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This book should be returned on or before the date last marked below. 










VOL. I. 









IN giving to the Public this Second Edition of the English 
Translation of Bopp's great work on Comparative Grammar, 
it is right to state that the "version has been approved by 
Professor Bopp himself, and that it has been again very care- 
fully compared with the original; so that numerous errors, 
which, from the great length of the work were perhaps hardly 
to be avoided in a first, edition, have now been corrected* The 
appearance of the original, too, in parts, and at considerable 
intervals of time, led to some inconsistencies in the translation 
in the mode of expressing the value of certain letters ; but care 
has been taken to rectify this defect, also, in the present edition. 
The Table of Contents is altogether new, and will be found to 
be very much more copious than the German. 

Those who wish for an Introductory Notice before commen- 
cing the study of the Grammar, or who mean to content them*, 
selves with a general notion of what has been achieved by the 
Author, may refer to the "Edinburgh Review," No. CXCII. 
p. 298, and the Calcutta Review," No. XXIV. p. 468. It 
will be there seen that this Work has created a new epoch in 
the science of Comparative Philology, and that it may be justly 
assigned ? N place in that department of study corresponding to 
that of (t 1 wton's Principia in Mathematics, Bacon's Novittm 
Organum in Mental Science, or Blumcnbach in Physiology." 
The encomiums of the Reviewer have in fact been justified by 


the adoption of the Work as a Lecture Book at Oxford, and 
by the extensive use which Rawlinson and other eminent 
scholars have made of it in their researches. 

It remains to be added, that while the Notes and Preface 
.made by Professor Wilson, the former Editor, have been re- 
tained, I must be myself held responsible for the errors and 
defects, whatever they may be, of the present edition. 


February, 1854, 




THE study of Comparative Philology has of late years been 
cultivated in Germany, especially, with remarkable ability 
and proportionate success. The labours of GRIMM, POTT, 
BOPP, and other distinguished Scholars, have given a new 
character to this department of literature; and have sub- 
stituted for the vague conjectures suggested by external 
and often accidental coincidences, elementary principles, 
based upon the prevailing analogies of articulate sounds and the 
grammatical structure of language. 

But although the fact that a material advance has been 
made in the study of Comparative Philology is generally 
known, and some of the particulars have been communi- 
cated to the English public through a few works on Clas- 
sical Literature, or in the pages of periodical criticism; 
yet the full extent of the progress which has been effected, 
and the steps by which it has been attained, are imper- 
fectly appreciated in this country. The study .of the 
German language is yet far from being extensively pur- 
sued; and the results which the German Philologers have 
developed, and the reasonings which have led to them, 
being accessible to those only who can consult the original 
writers, are withheld from many individuals of education 
and learning to whom the affinities of cultivated speech 
are objects of interest and inquiry. Translations of the 
Jworks, in wliich the information they would gladly seek 


for, is conveyed, are necessary to bring within their reach 
the materials that have been accumulated by German in- 
dustry and erudition, for the illustratiom of the history of 
human speech. 

Influenced by these considerations, Lord FRANCIS EGKRTON 
was some time since induced to propose the translation 
of a work which occupies a prominent place in the litera- 
ture of Comparative Philology on the Continent the 
Vergleichende Grammatik of Professor BOPP of Berlin. In 
this work a new and remarkable class of affinities has 
been systematically and elaborately investigated. Taking 
as his standard the Sanskrit language, Professor BOPP has 
traced the analogies which associate with it and with each 
other the Zend, Greek, Latin, Gothic, German, and Scla- 
vonic tongues : and whatever may be thought of some 
of his arguments, he may be considered to have established 
beyond reasonable question a near relationship between 
the languages of nations separated by the intervention of 
centuries, and the distance of half the globe, by differences 
of physical formation and social institutions, between the 
forms of speech current among the dark-complexioned 
natives of India and the fair-skinned races of ancient and 
modern Europe; a relationship of which no suspicion 
existed fifty years ago, and which has been satisfactorily 
established only within a recent period, during which the 
Sanskrit language has been carefully studied, and the princi- 
ples of alphabetical and syllabic modulation upon which its 
grammatical changes are founded, have been applied to its 
kindred forms of speech by the Philologers of Germany. 

As the Vergleichende Grammatik of Professor BOPP is 
especially dedicated to a comprehensive comparison of lan- 
guages, and exhibits, in some detail, the principles of the 
Sanskrit as the ground-work and connecting bond of the 
comparison, it was regarded as likely to offer most in- 
terest to the Philologers of this country, and to be one of 


the most acceptable of its class to English students: it 
was therefore selected as the subject of translation. The 
execution of the work was, however, opposed by two con- 
siderations the extent of the original, and the copiousness 
of the illustrations derived from the languages of the East, 
the Sanskrit and the Zend. A complete translation de- 
manded more time than was compatible with Lord F. 
EGERTON'S other occupations ; and as he professed not a fa- 
miliarity with Oriental Literature, he was reluctant to 
render himself responsible for the correctness with which 
the orientalisms of the text required to be represented. 
This difficulty was, perhaps, rather over-rated, as the 
Grammar itself supplies all the knowledge that is needed, 
and the examples drawn from the Sanskrit and Zend 
speak for themselves as intelligibly as those derived from 
Gothic and Sclavonic. In order, however, that the publication 
might not be prevented by any embarrassment on this account, 
I offered my services in revising this portion of the work ; 
and have hence the satisfaction of contributing, however 
humbly, to the execution of a task which I consider likely to 
give a beneficial impulse to the study of Comparative Philology 
in Great Britain. 

The difficulty arising from the extent of the original 
work, and the consequent labour and time requisite for its 
translation, was of a more serious description. This, how- 
ever, has been overcome by the ready co-operation of a 
gentleman, who adds a competent knowledge of German 
to eminent acquirements as an Oriental Scholar. Having 
mastered several of the spoken dialects of Western India, 
and made himself acquainted with the sacred language of 
the Parsees during the period of his service under the 
Presidency of Bombay, Lieutenant EASTWICK devoted part 
of a furlough, rendered necessary by failing health, to a 
residence in Germany, where he acquired the additional 
qualifications enabling him to take a share in the transla- 

a 2 


tion of the Verglcichende Grammatik. He has accord- 
ingly translated all those portions of the Comparative Gram- 
mar^ the rendering of which was incompatible with the 
leisure of the Noble Lord with whom the design originated, 
who has borne a share in its execution, and who has taken 
a warm and liberal interest in its completion. 

The Verglcichende Grammatik, originally published in 
separate Parts, has not yet readied its termination. In 
his first plan the author comprised the affinities of Sanskrit, 
Zend, Greek, Latin, Gothic, and its Teutonic descendants. 
To these, after the conclusion of the First Part, he added 
the Sclavonic. He has since extended his researches to the 
analogies of the Celtic and the Malay-Polynesian dialects, 
but has not yet incorporated the results with his general 
Grammar. The subjects already treated of are quite suf- 
ficient for the establishment of the principles of the com- 
parison, and it is not proposed to follow him in his subse- 
quent investigations. The first portions of the present 
Grammar comprise the doctrine of euphonic alphabetical 
changes, the comparative inflexions of Substantive's and 
Adjectives, and the affinities of the Cardinal and Ordinal 
Numerals. The succeeding Parts contain the comparative 
formation and origin of the Pronouns and the Verbs: the 
latter subject is yet unfinished. The part of the translation 
now offered to the public stops with the chapter on the 
Numerals, but the remainder is completed, and will be 
published without delay. 

With respect to the translation, I may venture to affirm, 
although pretending to a very slender acquaintance with 
German, that it has been made with great scrupulous- 
ness and care, and that it has required no ordinary pains 
to render in English, with fidelity and perspicuity, the not 
unfrequently difficult and obscure style of the original. 


October, 1845. 


I CONTEMPLATE in this work a description of the compara- 
tive organization of the languages enumerated in the title 
pagfc, comprehending all the features of their relationship, 
and an inquiry into their physical and mechanical laws, and 
the origin of the forms which distinguish their grammatical 
relations. One point alone I shall leave untouched, the secret 
of the roots, or the foundation of the nomenclature of the 
primary ideas. I shall not investigate, for example, why the 
root i signifies " go " and not " stand "; why the combina- 
tion of sounds stha or sta signifies " stand" and not "go." 
I shall attempt, apart from this, to follow out as it were 
the language in its stages of being and march of develop- 
ment ; yet in such a manner that those who are predeter- 
mined not to recognise, as explained, that which they main- 
tain to be inexplicable, may perhaps find less to offend them 
in this work than the avowal of such a general plan might 
lead them to expect. In the majority of cases the primary 
signification, and, with it, the primary source of the gramma- 
tical forms, spontaneously present themselves to observation 
in consequence of the extension of our horizon of language, 
and of the confronting of sisters of the same lingual stock 
separated for ages, but bearing indubitable features of their 
family connection. In the treatment, indeed, of our European 
tongues a new epoch could not fail to open upon us in the 
discovery of another region in the world of language, namely 
the Sanskrit,* of which it has been demonstrated, that, in its 

* Sanskrita signifies "adorned, completed, perfect "; in respect to lan- 
guage, "classic"; and is thus adapted to denote the entire family or 
race." It is compounded of the elements sam, "with," and Jtrlta 
(nom. kritas, krita, kritam), "made," with the insertion of a euphonic s 
(. 18. 96.). 


grammatical constitution, it stands in the most intimate relation 
to the Greek, the Latin, the Germanic, &c. ; so that it lias 
afforded, for the first time, a firm foundation for the com- 
prehension of the grammatical connection between the two 
languages called the Classical, as well as of the relation of 
these two to the German, the Lithuanian, and Sclavonic. 
Who could have dreamed a century ago that a language 
would he brought to us from the far East, which should 
accompany, pari passu, nay, sometimes surpass, the Greek 
in all those perfections of form which have been hitherto 
considered the exclusive property of the latter, and be 
adapted throughout to adjust the perennial strife between 
the Greek dialects, by enabling us to determine where each 
of them has preserved the purest and the oldest forms ? 

The relations of the ancient Indian languages to their 
Europe,' in kindred are, in part, so palpable as to be obvious 
to every one who casts a glance at them, even from a dis- 
tance : in part, however, so concealed, so deeply implicated in 
the most secret passages of the organization of the language, 
that we arc compelled to consider every language subjected 
to a comparison with it, as also the language itself, from new 
stations of observation, and to employ the highest powers of 
grammatical science and method in order to recognise and 
illustrate the original unity of the different grammars. The 
Semitic languages are of a more compact nature, and, 
putting out of sight lexicographical and syntactical features, 
extremely meagre in contrivance ; they had little to part 
with, and of necessity have handed down to succeeding ages 
what they were endowed with at starting. The tricon- 
sonantal fabric of their roots (. 107.), which distinguishes this 
race from others, was already of itself sufficient to designate the 
parentage of every individual of the family. The family bond, 
on the other hand, which embraces the Indo-European race 
of languages, is not indeed less universal, but, in most of its 
bearings, of a quality infinitely more refined. The members 
of this race inherited, from the period of their earliest youth, 


endowments of exceeding richness, and, with the capability 
(. 108.), the methods, also, of a system of unlimited com- 
position and agglutination. Possessing much, they were able 
to bear the loss of much, and yet to retain their local life ; and 
by multiplied losses, alterations, suppressions of sounds, con- 
versions and displacements, the members of the common 
family are become scarcely recognisable to each other. 
It fs at least a fact, that the relation of the Greek to the 
Latin, the most obvious and palpable, though never quite 
overlooked, has been, down to our time, grossly misunder- 
stood ; and that the Roman tongue, which, in a grammatical 
point of view, is associated with nothing but itself, or with 
what is of its own family, is even now usually regarded as 
a mixed language, because, in fact, it contains much which 
sounds heterogeneous to the Greek, although the elements 
from which these forms arose arc not foreign to the Greek 
and other sister languages, as I have endeavoured partly 
to demonstrate in my "System of Conjugation,"* 

The close relationship between the Classical and Germanic 
languages has, with the exception of mere comparative lists 
of words, copious indeed, but destitute of principle and 
critical judgment, remained, down to the period of the appear- 
ance of the Asiatic intermediary, almost entirely unobserved, 
although the acquaintance of philologists with the Gothic dates 
now from a century and a half; and that language is so perfect 
in its Grammar and so clear in its affinities, that had it been 
earlier submitted to a rigorous and systematic process of com- 
parison and anatomical investigation, the pervading relation 

* Frankfort, a. M. 1816. A translation of my English revision of 
this treatise ( Analytical Comparison of the Sanskrit, Greek, Latin and 
Teutonic Languages," in the "Annals of Oriental Literature/' London 
1820.) by Dr. Pacht, is to be found in the second and third number of the 
second annual issue of Seebode's new Record of Philology and Paeda- 
gogical science. Grimm's masterly German Grammar was unfortunately 
unknown to me when I wrote the English revision, and I could then 
make use only of Hickes and Fulda for the old German dialects. 


of itself, and, with it, of the entire Germanic stock, to the 
Greek and Roman, would necessarily have long since been 
unveiled, tracked through all its variations, and by this time 
been understood and recognised by every philologer.* For 
what is more important, or can be more earnestly desired by 
the cultivator of the classical languages, than their comparison 
with our mother tongue in her oldest and most perfect form ? 
Since the Sanskrit has appeared above our horizon, that element 
can no longer be excluded from a really profound investigation 
of any province of language related to it; a fact, however, 
which sometimes escapes the notice of the most approved 
and circumspect labourers in this department.! We need 

* Rask has been the first to supply a comprehensive view of the close 
relationship between the Germanic and the Classical Languages, in his 
meritorious prize treatise "On the Thracian Tribe of Languages," com- 
pleted in 1814 and published in 1818, from which Vater gives an extract 
in his Comparative Tablps. It cannot be alleged as a reproach against 
him that he did not profit by the Asiatic intermediary not then exten- 
sively known ; but his deficiency in this respect shews itself the more 
sensibly, as we see throughout that he was in a condition to use it with 
intelligence. Under that deficiency, however, he almost everywhere 
halts halfway towards the truth. We have to thank him for the 
suggestion of the law of displacement of consonants, more acutely 
considered and fundamentally developed by Grimm ({. 87., and see 
Vater, . 13.). 

f We refer the reader to the very weighty judgment of W. von. Hum- 
boldt on the indispensable necessity of the Sanskrit for the history and 
philosophy of language (Indische Bibl. I. 133). We may here borrow, 
also, from Grimm's preface to the second edition of his admirable 
Grammar, some words which are worthy of consideration (I. vi.) : " As 
the too exalted position of the Latin and Greek serves not for all 
questions in German Grammar, where some words are of simpler and 
deeper sound, so however, according to A. W. SchlegeFs excellent re- 
mark, the far more perfect Indian Grammar may, in these cases, supply 
the requisite corrections. The dialect which history demonstrates to be 
the oldest and least corrupted must, in the end, present the most pro- 
found rules for the general exposition of the race, and thus lead us on to 
the reformation, without the entire subversion of the rules hitherto 
discovered, of the more recent modes of speech." 


not fear that that practical and profound research in utr&que 
linguti, which is of most importance to the philologer can 
suffer prejudice by extension over too many languages ; 
for the variety vanishes when the real identity is recog- 
nised and explained, and the false light of discrepancy is 
excluded. It is one thing, also, to learn a language, 
another to teach one, i.e. to describe its mechanism and 
orgdhization. The learner may confine himself within the 
narrowest limits, and forbear to look beyond the language 
to be studied : the teacher's glance, on the contrary, must pass 
beyond the confined limits of one or two members of a family, 
and he must summon around him the representatives of the 
entire race, in order to infuse life, order, and organic mutual 
dependency into the mass of the languages spread before him. 
To attempt this appears to me the main requirement of the 
present period, and past centuries have been accumulating 
materials for the task. 

The Zend Grammar could only be recovered by the process 
of a severe regular etymology, calculated to bring back the 
unknown to the known, the much to the little ; for this re- 
markable language, which in many respects reaches beyond, 
and is an improvement on, the Sanskrit, and makes its theory 
more attainable, would appear to be no longer intelligible to 
the disciples of Zoroaster. Rask, who had the opportunity to 
satisfy himself on this head, says expressly (V. d. Hagen, 
p. 33) that its forgotten lore has yet to be rediscovered. I 
am also able, I believe, to demonstrate that the Pehlvi trans- 
lator (torn. II. pp. 476, et seq.) of the Zend Vocabulary, edited 
by Anquetil, has frequently and entirely failed in conveying 
the grammatical sense of the Zend words which he translates. 
The work abounds with singular mistakes ; and the distorted 
relation of AnquetiPs French translation to the Zend expres- 
sions is usually to be ascribed to the mistakes in the Pehlvi 
interpretations of the Zend original. Almost all the oblique 
cases, by degrees, come to take rank as nominatives: the 
numbers, too, are sometimes mistaken. Further, we find forms 


of cases produced by the Pehlvi translator as verbal persons, 
and next these also confounded with each other, or translated 
by abstract nouns.* Anquetil makes, as far as I know, no 

* T give the Zend expressions according to the system of representation 
explained in $.80., annexing the original characters, which are exhibited 
in type for the first time in this hook, and which were lately cut at the 
order of the Royal Society of Literature hy R Gotzig, according to the 
exemplar of the lithographed M.S. of M. Burnouf. I give the I^ehlvi 
words exactly according to Anquetil (II. 435): ^^AXI^AS ahmdkein, 
"i5/ia>i>," P. roinnan (cf. p r>Q'2,ro?Jia?i, "?ios"), A. "jV?," "tnoi;" AJ^Q^A* 
thubi/ti 9 "bonis" (with dual termination, g. 215), P. avaeh, A. "Aon," 
"excellent;" K^TOAS afae, "//," "/*," P. varman, "is, 11 A. "lui;" 
anheni, "I was/ 1 or also "I am," P. fJjanonnad, "he is," A. "i/ 
>cfevgui/ anlieus^ "mmuli" P.a1tM\ A. "7r inonde ;" *A0;OAJA> 
"//or?///?," P.varmoiiKchan^ "U" A. "CHX;" .J^OJAIAMJ baratti, 
"fort" 1*. tfaf/nmnciHJtne, "the carrying 1 " (pschnG, in Pehlvi, forms ahstract 
suhstantivcs), A. "il porte" "/7 execute" "porter;" jtvJ^J bis, "twice, 11 
P. f/o/e, "two," A. " deux ;" br6febio ^^^J-S^OAJ/A^J baratUn/6 9 "ferenti- 
busT^ (uuquestionahJy a plural dative and ablative), P. dadrouncschntt^ " the 
carrying 1 ," A. " porter f KJ^O ^, "/i/z," P. ton, "/?/," A. "toi;" AS^usfl) 
tdcha, " caque," (neut. g. 'J31), P. zaJtedj, A. "re;" ^^OAJ^ja^, "the 
smitten" (of. fctansk. 7/^tos from A<w), P. maitvuned, "he smites," A. "z7 
frappe ;" iA5JAJ^ janat, " he smote," P. maitounesch?ie, " the smiting 1 ," 
A. "frftpper ;" A>7(j-^j zahtJtra, "per gcnitorein" P. zarhounnd, " gi- 
//7//V," A. "/7 enfjciuifrc" ^^ojj A^r?, "femina" P.vakad, A. "femellef' 
C^/^OJJ strim, "femiimm" P. vahad, A. "femeUc; n ^^jjZuJ^ojj stdrahm, 
"stetlaruni? P. setaran, A. "/c dtoilesf JAJO^OAX^AJO^ fra-ddtdi, "to 
the given," or " especially given," P. yfems dcheschne (nomen actwnis), 
A. "dtnuter a Iwndamment ;" ^^jyAJWCAS^ gaethananm, "mundorum" 
P. guehan (cf. ^lys^), A. "& j monde ;" AJ^S^^OAW^ gdtiimcha, " locum- 
<iue? P.gdh, A. "Zicw;" juv3/!v5y wn<?, "of the man," P. guebnahamat 
advak, A. " ?/?z homme ;" A5?Asy iwm, " two men," P. guebna hamat dou, 
A. "r/cwar homrncs ;" ^^yAJjj^JAwy ndirlkananm, "feminamm," P. wz- 
?-iA 7/awft^ 5^, A. "frois (ou plusieurs) femmes ;" $Yfbtf<3 thryahm, 
"trium" P. <?vz72, A. " troisicme ;" A5^^g^Aj(p vahmcmcha, "prcccla- 
rumque? P. nfaeschne, " adwatio," A. "jefais neaesch ;" JAXJCAJ^I ?'a//- 
?iwK, "praclaro" P. nfaew/t, konam, " adorationem facto" A, "je 


remark on the age of the Vocabulary to which I advert; while 
he ascribes to another, in which the Pehlvi is interpreted 
through the Persian, an antiquity of four centuries. The 

ctfais nfaesch" I do not insist on translating the adjective Juvj(p vaJima 
by " prcechirus," but I am certain of this, that vahmcn and vahmdi are 
nothing else than the accusative and dative of the base vahma; and that 
jjtu&\j(p vahmdi could be the first person of a verb is not to be thought pos- 
sible tor a moment. Anquetil, however, in the interlinear version of the be- 
ginning of the V. S. attempted by him, gives two other evident datives com- 
pounded with the particle AJ^S cha, "and," as the first person singular of the 
present, viz. ju^JJUD^^Aiy-M^ csnaotlirai-cha, Aj^^Aj^^AS^OJJAJJJAJjJ 
fraki'staycw-cha (see. 104.;, by "placere nqrio" "votafaclo. One sees 
then, from the example here adduced, the number of which I could with 
ease greatly increase, that the Pehlvi Translator of the said Vocabulary 
has, no more than Anquetil, any grammatical acquaintance with the Zend 
language, and that both regarded it rather in the light of an idiom, poor 
in inflexions ; so that,as in the Pehlvi and Modern Persian, the grammatical 
power of the members of a sentence would be to be gathered rather from 
their position than from their terminations. And Anquetil expressly 
says (II. 415.): " La construction dans la lanr/ue Zende, semblable en ccla 
(uisc a utres idwrnes de I' Or lent, cst astrcinte a pen de regies (/). Infor- 
mation des terns dcs Verbes y est a pen pres la mvine que dans le Persan, 
pins trainante cependant, parce qtfelle est accompagnee de toutes Ics 
royellcs (/). How stands it, then, with the Sanskrit translation of the 
Jzcschne made from the Pehlvi more than three centuries before that of 
Anquetil. This question will, without doubt, be very soon answered by 
M. E. Burnouf, who has already supplied, and admirably illustrated 
(Nouv. Journ. Asiat., T. III. p. 321), two passages from the work in a 
very interesting extract from its Commentary on the V. S. These pas- 
sages are, however, too short to permit of our grounding on them over- 
bold influences as to the whole; moreover, their contents are of such a 
nature that the inflexionless Pehlvi language could follow the Zend ori- 
ginal almost verbatim. The one passage signifies, " I call upon, I mag- 
nify the excellent pure spell, and the excellent man, the pure and the 
strict, strong like Dami (? cf. Sansk. upamdna, "similarity;" and V. S., 
p. 4*23, ddmois drujo) Izet." It is, however, very surprising, and of evil 
omen, that Neriosengh, or his Pehlvi predecessor, takes the feminine 
genitive dahmayds as a plural genitive, since this expression is evidently, 
as Burnouf rightly remarks, only an epithet of dfrltois. I abstain from 
speaking of the dubious expression ddmois upanuinahd, and content my- 


one in question cannot therefore be ascribed to any very late 
period. The necessity, indeed, of interpretation for the Zend 
must have been felt much sooner than for the Pehlvi, which 
remained much longer current among the Parsee tribes. It 
was therefore an admirable problem which had for its solution 
the bringing to light, in India, and, so to say, under the very 
eye of the Sanskrit, a sister language, no longer understood, 
and obscured by the rubbish of ages ; a problem of which* the 
solution indeed has not hitherto been fully obtained, but beyond 
doubt will be. The first contribution to the knowledge of 
this language which can be relied on that of Rask namely, 
his treatise " On the age and authenticity of the Zend Language 
and the Zend-Avesta," published in 1826, and made generally 
accessible by V. d. Hagen's translation, deserves high honour 
as a first attempt. The Zend has to thank this able man 
(whose premature death we deeply deplore) for the more 
natural appearance which it has derived from his rectification 
of the value of its written characters. Of three words of 
different declensions he gives us the singular inflections, though 
with some sensible deficiencies, and those, too, just in the places 
whero the Zend forms arc of most interest, and where are some 
which display that independence of the Sanskrit which Rask 
claims, perhaps in too high a degree, for the Zend ; a language 
we are, however, unwilling to receive as a mere dialect of 
the Sanskrit, and to which we are compelled to ascribe an 
independent existence, resembling that of the Latin as com- 
pared with the Greek, or the Old Northern with the Gothic. 
For the rest, I refer the reader to my review of Rask's and 
Bohlen's treatises on the Zend in the Annual of Scientific 
Criticism for December 1831, as also to an earlier work 
(March 1831) on the able labours of E. Burnouf in this newly- 
self with having pointed out the possibility of another view of the con- 
struction, different from that which has been very profoundly discussed 
by Burnouf, and which is based on Neriosengh. The second passage 
signifies, "I call upon and magnify the stars, the moon, the sun, the 
eternal, self-created lights !" 

PREFACE. xiii 

opened field. My observations, derived from the original texts 
edited by Burnouf in Paris, and by Olshausen in Hamburgh, 
already extend themselves, in these publications, over all parts 
of the Zend Grammar ; and nothing therefore has remained for 
me here, but further to establish, to complete, and to adjust the 
particulars in such a manner that the reader may be conducted 
on P, course parallel with that of the known languages, with the 
greatest facility towards an acquaintance with the newly-disco- 
vered sister tongue. In order to obviate the difficulty and the 
labour which attend the introduction of the learner to the Zend 
and Sanskrit difficulty sufficient to deter many, and to harass 
any one I have appended to the original characters the pronun- 
ciation, laid down on a consistent method, or in places where, for 
reasons of space, one character alone is given, it is the Roman. 
This method is also perhaps the best for the gradual introduc- 
tion of the reader to the knowledge of the original characters. 

As in this work the languages it embraces are treated for 
their own sakes, i. e. as objects and not means of knowledge, 
and as I aim rather at giving a physiology of them than an 
introduction to their practical use, it has been in my power to 
omit many particulars which contribute nothing to the 
character of the whole; and I have gained thereby more 
space for the discussion of matters more important, and more 
intimately incorporated with the vital spirit of the language. 
By this process, and by the strict observance of a method which 
brings under one view all points mutually dependent and 
mutually explanatory, I have, as I flatter myself, succeeded in 
assembling under one group, and in a reasonable space, the 
leading incidents of many richly-endowed languages or grand 
dialects of an extinct original stock. Special care has been 
bestowed throughout on the German. This care was indispen- 
sable to one who, following Grimm's admirable work, aimed 
at applying to it the correction and adjustment that had become 
necessary in his theory of relations, the discovery of new affinities, 
or the more precise definition of those discovered, and to catch, 
with greater truth, at every step of grammatical progress, the 


monitory voices of the Asiatic as well as the European sisterhood. 
It was necessary, also, to set aside many false appearances of affi- 
nity ; as, for example, to deprive the i in the Lithuanian geri of 
its supposed connection with the i of Gothic, Greek, and Latin 
forms, such as godai, dyadot, boni (see f). 251, Note f, and com- 
pare Grimm I. 827. 11); and to disconnect the Latin is of lupis 
(lupibus) from the Greek /$ of \vKot$ (\VKOI-O-I). As concerns 
the method followed in treating the subject of Germanic 
grammar, it is that of deducing all from the Gothic as the 
guiding star of the German, and explaining the latter siniulta-* 
neously with the older languages and the Lithuanian. At the close 
of each lecture on the cases, a tabular view is given of the results 
obtained, in which every thing naturally depends on the most 
accurate distinction of the terminations from the base, which 
ought not, as usually happens, to be put forward capriciously, 
so that a portion of the base is drawn into the inflection, by 
which the division becomes not merely useless, but injurious, 
as productive of positive error. Where there is no real 
termination none should be appended for appearance sake : thus, 
for example, we give, . 148, p. 164, the nominatives ^ei/oa, 
terra, giba, &c., as without inflection cf. . 137. The division 
gib-a would lead us to adopt the erroneous notion that a is the 
termination, whereas it is only the abbreviation of the 6 (from tho 
old rt, . 69.) of the theme.* In certain instances it is extraordi- 

* The simple maxim laid down elsewhere by me, and dcducible only 
from the Sanskrit, that the Gothic 6 is the long of , and thereby when 
shortened nothing but a, as the latter lengthened can only become 6, ex- 
tends its influence over the whole grammar and construction of words, and 
explains, for example, how from dags, "day " (theme DAG A), may be de- 
rived, without change of vowel, dogs (DOGA), "daily"; for this deriva- 
tion is absolutely the same as when in Sanskrit rdjata, "argentem" comes 
from rtijata^ " argentum" cm. which more hereafter. Generally speaking, 
and with few exceptions, the Indian system of vowels, pure from consonantal 
and other altering influences, is of extraordinary importance for the eluci- 
dation of the German grammar : on it principally rests my own theory of 
vowel change, which differs materially from that of Grimm, and which I 
explain by mechanical laws, with some modifications of my earlier defini- 


narily difficult in languages not now thoroughly understood to 
hit on the right divisions, and to distinguish apparent termina- 
tions from true. I have never attempted to conceal these difficul- 
ties from the reader, but always to remove them from his path. 

The High German, ^ecially in its oldest period (from the 
eighth to the eleventh century), I have only mentioned in the 
general description of forms when it contributes something of 
importance. The juxta-position of it in its three main periods 
with the Gothic, grammatically explained at the close of each 
chapter, is sufficient, with a reference also to the treatise on 
sounds intended to prepare and facilitate my whole Grammar, 
after the model of my Sanskrit Grammar. Wherever, in 
addition, explanatory remarks are necessary, they are 
given. The second part will thus begin with the com- 
parative view of the Germanic declensions, and 1 shall then 
proceed to the adjectives, in order to describe their formations 
of gender and degrees of comparison ; from these to the pronouns. 

As the peculiarities of inflection of the latter must have, for 
the most part, already been discussed in the doctrine of the 
universal formation of the cases, inasmuch as they arc inti- 
mately connected and mutually illustrative, what will remain to 
be said on their behalf will claim the less space, and the main 
compass of the second division will remain for the verb. To 
the formation and comparison of words it is my intention to 
devote a separate work, which may be considered as a completion 
of its antecedent. In this latter the particles, conjunctions, 
and original prepositions, will find their place, being, I consider, 
partly offshoots of pronominal roots, and partly naked roots of 

tions, while with Grimm it has a dynamic signification. A comparison 
with the Greek and Latin vocalism, without a steady reference to the 
Sanskrit, is, in my opinion, for the German more confusing than enlight- 
ening, as the Gothic is generally more original in its vocal system, and at 
least more consistent than the Greek and Latin, which latter spends its 
whole wealth of vowels, although not without pervading rules, in merely 
responding to a solitary Indian a (septimus for septamas, quatuor for 
chatvdr-as reVcrap-es, momordi for mamarda). 


this class of words,* and which will, therefore, be treated in 
this point of view among the pronominal adjectives.f It is 
likely that a chasm in our literature, very prejudicial to inquiries 
of this kind, may be shortly filled up by a work ready for the 
press, and earnestly looked for by alPPriends of German and 
general philology, the Old High German Treasury of Graft", 
What we may expect from a work founded on a comprehensive 
examination of the MS. treasures of libraries national and 
foreign, as well as on a correction of printed materials, may be 
gathered from a survey of the amount contributed to knowledge 
in a specimen of the work, small, but happily selected, " The 
Old High German Prepositions." 

* I refer the reader preliminarily to my two last treatises (Berlin, Ferd. 
Diimmler) " On Certain Demonstrative Bases, and their connection with 
various Prepositions and Conjunctions," and *' On the Influence of Pro- 
nouns on the Formation of Words." Compare, also, C. Gottl. Schmidt's 
excellent tract "Quaest. Gramm. de Praepositionibus Graecis," and the 
review of the same, distinguished by acute observations, by A. Benary, 
in the Berlin Annual (May 1830). If we take the adverbs of place in 
their relation to the prepositions and a near relation does exist we shall 
find in close connection with the subject a remarkable treatise of the 
minister W. von Humboldt, "On tho Affinity of the Adverbs of Place to 
the Prepositions in certain Languages.'' The Zend has many grammatical 
rules which were established without these discoveries, and have since 
been demonstrated by evidence of facts. Among them it was a satisfaction 
to me to find a word, used hi Sanskrit only as a preposition (ava, " from,") 
in the Zend a perfect and declinable pronoun (. 172.). Next we find 
sa-cha, "isque" which in Sanskrit is only a pronoun, in its Zend shape 
A5^AS*y ha-cha (. 63.), often used as a preposition to signify "out of" ; 
the particle AS^J cha, "and," loses itself, like the cognate que in absque, in 
the general signification. 

" Remark. What in . 68. is said of the rise of the u or o out of the 
older a is so far to be corrected according to my later conviction, that 
nothing but a retroactive influence is to be ascribed to the liquids ; and 
the u and the o, in forms like plintemu (mo\ plintyu, are to be exempted 
from the influence of the antecedent consonants." 

t The arrangement thus announced, as intended, has undergone, as will 
be seen, considerable modification. Editor. 

> I BERLIN, 1833. 



SANSKRIT writing distinguishes the long from their cor- 
responding short vowels by particular characters, slightly 
differing from these latter in form. We distinguish the long 
vowels, and the diphthongs ** e and ^ft o, which spring from 
i and u united with an antecedent , by a circumflex. The 
simple vowels are, first, the three, original and common to all 
languages, a, *, u, short and long ; secondly, a vowel r, pecu- 
liar to the Sanskrit, which I distinguish by r, and its long 
sound by r. The short r (^j) is pronounced like the con- 
sonant r with a scarcely-distinguishable i, and in European 
texts is usually written n; the long f (^) is scarcely to 
be distinguished from the union of an r with a long *. Both 
vowels appear to me to be of later origin ; and r presents 
itself generally as a shortening of the syllable ar by sup- 
pression of the a. The long f (^) is of much rarer occur- 
rence. In declension it stands only for a lengthening of the r, 
where, according to the laws of the formation of cases, a short 
vowel at the end of the inflective base must be lengthened; 
and in the conjugation and formation of words, those roots to 
which grammarians assign a terminating ^ r almost always 
substitute for this unoriginal vowel ^BPC ar, ^ ir, $*. ir, or, 
after labials, grt ur. The last simple vowel of the Sanskrit 
writing belongs more to the grammarians [G. Ed. p. 2.] 
than to the language : it is in character, as well as in pro- 
nunciation, an union of an g? I with ^j r (5>) or, when 
lengthened, with ^f (<). We require no representative 
for this vowel, and shall not further advert to it. 
2 . Sanskrit possesses two kinds of diphthongs. In the one, 


a short a united with a following i becomes ^ 6 (equivalent 
to the French ai), and with u becomes ^ft 6 (equivalent to 
the French au)\ so that neither of the united elements is 
heard, but both melt into a third sound. In the second kind, 
a long A with a following i becomes i* ai, and with u, 
^ft au, as in the German words waise, lawn ; so that the 
two elements form indeed one syllable, but are both audible. 
In order, however, to fix the observation on the greater 
weight of the a in this diphthong, we write di for Jr, and du 
for ^t. That in F & and ^t 6 a short, in $ di and ^ du, 
a long a is bound up, I infer from this, that where, in order 
to avoid a hiatus, the last element of a diphthong merges 
into its corresponding semi- vowel, out of ^ and ^ft 6 pro- 
ceed the sounds ^pq[ ay and '^ av (with short a\ but out 
of $ di and ^ du proceed Ay and dv- If, according to 
the rules of combination, a concluding *STT 4 with an ^ f, 
^ i t or ^r u, 31 u of a following word, be contracted, like the 
short a, into ^ i and ^ 6, but not into $ di and ^T du, 
this, in my view, is to be understood as if the. long a, before 
its combination with the initial vowel of the following word, 
had shortened itself. This should the less surprise us, as the 
long a before a dissimilar vowel of an appended inflexion or 
a suffix entirely disappears; and, for example, ^ dadd 
with g^ us makes neither ^^ daddus, nor i*^rac dados, 
but 33^ dadus. The opinion I have already expressed on 
[G. Ed. p. 3.] this point I have since found confirmed 
by the Zend ; in which JAM di always stands in the place 
of the Sanskrit ^ di, and gw do or >AU du for ^t du. In 
support, also, of my theory, appears the fact, that a con- 
cluding a (short or long) with a following ^ & or ^ 6, be- 
comes $ di and *h du ; of which it is to be understood, that 
the short a contained in 3 and 6 merges with the antecedent 
a into a long a, which then, with the i of the diphthong 
becomes di t and with the u of 6, becomes du. For example, 
mamditat, from w Vtt\ mama rtat, is to be understood 


as if the diphthong * united its first element a with the 
preceding a into d, and with this, further united its last 
element (i) into i* di. [Compare 688, p. 917.] 

3. Among the simple vowels the old Indian alphabet is 
deficient in the designation of the Greek epsilon and omicron 
(e and o) whose sounds, if they existed when the Sanskrit was 
a livyig language, yet could only have evolved themselves, 
subsequently to the fixing of its written character, out of the 
short a; for an alphabet which lends itself to the subtlest 
gradations of sound would assuredly not have neglected the 
difference between a, c, and o, if the sounds had been forth- 
coming.* It is important here to observe, that in the oldest 
Germanic dialect, namely, the Gothic, the sounds and charac- 
ters of the short e and o are also wanting, and that either 
a, i, or u corresponds, in that dialect, to our German short e. 
For example, faltfia, "k-h falte," "I fold;" tyba, "ich gebe," 
" I give." In the Zend the Sanskrit sr a remains usually AS a, 
or has changed itself, according to certain [G. Ed. p. 4.] 
rules, into g e. Thus, for example, before a concluding m 
we always find e; compare the accusative (Jg7<3>o> puthre-m 
"filium" with tnn^ putra-m ; and its genitive g5WAs7(3>Q> 
puthra-he with Tprei putra-sya. In Greek the Sanskrit ^ a 
becomes a, e, or o, without presenting any certain rules for the 
choice on each occasion between these three vowels; but the 
prevailing practice is, that in the terminations of nominal 
bases the Greek o answers to the Indian ^r a, except in the 
vocatives, where an e is substituted. In the Latin, besides 
a, e, and o, u also is employed, in the terminations of nouns 
of the second declension and of the first person plural, as also 
in some adverbial suffixes, to replace the Sanskrit ^r a. 

4. As in the Greek the short Sanskrit a is oftener replaced 
by e or o than by a short a, so the long w d is oftener re- 

* Grimm, Vol. i. p. 594 ; with whom I entirely concur in this matter ; 
having long abandoned a contrary opinion, which 1 maintained in 1819 
in the Annals of Oriental Literature. 



presented by rj or co than by a long alpha : and though in the 
Doric the long a has maintained itself in places where the 
ordinary dialect employs an 77, no similar trace of the long a 
for o> is to be found. ^nfi? dadhdtni, " I place," becomes 
rtdrjfju ; ^Tfo daddmi, " I give," oYSotyif ; the dual termi- 
nation fTT*^ tdm answers to rr)i>, and only in the imperative 
to TO>I> ; on the other hand, the ^TTH dm of the genitive plural 
is always represented by wv. Never, if we except pecu- 
liarities of dialect, does either r\ or co stand for the Indian 
diphthongs V & or ^ d, formed by ^ i or an ^ u following 
a long d : for the first, the Greek substitutes et or ot (because 
for TO a, and also for a, e and o are the substitutes), and for 
the last, ev or ov. Thus, ^fa 6mi, " I go," becomes el^i ; 
pat&s, "thou mayest fall," WI'WTOIS; ^ veda, " I know," 
; jft go, mas. fein. " a bullock or heifer," /3oO-. From 
this dropping of fhe i or u in the Indian diphthongs e and 6 it 
[G. Ed. p. 5.] may happen that a, e, or o, answer to these 
diphthongs ; thus, ^ofTrnc^ ikataras, ," one of two," becomes 

^ devri,* " brother-in-law," Latin, levir (nom. $^| 
accus. ^TO^ devar-am)> becomes Sayp (from SaFyp, Sat- 

d$va-s, " God," 0eoj ; and the o in ^8009, /3of, stands 
for POM-OS, /3ov-/, the u of which must have passed into F, and 
certainly did so at first, as is proved by the transition into the 
Latin bovis, bovi, and the Indian ifftr gam (locative) from g64. 

5. In Latin we sometimes find the long e, which, however, 
may be shortened by the influence of the following conso- 
nant, arising from the mixture of a and i, as in the above- 
mentioned word Uvir, and in the subjunctive aw&mus ; cf. 
WT*nfa kdmay$ina t from Mmaya-inia. 

6. If we inquire after the greater or less relative weight 
of the vowels of different quality, F have discovered, by 

* The original has devr > but, as observed in p. 1, in European texts it 
is usual to write ri for ^? ; and the absence of any sign tor the vowel sound 
is calculated to cause embarrassment : it seems advisable, therefore, to 
express ^ by ri. Editor. 


various but sure appearances, which I shall further* illustrate 
in my treatise on Forms, that in Sanskrit ^T a and ^HT d are 
graver than the corresponding quantity of the vowel i ; and 
this discovery is of the utmost importance for every Treatise 
on special as well as comparative Grammar. It leads us, in 
particular, to important discoveries with respect to the Ger- 
manic modification of vowels. In Latin, also, the i may be 
considered as lighter than a, and generally takes the place of 
the latter when a root with an original a would otherwise be 
burthened with a reduplication of sound. Hence, for example, 
abjicio for abjacio, tetigi for tetagi. I am compelled by this 
view to retract an earlier conjecture, that the i in tetigi was 
produced by a virtue of assimilation in the termination i. I 
have also to relieve myself from my former theory, that the e 
in words like inermis, imberbis, instead of [Gr. Ed. p. 6.] 
inarmis, imlarbis, springs from a retrospective power of 
assimilation in the following i, after the fashion of the modi- 
fication of the vowel in German (Grimm, p. 80), and must 
place it in the same class with the e in such forms as abjectus 
and tubicen. The Latin radical a, for instance, is subject to 
a double alteration, when the root is burthened with ante- 
cedent syllables or words : it becomes i in open syllables, but 
e if the vowel is pressed upon by a following consonant un- 
attended by a vowel. Hence we have tubicen, aljectus, in 
contrast to tubicinis, abjicio; and inermis, imberbis,not inirmis, 
imbirbis : on the contrary, inimicus, insipidus, not inemicus, 
insepidus. In connection with this stands the transition of the 
first or second declension into the third. As us is the masculine 
form for a, we ought to say inermus, imberbus ; but inermis, 
imberbis, and other such forms, owe their origin to the lesser 
weight of the t. With the displacement of the accent, where 
it occurs, this change of the vowel has nothing to do ; but the 
removal of the accent and the weakening of the vowel are 
nearly related, and are both occasioned by the composition. 
In the Lithuanian we find similar appearances ; as. for ex- 


ample, p6nas, "lord," at th^ end of compounds, is weakened 
into ponis, as rotponis, " councillor," Germ, rathsherr" (See 
p. 1305, Note *). 

7. Sanskrit Grammar gives no certain indication of the 
relative weight of the u with regard to the other original 
vowels. The u is a vowel too decided and full of character to 
allow of its being exchanged in this language, in relief of its 
weight, for any other letter. It is the most obstinate of all, 
and admits of no exclusion from a terminating syllable, in 
cases where a and i admit suppression. Nor will it retire 

[G. Ed. p. 7.] from a reduplicated syllable in cases where 
a allows itself to be weakened down to i. Thus in Latin we 
have pupugi t tutudi; while a, in cases of repetition, is re- 
duced to i or e (tetigi, fefelli, &c.) In the Gothic, also, the 
u may boast of its pertinacity : it remains firm as the ter- 
minating vowel of nominal bases where a and i have under- 
gone suppression, and in no single case has it been extin- 
guished or transmuted. No power, however, exists which 
will not yield at last to time ; and thus in the High German, 
whose oldest records are nearly four centuries younger than 
Ulphilas, the u has, in many cases, given way, or become in 
declension similar to i. (See also 490, 584.) 

8. If, in the matter of the relative dignity of the vowels, we 
cast a glance at another race of languages, we find in Arabic 
the u taking precedence in nobility, as having its place in the 
nominative, while the declension is governed by the change 
of the terminating vowel ; i, on the contrary, shews itself to 
be the weakest vowel, by having its place in the genitive, the 
most dependent case of the Arabic, and one which cannot be 
separated from the governing word. /, also, is continually 
used incases where the grammatical relation is expressed by 
a preposition. Compare, also, in the plural, the dna of the 
nominative with the termination ina of the oblique cases. A 
stands between the strong u and the weaker i\ and under 
the threefold change of vowels has its place in the accusative, 


which admits of more freedom than the genitive. In the 
oblique cases, however, of nouns, and in the two-fold change 
of vowels, it stands opposed to the u of the nominative, and 
in the dependent subjunctive of the verb to the u of the 
independent indicative. 

9. Between the vowels and the consonants, or at the close of 
the list of vowels, are commonly placed two signs, the sounds 
of which are rather to be considered as ap- [G, Ed. p. 8.] 
pendages to, or modifications of, the preceding vowels, than as 
independent sounds, and take, also, no place in the alphabet of 
the Native Grammarians, inasmuch as they are considered 
neither as consonants nor vowels, but rather as complements 
to the latter. The first, which we distinguish by n, is called 
Anusw&ra, " echo ;" and is, in fact, a thick nasal echo, which I 
think is best represented by the nasal n at the end of a French 
syllable. The weakness of its expression is discernible in the 
fact that it does not, like a consonant, impede the euphonic 
influence of an i or u on a following a, (see Sanskrit Gram- 
mar, R. 10l"). It has its place before semi-vowels (^ y, 
\ r, & I, \ v), sibilants, and h; and we might thence term 
it the nasal of the two last lists of consonants, and assign its 
alphabetical place between them. A concluding *r m, fol- 
lowed by a consonant of the said two lists, passes into Anu- 
swara; for example, TT^TTH tasydm, "in this," becomes TOT 
tasydn, with the French nasal pronunciation of the n, if such 
a word as ^rfh rdtrdu, " in the night/' come after. In con- 
nection with the *r s of a verbal termination, a radical r[ n 
also passes into Anuswara ; as, ^ftr hansi, " thou killest," 
from ^ han. Great confusion, however, has arisen from 
the circumstance that the Indian copyists allow themselves to 
express the unaltered concluding *r^ ?n,as well as all the nasal 
alterations, and, in the middle of words, each of the six nasal 
sounds (the proper Anuswara included), by Anuswara.* I have 

* The practice is not unauthorized by rule. A final H is convertible to 
Anuswara before any consonant (Pan. 8. 3. 23.) ; and a medial tf or H is 



endeavoured, in my Grammar, to remedy this confusion in the 
simple theory of Anus wara. My predecessors in the treatment 
of Sanskrit Grammar make no distinction between the real 
and the supposititious Anuswara. Colebrooke gives it, in 
[G. Ed. p. 9.] general, the pronunciation of n, and calls it 
"a shortening of the nasal consonants at the end of a syllable, 11 
which leads to the error, that each of the nasal characters, even 
the concluding ^r n, may be abbreviated into Anuswara. 
Forster expresses it by the n in the English word plinth ; 
Carey and Yates by the English combination ng; Wilkins 
by m. All substitute it for the concluding i? x of grammatical 
terminations : and as they give rules for the transition of the 
Anuswara into JT or f , the necessary consequence occurs, that 
we must write abhavan or abhavang," I was ;" dantan or dan- 
tang, " a tooth ;" not abhavam, dantam. Colebrooke, on the 
other hand, expressing a Sanskrit inscription in Roman letters 
(Asiatic Transactions, Vol. VII.) gives the proper termina- 
tion m, and before t, by a euphonic rule, n; but he maintains 
the original m before sibilants and half vowels where Anu- 
swara is due ; as vidwisli&m srimad, for fafireT vidwishan. On 
the other hand, F. von Schlegel and Frank write n, for the 
value of Anuswara, in the place of m in several grammatical 
terminations. The first, for example, gives danan, "a gift," for 
dAnam; the second, ohan for aham, "I. 11 A. W. von Schlegel 
gives rightly m instead of a spurious or representative Anu- 
swara at the end of words; and makes,for exam ple,the infinitive 
termination in turn, not in tun or tung. He, nevertheless, on this 
important point of grammar, retains the erroneous opinion, 
that the Anuswara is a variable nasal, which, before vowels, 
must of necessity pass into m (Preface to the Bhag.Gita,p.xv.); 
while the direct converse is the fact, that the concluding m is 

convertible to Anuswara before any consonant except a semi-vowel or a 
nasal. (Ib. 8. 3. 24.) Such are the rules. In practice, the mutation of the 
final ^ is constant : that of the medial nasal is more variable, and in ge- 
neral the change occurs before the semi-vowels and sibilants. Editor. 


the variable nasal, which, under certain conditions, passes into 
the proper Anuswara ; but before vowels is necessarily re- 
tained, both in writing and pronunciation. [G.Ed. p. 10.] 
That Von Schlegel also still continues the original *^ m at the 
end of words as an euphonic alteration of the dead sound of 
Anuswara appears from his mode of printing Sanskrit text, in 
which he makes no division between a concluding i^ m and 
the commencing vowel of the following word j while he does 
make a division after T^ n, and thereby shews that he admits 
a division after terminating letters which remain unaffected 
by the influence of the letters which follow. If, however, we 
write TTR^ ^OTftiT^ tdn abravit, " he said to them," we must 
also write in^ ^r^hT N tdm abravit, " he said to her ;" not 
wwy^ftit^ tdmabravit, for the if of cTT^ tdm is original, and not, 
as Von Schlegel thinks, begotten out of Anuswara. The conjee- 
ture of C.Lassen (Ind. Bibl. Book III. p. 39), that the Anuswara 
is to be understood, not as an after sound (Nachlaui), not as an 
echo (Nachhall), but as a sound which regulates itself by that 
which follows as it were the term Nachlaut, with the accent 
on laut* appears to me highly improbable. Schlegel' s nasalis 
mutabilisvrould indeed be justified by this view, and the imputa- 
tion of error removed from the Indian Grammarians, to whom 
we willingly concede a knowledge of the value of the Sanskrit 
signs of sound, and whom we are unwilling to censure for de- 
signating a half sound as mutable, in a language whose termi- 

* This seems intended for an explanation, for Lassen has nothing like 
it. I have not found an etymological explanation of the term in any 
grammatical commentary ; but it may be doubted if the explanation of 
the text, or that given by Lassen, be correct. Anuswara may indeed be 
termed sequens sonus ; but by that is to be understood the final or closing 
sound of a syllable. Any other nasal may be used as the initial letter of 
a syllable ; but the nasal Anuswara is exclusively an " after" sound, or 
final. It is not even capable of blending, as it were, with a following 
vowel, like a final n or m, as in tdn- or tdmabravit. It is the legitimate 
representative of either of the other nasals when those are absolutely 



nating sounds are almost always governed by the following 
words. It is true the half sound owes its being to the muta- 
bility of a concluding w,but is not mutable itself, since it never 
has an independent existence of its own at the end of any word : 
in the middle, however, of a radical syllable, as ^ dans, 
f&R hins, it is susceptible of expulsion, but not of alteration. 
[G. Ed. p. 11.] That the Indian Grammarians, however, 
consider the m and not the n as the original but mutable 
letter in grammatical terminations, like w^ am, ITO N bhydm, 
&c., appears from the fact that they always write these 
terminations, where they give them separate, with the labial 
nasal, and not with Anuswara. If it be objected that this is 
of no importance, as dependent on the caprice of the editor 
or copyist, we can adduce as a decisive proof of the just 
views of the Indian Grammarians in this respect, that when 
they range the declensions of words in the order of their 
terminating letters, the Pronouns ^^ tdam, and ftiw kirn, 
in which they consider the m as primitive, are treated when 
the turn comes of the labial nasal m, and together with 
H^TTR prasdm, " quiet," from the root 5^ Lam. (Laghu- 
Kaumudi, p. 46.) 

10. The deadened nasal, which is expressed in the Lithuanian 
by particular signs over the vowel which it follows, appears 
to be identical with the Sanskrit Anuswara ; and we write it 
in the same manner with n* At the end of words it stands 
for the remainder of an ancient m, in the accusative singular 
for example ; and the deadening of n before s into n presents 

terminal, and in pronunciation retains their respective sounds, according 
to the initial consonant of the following word. Again, with regard to its 
relation to the semi-vowels and sibilants, it may be regarded as appropriate 
to them merely in as far as neither of the other nasals is so considered. 
In this sense Anuswara may he termed a subsidiary or supplemental sound, 
being prefixed with most propriety to those letters which, not being classed 
under either of the five series of sounds, have no rightful claim to the 
nasals severally comprehended within each respective series Editor. 


a remarkable accordance with the Sanskrit rule of euphony 
before mentioned. From laupsin-u, "I praise," therefore 
comes laupsinsu, "I shall praise;" as in Sanskrit *hsnfti 
hansy&mi, " I shall kill," from the root ^ han. In the 
Prakrit, not only the IT m, but the ^ n, at the end of words, 
has always fallen into Anuswara, without regard to the follow- 
ing letters. Thus we read in Chczy's edition of the Sakun- 
tala, p. 70, wrt, which is certainly to be pronounced, not 
bhaavam, but bhaavan, for w^ bhagavan; [G.Ed. p. 12.] 
cffV Icudhan, for cfcvjjj kutham.* 

O ' *3 

11. The second of the signs before mentioned is named 
Visarga, which signifies abandonment. It expresses a breath- 
ing, which is never primitive, but only appears at the end 
of words in the character of an euphonic alteration of 
*r s and T: r. These two letters (s, r) are very mutable 
at the end of words, and are changed into Visarga before a 
pause or the deadened letters of the guttural and labial 
classes (. 12.). We write this sign K to distinguish it from 
the true ^ h. 

12. The proper consonants are classed in the Sanskrit 
alphabet according to the organs used in their pronunciation; 
and form, in this division, five classes. A sixth is formed by 
the semi-vowels, and a seventh by the sibilants and the 
^ h. In the first five ranks of these consonants the single 
letters are so arranged, that the first are the surd or hard 
consonants, the thin (tenues), and their aspirates ; next, the 
sonant or soft, the medials, and their aspirates, each class 
being completed by its nasal. The nasals belong, like the 
vowels and semi- vowels, to the sonants ; the sibilants to the 
surd or hard. Every thin and every medial letter has its cor- 
responding aspirate. The aspirates are pronounced, like their 

* No native scholar would read these as bhaavah or tmdhan, as the 
text affirms, but bka-avam, hudham, agreeably to the final H represented 
by Ariuswara. Editor. 


respective non-aspirates, with a clearly audible h ; thus, for 
example, ^ th, not like the English th; w ph 9 not / or $; 
and ^ kh, not like the Greek %.* In an etymological point 
of view it is important to observe that the aspirates of 
different organs are easily exchanged with each other; 
thus, ^ bhar, H^ dhar, (*J Ihri, V dhri, . 1.) "to bear, 1 ' "to 
hold," are perhaps originally identical. ^ro^ dhuma-8, 

[G. Ed. p. 13.] " smoke/' is, in Latin, fumu-s. In Greek, 
0ai/o>, as well as 0ei/o>, is related to ^? han, from ipr dhan, 
" to kill. 1 ' The Gothic thliuhan is the German fliehen, Old 
High German vliuhan. 

