future meaning, as el/^f, viofiai. A verb
became perfective by the addition of a preposition, cp.
dTToOvrja-Kii beside Ov^aKu ; Lat. consequor beside sequor ;

§ 425] Verbs 253

this distinction in form and meaning was most fully
developed in the Slavonic languages and became one of
the most distinctive features of the verbal-system. The
aorist is characteristic of this type.

(2) An action is said to be cursive, durative or imper-
fective when it denotes continuous action without any-
reference to its beginning or end, as in English I am
striking as compared with I strike; icrdico, irtvo) beside
iSofiac, TTio/xai. The primary verbs in -Jo- (§ 477) mostly
had durative action, as in x«''p®> ^c.

(3) The perfect action, that is the mode of action expressed
by the perfect stem, denotes a state of the subject which
has resulted from a previous action, as in olSa, reOurjKe
as compared with yLyvccxTKOi, Ourja-Kn.

(4) An action is said to be iterative when it consists of
repeated acts. Here belong especially the reduplicated
presents, as fic^rj/xi, ^i^doo as compared with ifiiju. This
meaning easily develops into the intensive, and in all
languages the desire for emphasis in time reduces the
intensive to the value of the simple verb, as in fxifivo),
tar^o) beside /zei/oo, ex^- To this type also belong the verbs
in -6J0-, as in <pop€<t> (§ 497).

(5) An action is said to be terminative;. when it indicates
the beginning or the end of the action, as in English aim,
start, throw beside hit. To this class originally belonged
the nasal-presents (§§ 460-7) like dyvv/xi, opvvfii, Sdfivrjfii ;
and also the presents in -o-kco (§ 469), as ^d<rK(o, which
however often became iterative.

§ 425. No one Greek verb has or could have all the
forms which are associated with the full verbal-system.
A present could not be formed from a base or stem which
expressed momentary or aoristic action unless the base
or stem was modified by a formative element; and on
the other hand no base or stem expressing cursive action
could occur in the second aorist. Hence arose the series

254 Accidence [§426

of defective verbs with presents but no aorists or with
aorists but no presents, as ^epco : ijveyKov, cp. Lat. fero :
tuli, fSco, k<T6ia> : t^ayov, ipyofiai : fi\v6ov, Xcyco : ilirov,
opaoi : uoov.

§ 426. Tense-formation : In the parent Indg. language
there were strictly speaking only two tense-formations, viz.
the present-aorist-system and the perfect. The present-
aorist-system contained a present and an aorist form which
arose from the same base or stem through a difference in
accent. The forms mostly used as presents with cursive
meaning had the accent in the singular of the active on the
first syllable of the base which had the strong grade of
ablaut, and in all other forms the accent was on the personal
ending and the base had the weak grade of ablaut. The
forms with momentary or aoristic meaning had the accent
on the second syllable of the base in all forms and it there-
fore had the strong grade of ablaut. This is called the
second or strong aorist. The reason why this difference
of meaning should be associated with the difference in
accent is uncertain, see Brugmann, Kurze vergleichende
Grammatik, pp. 507-8. In Greek the tense-system was
most completely carried out in the denominative verbs,
because such verbs originally possessed no particular mode
or manner of action.

The present in the narrower sense had no special
characteristic to denote time unless we may regard the
primary personal endings as such.

The imperfect belongs to the present stem. The differ-
ence between this tense and the second aorist was often
one of syntax rather than of form, because forms of the
same nature were used partly as imperfects and partly as
aorists, cp. forms like i<f>rjv, cypa(f)ou, iy\v(f)ov beside the
similarly formed aorists, iarrjv, iTpa(Pov, t<f>vyov.

There were originally no special forms which were ex-
clusively used to express the future. But forms with

§ 427] Verbs 255

momentary meaning could be used for the future, as elfn.,
viojxai. The ordinary future in Greek was originally the
subjunctive of the s-aorist (§ 499). The future passive
and future perfect were special Greek new formations
(§ 501).

The second aorist and the s-aorist had come to have the
same meaning already in the parent Indg. language (§ 502).
The passive aorist in -Qriv was a special Greek new forma-
tion (§ 514).

So far as syntax is concerned the perfect was originally
a special kind of present which denoted a state of the
subject resulting from a previous action. For the special
characteristics of the perfect see § 515.

The Greek pluperfect is simply a preterite form developed
from the perfect stem. See § 523.

§ 427. Moods : The parent Indg. language had four
moods — the indicative, subjunctive (§§ 525-9), optative
(§§ 530-8), and imperative (§§ 539-44) — all of which were
preserved in Greek and Vedic. The so-called injunctive
is strictly speaking not a mood, because it merely consists
of unaugmented indicative forms with secondary personal
endings {§ 524). Greek and Vedic are the only languages
which preserved the original distinction between the sub-
junctive and optative in form and meaning. But even in
Vedic the distinction began to disappear and with the
development of the sjo-future {§ 498) the subjunctive dis-
appeared entirely in classical Sanskrit, and the optative
came to be used for both. It was also supplanted by the
optative in the prehistoric period of the Germanic and
Baltic-Slavonic languages. And although subjunctive and
optative forms were preserved in Latin, they became con-
fused in usage already in the prehistoric period of the
language. Some scholars doubt whether the parent Indg.
language possessed a subjunctive with the function and
meaning that we usually associate with it. They are

256 Accidence [§

inclined to regard it as being originally an indicative with
momentary meaning which was used to express the future
action. In this manner they account for the fact that what
we call the subjunctive in Greek partly corresponds in
form to the future in Latin, as ceo from *k(r<o, <f>€prjT€ = Lat.
ero, feretis.

§ 428. It is not always easy to draw a hard and fast line
between indicative and subjunctive forms. In Greek we
have the original subjunctive of the s-aorist used as the
future; in Homer forms like dXyrjaere, dfi€L-^€Tai, «S:c.
(§ 526) are sometimes futures and sometimes aorist sub-
junctives; the subjunctive of the athematic verbs corre-
sponds in form to the indicative of the thematic, cp. Hom.
lofxiv beside (f)epofi€v.

Possibly the optative (§§ 530-8) was originally merely
a characterized present denoting wt'sh. The s-aorist of
the optative was a special Greek new formation.

Already in the parent Indg. language the imperative
system was made up of several distinct formations which
included (a) injunctive forms, {b) forms with the bare stem,
and {c) compound forms. See §§ 539-44.

Reduplication.

§ 420. Reduplication had become a part of the verbal-
;>. system already in the parent Indg. language, and was
originally used to express iterative or intensive action. At
a later period it also came to be used as a tense-forming
element. It was preserved in Greek, Aryan, Latin, Gothic
and Old Irish. There were originally three types of re-
duplication, type (a) with 1 in the reduplicated syllable,
type (b) with e in the reduplicated syllable, and type (c)
with the whole syllable reduplicated. The tenses which
had reduplication were the present, aorist and perfect.

The reduplicated presents originally had 1 beside e, but
the exact relation in which I stood to e is unknown. The

§ 429] Verbs 257

i became generalized in the Greek presents except perhaps
in one or two isolated forms like Hom. Ki-K\v-6i, pi.
Ki-KXv-Te, whereas both types were preserved side by side
in Sanskrit, as yiyvo/xai : Lat. gigno, fii/j,va>, SiSaa-Kco, 'i((o
from *<naSa), l<j'x<o from *(ri(rxo>, TrifXTrXrjfii (Skr. pi-parmi,
/ /ill), TrifXTrprjiii, both verbs with -fi- after the analogy of
7ri/x7rXdv<o (§ 466); la-Trjfii from *(ri(TTdfjLi : Lat. sistit,
Skr. ti-Sthati, he stands; but TiOrjfxi from *6i6T]fii beside
Skr. d4-dhami, SlSco/xi beside Skr. dd-dami.

The aorist had e which was regularly preserved in
Greek, as ^-7r€-(f>vou, inf. ire-cpvi/xeu, f-a-Tro/xrji/ from *<r€-
<nrofiav, and similarly K€KX6fxr}v, Kexapofirjv, XeXaOicrOaij
XeXa^iaOai, 7ri(j)pa8ov : (Ppd^co, irk-mBov, nruKeiv, Sac.

The perfect generally had e, as SiSopKu, ykyova = Skr.
daddr^a, jajana, for other examples see §§ 516-22. Beside
e there also existed e which is rare in Greek (cp. Hom.
Srj-SixccTai : Si\ofiai) but common in Vedic as va-vdrta
beside va-v4rta, he has turned, see Whitney, Sanskrit
Grammar, § 786. On the consonants in the reduplicated
syllable of the perfect see § 617.

Type {c), which consisted of the reduplication of the
whole syllable, was the oldest mode of reduplication. Here
it is necessary to make two sub-divisions according as the
base or stem began with a consonant or a vowel, (i) When
it began with a consonant the reduplication was not a tense-
forming element but belonged to the whole verb, as yap-
yaipdn, ixapixatpoi, irop(f>vp(o, Trajxcpaipco, cp. also Lat.
murmurare, tintinnare. In a small number of verbs the
formation of the reduplicated syllable is not clear, (a) with
I in the reduplicated syllable, as SaiSdXXco, iranraXXco
(Hesych.), /iai/xdo), Trai(f>d(r(ra), nonrvvoo, TroK^vaaco, (b) with
a nasal or liquid, as yoyyi^XXco, yayyaXi^co beside yapya-
Xi^(o ; kyprj-yopa. (2) When it began with a vowel, as
dp-apicKco ; dK-i]Koa, dX-^Xe/jiai, dp-dpa, 6X-(oXa, 6fX-d>fiOKa,
6p-a>pa ; ijy-ayov, jjv-iyKOf, rjp-apov, &p-opov ; dy-ay^lv,

S

258 Accidence [§ 430

d\-a\Kitv, dp-apiiv, kv-^jKuv, 6p-opuv, &c. ; ipvK-aKov :
(pvKco, Tjutw-aTrov : ei/fTrro). See § 238.

The reduplicated aorist was common in the language of
the epic, but in the later language only a few examples
were preserved, as fiyayov, ijvi-yKov.

The Augment.

§ 430. The augment (Indg. e« = e-, Skr. a-, Arm. e-)
was originally a temporal adverb denoting the past, and
gradually became used in the so-called imperfect, aorist
and pluperfect indicative to express the past tense, because
the verbal forms as such possessed no inherent character-
istic which indicated the past tense. When it stood in the
parent Indg. language before consonants it is called the
syllabic augment, as in Indg. *6bherom = e<p€pov, Skr.
dbharam; and when it underwent contraction with a
following vowel it is called the temporal augment, as in
Indg. *es9 from *6-esni = Hom. ^a, Skr. asam. The
augment had become an integral part of the verbal system
already in prim. Indo-Germanic and always had the prin-
cipal accent of the compound form, as in *6bherom beside
*bh6rom. It was preserved in Greek, Aryan and Armenian,
but in the other Indg. languages it either disappeared
altogether or was only preserved in isolated forms. When
the time of the action was sufficiently indicated by the
context the augment was not used in the parent language,
so that forms like *6bherom and *bh6rom existed side by
side without any distinction in meaning. After the analogy
of the augmented forms the unaugmented forms also
acquired in the course of time a preterite meaning in-
dependently of the context. This accounts for the optional
use of the augment in Vedic, Homer and in later Greek
poetry. The augmented forms became generalized in
Sanskrit. They had also become general in the oldest

§ 43o] l^erbs 259

period of Greek prose except in the pluperfect where both
forms existed side by side, as in ktmrovO-q, kir^trovOiLu
beside ireTrouOrj, TreirovOeiv, and in the Ionic iterative forms
in -a-Kou which never have the augment, as <f>€vy€a-Kov,
<f>vy€<rKoy, Xd^eaKou. ^XP^^ ^^^ ^ "^^ formation beside
the regular form XPV^ which was a contraction of xpfj rjv.
In verbs compounded with a preposition the augment
stood between the component parts, as in dir-i-^a\ov,
7r€ pi-e-fiaXXov, irap-i-a-xov, cp. Skr. imperf. ud-d-patat
beside the pres. ut-pitati, he flies up. In a few cases the
compound verb came to be regarded as a simplex and then
had the augment in front of the preposition, as €Kd$i(oy,
€Kdd€vSov beside KaOijvSoy, epic Ka$€v8ov with temporal
augment ; or with both elements augmented, as r}v-€ix6fxr]u,

Verbs compounded with the inseparable particle 8v<r-
have the augment in front of it, as eSva-Tvxovp ; the same
rule also applies to verbs derived from compound nouns,
as e/xvdoXoyrja-a, but if the first element was a preposition
the augment was sometimes placed after it on analogy
with verbs of the t)rpe dn-i-^aXov, as dir-e-Xoyrja-d/XTjv.

The syllabic augment also occurred originally in verbs
which began with s- and j-, but these sounds disappeared
in prim. Greek and the loss of them gave rise to various
contractions and analogical formations, ee- regularly
underwent contraction (Att. e^-, Dor. tj-) after the loss
of or- and /• in the combinations ecre-, e/e-, as Att. ilxof,
Dor. ^x^^ ^""^"^ *e<r€Xo^ J etpnou, Dor. ■fiprrov from *i<r€pTrou,
cp. Lat. serpo ; drroiirjv from *k<Tefroixr]v, cp. Lat. sequor
(§ 219); dcrT-qKiiv from *€<r€Tr}K€iv ; eifxev from *€j€/ji€v. In
all other combinations we have the temporal augment after
the analogy of verbs which originally began with a vowel,
as l^ou for *€l^ov from *k<n(ov : i^co, and similarly vytava :
i/yiaivco, mpfiija-a : 6p/xda>, ijwTo : dvvfii, &c. On the
double consonants in the original initial combination s +

S2

26o Accidence [§ 43 »

nasal or liquid, see the phonology, as in Horn. tXXa/Sc,
tpp^ov (§ 215), efXfjiaOfu, ivviov (§ 214).

Verbs, which originally began with w- = f- have the
syllabic augment in Homer, but contraction in Attic where
possible, as Horn. ti8ov, Att. il8ov, Lesb. iijiSov from
*€fi8ov ; Horn. ifiTrov, Att. flirov ; Att. dpya^ofirjv, ciku^ov
beside rjpya^o/irjv, fjKa^ov with temporal augment ; Horn.
iearaaTO, idvSave, &c., Att. ((ovovfxrjv, katOovv beside &6ovv
with temporal augment. Forms like Att. &Krj<Ta, (opyta-Orjv,
&p6<acra, &c., Hom. &<p^XKov were new formations with the
temporal augment, ipplirrov from kfplTTTov : ptwTco, and
similarly epprj^a.

Beside e- there seems also to have been a form e- (= Skr.
a-) in prim. Indo-Germanic, which occurred before verbs
beginning with w-, j- or r-, as in Hom. rj-€iSi], Att. fjSnv,
Hom. dir-T)-vpa from *dTr-r}-fpa, cp.Skr. impf. a«vrnak : pres.
vmdkti, he turns round. Some scholars assume that such
an r}- occurs in rj^ovXofJLtjv : ^ov\o/iai, ijficXXoi/ : /xiXXco,
rjSvvdfirjv : Svvafiai, but it is more probable that these were
new formations after the analogy of rjOeXov : kOiXco beside
eiX<o.

It is difficult to account satisfactorily for forms like idX<ov :
aXiaKOfiai, ioopcov, id>pcov : dpaoo, with the rough breathing
from the present, edyrjv : dyvvpn, dv-ia>^a : otyvv/a. They
contain either both the syllabic and the temporal augment
or else they had originally the syllabic augment rj- and then
underwent quantitative metathesis whereby 77a-, 170- became
cfi-, €(0- (§ 72).

§ 431. The augment became contracted in prim. Indo-
Germanic with verbal forms beginning with e-, as Indg.
*es^ from *6-esm = Hom. ^a, Skr. asam, / was; Indg.
ej^ from *6'ejip = ^a for * ^a (§ 453), Skr. ayam, / went.
It is probable that e-o- (co^oj/ : o^a))and e-a- {rjyov, Dor. ayov :
dyco, cp. Skr. impf. ajam : pres. djami, / drive, Lat. eg^ :
ago) also became contracted in the parent Indg. language.

§ 432] Verbs 261

After the analogy of these and similar forms there arose in
prim. Greek the system of simply lengthening the vowel in
the augmented tenses of verbs beginning with a vowel, as
TjOeXov : idiXcOtijXTn^ou : e\7ri^a>,r)fnri8ovv : ifjiTreSoca; laivov:
iatvo), iKirevov : iKerevco; v(f>r]va : v(f>aiva>, vyiaivov : vyiaiv<o]
&8a^ov : oSd^co, ODfitXovv : 6fiiXi<o.

The long diphthong, which occurred in the augmented
tenses of verbs beginning with a diphthong, was regularly
shortened in prim. Greek (§ 63), as in Ion. airei, av^€To,
eijx^To. Later new formations were forms like fJTioy,
fiTovv : alreco, rjv^ov : av^dvco, -qv^ofi-qv : €{)\ofiai, &Srj<ra :

The Personal Endings.

§ 432. The parent Indg. language had two kinds of
personal endings — primary and secondary — , the former
occurred in the present indicative active and middle, the
so-called s- or sjo- future, and the indicative perfect middle,
and the latter in all the augmented tenses of the indicative
active and middle, the so-called injunctive forms of the
imperative, and the optative. The subjunctive had origin-
ally partly primary and partly secondary endings. In
Greek it has the same endings as in the present indicative.
The indicative perfect active had its own special endings
for the three persons of the singular. On the endings of
the imperative see §§ 639-44.

The original system and distribution of the personal
endings were better preserved in Sanskrit than in any
of the other Indg. languages. The original distinction
between the primary and secondary endings was only
preserved in Greek in the first and second persons of the
singular and in the third person of all numbers. Only
scanty fragments of the athematic conjugation were pre-
served in Latin and the Germanic languages, and even in
Greek many verbs passed over into the thematic conjuga-

262 Accidence [§ 433

tion, which remained athematic in Sanskrit. In Sanskrit
the ending -mi of the athematic conjugation was extended
by analogy to the thematic.

Of the origin of the personal endings nothing is known
with any degree of certainty or even probability notwith-
standing all that has been written upon the subject. It is
sometimes assumed that they were partly or entirely of
pronominal origin, but this is a theory which can neither
be proved nor disproved. It is also unknown which of the
two kinds of endings is the older or in what etymological
relation they originally stood to each other. And in like
manner the formal relation between the active and middle
primary and secondary endings is equally obscure.

I. The Endings of the Active.

Singular.
§ 433. The primary endings of the first person were -mi
in the athematic and -6 in the thematic verbs, as Lesb. c/z/xi",
Att. Ion. dfii, Skr. dsmi, Goth, im, Lith. esmi, O.Slav,
jesmi, / am ; Si8<afii, rWrjfxi = Skr. d^ami, dddhami ;
i<TTi]fjLi, SfiKvvfjLi, SdfiVTjui. <f>ipa>, Lat. fero, Goth, baira,
but Skr. bh4ra-mi with -mi from the athematic verbs ; fut.
\iiyjr<a, \v<ra>, 6ij<t<o, Saxro), (TTrja-o), Sei^m ; subj. €<», S> from
*es6 = Lat. ero (fut.), \€iir<o, tl6S>, diSw, 8€ikvvco.

Note. — In Boeot. Lesb. Thess. Arcad. and Cyprian the
denominative verbs in -aw, -e'w, -dw often had the ending -/u
after the analogy of the athematic verbs ; and similarly in
Homer in the subjunctive, as ideXoifu, dyayw/u,t, cittw/ai, &c.

The original secondary ending was -m or -m according
as the preceding sound was a vowel or a consonant, as
i<f>ipov (§ 141) = Skr. dbharam, cp. Lat. amabam ; hiOrjv,
earrjv = Skr. idadham, dsth3.m, eSvv ; etiju from *i<Tjr]v =
Skr. syam, Lat. siem, sim ; ri6i(r)v, 8i8oirjy, 6dr}v, 8011JV.
^, Hom. ^a from Indg. *esm = Skr. asam for *asa with

§§ 434-5] Verbs 263

•m from forms like dbharam ; €iT^y\ra — Skr. dpak|am,
tXva-a ; opt. of the thematic verbs, as Skr. bhdreya-m, but
Gr. (f>€poifii for *<f)ipoja or *(j)ipoija ; after the analogy of
tlOtj/jli : Tidrj? so to (f)epoi9 was formed (^epoi/jLt, and
similarly SiiKyvotfii, &c.

§ 434. The primary ending of the second person was
•si which was only preserved in Homer and Syracusan
eq^p-i, Indg. *es-si, beside el, Skr. dsi, Indg. *esi; et from
*€l-(ri = Skr. e-|i, Lith. ei-si. In Greek the other athematic
verbs had the secondary ending, cp. riOrj^, SiScds beside
Skr. dddhasi, dddasi. The regular form of the thematic
verbs would have been *(f>€p€L from *(f>€p€(ri = Skr. bhdrasi,
Indg. *bh6resi; *<l>€pei became (jiipeis with secondary
ending after the analogy of €(f>ip€^ ; and similarly Hom.
ely for et after the analogy of forms like ti6t}^; the regular
form of the subjunctive would have been *^€prj from
*(l>iprj<TL — Skr. bhdrasi, Indg. *bheresi; 0ep?79 was a new
formation like (pipeis ; and similarly ridfj^, 8eiKvvij9, &c.

The secondary ending was •&, as e^epey, earrj^, <f>€poL^
(Goth, bairdis), drj^ (Lat. sies, sis) = Skr. dbharah,
dsthah, bhdreh, syah,

§ 435. The primary ending of the third person was -ti
which was preserved in all the dialects in kcr-TL = Skr. dsti,
Lat. est, Goth, ist, Lith. Ss-ti ; it remained in the athematic
verbs in Dor. Boeot. and the North- West Greek dialects,
but became -a-i (§ 169) in Att. Ion. and Lesbian, as Dor.
ti6t]ti, SiScoTi, Att. Ti6r]<ri, SiSaxri = Skr. dddhati, dddati.
The regular form of the thematic verbs would have been
Dor. *(l>€p€Ti, Att. *(f)€p€(n — Skr. bhdrati, but all the
dialects have 0epei which was formed after the analogy
of 0ep€fy. The regular form of the subjunctive would have
been Dor. &c. *(f>epT]Ti, Att. &c. *<f>ep-q(n = Skr. bhdrati,
Indg. *bh6reti; Att. &c. ^epj; was formed after the analogy
of <t>ep€L', and similarly Hom. (pipfjcri, dydyr)<n, iOiXrja-i,
tkc, with -(Tt from rtOr^a-i, &c. ; la-TJj, ti$^, <rTfj, $fj, ike.

264 Accidence [§§ 43^7

The secondary ending was -t which regularly disappeared
in prim. Greek (§ 230), as e0e/>€, taTt), <f>epoi, cit] (Lat.
sit) = Skr. 4bharat, dsthat, bhdret, syat ; Dor. &c. ^y
from *^<rT = Indg. *est, he was.

Dual.

§ 486. The first person of the dual was preserved in
Sanskrit, Gothic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages, but
it disappeared in the prehistoric period of Greek, and its
place was taken by the first person plural.

The original primary ending of the second person was
•t(h)es (= Lat. -tis which became used for the plural) or
•t(h)os, Skr. -thah " can be from either form, beside the
secondary ending •torn = -top, Skr. 'tam. The original
distinction was preserved in Sanskrit, but in Greek the
secondary ending came to be used for both kinds, cp.
ka-Tov, tlO^tov, (piperov beside Skr. s-thdh, dhat-thdh,
bh^ra*thah, and rja-Toi', (ti$€tov, €(f)ep€TOP beside Skr.
as-tam, ddhat-tam, dbhara-tam.

The original primary ending of the third person was
•tes = Skr. -tah, beside the secondary ending -tam = -ray,
•TT]v, Skr. -tam. In Greek the -tov of the second person
came to be used for the primary ending, as ka-Tov, Tiderou,
(f>(p€Tou, but Skr. s-tdh, dhat-tdh, bhdra-tah, beside
7](r-Tr]u, (TiOirrju, €(pep€Tr]v, (l>(poiTr]u = Skr. as-tam, ddhat-
tam, dbhara-tam, bh4re-tam. Owing to the fact that
•TOP was used both as primary and secondary ending in
the second person it also became used occasionally for
the secondary ending of the third person, and conversely
-rav, -Trjp instead of -toj/ also became used occasionally in
the augmented tenses of the second person.

Plural.
§ 437. The original primary ending of the first person
was -mes beside -mos, the former corresponding to Dor.

§§ 438-9] J^erbs 265

•/j.€9 and the latter to Lat, -mus, Skr, -mah can be either
form. The secondary ending was probably -men beside
•mn, the former corresponding to Att. &c. -fiei/ and the
latter to Skr. -ma. Sanskrit preserved the original dis-
tinction between the primary and secondary endings, but
in Greek -/^ey became generalized in Doric and the dialect
of Delphi and -/jl€i/ in the other dialects, as Dor. (pepo/j.€9,
Att. &c. (f)ipofJL€v, Dor. d-jii^, Att. ear-fiiu (Horn, d-niv),
TiOifiiv, but Skr. bhdra-mah, s-mdh, dadh-mdh ; Att. &c.
€<p€po/x€P, eTide/iev = Skr. 4bhara-ma, 4dadh*ma.

§ 438. The original primary ending of the second person
was probably -the = Skr. -tha beside the secondary ending
•te = Skr. -ta. This distinction was not preserved in the
other branches of the Indg. languages. In all these
languages -te was used for both kinds of endings, as
io-'Ti (O.Slav, jes-te), ridere, (f>ip€T€ (O.Slav, berate), but
Skr. s-thd, dhat'thd, bhira-tha, beside ^-re {rjo-re), kri-
6eT€, e<p€p€T€, ^€poiT€ = Skr. as-ta, ddhat*ta, 4bhara-ta,
bhdre-ta.

§ 439. The original primary endings of the third person
were : -enti, -nti, -nti beside the corresponding secondary
endings -^nt, -nt, -nt.

The accented form -^nti only occurred after consonants
in the present indicative of the non-reduplicated athematic
verbs. It regularly became -dnti in Sanskrit, as s-dnti =
Dor. ivTi, Att. etW (both forms with the smooth for the
rough breathing after the analogy of the singular), Goth,
sind, Indg. *s-6nti, ihey are; Skr. sunv-dnti : suno-mi,
/ press out ; krin-dnti : krina-mi, / bity, corresponding to
prim. Gr. *S€iKvf-€VTt : SeiKvO-fxi, *8a/xv-€VTi : ddfivrj-fxi.
The only regular form preserved in Greek was Dor. ivri,
Att. ciW. In all other verbs belonging to this type -^nti
was supplanted either by the postvocalic form -nti of the^
thematic verbs like Dor. <f>ipo-vTi, Att. <f>€pov(n or by the
analogical formation -avri (see below), and then the third

266 Accidence [§ 439

person came to be formed from the stem-form of the dual
and of the other persons of the plural + -vtl or -avrt, as
Dor. (Pa-vTi, Att. (feda-i, Ion. S^iKvvaL from *8iiKvv-vTL but
with the circumflex accent after the analogy of IcrTaa-i,
Safivdai from *8afj.ua-d(n older -avTi, SuKvv-dai, idai from
*i-avTi beside Skr. y-4nti from Indg. *j-enti (§ 453).

The regular prim. Greek primary ending of the present
of the reduplicated athematic verbs was -arL = Indg. -nti,
as in *L<TT-aTL, *Tid-aTi = Skr. dddh-ati, *8i8-aTi = Skr.
ddd-ati. This ending was preserved in the Horn, perfects
'rT«f>vK-d<TL, \i\6y\-dcrL, but it disappeared in the present
and its place was taken either by the postvocalic form -vn
or by the analogical form -avTL, as Dor. ride-vri, 8i8o-vTi,
i<TTa-VTi, but Att. TiOidai, 8i86d<Ti, ia-Tdai, from *Ti6e-ai'Ti,
*8i8o-ayTc, *laTa-avTi, formed in both dialects from the
stem-form of the dual and of the other persons of the
plural ; and similarly Hom. TiOeTai, 8i8ov<ri — Dor. tiO^vti,
8180VTC, but with the circumflex accent after the analogy of
laTdcTi.

The primary ending of the thematic verbs was -nti, as
in Dor. (f>epo-vTL, Att. Ion. (pepova-i, Boeot. -vOi, Arcad. -vai,
Lesb. -oia-i from -o-urt — Skr. bhdranti, Lat. ferunt, Goth.
bairand, Indg. *bhero-nti; subj. Dor. <f>€p<o-vTi, Att. Ion.
(pipcoai.

The original secondary endings were : -^nt, -nt and -nt.
The accented form -ent occurred after consonants in the
imperfect of the non-reduplicated athematic verbs and in
the optative, as Hom. ^€v, ^u, Dor. &c. rji' which came
to be used for the third person singular = Skr. as-an with
regular loss of final -t, Indg. *es-ent, they were (§ 452) ; Skr.
dsunv-an, they pressed out; dkrin-an, they bought, corre-
sponding to prim. Gr. *k8^iKvf-iVT, *k8anv-iVT, see below ;
opt. eTej/ from *kajiVT (§ 230), O.Lat. sient, later sint;
(f>epoi€v from *(f>€poij€VT, and similarly 8€ikvvoi€u, iaraUv,
TL$iUv, 8i8oUv, graUv, $iUp, SoUv ', Xinonv, (^avoUv,

39 I

§ 44o] Verbs 267

\v<roL€v, \v<rai€v, but Xvaeiav, Sei^nav with -av for -ev after
the analogy of the aorist indicative.

The secondary ending -nt = prim. Gr. -air) occurred
after consonants in the imperfect of the reduph'cated
athematic verbs and in the s-aorist, as prim. Gr. *€Si8-a{T),
*eTid-a{T), *i8€i^-a{T). The ending -air) was not preserved
in the historic period of any of the dialects. From the
stem-form of the dual and of the other persons of the
plural were formed eride-p, e8c8o-v with -u after the analogy
of thematic verbs like €(f>epo-v, and similarly eOe-v, e8o-v,
i<TTa-v', and in like manner *e8€i^a became €8€i^ai/ after
the analogy of €<p€po-u, and similarly iWaau, i(l>r]vav^ rj<7av
(for *riav after the analogy of rjcr-r^). Forms like rjo-av,
i8€i^av, eXvcrau gave rise to two kinds of new formations,
(i) To the new secondary ending -av there was formed
a new primary ending -avri = -da-i after the analogy of
((f>€po-u : <pipo-uTi, as 8a/xud(ri, 8eLKvvd<n, TiO^dat, 8i86d(ri,
i<TTd(n, see above. (2) The ending -a-au became extracted
as a personal ending and then extended to the imperfect
and aorist of athematic verbs and also to the optative, as
lOTaaai/, iTiOea-au, k8i8oarav, k8dKvv(Tav ; i(TTr}<rav, iOea-au,
i8o<Tav, i8vcrav) larairja-av, riO^irja-au, 8i8otr}crav ; (TTairja-av,
6u7](TaVf 8oir](rav.

The secondary ending -nt regularly occurred after vowels,
as e0€poi/=Skr. dbharan, Indg. *ebhero-nt; ^Xiirov, iyvov
from *tyva>vT, e^dv from *€^duT (§ 70).

Perfect.

§ 440. Singular : The Indg. ending of the first person
was -a which remained in Greek, as oJ8a, 8i8opKa = Skr.
veda, daddria.

The original ending of the second person was -tha which
was regularly preserved in 7J(r-6a (originally the perfect),
Indg. *es-tha, cp. Skr. asitha ; oJada — Skr. vet-tha, and
likewise originally with all stems ending in a dental, as

268 Accidence [§§ 441-2

*iriTroi<r6a, *\e\r)(r6a (§ 110). In these and similar forms
the -o-Oa came to be regarded as a personal ending and
was then extended to other tenses, as Hom. rtO-qaBa,
(pfjaOa; k6i\rja-6a, uTTfja-da, irdOrjaOa', ^aXoiaOa, KkaioiaOa.
The ordinary ending -ay, as in AcAotTray, was a new
formation from the first aor. indicative owing to the end-
ing of the first person being alike in both tenses. And
conversely the first aor. ending -6 of the third person was
from the perfect for a like reason.

The original ending of the third person was -e which
remained in Greek, as 618^, 8i8opK€ = Skr. veda, daddrsa.

§ 441. With the exception of the first person plural the
Greek and Sanskrit endings of the dual and plural are
entirely different, cp. Skr. dual -vd, -dthur, •dtur ; plural
•m4, -4, -ur. On Skr. -md beside Gr. -/zev see § 437. In
Greek the endings are the same as in the present indicative,
as tcr-TOv, la-Tov ; icr-fMev (Hom. i8-fi€v, Skr. vid-md), ftr-rt,
i<r-a<ri from -avri (§ 69) ; AeAoiV-a-roi', X^Xoin-a-iiiv, XeXotir-
a-T€, XiXoiTT-dai. The -a- in these forms was of the same
origin as in the first aor. indicative, kXvaa-Tov, eXvaa-fiey,
&c. (§ 507). On the perfect ending -da-i in Hom. ni<f>vK-
a<Tt, XiXoyx-aari see § 439.

2. The Endings of the Middle.
Singular.
§ 442. It is impossible to determine what were the
original primary and secondary endings of the first person.
The Greek primary ending -fiai and the secondary ending
'fiijv, -fidv are not found in any of the other Indg. languages.
It is possible that -[lai was originally the primary ending
of the athematic verbs which became generalized in Greek.
The original ending of the perfect seems to have been -ai
which corresponds to the -e in Skr. tutud-e = Lat. tutud-i
(originally the middle). Sanskrit then generalized the -e,
cp. Tidc/xai : Skr. dadh-e, <P(pofiai : Skr. bh^r^e, and

§§ 443-4] Verbs 269

similarly SeiKuvfiai, Sdfiuafiai ; Tidco/iai, (f>4pco/jiai ; SiSofiai :
Skr. dad-e, and similarly SiSeiyfiai, XeXufxai, ykypajinai.

Secondary ending -^riv : iTtOe/xrjv, eSiSo/jirju, iSeiKvv/xrjv,
c(f)€p6/XT}v ; Ti$€i/j.r]v, Si8oifir]if, ^epoL/xrjv ; iSeSS/xrji/, €§€-
Seiy/xrju, eXiXvfirjv. The origin of this ending is obscure.

§ 443. The original primary ending of the second person
was -sai = -a-ai, Skr. -se, Goth, -za, as TiOicrai, SiSoa-ai,
SiSoaai = Skr. dhat-se, dat-se, dadi<se ; (f>ip€ai, <f)ipr}
(written -ei on Attic inscriptions from the fourth century
B.C. onwards) = Skr. bh4ra-se, Goth, baira^za; (f>€pr)at,
<f>€pr} for the regular form *(j)€p€a ; yiypayjrai, TiTpiyjrai.
The intervocalic -a- regularly disappeared, as in <j)€p€ai,
(f>kpr) (§ 213, 2), but in Attic and Ionic the -a-- was restored
in the present and perfect of the athematic verbs after the
analogy of perfects the stem of which ended in a conso-
nant, as in yeypa-^ai, and similarly in the imperfect and
pluperfect.

The original secondary ending was -so in the thematic
and -thes = -Orj^, Skr. -thah in the athematic verbs. Greek
generalized the former and Sanskrit the latter form, cp.
eriOeao, kSiBoao, e(f)ep€o, €(f>ipov beside Skr. ddhat-tha^,
4dat-thah, dbhara'thah ; idov, eSov; tiOcTo, StSoio, (pipoio;
iXvaco (Hom. -ao, Dor. -a), knpLCO', kSiSoao, kyiypayjro,
fXiXvcro. On the intervocalic -cr- see above. The secondary
ending -thes was preserved in the aor. passive iSodrjs =
Skr. ddi-thah.

§ 444. The original primary ending of the third person
present was -tai (= -rai, Boeot. -tt}, Thess. -ret, Arcad.
and Cyprian -toi for -rat after the analogy of the secondary
ending -to, Skr. -te, Goth, -da) which remained in Greek,
as TiOerai, rja-rai, (fteperai = Skr. dhat-te, as*te, bhdra-te
(Goth, baira-da). The perfect had the ending -ai = Skr.
•e, but in Greek the ending of the present was extended to
the perfect, cp. SiSorai, Triirvarai beside the Skr. dad*e,
bubudh-e.

270 Accidence [§§ 445-7

The original secondary ending was -to = -to, Skr. -ta,
Lat. "tu-, as iSoTo, €(f>ip€To, tlOuto, (f>epoiTo = Skr. ddi-ta
(Lat. da-tu-r from Ma-to-r), dbhara-ta, dadhi-td, bhdre-ta.

Dual.

§ 445. It is impossible to determine what were the
original personal endings of the three persons of the dual,
because the Greek and the Sanskrit endings do not agree
in form.

•fxfdov, the ending of the first person, is from the plural
ending -/ze^a with -ov from -a-dop. According to Kuhner,
Ausfiihrliche Grammatik der griech. Sprache, vol. ii, p. 70,
it only occurs three times in good authors, viz. TrepiScoficdov,
Hom. //. xxiii. 485 ; dp/jLcofxeOov, Soph. Ph. 1079, and XiXiifi-
fieOov, El. 950.

The origin of the Greek endings of the second and third
persons is unknown.

The primary and secondary ending of the second person
is -(tOov, cp. Tc$€a6ov, (pep^rOov beside Skr. dadh-athe,
bhirethe ; kriO^aOov, k^^p^aOov beside Skr. ddadh-atham,
dbharetham.

The primary ending of the third person is -a-dov and the
secondary -a-Brjv, Dor. -(rBav, as ridiaOov, ^epeaOov beside
Skr. dadh-ate, bhdrete ; kTtOia-drjv, €(p€pia6r]i' beside Skr.
ddadh-atam, dbharetam.

Plural.

§ 446. The original primary ending of the first person
was -medhai = Skr. -mahe, beside the secondary ending
•medhd = -/xeOa, Skr. -mahi. Greek generalized the latter
form, cp. Tidifieda, (f)ep6/jL€$a beside Skr. dddh-mahe,
bhdra*mahe ; €Ti6ifi€6a, i(f>€p6fi€da = Skr. ddadh-mahi,
dbhara>mahi. The poet, ending -fieaOa had its -cr- from -aOe.

§ 447. -o-^e was used for the primary and secondary
ending of the second person in all the dialects. The origin

d

§ 448] Verbs 271

of this form is unknown. In Sanskrit the primary ending
is 'dhve and the secondary -dhvam, cp. TidcaOe, kriOea-Qe,
<f)ip€a-6c, icpipca-Oe beside Skr. dhad-dhve, ddhad-dhvam,
bhdra-dhve, dbhara-dhvam. On forms like ea-Trapde,
€<TTa\$€ from *€cnrap<rd€, *k<TTa\a-6€ see § 221.

§ 448. The original primary endings of the third person
were -ntai (= -vTai, Skr. -nte, Goth, -nda) after vowels
and -ntai (= -arai, Skr. -ate) after consonants. The
former ending occurred in the present of the thematic
verbs and the latter in the athematic, as (f>ipovTai = Skr.
bhdra-nte, Goth, baira-nda; Hom. ij-arat = Skr. as-ate,
Indg. *es-ntai, Att. rj-vrai was a new formation after the
analogy of the thematic presents like (f)€povTai ; prim. Gr.
*Ttd-aTai, *Si8-aTai = Skr. d4dh-ate, ddd-ate. TiOevrai,
SiSourai, SeiKvvvrai, &c. were new formations formed from
the stem-form of the dual and the other persons of the
plural + -vTai after the analogy of the thematic verbs like
<f>ipovTai ; and similarly with the stem-form of Ion. tlO^-
arai, SiSo-arai, &c. for *Ti$-aTai, *8i8-arai, &c. The perfect
had the ending -vrai beside -arat just as in the present.
Regular forms were : SeSovXcovrai, ^i/SXrjvTai beside
T€Tpd(PaTai, Tcrd^aTai, KiKXiarai, K€)(yaTai, and then
after the analogy of these and similar forms were made
on the one hand forms like KiKpiurai, XiXvurai, and on
the other hand Hom. ^e^rj-arai, &c. After about the
beginning of the fourth century b.c. the perfects in -arai
and the pluperfects in -aro disappeared and their place
was taken by periphrastic forms.

The secondary endings were -nto (= -vto, Skr. -nta,
Lat. -ntu-) after vowels and -nto (= -aro, Skr. -ata) after
consonants, as k(f>ipovTo = Skr. ibhara-nta, cp. Lat. feru-
ntu-r; tji-trX-qvTo, cp. Lat. im^ple-ntu-r. Hom. fj-aro —
Skr. as-ata, Indg. *es-nto, Att. tj-vto was a new formation
after the analogy of k(f>epovTo, &c. ; prim. Gr. *kTiO-ar.o,
*kSi8-aTo = Skr. ddadh-ata, ddad-ata. kridevTo, kSiSoyro,

272 Accidence [§ 449

kSiUvvvTO, &c. were new formations of the same kind as
in the present ; and similarly with the aor. kXiaavro, k8d'
iavTo, ktrpiavTo for older *k\v(T-aTo, &c. ; opt. Horn.
(f>ipoiaTo beside the new formations (f>ipoivTo, Xva-aiuro,
Sei^aivTo, Sukuvolvto, TiOelvTo, SiSoiuto, &c. Regular
forms of the pluperfect were : kSeSovXco-vTo beside (T€Tpd(f)-
UTo, kT€Tdx-aTO ; new formations after the analogy of the
former were kXiXvvro, iKeKpivro, &c. and after the latter
Ion. ffiefiXrj-aTO, &c.

Formation of the Present.

§ 449. The classification of the various ways in which
the present was formed in Greek must be more or less
arbitrary according as we regard this or that factor as
being a sufficient characteristic to constitute a distinct class.
In this grammar the formations of the present are divided
into twelve classes, viz. Class I containing monosyllabic
athematic light or heavy ablaut-bases ; Class II containing
reduplicated monosyllabic athematic heavy ablaut-bases ;
Class III containing verbs of the type (f>ip<o, formed from
dissyllabic light bases ; Class IV containing heavy ablaut-
bases with and without reduplication; Classes V-VIII
containing the nasal-presents ; Class IX the s-presents ;
Class X the sko-presents ; Class XI the dental-presents ;
and Class XII the j-presents. The characteristic elements
•sko-, &c. used in forming the present stem were often
extended to other tense-stems. It should be noted that the
word present as used above not only includes the present in
the narrower sense but also the imperfect and aorist.

§ 450. In the parent Indg. language the conjugation of
the present was divided into two great classes — athematic
and thematic. In the athematic conjugation the personal
endings were added direct to the bare base. In mono-
syllabic bases the accent was on the base in the active
singular and on the personal endings in the dual and

J

§ 45o] Verbs 273

plural. And the base had accordingly the strong grade of
ablaut in the active singular, but the weak grade in all other
forms, as *ei-mi, / go, *6i-si, *6i-ti, pi. *i-mes, *i-t(h)6,
*j.enti. In dissyllabic heavy bases the accent was on the
first syllable of the base in the active singular and on the
personal endings in the dual and plural. The first syllable
of the base had accordingly the strong grade of ablaut and
the second syllable the weak grade in the active singular,
but in the dual and plural both syllables had the weak grade.
Thus from an original base *gen6- we have the two types
*gena-, *gn6- (§ 458). The present indicative was *g6n9-mi,
*gena-si, *gena-ti, pi. *gn9-mes, *gn3-t(h)e, *gn(9)-6nti, but
the aorist *gn6«m, *gn6-s, *gn6-t, pi. *gn6-m- (§ 437), *gn6-
te, *gno-nt = i-yvccv, &c. Only middle forms of the type
*g6n9- were preserved in Greek, all the active forms passed
over into the thematic conjugation in the prehistoric period
of the language (see § 458). The athematic conjugation
was well preserved in Aryan and to a great extent in Greek,
but in most of the other languages, including the Latin and
the Germanic, the verbs originally belonging to this con-
jugation almost entirely passed over into the thematic
conjugation.

The thematic conjugation had the thematic vowels -e-,
•o- before the personal endings (§ 456). The accent was
on the root-syllable throughout the present and on the
thematic vowel throughout the aorist, as *16iq6, *16iq'e-si,
*leiq-e-ti, pi. *16iq-o-mes, *16iq-e-t(h)e, *16iq-o-nti = Xuirco,
Xiiirofiev, &c., beside the aorist *liq6-m, *liq6-s, *liq6-t, pi.
*liq6'm-, *liq6-te, *liq6-nt = €-\iirov, i-XiTro/xcv, cp. XnreTv
with preservation of the original accent. The presents of
primary verbs of the type Xcinco, ^epcD, &c. originally
belonged to the athematic conjugation, but already in the
parent Indg. language nearly all of them passed over into
the thematic conjugation with the -e-, -o* from the aorist
type e-Xiiro-v, eX^Tre-y, &c. The -e-, -c- in the aorist type

T

2 74 Accidence [§§ 45 '-a

*liqe', *liqo- was originally an integral part of the base, but
in course of time *liq- came to be regarded as the base and
the -e-, -o- as part of the ending. But seeing that the
accent was originally always on the -e-, -o- it is difficult to
account for the difference in their quality. How the •o-
came to be confined to the first person singular and the first
and third persons plural, and the -e- to the other forms of
the singular, dual and plural, remains an unsolved problem.
§ 451. Before beginning to compare the Greek paradigms
with those of the other languages the student should read
carefully §§ 432-48 dealing with the personal endings,
because what is stated there about these endings will not
as a rule be repeated in the following paragraphs.

Class I.

UNREDUPLICATED MONOSYLLABIC ATHEMATIC LIGHT OR
HEAVY ABLAUT-BASES.

§452.

Indg.

Gr.

Skr.

Sing. I.

*6s-mi

> f

dsmi

2.

*es-si, *6si

€1

4si

3-

*6s.ti

> f

eoTt

&sti

Dual 2.

*s.t6s, *s-thes

karov

sthdh

. 3-

*s-t6s

karbv

stdh

Plur. I.

*s-m6s

k<T\ikv

smdh

2.

*s-t(h)e

kari

sthd"

3-

♦s-6nti

d(ri

sdnti

Indg. *6s-mi regularly became dfu, Dor. r^fii, Lesb.
Thess. kfifu (§ 214), Skr. dsmi, Goth, im, Lith. esmi. d
from Indg. *6si = Skr. dsi, Lat. es, Goth, is, beside Horn.
ka-ai — Indg. *6s-si; Horn. e?y with -s added after the
analogy of forms like riOrj^. kari — Skr. 4sti, Lat. est,
Goth, ist, Indg. *6s'ti. In Greek the «- of the singular was
levelled out into the dual and plural. On the personal

§ 452] Verbs 275

endings, see §§ 433-9. Att. ka-fih with -o-- from karrk, the
regular form occurs in Ion. iifxiv, Dor. e//zey. e/<rt = Dor.
Boeot. kvrtioT *ivTi (= Skr. sdnti, Indg. *s-enti) with e for
€- after the analogy of other forms of the present ; Hom.
€-a(ri from *kaavTi (§ 439).