13. The first class is that of the gutturals, and includes the 
letters ^ Jc, ^r M, i{ g> \ gh> T n. The nasal of this class 
is pronounced like the German n before gutturals, as in the 
words sink^n, enge 9 so as to prepare for the following gut- 
tural. In the middle of words it is only found before 
gutturals ; and, at the end, supplies the place of ^ m when 
the following word begins with a guttural.^ We write it 
without the distinctive sign, as its guttural nature is easily 
recognised by the following consonant. The aspirates of 
this class are not of frequent use, either at the beginning or 
end of words. In some Greek words we find % in the place 
of W x Ui : compare ow, ovi/^-oj, with nakha, " a nail ;" Kovyrj, 
s, with sankha, " shell ;" %a/vw, ^ai/ai, with khan, " to 

The original here adds " We designate the aspirate by a comma, 
as f, d\ 6*." The use of such a mark is, however, unsightly, and appears 
likely to cause occasional perplexity and doubt. It seems therefore pre- 
ferable to adhere to the usual mode of expressing the aspirated letters, 
as dh, bh, arid the like. It is only necessary to remember that th and ph 
are the letters t and p with an aspiration, and not the th and / of the 
English alphabet Editor. 

f A careful examination will perhaps shew that the several nasals of 
the Sanskrit alphabet are mere modifications of one sound, according to 
the manner in which that is affected by a succeeding letter; and that the 
modifications prevail equally in most languages, although it has not been 
thought necessary to provide them with distinct symbols. Editor. 


dig." As regards the sonant aspirates, the TT gh of gliarma, 
heat" (in Greek 6epw\ has passed into the aspiration of 
another organ ; <gjTi lagliu, " light, has laid aside the gut- 
tural in the Latin levis, and, in virtue of the i, changed the 
u into v. The guttural has kept its place in the German 
leicht, the English light, and the Old High German lihti. 

14. The second class is that of the palatals ; and includes 
the sounds ch andy, with their aspirates and nasal. We write 
^ ch 9 ^ chh> vt^j>* * jA,* *T n. This class is an offshoot 
from the preceding, and to be considered as a softening of it. - 
It is only found before vowels and weak consonants (semi- 
vowels and nasals) ; and before strong consonants, and at the 
end of a word, generally retires into the class from which 
it springs. Thus, for example, the base [G. Ed. p. 14.] 
qr* vach, "speech," "voice" (cf. vox), makes, in the unin- 
flected nominative, ^r^ v&k ; in the instrumental and locative 
plurals, snfftra vdg-bhis> ^STTf v&kshu. In the cognate Ian- 
guages we have to look for, in the place of the letters of this 
class, first, gutturals ; next, labials, on account of their mutual 
affinity ; thirdly, the sounds of t, as, according to pronun- 
ciation, the first element of the palatals is a t or d; fourthly, 
sibilants, as being the last element in the letters of this class. 
Compare tfxnftr pach&mi, " I cook," (inf. paktum, part. pass. 
pakta), with coquo, fresco (venTM, TTCTTO), Treo-crco) ; WT chatur, 
" four, 11 nom. ^FsnfT'B chatwdras, with quatuor, rerrapes, recr- 
o-ajoe^, Gothic jidvdr, Lithuanian kctturi; xngtT panchan, "five" 
(nom. accus. pancha)> with quinque, vevre, Tre/xTre, Gothic Jimf, 
Lithuanian penki; TT^f^ rajan, "king," with rex, regis; 
TTiTif rdjata, nom. rdjatatn, "silver" (from rdj t "to shine"), 
with argentum, cipyvpos ; ^1*5 j&nu, " knee," with genu, yow. 
With regard to the aspirates of this class, the cM,as an initial 
letter in some words, answers to sc, 0*; ftRHt chhind- 

* The original has g and^f; but the appropriate symbols in English 
are j and its aspirate. 


mas, " we cleave," ftpffftr chhinadmi, "I cleave, answers 
to the Latin scindo ; "Error chhdyd, " shadow," to the Greek 
O-KICC. As the terminating letter of a root chh answers, in 
W^prachh, "to ask, 11 to the Gothic h in J 'rah, "I or he asked/' 
and to the German and Latin g in frage, rogo, in case that 
the latter, as I suspect, is a modification ofprogo* The nasal 
of this class, for which we require no distinctive sign, as it 
only precedes palatals, deviates but slightly from the sound 
of the guttural n, and is pronounced nearly like nj. 

W. The third class is called that of the linguals or cerebrals, 
and embraces a peculiar kind of sounds of t, together with its 

[G. Ed. p. 15.] nasal ; a kind not original, but which has 
developed itself from the ordinary class of t sounds. We dis- 
tinguish them by a point under the letter, thus, ^ ?, T fh, 
\ rf, <^ dhy ^ n. In the Prakrit this class has obtained great 
supremacy, and has frequently supplanted the ordinary t. 
We there find, for example, Htf b/iodu, for H37T bhavatu, " let 
it be ;" and v&i padhama, for !T*m pratkama, " the first." 
With regard to the nasal, the substitution of ^ for r is 
nearly universal. The Indian Grammarians approach the 
Prakrit nearer than the Sanskrit, when at the beginning of 
roots they use the same substitution. The practice, also, 
which we have condemned (. 9.), of using Anuswara for 
5R^ m, at the end of words, is more Prakrit than Sanskrit. 
At the beginning of words these letters are seldom found in 
Sanskrit, but they are found as terminations to a certain 
number of roots ; for example, ^ at, " to go." They are 
pronounced by bending back the tongue against the roof of 
the mouth, by which a hollow sound is expressed, as if from 
the head.* The nasal of this class has sometimes overstepped 
the limits of its usual laws : it is found before vowels, which 

* Here, also, it may be doubted if similar modifications of the dental 
sounds are not discoverable in languages which do not express th< j m by 
separate symbols. The t of the Italian tutto is the Sanskrit Z. Editor. 


is not the case with the nasals of the preceding classes ; yet 
never at the beginning of words. 

16. The fourth class embraces the dentals, or the sounds 
which properly answer to the common d and t, together 
with the common n t which belongs to them, W^ t, ^ th, ^ d, 
V dh, ^ n. Of the aspirates of this organ, we have to re- 
mark, that ^ th, in an etymological respect, never at least 
in no instance of which we are aware is represented in 
Greek by 0, but always like the natural t, by r. On the other 
hand, V dk does correspond to 6, which also sometimes re- 
presents ^ v d. Thus the imperative ending ftf dhi, in Greek 
becomes Bt ; TO madhu, " honey," " wine," is (JieOv ; ^vrfa 
dadhdmi, "I place," r/fljy/xi; sfi*^ duhitar [G.Ed. p. 16.] 
(<*feH duhitri, . !.) " daughter," Ovyurrjp; 'gjr^dwdr, f. and 
dwdra, neut. (nom. dwdram), "door/ 1 Qvpa; ^ dva, Lithuan. 
diewas, "God/ 1 0eoy. With regard to the hard aspirate, com- 
pare the terminations re and rov with ^ ilia and *W^ thas, the 
former in the plural, the second in the dual of the present 
and future; or?y<ra> with tuiu^if* sthdsydmi, *'I shall stand"; 
oo-reov with ^rfipq asthi, " bone" ; in the Latin, rota with 
W ratha, " carriage" ; and in the Gothic, the ending t, in 
the second person singular of the preterite, with tfAa; for 
example, vais-t, " thou knewest/' with ^| v$t-tha. From 
the beginning of words in the Sanskrit this aspirate is nearly 

17. The interchange of d and I is well known. Upon it, 
among other instances, is founded the relation of lacryma to 
d&Kpv, SaKpvjJia. In Sanskrit, also, an apparently original 
^ d often corresponds to the I of cognate European lan- 
guages; for example, ^ dip, "to light/ 1 ^Ht dipa, "lamp," 
becomes P^a/xTrco, Aa/mfc; ^r d&ha t "body," Gothic leik. 
On this relation also rests, as I have shewn elsewhere, the 
relation of our //, Gothic lif, in elf, zwulf, Gothic tvalif, to 
^5R da'san, Sew. As also the second consonant has under- 
gone alteration, and has migrated from the gutturals into the 


labials; and as, moreover, the number "ten," taken alone, is, 
in Gothic, taihun, in German zehn, its origin from lif was 
deeply concealed; and even the Lithuanian lika, which accom- 
panies the simple numbers in their compounded forms from 
eleven to twenty, remained long binder my notice without 
result. The fact, however, that one and the same word may, 
in the course of time, assume various forms for various objects, 
proved, as it is, by numberless examples, requires no further 
[G. Ed. p. 17.] support. With respect to the affinity of A./KOS- 
in jjA/Ko?, &c., and of the Gothic leiks in hvtteiks, " like to 
whom? 11 tojRfdrisa, Prakrit f^Qdisa, "like," I refer the reader 
to my Treatise on the Pronoun and its influence (Berlin, pub- 
lished by Dummler) ; and only remark, in addition, that by 
this analogy of \(KO$, lei/cs, I was first led to that of lif to Je*a ; 
while the Lithuanian ft/tahadnot yet attracted my observation. 
18. The labial class comes next, namely, ^p t T*j>h> \b, 
^ bh, H m. The hard aspirate ph is among the rarer letters; 
the most usual words in which it occurs are, ^ phala, 
"fruit," ifo pMna, "foam, 11 and the forms which come 
from the root TR^ plmll, " to burst, blow, bloom. 11 The 
sonant aspirate H bh belongs, together with v dh, to the most 
frequent of the aspirates. In the Greek and Latin, <j> and / 
are the letters which most frequently correspond to this 
w bh, especially at the beginning of words ; for example, 
* bhri, " to bear, 1 ' fero, ^e/oco ; H bhu, " to be/' /w-i, 0w-a>. 
H bh is also often represented by b in Latin, especially in 
the middle of words. The / of fero becomes b in certain 
compounds which rank as simple words with a derivable 
suffix, as ber t brum, brium, in words like saluber, candelabmm, 
manubrium. Thus the / of fu appears as b in the forms 
amabam, amabo, which I have recognised as compounds, and 
which will be hereafter explained. The dative and ablative 
termination plural Hi bhyas, becomes bus in Latin. The 
nasal of this class, m, is subject, at the end of a word, to 
several alterations, and only remains fast before a pause, a 


vowel, or letters of its own class: it otherwise governs itself 
according to the nature of the following letters, and may pass, 
in this manner, into any of the four preceding nasals, and 
weakens itself into the softened nasal sound [G. Ed. p. 18.] 
of the proper Anuswara, if followed by a semi- vowel, a sibilant, 
or ? k. M has also a full right to the name of a mutable 
nasal. It is, however, not beseeming, when, in editions of a 
text otherwise conspicuous for accuracy, we find , though 
protected in its original condition by a pause, or by the 
following letters, written as Anuswara. 

19. The semi- vowels follow next: if y, T r, <$ I, ^ v. We 
distinguish y by the sound of our German j 9 or the English 
y in the word year. As the Latin j in English has the sound 
of a softened y, so in Prakrit i^ y often passes into *f j , 
and in Greek, upon this exchange of sound rests the relation 
of evyvvfju, fvyof, &e. to the root if5^ yuj, " to bind, 11 and that 
of the verbs in ao> to the Indian verbs in ^tnftf ay Ami ; for 
f is ds, but the sound dsch is not to be looked for in the Greek. 
The relation of the Persian ^y> javdn, " young," to the 
Sanskrit Theme ^^ yuvan, Lat. juvenis, belongs to this 
place. By v we here designate the sound of the German w 
and English v. After consonants, as RT*^ twdm, " thee," 
this letter takes the pronunciation of the English w. The 
occasional hardening of the v into a guttural deserves mention 
here; thus, in Latin, vic-si (vixi), victum, spring from vivf and 
infacio I recognise the Sanskrit causal ^gurfir bhdv-ayd-mi, 
" I make to be," from the root *r bhu. The connection be- 


tweenfac-tus and fa is practically demonstrated. Refer back, 
in the Old and Modern Greek, to the occasional hardening 
of the Digamma into 7 (cf. C. G. Schmidt in the Berlin 
Jahrbuch, 1831, p. 613.). The voice cannot dwell on ^ v or 
S y ; and these two letters are therefore, as in the Semitic 
languages, excluded from the end of words : [G. Ed. p. 19.] 
therefore the word f^r div, " Heaven." forms its nomina- 
tive, which ought to be div (diva being forbidden, see . 94.\ 



from tft dyd. Nominal bases in y do not exist, ^r at the end 
of a word is subject to many alterations, and is interchange- 
able with H s. In places where the concluding s, by favour 
of the following letter, is retained, ^ r becomes ^ s ; and, on 
the other hand, remains unaltered in places where ^ s be- 
comes ^ r, namely, before vowels and sonant consonants. 

20. The semi- vowels, by reason of their tractable and fluent 
nature, are easily interchanged. For instance, in the "niore 
recent Sanskrit works <$ I often stands for T: r.* We often* 
also, find in the cognate European languages I for ^ v. On 
this interchange is founded the relation of the Latin suffix lent 
(e.g. opulens), and of the Gothic laiid(d)-s^ (see . 116.), in 
hv&lauds, " quantus," svalauds, " tantus," samalauds, "just so 
much, 1 ' to the Sanskrit ^RT vant (in the strong case, . 119.)t 
in words like V!W dhanavant, "endowed with wealth," 
Tfl^if tdvant, " so much," m^r ydvant, " how much." On 
the change between v and r is founded, as I believe, the re- 
lation of the Old High German pir-u-mes, " we are * (sing, pirn, 
wrfir bhav-&-mi), to VRWtf bhav-a-mas ; as also that of scrir- 
-u-m$s, " we shriek," to ^TRzrWF srdv-ayd-mas, " we make 
to hear" (.109.); as also that of triusu, "I fall," from the 

[G. Ed. p. 20.] root trus> to the Sanskrit lepEr dhwans, " to 
fall ;" J and of the Cretan rpe " thee " from rfe, to the Sanskrit 
twa. The semi-vowel / is also exchanged with the nasals ; 
thus, ^rarft anya-s, " the other," becomes alms in Latin, and 

* It is scarcely correct to say " often/' as the instances are rare : nor 
are they restricted to recent works. Menu has aslika for asrika. Ed. 

f Grimm (iii. p. 46) assumes an adjective lauds, " great ;" which, as 
far as the Gothic at least is concerned, might be dispensed with, as it is 
of the greatest antiquity as a suffix, and does not appear alone as an 
adjective, even in the oldest periods. 

J Dhy according to $.16., = the Greek ; and to the 9> according 
to . 87., corresponds the old High German t. The u of trus, from the 
old a, may be produced by the influence of the r, or of the dropped 


antara-s, "the other, 11 alter; ^ vad, "to speak," 
answers to the Gothic lath-6n, " called," " invited," ga-tathon, 
"called together": tm dhma, "to blow," answers to flare. 
(. 109.) Compare, also, balbus with /8a/^8a/i>o>. 

21. The last class embraces the sibilants and h: ^ s, \ sh, 
^T s> and ^ h. The first sibilant is spoken with a slight aspi- 
ration, and usually written by the English sh.* It belongs to 
the palatal class, and thence supplies the place of the third or 
proper ^f s when a hard palatal ^f ch or "^ clik follows ; for 
instance, XTOGT^tfiT rdmas charati, instead of TTTO^ ^rcfcT rdmas 
charati, "Ramas goes." In its origin, 3^s appears to have 
sprung from k ; and in Greek and Latin we find K and c regu- 
larly corresponding to the Sanskrit 51 s. The Gothic substi- 
tutes h in pursuance of the law of change of sound ; but the 
Lithuanian stands the nearest to the Sanskrit with reference 
to this letter, and has in its stead a sibilant compound sz, pro- 
nounced like sh. Compare decent, Se/ca, Gothic taihun, Lithuan. 
deszimtis, with <J$n^ dasan (nom. <f$j dasa)\ cants, KVMV, Gothic 
hunds, Lithuan. szuo (gen. szuns), with *$nT swan (nom. tgrr sivd, 
gen. SpPH sunas, KVVO$), " dog ;" Sdicpv, lacrima, aszara, f. with 
WJ a&ru n. t( tear ;" equus ( = ecvus), Lith. aszwa f. " mare," 
with 'snST aswa (nom. ^aTET^ aswas), " horse ;" szaha f. with 
STOT sdkhd " bough." The Lith. szwenta-s, " holy," answers 
to the Zend Aj^o^jgo)^ spenta (. 50.). At the end of a word, 
and in the middle before strong consonants, ^r * is not al- 
lowed, although admitted as an euphonic substitute for a con- 
cluding ^ s before an initial hard palatal. Otherwise 3^5 
usually falls back into the sound from which [G. Ed. p. 21.] 
it appears to have originated, namely, k. In some roots, 
however, 3^ s passes into ^ t ; for instance, ^ dm', " seeing," 
and f3$(vis, "a man of the third caste, 1 ' form, in the unin- 
flected nominative, ^dK drift, f^ vit. The second sibilant, 
^T sh, is pronounced like our sch, or sh in English, and 

* More usually s ; the sh is reserved for the cerebral sibilant. Editor. 

c 2 


belongs to the lingual class. It often steps, according to 
certain rules into the place of TT^ ; thus, for instance, after 
^ k, tf s never follows, but only ^ $h ; and the f , j, in Greek 
and Latin, are regularly represented by T5f ksh. Compare 
^fispff dakshina, with dex-ter, e/bf, Lithuanian deszine, " the 
right hand.'" 1 Of the vowels, i, u, and ri, short or long, are 
averse from *Cj?, to which a and d alone are inclined. After the 
first-named vowels, ^r s passes into ^sh ; for instance, *iTffrfa 
tan6shi, instead of fltftftr tanosi (exlendii). As an initial, tj sh 
is extremely rare : the Indian grammarians, however, write 
the roots which, under certain circumstances, change TT N s into 
^ sh, from the first with a ^ sh. A word which really be- 
gins with t^ s t h is "TO shash, " six ;" to which the Lith. szeszi, a 
plural nominative, answers most nearly, while other cognate 
languages indicate an original ordinary ,9. At the end of a 
word, and in the middle before other strong consonants, such 
as \ ( \ ?' ? > \ ?^ ^ s not permitted, but in most roots passes 
into SF k, but with some into * t: the number six, mentioned 

v \ 

above, becomes, in the uninflected nominative, v^ slmt. - 

22. The third sibilant is the ordinary s of all languages, but 
which, at the end of Sanskrit words, holds a very insecure po- 
sition, and by certain rules is subjected to transmutation into 
5? J, ^T $/?, T r, t ah or K Visarga (. 11.), and u; and only re- 
mains unaltered before t and th. We write, for example, OTnr 
fTtftT siinus tarati, " the son passes over," but fRflf *rj: tarati 
[G. Ed. p. 22.] sunuK, *&*{ ^tfir sunns charati (it), |R^ 
^T^frT sunur bhavati (est). This sensitiveness against a con- 
cluding *c s can only have arisen in the later period of the 
language, after its division ; as in the cognate languages the 
concluding .9 remains unaltered, or where it has been changed 
for r does not return into its original form. Thus, in the 
decree against Timotheus (Maittaire, r 383-4.) p everywhere 
stands for $: Tinoveop 6 MtXyo-top Trapayivo^evop Xvpatve- 
rat rap aKoap r>v vecov, &c.* The Sanskrit could not endure 

* Cf. Hartung, p. 100. 


r before t. The Latin protects the s usually at the end of 
words ; but in the classical period generally sacrifices it, when 
between two vowels, to the r; for instance, genus, generis, for 
genesis; a contrast to forms found in Varro and Festus, such 
as plusima, focdesum, meliosem, rnajosibus, in which the s 
evinces its original existence in the history of the language 
(see . 127.). The accusative form arbosem, recorded by 
Fcstus, is more startling, for here r is the original form, if, 
as I can hardly doubt, arbor, nrbos, is related to the word of 
such frequent occurrence in the Zend-Avesta, Aj2\s7> urvara, 
"tree." This expression is not wanting in the Sanskrit, 
(^5RtT urvard;) but it signifies, according to Wilson, " fruitful 
land," and " land" in general. 

23. ^ h belongs to the letters which, in Sanskrit, are never 
admitted at the end of words, nor in the middle before strong 
consonants. In these places it passes, by certain rules, into 
V t> ^ d, ^ &' or *t 9' * n ^ ree k we often find ^ in the place 
of the Sanskrit ^ h : compare ^ei/xwv, hiems, with fi^H hima, 
"snow," "rime;" %a/pc* with ^tqrfa hrish- [G.Ed. p. 23.] 
ydmi, gaudeo; %yv with ^ hansa, " goose ;" ^0es, heri, with 
^HT hyas, " yesterday ;" o^ps with ^ vah, " to transport." 
We also find /c, c, for h : compare icapSia, cor, Gothic hairtti, 
with 5^ hrid(n. ^^ hridaya), "heart." We sometimes, but 
rarely, find the spiritus asper substituted for h; for instance, 
a/pea), ^rfo hardmi, " I take away." The Lithuanian ex- 
hibits sometimes sz for h ; for instance, asz, " I," for ^H 
aham, szirdis f. " heart/' for ^ hrid. This letter stands 
sometimes in Sanskrit for a mutilation of other aspirated 
consonants, of which the aspiration alone has been sup- 
pressed ; thus, instead of the imperative ending fv dhi, we 
generally find hi ; on which account the grammarians accept 
fl? hi, and not fv dhi, as the original ending, and assume that 
hi passes into dhi 9 for euphonic reasons, after consonants.. 
The root ZT| grah, " to take," is written in the Vedas ^ 
grabh, and answers thus more nearly to the German greifen, 
and the Persian giriflan. 


We give here a general view of the Sanscrit characters, 
with their respective values. 

^8 a, ^n cl, ^ i, ^ i, ^ it ^5 w, ^f .'"' ^J *"* 


* /*, : aK. 


Gutturals ^f k, "& kh, *T g, -3 yh, 3: 71. 

Palatals 1 cA, "$ cft/z, r y, q&j'/i, *? n. 

Linguals z /, 3 /> 3 {?, <r rf//, *5T . 

Dentals rT *, ^r th, ^ d, V rf//, ^ n. 

Labials TCTjp, tftph, ^ b, V bh, H m. 

Seiui- Vowels n y, T r, <$ I, ^ v. 

Sibilants and Aspirates, ^f i, t( 5/1, H &, ? h. 

[G. Ed. p. 24.] The vowel characters given above are 

found only at the beginning of words ; and in the middle or 
end of a word are supplied in the following manner : ^r a is 
left unexpressed, but is contained in every consonant which 
is not distinguished by a sign of rest (\) or connected with 
another vowel, ^r h is thus read 7m; and k by itself, or the 
absence of the a, is expressed by c^f . ^ t> ^ t 9 are expressed 
by f, 1, and the first of these two is placed before, the second 
after, the consonant to which it relates ; for instance, foF hi, 
^K\ht For "Sw, ^tJ^ri,^ n, the signs *, c^, e, t , are placed 
under their consonants ; as, ^ hu, ^ fru, ^ Jtri, ^ hri. For 
^ 3 and ** di, % and ^ are placed over their consonants ; as, 
% k&, % kdi : isi\ 6 and ^ft du are written by omission of the ^ 
which is here only a fulcrum ; as, A Ao, eft kdu. The con- 
sonants without vowels, instead of appearing in their entire 
shapes, and with the sign of rest, are usually written so that 
their distinctive sign is connected with the following conso- 
nant; for instance, for w, *f, ^, we have ?, *, *; and thus 
matsya is written TOT, not 1WOTT ; for ^ 4- ^ we have ^ ; 
and for "SF H- ^ we have "H . 


25. The Sanskrit letters are divided into hard or surd, and 
soft or sonant. Surd are, all the tenues, with their correspond- 
ing aspirates ; and in fact, according to the order given above, 
the first two letters in each of the first five rows, also the three 
sibilants. Soft are, the medials, with their aspirates, the ? , 
the nasals, semi- vowels, and all vowels. Another division also 
appears to us convenient that of the consonants into strong 
and weak ; in which the nasals and semi- vowels come under 
the denomination of weak ; the remaining consonants under 
that of the strong. The weak consonants and vowels exercise 
no influence, as initial letters of inflections and suffixes, in 
the formation of words, on the terminating [G. Ed. p. 25.~| 
letters of a root; while they themselves are compelled to 
accommodate themselves to a following strong consonant. 

26. With regard to the vowels, it is of consequence to 
direct the observation to two affections of them, of frequent 
occurrence in the development of forms of Sanskrit ; of which 
the one is called Guna, or virtue ; the other Vriddhi, increase 
or augmentation. My predecessors in grammatical inquiry 
have given no information as to the essence, but have only 
expounded the effects of these vowel alterations ; and it was 
only in my critical labours upon Grimm's German Grammar* 
that I came upon the trace of the true nature and distinctive 
qualities of these affections, as also of the law by which Guna 
is usually produced and governed, and at the same time of its 
hitherto undetected existence in the Greek and Germanic, 
and, most conspicuously, in the Gothic. My views in this 
particular have since derived remarkable confirmation from 
the Zend, with relation to which I refer to . 2., in which, as 
I flatter myself, I have dealt successfully with an apparent 
contradiction to my explanation. Guna consists in prefixing 
short a, and Vriddhi in prefixing a long one : in both, how- 
ever, the a melts into a diphthong with the primitive vowel, 

* Berlin Journal, Feb. 1827, p. 254. 


according to certain euphonic laws. ^ i, namely, and ^, melt 
with the ^ a of Guna into ^ &; "Su, 31 tJ, into ^t 6. These 
diphthongs, however, dissolve again before vowels into w^ ay 
and ^r^ ov; ^ fi and ^n become, in virtue of the action of 
Guna, ^ ar; by that of Vriddhi, ^n^ dr. As in Greek the 
[G. Ed. p. 2G.] short Sanskrit a is frequently replaced by 
e ; so we find the Guna here, when a radical / or v is prolonged 
by prefixing an e. As in the Sanskrit the root 3[ i, " to go, 1 ' 
forms, by the Guna modification, ^fir $mi (from a-imi\ " I 
go," in contrast to imas, " we go ;" thus in Greek also we 
have eijJLi in contrast to i/zev. As the root w^biidh, in several 
tenses in the three numbers, rises, in virtue of Guna, into 
Tsfwbddh (from baudh), for instance, sffalfo bddhdmi, "I know;" 
so in the Greek* the root (f>vy (e^vyov), in the present be- 
comes 06^70). In the Gothic, in the strong form of Grimm's 
8th and 9th conjugations, the radical vowel, strengthened by 
a in the singular of the preterite, stands in the same con- 
trast to the i and u of the plural, as is the case in the corre- 
sponding tense of the Sanskrit. Compare bang, " I bent," in 
contrast to bugum, " we bent," with the Sanskrit form of the 
same signification, singular wt*f bubhdja, plural wf^H 
bubhujima, of the root *nf^ bhuj; compare vait, " I know, 11 in 
contrast with vitum, " we know,'* with the Sanskrit forms of 
the same signification, ^ veda (from vaida)> ftff^T vidima, 
from the root f^ vid, " know," which, like the correspond- 
ing Gothic and Greek root, employs the terminations of the 
preterite with a present signification. 

27. We have, however, the Sanskrit Guna in yet another 
form in the Gothic a form which I have but lately dis- 
covered, but of which the historical connection with the 
Sanskrit modification appears to me not the less certain. I 
once thought that I had accounted in a different manner for 
the delation existing between biuga, " I bend," and its root 

* Regarding Greek 01 as Guna of i, see . 491.; and as to Guna in Old 
Sclavonic and Lithuanian, see . 255.b) ft, 741., 746. 


bug, and I conceived myself bound to ascribe generally, in the 
present tense, to the prevalent i of terminations a retro-active 
influence. It now, however, seems to me indisputable that 
Grimm's 8th and 9th conjugations of the [G. Ed. p. 27.] 
first class correspond to my first Sanskrit conjugation (r. 326.); 
so that the Guna a of the special tenses has been weakened 
to i f while the monosyllabic preterite maintains the Guna 
vowel in the more important shape of a ; just as in the 1 Oth, 
llth, and 12th conjugations, according to Grimm's division, 
the radical a, which has remained in the preterite singular, 
is, in the present and other tenses, weakened to i\ so that, for 
instance, at, "I" and "he eat," corresponds to the root ^ 
ad, " to eat ;" but in the present, ita stands in place of the 
form ^srftr adm^ " I eat." * 

28. The Zend possesses, besides the Sanskrit Guna, which 
has remained everywhere where it stands in Sanskrit, a 
vowel application peculiar to itself, which likewise consists 
in A5 a, and which was first observed by M. E. Burnouf/j* 
The vowels which admit this addition in the interior, but 
not at the end of words, are, first, the short j i, > u, A o; 
2dly, the Guna diphthongs w i and \ 6. The two latter 
are the most usually befriended by this addition, and ;o 
takes it in all cases where the opportunity occurs, both as an 
initial letter, and even at the end of words wherever the 
dependent particle AS^J cha, " and," is appended to it ; hence, 
for example, gd&Ajy naire, "homini" ^?0uu dthre, "igni"; but 
**pft**?Mj naraScha, "hominique^ A^JOJU/CUU alhradcha, "igni- 
que." Also where an stands in two consecutive syllables, an 
a is placed before each. Hence, for instance, ^Ja-^Aj^WAs 
aitaHibyd, from ^HT^ 6l&)hyns. The only case in which, ex- 

* It would be difficult to adduce a better instance of the phonetic defi- 
ciencies of our English alphabet than this sentence, in which I am forced 
to translate the present and past tenses of essen by the same characters. 
What foreign student could guess or remember that the one is pronounced 
eet, the other ett ? The preterite "ate" is obsolete. Translator. 

t N. Journ. Asiat., T. III. p. 327. 


cepting at the actual end of the word, A> remains without 
the preceding AS a, is when it is produced by the influence of 
a f& V> ou ^ of AS a or AU & We say, indeed, ^^JTOAS/O 
[G. Ed. p. 28.] yatiidyti, " qttibus" from *iwr y$bliyas; but 
not g^TOAs^yxM dya$$$, but J^^^^^AW dy$s$, " I glorify," from 
the Sanskrit root, which has been lost, for the verb *r$r ya!>; 
from which comes *rgpnR v yams, " glory." Yet we find, for 
jjTOjCL yfai) "if" ( c f- *rf^ 2/arfz), sometimes, though perhaps 
erroneously, also J;t>Aj^ yadzi. The addition of the AS a 
before y 6 is just as unlimited, but the occasion is far less 
frequent. Examples of it are, s^v-* 5 a6z6 9 " strength," from 
vtm^flfas; r4A$yj7j5 kerenadt, "he made, 11 from cfi 1 kri, ac- 
cording to the fifth class, for 'srapfti^ akrinot; ix>^Aj^9 mradt, 
" he spoke,*" from ^ta^ abrtit, which would be the regular 
form, instead of qfarqftiT abravft (Gramm. Crit. r. 352.). We 
also find $y**?$ mraom, " I spoke," for ^^^ dbrtim, which 
would be the form used were, in the Sanskrit adjunct 
tenses, as in the Greek, a mere nasal, and not ^w am, the 
suffix of the first person. The vowels .3 i and > u are 
much more sparing in their attraction of the AS a now in 
question : they refuse it always at the beginning of words, 
and in the middle before two consonants ; and if transferred 
from the end of a word to its middle, by an adventitious ter- 
mination or word, they do not acquire the capacity of being 
wedded to an AS a. We say, for example, $$j imem, 
" this" (accuse), not $f $JAS aimem ; AsyAsodojS mithwana, 
"a pair," not Asy;uoxf(xJAs$ malthwana ; i^J^As^ gairibyd, 
" montibm" not ^^JAJ^JAS^ gairaibyd. The > u also, ac- 
cording to set rules, very frequently abstains from the AS a; 
for instance, ^y>?> urund, (animce,) not ^y>A*7> uraund, from 
yAs7> urvan; on the contrary, Asy>7>Asp tanruna, "young," 
from W^ taruna. Where, however, the Sanskrit ^T u is 
replaced by ^ o (. 32.), an AS a is placed before it, as well 
at the beginning as before two consonants ; and in this case 
i o stands in this respect in the same category as ;o and 
[G. Ed. p. 4 J9.J ^ d. Compare ^J*A$7 raoch, " light," with 


rucli ; 9^j*As^o^JAs^ji.Mjj saochantanm (lucentium) with 
R suchyatdm; .vs$J<5&i>Aj aocta, " he spoke," with "S^ukta, 
which I form, by theory, after the analogy of ^rfiBjw akshipta 
(Gram. Crit. r. 389.), leaving out the augment. 

29. In the Vriddhi modification, the vowels ^ i, ^ i, melt 
with the preceding ^TT d into ^ di; ^ u, gi u, into ^ du; 
^J > ^ n> m t ^TRC dr. The simple vowel ^r or, as also the 
dipKthongs ^ e and ^rt o, which would produce the same 
effect by Guna as by Vriddhi for a + a, like d -f- a, makes d ; 
a-f-4 likecl-M, makes /}/ a 4-0, like ci + a, makes dw are 
capable of only one higher modification, and reserve this one 
for cases where grammatical laws demand the highest step, 
namely, Vriddhi, and remain in the cases of Guna unaltered, 
unless extraordinary grounds of exception occur. It may be 
convenient here to give a connected summary of the results 
produced by Guna and Vriddhi. 

Primitive Vowels, ^ a, ^ d, ^ i, ^ t, ^r u, ^8 u 9 ^ri 
Guna ............ i? &> *?$, ^ft 6, ^sft 6 9 ^TC ar, 

Vriddhi ..... YTT d, ^ di, a 

Primitive Vowels, ^ rl, ^ &, 5* di, ^ft o, 'wl du. 
Guna ...... ^TT ar, ... ... ... . . 

Vriddhi ..... ^TTT dr, ^ ai, ... ^ du, 

30. We now proceed to the exposition of the Zend writing, 
which, like the Semitic, proceeds from right to left, and 
towards the comprehension of which Rask has contributed 
valuable corrections, which give the language an appearance 
more natural and more in consonance with the Sanskrit than 
it assumed in the hands of former commentators, Anquetil's 
pronunciation having admitted much that was heterogeneous, 
especially in the vowels. We follow the order of the Sanskrit 

* According to original Grammars the Guna letters are a, e t o ; the 
Vriddhi, d, a?, au; the two first, a and d, being severally substituted for 
the vowel sounds of ri, fri, in combination with the semi-vowels r and / f 
as ar, al y dr, dL Editor 


alphabet in giving the corresponding value of each letter in 
[G. Ed. p. 30.] the Zend. The Sanskrit short ^T a has two, 
or rather three, representatives ; the first is AJ, which An- 
quetil pronounces as a or e, but Rask, certainly with truth, 
limits to a. The second is f, which Rask pronounces like 
the short ce of the Danish, or like the short German ii, as in 
Ilande, or as a in cane in English, and e iu the French apres. 
I consider this as the shortest vowel, and write it e. . We 
often find it inserted between two consonants which form a 
double consonant in the Sanskrit; for instance, ASJJJ^A^ 
dadarcsa (pret. redupl.), for the Sanskrit <*<*$ dadarta, "he" 
or " I saw ;" ^WAJ^Ay dadcmahi (V. S. p. 102), " we give," 
for the Veda form ^rftr dadmasl This shortest e is also 
always appended to an originally terminating r. Thus, for in- 
stance, 7Aj$>^uu5 antarc, " between, 1 ' ^?M^MA^ ddtare, " giver, 1 ' 
" creator,' 1 g 7uw hvare, " sun, 11 stand for the corresponding 
Sanskrit forms ^RT^ antar, <fT?rr. ddlar, "JBFC swar, " heaven." 
It is worthy also of remark, that always before a final 
9 m, and generally before a final y n, and frequently before 
an intermediate vowelless ^> n, the older ^r a becomes g e. 
Compare, for instance, $g7e>Q> puthre-m, "jillum" with 
putra-m; yg^vjuu anh-en, <( they were," with 
9j^^jfw Iu>nt-em, "the existing one, with 
jwee-sentem, ab-sentem. This retro-active influence of the 
nasal reminds us of the shortening power of the Latin ter- 
mination m; as, for instance, stem, stdmus (Sanskrit fffTJiR? 
tislith&y-am, f?nm tishthSma). 

31. Anquetil entirely refuses to admit into his alphabet a 
letter differing but little from the g e above discussed, but 
yet distinct from it by rule in practice, namely, c, which 
Rask teaches us to pronounce like a long Danish a>. We find 
this letter usually in connection with a following > u, and 
this vowel appears to admit, with the excep- [G. Ed. p. 31.] 
tion of the long AW &, no vowel but this c before it. We write 
this 9 e without the diacritic sign, inasmuch as we represent 
the w, like the Sanskrit ^, by e. Eu >c corresponds etymo- 


logically to the Sanskrit ^ft 6, or diphthong formed by ^i a 
and "3u; thus, for example, the nominal bases in u, which 
in tiie Sanskrit genitive, by the influence of Guna, i.e. by the 
prefixing of a short a, make 6-s, form, in Zend, jto>c cm. 
Compare, for instance, AV5>9^AJo> paseus with n$fi^ pasds, 
from pasu, "pecus" And yet the Sanskrit 6 does not uni- 
versally become eu in Zend, but often remains as it is, and 
specially in cases where it arises out of the termination as, 
by the solution of the s into u. According to its pronuncia- 
tion, >c eu would appear to be a diphthong, and to form 
but one syllable, as in our German words heute, Lcute, &c. 
The long a (d) is written AM. 

32. Short and long i are represented, as are long and 
short u, by special characters, j i, j i, > u, ^ u: Aiiquetil, 
however, gives to the short i the pronunciation e, and to the 
short u (>) that of o; while, according to Rask, only w is 
pronounced as short o.* This short o frequently holds the 
etymological place of the Sanskrit ft u, and never corresponds 
to any other Sanskrit vowel. For the diphthong ^ft du, in 
particular, we have generally the Zend gus do : we yet find, 
sometimes, also >AM du; for instance, Au>.ujg gdus, " bos" is 
more frequent than juogus^ gdos, for the Sanscrit jfajj&us. 

33. The Sanskrit diphthong , formed out of a + i, is re- 
presented by ;o, which, especially as a terminating letter, is 
also written gj, and which we, as in Sanskrit, represent by <!. 
We must here, however, observe, that the Sanskrit u 3 is not 
always preserved as x> 6 in the Zend, but is sometimes re- 
placed by j^ 61, which appears to prevail particularly after 
a preceding $$ y, especially at the end of [Gr. Ed. p. 32.] 
words. The Vriddhi diphthong 5* di (out of d + i) is always 
represented by JAM di; 6, either by the equivalent y for 
which we often find i o substituted by the neglect of copy- 
ists or by the above-mentioned >f eu, which, according to 
rule, before a terminating MS s replaces the Indian ^ft 6; 

* But see . 447. Note. 


so that a termination in m\> 6s* is unheard of in the Zend. 
For the Vriddhi diphthong ^t du (out of d + w) we gene- 
rally find do, for which there is a special character gws ; 
more rarely >AW du. It would appear that .uw di, guu cu\ 
>MI du, and the j^ 6i which replaces rv 6, should be pro- 
nounced as diphthongs, i.e. as monosyllables. 

34, Anuswara and Visarga do not exist in Zend, unless we 
admit the nasal specified in . 61. as answering to the sound 
of the Sanskrit Anuswara. We proceed meanwhile, for the 
present, to the proper consonants. The first letter of the 
Sanskrit guttural class has divided itself into two characters 
bearing reference to different functions, 5 and (& ; of which 
the first, which we represent by k t only appears before vowels 
and v; the other, which we write c, precedes especially 
Consonants, excepting v. Compare, for instance, ^ ko, 
AM^ kd, f^AJj Ara/, (quis, qua, quid), ij/gjA$w hakcret, " once," 
jfl> J^AJJ karditi, " he made, 11 AS^ leva, " where," with ojrt k6 9 
W k&, foflR kim, TORH" sakrlt, ^nftfif karoti, and Jft kwa: on the 

\. A J ' 

other hand, AJ/OASJ^^ csathra, " king, 11 with "CJ^ kshatra ; 
jpc^j^v hidi, " pouring out" (V. S. p. 198), with ftrf^R sikti 
(from ftr^^cA). In what manner the pronunciation of this 
<& c differs from that of the 5 k can indeed hardly be de- 
fined with certainty : it is probably softer, weaker than that 
of the 5 k, which latter is fenced in by no strong consonants. 
Rask selects for it the character q, without observing that this 
letter prefers only to precede consonants, and in this position 
[G. Ed. p. 33.] always corresponds to the Sanskrit TSR k. 
Burnouf considers ctf as an aspirate, and writes I^^AJ^AJ^) 
takhmaht. He writes, on the other hand, the letter ^o, which 
Rask treats as an aspirate, with gf. Burnouf has not yet given 
his reason, which I think, however, I can guess, namely, that 
(& c is found before r, which, according to Burnouf s just 

6s, according to Burnouf, occurs occasionally as the termination 
of the genitive singular of the w-bascs for the more common AO>C eus; 
e.g. .M^AVAXU bdza6s, "irac/w." 


remark, generally confers an aspirate upon a preceding con- 
sonant. I consider this reason, however, as insufficient ; and 
think that 6^ c stands before r, because, as we have before 
remarked, all consonants, v excepted, only admit before them 
that modification of the k sound which is expressed by <&. 
It would be impossible for 7 r, and the other letters of simi- 
lar agency, to convey aspiration to the preceding hard gut- 
tural if ^r kh be not extant in Zend ; so that, for instance, 
the root ^^ khan, " to dig,* sounds y-wj kan in Zend. There 
are, however, some words in which ^ kh is represented by 
<5l From ^F^khara, "ass," we find the accusative $g2u<> 
carem ; and we find, also, the ^ kh of *rfisr saklri, " friend,' 1 
replaced by c ; the accusative, for instance, w^ltr^ sakhAyam 
transformed into ^AWC^AJW* hacaim. It may therefore remain a 
question whether j k or (& c, in respect of their sounds, have 
the better right to be referred to ^r kh; but this much is 
certain, that ^r k before vowels and before ^ v is only repre- 
sented by $ in Zend ; before other consonants only by (& ; 
which latter we shall, till better advised, continue to render 
by c. 

35. Anquetil ascribes to (& the value of ^o, and to both 
the pronunciation kh; while Rask considers the latter alone, 
by reason of the aspiration stroke which he recognises, as 
aspirated, and compares it to the Spanish x and the Arabic 
, and our German ch. Burnouf renders [G. Ed. p. 34.] 
^ by q; and observes (I. c. p. 345) that the Sanskrit syllable 
W swa becomes qa in Zend, namely, in "^m swapna, t( sleep/ 1 
written, according to Burnouf, qafna, and in ^ swa (sum), 
" his/ 1 We are inclined to add to these examples, ASWJH/^ 
khanha, (nom.) accus. ^wjtf^ khanhrem, from ^EPHT swasd, 
" sister "(soror); '&*n^swasdram(sor(jrem)' t and ^yg^As^o kha- 
reno, " splendour," as related to ^T. swar, " heaven/' and *JT 
sur, "to shine." We must, however, at the same time, remark, 
that ^ sw does not universally become ^o kh, and that ^ swa 
in particular, in an isolated position and with a possessive 
signification, much oftener appears in the shape of AJW hva, 


or that of ASAS*> hnvn. We render ^o by kh, and support our 
view of its aspiration more on the fact, that in modern Persian 
it corresponds frequently to , our ch, than on the circum- 
stance that Rask has marked it as aspirated. This modern 
Persian ~ is pronounced, indeed, at present, without aspira- 
tion, like an Italian c before a, o, u; but its value in Arabic, 
and the choice of this letter, so powerfully aspirated in the 
Arabic to designate a special guttural sound, in true Persian 
words, seems to indicate an intrinsic stronger or milder aspi- 
ration. As jo kh is derived from the Sanskrit ^ swa, it was 
not applied to replace the ^R k before letters, which would 
without it produce an aspiration. It may also be here conve- 
nient to remember that either u or v (j) accompanies the 
Persian *- when the latter replaces at the beginning of a 
[G. Ed. p. 35.] word the Sanskrit ^ sw. It is true that j v 
is no longer sounded before long vowels, but it must originally 
have had its influence on the pronunciation, and cannot have 
been introduced into writing entirely without object, and for 
the mere employment of the copyist. Compare \ Jc khudd, 
"God," with ^^ sivadatta, "self-given ;" for which, in Zend, 
we have, under a more regular participial form (see Gramm. 
Crit. r. 608), A^A^AM khaddta*; which Anquetil, or his 
Parsi teacher, always understands in the sense of, "given 
through God," deceived, probably, by the resemblance of 
sound to \&*> khudd ; while Neriosengh properly translates it 
by T^^ran* sivayandatta. The Persian \<J&> khudd is, however, 
as Burnouf correctly assumes, actually related to the Zend 
A)$>AUASrt khaddta, so as to have its name based in the idea, 
" created by itself," while in its form it has been mutilated of 
one syllable. In Sanskrit we find both TgR su-abhu, " self- 
existent," and also the more common T^rqw swayambhu, as 
appellations of Brahma and Vishnu. That, however, as has 
often been maintained, our word "God" is really related to 

* This word comes from the root dha, " to place," not from <&*, " to 
give." sec . G37. 


khudd, and that its primal signification has thus been dis- 
covered through the Zend, we are forced still to doubt. We 
will here only call to mind that the Germanic forms, especially 
in the older dialects, in general approximate mubh more to 
the Sanskrit than to the modern Persian. ^ siv* in par- 
ticular, in the Gothic, either remains unaltered, or becomes 
si (. 20.). The pronominal syllable ^ swa exhibits itself in 
the Gothic as a pronominal adverb, sva (so) " thus ;" and with 
an instrumental form, six* (uie) "how." The neuter sub- 
stantive sves (Theme svfaa) means Eiyenthum, "property," as 
in Sanskrit the neuter ^ swa. I know of no certain form in 
which a Germanic g or k corresponds to a Sanskrit ^stv or a 
Persian kh. To return, however, to the [G. Ed. p. 36.] 
Persian L khu = ^f siv : compare ^.pai- hhuftan, " to sleep," 
with ^i| swap ; < ->\}>- kh(w)db, " sleep," with ^TPI swdpa ; 
^ Jo\}>- kh(w)dndan, tl to sing," with ^f^ swan, " to sound ;" 
kh(tv)dhar, "sister," with ^r^ swasri, Gothic svistar; 
khur-shid, " sun, Zend fav* hvare, with ^ swar, 
" heaven/ 1 In some words ^ kh corresponds to a Sanskrit k 
before r, in which position the Zend loves an aspiration ; in 
the modern Persian, however, a vowel intrudes between the 
guttural and the r; thus, ,jj^*^ khirdm-idan, "to proceed 
with pomp," corresponds to the Sanskrit w*^ kram, " to go," 
" to step ;" and ^ Jo^ khiridan, " to buy," to the Sanskrit 
equivalent root nft kri. The Persian ^ kh answers to the 
Sanskrit aspirated ^ kh, in the word J~ khar, "ass" 
(Sanskrit CTC khara). 

36. The guttural i^, and its aspirate ir , are represented by 
^ g and o gh. The Sanskrit ^ gh has, however, sometimes 
dismissed the aspiration in Zend ; at least AJ^AS^ garema, 
" heat" (Oepw and Warme), answers to the Sanskrit lift 
gharma : on the other hand, the Hfoghna in AjypAs7<5g7f 9 vere- 
thraghna, " victorious," corresponds to the Sanskrit JT ghna at 
the end of compounds ; for instance, in ^r^fl satru-ghna, ' ' enemy 
slayer." The Zend AiyoA57<3g7g^ verethraghna properly signi- 


fies, like the word so often used in the same sense yAgAi&g^gC 1 
verethra-zan, " killer of Vritra, and proves a connection be- 
tween the Zendish and Indian mythologies, which, however, 
in consequence of the obscuration of meanings in Zend, and 
the oblivion of the old Myths, now only exists in affinities of 
speech. " Killer of Vritra " is one of the most usual titles of 
honour of the prince of the lesser gods, or Indra, who, from 
his slaughter of the daemon Vritra, of the race of the Da- 

[G. Ed. p. 37.] nawas, bears this name. 

We shall discuss the nasals apart in . 60. 

37. Of the Sanskrit palatals the Zend has only the tennis ; 
namely ^j ch ( c= = 1 ^), and the media, namely &j (=*r) : the 
aspirates are wanting, which is not surprising, as they are of 
rare occurrence in the Sanskrit The following are exam- 

>lcs : J^JAS&S^J charaiti, " he goes," Sanskrit ^cfir charati ; 
<wf<3A5^ chathwArti, "four" (nom. plur. masc.) Sansk. 'TOTCTT 
chatw&ras, ^n?rTtt chatw&rti ; ^^AS a6j6, " strength,' 1 Sansk. 
*fhTO 6jas, ^ftift 6j6. It is, however, to be observed, that, 
while the Sanskrit ch remains, by rule, unaltered in Zend, the 
sonant/ is often replaced by other letters ; and first, by x ; 
for instance, Ajpuuij zata, "born, 11 Sansk. *rntjdta; secondly, 
by b sli ; for instance, >ygJo shenu, " knee, 11 Sansk. ^rnjjdntr. 

38. The modification of the sounds of t, peculiar to the 
Sanskrit, contained in the third row of consonants, is wanting 
in the Zend. We pass, therefore, to the ordinary sounds of 
that letter, the dentals. These are, 50 1 (if), (^ th (\),_J d 
(\) c&^dY* (^), together with a t (rx>), peculiar to the Zend, 
of which more hereafter. The $> t is like the guttural which 
we represent by k (5), in this respect, that its position is 
almost limited to one preceding vowels. Before 7 r and 
<wf w, and sometimes before ^ y, in order to gratify the 
affection of the latter for an aspirate, the aspirated <$ th 
steps in. Thus, for instance, ^^thwanm signifies "thee," 
while the nominative is written ^p turn, and the genitive 

tava ; and the word 2u{OJU) Atar, " fire, 1 ' nom. 


dtars, makes, after rejection of the a which preceded r, JVJ^AM 
dthr$, " igni" i*Ai7<3AU dthrat, " ab igne," &c. If, however, 
the t be protected by a preceding consonant, excepting A. 
the succeeding semi-vowel is thereby de- [G. Ed. p. 38.] 
prived of its retro-active power. We find, for instance, 
Aj7$>j3Aj(? vastra, not Aj7<3jaAs(? vasthra, " garment, " vest ;" 
but we have AJ^U^ manthra, " speech, 11 not Aj7fl>*a$ mantra, 
from the root JM$ man. At the end of a word, and, which 
rarely occurs, before strong consonants, (. 25.) at the begin- 
ning also, and middle of a word, the Sanskrit t (7f)is re- 
presented by a special letter, namely, by *, which we, with 
Burnouf, write/, but formerly wrote with a simple t undotted 
below, because no change is possible with $> or (3. Rask 
represents it by th, because he recognises the sign of aspira- 
tion. I am unable, however, to assent to the universal 
validity of this sign of Rask's, and I incline to rejecting the 
aspirate, as in Sanskrit, from the end of words. We should 
also remember that the diphthong is written & as well 
as M ; the last, which prevails at the end of words, with 
a stroke similar to that which distinguishes our r from $>. 
Before consonants, for instance, in the word ^^^Asjry 
fkafahd, the sounding of th would be more precarious than 
that of t, in case this th did not somewhat partake of a sibi- 
lant sound. I think, however, that r* t has merely a 
feebler pronunciation than $> t, and is, so to say, the last 
breathing of t ; as, in Sanskrit, s and r, at the end of words, 
are diluted to Visarga (. 11.) ; and as T^ t, in Prakrit, and 
also in Greek, is, at the end of words, altogether suppressed. 
39. ^ is the ordinary d ^, and @^ according to Rask's 
just reman*;, its aspirate dh. This represents the Sanskrit 
V dh, for instance, in the imperative ending fn. The 
Zend, moreover, favours Q^dh for_^ d in the middle of 
words between two vowels. We find, for instance, AJ^AVJ^ 
ddta, " given/ 1 but J^AW^AJJ dadhdmi, Sanskrit ^^rft daddmi, 
"I give "; and ^JM^^^ mazda-dhdta, [G. Ed. p. 39. ] 

D 2 


" given by Ormusd," " created " ; j&vrv ytdhi, " if," San- 
skrit nfi; yadi; AJ<OAHQ> pddha, "foot," Sansk. rn% pdda. 

40. The labial class embraces the letters o) p, I /, _ 6, 
and the nasal of this organ $ m, of which more hereafter. 
^ p answers to the Sanskrit 11 p, and is transformed into 
/ by the retro-active aspirative power of a following ? r, 
M& s, and j n ; whence, for instance, the preposition u pra 
(pro, TTjOo) becomes, in Zend, Asia /ra; and the primitive 
words Q)JU op, " water " (aqua, and perhaps a<f)po$ ), 
" body, 11 form in the nominative, .^.us dfs, * 
; on the other hand, in the accusative, ^Q)A 

kerepem, or ^g^^gj kehrpem. In regard to the 
power which resides in n of aspirating ap, compare >y^Asp> 
t'//7m, "burning," from the root Q)AJ^O ap, with the deriva- 
tive from the same root jpu;o aywo) AU^OAU dtripayditi, "he 
shines" (See Vendidad Sade, p. 333), and the plural AsyAAwoc^ 
csafna, "nights," with the ablative singular *juj7joQ>AMVK$ 
csaparAt (Vendidad Sade, p. 330), in which, even in the root, 
the interchange between n and r is observable, as the same 
takes place in the Sanskrit between ^r?7f ahan and ^T 
ahar, "clay." (Gramm. Crit. r. 228. annot.) Originally 
i.e. standing for itself, and not proceeding from the o) p 
by the influence described 4 / is of very rare occurrence. 
In some instances known to me it corresponds to the San- 
skrit >? bh, which, however, for the most part, in the Zend 
has rejected the aspiration. In AnquetiFs Vocabulary we 
find nd/o, " navel," which in Sanskrit is written ?nfar ndbhi; 
and in the fern, accus. plural, of frequent occurrence in the 
Zend-Avesta, ^o^^g^> hufedhris, we recognise the San- 
skrit WJ siibhadra "very fortunate," "very excellent," 
also a title of Vishnu. 

41. We come now to the semi-vowels, and must, in order 
to follow the order of the Sanskrit alphabet, discuss y in the 

[G. Ed. p. 40.] next place, by which we express the sound 
of the German and Italian j, the English consonantal y. This 


semi-vowel is written at the beginning of words by >H) or 
j^, and in the middle by the duplication of the u $$, as in 
the Old High German we find w expressed. This semi- vowel, 
and the vowels which correspond to it, j i and j f, introduce 
into the preceding syllable an j i; an interesting pheno- 
menon, first observed by Burnouf (1. c. pp. 340, 341), and which 
in its principle is connected with the German vowel modifi- 
cation (. 73.). We are obliged to ascribe a similar influence 
also to the diphthong w & where it stands at the end of a 
word. Frequent occasion for this presents itself in the dat. 
sing, and the third pers. pres. of the middle verb. For in- 
stance, ;o7.5Ajy nair$, '* homini" for Tt^Ajy nar$, is frequent ; 
but As^j/OAj^Ajy narafaha, " homuuqite^ is an exception. The 
vouels after which, by the attractive power of the letters 
mentioned, an j i is placed, are AS , AW A, > u, } u, w b> \ A 
as to which we must also observe, that u, in the case of a 
succeeding i, is lengthened. Examples are : AJ^Q^A^ nrai- 
dhya (W madhya) " middle " ; As^&Ajy nairya, " man" 1 ; 
bavaitit " he is' 1 ; J^JJMQ,^ dadhditi, " he gives" ; 
oldpayeiti, "he shines 11 ; J^o^yf^ kerenditi, 
"he makes 11 ; j^^^C ^ stuidhi, "praise," instead of -><c^ 
sfudhi, from the root >^ hu (^) ; **$&?$ tuirya, " the 
fourth," 11 from ^5^ chatur, with the *r cha suppressed * ; 
A5^7j>wu ahuirya, an adjective, derived from A5?>*>*As almra. 
With regard to the influence of ^ y we must observe, that 
it does not mix up an j i with a vowel immediately pre- 
ceding, but only with one separated from it by one conso- 
nant ; for if there be two, unless the first be ^j n, the retro- 
active power of y, i, or t 1 , is neutralized ; thus J^AS asti, 
not J^O^JAJ aisti, stands for " he is " ; on the other hand we 
have j$>^UA5Au bavainii, Sansk. VTOfVjT bhavanti, " they are.'*'* 
Several other consonants also resist simply [G. Ed. p. 41.] 
this power of attraction ; thus we have >a^Ay dakhyu, not 

* Or more immediately from the Sanskrit ordinal Jf&l turyya, or 
turiya, ' fourth. "Editor. 