Imperfect.

Indg.

Gr.

Skr.

I.

*es.^

T T

¥

dsam

2.

*es-s

^(T^a

is(i)h

3-

*es-t

f

ds(i)t

2.

*es-tom

rja-Tov,

, rjTov

astam

3-

*es-tam

rja-Tr]v^

, iJTTJU

astam

I.

*es-men, -mn

rjiiev

isma

2.

*es-te

^ore,

Vre

4sta

3-

*es-ent

ri(rav

dsan

Sing.

Dual
Plur.

^ contracted from older (Hom.) ^a = Indg. *es'm. ^1/
was a new formation with -u from forms like krCdrju ; rj, rja
regularly fell together with the perfect = Indg. *es-a, Skr.
asa (§ 617); and similarly rjarrov, rfn^v, rja-Te. -qaOa was
the old perf. form used for the imperfect ; the regular form
would have been *r}^ — Vedic ah ; the late form ^y was
a new formation, riv contracted from older (Hom.) ^ei/ was
originally the third pers. plural which came to be used for
the singular, see below ; the regular form was preserved in
Dor. ^y = Vedic ah, Indg. *es-t. rjTov, iJTr]j/, ^re beside
the regular forms rja-rov, ija-Trfu, ^crre were new formations
after the analogy of rj/x^u (§ 214), Dor. ^/iey with primary
ending, ^aau was a new formation with ^cr- from ^a-re and
the -av in forms like iXvcav, eSei^av (§ 439) ; after this form
had come into existence the regular old plural ^ev, rjy (=
Indg. *es-ent, Skr. 4san) came to be used for the singular.
The long e of the singular was levelled out into the dual
and plural already in the Indg. period.

T 2

76

Accidence

§463.

Indg.

Gr.

Skr.

Sing. I.

*6i-nii

clfjLl

emi

2.

*6i-si

d

ehi

3-

*6i.U

(Ja-i

eti

Dual 2.

*i-t(h)6s

ITOV

ith&h

3-

*i.t6s

ITOV

itdh

Plur. I.

*i-m6s

lfl€V

imdh

2.

*i-t(h)e

he

itlii

3-

*j-6nti

ida-i

yinti

[§ 453

6t from older *€J(n = Skr. e§i, Lat. eis, is, Indg. *ei'Si;
Horn. d<r6a with -ada from ^ada (§ 452). (Jai from €iti
(§ 169) which was preserved in i^em' k^eXevaerai (Hesych.).
idari for *iVTi (= Skr. ydnti, Indg. *j-6nti) was a new
formation like tdaL (§ 452).

Indg.

Imperfect.
Gr.

Skr.

Sing. I.

2.

3-

Dual 2.

*ej-m
*ei.s
*ei-t
*ei-tom

fJTOU

ayam
aiii

iit

aitam

3-
Plur. I.

2.

*ei-tam
♦ei-men
*ei-te

,.mn

fJTTJV

aitam

aima

aita

3-

*ej-ent

ff(rav, ffiorav

ayan

The stem-form of the singular was levelled out into the
dual and plural already in the Indg. period. Regular
forms were fjTOv, rJTrjv, fifiev, fJTC. fja for *^a (§ 128) with
^ after the analogy of ^roi/, &c. ^ei{i^) and fjiaav were
aorist forms, the former of which gave rise to the new
formations ^av, ^(t9, ^(lada. The regular forms of the
singular would have been *^a, *^9, *^. The Horn, forms
^€(v), ^o/jL€v were formed after the analogy of the thematic
verbs.

§§ 454-5] Verbs 277

§ 464. Other examples of verbs belonging to Class I are
^j;///", Dor. <f>a[ii with shifted accent : (f>afiii/, i(f>r}v : e^afiiu ;
*€8q)u : eSo/j.ev — Skr. d-da-m : "d-di-ma; *idr]i/ : e^e/xei/ =
Skr. d-dha-m : *d-dhi-ma ; iarrjj/, Dor. ^<TTdv : *e(rTafj.€v =
Skr. d*stha*m : *d-sthi.ma. In Sanskrit the long vowel of
the singular was levelled out into the dual and plural,
whence ddama, ddhama, dsthama, and similarly ^a-rrj/nv
for *€<TTafX€v. Middle Keirai = Skr. sete, he lies down,
rja-Tai (with the rough breathing from iS-, sit) = Skr. aste»
he sits, with a, fj from the original active singular.

Class II.

REDUPLICATED MONOSYLLABIC ATHEMATIC HEAVY
ABLAUT-BASES.

§ 455. The presents of this class were formed from the
aorist of monosyllabic bases to which the original presents
had been lost already in the Indg. period, as Ti-Ori-fii :
K-Orj-v = Skr. dd-dha-mi : d-dha-m ; 8i-8ai-ixL : *t-8a>-v =
Skr. dd-da-mi : d-da-m. On the difference between the
Greek and the Sanskrit vowel in the reduplicated syllable,
see § 429. The inflexion was the same as in Class I
except in the third person plural.

Indg.

Gr.

Skr.

Sing. I.

*di-dhe-mi

Ttdrjfii

dddhami

2.

*di-dhe.si

Ti6r]9

dddhasi

3-

*di-dhe-ti

TL$r)<ri

dddhati

Dual 2.

*di-dha.t{h)6s

TldcTOV

dhatthdh

3'

*di.dh9-t6s

tlO^tov

dhattdh

Plur. I.

*di-dh9-mes

TlOifliV

dadhmdh

2.

*di-dha-t(h)e

TL6iT6

dhatthd

3. *df-dh(9)-nti riQiaai (§ 439) dddhati

In Sanskrit the -dh' of the third person plural became
generalized in the dual and plural, and conversely in Greek

278 Accidence [§ 456

the -Oi' became extended to the third person plural. Like
TiBrifii : TiOtfifv, TiBcfiai are also inflected 8i8a>fii : SiSofiit/,
SiSofiai ; la-T&fii, Att. Ion. la-Trj/jLi from *ai-<rTdfii : laTafiiv,
larafiai.. Imperfect kriOr^v : kriQiyav ; kriOcis, kriOei were
formed after the analogy of the thematic verbs, and similarly
kSiSovv, -ovs, -ov, and the imperative riOei, SiSov.

Class III.

DISSYLLABIC LIGHT BASES WITH OR WITHOUT
REDUPLICATION.

a. Without Reduplication.

§ 456. The verbs of this class belong to the so-called
thematic conjugation (§ 450). Two types are to be distin-
guished according as the first or the second vowel of the
base originally had the accent, as *16iq(e)-, *liq6-, leave, cp.
XetVo) : Xnreiv, <f)^vy(o : (f)vyiiv, Tpino} : Tpaniiv, (irofxai
from *<riTrofxai : iairofirjv. The type *16iq(e)- with regular
loss of the final e (§ 450) was originally inflected like
a verb of Class I, as *16iq-mi, pi. *liq-m6s = *X€i7r/xi,
*Xi7rfiiv. But already in the parent Indg. language nearly
all the verbs of this type passed over into the thematic
conjugation, as eprreo, Aeyo), (f>(p(o, BipKOjiai, rpicfxa, miOa),
kpiiKco, epetVci), (mi^o), Kevdoo, irevOofiai, kpevyo/xai, T€v\a),
6-qya>, &c., cp. Skr. bhdrati beside bhdrti, he bears, (f)ip€T€
beside 0epr€, Lat. fero, volo beside fert, vult. The type
*liq6 — ^with preservation of the original accent in the
infinitive XineTv — was chiefly aorist in function, as ^Xinov,
iTpa(f>ov, eSpaKov (Skr. ddrsam), rjpinov, ijpiKov, iiriOov,
€<TTL\ov, iKvOov, ijpvyov, €Tvxov, <i(f>vyov, &c. (§ 505). How
this difference in function between the two types originally
came about is unknown (cp. § 426). Side by side with the
type *liq6' with the function of an aorist, there exists in
all the Indg. languages a certain number of presents the

§ 456]

Verbs

279

stem-syllable of which is aorist in form, as yXvcfxo, Tv<f)(o,
Ypd(f)co, yXa0a), Dor. Tpdirco, rpdcfxo ; Skr. ddsati = Indg.
*dnk^ti, he 6/<fes, jivati, he lives; Goth, trudan, to tread]
OE. cuman, to come, &c. Such presents are usually called
aorist-presents in contradistinction to presents like Xeiuco,
(f>epco which are called imperfect-presents. The inflexion
of (f)ip(o will serve as a model for all presents of this class.
On the endings in the Greek forms see the paragraphs
dealing with the personal endings.

Indg.

Gr.

Skr.

Goth.

Sing. I.

*bh6r6

(f)ip<o

bhdrami

balra

2.

*bhere-si

(f>€p€lS

bhdrasi

bairis

3-

*bh6re.ti

(f>ip€t

bhdrati

bairi))

Dual 2.

♦bhere-t(h)es

(f)€p€TOV

bhdrathah

3-

*bhere-tes

(f>ep€Tou

bhdratah

Plur. I.

*bhero-mes

(pipofiev,

bhdramah bairam

Dor. -fies

2.

*bhere-t(h)e

(f)ipiT€

bhdratha bairij?

3-

*bh6ro-nti

(pipovci,
Dor. 'OVTi

Imperfect,

bhdrant

I bairand

Indg.

Gr.

Skr.

Sing. I.

*6-bhero-m

i(Pepov

ibharam

2.

*6-bhere-s

^ e(f)€pe9

dbharah

3-

*e-bhere-t

€(f>€pi

dbharat

Dual 2.

*6-bhere-tom

e<j>ipi

TOU

dbharatam

3-

*6-bhere-tam

i<f>€piTr}v

dbharatam

Plur. I.

*6-bhero-men, -mn e^cpo/^ej/

dbharama

2.

*6.bhere-te

i(Pip€T€

dbharata

3-

*6-bhero-nt

€<f>€pOV

dbharan

In like manner is also inflected the second or strong
aorist, cXinov, &c. (§§ 503, 505).

28o Accidence [§§ 457-8

b. With RedupUcation.

§ 457. In the reduplicated verbs belonging to this class
three sub-divisions are to be distinguished according as
the reduplicated syllable contains <, e or a fuller reduplica-
tion (§ 428).

1. Verbs with i in the reduplicated syllable have weak
grade stems of the type *liq6-, as yi-yvo-ftai, cp. Lat. gi-gno;
fu-fiva> : fxevco, ta-^co from *ai-<T\(ii> : ex<B from *(riya), wt-TTTco
with I after the analogy of ptiTToa : Triro-fxai, pta-ofiai from
*vi-v(ro-fiai : viofiai from *veao-fiai, tiktco from *Ti-TKa) :
t-T€Kov, L^da from *(n-a8a) : e^oy from Vc^oy; cp. Skr.
ti-§tha>ti, he stands, Lat. sistit.

2. Verbs with 6 in the reduplicated syllable, preserved
only in aorists like €-ir€-<f>vo-v, inf. 7r€-<f>u€-fi€u : base *gh6n(e)-,
ghn6- ; f-crire-ro, inf i-cnre-arBai, cp. Skr. s4-sca-ti, Indg.
*se-sqe-ti, he follows : Lat. sequi-tur ; e-^e-zcXe-ro : KiXo-fxai,
Ti'TapiTi-To : reprrco, t{f)eLnov, dnov, Indg. *e-we-wqO'm.

3. Verbs with fuller reduplication, preserved only in
aorists like rjy-ayo-v, inf ay-aydv : <£ya) ; rjp-apo-v, inf.
dp-apkiv ; ijv-€yKO-y, inf. ei'-fy/fcrj/ ; &p-opo-v : pres. 6p-vv-iii.

Class IV.

DISSYLLABIC ATHEMATIC HEAVY ABLAUT-BASES WITH
OR WITHOUT REDUPLICATION.

a. Without Reduplication.

§ 458. In the dissyllabic heavy ablaut-bases the first
syllable contained a short vowel or diphthong and the
second a long vowel or a long diphthong, as *peta-, *gen6-
(♦gene-), *menei-. According as the accent was originally
on the first or second syllable we get the two t3rpes *p6ta«
{rr€Ta-/jLai), *g6na-, *m6ni- (where i is a contraction of 9i
(§ 88) and i is the weakest grade of ablaut), and *pta-

§ 458] Verbs 281

(irrfj-vai, Dor. e-7rra-j/), *gn6- {€-yv<o-u and *gne- in OE.
cna-wan, /o know), *mn-e(i) {e-fidvr]-v).

Only middle forms of verbs of the type *pet3- were
preserved in Greek, all the active forms passed over into
the thematic conjugation in the prehistoric period of the
language and similarly in all the other languages except
the Aryan branch, as Trera-fiai, dya-/jLai, ipa-fxai beside the
new thematic formations, veTo-nai, dydo-fiai, epdo-fiai (Att.
epdco), Kpe/xa-iiat. But on the other hand Lat. vomo, ifiico
for *F€fxa-/xi or *f€fjL€-fii = Skr. vdmi-mi, cp. e/ie-cra-a,
^/jL€-<ra; 8a/jid<o for *Sa/xa-fxc, and similarly e\d<o, yeXdco,
dpoco, &c., cp. Skr. dni-mi, / breathe; sv4pi-mi, I sleep;
rodi-mi, / weep.

The long vowel in the type *pta-, *gn6- belonged in the
parent Indg. language to all numbers of the active and
middle. The forms of this type often had the function of
an aorist, as Hom. nXrj-ro : Skr. d-pra-t, he filled, base
*ple- beside *p6l9' ; irTrj-vai, e-TTTij-v : Trkra-fiai ; i-8pa-v
beside Skr. dra-ti, he runs; i-yva>-v : Skr. jiia-tdh, Lat.
(g)nd>tus, known ; and similarly i^Xrjv, €<r^r]v, irXrjv Dor.
'irXdv, t^-qv Dor. i^dv = Skr. dgam, Att. kyripdv : yrjpd-
<rK(o; Hom. ttX^to : TreXd^co, cp. Dor. d-irXdros. The 'e*
formations with intransitive meaning became productive
in Greek in the shape of the so-called passive aorist, which
was originally active both in form and meaning (§§ 503, 506).
Examples of •§• in other than aorist forms are : drj-o-t =
Skr. va-ti, he blows ; Lat. im-ple-s, Skr. pra-si, t/iou
fittest.

Beside the type *peta-, &c. with long vowel in the second
syllable there also existed the type *menei- with long
diphthong. These two types began to be mixed up already
in the parent language owing to the frequent loss of the
second element of long diphthongs (§ 63). It is often
therefore no longer possible to keep the two types rigidly
apart. When the Indg. accent was on the first syllable,

282 Accidence [§§ 459-60

the long diphthong became weakened to -ai- which
regularly became •!• (§ 88) and in its weakest form -i-, cp.
Skr. dmi-ti, he injures; brdvi-ti, he says, and forms like
Lat. farcis beside cupis. The presents of this type partly
went over into the thematic conjugation already in the
parent Indg. language and became mixed up with the
jo-verbs (§ 481), as fiaivo/xai, (f>aivo/xai, yaLpa, tutttoh, Hom.
^<r<r<o, from *fjiavJo/jMi, *^avJofiai, *xapjco, *TV7rj(o, *pr]Kjco ;
e^ofiai from *<T€Sjo/iac : Lat. sede-re ; o^co from *6S/(o :
6^ij-<rco for *6ST)-<ra). The -i- also occurs in characterized
presents like ii>pL-aKa> : fvprj-(ra>, a-Tepi-a-Kco : aTeprj-a-o),
a\i-<rKOfiai : aXS>-vai. When the Indg. accent was on the
second syllable, the long vowel — originally long diphthong —
remained, whence e/j.dvr)j/ beside /xaivofiai, and similarly
k<pdvqv, €\dprjv, krvirr^v, kppdyr]v, &c. (§ 506), which as
we have seen above became productive in Greek and
eventually came to be passive aorist in meaning.

b. With Reduplication.

§ 459. ^t-^r)-(TL, Skr. ji-ga-ti, he goes; Si-^rj-fiai from
*8i-8ja,-p.ai beside 8t-(o-p.ai from *St-8jo-fiaL ; lXr]'/xi from *(n-
(T\r]-/it beside iXa-fiai from* a i-aXa-fxai; Ki-\pr}-fii : Ki-\pa-fxai.
Presents like TrLfi-irXij-fii, ni/i-7rpr]-fjLi had the nasal in the
reduplicated syllable after the analogy of verbs of the type
Xifiirdvo) (§ 467), and forms like mfnrXdfiev : Tri^irXrjp.L were
new formations after the analogy of la-TdfKv : io-ttj/jli (§455).

Classes V-VIII.

§ 460. There can hardly be any reasonable doubt that
the general principle underlying the formation of the
various classes of nasal-presents was originally identical in
all the classes, cp. (i) Skr. asna-mi, / eat; asni>mdh, zve
eat; asn«dnti, they eat; Gr. ddfivrj-fii, 8d[ivd-p.iv = Indg.
*dmna-mi, *dmn9-mes. (2) Skr. strno-mi, strnu-mdh —

§ 46ol Verbs 283

Gr. (TTopyv-fii, (TTopvij-fiey, Indg. *strneU'mi, *strnu-mes.
(3) Skr. yundj-mi, I yoke; pi. yufij-mdh, we yoke, Indg.
*jun6g-mi, *jurjg-m6s ; Skr. chindd-mi, / destroy ; pi. chind-
mih ; Lat. scindo, Gr. a-x^C^ from Vx^^/a). (4) Skr.
vindd-ti, he finds ; Skr. yunjd-ti, lumpd-ti = Lat. jungit,
rumpit, cp. also Engl, stand ; stood. Besides having the
characteristic feature of nasal-infix it should be noted that
the root-syllable of all these types of verbs had originally
the weak grade of ablaut. In verbs of the type 8diivr]-[iL,
(TTopvv-fii the nasal was infixed before the last element of
the dissyllabic base, Indg. *dm-a-, *str-eu-. The -na-, -na-,
and -neu-, -nu- came to be regarded as suffixes already in
the parent language, and then became extended by analogy
to root-forms to which they did not originally belong. In
verbs of the type Skr. yundj-mi, -ne-, the strong grade
form of -n-, was infixed before the final consonant of the
root-syllable. This type of present was only preserved in
the Aryan group of languages. The types (i), (2), and (3)
were inflected according to the athematic conjugation with
the accent in the singular on the second syllable of the
base which had full grade vowel, and in the dual and
plural on the ending, as *dinna-mi, *strn6u-mi, *jun6g-mi,
pi. *dmn9-mes, *strnu-m6s, *jur)g-mes. In verbs of the
type Skr. yunjd-ti, lumpd-ti = Lat. jungit, rumpit, Indg.
*jur)g6-ti, *rump6-ti the nasal was infixed before the final
consonant of the root-syllable. The verbs of this type
belonged to the thematic conjugation.

In the present state of our knowledge of the parent Indg.
language it is impossible to determine what was the
original function and meaning of the nasal-infix. It is also
unknown how it came about that the nasal became infixed,
because the infixing of formative elements is otherwise
unknown in the Indg. languages.

284 Accidence [§§ 461- a

Class V.

§ 461. To this class belong verbs of the type 8d/jLVT]fii :
8afid-<rai, €-8d/xa-(ra; TTLTv-qfiL : Trerd-a-ai, i-TriTa-<ra; Skr.
asnimi, / eat; krinimi, / buy; fidpt/a/iai : fjLapa-<r/ws,
cp. Skr. mpiimi, / crush, destroy. Sanskrit has -ni- for
•ni- in the dual and plural after the analogy of verbs of
Class IV (§ 458).

Indg.

Gr.

Skr.

Sing. I.

-n4-mi

SdfiurjfiL

krinami

2.

•na-si

8dfivr]9

krinisi

3-

•na-ti

8dfiprj(ri

krinati

Dual 2.

.na.t(h)6s

Sdfivarov

krinithdl^

3-

•na-t6s

8d/jLvaTov

krinitdh

Plur. I.

•na-m6s

8dfivafi€P

krinimdh

2.

.n9.t(h)e

8dfivaT€

krinlthd

3-

•n(9)-enti

8d/iva(Ti (§ 439)

knndnti

And similarly Att. nipvijfii with -€- after the analogy of
TTipdo), i-vepa-aaa. The -l- in the root-syllable of the
following verbs has never been satisfactorily explained : —
Kipvrj/ii : Kepdo), k-K^pa-aa ; Kpiiivr)p.L : €Kpifia-<Ta ; TTLTvqfii :
k-Trera-aa ; *6piypafjLai : 6piya> ; 7ri\va/iai : k-iriXa-a-a ;
(rKt8ya/xai : k-<rKi8a-aa (cp. § 44, note i). In 8vyafj.ai the
-j/a- was levelled out into all forms of the verb.

§ 462. Most of the verbs which originally belonged to
Class V went over into the thematic conjugation with
preservation or loss of the -a- in -va-, as 8a/xvd(o, Kipvda>,
opLyvdofiai, TTiXvdco, TTLTvdca beside 8dKV(o, Kd/xv<o : Ka/ia-
T09, TTLTvoi, Hom. Dor. Tdfivoo, Trtvoa. It is difficult to
account for the strong grade vowel in the root-syllable
of Att. rkfivco, Dor. 8rj\o/iai from *8€\vofiai beside Att.
(SovXofiat from *fio\i'Ofiai, Lesb. aTr-iXXco, Hom. fiXo/jLai
from *f€Xvoiiai. Some verbs went over into the jo-con-
jugation (§ 478), as Lesb. KX(vva>, Hom. Att. KXtva) from

§ 463] Verbs 285

*k\ivj<o : Lat, in-cli-na-re ; Kptvco from *Kpivj(o : Lat. cerno
from *crin6; orpvpo) from *6Tpvvja>. This change from
the athematic to the thematic conjugation probably began
already in the parent Indg. language, cp. Skr. grnd-ti,
he calls, mind'ti, he lessens, mrnd-ti, he destroys, beside
grna-ti, mina-ti, mrna-ti ; Goth, and-bundnis, thou becomest
unbound, beside Skr. badhna-si, Indg. *bhndhna-si, thou
bindest ; Lat. stemit beside Skr. stma-ti, he strews.

Class VI.

§ 463. To this class belong verbs of the type a-Topvvfii,
Skr. strnomi, / strew : Goth, strdujan, to strew ; opi/vfii,
Skr. rnomi, / move ; Horn. Tavv-rai = Skr. tanu-te : Skr.
tanomi, Indg. *tn- no-mi, I stretch. In Greek the singular
had -vv- for -vev- : -vv- after the analogy of -vd-, Att. Ion.
'Vrj- : -va- in Class V.

Indg. Gr. Skr.

Sing. I. *str-n6u-mi aropuv/jLi strnomi

2. *str-n6u-si a-rSpvvs stpioki

3. *stj'-n6u-ti arSpvva-i strnoti
Dual 2. *str-nu-t(h)6 orropwrov strnuthdh

3. *str-nu-t6s (TTopvvTov strnutdh

Plur. I. *str-nu-m6s crropvvfxev strnumdh

2. *str-nu-t(h)6 aropvvT^ strnuthd

3. *str-nw-6nti a-Topvvaai (§ 439) strnvdnti

And similarly Hom. dvvfii, ijvv-To : Skr. sanomi, I gam,
acquire; dpvvfxai, d)(yvfiai, Kiyv/JLai, TTTdpvvfiai : Lat.
sternuo.

This type of present became productive in Greek which
gave rise to numerous new formations. The -vvfii came to
be used — irrespectively whether the root-syllable had the
weak or strong grade of ablaut — to form the present of bases
ending in a guttural, when such bases had an s-aorist, as
BuKvvm : eSei^a, and similarly ^evyyvfit, fieiyvv/ii {/xiyyv/xi),

286 Accidence [§§ 464-5

ofiopyvvfii, opiyvvfii, Trrjyuvfii, irXrjyi/vfii, prjyvvfxi, <f>pdyuvfii.
Other examples of new formations were : 8aiyv/jii : eSata-a,
Ion. €ivv/xi, Att. tvvvp.L from *fi(rvviii : ((r-aa, oXXvfii from
*6XuvfjLi : &Xiaa, o/ivv/ii : a>fio(ra, Tdvvjii : ereia-a ; Spvvfii
for *dpvvp.L, a-Topvvfii for *arpa- or *aTap-vvfjLi.

§ 464. The regular form uvvfii from prim. Gr. *F€crifv/xi
(§ 214) was preserved in Ionic, but in the prehistoric period
of Attic a new present *F€<rpvfii was formed with -o-- from
forms like €<r-<ra, l(T-6rjvai. This -a-V' became assimilated
to 'Vv- (§ 214), whence ivvvfii, and similarly a^ivvv^i,
^covuvjxi. And then after the analogy of these verbs were
formed presents like KopivvvfiL : (Kopfaa, a-Topevuv/ii,
pcovvvp-L, arpcovvvfii, Kepdvvv/xc, Kpep-avvvfii, TTiTdvvvfii,
a-K^Sdvvvfii.

§ 465. A large number of the verbs which originally
belonged to Class VI went over into the thematic con-
jugation partly in the historic and partly in the prehistoric
period of the language. The presents in -vvoi are common
in Att. Ion. and Doric, as dvvco, SdKvvco, fxiyuvco, o^vvat,
opvvca, Tavvco, Kipavvvco, <TTpa>vvv(c. These presents mostly
came into existence in the historic period of these dialects.
But many verbs passed over into the thematic conjugation
in the prehistoric period of the language, as Hom. avofiai,
Att. dvofiai from *dvfoiiai : Skr. sanomi, I gain, acquire;
0vva> : Skr. dhunomi, / shake; Hom. iKavco, Kixdvco from
*tKavfa), *Ki\avfo> ; Hom. tivco, Att. tivco from *Tii^fa> : Skr.
cinomi, / collect; Hom. <p6dva>, (f>$tva>, Att. (pBdvoo, (f>6iva)
from *<p6avfa>, *<f>6ivf(o. In the verbs 6vu€{f)(o (Hesiod),
lKvi{f)oiJLaL, KLvi{f)a) : KLVvfiai, oix^^iF)^ the change from
the one conjugation to the other probably took place at the
time when the singular still had *-v€v/xi, *-v€va, *-y€VTi for
later -vvfit, -vvs, -vvai. This explains the -e- which it would
be difficult to account for otherwise. As in the verbs of
Class V the change from the athematic to the thematic
conjugation probably began already in the parent Indg.

J

§§ 466-7] Verbs 287

language, cp. Skr. cinvd-ti beside cino'ii, he collects-, rnvd-ti
beside rno-ti, he moves ; mind-ti beside mino-ti, he lessens.
In Latin and the Germanic languages all the verbs originally
belonging to this class went over into the thematic con-
jugation.

Class VII.

§ 466. To this class belong the verbs which have a nasal
infixed before the final consonant of the root-syllable
(§ 460). This type of verbs was well preserved in Sanskrit
and Latin, cp. Skr. vinddti, he finds ; yuiijdti, lumpdti =
Lat. jungit, riimpit ; krntdti, he cuts ; limpdti, he smears ;
Lat. findo, fundo, linquo, pango, scindo, tango, vinco, &c.
But in Greek the original formation was only preserved in
pefi^ofiai, (r<f>iyY<o, and possibly in drifx^o), a-rifi^co. All
the other verbs originally belonging to this class went over
either into Class VIII or into the jo-conjugation (§ 478), cp.
XifjLTrdvco : *\ifjLiTa), Lat. linquo; TrvvOdvojiai. : *'irvv6<o, nevOo-
fxai ; Kkayydvda : */cAayya), Lat. clango, beside /cXa^co from
*K\ayyj(ii> ; nXd^oi from *nKayyj<o : ^irXayyoa, Lat. plango
(§ 156) ; irTia-aoa, nTLTroa from *iTriv(TJ(a : Lat. pinsio, pinso ;
Xi5^<B from *Xvyyj<o. The type of present like dv8dv(o : dBetv,
\ay)(dva) : €\a\ou, XavOdvoi : tXaOov, rvy\dv(ji) : tTv\ov,
XavSdvco : i^aSov, all of which occur in Homer, became
productive in the post-Homeric period. After the analogy
of these verbs were formed many new presents to strong
aorists, as SayKdvoa : tSuKov, kpvyydvan : kpvy^Xv, and
similarly Biyydvw, Xafi^dvoo, jiavBdvco, iravBdvo), ^vyydvoo.
After the analogy of Xifiirdvai were also formed TvifiirXdvo),
TTifiTrpdvoo.

Class VIII.

§ 467. To this class belong the verbs in -dua>. The
original type was probably denominative verbs like 6r)ydva> :
$T}ydvi], O-qyavov (Hesych.); oXiaOdvoi : oXia-Oavo^, as
similarly formed denominative presents are also found

288 Accidence [§ 468

in Sanskrit, Armenian, and Lithuanian, The suffix -avcn
then became productive in the formation of new presents,
partly to forms which were already present, and partly to
forms with the function of aorist, as aladdvofiat : dia-do),
aXvaKavo) : dXvarKO), dTT-exOdvofiai : i\6ofiai, av^dvco : av^co,
dfi^Xia-Kdvoi : d/x^Xia-Kco, kpvKdvco : epvKoo, l(dva) : T^oo, laTdva) :
lOTTj/xi, iaydvco : ta^yo), KivOdvoa : Kev$(o, Xrjddyo) : Xt^^oo;
d\<pdva>, KvSdvco ; dfjLapTdva> : ri^aprov, ^XaarTduco : €^\a-
<TTov, 8ap6dva> : eSapOop. It can hardly be an accident
that in all verbs of this class the root-syllable is long either
by vowel quantity or by position. After the analogy of
verbs like XrjOdvco : X^dco, iaydvo) : i<ry<i> were formed
Xifiirdvm : *Xi/XTra>, KXayydva> : *<Xayya), and then -dvoo
became extended to nearly all the verbs of Class VII
(§ 466).

Note, — In a few verbs beside -dvut there are also forms in
-avao) (with -ato after the analogy of denominative verbs like
Tifido), Sairavdu) : Sairdviy), and in -aivw from -avju>, as ipvKavdui,
i<r\avdo} beside cpvKotvo), UT\dvw ; Kv8aiv(D, oiSatVw, 6Xia6aiv(ji
beside KvSdvw, olSdvo), oXia-Odvia. See § 478.

Class IX.

§ 468. To this class belong the original s-presents. The
presents of this type were not numerous in the parent
Indg. language nor did they become productive in the
separate languages. The -s- was of the same origin as
the -s* which occurred in the aorist (§ 507) and in the
future (§ 499), and possibly also in the sko-presents
(§ 469), and was doubtlessly closely connected with the -s
in the s-stems of nouns, but it is unknown what was the
original function or meaning of the -s-.

This class originally contained both athematic and
thematic presents. The athematic forms except in the
aorist were not preserved in Greek, but were well pre-

J

§ 469] Verbs 289

served in Sanskrit where however the -s- was levelled out
into all forms of the verb, as dve-s-mi, / hate, pi. dvi-S-
m4h, we hate, dvi-§-tdh, hated : Gr. *8fii; *8fi; fear. Of
the thematic presents several were preserved in Greek,
as Skr. rdk-s-E'ti, he rescues, pi. rdk-S-a-nti, they rescue,
Gr. dXi^co : dX-oKK-elv, aXK-77 ; Skr. uk-s-a-ti, he grows,
Gr. aij^co : Skr. 6j-as-, strength, Lat. augere ; Skr. trd-
s-a-ti, he trembles, Gr. rpico from *Tp€(r<o : Tp€fia>, Lat.
tre-mo ; d{F)i^a>, Siyjro) beside 8i(P(o, 'd-^oo, KXdco cp. Ace-
KXaa-Tai, oSd^co : SuK-vco, ^eo) cp. ^i<r-<rai, <Tua> cp. a-i-a-eia--
Tai, (Tirda) cp. le-criraa-Tai. It should be noted that no
sharp line of distinction can be drawn between primary
S'verbs and denominative verbs formed from s-stems, cp.
reXeoo from *TeXi<TJ(o, yeXaco from *yiXa(rja) (§ 402) : reXia--
(Ton, y(Xd<r-<rai, beside /cAaco from *>cXao-co : K€-KXa<r-Tai.

Class X.

§ 469. To this class belong the verbs the present of
which was originally formed by the addition of the formative
suffix "Sko- to the weak grade form of the base which
could be either monosyllabic or dissyllabic. The presents
of this type were rare in Sanskrit and the Germanic
languages, but became productive in Greek and Latin.
They appear in Greek both with and without reduplication,
the former do not appear in Sanskrit, and Latin has only
the one example disco from *di-dc-sco. The accent was
originally on the suffix in all forms of the present, as sing.
•sko, -sk^-si, -sk^-ti, pi. -skd-mes, •ske-t(h)e, -skd-nti.
It is doubtful whether the suffix in the Ionic imperfect
and aorist iterative forms like 0acr/ce, (^evyeaKev, (j)iXi€(rK€,
SocTKou, (f)vy€(rKi, &c. is of the same origin, because the
meaning of the suffix and the absence of the augment
(§ 430) in such forms have never been satisfactorily ex-
plained.

290 Accidence [§§ 470-2

a. Without Reduplication.

§ 470. I. Monosyllabic heavy bases, as (f>d(TKa> : (f>r}fu
(§ 454), ^6<TK<o : Pa>-T(op.

2. Dissyllabic light bases, as fida-KO), ^da-Kei, Skr. gdc-
ch3.*mi, I go, gkcchsL'ti, he goes, Indg. *gmsk6, *gmsk6-ti :
fiaCva> from */3ayLty(» (§ 142), Indg. *gnij6, beside Goth. qimij>,
he comes, Indg. *geme-ti ; Skr. prcchd-ti, Lat. poscit from
*porc-scit, Indg. *prk-sk6-ti, he asks ; i(tk<o from *FiK-<rK(t)
(§ 186) : i-OLKa, XdaKco from *XaK-<TKa) : tXaKov, iita-yoi from
*fiiK'O-K<0, with -y- for -k- after the analogy o(fuyyv/ii, kfiiyrjv,
cp. Lat. misceo ; Trdtry^ca from *Tra6<TKco : tiraOov (§ 109).

3. Dissyllabic heavy bases, as dpia-Kco : ijpeaa, yrjpdaKCD :
yrjpdoa, OvqaKOi) (Dor. 6vd(rK(o), ^Xoxtkco, OpdxrKco. In
presents like evpiaKco : €vp^(T<o, a-Tepia-KO} : a-T^prja-ofiai,
aXiaKOjiaL : dA©»'af, dfi^Xia-Kco : ij/x^Xcoaa, the -f- was the
weak grade form of an original long diphthong -ei-, -di-
(§ 458). After the analogy of such presents were formed
Att. Ourja-Kco, fii-fiv^a-KO) (§ 471), $p^(rKa), Ion. kXtjio-kco,
Xprjta-KOfxat.

b. With Reduplication.

§ 471. In the reduplicated verbs belonging to this class
three sub-divisions are to be distinguished according as the
reduplicated syllable contains -i-, -e-, or a fuller reduplication.

1. ^c^pdxTKQ), yiyudxTKco : Lat. (g)n6sco, SiSda-KCD from
*8i-8aK-(rK(o : Lat. disco, SLSpda-Kco, iXda-Ko/xai from *<Ti-(rXa'
(TKo/xai : iXaOi from *<Ti-(rXa-$i ; kikXtJo-kco, /xifivrja-KO) beside
kikX^o-kco, /iifjLv^<TKCo (§ 470, 3), TrnrpdaKO), TiTvcrKOfiai,
Trnrta-Kco.

2. ScSiaKo/jiai, etcr/cco from *f€-fiK-<TKa> beside i<tk(o : i-oiKa.

3. dpapi(TK<o, dira(f>L(rKa).

Class XI.
§ 472. To this class belong the verbs the present of which
contains a dental suffix -to-, -do-, or -dho-. The presents
of this type were rare in the parent Indg. language and

§ 473] Verbs 291

remained unproductive in the various individual languages
with the exception of the -dho- presents in Greek. In
Sanskrit, Latin and the Germanic languages the dental was
generally levelled out into all forms of the verb, and
occasionally also in Greek. It is sometimes difficult to
determine how far the dental can be regarded as a formative
verbal suffix and how far it is merely a so-called root-
determinative. The -to- presents are rare in all the Indg.
languages. In these presents the •to- was closely con-
nected with the nominal suffix -to-, cp. Lat. plecto, ttX^ktos:
TrXiKCi), 7r€KT(o : tt^ktos, e^Xaaroj/ : ^Xaaro^. It is doubtful
what was the origin and original function of the dental in
the -do- and -dho- presents. Some scholars regard it as
being connected with the -d-, -dh- of the roots *do- in
8i-8(o-fii, and *dhe- in ri-Oij-ixi.

■to-presents.

§ 473. Att. duvTCD : avvoo, duvfii ; Att. dpvTco : dpvco ;
TTiKToo, Lat. pecto, cp. OE. feohtan, to fight : Tre/cco; Lat.
plecto : TrXeKco. In forms like i^Xaa-rou : ^Xaa-rduo),
rjfiaprov : afiaprduco the dental is not a present suffix but
belongs to all forms of the verb. tikt<o is from older
*TLTKa> (§ 457). All or nearly all the other -to-presents in
Greek are of a different origin, as in da-TpaTTTO) from
*darpa'irja> (§ 129, i) : da-Tpan^ ; and similarly SaTrTco :
Sa-ndur}, KXinTO) : Lat. clepo, Goth. lUifa,, I steal ; xaXiirTco :
XaXiTTOi ; kotttco, a-Kdwrco, tvitto), and many others. These
and similar presents, where the -ttt- was regularly developed
from older -717- (§ 129, i), gave rise to numerous new forma-
tions. After the analogy of the future and aorist in verbs like
ru^/r<B, iTv^a : tvtttco from *TV7rja>, new presents in -ttt-
were formed to stems ending in -/3 and -0, as kuXvittco :
KaXvyjfa), kKdXv^a, cp. kuXv^tj ; ^d-rrrco : ^d-^oi, l/3a>/ra, cp.
(Pd(f)r}v ; and similarly aTTTCo, ^Xdnro), SpurrTco, ipirrTco, cp.
kpiffxo, OdirTco, KpuTTTQ), KVTTTco, &.C. And in like manner were

u 2

292 Accidence [§§ 474-6

formed new presents to stems originally ending in a velar
guttural (§§ 202, 205), as irk-nTO) : ncylrco, eTreyjra, beside the
regular form iria-a-co, Att. irirTm from Indg. *peqj6, cp. Lat.
coquo, Skr. pdcami, / cook ; vitttco : viyjra), ivi'^a, beside
the regular form vi^co from Indg. *nigj6.

•do«presents.

§ 474. dXSofiai, dXSaivco : dti/-aX-roy, Lat. ale ; iXSo/xai
from *F€\8ofxai : Lat. veMe ; fxeXSofiai : fiaXaKos.

•dho-presents.

§ 475. dXrjQa) : dXkoo, aXOofxai, dXdaivo) : di/-aX-TOs, Lat.
alo ; dXKaOetv : dXKco, dyBofiai : d')(vv^aL, ^apvOco : ^apvs,
^pt$a> : ^pL'apo?, yrjBofiai, Dor. yaOofiat from *ydfa6o/j.ai :
yaico from *yafj(o, cp. Lat. gaudeo from *gavide6 ; e/xidco :
ipLeco, eaOo), kcrOioo : e^co, Lat. edo ; aor. ea^^Oov : iayov,
OaXidco : OdXXco, KvrjOoi : Kvdco, TreXdOco : triXas, ttXtjOod :
TTLfiTrXrjfjii, TTvOco : Skr. puyati, he stinks, ttvov ; ^XeyiOco :
(pxiya, jxivvOo) : Skr. mi-no-mi, / lessen, Lat. minuo ;
<})$ivv$a> : Skr. ksi-no-mi, / destroy.

Class XIL

§ 476. To this class belong the various types of j-presents
which from the point of view of Greek can be conveniently
divided into the so-called primary verbs, the denominative
verbs, and the causative together with the iterative verbs.
In the so-called primary verbs two originally distinct types
of presents fell together in Greek, viz. the thematic jo-
presents and the athematic i-presents (§ 481). Before read-
ing the account of the history of the j-presents in Greek,
the student should consult §§ 127-30, because what is
stated there about j will not be repeated in the following
paragraphs.

§§ 477-8] l^erbs 293

I. Primary Verbs.
a. Thematic Presents.

§ 477. The thematic presents were formed by adding
•JO'> -je- direct to the root-syllable which could have either
the strong or the weak grade of ablaut, as Xeva-aco from
*X€VKja}; Treo-croD = Indg. *p6qj5 : Skr. picyate = Indg.
*peqjetai, he cooks ; Skr. pisyati, he sees : Lat. specio ;
beside /SatVco from *^avj<o, Lat. venio (§ 142), Indg. *gmj6;
<tXl((o from *a\i8j<o : Goth, skdidan, to divide. The
original inflexion of the present was : sing, -jo* -je-si, "je-ti,
pi, •jo-mes, •je-t(h)e, •jo-'^ti, and the thematic vowel had
or had not the accent according as the root-syllable con-
tained the weak or the strong grade of ablaut, as *gmj6ti,
he goes, beside *p6qjeti, he cooks. But the accent in
presents of the type *gmjeti probably became shifted on to
the root-syllable already in the prim. Indg. period, cp.
Skr. kiipjati, he is angry, Lat. cupio ; divyati, he plays ;
hfsyati, he rejoices, beside pdsyati, he sees. The oldest
stratum of both types was the denominative presents formed
from monosyllabic root-nouns. A distinction in the accent
between them and the ordinary denominatives thus arose
insomuch as all presents of the former type came to
have the accent on the root-syllable, whereas the latter
type had it on the thematic vowel -jd-, -j^** Greek,
Sanskrit, and the Baltic-Slavonic languages regularly
preserved the primary -jo-presents, but in Latin and the
Germanic languages they became mixed up with the
originally athematic i-presents (§ 481).

§ 478. The root-syllable of the primary jo-presents
could end in a vowel or in a consonant, as 8pda>, 8p6i>
from *8pdja>, Att. ^00, Kva>, ^pca from *(r}ja>, *Kvr}j(o, *XPVJ'^ I
8i<o from *8€jco ; 0u(u, Lesb. (f>vi<o from *<pvjoo ; tttvoo from
Indg. *spjuj5, Lith. spiduju, / s/*//.

294 Accidence [§§ 479-80

Saiofjiai, Kvaico from *8aijofiai, *Kvaija>. yaico, 8aia>,
KXaio) from *yafj(o, *8afj<o, *KXafjQ).

dXXofiai from *<TaXjo^ai : Lat. salio ; /SaAXeo from *PaXja>,
and similarly 6dXX<o, -rraXXo), aKciXXoo, a-cpdXXco, fieXXco,
(TreAAco, tiXXco, <tkvXX(o, &c.

(nraip(o from *(r7rapj(o, Indg. *sprj6 : Lith. spiriii, I push
with the foot, and similarly crKaipo), Dor. (j)6aip(o beside Att.
(f>6€ipoi), aye/po), aipco from *fapja), diipco, Lesb. dippa> from
*dfipj<o, Seipa>, Lesb. Sippco, Kupat, Lesb. Kippoi, /leipo/xaL,
TT€Lpa>, anreipco, (f>$€ipa), Lesb. (f>6eppa), Kvpto, /xvpo/iai, 0dpeo.

/SttiVo) from *^avjco, Indg. *gmjo (§ 65), (paiuco from *(f)ai/j<o,
and similarly Spaii/a>, Kaivco, Kpaivoa, Lesb. KTaivco beside
Att. KTeivco, Lesb. KTivvoo, aaivoo, •)(^patv(ii.

^pdcra-Q), Att. PpdrTco (rom *^paTJa), and similarly AiWo/zai,
Trda-aoi. ^Xv^co from *^Xv8ja>, and similarly kui^<o, cr\d((ii,
yd^ofiai, &c.

8pd(r(ra>, Att. 8pdTTa> from *8paKJa), and similarly Opdaaoa,
rdcraa), ^pdaao), Aeucrcro), Tria-crco (Indg. *peqj6), 7rpd(T(r(o,
TrX-qcraco, (f>pL<Ta<o, dfivaa-o), opvcrcrw, TTTvaaoa.

d^ofiai, ^d((i) from *dyjofiai, *^ayja), and similarly ^pa^oo,
Xd^o/xai, CTKd^Q}, (T(f)d^co, p(^<o, ^pi^oo, Kpi^co, Xi^co, vi^O) (Indg.
*nigj6), aTL(a>, Tpi(a>, fiv^o), rpv^oa, &c.

vaicd from *vaaja) : vd(r-(rai, and similarly fiaLOfiai, Keico.

On the presents ending in -ttto) from -ttJq) see §§ 129, i,
473.

§ 479. The -jo- in primary verbs was sometimes a second-
ary suffix added to other present-formative elements, as
kXivco, Lesb. KXivvco, from *kXivJ(o : kXlcti?, Kptvoa : Kpiai?,
nXvvco : TrewXvTai, orpivco. KXd(<o from *KXayyJ(o : Lat.
clango, TrXd^co from *7rXayyjco : Lat. plango, Xv^co from
*Xvyyjco (§ 460). KvSaivco from *Kv8avja> : Kv8dva>, and
similarly olSaivco, oXicrOaiuco (§ 467, note).

§ 480. The reduplicated presents of this division generally
have a fuller reduplication, and rarely -t- in the reduplicated
syllable, as urj-vioo, fxai-fidco. nai-TrdXXo). yap-yaipoo, Kap-

§ 48 1] Verbs 295

Kaipoi, ixap-fiatpa), /iop-fivpco, 7rop-(f>vp<a, fiafi-^aivco, rrafi-
^aivco. aiacra), Att. arrco, from *fat-fiK-j<i), Trai-<f)d<T(Ta>.
idX\a> from *cn-(ra\-j(o (cp. § 213, i) : aXXofiai, Lat. salio,
Ti-raivco, \i-\aiofj.ai from *\i-\acr-jo-fiai.

b. Athematic Presents.

§ 481. To this division belong the primary presents
which were formed from dissyllabic heavy bases containing
the long diphthong -ei- in the second syllable (cp. § 458).
The presents of this type originally belonged to the
athematic conjugation. In the singular the accent was on
the first syllable of the base and in the dual and plural
on the personal endings, as base *menei-, think, sing.
*meni-mi, *meni-si, *m6ni-ti, pi. *mni-m6s, *mni-t(h)6,
*mnj.6nti. The original athematic inflexion was not
preserved in all forms of the present in any of the
Indg. languages in historic times. Judging from the
Baltic-Slavonic languages (see below) it is probable that
the first person singular went over into the jo-presents
already in the parent Indg. language. In Greek all the
presents of this type went entirely over into the thematic
conjugation and thus fell together with the jo-presents.
And the weak stem-form of the dual and plural became
generalized, as /jLaivo/xai from *fiaujo/xai, older *mnjomai :
ifidvqv, )(aLp(o : k\dpr]v, i^ofiaL from *a€8jofJLaL : Lat.
sede-re, 6(a) from *68joi) : o^ija-oD for *68i](ra). Also in
Sanskrit most of the presents of this type went over into
the thematic conjugation, whereas in Latin and the Ger-
manic languages the two types of presents became mixed,
cp. Lat. capio from *capj5, capis, capit, capimus, capitis,
capiunt from *capjont, beside farcio from *farcjo, farcis,
farcit from older *farcit, farclmus, farcitis, farciunt from
*farcjont, where the first person singular and the third
person plural belong to the thematic conjugation and all
the other forms to the athematic. The original distinction

296 Accidence [§ 482

between the inflexion of the two types of presents was best
preserved in the Baltic-Slavonic languages, cp. O.Slav,
sing, minj^, I think, mini-Si, mini-tii, pi. mini-mu, mini-te,
min-f til, beside sing, borj^, / fight, borje-Si, borje-tfi, pi.
borje-mii, borje-te, borj^tii. Whether a present origi-
nally belonged to the athematic or to the jo-presents can
generally be determined by the fact that the former type
of present usually has an e- or an i-stem beside it in the
non-present forms, cp. naivojiaL : kfidvqv, fiifiavri<a^, fjufid-
vijfiai, jxavia ; \atpa> : i^dprjv, xdpi^.

2. Denominative Verbs.

§ 482. The formation of the denominative presents was
in principle the same as that of the so-called primary jo-
presents (§ 478). Apart from the position of the accent in
the two types of presents they were identical in formation.
In the denominative presents the accent was originally on
the -jd-, -j6-, thus sing, -jo, -j6-si, -j^-ti, pi. -jd-mes, •j6-t(h)e,
•j6'nti. This system of accentuation was preserved in
Sanskrit, as sing, deva-ya-mi, I cultivate the gods, am pious,
deva-yd-si, deva-yd-ti, pi. deva-ya-mah, deva-yd-tha,
deva-yd-nti, formed from 6.qv^-, god ; but in prim. Greek
the accent was shifted from the -j6-, -j^- on to the stem, cp.
<l>i\i(o, Tlfidco, fj.r]Via>, ^lTva>, TiKTaivm, TeXica, kXiri^ca, from
prim. Gr. *(f>i\€jd> : (piXos, *TlfjLdj(a : tI/jlcL, -77, *fjLr]vija : /xfji/is,
*<piTvjd) : (pirv, *T€KTavjd> (where -ap- = Indg. *-n-, the weak
grade of -cov, -ov-) : t^ktccv, *Ti\i(TJda : reXos-, rlAeo--, *k\Tr L8jd> :
i\m8-. By comparing the various languages with one
another it can be shown that denominative presents were
capable of being formed from all kinds of nominal stems
already in the parent Indg. language, and that such presents
were formed by the addition of -j6-, -j6- to the bare stem.
The denominative verbs can be conveniently divided into
two great groups according as they were formed from
stems ending in a vowel or a consonant.

§ 483] Verbs 297

a. Vocalic Stems.

§ 483. The formation of denominative verbs in -ajo, -ejo,
•ijo, and -ujo, from a-, o-, i-, and u-stems, was common in
the parent Indg. language, and making allowance for the
special sound-laws of the individual languages, this type of
verb was preserved and often became very productive in
the oldest period of all the languages. The Greek verbs
in -oco (see below), formed from the o-form of o-stems, was
a special Greek formation which does not occur in any of
the other languages. Before reading the following para-
graphs dealing with the contract verbs the student should
consult §§ 79-80 on vowel contraction. In Greek as also
in other Indg. languages the denominative verbs, formed
from a-, 0-, i", and u-stems, have a long vowel in the non-
present forms and in the nomina derived from them, as
Tlfirj<ra), ht/xrja-a, ti/jltjto?, Tifirja-is : TifidoD, cp. Lat. plan-
tarem, plantatus : planto ; (PiXrja-a), k(f>L\7](ra, (f>i\rjT6^ :
(pcXico, cp. Lat. alberem : albeo ; iSrjpla-dfjLrjv, d-SrjplTo^ :
Srjpiofiai, cp. Lat. finirem, flnitus : finio ; d-8dKpvT09 :
SaKpvQ), cp. Lat. statiitus : statue ; fxiaOdxrco, i/jLca-Oooa-a,
fiio-OooTos : fiiaOoo), cp. Lat. aegro-tus. This development
of the verbal system took place in prehistoric Greek partly
through the influence of the verbs in Class IV (§§ 458-9)
and partly through the influence of the verbal adjectives in
-77x09, -oiTo^, -iTos, -0x09, which themselves were new
formations formed after the analogy of the denominative
and verbal adjectives in -dro^. In some dialects the
long vowel in the non-present forms was levelled out into
the present. This was especially the case in Boeot. Lesb.
and Delph., and also with the verbs in 4(0, -v(o for -tco, -vcn
in Attic and Ionic. In the Boeot. Lesb. Thess. Arcad.
and Cyprian dialects the denominative presents in -dco, -ico,
-6g) often went over into the athematic conjugation after the
analogy of the original athematic presents (§ 433, note).

298 Accidence [§§ 484-5

§ 484. The verbs in -d<a were originally formed from
a-stems, as rl/xdco, older *Ttfiaj(i), Indg. -ajo : Tlfia, -rj, cp.
Skr. pjiana-yi-mi, I fight, p|iana-yd-ti, he fights : p^ana-,
fight, battle ; Lat. planto, older *plantajo : planta. Some
verbs have a long vowel in the root-syllable as compared
with the vowel in the corresponding nouns, as pafidco :
voiirj, <rTpai(l>da> : (TTpo(f)ri, Trcordo/xai : ttottj, &c. a-stems
with collective and abstract meaning existed in the parent
language by the side of o-stems, whence verbs like dvTidco :
dvTios, d-Ti/ido) : d-TlfWS, yoddn : yooy, Updofiai : Upo?,
Xo)(d<o : X6\09, fKOfidofiai : /zcS/zoy, (poifidco : <l>oi^o9. The
short -a- in ri/idco, &c. was due to the analogy of the short
vowel of the verbs in -eo), -oco, -ico, -vco and partly also to verbs
formed from ja-stems, as roA/zaco : ToX/ia. Cp. §§ 73-4.

§ 485. In the parent Indg. language the denominatives
in -ejo (Gr. -€<o, Skr. -aya-, Lat. -eo) were formed from
the e-form of the o-stems, cp. Lat. albeo : albus, lenteo :
lentus, Skr. deva-ya-mi, / am pious, amitra-ya-mi, / am
hostile, 3. pers. sing, deva-yd-ti, amitra-yd-ti : devk-, god,
dmitra-, enemy, Gr. <l>iXea), dpiOfiico, from *<f>iX€jQ), *dpt0-
fMCjco : (f>cXo9, dpidfj.69 ; Koipavico : Koipavos, oUico : oiko^, Sec.
Through the shifting of the accent in prim. Greek the
denominatives in -eo) fell together with the causative and
iterative verbs (f>o^€<o, rponico, See. from Indg. -ej5 (§ 497).
Beside the more general form in -ejo there was also a form
in -jo with omission of the final -e of the stem. This was
probably due to the fact that numerous vocalic and con-
sonantal stems existed side by side in the parent Indg.
language, cp. Skr. turan-ya-mi, / hasten, adhvar-ya-mi,
/sacrifice, 3. pers. sing, turan-yd-ti, adhvar-yd-ti : turand-,
hasty, quick, adhvard-, sacrifice ; Gr. dyyeXXa> from *ay-
yiXfia : dyyeXo?, and similarly aloXXco, SaiSdXXco, KafiTrvXXoo,
TToiKiXXco, &c. ; (f>aeiua) from *<paf€(rvja) : (f>a€iv6^ from
*<f>af€avo9, fifiXiaaco from *fi(iXi\j<o : fi(iXi)(09, yaXeirTO)
from *)(aXiirjoi> (§§ 129, i, 473) : ^aXi-rro^.

§§ 486-9] Verbs 299

§ 486. The denominatives in -oct), which are generally
factitive in meaning, were a special Greek new formation
and came to be formed from the c-form of o-stems already
in the prehistoric period of the language, as Sov\6a> :
Sov\o9, 8r]X6<o : SfjXos, fitaOoa) : fiiado^, veoco : veo?, TroXe-
fioco : TroXffiia) : noXifio^, \pv(r6ai : xpva-o?, &c. This type
of present became productive and was extended to other
than o-stems, as ^rffiioco : ^r^jiLd, y€(f)vp6(o : ye0i/pa, nXaTocD :
nXarv?, 6pvld6a> : opvlO-.

§ 487. Kovm from *Kouija) (Indg. -ijo, Skr. -lya,-) : kovi^,
firiTLo/xai, Lat. metier : fifjri^, and similarly Srjpio/jLat, /la-
(TTico, ixr]via>, &c., cp. Skr. jani-yd-ti, he seeks a wife : jdni-,
wife; sakhi-yd-ti, he desires friendship : sdkhi>, friend;
Lat. finio, grandio, lenio : finis, grandis, lenis.

§ 488. SaKpvm from *8aKpvj(o (Indg. -ujo, Skr. -uya-) :
SaKpv, and similarly d)(XvQ), yr]pv<o, iOvco, fiidvco, (f>lTva), &c.,
cp. Skr. gatu-yd-ti, he sets in motion : gatii-, motion ; satrii'
yd-ti, he treats as an enemy : sdtru-, enemy; Lat. acuo,
statue : acus, status.

§ 489. The denominatives in -ei^co, prim. Gr. -"qFjoo, were
formed from the stem of nouns of the type of ^aaiXev^ from
*fia<nXi]V9 : *^a<nXrjP' (§ 838). The •rjFj<o would regularly
have become -ei<o (through the intermediate stages -rjifco,
■€if<o) which is found in the dialect of Elis. In ^aa-iX€v<o
for *^a(nXiico the -€v- was introduced into the present after
the analogy of the other tenses, and it may also in part be
due to the influence of the nominative singular of the
corresponding noun, and similarly dpi<rT€v(o, UpiV(o, Imrevco,
i^o/jLivco, TTOfxTrevo), Topfvco, <l>oueva), )(aXK(v<o, &c. This type
of present became productive in the oldest period of the
language and was extended to other than -eu-stems, as
6r)pcvco : drjpd, ^ovXevco : ^ovXtJ, dyop(va) : dyopd, olvo-
yoivoi : oivo\6o9, /iavrevofiai : /j.dvTi9, 8payfi(va> : Spdy/xa,
dXri$€V(io : dX-qOiji.

300 Accidence [§§ 490-3

b. Consonantal Stems.

§ 400. From n«stems, as ovofiaivoa from *6voiiavjoi) ( =
Indg. -njo) : 6vofxa, noi/xaiva> from *iroLfiavj<o : voi/irjv, and
similarly €v<Ppaiva) : iij(f>pa)v, Kv/xaiva> : Kv/ia, /zeXatVo) :
jiiXav; irlaivco : mcop, (rmpjiaivoi : cnripfia, TeKTaivco :
T€KT<ov, &c. This type of present became productive in
the oldest period of the language and after the analogy
of it were formed a large number of verbs from other than
n-stems. These new formations generally had a factitive
meaning, as fiaa-Kaivco : fida-Kauo?, KcpSaifco : K€p8os, and
similarly X^iatvo), X^vKaiuco, Xiraiva), niKpaivco, &c. ; yXv-
Kaivoi : yXvKv^. After the analogy of the verbs in -aivoi
were formed those in -vvoo from u-stems, as dprvuct) : dprvs,
and similarly ^apvvco, ^paSvvo), r)Svu<o, dpaavvco, lOvvat.
And then further after the analogy of these were formed
new denominatives like al(r\vva) : atcrxoy, KaKvvaa : kuko^.

§ 491. From r-stems^as TiKfiaipco from *T€Kfiapja> (= Indg.
•rjo) : T€Kfiap. Analogical formations from other than r-
stems were yeya/jooo : ycyapos, k^Oaipoa : €X$p69, Kadaipco :
KaOapo^, &c. fiaprvpo/jLai from */jiapTvpjofjLat : fidprv-p-,
and similarly Kivvpofiai : Ktvvpo^, fiivvpo/xai : fiLvvpos.

§ 492. From s-stems, as reXeo), Hom. reXet'co, Att. TeX<£
from *TeXiaj(o : reXos, stem riXca-, cp. Skr. apas-ya-mi,
/ am active, apas-yd-ti, he t's active : dpas-, Lat. opus,
work ; Goth, riqizjan, to become dark : riqis, darkness ;
and similarly dKcofiai : dK09, dvO^co : dvdos, ncvOio) : TriyOo^,
P€iK€a> : u(Tko9, &c. alSeo/xaL from *aiS€ajofxai : alSea-- :
al8d>9. Forms like /^poo) from *(rfiSpo(rJ(o, piyoco, Hom.
yeXcooD, /^pcoco were formed direct from the nominative
iSpos, piyos, iSpd>9, yeXooy.

§ 493. From dental stems, as alfida-a-co from *ai/xaTj(i) :
ai/iar-, ^Xitto), ^Xiaaco (§ 129, 6) : fiiXir-, Kopvaaco from
*Kopv6jai : KopvB: (Xtti^o) from *eXniSja) : eXiriS-, and
similarly oTri^o/xai, Xi6d^co, fiiyd^ofiai, &c.

§§ 494-7] Verbs 301

§ 494. From guttural stems, as Krjpva-a-o) from *Kr]pvKja) :
Krjpv^, -vKo^, ^rja-a-co from *^r})(jQ> '• ^viy ^VX°^> 0<^PW^^ •
$a>pd^, -aKos, &c, dpird^oa from *apTrayj(o : apira^, -ayos,
and similarly fiaaTi^co, <raXm^(o from *(7aK'Kiyyj(£> (§ 156).

§ 496. The denominatives in -a^co, -i^oi from -a^'co, -ayjo),
'iSJco, -lyjio became productive and gave rise to a large
number of analogical formations from all kinds of stems,
as dyand^Q) : dyando), Treipd^co : neipda), 8iKd(a> : Siktj,
Kavayi^di : Kavayj\, SoKi/xd^co : SoKifxo^, r](rv)(d^co : r](rv\09,
SiLTTvi^oi : BuTTvov, dKovTL^co : aKODV, fiaKapi^Q) : /idKap,
al/xaTi^o) : ai/ia.

§ 496. The formation of the denominatives in -coo-o-o),
-corro) is uncertain insomuch as it cannot be determined
whether it originally arose from dental or guttural stems.
It is possible that this type of verb started out from
dfi^Xvdxra-o) from *dfip\v<ii>Kjco : a/z/SAvcoTToy, TV<pXd)(r<r<o :
Tv(f>Xd)'\jr, and that they were formed before the velar gut-
tural became n in -coir-, cp. the parallel forms Skr. ak|i, Gr.
oWe from *6kJ€, Indg. *oqi, both eyes, Lat. oc-ulus, beside
oyjrofxai, owTeoi/. The -dxra-co in these verbs may have
become productive and extended by analogy to other than
guttural stems, as Xlfidxra-oa : Xljxos, oviipdxra-a) : ovupos,
vypd><r(r<o : vypoy, VTrvaxra-o) : vttvos, &c.

3. Causative and Iterative Verbs.

§ 497. Causative and iterative verbs were common in the
parent Indg. language and were also preserved in the
oldest period of all the separate languages. This type of
present was formed by the addition of the formative suffix
•6jo-, -^je- to the root-syllable which contained the o grade
of ablaut (= Gr. 0, Lat. o, Goth, a, Skr. a), as Indg. sing,
*sod-ej6, / cause to sit, set, *sod-6je-si, *sod-6je-ti, pi. *sod
6jo-mes, *sod-6je-t(h)e, *sod-6jo-nti = Skr. sad-dya-mi
sad-4ya-si, sad-4ya-ti, sad-dya-mah, sad-dya-tha, sad
dya-nti, Goth, sat-ja, sat-jis, sat-ji]>, sat-jam, sat-ji]>, sat

302 Accidence [§ 498

jand : root *sed-, sit; <f>oP€CD from *(f>o^€ja> : (fyifiofiai, and
similarly cro/3ea) : a-ejSofiai, cp. Lat. noceo : neco, moneo :
memini ; Engl, fell, set : fall, sit.

TTorkofiai from *TroT(Jo/xai, Skr. pat-4ya-mi : ncTOfxai,
Skr. pdta-mi, I/Iy, and similarly /Spo/zeco : /3pe/xa), oxfo/iai:
Lat. veho, o-kottIo) : crKiiTTO^ai, (TTpo(f>i(ji) : (TTpi(f>a>, Tpofiico:
rpifjuo, rponim : Tpiiro), (f>ofiiofiat : (l>e^ofiai, <pop€(o : <f>ipa>,
&c.

After the shifting of the accent in the denominative
presents formed from o-stems, as 0iXea) from *(f>iX€ja>, older
•€ja> (§ 482) verbs like 0o/3€<b, <popi<o came to be regarded
as being formed from the nouns 06/3oy, (f>6pos, and then
after the analogy of (f)L\e(c : 0^X770-00, k<f>C\r}(Ta, (f>cXT]T6s, to
(f)opi<o were formed (f>opy](ra>, kcftop-qaa, (PoprjTo^ for *(f>opi.T6^
where -ltos was the regular Indg. ending of the verbal
adjective belonging to this type of present, cp. Lat. moni-
tus : moneo, Goth, satijjs : satjan, to set, Skr. vartitih :
vart-4ya-mi, / turn.

The Future.

§ 498. It it doubtful whether the parent Indg. language
had special forms which were exclusively used to express
future meaning. By comparing together the oldest periods
of the different languages we are forced to the conclusion
that it must have been expressed in various ways. In
Sanskrit and Lithuanian the future was formed by means
of the formative element -sjd-, -sje- which was]an extension
of the -s- element occurring in Class IX of the presents
(§ 468). This -sjo- future belonged to the thematic conju-
gation and was inflected like a present, as Skr. da-sya-mi
(Lith. du-siu), I shall give, da-syd-si, da-syi-ti, pi. da-sya-
mah, da-syd-tha, da-syd-nti = Indg. *dO'Sj6, *d5-sje-si,
*d6-sje-ti, pi. *do-sj6-mes, *d5-sje-t(h)e, *d6-sj6-nti. This
formation may also exist in Greek in the future formed
from bases or stems ending in an explosive, as S€i^<o, Skr.

§ 499] Ferbs 303

dek-§ya-mi, Indg. *deik-sj6, but it is far more probable that
such is not the case, because the future formed from the
other bases or stems cannot be explained as being of this
origin.

The present with momentary meaning was also originally
used with a future meaning, and a few such forms also
occur in Greek, as Srjco, dfn, uio/iai (§ 424). This mode of
expressing the futurebecame productive in the old Germanic
and Slavonic languages. And in like manner the subjunctive
of a presential or second aorist stem was also used with
a future meaning, as eSofiai (Skr. pres. indie, dd-mi, / eaf},
niofiai, x^% Hom. ^eiofiai, cp. also Lat. ero = eco, S>, Indg.
*6s6.

§ 499. The ordinary Greek future was originally the
subjunctive of the s-aorist which came to be used for the
future, cp. also the similar forms in Lat. capso, dixo, faxo,
&c. This subjunctive of the s-aorist had the same root-
vowel as the present indicative. It belonged to the the-
matic conjugation and was inflected like a present, as sing.
•so, -se-si, -se-ti, pi. -so-mes, •se-t(h)e, -so-nti, whereas the
indicative of the s-aorist belonged to the athematic con-
jugation (§ 507). The Greek future can be conveniently
divided into two great categories according as it appears
with or without the medial -<r-. The medial -a-- regularly re-
mained in bases or stems ending in an explosive, as Xet'-v/ro),
oyjrofiai, Triyjrco, TipyjroD ; ^Xdy^oa, ^Xdy\rofiai, ri/t/ro) ; TrXi^co ;
d^co, (iv^co, TTpd^Q), (f)fv^o/j.ai ; (ppdaco : <f)pd^co from *(ppa8J<o,
(TTTHcrai : cnrii'Sa), tthctco : miOoo ; yXvyjro), ypd-^a>, ypd\fro/j.ai,
Ope-^o), 6p(-^o/jiai : rpic/xo ; Tev^o/xat ; SiSd^co, iroKpv^co ;
dpird^cD, Krjpv^co, aaXmy^co, &c. After the analogy of these
and similar forms the medial -a- was restored in all verbs the
base or stem of which ended in a long vowel or diphthong
(see § 213, 2), as Orja-o), Sdxrco (Hom. also StSdxrco), (ttijo-q) ;
Xva-co; diiapTrjaofiai, ^oarKija-co, /SovXrja-ofjLai, yivfjo-ofiai,
ildrjarco, (vSrjaco, fiau^a-ofjiai, fxi/yja-co, 6^-q<Ta>, noirja-co, (r\rja-a),

304 Accidence [§§ 500-1

TvrrT-q(Ta>, \aipi^<r(o, yuaxro/iai ; Tlfi-qaco, <f>i\ricra), SrjXaxrco ;
T€i<Ta>, irXcva-ofiai, oiaco. In the primary verbs the long
vowel had its origin in monosyllabic (§§ 464-6) and dis-
syllabic (§ 458) heavy bases.

The medial -o-- generally disappeared (§ 213, 2) in the
future formed from dissyllabic heavy bases with a short
vowel in the second syllable, as eXdot, Kpefuico, 6/i6ofiai,
Ka\ia>, oXeoD, fia\e<o, ya/zeco, rerco), Hom. Trea-io/iai from
*7riT€(T0fiai = Att. eXo), KpejiS), o/xovfiai, KaXo), oXg), ^aXco,
ya/iS), Tiv5>, Trea-ov/iai (§ 80), and similarly o-reXeco, areXio-
fxai, vc/xia>, T€/j.i(o, Ocvico, [levkoa, ^avico, 0^epe<B, &c. The
-a-- was sometimes restored again, especially in epic Greek,
as Sa/xd(ra>, kXdaoi, Kpe/xda-co, oXeo-oo; KeXa-co, opaoa, (pdep-
0-0), &c. (cp. §§ 212, 3, 217).

After the analogy of forms like KaXico, revio), ^depico
were formed futures to denominative verbs with stems
ending in a nasal, liquid, dental or -s, and to verbs with
a nasal suffix in the present, as Ion. ovpo/j.avea> : ovofxaivct),
ayyeXeo) : ayyeXXco, TCK/jLapio/xai : T€K/jLaipofiai, SiKdco, 8lk5>
beside 8iKd(r{<T)a) : SiKd^co from *8iKa8Ja>, KOfim beside
KOfXL(T{a)a> : Ko/j.i^a> from *KOfMi8jco, reXeo), reXai beside Hom.
TeXe<rcrct) : reXlco from *T€Xe(rjco ; KXipico : kXlvco from
*kXivjco, Kpivico : Kptvco, Hom. dvv(o, ravvto beside dvv<ra),
ravucrca.

§ 500. The so-called Doric future, which also occurs in
a few Attic verbs, was a new formation and arose from the
contamination of the futures in -orco with those in -eco from
-€(ra), as ^ei^eco, l8r](rco : Att. 8€i^co, iiSrjaoi, veva-ov/xai : v(co,
irXivcrovfiai : rrXeo), rrvevaovfiai : rrpeo), also Att. KXavaovfiai :
KXaioo, (f>€v^ovfiai beside <p€v^o/xai, x^ecrovfiai : X^C^-

§ 501. Special Greek new formations were the futures
formed from the perfect and from the passive aorists in -rju
(§ 606), -drjv (§ 514). The futures formed from the perfect
active are rare, but those formed from the perfect middle
are common, as Att. i<TTrj^a> : carijKa, TeOvrj^m : ridvrjKa.

§§ 502-3] yerbs 305

ycYpdyjrofiai, XiXciyjrofiai, ficfivi^a-ofiai, TiTpiy^ofiai, &c.
This formation came to be regarded as a reduplicated
future and then futures like SeSrjarofjLai, XeXvaofiai, t(T€v-
^ojxai were formed direct from the simple future Srjaoi,
Xvaoo, rev^co. Examples of futures formed from the passive
aorists in -r]]/, •6r]v are (f)aurj(rofj.ai : k(f)dvr}v, a^rja-ofiai :
ia-^rjv, and similarly ^Xa^rfaofiai, ypa(f>r](ro/xai, fiaurjo-ofiai,
(rTaXrj(TO/iai, <rTpa(f>i^crofiai, &c. ; Sodrjaofiai : eSodrjv, rlfir]-
6rj<rofiai : kTlji^Or^v, and similarly KXidrjcrofiai, Xvdrjo-ofiai,
TricaOrja-oixai, rad^a-ofxai, (l>iXr]6^<T0fiai, SrjXcoOrjarofxat, &c. It
should be noted that the future in -drjo-o/iai does not occur
in Homer and that in Doric both types of futures have
active personal endings, as di^aypa(Pr](r€T,€7rifi€Xr]$r](r€vuTt=
Att. dvaypa(l>rja€Tai, iTTifieXtjOrja-ovTai.

The Aorist.

§ 502. The parent Indg. language had two kinds of
aorists, the root-aorist, also called the strong or second
aorist, and the s-aorist. Although there was doubtless "^
originally a difference in meaning and function between
the root- and the s-aorist, the difference had disappeared
before the parent language became differentiated into the
separate languages. These two kinds of aorists were
preserved in Greek, Aryan and the Slavonic languages,
but in the other languages they either disappeared entirely
or came to be used for other tenses. The aorist in -Oiji/
(§ 514) was a special Greek formation which does not occur
in the other languages.

I. The Root- or Strong Aorist.

§ 508. The strong aorist has for the most part been
already dealt with in the formation of the present with
which it is morphologically closely related, but even at the
risk of repetition it is advisable to treat it here in a con-

X

3o6 Accidence [§ 504

nected manner. In the dissyllabic bases the only distinction
between the base of the aorist and of the present was that
caused by the original difference in the position of the
accent and the consequent difference in the ablaut-grade,
cp. XcfVe- : Xiiri; Indg. *16iq(e)- : *liq6-, in XetVco : Xiin^v ;
TTcra- : Trra-, irTrf-, Indg. *p6ta- : *pt4-, in 7riTa-/xai : vTfjyai,
Dor. iiTTdv (§ 458). On the other hand it is not always
possible to draw a hard and fast line between the forma-
tion of the aorist and the imperfect in Greek, cp. aor.
e/S?;!/, e(TTr]v, tBpaKov beside impf. c077^' : (l>r)fii, eypa<f>ov
(and similarly with other aorist-presents, § 456). ctckov,
eyfvofirju were properly the imperfect of the lost verbs
*T€Ka), *yivofjLai, but they came to be regarded as the
aorist of tikto) and yiyvo/jiai. In the strong aorist we
have to distinguish three types : —

a. Monosyllabic heavy Ablaut-bases (§§ 454-5).

§ 504. In the aorists of this type the root-syllable had
the strong grade of ablaut in the active singular, but the
weak grade in the dual, plural and the whole of the middle,
as *€8a)v, *(.Br)v, (ctttji', Dor. ecrTdu : pi. tBofXiv, eOefXiv,
*€aTafiev = Skr. ddam, ddham, dstham, pi. ddama,
ddhama, dsthama (for *ddima, *ddhima, *dsthima) with
•a- levelled out from the singular, and similarly ea-rrjfifu
for *€a-Tafi€v. The regular form with -i- occurs in the
middle, as ddita = iSoro. The Greek third person plural
iSoaav, iQio-av, earrrjaav had the ending -a-av from the s-
aorist (§ 507), and similarly tSvaav : SeiKvv/jLi. eScoKa,
fOrjKa with the same -Ka which occurs in the K-perfect
(§,520) were used for the sing. *i8oiiV, *€6r]v in Old Attic
until the fourth century b. c. and from then onwards the
•Ka became extended to the dual and plural ; cp. also
■fjKa : Lat. je-ci, pi. eT//ej/ from *ej€ficv.

§§ 505-6] Verbs 307

b. Dissyllabic light Bases (§§ 456-7).

§ 505. This type of aorist, without and with reduplication,
belonged to the so-called thematic conjugation, as Xnriiv,
iXLTTOv : XeCirco, TridiaOai, emOou : ttciOco, rjpiKou : kpeiKco,
ijpnrov : ipeiirco, e(TTL\ov : crTeL')^a> ; ^kvOov : KivBco, TrvOia-dai :
rrevOofiai, kpvy^.lv, rjpvyov : ipivyo/xai, TV)(^eTy : t€V)(^oo,
€(f>vyov : 0ei;yci); iSpaKov = Skr. ddrsam : SipKo/xai,
TpaTT^Lv : TpiTTco, (eTpa(f>ov : Tpicfxo. To verbs with charac-
terized presents, as Xa^eiv, eXajSov : Xafi^dvo), XaB^Tv,
eXaOou : XavOdvon, eXayov : Xayydvco', SaKcTt/, tSaKov :
SaKvoi, Kajxuv, eKafiov : Koifivco; OaueTu, idavov : Ovrfa-Kon]
^aXeiv, i^aXov : ^dXXoi from *^aXj<o.

e-(nri-(r6ai, e-a-m-To : eirofiai, €-/ce-/cAe-To, /cl-/cXe-ro :
KeXofiai, Tre-TTiO-eTu, Trimdov : ncidco, n-rvKcTv : Tevxco,
T€-Tdp7r€T0 : Tepirco, Hom. eenrou from *k-fe-fTrov = Skr.
dvocam from *4-va-uc-am, Indg. *e-we-wqom ; i-Te-Tfio-v,
t-TTi-^vo-v. ^y-ayov : dy(o, ^v-iyKov, inf kv-eyKeiv ; rjp-apop,
inf. dp-apeiv ; &p-opov : op-vvfii.

c. Dissyllabic heavy Bases (§§ 458-9).

§ 506, The aorists of this type belonged to the athematic
conjugation and originally contained a long vowel or the
long diphthong -ei- in the second syllable of the base.
The long vowel including the -e- from older -ei- (§ 458)
belonged to all forms of the active and middle, but it was
regularly shortened in the third person plural in prim.
Greek (§ 70), as Trrfjuai, Dor. tirTdv : Trirafxat, tSpdv :
Skr. dra-ti, he runs, Hom. ttA^to : Skr. d-pra-t, he filled,
Hom. TrXrJTO : ireXd^co, Att. ky^pav : yqpd-aKoa ; trX-qv, Dor.
trXdv, t(T^r)v, eyvcou ; e^Xrjv, kfidvriv, k(f>dvr}v, kydprjv ;
i(f)vv, i<pv = Skr. d-bhii-t, from *6-bhu-t, older *6-bhw9-t,
he was : base *bhewa-, be. It is not clear in what relation
c^r]u (Dor. (^dv), €^r] = Skr. dgam, dgat, stands to /SatVo),
Lat. venio. These aorists in -rju — Indg. -em with in-

X 2

3o8 Accidence [§ 507

transitive meaning became productive in Greek and came
to be used as passive aorists (§ 514), as kKXdtrrjv : KXeirTa),
€ypd(f>i]v : ypd(f>Q}, efxiyrji/ : ^ty-vvfii, ippvrjv : ^(O), kadrr-qv :
(rqiro), irdKTjy : nJKCo, eTdp-rrrju : Tepnce, iTpdnrjv : Tpivoo, &c.

2. The s-Aorist.

§ 607. The s-aorist, also called the weak or first aorist,
belonged to the athematic conjugation and originally had
the following endings : — sing, -s-m, -s-s, -s-t, pi. -s-men or
•s*mn (§ 437), 'S-te, -s-nt. In formation it was morpho-
logically related to the s-presents of Class IX (§ 468) and
stood in the same relation to those presents as the strong
aorist did to its corresponding presents (§ 456). The
s-aorist was preserved in Greek, Aryan and the Slavonic
languages, whereas in Latin it came to be used for the
perfect (cp. e-Sei^a, a-pe^a, Skr. d-vaksam beside dixi,
rexi, vexi), and in the other languages it disappeared
entirely except in a few isolated forms. This type of
aorist became very productive in Greek, especially as an
aorist-formation for denominative verbs and for those verbs
which did not have a root-aorist. The inflexion of an
aorist like eSei^a was in the parent Indg. language : — sing.
*6-deik-s-ni, *6-deik-s-s, *6-deik-s-t, pi. *e-dik-s-men (-mn),
*6-dik-s-te, *6-dik-s-nt. In Sanskrit the long diphthong
or long vowel of the singular was levelled out into the
dual and plural, cp. Skr. draiksam, draiksma = eXuyj/a,
eXciyjrafjL€v ; dyauksam, dyauksma = e^ev^a, k^iv^afnv ;
dksarsam, dksarsma = e<f>6€ipa from *k(f>dfip(Ta (§ 217),
((f>6eipafiev ; cp. the similar levelling in Latin diximus,
reximus : dixi, rexi. The long diphthong of the singular
was regularly shortened in prim. Greek (§ 63) and then
levelled out into the dual, plural and extended by analogy
to the whole of the middle which originally contained the
weak grade of ablaut, cp. Skr. middle ddiksi, dyuksi beside
Gr. eSei^d/jirjv, k^iv^dfi-qv. The old weak grade of ablaut

§ 6o7l Verbs 309

was preserved in i<rav, and fi<Tav from *r]fiT(rav, they knew,
but apart from a few such isolated forms the vowel in the
stem-syllable of the active and middle of the s-aorist to
dissyllabic bases was due to the analogy of the present
stem and the stem of the aorist subjunctive = s-future
(§ 499), This is especially clear in such forms as iyXv^^a,
eypa-^a, oofiop^a, ecrri^a, €<rxio-a : y\v<f>(o, ypdcjxo, ofiop-
yvviiL, (TTi^oo, cxi^co, €7rrj\a from *€TraX(ra : TrdWco. Aorists
like eSei^a, e^eu^a can represent the original forms with
long diphthongs or be new formations with -et-, -ev- from
the present. The prim. Greek inflexion of the active and
middle of eSci^a, eXvaa and similar aorists was : —

Sing. *k8iLK(r-a *k\v(r-a *€8€iK(r-/xau *€\v(r-jxdu

HSeiKo--^ *e\v(r-9 *k8eLKa--cro *eXv(r-<ro

*iS€iKcr-{T) *i\v<T-{T) *k8iiKa--To *k\v(r-TO

Plur. *kS€iK(T-/j.€P *€\v(r-fi(v *iSfiK(r-fXi$a *k\v(r-fXi6a

*€8€iK(T-T€ *k\v(r-T€ *k8€LK(r-aBi *k\var-(rOe

*€8€iK(r-a{T) *kXva--a{T) *k8€LK<T-aT0 *k\v<r-aTo

The -a in the first person singular of the active regularly
corresponds to Indg. -m (§ 65, i) and in the third person
plural to Indg. -n (§ 65, i). The ending of the first person
singular thus fell together with the ending of the perfect
{ol8a, XiXonra). After the analogy of ol8a : oI8€ to €8€i^a
was formed e^e^^e, and then the -a of the first person
singular was levelled out into the second person, and at
a later period the -ay was extended analogically to the
perfect (XlXoiTray). The -a of the third person plural
was levelled out into the dual and the other persons
of the plural. Hence arose the usual forms : e^€f|a,
€8€i^a9, e8(i^€; k8d^aTov, k8ii^dTr}v; k8€i^a/x€v, k8et^aT€,
i8(i^av (with -y from imperfects like €(f>€poy, § 439) ;
tXvaa, €Xv(ra^, fXva-c ; kXvaaTov, kXtJcrdrrju ; kXvaafKV,
kXva-aT€, eXvcrav. From the active the -a- was then ex-
tended to all forms of the middle {k8ii^dfir)v, kXva-d/xrjv ;

3IO Accidence [§§ 508-9

kSei^avTo, kXvaavTo with -vto from thematic verbs like
k<j>ipovTo ; iSfi^co, kXvaoa with -©from older -oo-o), including
the optative, imperative, infinitive and participle.

Before this levelling out of the -a- took place the -<r- in
the dual and the first and second persons plural of the
active and in the whole of the middle except the third
person plural regularly disappeared in prim. Greek when
the stem ended in a consonant (§§ 214, 221), but it was
generally restored again at a later prehistoric period after
the analogy of forms where it regularly remained. The
regular old middle was preserved in Homeric forms like
aAro, dX/i€i/09 : aWo/xai, dpfi^vo^ : rjpa-a, 84kto : S€\o/xai,
KariTrrjKTO : Kariir-q^a, X^kto : eXe^a, c/jlikto : i/jti^a, wdXro :
iirrjXa from *kTraXaa ; a>pTO : mpca, &c.

§ 508. When the base ended in a nasal the -ficr- and -fa-
became assimilated to -fi/x-, -vv- which remained in Lesb.
and Thess. but became simplified with lengthening of the
preceding vowel in the other dialects as ei'eifia, Lesb.
ere/x/xa : vifio) ; efxeiva, Lesb. efxevva : fievo) (§ 216) ; €(f>r]va
from *k(f>avaa : ^aiva>, v<pr)va from *v(f>av(Ta : v(f>aiv(o ; and
similarly with the verbs in -atVo), as kXkrjua : XeaiVco, Hom.
XiiaLva>, a>u6firjva : ovofiaivoa, k^-qpdva (§ 216) : ^■qpaivca ;
knkpdva : Trepaivco.

§ 609. When the base or stem ended in a liquid assimi-
lation also generally took place, with simplification of the
double liquid and lengthening of the preceding vowel in
Att. Ion., as ewrjXa from *kTraX(ra : rraXXco ; earTeiXa, Lesb.
ea-TiXXa : <rreXXci) ; e(r(f>r)Xa, ijyyeiXa, €TlXa ; €(pOeipa, Lesb.
i(f>6eppa from *k(f>6epaa : ^decpco ; €<Tvpa (§ 217), &c.,
beside cKeXa-a, ^Kcpa-a, S>paa. In bases or stems ending
in a dental the dental + -cr- became -a-a- which was
simplified to -cr-, as t^Xiaa : ^Xittco, ^Xiaaco from *^Xit/<o ;
€7r€ paa : nipdco, €n€i<Ta : TreiOco; e'^fvaa : yjrevSco, k(f>ii<Tdfir)v :
(f>d8o[iai, rjXTTiaa : kXwi^co from *kXTri8j<o (§ 166). The
^ in presents ending in -^co came from -Sj- and -yy- (§ 129, 8).

§§ 5IO-I1] Verbs 311

When it came from the former the aorist regularly had -<r-
from older -a-a-; and -^- when from the latter, but in conse-
quence of the presents being alike confusion arose in the
aorist, cp. Hom. ripnaaa beside rjprra^a : apird^ai from
*apTrayjoii ; Att. €(rd\7ri<ra beside kadkirLy^a : (raXiri^a)
from *(ra\TnyYjco. In Doric the -^- became generalized
for both kinds of aorists. On forms like Hom. e^eo-o-a,
<ETp€(r<Ta, €Ti\e(r(ra beside Att. €^icra, irpeaa, iriXea-a : ^Ico,
rpeo), TtAeo) from *^€<ra), *Tp€(ra), *T€X€<r-ja), see § 212, 2.
This -a-a-- from bases or stems ending in cr became pro-
ductive in the oldest period of the language and is common
in Aeolic, Homer and his imitators, as kykXaa-aa, e/ji€<r<ra,
iTripa(r<ra, Safid(r(rai, iXd(r<rai, Kp€fid<r<rai, 6Xi<r(rai, 6/i6<t-
(rai, &c.

§ 510. The -0-- also regularly disappeared in prim.
Greek in several of the forms of bases or stems ending in
a vowel, viz. in the first person singular of the active, the
third person plural of the active and middle (§ 213, 2), in
the first person singular of the middle and the first person
plural of the active and middle (§ 214), but here again the
•a-' was mostly restored after the analogy of those forms of
the vocalic and consonantal bases and stems where it
regularly remained. In aorists like rjXivaro : rjXeva-a,
iacreva {(creva), ^x^^ (Hom. also ^xiva), dXiaa-6ai the old
(T-less form became generalized. Apart from a few such
isolated aorists without -a-; all the vocalic bases and stems
had intervocalic -or' already in the oldest historic period of
the language, as ij/i€cra, k8dfiaa-a, a>fio(ra, ^xprjo-a (§ 512) ;
iTifiTjo-a, k(f>iXr](Ta, efiia-daxra (§ 483) ; k<f>6pr}<ra (§ 497).

§ 511. The stem-syllable of dissyllabic light bases had
originally a lengthened vowel or diphthong in the singular
of the active and weak grade vowel in the dual, plural and
the whole of the middle (§ 507), but this original distinction
was not entirely preserved in any of the languages in
historic times. As we have already seen the Greek stem

312 Accidence [§§ 512-13

of the aorist was a new formation formed direct from the
present-stem and the stem of the aorist subjunctive (§ 507),
as ifiXay^a : /SAaTrrco, (ne/xyjra : nefivco, cAe^a : Aeyco,
enXe^a : nXiKCo, and similarly eypa>/^a, d^a, iKoyjra, trip-
y^a, iTTj^a, tOpi-^a, &c. ; middle kypa^dfir)v, eKo^dfirjv,
(dpcyjrdfjLTji/, €7rX€^d/ir)i/, &c. fSd^a : Lat. dixi, iX(i\lra :
Skr. 4raiksam ; f^^v^a : Skr. 4jauk|am, (T€v^a : r€i;x<i>.
€X€a (Horn, also ex^ya) : \(a) ; middle iSei^d/i-qv, k^iv^dfirfv,
e\fdfir]v, &c. In forms like tTna-a : Skr. dcaisam, enXevaa
the intervocalic -<r- was restored after the analogy of forms
like eSii^a, &c. where the -cr- was not intervocalic. €<r<f>r)Xa,
€<f)6€ipa from *€(r^aX<Ta, *i(f>6ip(Ta (§ 217), and similarly
iTlXa, idiipa, iavpa, &c. beside cKeAtra, eKep<ra, 3>p(ra.
€T€iva from *crei/(ra (§ 216), and similarly (KTeiua, ifULva,
iveina, eOciva ; €<T7r€i<ra from *eo-7refo-a : (nrevSco. en€i(ra :
neiOco, €-^€va-a : yltevSco (§ 166). e^eaa : ^i<o (§ 212, 2),
eyca : ei/fo.

§ 512. The aorists formed from dissyllabic heavy bases
belong to the presents of Class IV (§ 458) and may be
divided into two types according as the second syllable of
the base contained the weak or the strong grade of ablaut.
To the former belong aorists like rj/iea-a : efiico, twAecra ;
iSdfiaa-a : Sa/xdco, iKepacra, eKXaaa, (Kpefiaa-a, ijXaa-a, kiri-
Xaaa, kyrjpaa-a ; ^poaa, a>fioaa ; e<f>va-a : e<pvv. And to the
latter kSirjaa, kSev-qaa, idiXrja-a, efxvr]<Ta, ivqcra, t^prjaa ;
iSpaa-a ; du-eyi^axra : Skr. ^jiiasam. The intervocalic -a-
in all these and similar aorists was restored after the analogy
of aorists like (Sci^a, &c.

§ 513. The formative element of characterized presents
was often extended to the aorist, as ^KXlva from *kKXLv<Ta :
KXtv(o from *kXi-vJ(o ; ijfivpa, Tjfivi/dfiijv : d/xvvco ; tnXay^a :
nXd^o) from *nXayyjQ), cp. Lat. plango, planxi; kSiSa^a,
€7rot<f>v^a, iTiTprjva : SiSdcTKO), 7roi(f>vcr(rco, TiTpatvoa, &c.

§ 5m] Verbs 313

The Passive Aorist in -Or^v.

§ 514. The parent Indg. language had no special forms
which were used exclusively to express the passive voice,
but already at that period the middle came to have also
a passive meaning which was preserved in Greek in such
forms as k-86-6-qs, i-ri-Orjs, k-KTd-6-qs = Skr. d*di-thah,
4-dhi'th§,h, d-ksa-thah. The forms of the passive voice
are accordingly expressed variously in the different Indg.
languages. In Greek the only passive forms distinct from
the middle are the second aorist in -tjv and the first aorist
in -Otjv. The aorist in -rju is, as we have already seen
(§ 468), originally an active athematic formation with in-
transitive meaning which came to be used to express the
passive in Greek. This aorist in -rjv was also an important
factor in the origin and development of the aorist in -Orji^
which was a special Greek new formation and probably in
part of the same origin as the preterite of denominative
verbs in the Germanic languages. The origin of the aorist
in -Brji/ is difficult to account for satisfactorily. It is
probable that several factors played an important part in
its origin and development. Starting out from the second
person singular of the aorist middle with the secondary
ending -6r}9 (= Indg. -thes, Skr. -thah, § 443) which occurs
in such forms' as k-86-0r}s, k-rk-Or]^, k-ard-Orj^, k-Kra-Orj^ =
Skr. d-di-thah, d-dhi-thah, d-sthi-thah, d-k§a-thah, there
was formed k-So-Oiji/, k-S6-dr], &c. : k-86-drj^ after the analogy
of aorists like k-/jMv-r}v, k-/j.dv-r], &c. : k-fidv-rj^, thus creating
a complete new aorist out of a single form. But it is
improbable that the aorist in -Orjv had its origin solely in
the -Or}^ of forms like k-86-6r]9, &c. In part at least it was
probably also a periphrastic formation which was originally
confined to denominative verbs, as in k-Tifirj-Orju, k-(Pi\r]-dr]v,
k-8T)\d>-6r)v, ■^8k(T-6r]v, &c., and then at a later period became
extended to primary verbs as well. In this respect it

314 Accidence [§ 5^5

corresponds exactly in formation with the preterite of
denominative verbs in the Germanic languages, as Goth.
salbO'da, / anointed, salbo-des, salbd-da, where 'da, 'des,
•da = Indg. -dhem, -dhes, -dhet, which was originally an
aorist of the root *dhe' which occurs in Ti-Orj-jii. If the
assumption is right that the aorist in -Briv was in part
a periphrastic formation, there must have been a time
when two types of the dual and plural existed side by side,
viz. i-86-dr)v : k-86-6r)fiiv, &c. and k-Tljirj-Orjv : *€-Tlfi^-6€-fjLev
(cp. i-$€-fi€j/), &c. and that then the form •drjfj.iv with -t]-
became generalized. The periphrastic formation was
originally active both in form and meaning as in the
Germanic languages, but in Greek it became passive in
meaning through the influence of the aorists of the type
iSodrjv, k[idvrjv. The aorist in -B-qv became very pro-
ductive in the prehistoric period of the language and
already in Homer it was far more common than that in
•■qv. Its great expansion was doubtless due to the large
mass of denominative verbs.

The Perfect.

§ 515. The perfect had originally certain well-defined
characteristics which clearly distinguished it from the other
tenses. The more important of these characteristics
were : —

{a) The personal endings in the active singular, as Indg.
*w6id-a, *w6it-tha, *w6id-e=or5-a, ola-Ba, oJ8-€, Skr.ved'a,
vet-tha, ved-a. What the original endings of the dual and
plural were cannot be determined, because there is little or
no agreement amongst the languages which have preserved
the perfect forms in historic times (see §§ 440-1). {b) Re-
duplication with e (rarely e) in the reduplicated syllable.
{c) A different grade of ablaut in the active singular as com-
pared with the active dual, plural, and the whole of the
middle, {d) A special participial ending (§ 552).