>aJt*->AJ3 daikhyu, "land,"" province"; and the i of the 
personal terminations j$ mi and jw hi, or jjy) shi, obtain 
no influence over the preceding syllable. In the same man- 
ner, in the first person plural, .WA59 mahi, not jtyjAs^ maihi, 
corresponds to the Veda termination uftr masi ; and in the 
genitive of the stems, or inflective bases, in AS a, KJWAS 
a-h& 9 not MWUAS aihd, stands for ^TOI a-sya. 

42. M y sometimes also exerts that disturbing influence 
on a following AJ a or AW A 9 which is equivalent to the in- 
sertion of a vowel, or of i, and consequently effects their 
transmutation into w ^* ; thus the bases of nouns in 

* The expression of the text is " aufsert umlautenden Einfluss." It is 
hardly possible to render into English without circumlocution certain 
terms which the philologers of Germany have invented and adopted to 
express the various modifications of the Indo-Gernianic vowel; such as, 
Ablaut, Auflauty Inlaut, Umlaut. Whether these terms have in them- 
selves the virtue of suggesting to a Teutonic ear the particular modification 
of the vowel to which they are respectively applied may be doubted; but 
if to the student and the teacher they answer the purpose of a memoria 
tcchnica, their use is fully justified by the necessity of the case, and the 
practice of a language which possesses a singular and inexhaustible power 
of progress and adaptation to exigencies. In our language, it seems to us 
that the uncouthness of such compounds as Upsound, OfFsound, and In- 
sound, could hardly be compensated by any advantage to be derived from 
their use ; and we therefore purpose, in the course of this work, where any 
of these terms occur in the original, to retain them in their German shape. 
Of these terms, Ablaut and Umlaut are those which chiefly, if not alone 
are used by our author. Irilaut is, we believe, merely the Sanskrit Guna. 
The meaning of the two former, and their distinction from each other, 
may best be explained by the following extract from our author's excel- 
lent work the Vocalismus, p. 10. 

4< I designate," he says, " by the term Ablaut, a change of the root 
vowel, which is distinguished from the Umlaut by the fact that it is not 
produced by the influence of the vowel of the termination ; for Umlaut is 
a mere affection, disturbance (Trilbung) of the primary sound, through 
which that sound becomes more homogeneous with the vowel of the ter- 
mination; while in the Ablaut, without any recognised external cause, it 
makes room for another, and, in general, totally different sound ; as in 
Gothic, nima, 4 1 take ' ; mm, *I took.' I say, without any recognised ex- 


form, in the genitive, ^^^>>*o y$-he, instead of 
ya-he ; and, with the verb, the old Sanskrit n ya 
or *n yd of the fourth and tenth classes, in the present 
singular becomes wy^o y&. Compare J^/O^AJ^AU^OAVS fitd- 
pay3mi, J^V^^^AS^AM^OAU dtdpayffii, ^^OJ^^^AJ^AU^OAW AlApayjfiti, 
with the Sanskrit ^IrilMMlfa dtdpaydmi, WctnTTftf AfApaymi, 
WffT*njfif Atdpnyati. In the last syllable, AJJ,) ya before 5 m, 
according to rule, becomes j i ; and after the same 
analogy, A> vam becomes $f um. We find, therefore, 
for instance, $$*}$ titirim, "qwirtum" from **&&}$ tui- 
rya; and $}$pjd< thrishum, " tertiam partem" 9^ryj>7<3A*^i 
chat brush um, " quartam partem" from AJ^J?O thrishva, 
Asx^o>7(3Aj^ chathrushva. This appearance is to be thus 
understood, that the antecedent semi-vowel, after the suppres- 
sion of the a, passes into its corresponding vowel, which, 
however, according to the rule of . 6 L, must be a long one. 
The M y* t after its influence has transformed AJ a into 
;o e, is often itself suppressed ; thus we find ^AJJWAS^AUO^ 
frddfiisaim, " I shewed, 1 ' from W^R^ prdd&sayam, which 

ternal cause ; because I think I can shew that tho Ablaut also is produced 
by the particular quality and condition of the termination. Whether, 
however, we seek for the radical vowel in the present or the preterite, the 
change is equally one quite different from that of the Indian Guna or 
Friddhi, and in this respect, that it is a positive change ; while in Sanskrit 
the root vowel is not in fact changed, but only receives an increment, and 
that increment always one and the same, with which it diphthongizes it- 
self, as in Greek, i and v with e, \cant> favya. In respect of signification, 
likewise, there is a difference between the Indian Guna and Vriddhi and 
Germanic Ablaut , for the Ablaut has acquired for itself a significatory 
power for grammatical purposes, even if, as I conjecture, it did not origi- 
nally possess such : the contrast between the present and the past seems 
to rest upon it, and there are indications that the latter is expressed by this 
change. In Sanskrit, Guna and Vriddhi present no indication of this sig- 
nificatory power, but, merely in the character of diphthongizing modifica- 
tions, accompany those inflections which do signify grammatical relations." 

Further illustrations of these latter remarks are to be found in the 
Note 4, which Professor Bopp has appended to the above passage of the 
Vocalismus. Trans. 

* Cf. p. 963, Note, 


according to the rule of the tenth class, would be formed 
from fi{^ dis. The genitive termination 591 sya appears 
everywhere reduced into H5*> h6. The semi-vowels $$ y 
and v are generally suppressed after preceding conso- 
[G. Ed. p. 42.] nants* ; and thus, also, the imperative 
ending ^r swa gives up its w. 

43. In Sanskrit, ^ y is sometimes, for euphony, inter- 
posed between two vowels (Gram. Crit. rr. 271. 310. 311.); 
but this does not uniformly occur. In Zend, the interposi- 
tion of y between > u, } u, and a following ^ & seems to 
amount to a law. Thus the Sanskrit ^ bruv$, " I say * 
(from ^ and **, Gram. Crit. r. 55.), becomes, in Zend, MMffy 
wimt/0 (. 63.) ; and the neuter form ftrftrA "two," after the 
vocalization of the w into u, takes the form ^^ duyi. 

44. We have already remarked (. 30.) with respect to 
9 r, that at the end of a word an j e is always appended to 
it; for instance, fayjuy ddtare, "Creator," "Giver"; 
jJWw hvare, "Sun," instead of 7ju$uu ddtar ; ?AJW hvar. 
In the middle of a word, where an w k is not introduced 
according to . 48., the union of 9 r with a following con- 
sonant is mostly avoided ; so, indeed, that to the originally 
vowelless r an e is appended : thence, for instance, A5ja f ^y^y 
dadaresa, from <g[^f| dadar'sa, " vidi" " vidit" ; or the r is 
transposed, in the same manner as is usual in the Sanskrit for 
the avoidance of the union of ^ r with two following con- 
sonants. (Gram. Crit. r. 34 b .) Hence, for instance, A5Aj7ciu 
dthrava, "priests" (nominative), accus. $yAsAj7<3AM dthra- 
wznem, from the theme ^?^j^ dtarvan, which in the weak 
cases (. 129.) contracts itself into y>7>d!ui fiihurun or y>7>Aj(iui 
dthaurun. (. 28.) To this, also, pertains the fact that poly- 
syllabic stems (or uninflected bases) in ?AJ ar, at the be- 
ginning of compounded forms, transpose this syllable into 
AS? ra; and thus AJ?^!UI dthra, "fire, 11 stands instead of 

* But see 721. 


?A5(3AM fithar.* The combinations $$9 ry, [O. Ed. p. 43.] 
?> urv, are only permitted where a vowel follows, and the 
combination j*$}**ars only as a termination, and in the middle 
of a word before QO t ; for instance, **&&?$ tiiirya, "the 
fourth"; As^^W? vairya, "strong"; yAs7> urvan* "soul" 
AJ?>ASW haurva, " whole 11 (?) ; JUO^^OAW dtars, " fire" (nomina- 
tive) ; j^Ajy nars, "of a man 11 ; AS^A^AS^ Jtarsta, "ploughed" ; 
but -*o>7(3A5^ chathrus, " four times," for -A^CSAS^J chathurs, 
since here no a precedes the rs. 

45. It is worthy of remark, that in the Zend the I is want- 
ing, as in Chinese the r 9 while, nevertheless, it exists in the 
modern Persian, and shews itself in words which are not of 
Semitic origin. The Sanskrit ^ v has three representatives 
in the Zend, ^, , and oxf. The two first are so far distin- 
guished from each other in their use, that (? corresponds to the 
Sanskrit v only at the beginning, and only in the middle 
of words ; for instance, ;OA>9 vuem, " we, 11 = ^qj? vuyrim, 
AJAJ$> tuva (fni)~'mtuva. This distinction, as Rask justly 
assumes, is only graphic. <y which I, with Burnouf, ren- 
der by w, most frequently occurs after <slh t so that never 
accompanies an antecedent (3 f A. On the other hand we find 
much oftener than oxf after the aspirated medial s of this class. 
Perhaps the law here obtains that the <*^dh, which, accord- 
ing to . 39., stands for_^ d (^) ,is only followed by , while 
an original Q^dh, corresponding to a Sanskrit ^ dh t only 
appears in conjunction with <y Thus ^JM^^ dadhv&o, 
" having created," " given," from the root AWJ rfdf , answers 
to the Sanskrit riom. <5?rn^ dadwan ; while the accusative, 
of frequent occurrence in the Vendidad, $fMi<tf<^adhwdnem, 
seems to be identical with the Sanskrit iHC^npT adhwdnam, 
" vinm." (Vend. Olsh. p. 18.) After other consonants than 

* By Stiimme, the author here evidently means the crude derivative 
words which serve as Stems or Bases to inflected words, or those in com- 
bination with inflectional terminations; thus dthra for dthar, forms 
fithrava, dthravanSm, not dtharva, at har variant, &c. Editor. 

t The root corresponds to the Sanskrit dhd, seo . G37. 


<ath and Q^dh, oxf w appears not to be admitted, but only 
v ; on the other hand, <wf w much prevails between two fs 
or j i and && ?/, in which position v is not allowed. 
[G. Ed. p. 44.] Thus we read in the Vendidad (Olsh. p. 23), 
the nominatives juo-JoxO^j driwis, " beggar, (?) and jtujarfjAf^ 
daiwis, "a worshipper of Daeva/ juojQxOAy daiwis however, 
as derived from da&ua through the suffix j i, seems to me 
dubious, and I prefer the variation -MS^/OAS^ dafrvis. Or is it 
between and i also that <wf w only can be allowed ? Another 
instance is, ^JoxfjAs aiwyo, " aquis" as dative and ablative 
plural ; an interesting form which long remained a mystery 
to me, but which I am now in condition to explain. It springs 
from the root Q>AS ap, " water" in such a manner, that after 
suppression of the p,* the Sanskrit termination vq^r bhyas, 
which elsewhere, in the Zend, appears only as ybi byd, 
has weakened itself to yMotfwyti, and, according to . 41., has 
introduced an j i into the base. Another instance in which 
>? bh has weakened itself in the Zend into a semi- vowel, 
and obtained the form otfw in virtue of its position between 
two j is, is the very common preposition jaxftju, aiwi, for 
which, however, JJJAS aibi is sometimes substituted. It may 
be appropriate here to remark that ^ bh appears in the 
Zend, in other company, in the enfeebled shape of v. 
We find, namely, the base w ubha, " both," not only in the 
shape ^i> nba, but also in that of A5i>Aj aova (. 28.), the 
neuter dual form of which I think I recognise in the Vend. S. 
p. 88., where {VS^^foXw (Wj^gpAj ^WAJ^ |-oAuj aov& yasnd 
ameshd spenle, can hardly signify any thing else than " ambos 
f venerans Amschaspantos" (nan conniventes Sanctos, see Nalus, 
w. 25, 26.) Anquetil interprets (T. 3, p. 472.) 01^, by "tous 
deux" We have still another position to mention, in which 
[G. Ed. p. 45.] the semi-vowel oxf ID appears, namely, 
before 7 r, in which connection the softer w is more appro- 

* Compare, in this respect, ^f>j abhra, " cloud," for 

"water-bearing, "and theZend jo^Of 7gj-UJ d-bereta, nom. "water-bearer." 

t Buruouf readsa^e (i.e. " over "} and mokesyas ne, signify "reverence. " 


priate than the harder v. The only example of this case 
is the- feminine Au7oxf>d) suwrd, " sword," "dagger," in which 
we believe we recognise the Sanskrit TOT subhra, " shining, 1 '* 
As to the pronunciation of the <yf w, I think, with Burnouf, 
that it accords with the English w, which also is akin to the 
Sanskrit ^ v after consonants. Rask reverses the powers, 
pronouncing the Zend oxfas the English v, and the letters 
9 and as the English w. 

46. I have not detected in the v and w a power of at- 
traction similar to that which belongs to the jj y, as de- 
scribed in . 41., unless the term M?>MW haurva, "all," which 
often occurs, as well as A5o>jj^ vispa, is derived from the 
Sanskrit ^r% sarwa, "all." I have, however, already else- 
where ascribed to the corresponding vowel > u a power of 
attraction, howbeit sparingly exerted; in virtue of which, 
for instance, the base yAj7A5pjw dtarvan, *' priests," in the 
weak cases (see . 129.), after that yjulp van has contracted 
itself into y> un> by the influence of this u, also converts the 
a of the preceding "syllable into ?t; hence, for instance, in 
the dative, R}y>7>.M$>Au fitaurnnd for joy>/AjflUM atarun@. The 
Sanskrit Tr^u tunina, "young/ 1 is, in Zend, A>y>7>fl> turuna 
or Ajy>7>A3p tauruiui (. 28.); and JSRC vasu, "thing," "riches," 

[G. Ed. p. 46.] has, by the influence of the concluding u, 
converted itself into >w^(? v6hu. 

47. Burnouf was the first to remark on the fact, pecu- 
liar to the Zend, that the semi-vowels are fond of commu- 
nicating an aspiration to a preceding consonant; and we 
(. 40.) have ascribed a similar influence to .MS s and y n, 
and find ourselves compelled to assign the same also to the 

# The accusative fas7<irf>,tt suwrarm, appears in Olshausen, p. 13, with 
the variation ^o^>^> sufranm. (}. 40.) Then we often find the instru- 
mental Av>ye<f>tt suwrya, for which, however, we must read ju^juADcftjJ 
suioraya, if suwrya he not derivable from a Theme jh&tf suwri^ after 
the analogy of *TR^ sundari, from ?r^C sundara. (Grainm. Grit. r. 270.) 


labial nasal, by which, for instance, the feminine participle 
Vyft jagmusht has changed itself to jtpf$\*^jaghmusM. 
The dental medial is free from this influence, for we find 
AJ2 dva, "two," jtod^j drucs, *a demon," (accus. $J>^ 
drujem,} not j*s&>?Q^dhrucs 9 ^y^^dhriijem. The guttural 
medial is, however, exposed to this influence, as in the 
abovementioned instance of jayhmdshi. We have, on the 
other hand, adduced, in . 38., a limitation of this appearance. 
The aspirating virtue of the $$ y is less potent than that of 
the 7 r and <wf w, and we find y often preceded by the un- 
aspirated t] for instance, in <u$tfpjs bitya, "the second/* 
jd thritya, "the third": on the other hand, we have 
merethyu, " death," Sansk. Jfig mrityu. 

48. In connection with the above rule stands the pheno- 
menon, that before r, when followed by any consonant not 
a sibilant, an h is usually placed; for instance JU^^AIC 
mahrica, "death," from the root 2u mar (n rar/,) "to die"; 
Go$yg3 kehrpem, or 9go>g7f5 kerepem, "the body" (nom. 
^^8^83 krrcfi) ; ju^wgl? vchrka, or ^g^gv veruka, " wolf," 
(^^F vrika.) The semi- vowel ?/ also, which only appears be- 
fore vowels, sometimes attracts an w /i ; thus, As^wAJufo 
thwahyot "through thee," corresponds to the Sanskrit 
twayd] and the word As^te>AiJH3(5tf csahya (nom. 

[G. Ed. p. 47.] csahyd adduced by Rask, stands 
csaya and comes from the root jAodtf csi, " to rule," (fsy 

49. We come now to the sibilants. The first, a palatal, 
pronounced in Sanskrit with a gentle aspiration, ^, which 
we express by s in Sanskrit, and in Zend, is written J3 in 
the latter. Its exact pronunciation is scarcely ascertain- 
able. Anquetil assigns it that of the ordinary s. It in 
general occurs in those positions in which the Sanskrit in 
corresponding words has its 51 s ; thus, for instance, dasa, 
" ten," sata, " hundred," pasu, " beast," are common to both 
languages. In this respect # s has spread itself wider in 
Zend than in Sanskrit; that before several consonants, 


namely, p t, j k, and y n, as well at the beginning as in 
the middle of words in the latter place, however, only 
after AS a, AM &, and va an it corresponds to the Sanskrit 
dental or ordinary s f(. Compare ^Aw^ojj stdrti, "the stars," 
with ^nrar x stdras; .j^AMpjj Stddmi, "I praise," with 
st&umi', ^p*A> asti, "he is," with ^rftcf asti\ 
nstanm, " ossium" with ^rfer osthi ; AS^ASJJJ sftanda, 
" shoulder," (?) with ^|Rr skandha ; Awyjj snfa " to purify," 
with ^i sn<t "to bathe." We might infer from this cir- 
cumstance that s & was pronounced as a simple $, yet it 
may have to do with a dialectical preference for the sound 
sh, as happens with the German * in the Suabian dialect, 
and pretty universally at the beginning of words before t 
and p. It is further to be remarked, that s & occurs also 
at the end of words after ^js an. The occasion for this pre- 
sents itself in the nom. sing. masc. of bases in $>^ nt. 

50, The semi-vowel v is regularly hardened into o) p 
after JJ .v; hence, for instance, AWQ)JJ *p<J, " canis" ^fyjuio)v 
spfinem " canem" AsoXw^C? vfspa, "all," [G.Ed. p. 48.] 
AJo)j5Aj ailpa, " horse, 1 ' corresponding to the Sanskrit "sgi sw<l. 
W^H hvdnam, f&3 viswa* ^TO attwa. u$$u jo) js spenta, "holy," 
is not corresponded to by a Sanskrit Tg^r swanta, which must 
have originally been in use, and which the Lithuanian 
szanta-s indicates. From the Zend AJQ>,WAS aspa, the trans- 
ition is easy to the Greek tWo?, which is less obvious in the 
case of the Indian a'siva. 

51. For the Sanskrit lingual sibilant ^ sh, the Zend 
supplies two letters, -H* and t^)- The first, according to 
Rask, is pronounced like the ordinary s, and therefore like the 
Sanskrit dental s ^ ; while $p has the sound of IT = sh, 
and marks this by a stroke of aspiration. We therefore write 
it sh.* Rask observes that these two letters are often inter- 
changed in MSS. ; which he accounts for by the circumstance 

* It is in this Translation given sh without any mark. Sh denotes the 
Sansk. -q. 


that *v is used in the Pehlevi for sh, and that the Parsi 
copyists have been long better acquainted with the Pehlevi 
than the Zend. We find, also, in the Codex edited by Burnouf, 
AC almost everywhere corresponding to ^sft. We recognise, 
however, from the text edited by Olshausen of a part of the 
Vendidad, and the variations appended, that although in ety- 
mological respects *v as well as %p corresponds to the San- 
skrit TI sh, the principal position of -HS is before strong con- 
sonants (. 25.) and at the end of words ; a position of much 
importance in the Zend, and which requires attention in the 
cases of other classes of letters. In this respect *v re- 
sembles, among the dentals, t* t, among the gutturals <& c, 
and among the nasals principally ^ w. At the end of 
words, indeed, m s corresponds to the Sanskrit n s, but yet 
[G. Ed. p. 49.] only after such letters as, in the middle of 
a word, would, according to Rule 101( a ) of my Sanskrit Gram- 
mar, change an original *l s into ^ sh ; namely, after vowels 
other than a and A, and after the consonants (& c and 7 r. 
Hence, for instance, the nominative AOJ^O JASQ) j)aitis, "Lord," 
A\3>j3A$Q> pasus, "beast, 11 J^AS^OAM Atars, "fire, 11 ^(3i>^ drucs, 
" daemon, 11 from the theme >j druj. On the other hand, 
^W^il barans, "bearing, 11 from ^^.M^AVI barant.* In the 
word AV3A5M5(5^ csvas, " six, 11 it is true a terminating *M> s 
stands after a; but it does not here replace a Sanskrit ^*, 
but the original ^ sh of ^ shash. As evidence of the use 
of AU s for T^ sh before strong consonants, we may adduce 
the very usual superlative suffix AS^OJ^J ista (i.e. KTTO$), 
corresponding to the Sanskrit 3^ ishtha. Other examples 
are AJ^^^AJJ karsta, "ploughed, 11 for ^ krishta. In the 
word Ajy^^Ajj^ say ana "camp, ^ stands irregularly for 
jj s, which latter was to be anticipated from the San- 
skrit 5PHf soyana (cf. sattf, . 54.) In the fern, numeral 

* I retain here the original t, since the theme of the word does not 
appear in use. fl> t must otherwise have been changed for i t. 


tisurd, "three" (Olsh. p. 26), the M& might seem 
questionable, for the Sanskrit form is fTO* tisras 9 and *1 ac- 
cording to . 53., becomes w h. The *r, however, is here 
in a position (after ^ i) in which the Sanskrit favours the 
conversion of tt s into t? sh ; and on this rests the Zend 
form 4*7jojtoJfl> tisard. That it does not, however, stand as 
^u^0-*p tisharo, as we might expect from . 52., is certainly 
not to be ascribed to the original existence of AS a, for 
42\MUJ$> tisard stands for ^>2uv%p tisrti, 

52. t^o stands for the Sanskrit r^sh be- [G. Ed. p. 60] 
fore vowels and the semi-vowels $$ y and v ; compare 
aetaeslianm and A^p;oA5^WAj atitrj&shva, with 
eteshdm, " horum" and JJffTcj 6t4shn, " m /as"; AJ^l^tM>5 
man," with T^^q manusJtya. Yet t^) s/i does not 
unite itself with an antecedent 3$ c } but for the Sanskiit 
^ ksh we find almost everywhere in Olshausen's text, and 
without variation, jco(3^ cs ; hence, for instance, d<>sj*$< 
csaihra, "king," Sanskrit Tgnr kshatra, "a man of the war- 
like or royal caste." The word of frequent occurrence, 
Aj^Ajyj^<3^ cshnadma, and the third person connected with 
it, JpWMM$\>J*jVf)(& cshnadmay$iti, we must, on a double 
ground, reject, and prefer the variation given at p. 33, since 
-*o s here is prolonged, as well by the preceding c as by 
the following w. It is, however, worthy of remark, that the 
Sanskrit T5f fish in many Zend words abandons the guttural, 
and appears as x^o *A. For instance, <*fopr dakshina, 
"dexter," becomes Asyjt^JAy dashina (Litlwaii. destine, "the 
right hand ), and ^ffof akshi, "eye," becomes JJ^OAJ ashi, 
which, however, seems only to occur at the end of possessive 
compounds (Bahuvrihi). 

53. w* h is never, in etymological respects, the repre- 
sentative of the Sanskrit ^ h, but of the pure and dental 
sibilant ^ s. Before vowels, semi-vowels, and m, in Zend, 
this letter invariably becomes w, possibly because ^ sw 
(. 35.) takes the shape ^o kh; while before n, and such con- 
sonants as cannot unite with a preceding h, (. 49.) it is to 
be looked for in the shape of d* . The [G. Ed.p.^51.] 


roots which begin with w sp and ^ sph have not yet been 
detected by me in the Zend ; but I am convinced that 
9|3^ sprit, for instance, " to touch," could not begin other- 
wise in Zend than with o)^ sp. Compare, for instance 


hd, "they," *rr sd. 

hapta, " seven," ?CH sapta. 

hakeret, "once," ^*$\ sakrit. 

ahi, " thou art," 'Wftf asi. 

ahmdi, " to this," W^ asmdi. 

hvare, " sun," ^ swar, " heaven. 

/w;a, " his," ^ swa. 

The word AJJJ*> hizva, " tongue, 1 " from tiQfljiliwa, deserves 
mention, because the sibilant quality of the sr j is treated 
as ^ s, and replaced by w 1 A (. 58.). 

54. I do not remember to have met with an instance of 
the combination ?w hr; the Sanskrit word ^H sahasra, 
"thousand," which might give occasion for it, has rejected 
the sibilant in the last syllable, and taken the shape ^jjujju^ 
hazanra. If, in the word AJJ-AUW huska, " dry," Sansk. 
spsff sushka, *> replaces the Sansk. ^j /, we must remember 
that the Latin siccus indicates a Sansk. H s, because c regu- 
larly answers to 31 .v. In many instances of Sanskrit roots 
beginning with ^ s, the corresponding Zend form may be 
grounded on the change which is effected on an initial STS by 
the influence of certain prepositions. (Gram. Crit. r. 80.) 
[G. Ed. p. 62.] Thus I believe I have clearly ascertained 
the existence of the Sanskrit participle fti^ siddha, " per- 
fected," in the term of frequent occurrence in the Vendidad 
$g$>4JjAU)i*p shdisiem; after the analogy of Asp><ttj?j irista 
"deceased," from dj7j irith (see . 99.) Olshausen notifies 
(p. 29) as variations of $$>J*.uu^tt shdistem ^^JJ^AWJU 
sdistem, ^^^O^JAU^D shdistfm, ^^^O^AM^O shdistim, and 
CgCeKJ-wuj^j shdistem. In all these forms, the long a pre- 
sents a difficulty ; for, according to . 28., fiw shidh would 
give the form Q^Jut^u shaidh ; and this, with the suffix ta, 


shaista, in the nora. and accus. neut. 
sli&iitem. What Anquetil (vol., II. p. 279) translates, Juste 
juge du monde qui existe par votre puissance, vous qui 3tes la 
purete meme, quelle est la premiere chose qui plaise a ceite terre 
(que nous habit ons), et la rende favorable, runs in the original 
(Olsh., p. 29, Burnouf, p. 13?), -J 

Ddtare gadthananm astvaitinanm ashduml kva paoirim an- 
huo zemo shdistem? "Creator mundorum epistentinm, pure! 
ubi (quid) primum hujus terra perfectum (bonum?"} 

55. The nominative pronominal base ^ sya (Gramm. 
Crit. r. 268), in the Veda dialect, is under the influence of 
the preceding word ; and we see in Rosen's specimen, p. 6, 
this pronoun, when it follows the particle "S u, converted 
into "! shya, after the analogy of rule 101 a of my Grammar. 
I have detected a similar phenomenon in the Zend pronouns ; 
for we find ;tw he, " ejus" " ei, 11 which is founded on :i 
lost Sanskrit fc si (cf. * i& "IWCT" " mihC and ff fa ^ tui^ 
" tibi M ), when it follows J^;o;*o yfai, " if/ 1 taking the form 
;OAW s& (more correctly, perhaps, ;oxp) she 1 ), for instance > 
at p. 37 of Olshausen : while on the same page we find 
;ow AS^JJJ^^O y&zicha h&, (und wenn Hint,) [Gr. Ed. p. 53.] 
" and if to him/ 1 In the following page we find a similar 
phenomenon, if, as I can hardly douht, gus^p shdo (thus I 
read it with the variation), corresponds to the Sanskrit 

, Noit zi im zao shoo yd (text, gWjCL. yAo) daregha 

akarsta (text, A3^n)^yA3 adarsta), " For not this earth which 
lies long unploughed." 

56). An w h standing between a or d and a following 
vowel is usually preceded by a guttural nasal (9 n) ; and 
this appendage seems indispensable I remember, at least, 
no exception in cases where the following vowel is (/, a, 
or e. We find, for instance, juwj/u^AjjAsjay usazayanha, 
"thou wast born"; while in the active the personal end ins: 
j hi of the present admits no nasal ; and we find, for 



instance, JWA* ahi, " thou art," J^-M-MSC^ ASJ bacsahi, " thoti 
gives t," not jw^uu anhi, JWjuUMi^ASi bacsanhi. 

56&). The termination as, which in Sanskrit only before sonant 
consonants (. 25.) and <w a, dissolves its *unto ^TM, and contracts 
the latter together with the preceding a into ^ft 6 (compare the 
French au, from al) : this ancient termination as appears in 
Zend, as also in Prakrit and Pali, always under the shape of 6 
On the other hand, the termination as, which in Sanskrit 
before all sonant letters entirely abandons the s, in Zend 
has never allowed the concluding sibilant entirely to expire, 
but everywhere preserves its fusion in the shape of i o (for 

[G. Ed. p. 54.] u) ; and I consider myself thereby strongly 
supported in a conjecture I enounced before my acquaintance 
with Zend,* that in Sanskrit the suppression of a terminating 
s after d had preceded the vocalization of this s into u. It 
is remarkable that where, in Zend, as above observed, an 
3 n precedes the v> h which springs out of the s of the 
syllable ds, or where, before the enclitic particle AS^J c/ia, 
the s above mentioned is changed into & s, together with 
these substantial representatives of the s, its evaporation 
into i o is also retained, and the sibilant thus appears in 
a double form, albeit torpid and evanescent. To illustrate 
this by some examples, the Sanskrit HT^ mas, " luna " 
an uninflected nominative, for the s belongs to the root 
receives in Zend the form guu^ mao, in which o represents 
the Sanskrit s; wqm&s-cha, " lunaque" gives us ASfM0$uf 
mdoscha, and *TOra mAsam, " lunam" 9?^?^ 5 mdonhem ; so 
that in the two last examples the Sanskrit sibilant is repre- 
sented by a vowel and a consonant, The analogy of mdonhem, 
" lunam? is followed in all similar instances ; for example, 
for WR dsa "fuit? we find juty^gus donha, and for 
dsdm, " earum? ^Astt^gus donhanm^ . 

* Observations, rule 78 of the Latin edition of Sanskrit Grammar, 
t Burnouf is of a different opinion as to the matter in question, for in 



57. Two sibilants remain to be mentioned, namely, j and 
do, of which the former was probably pronounced like the 
French z, and may therefore be replaced [G. Ed. p. 55.] 
by that letter. Etymologically this letter answers to the 
Sanskrit *? h for the most part, which never corresponds 
to the Zend w /i. Compare, for example, 


a/mm, "I/ 1 ^SJ A * azem. 

hastdj " hand, 11 AS^MJASJ zasta. 

sahasra, " thousand/ 1 As/gm^xjw haznnrn. 

hanti, " he strikes, 1 ' sy^x* zainti. 

vahati, " he carries, 11 J^OJAJJAJ^ vazniti. 

" bears, 11 

/, " for, 11 jjj ari. 

tongue, 11 AJJ < J /t^va, (. 53.) 

mahat, " great, 11 HS^^ ^^^^ (from mazas, 

9 ace. ^jtvjui^Aj^ mazanhem.) 

58. Sometimes _j 2; appears also in the place of the San- 
skrit H j ; so that the sibilant portion of this letter, pro- 
nounced dsch t is alone represented, and the d sound sup- 
pressed (see . 53.)- Thus ^A$>*O yaz, " to adore/' answers 
to the Sanskrit *n^ yaj ; AJJ^^ASJ zadsha, " to please, 1 ' springs 
from the Sanskrit root *f^jush, "to please or gratify. 11 
Thirdly, the Zend z represents also the Sanskrit n^ g, which 
is easily accounted for by the relationship between g andj". 
The Indian gd, (accus. gdm,) bos and terra, has, in Zend, 
as also in Greek, clothed itself in two forms; the first 

the Nouveau Journ. Asiatique, torn. iii. p. 342, speaking of the relation of 
mdonho to manariho, without noticing the analogies which occur in cases 
of repetition, mdosh-cha, "lunaque" urvdraosh-cha, " arboresque," he says, 
" In mdonghd, there is perhaps this difference, that the ngh does not re- 
place the Sanskrit #, for this letter has already become o in consequence 
of a change of frequent occurrence which we have lately noticed. 



signification has maintained itself in Zend, but in Greek 
has given way to the labial ; and j9oG$ and w$uy gdos, or 
jttt>jw^> gdus, correspond to the Sanskrit nom. *fr^ g&ua. 

[G. Ed. p. 56.] For the signification " earth " the Greek 
has preserved the guttural, which in Zend is replaced by z. 
The nom. gwjsdo supposes an Indian form im^grfe for 
afNljrdtes ; in the accusative, $^jsj xanm agrees, in respect 
of inflection, as closely as possible with xnr <j&m and yfjv. 

59. eb is of less frequent use, and was probably pro- 
nounced like the French^: we write it zh. It is observable, 
that as the French j in many words corresponds to the Latin 
semi-vowel j 9 and derives from it its own developement, so 
also sometimes, in Zend, Jo zli has arisen out of the San- 
skrit ^ y. Thus, for instance, ^TR N yuyam, " you," (vos), 
becomes Cgsfc^yo yuzhem. Sometimes, also, b zh has 
sprung from the sound of the English J, and corresponds to 
the Sanskrit 5f j t as in >y j*b zhenu, Sanskrit w^jdnu, " knee." 
Finally, it stands as a terminating letter in some prefixes, in 
the place of the Sanskrit dental *? s after i and u ; thus, 
jp^Aj^seJojy nizhbaruiti, " he carries out" ; 
duzh-uciem, "ill spoken ": on the other hand, 
dus-matem, "ill thought.' 1 

60. We have still to elucidate the nasals, which we have 
postponed till now, because for them a knowledge of the 
system of the other sounds is indispensable. We must first 
of all mention a difference from the Sanskrit, that in Zend 
every organ has not its particular nasal ; but that here, in 
respect of n, two main distinctions are established, and that 
these mainly depend on the circumstance whether n precedes 
a vowel or a consonant. In this manner y and AM are so 
contrasted, that the first finds its place chiefly before whole 
and half vowels, and also at the end of words; the latter only 

[G. Ed. p. 57.] in the middle of strong consonants. We 
find, for instance, jtyoj^At&u^Awi hank&ray&mi, "I glorify"; 
AJ^^JJOQ) pancha, ''five" ; 9p4@>As^t>j bushy antem : on the 


other hand, jwy ?ul (nom.) " man"; f*jyjnoif, " not" 11 ; yg^As^Li 
barayen, "they might bear"; ju^yju any a, "the other." 
Concerning the difference between y and yg a difference 
not recognised in European alphabets it is probable that 
$u, being always fenced in by strong consonants, must have 
had a duller and more suppressed sound than the freer y ; 
and by reason of this weak and undecided character of its 
pronunciation, would appear to have applied itself more 
easily to every organ of the following letter. 

61. Still feebler and more undecided than $u, perhaps 
an equivalent to the Indian Anuswara, we conjecture to 
have been the nasal v*, which is always involved with A* a, 
and which seems from its form to have been a fusion of 
A3 and y. We find this letter, which we write an, first, 
before sibilants, before w //, like the Anuswara, and before 
the aspirates (3 th and i/; for instance, &*$*$$***&&$ csayans, 
" regnans^ accus. $ywMb$MM&(S$ csayantem; AsyAM^Aj^fcv^jsj 
zanhyamdna, a part of the middle future of the root yAsj zan, 
"to beget," but, as it seems to me, with a passive signifi- 
cation (" qui nascetur" Vend. S. pp. 28 and 103.) ; 
manthra, " speech," from the root JM$ man; 

"mouth, 11 probably from the Sanskrit *F{jap, "to pray," 
. 40., and with the nasal inserted. Secondly, before a 
terminating 5 m and y n. We have here to observe that 
the Sanskrit termination ^TT^ Am is always changed to 
t^panm in Zend; for intance, ^(OAS^ dadhanm, " I gave," 
Sanskrit ^n*^Ti^ ada Mm ; 6xayA5(o.\MQ> pddhananm, "pedum" 
Sans. xn(T tTW x pdddndm ; and that the ter- [G. Ed. p. 58.] 
mination of the third person plural, ^5R an, provided the a do 
not pass into e, always appears as a double nasal y^jj ann.* 

62. For the nasal, which, according to . 56., is placed as 
an euphonic addition before the w h, which springs from 
*j s, the Zend has two characters, 9 and j, to both which 

* The termination ann from dn belongs to the potential, precattve, and 


Anquetil assigns the sound ng.* We write them n, in order 
to avoid giving the appearance of a g preceded by a gut- 
tural n to this guttural, which is only a nasal precursor of 
the following w h. As to the difference in the use of these 
two letters, j always follows a and do ; j, on the contrary, 
comes after i and e, for which the occasion is rare. For 
instance, in the relative plural nom. w-yjSwyv ydnh$> "qui" 
and in the fern. pron. genitives, as gusty JJAS ainhdo, " hujus" 
which often occurs, but as often without j z, and with 9 n, 
VM*V yj anhdo. What phonetic difference existed between j 
and jS we cannot venture to pronounce. Anquetil as we 
have seen, assigns the same pronunciation to each; while Rask 
compares jS with the Sanskrit palatal *r n, and illustrates 
its sound by that of the Spanish and Portuguese n. 

63, The labial nasal 9 ra does not differ from the San- 
skrit ^: it must, however, be remarked, that it sometimes 
takes the place of b. At least the root \bru, " speak, in 
Zend becomes ^7$ mru ; as $YAS?% mra6m, " I spoke," i^Aj7^ 
mratit, " he spoke " : in a similar manner is the Indian 
ipgr mukha, " mouth," related to the Latin bucca ; and not 

[G. Ed. p. 59J much otherwise the Latin mare to the 
Sanskrit mft vdri, " water." I consider, also, mullus re- 
lated to TOjy bahula, the Greek noXvs , and the Gothic filu. 

64. A concluding 9 m operates in a double manner on 
a preceding vowel. It weakens (see . 30.) the AJ a to g e ; 
and, on the other hand, lengthens the vowels i and u; 
thus, for instance, ^JASQ> paitim, "the Lord," ^/-^P tanum, 
" the body," from the bases Jp JASQ) paUi, >y.wp tanu. In 
contradiction to this rule we find the vocative of frequent 
occurrence, $>.u>t^.vs ashdum, " pure." Here, however, 
>AM du, as a diphthong, answers to the Sanskrit ^ du 9 the 
last element of which is not capable of further lengthening 

* Burnouf also writes the first of these ng. I have done the same in 
my reviews in the Journal of Lit. Crit. 


The form in question is a contraction of the theme 
M5AJt^jAj ashavan ; with an irregular conversion of the 
concluding y n into $ m. 

65. We give here a complete summary of the Zend 

Simple Vowels : AS a, g e, c e ; AM d ; J ?, j {; > u,& o, f U- 
Diphthongs : M, ;o , j^ eft ; JAM di ; 4* 4 f 011 ^ >AM ^ w - 
Gutturals : 5 & (before vowels and v), <& c (principally 

before consonants), ^o kh (from ^ sw> before vowels 

and My); ^ gr, p /7/i. 

Palatals : ^i eft, ^/ 

Dentals : ^> f (before vowels and ^ 4/), * ( (before con- 
sonants and at the end of words), <ath (before whole 
and semi- vowels),^ d, Q^dh. 

Labials: o>j9, ^/ (the latter before vowels, semi- vowels, 
nasals, and Jto s),_ s 6. 

Semi-vowels : jd^, >*o, &$ y (the two [G. Ed. p. 60.] 
first initial, the last medial), ?, o r (the last only after 
iy), (p, v (the first initial, the last medial), oxf w>. 

Sibilants and h : ja 6-, j^) s/z, j^3 ^ b 5rA (or like the 
French j\ j z, w ft. 

Nasals : y n (before vowels, semi- vowels, and at the end 
of words), ^ n (before strong consonants), & an (be- 
fore sibilants, w ft, dih, /, 9 m, and y n), j n (between 
AS a or gus d(?, and w ft, and between a and r*), A? y 
(between j i or ;t> !, and ft), 9 m. 

Remark also the Compounds eKP for ^AS aft, and $oo for 

^>M5 St. 

66. We refrain from treating specially of the Greek, 
Latin, and Lithuanian systems of sounds, but must here 
devote a closer consideration to the Germanic. The Gothic 
a, which, according to Grimm, is always short, answers 

* E.g. Avjm/jASfe) 1 havanra, "a thousand." 


completely to the Sanskrit a ; and the sounds of the Greek 
e and o are wanting, in their character of degeneration 
from a, in Gothic as well as in Sanskrit. The ancient 
a has riot, however, always been retained in Gothic; but 
in radical syllables, as well as in terminations, has often 
been weakened to /, or has undergone suppression ; often, 
also, by the influence of a following liquid, has been con- 
verted into u. Compare, for instance, sibun, lt seven," with 
TOR saptan; taihun, "ten/ 1 with ^7? damn. 

67. We believe ourselves authorized to lay down as a 
law, that ^r a in polysyllabic words before a terminating * 
is everywhere weakened into i, or suppressed ; but before 
a terminating th generally appears as L A concluding ^? a 
in the Gothic either remains unaltered, or disappears : it 
never becomes i. 

68. In the Old High German the Gothic a either remains 
[G. Ed. p. 61.] unaltered, or is weakened to e, or is changed 

by the influence of a liquid to u = perhaps o. According to 
this, the relation of the unorganic e to the Gothic a is the 
same as that of the Gothic i (. 66.) to ^r a ; compare, for 
instance, in the genitive of the bases in a ^WIQ vrika-sya, 
Gothic vutfi-s, Old High German wolfe-s. In the dative plural 
wulfu-m stands to vulfa-m in the same relation as above (. 66.), 
sibun to saptan. The precedence of a liquid has also, in Old 
High German, sometimes converted this a into u or o ; com- 
pare plinte-rnu(mo), cceco, with the Gothic bllndammn. Also 
after the German j or y, which in Sanskrit (TT y) belongs as 
a semi- vowel to the same class as r, the Old High German 
seems to prefer u to a ; thence plintju, without j also plintu, 
" cceca,' as a fern. nom. sing., and neuter nom. ace. voc. 
plural ; plinta " ccecam" The u of the first person present, as 
kipu, "I give," Gothic giba, I ascribe to the influence of 
the dropped personal letter m. Respecting the degenera- 
tion of the original a sound to u compare also . 66. In 
the Old High German inseparable preposition to (our 
German ge) = Gothic ga, Sanskrit *| sa or *n? sam, w 


have an example in which the Gothic-Sanskrit a has be- 
come f. 

69, For the Sanskrit ^i A, the Gothic, which has no 
long a, almost always substitutes 6 (. 4.), and this 6, in cases 
of abbreviation, falls back into the short a. Thus, for instance, 
in Grimm's first fern, declension of the strong form, the 
norn. and accus. sing. 6 is softened to a, whence giba, yibd-s 
(. 118.). Generally in the Gothic polysyllabic forms, the 
concluding ^r d is shortened to a ; and where 6 stands 
at the termination, an originally succeeding consonant lias 
been dropped ; for instance, in the gen. plur. fern. 6 stands 
for w^ dm. Sometimes, also, in the Gothic, & corresponds 
to the Sanskrit A 9 as in the gen. plur. niasc. and neuter. In 
the Old High German the Gothic 6 either [G. Ed. p. 62.] 
remains 6, as in the gen. plur., or divides itself into two 
short vowels; and, according to differences of origin, into oa, 
MU, or wo; of which, in the Middle High German, wo prevails ; 
while in the Modern High German the two divided vowels 
are contracted into ti. For the Gothic 3 = ^nd, the Old, 
Middle, and Modern High German have preserved the old 4 
except in the gen. plural. 

70. For 3[ i and ^ i the Gothic has t and ei\ which latter, 
as Grimm has sufficiently shewn, is everywhere to be 
considered as long i, and also in Old and Middle High 
German is so represented. We, together with Grimm, as 
in the case of the other vowels, designate its prolongation 
by a circumflex. In the Modern High German the long i 
appears mostly as ei ; compare, for instance, meln with the 
Gothic genitive meina, and the Old and Middle High Ger- 
man min. Sometimes a short i is substituted, as in lich, 
answering to the Gothic leiks, "like," at the end of com- 
pounds. On the long i, in wtr, " nos" Gothic vets, we can 
lay no stress, as we match the dat. sing, mir also with the 
Gothic mis. It is scarcely worth remarking that we usually, 
in writing, designate the elongation of the i and other vowels 
by the addition of an h. 


71. While the original V a has undergone many altera- 
tions in the Germanic languages, and has produced both 
i and u 9 I have been able to detect no other alterations in 
i and i than that i is as often suppressed as a ; but it never 
happens, unless some rare exceptions have escaped me, that 
i is replaced by a heavier vowel a or w.* We may lay 

[G. Ed. p. 63.] it down as a rule, that final i has given 
way in German everywhere, as it has generally in Latir- 


t|ft pari, tiepi, per, fair. (. 82.) 

upari, vnep, super, ufar. 

cLsti, eor/, est, ist. 

santi, evrl, sunt, sind. 

72. Where a concluding i occurs in Gothic and Old High 
German it is always a mutilation of the German j (or y) toge- 
ther with the following vowel ; so that j, after the suppres- 
sion of this vowel, has vocalized itself. Thus the uninflected 
Gothic accus. hari, " exercitum" is a mutilation of harya.^ The 
Sanskrit would require harya-m ; and the Zend, after . 42., 
meeting the Germanic half way, hari-m. Before a con- 
cluding s also, in the Gothic, ^i is usually suppressed ; and 
the Gothic terminating syllable is, is mostly a weakening 
of as, . 67. In Old High German, and still more in Middle 
and Modern High German, the Gothic i has often degene- 
rated into e, which, where it occurs in the accented syllable, 
is expressed in Grimm by e. We retain this character. We 
have also to observe of the Gothic, that, in the old text, i 

* The Sanskrit ftfij pitri, "father," probably stands for 
" ruler " ; and the European languages have adhered to the true original. 
(Gramm. Crit. r. 178, Annot.) 

t In the text harja; but in order to shew more exactly the connection 
with the Sanscrit *jy, vide . 68. 1. 12. ; and as the./ is simply and uni- 
versally pronounced y, the German j will be represented by y in this 


at the beginning of a syllable is distinguished by two dots 
above, which Grimm retains. 

73. As in Zend (. 41.), by the attractive force of z, i, or 
y, an i is introduced into the antecedent syllable ; so also, in 
Old High German, the corresponding sounds have obtained 
an assimilating power; and frequently an [G. Ed. p. 64.] 

a of the preceding syllable is converted into e, without any 
power of prevention on the part of either a single or double 
consonant. Thus, for instance, we find from ant, " branch," 
the plural esti; from anst, "grace," the plural ensti] and from 
vattu, "I fall," the second and third persons vellis, vellit. 
This law, however, has not prevaded the Old High German 
universally : we find, for instance, arpi, " hereditas" not 
erpi ; zahari, " lacrymce" not zaheri. 

74. In the Middle High German, the e, which springs 
from the older z, has both retained and extended the power 
of modification and assimilation; inasmuch as, with few 
limitations, (Grimm, p. 332,) not only every a by its retro- 
spective action becomes e, but generally, also, A, u, and o 
are modified into #?, u t and o; 6 into a?, and uo into ue. 
Thus the plural geste, drcete, brilche, koche> l<zne t gruese, 
from gast 9 drdf, bruch, koch, I6n, gruoz. On the other hand, 
in the Old High German, the e which has degenerated from 
i or a obtains no such power ; and we find in the genitive 
singular of the above words, gaste-s, drate-s, &c., because 
the Old High German has already, in the declension of the 
masculine i class, reduced to e the i belonging to the class, 
and which in Gothic remains unaltered. 

75. The e produced in Old and Middle High German 
by the modification of a, is retained in the Modern High 
German, in cases where the trace of the original vowel is 
either extinguished or scarcely felt ; as, JEnde, Engel, setzen, 
netzen, nennen, brennen ; Goth, andi, aggilus, satyan, natyan, 
namnyan, brannyan. Where, however, the original vowel 
is distinctly opposed to the change, we place a, short or 


[G. Ed. p. 65.] long, from short or long a ; and in the same 
relation, u from u, o from o, tin from au ; for instance, Brande, 
Pf'dle, Dunste, Fluge, Koche, Tone, Baume, from Brand, 
Pfdl, &c. 

76. For "Zu, gitf, the Gothic has u 9 which is generally short. 
Among the few examples cited by Grimm, p. 41, of long M, 
we particularize the comparative sutizfi, the essential part of 
which corresponds to the Sansk. '^n^sw&du, "sweet," (^JJ-r), 
and in which the long u may stand as a compensation for 
the absence of the w(v), which becomes vocalized. In Old High 
German it seems to me tiiatpuam, "to dwell," and truin, "to 
trust/' correspond to the Sanskrit roots vtjjhu, "to* be." T^dhru 
"to stand fast" from which comes jpr dhruva, "fast," 
"constant," "certain" (Gramm. Grit r. 51.) with the Guna 
form of which (. 26.) the Goth, bauan, trauan, is connected; 
cf. Hfarm bhav-itum, "to be," ufarn^ dhrav-itum, "to stand 
fast." The Middle High German continues the Gothic Old 
High German d, but the Modern High German substitutes 
M, whence haven, trauen, Taube (Gothic ddbd). 

77. As out of the Sanskrit 3" u, in Zend, the sound of a 
short i* has developed itself (. 32.), thus, also, the Gothic 
M she? s itself, in the more recent dialects, oftener in the 
form of o than in its own. Thus have the Verbs in the 
Old and Middle High German (Grimm's 9th conjug.) pre- 
served a radical u in the plur. of the pret, but replaced it 
by o in the passive part. Compare, for instance, hugum, 
"we bend," bugans, "bent," with Old High German pukum$s, 
pokanSr, Middle High German bugen, bogen. The example 
adduced shews, also, the softening of the old u to e, in un- 
accented syllabes, in Middle High German as in Modern 
High German ; so that this unaccented e may represent all 
original vowels a, i, u ; and we may lay it down as a rule, 
that all long and short vowels in the last syllable of poly- 

Of. . 447. Note. 


syllabic words, are either worn away or softened down to a 
mute e. 

78. For the diphthongs u (a+0 and [G. Ed. p. 66.] 
^ft 6 (a + w), the Gothic has ai and au, which are also 
monosyllabic, and were perhaps pronounced like ^ & and 6. 
Compare bavaima, " Gdificemus" with H^fal bhav&ma, "simus"; 
sunau-s, "of a son/' with its equivalent *pftf^ *untf-ff. Where 
these Gothic diphthongs at and au have maintained themselves 
unaltered in value, they then appear, in writing, as & and 6* 
which must be considered as contractions of a -*- i and a -f u ; 
as in the Latin amemus, from amdimus (. 5.) ; and as in 
the almost solitary case of Ms, the long o of which is the 
result of a contraction of a -ft/, whose latter element appears 
again before vowels in the independent shape of v (bovis, 
bovurri), while the first element a, in its degeneration, 
appears as o (. 3.). Compare, 


chardma (eamus), faraima, vartSmfa. 

char&ta (entis) 9 faraith, varSt. 

tibhyas (Ms), thaim dim. 

79. In like manner, in all subjunctives, and in the pro- 
nominal declension in which the adjective bases in a take 
part, an Old High German & corresponds to the Sanskrit 
* $ and Gothic ai. The Middle High [G. Ed. p. 67.] 
German has shortened this , as standing in an unaccented 
terminating syllable (varen, varef). Besides this, the Middle 
High German has, in common with the Old High German, 

If, however, the Gothic diphthongs in question were not pronounced 
like their etymological equivalents Jj and ^ft o, but, as Grimm con- 
ceives, approximate to the Vriddhi-change (. 26.) ^ ai and ^sft du: in 
such case the High German ^ d, as opposed to the Gothic ai, au 9 are not 
merely continuations of these Gothic diphthongs: but the pronunciation 
assigned by the Sanskrit to the union of a with i or u, must have been 
first introduced into the Germanic, under certain conditions, in the eighth 


preserved the diphthong & where it stood in radical syllables 
under the protection of a following u, r (out of the older s), 
or h (c/i), even in cases where one of these letters had been 
dropped, or where u had vocalized itself into v or o. 
(Grimm, pp. 90. 343). Compare, 



aw, " avum" Swin. 

8nalvs 9 "nix^ snfo, snS. 

mais, "magis" mtr, mi. 

laisyan, " docere" l&ran, Kren* 

laihv, "commodavit" tth Ucli. 

In the Modern High German this is partly preserved, 
partly replaced; for instance, m$r (mehr), Schne (Schnee), 
SSle (Gothic saivala) ; but ich lieh, gedieh. (Grimm, p. 983.). 
80. As the 6 for the Gothic ai, so the 6 for au, in the 
Old and Middle High German, is favoured by certain 
consonants; and those which favour the 6 are the more 
numerous. They consist of the dentals (according to the 
Sanskrit division, . 16.) t, d, ar, together with their nasal 
and sibilant (n, s) ; further, the semi-vowel r ; and A, which, 
as a termination in Middle High German, becomes ch ( See 
Grimm, pp. 94. 345). The roots, which in the Gothic 
admit the Guna modification of the radical u by a, in 
the preterite singular, oppose to the Gothic aw, in Middle 
and Old High German, a double form ; namely, 6 under the 
condition above mentioned, and next ou, . 34., in the absence 
[G. Ed. p. 68.] of the letter which protects 6. For instance, 
Old High German zdh, Middle High German z6ch (traxi, 
traxit) Gothic tauh, Sanskrit 5^5 dudAha (muki, mulsi,) ; 
but pouc, bouc, flexi, flent, Gothic bang, Sanskrit wftf 
bu-bh&ja. The Modern High German exhibits the Gothic 
diphthong aw, either, like the Middle and Old High Ger- 
man, as 6, and in a more extended degree, and subject 
to the modification of . 75; or next, shortened to o, 


the particulars of which will be explained under the verb , 
or, thirdly, as au ; for instance, daupya, " I baptize," hlaupa, 
" I run"; or, fourthly, as eu, . 83, 

81. As Ulfilas, in proper names, represents both e and at 
by ai, and likewise o and av by au (Paitrus, Galeilaia, 
apaustaulus, Paulus ) ; and as, in the next place, not every 
Gothic ai and au in the cognate dialects is represented in like 
manner, but in some cases the Gothic ai is replaced in Old 
High German by a simple i or , and au by u or o ( . 77.) ; 
but in the others, ai is replaced by , or ( . 85.) by ei, and 
au by 6 or (. 84.) ou ; therefore Grimm deduces from these 
facts a double value of the diphthongs ai and au; one 
with the accent on the last element (af, au), another with 
the accent on the a (di, au). We cannot, however, give im- 
plicit belief to this deduction of the acute author of the 
German system of sounds, and prefer assuming an equal 
value in all cases of the Gothic ai and au, although we 
might support Grimm's view by the fact, that, in Sanskrit, 
^ 6, \sft 6 9 never replace his ai and au ; but everywhere, 
where occasion occurs, do replace ai and au. We think, how- 
ever, that the difference is rather phonetic than etymological. 
As concerns the ai and au in proper names, it may be ac- 
counted for, inasmuch as the Gothic was [G. Ed. p. 69.] 
deficient in equivalents for these non -primitive vowels, which 
have degenerated from the original ^r a. Could Ulfilas 
have looked back into the early ages of his language, and 
have recognised the original idenity of e and o with his a, 
he would perhaps have used the latter as their substitutes. 
From his point of sight, however, he embraced the ai and 
au, probably because these mixed diphthongs passed with 
him as weaker than the long and 6, ejusdem generis, = 
(wd). It is important here to observe, that in Greek also 
at is felt as weaker than rj and o>, as is proved by the fact 
that at does not attract the accent towards itself (Tvirropat 
not TVTTTOJUOU. The expression of the Greek at and av by 


the Gothic ai and au requires the less justification, because 
even if ai was pronounced like * , and au like ^ft 6, yet 
the written character presents these diphthongs as a still 
perceptible fusion of a with a following i or u. 