§§ 5 1 6-1 7] Verbs 315

§ 616. The perfect generally had reduplication with e in
the reduplicated syllable, as Si-SopKa = Skr. da^ddrsa ;
Tri-TTTjya = Lat. pe-pigi. Beside e there also existed e
which is rare in Greek (cp. Horn. S-q-Be^arai : 8e\ofiaL) but
common in Vedic. Latin and especially the Germanic
languages show that unreduplicated perfects were also
common in the parent Indg. language. But the reason why
the perfect was originally formed partly with and partly
without reduplication is unknown. The forms with redu-
plication became productive in Greek and Sanskrit and
those without it in Latin and the Germanic languages.
Already in the prim. Germanic period the old perfect active
came to be used as a simple preterite and then a new
periphrastic perfect was formed. What is called the per-
fect in Latin was a mixture of various kinds of formations,
e. g. old perfects, as tu-tudi, de-di, veni, legi ; old strong
aorists, as te-tigi, pe-puli, fidi, scidi ; and old s-aorists, as
dixi, lexi, &c. (§ 507).

Greek, Old Latin and Gothic show that the reduplicated
syllable originally contained e, cp. O.Lat. me-mordi, pe-
pugi, te-tuli, classical Lat. ce-cidi, de-di, &c. ; Goth, hai-
hdit, he called, ga-rai-r5J), he reflected upon : inf. hditan,
ga-redan. But in classical Latin the vowel in the redupli-
cated syllable became assimilated to that of the root-syllable
when the present and perfect had the same vowel, as mo-
mordi, pu-pugi : mordeo, pungo. In Sanskrit the redupli-
cated syllable generally had a = Indg. e (§ 42), as da-ddrsa
= Se-SopKa, but when the root-syllable contained the ablaut
e : i = Indg. oi : i ; 5 : u = Indg. ou : u, the vowel in the
reduplicated syllable became assimilated to that in the root-
syllable of the active dual and plural, and of the middle, as
ri-reca = Xi-Xoina, pi. ri-ricimd; tu-toda, I have pushed =^
Goth, stai-stdut, pi, tu-tudimd.

§ 617. In dealing with the reduplicated syllable it is
necessary to distinguish between bases or stems which

31 6 Accidence [§ 5»7

began with a consonant and those which began with
a vowel. When the base or stem began with a single con-
sonant the reduplication consisted of this consonant + 6, as
Sf-SopKa, Xi-Xoina, but with dissimilation of aspirates, as ttc-
(f>€vya, Ti-BiiKa, Ki-^vfiai (§ 115). When the base or stem
began with an explosive plus a nasal or liquid, the redupli-
cation generally consisted of the explosive + e, as ire-irviVKa,
Tk-6vrjKa (with dissimilation of the aspirate), yi-ypa(f>a,
yi-y\vfifiai. But combinations like yv-, /3A-, ^-, |-, yjr-, kt-,
VT- generally had simply e- for the reduplicated syllable, as
iyvdOKa, c^XdarrjKa beside /Se^XdaTrjKa, e^rjKa, i^a/xfiai,
(yjraXKa, eKToua, eTrraia-fxai. In these and similar perfects
the form of reduplication was due to the analogy of perfects
like €(rxr)Ka, taxruiai : '^x<o. In bases or stems originally
beginning with s, w; s or w-j-a consonant we have
e(rxT)Ka : ex® ^^^"^ *o-ex*^ > ^oiKa from *F€-FoiKa, eoXTra ;
eifiaprai from *(re-(rfj.apTai, eiXrjxo. from *a-€-(rXr)xa, €iXr)<f)a,
uXoxa ; €i<o6a from *(re-aFco$a, iaraXKa from *(r€-crTaXKa,
iarrjKa from *cr€-<rTr]Ka ; ippaaya, dpijKa, from *F€-fp<oya,
*f€-FpVKa.

In bases or stems originally beginning with a vowel the
e would regularly become contracted in the parent Indg.
language, but it is not certain what were the rules governing
this contraction in all cases, cp. ^x^ (with prim. Greek a) :
ayo) beside Lat. egi : ago ; ^(r-Oa which is properly the
perfect of ilfxi (§ 452), In Greek it became the rule that
the perfect had a long vowel. This occurs in the perfects
with the so-called Attic reduplication, as Hom. eS-rjSm :
Skr. ada, Lat. edi ; 68-(o8a, 6X-wXa, on-oiTra, op-copa, iX-
■fjXaKa, kX-rjXafJLai ; after the analogy of which were formed
Att. dK-rJKoa, dX-riXi(f>a, dX-TJXt/ifiai, iX-rjXvOa, &c. This
type of perfect with the so-called Attic reduplication was
a special Greek new formation, and the reduplication was
based on the analogy of the reduplicated presents and
aorists.

§ 5i8] Verbs 317

§ 518. The perfect belonged to the athematic conjugation
and accordingly had a difference of ablaut in the active
singular as compared with the active dual, plural, and the
middle. In verbs belonging to the e-series of ablaut the
active singular had the strong grade o in the root-syllable,
and the weak grade in all other forms, as olSa, Skr. veda,
Goth, wdit, / know : pi. t8-/x€v (Att. ia--/x€v), Skr. vid-md,
Goth, wit-um ; ye-yov-a : ye-ya-fi€v, jri-irovOa : Tre-iraBvla,
Ti-Tpo(f)a : T€-Tpd(f)aTai, Other examples with o in the
active singular are : SiSopKa, 8i-e(p6opa, d\ri\ov6a, ^ktovu,
€fifj.opa, (EoiKa, (^oXna, iopya, taTpo(f>a, K€KXo(f)a, Ke^oSa,
XeAoyxa, XiXoiwa, ireTTOiBa, TeroKa. Or a long vowel in
the active singular and 9 (= Gr. a, § 49) in all other forms,
as Xi'X-qOa : Xe-Xaa-fiai, Xi-Xaa-rai, Xf-Xaajxivo^. In the
active singular the accent was originally on the root-
syllable, as in Skr. da-ddr^a, ja-jana beside Gr. Si-SopKe,
yi-yove. Sanskrit and the old Germanic languages pre-
served almost entirely the original distinction between the
strong grade of ablaut in the active singular and the weak
grade in the dual and plural, but in Greek the original
distinction was in a great measure obliterated by levelling
and new formations already in the oldest period of the
language. Regular old forms were oI8a, ioiKa, ye-yova,
fii-fiopa beside tSfiev, tiKTov from *f€-fLKTov, yi-ya-fnv, but
y^yovafiev with -0- from the singular, and similarly Hom.
€iXrjXov6fi(v beside dXrjXv$fi€v : elX^Xovda. In nearly all
other verbs either the vowel of the singular was levelled
out into the dual and plural, as in ioiKUfiev, XiXoiTrafnu,
TreiroiOafiiv, T€Tp6<f)aijL€v, €pp<aya/j,€v : eoiKa, XiXoina,
iriTToiOa, rirpocpa, eppcoya; and similarly with a large
number of other verbs. Or more rarely the vowel of the
dual and plural was levelled out into the singular, as in
Att. kXrfXvda, TiTpa(f>a. In many verbs the perfect active
had its vowel direct from the stem of the present, as ni^evya
for *7re0oi/ya : (f>fvya>, and similarly ^ifiX€<f>a, yeypa0a,

3i8

Accidence

[§ 519

XeXeya, TriTr\i\a, fiefiplda, yiyrjda, epplya, KiKXayya :
K\d(<o from *KXayyja>.

The weak grade of ablaut was mostly preserved in the
middle, as SeSapfxai, SiSapfiivo^ : Sipco, and similarly
€(nrapTai, niTrapfiai, tmrapfiivos, iriTrvo-fiai, Terafiai,
T(Tpd<paTai, TeOpa/x/jiai, 7re<f>aTai, irecpvyfiivo?, &c. But
the middle had also sometimes its vowel direct from the
stem of the present, as XiXci/ifiai, XiXenrrai, XcXet/jifiivos :
XeiTTco, and similarly yiyev/xai, yiyevrai, TiT€i(r/juii, t€T€i-
arai, Hom. reTevxarai : Tervy/xevo^.

§ 519. The original inflexion of the active was fairly well
preserved in a perfect like olSa, as

Greek.

Skr.

Goth.

Sing. I.

oJSa

veda

wdit

2.

oiaOa

vettha

wiist

3-

otSe

veda

wdit

Plur. I.

iSfiev {tafi€v)

vidmi

witum

2.

tare

vid&

wituj>

3.

ta-da-i

vidiir

witun

On the Greek personal endings of the plural see § 441.
The -(T- in la/iev, taaa-i from *iaavTL was due to levelling
out of the -cr- in i(tt€, and in the dual tarov where it was
regular (§ 110). This mode of inflexion was only preserved
in a few verbs in Greek. All others had an -a- between
the stem ending in a consonant and the personal ending
beginning with a consonant, as XkXonra, XiXoLir-a-s, XiXoiire,
XcXoiTT-a-Tou, XiXoiTT-a-fjiiu, AeXotV-a-re, XeXoi-rrdo-i, cp. also
the Ionic new formations oiS-a-s, otS-a-fieu, oiS-a-re, oiSdai.
The most commonly accepted explanation of this -a- is that
it first arose in the s-aorist (§ 507) and then became extended
by analogy to the perfect. The -a<r of the second pers. sing.
XiXoiiras was undoubtedly of this origin. On the discus-
sion of other explanations which have been proposed see
Brugmann, Kurse vergl. Grammatik, pp. 544-5.

§§ 520-1] Verbs 319

§ 520. The /c-perfect, also called the first or weak perfect,
was a Greek new formation which does not occur in the
other Indg. languages. Although much has been written"
upon the subject, no really satisfactory explanation has
ever been given of the origin of this formation. The k is
generally regarded as being a root-determinative, found
in the aorists e-$r)Ka = Lat. feci : facie, rJKa =■ Lat. jeci :
jacio, which became productive in Greek, cp. eSmKa : eSofiiV
after the analogy of eOrjKa : iOefi^v. Then after the analogy
of these aorists were formed the perfects ridrjKu, SiScoKa,
€(rTr]Ka : iarajiev, eiKa from *j€-jeKa, Dor. d^-ecoKa ; wecpvKa,
T€T\r]Ka : ire<f)ijd(n, TirXa/xcv. From perfects of this type
the /c-formation became extended in the first instance to all
bases or stems ending in a vowel, and the k was levelled
out into the dual and plural, as ridrjKa, T^drJKafiep (later
Ti$€iKa, T^deiKafiii^ with -€i- after the analogy of €LKa), and
similarly ^e^rjKa, ^efiXrjKa, /Se/Speo/ca, yeydfirjKa, 8i8pdKa,
K€K/ir}Ka, iyvccKa, vevifxrjKa, nTi/xrjKa; SiScKa : SiSe/jtai,
TiTUKa : TiTafiai, &c. It was afterwards extended to those
verbs which in the future and s-aorist had bases or stems
that came to be felt as ending in a vowel, as niTreiKa :
weto-co, iTreiaa, rrdOm, and similarly t(nraKa, eanrctKa,
r€T€\€Ka, &c. And then lastly in the post-Homeric period
it was extended to bases and stems ending in a consonant,
as €<f)OapKa, ia-raXKa : €(f>6apTai, ia-TaXrai ; rjyyeXKa,
Tre(f>ayKa, &c. So that in the classical period the perfect
of the majority of Greek verbs was formed with the suffix
•Ka and the original difference of ablaut-grade between the
active singular, and the dual and plural was disregarded.

§ 521. The aspirated perfect was also a Greek new
formation and consisted in the aspiration of k, y, tt, /3
when the perfect stem ended in one of these consonants.
This new formation took place earlier in the third person
of the middle than in the active. In Homer it is only
found in the middle, as ep\aTai, ep^aro : epyco; SrjSi-

320 Accidence [§ 522

\aTai : SiKOfiai ; TeTpd<paTai, T€Tpd(f)aTo : TpeTrco. With
the exception of 7r€7ro//0a : ttc/zttco and TeTpo<f>a : rpcTro)
it is not found in the active in the early classical period.
From about the time of Aristophanes and Plato onwards
it became more and more common, as TriirXfxa : nXiKco,
^Xa : dyo), /3e/3X60a : /SXeTro), and similarly 8e8ox<i, ^TrrvX^"'
KiKrfpvya, p-^P-o.\a, TrkTrpa\a, i^iv\a, itXoya, XtX^ya ;
fii^Xa(f>a, €ppl<pa, KiKXo(f>a, KiKo(f)a, T€Tpi<f)a, &c. Both the
middle and the active forms were analogical formations,
starting out from verbs originally ending in an aspirate
(X' 0) which regularly fell together with those ending
in K, y, n, /3 in all the middle forms except in the third
person ending in -arai, -aro, as yeypafifiai, y^ypay^ai,
yiypanrai : T^Tpafifiat, TeTpayjrai, reTpanTai after the
analogy of which were formed T€Tpd(f>aTai, TiTpo(l>a beside
ycypd<f>aTai, yiypa(f>a.

§ 522. Various phonological changes took place in the
middle which have already been mostly dealt with in the
Phonology. When the stem ended in a labial the labial
became assimilated to a following p., as XeXeippai, rirpip-
fiac, yey pap/iai : AetVco, rpt^co, ypd<f>a> (§117). Stems ending
in K, X have y before a following -p, as ninXeypai, d(f>Lypai,
7r€(f>vXaypai, rervypai : TrXe/fco, d^iKviopai, (pvXdcr<rco from
*<f>vXaKja), T€vx<i>- This y was due to the analogy of forms
like XiXiypai beside XiX^^ai, XeXiKrai where y regularly
became k before a and r and thus fell together in these
forms with stems ending in k, x- Stems ending in a- and
a dental generally have the endings -o-pat, -a-peOa, -apivo^
•mXh a restored (§ 214) after the analogy of endings like
■a-Tai where the <r was regular, as t^ea-pai for *€^(ipai :
i^€<rTat, and similarly ea-rraa-pai, ^((oapai, TfTcXfapai,
&:c. beside the regular forms e^copai (Attic inscriptions),
yiyivpai from which was formed yiyevrat for *y6y€i;-
arai ; XiXaapai for *XiXa6pai after the analogy of
XfXaa-rai : X(Xrj$a, and similarly Treneia-pai, werrva-pai,

§ 523] Verbs 321

Tri<Ppa(r/iai for *Tri<f>pa8nai, cp. -7r€<ppa8fiivos. The a was
also introduced analogically into stems ending in u or
a vowel, as 7ri(f>a(rfiac : Tr^(f>avTaL, i^ripaafxai, v<pacr/iai,
beside the regular forms fia-yyiifiai, S^v/x/iai with assimila-
tion of yfi to fi/i (§ 150) ; TiTeia-fiai, reTiia-Tai, iyvaxrfiai,
KiKXav(T/xai beside the regular forms /ce/cXav/^eroy, KeKXavrat.

The Pluperfect.

§ 623. The parent Indg. language had no special forms
which were used exclusively to express the pluperfect.
It accordingly came to be expressed differently in the
different languages. Greek had two distinct formations
of the pluperfect.

1. The augmented perfect forms together with secondary
personal endings. In this formation the active dual and
plural were athematic, but the singular was thematic after
the analogy of the imperfect, as Hom. eoraroj/, ktKTrjv,
ycydTTju, iTriniO/iiV, iSeiSifiiv, ea-Ta/xeu, i(TTaT€, ^efiaaay,
i8d8L(rav, 'icrTaaav, fjL€/j,a(rav, X<xav from *fi8(Tav, &c., but
singular Hom. i/jLifirjKOP, kTviirXrjyov, kykycove, 8d8u, &c.
Middle Hom. Tervyfirju, K€)(^6X<oa-o, kriraKTo, krervKTO,
T€Tda6T)U, fie^XrjaTO, rjXriXaTo.

2. But the usual mode of forming the active pluperfect
started out originally from dissyllabic heavy bases ending
in -6 in Greek (§ 458), to which were added in the singular
the personal endings -a, -ay, -e of the perfect, contracted
with the -€ in Attic into -77, ->;y, -ei (= Herodotus -€a, -cay,
-66) ; but dual -€-tov, -e-rrju, pi. -e-fxeu, -6-r6, -e-aav where
the -6- belonged to the base as in mXatX^-iiiv. The -e then
became extended to other verbs, as kXeXoinrj, kXcXoiTrrj^,
kXiXoiTT^i ; kXeXoiTTfTov, kXcXonrkrrju ; kXeXoine/ifu, kXeXoi-
wiTi, kXeXoimaav. At a later period in Attic were formed
the endings -^iv, -6iy with u from the third person singular,
and then the 6/ was levelled out into the dual and plural.

Note. — The prim. Greek preterite to oT8a was formed from

Y

322 Accidence [§624

the stem ftihri- (cp. ctSi^o-u), and Lat. vidc're) with 17- in all
forms of the tense, as *^^ci8i;v, -rj<i, -rj (Hom. ^ciB^), pi.
*rjf€i8r)fi€v (= Hesych. rjSrjfiev). -^Sefuy, ^tc, jj8«crav were
new formations after the analogy of eXcAoiV-c-zxev, &c. The
regular form of the first person singular would have been
*ySr]v. The form ySea, Att. ySr} was either a new formation
after the analogy of XcXotVea, -rj or else it was an aorist forma-
tion corresponding to a prim. Greek form *T)fuh€<ra (§ 430).

The Injunctive.

§ 524. Beside the subjunctive there also existed in the
parent Indg. language the injunctive which in appearance
consisted of unaugmented indicative forms with secondary
personal endings, cp. 0€p€, ^ipere = Skr. bhdrat, bhdrata,
beside the imperfect e-0€pe, e-^ip€T€ = Skr. d-bharat,
d-bharata; Oi?, 869 for *e^9, *8m = Skr. dhah, dah,
beside the aorist d-dhah, d-dah. This mood, also some-
times called the impure subjunctive, was fully developed
in Vedic and was used with an indicative and subjunctive
meaning, but in classical Sanskrit it was only preserved
in imperative forms and in combination with the negative
particle ma = /i-q to express prohibitions, as ma krthah,
do not do, ma dhah, do not place, beside the aorist d-krthah,
4-dhah. The injunctive was originally used partly with
a present meaning, e.g. when the verbal form was un-
accented, as in *pr6 bheret beside *bh6ret = 0e/3e, partly
with a past meaning, and partly also with a voluntative or
future meaning. But already in the prim. Indg. period
the second and third persons (except the second pers. sing,
active) had become part of the imperative system in making
positive commands (§ 539), as cVeo, 'iirov = Lat. sequere,
Indg. *s6qeso ; (pipcTc, (j>ip(Tov, (l>ep(T<ov for *<pep€Tdv =
Skr. bhdrata, bhdratam, bhdratam; middle (pipeade,
<P(p€a6ov, (f>€pia-d<ou. In Sanskrit and prim. Greek the

§§ 625-6] Verbs 323

second pers. sing, of the aorist active also came to be used
for the imperative, as dhah, dah = dey, 86s, and similarly

The Subjunctive.

§ 625. The original subjunctive, also called conjunctive,
was preserved in Greek, Latin and Vedic, but in classical
Sanskrit it had practically disappeared and its place was
taken by the optative. It was also supplanted by the
optative in the prehistoric period of the Germanic and
Baltic-Slavonic languages. The original personal endings
were partly primary and partly secondary. In the parent
Indg. language the subjunctive was formed in various ways
according as the stem of the indicative ended in (a) a con-
sonant or (b) in -e, -o (dissyllabic light bases) or (c) in
a long vowel (monosyllabic and dissyllabic heavy bases).

§ 526. Type (a). The subjunctive to indicative stems
ending in a consonant had the characteristic formative
element -e-, -o-. The -e-, -o- was doubtless of the same
origin as the -e-, -o- in the present and strong aorist of the
thematic verbs, as XiLiro-fiev, XeiTre-re, iXiiro-fieu, eX/Tre-rc,
so that the subjunctive of this type was the same in form
as the present indicative of the thematic verbs. To this
type belong presents and strong aorists like too, « = Lat.
fut. ero, Indg. *es5, Horn, lofiev : indie, tfiei^, dXerai : aXro,
(f)6UTai, (pdio/xea-da : (P$lto; the verbs eSofiai, mo/xai, xioj,
&c. which came to be used as futures (§ 498). s-aorists,
common in Homer and his imitators, as aAy^trere, dyei-
pofi€u, firjo-oiiiv, reia-ofiiu, d/xetylrerat, Ion. Troii^a-ci, Cret.
8€iKcrei, 6/x6(T€i ; fut. d^a>, ota-co, oy^ojiaL (§ 499) ; the im-
peratives d^(T€, oJ(r€, o-v/reo-^e, Xe^eo, &c. Perfects like
Hom. (iSofiev, eiSin : oI8a, but €i8m from *F€i8€(r<i>, Tmroi-

6o[iiV.

From the time of Homer onwards the -6-, -o- began to
be supplanted by -?;-, -co- in all tenses except in those forms

Y 2

324 Accidence

which became used for the future and imperative. This
change in Greek as in other Indg. languages was doubtless
due to the fact that the latter was a more distinctive forma-
tion of the subjunctive, cp. fco/xei/ beside Hom. tofiiv,
r€i(rcofjL€i/, Trewotdccfiiv , &c.

§ 527. Type (b). The subjunctive to thematic indicative
stems (dissyllabic light bases) had in Greek -?;-, -a>- corre-
sponding to the -€-, -0- of the indicative. It is uncertain
whether this -rj- and -co- existed in the parent Indg. language
or whether the ■?;- alone belonged originally to all forms of
the subjunctive. So far as Greek is concerned the -t)-, -co-
might be a contraction of the -€, -o in dissyllabic light
bases like 0€p€-, (^^po- with the -6-, -o- which occurs in the
subjunctive of type {a), but this explanation does not account
for the long -a- in forms like Lat. fera-mus, fera-tis beside
the fut. fere-mus, fere-tis. Sanskrit unfortunately throws
no light upon this difficult point, because in this language
Indg. e, 5, a all fell together in a (§ 42). It is, however,
far more probable that the -77- originally belonged to all
forms of the singular, dual and plural, and that *(f>€pT]v,
*(pipT]fj.€v, *^ipT]UTi then became ((>epco, (pipcofiti^, (f>^p(ovTt
{<f>^paxTL) after the analogy of the present indie. 0€pa),
<f)ipofiev, (f>€povTL (^ipova-i). This -r]- had its origin in
dissyllabic heavy bases ending in -e (§ 458), cp. subj. iSr]-T€ :
Lat. vide-te, TTLBrj-Tai : imriBri-a-a), fidXij : e-^Xrj-v, and it is
probable that the whole formation originally started out
from the injunctive forms of the strong aorist of such bases
as regularly had rj in all forms of the singular, dual and
plural (§ 528). And in like manner the a, which occurs in
Latin, Keltic and the Slavonic languages, probably started
out from the injunctive forms of dissyllabic bases ending
in -a (§ 458). The inflexion of type (b) in Vedic was
sing. bh4ra-ni, bh4ra-s(i), bhdra-t(i), pi. bhdra-ma, bhira-
tha, bh4ra-n, but in Greek ^epco, (pipijs, <P^pr}, (pepto-fxey,
(p€pT]-T€, (f)epco-i/Ti {(pipco-ai), where <P^pr}?, <f>^pu from older

§ 528] Verbs 325

*^fprf-€i9, *<f>€pr)-€i had €i from the endings of the present
indicative. The regular forms would have been *(f>4pi]-s,
*<f>€pr]. For (f>epoo-vTi {(f)ep(o-<n) we should have expected
*<f>ipo-vTc {*(pipov(ri) with shortening of the -co- (§ 70), but
either the -o)- was introduced into the third person plural
after the law for the shortening of long vowels in this
position had ceased to operate, or else it was re-introduced
from (f>epai-/i€v in order to preserve the distinction between
the subjunctive and indicative.

In like manner was formed the subjunctive of denomina-
tive verbs from vocalic stems, as Tifidcofieu, rlfidrjTi, ^fXeoo-
/x€v, (f)i\ir}T€, Att. Tl/jia>n€v, Sec. The contracted forms of the
subjunctive and indicative of Tlfidco regularly fell together
in Attic in the second and third persons singular, and then
after the analogy of these the indicative forms 8r]\oTs, StjXol
also came to be used for the subjunctive ofSrjXooo.

§ 528. Type (c). The subjunctive to indicative stems
ending in a long vowel. Here a distinction must be made
according as the final long vowel of the indicative stem
originally belonged (i) to all forms of the singular, dual and
plural or (2) belonged only to the active singular. The
regular old subjunctive forms of (i) were preserved in
some Doric dialects, as Mess. ypd^-qvTL beside Att.
ypd(f>axrL, Heracl. OLKoSo/irjTai : indie oIkoBo fielrai, Cret.
TriwdTai, Then iriTrpdrai. But already in Homer the
original forms were remodelled after the analogy of types
(a) and (b), as 8a/jLTJa>, Sa/iijeTe : €-8dfxr]i/, Tpairrjo/jLey :
k-rpdir-qv, yvd>o/j.€i/ : t-yvaav, &c. beside 8a/xijri?, (paurjrj,
yvdiji, yvdioxn, &c. Prim. Greek had in (2) the long vowel
in all forms, but it cannot be determined what were the
original Indg. forms of the dual and plural active and of the
middle. A few such forms have been preserved in various
dialects, as Cret. 8vvdfiai, vvvdrai, vvvdvTi, WOavri
= ta-TdvTi, Mess. Trpo-TiOrjvTi, Arcad. iTriavv-ia-TdToi, 8idToi
(§ 444), &c. But already in Homer the prim. Greek forms

326 Accidence [§§ 529-31

were also here remodelled after the analogy of types (a)
and (6), as 8(oofi€v, Orjoficu, (rr^ofify, oTrjcTov, and with
quantitative metathesis, Hom. Oiafjuu, arioofnv, &c. (§ 72),
beside 8a>a)(ri{v), a-T^axri, 8a>r]<ri{v), (TT^rjs, Orjrj, &c. Attic
regularly has the contracted forms, as 8i8a>, 818^9, 818&,
8i8&fiev, 8i8a)T€ ; tiOco, TiOfjs, Tidfj, TiOcofiev, riO^re, &c.

§ 529. In some verbs Attic and Ionic had new formations
in the middle. After the analogy of <f>ipci>/jLai : <pipr)Tai
was formed TiOcofxai : TiOrfTai. After a had become r) in
Attic and Ionic (§ 51) we then also have (nia-rco/xai : km-
aTrjrai, and similarly 8wa)fiai, Kpe/ico/iai, /idpvcofjLai. The
circumflex in TiOa/jiai, 8i8c^fjiai, la-rcofiat was due to the
analogy of the active.

The Optative.

§ 530. The optative was originally formed in two ways
according as the corresponding tense-stems of the indica-
tive were athematic or thematic. The optative to the
athematic indicative stems had the formative element -(ijje-,
•i- where •!• was the weak grade of -je- (§ 90), and the
optative to thematic indicative stems had -i- which com-
bined with the thematic vowel -o- to form the diphthong -oi-.
Both types of optatives had secondary personal endings.

§ 531. In the first type of optative the active singular
had -(ijje- and all other forms of the active and the whole
of the middle had -i- before endings beginning with a con-
sonant, but •(i)j- before endings beginning with a vowel. In
the active singular the accent was on the -e-, but in all other
forms on the personal endings, and the stem had accordingly
the weak grade of ablaut. The weak form of the stem was
however generally supplanted by the strong form already in
prim. Greek, i.e. the optative came to be made direct from the
strong grade form of the stem. The original manner of
forming this type of the optative was only preserved in the
historic period of the language when the stem originally

§ 532] Verbs 327

ended in a vowel or came to end in a vowel after the loss
of intervocalic -or- (§ 213, 2), as a-Ta-trjv, Oe-irjv ; €-ir]v, e-Ificu
from *k<T-j-qVf *ka-lfiiv ; ilSe-irjv, eiSe-Tfuv from *F€t8€a--jr]v,
*F€i8€(r-lfji€u. The original inflexion of eirjp was : —

Indg.

Gr.

Skr.

O.Lat.

Sing.

I.

*s-(i)je-m

€IT]1/

syam

siem

2.

*s-(i)je-s

d-qs

syah

sies

3-

*s-(ijje-t

V

etJ7

syat

siet

Plur.

I.

*s-i-m-

€lfi€U

syama

simus

2.

*s-i-t6

etre

syata

sitis

3. *s-(i)j-ent ihu [sylir] sient

In Greek the stem had the strong grade of ablaut which
occurs in ea--Ti, so that the prim. Greek forms were
*€(r-jrj-v, *i(r-jrj-s, *e(r-jrj-{T), pi. *k(r-l-fiiv, *k<T-l-Ti, *k(T-j-kv{T).
From the time of Homer onwards the -irj- of the singular
became levelled out into the dual and plural, as utjtou,
ilrjTTju, €iT]fi€v, (irjT€, etri-a-au, and similarly crTairj/xeu, Odrj-
fi€v, 8oir)/ieu. A similar levelling out of the -ya- also took
place in the prehistoric period of Sanskrit, as syama for
*simd, whereas in classical Latin the -i- of the plural was
levelled out into the singular, as sim, sis, sit, and similarly
in prim. Germanic, as in Old High German si, sis, si,
pi. Sim, sit, sin.

But the optative to indicative stems ending in a con-
sonant came to be formed after the analogy of the thematic
type already in prim. Greek, as Xi-Xoc-rr-oi-fii, X€-\oi7r-oi-fX(u :
Xi-XoiTT-a ; Sci^-ai-fjii, 8ei^-ai-/x€P, 8ci^-ai-T0 : i-8ii^-a ; Xv<t-
ai-fii, Xv<T-ai-fi€u : €-Xva--a; cp. on the other hand Skr.
vid-ya-t : indie, ved-a = oJ8€ ; ri-ric-ya-t : indie, ri-rec-a
= Xk-Xoi7r-€ ; third pers. sing, of the s-aorist middle dik§.
i-ta : indie. 4-dik|-i, cp. Lat. dix-i-mus.

§ 532. The regular optative to dissyllabic heavy bases,
which had a long vowel in the second syllable of all forms
of the indicative, was in prim. Greek *Spa;r)u, *yv<i>jr]v, pi.

328 Accidence [§§ 533-4

*Spaifi€v, *yva>i/iev : indie. e-Spav, e-yvcov, pi. f-Spa/iev,
€'YP(ofi€v, which would regularly have become *Sp&r]v,
*yva>rjv (§ 128), pi. *8paifiiv, *yvoLjXiv with shortening of the
long vowel (§ 63). The historic forms Spairjv, yuotrjv were
new formations either after the analogy of Ofirjv, Soirjv,
arairjv or else with ai, oi from the plural *Spaifiiv, *yvoLfiiv;
and similarly aXoirjv, ^aXdrjv, ^Xitrjv, yrjpairju, KL\dr]v,
<l>aveir)v, &c. The circumflex in the pi. SpaTfiiv, yvoTfiii/,
d\oifi€v, fia\€ifi€v, pXufiev, Ki\ufiiv, <f)avcTfi€v, &c. as also
in forms like TLOiifiiv, OeT/icv (§ 533) has never yet been
satisfactorily explained, see Brugmann, Griech. Grammatik,
third ed., p. 338.

§ 633. The optative to monosyllabic heavy ablaut-bases
had the weak form of the base, as ri-Oe-irj-v, 6i-irj-v, pi.
Ti-d€?/i€v, Oiifiiv : indie. Ti-6r}-fii, Ti-Oc-fiCP. The i in the
sing. Oiirjp, &c. was either due to levelling out of the t of
the dual and plural (except the third person which was
also a similar new formation) into the singular or else it
represented Indg. -ij-, as *dha-ije-m corresponding to San-
skrit dheyam. An Indg. form *dh3-je-m would have
become *6(t]v in Greek. The circumflex in dufnp, Ti6ufi€v,
$€iTO, tiBhto presents the same difficulty as in Spaificv for
*Spaifi€v (§ 532) ; and similarly ScSoirjv, Soirjv (Skr. deyam),
l<TTair}v, (TTairjv (Skr. stheyam), <paiT)v, pi. 8i8oT/iev, SoTfuv,
iaraTfiey, a-ToifKV, (f>aTfi€v ; pf. iaTatrjv, ia-Tai/iev, TcOvaiTjv.
In Herodotus and later Attic the -ii]- of the active singular
was levelled out into the dual and plural, as ddrui^v,
SoiT)/jiev, (TTairjiiiv (cp. § 531).

§ 534. The original formation of the optative to dis-
syllabic heavy ablaut-bases was not preserved in Greek.
The original optatives of this type were remodelled after
the analogy of the thematic type, as Kpefiairo : indie. Kpi-
fjLarai ; SciKvvoifii, SeiKvvoifiep, BeiKvvoifirjv, S€iKvvotfi($a,
the optative to presents in -yvfii would regularly have had
*'Pv{j)Tjy, pi. *'VvfifjLep, cp. Skr. r-nu-ya-t, middle r-nuv-

§§ 535-6]

Verbs

329

i'td : indie, r-no-ti, he moves ; /xapvoi/xrjv, fiapvoifiiOa :
indie, /idpi/arai, SvvaiTo : indie. Bvvarai, ep. Skr. middle
^r-nl'td : indie, sr-na-ti, he breaks in pieces.

o • o • *

§ 635. The Greek optative to the s-aorist was a new
formation after the analogy of the thematie type, as in
Xva-aifii, Xvcrais, Xvcrai ; Xvaanov, XvaatTrjv ; Xvcrai/ieu,
Xva-acT€, Xvaaiiv ; middle Xvaaifirju : e-Xucr-a, k-Xv(T-d-fi7]v,
where the -a- of the s-aorist indicative (§ 507) eame to be
regarded as a thematic vowel like the -0- in (pipocfxi, ^epoi-
/irju ; and similarly Sei^ai/xi, Sei^ac/ifp, Sei^aifjirjv : e-Sn^a,
^■qvaLjii, (^rjvaLiiev, (fy-qvaifxr^v : €-<l>r]ua from *€-(f>av(Ta, &c.

The so-called Aeolic optative ofthe s-aorist which occurs
in Homer and Attic was also a Greek new formation with
reduplication of the s-element of the aorist and with e from
the original s-aorist ofthe subjunctive, as Sei^eia^, Sei^ne,
third pers. pi. Sd^^iav from *S€iK<r€(rjay, and similarly in
Lat. dixerim, dixerimus beside the regular old forms
dixim, diximus.

§ 636. The optative to thematic indicative stems had
originally -i- which combined with the thematic vowel -o- to
form the diphthong -oi-, but -oj- before endings beginning
with a vowel. This type of optative was preserved in
Greek, Sanskrit and also in the old Germanic languages,
but with the function of the subjunctive, whereas in Latin
it disappeared already in the prehistoric period of the
language. The original inflexion of this type of optative
was: —

Indg. Or.

Sing. I. *bh6roj-m (f>ipot/j.i

2. *bh6roi-s (f>ipois

3. *bh6roi-t (pipot
Dual 2. *bh6roi-tom (j)(poiTou

3. *bh6roi-tam (p^poirrju

Plur. I. *bheroi-m- (l>^poifiiv

2. *bh6roi.te (f>€poiT€

3. *bh6roj-gt (pipoui^

Skr.

Goth.

bhdreyam

bairdu

bhdreh

bafrdis

bhiret

bafrdi

bhdretam

bhdretam

bhdrema

bairdima

bhdreta

bairdij)

bhdreyur

bairdina

330 Accidence [^ 537-9

The regular forms of the first pers. singular and the
third pers. plural were not preserved in the historic period
of any of the languages. Both forms would regularly
have become *0€pa) from older *<f)ipoja. <f>ipoifj.i had the
stem (f>ipoL- from the other persons where it was regular
and -III after the analogy of the athematic presents, and
similarly <j>ipoi-iv with -iv from the optative of the athematic
type (§ 681). And in like manner both forms would
regularly have become *bh4raya in Sanskrit, but the stem
bhdrey. had -e- from the other forms.

§ 637. In the -eco class of contract verbs the optative
plural (piXioifiev, &c. regularly became contracted into
^iXoifxeu, &c., and thus fell together with the athematic
type SiSoifiev. And then after the analogy of SiSoTfxev :
Si8oiT]p to (f>i\oi/x€v a new singular <f)i\oLr]u was formed,
and at a later period the -oir]- of the singular was levelled
out into the dual and plural. After the analogy of the
optative of this type were also formed new optatives to the
contract verbs in -dm, -oco.

§ 538. The prim. Greek forms of the middle were
*(f)€poi/jidu, *<PipoL(ro, *0€poiTO (=Skr. bhdreta); *(pepoia-6ov,
*(f)€poia-6av ; *<f)(poifjL€da, *^€poia$€, *(f>€pojaTo (= Indg.
*bh6rojnto), on the personal endings see §§ 442-8. *(f)€poj-
aro would regularly have become *(f>ep(OTo. <f>ipoivTo was
a new formation with the stem (f)€poi- from the other forms
and the ending -vro from forms like i-c^ipovTo. The old
ending -aro is found in Homer, Herodotus and the Attic
dramatists in the combination -oi-aro where -oi- was from
the other forms.

The Imperative.

§ 539. Already in the parent Indg. language the im-
perative system was made up of several distinct formations
which included (a) injunctive forms, as ^epere, Skr. bhdrata;
(b) forms with the bare stem, as 0epe, Skr. bhdra, €^-ei, Lat.

§ 540] Ferbs 331

ex-i ; and {c) compound forms, as la-Oi, icr-Tco = Skr. vid-dhi,
vit-tad. It had injunctive forms for the second person
singular of the middle, the second person plural of the
active and middle, and the second and third person dual
of the active and middle, as eVeo = Lat. sequere ; (pipere,
(f>ip€o-de ; <f>ep€Tov, (fxpircov for older *(f>ipiTdv after the
analogy of (^epeTco, <f>€pca6ov, (f)€pea-6Q>u, see § 524. To
these were added in prim. Greek the injunctive forms of
the second aorist active, as e«r-0p€y, e/f-^pey, kvi-cnre^,
(Txey, 6h, 86s, h, &c. (§ 524). The active forms of the
injunctive require no further comment and will therefore
be omitted in the following paragraphs.

I, The Active.

§ 540. The second person singular was expressed (a)
by the bare stem, as 0epe, Skr. bhdra, Goth, bair ; aye,
Lat. age ; /Sao-zce, Skr. gdccha ; Tifid, (f>iX^i, SijXov, from
Tt/iae, 0tAee, ^jyXoe ; TiXei from *reA€(r;'e, <paTi^c from *<f>avj€;
aorists like eiTri, iXOi, evpi, ISi, Xa^i beside XtTre, &c.,
where the former preserved the old accent when such
imperatives were originally used at the beginning of the sen-
tence, and the latter represented the original enclitic form
(§ 38). e^-€f, Lat. ex-i : d-a-i, la-rrj : larrj-o-i, and similarly
SfiKuv, Kprj/xvr], Lesb. ■jtco beside nco-di. At a later period
the -€ in (f>ip€, &c. came to be regarded as an ending and
was then extended to athematic verbs, as Ka6-[<rTd from
*-i(TTai, TiOii from *Tid€€, and similarly SiSov, Kard-^a,
6/xvve, &c.

(b) By the addition of the accented adverbial particle
•dhf (= Skr. -dhi, later -hi) to athematic stems. This
formation only occurs in Greek, Aryan and the Baltic-
Slavonic languages, but the fact that the stem had the weak
grade of ablaut shows that it was very old. Examples are
t-Oi, Skr. i-hi : d-ai, Skr. e-ti ;t(r-ei from *FiS-ei, Skr.vid-dhf;
kXv-$i, Skr. sru-dhi ; m-6i beside nat-Ot, Skr. pa-hi. Heavy

332 Accidence [§541

ablaut-bases, as ^d-6i : (f>r]-(ri, i\a-6i from *ai-aXa-6i, opvv-Bi,
perfects ca-ra-Oi, KiK\v-di, rerXa-Oi, riOva-Ot, Horn. SeiSi-di
from *Se8Fi-6i. Heavy bases with a long vowel (§ 458), as
yvSa-Oi, tXtj-Ol, (f)dvr)-6i. After the analogy of second aorists
like T\fj-$i, <f)dvT}-Oi it was added to the new first aorist
passive (§ 514) with dissimilation of the 6 after the pre-
ceding aspirate, as Xd(f>6r]-Ti, XvOtj-ti, &c. At a later
period such imperatives were also formed from the strong
grade stem of heavy ablaut-bases, as iXt}-$c beside the
regular form iXa-di, ttco-Oi beside ni-Oi, ctttj-Oi, Hom.
BiSoyOi, &c.

The ending -ov of the second person singular of the
s-aorist SeT^-ov, Xvcr-ou, ^rjv-ou : e-Sn^a, t-Xvaa, i-^-qva, has
never been satisfactorily explained.

Note. — Att. iriu (also extended to ttui-s after the analogy of
injunctive forms like o-x«'s), St'Soi (Pindar), and Dor. ayci
probably contain the deictic particle i which occurs in such
forms as ovroo-f, vvvi (§ 411).

§ 541. In Greek the third person singular was formed by
the addition of -roo to the bare stem. This -ro) (=Skr. -tad,
Lat. -to, Indg. *-tod) was not originally a personal ending,
but simply the ablative singular of the neuter demonstra-
tive pronoun *tod (= Gr. to, Skr. tdd, Lat. is-tud, Engl.
that) used adverbially with the meaning/row/ that time, after
that, then. The combination was originally used to express
the second and third persons of all numbers, but already
in prim. Greek it became restricted to the third person
singular, and in Latin to the second and third person
singular, whereas in Vedic it was almost exclusively
restricted to the second person singular, but it also
occurred occasionally for the third person singular, and the
second person dual and plural. In Vedic it had the func-
tion of a kind of future imperative, expressing an injunction

§ 642] Verbs 333

which was to be carried out at a time subsequent to the
present. Originally the -tSd had the principal accent and
the stem of ablaut-bases had the weak grade of ablaut, as
ta-TO) from *fiT-Ta), Skr. vit-tad, So-tco, Lat. da-to, Skr.
dat-tad, and similarly 8cS6t(o, TiOirm, la-TaTco, ltco, <f>dT<o,
ofxvvTai, SafivaTco, Spdrco, yva>T<o, &c. ; perfects like ia-TdTco,
TiOvaTco, fxcfidTco, Lat. mementd. This formation was
probably confined originally to athematic verbs, but it must
have been extended to thematic verbs at a very early period
as is shown by examples like ^tpero), (ineTO), Lat. vehito
beside Skr. bharatad, vocatad, vahatad, dyerco beside
Lat. agit5.

§ 542. The third person plural. The restriction of the
formation with -tod to the third person singular in prim.
Greek gave rise to several new formations for expressing
the third person plural. The exact chronological order in
which these new formations took place cannot be determined
with certainty. The oldest type seems to be (fxpovTO) which
occurs in Doric, Boeotian and Arcadian. This type pro-
bably arose in prim. Greek by the addition of -ro) to the
injunctive form *(j>€poy, cp. the similar formation in Lat.
ferunt-6. From <f>€p6pT<o was formed (pepovrcou by the
addition of the secondary plural ending -u of the third
person. The type <pep6vTa)u occurs in Homer, Attic, Ionic
and some Doric dialects, and was the only good one in
Attic until Aristotle's time. The type earcov, irav, &c.,
which occurs in Homer, Attic, and Ionic (on inscriptions),
arose from the pluralizing of the singular by the addition
of -V, cp. the similar process in Latin agito-te with -te after
the analogy of agi-te. After the analogy of forms like
kSiBoaav : iSiSov was formed the type (fnpovTcocrav : ^epov-
TO)!/, which is found on Attic inscriptions of the fourth
century b. c. And then lastly arose the type ^eperoxT-aj/,
SiSoTctxrav from a pluralizing of the singular by the addition
of the plural ending -aau. This type occurs in Attic prose

334 Accidence [§§ 543-4

since the time of Thucydides and on Attic inscriptions from
300 B. c. onwards and also on inscriptions in the later Doric
and North-Western dialects.

2. The Middle.

§ 543. For the second person singular of the present and
second aorist the injunctive forms were used, as tmo, cirov
from *€7r€cro = Lat. sequere, and similarly Xdirov, Xinov,
60V, 80V, &c. In forms like ridca-o, 81800-0, la-raa-o, 8€iKvv(ro
the -0-- was restored after the analogy of the other forms,
TideaOcD, &c.

The second person singular of the s-aorist 8u^ai, XOa-ai,
<f>rjvai from *<pava-ai, &c. is difficult to account for, because
this form does not occur in any of the other languages.
Most scholars are inclined to regard it as being originally
the active infinitive which came to be used for the impera-
tive through the influence of the personal ending -{a^ac (as
in (pipeai, riOiaai) of the second person singular of the
present indicative, cp. also the Latin passive imperative
plural legi-mini which in form corresponds to the infini-
tive \iy€-/M€vai (§ 546).

§ 544. The other forms of the middle contain the element
-a-$- which is of the same origin as in the infinitive (pipiadai,
TiOicrOai, &c., but in other respects they have the same
endings as the active. In prim. Greek the form <f)€pia6(o
arose beside the active form (f>€p^T(o after the analogy
of (pipea-Oe : (f>€p€T€. The history and development of the
middle forms of the third person plural went parallel with
those of the active, but with regular loss of the -v- in the
combination -vaO- (§ 153), cp. (fxpeaOcou, Ti$i<r6a>v beside
the active <j>€p6i/T<ov, TiOivTcov.

§ 645] Verbs 335

The Infinitive.

§ 545. The infinitives of the Indg. languages were
originally isolated singular case-forms of nomina actionis,
and as with other kinds of nouns the case-form used
depended upon the construction of the sentence. Such
isolated forms became associated with the verb as soon as
they were no longer regarded as being connected with the
declension of the type to which they originally belonged.
This isolation took place with some nomina actionis
already in the parent Indg. language. The original Indg.
nomina actionis were best preserved in the Aryan, Old
Germanic and Baltic-Slavonic languages, whereas in
Greek and Latin they became in a great measure asso-
ciated with the verbal system. The infinitive being a noun
in form had originally nothing to do with the distinction
between active, passive, and middle. The association of
particular forms to particular voices took place at a much
later period.

As there were in the parent Indg. language a large
number of suffixes which were used to form nomina
actionis, there are accordingly a large number of different
forms of the infinitive in the separate languages, cp. Lat.
regere from *reges-i; Goth. OE. nim-an, to take; Lith.
du-ti, O.Slav, da-ti, to give ; Vedic yiadh-am, to fight,
dt-tum, to eat, yuje, to yoke, da*man-e (Hom. 86-/i€i/-ai),
da-vdn-e, to give, dt-tav-e, to eat, sak-§dn-i, to abide. Of
all these and various other Vedic forms only the one in
•turn— identical with the Latin supine in -turn — was pre-
served in classical Sanskrit. In Vedic the case-form of
the infinitive could be the accusative, dative, locative,
and ablative-genitive. In classical Sanskrit and the Old
Germanic languages the case-form was restricted to the
accusative, in Latin to the dative, locative and accusative

336 Accidence [§§ 546-7

(= the supine in -turn), and in Greek to the dative and
locative. Datives were the infinitives in -fifvai, -vai, 4vai,
'<rai, -a-Oat, and locatives those in -/jiip, -dv, &c.

I. Datives.

§ 546. -fiivai is the dative ending of a -/zei'-stera (§ 345).
This form only occurs in Homer and the Lesbian dialect
and was originally confined to athematic verbs, as Hom.
Sofievai, Ved. damane, iS/xevat, Ved. vidmine, and
similarly yua>ij.€vai, €Sfj,€vai, ^ivyvvjXivai, Oefiivai, iard-
ficvai, rerXafiepai ; and then later extended to thematic
verbs, as Hom. deiSe/ievai, d^ifievat, elTre/jievai ; Xeye/zei'ai
which corresponds in form to the Latin second person
plural of the passive imperative (legimini).

The dative ending -yai in Attic, Ionic, Arcadian and
Cyprian probably arose from older -fivai where -fiu- was
the weak grade form of -fiiv- (§ 273) and which became
simplified to -v- after long vowels (§ 146), as dfj-vai, yvat-
vai, 8v-vai, (TTrj-yai, beside d-q-jxivaL, yvm-fi^vaL, Bv-fM^vaL,
aTTj-n^vaL. The -vai then came to be used after short
vowels and supplanted the old locative ending in -/zti/
(§ 549), as SeiKvvvai, SiSovai, la-Tdvai, (f>dvaL, TiOiuai,
TiOvdvai.

After the analogy of -fnvai {SSfievai, &c.) : -e-fievai
{Xeyifiivai, &c.) to -vai a new ending -ivai was formed
which became productive especially in the perfect infini-
tive, as ilSii^ai, SeSiivai, oXcoXipai, y^y pa(f>kvai, X^Xonrivai,
yeyovivai, &c. In C3rpr. Sof^vai, Att. Sovvai it is doubtful
whether the F belongs to the stem or to the suffix, cp. also
Ved. davdne.

§ 547. The infinitive of the s-aorist Sei^ai, Xvaai, (f>rivai,
&c. is an old dative of an s-stem which became associated
with the verbal system after the analogy of iSei^a and the
participle Sei^d?. It corresponds in form to Vedic infini-
tives like jis-e, to conquer, stu§-e, to praise, and to the Latin

§§ 548-50] Verbs 337

passive infinitive dari from *das-ai, cp. also Tifirja-ai,
(f>iXTJa-ai beside Lat. amari, haberi.

§ 548. The ending of the middle infinitive in -(r-dai is
probably related to the Vedic infinitives in -dhyai, -dhye,
as in dhiyd-dhyai, io deposit, gamd-dhye, to go, beside
which there was originally a form in -dhe corresponding
to Greek -dai. The origin of the formation of this type
of infinitive is uncertain. The most commonly accepted
theory is that it was a compound consisting of an es-stem,
as in elSea-- : dSo9 (§§ 279, 364), and the dative of a root-
noun *dhe-, *dh- : Ti-$r]-/xc, and that from forms like clSia--
Oai : dSe-Tai the -(x-Oai came to be regarded as the ending
and was then extended to all kinds of tense-stems, as
\vea-6ai, XvcreaOai, XvaacrOai, XeXvcrOai, and similarly
SiSoaOai, TiOea-Oai, la-TaaOai, 8eiKvv<r6ac, ?j(T6ai, SoaOat,
6i(r6ai, Xnri(r6ai, ireirvaBai, &c. SixOai, yfypdcpOai from
*S€K(r6ai, *yiypaTr(T6ai (§ 221), and similarly TrcirXex^ai,
XcX€i(f>$ai, T^Tpd^dai, kardiXBaL, 7r€(f>du6ai, &c. This type
of infinitive became medio-passive in meaning through the
influence of the middle personal endings -a-Oe, -aOov, &c.

2. Locatives.

§ 549. The ending -fi^v, which occurs in Homer and in
the Aeolic, Doric, Thessalian, Boeotian, Elean, Arcadian
and the North- Western group of dialects, is an endingless
locative of a -/X€i/-stem (§§ 273, 345), as in tSfx^v, riOifieu,
Bijiiv, 86fi€u, opvvjx^v, ia-rdfiiv, &c. Cretan infinitives like
S6fir)v, rjjJir^v had --qv after the analogy of <pepr]u = (f>ep€iv ;
and similarly Soficiu, difi€cu in the dialect of Rhodes were
formed after the analogy of (f)ip€iv.

§ 550. It is difficult to account satisfactorily for the
formation of the infinitive in -€iv. The difference between
the ending -ni/ in Attic, Ionic, &c. and the -rjv in Doric,
Lesbian and Elean shows that the -^lu, -rjv is the result
of contraction. This contraction probably arose from -ea-fv

z

338 Accidence [§§ ^^^-'^

and represented an old endingless locative, but as this
exact type of infinitive ending does not occur in the other
languages, it is uncertain whether the -ia^v represents an
original formation -e-sen- or -es-i. In the former case it
would correspond to the Vedic forms in -san*i, as ne'§^9-i»
to lead, sak-s^n*i, to abide ; and in the latter to Vedic
forms like je|-i, to conquer, stol-i, to praise, and to Lat.
dare from *das-i, which are locatives of s-stems. We
should then have to assume that prim. Greek *<f)€pea-i
became *^€p€(r€v through the influence of the -ev in the
ending -/icv.

The Doric and Arcadian ending -tf in (f>€p€v, ^X^^>
Tpd^€v, &c. was due to the analogy of the ending -/xcv.

Participles.

§ 551. All active participles except the perfect had
originally the formative element -ent- with the various
ablaut-grades -ont-, -nt-, -nt-. For the declension of these
participles see §§ 352-5.

§ 552. The formative element of the masculine and
neuter of the perfect active participle consisted of the
blending of the two distinct elements •'wes- with the ablaut-
grades -woS", -wos, -us-, and -wet-, -wot-. The relation in
which the elements -was-, •■wos-, and -w^et-, ••wot- origin-
ally stood to each other is unknown. It is also uncertain
which cases originally had the -s-form and which the
•t-form. In Greek the -Awot- became generalized in the
oblique cases, whereas in Sanskrit it only occurred in
the instrumental, dative and ablative dual and plural
(vidvddbhyam, vidvddbhih, vidvddbhyah), the locative
plural (vidvdtsu), and the nominative and accusative neuter
singular (vidvdt, knowing). This mode of forming the
perfect active participle was preserved in Greek, Aryan
and the Baltic-Slavonic languages, but in the other

§ 563] Verbs 339

languages only scanty fragments are found. For a similar
blending of two distinct formative elements see § 371.

In the masculine nominative singular the -wos- was
regularly lengthened to -wos (§ 368), cp. d8m beside
dSora, eiSoTO^, &c., neut. €1869. In forms like Hom.
TiOuTjooTa, /ji€/xamT€9, 7r€<pvcoTa9 the -co- of the nominative
singular was levelled out into the oblique cases. The
stem-syllable had originally the weak grade of ablaut, but
in Greek it generally had either the strong grade vowel
of the present indicative or the stem-syllable was formed
direct from the perfect indicative, cp. dSo^ beside Skr.
vidvdt, Xe-XoiTT-m : \i-Xonr-a beside Skr. ri-rik-vds- :
ri-rec-a ; and similarly e/coy, ia-rrjco? ; yeyoi/ooy, SiSopKcos,
TreTTOvOws, T€T0Ka>9, \eXvKco9, iS-r]8a>9, eppcoycos', iXrjXovdcos
beside eXrjXvdm ; and in all >c-perfects, as iarr^Km, T€tI-
firjKcos, &c. The weak grade of ablaut occurs in ia-raats :
e<TTafji€v, P^^am : ^i^afiev, yeyacos : yiya^iev, fie/xacos :

The feminine of the perfect active participle had also
originally the weak grade of ablaut in the stem-syllable, as
in iS-vTa = Skr. vid-ii|i, XeXaicvTa, rmraOvTa : X^Xtjkcos,
ire7rov$co9, Hom. dpapvTa, reOaXvia : dprjpofs, TeOrjXcos.
Forms like clSvTa, XeXonrvia, ycyoveTa were new forma-
tions from the stem-form of the masculine. Both in Greek
and Sanskrit it belonged to the ja-declension (§ 322),
The original sing. nom. was -wes-ja, gen. -us-jas which in
Greek would regularly have become -eia, gen. -vids. Level-
ling then took place in both directions whereby partly -eia
and partly -vids became generalized, as yeyovcTa, &c. beside
iSvia, &c.

§ 553. The formative element -fiivo- was used in forming
all Greek middle participles, as Xeinoneuo^, Xino/xivos,
Xei-^ofiivo?, XiLy^dfiivos, X(i<f>6r]a-6n€vo9, XeXeifi/xivos, Ae-
X€i\lr6/i€vo9 ; l(rTdfiivo9, riOefievo^, SiSo/iivo^, SeiKvvfievos,
Okfiivos, Sofiivos, &c. The formative element originally

z 2

340 Accidence [§§ 554-6

had the three grades of ablaut -meno-, -mono-, 'iimo* (cp.
§ 240). The first became generalized in Greek, and pro-
bably also in Latin in the second person plural of the
passive (legimini = Xiyofiivoi), the second in Sanskrit
thematic verbs, as bodha-mana-h = TrevOo-ficvo-s, and the
third occurs in isolated forms like Latin alumnus, autu*
mnus.

§ 554. The passive participle in -dety, as in Xvdfi?, &c.
(cp. § 514) was a special Greek new formation formed
after the analogy of participles like ^avei^.

Verbal Adjectives.

§ 555. The verbal adjectives in •t6- originally denoted
completed action, but they were not passive in function.
They preserved their original function and meaning in
Greek, but in the Sanskrit, Latin, Old Germanic and Baltic-
Slavonic languages they generally came to be used as
perfect or past participles, mostly with a passive meaning,
especially when related to transitive verbs. The accent in
Greek and Sanskrit shows that the stem-syllable originally
had the weak grade of ablaut, cp.AcXuroy, Skr. srutih, Lat.
in-clutus; a-Taros, Skr. sthitdh, Lat. status, Soto?, Lat.
datus ; and similarly KpiTos, Xvtos, xvto?, a-xeTo?, toktos,
(f>avT6?, &c. beside new formations like Xenrro?, o-rpeTrroy,
TpiTTTos formed from the stem of the present. See § 258.

§ 556. The verbal adjectives in -reoy from older *-T€/'oy, as
in 5or€oy, dandus, ypaTrrio?, scribendus, araXrio?, fvpcTeos,
Xvreoy, XciTrreoy, Trtia-Tios, TifirjTios, &c. (§ 255) were a
special Greek formation which has no parallel in the other
languages.

§§ 557-9] Adverbs 341

CHAPTER XIII

ADVERBS

§ 667. Greek adverbs are for the most part of twofold
origin. They are partly isolated case-forms of pronouns,
nouns, substantivized adjectives, and occasionally predica-
tive adjectives used adverbially, and partly formed by
means of suffixes the origin of which is often unknown. It
is probable that some at least of these suffixes were the
remnants of case-endings which became isolated from the
inflexional system already in the parent Indg. language and
were then crystallized as adverbial suffixes.

I. Case-forms.

§ 558. The nominative occurs in dvajii^, dWd^, a\i9,
\i\pts, fJLoXis, X'^P^^f ^yy^^t €vdv9, &c., cp. also Skr. pardh,
far offy Lat. prorsus, satis.

§ 559. The accusative was often used adverbially in all
the Indg. languages, as a^piov, 8r}p6v, fiovov, viov, arj/xepoy,
Att. rrjfjL^pov, ir\r]<riov, irpmrov, x0t(6v, cp. Skr. kamam, at
pleasure, willingly, Lat. domum, riis, multum, OE. ealne
weg, always. aKfirju, dpxw, Srjv, Dor. 8di^ from *8fdv,
8a>pedi/, [laKpdv, irpmjv, ax'^8ir]v, Tay(i(rTr]v. Trp6<f>a<nv,
Xdpiv, cp. Skr. kim, whyF, Lat. furtim, partim, facile.
€vdv, TToXv = Skr. purd, Goth. filu. Att. TfJT€9, Ion. o-T^rey,
xOis = Skr. hydh. npoiKa, 6vap, yikya, &c., cp. Skr.
nama, by name. dk\d, iroXkd, irpoKU, npara, fidXiara,
Tdxi<J"ra, &c. Here belong also the adverbs in -Soy, 'Srjy,
-8a (neut. pi.), the -8- of which was probably the same as in
verbal abstract nouns like xpo/^a^oy> and Skr. samid^
_fight, battle. Examples are : dyi\r}86v, dfi<pa86y, dya<rTa86y,
dva(f)av86v, ^orpOSoy, fiovya86y, ^v86y, ax^86v, a>pv86y',

342 Accidence [§§ 560-4

dviSrjv, ^dSrjv, ^XiqSrjv, K\-qSr]v, Kpv^Srjv, XiySrjv, (nropdSrjv,
aTaSrjv, crvWri^Srjv, yySrjv ; dyiXrjSd, dva(f>av8d, dnoaraSd,
Kpv^Sa, /jLiySa, (fyvySa, \av8d, &c.

§ 560. The genitive occurs in adverbs of time and place,
as ia-Trepd?, r)fj.epd9, '^vrjs, Dor. ivds, vvkto^ = Goth, nahts,
OE. nihtes. dy)(ov, ttjXov, TravTa-)(ov, vyjrov, eTrnroXrj? ;

aVTOV, OfiOV, TTOV, TTOV, OTTOV.

§ 561. The adverbial use of the dative was rare, as in
Xafxat, Lat. humi, Karat, irapai. The dative supplanted
the original instrumental in forms like Attic, Ionic dvdyKrj,
SiKT), ISia, Koivfi, (TTrovSfj, kvkXo) ; dXXr}, ravTrj, ^, Trfj, rfj-Se,
Cret. dXXa, otto.. As the dative and locative regularly fell
together in the a-declension it is possible that some of the
above forms may be originally locative (§ 305).

§ 562. The locative was common both in nominal and
pronominal forms, as oikoi, oikci, cp. Lat. domi, belli,
'laOfioi, Uvdoi, TravTayoL, dOeci, wavSijfXii, cp. Skr. ake,
near at hand, dure, at a distance ; 01, irol, Dor. avrd, orru,
TTU, T€L-Se, TT]V€?, TovTiT, Att. €<€?, Cret. SnrXu, Q-qfiai-
y€VTJs, Elean 'OXvfiniai; Adrjvrja-i, nXaraidcri, Ovpdcri,
&pd(n. aUi from *aif^(n, rjpi from *aj(pi, Mapadcovi, Dor.
TripvTi, Att. rrepvai — Skr. parut ; endingless locatives
were aiiv, Dor. a/ey, vvKTcop, cp. the similar -r in Lith.
kuf, where, Lat. cur, why, Goth. Ivar, where, Lat. noctur-
nus.

§ 563. The ablative (= Indg. -od, -Id) was mostly pre-
served in pronominal forms, as ovtco, Dor. &, ottco, tra>,
unde, Tco-Se, tovtw, hinc, r-qvai, istinc, Locr. h, ottco, unde,
cp. Skr. tat (= Indg. *tod), then, in this way, kdsmat, why,
yat, in so far as. Delph. foiK<o, domo, cp. O.Lat. merited,
rected, Goth, sinteind, continually, J>iubj6, secretly.

§ 564. The instrumental occurs in both nominal and
pronominal forms, as kin-a-y^pd), Dor. Kpv(f>d, Att. Ion,
Kpv(f>TJ, afiaprfj, Att. XdOpd, Ion. XdOprj. ov-ttco, Trco-TTore,
cp. Lat. quo, Tm-Se, Ion. oa-Se, Lesb. dXXd, oirnd, Dor. 5-re,

§§ 565-6] Adverbs 343

TovToi, Att. TavTT), ij, if, Trij, Cret. o-tt^, Lac. irrj-noKa, cp.
Goth, hre, wherewith ; Dor. a-x^, Horn, ^-x^ Instrumental
were also the adverbs in -a) like dvo), e^a>, Karco, 7rp6(r{<r)<o ;
dvco-Tepo), duco-TdTco, iKaaTipo), iKaa-TaTO), Trporepoo, &c. It
probably also occurs in the adverbs in -a, as alyjra, dfia,
dpa, TjKa, dafid, Kapra, Xiya, Xiira, fidXa, irapd, rreSd, nvKa,
<rd(l>a, (Tiya, Td\a, Sxa.

§ 565. The so-called positive of adverbs of quality is
originally the ablative singular of the adjective used ad-
verbially to which was added the particle -y (§ 575). The
ending -coy belonged originally to o-stems only, as in AcaAaJy,
<ro0o)y, 0iXot)y, SiKaico?, &c. From these it became extended
to all kinds of stems, as ■fjSico^, dXrjdco^, irdvT(o^, evSaifioi^cos,
\apiit/T(o^, &c.

In the comparison of adverbs it is necessary to distin-
guish between the adverbs derived from adjectives and
those derived from adverbs. For the comparative of
adverbs derived from adjectives the accusative neuter
singular of the corresponding adjective was used, as
ao<f>diTipov, rjSLOv, and similarly in Sanskrit and Latin.
And for the superlative the accusative neuter plural was
used, as o-o^corara, rjSia-ra, and similarly in Sanskrit,
whereas in Latin we have the ablative singular of the
corresponding adjective, as O.Lat. (inscription) facilu-
med = facillumed, later facillime.

The comparative and superlative of adverbs derived
from adverbs had the instrumental ending -co just as in the
so-called positives, as dv(o, dpcoripo), dvcoTdrot) ; Kdrco, KaTay-
repo), KaTcoTdTOi.

2. Suffixes.

§ 566. -01 {= Indg. *-dhl, cp. Skr. d'dhi, above, upwards,
and the -b- in Lat. ubi, ibi) denoting where, as in KopivOo-Oi,
oiKo-Oi, ovpavo-Bi ; dXXo-6i, av-6i, avTO-Oi, Kel-Oi, S-di, no-Oi,
To-di ; tKTo-$t, tv8o-6i.

344 Accidence [§§ 567-75

§ 567. -Ba beside -6i{v) denoting place. The relation in
which these suffixes stand to each other is unknown, but
they are doubtless related to the -ha in Skr, i-hd, here,
kd'ha, where. Examples are : tv-Ba, kvTov-Oa, vwai-da,
Dor. Lesb. evep-Oa, npocr-Oa beside Horn. €V€f>-6e{v), npoa--
6e{v), 6Tri-$e{v), 67ri(T-6e{u), vnep-dciv).

§ 568. -Bit' denoting whence, as aKpo-Bev, Aio-Biv, rjco-Bcy,
iTTTTO-Bev, K\i(riT]-B(v, ovpavo-Bev ; dXXo-Beu, d^(f>OTip(i)-Biv,
avTO-Bep, o-B^v, irdvTO-Biv, iro-Biv, Dor. TOVTco-Bev ; iKei-Bei^,
iv-Biv, i^<t)-BiV, v-^o-Biv.

§ 569. -^6 denoting whither is originally a preposition
and is related to Lat. de, O.Slav, do, OE. to, to, Indg.
*de, *d6, as dypa-Se, dXa-Sc, Miyapd-Se, oiKa-Se (ace. neut.
pi.) beside Horn. oIkov-Sc, iroXc/xov-Se, (pvya-Se, 'AB-qva^i
from *'ABavavz-Si (§ 153), and similarly Bvpa^e.

§ 570. -<T€ with the same meaning as -Se, as KVKXo-a-e,
•jrdvTo-CTi, rr]X6-(r€ ; dX\o-(T€, d/ji<l>OTip<o-cr€, avro-cre, K€t-cr€,
o/jLo-cre, TTo-o-e. The -o-e may be the same as Goth •]>, cp.
dXXo-(T€, TTo-cre beside Goth, aljaj), elsewhere, hrajj, whither,
but it is difficult to see why the *-Te became -ere in adverbs
of place whilst it remained in adverbs of time.

§ 571. -re denoting time, as dXXo-T^, av-re, o-t€, TrdvTO-Te,
7r6-T€, t6-t€. Lesbian has -ra, as dXXo-ra, o-ra, no-Ta, cp.
also Att. 6i-ra, eTr-eira.

§ 572. -To^ (= Skr. -tah, Lat. -tus), as kK-To^, kv-Tos, cp.
Skr. i-tkh.,from here, td-tah, from there, Lat. in-tus, caeli*
tus, fundi-tus.

§ 573. -Ka the origin of which is unknown, as in avn-Ka,
■qui-Ka, TTjvi-Ka, Dor. o-ku, dXXo-Ka, iro-Ka, ro-Ka.

§ 574. -/fay in e-zcay from *crfe-Kas, dpSpa-Kds is probably
the same suffix as in Skr. deva-sdh (= Indg. *-kns), god
for god.

§ 575. Quite a number of adverbs have forms with and
without a suffixal -y, as a/z0t'-y, o^rco-y, nipvTi-? beside d/iC^t,
ovTco, nkpvTL {Trkpvai), Delph. ol-y beside the usual form 61,

§ 5751 Adverbs 345

Elean dv^vs for &v€v, Horn, drpifia^ beside aTpi/xa, &c.
The -9 became generalized in adverbs of quality formed
from adjectives already in the prehistoric period of the
language. The origin of this -y is uncertain. It probably
arose from various sources, such as the adverbial forms
where the -y was originally a case- or stem-ending, as
nom. a\i9 ; gen, vvkto^ ; ace. neut. sing. x^^S", and the
-y in multiplicative numerals, as 819, Skr. bhih, Lat. bis.
See Brugmann, Grundriss, &c., vol. ii, second ed., p. 737.

INDEX

The numbers after a word refer to the paragraphs in the Grammar.

ayay<i>\ix (Hom.) 433
note.

a-ya^of 40, 378.
ayafiai 420, 458.
'AyafiffJLvmi' 36.
dydvvKpos 2 1 4, 232.
dydofiai 458.
dyand((i> 495.
dyarrda 495-
dyyeXeo) 499.
dyyeXt'a 237.
dyy(\id(f)6pos 289.
dyyeXXo) 129, 217, 485,

, 499.

ayyeXop 20, 38 note, 40>

247, 485.
5y«t (Dor.) 540 note.
dydpofitv (Horn.) 526.
dydpa 66, I97, 478.
dyeKr) 247.
ayeXijSa 559,
dyeXijSdi' 559.
dye\T)(f)i 306.
dye TO) 541 •
dyrjpaos (Hom.) 80.
dyrjpcds 80.
aytof 237.
a-yxoii'a 75.
oyxof 195, 279*
d-yKvXij 247.
dyKvKos 32, 247.
ay/cav 20, 155, 195,

269.
dyp.6s 20, 189.
&yv6s 241.

a-ywS^i 119, 424, 430.
dyvJ)S 285.

ayvtaros 65, 290.

n'yopa 237, 489.

dyopatos 237.

dyopda 4^9-

nyof 197.

ayos 279.

aypafie 569.

dypibiov 237*

aypios 119, 237.

aypof 5, 20, 22, 43, 136,

188, 248.
dypoTtpos 254*
dypoTT/s 258.
ay V pis 66.

«yx»69, 156.

dy;^K7Tti/0f 244-
dy^oO 560.

«yx« 20, 24, 43, 139,
i5S» 193.

5y« 43, 44, 82, 83, 89,
93,96,154,188,229,
431, 457, 505, 517,

, 521, 540.

dytoyi; 96.

dyau 316.

dyaviKos 252.

dyavios 237.

dya)Vo6iTr]i 289"

dodxpvTOf 483-

dSd/xaror 258.

ddc^r 124.

dbtiv 466.

d8f\(f>tai 134.

dSeX^i'Stoj' 237.

ddeXtjbdf 36.

d8<u(JI)ia« (Cret.) 134.

dSfiv 205, 269.

dd^plTOs 483.

ad^f (Ion.) 80.
di/iris 285.

dfiils (Dor.) 5, 50, 51.

add) 58, 80.

aSapos 37*

aei 57, 132.

d(f )«'8fXor 247.

deibtpfvai (Horn.) 546'

detdo) 58.

dflpas 80.

dftpo) 478.

diKiav 80.

a*XXa 247,

de^o) 468.

deppa (Lesb.) 478"

a«pc^ 80.

&(opMi 21,127, 129,190,

237, 420, 478.
aC(o 420.
drjBfjs 80.
d);5(i> 341.
driSav 79, 341-
di^/tcfai (Horn.) 546.
<1r,fu 52, 70, 77, 247,

,.458-

d^fat 146, 546.
dr)VTai (Horn.) 70-
ariP 276, 359, 360.
arjais 262.
dijTT] 258.
ddcei 562.
n^eof 287, 290.
'Adrjvd 80.

'AeijvaCe 21, I53, 32I,
569.

'A0T)VT]<TI 321, 562.

o^W 359, 360.
at (Dor.) 416.

Index

347

Auivrc 294.
atyfOf 128, 237.
alylbiov 237.
alyXrjds 276.
alyo^oa-KOS 32.
atyd^oTOf 289.
alycovv^ 289.
aldfOfiai 492.
aiSoios 237.
dtSo) (Boeot.) 58 note.
al8<i>s 237, 279, 298,

300, 302, 305, 368,

492.
alfi 57, 562.
alfv 305, 562.
ales (Dor.) 305, 562.
mfft (Cypr.) 57, 1 22.
aWfpios 237.
m% 277, 359, 360.
ai^of 236, 279.
aWpoTOKOs 289.
ai^w II, 56, 177.
aidci)!' 269-

aiXav (Cypr.) 1 29 note

I.
ai/M 493, 495.
alfiaXfos 247.
alfidara-u 493.
o(/iaT(^a>495.
ac/xardftr 276.
a</xo^a(^^f 289.
cuVfror 32.
aiv?7 241.
alvos 241.
at$ 38 note.
atoXAo) 485.
al6\og 32.
alpfTos 32.
atpo) 478.
attra 129, 167.
oicrQavofiai 80, 467.
aitrBu) 467.
aiaifxos 239.
mWft) (Ion.) 57, 480.
5io-rof lie, 258.
aio-;(KrTof 259.
ar(r;(0{ I09, 490.
al<rxpd\6yos 32.
a^o'^vvo) 150, 490.

aiTfO) 431.

at;»fW 239-
aiyjra 564.

«'«" 56, 57. 368.

OKavOis 247.
aKai/^vXXiV 247.
uKfop-ai 492.
OKijKoa 429, 517.
dfcXfijf 279.
a«W 239.
aK/ijjv 559.

UKpodfTOP 289.

aKp.a>v 273.
d»comfa> 495.
a/covTto-Tvy 266.
nKOf 279, 492.
aKovo) 62.
aKparos 258.
ci/cpa;^oXof 289.
aKpffjMV 273.

OKptf 119, 261.
OKpiTOg 258.

aKpodTTjpiov 237.

(IKpoOfV 568.
dxpOTToXlP 289.

axpoff 248, 273.
d/CTij 258.
aKTu>p 278.
aKav 80, 495.
aXadc 569.
'AXaXi'a 135.
dXaXxfi]/ 468.
oKanabvos (Hom.) 24I.
dXaa»Tvf 266.
dXytli' 134.
oiKynvos 24I.
oKyj^biiV 272.
dX-y)70-«T€ (Horn.) 428,

526.
a\yos 40'
(iXoatVo) 474-
aXdofjiai 474*
aX«ap 371.
dXtaadai 5 10.
(1\fi(f>ap 371-
a\fi(fxo 77, 109.
dXf^?;Ti7p 278.
dXc^o) 468.
aXtrai 526.

dXco) 475.

dX^^fta 76.

dXij^eorarof 258.

dXrfdfaTepos 254, 376.

dXi;d«i^(i> 489.

dX»;^ijp 76, 279, 489.

dX^^o) 475.

aXrjdas S^S-

dXrjXffiai 429.

dXijXtppm 517«

dX)JXi<^n 517.

dX^/XQ>v 273.

aXdaivQ) 475-

aXOofiai 475.

aXurr 79.

aXtfos 243*

dXii/<o 77'

aXios (Lesb.) 80.

aXtor (Dor.) 80.

SXis 558.

&Xi(TKOfiai 88, 43^> 45^)

, 470-^

dXKadfiv 475.

aXKop 371.

dXjc^ 134, 469.

dXjct (Horn.) 239.

oXkihos 239.

aXKU) 475.

dXXd 40, 5 59.

&XXq (Cret.) 561.

(iXXa (Lesb.) 321,

564.
dXXd$ 558.
c'XXfyov 149.
aXX.v 561.
aXXt]KTOs 21 5i 232.
aXXo 230.
SXXoBtv 568.
SXXodi 305, 566.
aXXoKa (Dor.) 573.
aXXo/xai 129, 213, 221,

232, 420, 478, 480,

507.

SXXos 40, 43, "9. J 29,

132, 237.
oXXoo-f 570-
SXXora (Lesb.) 571.
JXXoT* 571.
dXXur 40>

348

Index

akiuvos (Horn.) 221,

507.

&\oir}v 532.

akolfinv 532.

SXs 43, 132, 213,

, 358.

oKto (Horn.) 221, 507.

aKvtTKavm 467.

oKixTKa 467.

akvTOi 37.

dX^dvo) 467.

(JLK^ff 209.

clX^dr 249.

&\5> 80.

aXcovoi 88, 458, 470.

akairr)^ 285.

&jxa 96, 380, 564.

afiados 115.

"A"*^" 322.

ifjLapTdva 4^7 > 473*

d/wipr^ 306, 325, 564.

afxapTTiaofuu. 422, 499.

dfuiTpoxia 292.

d/x3X((rKdi/<t> 467-

d/i/SXio-Ko) 467> 470-

<I/i^Xva>7^os 496.
dfi^Xvaatra 49^*
afi^poaios 169.
a/x^poTos 145'
a/i< (Dor.) 402.
dfuitxov 378.
dntiy^€Tai (Hom.) 428,

526.
d/ifXyo) 20, 77, 132,

d/ifv^jp 279, 366.
dufpya 73.

a/x«f (Dor. Boeot.) 69,

^ 214, 402.

afxtTfpos (Dor.) 406.
autjTOS 258.
afuv (Dor.) 402.
SfjLfif (Hom. Lesb.)

402.
SfjLfits (Hom. Lesb.) 69,

214, 402.
afifitcriv (Lesb.) 402.
dftftfTfpos (Lesb.) 406.
Sfifii (Aeol.) 402.

Efifuv (Aeol.) 402.
Sfini{v) (Lesb.) 316.
ififios (Lesb.) 406.
dfiv6s iiy, 207, 241.
dfio- 65.
dfjiodtv 65, 213.
dfJLOi^rf 236.
afios (Dor.) 406.
dfiTTf^a 1 1 5 •
ap.Tto!)Tis 262.
dfxvvu) 513-

dp.{)iT<TV) 478-

dii<f>a86v 559'
d/i^t 230, 575.
dfi^iStl^ios 291.
dp,(f)i7ro\os 291.
d/x^'f 230, 575.
dpf^oripaOfv 567.
dn<f>0T( poxTf 570.
a/i^bo) 43, 294.
d/xur 213.
di/d 228, 229.
dva^aais 37.
dwiyKalof 237>
dvdyKT] 561.
avaJdrjua 273.
dcatdijr 279.
dcatVtor 290.
dvaKTopid 237.
dvaKTopiof 237.
dvdXoyof 291.
<ij»aXTOf 474, 475.
dpafifaos 29 1.
dvapi^ 558.

nvo^ 129 note 2, 285,

, 343-

avaaaa 1 29 note 2.
di/aoraSoj' 559-
dfa^avSd 559.
dva(f)av86v 559'
dfSdj'a) 466.
duSpoKcis 574-
dvbpa\6i)i 289.
di'SpiKor 252.
dvbpiov 237.
di>8po<f)dyos 289.
d>/dpa)f 269.
dvf'yyaxra 5 12.
aytbqv 559.

dvfxrdc 109.
«M/*Of 43, 49, 239.
nvfu 575-
nvfuf (El.) 575.
dvixopai 109.
dfccp^a 430.

«»"7P 34, 36, 39. 152,
277, 316, 359, 360,
, 361.

dvdia 492.

dvBivos 243.

av^os 247, 279, 492.

dvQpamivos 243.

dv6pani<TKos 253.

av^pcDn-of 38 note, 295.

dfduXXioi' 247-

dvidpos 248.

dwTTTor 106, 258.

dvoftai 465-

avofiai (Horn.) 465.

dvofioios 287, 290.

din-t 24, 43, 237.

dvTida 484.

dvTios 237, 484.

dvTiiTfpaios 237-

avrXov 143.

avrXof 256.

avvdpos 65, 290.

«»a)^t (Horn.) 430, 463,

, 473;

dwoTos no.
di'vo'CD 499'

druro) no, 473*

duia 465, 473, 499.
dv<o 564, 565-
dywrdra) 564, 5^5 •
dvuTtpos 254.
dfcarepo) 564, 5^5 •
d^ip.(vai (Horn.) 546.
d^twCTtr 262.
d|i&)T«poj 376.

«^« 499. 526.

d^av 43, 212.

doibr) 236.

doiddr 236.

Snais 290.

dTTaf 65, 89, 90, 287,

^ 290, 380, 394.

oTraaros IIO, 170.

Index

349

ojraTijXos 247.
awdrap 30I.
mra<^'uTK<a 471-
dnf^dKov 430.
'ATreiXwv (Cypr.) 1 29

note I.
arrenre 38.
aiTtipav 271.
arrcX^e 38.
oTreXXo) (Lesb.) 148,

462.
'ATreXXa)^ I29 note I.
dneaTv: 266.
ajTfx'^^vofiai 467.
a.irr)vpa 430.
37rXdTOf (Dor.) 458.
dn-Xdof 80, 287, 290.
OTrXoff 395.
dn-Xdri/j 284.
&n\ovs 80, 373 note,
, 380, 395.
an-d 24, 43, 228, 230

note.
airodvjjcrKat 4^4'
anoXa^e 38.
airoXoyfopai 430.
anocTTabd 559*
aTrdno-tr 30, 29 1.
aiTOvpas (Aeol.) 123.
d7r6(f>ovos 291.

Atttio 121 note, 473.
5rrv(rT0ff 258.
apa 564.
apdpa 429.
apap«v457, 505.
dpapia-Kca 429, 47 1.
apapvia $$2.
apds 80.

op«X»"? 185, 245.
dpyaXeoff 135.
dpyiK(pnvvo{ 289.
dpydf 289.
npyvpfor 1 28, 237-
apyvpos 248.
apyv(j>os 249.
opdir 260.
dp8fi6s 239,
aptttov 378.
aptCKOs 253*

dpivKta 253, 470.

«P«"7 73, 258.

dpTjymv 269.

' A.pr)t(f)i\os 292.

apijj/ 269, 345.

dprjpas 552.

dpBfios 239.

dpOpov 251.

dpidfxfa 485.

dpidfios 239, 485.

apierrepds 32, 378.

opioreua 489.

apKTTov 287.

apUTTOs 259, 378.

dpKffflyvios 289.

apKTOs 226, 247.

dpKruXos 247.

apKvs 264.

apfifvos (Horn.) 221,

507.
ipfios 239.
dpviov 237.
dpi/df 294.
apvvfiai 463.
dpvrfjp 278.
aporpov 257-
apo« 43. 136, 458-
ip7rayp.6s 239.
dpTrd^o) 129, 190, 494,
1 509.

ipTTOKTllS 266.

dpTTa^ 494.
dpTTO^o) 499.
dppfvoirais 289.
dppivTtpoi (Arcad.) 378.
dpptvanos 289.
apprjKTOs 123, 232.
appTfv {fpcrtjv Ion.) 212,

217, 269.
apprjTOS 123.

dppadftv (Ion.) 73.
aptriji' (Horn.) 67, 212,
^ 217,269,350.
ApT«/*«r 343.
5pTt 237.
dprios 237.
dpTvva 490.
aprvr 266, 490.
dp VTA) 473.

dpuw 473.

dp^fKUKOS 289.

"PX"?" 559-
ap;ifdf 236.

"PX"" 275-
ap0 80.

5f (Dor.) 79, 80.
d<rr)p6s 248.
dad(VT)S 279.
dfTKaXa^or 249.
dapfytOTtpos 376.
dap^vos 89, 376.
doTTo^opot 274.
aoTraapa 274.
doTraoTvr 266.
d(Tin.dri<f)6pos 289.
doTTt'Stoi/ 237.
dtmib'uTKri 253.
dcnriSoTTij-yds 289.
doTTtV 237, 285.
deTTTMrr^js 258.
ao-cra (Ion.) 1 29, 4I4.
Jorcroj' (Ion.) 69, 156.
do-Toxds 73.
daTa<f)is 73.
doTctor 237.
d(TTfp<j)ris III.
doTtpios 237.
d(TTfpofi8ris 289.
dar^p 236, 278, 359,
, 360.

doTlKOf 252.

dorpaTT^ 473-
dorpaTTTO) 473.
doTpov 236.
aoTv 237,266, 301,313,

, 333;

aoTvvoyjos 289.
Sre (Dor.) 564.
drepjSo) 466.
3repor (Dor.) 254.
oTTj (Horn.) 80.
dri/ido) 484.
dTTfios 290, 484.
•Arp€t«ijs 80, 321, 323.
dTp«>aS75.
drpipjas (Hom.) 575.
'Arpfuf 338.
(IrptnTof 109.

350

Index

arra 1 29, 4 1 4.

arra 32 1.

aTTo) (Att.) 57, 480.

av 60, 229.

auyfli/ (Cret.) 134.

aZ6i 566.

avKa (Cret.) 134.

aiXjjr^p 278.

av^ai/« 1 5, 60, 106, 199,

431, 467-
av^a 60, 97, 106, 199,

467, 468.
avos 60, 115, 213.
aSprjKTOS (Aeol.) 123.
avpiov 215, 237, 559.
avTf 60, 571.
avret (Dor.) 562,
dvTt] 258.
auT/; 411.
aiT»7t4II.
avrUa 573*
dvTfirjv 274.
avTodfv 568.
avTodi 566.
avTOfuxTos 289.
avros 40, 405.
avrdcre 5 70.
avToC 560.
avTo(f)vqt 279.
avxfvios 237.
au;(^j' 269.

atJtoy (Aeol.) 71, 213.
a^prepos 254.
a<]>fa)Ka (Dor.) 96,

520.
d(f)fiTa>p 278.
a(f)6iros 37.
d(f>iypai 522.
d<j)ir)pt 220, 230, 232.
d(f)iKi/fopai 522.
a(f>v<o 3^5'
d<ppabr]S 366.
d(f)p6s III, 248.
n(j()po)K 83, 345.
a^nptf 376.
dxapioTtpos 376.
a;f^»;8tt>i' 272.
ax^o^at 475.
a^t (Dor.j 564.

d^Xwa 128, 488.

^X«"'/^'«» 463, 475-

a;^op 279.
a>/^«u8ijy 279, 366.

^«% 559.

/Safo) 478.

^adpos 239.

dados 279.

ddQpov 251.

/Sa^uf 264.

/SatVco II, 65, 75, 142,

205, 470, 477, 478,

506.
^durpov 257.
^Xavos 205.
^aXflrjv 532.
/SaXfl/xti' 532.
jSaXeti/ 67, 505.
jSaXeo) 499.
^aXios 238.
/3aXXi'^« 159.
/SdXXo) 67, 129, 205,

478, 505, 527.
ddWav 166.
^ap^aivo) 480.

^avd (Boeot.) 65, 205,

236, 295.
^dnTco 473-
^apdyxot 78.
Qdpadpov 68, 251.
^dp^apos 159, 233.
8apfia 235.
BapvBat 475.
dapvvct 49*^-
^apilf 33, 47, 67, 205,

264, 322, 475.
^apvTTjs 284.
(SatriXftoy 237.
^a(riXei3f 30 note, 7 1,

72,79, 122, 268, 298,

299, 300, 305, 316,

338,340,489.
^aaikevTfpos 254.
jSainXci^a) 128, 489.
^aaiXfjios (Ion.) 237.
^(Tifjios 239.

3do-« 65, 141,169,239,

262.
^acTKaivci 49O.
^do-Kai/or 242, 490.
iidxTKm 424, 470, 540.

^<T(T(0 375.

/Sard? 258.
3a0^ 236.
^fieo) 107.

^t^aa-av (Hom.) 523.
/SejSacrt 80.
d(0aa)f 552.
Bf^rjKa 520.
^f^XdaTrjKa 517.
i3«i3Xa0a 521.
^e'i3Xt0a 518, 521.
/3e/3Xijaro (Hom.) 523.
dfdXrjKa 520.
^€^p€*cral 107.
/3f/3pr^a 518.
/3«/3p<oKa 520.
/3«tXd/iei/oj (Boeot.) 205

note I.
iSei'o/xai (Horn.) 498.
^(Xfpvov 240.
/ScXXerat (Thess.) 205

note I.
^(XXopai (Thess.) 148.

/SeXof 67, 80, 279.
^eXraTos 258, 378.
dfXrfpos 378.
deXriaros 259, 378.
/SfXrio)!/ 378.
d(X(piv- (Boeot.) 205

note I.
dfX(f)tv- (Lesb. ^ 205

note I.
^«V/3t| 285.
devdos 279.
divTiaros (Dor.) 133.
^7Xdf 247.
^^Ma 273.
3^^ 494.
dfi<7opfv (Hom.) 526.

^rjiTOfjiai 422.
/Sijccra) 494.
^Tftra 422.
31551,205.
/Si/Sdo) 424.

Index

351

^l^r^iii 424, 459.

^t^xtol/ 73.

^i»; (Ion.) 51.

^ir](f)l(v) 306.

l3(o; 205.
/3tor 205, 206.
/3iOTi7 258.
^ioTOs 258.
^ia>vat 206.
/3Xa^€pot 248.
^\a^Tj<TOfiai 501.
^Xadapdf 145.
/3Xd/ctaT«pos 376.
^Xa| 145, 376.
/SXaTTTo) 473, 511.
/SXatrrdrcD 467, 473.
/3Xa<rr7 258.
/SXaoTof 258, 472.
i3Xa\//'opat 499.
^Xuv/'O) 499.
^\(ir]u 532.
/SXti/xfr 532.

ffkffJilJM 117, 158.

/SXeVvof 117, 223.

/SXtTTTOj 109.

/3X«Va) 92, 109, 117,

158,521.
^\f,8r,v 559.
/3X^/i(j 273.
^Xi7Xpor 145.
^Xto-ffo) 493, 509.
/SXtTTft) 145, 493, 509.
^\o(TVpd)nis 263.
/3Xi;^a) 478.

jSXoj^pdy 68, 145, 251.
/SXaxTKO) 145, 470.
0Xa)>//- 92.
^orj8i>6iJios 32.
^orfOtm 80.
fiorjXacrid 289.
^orfPOfios 289.
^orfTvs 266.
/3(Jdpor 248.
/SoXjj 236.

^dXXa (Lesb.) 69, 148.
/3AXo/iat (Lesb.) 117,

148.

0dXoy 236.

^ookKc^ 289.
3opa 236.
^opeds 80.
3op^f (Ion.) 80.
^opos 236.
^oo-Kij 253.

do<TKT)<r<i) 499.
36(TKO) 253, 470.

^oTpvdop 559.

/Sdrpuy 1 1 9, 265.

^ou/Swr 269.

^ov\(va 4S9*

i3ovX^ 69, 489.

j3ovX)j<ro^at 499.

dov\T](f)6pos 289*

^ovXopai 69, 148, 205,
205 note I, 420, 421,
430, 462.

^ovvopoi 289.

^ovnais 289.

/SoOr 18, 29, 63, 96, 205,
234, 287, 294, 298,
299) 300, 302, 305,
308, 311, 312, 314,
316, 339.

jSpd-yj^of 78.

^padvvco 490.

^pa8uf 264.

^paSvTTjs 284.

3pao-o-« 375, 478.

^pdTT<l) 478.

iipaxvs 264.
^pfySrjv 107.
^pe/xo) 143, 497.
3p«Tay 283, 370.

^p<XW 109.
^piapos 248, 475-
^p.'fw 478-
^pldos 280.
^pi^w 88, 475.
fipofifa 497.
jSpdfiof 236.
i3pon-/7 143, 258.
/SpoTof 145.

^puXTlS 262.

^poiTrjp 68.

^pWTOS 258.

Ppoyrvs 266.
^v^Xlvos 243.

fiv^Xiov 73.
^VKTqs 159.

/Soj^ew (Ion.) 80.
^Si; (Dor.) 54, 63.
j3a)T(Bp 278, 470.

ya (Dor.) 80.

■yayyaXtfo) 429.

yato) 475, 478.

yoXa 230, 285, 301,

344.
yaptoi 216, 499.
yapyaipco 429, 480.
yapynXi'fw 429.
yao-Ti7p 278, 359, 360.
ydarpis 376.
yatTTpiarepos 376.
ya<TTp<0v 269.
yau (Arcad.) 321.
yaCXor 247.
ye 40.

yeyatpa 49 1.
yiyafxfv 96, 5 1 8.
yeydprjKn 520.
yfyapos 49 1.
yfyaTijv (Hom.) 523.
yeyciwr 552.
ye'ytvpai 5 1 8, 522.
yiy-qda 5 1 8.
yfyXvppai $iy.
y*yo»/a65,96,42I,429,

518.
yeyortta 235, 546, 552.
yfyoi/uta (Ion.) 235.
yeyo«/a)f 552.
ytypappai 1 1 7.
yiy paiTTM 1 07.
yeypactia 517,518, 52I.
yfypa(f)fvai 546.
yty p{i<f>6ai 221, 548.
yeypd^o/xai 50I.
yftraii/a 235-
ydroiv 269.
yeXdcrli'Of 244'
ycX(io> 458, 468.
yeXwf 279, 298, 368,

492.
yeXoKk) (Horn.) 492.

352

ytvta 51.

ytP€^ (Ion.) 51.

ytviffKi) 350.

ytvtdXov 250.

ytvuas 285.

yivtiov 237.

yivta-is 97, 262.

ytvirtipa 322.

ytvtTT} 258.

yewrijp 33, 278, 359.

y(V€TT)g 258.

ytvirap 49, 49 note,

278, 359-

ytvfj(Toixai 499.

y<j/of 20, 30, 33, 44, 46,
47 note 2, 80, 89, 97,
147, 188, 213, 279,
301, 302, 30s, 309,
314, 316, 319, 364,
366, 370.

ytPTo 143.

y«Vw 44, III, 237,
264.

ytpai 80.

ytpaios 237.

ytpalrepos 254, 376.

yf pavos 197.

ytpapos 248.