82. As to the other statement, namely, that not every 
Gothic ai and au produces the same effect in the younger 
dialects, nor has the same foundation in the older Sanskrit, 
it might be sufficient to observe upon one feature of dialect 
peculiar to the Gothic, that h and r do not content them- 
selves with a pure preceding i } but require it to be affected 
by Guna ( . 26.) ; thus, ai for i 9 and au for u ; while other 
dialects exhibit the i and u before h and r in the same 
form as before every other consonant. The relation of the 
Gothic to their Sanskrit equivalents, 



"six," ^ shash, 

taihun, " ten," <J3F^ damn, 

faihu, " cattle," TT$J pam, 

svaihra " father-in-law,' 1 TETsn; swasura, 

taihsvd, "dextera," ^fisprn dakshina, 

r p hairtd, "heart," <j? hrid (from hard. 1.), 

S bairan, "to bear," H|^ bhartum, 

*? distairan* "to tear," ^fajj*^ dar-i-tum, 

2 stairnd, "star," WTO tdrd, 

is not so to be understood as though an i had beeii placed 
after the old a, but that, by the softening down of the a to 
i (. 66.), the forms sihs, tihun, had been produced ; out of 
which, afterwards, the Guna power arising from h and r 
had produced saihs, taihun, bairan. The High German has, 
however, remained at the earlier stage ; for Old High Ger- 
man sehs, ( Anglo-Saxon, " six,") and tehan or tehun, &c., rest 
upon an earlier Gothic sihs, tihun. Thus, tohtar rests on an 
earlier Gothic duhtar, for the Guna form dauhtar, Sanskrit 
duhitar, (ffi%duhitri, . 1.) c< daughter. Where the 


Sanskrit ^ta has preserved itself in the Gothic unaltered, that 
is, not weakened to i t the occasion is absent for the de- 
velopment of the diphthong a? 9 since it is not the a before 
h and r which demands a subsequent addition, but the i 
which demands a precedent one ; compare ahtau, " eight," 
with wh ashtdu* 

83. The alterations to which the simple vowels have 
been subjected appear again in the simple elements of the 
diphthongs, as well in the relation of the Gothic to the 
Sanskrit, as in that of the younger Germanic dialects to 
the Gothic. Thus the a element of the diphthong ^ft 6 
shews itself often in the Gothic, and in certain places in a 
regular manner, as i ( . 27.) ; and in the same places the 
a contained in i? <? (a + 1) becomes i, which, with the second 
element of the diphthong, generates a long i (written as e? t 
. 70.). The Gothic iu has either retained that form in Old 
High German, or has altered sometimes one, sometimes both 
of its constituents. Thus have arisen io t PO. [G. Ed. p. 71.] 
There is a greater distance to be passed in Otfrid's theory of 
the substitution of ia for iu, which cannot fail to surprise, as 
we know that a simple u never becoms a.f In Middle 
High German iu has either remained unaltered, or has been 
changed to w 9 which is as old as the latest Old High Ger- 
man, as it is found in Notker. In Modern High German 
the substitution of ie for the old iu is that which princi- 

* Ahtau=ashtdu is perhaps the only case in which the Gothic au cor- 
responds to the Sanskrit Vriddhi diphthong ^ au; on the other hand, 
au often answers to ^ 0=(a4-w). 

f There is yet another ia in Old High German, namely, that which 
Grimm (p. 103) very acutely represents as the result of a contraction, and 
formerly dissyllabic, to which, therefore, there is no counterpart diph- 
thong in Gothic. The most important case will be discussed under the 
head of the verb, in preterites, such as hialt^ " I held," Gothic haihald. 
After this analogy fiar, " four," (according to Otfrid), arose out of the 
Gothic fidwr, in this way, that, after the extrusion of the dv, the 6 passed 
into its corresponding short vowel. Grimm, p. 193. 



pally prevails, in which, however, the e is only visibly re- 
tained, for phonetically it is absorbed by the i. Compare 
ich bide with the Gothic biuda, yiesse with giuta. Besides 
this form, we also find eu in place of the old in or still 
older au t in cases, namely, where e can be accounted for as 
the result of a no longer perceptible modification (Grimm, 
p. 523, . 75.); compare Lcute with the Gothic laudeis. Old High 
German liuti, "people"; Hen, "hay," with Goth, havi, "grass." 
Usually, however, the Gothic has already acquired an iu in 
place of this eu t and the original au (which becomes av be- 
fore vowels) is to be sought in the Sanskrit; for instance, 
Ncune, "nine," Old High German niuni, Gothic niuneis, 
Sanskrit HT N navttn (as theme); men, "new," Old High Ger- 
man niwi (indeclinable)* Gothic nivi-s, Sanskrit ra*l nava-s. 
This f, however, is difficult to account for, in as far as it is 
connected with the Umlaut, because it corresponds to an i in 
Middle and Old High German; and this vowel, of itself 
answering to an ? or y in the following syllable, is capable of 
no alteration through their power of attraction. Long u for 
iu, equivalent to a transposition of the diphthong, is found ill 
liiyen, "to lie," triiyen, "to deceive," Middle High German 
liijyen, triugcn. 

[G. Ed. p. 72.] 84. Where the a element of the Sanskrit 
^fft A retains its existence in the Gothic, making au the equi- 
valent of o, the Middle High German, and a part of the Old 
High German authorities, have ou in the place of an, 
although, as has been remarked in . 80, under the influence 
of certain consonants A prevails. Compare Old High German 
pouc, Middle High German bouc, with the Gothic preterite 
bauy, "Jlexi" The o of the High German ou has the same 
relation to the corresponding Gothic a in an, as the Greek 
o in /3ov$ bears to the Sanskrit ^ a, which undergoes a 
fusion with ^ u in the ^ft u of the cognate word ift </o. 
The oldest Old High German authorities (Gl. Hrab. Ker. Is.) 
have ou for the ou of the later (Grimm, p. 99); and as, 


under the conditions specified in . 80., they also exhibit o, 
this tells in favour of Grimm's assumption, that au in the 
Gothic and oldest High German was pronounced like our 
German au, and thus not like the Sanskrit ^Bft 6 (out of 
a -t- w). In this case, in the Gothic ai, also, both the let- 
ters must have been sounded, and this diphthong must be 
only an etymological, and not a phonetic equivalent of the 
Sanskrit * 6. 

85. In the Gothic diphthong ai the a alone is susceptible 
of alteration, and appears in High German softened down to 
e, in the cases in which the <!, contracted from ai (. 78.), does 
not occur. In Modern Ili^-h German, however, ei, in pro- 
nunciation, = ai. Compare 



haita, " voco," heizu, heize, heissr. 

skaida, " separo? skeidu, scheide, scheidc. 

86. (1.) Let us now consider the consonants, preserving the 
Indian arrangement, and thus examining [G. Ed. p. 73.] 
the gutturals first Of these, the Gothic has merely the 
tennis and the medial (k, g) ; and Ulfilas, in imitation of the 
Greek, places the latter as a nasal before gutturals; for in- 
stance, drigkan, " to drink"; briggan, "to bring"; tuggti, 
tongue" ; yuyys> " young" ; gtiggs, " a going" (subst). For 
the compound kv the old writing has a special character, 
which we, like Grimm, render by qv, although q does not 
appear elsewhere, and v also combines with g ; so that qv 
(=kv) plainly bears the same relation to gv that k bears to y\ 
compare siyqvan, "to sink," with siggvan, "to read," "to 
sing." //also, in Gothic, willingly combines with v; and 
for this combination, also, the original text has a special 
character; compare saihvan, leihvan, with our sehen, leihen. 
In respect to h by itself we have to observe that it often 
appears in relations in which the dentals place their th and 
the labials their /, so that in this cnse it takes the place of 

F 2 


kh, which is wanting in the Gothic. In this manner is 
aih related to aigum, " we have," as bauth to budum, and gaf 
to g$bum. Probably the pronunciation of the Gothic h was 
not in all positions the same, but in terminations, and before 
t and s, if not generally before consonants, corresponded to 
our ch. The High German has ch as an aspirate of the k : 
for this tennis, however, either k or c stands in the older 
dialects, the use of which, in Middle High German, is so dis- 
tinguished, that c stands as a terminating letter, and in the 
middle of words before t, and ch also stands for a double k. 
(Grimm, p. 422.) This distinction reminds us of the use of 
the Zend (& c in contrast to 5 k, as also of the r ( in con- 
trast to y t. (. 34. 38.) 

(2.) The palatals and linguals are wanting in Gothic, as 
in Greek and Latin; the dentals are, in Gothic, t, th, d, 
[G. Ed. p. 74.] together with their nasal n. For th the 
Gothic alphabet has a special character. In the High 
German z (=ts) fills the place of the aspiration of the t, so 
that the breathing is replaced by the sibilation. By the side 
of this z in the Old High German, the old Gothic -th also 
maintains its existence.* There are two species of z t which, 
in Middle High German, do not agree with each other. In 
the one, t has the preponderance, in the other, s; and this latter 
is written by Isidor zs, and its reduplication *., while the 
reduplication of the former he writes tz. In the Modern 
High German the second species has only retained the 
sibilant, but in writing is distinguished, though not uni- 
versally, from s proper. Etymologically, both species of 
the Old and Middle High German z fall under the same 
head, and correspond to the Gothic t. 

(3.) The labials are, in Gothic, p, /, i, with their nasal 

* Our Modem High German th is, according to Grimm (p. 525), in- 
organic, and to be rejected. " It is, neither in pronunciation nor origin, 
properly aspirated, and nothing but a mere tenuis." 


m. The High German supplies this orgau, as the Sanskrit 
does all, with a double aspiration, a surd (f^v^ph) (see 
. 25.) and a sonant, which is written v, and comes nearer to 
the Sanskrit* bh. In Modern High German we perceive 
no longer any phonetic difference between / and v ; but in 
Middle High German v shews itself in this manner softer 
than /, in that, first, at the end of words it is transformed 
into /, on the same principle by which, in such a position, 
the medials are converted into tenues; for instance, 100^ not 
wolv, but genitive wolves; second, that in the middle before 
surd consonants it becomes /, hence zwelve becomes zwelfte, 
funve becomes fuiifte,funfzic. At the beginning of words / 
and t;, in Middle High German, seem of equal signification, 
and their use in the MSS. is precarious, [G. Ed. p. 75.] 
but v preponderates (Grimm, pp. 339. 400). It is the same 
in Old High German ; yet Notker uses / as the original 
primarily existing breathing-sound, and v as the softer or 
sonant aspiration, and therefore employs the latter in cases 
where the preceding word concludes with one of those letters, 
which otherwise (. 93.) soften down a teiiuis to its medial 
(Grimm, pp. 135, 136); for instance, demo vater, den vater, 
but not dcs vater but des fater. So fur the rule is less 
stringent (observes Grimn), that in all cases / may stand 
for v t but the converse does not hold. Many Old High 
German authorities abandon altogether the initiatory v, 
and write / for it constantly, namely, Kero, Otfrid, Tatiun. 
The aspiration of the p is sometimes, in Old High German, 
also rendered by ph, but, in general, only at the beginning of 
words of foreign origin, phorta, phenniny, in the middle, 
and at the end occasionally, in true Germanic forms, such 
as werphan, warph, wurphumfe, in Tatian ; limphan in Otfrid 
and Tatian. According to Grimm, ph, in many cases, has 
had the mere sound of /. " In monumental inscriptions, 
however, which usually employ/, the ph of many words 
had indisputably the sound of /// for example, if Otfrid 


writes kuphar, " cuprum" scepheri, " Creator/* we are not to 
assume that these words were pronounced kufar sctferi" 
(p. 132). In Middle High German the initial ph of foreign 
words of the Old High German has become pf (Grimm, 
p. 326). In the middle and at the end we find pf, first, always 
after m, kampf, "pugna" tampf, "vapor" krempfen, " contra- 
here" in which case p is an euphonic appendage to/, in order 
to facilitate a union with m. Secondly, in compounds with the 
inseparable prefix ent, which, before the labial aspirates, lays 
aside its t, or, as seems to me the sounder supposition, converts 
that letter, by assimilation, into the labial tenuis. Hence, for 
[G. Ed. p. 76.] instance, enp-finden, later and more harmo- 
nious cmp-finderi, for cnt-finden. Standing alone, neverthe- 
less, it appears, in Middle High German, vinden, but v does not 
combine with p, for after the surd p (. 25.) the surd aspirate 
is necessary (see Grimm, p. 398). Thirdly, after short vowels 
the labial aspirates are apt to be preceded by their tenues, as 
well in the middle as at the end of words : just as in Sanskrit 
(Gramm. Crit. r. 88.) the palatal surd aspirate between a short 
and another vowel or semi- vowel is preceded by its tenuis ; 
and, for instance, Tpsffr prichchhati is said for ijsrfw prichhati. 
" inl(>rrog<jLt" from the root VR^prachh. In this light I 
view the Middle High German forms kopf, kropf, tropfe t 
klopfcn, kripfen, knpfcn (Grimm, p, 398). In the same words 
we sometimes find ff, as kaffen> schuffen. Here, also, p has 
assimilated itself to the following/; for/, even though it be 
the aspirate ofp, is not pronounced like the Sanskrit t$ ph, 
that is, like p with a clearly perceptible h ; but the sounds 
p and h are compounded into a third simple sound lying 
between the two, which is therefore capable of reduplication, 
as in Greek < unites itself with 0, while ph+th would be im- 

(4.) The Sanskrit semi-vowels are represented in Gothic 
by j (=y), r, /, v; the same in High German ; only in Old 
High German Manuscripts the sound of the Indo-Gothic v 


(our uO is most usually represented by uu> in Middle High 
German by w:j (or y) in both is written i. We agree with 
Grimm in using,;' (or y) and w for all periods of the High Ger- 
man. After an initial consonant in Old High German, the 
semi- vowel w in most authorities is expressed by u ; for in- 
stance, zuelif, " twelve," Gothic tvalif. As in the Sanskrit and 
Zend the semi-vowels y and v often arise out of the cor- 
responding vowels i and , so also in the [G. Ed. p. 77.] 
Germanic; for instance, Gothic suniv$, "filiorum" from the 
base,?unu, with u affected by Guna (iu, . 27.). More usually, 
however, in the Germanic, the converse occurs, namely, 
that y and v, at terminations and before consonants, have 
become vocalised (see . 73.), and have only retained their 
original form before terminations beginning with a vowel; 
for if, for instance, thius, " servant," forms thivis in the 
genitive, we know, from the history of the word, that this 
v has not sprung from the u of the nominative, but that 
thius is a mutilation of thivas (. 110.); so that after the 
lapse of the a the preceding semi-vowel has become a whole 
one* In like mariner is thivi, " maid-servant/' a mutila- 
tion of the base thivyu (. 120.), whose nominative, like the 
accusative, probably was thivya, for which, however, in the 
accusative, after the v had become vocalized, thiuya was 

(5.) Of the Sanskrit sibilants, the Germanic has only 
the last, namely, the pure dental *r .y. Out of this, how- 
ever, springs another, peculiar, at least in use, to the 
Gothic, which is written z t and had probably a softer pro- 
nunciation than s. This z is most usually found between two 
vowels, as an euphonic alteration of s, but sometimes also 
between a vowel and t% /, or w ; and between liquids (/, r, n) 
and a vowel, y or n, in some words also before d ; finally, 
before the guttural medial, in the single instance, azyti, 
"ashes"; everywhere thus before sonants, and it must 
therefore itself be considered as a sonant sibilant (. 25.), while 


,v is the surd. It is remarkable, in a grammatical point of 
view, that a concluding ft before the enclitic particles ei and 
nh, and before the passive addition a, passes into z ; hence, for 
instance, thizei "nyW from this " hvjiis" thanzei "qnos" 
from Ihans " hos" vifeizuh " visne" from vifais " m," haitnzn 
" voctms" from hail is " vocns" or rather from its earlier form 
[G. Kd. p. 7.] haitas. The root sltp, " to sleep," forms, 
by a reduplication, in the preterite, wizltip, "I or he slept." 
Other examples n,rc,izviv 9 "vobiii" "vos"razn "house," tahynn, 
"to teach," marzyan, *' to provoke/' fuirzna, "heel." The 
High German loves the softening of s into r, especially 
between two vowels (see . 22.); but this change has not 
established itself as a pervading law, and docs not extend 
over all parts of the Grammar. For instance, in Old High 
German* the final s of several roots has changed itself into 
r before the preterite terminations which commence with a 
vowel ; on the other hand, it has remained unaltered in the 
uninflected first and third pers. sing, indicative, and also 
before the vowels of the present. For example, from the 
root las, comes liusu, " I lose/ 1 Ms, " I or he lost, 1 * lurumfa 
" we lost." While in these cases the termination takes .v 
under its protection, yet the s of the nominative singular, 
where it has not been altogether dropped, is everywhere 
softened down to r ; and, on the other hand, the concluding 
s of the genitive has, down to our time, remained unaltered, 
and thus an organic difference has arisen between two cases 
originally distinguished by a similar suffix. For instance, 



Nominative . . hlin<f-s, pllntc-r, blinde-r. 

Genitive . . . blindi-s, jdintc-s, blinde-s. 

87. The Germanic tongues exhibit in respect of con- 
sonants, a remarkable law of displacement, which has been 
first recognised and developed with great ability by Grimm. 
According to this law, the Gothic, and the other dialects* 


with the exception of the High German, in relation to the 
Greek, Latin, and, with certain limits, also [G. Ed. p. 79.] 
to the Sanskrit and Zend, substitute aspirates for the original 
tenues, h for k, th for /, and/ for p ; tenues for medials, t for 
</, p for b t and k for g ; finally, medials for aspirates, g for ^, 
d for 6, and 6 for/. The High German bears the same 
regular relation to the Gothic as the latter to the Greek, and 
substitutes its aspirates for the Gothic tenues and Greek 
medials; its tenues for the Gothic medials and Greek aspi- 
rates ; and its medials for the Gothic aspirates and Greek 
tenues. Yet the Gothic labial and guttural medial exhibits 
itself unaltered in most of the Old High German authorities, 
as in the Middle and Modern High German ; for instance, 
Gothic biuya, "Jlecfo" Old High German biuya and jnuka, 
Middle High German biuye, Modern High German bieye. 
For the Gothic/, the Old High German substitutes v, espe- 
cially as a first letter (. 86. 3.). In the t sounds, z in High 
German (=/*) replaces an aspirate. The Gothic has no 
aspiration of the k, and either replaces the Greek K by the 
simple aspiration h, in which case it sometimes coincides 
with the Sanskrit 7 A, or it falls to the level of the High 
German, and, in the middle or end of words, usually gives 
</ instead of k, the High German adhering, as regards the 
beginning of words, to the Gothic practice, and participating 
with that dialect in the use of the h. We give here Grimm's 
table, illustrating the law of these substitutions, p. 584. 

Greek P B F 

Gothic F P B 

Old High German, B(V) F P 

T D Th 
Tit T D 
D Z T 

K G Cli 
K G 
G Ch K 


[G. Ed. p. 80.1 







tlT^ pada-s, 

TTofc TToS-os 1 , pes, pedis, 



tran^ panchan, 

Trefjwe, quinque, 



tj purna t 

7r\eo$, plenus, 



fmj pitri. 

Traryp, pater, 



T*rft upari, 

VTrep, super, 



K<iwa/3is, cannabis, 

. . 


*H^ bhanj, 




>pl MM/^ 

. . fnd,fructus 9 



*JTf[ bhrdtri 

. . fraier, 




tfrepto, fero, 






cRtrfi? kapdla, m. n., 

Ke<t>a\rj, caput, 



lri^ twam (nom.), 

TV, . . 



H*^ tarn (ace.), 

TOV, is-tum, 



^TW x tray as (, 

TjoeTf, ires, 



^PiR antara, 

erejoof, alter, 



%W{ danta-m (ace.), 

oSovr- (X 9 den tern, 



3TT dwau (n. dw), 

Svo, duo, 



^fBpn dakshind, 

$ef<x> dextra, 



^ wda, 

vStop, unda, 



^5 c/ttftftii 




P-, "STT^ dK?4r, 

Svpa, fores, 



W madhu, 

jjicOv, . . 

. . 


S ^ sw;an, 

KL/COI/, cants, 



^ (J<^f hridaya, 

KapSta, cor, 



^ ^^ a^Aa, 

okof, oculus, 



'SPg asrzi, 

SaKpv, lacrimn, 

tngr m., 



. . pec us, 



* The Sanskrit words here stand, where the termination is not separated 
from the hase, or the case not indicated, in their crude or simple form 
(theme) ; of the verb, we give only the bare root. 

t "Parents." 



swamra, eKvpos, socer, 
da'san, Seica, decem, 




i anscr, 



88. The Lithuanian has left the consonants without 
displacement in their old situations, only, from its defi- 
ciency in aspirates, substituting simple tenues for the 
Sanskrit aspirated tenues, and medials for the aspirated 
medials. Compare, 

mo hat, 
[ Itar'isa, 
T In/as, 























rata-s, " wheel," 

busu, " I would be," 

ka-s, " who/' 

dumi, '* I give," 

pats, "husband," "master." 

penki, "five/' 

trys, "three/* 

keturi, " four/' 

kctwirtas, "the fourth," 

szakd, f. " bough/' 

Irregular deviations occur, as might be expected, in indi- 
vidual cases. Thus, for instance, naga-s, "nail'* (of the 
foot or finger), not naka-s, answers to the Sanskrit ?rei^ 
nakhas. The Zend stands, as we have before remarked, 
in the same rank, in all essential respects, as the Sanskrit, 


rntha-s, "waggon. 


mi. [G.Ed. p. 82.] 
xran^ panchan. 

*T trayas (n. pi. m.) 

chatw&ras (n. pi. m.) 

* Fromjan, " to be bora." 


Greek, and Latin. As, however, according to .47., certain 
consonants convey an aspiration to the letter which precedes 
them, this may occasion an accidental coincidence between 
the Zend and the Gothic; and both languages may, in 
like manner and in the same words, depart from the ori- 
ginal tenuis. Compare, 

fhir (theme), " three," 1 J<* thri, fa in. 

tints, " to thee, 11 j^o*f<3 thwtii, & twe* 

/ra, (inseparable prep.) AJO^ fra, U pro, 

friyd, " I love," J$JUJJ&JM dfrinumi,'\ iffo&Tfa prinAmi. 

ahva\, ft a river," J^AVJ dfs Wl op (theme). 

[G. Ed. p, 83.] I pronounce this coincidence between the 
Gothic and the Zend aspirates accidental, because the causes 
of it are distinct; as, on the one side, the Gothic accords no 
aspirating influence to the letters v and r (truda, traufjn, trim- 
pan, tva?), and, in the examples given above, th and /stand, 
only because, according to rule, Gothic aspirates are to be 
expected in the place of original tenues; on the other 
side, the Zend everywhere retains the original tenues, where 
the letters named in . 47. do not exhibit an influence, which 
is unknown to the Gothic ; so that, quite according to order, 
in by far the majority of forms which admit of comparison, 
either Gothic aspirates are met with in the place of Zend 
tenues, or, according to another appointment of the Ger- 
manic law of substitution, Gothic tenues in that of Zend 
medials. Compare, 

* Tw& occurs as an uninflccted genitive in Rosen's Veda-Specimen, 
p. 2(5, and may, like the mutilated ^ t$> be also used as a dative. 

t "I bless," from the Sanskrit root jprz, "to love/' united with the 
prep. i. 

I Ahva. The Sanskrit-Zend expression signifies " water " ; and the 
Gothic forin developes itself through the transition, of frequent occurrence, 
of p to k, for which the law of substitution requires h (see also aqua). 



thu, " thou," " $w turn. 

jidvdr, (ind.) " four, 11 ^Auumu^ chaihwdrd (n. pi. m.) 

fimf, ASrt^wAJo) pancha. 

falls, " full, 11 \j$6 perend (n. m.) 

fadrein, " parents, ^AJ^OJASQ) paitar-em (patrem). 

faths, "master, 11> paiti-s. 

faihu, " beast, 11 -M^ASQ) pasu-s. 

faryith, " he wanders," jpjju&fft charaiti. 

SMu-s, " foot, 11 AS^Q) pddAa (. 39.) 

fraihitht " he asks, 11 ^pjAJ^g7jo) peresaiti. 

ufar, " over, 11 ^?JAJQ)> wjjairi, (. 41.) 

q/*, " from, 1 ' AJWAJ apa. 

f, " these/ 1 *>p . 

s, " who, 11 ^ M [G. Ed. p. 84.1 

tvai, <{ two," AWJ dva. 

iaihun, " ten, 11 AJ^A^ dfaia. 

taihsvo, " right hand, 11 A$yj^^ dashina, "duter" 

In the Sanskrit and Zend the sonant aspirates, not the 
surd, as in Greek, (^ h too is sonant, see . 25.) correspond, 
according to rule, to the Gothic medials ; as, however, in the 
Zend the bh is not found, _i b answers to the Gothic b. 


bairith, " he carries, 11 J^JAJ^AJI baraiti, ftprfS bibharti. 

brdthar, " brother, 11 9 fayj^h brdtarem (acc.)>jniTi x bhrataram (ace.) 

bm, " both, 11 Aji> uba, w| ubAdu (n. ac. v. du.) 

brukan, " to use, 11 ^ bhuj, " to eat. 11 

bi (prep.) Jjju a&UfjJuaMW,^fa afifii. 

midya, " middling, 11 AJ^^AS^ maidhya, Wl madhya. 

bindan, " bind, 11 G^^AII bandh, ^T 5 ^ ftandfi. 

89. Violations of the law of displacement of sounds, both by 
persistence in the same original sound, or the substitution of 
irregular sounds, are frequent in the middle and at the end of 


words. Thus, in the Old High German vatar, the t of the 
Greek Trctr^p remains; in the Gothic fadrein, " parenies? d is 
substituted irregularly for ih. The same phenomenon occurs 
in the cases of the Old High German olpenta, and the Gothic 
ulbandus, contrasted with the r of e\e<f)avT- ; thus, also, the t 
of ^jjt chatur, " qnntuor" has become d in the Gothic 
Jidvftr instead of t/i ; but in High German has entirely dis- 
appeared. The p of the Sanskrit root ^^ swap, (Latin 
sfipw,), " sleep/' has been preserved in the Gothic sl&pa, and 

[G. Ed. p. 85.] the Old High German sMfu stands in the 
Gothic category, but the Sanskrit root is more faithfully 
preserved in the Old High German in in-suepyu (sopio, see 

90. Nor have the inflexions or grammatical appendages 
everywhere submitted* to the law of displacement, but have, 
in many instances, either remained faithful to the primary 
sound, or have, at least, rejected the particular change pre- 
scribed by . 87. Thus the Old High German has, in the 
third person, as well singular as plural, retained the original 
t ; compare hap&t, " he has," hapdnt, " they have," with lutbet, 
habent: the Gothic, on the contrary, says habaith, haband; 
the first in accordance with the law, the last in violation of 
it, for habanth. Thus, also, in the part, pres., the t of the old 
languages has become, under the influence of the preceding 
H, not th but d ; the t of the part, pass., however, is changed 
before the s of the nom. into th, but before vowel terminu- 

* It would be better to regard the phenomenon here discussed by as- 
suming d as the proper character of the third person in Gothic ; and 
viewing the Old High German t as the regular substitute for it. The 
d has been retained in the Gothic passive also (bair-a-da), and the active 
form bairith is derivable from bairid, in that the Gothic prefers the aspi- 
rates to the medials at the end of a word. The same is the case with the 
part, pass., the suffix of which is, in Gothic, </, whence, in Old High Ger- 
man, in consequence of the second law for the permutation of sounds, 
comes ta ; so that the old form recurs again, re-introduced by a fresh cor- 


tions, by an anomalous process, into d ; after the same prin- 
ciple by which the ih of the third person before the vowel 
increment of the passive is softened to d ; so that da*, in- 
stead of tha, corresponds to the Greek TO, of erv-mer-o, and 
to the Sanskrit Jf ta, of WOTiT abhavnta. The Old High 
German, on the other hand, has preserved the original t in 
both participles : hnpSntSr, hapfrer, Gothic halands, genitive 
habandins ; habaiths, gen. habaidis. 

91. Special notice is due to the fact, that in the middle 
of words under the protection of a preceding consonant, 
the old consonant often remains without displacement, 
sometimes because it chimes in well with the preceding sound, 
sometimes because, through regard for the preceding let- 
ters, alterations have been admitted other than those which 
the usual practice as to displacement would lead us to expect. 
Mute consonants (. 25.), among which, in [G. Ed. p. 80.] 
the Germanic, the h must be reckoned, where it is to be pro- 
nounced like our ch, protect a succeeding original t. Thus, 
wf ashlau, "eight," OKTCO, "ocfo," is in Goth, nhtau, in Old 
High German alitd: tf^w naktam (adverbial accusative), 
"night," i>, VVKTOS, "nox," "noctis" is in Gothic ruthfs, 
Old High German naht. The liquids, on the other hand, like 
the vowels, which they approach nearest of all consonants, 
affect a d or ih after themselves. From these euphonic 
causes, for instance, the feminine suffix f?r ti in Sanskrit, in 
Greek cr/j, as itoirjcrts, which designates abstract substantives, 
appears in Gothic in three forms, ii, di, and tin. The ori- 
ginal form ti shews itself after/, into which p and b mostly 
resolve themselves, and also after s and h ,* for instance, 
anst(i)s (. 117.), "grace," from the root an, Old High Ger- 
man unnan, " to be gracious," with the insertion of an 
euphonies: fmlust(i)s, " loss," (from lus, pres. Huso): maht(i)s, 
" strength," (from magari) : fra-gifi(i)s" betrothment," (from 
yib, gaf), also/recite, perhaps erroneously, as 6 has little 

* Da is an abbreviation of da* = G. rai Sansk. fd,*see . 466. 


affinity with t : ga-skaft(i)s, " creation/' (from skap-un). The 
form di finds its place after vowels, but is able, where the 
vowel of the suffix falls away, i. e. in the nom. and accus. 
sing., to convert d into th, because th can, more easily than d, 
dispense with a following vowel, and is a favourite letter at 
the end of words and before consonants, though d also is 
tolerated in such a position. Hence the root bud, " to bid," 
( pres. biuda, . 27.) forms, in the uninflected condition of the 
pret., bauth, in the plur. bud-um ; and the nominal base, 
mana-sd-di, "world/* (according to Grimm's well-founded 
interpretation, "seed, not seat, of man/') forms in the nom. 
and accus. mana-sdths, mana-seth, or mana-s$ds, mana-M; 
but in the dat. manti-sSdai not -s$thai. On the other hand, 
after liquids the suffix is usually llii, arid after n, di : the 
dental, however, once chosen, remains afterwards in every 
position, either without a vowel or before vowels; for instance, 
ydbaurths, " birth," dat. yabaurthai; y of nurds, "gathering 11 
[G. EJ. p. 87.] (from far-yan, " to go "), gen. yafanrdaia: 
yakunths, "esteem/* gen. gakunthais; yamunds, "memory/ 1 
gen. yamundais ; gaqvumths, " meeting/' dat. gaqvumthai, dat. 
plur. guqimmtliim. From the union with m t d is excluded. 
On the whole, however, the law here discussed accords re- 
markably with a similar phenomenon in modern Persian, 
where the original t of grammatical terminations and suffixes 
is maintained only after mute consonants, but after vowels 
and liquids is changed into d : hence, for instance, girif-tan 9 
"to take/' bas-tun, "to bind/ 1 ddsh-tan, " to have/' pukh-tan, 
"to cook": on the other hand, dd-dan, "to give/ 1 bur-dan, "to 
bear/' dm-dan, "to come." I do not, therefore, hesitate to 
release the Germanic suffix /i, and all other suffixes originally 
commencing with /, from the general law of substitution of 
sounds, and to assign the lot of this t entirely to the controul 
of the preceding letter. The Old High German, in the case 
of our suffix ti, as in that of other suffixes and terminations 
originally commencing with t, accords to the original t a 


far more extensive prevalence, than does the Gothic; inas- 
much as it retains that letter, not only when protected by 
s, h, and/, but also after vowels and liquids after m an 
euphonic f is inserted ; and the t is only after / changed 
into d. Hence, for instance, ans-f, "grace," hlouft, "course," 
mah-t, " might," sd-t, "seed," kipurt, "birth," var-t, "jour- 
ney," mun-t, " protection," ki-wal-t, " force," scul-t, schuld, 
" guilt/' chumfty " arrival." 

92. The law of substitution shews the greatest perti- 
nacity at the beginning of words, and I have found it every- 
where observed in the relation of the Gothic to the Greek 
and Latin. On the other hand, in some roots which are 
either deficient or disfigured in the Old European languages, 
but which are common to the Germanic and the Sanskrit, 
the Gothic stands on the same footing with [G. Ed. p. 88."] 
the Sanskrit, especially in respect of initial medials. Thus, 
^n^bandh, "to bind/ 11 is also band in Gothic, not pand\ TT? 
grah, in the Vedas ^nr grabh, tf to take/ 1 " seize," is grip 
(pres. greipa with Guna, . 27.) not krip\* to TTT gd and 
ira gam, " to go," correspond yayya> " I go," and ya-ivti, 
" street ;" spg[ dah, " to burn," is, in Old High German, dali- 
an (da/co), " to burn," " to light." I can detect, however, 
no instance in which Gothic tenues correspond to Sanskrit 
as initial letters. 

93(). We return now to the Sanskrit, in order, with rela- 
tion to the most essential laws of sound, to notice one ad- 
verted to in our theory of single letters ; where it was said 
of several concurrent consonants that they were tolerated 
neither at the end of words, nor in the middle before strong 
consonants, and how their places were supplied in such situa- 
tions. It is besides to be observed, that, properly, tenues 
alone can terminate a Sanskrit word; but medials, only 
before sonants, (. 25,) may either be retained, if they origi- 
nally terminate an inflective base, or take the place of a tenuis 

* The Latin prehendo is probably related to the Sanskrit root 
through the usual interchange between gutturals and labials. 



or an aspirate, if these happen to precede sonants in a 
sentence. As examples, we select ^ftK harit, (viridis), 
" green," ^ftre v&da-vid> "skilled in the Veda/ 1 \R^W dhana- 
labh, "acquiring wealth.*' These words are, according to 
. 94., without a nominative sign. We find, also, 
asti haril, " he is green," ^ifcr %^faw asti vedd-vit, *rfi5T 
asti dhana-lap ; on the other hand, igft^ ^srftflT harid asti, 
^BTftcT vcdavid, r/.s7/, V*Tc5^ ^rfijrT dhana-lab asti ; also, 
harid bhavati, &c. With this Sanskrit law the Middle High 
[G. Ed. p. 89.] German is very nearly in accordance, which 
indeed tolerates aspirates at the end of words, contrary to the 
custom of the Sanskrit, only with a conversion of the sonant 
v into the surd /, see . 86. 3.; but, like the Sanskrit, and 
independent of the law of displacement explained in . 87., 
supplies the place of medials at the end of words regularly 
by tenues. As, for example, in the genitives tayes, eides, 
wibes, of which the nom. and accus. sing., deprived of the 
inflexion and the terminating vowel of the base, take the 
forms tac, (. 86. i.) eif, wip. So also as to the verb ; for 
instance, the roots tray, lad, grab, form, in the uninflected 
1st and 3d pers. sing, pret., truoc, Iuot 9 yruop, plur. truoyen, 
luoden, gruoben. Where, on the other hand, the tenuis or 
aspirate (v excepted) is radical, there no alteration of sound 
occurs in declension or in conjugation. For instance, wort, 
gen. wortes, not wwdes, as in Sansk. ^t^dadat t "the giver," 
gen. iftjR^dadatas, not ^$3Qdadadas, but f^vit, "knowing," 
gen. f%^ vidas, from the base fa<? vid. In Old High 
German different authorities of the language are at variance 
with respect to the strict observance of this law. Isidor is 
in accordance with it, insomuch that he converts d at the 
end into fc and g into c; for instance, wort, wordes; dac t 
dayes. The Gothic excludes only the labial medials from 
terminations, but replaces them, not by tenues, but by 
aspirates. Hence gaf t "I gave," in contrast to yebum, and 
the accusatives hlaif, lauf, thiuf, opposed to the nominatives 
hlaibs, laubs, thiubs, gen. hlaibis, &c. The guttural and dental 


medials (g t d) are tolerated by the Gothic in terminations ; 
yet even in these, in individual cases, a preference appears 
for the terminating aspirates. Compare bauth, "I or he 
offered," with budum, "we offered," from the root bud; 
liaitad-a, "nominatur " with haitith (.67.) "nominnt; o.?7, 
" I have/' "he has," with aigum, " we have." 

[G. Ed. p. 90.] 93 ( b ). In a sense also opposed to that of the 
above-mentioned Sanskrit law, we find, in Old High German, 
yet only in Notker, an euphonic relation between terminating 
and initial letters of two words which come together. (Grimm, 
pp. 130, 138, 181). As in Sanskrit the tenuis appears as an 
essential consonant, fit for the conclusion of a sentence, but 
exchangeable, under the influence of a word following in a 
sentence, for the medials ; so with Notker the tenuis ranks 
as a true initial; stands therefore at the beginning of a 
sentence, and after strong consonants ; but after vowels 
and the weakest consonants the liquid is turned into a 
medial. Thus, for instance, ih pin, " I am," but ih ne bin ; 
ter dag, " the day," but tes tagcs ; mit kotc, " with God/' but 
minan got, " my God." 

94. Two consonants are no longer, in the existing con- 
dition of the Sanskrit, tolerated at the end of a word, but 
the latter of the two is rejected. This emasculation, which 
must date from an epoch subsequent to the division of the 
language, as this law is not recognised either by the Zend 
or by any of the European branches of the family, has 
had, in many respects, a disadvantageous operation on the 
Grammar, and has mutilated many forms of antiquity re- 
quired by theory. In the High German we may view, as 
in some degree connected with this phenomenon, the cir- 
cumstance that roots with double liquids II, mm, nn, rr 
in forms which are indeclinable (and before the consonants 
of inflexions) reject the latter of the pair. In the case, also, 
of terminations in double h or t, one is rejected. Hence, 
for instance, from stihhu (pungo) ar-prittu (stringo), the 1st 
and 3d pers. pret. stah, ar-prat. In Middle High German, 


in declensions in ck t ff, the last is rejected ; for instance, 
hoc, gen. bockes; yrif, yriffes : tz loses the t\ for instance, 
schaz, schatzes. 

95. Between a final "^n and a sue- [G. Ed. p. 91.] 
feeding t sound as which the palatals also must be 
reckoned, for ^ eft is equivalent to tsh in the Sanskrit an 
euphonic sibilant is interposed, from the operation of the 
following t ; and ^, by this sibilant, is converted, . 9., into 
Anuswara ; for instance, wNf^ TTf abhavam tatra, (abhavan- 
s-tatr<i), " they were there." With this coincides the cir- 
cumstance, that, in High German, between a radical n and 
the t of an affix, an s, in certain cases, is inserted ; for in- 
stance, from the root aim, " to favour," comes, in Old High 
German, an-s-t, " thou favourest," on~s-ta or ondn, '* I fa- 
voured, 111 un-s-tt "favour"; from prann comes prun-s-t t 
" ardour " ; from chan is derived chun-s-t, " knowledge," our 
German KUNST, in which, as in BRUNST and GUNST, (from 
gonnen, probably formed from the arm before noticed, and 
the preposite #(*),) the euphonic * has stood fast The Gothic 
exhibits this phenomenon nowhere, perhaps, but in an-s-ts 
and aflbriiv-s-ts ' holocaustum.' In Old High German we 
find still an s inserted after r, in the root iarr , hence, tar-s-t, 
thou daresC tor-s-ta, I dared." (Cf. .616. 2d Note.) 

96. In Sanskrit the interposed euphonic 6* has extended 
itself further only among the prefixed prepositions, which 
generally enter into most intimate and facile connection with 
the following root. In this manner the euphonic s steps in 
between the prepositions ^ saw, 5Sraai)a, Trftpar?, nflf prati, 
and certain words which begin with cir Jt. With this the 
Latin s between ab or ob and c, q, and p 9 remarkably accords*, 

[G. Ed. p. 92.] which s, ab retains even in an isolated posi- 
tion, when the above-mentioned letters follow. To this 
we also refer the cosmiUere of Festus, instead of committere 

* We scarcely think it necessary to defend ourselves for dividing, with 
Vossms, ob-solesco, rather than with Schneider (p. 571) obs-olesco. 


(Schneider, p. 475), unless an original smitto, for milto, is 
involved in this compound. In the Greek, shews an incli- 
nation for connection with T, 0, and /*, and precedes these 
letters as an euphonic link, especially after short vowels, in 
cases which require no special mention. In compounds like 
era Kes-Tra Ao? I reckon the j, in opposition to the common 
theory, as belonging to the base of the first member (. 128.). 
We have yet to consider a case of the interpolation of an 
euphonic labial, which is common to the Old Latin and Ger- 
manic, and serves to facilitate the union of the labial nasal 
with a dental. The Latin places p between m and a following 
/ or s; the Gothic and Old High German /bet ween m and t. 
Thus, sumpsi, prompfd, dempxi, sumptus, prompt us, demptus ; 
Gothic andartum-f-ts, "acceptance"; Old High German 
chum-f-t, "arrival," In Greek we find also the interpola- 
tion of an euphonic /3 after /*, of a 5 after v, of a 6 after <r, 
in order to facilitate the union of /*, v, and cr with p and A, 
(jjLeoyfjLftpla, /ze/xj8Aera/, av$p6$, ijj,&(rd\q see Buttman, p. 80) ; 
while the Modern Persian places an euphonic d between 
the vowel of a prefixed preposition and that of the following 
word, as be-d-& 9 " to him." 

97. The Greek affords few specimens of variability at the 
end of words, excepting from peculiarities of dialect, as the 
substitution of p for $-. The alteration of the v in the article 
in old inscriptions, and in the prefixes <rvv, ev, and Tta\iv t 
seems analogous to the changes which, according to . IB., 
the terminating n m, in Sanskrit, undergoes in all cases, 
with reference to the letter which follows. [G. Ed. p. 93.] 
The concluding v in Greek is also generally a derivative 
from /*, and corresponds to this letter, which the Greek 
never admits as a termination in analogous forms of the 
Sanskrit, Zend, and Latin. N frequently springs from 
a final y ; thus, for instance, /xei/ (Doric /-tej) and the 
dual TOI/ answer to the Sanskrit personal terminations 
H^ mas, *TR thas, TO S tas. I have found this explanation, 
which I have given elsewhere, of the origin of the v from 


subsequently confirmed by the Prakrit, in which, in like 
manner, the concluding s of the instrumental termination 
plural fir^ bhis has passed into the dull n ( Anuswara, . 9.), 
and fif kin is said for bhis. An operation, which has a pre- 
judicial effect on many Greek terminations, and disturbs the 
relation to cognate languages, is the suppression of the t 
sound at the end of words, where, in Sanskrit, Zend, and 
Latin it plays an essential part. In respect of the vowels, 
it is also worthy of notice, that in Sanskrit, but not in 
Zend, at the meeting of vowel terminations and com- 
mencements, a hiatus is guarded against, either by the 
fusion of the two vowels, or, in cases where the vowel has 
a cognate serni-vowel at its command, by its transition 
into this latter, provided the vowel following be unlike. 
We find, for instance, ^W*!^ astidam, " est hoc," and ^re^ 
vsnw nsty ciyum, "est hir." For the sake of clearness, and 
because the junction of two vowels might too often give 
the appearance of two or more words to one, I write in my 
most recent text ^nsft >pr, in order, by an apostrophe 
which I employ as a sign of fusion, to indicate that the 
vowel which appears wanting in the ^ dam is contained 
in the final vowel of the preceding word. We might, 
perhaps, still better write wa*T '^R, in order directly 
[G. Ed. p. 94.] at the close of the first word to shew that 
its final vowel lias arisen out of a contraction, and that the 
following word participates in it.* 

98. We have now to consider the alterations in the 
middle of words, ?".*, those of the final letters of the 
roots and nominal bases before grammatical endings, and 
we find, with respect to these, most life, strength, and 
consciousness in the Sanskrit; and this language is 

* We cannot guide ourselves here by the original MSS., as these exhibit 
no separation of words, and entire verses are written together without 
interruption, as though they were only a series of senseless syllables, and 
not words of independent place and meaning. As we must depart from 
Indian practice, the more complete the more rational the separation. 


placed on the highest point of antiquity, insomuch as the 
signification of every radical portion is still so strongly 
felt, that while it admits of moderate changes, for the 
avoiding of harshness, it never, if we except some vowel 
elisions, permits the radical sense to be obliterated, or 
rendered irrecognisable by concessions too great, or trans- 
itions too daring. Yet does the Sanskrit, more than any 
of its kindred, afford a field for the conflict of unsociable 
consonants, a conflict, however, which is honourably and 
strenuously maintained. The Vowels and weak consonants, 
(. 25.) of grammatical endings and suffixes exert no in- 
fluence over preceding consonants; but strong consonants, 
if surd (. 25.), require a tennis, and if sonant a medial, 
before them. Thus, ^ t and ^i th allow only of ^iA:, not 
^ hh, *T g, ^ gh preceding them ; only IT t, not ^f t h, 
^ dt V dli ; while on the other hand, ^ dh allows only T^ y t 
not ^r , ^r kh, r^ gh ; only ^ d, not W t, ^ th, V dh ; only 
^ b, riot t^ p, ^ph, H 6/1 to precede it. The [G. Ed. p. 05.] 
roots and the nominal bases have to regulate their final let- 
ters by this law ; and the occasion frequently presents itself, 
since, in comparison with the cognate languages, a far greater 
proportion of the roots connect the personal terminations 
immediately with the root ; and also among the case termi- 
nations there are many which begin with consonants (*U^ 
bhyrim, fin? N bliis, TH bhyas, *r su). To cite instances, the 
root ^ ad, " to eat, 11 forms ^fti admi, " I eat " ; but not 
adsi (for s is surd), nor ^Rjfjr ad-ti, ^T^T ad-tha, but 
at-siy ^rfe at-ti, ^T7^ at-tha: on the other hand, in the 
imperative, ^% ad-dhi, " eat." The base in pad, " foot," 
forms, in the locative plural, ifmpat-m, not "q^g pad-su ; on 
the other hand, JR^H mahat, " great," forms, in the instru- 
mental plural, fllfe^ mahad-bhis not in57rftr^ mahat-bltis. 

99. The Greek and Latin, as they have come down to us, 
have either altogether evaded this conflict of consonants, 
or exhibit, in most cases, with regard to the first of any 
two contiguous consonants, a disposition to surrender it, or 


at least an indifference to its assistance towards the signi- 
fication of the word, since they either abandon it altogether, 
or violently alter it, i.e. convey it beyond the limits of its 
proper organ. These two languages afford fewer occasions 
for harsh unions of consonants than the Sanskrit, princi- 
pally because, with the exception of 'E2 and 'IA in Greek, 
and ES t PER, VEL, ED, in Latin, as ecr-r/, ecr-pev, ecr-re* 
iS-jjLCv, /We, cst, estis, fer-t,fer-tis, vul-t> vul-tis, no root, termi- 
nated by a consonant, joins on its personal terminations, or 
any of them, without the aid of a connecting vowel. The 
Greek perf. pass, makes an exception, and requires euphonic 
alterations, which, in part, come within the natural limits 
recognised by the Sanskrit, and, in part, overstep them. 
fG. Ed. p. 96.] The gutturals and labials remain on the 
ancient footing, and before cr and r observe the Sanskrit law 
of sound cited in . 98.; according to which K-CT^), K-T, TT-CT, 
TT-T, are applied to roots ending in /c, 7, %, or TT, (3, <p, because 
the surd <r or -f suffers neither medials nor aspirates before 
it ; hence rcTpnr-crat, reTptTc-Tat, from TPIB, reruK-ovx/, rervK- 
rai, from TYX. The Greek, however, diverges from the 
Sanskrit in this, that JJL does not leave the consonant which 
precedes it unaltered, but assimilates labials to itself, and con- 
verts the guttural, tenuis and aspirate into medials. For 
Teru/x-/utai, TGT|0//x-/xa, 7re7rA.e'y-/xa/, t we should, on 
Sanskrit principles, write (. 98.)TeTf7r-jua/, rerpi^^ai, ireTr\eK- 
jjLOLtt rerv^-fjiai. The t sounds carry concession too far, and 
abandon the Sanskrit, or original principle, as regards the 
gutturals ; inasmuch as J, 0, and f (5or), instead of passing into 
T before a* and T, are extinguished before <r, and before r and 
p. become cr (TreTre/cr-ra/, 7re7re/-cra/, 7re7rer-jita/, instead of 
TreTre/T-ra/, 7re7re*T-(7a/, 7re7re/0-/xa/, or 7T7re<5-f(a/. The Greek 
declension affords occasion for the alteration of consonants 
only through the f of the nominative and the dative plural 
termination in en ; and here the same principle holds good as 
in the case of the verb, and in the formation of words : kh and 
(j become, as in Sanskrit, k (f =*-$;), and 6 and pk become p. 


The t sounds, on the other hand, contrary to the Sanskrit, and 
in accordance with the enfeebled condition, in this respect, 
of the Greek, vanish entirely. We find 7rov-$ for TTOT-?, 
TTOV-CTI for TTOT-O-/, which latter naturally and originally must 
have stood for TroS-o*, 7ro5-cr/. 

100. In Latin the principal occasion for the alteration of 
consonants presents itself before the s of the perfect and 
the t of the supine, or other verbal substantive or adjective 
(participles) beginning with <; and it is in [G. Ed. p. 97.] 
accordance with the Sanskrit law cited . 98., and the original 
condition of the language, that the sonant guttural passes, 
before s and /, into c, the sonant labial into p, as in rec-si 
(rat Of rectum from rey, scrips?, script um from scrib. It is also 
in accordance with the Sanskrit that h, as a sonant (. 25.) 
and incompatible with a tenuis, becomes c before s and t ; 
compare vec-sit (vrxit), with the word of like signification 
^BRT^ti^ a-vuk-sjrit. If of the two final consonants of a 
root the last vanishes before the ,9 of the perfect tense 
(niuhi from mule and mulg t spar si from sparg), this accords 
with the Sanskrit law of sounds, by which, of two termi- 
nating consonants of a nominal base, the last vanishes 
before consonants of the case terminations. D ought to 
become t before s; and then the form, so theoretically 
created, claut-xlt from claud, would accord with the Sanskrit 
forms, such as ^Tftaftff a-t&ut-sit, " he tormented, 11 from W3 

N *> N 

tad. Instead, however, of this, the d allows itself to be 
extinguished; so, however, that, in compensation, a short 
vowel of the root is made long, as di-vl-si', or, which is 
less frequent, the d assimilates itself to the following s, as 
CPSSI from ced. With roots in t, which are rarer, assimi- 
lation usually takes place, as con-cus-si from cut ; on the 
other hand, mt-si, not mis-si, for mit-si, from mil or mitt. 
J3 9 w, and r also afford instances of assimilation in jus-si, 
ges-si, us-sL* A third resource, for the avoidance 

* Compaied with the Sanskrit, in which 31? u*h signifies "bum*'; 
the sibilant must here pass for the original form. 


of an union, very natural, but not endurable in this weak- 
ened state of the language, ts, is the suppression of the 
latter of these two letters, which is also compensated by 
the lengthening of a short radical vowel ; thus,* sedi from 
[G. Ed. p. 08.] sed, vtdi from vid. I believe, at least, that 
these forms are not derivable from sedui, vidui, and I class 
them with forms like/ocK from /or/, legl, for lec-si, from ley, 
fugi % for fuc-si, from fuy. To these probably also belong cavi, 
faviyfovi, for pavi, vovi, from cdw, &c. A cavui, &c. is hardly 
conceivable ; cavi could never have had such au origin. I 
conjecture forms such as cau-si, fan- si, after the analogy of 
cauturn, fautum ; or moc-si (moxi), after the analogy of vic-si, 
con-nie-si. (. 19.) Possibly a moc-si form might derive pro- 
bability from the adverb mox, since the latter is probably 
derived from mov, as cito is from another root of motion. 
The c of Jluc-si, xtruc-si, (flnxi, &c.) Jluxum, strut-turn, must, 
in the same manner, be considered as a hardening of v; 
and ajlu-vo, stru-vo, be presupposed, with regard to which 
it is to be remembered, that, in Sanskrit also, uv often de- 
velopes itself out of ^fu before vowels (Gram. Crit. r. 50. b ); 
on which principle, out of Jlu> stru, before vowels, we might 
obtain ffuv, struv 9 and thence before consonants flue, struc. 
Tims, also, frudus out of fruv-or for fru-or. In cases of t 
preceded by consonants, the suppression of s is the rule, 
and ar-si for ard-i an exception. Prandi, frendi, pandi, 
vert?, &c., are in contrast to ar-si and other forms, like 
muJsi above mentioned, in their preserving the radical letter 
in preference to the auxiliary verb; and they accord in 
this with the Sanskrit rule of sound, by which the s of 
Wiftw^ atdut-sam, ^jp&{ akshuip-sam, &c., for the avoidance 
of hardness, is suppressed before strong consonants, and 
we find, for instance, ^whr atdut-ta, instead of ^Bfiffacr atdut- 
sta. The perfects scidi, fidi, are rendered doubtful by 
their short vowel, and in their origin probably belong 
to the reduplicated preterites, their first syllable having 

* Cf. . 547., and for the whole }. cf. & 547. 570. 579. 


perished in the lapse of time : in other [G. Ed. p. 99.] 
respects, fidi, scidi, correspond to tu(udi,pnpugi,ix)t to speak 
of tettyi, the i of which latter is not original. 

101. The suffixes employed in the formation of words 
and beginning with t, for the representation of which the 
supine may stand, deserve special consideration, in reg.'ird 
to the relations of sound generated by the conflict between 
/ and the preceding consonant. According to the original 
law observed in the Sanskrit, a radical t ought to remain 
unaltered before turn, and d should pass into t\ .as, d^ 
bhtttum, to cleave," from fa<* bhid. According to the dege- 
nerated practice of the Greek, a radical d or t before t 
would become s. Of this second gradation we find a rem- 
nant in comes-tus, comes-tura> analogous to es-t, es-tis, &c. 
from edo : we find, however, no comes-tum, comcs-tor, but 
in their place comesum, comesor. We might question whe- 
ther, in comesum, the s belonged to the root or to the suf- 
fix ; whether the d of ed, or the t of turn, had been changed 
into s. The form com-es-tu$ might argue the radicality of 
the s ; but it is hard to suppose that the language should 
have jumped at once from estus to esus, between which two 
an tssus probably intervened, analogous to cessum, fasum, 
quassum, &c., while the t of turn, tus, &c., assimilated itself 
to the preceding *. Out of essum has arisen esum, by the 
suppression of an s, probably the first ; for where of a pair 
of consonants the one is removed, it is generally the first, 
(eip.1 from ear/u/, TTO-O*/ from woS-cri' ) possibly because, as in 
. 100., an auxiliary verb is abandoned in preference to a 
letter of the main verb. After that the language had, through 
such forms as e-sum, cd-sum, dim-sum, Jis-sum, quas-sum, 
habituated itself to an * in suffixes properly beginning with a 
f, s might easily insinuate itself into forms where it did not 
owe its origin to assimilation. Cs (x) is a [G. Ed. p. 100."] 
favourite combination ; hence, fie- sum, nee-sum, &c. for Jic- 
tum, nec-tum. The liquids, m excepted, evince special incli- 


nation for a succeeding s, most of all the r ; hence, ter-sum, 
mer-sum, cur-sum, par-sum, ver-sum, in contrast to par-turn, 
tor-tarn : there are also cases in which r, by a conversion 
into s, accommodates itself to t, as in ges-tum, m-tum, 
tos-tum.* This answers to the Sanskrit obligatory conver- 
sion of a concluding r into s before an initial t ; as, HTiHl 
cfTCT HT* bhrdtas tdraya mam, " brother save me," instead of 
*JT7R bhrdtar : on the other hand, in the middle of words r 
remains unaltered before f ; hence, for instance, nlnR bhar- 
tum, not wr* bhastum, "to bear. 11 L exhibits in the Latin 

o \ 

the forms /a/-*um, pul-sum, vul-sum^ in contrast to cul-tum ; 
n exhibits ten-turn, can-turn, opposed to man-sum. The other 
forms in n-sum, except cen-sum, have been mulcted of a 
radical d, as ton-sum> pen-sum. 

10:2. In the Germanic languages, t alone gives occasion 
for an euphonic conversion of a preceding radical consonant; 
for instance, in the 2d pers. sing, of the strong preterite, 
where, however, the t in the Old High German is retained 
only in a few verbs, which associate a present signi- 
fication with the form of the preterite. In the weak pre- 
terites, also, which spring from these verbs, the auxiliary t, 
where it remains unaltered, generates the same euphonic 
relations. We find in these forms the Germanic on the same 
footing as the Greek, in this respect, that it converts radical 
t sounds (t, th, c/, and in Old and Middle High German z 
also) before a superadded t into s. Hence, for instance, in 
[G. Ed. p. 101.] Gothic mnimais-t (abscidisti), for maimait-t, 
fai-fals-t (phcavtsti), for fai-falth-t, ana-baus-t (imperasti), for 
ana-bauJ-t. In Old and Middle High German weis-t, " thou 
knowest," for weiz-t. The Gothic, in forming out of the 
root vit, in the weak preterite, vis-sa (" I knew "), instead of 

* The obvious relationship of torreo with r/pero/ww, and TO trish from 
irit tarsl^ argues the derivation of the latter r from s. Upon that of uro 
from ^TO ush, see ?, 97. 


vista, from vitta, resembles, in respect of assimilation, the 
Latin forms mentioned in . 101., such as quas-sum for quas- 
tum, from qwt-tum. The Old High German, however, which 
also adopts wis-sa, but from muoz makes not miios-sa, but 
muo-sa, corresponds, in the latter case, to such Latin forms, 
as ca-sum y clau-sum. The case is different in Old High Ger- 
man with those verbs of the first weak conjugation, which, 
having their syllables made long generally through two 
terminating consonants in the preterite, apply the t of the 
auxiliary verb directly to the root. Here the transition of t 
into s does not occur, but t, z y and even rf, remain unaltered ; 
and only when another consonant precedes them i and d are 
extinguished, z on the contrary remains ; for instance, leit-ta, 
"DUXI," ki-neiz-ta.) "AFFLIXI," ar~6d-t,a, " VASTAVI," walz-ta, 
"VOLVI," liuh-ta, "LUXI," for liuht-ta; hul-ta, "PLACAVI," for 
huld'ta. Of double consonants one only is retained, and of ch 
or cch only h ; other consonantal combinations remain, how- 
ever, undisturbed, as ran-ia, " CUCURRI," for rann-ta; wanh-ta, 
" VACILLAVI," for wanch-ta ; dah-ta, " TEXI," for dacch-ta. The 
Middle High German follows essentially the same principles, 
only a simple radical t gives way before the auxiliary verb, 
and thus lei-te is opposed to the Old High German leit-ta ; on 
the other hand, in roots in Id and rd the d may be maintained, 
and the t of the auxiliary be surrendered as dulde, " TOLERAVI" 
unless we admit a division of dul-de, and consider the d as 
a softened L The change of g into c (. 98.) is natural, but 
not universal ; for instance, anc-te, " ARCTAVI," for ang-te ; but 
against this law b remains unaltered. [G. Ed. p. 102.] 
Before the formative suffixes beginning with 2*, both in Gothic 
and High German, guttural and labial tenues and medials are 
changed into their aspirates, although the tenuis accord with 
a following t. Thus, for instance, in Gothic, vah-tvo, 

* With the exception of the High German passive part, of the weaker 
form, which, in the adjunction of its t to the root, follows the analogy of 
the pret. above described 


"watch," from vak; sauh-t(t)s, "sickness," from suk ; 
mah-t()s 9 "might," from mag; ga-skaf-t(i)s, "creation," 
from skap; fragif-t(z)s, " betrothment, 11 from gib, softened 
from gab; Old High German suht, maht, Id-shaft, " creature, 11 
kift, " gift. 11 The dentals replace the aspirate th by the 
sibilant (*), as is the case in Gothic before the pers. cha- 
racter t of the preterite, as th cannot be combined with t. 
The formation of words, however, affords few examples of 
this kind : under this head comes our mast, related to the 
Gothic mats, " food, 11 and matyan, " to eat/ 1 In Gothic, the 
$ of bldstreis, " worshipper/ 1 springs from the t of bldlan, 
"to worship 11 : heist, "leaven, 11 comes probably from belt 
(beitan, "to bite, 11 Grimm, ii. p. 208). The Zend accords, 
in this respect, with the Germanic*, but still more with 
the Greek, in that it converts its t sounds into & s, not 
only before $> t, but also before $ ra ; for instance, AS^OJJ^ 
irista, " dead, 11 from the root (x>& irith ; AJ^O JJ.MJ basta, 
" bound, 11 from (o^^-^S bandh, with the nasal excluded ; as 
in Modern Persian &L*J bastah, from JuJ band; AS^JWAJ 
a&sma, " wood, 11 from ^tx{ idhma. 

103. It is a violation of one of the most natural laws of 
sound, that, in Gothic, the medial g does not universally 
pass into k or h ( = cti), before the personal character t of 

[G. Ed. p. 103.] the pret., but generally is retained ; and 
we find, for instance, 6g-t, "thou fearest, 11 mag-t, "thou 
canst-j* 11 ; and yet, before other inflections formed with t, 
the g undergoes an euphonic transition into h, as for in- 
stance, 6h-ta t "I feared, 11 mah-ts, "might. 11 

104. When in Sanskrit, according to . 98., the aspiration 
of a medial undergoes a necessary suppression, it falls back, 
under certain conditions and according to special laws, 
upon the initial consonant of the root, yet only upon a 
medial, or throws itself onward on the initial consonant of 

* Of. the Sclavonic and Lithuanian, . 457. 

t No other roots in g in this person are to be found in Ulfilas. 


the following suffix. We find, for instance, vflWflfa bhot- 
sytlmi, " I shall know," for ^tv^nfif Mdh-sy&mi / ^^ vedu- 
bhut, " knowing the vedas," for yi budh ; ^ bud-dlia, 
"knowing," for ipxbudhta; vt^nftl dhuk-shydmi, " I shall 
milk," for ^^nfn ddh-sy&mi; ^n| dug-dha, "milked," for 
H^?T duh-ta. In Greek we find a remarkable relic of the first 
part of the transposition of the aspirate,* in the necessary 
suppression of the aspirate in some roots which begin with 
t and end with an aspirate before cr, r, and //, letters which 
admit of no union with an aspirate, and in its being thrown 
back on the initial letter, by which process r becomes 6. 
Hence, T/oe^co, 0/oe7r-o-o>, (ftpex/rco), flpeTmy/o, 0joe/z-/xcc, Ttx^jJ, 07r- 
TC>, ercn$r}v 9 re6aiJ.-p.ou ; rpv<j>o$ 9 Opvir-ru, e.Tpv(f)rjv 9 6pvp,-fJLa ; 
rpe^o), 6peojjLO.i ; dpi, rp/^oj, T^<:, ^aora-co^. In the spirit 
of this transposition of the aspirate, e% obtains the spiritus as- 
per when ^ is obliged to merge in the tennis, (e^cro?, e'o>, 

K See J. L. Burnouf in the Asiatic Journal, III. 308; and Buttmann, 
pp. 77, 78. 

t It is usual to explain this appearance by the supposition of two aspi- 
rations in the root of these forms, of which one only is supposed to appear 
in deference to the euphonic law which forbids the admission of two con. 
secutive aspirated syllables. This one would be the last [G. Ed. p. 101.] 
of the two, and the other would only shew itself when the latter had been 
forced to merge in the tenuis. Opposed, however, to this explanation is 
the fact, that, on account of the inconvenience of accumulated aspirates, the 
language has guarded itself in the original formation of its roots against 
the evil, and has never admitted an aspirated consonant at once for the 
initial and final letter of a root. In Sanskrit, the collection of whose roots 
is complete, there is no such instance. The forms, however, cdu<f>6rjv, 
TfQdfyQai, Tc6d<t>6(>, reQityaTcit, TeOpafyBai, Mptyfyv,, present a difficulty. 
These, perhaps, are eccentricities of usage, which, once habituated to the 
initial aspiration by its frequent application to supply the place of the ter- 
minating one, began to assume its radicality, and extended it wider than 
was legitimate. We might also say, that since <f>0 (as %0) is so favourite 
a combination in Greek that it is even substituted for TT# and ft0 while, ac- 
cording to . 98., an original <j[>0 ought to become 7r0on this ground the 
tendency to aspiration of the root remained unsatisfied by cYd^&p &c. ; 
and as if the $ only existed out of reference to the0, the original ter- 
minating aspirate necessarily fell back on the radical initial. This theory, 
which seems to me sound, would only leave rt&i^arcu to be explained. 


[G. Ed. p. 105.] 105. There are in Sanskrit, and the lan- 
guages which are akin to it, two classes of roots : from the 
one, which is by far the more numerous, spring verbs, and 
nouns (substantives and adjectives) which stand in fraternal 
connection with the verbs, not in the relation of descent from 
them, not begotten by them, but sprung from the same 
shoot with them. We term them, nevertheless, for the 
sake of distinction, and according to prevailing custom, 
Verbal Roots; and the verb, too, stands in close formal 
connection with them, because from many roots each per- 
son of the present is formed by simply adding the requi- 
site personal termination. From the second class spring 
pronouns, all original prepositions, conjunctions, and par- 
ticles : we name them Pronominal Roots, because they all 
express a pronominal idea, which, in the prepositions, con- 
junctions, and particles, lies more or less concealed. No 
simple pronouns can be carried back, either according to 
their meaning or their form, to any thing more general, but 
their declension-theme (or inflective base) is at the same 
time their root. The Indian Grammarians, however, derive 
all words, the pronouns included, from verbal roots, although 
the majority of pronominal bases, even in a formal respect, 
are opposed to such a derivation, because they, for the most 
part, end with a : one, indeed, consists simply of a. Among 

[G. Ed. p. 106.] the verbal roots, however, there is not a 
single one in a, although long a, and all other vowels, tft 
du excepted, occur among the final letters of the verbal 
roots. Accidental external identity takes place between the 
verbal and pronominal roots; e.g. ^i signifies, as a verbal 
root, "to go," as a pronominal root, "he, 11 "this." 

106. The verbal roots, like those of the pronouns, are 


monosyllabic; and the polysyllabic forms represented by 
the grammarians as roots contain either a reduplicate- 
syllable, as ^Rnj&gri, " to wake, or a preposition which has 
grown up with the root, as ^^^ft^ ava-dhir, " to despise " ; 
or they have sprung from a noun, like <pn^ kumdr, " to 
play," which I derive from "fr'HK kumdra, " a boy." Except 
the law of their being monosyllabic, the Sanskrit roots are 
subjected to no further limitation, and their one-syllableness 
may present itself under all possible forms, in the shortest 
and most extended, as well as those of a 'middle degree. 
This free state of irrestriction was necessary, as the language 
was to contain within the limits of one-syllableness the 
whole body of fundamental ideas. The simple vowels and 
consonants were not sufficient: it was requisite to frame 
roots also where several consonants, combined in inseparable 
unity, became, as it were, simple sounds; e.g. *HT sthd, "to 
stand," a root in which the age of the co-existence of the s 
and th is supported by the unanimous testimony of all the 
members of our race of languages. So also, in ^FT? 
skand, " to go/ 1 (Lat. scand-o) the age of the combination of 
consonants, both in the beginning and ending of the root, is 
certified by the agreement of the Latin with the Sanskrit. 
The proposition, that in the earliest period of language si 
simple vowel is sufficient to express a verbal idea, is sup- 
ported by the remarkable concurrence of [G. Ed. p. 107.] 
nearly all the individuals of the Sanskrit family of lan- 
guages in expressing the idea " to go " by the root L 

107. The nature and peculiarity of the Sanskrit verbal 
roots explains itself still more by comparison with those 
of the Semitic languages. These require, as far as we 
trace back their antiquity, three consonants, which, as I 
have already elsewhere shewn,* express the fundamental 

* Trans, of the Hist. Phil. Class of the R. A. of Litt. of Berlin for the 
year 1824, p. 126, &c. 



idea by themselves alone, without the aid of vowels ; and 
although they may be momentarily compressed into one 
syllable, still, in this, the combination of the middle radical 
with the first or last cannot be recognised as original and 
belonging to the root, because it is only transitory, and 
chiefly depends on the mechanism of the. construction of 
the word. Thus, in Hebrew, kfaul, "slain," in the fern., 
on account of the addition till contracts itself to kt&l (kt&l- 
-dA) ; while k&ttt, " slaying," before the same addition, com- 
presses itself in an opposite manner, and forms k6tltih. 
Neither ktdl t therefore, nor kfttl, can be regarded as the root ; 
and just as little can it be looked for in ktftl, as the status con- 
structus of the infinitive ; for this is only a shortening of the 
absolute form kAtdl, produced by a natural tendency to pass 
hastily to the word governed by the infinitive, which, as it 
were, has grown to it. In the imperative ktfll the abbrevia- 
tion is not external, subject to mechanical conditions, but 
rather dynamic, and occasioned by the hurry with which a 
command is usually enunciated. In the Semitic languages, 
in decided opposition to those of the Sanskrit family, the 
vowels belong, not to the root, but to the grammatical motion, 
the secondary ideas, and the mechanism of the construction of 
[G. Ed. p. 108.] the word. By them, for example, is dis- 
tinguished, in Arabic, kalala, " he slew," from kutila, "he was 
slain"; and in Hebrew, kttS, "slaying; 1 from kdtM, "slain." 
A Semitic root is unpronounceable, because, in giving it 
vowels, an advance is made to a special grammatical form, and 
it then no longer possesses the simple peculiarity of a root 
raised above all grammar. But in the Sanskrit family of 
languages, if its oldest state is consulted in the languages which 
have continued most pure, the root appears as a circumscribed 
nucleus, which is almost unalterable, and which surrounds 
itself with foreign syllables, whose origin we must investi- 
gate, and whose destination is, to express the secondary 
ideas of grammar which the root itself cannot express. 


The vowel, with one or more consonants, and sometimes 
without any consonant whatever, belongs to the fundamental 
meaning: it can be lengthened to the highest degree, or 
raised by Guna or Vriddhi ; and this lengthening or raising, 
and, more lately, the retention of an original a, opposed to 
its weakening to i or change to w(. 66., 67.), belongs not to 
the denoting of grammatical relations, which require to be 
more clearly pointed out, but, as I imagine I can prove, only 
to the mechanism, the symmetry of construction. 

108. As the Semitic roots, on account of their construc- 
tion, possess the most surprising capacity for indicating 
the secondary ideas of grammar by the mere internal mould- 
ing of the root, of which they also make extensive use, while 
the Sanskrit roots, at the first grammatical movement, are 
compelled to assume external additions ; so must it appear 
strange, that F. von Schlegel,* while he [G. Ed. p. 109.] 
divides languages in general into two chief races, of which 
the one denotes the secondary intentions of meaning by an 
internal alteration of the sound of the root by inflexion, the 
other always by the addition of a word, which may by 
itself signify plurality, past time, what is to be in future, 
or other relative ideas of that kind, allots the Sanskrit 
and its sisters to the former race, and the Semitic lan- 
guages to the second. "There may, indeed," he writes, 
p. 48, " arise an appearance of inflexion, when the annexed 
particles are melted down with the chief word so as to be 
no longer distinguishable ; but where in a language, as in 
the Arabic, and in all which are connected with it, the first 
and most important relations, as those of the person to 
verbs, are denoted by the addition of particles which have 
a meaning for themselves individually, and the tendency 
to which suffixes shews itself deeply seated in the language, 
it may there be safely assumed that the same may have 

* In his work on the language and wisdom of the Indiana, 
H 2 


occurred in other positions, where the annexation of par- 
ticles of a foreign nature no longer admits of such clear 
discrimination: one may at least safely assume that the 
language, on the whole, belongs to this chief race, although 
in this single point, by admixture or artificial adornment, 
it has adopted another and a higher character." We must 
here preliminarily observe, that, in Sanskrit and the lan- 
guages connected with it, the personal terminations of the 
verls shew at least as great a similarity to isolated pro- 
nouns as in Arabic. How should any language, which 
expresses the pronominal relations of the verbs by syllables 
annexed either at the beginning or end of the word, 111 the 
choice of these syllables avoid, and not rather select, those 
which, in their isolated state, also express the corresponding 
[G. Ed. p. llo.] pronominal ideas ? By inflexion, F. von 
Schlegel understands the internal alteration of the soun4 of 
the root, or (p. 35) the internal modification of the root, which 
he (p. 48) opposes to addition from without. But when from 
So or 5o), in Greek, comes d/$o>-jtu 5 5o>-<rw, 5o-0>?<ro/xe0a, what 
are the forms pi, cro>, 0>?(ro/xe0a, but palpable external addi- 
tions to the root, which is not at all internally altered, or 
only in the quantity of the vowel ? If, then, by inflexion, 
an internal modification of the root is to be understood, 
the Sanskrit and Greek &c. have in that case except the 
reduplication, which is supplied by the elements of the root 
itself scarce any inflexion at all to shew. If, however, 
Oijvofjieda is an external modification of the root So, simply 
because it is combined with it, touches it, with it expresses 
a whole ; then the idea of sea and continent may be repre- 
sented as an internal modification of the sea, and vice versd. 
P. 50, F. von Schlegel remarks : " In the Indian or Grecian 
language every root is truly that which the name says, 
and like a living germ ; for since the ideas of relation are 
denoted by internal alteration, freer room is given for 
development, the fulness of which can be indefinitely 


extended, and is, in fact, often wondrously rich. All, how- 
ever, which in this manner proceeds from the simple root, 
still retains the stamp of its relationship, adheres to it, and 
thus reciprocally bears and supports itself." I find, how- 
ever, the inference not established ; for from the capability 
of expressing ideas of relation by internal alteration of the 
root, how can the capability be deduced of surrounding the 
(internally unalterable) root indefinitely, with foreign syllables 
externally added ? What kind of stamp of relationship is 
there between pi, crco, Oqtrojjieda, and the [G. Ed. p. 111.] 
roots to which these significative additions are appended ? 
We therefore recognise in the inflexions of the Sanskrit 
family of languages no internal involutions of the root, but 
elements of themselves significative, and the tracing of the 
origin of which is the task of scientific grammar. But even 
if the origin of not a single one of these inflexions could be 
traced with certainty, still the principle of the formation 
of grammar, by external addition, would not, for that 
reason, be the less certain, because, at the first glance, in 
the majority of inflexions, one discovers at least so much, 
that they do not belong to the root, but have been added 
from without. A. W. von Schlegel, also, who, in essential 
points, assents to the above-mentioned division of lan- 
guages/ gives us to understand, with regard to the so-called 

* Nevertheless, in his work, " Observations sur la langue et la litterature 
provenfales," p. 14, &c., he gives three classes, viz. Les langues sansvncune 
structure grammaticale, les langues qui emploient des affixes, et les langues 
d inflexions. Of the latter, he says : " Je pense, Dependant, qu'il faut 
assigner le premier rang aux la r gues a inflexions. On pourroit les appeler 
les langues organiques, parce qu'ellcs rcnferment nn principe vivant de 
developpement et d'accroissement, et qu'elles ont seules, si je puis m'ex- 
primer ainsi, une vegetation abondante et feconde. Le merveilleux 
artifice de ces langues est, de former une immense variete de mots, et de 
marquer la liaison des idSes que ces mots designent, moyennant un assez 
petit nombre de syllabes qui, considered separement, n'ont point de signi- 


inflexions, that they are not modifications of the root, but 
foreign additions, whose characteristic lies in this, that 
fG. Ed. p. 112.] regarded, per se, they have no meaning. 
In the Semitic, the appended grammatical syllables or in- 
flexions have no meaning, at least in so far that they do not, 
any more than in Sanskrit, occur isolated in a completely 
similar state. In Arabic, for instance, antum, and not turn, 
is said for "ye"; and in Sanskrit ma, ta, and not mi, ti, are 
the declinable bases of the first and third person ; and at-Ti, 
" he eats," has the same relation to TA-m, " him," that in 
Gothic IT-a, " I eat/' has to the monosyllabic AT, " I ate." 
The reason for weakening the a of the base to i is probably, 
in the different cases of the two sister languages, the same, 
viz. the greater extent of the form of word with i (comp. 
. 6.) If, then, the division of languages made by F. von 
Schlegel is untenable, on the reasons on which it is 
founded, still there is much ingenuity in the thought of a 
natural history or classification of languages. We prefer, 
however, to present, with A. W. von Schlegel (1. c.), three 
classes, and distinguish them as follows: first, languages 
with monosyllabic roots, without the capability of composition, 
and hence without organism, without grammar. This class 
comprises Chinese, where all is hitherto bare root, and the 
grammatical categories, and secondary relations after the 

fication, mais qui determinant avec precision le sens du mot auquel elles 
sont jointes. En modifiant les lettres radicales, et en ajoutant aux racines 
des syllabes derivatives, on forme do mots derives de diverges especes, et 
des drive's des drive's. On compose des mots de plusieurs racines pour 
exprimer les idees complexes. Ensuitc on decline les substantife, les 
adjectifs, et les pronoms, par genres, par nombres, et par cas ; on conjugne 
les verbes par voix, par modes, par temps, par nombres, et par personnes, 
en employant de meme des desinences et quelquefois des augmens qui, s- 
pare*ment, ne signifient ricn. Cette me'thode procure 1'avautage d'enoncer 
en un seul mot Tid^e principale, souvent deja tres-modifie*e et tres-com- 
plexe, avcc tout son cortege d'ides accessoires et de relations variables. 


main point, can only be discovered from the position of the 
roots in the sentence.* Secondly, languages with mono- 
syllabic roots, which are capable of combination, and obtain 
their organism and grammar nearly in this way alone. The 
chief principle of the formation of words, in this class, 
appears to me to lie in the combination of verbal and pro- 
nominal roots, which together represent, [G.Ed. p. 113.] 
as it were, body and soul (Comp. . 100.). To this class belongs 
the Sanskrit family of languages, and moreover all other 
languages, so far as they are not comprehended under 1. and 
3., and have maintained themselves in a condition which 
renders it possible to trace back their forms of words to the 
simplest elements. Thirdly, languages with dissyllabic verbal 
roots, and three necessary consonants as single vehicles of 
the fundamental meaning. This class comprehends merely 
the Semitic languages, and produces its grammatical forms, 
not simply by combination, like the second class, but by a 
mere internal modification of the roots. We here gladly 
award to the Sanskrit family of languages a great superiority 
over the Semitic, which we do not, however, find in the use 
of inflexions as syllables per se devoid of meaning, but in 
the copiousness of these grammatical additions, which are 
really significative, and connected with words used isolated ; 
in the judicious, ingenious selection and application of them, 
and the accurate and acute defining of various relations, which 
hereby becomes possible; finally, in the beautiful adjustment 
of these additions to a harmonious whole, which bears the 
appearance of an organized body. 

109 a . The Indian Grammarians divide the roots accord- 
ing to properties, ( which extend only to the tenses which 

* We find tliis view of the Chinese admirably elucidated in W. von 
Humboldt's talented pamphlet, "Lettre & M. Abel Remusat, sur la, na- 
ture dfs formes grammaticales en general, et sur k genie de la langue 


I call the special tenses,* and to the part, pres.,) into ten 
classes, all of which we have re-discovered in the Zend also, 
and examples of which are given in the following paragraph. 
[G. Ed. p. 114.] We shall here give the characteristics of 
the Sanskrit classes, and compare with them those which 
correspond in the European sister languages. 

(l.) The first and sixth class add *r a to the root ; and 
we reserve the discussion of the origin of this and other 
conjugational affixes for the disquisition on the verb. The 
point of difference between the first class of nearly 1000 
roots (almost the half of the entire number) and the sixth 
class, which contains about 130 roots, lies in this, that the 
former raise the vowel of the root by Guna (. 26.), while 
the latter retain it pure; e,g. tfftrfif btidhati, "he knows, 
from *p^ budh (l.) ; 7R[ftr tudati, " he vexes 1 ' (comp. tundii), 
from T^tud (6.) As ^ a has noGuna/j* no discrimination can 
take place through this vowel between the classes 1. and 6. : 
but nearly all the roots which belong to either, having ^r a 
as the radical vowel, are reckoned in the first class. In Greek, 
e (before nasals o, . 3.) corresponds to the affix ^r a ; and 
Ae/7r-o-/4ei/,i $eu7-o-/zei>, from AIII, $YF (e'A/Troi/, e^tryoi/), 
belong to the first class, because they have Guna (. 26.); 
while, e.g. 6ty-o-jJL6v, 0A//3-o-/xei/, &c., fall under the sixth 
class.ll In Latin we recognise, in the third conjugation, 

* In Greek, the present (indie, imper.and optat., the form of the Greek 
subjunct. is wanting in Sanskrit) and imperfect correspond to them ; be- 
yond which certain conjugation-signs do not extend. In German, the 
present of every mood corresponds. 

t The accent here distinguishes the 1st cl. from the 6th. e.g. forpdtati 
did it belong to the 6th. cl., we should have patdti. 

t We give the plural, because the singular, on account of abbreviation, 
makes the thing less perspicuous. 

|| Sanskrit long vowels admit Guna only when they occur at the end of 
the root, but in the beginning and middle remain without admixture of 
the ^ a ; so do short vowels before double consonants. 


which I would raise to the first, the cognate of the Sanskrit 
first and sixth class, since we regard the addition i as a 
weakening of the old a (. 8.) ; and e. g. legimm has the same 
relation to \ey-o-fjiev, that the genitive ped-is has to 7ro5-o? 
where the Sanskrit has likewise a Ol^ [G.Ed. p. 115.] 
pad-as). In leg-u-nt, from ley-a-nti, the old a, through the 
influence of the liquid, has become u (Comp. . 66.). In 
German, all the primitive (strong) verbs, with the exception 
of some remains of the fourth class (No. 2.), stand in clear 
connection with the Sanskrit first class, which is here, for the 
first time, laid down in its full extent.* The ^ a which 
is added to the root has, in Gothict, before some personal 
terminations, remained unchanged ; before others, according 
to . 67., and as in Latin, been weakened to i\ so, hait-a, "I 
am called," hait-i-s, hait-i-th, 2d pers. du. huit-a-ta ; pi. hait- 
a-<m, hait-i-th, hait-a-nd. The radical vowels i and u keep the 
Guna addition, as in Sanskrit, only that the a which gives 
the Guna is here weakened to i (. 27.), which, with a radical 
i, is aggregated into a long i (written ei, .70.) : hence keina 
(=zktna, from kiina), "I germinate," from KIN ; biuya, 
" I bend," from BUG, Sanskrit *p^ bhuj, whence y^ bhvgna, 
" bent. The diphthongs ai, au, as in Sanskrit and ift 
(. 2.), are incapable of any Guna ; as are & ( = w, . 69.) and 
a. The Sanskrit radical vowel ^ a has, however, in Gothic, 
experienced a threefold destiny. It has either remained 
unaltered in the special tenses, and is lengthened in the 
preterite, except in reduplicate roots (i.e. to 6, see . 69.) 

* I have already, in my Review of Grimm's Grammar, expressed the 
conjecture that the a of forms like haita, haitam, haitaima, &c. does not 
belong to the personal termination, but is identical with the ^f a of the 
Sanskrit 1st and 6th classes ; but I was not then clear regarding the Guna 
in the present in all roots with vowels capable of Guna. (See Ann. Ileg. 
for Crit. of Litt, Book II. pp. 282 and 259.) 

t We make frequent mention of the Gothic alone as the true starting- 
point and light of German Grammar. The application to the High Ger- 
man will hereafter present itself. 


thus, e.g. far-i-th, " he wanders," answers to ^rflf charati 
[G. Ed. p. 116.] (. 14.), and f6r, " he wandered," to *r*K 
chachdra ; or, secondly, the old a shews itself in the special 
tenses weakened to i, but retained in the monosyllabic singu- 
lar of the preterite : so that here the stronger a (. 8.) corre- 
sponds to the weaker i in the same way that, in the first case, 
the 6 ( = ^TT d) does to the short a. The root ^ ad, " to 
eat," in Gothic, according to . 87., forms AT\ hence, in the 
present, ita ; in the sing, pret., at, as-t, at. The third fate 
which befalls the a of the root in Gothic is a complete 
extirpation, and compensation by the weaker i, which is 
treated like an original z ? existing in the Sanskrit ; i. e. in the 
special tenses it receives Guna by i, and in the pret. sing, by 
a (. 27.), but in the pret. pi. it is preserved pure. To this 
class belongs the KIN, " to germinate," mentioned above, 
pros, keina, pret. sing, kain, pi. kin-urn. The corresponding 
Sanskrit root is w^jan, " to produce," " to be born" (see 
. 87.) : the same relation, too, has greipa, graip, gripum, 
from GRIP, " to seize," to W yrabh (Veda form) : on the 
other hand, J3IT, " to bite," * (Jxdta, bait, bitum), has an 
original i, which exists in Sanskrit (comp. far* bhid, " to 
cleave"); just so, VIT, "to know," Sanskrit fa^ vid. 

(2.) The fourth class of Sanskrit roots adds to them the 
syllable ^ ya, and herein agrees with the special tenses of 
the passive ; and from the roots which belong to it spring 
chiefly neuter verbs, as e.g. vf^qfiT nasyati, " he perishes," 
Their number amounts altogether to about 1 30. The German 
has preserved one unmistakeable remnant of this class, in 
those strong verbs which again lay aside, in the preterite, the 
syllable ya (weakened to yi), which is added to the root in the 
[G. Ed. p. 117.] special tenses ; e.g. vahs-ya(Zeud f&M-*v<&> 
vcs-yaim 9 " crescebant" Vendidad S. p. 25*7), "cresco, n vahs- 
yi-th, ' crescit" pret. vohs. 

* Occurs only with the prep, and, and with the meaning u to scold," 
but corresponds to the Old High German root BIZ, "to bite." 


(3.) The second, third, and seventh classes add the personal 
termination direct to the root ; but in the cognate European 
languages, to facilitate the conjugation, these classes have 
mainly passed over to the first class ; e. g. ed-i-mus, not ed-mus 
(as a remnant of the old construction es-t, es-tis), Gothic 
it-a-m, Old High German iz-a-mfa not iz-m$s t answering 
to the Sanskrit 'snm ad-mas. The second class, to which 
^ ad belongs, leaves the root without any characteristic 
addition, with Guna of the vowels capable of Guna before 
light terminations, which must be hereafter explained ; hence, 
e.g. ufi? $mi, corresponding to ^*HT imas, from ^i "to go," 
as in Greek eT/xi to 5/xei/. It contains not more than about 
seventy roots, partly terminating in consonants, partly in 
vowels. In this and the third-class, the Greek exhibits roots, 
almost entirely ending in vowels, as the above mentioned 
'I, 4>A, TN& (yi/oi-0/), AO, 2TA, 011, 4>Y (e^t/v), AY, &c. 
To the consonants the direct combination with the conso- 
nants of the termination has become too heavy, and 'E2 alone 
(because of the facility of cr/z, orr) has remained in the San- 
skrit second class, as the corresponding root in Latin, Lithua- 
nian, and German. Hence, ^SfftjcT A ecrn, Lithuan. esti, est, 
Gothic and High German ist. In the Latin there fall also 
to the second class, /, DA, STA, FLA, FA, and NA\ and also 
in-quam, whence QUA weakened to QUI, is the root, which, 
in Gothic, appears as QUAT, weakened to QUIT, with the 
accretion of a T. FER and VEL ( VUL ) have preserved 
some persons of the ancient construction.* [G. Ed. p. 118.] 
The third class is distinguished from the second by a syllable 
of reduplication in the special tenses, and has maintained 
itself under this form in Greek also, and Lithuanian. In 

* Five roots of the second class introduce in Sanskrit, between the con- 
sonants of the root and the personal termination, an ^ t, as Ttf^fif r6d-i- 
mi 9 " I weep," from ^^ rud. I can, however, no longer believe that the 
i of the Latin third conjug. is connected with this ^ *, as there is scarce 
any doubt of its relationship with the ^T of the very copious first class. 


Sanskrit it comprehends about twenty roots ; e.g. 
daddmi, 6Vo\*>/xi, Lithuanian dudu; *pnf*T dadhdmi, n'dript 
(. 16.) ; Ulfft* jajanmi, " I beget," comp yt'-yi'-o-pai. The 
seventh class, of about twenty-four roots, introduces, in the 
special tenses, a nasal into the root, which is extended before 
the light personal terminations to the syllable na; e.g. fntrftr 
bhinadmi, " I cleave/ 1 ftr^TO s bhindmas, " we cleave." The 
Latin has kept the weaker form of this nasalization, but has 
further added to the root the affix of the first class (p. 114 G. 
Ed.); hence findo, find-i-mus. From the Greek coma to be here 
considered roots, like MA0, AAB, GIF, in which the inserted 
nasal has been repeated further on in the word, with the pre- 
fixed a, and, like the Latin find-i-mus, is connected with the 
affix of the first class; thus, /*ai>0-ai/-o-/xev, \aju/3-cci'-o-/xei/, 

(4.) The fifth class, of about thirty roots, has nu ; and the 
eighth, with ten roots, which, excepting ^ kri, " to make/' 
all terminate in ^T n or *q[ n, has u for its characteristic addi- 
tion : the u t however, of these two classes is lengthened 
before the light terminations by Guna, which in the corre- 
sponding Greek appended syllables, w and v 9 is supplied by 
lengthening the v ; thus, e.g. teiKi'Vpi, Se/Kvfycev, as in Sanskrit 
^rnftfir dp-n6-mi, " ad-ip-is-cor" Mfi9W^ dp-nu-mas, " adipisci- 
mur" An example of the eighth class is TT^ tan, " to extend/' 
whence iTrftfa tan-3-mi=T&v-v-iu 9 iT^H^ tan-u-mas^rav-tj-^e^ 
With the ^r u> v t of the eighth class, is probably connected 
[G. Ed. p. 119.] the v in some Gothic strong verbs, where, 
however, it adheres so firmly to the root, that, in a German 
point of view, it must be regarded as a radical. Hence it is 
not dropped in the preterite, and receives, in the special 
tenses, like all strong verbs, the affix of the Sanskrit first 
class ; e.g. saihva,* " I see/' sahv, " I saw." 

(5.) The ninth class adds ^r nd to the root, which syl- 
lable, before heavy terminations, instead of being shortened 

* I now consider the v of saihva and similar verbs as purely euphonic, 
cf. . 86. and Latin forms like cogno, Unqno, tttinguo. 


to tf na, replaces the heavy ^n & by the lighter ^ { f 6.), 
and is thus weakened to ?ft ni. E.g. from Jj^mnd, "to 
crush/" (com p. mordeo) comes g^rffo mridndmi, $^l f ta^ mrid- 
nimas. In this is easily perceived the relationship with 
Greek formations in I'ty/*/ (yu/*/) vapev ; e. </. Sa/xi/^/x/, Sa/zva- 
/xev. As a, e, and o, are originally one, formations like re/x-i/o- 
ftei/ belong to this class, only that they have wandered into the 
more modern co-conjugation at a remote period of antiquity ; 
for more lately veo> would not have become vco from vrjfju. 

(6.) The tenth class adds *sni aya to the root, but is dis- 
tinguished from the other classes in this farther important 
point, that this affix is not limited to the special tenses: 
the final a of WT aya is peculiar to them, but wif ay 
extends, with very few exceptions, to all the other forma- 
tions of the root. All causals, and many denominatives, 
follow this class, and, indeed, from every root a causal can 
be formed by the addition ^8TO[ ay, which is always accom- 
panied by Guna of the middle vowel of the root capable of 
Guna, or by Vriddhi of every radical final vowel and of a 
niiddle a belonging to the root; e.g. $^lfir vdd-nya-ti "he 
makes to know/' from fe< vid; W^lfif Sirav-aya-ti, "he makes 
to hear," from ^ sru. We recognise, in German, the affix 
ism aya at least in two shapes : in the one [G. Ed. p. 120.] 
the first a, in the other the last, is lost, and in the latter case 
y has become i ; so that I have no longer any scruple in 
tracing back Grimm's first and third conjugation of the weak 
form to a common origin. According to all probability, how- 
ever, the verbs with the affix 6 also (as Old High German 
manfin, " to mention," " to make to think,") belong to this 
class, regarding which we will speak further under the verb. 
The Old High German gives as the contraction of a + i, 
(see . 78.), but retains its e more firmly than the Gothic its 
at, which, in several persons, sinks into a simple a. Compare 
Gothic haba, habam, haband, with Old High German hap$m, 
hapGmes, hap$nf. Very remarkable, however, is the concur- 
rence of the Prakrit with the Old High German and the Latin 


of the 2d conj. in this point, that it in like manner has 
contracted the affix ^enr ayato TZ& Compare Sanskrit *U*fHlfa 
mdnaydmi, " I honour," Prakrit m%ftr mdndmi,* Old High 
German, var-man3m, " I despise," Latin moneo : 
[G.Ed. p. 121.] ^ OLD 


mdnaydmi JTHfrfo m&n&mi var-manSm moneo 
mdnayasi m^ftc mdnSsi manfe monfo 

mdnayati JRWfi? mdnftdi mandt monet 

mdnaydmas *nJo*5 mdnemha mandmes monttmus 
mdnayatha m^Wmdnddha man&t monetis 

mdnayanti Hwfar mdndnti man&ni monent 

In regard to those weak verbs, which have suppressed the 
first vowel of the Sanskrit ^sm aya, and give therefore ya as 
affix, we will here further recall attention to the forms iya 
(ige), which occasionally occur in Old High German and 
Anglo Saxon, whose connection with ^R aya is to be traced 
thus, that the semi-vowel y has become hardened to g, 
(comp. . 19.), and the preceding a weakened to i. In Greek, 
the cognate verbs to the Sanskrit of the tenth class are to 

* I am not at present able to adduce this verb from the edited texts : it 
is, however, certain, that mdnaydmi in this dialect can have no other sound 
but mdndmi. The conjugation is supported by other examples of this 
class, AS chintfani, "I think'* (from chintaydmi), nivdddmi (from nit>- 
daydmi). In the plural the termination mha is nothing else than the ap- 
pended verb substantive (Sansk. smas 9 " we are"). In the third pers. pi., 
together with mdnenti the foriqp mdnaanti and mdnanti arc also admis- 
sible. The Indian Grammarians assume for the Sanscrit a root man, " to 
honour " : more probably, however, the verb, for which this root is sup- 
plied, is only a denominative from mdna, "honour" ; and this substantive 
itself a derivation from man, "to think," whence ova-man, "to despise," 
as in Old High German var-MAN (by Otfrid, fir-MON). The root, 
therefore, which is contained in varmanem is identical with the Gothic 
HAN (man, " I mean," " I think," pi. munum see J. 66.). To this class 
belongs, also, the- Latin monere,as, " to make to think" (Old High German 
manon), the radical o for a of which we explain by the principle of . 66. 
(see, also, . 3.) ; while the i of memin-i is a weakening of the original a, 
explained by $, 0. 


be looked for in those in ao>, eto, oa> ; in Latin, besides the 
2d conjugation compared above, most verbs of the 1st and 4th 
also belong to this affinity. We shall recur to them when 
speaking of the verb. 

109 b . In order to adduce single examples of the mul- 
tiform construction of the roots, let us examine the order 
of the final letters ; but we will select only such examples 
as are common to the Sanskrit and several sister lan- 
guages. The greatest forbearance, however, is requisite, 
as an authenticated comparison of all that admits of com- 
parison would easily swell to a book, which shall hereafter 
be devoted to this subject.* 

(1.) Roots ending with a vowel : [G. Ed. p. 122.] 

"There are, as has been already remarked (. 105.), no 
roots in ^r a; but roots in ^T d are numerous. Thus in 3 gci,'\ 
"to go," contained in the Latin navi-ya-re ; also, perhaps, 
in fati-gare, the first member of which belongs tofatiscor, 
fessus ; in Greek, /3/j8/^/ answers to Sfinfo jagdmi, and rests 
on the frequent interchange of gutturals and labials ; Gothic 
ga-thv6 9 " a street," (see p. 102. G. Ed.) ; Zend >$uu^ gd-tu, 
" a place," (nom. J^>PAW^ gdtus ; Old High German gd-m, 
"I go," = 5f *nftr ja-gd-mi ; not therefore, as Grimm con- 
jectures (p. 868), by syncope from gangu, but, with a more 
ancient and regular foundation, only with a suppression of 
the Sanskrit syllable of reduplication, introduced, therefore, 
from the third into the second class (see p. 117. G. Ed.), as in 
Latin, da-mus answering to 5/oV/uei/. Thus, also, std~m, 
stars, std-t. in like manner, with suppressed reduplication, 
corresponds to ?-OT/-JIW (for <7t(rrrjp.i) t and to the Sanskrit 
root WF sthd, which is irregularly inflected, fireiftf tishthdmi, 
tishthasi, fiflfif tishthati, for tasthdmi, tasthdsi, tasthdti. 

* Somewhat that pertains to this subject I have already put together 
very concisely at the end of my Sanscrit Glossary, 
f The attached cyphers denote the classes described in }. i09. 


which will be more closely considered hereafter. The 
Latin, in root and inflexion, most resembles the Old High 
German : the Zend, however, in its J^AU^OJ^V histdmi* (for 
sistdmi, see . 53.), appears in a genuine Greek dress. Ob- 
serve, also, the gttjfW&^CsAj? ratha&stdo, " warrior," which 
occurs so often in the Zend-Avesta, properly "chariot 
stander," with o for s as the sign of the nominative. 
How, then, in Old High German, comes from STA the 
extended form of the root STANT, whence the pre- 
sent stantu, " I stand,' 1 and preterite stuont, " I or he 
stood"; for which the Gothic has standa, stdlh? We 
will here only preliminarily remark, that we have ob- 
served in Zend also, in some roots terminating in A, an 
inclination to connect themselves with a -sound. Thus 
we find, from jwyja snd, " to wash," " to purify, 11 (Sansk. ^r snd, 
" to bathe, ) whence sndta, " purified, 11 in Vend. S. p. 233, 
frequently ffMMQJMf&jwvfra-snddhayen " lavent" ; from Axy 
dd, "to lay/ 1 (Sans, w dhd, p. 118 G. Ed.), we find /^yxjA^jy 
nidaifhynnn, " deponant " (as Vendidad S. pp. 205 and 206, 
ygj^Cxusjjy ^5f_J Toyow husM zem nidaithyann, "in siccd 
terrd deponant ) : from the same root we find the imperative 
[G. Ed. p. 123.] form, A^JwCxu^y ni-dA-thdma, " depona- 
WM8 11 (Vend. S. p. 208, AJ$.UI?AJJ fjyAjp C^jjyAj^>^j7j $^ASJ AS^ 
jvj^AVjC^u^jy ju2 ^JgJ-w^ Aj7>feVAs kva naraiwi isritananm 
tan urn bardma Ahura mazda kva niddthdma, "Quo hominum 
mortuorum corpus feramus, ubi deponamus' 1 ?). Of the Ger- 
manic we will further remark, that the root m md, " to 
measure " (ef. fte-r/>ov), has connected itself with a /-sound, and 
forms, ill Gothic, MAT, present mita (. 109 a . i.). %t Q jnd t 
" to be acquainted with, 1 ' " to know," TN&, GNA (gnarus) 
Old High German CHNA (.87.); whence chnd-fa, I knew/ 1 
annexing the auxiliary verb direct, as in Latin (g)no-vi. To 

* I believe I may deduce this form from the 3d pers. pi. 
histenti (cf. terramrt) in the V. S. p. 183 : more on this head under the verb. 


the special form, iRFRfajdndmi, for sRTfifa jnd-nd-mi, may be- 
long the Gothic root KANN, Old High German CHANN 
(kann, chan, " I know," see . 94., kunnum, chunnum, " we 
know," see .66.). W dhmd, "to blow," alters itself in the 
special forms to V* dham, Latin FLA, according to the 
second class (. I09 a 3.), Old High German PLA (. 12. 20.), 
whence pld-ta, "flavi." As in Sanskrit, from the above-men- 
tioned V* dham, comes the nominal base Vffft dhamani, 
"a vein' 1 ; so may the Gothic base BLOT HA (nom. ace. 
bluth, "blood") come here also under consideration. We 
pass on to roots in i, and have to remark that the root 
mentioned at p. 107. G. Ed., ^ t, " to go," is not unknown 
in German. We find it in the Gothic imperative hir-i, "come 
here" 11 ; du. hir-yats; pi. hir-yith. I believe, too, that in the 
irregular preterite iddyu, " [ went," the i alone can be as- 
sumed as the root. In Zend occurs J^UTOAS n6i-ti, " he goes " 
(from *ffT eli, according to . 28. 41.), Lithium, ti-ii. for 5 
sri, " to go," with the prep, "grw ut, "to raise itself"; hence, 
3f^iT uchchhrita, " raised," "high"; compare cre-scu, cre-vi 
(see . 21.), Old High German SCRIT, " to step," with the 
addition of a t, as in the cf?se of mat, from *a nid: perhaps 
the Latin yradior, as well as cresco, might be here included, 
the Guna form of the vowel, as in wflT sray-ft-ti, " he 
goes," being observed. ftir smi, " to smile," Old Hi^'h 
German SMIL; iffpri 1 , "to love," Zend ^/h'(. 47.), Goth. 
friyd, " I love" (. 87.), compare ftm priya, " dear." rff bill, 
"to fear," fsr&ft btbht-nii, " I fear"; Lithuan. biyau ; Gothic 
fit/a, " I hate" (fiyais, fiyaitti), Jiycmds. "foe" ; Old High Ger- 
man vi$m orfiem, " I hate" : the Greek 0e/3-o-jucu answers to 
the Sanskrit reduplication otbibMmi; so that, contrary to 
the common rule, the aspirates have remained in the prefix, 
but in the base itself have become medials, and this has left 
only /3 as the whole root, as in Sanskrit dard-mas, "we give," 
for da-dd-mts, ft'-fo-fte?. Perhaps, also, [G. Ed. p. 124.] 
, ^>/5ojLccc/, is to be referred to the roots in ?, so that an 



unorganic dental affix would be to be assumed. ^ft 2 fa 
" to lie," " to sleep," with irregular Guna in the middle ; 
hence &-tf=Kel-Tat. ^ hrt ] . "to be ashamed"; Old High 
German URU, "to repent" (hriw-u, hrou, hru-umfis, see 
p. 115. G. Ed.)- Of roots in u, ^ dm, " to run," ^fir drav- 
a-ti, " he runs " may furnish, through the Guna form, the 
Greek dpa-cr/co), St-Spa-trw, which appears hence to derive 
its a with suppression of the digamma : the /* of fyx^co, how- 
ever, might pass as a hardening of the wt; (.63.), and 
fy>e/x-o-juei>, <?/oe/x-e-Te, &c. 5 therefore represent most truly the 
forms drav-d-mas, drav-a-tha. is^plu, "to go," "to swim,* 
"to float" (iRplava, "a ship"), Latin FLU. The Greek 
7r\eu), 7r\do) is again not to bi3 so regarded as if the old u had 
been corrupted to e or o, but 7r\e(F)o>, 7rA.o(F)co supply the place 
of the Guna form in plav-e (of the middle voice), 3d pers. 
plav-a-ti : the future nAewo), the v having the Guna (. 26.), 
answers to ihdtplu-shy$ ; Lithuan. plauJdu, " I swim, 11 with 
a guttural added, as in Latin flue-si from fluv (p. 98. 
G. Ed.). Old High German VLUZ, "to flow," pre-sup- 
poses the Gothic FLUT (. 87.); with the favourite dental 
addition, with which all final vowels are so commonly 
invested. TR sru, "to hear, 11 KAY (. 20., 21,), Gothic 
HLIU-MAN (nominative hliuma), "ear," as "hearer," 
with weakened Guna (. 27.) ; with regard to the kl for 
&r, compare, also, clunis with ^ftlifl srdnf, f. " hip.") 
Lithuan. Idau&au, " I hear." Perhaps erudiu, as " to make 
hear," is to be referred to this class : the derivation from e 
and rudis is little satisfactory. Anquetil introduces a Zend 
erod, celebre, (K^UTOJ), wliich I have not yet found in the ori- 
ginal text, but I meet with the causal form J^^A^XXM?^ 
srdvaytimi (Sansk. ^nwfa srdvaydmi), <C I speak/' "recite" 
(V. S. p. 38). The Old High German, scrirumfc, "we have 
exclaimed/' gives SCRIR as the root, and rests probably on 
the form srdv (, 20.), with a thinning of the 4 to i (\. 66.) ; 
the present and sing, preterite, however, have lost the r (vcriu 


for scriru, screi for screir), like the Greek K^-CTW, KCK\rj-Ka, &c. 
The Latin clamo, however, has the same relation to mnfoAv 
that mare has to mft vAri, " water" (. 63.), and Spe/z to 
5^ drav, from "JT rfrw, " to run. > hif, "to extol," " to 
glorify" (Mpffwhuniita, " he celebrated," V. S. p. 39.), is 
probably the root of the Greek tfftvoj (vp(c)vos), which I do 
not like to regard as an irregular derivative from v&co. 
^pw 1 9 "to purify," FUrus. This root is the verbal 
parent of the wind and fire, which are both represented 
as pure. H^T pavana (with Guua and ana [G. Ed. p. 125/] 
as suffix) is "the wind," and the corresponding Gothic FONA 
(neut. nom. ace. /on, see . 116.) is "fire," which in Sanskrit 
is called Vtttt pAv-a-ku, with Vriddhi and aka as suffix. 
The relation of FONA to vpm pavana resembles that of the 
Latin malo from mavolo ; the loss of the syllable ^ va 
is replaced by the lengthening of the a (. 69.). The Greek 
Ttvp and Old High German V1URA (nom. ace. viur), the 
latter with weakened Guna (.27.), and ra as suffix, both 
fall to the root, *Tpw. ^ bru, "to speak," Zend fo mru 
(e.g. $\>*fy mruA-m, "I spoke," V. S. p. 123.); the Greek 
|6c(F)a) rests on the Guna form ^tfir lmiu-i~mi, and has, 
as often happens, lost the former of two initial consonants 
(cf. also peo>, pev<*>, and rwo, with H .vri/, 4t to flow"). The 
Old High German SPR4II, or *SPRAHII (*prihhu 9 "I 
speak," sprah, "I spoke") appears to have proceeded from 
^ brav, by hardening the ^ v (see . 19.), and prefixing a,ii 
akin to the p. g /9/i//, "to be," Zend ^j 6//, Lithuan. BU 
(future 6dyu, M I will be"), Latin FU, Greek OY. Pro- 
bably, also, BY, in Trpe<r-/3v~s 9 7rpea-(3vTrjs 9 &c., is only 
another form of this root (cf. . 18.); so that irpes would 
have to be regarded as a preposition from TT/OO ( u pra,) 
essentially distinguished only by a euphonic 2 (cf. . 96.). 
Moreover, the base irpea-fiv has a striking resemblance to 
Wf prablia (excelsus, augustu*)* literally, " being before." 
In Old High German pirn or him corresponds to the 


Sanskrit H^riftr bhavdmi more exact, however, is the corre- 
spondence in the plural of pir-u-mds 9 pir-u-t, to bltavd-mas s 
"sumwt" bliav-a+tha, " estis" (see . 19.). To this class belongs, 
also, PU, "to dvveir (pit-to, "I dwelt 1 '), as the Sanskrit ^H 
vns "to dwell," in German VAS, MAS, has become .svy/t. In 
Sanskrit, too, from ^Jthu, " to be," comes the substantive 
bliav-ann, "house," as place of being. The Gothic baua, 
" I build/ 1 may be regarded as the causal of the idea " to 
be," like the Latin facto (. 19.) : its conjugation answers 
also to HT^mfir bhavayami, "I make to be," which, in Pra- 
krit, may sound bhdvfani, bhdvesi, bhdveli (Gothic baua, 
bauais, baunif). Sec p. 121 G. Ed. Sanskrit roots ending in 
diphthongs (ue, ^fto, $ di ; there are no roots in 'sft du) 
follow in their formations, in many respects, the analogy of 
roots in ^SJT d. We abstain from adducing examples of 
them, as they also offer little occasion for comparison. 

(2.) Roots terminating with a consonant. We shall give 
[G. Ed. p. 126.] only a few examples, in which we compare 
roots with the same vowel, and proceed in the order, a, i, it. 
According to . 1. we do not allow the vowel ^r ri and ^rt 
to belong to the root. Long radical vowels before a final 
consonant are rare; and the majority of them are probably 
not original. 