■y«pat 283, 370.

yf pytpos 233.

ytpovaios 237.

ye>«ai/ 230, 275, 299,

352-
ytvBpos 239.
ytvofiai. 1 88.
yewTTof 258.
yevci) 16, 61.
y(<f)vpa 486.
y((f)vp6<o 486,
ytafurpris 323.
yij^o/ww 475.
yrfdoavvos 246.
yrjivos 243.
yrjpnlrjv 532.
Yipcuos 237.
y^pof 237, 283.
yi;pao-ica> 458, 47O,

506.
yrjpda 470.

Index

yripvi 264.
y»7puw 128, 488.
y/yaf 69, 1 54, 1 66.
yiyvoftai 20, 89, 96, 97,
117, 189, 421, 429,

457, 503.
ytyftuo-KO) 189, 212, 354,

424,471.
ytco/xai 189.
yti/axTKO) 189.
y\a(f>v 264.
y\a<l>vp6s 248.
y\a(f>(0 456.
yX^j^f 280.
yXvxotVo) 490.
yXuxeta 235.
yXuKvf 264, 322, 490.
y\vKVT(pos 254, 376.
yXuKiVijf 284.
yXva-aa 375.
y\v(f)is 285.
yXu^o) 426, 456, 507.
yXv>/^a) 499.
yXwCTO-a (Ion.) 129, 235,

322.
yXwrra 1 29.
yX«x'f 348.
yvddav 269.
yvrjTos 90.
yvoir]v 532.
yvoifjitv 532.
yvovpd (Thess.) 54

note,
yrovf 354, 355.
yvu^ 97
yv(o6i 540.
yvS)pa 273-
yvoifxtvai (Hom.) 1 46,

273, 546.

yvoifirj 54 note, 239.
yvafjuov 273'
yvavai 1 46, 546>
yrcoair 262.
yvaxTOfiai 422, 499*
yv«T«5f 54,97,147,188,

258.
yvcoro) 541*
yoao) 484.
yoyyvXXw 429.

yofKf)ios 32, 237.
y6n<f)os, 46, 140, 162,

236.
yoKOTO 69.
yovtvs 267.
yovij 236, 372.
ydvof 236, 372.
yoiw 97, 118, 188, 264.
y6ot 484.
y<5pyvpa 73.
yovi/a (Ion.) 69, 1 1 8.
yavpos (Ion.) 302.
ypd^drjv 107.
ypaSiov 80.
ypdpfia 117.
ypanrioi 255, 556.
ypairrvs 266.
ypa<fifvs 267.
ypdipr/VTi (Mess.) 528.
ypa<f)Ti<Top.ai 50I.
ypd0a) 18, 25, 63, 109,

117, 163, 212, 221,

426, 456, 503, 506,

507, 522.
ypd^opai 499.
ypd^a 499.
yvfiVTjs 285.
yvfiprjTTfs 285»
yvppos 241.
ywat 230.
yxipaiov 295.
yw,) 20, 205, 236, 295,

343-
ycopid 97.

daytcaco} 466.
Safo^oi (Cret.) 166.
da^vat 146.
8d;jp 57, 122, 277, 359,

360.
SotdaXXo) 429, 485*
Scunopios 237.
baipxop 82, 92, 96, 237,

298-300, 302, 305,

345-

bcupvpx 463.
baiofuu 478.
8ats 285.
da{rv/u«i> 273*

Index

353

baiTvs 266, 273.

iaim 75, 125, 129, 478.

daKfdvfios 289.

SaKtiu 505.

SoKPOi 462, 468, 505.

8aK0S 279.

duKpv 5, 43, 47, 119,

229, 265, 488.
daKpvaiarraKTOS 292.
^aicpia 483* 4^^'
dafjuip 295 •
bapAaai 46 1.
da/za(7(ra( (Hom.) 509*
da/xao-o) 499.
bafma 458, 512'
fia^i^^j 298,301,354,35 5.
bapvaTit) 54 1-
dapma> 462.
ddfivrjpi 424, 433, 460,

461.
6a^or (Dor.) 52 note i.
ddror 96, 241, 280.
SaTravao) 467 note.
dairavrj 467 note, 473.
SaTreSoi' 287.
Sdnra 473-
bapOava ^(>J.
Bapros 67.
datraadai 1 66.
Saafios 239.

Sao-orao-^at (Hom.) 166.
ba(Tvs 65.
batiopat 166, 239.
baTTjpios 237.
fiarra^^oi (Cret.) 1 66.
8avXof 80.
tatpvwp 269.

SfdTot (Arcad.) 528.

bfbappai 518.
btbapptvos 67, 89, 518.
bfbeiypui III.
ic'SfKa 520.
ifdfpai 520.
S«Si7<ro/xat 50^*
bebif vai 546.
8tSi(TKopai 471.
dtbopKa 30, 38, 44> 46)

96, 182, 421, 429,

516-18.

debopKus 552.
bfboxa 521.
bfbpdKa 520.
btbciKa 520.
8ffXoi 247.
S«5t6 (Horn.) 523.
5fi5i^t (Hom.) 540.
bfibiptv (Hom.) 124.

SeiK 6X01/247.
btiKvvpevos 553-
8eiKw;it 58, 354, 433,

434, 463, 504, 540.
bfiKvvvai 546.
btiKvvoipi 534.
Smki/vs 298, 301, 354,

355-
SfiKyvo-a 322.

bfiKWcrdai 548.

btiKwao 543.

fitiKviia) 465.

8ft'Ko-fi (Cret.) 526.

bfiXaKpicov 269.

SetXaKpof 269.

SeiXoy 247.

d(t/xa 273.

fittra 415.

Sctj/df 241.

fifl^a. 543, 547.

bdj^aipi 535.

bfi^ai 547.

b(i^(a> 500.

5<t$is 262.

fifi'^o) 498, 500.

bfinvTjTTjptov 237.

SftTrWfoj 495.

fielTrj/ov 495-

5«pi7 (Ion.) 51.

Setpci) 478.

8«a 5, 44,65, 171,182,

384.
bfKaKis 394.
SocaTTovr 289<
bfKcis III, 396.
SfWos 97, 258, 377,390.
bfKopai 521.
btKOTos (Lesb. Arcad.)
,390-

bfKTtJS 258.

8*)CTo (Horn.) 221, 507.
A a

8eX«ap 271, 371.

bfKtrpov 257'

bf\(f)aKtvT) 244.

8«X0a^ 285.

bf\(f>h- 205 note I.

b(\(f)ts 348.

bf\(f)iis 205.

be pas 90, 283.

Stpo) 68, 236.

bevbpTjds 276.

bfvvos 223, 245-

Senior 238.

af|"-€pd? 32, 258, 378.

Seoy 79, 128, 279.

SeVd (Hom.) 80.

btnas 283.

5/p;; 51.

bfpKopai 64, 67, 83, 89,

96, 421, 456. 505-
3ep/xa 273.

Se'ppd (Lesb.) 51.
b(pp<o (Lesb.) 478.

bfpoy 67, 89, 217, 258,

260, 518.

bf(Tis 262.
beapos 326.
bf(rpa)TTfs 258.
bicrnoiva 322.
SeoTrdj'jjo-tj' (Ion.) 321.
btairoTT]! 144, 258, 299,

321, 323-
bfairoTifTKos 253.
Afvf (Boeot. Cret. Lac.)

129.
btvTtpos 390*
bfcfxa 468.
fie'x^ai 221, 548.

8«Xo/^» 429, 507, 516.
£e\^ci> 468.
Sew 79, 128, 478.
brjbfxaTm (Hom.) 429,

516, 521.
br]KTT]pios 237.
bfjXopai (Dor.) 148, 205,

205 note I, 462.
215X0? 486.
brj\6a f, 17, 80, 486,

527, 540.
brjjXtiO^a-opai 50 1 •

354

Index

irfKatTia 499.
dr)fio^6pos 32.
brjfioTfpos 254-
dTjuorrjs 258.
Ar]fjtS>va^ 80.

brjpiofxai 483, 487-
tfjpis 260.
a^pdv 559.
Sifaoi 501.
8t. 45. ^

diaParnpios 237.
dtaKocriaKif 394*
diaKdctoi S^7-
iiaKoaioa-TOS 393.
dt8a|« 499.
dtSao-Ko) 186, 429, 471,
513-

di8oi 540 note.

iiSoirjv 533.

iidoptvos 553*
dtSdfat 54^*
diSocrdai 548.

lii8(HTo 543-

diddro) 54 1 •
dtddrcucTOf 54^'

8t8oi)? 17, 69, 154, 166,

298, 301. 354, 355-

tiSovaa 154, 322.

ii8pa(TK<t> 471.

8tS<o/xt 8, 33, 38, 49 note,
54, 82, 83, 85, 87, 96,
169, 171, 354, 429,
433, 434, 455, 472,
529.

diSaaa (Hom.) 499

iiepos 205.

ii((f>6opa 518.

diCrjpai 459.

diCofiai 459.

^" 337-

diKdCa 495, 499.

tUaios 237.
SiKaioa-Ovr) 246.
8i#cdo-((r)(a 499.
StKcica 499-
d(KC?v 182.
«»Vi7 111,236,495.

dutn 561.

biKtiai 321.

ai^di (Ion.) 139, 395-

Jtdforof 21.

Am5^<j/ 568.

aiof 125, 129,234,237,

302, 337.
Atoo-dorof 21, 23, 37,

292.
Ai6<TKovpoi 37, 292.
SijrXft (CreL) 562.
8tn-Xdr 395.
StjrXovf 395.
diirovs 381.
S/f 124, 394, 575.
diaKos 186, 253.
8to-X'X*0(rrdj 393.
Strrdy (Siao-ds) 395-
8.'«/)pof 37, 82, 89, 96,

97.
5t'A:« 395-
8tx6d 129, 395.
SixdaBios 237.
d(\j^a 322.
St^aXeor 247.
bi^os 247.
8^r}TT}p 68, 278.

bfUJTOS 68.
d/iur 340.

8of6vat(Cypr.)79,27i,
304, 546.

hoOrjcrofxai 50I.
boirjfuv 531.
8o(,;r 532, 533.

d0Kt/UI^<i) 495.

SoKt/ior 495.

fioXixof 201.

doXdctf 276.

hoptiv (Rhodes) 549.

bopfv (Hom.) 273, 305,

^549- ^
dofifvai (Horn.) 273,

,545, 546.
86fi(vos 553"
86pr)v (Cret.) 549.
Sd/iof 46, 171, 236,

287.
86^a 129, 167, 322.
SopiKpirjs 285.

dopinovos 292.

«dpf 234.

iop6e 69, 119, 124.

ddpv 264.

idf 524,539.

ioadai 548.

ddcrtr 169, 262.

b6<rKov (Ion.) 469.

JoTfipa 235, 322.

ioTf ot 255, 556.

ioTTjp 82, 235, 278, 322,

359, 361.
doTos 49 note, 87, 96,

258,555.
odro) 541*
dov 543.
SovXfios 237.
8ov\t) 236.
SouXof 486.
SouXoffui',; 246.
8ov\6<rvvos 246.
dovXdiu 486.
bovfifp 80.
Sovvai 79, 271, 304,

546.
bovpos (Ion.) 17, 69,

119, 124, 302.
^ois 354, 355-
boxpios 237.
boxpos 73, 239.
bpdypa 489.
bpaypda 489.
Spmijv 532.
bpaiptv 532.
bpaiva 129, 478.
bpaKKOv 275.
bpapovpai 422.
8paf 354.
8pd(r<ra> 47^-
bpaartos 255-
SpoTOf 67, 258.
SpdiTOJ 478'
bpara 541-
8paxfJiTJ(Ti 321.

Spdo) 18, 63, 354, 478.
bptTrdvT] 242.
bpitravov 242.
bplpvkos 247*
bpopds 285.

Index

355

tpofios 236.

dp6fi(ov 269.

8po<Tfp6s 248.

dpvnTco 473.

6pa's}r (Hesych.) 152.

dvds 396.

ivfiepai (Horn.) 546.

6vvai 546.

ivvaiTo 534«

bvpdfiai (Cret.) 528.

tvvapai. 430, 461.

bvv(ofuu. 529.

8lio 294, 381.

dvo »cat bfKa (hvoKaihiKo)
(Horn.) 385.

5v(raXyijt 290,

tiKrdvfios 290.

iuo-JcXeiyy 279.

9v(Tixfvrjs 82, 279, 290,
298-302, 308, 312,
314, 363, 364, 366,

, 367, 373.
OvarfjLTfTTjp 290.
HaTTjVOS 212.
dvarvxea 430.
ivarvxTjs 290.
6v(T(f>nTos 290.
ii^o) 54, 171, 229.
dwSfKa 37, 124, 292,

381, 385.
tudtKaros 391.
fiwft (Boeot. Cret.)

129.
daofifv 528.
daptdv 559'
bS>pov 54, 96, 248.
doxTb) 499.
dioTTjp 278.
dwTwp 8, 33, 54, 82,

278, 298-300, 302,

359. 361.

6 124, 354, 404.

iaytjv 430.

iaXcov 43^*

iavbavf (Hom.) 430'

tap 22, 67, 79, 97, 121,

. 371.
tapi 241.

iapibptitTOs 292.
tapivos 241.
f^aXov 129, 505.
t^av (Dor.)50, 51, 506,

708.
i^bofjMS 396.
fffSofiaros (Horn.) 390.
(^8o(iT}KovTa 386.

€^8ofir)KO(TT6s 392.

e^Sopos 107, 158, 390.
€^I7^' 70, 205, 422, 424,

, 458, 503, 506-

f^Xda-TrjKa 5 1 7.

f^Xaarov 467, 472.

f^Xaylra 5 1 1.

e^Xijv 458, 506.

ffiXiara 509.

(yytvrjs 2 30.

fy^f 558.

eyeyavf (Hom.) 523.

fyfipa 129.

(ytXaa-aa (Hom.) 509.

fyevoprjp 503.

lyjj/ia 216.

iyrjpap 458, 506.

fyr]pd<Ta 5 12.

eyKvicXos 230.

eyXux/^a 507'

eyvtUKa 517, 520.

eyj/wj/ 63, 70, 97, 450,

^ 458, 506, 528.

(yvaxrpai 522.

fypd(f>T]v 506.

typay^a 507, 5 1 1.

fypriyopa 429.

tyXfXvos 73.

ey» 44» III, 188, 397,

402.
«y«y« 401, 402.
f'yan; 401, 402.
fyavr] 40 1, 402.
ilbaiaa 463.
?5axor 466, 505.
(8dpa<Ta 510, 512.
(bdptjv 528.
(8av6s 242.
(8dpr)v 67.
fbapdov 467.
fSa(f>os 249.

A a 2

ebbfiaev (Hom.) I24.
(bfrjaa 5 1 2.
fSf^oK 115, 213, 250.
(btibi/ifv (Horn.) 523.
(bfibiaap (Hom.) 523.
f8«^a 463, 507, 511,

531, 547.
eSeipa 21 7, 5 1 1.
fbevrjara 512.
ebrjbois (Horn.) 517,
. 552.

tbr]Xa>6r]p 5 1 4.
(brjTvt 266.
(biba$a 513.

(bfitvai (Horn.) 273,

546.
eSd^iji/ 501, 514.
ebopai 424, 498, 526.
fbopfp 454, 504.
«8os 44, 89, 115, 171,
^ 213,279,457.
eboaap 504»
eboro 504.
edouKf (Thess.) 54 note.

«8pa 248.

ebpQKop 64, 67, 83, 89,

96, 456, 503- 505-
ebpap 458, 506.
fbpapop 242.
ebpacra 5 12.
fbvtrap 504.
?8a)6,44, 171,287,425,

. 47^-

e'SwSv 233.

eSo)*ca 54 note, 504,

520.

eV (Horn.) 404.

UiiTov (Hom.) 505.

ftaaaro (Horn.) 430.

f(F)fp<^n (Hom.) 77.

if 6s (Boeot.) 406.

tCf<Ta 511.

(^(apai 522.

f(f (To-a (Hom.) 509.

fhv$a63, 507, 5"-

«C*vxn 521.

(Cr]Ka 517.

«fo/iat 129, 458, 481.

tf(<o<Tpai 522.

356

Index

(davov 505*

(6tiKa (Boeot.) 52 note

2.
(Beiva 216, 511.
f6(\r}aa 5 12.
e^Ao) 430,431-
(fftXam (Horn.) 433

note.
(Be^ey 454, 504.
fdtp (Dor.) 404.
fdtaav 504-

c^ijKa 52 note 2, 504,
520.

idviKOS 252.
Wvof 280.
fQpf^a 511.
«Z 40, 416.
e? 80.

tlbap 271, 371.
flbeiTjv 531'
(Idfvai 546.
eJSeV^ai 548.

ft8r]<T<o 499, S^'O'

udofxni 96.

eiSo/ifj' (Horn.) 526.
(tdov 425, 430.
eiSor 279.
eiSvta 322, 552.
ftfio)? 122, 322, 552.
(irjv 76, 129, 230, 433,

eti/r 0, 52.
eiKa 520.
euca^ov 430.
tlKos 396.
ftitoo-a/ctr 394'
etKocrt III, 121, 386.
eiKOtTTOf 258, 392.
eiKTiji/ (Horn.) 523.
fticrov 518.
ctKo) 341.

((KO)!' 341.

flXap 371.

ftXiJXov^a (Horn.) 96,

SI8.
«rX);0a 5'7'
ciAijxa 517-
tt\ofjiai (Horn.) 69, 462.

(ikoxaSl?, 521.

(iXo) (Horn.) 148.
(Ifjia 273.

tifmprni $iy.
«i/i»|/ 430.

«>»' 38,40,441 44 note I,
45. 69, 85, 89, 117,
140, 164, 169, 212,
214, 229, 427, 433,
434, 452, 498, 526.

«t/ii7, 12,38, 58,83,85,
96, 424, 428, 453,
498, 524.

itv (Boeot.) 404.

(Ivderes 384.

flvaKoa-ioi 384, 387.

flvawx*s (Ion.) 384.

tipOTos (Ion.) 69, 124,

-390-
("ivvfii (Ion.) 214, 463,

464.
fl^a 511.
do (Horn.) 404.
(iTTf 38, 540.
flnefifvai (Hom.) 546.
(lir(T(o 541.
finofjLTjv 219, 430.
tiTTOv 425, 430, 457.
«7r<u/xt (Hom.) 433 note.
tlpya(6pt]v 430.
fiprjKa 517'
flpoKopos 289-
eipofjuu (Ion.) 124.
fipos 280.
fipnov 430.
fjf 153.
(IS 12, 69, 89, 96, 144,

, 154, 380.
(laidfirj 239.
((Vxa) 186, 471.
fJar^Kfii' 430.
(ia(f>pfi 539.
ftra 416, 571.
tiXov6, 12, 80, 430.
fi(o6a 517.
c(&>r 552.
fK 222.
'EKo^t, 73.
fKapov 505.
«of 574.

fxaoTOTU 564.
'.KaaTtpa 564.
'.Karop^T} 37, 96, 287.
f*caroV65, 73, 141, 182,

380, 387.
f»taTOiTaji«r 394.
fitaTOiTa'f 396.
'.KaroaTos 393, 396.

fKOTOOTl^f 266.

•KyfVTjs 291.

FW305, 325, 416, 562.

Eitfr^€i'4i6, 568.

'•cftvos 412, 415, 416.
'Ktivoai 412, 416.
'xtJcXeTO 457.
ExeXo-a 212, 217, 509»

Ufpaa-a 5 1 2.

iKfpbdva 21 6.

^Kf pbrjva (Ion.) 216.

EK»po-a 217, 509, 511.

T»c»jXor 373.

f<tKai8*xaT0f 391.

'KXdnTjv 67, 89, 96, 506.

^K\acra 5 12.

f»cX«i>^tf 262.

;KXf(j)dr]v 116.

'kXivo 513.

'Kvopos 291.

^Koptaa 464.

EKOToi/ (Arcad.) 73.

Ikowtios 237.

'.Koy\ra 5 1 1 .

fwra-yXot 247.

Uptpaara 5 12.

rxptva 69.

'.KTa6T)v 514.

'KTCtva 216, 51 1-

Urfiva 221.

Tkto^i 566.

rrroya 517, 5^8.

'ktos 221,258,350,377,

572.
'kw^oi* 456, 505.

':KVp6s 124.

^K(f>(pa 221.
•»c<jbp«f 539.

EKwi' 121 note, 275,
352.

Index

357

iXafiov 38, 38 note, 422,

505.

fXadov 466, 505.
fKoKov 470.
f\d(ra-ai 509,
€Xd(T(T(0 375-

(Kdaa-cou (Ion.) 69, 80,

129, 156, 210.
€\dcr<i> 499-
eXaTTfp 278.
AoTOf 258.

fXarrav 69, 80,129,15^;
^ 210, 378.
fXavvco 130.
TKa(f)os 249.
i\a(l>p6s 209.
eXa;^««TTOf 259, 378.
IXaxor 466, 505.
eXa^vf 209,210,264,378.
e'Xdo) 458, 499.
€\8ofjiai 474-
e'Xe-yx'?^ 279-

^'■yx^f 279.

(Xecci/df 241.
fXtrifiav 273.
tXtrjva 508.
eXei>^a63, 507, 5 II.
eXe^a 507, 5 1 1.
fXtvdfpos 248.
fXfvaofxai 62, 96.
fKfxQr^v 116.
fX;7Xa/«a 5^7-
iXt'jXafjLcii 517*
f'X/jXou^cbk 552.
fKrjXvda 517, 518.
«XijXu^a)S 552.
A^e 38, 540.
f'X^fli/ 139.

tXtn-ov 38, 82, 97, 118,
450, 456, 505.

fXKOS 279.

iXXa (Lac.) 117, 172.
eXXa/Se (Horn.) 430.

tXXdfXTTd) 149*

eXXeiVft) 230.
'EXXijo-TTOiTOf 37.
cXXo'r 148.
fXfiii 261.
(Xor 279.

fXTTlfo) 21, 129,431,482,

493» 509-
Attis 343, 393, 482.
tXva-a 507, 531.
TXvrpov 257-
eXwp 371.
f/idj'jji' 458, 481, 506,

, 514-
//zj3«XXa) 230.

fV 397, 402.

fW 35> 401, 402.

€/ie^f>' (Horn.) 402.

ffieda 475-

ffiMya 69, 216, 508, 511.

e'fif'io (Horn.) 76, 402.

ifjXfirjKOV (Horn.) 523.

ffuwa (Lesb.) 69, 216,

508.

ffieo (Ion.) 402.
(ftios (Dor.) 80, 402.
(fuais 262.
ffiea-aa (Horn.) 509.
((KTOS 258.
t'fifv (Ion.) 402.
ffji(vs (Dor.) 402.
f'nea 140, 458, 475,

512.
€fiT]va (Dor.) 69, 216.
('niyrtv 70, 506.

ffUKTo (Horn.) 221, 507.
e'fjiiv (Dor.) 402.
€nij^a 507.
ffii(Td<i)(Ta 510.
ffxix6r]p 116.

ffifuiOfv (Horn.) 430.
ffififpto 117, 150, 230.
ei^fii (Lesb.) 69, 214.
tfifiopa 518.

f/ii/iopc (Hom.)2l4, 232.
fftvrjira 5 1 2.
efioi 402.
ffjioXov 145.

fV"^ 33j 406.

f'/ioi) 402.

f'fiovs (Dor. Lesb.) 402.
(pLntboa 431.
ffimTrra 230.
ffiirXrjvTo 70.
(ftvc 285.

fH(])fpti> 230.

e^s (Dor.) 80.

€V 65, 141, 214, 230,

, 346,387-

(VOKIS 394.

eWXtor 237.

fVa'r 396.

€i/aTor69, 124,377, 390.

ipbfKa 37, 385.

fvSf KOTOS 391.

evboOi 566.

ei'Soj' 287.

e'veyKflv 429, 457, 505.

evetjLia 69, 1 1 7, 21 6, 508,

511.
hefifjia (Lesb.) 69, 117,

216, 508.
fVfvfjKOvra 386.
(VfvrjKoaros 392»
erep^a (Dor. Lesb.) 567.
€P(pd((v) 567.
eVfTij 258.

{j"? 147-
fi*!; 416.
(pr]Ha (Dor.) 69, 117,

216.
fpr)S 560.
(prjaa 5 12.
«i/^a 567.
ev^fy 568.
fV^wi; (Dor.) 133.
€Piav(noi 169.
(ptnTU) 429.
fpiarnfs 524, 539.
eW/a 79, 122, 384.
(PPfaKaiStKmos 391.
(PVfdfxrjvos 384.
(ppfds 396.

ej/woj/ (Horn.) 214, 430.
(PP^KOpra (Horn.) 386.
ei/vC/xt 121 note, 463, 464.
ei-or 44, 213, 378.
(p6tt}s 284.
eVf 153.

fw (Cret.) 12, 69, 154,
. 380.

fPTavda 567.

riTfs (Dor.) 354.
tWdf 350, 572.

358

Index

tvxmviov 237.
(wnvos 37.
e^ 109, 222.
«| 221, 384.
«^axtr 394.

($afifiai 517.
i^dwovs 289.
«'|ds 396.
«^' 539, 540-

e^fupe 38.
f^rjKovra 386.
e^TjKOOTOs 392.
f^Tjpdva 216, 508.
f^TipcuTixai 522.
e|a) 115.

€|0) 564.

«|(a5fi/ 568.

€0 (Horn.) 404.
tot (Horn.) 404.
€otKa 186, 470,471, 517,

S18.
eoXTra 5 1 7, 5 1 8.
eop^a 518.

(OS (Horn.) 33, 406.
eoC (Dor.) 404.
eoC'f (Dor. Boeot.) 404.
fTTadov 64, 65, 89, 422,

. 470;

firaKTTip 278.

eVala (Dor.) 80.

eVfo/ 416.

(TTfiaa 166, 509, 51^5

520.
fneiiiOrfv no, I79.
tntira 57 1.
(TVfkaaa 46 1, 5 1 2.
€nffj.(})6r}v 1 16.
fntfiyj/^a 5 1 1,
en-fo 543.

€7r(Tri6fjifv (Horn.) 523.
tmTrXriyov (Hom.) 523.

fTTflTOvdflV 43*^'

fircirovOr) 430.
firepdva 508.
(jTfpaaa-a (Hom.) 509.
fTTfpaa 166, 509-
fTTfa^oXos 289.
(niraaa 46 1.

errfi^i/ov 429, 457, 505.
cjTi/Xa 217, 221, 507,

509.
iiri^iai 82, 89, 96, I07,

fTTipijTap 278.
fniyaios 29 1.
tiny owls 285.
(iridfTOS 291.
ewt^ov 456, 505.
(in\r)6a 274.
ejnXrja-ixav 274.
tTTuroX^r 560.
fmatrdav (Hom.) 1 24.
eniarrjfia 273.
('nicrrafjuii 529.
ini<Tvvi<TTdToi (Arcad.)

528.
imaxtpoi 306, 564.
(TTixakKos 291.
fTTixSovios 237.
fVXay^a 1 53, 513.
«rrXe§a 5 1 1.
ejrXeucra 5^1'
inXt\6r)v 116.
fTroL(f>v^a 513.
enofiai 44, 89, 96, 202,

213, 219, 420, 456,

, 505,^524, 539.
(iroTToios 289.

eTTOf 121, 202 note 3,

^ 212, 247, 279.

(irpadov 67.

fT^« 33, 44, 64, 107,

157,158,213,384.
itrraiapai 5 1 7.
€nTaKaib(KaTos 39 1,
enraitir 394.
fTTTaKotrtoi 387.
fTTTdi/ (Dor.) 458, 506.
t-ma^a (Dor.) 96.
en'TaTTous 289.
errraf 396.
eTTT/;!' 458.
€im)xa 521.
fVuXXtov 247.
epafuii 458-
(pdonai 458.
fpoo) 458.

epyov 44 note 2, 121,

188.
(py<o 521.
«poa> 129.
fp(^«T<^t, 306.
(fx^os 77, 117, 136,205,

205 note 2, 207, 231,

(ptiBa 1 10, 274.
fpfiKti 456, 505.
fp(in(o 456, 505-
tpticTfia 274.
'Ep€firjs 78.
epffivos 117, 207.

(pfTTTU) 473-

fp€(raa} 1 29 note 2.

fpf/'? 73-

fp<n7r 129 note 2, 239.

eptTfws 239.

f'pt'rro) 129 note 2.

fpfvyofjuii 420, 456, 505.

epc0a) 473.

fpir 260, 285, 343.

fpi(f)os 249.

€pK(lOS 237.

epKOf 279.

sppa 273.

'Epp^y 78.

epj/oy 280.

epo/xai 124.

€p7r«44, 136, 157, 213,

, 430, 456.

eppayjj 1 23.

(ppdyrjv 458.

eppfov (Horn.) 2 1 5, 430.

fppfi0T)v 123.

epp>7|a 123, 232, 430.

ipplya 518.

ippllTTOV 430.

eppK^a 521.

(ppi^dr]V 116.

fppvrjv 506.

(pptaya 82, 83, 96, 1 23,

ippatyas 552.
epCTT 77, 236.
fp<ri;i'(Ion.)67,2I2,2I7,

. 345;
fpvyydva 466.

Index

359

ipvyuv 466, 505.

ipvdpivos 244.

tpvdpos 9, 22, 30 note,

33, 47, 77, 136, 177,
231, 248.

fpvKOKOV 429.

ipxJKavaoi 467 note.
ipvKavo) 467.
epu/co) 429, 467.
fpXaxai 521.
fpXOfiai 425.
'Ep;^o/xf»'df 73.
epcor 279, 368.
" 524, 539.
« 153-

e'f (Boeot. Thess.) 222.
eVaXTTiy^a 1 53, 5 09.
cVaXTTttra 509.
(o-dnrjv 506.
«o-0f;i' 458, 501, 506.
iadrji 121, 121 note.
tadi 44 note I.
f'adia 424, 425, 475.
fV^Xo? 250.
fada 475.
((TKebaaa 46 1.
tanraKa 520.
€(nrapfjLai 67.
tanapTai 5 1 8.
iairatrpai 522.
ccTTatrrai 468.
tantiKa 520.
(aiTfiaa 1 66, 5 1 ^ •
€(rn(i(TTai 1 53 note.
(criTfvaa (Cret.) 166.
icnripai 560.
i(nT(piv6i 241.
fcrmpos 121 note, 212.
i(jiT(<Tdai 89, 96, 457,

, 505-

fCTirofirjv 429.

fo-o-a 463.

€o-((r)fvo 510.

taafve (Hom.)l29, 232.

iarddrjp 5 1 4.

taraOi 5 40.

tOTaX>;i/ 67.

carciXdat 548*

effTaXxa 5I7> 5 20.

?0TaX|*at 67.
eoTaXro 221.
eardfjifv (Hom.) 273,

, 549-

fOTttfiiv (Horn.) 523.
((TTafuvcu (Hom.) 273,
546.

eo-Tai/ (Dor.) 50, 504.
tararf (Hom.) 523.
(OTaTov (Horn.) 523.
iaraTO) 541-
e'oTQWS 552'
(OTfiXa 217, 509.
eorreXXa (Lesb.) 509.
eoTrjKa 50I, 5 1 7, 520.
€(TTr}Ka5 552.
€OT;ji/ 422, 426, 454,

5P3»S04.

((TTTj^a 501.
larrja-av 38 note, 504.
e(TTr]i>i 552.
e'(TTi 266.

eoTia 44 note I, 121
note.

iCTTi^a 507.

tarixov 456, 505.

ifJTopfaa 90.

(<TTpo(j)a 518.

ecrro) 230.

f(rT<ov 542.

eo-TcoTep 31.

eo-Cpa 217, 509, 511.

ia(^r]\a 2 1 7, 509, 5 1 1.

e(7X«Tor 109, 377.

ea-xfdov 475.

eo-X'7'«a 517-
?o-x'7pai 517. ^
(axura 507.
ecrx"" 224, 475.
(Tolpa 235.

(TOKtJV 506.

fVaXacro-a (Hesych.)90,

, 97.

(Tapog 23 5 •
fTdpTrrjv 506.
erea 44 note 3.
fTfdriv 514.
fTfiva 216, 511-
fTttof 237.

fTtiaa 463, 511.

€T€KOJ/ 457, 503.

(r€\«T<Ta (Hom.) 509.
IVepot 94, 254, 380.
fTfpyj/a 511,
(Tfpwdfv (Horn.) 94.
erfpadi (Hom.) 94.
fTtpaa-e (Hom.) 94.
fTfTOKTo (Hom.) 523.
erfTfjiop 505.
(TfTprjva 513.

fTfTVKTO (Horn.) 523.

(Tfv^a 511.

errj^a 5 1 1.

erlXa 21 7, 509, 5 II.

(Tlfxfidrjv 501, 514.

(Ttfirjo-a 510.

trXdi/ (Dor.) 70, 506.

(tXtju 70, 458, 506.

eTfxayov 90.

€Tds 96.

fTOf 121, 164,

(TpdTrT]v 506, 528.

(Tpa(f>ov 426, 456, 505.

(Tptaa-a (Hom.) 509.

fTp€<l>Tjv 116.

^rpi^drjv 116.

f rrti ( = tTTTa) 390.

(Tvirrjv 458.

eruxov 422, 456, 466.

<v (Ion.) 404.

(vjfvrjs 279, 366.

evbatpovi(TT(pos 376.

(vhaipovas 565.

evBrjaco 499.

(vdpcip 273.

ii(pyfTt]s 80.

fveo-Tw 341.

fWftv (Cret.) 134.

fvd}]p.<op 273.

fi^ii 559.

tuduf 558.

efftdov (Lesb.) 430.

tifUVf<TT€pOS 376.

tififVTis 279, 366.

(vytr 261.

(Svoos 80.

«Cj/ouf 33, 80, 343, 376.

36o

Index

tlvovartpoi 376.
fwrdrwp 82, 83, 85, 96,

278.
(vrrXoKaius 263.
tvpdyr} (Aeol.) I23.
eipc 38, 540.
(v/3rla 129.
(vptrtos 556.
tvpia-KU) 88, 458, 470.
ejpor 279.
cupvf 264,331.
fJo-a 511.
(v(f)paiv(i> 490.
(v(f)po)U 96, 490.
(v)(api(TTf<ii 80,
<vxo/iiai 209, 431.
«i';^<o\^ 247.
evo) 61, 219,511.
€(payov 425.
tqbdva (Dor.) 6, 69,

216.
f(f)aVT]v 458, 501, 506.

f(f>dv$r]v 115 note.

fiptia-dfiTjv 509.

f(f)fTr)s 239.

f(f)€Tfir] 239.

«07i/ 426, 503.

f(l)t)va 6, 69, 216, 508.

f(l>dapKa 520.

?(5()^«tpa 217, 507, 509,

, Sii-

f(fid€i<Ta 289.

((})deppa (Lesb.) 509.
fcpiXddfv (Dor.) 38

note.
ei^iKr]6r)v 5 14.
f(f)iXr)(ra 5 ID.
(<piniTos 220.
i<P'i(TTr]fii 220.
((f)6pr)(Ta 510.
fipvyov 96, 118, 426,

456, 505.

?0u»' 70, 87, 90, 97, 422,

506, 512.
((f)vaa 512.
((f>vTOv 9, 55-
eXoSov 466.

fV/"?" 458, 481, 506-
eX^aSIO, 511.

exfi/ (Dor.) 550.
eXfTXr) 256.
fXdalpto 67, 129, 491.
f'X^tf 416.
?X^t(7T0f 259.
^X^fo) 375.
()(dofiai 467.
fX^pof 491-
(\iSva 322.

f'xp^" 430-

?XP'?o'« 510, 512.
('xvdrjv 1 1 5 note.

(Xvpds 248.

e;t« 25, 89, 96, 115,424,

^ 457,517-
(yl/a\Ka 5 1 7.
(yj^fvaa 509, 511.
«>//•« vorm 110, 174.
fi^o, 468.
(i>6ovv 430.
ecuXor 373.
(dPOvnTjv 430.
taypcau (e'copof) 43^*
<a)f (Att.) 79, 80.

€u)f 71, 121, 213 note,
^ 279, 368.
euo-i 44 note 3.
ea>(T<})6pos 289.

FaKCL^d (Corinth.) 73.
fdpyop (El. Locr.) 44

note 2, 121.
f e 404.

fe^ev (Lesb.) 404.
ffiKari (Dor.) 121.
f€Os (Locr.) 404.
fepyov (Cret.) 121.
f(Tia (Boeot) 44 note

3-

ffTOS 287.

fe^w (Pamph.) 121,

193.
^17X0, (Dor.) 148.
fibp*v (Horn.) 45.
fiKaoTos (Boeot) 392,
ftxari (Boeot.) 97, 121.
fiv (Dor.) 404.
fia-fos (Cret.) 166.

foi (Lesb.) 404.
foiKos (Cypr.) 121.
foi/c«(Delph.)303,325,

563-
{f)o'iaos 97.
fos (Cret.) 33, 404.
fparpa (El.) 121, 138.
Fpri^is (Lesb.) 121.

fp'ivos (Lesb.) 123.

(dplav (Arcad.) 321.

fdo) 80.

Cad 227.

CtZypa 61, 273, 350.

fEuyi'v/Aei/at(Hom.) 273,

546.
^fvyvvpi 463.
((vyos 279.
CfVKTTjp 278.

((VKTOS 106, 195, 258.

C<c|tf 262.

Ifvim 499.

Zeur 6, 16, 18, 21, 29,
30 note, 36, 52, 61,
63, 80, 118, 122,
129, 173, 229, 234,
298-300, 319, 330,
,337-

^f(f)vpos 248.

Cfa> 212, 227, 509, 511.

Crjpia 486.

Cr]p.i,na) 486.

Crjv 206.

Cvyoj' 9,21,46,47, 106,
118, 141, 197, 227,
236, 301, 306, 309,
.313, 326.

(vfxr) 227.

fw 478.

Ca>T} 129.

(avT] 241.

Cavvvpi 464"

^SxTTpov 257.

^ 80, 141, 213, 407-8,

409.
^564.

Index

361

f 413-

9433-
5230.

ri 561.

h (Horn.) 52, 65, 79>
93, 213, 430, 431,
. 433-

^aroi (Horn.) 65.
f^^aa 73,

73«« 73"
tj^ovXofiTjv 430.
^yayoj/ 429, 457, 505.
^yy«Xa 2 1 7, 509.
^yyeXKu 5 20.
^ytixoiv 29, 273, 345.
TJ8( 410.
^deia 235.
/jSen* 430.
ijdea-Brjv 5 1 4.
i73e(uf 565.
jjdr) 80.
^dt 411.

^5ioi» 565 •

TJdKTTa 565.

^dtaros 212, 25 9«
^8W 30, 213, 375, 377.

r)bv{f)eiTris 289.
^fiuXof 247.
r]8vvd^r]v 43O.
ijSvi'a) 49^'

^8uj- 45, 47, 51, 79,
124, 141, 235, 264,
301, 313, 322, 331,
333.

r)(i8>] (Horn.) 430, 523
note.

t)id(os 122, 238.

f/ca 504, 520.

^Ka 564.

^Ka(op 430.

^Kiara 129 note 2.

rJKKTTOs 183, 378.

fJKova-a 40.

^a<ra 5 1 2.

i;\<i5nTo 510.

^X^Xaro (Horn.) 523.
^Xof 121 note.
^\ni<ra 509.

fjXvdov 96, 425.
5^a 31, 96, 273.
Y°P ^7, 237, 371-

rjfiapTOV 467*
^/iaf (Att.) 402.

TJfJidTlOS 237.

i7/i€a9 (Ion.) 400, 402.

^IJifis 69, 214, 400,

402.
fffj^Wov 430.
^/xepa 67, 145, 287.
fiiifpds 560.
f)fifpiv6s 241.
f]fjLfpo8p6iios 289.
^/lepos 373.
fjfXi<Ta 510, 512.
nt^repos 254, 376, 378,

406.
f]p.f(i>v 404.
^M"?" (Cret.) 549.
y/w- 52, 140, 213.
n/xt (Dor.) 69.
rffiidtaiva 235.
ij/iiV (vM*") 316, 402.
^ixiv 40.
^/xii/ 30.
rjnUTVS 7S.
fffivva 513.
rjfJivavs 73.
r]fi(})fa^TjTOvv 430.
iji/xtoj' 30.
f]P(yiia 155'

71/fyKoi/ 425, 457, 505.
T]V(ix6fxr]P 430.
rjvtfJLOds 276.
ni'fo-xo/i;;!' 430.
^r^ff (Dor.) 133.
i7ma 573.
nwo;(ei/f 267.
r^vmanov 429*
^m (Horn.) 263.
^otof 237.
^of (Horn.) 79, 80.
finap 67, 127, 202, 302,

371.
r\papov 457, 505.
^/}yaCd/i,ji/ 430.
hp(i(rdTjv no.
^pt 562.

fjpiKov 456, 505.

fjpiirov 456, 505.

^pof (gen.) 80.

^o(ra 512.

Tiprra^n 509.

npnaa-a (Hom.) 509-

j]p(ra 221, 507.

^pv)/oj/ 456, 505.

Vpo) 327.

i7P<»f 80, 340.

hs (Dor.) 154, 380.

ij<rau 507.

70-^a 517.

W^ai 548.

^o-o-wi' 129 note 2, 183,

, 378.

^crrat 420, 454.

fia-vxdCa 495.

f](TvxaiTfpos 376.

fjavxiot 237.

^ffvxoj 373, 495.

^<Txyp.pMi 522.

>;rot 416.

^Top 236.

^TpoV 236.

ijTTO) (i7<7cra>) 375.
i^TTO)!/ 129 note 2, 183,

378.
^x« 517, 521.

^Xt (Hom.) 564.
7X01* (Lesb.) 80.
nxov^ (Dor.) 430.
T]Xovs 29.

7X« 341-
r](i)6(V 568.

7<if(Honi.)7l,97, 213,
279, 373-

(9aa (Dor.) 70.
^atpos 67, 75, 124.
daKavaa 322.
^aXe'^o) 475.
OaKtpos 248.
^aXXo) 475, 478.
duXTTor 202.
daXvKpnr 202.
da/xa 564.
davarT)(f)6pos 289.
dai/aror 68, 90, 1 24, 258.

362

Index

6av(iv 5o5'

Bavovfxai 422.

Bama 1 29, 473.

Bappioi 217.

ddppos 212, 217.

6ap(T€'a> 2\y.

Bdpaos 5, 23, 67, 212,

217.
6dp(TVVOs 246,
dapavs 67.
6d<T(Ta) 375'
6dacra>v (Ion.) 23, 69,

115, 129, 156, 194.
BaTTmv 23, 69, 115, 129,

156, 194.
5«a 18, 29, 63, 71, 79,

92 note, 229, 305.
dfir)p,fv 531.

^"V 531, 532, 533-
eeififu 532, 533.

^<(Va) 209.
6(iov 237.
dttof 237.

^"'f 354, 355-

^fXyo) 134.
BtXKTriplop 237.

dfXKTTJpiOS 237.

^fXw 430.
6ip.iffkov 250.
^eVftt/ (Rhodes) 549.
^e>v (Horn.) 273, 549.
6ffuvai (Horn.) 273,

546.
6ffifPos 553-
dffiis 261, 285.

^eVap 371.
6fV€a) 499.
6f6(oros 21.

^€of 29, 44 note 3, 79,
80, 124, 294, 295,
304, 314, 325.

BfoadoTos 34.

BeovB^s (Horn.) 124.

6(6<f)i{v) 306.

Oepdnaiva 235, 322.

Btpfiri 239.

BtpfMos 24, 209, 239.

dfppw 130.

Btpotis 276.

^/pof 279.

dfpaos (Aeol.) 67, 212,
217.

^« 524, 539.
^eV^ai 548.
6f<ris 262.

^<rdf 49 note, 87, 96,
258.

^tiryo) (Cret.) 134.

6((0 122.

erj^aiycpfjs 63, 321,

562.
Qrj^rjai 32 1.
drjydvT} 242, 467.
dijyavov 242, 467.
&r)ydpa> 467.
^Tyo) 456.
^ijKjj 252.
d^Xv 63, 247.
6ri\rjTfjp 135.
^ijXvKor 252.
d^Xus 265.
drjkvTtpoi 254, 378.
drjuav 273.
dnofuv 528.

^^p 92, 124, 234, 359.
^»;pa 489.
Oijparrjp 278.
driparoap 278.
6rjpd(j)iov 249.
Brjpeva 489.
^»7p^r^p 135.
drjpiov 32.

^^f 129 note 2, 285.

6r]<Ta<rdai 1 77.
dfjcraTO 88.
6fja-dai 63.

^^<ro-a 129 note 2, 235,

322.
^ijo-o) 499.
diyydpco 466.
di^ofjuti 422,

^lo'p (Boeot. &c.) 44

note 3.
^f 348.

^varof (Dor.) 68, 90.
6v^(TKa> 80, 424, 470,

505.
5»'7Tor 68, 90, 124, 258.

floXdf 124.
dods 122.
60V 543.

eov^iXos 79, 80.
Qovc^paoTOi 79.
dpdaau 478.
dpa(Tvva> 490,
6pa<TV9 67, 264, 279.
5pauXdr 215.
dpavaros 215.
5pe|o/iai 115.
dpfofjuii 122.
dpfyjrofxat 499.
^pe>//-a) 115, 499.
Qpriws 264.

^P'f "5. 234, 343-

Opovos 241.
dpaa-KO) 470.

^'^a"?P 33. 36, 47.

49, 278, 316, 359,

360.
dvfifXij 247.
Ovfio^opos 273.

diJ/wjj 9, 30 note, 55,

177, 239-
Ovvia 465.
^vyof 241.
5vr<a 465.
^upa 177, 316.
^vpafe 321, 569.
6vpa<Ti 321, 562.
dvadXov 250.
ddfxos 96, 239.
dutpa^ 494.
^wp»;| 285.
dapTjcraci 494*
flwf 234.

f4i6.

la (Horn. Lesb. Thess.)

^ 380,411, 416.

tniVo) 431.
mXXo) 129, 480.
Inpd? (Dor. Boeot.
Thess.) 74, 219, 248.

tdr,;p 236.
idrpos 236.
I^u| 285.

Index

363

Hi (Horn.) 416, 540.

l8r](Ta> 500.
i8ia 561.
tdia)TT)s 258.

iBfifv (Horn.) 38, 45,
, 96,273,305,549.
iSfjifvai (Horn.) 79, 273,
^ 304, 546.

idfioyp 273*

?5/ji 329.

tSpir 261, 301, 313.

ibpos 492.

(Spoo) 492.

Idpas (Horn.) 92, 279,

319, 368, 492.

ibprna (Horn.) 492.
tdv'ia (Horn.) 14, 76,

129, 552.
lepaKos 252.
ifpdofxai 484.
iepfvs 268.
Uptvoi 489.