The most numerous class of roots ending with a conso- 
nant has a medial ^ a. So g^r 1 ' 2 ' vach> Zend ^9 vach 
(AS^O^AJ adda, "dixit" Vend. S. p. 124), Greek EQ for FETl 
(. 14.), Latin VOC, Old High German, WAH 9 WAG (*- 
wahti, " mentionem facio" pret. ki-wuoh pi. ki wuvgum&s). 
IT^ 6 prachh, Zend ^f7go) peres, Gothic FEAH; pres ^Tftr 
prichchltdmi, J^AW^^Q) percs&mi, frailia for friha (see . 82. 
and . I09 a . i.); the Latin ROG (rogo, inlerrogo) appears to 
be abbreviated from FROG, v^ pat, "to fall," "to fly," 
Zend PAJQ) pat, "to fly" (Vend. S. p. 257. ^^(? -^^ rAs>*o 
fftM-wctf) Ai7A57> y^jjpA5o) yatfrd vayo pataim urvara ucsyann, 
"where birds fly, trees grow"). One sees clearly from this 


that, in Greek, THIITCO, Trerctco, Trercto/xa/, ^ero/xa/, TT-HJ/X*, &c. 
belong to a common root IIET ; Latin PET, peto, im-peto, 
prapetes, penna by assimilation for pet-na. In Gothic 
FATH, or, with the vowel weakened, FITH, might be 
looked for. To the latter corresponds, according to . 87., 
Old High German FED, in ved-ara, "feather, 11 ^ L1 - 
vad, " to speak," Latin VAD, contained in vas, vad-is. From 
^ vml proceeds the abbreviated form ^ ud, to which per- 
tains C YA (v5w, vSeo), vdrjs). The Old High German gives 
Jl r AZ (var-wflzu li malcdico"), with z for d, according to-. 87., 
and the vowel of the base lengthened, as in 3TT<!plTfo vAdaydmi, 
according to the tenth class. ^3 sad, " to sink, with the 
prep, ftf ni, " to set oneself down 11 ; Latin SED, SID, sido, 
sedco; Greek e EA, C IZ, t&of, cipa, i'fo/xa/ ; Gothic SAT 
(. 87.), sita, " I sit" (p. H6 G. Ed.). ^ 2 an, "to blow, 11 
" to breathe, 11 'srfir^ anila, " wind, 11 Gothic AN, usana, 
" I expire, 11 cf. ave/xo^, "animus" ifr^ yaw, " to beget, 1 * 
Zend yjuj row (. 58.), J^AUJAJJ zazAmi, " I beget, 11 Sanskrit 
af^ffrJT jnjanmi, Greek FEN, Latin GEN (ylyvofiat 9 yevos, 
(jiyno, genus), Gothic KIN, " to germinate, 1 ' (p. 116 G. Ed.) ; 
knni, " gender" (.66.). F^ 8 ^ar (^ kri), e.g* wftfif kardti. 
"facit": this root, in Zend, follows the fifth class; e.y. 
j^oj^A5yg7j5 kermao'di (. 41.), "/^cifc" f T-^/S^J kvrenadt, "/?- 
r/,'/ 1 JQjfffy kerenuidhi, u /' c '"' Old Hi S h German Aara- 
or garawan, 4 * to prepare 11 ; Latin crew, cura (cf. ^^ 
EI, "/ac"), ceremonia, and with p for c (. 14.), piro ; Greek 
A), Kpu-Tos ; with TT, 7Tjoa(7cra), TTjoaK-cra), [G. Ed. p. 1-27.] 

x, where the guttural appears to be a harden ing of the 
^ v ( 19.), e.^. of -gjjlfnr karvanti, "faciunt " (from fcier-^- 
-anti), "sr? 1 ?/*! "to drive, 11 " to carry, 11 Zend ^9 vaz (. 57.), 
Latin VEH 9 Greek o^or, " wagon, 11 as bearer, carrier, for 
Ffyps. TZ&? was, "to breathe, 11 cf. spiro, according to 
. 50. and N 22. xif ' 10 ' graft, <c to take 11 : the original 
form, occurring in the Vedas, is ip^grabh. To this the 
Zend form belongs, according to the tenth class, and, 


indeed, so that the v^bh appears before vowels as r, but 
before $> t as dp. Thus we read in the Vend. S. p. 155 : 

ashdum ; yfai 

uzvarezydt yft narem dgrreptem dgeurvayditf, kd hi aSli chitha? 
"Pure I si non dimittit, (jui homtnem captum capit (i. e. tenet), 
quanam n cst p&na"? In the European sister languages 
I believe I recognise this root in three forms : tbe Gothic 
GRIP has been already mentioned (p. 116 G. Ed.), likewise 
prehendo (. 92. note) : by changing the medials into their te~ 
nues, KAEI1 also seems to belong to this class, Gothic HLIF, 
"to steal," htiftus, "thief." Finally, also, in Greek, ypwo$ t 
yptyos, "tlie net," stands quite isolated, and appears to 
me to l)e related to the Indian ^r^ grabh, by changing 
the a into i. w* 2 ds, "to siC Greek 'H2 a remnant of 
the second class, terminating in a consonant to be supplied 
at . 109 a . 3. ; rjcr-Tcu answers exactly to ^TTOT ds-t& (middle 
voice), and hence ?;/// stands for T/oyza/, as ei/i/ for ecr/x/ (San- 
skrit asmi). m^T 1 bhrdj, "to shine," Zend^g^gj 6^rer(. 58). 
or t S$^ bttwz* whence the part. pres. p^-w$?g-i berezant, 
nom. rn. w\g$g^-J berizrins, " spkndens" *' attm" very fre- 
quently occurs. This Zend form prepares the way for the Old 
High German root PERAH, whence PERAH-TAl, nom. 
perah-t, "fulgidus" To this root belongs, also, our Prncht. The 
Greek language gives $AEr (. 20.) a cognate root, and thus 
[G. Ed. p. 12.] points to a Sanskrit short a for the long 
one. The cognate root in Latin is FLAG, flagro. ftf^ 
chhid, "to cleave/' SCID, scind-i-mus~chhindmas (. 14.): 
2XIZ, perhaps also 2KIA, <TK/5v;/xt, &c. belong to this 
place ; the form is more genuine, and the ideas, too, of 

* Anquetil translates, " Si celui qui a commis VAguereftt ne reconnoit 
pas safaute quelk sera sa punition." 

t Cf. p. 1281. Note * 

The h (in the sense of ch) corresponding to tliej, y, accords witli 
. 87 ^>ut is moreover favoured by the following t. 


clearing, dispersing, separating, are kindred ones. The 
Gothic SKAW, "to separate,'* if the relationship is 
certain, has a stiffened Guna, so that ai appears to belong 
to the root. According to . 87., however, the Gothic 
form should be SKAITmA the Old Higli German SKEIZ 
for SKEID. ^ vid, "to know," Zend_^ vid, 'IA; 
Gothic ni), Old High German, T/Z; in the Latin VID, 
and in eiJco, " I see," the seeing is regarded as something, 
which " makes to know," and the conjugation of video is causal, 
according to p. 12 i G.Ed. Thus, also, another root, signify- 
ing " to know," namely ^ N budli 9 has, in Zend, gained the 
meaning "to see."* According to the tenth class, and 
with the prep, ni, VID, in /end, signifies "to summon" 
( j$fl>$aJUQ?.wJy mvafalhay&mi, "Jmwco," see . 28.) In Go- 
thic, VJT receives through the prep, in the meaning "to 
adore" (inveita, invnlt, invitum). fztf^dis, "to shew," 
Zend jjjj dzs 10 ; hence ^^Aso^^A^AJoJi frda&my6 9 " thou 
shewest" (Vend. S. p. 123), Greek AIK, with Guna SeiKvvjjLt, 
according to the fifth class ; Latin DIG, in dico, as it were, 
" to point out," and dicis ( diets causa ). In Gothic, the rule 
laid down in . 87. requires the form Till, and this root, 
combined with ga, signifies "to announce" (ya-teiha, ga- 
taih, ga-taihum, for ga-tihum, according to . 82.). On the 
other hand, in taikns, " sign," the law for the transposition 
of letters is violated, ifa^jiv, "life;" Lithuanian gywa-s, 
olive" gywenu "I live,"" yywnta "life; 11 Gothic QUIVA, 
nom. quivs, "alive"; Latin VIV 9 as it appears from QUIV, 
as bis from duis (Sansk. flpff dwis), viginti from tviginti. The 
Zend has dropped either the vowel or the v of this root. 
Hence, e g. x&jva, nom. yto^jvS, "living," (V. S. p. 189); 
and 4^Ajfl>,&i>w hu-jitayti, "bonam vitam habentes" (1. c. p. 222), 
from Jp^ty hu-jiti. romji, the root, would become, with 
Guna, jayami, on which rests the Greek faw, the j having 

* Vide Gram. Crit. p. 328. 


fallen out (. 14.) ; but /3<o also belongs to this root, and finds 
a medium of comparison with *rte^;Y?;, in the Latin vivo. Of 
roots with u, ^ l ruch, "to shine, and ^^ rufl, "to weep," 
may serve as examples; the former, in Zend, is ^AJ? ra6ch, 
(. 28. 32.), and follows the tenth class, e.g. ^.J/O^AS^AS? 
[G. Ed. p. 129.] raochay&iti, "splcndet" In Latin correspond 
LUC, luc-8, iucoo (. 20.) and RUD : the Greek has, in both 
roots, replaced the r by /, and presents, for comparison, AYR 
(cfyt0/AuK77, A.VK00G09) and AYZ ; to the former, \vyyos, 
vevc* t &c., has the same relation that, in Zend, j 
trifnu-s, " burning," has to the root o>At$> tap (. 40.) We 
must assign \CVKO$ also, \\ith Guna, to the root AYK. The 
Gothic gives LULL for LUK, according to . 87. ; whence, 
with the original, or with weakened Guna (. 26., 27.), 
spring forms like lauhm&ni, "lightning," lanhatyan, "to 
lighten," Kuhalh, "light." Without Guna, and preserving 
the old smooth letter, stands Jukarn (theme, lukarna, neut.), 
" lamp, rather isolated. A root corresponding to ^3 rud 
is wanting in Gothic, but the Old High German has for it, 
quite regularly according to . 87., RUZ 9 " to weep " (riuzu, 
r6z for rauz, according to . 80., ruzumSs). >|^ bliush, 
"to adorn,' 1 is perhaps contained in the Latin or-no, with 
loss of the initial letter, as amo in relation to ^rroinfiT 
k&miyAmi, " I love." With regard to the r for IT sh, 
advert to the relation of uro to ^TT nsh, " to burn," ^ 
sev, "to honour, 11 ^ midh, "to think "(?). The latter 
cannot hitherto be quoted as a verb : it springs, however, 
from JW? m&dhas and WT m&dhd, " understanding, 1 ' unless 
it should be preferred to assume for these words 'a root 
midht which, however, the Grammarians do not exhibit. 
The Gothic has, for comparison, MIT 9 whence mit6, " I 
think": the Greek furnishes an analogous word to s$v, 
viz. 2EB, <re/3o>. (. 4.) 

110. From the monosyllabic roots proceed nouns, sub- 
stantive and adjective, by the annexation of syllables, 


which we should not, without examination, regard as not, 
per W, significative and, as it were, supernatural mystic 
beings ; to a passive belief in whose undiscoverable nature 
we are not willing to surrender ourselves. It is more 
natural to suppose they have or had meaning, and 
that the organism of latigu-igv? connects that which iias a 
meaning with what is likewise significative. Why should 
not language denote accessory ideas, by accessory words 
appended to the root ? Language, which possesses both 
sense and body, infuses sense and imparts form to every 
word. The object of nouns is to represent [G. Ed. p. 130.] 
persons or things, to which that which the abstract root ex- 
presses adheres ; and hence it is most natural to look for 
pronouns iri the elements used in the formation of words, as 
the bearers of qualities, actions, and conditions, which the 
root expresses in abslrado. There appears, too, in reality, 
as we shall develope in the chapter on the pronouns, a com- 
plete* identity between the most important elements in 
the formation of words and some pronominal bases which 
are declined even in an isolated state. But it is not sur- 
prising that several of the elements of verbal formation, in 
the class of independent words, should not admit of more 
certain explanation; for these ailixes have their origin in 
the most obscure and early epoch of language, arid subse- 
quently they have themselves lost all consciousness as to 
whence they have been taken, on which account the ap- 
pended suffix does not always keep equal pace with the 
alterations which, in the course of time, occur in the cor- 
responding isolated word; or it lias been altered while the 
other remains unchanged. Still, in individual cases, we 
may remark the admirable exactitude with which the 
appended grammatical syllables have maintained them- 

* I direct attention preliminarily to my treatise " On the Influence of 
Pronouns in the Formation of Words " (Berlin, by F. ]3Ummler). 


selves through thousands of years in an unaltered form ; 
I say, we may remark this from the perfect accordance 
which exists between various individuals of the Sanskrit 
family of languages, although these languages have been 
removed, as it were, from each others eyes since time 
immemorial, and every sister dialect has, since that removal, 
been left to its own fate and experience. 

111. There are also pure radical words, i.e. those of which 
the theme, without suffix of derivation or personality, repre- 
O. Ed. p. 131.] sents the naked root, which are then united 
in declension with the syllables which denote the relations of 
case. Except at the end of compounds, such radical words 
are, in Sanskrit, few in number, and are all feminine ab- 
stracts ; as, vft bhi, " fear,"' ^ yudh, " contest," 33 mud, 
"joy. 11 In Greek and Latin the pure root is the most rare 
form of the word ; but it does not always appear as an abstract 
substantive. As, for instance, e.y. fjAoy ($\OK-S), on (<5W-?). 
w$> (I//TT-S), letj (lec-s), pac (pac-s), due (duc-s), pel-lie (pel-lvc-s). 
In German, commencing even with the Gothic, no pure 
radical words exist, although, bv reason of the abbrevia- 
tion of the base of the word in the singular, many words 
have assumed that appearance; for from the abbreviation 
of these verbal bases, which has been constantly extending 
during the lapse of time, it is precisely the most modern 
dialects which appear to exhibit the greatest number of 
naked roots as nouns. (cf.. 116.) Naked roots seem most 
generally used at the end of compounds, on account of the 
clogging of the preceding part of the word. According to 
this principle, in Sanskrit, every root can, in this position, 
designate the agent by itself ; as, e.g. n5fq^ dharma-vid* 
"duty-knowing. 1 " In Latin, the use of these compounds 
is as frequent as in Sanskrit, only that, according to . 6., 
a radical a is weakened to i or e; thus, carni-fic (fec-s) t 
tubi-cin (cm). An example in Greek is . %e|0w/3 (for -vt-n 
from WTT-TCO). Sanskrit roots which end with short vowels, 


as foiji, " to conquer,'* are, in compounds of this kind, 
supported by the addition of a t, which so much the more 
appears to be a simple phonetic affix without signification, 
that these weakly-constructed roots appear to support them- 
selves on an auxiliary t before the gerundial suffix ya also. 
Thus, e. g. ^Tfftfir svarga-jit, " conquering the heaven," faftfW 
vi-jit-yu, " by conquering." In Latin I find [G. Ed. p. 132.] 
interesting analogies to these formations in IT and STIT, 
from the roots / and STA, the latter weakened to STI ac- 
cording to .6. Thus, corn-it (cow-es), "goer with"; equ-it 
(equ-vsi\ " goer on horseback " ; al-it (al-es), " goer with 
wings " ; super-stit (-stes), " standing by." The German has 
in this way supported throughout with a t several roots ter- 
minating with a vowel, and hence given to this letter the 
character of radicalism, as above mentioned (p. 123 G. Ed.) 
in MAT, from m mft, " to mcasurfe/ 1 

( 124 ) 


112. The Indian Grammarians take up the declinable 
word in its primary form, i.e. in its state when destitute 
of all case-termination ; and this bare form of the word is 
given also in dictionaries. In this we follow their example ; 
and where we give Sanscrit and Zend nouns, they stand, 
unless it is otherwise specified, or the sign of case is 
separated from the ba&e, in their primary form. The 
Indian Grammarians, however, did not arrive at their pri- 
mary forms by the method of independent analysis, as it 
were by an anatomical dissection or chemical decomposi- 
tion of the body of language ; but were guided by the 
practical use of the language itself, which, at the beginning 
of compounds and the art of composition is, in Sanscrit, 
just as necessary as that of conjugation or declension 
requires the pure primary form; naturally with reserva- 
tion of the slight changes of the adjoining limits of sound, 
rendered necessary at times by the laws of euphony. As 
the primary form at the beginning of compounds can re- 
present every relation of case, it is, as it were, the case 
general, or the most general of cases, which, in the unli- 
mited use of compounds, occurs more frequently than any 
other. Nevertheless, the Sanskrit language does not every- 
where remain true to the strict and logical principle usually 
[G. Ed. p. 134.] followed in composition ; and as if to vex 
the Grammarians, and put their logic to the test, it places as 
the first member of the compounds in the pronouns of the 
first and second person the ablative plural, and in those of the 
third person thenom. and ace. sing, of the neuter, instead of 
the true primary form. The Indian Grammarians, then, in 


this point, have applied to the eases furnished to them by 
the language, and take the augmented ^ronr asmat or 
^FR<J asmad, " from us, v *p*TK yuslimat or IRT^ ynshmad, 
"from you," as the starting-point in the declension, or as 
the primary form, although in both pronominal forms only 
'W a and TT yu belong to the base, which, however, does not 
extend to the singular. That, however, in spite of this 
error, the Indian Grammarians understand how to decline 
the pronouns, and that they are not deficient in external 
rules for this purpose, is a matter of course. That the 
interrogative, in its declension, resembles bases in a, can- 
not escape any one who holds the neuter f^* him for the 
original indeclinable form of the word. Pauini settles the 
matter here witli a very laconic rule, when he says (edit. 
Calo, p. 969) fan: off: khnaK kali, i. e, ka* is substituted for 
ktm. If this strange method were to be followed in Latin, 
and the neuter quid in like manner regarded as the 
theme, then, in order to get at the dative cu-i (after 
the analogy otfructui), one would have to say "quidin cux" 
or " quidi ens" In another place (p. 825), Panini forms 
from idain, " this " (which in like manner has the honour 
of passing for a base) and ktm, "what?" a copulative 
compound ; and by SKf^frr ^$sft idankimtir i'ski, the Gram- 
marian teaches that the putative bases iu [G. Ed. p. 135,1 
the formations under discussion substitute for themselves 
the forms i and kf. 

113. The Sanskrit, and the languages akin to it, which 
in this respect have still kept upon the old footing, distin- 
guish, besides the two natural genders, another the 
neuter, which the Indian Grammarians call Kliva, i. e. eu- 
nuch; which appears to be a peculiarity of the San- 

* He forms, namely, from kirn, regarded as a base, kim-as, which 
in reality does not occur, and which lias, for the sake of euphony, "here 
become kimah. 


skrit, or most perfect family of languages. According to 
its original intention this gender had to represent inani- 
mate nature, but it has not everywhere confined itself to 
these old limits: the language imparts life to what is 
inanimate, and, on the other hand, (according to the view 
then taken,) impairs the personality of what is by nature 
animate. The feminine in Sanskrit, both in the base and 
in the case-terminations, loves a luxurious fullness of 
form; and where it is distinguished from the other 
genders in the base or in the termination, it marks this 
distinction by broader, and more sonant vowels. The 
neuter, on the other hand, prefers the greatest conciseness, 
but distinguishes itself from the masculine, not in the base, 
but only, in the most conspicuous cases, in the nominative 
and its perfect counterpart the accusative ; in the vocative 
also, when this is the same as the nominative. 

114. Number, in Sanskrit and its sister languages, is 
distinguished, not by a particular affix denoting the number, 
but by the selection or modification of the case-syllable, 
so that, with the case-suffix, the number is at once known; 
e.g. bhyam, bhy&m, and bhyas are cognate syllables, and, 
among other relations, express that of the dative ; the first 
in the singular (only in the pronoun of the 2d person, KT 
tubhyam, " to thee "), the second in the dual, the third in the 
plural. The dual, like the neuter, in course of time is the first 
to be lost with the weakening of the vitality [G-. Ed. p. 130.] 
of the view taken by the senses, or is more and more straitened 
ill its use, and then replaced by the abstract plural expressive 
of infinite number. The Sanskrit possesses the dual most 
fully, both in the noun arid in the verb, and employs it every- 
where where its use could be expected. In the Zend, which 
otherwise approximates so closely to the Sanskrit, it is 
found very rarely in the verb, more frequently in the 
noun, The Pali has only as much left of it as the Latin. 
viz. a remnant of it in two words, which signify "two" 


and "both"; in the Prakrit it is entirely wanting. Of 
the German languages, only the eldest dialect, the Gothic, 
possesses it, hut merely in the verh; while, on the con- 
trary, in the Hebrew (speaking here of the Semitic 
languages) it is retained only in the noun, in disadvan- 
tageous contrast with the Arabic, which, in many other 
respects also, is a more perfect language, and which main- 
tains the dual in equal fulness in the verb also; while in 
the Syriac it has been almost entirely lost in the noun as 
well as in the verb.* 

115. The case-terminations express the reciprocal rela- 
tions of nouns, i. e. the relations of the persons spoken of, to 
one another, which principally and originally referred only 
to space, but from space were extended also to time and 
cause. According to their origin, they are, at least for the 
most part, pronouns, as will be more clearly developed 
hereafter. Whence could the exponents of the relations 
of space, which have grown up with the primary words 
into a whole, have better been taken, than from those 
words which express personality, with their inherent secon- 
dary idea of room, of that which is nearer or more distant, 
of that which is on this or that side ? [G. Ed. p. 137.] 
As also in verbs the personal terminations, L e. the pronominal 
suffixes although, in the course of time, they are no longer 
recognised and felt to be that which, by their demonstrable 
origin, they imply and are are replaced, or, if we may 
use the expression, commented on by the isolated pronouns 
prefixed to the verb ; so, in the more sunken, insensible 
state of the language, the spiritually dead case-terminations 
are, in their signification of space, replaced, supported, or ex- 

* Regarding the character, the natural foundation, and the finer gra- 
dations in the use of the dual, and its diffusion into the different provinces 
of language, we possess a talented inquiry, by W. von Humholdt, in the 
Transactions of the Academy for the year 1827 ; and some which have been 
published by Diimmler. 


plained by prepositions, and in their personal signification by 
the article. 

116. Before we describe the formation of cases in the 
order in which the Sanskrit Grammarians dispose them, 
it appears desirable to give the different final sounds of 
the nominal bases with which the case-suffixes unite them- 
selves, as well as to point out the mode in which the cognate 
languages are in this respect related to one another. The 
three primary vowels (a, i, u) occur in Sanskrit, both short 
and long, at the end of nominal bases ; thus, ^r a, ^ i, "3 u ; 
Wf &> \ if "35 u. To the short a, always masculine or neuter, 
never feminine, , corresponds in Zend and Lithuanian, and 
also in German, where, however, even in the Gothic (in 
Grimm's first strong declension), especially in substantives, 
it is only sparingly retained : in more modern dialects it i 
commonly supplanted by a more recent u or e. In Greek, 
the corresponding termination is the o of the second declen- 
sion (e.g. in Aoyo-s) : and o was also the termination of the 
Latin noun in ancient times ; but in the classic period, al- 
though sometimes retained, it was commonly changed to u 
in the nom. and accus. sing, (of the second declension). An 
old a, however, is still left in coin, gena, cidn, at the end of 
compounds, where, however, from the want of other ana- 
logies, it is used in declension similarly to the feminine 
[G. Ed. p. 138.] originally long n, on which account the 
nominative is written, not cotas, (jenas, cidns, but coin, e. 
The Grecian masculines of the first declension in T/-,* with the 
q-s which has proceeded therefrom, must likewise, accord- 
ing to their origin, be compared with the Sanskrit mas- 
culine short a, to which, in regard of quality and preserva- 
tion of the nominative sign, they have remained faithful, 
while the o of the second declension has preserved its old 
original brevity. Their identity with bases in o is excel- 
lently shewn by the genitive in ou, which does not at all 

* Cf. p. 1294. 1. 20. G. El. 


suit a theme in a or rj ; and further, from such compounds 
as juuj007Tco\>;-r, TratSoTptfiy-s, in which the vowel that has 
been added to the roots II&A and TPIB supplies the place 
of the Sanskrit a in similar compounds for which, in Greek, o 
usually stands. 

117. To the short i, which occurs in the three genders, 
the same vowel corresponds in the cognate languages. In 
German it is to be looked for in Grimm's fourth strong 
declension, which I shall make the second; where, how- 
ever, from the destructive alterations of time, it becomes 
nearly as hard as the a of the first declension. In Latin, 
t is interchanged with e; hence facile for fncili, mare 
tor mari, Sanskrit *nfc vdri, " water. 11 In Greek, before 
vowels the / is generally weakened to the unorganic e. The 
short u also shews itself in Sanskrit in the three genders, 
as in Greek v, and u in Gothic, where it distinguishes itself 
from the a and I in that it is retained as well before 
the s of the nominative as in the uninflected accusative. 
In Latin the corresponding letter is the u of the fourth 

118. The long vowels (d, (, A) belong, in Sanskrit, prin- 
cipally to the feminine (see . 113.), are never found in the 
neuter, and occur in the masculine very rarely. In Zend 
the long final a has generally been shortened in polysyllabic 
words ; as it has in Gothic, in which bases [G. Ed. p. 139.] 
in 6 correspond (. 69.) to the Sanskrit feminine bases in d, 
and the 6 in the uninflected nom. and accus. sing, is shortened 
to a, with the exception of the monosyllabic forms so, " she,"" 
"this," Sanskrit *r sd, Zend HA; hvd, "which?" Sanskrit 
and Zend kd. The Latin, also, in the uninflected nom. and 
voc., has shortened the old feminine long a ; but the Lithu- 
anian has, in the nom., maintained the original length. In 
Greek, the Doric a approaches most nearly to the Sanskrit 
feminine W d, which the common dialect has sometimes 
preserved, sometimes shortened, sometimes transformed 
into 37. 



119. The long t appears, in Sanskrit, most frequently 
as a characteristic addition in the formation of feminine 
bases, thus, the feminine base H^rft mahati (magna) 
springs from JJlpr mahat. The same holds good in Zend. 
Moreover, the feminine character t has been preserved 
most strictly in Lithuanian, where, for example, in the 
part. pres. and fut. an i is added to the old participial 
suffix ant, and hant-i, "the existing," bu-sent-i, "that 
that shall be," correspond to the Sanskrit *fift sat-i (for 
asati or asanti), ttfwnft bhav-i-shyanti. In Greek and 
Latin this feminine long i has become incapable of declen- 
sion ; and where it has still left traces, there a later un- 
organic affix has become the bearer of the case-termina- 
tions. This affix is, in Greek, either a or 5; in Latin, c. 
Thus, Yi$eia corresponds to the Sanskrit ^T^ft swddw-i, 
from ^H swddu, "sweet 11 ; -rpia, -rpid, e.g. o 
Kqarrpls, \rj(TTpf$-os, to the Sanskrit Tt tri, e.g. *{ 
"genitress," to which the Latin genitw-c-s, genitri-c-is, cor- 
responds ; while in the Greek yeveretpa, and similar forma- 
tions, the old feminine i is forced back a syllable. This 
[G. Ed. p. 140.] analogy is followed by /xeA.oc/i/a, T&\aiva, 
repetva, and substantive derivations, as reKTatva, Aa/caiva. 
In depairaiva, \eatva, the base of the primitive is, as in the 
nom. masc., shortened by a r. In deatva, \vKatva, it is to be 
assumed that the proper primitive in v or VT has been lost, 
or that these are formations of a different kind, and corre- 
spond to the rather isolated word in Sanskrit ^jngft In- 
drdni 9 as the wife of Indra, as derived from %*%Indra, is 
termed. The cases where the feminine i is solely represented 
by a are essentially limited to feminine derivatives from 
forms in VT, where r passes into <r : the preceding v, however, 
is replaced by v or /, or the mere lengthening of the pre- 
ceding vowel, or it is assimilated to the <r : 

hence, ovcr-a, e/cr-a, e<T(T-a, acr-ot*, vcr-a 
for ovr-a, ei/T-ot, ei/r-a, avr-a, wr-a. 

* In Doric subsequent and original cucr-a. 


To this analogy belong, moreover, the feminine substantives, 
like QaXavcra, jSacnX/crcra, /xeA/cnra, which J. Grimm (II. 328.) 
very correctly, in my opinion, compares with forms like 
j(X|0/-e(7o-a, /iteAfTo-eorcra, and explains the double <r by gemi- 
nation or assimilation. The feminine formations by a 
simple a instead of the original i are most corrupt, and, 
relatively, the most recent; and herein the Greek is not 
supported by any of the cognate languages. The Latin, 
its twin-sister, which otherwise runs parallel to it, leaves, 
in the part. pres. and other adjective bases terminating 
with a consonant, the feminine undistinguished from the 
masculine through all the cases, since it has no longer the 
power of declining the old 1. 

120. The German, too, can no longer fully decline the 
old feminine i\ and the Gothic, by a foreign affix, intro- 
duces it into the 6 declension, but in the singular of sub- 
stantives shortens the syllable yC> in the [G. Ed. p. 141.] 
uninflected nominative and vocative to z, in the adjective to ya. 
More commonly, however, the old bases in i are introduced, 
by the frequently employed affix of an n, into the so-called weak 
declension ; and as i in Gothic is denoted by ei, so to the 
Sanskrit feminine participial bases in Wift anti, and to the 
fern, comparative bases in ^*nft iyasi, correspond the forms 
ndein, izein, regarding the nominative of which refer to . 142. 

121. The long u (A) appears, in Sanskrit, rather seldom 
at the end of primary forms, and is for the most part 
feminine. The words most in use are ^vadhu, " a wife," 
wbhu, "earth," T^PST swasru, "mother-in-law" (socrus), v^bhru, 
" eyebrow." To the latter corresponds 6<t>pv$, likewise with 
the long v, the declension of which, however, is not different 
from that of the short v ; while in Sanskrit the long u is distin- 
guished from the short feminine u in the same way as ^ i 
from ^ i. But few monosyllabic primary forms end, in 
Sanskrit, with diphthongs, not any at all with i? 4; with ^ di 
(from d + i, see. 2.) only^rai, masc. "thing," "riches"; in 

K 2 


the nom. irregularly tTff nl-.s- for TS r&i-s. In this is recog- 

nised the Latin re-*. Still I do not believe that Latin bases 

in e should therefore be looked upon as corresponding to 

the Sanskrit 5?di; for, in the first place, the Latin e corre- 

sponds elsewhere to the Sanskrit u (from a 4- i), never to 

Ai ; secondly, the connection of the e of the fifth declension 

with the originally long a of the first is not to be mis- 

taken (to which it bears the same relation that the Ionic 

tj does to the Doric a), for many words with the same mean- 

ing belong to the A and E declension ; and, for example, 

a suffix which is employed for the formation of abstracts 

from adjectives is sounded as well tie as tia (planitie-s, 

[G. Ed. p. 142.] planitia, canitie-s, canitia) ; and ie-s, and in, 

in the formation of primitive and derivative words like 

effigte-b effiyia* pauperie-s, pauperia are clearly one and the 

same suffix, identical with the Sanskrit TTT y&, which is used 

for the same purpose, and the Greek la, Ionic ty. Let us now 

consider the objections which are opposed to the original 

identity of the feminine e and a. The most weighty is 

the s in the nom. sing, and pi. : e-s, e-x for e, ei, as musa, 

muscE (musai), Ke<f>a\ri, Ke<f>a\aL As regards the s in the 

singular, it is, if the identity with the first declension be 

authentic, very remarkable ; and forms like species, cavities, 

seem to be true lingual patriarchs: for the Sanskrit, like the 

Zend, Greek, Gothic, Lithuanian, exhibits the absence of the 

nominative sign in the corresponding feminine bases in a. 

I have, however, never considered as original the aban- 

donment of the nominative sign, and the complete equal- 

ization with the primary form in jiTf sutA 9 " daughter/' and 

similar words, although it has appeared to me as losing 

itself very deeply in far-distant ages. The Latin, how- 

ever, in some other points of Grammar, shews greater 

antiquity than the Sanskrit and Greek, as, for example 

(to confine the present instance to the nominative case), 

participial nominatives, like amans, legens, are better and 


older forms than the Sanskrit and Greek, like 55^ tudan, 
Keyuv, ridels, because they have preserved the nomina- 
tive s together with the nasal, and therein stand on 
the same footing with Zend forms, like W*JASJ bavans, 
" being." I cannot, therefore, find, in the retention of 
the nominative sign in the fifth declension, any decisive 
argument against its original identity with the first. We 
will treat hereafter of the ,9 of the nominative plural. In 
the genitive singular the common form d answers to deae 
(deal), the more rare, however, and better, in es tofamilias. 
Schneider searches, but fortunately without [G. Ed. p. 143.] 
success, for genitives like die-is : we require them as little, 
perhaps, as & familia-is, Let die* be written with Greek 
letters /?/-, and then, perhaps, a die-is will be as little re- 
quired as a HiKq-os. Although a few bases of the third de- 
clension, by rejecting a consonant or an entire syllable, have 
passed into the fifth declension, we will not therefore infer 
that all bases in e have arisen from such an abbreviation. If 
QUIET, after rejecting the t, could be declined according to 
the fifth declension, then must there necessarily have for- 
merly been a fifth, i.e. there must have been bases in e, 
otherwise from QUIET could only have come QUII (quies, 
quits, like ccedes); i.e. in spite of the rejection of the t 
it must have continued in the third declension. The connec- 
tion between re-s and the abovementioned Sanskrit "\ rdi is, 
in my opinion, to be arrived at through the irregular 
nominative TT*r rd-s; and according to this re-s would be 
supported on an old a : it answers to *ra rd-s as re-bus to 
ITWR v rd-bhyas, and as in Greek 7*7-1' lo the Sanskrit TTTH 
am> "ierramr which, in the remaining cases, has *ftytf for 
its base. In Lithuanian there are feminine primary forms 
in e (Ruhig's third declension) which resemble the Greek rj 
in the suppression of the singular nominative sign, but in the 
nominative plural in e-s approach more closely the Latin 
in e . 


122. Primary forms in *ft 6 are rare in Sanskrit : the 
only ones known to me are ift dy6, " heaven," and ift g6 : 
the former is feminine, and properly proceeds from f%*( div 
(a radical word from f^f div 9 " to shine ") by the vocali- 
zation of the ^ v, after which the vowel ^ i becomes its 
semi-vowel ^ y. In the accusative the 6 bases change this 
diphthong into d. To the d thus obtained in sn*T dy&-m, 

[G. Ed. p. 144.] an* gA-m, corresponds the Latin e of die-m, 
the Greek y, Doric a, of *y?;-v, ya-i> : the Latin e, however, is 
rendered short by the influence of the final m : the original 
language requires die-m. In Sanskrit, also, from f^ div 9 
" to shine, 11 are derived appellations of day ; as on the other 
side, in Latin, those for the heaven divum, sub divo, sub dio 
viz. f^r divd, as an adverb, M by day," and used as a 
primary form at the beginning of compounds; and also 
fi*TO divasa, masc., and ?r dyu t neuter (a contraction from 
div), which latter signifies both " day " and " heaven." 
To sr dyu answers, after rejecting the d (as viyinti for 
dviginti), the Latin Ju of Ju-piter, " heavens - lord or 
father": the oblique cases Jw-is, Jov-i, Jov-em answer 
better to the broader theme sft dyd t whence the dative 
^ dyav-t, and the locat. irftr dyav-i. The Djovis, moreover, 
furnished by Varro, deserves mention, as that which keeps 
most faithfully to the ancient form. The Grecian ZetJy sig- 
nifies, therefore, in accordance with its origin primarily, 
" heaven": I form its relation to jjft dyd thus, that after 
dropping the ^ d the following semi-vowel ^ y became 
f (. 19.). The oblique cases, on the contrary (A/of, A//, &c.). 
belong to the Sanskrit ij dyu, and must originally have 
had a digamma, proceeding by the natural law of sound from 
u, after which change the semi-vowel jf must have become 
a vowel. A/<fr has the same relation to A/Fcfc, that, in Latin, 
mb dio has to sub divo. 

123. Let us now consider the second of the abovemen- 
tioncd primary forms in 6, vix. ift gro. It has several 


meanings ; but the most common are " bull," as masculine, 
and "cow" and "earth" as feminine. Both significations 
have in Zend, as in Greek, divided themselves into two 
forms. The Greek has preserved for the meaning "earth 1 ' 
the old guttural. With regard to the vowel, $, ya follows the 
example of the Indian accusative, where, as has been already 
remarked, Ttf^gdm (yyv) stands for g6-m [G. Ed. p. 146.] 
or gav-am. For the meaning " ox" the Greek has preserved 
the old diphthong (for, for ^cl = axw may very well be 
expected, according to . 4,, ov) but has exchanged the guttu- 
ral medials for labials, as, p. 1-22 G. Ed., fitfirifJLi for Sfnrfa 
jagdmi. The base BOY before vowels must originally have 
become BOF ; thus, in the dative, ;8oF-/ would answer to the 
Sanskrit locat. ifa gav-i, and the Latin dative bov-i ; but in 
the present state of the language the middle digamma 
between two vowels has always been dropped; and there 
is not, as with the initial digamma, the medium of metre 
for replacing it in the oldest writings. Only theory and 
comparative grammar can decide here. The Latin has, 
in the word bo-s, changed the vowels (a -f u) (which were 
originally of different kinds, but have been united into a 
diphthong) into a homogeneous mass (cf. . 4.), the nature 
of whose contraction, however, discloses itself before vowel 
inflexions, since the w-half of BO becomes v, and the short a 
is resolved into the form of a short o ; thus, bov-i answers 
to the Sanskrit locat. iffo gav-i. The Zend for the meaning 
* earth * has changed the guttural of the word under dis- 
cussion into z, and gives in the nominative guuj zdo for 
-H3.USJ zds> (. 56 b .), in the accusative $^5j zanm (. 61.) : I am 
not able to adduce other cases. For the meaning "ox" 
the guttural has remained in Zend, and the nominative 
is then .^>AM(\J gdu-s or -togum gdo-s. 

124. I know only two words in Sanskrit which terminate 
in wtdu ^ndu> "ship," and r^gldu, "moon": the former 
has navigated very far on the ocean of our wide province of 


language, without, however, in Sanskrit, having arrived at a 
secure etymological haven. I believe tft ndu to be an abbre- 
viation of snau (cf. pea), pevct, ruo, with H sru, p. 125 G. ed.), 

[G. Ed. p. 146.] and that it therefore proceeds from the root 
^T md, "to bathe," which originally, perhaps, may also have 
meant " to swim," and with which i>do>, veto, na-to, appear to 
be connected, tft ndu would consequently be a radical word; 
and in regard to the vowel would stand for nd, according to 
the analogy of ^t daddu (dedi, dedit) for dadd, from dadd-a. 
As , according to . 6., is a grave vowel, the Greek cannot 
represent the Sanskrit Vriddhi-diphthong ^ du better than 
by av, while >BTt 6 (from short a + u) is commonly repre- 
sented by ev or ov. Hence rfa x ndu-s and vav-s correspond 
as exactly as possible; the v of NAY, however, like that 
of BOY, has maintained itself only before consonants ; and 
the digamma, which replaces it, is lost before vowel in- 
flexions; vfj-es, va-ec, are from vctf-ej (Sansk. tfTTO ndv-as), 
as /36-es from /3o'f-e. The Latin has given this word a 
foreign addition, and uses navi-s, navi-bus, for nau-s, nau-bus.* 
As the semi-vowel v is easily hardened to a guttural 
(. 19.), we have here also, for nau, ndv-am, a sister form 
in our Nachen, Old High German naccho, " ship," gen. dat. 

125. We pass over to the consonants: of these, n, f, s, 
and r appear in Sanskrit most frequently at the end of 
primary forms ; all other consonants occur only in radical 
words, which are rare, and in some nominal bases of uncer- 
tain origin. We consider next the more rare or radical 
consonants. Of gutturals (A*, kh, g, gh) we find none at 

* Thus in German an i has been added to the above-mentioned ift 
gb, which, however, according to . 117., is suppressed, together with the 
case sign in Old High German; hence c/mo, "cow/' gen. chuoi, where 
the t does not belong to the case designation, but to the here uninflected 


the end of the nominal bases most in use ; in Greek and 
Latin, on the contrary, they are of frequent occurrence; 
c is in Latin both radical and derivative, [G. Ed. p. 147.] 
tj only' radical DUG, VORAC, EDAC, LEG. In Greek, 
K, jg, and Y are only radical, or occur in words of unknown 
origin, as $PIK, KOPAK, 'ONYX (Sanskrit nakha), fcAOF. 
Of the palatals, ch andj in Sanskrit occur most frequently in 
-QTS^vdch, "speech, voice" (FOC, 'Oil); n^ raj, "king," the 
latter only at the end of compounds ; **np^ asrij, " blood " 
(sanguis) : in Zend we have ^2^ druj, f., as name of an 
evil demon, probably from the Sanskrit root Tj^r druh, " to 
hate."" Of the two classes of the T-sound, the first, or 
lingual (<^ t, &c.), is not used at the end of nominal bases ; 
and therefore the second, dental, or proper T-class, is so 
much the more frequently employed. Still ^ d, ^ dh, occur 
only in radical words, and therefore seldom ; ^ tit perhaps 
only in *r*T path* as the secondary theme of tjftr^ pathin, 
"way' 1 ; nom. trwira panthds, from iptr^ pantJms, which I 
think I again recognise in the Latin PONT, ports. Other 
examples are, ^ ad, " eating, 1 ' at the end of compounds, 
andy^i/udft, f., "strife." The letter 1T$ is so much the 
more common, that several of the most frequently employed 
suffixes end with it, as that of the part. pres. in ^^ at or 
'ST^ ant, Greek and Latin nt. The Greek, besides r, ex- 
hibits also S and 8 at the end of primary forms which are not 
radical ; still KOPY0 and 'OPN10 appear to me to be pro- 
perly compounds, and to contain the roots 0H, 0E (the vowel 
being dropped) as their last member ; and according to this, 
KOPY0 would properly mean " what is placed on the head"; 
so in Sanskrit, $[t^ sarad, "autumn," "rainy season," 
which Grammarians explain by a suffix ad, in my opinion 
means nothing but " water giving, 1 ' and contains the root 
^T da, "to give," with a suppressed. 'OPNI0 finds in 
Greek itself no etymology : the Sanskrit offers for its expla- 
nation TOTftj arani (according to the pronunciation of Ben- 
gal, woni), "wood"; and if 6pvt is con- [G. Ed. p. 148.] 


nected therewith, we may refer to 0eo>, " to run," in respect 
to the 6: "bird 11 therefore would derive its name from its 
going in the wood; while in Sanskrit, from its passage 
through the air, it is called, among other names, f%&l 
viha-ga. Regarding the later origin of the 5 in feminine 
bases in /J, an account is given in . 119.; that is to say, 
patronymics in /5 may be compared with Sanskrit ones in i, 
e.g. jft bhaimi, " the daughter of Bhima. Probably, too, 
the J in feminine patronymics in cc$ is a later addition ; they 
spring, like those in i5, not from their masculines, but directly 
from the primary word of the masculine, and, in my opinion, 
stand in sisterly, not in filial connection with them. In 
Latin, d appears as a more modern affix in the base PECUD, 
which the Sanskrit, Zend, and Gothic terminate with u 
(Sans.-Zend, pasu, Goth, faihu). In Gothic, primary forms 
with a final T-sound are chiefly limited to the part, pres., 
where the old t appears changed into d, which remains 
without extraneous addition : there only, however, where 
the form stands substantively ; otherwise, with the excep- 
tion of the nominative, it is conducted by the affix an 
into a more current province of declension. The more 
modern German dialects under no circumstances leave the 
old !T-sound without a foreign addition commixed with 
the base. In Lithuanian the participial suffix ant, in re- 
gard of the nom. sing, ans for ants, rests exactly upon 
the Latin and Zend step, which extends beyond the San- 
skrit; but in most of the remaining cases the Lithuanian 
cannot decline any more consonants, i. e. cannot unite 
them with pure case terminations, but transports them 
always, by a more modern affix, into a vowel-declension; 
and, indeed, to the participial suffix ant is added the 
[G. Ed. p. 149.] syllable ia, by the influence of which 
the t experiences the euphonic transformation into ch 
(== tsch*). The nasal of this dental jP-class, viz. the 

* This sound is expressed by c 9 as in Mielcke's edition of Ruhig's 


proper n, belongs to those consonants which occur most 
frequently at the end of nominal bases. In the German 
all the words of Grimm's weak declension like the San- 
skrit, and the masculine and feminine in Latin, reject in 
the nominative the n of the base, and thereby have a 
vowel termination. The Lithuanian presents the same 
appearance in the nominative, but in most of the oblique 
cases adds to a base in en sometimes ia, sometimes a 
simple L 

126. Primary forms with a final labial, including the 
nasal (m) of this organ, appear in Sanskrit only in naked 
roots, as the last member of compounds, and here, too, 
but seldom. In isolated use, however, we have ^ ap 
(probably from the root ^T^ dp, " to take in," " to compre- 
hend"), "water," which is used only in the plural; in 
Zend, however, in the singular also.* In Greek and Latin, 
also, bases in p 9 b, <, are either evidently radical, or of 
unknown origin, with probably radical letters at the end; 
or in Latin they have suppressed, in the nominative, a 
vowel belonging to the base ; and so, as in [G. Ed. p. 150.] 
German, the first and fourth strong declensions, according 
to Grimm, have only the appearance of a base terminating 
with a consonant. Of this kind is plebs, from plebis ; to 
explain which it is not requisite to turn, with Voss, to 
the Greek TrA^o? : one must keep to the Latin root PLE. 
The derivative bis, bes, I explain like bus, bundus, bills, bam, 

* The Latin adds an a to this old consonantal base, and thus arises, 
according to the frequent interchange of p with qu (cf. quingue with 
^W^ panchan), aqua ; on the other hand, am-nis rests on the form ap, 
as somnus for sopmts, and ov/ow, for a-cpvos, in analogy with a Sanskrit 
euphonic law (Gramm. Grit. r. 58.). The Sanskrit has from the same 
root another neuter, vii^ dpas, in which we recognise the Latin aquor, 
which therefore would not proceed from cequus, but is transferred from 
the waves, or the mirror of the sea, to other things of a similar nature. 
In Greek, d<j>p6s appears to belong to the same origin. 


bo (amabam, -60), as from the root FU, " to be," which, like 
FEE, often changes the B in its middle into F (. 18.). 
Without appealing to the cognate languages, it is difficult, in 
Latin, to distinguish those bases which truly and origi- 
nally terminate in a consonant from those which only ap- 
pear to do so; for the declension in i has clearly operated 
on the consonantal declension, and introduced an i into dif- 
ferent places in which it is impossible it could have stood 
originally. In the dative and ablative plural, the i of forms 
like amanfibus, vocibus, admits of being explained as a con- 
junctive vowel, for facilitating the affix; it is, however 
in my opinion, more correct to say that the bases VOC> 
AMANT, &c., because they could not unite with bus t have, 
in the present state of the Latin language, been lengthened 
to FOCI, AM A NT I; so that we ought to divide voti-bus, 
amanti-bus, just as at . 125. it was said of the Lithuanian, 
that in most cases it extends its participial bases in ant to 
anchia (euphonic for antia). This view of forms like amaiiti- 
-bus is proved to be the more probable, in that in the geni- 
tive plural also before wm, as before the a of neuters, an i 
frequently finds its place, without its being possible to say 
that in amanti-um, amanti-a> the i would be necessary to 
facilitate the annexation of the ending. On the other 
hand, juveni-s, cani-s, forming the genitives carm-m, juven- 
-um, remind us of older bases in n ; as in Sanskrit s^nr 
nvan, "a dog 1 * (abbreviated ^j^ sun), and ^r^ yuvan, 
" young" (abbreviated ^ yun)> im Greek KVUV, abbreviated 
[G. Ed. p. 151.] KYN, really close their theme with n. The 
German resembles the Latin in this point, that for the 
convenience of declension it has added an i to several nume- 
rals, whose theme originally terminated with a conso- 
nant; thus, in Gothic, from FIDVORI (Sanskrit <qr?r^ 
chatur, in the strong cases . 129. ^?TTT chatwdr) comes the 
dative fidvori-m. The themes *TRH saptan* " seven," ^P^ 
navew, " nine," ^$n^ da'san, " ten,* by the addition of an i 


in Old High German mould themselves to SIBUNI, 
NIUNI, ZEHANI\ which forms, at the same time, pass as 
masculine nominatives, as these cases, in Old High German, 
have lost the case-suffix s. The corresponding Gothic 
nominatives, if they occurred, would be sibunei-s, niunei-s, 
taihumi-$. More on this point hereafter. 

127. Of the semi-vowels (?/, r, /, t>), I have never 
found in Sanskrit ^ y and <^ / at the end of bases, and 
^ v only in the word f$\ div, before mentioned, which 
contracts itself in several cases to tgft dyu and 3J dyu. On 
the other hand, T occurs very frequently, especially in 
words which are formed by the suffix Tf^ tar,* to which, in 
the cognate languages, likewise correspond bases in r. 
Moreover, r in Latin appears frequently as an alteration 
of an original s, as, in the comparative suffix ior (San- 
skrit ^TRT iyas) ; and, further, as an abbreviation of ri-s, 
re, as / for li-s, le ; or, in the second declension, as abbre- 
viated from ru-s', as in Gothic, vair, "man," for vair(a)$, 
belongs to bases in a (. 116.). In Greek C AA appears as a 
consonantal base ; but in contrast with the [G. Ed. p. 162.] 
Sanskrit *rfg<5 salila, "water/ 1 a\- appears abbreviated 
exactly in the same manner as peya-s from fj.eya\og. 

128. Of the Sanskrit sibilants, the two first (^ s, \ sh), 
as also the ^ h, are found only in radical words, and there- 
fore seldom; *r s, on the contrary, concludes some very 
common suffixes used in the formation of words, as wr as, 
which forms principally neuters, e.g. w^fff tfjas, "splendour," 
"strength," from fir^ ty, "to sharpen. 11 The Greek ap- 
pears to be without bases in S; this, however, proceeds 
from the following reason, that this sibilant between two 

* Bases in ^TC r in several cases, and in the primary form also at the 
beginning of compounds, contract the syllable ^TT ar to ^J ri ; and this 
^ ri is regarded by the Grammarians as their proper final sound. (.1.) 


vowels, especially in the last syllable, is usually rejected , 
hence, neuters like /xei/or, yevo$ (from MENE2, FENE2, 
with change of the e into o), form in the genitive //ei/eoj, 
yeveo$, for /uei/eo-of, yevecro$. The of, the nominative, 
however, belongs, as I have already elsewhere remarked, 
to the base, and not to the case designation, as neuters 
have no s in the nominative. In the dative plural, how- 
ever, in the old epic language, the 2, as it did not stand 
between two vowels, maintained itself; hence revxecr-o-i, 
o/beoxri ; so likewise in compounds, like 0-aKe-7ra\os, 
0opo, in which it would be wrong to assume the annexation 
of a 2 to the vowel of the base. In Y^paj, Y^/oa-oj, for 
yrjpa<r-o$, after restoring the 2 of the base, the form of word 
answers exactly to the Sanskrit ?p&{jaras, "age," although 
the Indian form is not neuter, but feminine. In Lithua- 
nian, another remarkable remnant of the Sanskrit suffixes 
terminating with s has been preserved, viz. in the partic. 
perf., in the oblique cases of which us corresponds to the 
Sanskrit ^ ush (euphonic for 7*r N us) of the weakest cases 
(. 130.); still, in Lithuanian, on account of the above- 
noticed incapacity for the declension of the consonants, the 
old us is conducted, as in other similar cases, by the subse- 
quent addition of ia, a or i, partly into the a, partly into the 
[G. Ed. p. 153.] i declension ; and only the nominative and 
the vocative, which is the same with it, belong, in the singular, 
to the consonantal declension. 

129. The Sanskrit and Zend have eight cases, viz. be- 
sides those which exist in Latin, an instrumental and a 
locative. These two cases exist also in Lithuanian; 
Ruhig calls the former the instrumental ablative, the latter 
the local ablative ; in Lithuanian, however, the proper abla- 
tive which in Sanskrit expresses the relation " whence ? n 
is wanting. With reference to the primary form, which 
in Sanskrit does not remain the same in all words, or 


suffixes used in the formation of words through all the cases, 
a division of the cases into strong and weak is desirable 
for this language. The strong cases are the nominative, 
accusative, and vocative of the three numbers, with excep- 
tion of the accusative plural, which, together with all the 
other cases, is weak. Where a double or triple formation 
of the primary form exists, there, with surprising regu- 
larity, the cases which have been designated as strong 
always exhibit the fullest form of the theme, which, from 
a comparison of languages, is proved to be the original 
one ; while the other cases exhibit a weakened form of it, 
which appears also in the beginning of compounds, and 
hence is represented by the native Grammarians, accord- 
ing to . 122., as the proper primary form. The pres. 
part, may serve as an example : it forms the strong cases 
with the suffix ant, but in the weak cases and in the be- 
ginning of compounds rejects n, which is retained by the 
cognate European languages, as also, for the most part, 
by Zend ; so that ^stif at is given as the suffix of this par- 
ticiple in preference to ^rar ant. The root W5 tud, " to vex," 
e.g. exhibits in the participle mentioned the form rf*^ tu- 
-dant as the strong and original theme (cf. tundent-erri), 
and 7r?7T x tudat as the weak theme ; hence the masculine 
is declined, [G. Ed. p. 154.] 


Singular : Norn. Voc. g^T x tudan 

Ace. f^vriit tudantam 



Abl. 5?^ tudatas. 

Gen. if^fC^ tudatas. 

Loc. H^fw tudati. 

Dual: Nom.Acc.Voc. jjfitfttudantdu 

Instr. Dat. Abl. 

Gen. Loc. ffc[ tudatds. 



Plural : Nom, Voc. . . Tre^TR tudardas 

>^ \ 

Ace. JpffiW, tudatas. 

Instr. fTrffk*^ tudadbhis. 

Dat. Abl. 3?3T^ tndadbhyas. 

Gen. TfinfPT tudatam. 

S9 A \ 

Loc. Jlfi&$ tudatsu. 

130. Where three formations of the primary form per- 
vade the declension of a word or a suffix, the weakest form 
of the theme there occurs in those weak cases whose termina- 
tions begin with a vowel, the middle form before those case- 
suffixes which commence with a consonant. This rule makes 
a division of the cases into strong, weaker or middle, and 
weakest, desirable. (See Gramm. Crit. r. 185.) 

131. In suffixes used in the formation of words, which in 
Sanskrit separate into different forms, the Zend usually carries 
the strong form through all the cases ; for instance, the part, 
pres. retains the nasal in most of the cases, which in Sanskrit 

[G. Ed. p. 155.] proceed from the weakened theme. Words, 
however, are not wanting which follow the theory of the 
Sanskrit gradations of form. Thus, the Sanskrit base 
^R swan, " hound," which in the weakest cases is con- 
tracted to $ra sun, appears in Zend likewise in a double 
form, and presents the weak genitive sun-6 over against 
the strong nominative and accusative spd, spdn-em, San- 
skrit TSTT swd, *5TRR sw&nam (. 50.). The base ap, " water," 
which, in Sanskrit, in the strong cases has a long d, but 
is not used in the singular, forms in the Zend the strong 
sing. nom. ^AAW dfs (. 40.), accus. $Q>AU Apem; on the 
other hand, ap-6, " of the water," ap-at, " from the water," &c.*~ 

* This word occurs in the Codex of the V. S., edited by Burnouf, very 
frequently, and mostly with that quantity of the initial a which is 
required by the theory ; so that where that is not the case it can only 
be imputed to an error in writing. 


In the plural, where the Zend very frequently makes the 
nominative and accusative the same, confusion has, for 
this reason, crept in ; and the weak *?}}& suno, " canes" 
is found for YJMX&& ipdno in the nominative : and, on the 
other hand, the strong ^Q>AU dp6 9 in the nominative as well 
as in the accusative.* 

132. The Greek, in the declension of KUWI/, has limited the 
strong form to the noin. and voc. sing. : in [G. Ed. p. 150.] 
some cognate words in p 9 however, in accordance with the 
Sanskrit, it has given the accusative also the strong form, in 
which the Gothic agrees with it. Compare TTOCT^JO, Trare/oa, 
irdrep, irarpt, with fVnn pitd, ftnR* x pitaram, frfifT^ pitar, foftc 
pitri (locat.); and the Gothic brulhar, as nom., accus., and 
vocat., opposed to brothrs, " of the brother," brdthr, " to the 
brother," with the Sanskrit *nrn bhrdtd, *3ffiRH bhrdtaram, 
WTT bhrdtar, dative >n% bhrdtrd, locat. Hlftr bhrdtri. Accord- 
ing to the same principle in bases in an, in Gothic, the a in 
the genitive and dative sing, is weakened to i (. 140.) ; while 
the nominative, accus., and vocat. retain the original a ; e. a. 
ahma, ahmin-s, ahmin, ahman, ahma, from AHMAN, " spirit " 
(. 140.). 

133. As regards the mode of combining the final vowels 
of the primary forms with case-suffixes beginning with a 
vowel, we must first draw attention to a phenomenon, which 
is almost limited to the Sanskrit, and the dialects which 

* I have, however, found also <po)jo apo in the accusative; and am 
therefore in doubt, whether in this word, owing to the facile exchange of 
AS a and AXJ d, the confusion has not originated in mere graphical over- 
sights. Thus, V. S. p. '21, we find: xxj^u\5Jfcyju(^ j^pty^jjlj ^a>ju> 
;o,tf ;O^AU Jto^yiASt^)AJ gttS^AUQ^gA) dpi) vanhuis'vahistdo rnaxda- 
dhdtdo asfiaoriis dys, " aquas puras, optima s, ab Ormtizdo creatas, i/iundan 
celebro"; and ^Q)AU guio)^^^ vispdo dpo, "omne* aquas" On the 
other hand, in the page following: AJ^JJAJ^CJ X^JJAQ)A> fXX)^J 

A3 J3 ^3 ^^AW AJ^J^ gdi?A57> imdo apas-( ha vemas -cha urardos- c fat dyese, 
" has aquasque terrasque arboresquc celebro. 9 


approximate most nearly to it, as Pali and Prakrit, through 
which, to avoid a hiatus, and to maintain pure the vowels 
of the base and of the termination, a euphonic n is introduced. 
This euphonic expedient cannot, in the extent in which it 
exists in Sanskrit, belong to the original state of the lan- 
guage ; otherwise it would not be almost entirely lost in the 
cognate European dialects, and even in the Zend. We there- 
fore regard it as a peculiarity of the dialect, which, after the 
period of the division of languages, became the prevailing 
one in India, and has raised itself to be the universal written 
language in that country. It is necessary here to remark, 
that the Veda language did not use the euphonic n so univer- 
sally as the common Sanskrit ; and together with 
$n&, ^n ind, TrTT und, occur also ^nn oyd 3pn iyd, ^niT 
The euphonic n is most frequently employed by the neuter 
[G. Ed. p. 157.] gender, less so by the masculine, and most 
rarely by the feminine : the latter limits its use to the plural 
genitive termination w? dm, in which place it is intro- 
duced by the Zend also, although not as indispensably re- 
quisite. And it is remarkable, that precisely in this place 
in Old High German, and other Old German dialects, an n 
has been retained before the case-suffix ; thus in Old High 
German, ah6-n-6, " aquarum" from the feminine theme AHO 
(nom. aha). Besides the use of the euphonic n, there is fur- 
ther to be remarked, in Sanskrit and Zend, the attachment of 
Guna to the vowels of the base (. 26.) in certain cases, to 
which also the Gothic presents analogies. 



134. Bases, of the masculine and feminine genders, end- 
ing with a vowel have, in the Sanskrit family of languages, 
(under the limitation of . 137.) s as nominative-suffix, which 
in Zend, after an a preceding it, always melts into u, and is 
then contracted with the a to 6 (. 2.), while this in Sanskrit 


takes place only before sonant letters (. 25.)* Examples 
are given at . 148. I find the origin of this case-designation 
in the pronominal base ^ sa, "he," "this," fern. *rr sd\ and 
a convincing proof of this assertion is the fact, that the said 
pronoun does not extend beyond the limits of the nom. masc. 
and fern., but is replaced in the nom. neuter, and in the 
oblique cases of the masculine, by nr ta, and feminine HT 
id regarding which more hereafter. 

135. The Gothic suppresses a and i be- [G. Ed. p. 158.] 

fore the case-suffix s, except in monosyllabic bases, where 

this suppression is impossible. Hva-s, " who ?" i-s, "he," are 

used, but vulf-s, " wolf," gasl-s, " stranger," for vulfa-s, gasti-s 

(cf hosti-s, according to . 87.). In masculine substantive 

bases in t ;a (ya), however, the final vowel is retained, only 

weakened to i (. 66.); e.g. haryi-$, "army." If, however, 

as is generally the case, the final syllable is preceded by a 

long syllable, or by more than one, the ji (yi) is contracted 

to ei (=, . 70.); e.g. ondei-s, "end," raginei-s, "counsel," 

for andyi-s, raginyi-s. This contraction extends also to the 

genitive, which is in like manner denoted by s. To the 

Gothic nominatives in yi-s correspond the Lithuanian, like 

Atpirktoyi-s, " Saviour," the i of which has likewise arisen 

from an elder a.f I deduce this from the majority of the 

oblique cases, which agree with those of the a bases. 

Where, however, in Lithuanian, a consonant precedes 

the final syllable ya, which is the more common case, 

there the y is changed into the vowel z, and the follow- 

ing i, which had arisen from a, is suppressed: hence, 

yaunikki-s, " young man," for yaunikkyi-s from yaunikkya-s. 

Hereto correspond in Gothic all adjective bases in 

* E.g. gift *R suto mama, "jfilius meus," 5gffir^ W^ wtos tava, ^fi- 
liustuus" ($.22.)- 

t Through the influence of the y, in accordance with a Zend law of 
euphony (. 42.). 

J Respecting the nom. e. g. of Gothic bases in ya, see p. 1309 G. Ed., 

L 2 


as midi-s "the middle" (man), for midyi-s from midya-s, 
Sanskrit mx&{ madhya-s, The Zend also, in the vocali- 
zation* of the syllable ya 9 presents a remarkable analogy 
to the Lithuanian and Gothic in contracting the syllable 
A5j*o ya before a final $ m regularly to j t, as also AS(? va 
to f u (. 42.)- 

136. The High German has, up to our time, preserved 
the old nominative sign in the changed form of r; never- 
theless, as early as in the Old High German, in pronouns 
and adjectives only, with a vowel termination of the base. 

[G. Ed. p. 169.] The High German is, however, in this 
point, superior to the Gothic in fulness, that in its a bases 
to which belong all strong adjectives it has not suppressed 
the vowel before the case- sign, but preserved it in the form 
of e, which, in Old High German as it appears through 
the influence of the r is long, but only in polysyllabic, 
not in monosyllabic forms. Thus, e.g. plint-$r, "coecus" 
completes the Gothic blind-s for blinda-s ; as to the Gothic 
i-s, " he/ 1 corresponds i-r ; Middle and New High German 
e-r. The Old Northern has likewise r as the nomina- 
tive sign, and, in fact, everywhere where, in Gothic, s 
stands. In the other dialects the nominative character is 
entirely lost. 

137. Feminine Sanskrit bases in 5STT d, and, with very 
few exceptions, polysyllables in ^ j, together with ^gft stri, 
" wife," like the corresponding forms of the cognate lan- 
guages, have lost the old nominative sign (with the exception 
of the Latin 3 bases, see . 121.), and give the pure base : the 
cognate languages do the same, the base having been weak- 
ened by the abbreviation of the final vowel. In Gothic, 6 be- 
comes a (. 69.); only s6 t "this," and hwd "which?" remain 
unshortened, on account of their being monosyllabic, as in 
Zend jui*v hd and jtu^ kd ; while in polysyllabic forms the 

# I have used vocaUxation and vocalize to express the change of a semi- 
vowel to its corresponding vowel. Trans. 


ju> d is shortened. In Zend, ^ i also is shortened, even in 
the monosyllabic fax stri, " wife, 1 ' see V. S. par. 136, (by 
Olshausen), p. 28, where we read AS^U^JJ stri-cha, "femi- 
naque"; whilst elsewhere the appended AJ^I cha preserves 
the original length of the vowel. Here, too, the Zend nomi- 
natives in ;o & deserve to be mentioned, which seem very 
similar to the Greek in y ; as ;oyg7go> pSrenS, " plena" which 
in the Vendidad occurs very often in relation to uj zdo, 
" earth,' 1 without my being able to remember that I have 
found another ease from ;tyg7go> percni. But from the 
nom. ^yjAjj kain6, " maid" (Sanskrit w*n [G. Ed. p. 160.] 
kanyA), which is of frequent occurrence, I find the accus. 
^v^yAjj kanyanm (V. S. p. 420); this furnishes the proof 
that the ;o & in the nominative is generated by the eupho- 
nic influence of the suppressed $$ y (. 42.). In w$$J>$Mi2l 
brdturyh " cousin," and w$&?y tuiryb " a relation in the 
fourth degree" (V. S. p. 380), the ^ y has remained; on 
the other hand, in Tt^jw^y nydk& "grandmother," the 
dropping of a ^ y must be again assumed. We cannot 
here refrain from conjecturing that the e also of the Latin 
fifth declension, as with very few exceptions it is everywhere 
preceded by an i f is likewise produced from a by the in- 
fluence of this i ; so that the Latin here stands in reversed 
relation to the Greek, where / rejects the combination with 
rj, and preserves the original a (cro<pta). 

138. Bases of the masculine and feminine genders which 
terminate with a consonant, lose, in Sanskrit, according to 
. 94., the nominative sign 5; and if two consonants termi- 
nate the base, then, according to the same law, the latter of 
these also is lost. Hence, f*Wt{ bibhrat, for fww bibhrat-$, 
"the bearer' 1 ; w^? tudan, for K^fff tudard-s "the vexer"; 
^T3? vdk (from ^r^ vdch> f.), for ^T^ vdk-sh, " speech." 
The Zend, Greek, and Latin, in preserving the nominative 
sign after consonants, stand in an older position than the 
Sanskrit; Zend ^AU df-s (for dp-s, .40.), "water"; 


Frgft "body"; *v<&>%druc-s (from the base druj), 
" a demon." The Latin and Greek, where the final conso- 
nant of the base will not combine with the s of the nomi- 
native, prefer abandoning a portion of the base, as %apij for 
X#p/T-$:, comes for comit-s (cf. . 6.). The Latin, jEolic, and 
Lithuanian agree remarkably with the Zend in this point, 

[G. Ed. p. 161.] that nt, in combination with s, gives the 
form ns; thus amans, rtdev$ 9 Lith. sukans (. 10.), corre- 
spond to the Zend j4^s6<>AsAU?jj sr&vayaiis, "the speaking" 

139. A final n after a short vowel is, in Sanskrit, no 
favourite combination of sound, although one not prohibited. 
It is expelled from the theme in the first member of a 
compound, e.g. uvnj*! rdja-putra, " king^s son," for 4A*fffra 
rajan-putra ; and it is rejected in the nominative also, and 
a preceding short vowel is lengthened in masculines; 
e.g. ?jwr rdjd, " king," from TT5R x rdjan, m. ; HW ndma, 
" name/ 1 from rfTH^ ndman, n. ; vsft dhani, m., vftf dhani, n., 
from vftnt dhanin, "rich." The Zend in this agrees exactly 
with the Sanskrit ; but from the dislike to a long a at the 
end, which has been before mentioned, omits the length- 
ening of the vowel ; e.g.uu%pj<*ashava, "the pure 11 (man), 
from yAsA3^0Aj ashavan, m. ; A>$^0ASf) chashma, " eye, 11 from 
/Aj$^p,xs^ chashman, n. The Latin follows the Sanskrit in 
the suppression of the n in the nominative, in the mas- 
culine, and feminine, but not in the neuter: sermo, 
sermon-is, actio, action-is; but nomen, not name or nomo. 
The root can at the end of compounds, refrains from 
rejecting the n, probably in order not to weaken still more 
this weak radical syllable; thus tubi-cen,Jldi-cen t os-cen (see 
. 6.). Lien is an abbreviation of lieni-s ; hence the reten- 
tion of the n is not surprising. Pecten stands rather 
isolated. In Sanskrit the naked roots also follow the prin- 
ciple of the rejection of n ; ^ " slaying," " smiting," 
ncm. ^r hd> is, however, the only root in n which I have 


met with so used. *SFT swan " hound," nom. TBTT swA, which, 
in the weakest cases, contracts its theme to spr sun, 
is of obscure origin. The Latin has extended the base 
T%*{ swan, in the nominative, by an unorganic addition, 
to cani ; so ipfr^ yuvan, " young," has become juveni 
(cf. . 126.). As regards the opposition [G. Ed. p. 162.] 
between o and i, by which, in several words as homo, homin- 
-is, arundo, arundin-is the nominative is distinguished from 
the oblique cases, this o appears to me a stronger vowel,* 
which compensates for the loss of the n, and therefore is 
substituted for the weaker 2; according to the same prin- 
ciple by which, in Sanskrit, the nom. VFft dhani,\ comes 
from vftft^ dhanin ; and, in Lithuanian, bases in en and un 
give, in the nominative, & ( = uo) for e or u. Thus, 
from the bases AKMEN, "stone," SZUN, " hound/ 1 come the 
nominatives akmu, szu ; as in Sanskrit, from the primary 
forms of the same signification, ^npt^ asman, tsf^ swan, 
have arisen ^np?T asmd and T$ swd. It does not follow that 
homin-is has come from homon-is,l because the old language 
had hemoj hemonis, for homo, hominis ; but mon and min are 
cognate suffixes, signifying the same, and were originally 
one, and therefore may be simultaneously affixed to one and 
the same word. 

140. The German language also rejects a final n of the 
base in the nominative and in the neuter, in the accu- 

* Although its quantity in the actual condition of the language is arbi- 
trary, still it appears to have been originally long, and to imply a similar 
contrast to the Greek i/v, ev-os; o>i/, ov-os. For the rest it has been 
already remarked, that between short vowels also exists a difference of 
gravity ($. 6.). 

t In bases in w^ an the lengthening extends to all the strong cases, 
with the exception of the vocat. sing. ; thus, not merely TTSTT rqjd, " rex" 
but also -CHIR^ rajdn-am, "regem" TCTSn^ rdjdnas, "reges." 

t I now prefer taking the i of homin-is, &c., as the weakening of the o 
of homo. The relation resembles that of Gothic forms like ahmin-is, 
ahmin, to the nom. and BC.C. ahma, ahman, which preserve the original vowel. 


sative also, like Sanskrit. In Gothic, in the masculine 
and neuter where alone, in my opinion, the n has an 
old and original position an a always precedes the n. 
There are, that is to say, only bases in an, none in in and 
tin; the latter termination is foreign to the Sanskrit also. 

[G. Ed. p. 163.] The a, however, is weakened to i in the 
genitive and dative (see . 132.); while in Sanskrit, in these 
cases, as especially in the weakest cases (. 130.), it is entirely 
dropped.* Among masculine bases in an, in Gothic, exist 
several words, in which an is the whole derivative- suffix, 
and which therefore correspond to the Sansk. TTf^ raj-an, 
"king," as "ruler/* Thus AH- AN, "spirit," as "thinker" 
(aft-ya, "I think"), STAU-AN, "Judge" (*/aw-ya,"I judge"), 
whence the nominatives aha, staua. There are also, as in 
Sanskrit, some masculine formations in man ; as, AHMAN 9 
" spirit," nom, o.hma, with which perhaps the Sansk. WrHH 
dtman> "soul/ 1 nom. ^rrwi atma, is connected; in case this 
stands for dh-man, and comes from u lost root wi? ah, 
"to think,"t where it is to be remembered that also the 
root fi nah, " to bind/' has, in several places, changed its 
h into t. The Gothic MILH-MAN, nom. milh-ma, "cloud," 
appears to have sprung from the Sanskrit root mitt, by the 
addition of an I, whence, remarkably enough, by the suffix 
a, and by exchanging the * h for t^ ah, arises the nomi- 
nal base ifcr mtyha, " cloud/ 1 In Latin ming-o answers to 
fiT? mih, and in Greek o-jic^-ew ; the meaning is in the 
three languages the same. 

141. Neuter bases in an, after rejecting the n, lengthen, 
in Gothic, the preceding a to 6, in the nominative, accusa- 

* In case two consonants do not precede the termination ^srT on ; 
e*g. ^UHHV dtman-as, not dtmn-as, but "HTOU ndmn-as, not nAman-as> 
"nominis." ^ 

t Perhaps identical with the actually-occurring ^^rf? dh 9 " to speak," as 
*nT man, "to think," in Zend mca':s ;il ..j - k to speak ; whence A>/<:>^ 
mahthra, "speech," and in Gothic MUN-THA> nom. munths, "mouth" 


tive, and vocative, which sound the same ; [G. Ed. p. 164.] 
so that in these cases the Gothic neuter follows the theory of 
the strong cases (. 129.)> which the Sanskrit neuter obeys 
only in the nom., accus., and vocat. plural, where, for ex- 
ample, ^rsnft chatwdr-i, "four," with a strong theme, is 
opposed to the weak cases like **nrfS|^ chaturbhis (instr.), 
^gwftj chaturbhyas. The a, also, of neuter bases in an is 
lengthened in the nominative, accusative, and vocative plural 
in Sanskrit, and in Gothic ; and hence tfWTfT ndmdn-i, 
Gothic namon-a, run parallel to one another. However, in 
Gothic namn-a also exists, according to the theory of the 
Sanskrit weakest cases (. 130.), whence proceeds the plural 
genitive TOT* ndmn-dm, " nominum w ; while the Gothic 
namun~$ has permitted itself to be led astray by the example 
of the strong cases, and would be better written namn-& or 

142. In the feminine declension in German I can find 
no original bases in n, as also in Sanskrit there exist no 
feminities in an or in ; but feminine bases are first formed 
by the addition of the usual feminine character ^ i ; as, 
tjtfrdjni, "queen," from tTO^ rdjan ; vftnft dhanini, "the 
rich 11 (fern.), from trfVp^ dhanin, m. n. "rich." Gothic fe- 
minine substantive bases in n exhibit, before this consonant, 
either an 6 ( = m . 69.) orei: these are genuine feminine 
final vowels, to which the addition of an n can have been 
only subsequently made. And already, at . 120., a close 
connection of bases in ein ( = tn) with the Sanskrit in ^ 
and Lithuanian in ?', has been pointed out. Most substan- 
tive bases in ein are feminine derivatives from masculine- 
neuter adjective bases in a, under the same relation, ex- 
cluding the modern n, as in Sanskrit that of *n^ft sundari, 
4 'the fair" (woman), from OT^T: sundara m. n. "beautiful" 
Gothic substantive bases in ein for the most part raise 
the adjective, whence they are derived, to an abstract; 

* Vide p. 1083, Note. 


[G. Ed. p. 165.] e.g. MANAGEIN, " crowd, nom. managed 
from the adjective IwseMANAGA (nominative masc. manag-s, 
neut. managa-ta) ; MIKILEIN, nom. mikilei, " greatness," 
from MIKILA (mikil-s, mifcila-ta), "great/' As to feminine 
bases in dw, they have arisen from feminine bases in 6\ 
and I have already observed that feminine adjective bases 
in 6n as J3LINDON, nom. blindd, gen. blind6n-s must be 
derived, not from their masculine bases in aw, but from the 
primitive feminine bases in 6 (nom. a, Grimm's strong adjec- 
tives). Substantive bases with the genitive feminine in 6n pre- 
suppose older ones in 6 ; and correspond, where comparison 
is made with old languages connected in their bases, to 
Sanskrit feminines in d, Greek in a, YJ, Latin in a ; and in 
these old languages never lead to bases with a final n. 
Thus, TUGGON (pronounced tungdri), nom. tuggfi, answers 
to the Latin lingua, and to the Sanskrit ftfa^T jlhwd> 
(zzdschihwd, see . 17.); and DAURON, nom.daurd, to the 
Greek Bupa ; VIDOVON, nom. vidovti, " widow," to the San- 
skrit favWT vidhavd, "the without man" (from the prep. 
f% vi and *R dhava, "man"), and the Latin vidua. It is 
true that, in MITATHYON, " measure," nom. mitathy6, the 
suffix thytin completely answers to the Latin tion, e.g. in 
ACTION; but here in Latin, too, the on is a later addition, 
as is evinced from the connection of ti-on with the Sanskrit 
suffix fir ti, of the same import, and Greek <n-s (old T/J), 
Gothic ti, thi, di (see . 91.). And in Gothic, together with 
the base MITATHYON exists one signifying the same, MI- 
TATHI, uom. mitaths. In RATHYON, nom. rathyd, "ac- 
count," a relationship with RATION, at least in respect of 
the suffix, is only a seeming one ; for in Gothic the word is 

[G. Ed. p. 166.] to be divided thus, rath-yon : the th belongs, 
in the Gothic soil, to the root, whence the strong part, rath- 
an(a)-s has been preserved. The suffix y6n, of RATHYON 
therefore corresponds to the Sanskrit yd ; e.g. in ftm vid-yd, 
"knowledge." Of the same origin is GA-RUN-YON, nom. 
garunyd, " inundation." 


143. If a few members of a great family of languages 
have suffered a loss in one and the same place, this may be 
accident, and may be explained on the general ground, that 
all sounds, in all languages, especially when final, are sub- 
ject to abrasion ; but the concurrence of so many languages 
in a loss in one and the same place points to relationship, 
or to the high antiquity of such a loss; and in the case 
before us, refers the rejection of an n of the base in the 
nominative to a period before the migration of languages, 
and to the position of the original site of the human races, 
which were afterwards separated. It is surprising, there- 
fore, that the Greek, in this respect, shews no agreement 
with its sisters ; and in its v bases, according to the measure 
of the preceding vowel, abandons either merely the nomi- 
native sign, or the v alone, never both together. It is a 
question whether this is a remnant of the oldest period 
of language, or whether the v bases, carried away by 
the stream of analogies in the other consonantal declensions, 
and by the example of their own oblique cases, which 
do not permit the remembrance of the v to be lost, again 
returned, at a comparatively later period, into the common 
and oldest path, after they had experienced a similar 
loss to the Sanskrit, Zend, &c., by which we should be 
conducted to nominative forms like evSalfi^ euSai/xo, rep)/, 
repe, raAa, raA.a? I do not venture to decide with positive- 
ness on this point, but the latter view appears to be the 
more probable. It here deserves to be [G. Ed. p. 167.] 
remarked, that, in German, the w, which in Gothic, in 
the nominative, is always suppressed, has in more modern 
dialects made its way in many words from the oblique 
cases again into the nominative. So early as the Old 
High German this was the case ; and, in fact, in femi- 
nine bases in in (Gothic dn, . 70.), which, in the nomi- 
native, oppose to the Gothic ei the full base in: as 
yuotlihhin, "glory" (see Grimm, p. 628). In our New High 


German the phenomenon is worthy of notice, that many 
original n bases of the masculine gender, through a con- 
fusion in the use of language, are, in the singular, treated 
as if they originally terminated in na; i.e. as if they be- 
longed to Grimm's first strong declension. Hence the n 
makes its appearance in the nominative, and the genitive 
regains the sign s, which, indeed, in Gothic, is not want- 
ing in the n bases, but in High German was withdrawn 
from them more than a thousand years since. Thus, 
Brunnen, Brunnens, is used instead of the Old High Ger- 
man prunnOy prunnin, and the Gothic brunna, brunnin-s. 
In some words, together with the restored n there occurs in 
the nominative, also, the ancient form with n suppressed, as 
Baclce or Backen, Same or Samen ; but the genitive has in 
these words also introduced the s of the strong declension. 
Among neuters the word Herz deserves consideration. 
The base is, in Old High German, HERZAN, in Middle 
High German HERZEN; the nominatives are, herza, 
herze; the New German suppresses, together with the 
n of Herzen, the vowel also, as is done by many mas- 
culine n bases; as, e.g. Bar for Bare. As this is not a 
transition into the strong declension, but rather a greater 
weakening of the weak nominative, the form Herzens, 
therefore, in the genitive, for an uninflected Herzen, is sur- 
[G. Ed. p. 168.] prising. With this assumed or newly-re- 
stored inflection s would be to be compared, in Greek, the 
nominative y, as of <?e\</-, juicA-a-?; and with the n of Brun- 
nen for Brunne, the v of dW/xcov, reprjv ; in case, as is ren- 
dered probable by the cognate languages, these old forms 
have been obtained from still older, as $e\<pl, /xe\, 6W/xw, Tpy 
by an unorganic retrogade step into the stronger declension.* 

* That, in Greek, the renunciation of a v of the base is not entirely 
unknown may be here shewn by an interesting example. Several 
cardinal numbers in Sanskrit conclude their base with 7^ n; viz. 



144. Bases in ^ ar (^ H, . 1.) in Sanskrit reject the r in 
the nominative, and, like those in ^ n, lengthen the pre- 
ceding vowel ; e.g. from ft?r^ pitar, "father," HTif^ bhrdtar, 
"brother, 11 mtf^ mdtar, "mother," <jf?W^ duhitar, "daughter," 
come fqTTT pM, ^JTrTT bhrdtd, JHITT mdtd, f?in duhitd. The 
lengthening of the a serves, I believe, as a compensation 
for the rejected r. As to the retention, however, through 
all the strong cases, excepting the vocative, of the long a 
of the agent, which corresponds to Greek formations in 
ryp, TWjO, and to Latin in tor, this takes place because, in all pro- 
bability, in these words KT^ tdr, and not cT^T tar, is the 
original form of the suffix; and this is also supported by 
the length of the suffix being retained in Greek and Latin 
through all the cases rrjp, rwp, tor ; only [G. Ed. p. 169.] 
that in Latin a final r, in polysyllabic words, shortens an 
originally long vowel. Compare 


Nom. sing. ^mr ddtd, Sorrjp, dator, 

Ace. sing. jftdrc^ ddtdr-am, Sorrjp-a, datdr-em, 

N. A. V. dual, ^TTFrit ddtdr-au, Sorfjp-e, 

Nom. Voc. pi. cfnTTC* ddtdr-as, Sorfp-es, dator-es. 
The Zend follows the analogy of the Sanskrit, both in the 
rejection of the r in the nominative, and in the length 

vanchan, u five/' saptan, " seven," ashtan with ashtau, " eight," navan, 
"nine," damn, "ten." These numerals are, indeed, used adjectively, 
when they are not governed by the gender of their substantive, but display 
always a neuter form, and indeed, which is surprising, in the nominative, 
accusative, and vocative sing, terminations, but in the other cases the suit- 
able plural endings ; e.g. T^ I.NHU pancha (not panchdnas) rdjdnas 
' quinque reges w ; on the other hand, qo^fi TCTiRC panchasu rdjasu " in 
quinque regibus" To the neuter nominatives and accusative of the sin- 
gular H3| pancha, TOJ sapta, tf^ nava, and ^j dasa which rest on the 
regular suppression of the n answer the Greek TreW, eTird, eWa, 5/Ka, 
with the distinction that they have become quite indeclinable, and retain 
the old uninflected nominative through all the cases. 


of the preceding a of the noun agent, in the same places 
as in the Sanrkrit, with the exception of the nominative sin- 
gular, where the long a, as always when final, is shortened ; 
e 9. A5^ojA5o) paita, "father," xyM^ddta, "giver," "Creator;" 
ace. $g?A$pjAjQ> paitar-em, Sg&M^ojwy ddtdr-em. In Lithua- 
nian there are some interesting remains, but only of femi- 
nine bases in er 9 which drop this letter in the nomina- 
tive, but in most of the oblique cases extend the old 
er base by the later addition of an i. Thus mote, "wife/ 1 
dulde " daughter, 11 answer to the abovementioned *rnn 
mdtd, gfifiTT duhitd ; and, in the plural, motcr-es, dukter-es, to 
HUTCH mdtar-as, zf&IK^ duhitar-as. In the genitive singu- 
lar I Regard the form mofer-s, dukter-s, as the elder and 
more genuine, and moteries, dukterMs, as corruptions be- 
longing to the i bases. In the genitive plural the base 
has kept clear of this unorganic i ; hence, moter-&, dukter-ii, 
not moteri-A, dukteri-u. Besides the words just mentioned, 
the base SESSER, "sister," belongs to this place: it 
answers to the Sanskrit ^rar^ swasar, nom. J^HT swasd; but 
distinguishes itself in the nominative from mote and dukte, 
in that the e, after the analogy of bases in en, passes into fi, 
thus sessu. 

[G. Ed. p. 170.] 145. The German languages agree in their 
r bases (to which but a few words belong denoting affinity) 
with the Greek and Latin in this point, that, contrary to the 
analogy just described, they retain the r in the nominative. 
As iraTtjp, MTYIP, dvyarrjp, Sarjp (Sanskrit, i^ d&var, ^dfori, 
nom. ^rr d$vd\ f rater, soror ; so in Gothic, brtithar, svistar, 
dauhtar ; in Old High German, vat ar, pruodar, suestar, tohtar* 
It is a question whether this r in the nominative is a rem- 
nant of the original language, or, after being anciently 
suppressed, whether it has not again made its way in the 
actual condition of the language from the oblique cases 
into the nominative. I think the latter more probable; 
for the Sanskrit, Zend, and Lithuanian are three witnesses 


for the antiquity of the suppression of the r ; and the 
Greek words like warT^o, fflrrip, cr<t>Trjp 9 pyrtop, exhibit some* 
thing peculiar and surprising in the consonantal declension, 
in that p and ? not combining, they have not rather pre- 
ferred giving up the base-consonant than the case-sign (as 
TrcuV, TroOj, &c.). It would appear that the form TJ/S- is of 
later origin, for this reason, that the p having given place 
to the nominative j, the form rrj-$ 9 whence rr}p-os should 
come, was, by an error of language, made to correspond to 
the tj-$ of the first declension. The want of a cognate 
form in Latin, as in Zend and Sanskrit, as also the, in 
other respects, cognate form and similarity of meaning 
with m^ tdr, to-r, rrjp and reap, speak at least plainly enough 
for the spuriousness and comparative youth of the nouns of 
agency in rys. 

146. Masculine and feminine primary forms in wr^ as 
in Sanskrit lengthen the a in the nominative singular. 
They are, for the most part, compounded, and contain, as 
the last member, a neuter substantive in ^r^ as, as jrffcnff 
durmanas, " evil-minded," from <ra dus [G. Ed. p. 171.] 
(before sonant letters . 25. 3T dur) and *R^ manas, 
" mind, 1 ' whence the nom. masc. and fern. *in^ durmanAs, 
neut. <&&& durmanas. A remarkable agreement is here 
shewn by the Greek, in Svvpevfis, o, y opposed to TO Svarpeves. 
The *c s of ^rfTH durmands, however, belongs, though 
unrecognised, to the base ; and the nominative character is 
wanting, according to . 94. In Greek, on the other hand, 
the j of Svvpevtjs has the appearance of an inflexion, because 
the genitive, &c.,is not Svcrpevecr-os, like the Sanskrit dMK 
durmanas-as, but <to<r/Aet/eof. If, however, what was said at 
. 128 is admitted, that the of pcvcs belongs to the base, and 
is abbreviated from /xei/etr-os', then in the compound 
Yjs also, and all similar adjectives, a 2 belonging to 
the base must be recognised, and the form Jucr/xeveo-oy 
must lie at the bottom of the genitive Suayxei/eoj. In the 


nominative, therefore, either the y belongs to the base, and 
then the agreement with cpfrrm durmands would be com- 
plete ; or the s of the base has been dropped before the case- 
sign s. The latter is, in my opinion, least probable ; for the 
former is supported by the Latin also, where the forins which 
answer to the Sanskrit as bases are in the nom. masc. and 
fern, in like manner without the case-sign. Thus the San- 
skrit comparative suffix is ^q^ zyas the last a but one of 
which is lengthened in the strong cases, and invested with a 
dull nasal (Anuswara, . 9.) in Latin, ior, with the s changed 
into r, which so frequently happens ; and the nominative in 
both genders is without the case-sign : the originally long o, 
however, is shortened by the influence of the final r. In the 
neuter us corresponds to the Sanskrit w as, because u is 
favourable to a final s, and prevents its transition into r ; 
hence gravius has the same relation to the Sanskrit 'Rliiti 
gartyas (irregular from ipj guru, "heavy,") as lupus to 

[G. Ed. p. 172.] ^inff x vriftas, only that the 9 of the nomi- 
native character in the latter belongs in the former to the 
base. The final syllable or, though short, must nevertheless 
be held, in Latin, as graver than us, and hence gravior forms 
a similar antithesis to gravius that in Greek Sva-^ev^ does to 
Sva-peves, and in Sanskrit <pfcn^ durmands to njfcpff durmanas. 

147. In Lithuanian a nominative, which stands quite 
isolated, menu ( = menuo), " moon" and "month," deserves 
here to be mentioned : it proceeds from the primary form 
MENES*, and, in regard to the suppression of the final 
consonant and the transformation of the preceding vowel, has 
the same relation to it that, as above (. 139.), akmu has 

* The relation of this to *rn^ mds, which signifies the same from irra 
mds, " to measure," without a derivative suffix is remarkable ; for the 
interposed nasal syllable ne answers to the Sanskrit tf na in roots of the 
seventh class (see p. 118); and in this respect MENES bears the same 
relation to the Latin MENSI that 1. c. ftn=ffa bhinadmi does tofinito. 


to AKMEN, sessu to SESSER : in the oblique cases, also, 
the s of the base again ra-appears, but receives, as in the 
er and en bases, an unorganic increase : thus the genitive 
is menesio, whence MENESIA is the theme ; as wilko, " lupi" 
from WILKA, nom. wilka-s. 

148. In neuters, throughorfl the whole Sanskrit family of 
languages the nominative is identical with the accusative, 
which subject, is treated of at . 152. &c. We here give a 
general view of the nominative formation, and select for the 
several terminations and gender of the primary forms, both 
for these cases and for all others which suit our purpose, the 
following examples: Sanskrit ^ojr vrika, m. "wolf;" off fo, 
"who?" ^-R dAna, n. "gift;" IT ta, n. "this" fsapjihwA, 
f." tongue" on M," which?" nfirpafc m. " lord," "husband f 
jftfifjwiUf. "love; 11 TQfcvfoi, n. "water; 11 qfowftbhavishyant/, 
"who is about to be;" ^jsz/nw, m. " son;" [G. Ed. p. 173.] 
1TT tanu, f. " body ;" *r*f madhu, n. " honey," " wine ; w ipt 
v^/Aii, f. "wife; 11 iftjf4 m. f. ''bullock, 11 "cow;" ;ftfidii,f. 
" ship. 11 Of the consonantal declension we select only such 
final consonants as occur most frequently, whether in singl 
words or in entire classes of words: ^T^ vuch, f. " speech"*; 
*JR^ bharant, in the weakened form, vrtTT x bharat (. 129.) m. 
n. " bearing, 11 " receiving," from H^ bhar (H bhri) cl. 1. ; 
WflRn?^ (toman, m. "soul; 11 rfunr ndman, n. "name;" 
bhr&tar, m. "brother;' 1 fi5iT\ duldtar, f. "daughter;" 
ddtar, m. " giver ;" ^ra^ vachas, n. " speech, 11 Greek, 'EOE2, 
eiroy (. 14. 128.), for FEHES, FeTro?. Zend, xfoffa verhka, 
m. "wolf;" 1 AJJ A:a, in. "who?" jup-uy ddia, n. datum; A$$> 
ecr, n. "this;" jaix^jo* hizvA, f. "tongue; 11 AW^ fol, "which?" 

* Masculines and feminines in the consonantal declension agree in all 
cases : hence an example of one of the two genders is sufficient. The 
only exception is the accusative plural of words denoting relationship in 
^TT ar ^J, . 114.), which form this case from the abbreviated theme in 



.$pjAso> paiti, m. (. 41.) " Lord f jp^Ais <1/r#i, f. "bless- 
ing ;" j?jAs9 vain, n. " water ;" ^^JAS^E^JLJ busliynMi, 
" who will be ;^ >J$AJQ> pa.vw, m. " tame animal ;" >yA5p ir/w^, 
f. %t body f 1 >(&AA& madhu, n. " winef ^^ ytJ, m. f. " bullock," 
[G. Ed. p. 174.] "cow"*; fUM^> vdch, f. "speech," "voice "f ; 
P^UJAS^ASJ barant, or ^o^g^U barent, weakened form 
barat, m. n. " bearing ; >n yAs^^As asman, m. " heaven ;" 
nAman (also {&$&) nanman), n. "name; 1 * 1 

* It has been remarked at . 123 of the cognate nom. gusr Y0, 
"earth," accus. *jj xahm, that I have only met with these two cases. 
The very common form c( *#, which is found only in the other 
oblique cases, is nevertheless represented by Burnouf, in a very interesting 
article in the Journal des Savans (Aug. 1832), which I only met with 
after that page had been printed, as belonging to the same theme. 
I agree with him on this point at present, so much the rather as I believe 
I can account for the relationship of A>$c e zemti, " terra? (dat.) * < 
e#mi, " in terra," &c. to the Sanskrit T|?f gave, Tfftf gavL I do not doubt, 
that is to say, that, in accordance with what has been remarked at . 63. 
and p. 114, the Zend m is to be regarded as nothing else than the 
hardening of the original v. The Indian ift go, before vowel terminations 
fffiVj would consequently have made itself almost unintelligible in tho 
meaning " earth," in Zend, by a double alteration ; first by the transition 
of g to z, in which j must be assumed as the middle step in which 
e.g. $xjam 9 " to go," from ipT gam, has remained ; secondly, by the 
hardening of the v to m. Advert, also, to the Greek fy, for 777, in %^r?/> ; 
since 8 and ^ #, from if j (=dscfi) 9 have so divided themselves in the 
sound whence they have sprung, that the Greek has retained the T-sound, 
the Zend the sibilant. 

t I cannot quote the nominative of this word ; but it can only be 
vdc-s, as palatals before AU s change into (& c ; and thus, from 
druf, "an evil demon," occurs very frequently the nom. jv&tjp 
druc-s. I have scarcely any doubt, too, that what Anquetil, in his 
Vocabulary, writes vdhksch, and renders by "parler, crt," is the nomi- 
native of the said base ; as Anquetil everywhere denotes tftf by hh, and 
juo by sch. 

% In the theme we drop, intentionally, the c e required by . 44, as it 
is clear that AjpAM^I brdtar, not f ^spAwTl brdtare, must be the base 
word ; ^J^OAJ^J baratar also occurs, with AS a interposed. 


m. " brother; 11 ?Ai<o^9>j dughdhar, f. "daughter; 1 " 
ddtar, m. "giver, 11 "creator; 11 ^JAS^ vachd, n. (. 56 u .) 
"word." It is not requisite to give here examples in Greek 
and Latin : from Lithuanian and Gothic we select the bases, 
Lith. WILKA, Goth. VULFA, m. " wolf;" Lith. KA, Goth. 
HVA, m. "who?" Lith. GERA, n. "good;" TA, n. "the; 11 
Goth. DAURA, n. "gate," (Sanskrit, ^C dwdra, n.); 27/^ f 
n. " this:" Lith. RANK A, f. "hand;" Goth, tf/JSO, f. "gift" 
(. 69.); #FO, f." which ? 5> ; Lith. PATI, in. "Lord 11 *; Goth. 
GASTI, m. "stranger;" /, m. "he, 1 ' n. [G. Ed. p. 175.] 
"it;" Lith. AWI, f. "sheep," (Sansk. <3jfa avi, m. cf. ovi*. 
oV?); Goth. ANSTI, f."mercy;" Lith. Goth. SUNV, m. " son;' 
Goth. HANDU, f. "hand; 11 Lith. DARKU, n. "ugly;" Goth. 
FAIHU, n. "beast;" Lith. SVKANT, m.t "turning; Goth. 
FIYAND, m. "foe;' 1 Lith. AKMEN, m. " stone f Goth. 
AHMAN, m." spirit;" NAMAN, n. " name ; 11 BROTHAR, 
m. "brother;" DAUHTAR, Lith. DUKTER, f. "daughter." 


m. vrika-s, vehrkd,$ \VKO~S, lupu-s, wilka-s, vulfs. 
m. Arx-,9, ArrJ,J .... .... kn-s, hva-s. 

* In the comp. wiess-pati-S) "landlord"; isolated pat-s, " husband/* 
with i in the nominative suppressed, as is the case in Gothic in all bases 
in '. Compare the Zend jfl)j.\3^Jtf^9 vts-paiti^ "lord of the region." 

f These and other bases ending with a consonant are given only in 
those cases which have remained free from a subsequent vowel addition. 

J Before the enclitic particle cha, as well here as in all other forms, the 
termination as, which otherwise becomes 6 (. 56 b .), retains the same 
form which, in Sanskrit also, ^ft^as assumes before ^ cha : hence is said 
ASftjjJAS^feyc^i vehrkascha, " lupusque" as in Sanskrit nr^g vrikascha. 
And the appended cha preserves the otherwise shortened final vowel 
in its original length: hence A)^AU^VJ^ jihvdcha, " linguaque" 
As^pjUUAJ^j^)!! bushyainticha, "futuraque," A^JAXJ^OAM^ brdtficha, 
"fraterque" Even without the AS^> at times the original length of the 
final vowel is found undiminished : the principle of abbreviation, how- 
ever, remains adequately proved, and I therefore observe it everywhere 
in the terminations. 

M 2 






n . ddna-m, 

date-m, $>po-i>, 

do?ium, (/era, daur\ 

n. ta-t, 

ta-l, TO, 

is-tu-d, 1a-i, tha-ta. 

f. jihwd,, 

hizva* X^ a 

terra, ranka, gibn. 

f 71 



i. Ka, 
m. pati-s, 

paiti-s, 7ro<r/-f, 

hosti-s, pati-s, gttsC-s. 


.... .... 

i-s, .... e-5. 

f. prtli-s, 

dfriti-s iropTi-s, 

?Vz-^, aii'2-^ ansf-s. 

n. vdri, 

vairi, 'itipi. 



i-d, .... z-/r/. 

St bhavishyantt, bushyainti* .... 

.... 64/i 

? m.stlrm-s, 

pasu-s, ^^~f 

pecu-s, sunu-s, sunu-s. 

3f. tanu-s, 

tanu-s, TTITV-S, 

socru-s, .... handu-s. 

n, madhu, 

madhu, p.edv 9 

pecu 9 darku, faihit. 

q i/j /f /I <!/ <? 

i L/ttU/ltU' u> 

du s 1 jSoO-j 


m. i. Qau**s,i 
f. w#w-s, 

. . vttt/-j 


l?^lC"t? O7T~C. 



m. bharan, 

baran-s, tyeptov, 

feren-s, sukan-s,fiyaiiid-s. 

m. dtwd 9 

asma* datfJLc&v, 

sermo, akmfi, ahma. 

n. wrlmft', 

ndma\ rahctv, 

nomen, .... namff. 

m. bhrdtd', 

J AI 1 JU. / 

o/wa , iraTYjp, 

fratcr, .... brdthar. 

f. duhitd', dughdha*, dvyaTyp, mater, duktej dauhtar. 

m. ddW, data',* SOT^JO, dafor, 

n. vachas, vachd,* eTroj, opw^, 



149. The character of the accusative is m in Sanskrit, 
Zend, and Latin ; in Greek v, for the sake of euphony. In 
Lithuanian the old m has become still more weakened to 

* See the marginal note marked ( J) on tjie foregoing page. 
t Irregularly for ift^ go-s. 
\ Or M5fcUJ^ gdos, . 33. 


the dull re-echoing nasal, which in Sanskrit is called Anu- 
[G. Ed. p. 177.] swara, and which we, in both languages, 
express by n (. 10.). The German languages have, so early 
as the Gothic even, lost the accusative mark in substantives 
entirely, but in pronouns of the 3d person, as also in adjec- 
tive bases ending with a vowel which follow their declen- 
sion, they have hitherto retained it; still only in the 
masculine: the feminine nowhere exhibits an accusative 
character, and is, like its nominative, devoid of inflexion. 
The Gothic gives na instead of the old m ; the High 
German, with more correctness, a simple n : hence, Gothic 
blind-na, " ccecwm," Old High German plinta-n, Middle and 
Modern High German blinde-n. 

150. Primary forms terminating with a consonant prefix 
to the case-sign m a short vowel, as otherwise the combi- 
nation would be, in most cases, impossible : thus, in San- 
skrit am, in Zend and Latin em, appears as the accusative 
termination* : of the Greek ai>, which must originally have 
existed, the v is, in the present condition of the language, 
lost: examples are given in . 157. 

151. Monosyllabic words in t, A, and du, in Sanskrit, 
like consonantal bases, give am in place of the mere m, as 
the accusative termination, probably in order in this way 
to become polysyllabic. Thus, rft bhi, " fear," and fft ndu, 
" ship," form, not bhi-m and ndu-m, as the Greek vau-v would 

From the bases >$ ^ ru j an< * ^-N>? v ^ c ^ I find besides 

^AXJtp vachem^ in the V. S. ; also frequently $.5> 
vdchim : and if these forms are genuine, which I scarcely doubt, 
they are to be thus explained that the vowel which stands before m is 
only a means of conjunction for appending the m ; for this purpose, how- 
ever, the Zend uses, besides the ge mentioned at . 30, not unfrequently 
^i; e.g. for ^AJ^C $>&4 dademahi, occurs also ^.M^^f) dadimahi, 
and many similar forms 5 as ^Aj.5jj> m-i-mahi, answering to the San- 
skrit 3T3TO usmas (in the Vedas ^prftl usmasi), "we will." 


[G. Ed. p. 178.] lead us to expect, but fiw? bliiy-am, 
n&v-am. With this agree the Greek themes in ev , since these 
give e-a, from ef-a, for ev-v; e.g. /3ao-i\e(F)a 9 for j8a<r/Aeu-i/. 
It is, however, wrong to regard the Latin em as the true, ori- 
ginally sole accusative termination, and for lupu-m, hora-m, 
fruc-turtit diem, to seek out an older form lupo-em, hora-em 9 
fructu-em, die-em. That the simple nasal suffices to charac- 
terize the accusative, and that a precursory vowel was only 
added out of other necessary reasons, is proved by the history 
of our entire family of languages, and would be adequately 
established, without Sanskrit and Zend, by the Greek, Li- 
thuanian, and Gothic. The Latin em in the accusative 
third declension is of a double kind: in one case the e 
belongs to the base, and stands, as in innumerable cases, 
for t; so that e-m, of igne-m (Sanskrit %ifV*(*^ agni-m), 
corresponds to the Indian i-m> Zend i-m, Greek /-i/, Li- 
thuanian i-w, Gothic i-na (from ina, "him"); but in the 
em of consonantal bases the e answers to the Indian a, to 
which it corresponds in many other cases also. 

152. The Sanskrit and Zend neuter bases in a, and 
those akin to them in Greek and Latin, as well as the two 
natural genders, give a nasal as the sign of the accusative, 
and introduce into the nominative also this character, 
which is less personal, less animated, and is hence appro- 
priated to the accusative as well as to the nominative in 
the neuter : hence, Sansk. $['*Wi. sayana-m, Zend ^AS^AJJJ 
sayane-m t "a bed"; so in Latin and Greek, donu-m, $>po-v 
All other bases, with but few exceptions, in Latin, remain 
in the nominative and accusative without any case charac- 
ter, and give the naked base, which in Latin, however, re- 
places a final i by the cognate e; thus, mare for mart eorre- 

[G, Ed. p. 179.] sponds to the Sanskrit ^rft vdri, " water"; 
the Greek, like the Sanskrit and Zend, leaves the i unchanged 
ity>i-f 'ttipi, as in Sanskrit ^fro suchis, ^jfrr suchl The 
following are examples of neuter u bases, which supply the 


place both of nominative and accusative : in Sanskrit *nj 
madhu, "honey," "wine," ^ asm, "tear," ^TJ swddu, 
" sweet" ; in Zend >w^ vdhu, " wealth" (Sanskrit *RJ 
vasu) ; in Greek /xe0v, SaKpv, fj$v ; in Latin pecu, genu. The 
length of this u is anorganic, and has prohably passed into 
the nominative, accusative, and vocative from the oblique 
cases, wherq the length is to be explained from the sup- 
pressed case terminations. With regard to the fact that 
final u is always long in Latin, there is perhaps a reason 
always at hand for this length: in the ablative, for ex- 
ample, the length of the originally short u is explicable as a 
compensation for the case sign which has been dropped, 
by which, too, the 6 of the second declension becomes long. 
The original shortness of the u of the fourth declension 
is perceivable from the dat. pi. u-bus. The 2, in Greek 
words like yevos, /nei/oj, evyeves, has been already explain- 
ed at . 128. as belonging to the base: the same is the 
case with the Latin e in neuters like genus, corpus, 
gravius : it is the other form of the r of the oblique cases, 
like gener-is, oorpor-is, gravior-is (see . 127.); and corpus 
appears akin to the Sanskrit neuter of the same mean- 
ing, ^XRJ vapust gen. ^^tR^ vapu-sh-as (see . 19.)> and 
would consequently have an r too much, or the Sanskrit 
has lost one.* The 2 also of neuter bases in T, in rervtyos, 
repa$, does not seem to me to be the case sign, but an 
exchange with T, which is not admissible at the end, but is 
either rejected (p.e\i, Trpdy^a) or exchanged [G. Ed. p. 180.] 
for a cognate 2, as 7rpo$ from irporl, Sanskrit ufir prati ^ 

* Compare, in this respect, brachium, j3pax*W, with "3T|^ bahu-s, 
"arm" 5 frango, priyvvpi, with HTffcv bfianajmi, "I break," H3P19 
bharymas, " we break/' 

t With this view, which I have already developed in my treatise 
On some Demonstrative Bases, and their connection with various Pre- 
positions and Conjunctions" (Berlin, by Diimmler), pp. 4 6> corre- 
sponds, as to the essential points, what Hartung has since said on this 



In Latin it is to be regarded as inconsistent with the spirit 
of the language, that most adjective bases ending with a 
consonant retain the nominative sign s of the two natural 
genders in the neuter, and in this gender extend it also to 
the accusative, as if it belonged to the base, as capac-s felic-s, 
soler(t)s, aman(f)8. In general, in Latin, in consonantal bases, 
the perception of the distinction of gender is very much 
blunted, as, contrary to the principle followed by the San- 
skrit, Zend, Greek, and Gothic, the feminine is no longer 
distinguished from the masculine. 

153. In Gothic substantives, as well neuter as mascu- 
line, the case sign ra is wanting, and hence neuter bases 
in a stand on the same footing with the i t u> and consonantal 
bases of the cognate languages in that, in the nominative 
and accusative, they are devoid of all inflexion. Compare, 
with regard to the form of this case, daur(ti) with ^TR^ 
dwdram, which has the same meaning. In Gothic there 
are no neuter substantives in i; on the other hand, the 

[O.Ed. p. 181.] substantive bases in ya, by suppression of 
the a in the nominative and accusative singular (cf. . 135.), 
gain in these cases the semblance of i bases; e.g. from the 
base REIKYA, "rich*" (Sanskrit TRft rAjya, likewise 
neuter), comes, in the case mentioned, reiki, answering to 
the Sanskrit tT5*r* v rdjya-m. The want of neuter i bases 

subject in his valuable work on " On the Cases," p. 152, &c. ; where also 
the p of 7rap and vSwp is explained as coming from T, through the inter- 
vention of 2. The Sanskrit, however, appears to attribute a different 
origin to the p of these forms. To TJofiTT yakrit " liver * (likewise neuter), 
corresponds boihjecur and i)7rap, through the common interchange between 
k and p : both owe to it their p, as ^7rar-os does its r "Hnar-os should be 
jyTrapr-or, Sanskrit 1ftRR(jyeikrit-a8. But the Sanskrit also in this word, in 
the weak cases, can give up the r, but then irregularly substitutes 7T n for 
W t, e.g. gen. q^jfl yakn-as for T^RTO yakanas. With regard to the 
p of ufiwp, compare ^^ udra, " water," in ^fg'j sam-udra, "sea." 


iu German is the less surprising, that in the cognate Sanskrit, 
Zend, and Greek, the corresponding termination in the neuter 
is not very common. Of neuter u roots the substantive de- 
clension has preserved only the single FAIHU, " beast." In 
Lithuanian the neuter in substantives is entirely lost, and 
has left traces only in pronouns and adjectives, where the 
latter relate to pronouns. Adjective bases in u, in this 
case, have their nominative and accusative singular in ac- 
cordance with the cognate languages, without case sign ; 
e.y. darku, "ugly," corresponds as nominative and accusa- 
tive neuter to the masculine nominative darku-s, accusative 
darku- n. This analogy, however, is followed in Lithua- 
nian, by the adjective bases in a also ; and thus gem, 
"good," corresponds as nominative and accusative to the 
masculine forms gera-s, gera-n,* which are provided with 
the sign of the case. 

[(>. Ed. p. 182.] 154. It is a question whether the m, as 
the sign of the nominative and accusative neuter (it is ex- 
cluded from the vocative in Sanskrit and Zend), was origi- 
nally limited simply to the a bases, and was not joined to the 

* The e of neuter forms like dide 9 "great/' from the base DIDYA 
nom. masc. didi-s for didya-*, as . 135.* yaunikkis, "youngling" I ox- 
plain through the euphonic influence of the suppressed y. As also the 
feminine originally long a is changed into e by the same influence, so is 
the nominative and accusative neuter in such words identical with the 
nominative feminine, which is likewise, according to . 137, devoid of in- 
flexion; and dide therefore signifies also " magna" and answers, as femi- 
nine, very remarkably to the Zend nominatives explained at . 137., as 
jv JpjrQ> per&td, W$y>y\u2& brdturyd. In this sense are to he regarded, 
also, the feminine substantives in Iluhig's third declension, as far as they 
terminate in the nominative in e, as gicsme^ "song." As no masculine 
forms in is correspond to them, the discovery of the true nature of these 
words becomes more difficult ; for the lost y or i has been preserved only 
in the genitive plural, where giesmy-u is to he taken like rank-u from 
ranka, i.e. the final vowel of the bases is suppressed before the termina- 
tion, or has been melted down with it. 


i and u bases also ; so that, in Sanskrit, for vdri we had ori- 
ginally vdn-m, for madhu, madhu-m ? I should not wish to 
deny the original existence of such forms ; for why should 
the a bases alone have felt the necessity of not leaving 
the nominative and accusative neuter without a sign of 
relation or of personality? It is more probable that the 
a bases adhered only the more firmly to the termination 
once assumed, because they are by far the most numerous, 
and could thus present a stronger opposition to the de- 
structive influence of time by means of the greater force 
of their analogies; in the same way as the verb sub- 
stantive, in like manner, on account of its frequent use, has 
allowed the old inflexion to pass less into oblivion, and in 
German has continued to our time several of the progeny of 
the oldest period ; as, for instance, the nasal, as characteristic 
of the 1st person in bi-n t Old High German pi-m Sans. H^lftr 
bhavA-mi. In Sanskrit, one example of an m as the nomina- 
tive and accusative sign of an i base is not wanting, although 
it stands quite isolated ; and indeed this form occurs in the 
pronominal declension, which everywhere remains longest 
true to the traditions of bygone ages, I mean the inter- 
rogative form ftp* ki-m, "what 11 ? from the base for ki, 
which may perhaps, in Sanskrit, have produced a ki-t, 
which is contained in the Latin qui-d, and which I recog- 
nise again, also, in the enclitic fan chit, weakened from farf 
ki-t. Otherwise i or it-bases of pronouns in the nomina- 
tive accusative neuter do not occur; for wjamw, "that 11 
(man), substitutes ^sr^r adas ; and \i, " this, 11 combines with 
[G. Ed. p. 183.] ^ dam (^ idam, " this"). Concerning 
the original procedure of consonantal bases in the nominative 
and accusative neuters no explanation is afforded by the pro- 
nominal declension, as all primary forms of pronouns termi- 
nate in vowels, and, indeed, for the most part, in a. 

155. Pronominal bases in a in Sanskrit give t, in Zend f, as 
the inflexion of the nominative and accusative neuter. The 


Gothic gives, as in the accusative masculine, na for tn or n, 
so here ta for simple t ; and transfers these, like other pecu- 
liarities of the pronominal declension, as in the other Ger- 
man dialects, also to the adjective a bases; e.g. blinda-ta, 
" caecum" midya-ta, " medium" The High German gives, 
in the older period, z instead of the Gothic t (. 87.), in 
the most modern period, 9. The pronominal base /(later E) 
follows in German, as in Latin, the analogy of the old a 
bases, and the Latin gives, as in the old ablative, d instead 
of t. The Greek must abandon all T sounds at the end of 
words : the difference of the pronominal from the common 
declension consists, therefore, in this respect, merely in 
the absence of all inflexion. From this difference, however, 
and the testimony of the cognate languages, it is perceived 
that TO was originally sounded TOT or TO&, for a TOV would 
have remained unaltered, as in the masculine accusative. 
Perhaps we have a remnant of a neuter-inflexion r in orn, 
so that we ought to divide OT-TI ; and therefore the double T, 
in this form, would no more have a mere metrical foundation, 
than the double tr (. 128.) in opeG-vt. (Buttmann, p. 85.) 

156. We find the origin of the neuter case-sign t in the 
pronominal base 7T ta, " he/' " this/ 1 (Greek TO, Goth, TEA, 
&c.) ; and a convincing proof of the correctness of this ex- 
planation is this, that ttta-t "it 1 * "this, 1 " stands, in regard 
to the base, in the same contrast with *r sa, " he," TO sd, 
" she, 11 as t, as the neuter case-sign, does to [G. Ed. p. 184.] 
the nominative s of masculine and feminine nouns (. 134.). 
The m of the accusative also is, I doubt not, of pronominal 
origin ; and it is remarkable that the compound pronouns 
i-ma, "this," and a-rat/, "that, 1 * occur just as little as ta in the 
nominative masculine and feminine ; but the Sanskrit sub- 
stitutes for the base amu, in the nominative masculine and 
feminine singular the form asdu, the s of which, therefore, 
stands in the same relation to the m of Wji^ amu-m, " ilium" 
r amu-shya, " ittius" and other oblique cases, as, among 


the case-terminations, the sign of the masculine feminine 
nominative to the m of the accusative and neuter nomina- 
tive. Moreover, in Zend is used f*x*$j imat, " this," (n.) 
(nom. accus.), but not imu, " this" (in.), but /OAJ a$m (from 
Wli^ a/yam), and fy im (from ^i(^ /yam), " tins'" (f.). Observe 
in Greek the pronominal base MI, which occurs only in the 
accusative, and, in regard to its vowel, has the same rela- 
tion to *t mti (in the compounded base ^ i-ma) that ftin^ 
ld~m " what?" has to -*w ka-s " who "? The Gothic neut. 
termination ta anwers, in respect to the transposition of 
sound (. 87.), to the Latin d (id 9 istud) : this Latin d, how- 
ever, seems to me a descent from the older t ; as, e.g., the 
b of ab has proceeded from the p of the cognate ^R apa, 
OTTO; and in Zend the d of ^f^-w* d-d?w, "him," is clearly 
only a weakening of the t of K ta, AS$> ta.^ 

| G. Ed. p. 185.] 157. To the Sanskrit 1a-t, mentioned above, 
Zend ta-f* Greek TO, &c., corresponds a Lithuanian tai, " the," 
as the nominative and accusative singular. I do not believe, 
however, that the i which is here incorporated in the base TA 

* The a of d-d?m is the preposition corresponding to the Saiisk. . 

t See my treatise " On the Origin of the Cases " in the Trans, of the 
Berlin Academy for the year 1826. As T in Greek easily becomes 2 (but a 
final 2 has in many parts of Grammar become v\ Ilartung founds on this, 
in the pamphlet before mentioned, p. 154, the acute conjecture of an 
original identity of neuters in v (m) with those in t. Wo cannot, how- 
ever, agree with him in this, because the m, on account of the origin 
which we ascribe to this case-sign, is as little surprising in the nominative 
of the neuter as in the accusative of the more animated genders ; and 
besides, a greater antiquity is proved to belong to the neuter m, through 
the Sanskrit and Zend, than probably the v sounds can boast, which, in 
Greek, stand for an older S, as /A/ for /z*s (HH mas), and in the dual TOV, 
TOJ> for XJ^T ///a*, TO tas. What is wanting in the Greek, viz. a neuter 
inflexion s, appears, however, to be possessed by the Sanskrit ; and 1 am 
inclined to divide the form ^gf*^f adas, " that" (nom. accus.) into a-da-s, 
and to explain it as a corruption of a-da-t (cf. Gramm. Grit. Addend, to 
r. 299.) ; hut to regard the syllable da as weakened from ta, as in the Zend 
?4AU //-/#-7/?, "him." We shall recur to this when treating of the 


is any way connected with the neuter t, d, of the cognate 
languages : I should rather turn to a relationship with the 
/ demonstrative in the Greek ( ovrovt, ejce/voo-/), and to the 
^ff it, which is, in like manner, used enclitically in the 
Vedas a petrified neuter, which is no longer conscious of any 
gender or case ; and hence, in several cases, combining with 
masculine pronouns of the third person.* This ^if it, is 
consequently the sister form of the Latin id and Gothic i-tu, 
which, in the Greek cKtvo<rt, has, perhaps only from neces- 
sity, dropped the T or , and which already, ere I was ac- 
quainted with the Veda-dialect, I represented as a consis- 
tent part of the conjunctions %^ cliK (from cha + it), "if," 
and ^TT net (na+ it). [G. Ed. p. 186.] 