Up6s 74, 94, 219, 484.
ifpaavvT) 94.
tfdvo) 467.
tC<» 89, 220, 224, 429,

„ 430,457,467.
irjfjii 220.

WdapTi (Cret.) 528.
Wi 540.

i^/xa 274.

Wvva 490.

iOvTrrioop 348.

t'(9ua) 488.

txacor 242.

(Kaj/w (Horn.) 65, 465.

'iK(T€va> 431.

iKfTTJpiOS 237.

iKfiaXfOS 247.

IKVfOfMl 465.

fXn^t 471, 540.

(Xa/x«t( 459.

iXaof 69, 117, 215,

I 373.

i\d(TKop,ai 47 1 •
?X»;/xt 459.
*lXio0tj' 306.

tXXaof (Lesb.) 69, 117,
215.

IXvs 267.

'M^f 7, 53-
ind(T0XT} 250.
iu<v 38, 45-
iM€f (Dor.) 118.
"iv (Cypr.) 416.
tv (Dor.) 45.
tofitv (Horn.) 526.
ios S3, 69, 121, 124,
213.

"iWITilOS 237.

iimfvs 268.
t7nr«va) 489.

tTTTTtKOf 252.

Xnniot 237.
{rrTrd^ei' 568.
l7nrofjui)(ia 289.
tTnrojroTa/iOf 289.
iTTTTOf 44 note 1,

62, "121 note, 124,

183, 220, 237, 238,

294.
lirnoTa (Ncorwp) 323.
ImroTTjs 258.
tnTTUv 269.
ff (w) 53, 121, 234,

330.
laairtpos 376.
urav (Horn.) 507, 523.
IfrOi. 224, 539, 540.
Mo-^/xoI 29, 305, 325,

562.
IvafiSs 29.
la-Kta 470, 471.

KT/iC;/ 38.

la-OS 166, 238.

uror (Horn.) 166, 238.

ItroTT)! 284.

'uTTairfv 533"

larafjitvos 553-

?oTd/xt(Dor.)5i,83,87,

. 96-

tOTavat 546.
{(TTdvio 467.
t<n-ar354, 355.
{oracra 322.
l(TTa<T6at 548.
urrao't 80.
tffTa<ro 543«

'uTTdra 541.
OTT* 1 10.

i(rri7/ii 32, 45, 51, 102,
176, 220, 354, 429,

433, 455, 459, 467,

540.
tWi'a 44 note 1.
to-Wij 44 note I.
torra 539, 541.
lajStfiai 529.
la-rap, la-Tap 121 note,

278.
laxavda 467 note.
la-xdvci 467.
la-xvpos 248.
{a;^vf 267.
lo-xo) 89, 96. 213, 424,

. 429,457,467.

iWd 53, 90, 97, 121.

Irvi 97.

Ira 541.

ircoi/ 542.

Ivyfios 239.

t(^i 306.

i^vof 280.

i\dvivos 243.

Ixdvoeis 276.

iX0vo<pdyos 289.

I'x^uv 119, 234, 298-
300, 302, 305, 308,
311, 312, 314, 316,

» 334.

idfifv 526.

twK, {wr/ (Boeot.) 354,

402.
iavti (Boeot.) 402.
latnt (Cret.) 44 note 3.

Ka/3/3aXXa) 228.
KaQatpia 23O.
KaQaipa 49 1.
KaOapos 247, 491.
Ka^dpvXXof 247.
KaBdda 430.
Ka6iC<o 220, 430.
Kadiara 5 40.
Kati'O) 65, 478.
Kaio) 57, 75.

364

Index

KaKos 378, 490.
KaKOTtji 284.

KaKVV<i) 490.

KoKayLos 239.

Ka\avpo-<\r 1 23.

KoXeco 195, 499.

KoKfos (Dor.) 124.

KaXijTwp 278.

KoKia 67.

AcaXXijitor 239.

xaXXio-Tor 259-

KaXX ta> 375.

fcdXXor 129.

KoKoi 40, 195.

KaXoy 69, 124.

Ka'Kms 285.

icaXu/Si; 473.

kclKv^ 195.

KaXwrTO) 473.

KaXv>/ra) 341 ■

KaXa>r 565.

»ca/iaTOf 49, 90, 258,

462.
Kaiieiv 505.
Kufivco 462, 505-
Kafxovfiai 422.
Ka/xTTuXXo) 485*
KafXTTvXos 32.
xavaxi? 495-
xavaxt'C" 495.
KaTTT^Xof 247.
KaTrvof 124, 241.
KaTnrecre 1 1 7.
Karrjreo-ov (Horn.) 1 65.
Karrpaipa 235.
/tdn-por 43, 157, 248.
Kanvpos 248.
Kapa 67.
Kapbia 5 1, 67, 92, 171,

182, 230.
KapdiaKos 252.
Kaprjvop 90.
KapKalpa 480.
KapKivos 195.
Kapnos 195.
KapfTis 67.
xdpra 564.
/card 228, 229, 230

note.

Kora^d 540.
KarajSdXXo) 228.
KaraOfvs (Cret.) 354.
(tarai 56 1.
KaTatiiirrti l65.
Karapry»;Xos 247-
Karappeco 1 37.
KaTa)(66vi.oi lyj.
KaTaxpvaos 29 1.
KaTfTTrjKTO (Horn.) 221,

507.
KaTenrj^a 5 07.
*caT^Xi>^ 298, 343.
icdro) 564, 565.
KarajTaro) 565.
Karwrepo) 565.
KauXdy 60, 247.
Kax^d^co 90, 102, 200,
Kaa 57.
KeSpipos 243.
Ktldev 416.
Kfi^i 416, 566.

Kftrdf (Ion.) 124, 238.
Kfii/oy 412, 416.
Kfipa 67, 129, 217, 478.
K(i(Te 570.
»cen-ai 420, 454.
Keia 478.
KfKabpAvos no.
KfKaVTai no.
KtKTjpvxa 521.
Kf/cXayya 5 1 8.
KtVcXoorat 468.
KeKXavp.ivos 522.
«eKXau(T/iai 522.
<ce(cXfro 505-
»c€KXd/xi;»' 429.
K(KKo<})a 96, 518, 521.

KfK\xf6i (Horn.) 429,

540.

KfKfxrjKa 520.
KfKo(f)a 521.
KtKpdpai 97.
KeXa6((i/dr 241.
(ceXau/dy 1 95.
(ctXjjf 285.
KfWa 212, 217.
Kfkofiai 457, 505.
KcXcro) 499.

K€/xdr 285.

KfVOS 124, 238.
«W7-<p09 376.

KtPTta no, 153, 170.

Kfvrpov 257.
Ktpafws 239.
/Kepdi/vu/:!! 44 note I, 464.
Ktpavvvw 465.
Kepay 283, 370.
Kfpdcrai 97.
xepao-jSdXof 289.
Kfpa(j)os 249.
Kcpdo) 46 1 .
ictpdaivo) 490.
KfpSos 246, 490.
Kfp8o(rvvi] 246.
KtpKvpa 73.
Ktpofts 276.
«ppto (Lesb.) 478.
KeoTo? no, 153, 170.
Ktarplvos 244.
Kfvdavo) 467.
Kfvdfioi 239.
KtvBpav 273.
»Cf 17^00 62, 456,467,505.
KC^aXaXyta 1 3 5.
K«f>aKapy'id 1 3 5.
Ke<f)dKTj n5, 247.
K€(})a\fi<f)i.v 306.
Ktxopdfirjv 429.
KfxKaBa 90.
Ke^oSa 518.
icfxdXo)o-o (Horn.) 523.
Kfx^f^t 517.
KrjSffxoiv 273.
K^Sos 279.
KTfXrjdfios 239.
Krikr)6pov 251.

(c^i'oj (Lesb.) 412.

K^vos (Dor.) 416.

K^p 92, 230, 234, 301,

343.
K»;puy/idf 239.
K^pui 494.
K»jpv|(u 499.
Kr]pt'<r(ra) 494.
Kibd(}>T] 249.
Ki8a(f)os 249.
KixXijo-Ka) 471.

KlKk^tTKa 471.

KivSvfvs 73.
Klv€a> 465.
Kivvfiai 463, 465.
Kivvpo^ai 491 •
Kiwpos 248, 491.
Kipa<f)os 249.
xtpcdo) 462.

Kipvrjfii 44 note I, 461.

«f 300, 305, 308,311,

312, 314,316, 328.

Kts (Thess.) 202 note i .
Kis 128, 234, 298, 299,

,330-
Kiaa-a 1 29 note 2.
KiTTa 129 note 2.
Kixdvo) 124.
X(;(az/a> 1 24, 465>
KiXfirjv 532.
»ctx<tMf»' 532-
Kixpafiai 459.

K«XP7M' 459.
AcXay-yai'a) 466, 467.
K\aCu> 156, 466, 479,

518.
(cXmo) 57, 75, 125, 478,

500.
Kkavdfids 239.
»cXaw(roCfiai 500-
xXao) 468.
AcXao) 57*

KXf^drjv 107, 158.
xXerjScoi' 272.
KXtiv6s 80.
(cXei'f 343.

»cX«Tllj 266.

K\eos 89, 122, 279.

KkflTTTJS 164, 258, 376.

KKtnr'uTTtpos 376.
/cXeTTTOcrui'?} 246.
KXeVra) 44, 67, 89, 96,

107, 129, 132, 158,

182, 473, 506.
Kkrjbrfv 559.
KKr)is 285.
kXijio-koi (Ion.) 470.
Kkripos 248.
KX(di)0-Ofxat 501.
iCKivia 499.

Index

Kktva 7, 69, 129, 462,

479,499. 513-
KXivvm (Lesb.) 69, 129,

462, 479.

KXiairjOfp 568.
/cXto-if 262, 479.
kXottos 236.

kXvSo)!' 345-

K\vdl 177, 540.

KXvTo'f 33, 47, 89, 132,
164, 182, 258, 555.

Kka>0a) 274,
/cXo>/xaKOf(r 276.
KXcb(rp.a 274.
KX(a\//- 92, 234, 342,
343-

KfiTJTOS 90, 258.

Kvaiat 478.
Ki/do) 475.
KVftjyalos 237.
Kfn^G) 475.
Kvrjfirj 68, 239.

KVTfflts 263.

Kvi]p.6s 239.

Kl/tfoj 478.

Kw^r)6fi6s 239.
(cvw 478.

Kdy;^o? 102, 200.
KoiXatVb) 150.

KoIXof 80.

Koifirjdpa 25 1<

»coii'^ 561.

Koti/dc 129, 142, 237.

Koiof (Ion.) 202 note
I.

Koipavttt) 485.
Kolpavos 242, 485.
Kotrat 129 note 2.
Kotr»; 258.
kokkC^ 285*
K6\a(f)os 249.
KoXb»'df 195.
Ko/i4'(r((r)« 499.
Ko;i(a> 499.
Kdt-if 487.
Kovia 128, 487.
xuvto) 129.
KcSTrafoi/ 242.

K^TTTCO 473.

365

KOpUKlVOS 53, 244.

Kopaf 285,
K6pacf)os 249.
KOpba^ 112.
Kopivvvfii 464.
Kop^d (Dor.) 69.
Kopfa (Arcad.) 51, 124.
"oPT 51. 69, 124, 236,

238.

KoprjOpov 251.
Kopiv66di 566.
Kop/cDpa 73.
Kopfios 239.
Acdpos 238.
Ko'ppj; 212, 217.
Ko'po-j; (Ion.) 212, 217.
Kopvs 129 note 2, 166,

298, 343, 493.
Kopva-aa 1 29 note 2,

493.,
Kopvarfjs 258.
Kopv(f)ri 249.
Koapirja-is 262.
Koa-firfTTjs 258.
Koo-or (Ion.) 202 note i.
Koaavcpos 249.
Ko'rfpos(Ion.) 202 note I.
k6ttv(I>os 249.
KoD (Ion.) 202 note i.

KOVpfVS 21.

Koi)p>; (Ion.) 51,69,124,

238.
KoCpos (Ion.) 238.
»cov</)drarof 258.
Kov(f>6Tfpos 254.
*cox<B>"7 73-
KpadiT] (Ion.) 51,67.
(cpdfo) 478.
Kpaivco 129, 478.
Kpavov 67, 241.
(cpdvof 67.
(cpaTepdff 248.
KpaTfpmw^ 289.
KpdrioTOf 259, 377, 378.
Kpdros 67, 90, 279.
Kparvs 264, 378.
«p«ap 49, 79, 195, 383,

370.
Kpilaaav 377'

366

Index

KptlTT(ov i29note 2f 378.

Kptiav 275, 352.
Kp€fiddpa 25 1 •
KpipaiTQ 534.
Kpfpapxii 420, 458.
KpipMvvvpt. 44 note I,

464.
Kpepaais 262.
Kptpda-a-ai (Hom.) 509.
Kptpaaoi 499.
Kpffido) 499.
Kptpvop (Hesych.) 73'
Kp(p(Ofiai 529.

Kp€^234.

Kpfaaa 375.

Kpfo-auv (Ion.) 129 note

2.
Kperor (Aeol.) 67.
rp? 230.

Kpi'fw 478.

KplBrj 230.

KpipvTjpi 44 note I, 4^1.

KplflVOV 240,

Kpivea 499.

Kpivo) 129,462,479,499.

Kpiats 479.

KpiT^Jf 258.

KptriKor 252.
KplTOS 555-

KpopVOV 73.
Kpovidrjs 323.
Kp6Ta(f>os 249.
iepv^8a 559.
»cpv/3d»;v 559.
KpvpaXfos 247*

KpVflOS 239.
KpvTTTa 473.

Kpv<^a (Dor.) 564.

KpU0T 306, 321, 564.

»CTatVa (Lesb.) 65, 478.

Kraveiv 65.

KretVcD 12, 65, 69, 129,

226, 478.
Krivvto (Lesb.) 69, 129,

478.
KTicris 226, 262.
KTiarap 278.
Kv^br)v 107.

KvdaiVo) 467 note, 479.

Kvddyo) 467, 479.
(cvdiafftpa 289.
KvSipos 239.

KuSlOTOf 259.

Kv8or 279.
Kv8p6s 289.

KUxXlOf 237.

/cvxXor 202, 326.
kvkXoctc 570.
KVKka 561.

KVKVOS 241.

(cvpa 490.

Kvpaivoi 490.

(cwayor 289.

Kui/Suevf 73.

Kvpfos 128, 237.

KvvoK€(})aXos 289.

Kuvdcrovpa 292.

Kvvrepos 254.

JcvvSmr 289.

Kinrro) I07, 473.

KvptaKof 252.

Kupw 129, 478.

Kvariy^ 285.

Kv(f><i)v 269.

(cuwj/ 47, 65, 147, 182,

269, 345.
icwpa (Cret.) 124.
K&s (Ion.) 202 note i.

\aas (Hom.) 80.
Xa^e 38, 540.
XajSeiv 206, 505.
Xa/SecTKOf 430.
Xa/3ov 38.
Xa^pof 373.
\ayap6s 87, 9^.
Xa^X"*''*' 466, 505'
XaCopai 206, 478.
Xa^etv 505.
XadiKrjSrjS 289.
Xd^pa 306, 321, 564.
Xd^pj; 289.
Xatyi 285.
Xaivot 243.
Xmdf 56, 122, 238.
XdXof 373, 376.
XapiSdvo) 206, 466, 505-

Xanvas 28$, 298, 343.

\ap7rp6s 248.

Xai>dd;/(i> 466, 505.

Xavos (Dor.) 90.

Xaos (Horn.) 72.

Xapvy^ 285.

\as 80.

Xdo-toy 121.

Xacrtuv 269.

Xaa-Kd) 186, 470.

Xdral 285.

\axvr] 185.

Xa;^!*)}*!? 276.

\d)(yos 245.

Xeaij/a 75, II9, 122,
235. 322.

Xfaiva 508.

\f^t]s 285.

Xfyijuvai 543, 546.

Xeydpfi/ot 553.

Xe'yw 25, 92, 106, 109,
191, 212, 425, 456,
511, 522.

\eialvut 490, 508.

Xe('/3a) 159, 212, 215.

Xftpa^ 285.

\tippa 273.

Xetpd>i« 273.

X«7rdpf»'0f 553-

XetTTOu 543.

XftTJTeoy 255, 556'

XftJiTof 555*

XciVb) 12, 25, 29, 30,
58,64,82,83,85,89,
92,96,117,118,132,
202, 202 note 3, 204,

433. 450. 456, 503.

505, 518, 522, 523,

526.
\ti(f)6r](T6pfvos 553*
\(l(})dt]Ti 540.
X«'xo.24, 132, 193-

Xfi^dpfvos 553.
X€«\/^opei'Of 553.
Xciyo) 499.
XtKUvr] 73.

XsKTo (Horn.) 221,
507.

XtKTOS 109.

Index

367

\fKTpOV 257*

XeXa^crdai 429.
X€\a6f(Tdai 429.
XcXaKvia 55^*
XfXaafiai 5'8> 522«
XeXaff/xej'oy 5 1 8.
XeXeya 5 1 8.
XfXfifjifiai 117, 204.
XeXet/i^Vof 240, 553.
XtXfiCJidai 221, 548.
XeXeir/^o/xat 50I.
XfX<i\/^o/ifz/or 553.
XfXfxa 521.
XeXtjOa 518, 522.
X<Xo7';fa 518.
XeXdy;^a(ri (Hom.) 439.
XfXoiira 59, 82, 83, 96,

97, 516-19, 531.

XeXotTrevat 546.
XfXonrvla 552.
XeXuKwff 552-
XfXv/xei/os 32.
XfXvaofiai 501.
Xerrpof 248.
Xtaxr] 109.
XevKatVo) 490.
Xei;o-(r« 477, 478.
Xe'xof 109, 132, 201,

279.
Xtxpios lis, 185.
Xe'xpif 558.

Xfxw 341.

Xtwf 352.

Xecos 72.

Xijyw 87, 96, 215, 232.

Xr)BdvQi 467-

X^6os 279.

Xi7da) 467.

XijrStof 237.

Xtjis 285.
X^^tf 262.
Xfj^ofuti 422.
A»jr« 341.
X^\^o/xai 422.
Xiya 564.
XiySiyf 559-
Xiyvi^y 265.
Xtyupof 248.
Xtyi;f 264*

Xi'fw 478.
Xt^afo) 493.
Xideos 128, 237.
XiKpi(f>is 115.
XtXa(o/ia( 76, 129, 480.
Xififvios 237.
Xt^iji' 237, 273.
Xtfiviov 237,
Xi/idf 239, 496.
Xi/iTrdvo) 155, 459, 466,
467.

XlflMt(T(Ta 496>

Xiira 564.

Xtjrapdf 248.

XiTreti/ 85, 89, 96, 456,

503, 505.
Xmeadai 548.
Xnrofifvos 553.
XtVof 77, 279.
XtTToO 38, 543.
Xts 330.
Xiaaofuu 1 29 note 2,

478.
XiraiVo) 490.
Xirtadai I29 note 2.
Xixvos 241.
Xoyoypa(f>os 32, 289.

Xdyof 47 note 2, 230,

236.
Xofrpop 80.
Xot'Sopof 373.
Xo(/idf 239.

XoiTTOS 236.

Xo^df 185.
Xovofiai 420.
XouTpdf 80, 257"
Xoxda 484.

^"XM'? 239-
Xd;(Of 236, 484.
Xvfadai 548.
Xufu 466, 479.
Xvdfjs 354, 554.
XvOrjaofiai 501.
XvdrjTi 540-
XvKatva 235.
XvKoif 318.

XvKoiT (Cret.) 312,325.

Xv»corl3, 17, 18, 23, 44,

46, 54» 59i 63, 64,

66, 69, 80, 82, 121,
141, 153, 202, 212,
229, 230, 236, 295,
298-300, 302, 304,
308, 314, 316, 323,
325-

XvKOt 318.

XvKcis (Boeot.) 312.
XvTrpdf 248.
XCo-at 543, 547.
Xvcratfu 535*
Xtaas 354, 355.
Xvaacra 322.
XiKTifios 239.
Xvainovos 289.
Xvo-o) 433, 499, 501.

XvTtOS 255, 556.
XvTOS 555.

Xu;^^©? 185, 218, 245.
Xvm 38 note, 354,
433-

XwiVepoff 378.
XiaoTOf 378.
Xbxoi; (Xojtiav) 378.

/io (El.) 52 note 2.

IJM^OS no.

fjLaOrjrqs 258.
HadijriKos 252.
fxaifjuia 429, 480.
/juiivofuii 65, 89, 129,

421,458,481.
(iaiofiai 478.
/xaKop 495.
fioKapiCa 495.
fiUKapios 237.
fxaKaprtpos 376.
fioKpav 559.
IxaKpos 248.
/ioXa 564.
MaXayicd/idf (Arcad.)

futXaKiav 269, 348-
/xaXaKor 1 29 note 2,

145, 269, 474-
/xaXao-tro) 1 29 note 2.

^XaTTo) 129 note 2.
/ioXiora 559*

368

Index

fjuiyfjaonai 499, 501.
ftavdava 466.
imvia 237, 481.
liavos 65, 238.
fiavTfiiofiai 489.
fjutVTiKos 233, 252.
fiavTiTToXos 289.
/mvTii 233, 246, 252,

262, 489.
HavTOcrvvrj 246.
Mapadcoft 562.
fiapaa-fjios 46 1.
fiapfMipa) 429, 480.
fJMpvafiai 461.
Hapvoifirjv 534.
fidpvafuii 529.
fiaprvpofiai 491.
fiaprvpos 248.
fidpTvs 362.
(jtdarcra) 375.
fm(TTi^a> 494.
/wiorrl 285, 298, 343.

fia(TTi(0 128, 486.
/WT/;/) (Dor.) 5, 6, 50,

SI, 140.
M^X*? 236.
/ic 402.

MfV« 559-

MeyaXtts (Pamph,) 52

note 2.
MfyoXTjf 52 note 2.

Me'-yapaSf 569.
/i<yaf III, 374.
fieyfdos 280.
fifyiaros 259*
/xeSav 27s, 352.
^e^)j 124.

Me^^9,33,47>i77,229,
264.

H(6va> 128, 488.

/xei (Boeot) 52 note
2.

fuiyvvfjLi 463-
^(tddo) 214.
/iftS^o-at 232.

M"'C« 369, 375-
ftfiCav 377.
/teiXio-cra} 4^$'
HdXixios 237.

/ifiXtxor 485.
fjLtipaKiov 247.
fitipaKvWidiou 247.
/wlpa^ 195, 285.
pflpofiai 129, 214) 232,

478.
^e/f 70, 117,216,347.

p.fl<TTOS 378.

fidap 378.
MeXayxd^as 73*
/teXay;(^poot 349.
fieXaiva 75.
ptXaipw 129, 490.
/i^XnyoTTj? 284.
/ieXaj/d;^poos 349.
/itXatToTOt 258.
/wXairepof 376.
(jiiXds 5, 69, 154, 322,

349> 350. 490-
peX^opai 474*
fif\8a> 214.
fieXerr] 258.
p,(\rj8a>v 272.
/ieXi 129 note 2, 140,

145, 230, 285, 301,

344, 493-
pfKi(T<Ta 129 note 2.
/isXtTTa 129 note 2.

/neXXo) 129, 430, 478.
peKKmv 275, 352.
piKnrfdpov 25 1.
fjxpafKV 96.
HepuKTav (Horn.) 523.
Hepdro) 65, 54^'
fufiaxa 521.
itepaas 552.
pepatbres (Hom.) 552.
pep^XwKa 145.
pfptTjva 421.
pfpPT](Topxii 501.
pepova 65, 89, 96, 518.
pip^opai 420.
/xev 40.
ptperSs 32.
p,epfa> 499-

ptt'Oipeov (Horn.) 73*
/itvof 96, 279, 366.
/Wyo) 83, 89, 96, 216,
424, 457, 508.

pxpiKOS 252.

ptpippa 130, 322.
/xfo-cuTToXtor 63, 293,

321.
pta-cuTtpos 254, 376.
pt(rr]fis 276.
pta-rjpfipid 1 45.
pJcriraTOs 377.
pA(t{<t)os 44, 119, 129,

,178,237,376.
ptrpop 257.
/**{» (Ion.) 402.
^17 52 note I, 2, 524.
/n^Kof 279.
M^v 52, 117, 212, 216,

347-^

prjPidpos 239-

/Li^rtr 260, 482.

/ii;i/(a> 482, 487.

pijPVTpop 257.

prjpos 294.

prfcrrap 278.

/xijTijp 6, 45, 140, 278,

359, 360.
ptjrUra (Zevr) 323.
pt)Ti6fis 276.
prjTiopai 420, 487.
/x^Tts 487.
prjTpas 340.
^7Xa>"7 242.
pa 214, 322.
/wyafo/xat 1 29, 493.
pydr 285.
/ti'yfia 559.
/xiyijf 366, 373.
/u>u;« 463, 470, 506.
pMypva 465*
piKKos 247.
/liJXKvXof 247.
piKpos 214, 248, 378>

plpriXos 247-

pipP^CTKO) 470, 471.

/xt/ij/o) 83, 89, 96, 424,

429, 457-
pip (Hom.) 416.
pipv6a> 45, 475-
pipvpopai 491'
pipvpos 491.
/(/(ryo 33, 224, 470.

fjLia-dos 211, 224, 486.

fiiadooi 80, 483, 486.

fila-dafxa 273.

fuadaros 483.

HV^fxa 273.

livfjtxTj 239.

fjLvrjfJioavvT) 246.

fivTj(ra> 499.

/io^oy 102, 175.

/ixot 402.

Ho'ipa 75, 129, 235,

322.
fxoiptjyfvfjs 289.
/idXtf 558.
fiovds 396.
Hovoytvfji 289.
/zdvo;/ 559.
fwJj/of 119, 124, 238.
fiopifios 239>
jjLopfioXvTTOfiai 135.
M<5p/iopof 135, 233.
ixopuvpa 480.
/xopof 75, 235.
fi6p(j)vos 245.
p.6<Txos 224.
/xov 40.
^oO 402.
fiovvabov 559-
fiovvos (Ion.) 119, 124,

238.
/ioOo-a 69, 322.
Hoxdrjpos 36.
/iiuy/xdf 239.
^ufo) 478.
pLvdoXoyta 430*
pvKadpos 251.
fivfjiap 88.
fivpopai 129, 478.
/iOf 9, 47 note 2, 55,

140, 213, 234.
pv(r<f>6vos 289.
pvxairtpos 376.
fivxX(5f 185.
^uX/*<5r 239.
/i&>Xu 88
/xcoXvpoy 248.
pafidopai 484.
pupap 88.
ptopos 484.

Index

pcbvv^ 380.

papaiva 1 50.
papos 88, 248.
/i«aa (Dor.) 69.

i/at'o) 76, 129, 478.
i/adf (Dor.) 69, 72, 124.

vd(T<Tai 76, 129.

vavapxos 289.

vavKpdpoi 215.

vavKpaTTjS 289.

vavnr}y6s 289.

yaif 18,29,31,63, 71,
72,234,298,302,305,
308, 311, 312, 314,

316, 335-
i/avo-tKXvTdp 292.
vav(f)i{v) 306.
j/ta 80.
vedytvTjs 289.
waviaf 51, 323.
v€avi(TKOs 253*
NfarroXtf 37, 292.
vtapos 79.
veuTos 377.
»'e(^)of 44.
ptrjvii]: (Ion.) 5I«
V€iK(<a 492.
veixor 492.
v€i(j)fi 209.
veKpos 248.
^^{^((r)*!© 129.
vfpia 499.
ve/xos 279.

v«/i<a 96, 117, 2l6, 508.
VfVf pr)Ka 520.
vtoyi/df 89.

j/fdo^Tor (Dor.) 68, 90.
wVat 89,213, 424, 457,

498.
ve'oi/ 559.

j/eof 122, 147, 284, 486.
veoTijf 166,284,298,343.
i/fopif/xdff 79, 287.
vtooi 486.

Neo-Tifid (Boeot.) 323.
vtvpa 61, 273.
i/(V(rov/iai 50(3.
w0<X7 132, 247.
B b

VftptkryytptTa (Z<ur)323.
V(<i)os 24, 147, 162,279.
vt(f>p6s 248.
v/o) 122,214, 500.
vewp 69, 72, 124, 337,

340.
i/cbxroiKo; 292.
vtartpos 378.
v^ (Ion.) 80.
vtja (Horn.) 300.
vrj{f)ioi 119.
vrps 343.
i^/xa 273.
vr}Vfa 480.
v^df (Ion.) 69, 124.
vjyrnos 124.
vijcratof 237.
vTJcraa 68.
vtf" 206.

i'iCc»I06, 129, 473,478.
viKaa 58.
NiKd/iiaxof 289.

VlTTTpOU 257"

w'ttto) 473.

viaopai 69, 457*

vt<^a209, 214,232, 234.

i/Kjbar 285.

v(0f( 209.

w0<rdf 258.

vt(j)6^o\os 289.

vi(})6ttt 276.

vKpdpfvos 209.

v'i,<^v 209.

i/t\/^a> 106.

i/d»;/Lia 273.

vopds 285*

voptvs 268.

voptva 128, 489.

vo/x^ 236, 484.

vopi^to 274.

vSpiapa 274.

fdpior 96, 236.

i/dor 214.

vdaor 1 66.

KdoTOf 258.

vovi'(;(^r 292.

vovff 17, 80.

vuKTaierot 289.

fUKreptcdf 241.

370

Index

VVKTtpOt 373.
VVKTOS 560.
VVKTtOp 562.

yifx({)T) 299.

wfi<piK6s 252.

»'i5>' 55,

vvvarai (Cret.) 528.

vv^ 147, 166, 202, 285,

343-
w6s 47, 214.
va 402.

vwt (Horn.) 402.
vaiTtpos (Horn.) 406.
ywfxda 484.

^aiv<o 129.

^ctvof (Ion.) 69, 124,
238.

^fw'a 237.

|moj 237.

leVos 69, 109, 124, 225,

238.
^€/)dy 248.
^((rcrni 468.
|c« 79, 468.
^r/paivu 508.
^i(f>i8iov 237.
^vXac^ioj/ 249.
^uXij/of 232.
^uXov 247.
lt{,y 232.
^vpa(f)iov 249*

6 129, 141, 213, 230,
295. 325, 399, 407-8.

5413.

Sap 295.
o/3fXof 73.
o^oXds 73.
o^pifios 88, 239.

oySodr 396.

o-ySdaroy 390'

oySo)j(co»/T(t 386.

oySo^KotTTdf 392.

oySoos 390.

dySwKovra (Hom.) 386.

oyAcos 236.

oy/ioj 83, 96, 2^9.

orator 237.
odd^u 431, 468.
ode 401, 410.
dSi 411.
odLTrjs 258.
o5/xi7 239.
dSoirrdpor 292.
dSdr 124.
odos 258.
o5ow 275, 354.
obvvqpoi 248.
dSup^df 239.
obvpofiai 73'
oScoSa 5 1 7*
ofeiyrjp (Lesb.) 80.
oCfltrco 499.

3for 98 note 2, 211,
224.

3foo 431, 458, 481.

odfv 568.

odi 566.

ol 124, 404, 562, 575.

oiyvvfii 430.

oiyo) 80.

olba 5, 13, 43, 59, 96,
106, IIO, 121, 171,
229, 424, 515, 518,

519, 523 note, 526,

527.
olSaiva 467 note, 479.
olSdixo 467 note.

oi8e 6.

oldeo) 431.

oifos (Cypr.) 122, 380.

oi(vp6s 248.

OlKodf 569.

o?»C€i 118, 305, 562.

olKflOS 128.

oiKerijf 258.

OtKCb) 485.

ouci'du (Arcad.) 321.
olKiaKT} 253.
oiKiaKos 253.

oiKoSoprjTM (Heracl.)
.528.
oixo^fv 303.
oucodi 566.

OlKOt 305, 325, 562.

oiKovSe (Hom.) 35,569.

oucor 29, 12 1, 182, 236,

485.
oUrippa (Lesb.) 69,129.

oiKTipd) 69, 129.

oiuot 239.

oivr], olvJ) 59, 380.

olvofis 80, 276.

olvonoTrjp 278.

o»Vdf 380.

olvos 121, 241.

otvovr 80.

olt>6(f>\v^ 205.

olvo x^ofvo) 489.

oij/o;^dor 489.

orof 122, 238, 380.

ois 46, 122, 260, 298,

^328.
ois 80, 260.
oif (Delph.) 575.
oiada 24, 102, 106, 1 10,

, 174, 175, 515-
olarrpTjds 276.
oc<ra) 499, 526.
oiTOS 258.
ol)(yia 465.
oi\op.(n 420.
o/ca (Dor.) 573.

oKvrjpos 248.
OKVOf 241.

OKpif 261.

dwdxif 394.
oKTOxdo-ioi 387.

OKTcis 396.

oKTo (Lesb. Boeot.)

, 384.

OKTO) 8,46,63, 164, 182,

. 384.

oKrcaKatdcKaror 39'*

oKu>s (Ion.) 202 note I.

oXtdpos 251.

oXftfo)!' 377.

uX/crai 148.

oAe'o-o-at (Hom.) 509.

dXeVo) 499.

oXtTijp 278.

dXeo) 499.

oXiytaror 259, 377.

dXi'yor 20.

6\ia-6aivu> 467 note, 479.

oXiadavoe 242, 467.

oXiaddva 467, 467 note.

oXurdripos 248.

SWyfiai 421.

oWvfU 117, 148, 463.

oXoXuf 233.

oXos 119,124, 132,238,

284.
oXortjs 284.
6Xo(f)vpofjLai I29.
oXocfivppci} (Lesb.) 129.
'OXvuniai (El.) 562,
oX(oXa 421, 429, 517.
oXuXfVai 546.
o/xaXos 247'
Sp.^pios 237.
ofi^poi III, 159, 248.
ojxiXfo) 43'*

ofiix^l 201, 247.

3/i/Lia 1 1 7, 204, 294.

SfjLVvt 540.

Sfxvvfii 463.

OfivvTa 541'

ofJLVva 465-

6/xdKXd 73.

^/xokXcoi/ 73,

Ofxoofuu 499-

Ofiopyvvfu 73, 463, 507.

6/idf 380.

6p6(T( $70.
6p.6(Tti (Cret.) 526.
ofwaa-ai (Horn.) 509.
6/ioC 96, 560.
6fj,(l)aX6s 162.
6p.d)fjL0Ka 429-
amp 371, 559.
omap 271, 371.
Si/(ipos 496.
oveipaxro'a) 49^*
gi/f/ap 371.
oi'fjo'tt 262.

Svo/xa 65, 77, 147, 273,
301, 309. 313. 350,
. 49O;
ovofiaiva 6$, 1 29, 49^,

, 499. 508.
ovofiaKXvTOS 289.
^vu (Cypr.) 410.
Svv^ 209.

Index

O^VTUTOS 258.
O^VTtpOS 376.

3n-a (Cret.) 561.
oTTft (Dor.) 562.
oni] (Cret.) 564.

OTTTj 325.

6m 342.
oTTtfo/xai 493.
37ri^f(i') 567.
37rtf285, 343.
ottXitj;? 258.
ottXov 258.
OTToetf 276,
OTTOcror 1 29.

OTTOTTOS (BoeOt.) 129.

oTTOTTos (Cret.) 129.
onov 560.

oTTTra (Lesb.) 321, 564.
on-TTeoff (Horn.) 117, 124,

172.
omiov 89, 96, 496.
oTTTw (Elean) 384.
Sttvi (Gortyn) 414.
oTTvs (Rhodes) 414.
OTTO) (Locr.) 325, 563.
OTTO) (Dor.) 563.
oTTca (Cret.) 303, 325,

, 414-

oTTWTra 517*

onas 24.

opd/io 273.

opaais 262.

(Jpao) 73, 80, 42s, 430.

optyfia 273.

opeyvvfU 463-

ope'yw 44 note 1, 73, 77,

461.
opti^aTqs 292.
opfios 237.
opt<r(TiyfVT}s 292.
optarfpos 254.
3pt(T(f)i{v) 306.
6p<<» (Herod.) 73.
op7 (Dor.) 80.
6p^ (Dor.) 80.
op^off 124, 238.

OpdoTt]! 284.

optyi/uo^oi 44 note I,
462.

B b 2

371

6pi((ou 275.
6pfida 430.

OPM"? 239-
op/xos 239.
opvfop 237.
opvtdapxos 289.
opvtdiop 237.
oppldocTKonos 289.
6pvl66<o 486.

op'''f 343> 486.

opvv6i 540.

opvvfuv (Horn.) 273,

549-
opvO^i 217, 424, 457,

, 463, 505-
opvva> 465.
Spo^of 73.
opoyuia 73.
opoptiv 429.
opos 69, 124, 238.
Sppof 217.
oppabdv (Att.) 73.
opCTO) 499.
6pva<T(t> 478.
opxjja-Tvi 266.
op;^if 260.
'Opxofiei/df 73.
opo) 80.

3pa)pa 429, 517.
Of 46, 127, 413.

Of (Horn.) 124, 406.

oo-ftij 239.

3(7o-f 46, 294, 309,

OOTOKOf 73-

6<rTa(f>is 73.

6<TT(0V 237.

6(r(f>paivop.ai 209.
6<T<Pvs 267.
ora (Lesb.) 571.
ore 571.

0T€0 414.

oTf/w (Cret.) 414.
oTpvixo 69, 462.

oTTi (Horn.) 124.

OX) 38.

o5 (Att. Dor.) 24,

.404.
ovar- 213.

372

Index

ovias 73, 283, 370.
olios (Horn.) 124.
olOap 33, 88, 177, 371.
oiiK 24, 230 note.
ot/Ktr 202 note I.
oijKtiis 202 note I.
o^or (Ion.) 68, 119,

^ 124, 132, 148, 238.
ovvofxavta (Ion.) 499-

OVTTU 325, 564.

ovpa 217.

ovpdpios 269.

ovpaviav 269, 348.

ovpav66tv 303, 568.

oipavodi. 305, 566.

ovpavos 242.

ovpos (Ion.) 69, 124,

238.
ovs (Dor.) 404.
ovs 365.
ovTor 401, 411.
ovTO<rt 401, 411, 416.
ovTtxrtv 411, 416.
ovro) 230, 325, 563,

,575-
ovrai 230, 325, 575.
ov^ 230 note.
6(f>(iK<o 69.
6<})da\p6s 294.
O019 209, 258, 260.
6(f)tTr}s 258.
o^pw 24, 32, 55, 119,

162, 234, 267.
oxeopii 497.
6xf'a> 128.
oxos 121.
o^ 234, 341.

O^ifiOS 239.

oyjfOfiai 89, 92, 96, 496,
499, 526.

xra (Dor.) 4 1 4.
naytros 258.
Trdytos 237.
TToBflp 109, 166.
7rai8tor 237, 295.
irai8i(TKT) 253.
iratSicrKos 253.
naido(f>6pos 289.

7ranrd\i; 233.
TTaifrdXXo) 429, 480.
Tralr 40, 80, 230, 343.
natara (Lesb.) 167.
7rai(f>d(r(T(o 429, 480.
TrdXat 202.
iraXaiytvfis 32 1.
n-aXatdr 376.
naXairfpos 254, 376.
TraXai<f)aTos 292.
TraXtyyeffo-ta 117.
iraXiyjcaTrJjXeiia) 1 5 1.
TToXiXXo-yof 117, 149,
naXifMirais 1 1 7, 1 5 1.
TToXXa^ 148.
IlaXXdr 148.
TrdXXw 67, 129, 217,

478, 507, 509.
naXro (Horn.) 221,

507.
TTaXvvo) 67.
nafia (Dor.) 1 24, 232.
7rap.ftf)Ta>p 278.
ndfinav 37.
naficpaivca 429, 480.
TTovatoXor 292.
Travdafidrap 49, 278.
iravitjpxi 562.
iravTjYvpis 289.
irav^fiap 292.
navddva 466.
ndvrapxos 289.
7rain-a;(ot 562.
7raj/ra;^ov 560.
rrdrrodev 568.
jrdiToo-* 570'
iTtwrStrffivos 289.
ndvTOTf 57I»
TraiTOTTjf 284.
Trdi^wr 565.
jrdnya 233, 32I.
ira/Mx 229, 564.
napai 56 1.
TTopdXoyof 291.
napdirav 37.
irapaxprifui 29I.
naptKBos 38.
naptcrxov 38, 430.
Trapdfvmv 269.

Trdpor 67.

Trdf 275, 316, 322, 354,

J55-

irao-a 69, 1 29, 1 54,
167.

naaacrSai (Dor.) 1 24.

7rd<ri<j)ikos 292.

7rd(r<7-aXof III, 1 84.

7rd«r(ra) 37 5» 478.

jrd(r;(« 1 09, 1 66, 470.

rrarap (El.) 52 note 2.

TTcerdpa (El. Locr.) 44
note 2.

iraTtofMi 110, 170.

rroT^p 5, 29, 33, 36, 40,
44, 44 note 2, 49, 52
note2,6i,67, 79, 82,
83, 85, 89, 92, 96,
136, 157, 164, 230,
237, 278, 298-300,
302,305,308,311-12,
314, 316, 319, 332,
,359, 360.

ndros III.

7raTpdd(\<f)os 289.

narpibiov 295.

Trdrpior 1 1 9, 237.

narpof^ovoi 289.

Trdrpas 340.

TrdTToXof 184.

TTOvo'tuX^ 247.

ndxioTos 259.

n-dxi"? 185, 245.

irdxos 279.

7ra;(vXdr 32, 247-

naxvs 115, 264.

iraxvTi]s 284.

7r«ia 96, 342, 564.

7r(8ov 236, 342, 350.

»reCor 21, II9, 129, 173,
237-

jret (Dor.) 305, 325,
414, 562.

ndSa 12, 24, 58, 96,
no, 115, 115 note,
166, 177, 179, 341,
456, 499. 505, 509,
511,520, 526-7.

ndpa 69, 322.

Index

373

TTfipap 271, 371,
TTtipara (Hom.) 89.
TTfipda 495.
irtipa 67, 1 29, 478.
nt'iaai (Thess.) 202

note 2.
irtiaBTjaropai 50 1.
ir€i(Tfia 153 note.
iTfiarofiai 225, 422.
TTfia-Ttos $S6.
ir(i(T<ii 115 note, 499.

TTCKOC 279.
TTCKTOf 472.

»rc/CT« 472, 473.

TTCKO) 473.

»r«Xafo) 458, 506.
Trt\dd<o 475.
ttAqp 475.
irtKfdpov 251.
jreXftdr 285.
TreXfKKou 236.
TTtAfKuf 236.

TTfXtds 238.

TreWvTpou 117, 172.
IIcXoTrdfi'i/aof 292.
nf\o)p 371.

W/xTTf (Lesb. Thess.)
139, 155, 202 note 2.

Tre/xTTTOf 139, 258, 390.
nfpirto 511, 521.
n(p(f>l^ 285.
Trtp(j)pr]i(!i>u 272.
ntviartpoi 376.
TrfVjjr 285.
TTfvOfpos 248.
ir(v6(a> 492.
frtV^os 64, 225, 279,

492.
Trmd 237.
TTtW* 44, I39> 155, 202,

384-
7rf»Ta«»f 394.
ntvTaK6(Tioi 387.
TTtn-a^df 395.
7r<vra7rXoi)f 395.
irfvrdirovs 289.
TTti^af 396.
TTcvTCKaidfKaror 391.

rroT^KOVTa 386.

TrfVTT]KO<TTOS 392,

TTfvrrjKCXTTXii 266.
TTfVTos (Cret.) 390.
iTCiraOvia 552.
TTfiraiva 65.
TTfTraiTtpOS 254-
Trenavdai 548.
TreVap/xai 67> 5^8.
ncnappivos 5 1 8.
TTfiraTai (Cret.) 528.
TTfTTfiKa 520.
ninnapMi 522.
wfnrjya 5 1 6.
TTfnidtiv 505.

TTfTTldoP 429, 505*

irfTTiadi 108.
7r€7rX<;(a 518, 52 1.
irfirXfX^oi 221, 548.
n(7r\j]yn(vos 32.
TTf'rrXvrat 479.
irinvfVKa 5 1 7.
nitroida 96, I08, 518.
n(7rop(j>a 521.
iritrovda 65, 89, 518.
irfTTovdrj 430.
ncnovBdv 430.
TTfTTovBas 552.
TTtTTpaTai (Ther.) 528.

ireirpaxa 52I.
TreTrrdr 89, 202, 203,
258.

TTCTTTW 473"

7r*nv(T0ai 548.
mnvfTfUH 518, 522.
7rtnv(Tfi(vot 240.
nfTTdKa 54.
7r€7ra)>/ 345, 350.
irtpaivio 508.
Trepaf 283, 370.

TTfpUCl) 461.

7r«p5r^ 285.
irtpdm 67, 166, 509.
TTfpi 34, 40, 44.
irtpii^aWov 43O.
IlfptKXf^r 79.
ntptxX^f 80.
ntpvrjpi 461.

n<po-vf 321, 323.

TTtpvo-t 233, 241, 287,

562, 575-
TTfpvo-tydf 233, 241.
TTfpuTt (Dor.) 562, 575.
nepvTts 575.
TTfo-eofmi, (Horn.) 499.
irf(T<rvp€S (Lesb.) 202

note 2.
TreVo-o) (Ion.) 129, 129
note 2, 203, 433,
,473, 477, 478.

fftVaXov 247.
TreVaXop 247.
TTtVapH 97, 458, 503,

506.
irfrdpvvfxi 44 note I,

464.
Trerdo-ai 46 1.
TTfTopai 82, 89, 96, 457>

458, 497.
TTfTpalos 237.
TTfTparos (Boeot.) 390.
ntTTnpdKovra (Boeot.)

386.
TTfTTapfs (Boeot.) 124,

168, 202 note 2,

383.
TrtVrw 129, 129 note 2,

203, 473-
ntvdfjv 345.
ntvBopai. 16, 61,96,115,

IIS note, 456, 466,

505.
iTfv66p.(vos 553-
irtvaofjuu 115 note.
ir((f}ayKa 520.
TTtcfyaapM 522.
7r«0aTat 65, 5^8.
7r€(j)tvya 517, 518.
7re<f)P€p.tv 429, 457.
-jr«Ppa8p(vos 522.
nitppabov 429.
7r((f)pa(Tpai 522.
irt(f>vyp,(vos 32, 5 1 8.
7r((f>vKa 520.
7r((f>vKli(Ti (Horn.) 439.
rrf<f>vvia 322.
n-(0va>r 322.
7rf<j!)vurar (Hom.) 552.

374

Index

iri-i^a 203, 499.

TT^ 321, 564.

nrj 414, 561.
rrTjyvvfit 111,394,463.

TTIJKTdf 258.

TnjXafivs 285.
nr/Xevs 338.
TTJjXtVor 252.

TT^ftS 262.

irr/TTOKa (LaC.) 325, 564.

^x^f 193. 264, 294,

298-300, 308, 311,

3M, 316, 331.
maiva 49^>
TTiaXeof 247.
irtdKos 247.
map 236, 350, 371.
rrlapos 236, 248, 350.
TTtffca 74.
TTt'fi 540 note.
irtfipa 235.
nlfpos 235.
»rI(f)of 53, 280.
iTt(F)uv 53.
nWaKos (Dor.) 252.
iridafor 242.
iridfo-dai 96, 505.

TTldrjKOS 252.

»rW' 7, 53» 88, 540.

jTiKpaiva 490.

TTlKpOS 248.

TrtXva/xai 1 48, 46 1.
TTtXi/ao) 462.
niXvrjpi 148.
TTtXi/df 148.
TTi/ifX;; 247.
TTtjUTrXavo) 429, 466.
wifiTrXrjpi 429, 459,

475-
"nip.npnp.i 429, 459.
7rtja»n7 258.
iriva (Dor.) 424, 462.
mopai 424, 498, 526.
TTiTTtcTKa) 471.
•jrinXafifv 67.
TTinpaa-Kto 47 1.
irtuTO) 457'
jTtWa (Ion.) 23, 45,

129.

TTlOTtf 169, 262.

niavvos 246.

rria-vpts (Horn.) 44 note

I, 202 note 2, 383.
niTvdfo 462.
iTiTvrifii 44 note I, 461.
irirvo) 462.
mrra 23, 45, 1 29.
ntTUf 266.
TTiotfj/ 7, 122, 271, 352,

490.
jrXdfo/iat 420.
TrXafw 153, 156, 466,

479, 513-
irXtidavov 102, III,

175.
7rXd(r/ia 274-
7rXd<r<7ca 274.
nXaratao-t 562.
irKareia 235.
jrXaTOf 279.
TrXardft) 486.
ttKutxis 5> 67, III, 264,

322, 486.
-rrkfybrjv 107, 187.
nXfdpov 251.
TrXflv 378.
nXfia-Tos 259, 378.
TrXft'cjy (n-Xewy) 378.
irXfKTos 109, 472.
TrXeVo) 107, 109, 157,

187, 472, 473, 511,

521, 522.
jrXe^o) 499.
TrXfvpov 248.
nXtxxTopai 499.
■nXfV(TovpMi 500.
ttX/o) 79, 122, 395,

500.
TrXiyyvO/u 463.
TrX^^of 280.
nXridvs 14, 267.
ttX^^o) 52, 239, 475.
TrX^KTpoi' 257.
itXrivro (Horn.) 70.
■rrXi]<TiaiTtpos 376.
TrXrjaiov 559*
TrX^crcro) (Ion.) 1 29, 1 96,

478.

nXfJTo (Horn.) 458, 506.
nXrJTo (Horn.) 506.
ttXtjtto) 129, 196.
nXivBos 111.
nXoKaiiot 185.
irXoKTj 236.
TrXoKOf 236.
TrXdof 122, 236.
7rXov<ria*cdf 252.
nXoxxTios 169.
TrXoi/Tor 258.
TrXox^df 185, 239,
itXvva 129, 479.
itXvais 88, 262.
7rXa>r 285.
TrXtoTof 54, 63, 88.
nvivfia 273.
TTj/fVcrov/iat 500.
TTfeo) 122, 500.
rroiapKTjs 289.

TTofij 318.

7r6d€v 202, 303, 414,

568.
nodtjTvs 266.

TTO^t 566.

TTOI 305, 325, 414,

562,
TTOl'd 238.

TTOiTjafi (Ion.) 526.
noifitro) 499.
noirjTTjs 258.
7ro(K(XXci) 129, 485-

TTOiKlXoS 32, 111.
TTOlfJUlivO) 65, 129, 49^

noifievios 237.

notpTjv 65, 82, 92, 96,
273, 298, 301, 302,
305, 308, 311-12,
314, 316, 319, 345,
490.

noifivT) 82, 96.

TToippiov 237.

TTOtflJ 202, 241.

rro'ios 414.
iTomvvoi 429.
not(}>vaao> 429, 513'
TToica (Dor.) 573.
iroXffJidos 237.
noXffifu 486.

Index

375

TToXffiTnos (Ion.) 237.
7T6\ffi6vdt 569.
jroXf/xof 40, 237, 486.
iroXffjLoa 486.
jToXii/f (Cret.) 312,
328.

TToXlOS 238.

TToXtt 7, 30, 45, 72, 80,
82, 230, 258, 260,
298-300, 308, 311,
,314, 316. 328, 331.

iToXls (Ion.) 312.
iroXirrjs 258, 323.
TToXXd 559.
TToXXaKi 230,
TToXXc/cif 40, 202 note i,
230.

ttoAXij 126.
TToXv 559*
TToXvaidrjS 289.
noXv^iiVTtjs 258.
TToXvnodtpT} 244.

TToXl^TTOUf 343-

TToXw 157, 264, 374,

378.

woXvaxbtXT]! 289.
TTOfiirtvs 268.
TTOfiTfva 489.
TTOfinr] 236.

TTOflTTOS 236.

TTOvripos 36, 248.
nonavov 242.
nopdfiog 239.
TTo'ptf 260.
nopKos 46, 136.
iTop(f>vpa> 429, 480.
7rdo-« 570.

TTOCTl 318.

TTOO-tP 46, 169, 322.

7rd(7(cr)of 1 29, 414.
jrora (Lesb.) 571.
n-oTfl/idf 30 note, 40.
TTordo/xai 97.
7r(5T« 414, 571.
nOTtofiai 82, 96, 128,

497-
ir6rtpos 8, 30, 36, 40,
46, 202, 376, 414.

TTOTt) 484.

rroTi/ta 322.

TTOV 40, 560.

TTOU 560.

TTOVS 54) 65, 82, 92, 96,

106, 157, 166, 171,

212, 234, 287, 294,

298, 300, 302, 305,

308, 311, 312, 314,

316, 342, 343, 345,
350, 364-

Trpo^ca 499.

npacraa 478.

nparog (Dor. Boeot.)

80, 390.
jrpaTTO) 51, 129.
TTparrav 23.
7rp€<T^vs 23, 224.
jrprjduv 272.
irprjfTaav (Ion.) 23, 5 1,

129.
npiaadai 202.
n-pd 8, 46, 157, 229,

252.
rrpo^Xrjs 285.
npoboais 37.
irpoTjytpMV 291.
TTpolKa 559.
irpoKa 252, 559.

TTpOKOKOS 291.

npon&v 354.
n-pdf 228.
■npo<T(ixov 38.
npoa-fOTTtpos 29 1.
npoada (Lesb.) 567.
7rpd(7^«(»') 567.
Trpdo-XajSf 38.
7rpd<r(or)o) 1 29, 564.
Trpdo-COTTOJ' 291.
npoTfpos 254.
irporipm 564.
TrpoTi 228.

irpoTidrjVTi (Mess.) 528.
np6<i>a<Tiv 559-
7rpo(f)fiTr)s 258.
iTpvavos 89.
np<OT]v 559'
Trpwt 237.
Trpebtof 237.
npanepva-i 94.

npara 559.

rrpwTioTor 259, 390.

npStrov 559.

npuTOs 40, 68, 80, 390.

irraipo 67.

nrapfios 67, 239.

nTapvvfiai 463.

irrtpva 70, 221, 322.

nrtpov 248.

TTTfov^ 285.

TTTtaOat 83.

TTT^vat 97, 458, 503,

506.
nriaaa 466.
TTTtTTO) 466.
itToXiiropBoi 289.

TTTOpOS 67.
TTTU^ 236.

irTva-aa 129, 478.

TTTV^^ 236.
TTTUO) 129, 478.
TTTW^ 234.
1TTV>xi(TTtpOS 376.
TTTW^dt 96, 376.

TTuaXor 74*
TTvypAxos 289.
»ruy/x^ 239.
nvyav 269.
rrwXof 74-
nvdtddcu 505.
TTu^iovi/ca (Boeot.) 323.
TTvdprjv III, 115, 273.

nij^o* 562.

JTV^O) 55, 475.
TTuxa 564-
nvvda^ 111.
TTVpddvopxH 466.
nv^ivos 243.
TTVOV 475-

JTUOS 279.

TrOp 371.
TTvpiKavaTOS 292.
»rvf (Syrac.) 414.
nvaris 96, 262.
jj-w (Dor.) 563.

TTwdt 540*

TTu/xa 88, 273'

jrwTTOT* 306, 325, 414,

564.

376

Index

jrif (Dor.) 33, 54, 82,
92, 96, 234, 319,
342.

nan 414.

iraTaofiai 96, 97, 484.

7r»v 264.

payrjvai 82, 87, 96.
paddfuy^ 285-
partpos 80.
pd(f)avos 242.
pcddo) (Boeot.) 129.

pffo) 129, 478.

ptldpov 251.

ptfi^Ofiat, 466.

p<v/ia 273.

pfvcris 262.

^/o) 44, 96, 122, 137,

232, 506.
PTyfO/w 82, 83, 87, 96,

232, 463-
pT)trepos 376.

P7«« 375-
p^^tf 121.

prjacra (Hom.) 458.
piJTfpos 80.

P'?'-'7P 359;

priTopoBi8d(TK(i\.os 289.
p»;T(5f 123.
p^rpa 121, 138.
pfjrap 278, 359.
piyos 279, 492.
plyoKO 80, 492-
pt'Ca 121, 322.
piKvos 241.

^ITT^ 236.
piTTTCO 430, 457.
^tf^348.

poa 96.

poboiaKTvXog 373.
pofor (Cypr.) 122.
porj 236.
poor 122, 236.
poTToKov I23.

pOTTTo'f 109.

povr 122.

po0ea» 109, 137, 215.

pwSoy 559.

pvdpos 239.

pv7tr 262.
pvaraKTvs 266.
puTof 88, 96, 258.
pcavvvpi 464.
P»f 234.
paxp6s 229.

o-a (Megar.) 414.
(raivoi 478.
<raKf<T(t>6pos 289.
craKOf 124, 232, 279.
o-aXTTi-yf 285, 343.
(rdKniy^a 499.
o-aAjTifo) 153, 156, 494,

509.
ardpa (Dor.) 129.
aairpds 248.
Idpanii (Att.) 73.
<rapavi8fs 73.
<^a^a 73, 564.
(T^iwvpi 23, 224, 464.
(T^rjaopai 501.
«re 124, 168, 397, 403.
(Tf^opai 117, 207, 420,

497-
(re'^o) 420.
o-e'^ei/ (Lesb.) 403.
o-fio (Horn.) 403.
(Tfipos 215.
<r«ti) 124, 468.
a-eXavd (Dor.) 6, 69.
o-eXdi'i'd (Lesb.) 69,

214.
o-fXaf 241, 283.
<Tf\a(T<f)6pos 289.
aeXTjvr} 6, 69, 214, 241.
(reXXtfo) 232.
creXpa 273-
a-tpvos 117, 207, 241.
o-fo, treO (Ion.) 403.
ZepoTTif 73-
<Tfp(f>of 249.
(r((Tfi<Tpat 215.
(TtatifTTai 468.
o-fuf (Horn.) 129, 232.
o-fOrXoi' (Ion.) 129,

256.
o-ijpa 129, 273.

(TTJpdl'TOip 278.

aqfupov (Ion.) 1 29, 184,

287, 559.
(rrjnfioDV 272.
or^TO) 506.
<r^pay^ 285.
or^Tff (Ion.) 559.
adfvos 279.
criya 564.
<rry»;Xor 247.
(Tio^ptos 237.
(TitXoi' 74.
aripos 239.
aivapog 152.
(Tivipoi 152, 248.
(Txa^o) 478.
(TKatdf 56, 238.
(TKatorijs 284.
o-itatpo) 67,112, 129, 478.
o-KoXXo) 67, 129, 478.
(TKoXpi; 239.
(TKandin) III.
(rKdrrrat 473*
(TKcddi'i'vpt 44 note I,

464.
(TK(6p6s 251.
<rK€\os 279.
(TKerravov 242.
(TKcn'ai'dr 242.
(TKiiras 283.

(TKfTTTOpai 420, 497.
(TKrjnTpoV 88.
(r«a 302, 321.
(TKiaKo; 252.
aKibvapai 44 note I,
461.

(TKltpOS 74.

(TKtfirtr 276.

(TKinWV ^S.
(TKXrjpos 248.
(TKOTTffO 497.
(TKOTTIJ 236.
(TKOptoV 78.
(TKdpoSoV 78.
(TKOrOf 212.

2Kvdr)s 323.

(TKvdpOS 251.

(TKvXXa) 478.
(tkOXov 247.
<r>tDTOf 55.

tTKap 371.

trKayj^ 234, 342.
(TfiepdaXfos 214.
arfxepdvos 2 1 4, 24 1.
(TfiTJvos 280.
(TfiiKpos 214.
<rpi\t] 214.
(rfivx<o 214.
(ro)3f<o 129,497.
<rot 403.
o-opdf 124.
(Topavii 73.
o-df 33, 124, 406.

(ToO 403.
(TOVpCU 80.

(Toc^ia 337.

CTo^o'f 30 note, 73, 373
note.

(TO(f)as 325, 565.
(TOf^itTara 565.
ao<l>a>Taros 258.
ao(f>a)Tfpov 565.
<To(f}u)Tt pot 376, 254.
<T7raia>v 272,
a-jraipa 67, 75, 1 29, 212,

478.
(TTrapvos 241.
aTrdprq 258.
andpTov 258.
cTTrdft) 468.
(TTrdpa 67, 478.
(TTTivbu) 153 note, 166,

511.

OTTtppn 490.

(TTTfppMlVdi 65, 490.

OTrewSo) 62, 166.
(TTT^Xu-y^ 285.

OTtX)}!' 269.

<Tnopdhr)v 559.
OTrovdq 62, 236.

(TlVOvbfj 561.

<rrafi;ji/ 559.
crradjot 326.
(rrdOprj 239.
aradpos 236.
(TTairjfjLfv 531.
a-ralrfp 53 1~33'
oraXa (Dor.) 69, 1 48.
(rraXijao/iai 50I.

Index

oToXXa (Lesb. Thess.)

69, 148.
OToXcrtr 67.
CTToXTfOf 556>
(Trdpvos 240.

o-i-« 354, 355-

oratrtf 262.

o"Tardr 5, 23,49,87,96,

212, 258, 555.
CTTa^vf 264.

aTcydvt] 242.

(TTtyavos 242.

VTfyavrpov 257*

OTfyij 236.

arcyvos 24 1.

OTfyof 112, 197, 212

note, 279.
OTtyo) 197, 199.
0T«tj/df (Ion.) 69, 238,

280.
(TTeixin 58, 109, 201,

456, 505-

(TTtXfOpCU 499.

(rreXeo) 499,

o-TeXXo) 67, 129, 217,

221, 478, 509.
arep^o) III, 466.
(TTfppa 273.
orei'df 69, 238.
(TTfvoTfpoi 376.
arevo) 112.
(TTfpicTKa 458, 470.
arTfpi(f)os 249.
(TTtpvop 241.
aTfp(f>os 279.
(TTtcfidvi} 242.
aTf(\>avos 242.
<TT(a>p(v (Horn.) 72.
(rr^^t 540.
OT^^os 280.
OTijXi; 69, 148.
OTTjpuv 273.
OT^i/ai 146, 546.

(TTTlOpfV 72, 528.

aTT}(Topai 422.
crr^o-ci) 422, 499.
(TTifiapos 218.
(TTiypa 198.

377

ariyav 269.
OTifo) 198, 478, 507.
a-Ti(f>p6s 169, 218.
(rTot;^of 236.
(TTOvofis 276.
{Trdvop 276.
(TTopivpvy.1 464.
(TTopdvy^ 285.

(TTOpvvpi 460, 463.

arpa^ds 236.
arpd^av 269.
CTTpardydf (Dor.) 289.
aTpaTia>Tt]s 25 1.
(TTparos 90,
(rTpa(f>Tj(Topai 50I.
(TTpf^Xt] 247.
CTTpc^Xdc 247.

(TTpfTTTOS 555.

(TTpf(pa> 497.
OTpo/3tXdy 247.

<TTpO(f>((0 260, 497.

aTpo(f)rj 236, 484.

<TT p6(f)lS 260.
<TTp6(f)0S 236.

orpw/xa 273, 350.
(TTpavvvpi 464.
aTpavpiKO 465.

(TTpcOTOS 68, 258.

o-TpoX^dw 484.
(TTuyfpdf 248.
(TTvyios 237.
OTi^yi'dr 189, 241.
(ttOXop 102, 176, 247.

OTU^ 234.

oTi^^eXdf 247.
o-"^ 397, 403.

(TV 299.

(Tvaypos 289.
(TV^(i>Tr]s 321.
avyxi'^ 230.
(Ti^fuyoff 153.
(TvXiJ'op 232.
o-uXX^j38j)«» 559.
o-uXXoyor II7, I49, 230.

<TVp^lv<t> 230.

(Tvp^aXXo) 117, 151.
(Tvppa)(os 117, 150.
uvpptTpos 150.
(Tvpfuyfis 366.

378

Index

avfinXfta 15 1.

<TvyLiTp6ts 38.

(n)fji<f}tiyo> 151.

(Tvv 232.

(rvviovXot 291.

avvrpttt 291.

<rvoKT<5i'Of 289.

avpiy^ 285.

avppanra 1 1 7.

crvppeat 1 1 7, 230.

avpo) 217.

o-vf 213, 316, 334.

aiKTatofjios 230.

o-i/;(j'dr 245.

(T(f)ayiou 237.

<T(f)dyios 237.

o-0a8d(a (Boeot.) 129.

o-^afw 129, 478.

<r(j)aipa 322.

o-0dXXo/iat 102,208,212.

o-^oXXo) 217, 478.

(T^apayeo/tat I02, 16I.

CT^f 404.

a(f)fas 404.

<r0elr 404.

o-(/)eXaf 102, 161, 283.

(T(f>(Ttpos 406.

a(f>fjv 102, 161.

(r(})iyyai 466.

(T^i'y^ 20.

a(f)i{v) 404.

a<piai{v) 404.

(r<jf>a> 403.

tTcf)a)f 404.

o-ijbSt (Hom.) 403.

<T(l>S)'iv (Horn.) 325, 403,

a(})(t)tTfpos (Hom.) 406

a(pav 325.

o-;(a8a>j' 272.

<r;^af« 478.

o-;^d<B 102, 192.

<TX«d«y 559.

a\ti6v 559'

ax"" 115, 258.

<r)(fp6s 248.

<^X« 5241 539-
a)(((ris 262.
orx<rdf 258, 555.
axnfia 273.

<rx^«7« 499.

«^x{C« 322.

(TXt'C® 102, 129, 192,

212, 460, 477, 507.
<rx}(Tii 262.
o-xKr/idf 239.
orxoXaiVfpoy 254, 376.
(Ttt/ixa 40.
tru/iaroctdijc 289*
eras 80.

o-oJT^p 237, 359.
(TdTtjpia 237.
(Tcarfjpios 237.
(ToxPpopfaTfpos 376.
(Ta>(f>poavvt] 246.
(r<i)(pp(oi/ 350.

TadfjCTOnai 501.

rai 56, 409.

raKfpos 96.

Taxxdj 555.

TOKO) (Dor.) 96.

rdXa(i/a 75.

raXoTrei'^f/f 289»

roXapof 248.

ToXdf 67, 69, I54»

raXat;pr«/of I23»

T^XXa 80.

Tafif.lv 65.

rapids 294.

Tapidai 32 1.

Ta/ij/w (Dor.) 462.

rdj/f (Thess.) 410.

Tapv8pop,os 65>

ravuTTovr 65.

Tavvaitntpos 289-

ravixra 499.

rdwrai (Hom.) 65,

463.
ravva) 465, 499-
Tapanis 262.
Tapd(ra-Qi (Ion.) 1 29.
rapdrro) 1 29.
rdpSos 205.
raptros 67.
Tap(f>vs 264.
Tcio-tf 262.
Td(TO"eo 478»
rdra 233.

Tardc 5, 65, 164, 258.
Tavpos I 5, 60, 248.
Tavpocpopos 289.
Taura (Dor.) 564.
TOUT/; 321, 564.
TavTj] 561.
rdtpos 279.
rdcfypT] 248.

Tax« 564-

Tdx'ara 559.

Taxt'oTT/i' 559.

rdxtaror 1 1 5, 259-

rdxor 279, 3 1 6.

Taxvs 129, 194.

TaxvTTjs 284.

raft)!/ (Horn.) 314, 321.

T€ 35, 40, 44, 202, 414.

Tf (Dor.) 403.

Tfyos 112, 197, 212

note, 279.
TtdaXvia 552.
TfdtiKa 517, 520.
T(6r)Ka 520.
Te^jjXo)? 552.
Tedpadi 540.
r(6vair]v 533.
ri6pap.tp 90.
Ttdvdvai 546-
TfOvaTOi 541.
T(dpr)Ka 501, 517.

Tf6vrjK€ 424.

T(6pri^a> 501-

T(6v7)mTa (Horn.) 5S2»

redpappai ^l8.

Tfdpimrov 220.

TflSe (Dor.), 325, 562.

Tfii' (Horn. Dor.) 403.

Tfivvpx 463*

rciVco 129, 164.

retpo) 129.

Ttiaai 202 note 2.

T(i(Top.fp (Horn.) 526.

TctVw 499.

Tti<Ta>piv 526.

TflXOf 279.

TtKpaipopai 499*
T€Kpaipa> 491*

Tf Kfiop (T(Kpap) 371,

491.

Index

379

TfKfiapfOfwi 499.

TtKVOV 241.
TtKOi 279.

TiKXaiva 11,75, 235, 322.
TfKTaiva 482, 490.
TfKTovapxot 289.

TfKTCOV 54, 226, 235,

269, 322, 345, 482,

490.

TfXafiav 90, 97, 273.

TfXftOJ 69, 238.

reXetw (Horn.) 76, 1 29.

TfXfffT^P 258.

Tf\€cr(f>6pos 32.

TfXfvrij 258.

TtXf'a) 76, 129,212,468,

482, 492, 499, 509,

540.
TfXTjtis (Horn.) 69, 124,

276.
TcXXo) 67, 129.
TfXof 202, 212, 482,

492.

T(\aov 212.
T(\w (Att.) 76.
T«>axof 90, 97-

Ttflib) 499.
TtflVO) 65, 462.
T«V€Ci) 499.

Tfo (Horn.) 202, 414.
Tfo, T61; (Dor.) 403.
Tfos (Horn.) 33, 404.
Tfos, T(vs (Dor. Boeot.)

403-
Tfov (Dor.) 403.
Tepas 283, 370.

TtptVOS 350-
TfptTpoV 257.

T€pr,v 322, 345, 350.

Tf pdpov 251.

Wp/xa 273.

Tf'p/iWI/ 273, 345.

Ttponap 78.
WpTTO) 457, 505, 506.
rtpnaXr} 247.
Ttpnav 78.
T(p(Taadai 212.
T*p(TOfiai 67, 212, 420.

TtpTos (Lesb.) 390.

Tfp<l>OS 279.

Tf p^ip.^poTos 289.
Tipi\ns 262.
Tfp^a 499.
Tepcivij 73.
Tfaa-apd^oios I25, I29,

237. ^
TeatrapaKovra {rerrapa-

KovTo) 386.
Tfa-aapaKovTaKis 394.
Tecro-apa(T«TTapa-)KO<7Tds

,392.
Teaa-apes (Horn.) 1 24,

168, 202.
Tf(r<rfpe(r(rfo-(rap€(7-)K<n-

8 f KOTOS 391.
T€Taypfvos 32.
TfTOKa 520.
reVaX/iiat 67.
Terapxii 5 1 8, 52O.
TtTavos 233.

TfTapTTfTO 505.

TfTopros 67, 258, 390.
T€Tdadr}v (Horn.) 523.

TfTtKTflCU 518, 522.

TfTcXe/ca 520.
TfT(\f(rpai 522.
TfTtv^opai 501.
TCTevxaTat (Hom.) 5 1 8.
T(Tifit}Ka 520.

TfTlfXrjKOiS 552.

TfVXa^t 90, 540.
TtrXa/ifi/at (Hom.) 273,

546.
reTX>;j<a 520.
TfTfxrjKa 90, 97.
TeVoica 518.
TfTOKWf 552.
TfTopts (Dor.) 383.
rerpafuyos 383.
TfTpaivo} 513.
TtTpaxts 394.
T<TpaKOO"ioi 387.
TtrpaKTvs 266, 396.
TfTpa|(5f 129, 395.
T€Tpdn(TO 457.
TtTpan-XoCf 395.
TfrpaTTOut 289.

TfTpds 396.

TfTpoTos (Horn.) 67,

126, 390.

T(Tpa(f>a 518.
TtTpafparai 518, 5 21.
T(Tpd(f)dai 221, 548.
TfTpa^dd 129,
TfTpifipai 117.
TfTpt<Pa 521.
T(Tpi<f)6ai 221.
Tfrpiyj^opcu 501.
TfTpocpa 518, 521.
TerpaKovTa (Dor. Ion.)

68, 126, 383, 386.
TfTpaJKoaTof 392.
TerrapfS 44 note I, 1 24,

168, 202, 202 note 2,

383.
rcTTt| 285.

Ttrvyfitu (Horn.) 523.
TfTvyfifvos 518.

TfTVK«ri» 429, 505.

Ttv^opai 422, 499.
Tfv^a 501.
revrXov 129.
Teux«62, 456, 505, 511,

522.
Tt^pds 285.

TcVj 40, 258,

Tt^vtrr)! 258.
reciir (Hom.) 72.
T.V^f 561.
rij^i; 233.
TT)K(Sa>v 272.

T^KW 506.
TIjXlKOf 252.
TIjXo'ff* 570.

TJjXoi) 560.

TT]pLtpOV 129, 184, 287,

559-
Tijw: (Dor.) 325, 562.

TTjwVa 573.

r^vor (Dor.) 412, 416.

Ti;^^ (Dor.) 563.

TTjos 72.

r^res 559.

r« 230.

Tt'tfrt 540.

Ti6(ir]v 533-

nd*I/itv 532, 533.

38o

Index

TtSfis 12, 69, 154,
166, 298, 301, 354,

355-

Ti6fia-a 154, 322.
TiOffitv (Horn.) 273,
549.

TtdffXtVOS 553"

Tidtvai 546.
udKxSai 548.
Tidifrdav 544.
Tidecro 543.
TtdeTo) 541.

Tt^;7^t6,24,33,49note,
52, 85, 87, 96, 115,
169, 177, 180, 354,

429, 433, 434, 455,
472, 529.

ridafiai 529.

tUtco 457, 473, 503.

Tt'XXw 216,478.

Tlfia (Dor.) 50,51,276.

Tindvs (Cret.) 312.

Tlfida 5, 40, 80, 128,

467 note, 482-4, 527,

540.
TW 5, 18,69,229,237,

239, 302, 304, 305,

308, 312, 321, 482,

484.

Tt/UIJflf 276.

Tifit)6fj(T0fJiai 501,
Tlfi^aai 547.

TlfiTjO-lS 483.

TlfiTj(r(o 499.

Tlflt]T(OS 255, 556.
Tl/XTfTlKOS 252.

rlixrjTos 483.
rtfiios 237.

TiV (Dor. Boeot.) 403.
TiVo) 69.
rtva (Ion.) 69.
Tiva 124, 465.
Tioi (Boeot.) 406.

TIS 40, 414.

'■'^ 39, 45, 202, 212,

414-
Wtrif 169, 202, 262.
TiTaivu 480.
TiTvaKOfiai 471. j

rXarop (Dor.) 97.

rXn^t 540.

tX^^/xwi- 273, 345.

t\t)t6s 90, 97.

rd 46, 76, 164, 230, 399,

408.
rode 410.
To8t 411.

TO^l 566.

^oi 59, 325, 399-
Toi (Horn. Dor.) 403.
To'i)(os 236.
T6Ka (Dor.) 573.
TOKas 285.

TOKfVf 268.
TOKOf 236.

ToKfia 130, 322, 484.
ToXfjAca 484.
T0/x)7 236, 372.
To/udf 236, 372.
rdye (Thess.) 4IO.
To^oTf): 258, 321.
Toptvto 489.

TOpflOS 239.
TOppOS 78, 241.

Topovos 78.
Topa>vrj 73,
rd(r(o-)of 1 29, 1 67.

TOT* 571-

ToiV (Boeot.) 403.
row,; (Lac.) 403.
TovT«t (Dor.) 562.
rovTo 41 1-
tovtS> (Dor.) 563.
TovTadfv (Dor.) 568.
rpan-ffa 73, 287, 383-
Tpanelv 67, 96, 456,

505.

Tpdna (Dor.) 456.

Tpa({>t'tu 67.

Tpdcfifv (Dor.) 550.

Tpdtpio (Dor.) 456.

rpaxvs 264.

rpefs (Cret.) 44, 1 28,
382.

rpels 7, 12, 29,44,45,
58, 69, 119, 128,
136, 164, 313-14,
316,328-9,381,385.

rpc/xo) 164, 468, 497.
rpembtla (Boeot.) 73.
rpfiTTos 555-
rpfiru 67, 96, 456, 497,

505-6, 521.
Tp({a)a> 215.
Tp€<pai 24, 67, 115,456,

499, 505-
Tp((f)oi)vios 73-
Tpfx<>> 115.
rpea 468, 509.
Tprjpoi 248.
TpTjpiov 69, 215, 269.
Tptdic«y 396.
rpiaKovra 386, 387, 392,

396.
TpiaKovraKis 394.
rptaKOCTioi 387.
rpiaitocTtotrrdf 393.
TpiaKOOTof 153, 392.
Tptas 396.
rpt^u 106, 109, 117,

160, 522.
Tpi^av 269.
Tp/fo) 478.

rpivs (Cret.) 69, 382.
Tpifdf 129, 395.
rptTrXoCr 395.
rpinovs 289, 343, 382.
rpif (Heracl.) 69, 394.
rpuTKaibfKa 385.
TpKTKaibeKaros 39I.
Tpiraros (Hom.) 390.
rpiros 258, 390.
TpiTTVs 266, 396.

'■P*'X« 395-
rptx^a 129, 395.
Tpofita 128, 497.
rpofws 236.
TpofJTta 128, 485, 497.

TpOTTTJ 96, 236.

rpoTTis 260.
Tponos 236,

TpO(f>f] 236.

rpd^if 260.

TpCXfiOS 236.

Tpo(f)aivios 73'
rpox^ 236.
rpd;(if 260.

TpOXOS 236.

Tpvyciv 269.

Tpv((i> 478.

Tpv(^aKfia 383.

rpa^ 234.

rpayrrdoi 96.

Tpwf 340.

Tu (Dor. Lesb.) 397,

403.
Tvyxdvo) 466.
tv\t} 247.
Ti^Xos 247.
Tvfiiravov 242.
TV1/7 (Horn. Dor.) 397,

403.

rvTrTrjaa 499.

TUTTTO) 458, 473-

Tvpavvis 343.
TiJi^fSwj; 272.
TV(f)\7vos 244*
Tu0X6f 247.
TV(f>\Qycrcr(o 49^'
Tv(/)Xa»//' 496.
ruijba) 456.
Tv;^*!!/ 505.
Tu\^<a 499,

T«8f fCret.) 303, 325.
T»Se (Dor.) 563, 564.
Tuvl (Arcad.) 410.

v/3^aXXa) (Horn.) 107,

228.
vyiaivco 430, 43 1,
vyiT}S 205.
vypos 496.
vypaxraa 496.
vdapof 248.
v8pd 48.
vSpiaKT] 253.
i»5po? 48, 236.
vSwp 236, 371.
vfXos 74-
vtdf 14, 332.
vlvvs (Cret.) 312, 331.
v'^^s 332.
vlvs (Cret.) 332.
vXoTo/ior 289.
vfias (Att.) 403.

Index

u/i€ (Dor.) 403.

Vfxeas, vfjieas (lon.) 403.

u/xftf 118, 127, 403.

lilies (Dor. Boeot.) 403.
vfierepos 254, 376, 378,

406.
vfiTjU 129, 273.
u/x/v (Dpr.) 316, 403.
vfjuv, vfiiv (Ion.) 403.
ijfifi€ (Horn. Lesb.) 403.
{^nfifs (Horn. Lesb.)

403.
v/it/xtv, ifjLiJLi (Aeol.) 316,

403-
vfxiios (Lesb.) 406.
vfjLvos 129.
vpioi (Dor.) 406.
vnaiOa 567.
virap 371.
vnapxos 291.
viraTos 277'
imip 48, 157'
vTTfpoXXo/xat 232.
vTTfpdvdpmnos 29I.
VTTfpdf^ios 291.
\iwfp6f{v) 567.

VTTfpftopOV 37.

im-fprtpos 254.
vir€p(f)ia\os 1 24.
wrvaXeof 247.
wrvof 118, 147, 157,

241, 496.
virviiViTa 496.
iiTrd 228, 230 note.
vTTOjSaXXci) 228.
vTToSrjfta 273.
vTr6d((Tis 291.
vnodfTos 291.
wd^uXof 291.
V7ro\(ipios 237.
5^80.

5? 55, 213, 234, 334.
iJo-Sor (Lesb.) 224.
vo-Tfpof 48, no, 170.
v(f>aiv<ii 431, 508.
v^dvTTjs 258.
v(f>a(rfiai 522.
v(f)rjva 216, 508.
v^irtpos 254, 376.

381

vyj^odep 568.
uxj^oC 560.

^ydr (Dor.) 50.

(f)aya>p 269.

(f>a(dav 275.

(fiativos (Ion.) 58, 69,

80, 117, 122, 214,

241, 485.
(f>afiv(o 130, 485.

(f>dfvvos (Lesb.) 69, 117,

214.
<^a5t 540.
(f)cu8ifws 239.
(f)ai8p6s 209, 248.
0aiV 533-
<f)aivoiiai 45^-

^atW 75, 80, 115 note,
216, 354, 478, 508,

540.

<t)ai6s 238.
<i)d\ay$ 285.
(f>aKi6s 238.
^oXXj; 102, 208.
qbapt (Dor.) 51, 82, 83,
85, 87, 96, 454-

(f)dvai 54^*

(f)av(ir]v 532.

(Pavfinfv 532.

Yarn's 354, 554.

<j>av€(o 499.

(f>dvri6i 540.

(fiavfjiKPM 273.

({)avT)aoiMii 501.

(f)avdfis 354.

^aj/dr (Att.) 58, 69, 80,

117,214.
({>avT6s 555*
(j^aor 241.
0dpay^ 285.
(f>apiTpa 82.
<jbdp>;i; (El. Locr.) 44

note 2.

(/>apof 124, 280.
0apor (Ion.) 124, 280.
i>dpvy^ 285.
(j)d<Tis 262.
0a<rK< (Ion.) 469.

382

Index

(fxiiTKa 470.

0arof 65, 209, 258.

0ar(i) 541-

<f)(^ofiai 205, 420, 497.

(f>fi8ofiai 509.

<f)(ib(o\ri 247,

(f>(i8a>X6s 247.

(fxpfKapTTOs 289.

^cpej/ (Dor.) 550.

(fxpeadav IS2, 544-
(fxpeaaaKTjs 1 24, 232.
(f)fp(Tpov {(f>(pTpov) 85,
257.

(f>(p€TOi) 541.
<P(pi<TTOS 259, 378.

0€>/ia 273.
^fpi^ 241.
0epot;ii 535-6.

(PfpOlVTO 538.

(}>fp6p(vos 29.
<f>€p6irra> 542.
<f>fp6uTa)v 542.
<pep6vT(i>(rap 542-
(jifpovaa 69, 233, 235,

298, 322.
</>epTaTor 258, 378.
(jif prtpos 378.
(jxpros 258.
<i>epTpov 97.
^e/JO) 6, 8, II, 13, 17,

22, 24, 29, 30, 44, 44

note 2,45,46,49,54,
56, 69, 80, 82-83, 85,
89,96-97,136,140-1,
147, 162, 164, 169,

212-13,229,230,236,

425,427-8,430,433-

4, 449, 456, 497,
524, 527, 529, 539,

540.
<l>ipa)v 65, 300-02, 305,
308, 31I-I4, 352-

53-
(f>fiiy((TKfv (Ion.) 469.

(f>fvy((TKov (Ion.) 430.

<f>(vy<o 24, 62, 64, 83,

89, 96, 118, 163,205,

456, 505- 518.

<f>fVKT6s 258.

(f)(v^is 262.
(f)(v^opai 422, 500.
(P^ivos 243.

4>wn 239.

<Pr)pi 38, 40, 454, 470,

503.
(f>rjpis 261.
(prjvm 543, 547.
<l)T}uaifii 535.
^i7»'d9 354.
(f)TlP (Lesb.) 124.
(fidaipa (Dor.) 478.
(f)dav<o 69, 124, 465.
(pdfipa 12, 69, 129,217,

578, 509.
(fideia-ip^poTos 289.
(f)d(pec>) 499.
<f)dfppa (Lesb.) 69, 129,

478.
(pBfpa-a 499.
(I>dripa (Arcad,) 129.
(fyditTai, 526.
<t)0ivvd(o 475.
qb^t'i/o) 69, 226.
(fidivfo (Ion.) 69.
(I>ffiva 124, 465.
<p6l(Tis 262.
0^tTof 258.
(f>dopa 236.
(^Qopos 236.
0teX;^ 74.

(f)iXffcrKe (Ion.) 469.
^iXeo) 6, 12, 80, 128,

482-3, 485, 497, 527,

540.
cf)i\r}6T}(Topxii 501.
<f>t\r}pfTpos 289.
(f)i\T}(rai 547.
<f>i\Tj(Ta> 499.
<Pi\r}T6s 483, 497.
ipiXoiriv 537.
0iXo^/i€t6ijs(Hom.) 214,

232.

0iXor 40, 482, 485.
(})i\6<To(f)os 38 note.
(f>ik6Tr]s 284.
(piXorfjtTios 237.
(fyiXo^tvbrjs 366.
(f>iXTaTos 258.

(f)iX<os 565.
cfiivTarai (Dor.) I33.
^iru 124, 482.
(f)iTV(o 482, 488.
(f>X(y(du) 475-
(piXiypa 273.
(^Xe'-yo) 475-
<)!>X€> 205, 234, 316,

342, 343-
<f)XTipa(f)os 249*
(f>X6y(os 237.
^Xoyjvof 243.
(jiXoypos 239.

0Xd| 234, 342.

(po^fofiai 205 note 2,

497.^
(t>o^fp6s 248.
0o/3«o 128, 205 note 2,

485, 497.
(^o/3of 236, 497.
<poijiaa> 484.
(^oi^oi 484.
(f>oivr)fis 276.
(jf)om| 129 note 2.
(f)oivi(T(Ta 129 note 2.
(jiovfvs 268.
(f)ovf{/<i) 489.
(})6pos 65, 209, 236.
(po^lvos 244.
0opa 236.
(f)op€vs 268.
<f)ope(o 29, 96, 128, 268,

424, 497.
(I)6ptjcris 262.
ipoprjTos 268, 497.
(t>6ppiy$ 285.
(f>opn6s 239.
qbopor 82-3, 97, 236,

497-
(t>6pTos 258-
^pdypvpi 463-
(^pa8r}f 279, 366, 373.
0pa{'(i) 429.
(f)pdais 262.
(PpatTcra 47 8»
(fypaoTvs 266.
(f)paTrjp (Dor.) 50, 162,

236, 278, 359, 360.
(pparpa 236.

Index

383

0piTa>p 33, 278, 359.
(^pfop 371.
<l>pfv(s 64, 65.
(PpivofiavTis 289.
0piji/ 13, 89, 92, 96,
269, 345-

<j>ptKq 236.

</>pt^ 234, 236.

0ptV<ra) 478.

({)pov8os 219.

(f>povpd 219.

(})pvvrj 241.

<f>pvvor 241.

(Pvyadf 569.

(f>vyds 285.

(f)vyydvu) 466.

(}>uyda 559.

^uyelf 83, 89, 456,

<pvy€(TKf (Ion.) 469.

(pvy((TKov (Ion.) 53o»

0uyi7 236.

<jf)ij^a 322.

^vi'o) (Lesb.) 478.

(fivXaKrfjp 278.

0uXa|298, 316,343.

0vXa(r(7(i) 522.

<f)v\fTr]S 258.

<;^CXi7 247.

(jbi^XXov 66, 129.

<f>v\ov 247.

qbuXoTTtf 343.

(f)v^ifios 239.

(pvpa 478.

(jiOa-ai'ref (Boeot.) 80.

(f)iiai^oos 289.

<f}V(TiK6s 252.

<jt)U(rtoXo7or 229.

<^iJO-tf 87, 97, 169, 262,

<f>v(TOfjiai 422.

<f)V(T<li 422.

(f>vr6p 258.
^ub) 47^'

<fi<uvdvTa (Dor.) 80.
^oifi; 82, 83, 96.

^»P 82, 92, 96, 97, 234,

359.
<f>oipios 237-
^wr 40, 166, 365.

Xafo/xat 478.
XaiprjSwp 272.
)(aipT]<T<o 499-
Xai'po) 67, 424, 458,

481.
;^aXapdf 289.
XaXtn-df 473, 485.
;^aXf7rri;'f 266.
XaXcTTTw 129, 473, 485.
)(a\i(f>p(i)v 289.
xdXKfios 237.
;(aXKeva> 489.
;(aX>ci7tof (Ion.) 237.
Xn^Kos 201.
X«/iat 193, 304, 346,

561.
XafMttyfVTjS 292, 321.
Xdv (Dor.) 69.
Xap8d 559.
;^ai'5a»'<u 20I, 466.

xapd8fos (Heracl. gen.)
73-

XapijvM 88.

Xnpifis 12,69,230,276,

298-301, 308, 322,

356, 357.
XapitvTOTrjs 284»
Xapifvras 565.
Xaplftrva 235.
XapitaraTos 356.
Xapifo-Ttpos 254, 356,

376.
Xaptv 559.
Xaptf 88, 285, 343, 481.

;(apw 239.

xd^toi 44 note I, 69,

215, 237, 388.

XeifM 273.
Xftlifpivoi 241.
Xet/iw" 24, I93» 273.
Xtip 294, 362.
Xfipitrros 259, 378.
Xttpdrtpos (xtpfidrtpos)

378.
X«'p«i' (xfp^'wv) 378.
;i^c'Xr{ov 237.

;(€XXtot (Lesb.) 44 note
1,69,215,388.

X(\vs 237, 267.
Xtpabos 73.
X^pf-dhiov 237.
X<pi^r 285.
Xfp(TOj 373.
Xeaovfuu. 500.
XeC/io 273.
Xf'w 24, 89, 115, lis

note, 193, 498, 511.

526.
X^jXiot (Dor.) 388.
xhv 69, 193, 216,

J47.
X»)por 248.
xOafxaKoi 247.
X^eV 44 note i, 559.
xHo" 559-
X^tCo'f 44 note i.
xdovios 237.
X^a)Vl4I,226,230,234,

287, 346.

X'XtaKif 394.

XiXtoi 44 note 1 , 388.
XtXtoo-ros 393.
XiXtooTur 266.
xifjuipos 248.

xt««' 141, 193, 230, 234,

346-
xXtfpos 74.
xXwpdf 248.
Xoav?; 79.
Xdavos 79>
Xddavor 242.
Xocpij/i; 244.
XoipicTKos 253.
Xolpo! 248.
Xdof 122, 236.
XfJpTOs 258.
Xpaivu) 478.
)(pdofuu II5-
XprjiCKOfiai (Ion.) 47*'-

;^P^M« 273.

XP?" 430-
XP^o-t/iOf 239.
Xpdvof 241.
Xpvatios 237.
jfpuo'tof 237.
Xpwrdi 486.
XpOflroCf 33.

384

Xpvaou 486.

Xpw 478.

XvV 559.

Xvais 262.

XvtXov 256.

XVTos 555.

Xvrpivos 243, 244.

X«pa 5. 18, 51,63, 70,
141, 248, 298, 300,
302, 304, 305, 308,
321.

X^pr) (Ion.) SI.

Xtapii 558.

y\raKas 73.
y\fakTrii 258.
\i^aXTty| 285.
i\raKTpia 322.
•^dppos 117'
yjra(Pap6s 1 1 7.
>/^«aff 73.
•\//'tXXiXo) 232.
yj^fvbaKfos 247-
VrevS.,? 279, 366, 373.

Index

^(vbopai 174,
\/r«i;5of 279, 366.
y\r€ib<o no, 509, 511.
ylr^\r)k 285.
\^^p 234.
y\rU6os 74.
yj/^idvpos 248.
^/^iiSpof 248.
\l^v6a>v 269.
ylrvxanopnos 289.
>/^G)pdf 248.
\i[/'cda> 109, 225.

0) (Cret.) 303, 325.
<5 (Lbcr.) 325, 563.
2) (Dor.) 563.
«8f (Ion.) 564.
0)8^ 80.

(p8q(ra 431*

a>6ovv 430.

^Ka 564.

wKvnf TT]s 289, 321.

•wfi'f 33. 54. 182, 264.
mXtaa 463, 5 1 2.

co/xT/onjr 289.
(u/xoj3pci>f 285.
mpop^a 507.
^/ior 216, 294.
a>poaa 463, 510, 512.
iv 24.

«" 354-

S.j'al 80.
Civiopai 128.
(Uf.; 241.

wvoprjva 2l6, 508.
CofOf 241.
u^vppai 522.
Sipaai 321, 562,
u>pyi<r6i]v 43°"
upf^a 507.
&p6u)<Ta 430.

wpopoi/ 457, 505-

&pora 217, 221, 507,

509,511.
&PTO 221, 507.
ojpvbov 559"
ira 80.
w^eXXoj/ (Horn.) 430.

«^ 92, 96, 234, 342.

CORRIGENDA.

44 note I

73
96

for (TKiSvrjpi

,, OfxoKKa
„ {(rrr€(T6at

read
>>
>>

(TXtSva/MK.

o/iiofcXa.
farrea-dai.

97

}f

Kepatrat

>>

Kepdaai.

118,
129

127

aXXecr^at

vp^ii.
iXtaBai.

153

»>

(f)ep6(rd<ov, *-ovcrd<i>v

»

(t>fp€a6a)P, *-(v<t6o>v.

237
287

>>

XpCcretos, xp'^f^os

qpi(TTOV

Xpva-fios, xP^f«of •

api<TTOV.

289

402

vavKpdrT}!
XadiKTjBrjs
(pedfv

vavKpaTTjs,
\a6iKr]8r}S.
ipidfv.

431

>>
)>

ap(

wpiXovv : opiKfco

>>

ape.

(npiKovv '. oplXea.

466 (last two lines) for were also formed read ■wa.s also formed,

and delete TTipnpdva.
501 for ((TTTjKa read fartjKa. J

512 ,, iyr)pa(Ta „ fyrjpdaa.
517 „ Kfxvpai „ Kfxvpai.

o

o

O Oil

4

•O

^1
<D

-pi

O

s

^1

(Di

Oi

0)1

o

tiQ

<dI

>i

•Hi
+>:

Oi

Oi

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