The words mentioned at . 148. form in the accusative: 




kcL" r ftl 


k6-m 9 





kct~n 9 










* Examples arc given by Rosen in his Veda Specimen, pp. 24, 25, 
which, though short, are in the highest degree interesting for Sanskrit 
and comparative Grammar; as, *T3p^ satt, "he," ffftn^ tamit, * 4 him" ; 
THflftif toy fait, " of these two"; mWT^ff tasmfat, " to him" ; ^PWT^ir 
asmdU, " to this" (m.). The Zend combines in the same way 70 e or 
ji with the interrogative: TOJJJU^ kas$ and JJJAS^ kasi, "who"? occur 
frequently. Perhaps only one of the two modes of writing is correct. 
Cf. Gramm, Crit. Addend, to r. 270. 

t One would expect hvo-na^ or, with abbreviation of the base, hva-na, 
which would be the same as the masculine. With regard to the lost case- 
termination, it may be observed, that, in general, the feminines are less 
constant in handing down the old inflexions. A charge which is incurred 
by the Sanskrit in the nominative, since it gives kd for kd-s* (. 137.), is 
incurred by the Gothic (for in this manner the corruption spreads) in the 
accusative also. 

* Cf. i 386. p. 544. 



m. pati-m, paiti-m, KOCTI-V, hostem, pdti-n, gasf. 

m .... i-na. 

f. prtti-m, (\friti~m, Tropri-v, siti-m, awi-n, amf. 

n. vdri, vuirij t$pt, mare, 

n .... .... i-d, .... i-ta. 

f. bhavishyanlimjt&shyaintt-fn, * ... 

r-im,sfinu-m t pa$u-m 9 tydv-v, pecu-m, sunu-ii, sunu, 

' {. tanu-m. tanfi-m, irlrv-v. socru-m, .... haudu. 


P*n.madhu, madhu, p.edv t pecu, darku> faihu. 

',-> f. vadhti-m. .... 

op ' 

t^m.f.yd-mj ga-nm^\ /3ov-v, bov-em, 

f. ndv-am, .... i/aC-i/, 

f. rdch-am, vdch-cm, oir-a, voc-em, 

* The feminine participial bases in i, mentioned at . 119., remain free 
from foreign commixture only in the nominative and vocative singular : 
in all other cases, to the old i is further added a more modern a ; and the 
declension then follows RANK A exactly; only that in some cases, through 
the euphonic influence of the i, and in analogy with the Zend and the 
Latin fifth declension ($. 137.), the added a becomes, or may become, e: 
in the latter case the t is suppressed, as 1. c. TcyjAJj kaind for Iminyd (. 42.). 
Thus, from sukanti, "the turning" (f.), sukusi, "the having turned" (f.), 
and suksenti, " the about to turn," Mielcke gives the accusatives sukan- 
csseii (see. p. 138, Note) or suhanczian, mkuseh, and suksenczeh or suk- 
sencxiah. And even if, according to Ruhig (by Mielcke, pp. 3, 4), the f 
before a, e, o, u is scarcely heard, it must not therefore, in this case, as 
well as in those there enumerated, be the less regarded as etymologically 
present, and it was originally pronounced so as to be fully audible. From 
the feminine, where the t, as Sanskrit grammar shews, has an original posi- 
tion, this vowel appears to have made its way, in Lithuanian participial 
bases, into the oblique cases of the masculine, and to be here invested with 
a short masculine a. The accusative sukanti-h, " the turning" (masc.), is 
therefore to be regarded in the same light as yaunikki~h t from the theme 
YAUNIKYA, i.e. it stands for sukanty i-h from sukantya-n, and hence 
answers to the Zend accusatives, like $j)j*y ttiiri-m for tuiryem (. 42.), 
and to the Gothic, like hari from the base HARYA (. 135.). 
t See $. 122. 



m. bharnnt-am, burent-em, tyepovr-a, ferent-rm, . . . . jiyand. 

m. dtmdn-am t asman-em, Ja/ftoi>-a, sermon- r//;, .... ahmnn. 

n. numa, iidma, T&\av t nomen, .... namfi. 

m. bhrfHar-am, brdtnr-em, warep-a, frairem bruthur. 

f. duhitar-am, dityhdhar-em, OvyaTep-a, matr-em, .... dauhtar. 

in. dritur-am, ddtdr-em, Sorfjp-a, dator-em, 

n. vachas, vac/id* eiro^ opus, .... .... 


158. The instrumental is denoted in Sanskrit by ^rr d ; 
and this inflexion is, in my opinion, a [G. Ed. p. 188.] 
lengthening of the pronominal base v a, and identical with 
the preposition ^T a, "to," "towards," "up to," which 
springs from this pronoun, and appears only as a prefix. 
The Zend a appears still more decidedly in its pronominal 
nature in the compound mentioned at . 156. Note *, AUI 
ft-dem> "him," "this," (m.) fern. $^JAJ A-danm. As a 
case-sign, .uj d generally appears abbreviated (see p. 163. 
Note J), even where this termination has been melted into 
one with a preceding AS a of the base ; so that in this case 
the primary form and the instrumental are completely 
similar; e.g. A$t^^^ zafaha, "voluntarily," AJ^^ASJAJ 
azadsha, " involuntarily," (V. S. p. 12.) Ajy(3^Aj6^M3 skyadtlwa, 
"actione" often occur; juyA* ana, "through this" (m.), 
AJp^gjjp^Aso) paiti-bereta, " allevato.^ The long d appears 
in the instrumental only in monosyllabic bases in A3 a; 
thus AM^ khd, "proprio" V. S. p. 46.), from the base AJ^ 
kha (Sanskrit ^ swa, . 35.). In Sanskrit a euphonic H n 
is added to bases ending with short vowels in the masc. 

* See.56 b . 

t Cf. Gramm. Crit. r. 638. Rem. This interesting instrumental form 
was not known by Rask when he published his work on the Zend, and 
it was not easy to discover it, on account of its discrepancy from the San- 
skrit and the many other forms with final AS a. 


and neut. genders;* a final ^r a, however, is, as in several 
other cases, changed into s ; and the w & of the case- 
suffix is shortened, as it appears to me, by the influence of 
this clog of the base ; as ^ofenj vrik8-n-a, but rfjiIT ayni- 
n-fl,, ^ifwi vdri-n-d, *3Tf sunu-n-a t *WU madhu-n-d, from 
TO vrika, &c. The Vedas, however, exhibit further 
remains of formations without the euphonic n, as TSTTTOT 
swapnay-d for T3$"T swapne-n-a from ^fif swajma, m. "sleep" 
(see . 133.) ; T5*TT uru-y-& for ^JTJTT uru-n-a, from srjj uru, 
"great, 11 with a euphonic \y(- 43.); IFR&l praMhav-A, from 
mrzpraldhu, from *ffi| bAhu, "arm," with the preposition 
[G. Ed. p. 189.1 n pra. The Veda-form ^TCTm swapnayA, 
finds analogies in the common dialect in mn rarr^i, 
" through me," and ^pqi timy^ " through thec, from the 
bases ma and toa, the a of which in this case, as in the 
loc., passes into &. And from trfit pati, m. " Lord, 11 and 
*rffc sakhi, m. " friend, 11 the common dialect forms instru- 
mentals without the interposition of ^ n, viz. TTWT paty-d, 
^4^|| sakhy-d* Feminines never admit a euphonic ?i; but 
d, as before some other vowel terminations, passes into 
^ , that is to say, i is blended with it, and it is shortened 
to^ra; hence, fvfigiR jihway-d (from jihwd + d). The Zend 
follows in this the analogy of the Sanskrit. 

159. As & in Gothic, according to . 69., just like 6, re- 
presents w d, so the forms tkS, hv$, which Grimm (pp. 790. 
and 798.) regards as instrumentals, from the demonstrative 
base THA and the interrogative HVA, correspond very 
remarkably to the Zend instrumentals, as AM^O khd from 
the base AJ^ kha. We must, however, place also sve 
in the class of genuine Zend instrumental forms, which 
have been correctly preserved : besides svd from SVA is also, 

* The original has u Stammen gen. masc. und fem. ;" but genitives of 
nouns in a do not take a euphonic //, nor do feminine nouns ending in 
short vowels use such an augme it in the instrumental : here is no doubt 
some typographic error. Editor. 


in respect of its base, akin to AN^ khd from kha (. 35.).* 
The meaning of sv$ is " as " (<!>$), and the so, which lias arisen 
in High German from sva or svt, means both "as" and 
" so," &c. The case relations, however, which are expressed by 
"as" and " so" are genuine instrumental, t [G. Ed. p. 190.] 
The Anglo-Saxon form for sv$ is svu, in which the colouring 
of the Zend AM^ khd is most truly preserved. The Gothic 
sva, " so," is, according to its form, only the abbreviation of 
sv$, as a is the short equivalent both of & and of 6 : through 
this abbreviation, however, sva has become identical with 
its theme, just as Ayu ana in Zend is, according to . 158., 
not distinguished from its theme. 

160. f As the dative in Gothic and in Old High German 
very frequently expresses the instrumental relation, and 
the termination also of the dative is identical with the 
Sanskrit-Zend instrumental character, shortened only, as 
in polysyllabic words in Zend, it may be proper here to 
describe at the same time the formation of the German 
dative. In a bases it is in Gothic, as in Zend, identical 
with the theme, and from VVLFA comes vulfa, as A5j7fevj(? 
vehrka from VEHRKA. Moreover, there are some other 
remarkable datives, which have preserved their due length, 
and answer to the monosyllabic instruinentals th&, vt>, sue, 
which have been already explained, viz. hvamme-h, hvar- 
yamm$-h, "cuique" and ainumm&-hun, "ulli" for ainamme 

* Grimm's conjectures regarding the forms sva and sve (111.43.) ap- 
pear to me untenable ; and an explanation of these forms, without the 
intervention of the Sanskrit and Zend, is impossible. More regarding this 
at the pronouns. 

t If " as " is regarded as " through which means, in which manner or 
way/' and "so " as "through this means, in this way," it is certain that 
among the eight cases of the Sanskrit language there is none which would 
be adapted in the relative and demonstrative to express "as*' arid " so." 

I The German dat. sing, is according to . 356. Hem. 3., to be every- 
where identified with the Sanskrit dative ; and so, too, the dat. pi. the m 
of which approaches as closely to the Sansk. bhyas^ Latin bus, Lith. 
as the instrumental termination bhit, Lith. mis. 


hun (. 66.).* Bases in i reject this vowel before the case- 
sign ; hence yas-a for gasti-a : on the other hand, in the 
u bases the termination is suppressed, and the base-vowel 
receives the Guna: hence sunau, which will have been pro- 
nounced originally su-nav-a ; so that, after suppressing the 
termination, the v has again returned to its original vowel 
nature. The form sunav-a would answer to the Veda form 
U^rnrTT pra-bAhav-d. In Zend, the bases which terminate 
with .5 i and > u, both in the instrumental and before most 

[G. Ed. p. 101.] *of the other vowel terminations, assume 
Guna or not at pleasure. Thus we find in the Vend. S. p. 469, 
A* bdzav-a, "brachio" as analogous to IRli^T pra- 
-64/iaw-d (. 57.); on the other hand, p. 408, Asod^uiJMg zanthwa 
from zanlu, "the slaying," "killing. 1 " From >j&^$ panmu, 
" dust,*' we find, 1. c. p. 229, the form ?[<&& pansnu, which 
Anquetil translates by "par cette poussicre"; and if the read- 
ing is correct, then ptin&nt}, in regard of the suppressed ter- 
mination (compensation for which is made by lengthening 
the base vowel ), would answer to the Gothic sunuu. 

161. Bases ending with a consonant have lost, in Ger- 
man, the dative character : hence, in Gothic, fyand, ahmin, 
brfttkr (. 132.), for fiyand-a, ahmin-a, brfithr-a.} 1 All femi- 
nines, too, must be pronounced to have lost the dative 
sign, paradoxical as it may appear to assert that the Gothic 
gibai, "dono" and thizai, "fctifc," izai, " ei" do not contain 
any dative inflexion, while we formerly believed the ai of 
gibai to be connected with the Sanskrit feminine dative 

* Hero the appended particle has preserved the original length of the 
termination, as is the case in Zeud in all instrumental, if they are com- 
bined with A5^ cha, " and/' 

t The Old High German formfatere (forfatera), "patri? proceeds, 
as do the genitive fatcrc-s, and the accusative fatera-n, from a theme 
FA TERA, extended by a. The accusative fatera-n, however, is remark- 
alile, because substantives, so early as in the Gothic, have lost the accusa- 
tive sign, together with the final vowel of the base. In Old High German a 
few other substantives and proper names follow the analogy of PATERA. 


character $ di. But as we have recognised in the mas- 
culine and neuter dative the Indo-Zend instrumental, 
we could not, except from the most urgent necessity, 
betake ourselves to the Sanskrit dative for explanation of 
the Gothic feminine dative. This necessity, however, 
does not exist, for, e.g., hveitai, "albae" from HVEITO from 
HVEITA, may be deduced from the instrumental ^fmn 
sw$tay-d 9 " alba" from ^j?TT swdtd, by suppressing . the ter- 
mination, and changing the semi- vowel to a vowel in the 
same manner as, above, sunau from sunav-a, [G. Ed. p. 102.] 
or as the fern, handau, " manui" from handav-a. Analogous 
with sunau, handau, are also the dative feminine i bases; 
and, p.g. t anstai, "gratia," has the same relation to its theme 
ANSTI that handau has to HAND U. 

162. In Old High German the forms diu, hviu, corre- 
spond to the Gothic instrumental th$, hv& ; but authorities 
differ as to the mode of writing them,* regarding which 
we shall say more under the pronouns. The form hiu, 
also, from a demonstrative base HI, has been preserved in 
the compound hiutu for hiu-tagu, " on this day," 1 " to-day" 
(see Grimm, p. 794), although the meaning is here pro- 
perly locative. The Gothic has for it the dative himmn- 
-daga. This termination u has maintained itself also in 
substantive and adjective bases masc. neut. in a and i, 
although it is only sparingly used, and principally after the 
preposition mit (see Graff, I.e. pp. 110, 111); mii wortu, 
41 with a word," from WORT A; mit cuatu, " with good," from 
C UA TA ; mit kastu, " with a guest," from KASTL It is here 
important to remark, that the instrumental in Sanskrit 
very frequently expresses, per se, the sociative relation. 
We cannot, however, for this reason look upon this u case 
as generically different from the common dative, which, we 
have already remarked, is likewise of instrumental origin 

* With reference to their use with various prepositions we refer our 
readers to Graff's excellent treatise, " The Old High German Preposi- 
tions," p. 181, &c. 

N 2 


and meaning: we rather regard the u* as a corruption 
[G. Ed. p. 193.] (although one of very ancient date) of u, 
just as in the neuter plural of pronouns and adjectives a u 
corresponds to the short a of the Gothic and the older cognate 
languages. In Lithuanian the a bases form their instru- 
mental in u, which is long, and in which the final vowel 
of the base 1ms been melted down. That this u, also, has 
arisen from a long , and thus, c. g. diewu is akin to the 
Zend A5^A^ da&va, "deo" for AW^AS^ dafod, appears to 
me the less doubtful, as also in the plural diewais answers 
very surprisingly to jcv3jjo>^Ay dafodis, *^Nt x d&vdis. More- 
over, in many other parts of grammar, also, the Lithuanian 
?/ corresponds to the Sanskrit W d ; e. g. in the plural 
genitive. In feminine a bases, also, in Lithuanian, the 
vowel of the base is melted down with that of the termi- 
nation, but its quality is not changed ; as, e.g. ranka 
" manu? from RANKA. In all other bases mi stands as 
the termination, to which the plural instrumental termi- 
nation mis has the same relation as, in Latin, bis to hi 
(voEIS, tiBI) ; and, according to . 63., I do not doubt 
that in both numbers the m has arisen from b. 

163. The bases given in . 148. form, in the instrumental 
and in the Gothic, in the dative, 





m. vrik$-n-a, 




f. jihway-A. 




m. paty-d. 




# Contrary to Grimm's opinion, I cannot let the instrumental u pass as 
long, even not to notice its derivation from a short a ; for, first, it ap- 
pears, according to Notker, in the pronominal forms diu> &e. without a cir- 
cumflex (other instrumental of the kind do not occur in his works); 
secondly, like the short a, it is exchanged for o (. 77.); hence, wio, 
w?o, with win, wio-lih, hueo-lih, "qualis" (properly, "similar to whom"); 
thirdly, the length of this u cannot be deduced from the Gothic forms th$, 
hv$, sv$ 9 because these, in all probability, owe the retention of their long 
vowel to their being monosyllabic (cf. . 137.). 





f. pr$ty-d 9 dfrt/hy-a, awi-mi> 

f. bhavivhyanfy-d, bushyainty-a, .... 






sunu-mit sunau. ^ 




.... handau. jg 


vadli W"d 



f. qav~d> 


t^tttx w,, 










.... fiyand. 



asman-a 9 

.... ahmin. 




.... namin. 




.... brdthr. 




.... dauhtr. 







164. In Sanskrit and Zend, is the sign of the dative, 
which, I have scarce any doubt, originally belongs to the 
demonstrative base #, whence the nom. ^np^ ayam (from 
<? + rtw), "this"; which, however, as it appears, is itself 
only an extension of the base ^r a, from which arise most 
of the cases of this pronoun (a-smdi, a-smdt, a-smin, &c.) ; 
and regarding which it is to be observed, that the common 
a bases, also, in Sanskrit in many cases extend this vowel 
to^ by the admixture of an i (. 2.). The dative sign con- 
sequently would, in its origin, be most intimately con- 
nected with the case, which, as (. 160.) was explained, de- 
notes, in German, both the dative and instrumental rela- 
tion, and occurs in Zend also with a dative signification.* 

* E.g. Vend. S. p. 45: 
fj7<3>o> ^$>JAMtt<5 Ha6m6atfzdnditibisdadhditic8ait6-puthrim,"H6m 
gives a splendid daughter to those who have not had offspring." The 
lithographed Codex, however, gives the form aztednditibis as three words, 


[G. Ed. p. 195.] We have here further to remark, that in 
the pronoun of the 2d person the affix wru bhyam (from 
bin + am) in HW tu-bhyam, " to thee," stands in evident 
relationship to the instrumental fa* bids in the plural. 
The feminine bases in A, u, and, at will also, those in i and 
M, prolong in Sanskrit the dative termination TJ to ^ a* ; 
with the final A of the base an i is blended ; hence fifSfni 
jihwuy-ai from jivAi-Ai. On the other hand, ^ i and ^ u re- 
ceive the Guna augment before u e, but not before the 
broader $ Ca\ as ^rT^ siinav-$ from sunu. In Zend, femi- 
nine a and i-bases, like the Sanskrit, have ai for their termi- 
nation : however, hizvAy-Ai is not used, but jAM^Ajx^jfey 
hizvay-Ai, from the base hizvu, as long vowels in the penulti- 
mate, in polysyllabic bases, are so frequently shortened. 
Bases in j i have, in combination with the particle AS^J cha, 
preserved the Sanskrit form most truly, and exhibit, without 
exception in this case, the form A^/OAS^AS ay-a8-cha (see 
. 28.), e.g. As^OAj^-xsfeJO^ karstayakha, " and on account 
of the ploughing," " in order to plough" (Vend. S. p. 198), 
[G. Ed. p. 19C.O from karste. Without cha, however, the 
form ;o e$ is almost the sole one that occurs, e.g. 
^g^og^Aj^ khareteh "in order to eat, 1 ' from jpg?As^ khareti. 
This form, I doubt not, has arisen from JO^AJ aij-&> by re- 
jecting the semi-vowel, after which the preceding AS a has 
become f e (. 31.). Forms like A>$>^U.XU Afritd* or g^ugjus 

Afrit e, which sometimes occur, and are most corrupted, may 

azi zdnditi Us. Such separations in the middle of a 
word are, however, in this Codex, quite common. I entertain no doubt 
of the correctness of the length of the a, both of zd and ndi; and I anti- 
cipate a variety azizanaitibis or Ws. Probably also csa&to is to be read for 
csaito. Anquetil translates : " Horn, donnez a la femme, qui n'a pas 
encore engendre*, beaucoup d'enfans brillans." We will return to this passage 
hereafter; and we will here further remark that, at the same page of the 
Vend. S., the instr. AOJJ/OAJ a&bis also occurs in the sense of "to them." 
* Cf. p. 280 Note t 


rest on errors in writing.* Bases in u may take Guna ; 
e.g. wnuw^uy van-hav-i from w^vyvanhu, "pure"; or not, 
as ;o<3As7 rathv-d from >$>*$? ratu, "great," "lord." The 
form without Guna is the more common. A euphonic $$ y 
also is found interposed between the base and the termi- 
nation (.43.) e.j/. A3^>yAsp tanu-y~& " corpori" 

165. Bases in ^r a add to the case-sign also an ^ a ; 
but from ^ e ( = a +i) and a is formed WT aya ; and this, 
with the a of the base, gives dya, thus <pFTO vrikdya. 
Hence may have arisen, by suppressing the final a, the 
Zendian jjus^wgc? vehrkdi, after which the preceding semi- 
vowel must return to its vowel nature. It might, how- 
ever, be assumed, that the Zend has never added an a to 
the dative e, and that this is a later appearance in Sanskrit, 
which arose after the division of languages; for from a -f-e 
is formed, quite regularly, di (. 2.). The Sanskrit forms 
also, from the particle *R sma, which is added to pro- 
nouns of the 3d person, the dative ^ smdi ; and thus, e.g. 
ouvt kasmdi, " to whom" ? answers to the Zend JAW^AJ^ 
kahmdi. The Sanskrit, in this case, abstains from adding 
the ^r a, which is elsewhere appended to the dative ^ ; 
since w sma, already encumbered with the preceding prin- 
cipal pronoun, cannot admit any superfluity in its termi- 
nation, and for this reason gives up its radi- [G. Ed. p. 197.] 
cal ^sr a before the termination ^ in in the locative case 
(ilso, and forms sm-in for smdn. 

166. The particle w sma, mentioned in the preceding sec- 
tion, which introduces itself between the base and the ter- 
mination, not only in the singular, but (and this, in fact, 
occurs in pronouns of the two first persons) in the plural also, 
if not separated from both as I have first attempted to shew 

dfiite is undoubtedly incorrect: however, e is often 
found erroneously for ;o e in other forms also. 


in my Sanskrit Grammar gives to the pronominal declen- 
sion the appearance of greater peculiarity than it in fact 
possesses. As this particle recurs also in the cognate 
European languages, and there, as I have already elsewhere 
partly shewn, solves several enigmas of declension, we 
will therefore here, at its first appearance, pursue all its 
modifications and corruptions, as far as it is possible. In 
Zend, sma, according to . 53., has been changed to hma; 
and also in Prakrit and Pali, in the plural of the two first 
persons, the s has become h, and besides, by transposition 
of the two consonants, the syllable hma has been altered 
to mha ; e.g. Prakrit w% amh$, " we" (a/i/ie?), Pali tn^rai^ 
amhdkam, Zend v^J-** 5 ^ ahmdkem t fjp.c>>i\ From the Prakrit- 
Pali mha we arrive at the Gothic nsa in u-nsa-ra, w&v, 
u-mi-s,* "nobis" "wos," In that the Gothic has left the 
sibilant unaltered, it stands on an older footing than the 
Pali and Prakrit; and on the other hand, by the change 
of m into w, for more facile combination with the follow- 
ing s, it rests on a more modern stage. We cannot, 
therefore, any longer assume the ns of uns, " nos," to be 
[G. Ed. p. 198.] the common accusative termination, as we 
have formerly done in unison with Grimmt cf. vulfa-ns, 
yasti-ns, sunu-ns and thence allow it, as though it had be- 
come a property of the base, to enter into some other cases, 
and connect it with new case-terminations. To this is op- 
posed, also, the 2d person, where ixvis (i-zvi-s) stands in the 
accusative, and yet in essentials the two persons are identical 
in their declension ; uns, " nobis" " nbs," stands, therefore, for 
uusi-s (from unsa-s), and this has s as the case-suffix, and u-nsa 
(weakened from u-mi) as the compound base. And we 

* The a' being changed into t, according to r. 67. 

t I. 813. " unsara appears to be derived from the accusative uns, as 
also the dative unsis, which, with izivis, preserves a parallel sound to the 
dative singular." Cf. I. 813. 34. 


cannot, also, any longer regard the u of unsa-ra, " nostri" 
&c. as the vocalized v of veis, "we," although the i of 
izvara, "vestri? &c. can be nothing else than the vocalized 
y of yus, " your" ; for in Sanskrit, also, the syllable ^ yu of 
y&yam, ye," (. 43.) goes through all the oblique cases, 
while in the 1st person the ^ v of *R^ vayam, "we," is 
limited to the nominative, but the oblique cases combine a 
base TO a with the particle w sma. This a, then, in Gothic, 
through the influence of the following liquid, has become 
M ; hence, unza-rn, &c. for ans-ara (. 66.). 

167. As in Zend, the Sanskrit possessive ^r swa shews 
itself* in very different forms in juxta-position with diffe- 
rent letters, so I believe I can point out the particle 
W sma in Gothic at least under four forms ; namely, 
as nsa, zva, gka, and mma. The first has been already 
discussed ; the second zva, and in a weakened form zvi 
occurs in the pronoun of the 2d person, in the place where 
the 1st has nsa (nsi) ; and while in the cognate Asiatic 
languages (Sanskrit, Zend, Pali, Prakrit), as also in Greek and 
Lithuanian, the two pronouns run quite [G. Ed. p. 199.] 
parallel in the plural, since they both exhibit the interposed 
particle under discussion, either in its original form, or simi- 
larly modified, in Gothic a discrepancy has arisen between the 
two persons, in that the syllable sma has in them been 
doubly transformed. The form zva from sma rests, first, 
on the not surprising change of the s into z (. 86. 5.) J 
secondly, on the very common change of m and v (. 63.). 

168. From the Gothic downwards, the particle sma has 
been still further corrupted in the German dialects, in the 
pronoun of the 2d person, by the expulsion of the sibilant. 
The Old High German i-wa-r has nearly the same relation 
to the Gothic i-zva-ra that the Homeric genitive TOIO has 

* See Ann. of Lit. Crit. March 1831, p. 376, &c. 


to the Sanskrit TTO tasya, which is older than the Homeric 
form. Compare, without intervention of the Gothic, the 
Old High German i-wa-r> i-u, i-wi-h, with the Sanskrit 
yu-shmd-kam, yu~shma-bhyam, yu-shmd-n, and with the Li- 
thuanian yu-su, jju-mus, yu-s : thus it would be regarded as 
settled, that the w or u belongs to the base, but is not the 
corrupted remainder of a far-extended intermediate pro- 
noun ; and it would be incorrect to divide iw-ar, iw-ih, iu, 
for i-wa-r, &c. I, too, formerly entertained that erroneous 
opinion. A repeated examination, and the enlarged views 
since then obtained through the Zend, Prakrit, and Pali, 
leave me thoroughly convinced, that the Gothic interme- 
diate syllable zva has not been lost in High German, but 
that one portion of it has been preserved even to our 
time (c-ue-r from i-zva-ra, e~u-ch from i-zvi-s, Old High 
German i-ivi-li) : on the other hand, the u of the base yu 
(3 y ?l ) as * n Gothic so also in the oldest form of the High 
[G. Ed. p. 200.] German, is rejected in the oblique cases, 
botli in the plural and in the dual* ; and the Gothic i- zva-ra, 
Old High German i-wa-r, &c., stand for yu-zva-ra t yu-wa~r. 
The Old Saxon, however, and Anglo-Saxon, like the Lithua- 
nian, shew themselves, in respect to the preservation of the 
base, more complete than the Gothic, and carry the u, 
which in Anglo-Saxon has become o, through all the 
oblique cases: iu-we-r, eo-ve-r, "'vestri" &c. If merely 
the two historical extremes of the forms here under dis- 
cussion the Sanskrit and New German forms be con- 
trasted with one another, the assertion must appear very 
paradoxical, that euer and tTOTcin^ yushmdkam are connected, 
and, indeed, in such wise, that the u of euer has nothing 

* So much the more remarkable is the u, which is still retained in the 
North Friesian dialect (Grimm, p. 814), where, e.g. yu-nke-r, yu-nk y in 
regard to the base, distinguishes itself advantageously from the Gothic 
i-yyva-ra, i-nqci-s. 


in common with the u of IT yu, but finds its origin in the 
m of the syllable w sma. 

169. The distinction of the dual and plural in the oblique 
cases of the two first persons is not organic in German ; for 
the two plural numbers are distinguished originally only by 
the case-terminations. These, however, in our pronouns 
are, in Gothic, the same; and the difference between the 
iwo plural numbers appears to lie in the base uyka-ra,* 
vwiV, unsa-ra, ^/zwv, igqva-ra, cr^eotv, izva-ra, vfjL&v. But from 
a more close analysis of the forms in the two plural num- 
bers, and from the light afforded us by the cognate Asiatic 
languages, it appears that the proper base is also idehtical 
in the two plural numbers ; and it is only the particle sma 
combined with it which has become doubly corrupted, and 
then the one form has become fixed in the dual, the other in 
the plural. The former comes nearest to [G. Ed. p. 20J.] 
the Prakrit-Pali form T? mha, and between u-nsa-ra and 
u-gka-ra (=u-nka-ra) an intervening u-nha-ra or u-mha-ra 
must be assumed. At least I do not think that the old s be- 
came k at one spring, but that the latter is a hardened form 
of an earlier A, which has remained in the Prakrit and Pali, 
as in the singular nominative the k of ik has been developed 
from the h of ^*r aham. The second person gives, in 
Gothic, qv (=kv . 86. i.) for k, while the other dialects leave 
the guttural the same form in both persons : Old High Ger- 
man, u-ncha-r 9 i-ncha-r; Old Slavonic, u-nkc-r, i-nke-r ; 
Anglo-Saxon, w-nce-r, i-nce-r. It would consequently 
appear proved that the dual and plural of the two first 
persons are not organically or originally different, but be- 
long, as distortions and mutilations of different kinds, to 
one and the same original form; and that therefore these 
two pronouns have preserved the old dual just as little as 

* It must not be overlooked, that hereof before fr only represents the 
nasal answering to k (86. 1.). 


the other pronouns and all substantive and adjective de- 

170. The fourth form in which *u sma appears in Gothic 
is that which I first remarked, and which I have brought 
forward already in the "Annals of Oriental Literature*" 
(p. 16). What I have there said, that the datives singular, 
like thamma, imma, have arisen, by assimilation, from tha- 
sma, i-sma, I have since found remarkably confirmed by 
the Grammar of the Old Prussian published by Vater, a 
language which is nearly connected with the Lithuanian 
and Gothic, since here all pronouns of the third person 
have smu in the dative. Compare, e.g. antar-smu with the 
Gothic anthara-mma, "to the other": ka-smu with the 
Gothic hva-mma, "to whom?" We have also shewn in 
Greek, since then, a remnant of the appended pronoun & 
sma similar to the Gothic, and which rests on assimilation, 

[G. Ed. p. 202.] since we deduced the ^Eolic forms a-/i/x-es, 
V-W-GS, &c\, from a-a/te-ef, v-crne+es, to which the common 
forms jj/xeft, fyxeV, have the same relation that the Old High 
German de-mu has to the Gothic tha-mma, only that jy/xe??, /xe?, 
in respect to the termination e?, are more perfect than the 
.ZEolic forms, since they have not lost the vowel of the particle 
<r/ue, but have contracted /ze-ej to ^e?. 

171. The Gothic datives in mma are, as follows from 
. 160., by origin, instrumental,* although the particle sma 
in Sanskrit has not made its way into these cases, and e.g. 
frff t&na, " through him," not tasrrtfna, or, according to the 
Zend principle (. 158.), tasma (for tasmd), is used ; I 
say, according to the Zend principle; for though in this 

* The difference between the forms th$, hve, explained at . 159., and 
the datives tha-mma, hva-mma, consists first in this, that the latter express 
the case relation by the affixed particle, the former in the main base ; 
secondly, in this, that thamma, hvamma> for thammd, hvamm&, on account 
of their being polysyllabic, have not preserved the original length of 
the termination (cf. }. 137.) 


language hma has entered inio the instrumental masciuine 
and neuter, this case in the base ta could only be AifgAsp tahma 
or Au(gM> tahmA (from ta-hma-d). In the feminine, as we 
can sufficiently prove, the appended pronoun really occurs in 
the instrumental ; and while e.g. from the masculine and neuter 
base AyAs ana, "this" (m.), "this" (n.), we have found the 
instrumental of the same sound Asy-xs ana not anahma, from 
the demonstrative base AS a occurs rather often the feminine 
instrumental AJ^(JA> ahmy-a, from the fern, base ^^AJ ahmi, 
increased by the appended pronoun. 

172. The Sanskrit appended pronoun [_ G - Ed - P- 208.] 
33 sma should, in the feminine, form either T&\ sma or ^ft 
smi: on the latter is based the Zend form ^^Jkmi t mentioned 
at . 171. But in Sanskrit the feminine form wfr smi has 
been preserved only in such a mutilated condition,* that be- 
fore my acquaintance with the Zend I could not recognise it. 
From ta-smi must come the dative ta-smy-di, the gen. and 
ablative ta-smy-as, and the locative tarsmy-dm. These forms, 
by rejecting the m, have become abbreviated to w^ ta-sy-di, 
irerrc^ ta-sy-ds, ireiT^ ta-sy-dm; and the same is the case 
with the feminine pronoun smi in all similar compounds ; so 
that the forms mentioned appear to have proceeded from the 
masculine and neuter genitive tasya, by the annexation of new 
case-terminations. This opinion was the more to be relied 
on, that in Gothic, also, the feminine forms thi-zds, " hujus" 

* The Zend, too, has not everywhere so fully preserved the feminine 
hmiy as in the instr. a-hmy-a; but in the genitive, dative, and ablative 
has gone even farther than the Sanskrit in the demolition of this word, 
and has therein rejected not only the m but also the ?. The feminine 
guwjuU a-nh-do(.5G*.) 9 "hujusj' for a-hmy-do, often occurs,- and for it 
also gusty J/JAS aink-do, in which the i is, to use the expression, a reflec 
tion of the lost $$ y (. 41.). From another demonstrative base we find 
the dative JAU^JU/A) ava-nh-di, and more than once the ablative 
f AS ava-nh-dt for ava-hmy-dii ava-hmy~dt. 


thi-zai, "huic" might be deduced from the masculine genitive 
this, by the addition of the terminations 6s and ai ; and as, too, 
in Lithuanian, the whole of the oblique cases singular of the 
1st and 2d person stand in close connection with the Sanskrit- 
Zend genitives IR mama, JtfuQ mana, ire tava, A5A5^o tava, 
and have the same as base. After discovering the Zend fe- 
[G. Ed. p. 204.] minine pronominal forms in hmy-a in the 
instrumental and locative in the latter fur hmy-anm the 
above-mentioned forms in Sanskrit cannot be regarded other- 
wise than as abbreviations ofta-smy-di, &c., as this is far more 
suited to the nature of the thing. The Gothic forms then, 
thiz6s t thizai, will be regarded as abbreviated, and must be di- 
vided into thi'z6-s, thi-zai. The masculine and neuter appended 
pronoun sma must, for instance, in Gothic give the feminine 
base SMO = TWT sma, as BLIND O, nom. blinda, "caca" from 
BLINDA, m. n. (nom. blind'-s, blinda-ta). SMO, however, 
by the loss of the m, as experienced by the Sanskrit in the 
feminine, has become SO ; but the s, on account of its posi- 
tion between two vowels (according to . 86. 5.), has become z. 
Therefore, thi-z6-s * has only s as case-sign, and the dative 
thi-zai, like gibai in . 161., is without case character. With 
the masculine and neuter genitive thi-s, therefore, thi-zd-s, thi- 
zai, have nothing in common but the demonstrative theme 
THA, and the weakening of its a to i (. 66.). 

173. Gothic adjective bases in a (Grimm's strong ad- 
jectives) which follow the pronominal declension, differ 
from it, however, in this point, that they do not weaken 
the final a of the base before the appended pronoun to i, 
but extend it to ai, and form the feminine dative from the 
simple theme, according to the analogy of the substan- 
tives :t hence blindai-z6-s, blindai, not blindi-z6-s, blindi-zai. 

* Cf. . 356. Rem. 3. p. 501. last line but seven, 
f With respect to the extension of the a to ai, compare the gen. pi. and 
Sanskrit forms, as tti-bhyas, " us, tfohdm, "eorum," for ta-lhyas, ta-sdm. 


174. The Zend introduces our pronominal syllable sma 
in the form of hma also into the second, and probably into 
the first person too: we find repeatedly, in the locative, 

thwa-hm-ii instead of the Sanskrit [G. Ed. p. 205.] 
r tway-i, and hence deduce, in the 1st person, ma-hirn'-i> 
which we cannot quote as occurring. The Prakrit, in this 
respect, follows the analogy of the Zend ; and in the 2d per- 
son gives the form twft* tuma-sm-i, " in thee," or, with 
assimilation, HHfwf tumammi, with TW tum& (from tuma-f) 

and if^ tat', and JfRfw mama-sin -i or swfnr mama-mmi, " in 
me, 11 together with the simple TO ma& and H[ mai* Ought 
not, therefore, in German also, in the singular of the two 
first persons, a remnant of the pronominal syllable sma to be 
looked for? The s in the Gothic mi-s, "to me/' thu-s 9 
"to thee," and si-s, "to himself," appears to me in no 
other way intelligible ; for in our Indo-European family of 
languages there exists no s as the suffix of the instrumental 
or dative. Of similar origin is the s in the plural u-nsi-s, 
"rio&W "??os," i-zvi-s, "vobis" "vos"; and its appearance in 
two otherwise differently denoted cases cannot therefore be 
surprising, because this s is neither the dative nor accusative 
character, but belongs to a syllable, which could be declined 
through all cases, but is here deprived of all case-sign. In 
u-nd-s, i-zvi-$, therefore, the Sanskrit w sma is doubly con- 
tained, once as the base, and next as the apparent case-suflix. 
I am inclined, also, to affirm of the above-mentioned Prakrit 
forms, tu-ma-smi, "in thee," and ma-ma-smX "in Hie," 
that they doubly contain the pronominal syllable sma, and 
that the middle syllable has dropped a preceding s. For 
there is no more favourite and facile combination in our 
class of languages! than of a pronoun with a pronoun ; and 
what is omitted by one dialect in this respect is often 
afterwards supplied by another more modern dialect. 

* See Essai sur le Pali, by E. Burnouf and Lassen, pp. 173. 175. 


[G. Ed. p. 206.] 175. The k in the Gothic accusatives ml-k, 
thu-k, si-k (me, te, se), may be deduced, as above, in u-gka-ra, 
vw/V, &c., from s, by the hardening of an intervening li ; so 
that mi-s is altered to mi-h, and thence to mi-k ; and there- 
fore, in the singular, as also in the plural, the dative and ac- 
cusative of the two first persons are, in their origin, identical. 
In Old High German and Anglo-Saxon our particle ap- 
pears in the accusative singular and plural in the same 
form : Old High German mi-h " me," di-h, ' thee," u-nsi-h, 
"us,"" z-tw-A, "you"; Anglo-Saxon me-c, "me," u-si-c, "us," 
ihe-c 9 "thee," eo-vi-c, "you": on the other hand, in the 
dative singular the old $ of the syllable sma has become r 
in the High German, but has disappeared in the Old Saxou 
and Anglo-Saxon: Old High German mz-r, d*-r; Old 
Saxon mi, thi ; Anglo-Saxon me, the. 

176. In Lithuanian *n sma appears in the same form 
as in the middle of the above-mentioned (. 174.) Prakrit 
forms ; namely, with s dropped, as ma ; arid indeed, first, in 
the dative and locative sing, of the pronouns of the 3d per- 
son and adjectives ; and, secondly, in the genitive dual of the 
two first persons : we cannot, however, refer to this the m 9 
which the latter in some cases have in common with the 
substantive declension. The pronominal base TA, and the 
adjective base GERA, form, in the dative, ta-mui, " to thee," 
gerd-mui, " to the good " (shortened tdm, gerdm), and in the 
locative ta-md, gera-m& ; and if -mui and -me are compared 
with the corresponding cases of the substantive a bases, it 
is easily seen that mui and me have sprung from ma. The 
pronouns of the two first persons form, in the genitive dual, 
mil-mil, yu-m&y according to the analogy of ponu, " of the 
two lords." 

* We have a remnant of a more perfect form of the particle CT sma in 
the locative interrogative form ka-mmi>, wlicre "? Sansk. Tftfera ka-smin^ 



177. Lithuanian substantives have i for [G. Ed. p. 207.] 
the dative character, but i bases have ei * ; a final a before 
this i passes into u ; hence wilku-i. Although we must refuse 
a place in the locative to the dative i of the Greek and Latin, 
still this Lithuanian dative character appears connected with 
the Indo-Zend , so that only the last element of this diph- 
thong, which has grown out of a + i, has been left. For 
the Lithuanian has, besides the dative, also a real locative, 
which, indeed, in the a bases corresponds exactly with the 
Sanskrit and Zend. 

178. The nominal bases, Sanskrit, Zend, and Lithuanian, 
explained at . 148., excepting the neuters ending with a 
vowel and pronouns, to the full declension of which we 
shall return hereafter, form in the dative : 














paite-e ? \ 







bhavishyanty-n i, 







"in whom," which, according to the common declension, would be 
cffCT kasm& (from kasma-i). Compare the Gothic hvamma, " to whom?" 
for hvasma. 

* The form dwiui, with dwiei appeal's to admit of being explained as 
arising from the commixture of the final vowel of the a bases. 

t The form Tnq patyd is, with respect to its want of Guna, irregular, 
and should be xnr^k patayS. 

t In combination with AS^J cha we find in V. S., p. 473. AS^JTO^CXUSQ) 
paithy$-cha, and hence deduce for the instrumental (p. 193 G. Ed.) the form 
paittiya^ while, according to . 47., also paitya might be expected. From 
jtflMW had, *' friend," I find in V. S., p. 162, the instrumental AJ^-VK^ASW 

hacaya with Guna, after the analogy of the A5AJjAMj bdxava, mentioned 
at $. 160. 



tanu-y-v* . . . . 




. . 



f. gav-b 































* I give ;o,^> JAS^O tanuy& with euphonic #", because I have found this 
form frequently, which, however, cannot, for this reason, he considered us 
peculiar to the feminine ; and, instead of it, also tanv& and tanave may be 
regarded as equally correct. Cf. . 43., where, however, it is necessary to 
observe, that the insertion of a euphonic b$ y between u and ^ is not 
everywhere necessary; and, for instance, in the dative is the more rare form. 

t The e in X>?<$^9>^$ dughdfifrS, and in the instr. AJ?(OOJ>j) 
dughdhfra, is placed there merely to avoid the harsh combination of three 
consonants. I deduce these forms from the plural genitive 
dughdJier-ahm 9 for v : '8$2^9 JL5 dugJidhr-ahm. 

I Respecting TfT^ ndmne, for TTR^T ndmane, and so in the instru- 
mental 7TOT namndy for rfWHT ndma?ia, see .140. In Zend, in this and 
similar words, I have not met with the rejection of the a in the weakest 
cases (. 130.), but examples of its retention, e.g. in the compound aocto- 
-naman, whence the genitive aocto-namano (Vend. S. p. 4, and frequently). 
I consider the initial a in this compound as the negation, without eupho- 
nic n ; for in all probability it means " having untold (countless) names/' 
Similar compounds precede, viz. g7ju;BAJ5 ^^VAS^^AJO tyjjj^MW 
AJIJU^JJJJASAJ hazanro-gJiadshaM bafoare-chashmano, "of the thousand 
eared, ten thousand eyed." Cf. Anquetil II. 82. In words in van, on 
the other hand, A$ a is rejected in the weakest cases, and then the 
v becomes > u or & o. Regarding the addition of the j i in 
ndmain$, see $.41. 



179. The Ablative in Sanskrit has TT t [G. Ed. p. 209.] 
for its character, regarding the origin of which there can no 
longer be any uncertainty, as soon as the influence of 
pronouns on the formation of cases has been recognised, as 
we are conducted at once to the demonstrative base fa, 
which already, in the neuter nominative, and accusative, 
has assumed the nature of a case-sign, and which we shall 
subsequently, under the verb, see receiving the function of 
a personal termination. This ablative character, however, 
has remained only in bases in ^f a, which is lengthened 
before it ; a circumstance that induced the Indian Gramma- 
rians, who have been followed by the English, to represent 
'BTIff dt as the ablative termination. It would therefore be 
to be assumed, that in ^pFTW vrikdt the a of the base has 
been melted down with the of the termination.* 

180. M. E. Burnouft has been the first [G. Ed. p. 210.] 
to bring home the ablative character to a class of words in 
Zend which had lost it in Sanskrit, and whence it can be 
satisfactorily inferred that a simple t, and not at, is the true 
ablative character. We mean the declension in w, of which 
hereafter. As regards bases in a, which in Sanskrit alone 
have preserved the ablative, we have to observe, that in 

* I have drawn attention already, in the first (German) edition of my 
Sanskrit Grammar, to the arbitrary and unfounded nature of this assump- 
tion (. 156. and 264.) ; and I have deduced from the ablatives of the 
pronouns of the two first persons (mat, twat) that either at with short a, or, 
more correctly, a simple t, must be regarded as the ablative termination. 
This view I supported in the Latin edition of my Grammar, on the ground 
that in old Latin also a simple d appears as the suffix of the ablative. But 
since then the justness of my opinion regarding the Sanskrit ablative has 
been still more emphatically confirmed by the Zend language, because the 
Zend stands in a closer and more evident connection with the Sanskrit 
than does the Latin. 

"T Nouveau Journal Asiatique 18*29, torn. III. 311. 



Zend also the short vowel is lengthened, and thus /j 
vehM-t answers to FT7r vrikd-t. Bases in ^ i have 6i-t 


in the ablative ; whence may be inferred in Sanskrit ablatives 
like nih^potf-f, TftScf prtte-t (. 33.), which, by adding Guna 
to the final vowel, would agree with genitives in e-s. The 
Zend-Avesta, as far as it is hitherto edited, nevertheless 
offers but few examples of such ablative forms in ij^ 6i-t : 
I owe the first perception of them to the word IJ^^O^AU 
&frit,6it, " benedidione? in a passage of the Vendidad,* ex- 
plained elsewhere, which recurs frequently. Examples of 
masculine bases are perhaps ij^/^oj^>^)A5^ *PJY*^ rajoit 
zaratustrditf " institutione zaratustrica " (V. S. p. 86), although 
otherwise J&M? raji, which I have not elsewhere met with, 
is a masculine : the adjective base zaratustri, however, be- 
longs to the three genders. From j7jAjg gairi, " moun- 
[G. Ed. p. 211.] tain, 11 occurs the ablative r^j^Mto gar&lt 
in the Yescht-Sade/}" Bases in u have i*iAj ao-t% in the 
ablative)) ; and in no class of words, with the exception of 

* See Gramm. Grit. add. ad r. 156. 

f What Anquetil UI. 170. Hem. 4, writes gueroedcm be nothing else 
than the ablative raj^uto garoit, for Anquetil generally expresses 
p by gu, A* by e, ^ by 6e, and rx> by d. The nominal base j7jA3^#az'n', 
however, is treated in Zend as if gari was the original form, and the t 
which precedes the r was produced by the final f, as remarked by 
M. Burnouf in the article quoted at p 173, and confirmed by the genitive 
.tttJ<^2uft> garois. That, however, which is remarked by M. Burnout^ 
1. c. with respect to the genitive, and of which the Vend. S. p. 64. affords 
frequent proof in the genitive J^^^OAS^ patois , must also be extended to 
the ablative in oit ; and the i, which, according to . 41., is adduced through 
the final j i of the base, is dropped again before this termination. 

J For this we also find i>c eut ; e.g. IXC^^AJ^ mainyeut from 

\\ Interchanges of A o and ^ 6 are particularly common, owing to the 
slight difference of these letters. Thus, e.g. for IX^AJ?^ mraot, "ho 
spoke," occurs very frequently /^^AJ?^ mraot; the former, however, is, 
as we can satisfactorily prove, the right reading ; for, first, it is supported 


that in cr, does the ablative more frequently occur, although 
these words are in number but five or six, the ablative use 
of which is very frequent; e.g. tK^uw^pu^ddonhaM, "crea- 
iione" from ddonhu, in a passage explained elsewhere* 
jx^Ajfeyjtf anhao-t, " mundo" from >w$v anhu ; ra^AjyAjp 
tanatif "corpore" from >yA*p fanu. Bases ending with con- 
sonants are just as little able to annex the [G. Ed. p. 212.] 
ablative r t without the intervention of another letter, as 
the accusative is to annex m without an intermediate letter; 
and they have at as their termination, numerous examples of 
which occur; e.g. rx>A5o>A ap-at, " aqud" ; I^A^AH dthr-at, 
" igne" ' 9 *x>AyA59t^AJ^j chashman-at, "ocufo"; i 
ndonlian-at "nr/so"; ^^L^JlJ druj-at, " damone" ', 
vis-at, "loco" (cf. vicus, according to . 21.)- Owing to 
the facile interchange of the AS a with AM d, IAM dt is 
sometimes erroneously written for /AJ at ; thus, Vendidad 
S. p. 338, /ttAu^o^WAj^ASja $a6chant-dt for rttAs^o^WAj^Asjd sad- 
chant-at " lucerite" Bases in u sometimes follow the 

by the Sanskrit form ^3fi#t?^ abrot, for which the irregular form 
dbrao-it is used; and secondly, it answers to the 1st pers. mraom (V. S. 
p. 123 j : thirdly, the Sanskrit ^ 6 is, in Zend, never represented by JJAS 
0, but by ^ 6, before which, according to .28., another AJ a is placed, 
hence ^AJ ao : on the other hand, A>A* ao represents u, in accordance with 
. 32 and . 28. If, then, >J$ASQ) pasu formed in the ablative jtt4*A>J4A)Q) 
pasaoj, this would conduct us to a Sanskrit "q^jiT paSu-t; while from the 
ablatives MJ^^OAAU afntoi-t^ ftojy/yw>yx?xmratustr6i-t,r&jy/Mfo 
garoi-t) and from the analogy, in other respects, with the genitive, the 
Guna form, tj^ft'ff paso-t must be deduced. Moreover, in the Vend. S. 
the ablative form IK^AS a6-t actually occurs; for at p. 102. (AS^A)*)' 
fttASfeVjui/MS^ tt^AJpfcyjx/9 hacha vanhead-t mananh-at, "from pure 
spirit ") occurs vanheadt, the ablative of vanhu ; and the f e preceding 
the a is an error in orthography, and vanhaot is the form intended: 
p. 245 occurs r^ASfeVjm/ anhaot, " mundo," from anhu. 
* Gramm. Crit. . 640. aim. 2. 


consonantal declension. in having IAS at as the ablative ter- 
mination instead of a mere /; just as in the genitive, besides 
a simple s t they exhibit also an 6 (from as, . 56 b .), although 
more rarely. Thus, for the above-mentioned r^AjyAjp 
tanaot, "corpore" occurs also tanv-at (Vend. S. p. 482).* 
Feminine bases in AW d and j i have *>AM At in the ablative, 
as an analogous form to the feminine genitive termination 
^Brm As, whence, in the Zend gw Ao\ e.g. 
dahmay-At, " praclara* from JW^AS^ dahmd ; 
urvaray-dt) " arbore" from Aw2u7> urvard ; 

[G. Ed. p. 213.] barethry-dt, "genitrice" from ^/(ag^s bare- 
tf/n.-f The feminine bases also in u, and perhaps also those 
in I may share this feminine termination J*AU At ; thus, 
from zantu, " begetting, 5 ' comes the ablative zanthw-At (cf. 
Gramm. Crit. . 640. Rem. 2.). Although, then, the ablative 
has been sufficiently shewn to belong to all declensions in 
Zend, and the ablative relation is also, for the most part, 
denoted by the actual ablative, still the genitive not un- 
frequently occurs in the place of the ablative, and even 
adjectives in the genitive in construction with sub- 
stantives in the ablative. Thus we read, Vend S. p. 479, 

avanhat% visat ynt mfizdaydsnois, " ex hac terra quidem max- 

* Burnouf writes tanavat, probably according to another Codex. 
I hold both forms to be correct, the ratber as in the genitive, also, both 
tanv-6 and tanav-6 occur ; and in general, before all terminations beginning 
with a vowel, both the simple form and that with Guna are possible. 

t Vendidad Sade, p. 436 : 

chathware-jangro nishdaredairydt barWiryat hacha puthrfm, u As a wolf, 
a four-footed animal, tears a child from its mother." This sentence is 
also important as an example of the intensive form (cf. Gramm. Crit. 
^. 363.). The Codex, however, divides incorrectly nishdarS dairy at. 
I Regarding this form, see p. 172. Rem. 


181. The Old Roman corresponds with the Zend in re- 
gard to the designation of the ablative; and in those two 
memorials of the language, that on the Columna rostrata, and 
the S. C. de Bacchanalibus, which are the most important 
inscriptions that remain, all ablatives end with d; so that 
it is surprising that the ablative force of this letter could 
be overlooked, and that the empty name of a paragogic d 
could be held satisfactory. Bases ending with a conso- 
nant use ed as ablative suffix, as in the accusative they 
have em instead of a simple m: hence, forms like jprte- 
sent-ed dictator-ed, answer to the Zend sadchant-at dthr-at 
(lucente iyne); w.hile navale-d* prceda-d, inalto-d mari-d, 
senatu-d, like the above-mentioned Zend forms I^J^^AJ^ 
garoi-t, " monte" rx^AsyAip tana6-t, " corpore" &c. ; and in 
Sanskrit *pFTi^ vrikd-t, " lupo" have a simple T sound to 
denote the ablative. The Oscan also takes the ablative 
sign d through all declensions, as appears from the remark- 
able inscription of Bantia, e. g. dolu-d [Gr. Ed p. 214.] 
mallu-d, cum preivatu-d, touta-d prcssenti-d.^ It may be pre- 
liminarily observed, that, in the 3d person of the imperative, 
old Latin and Oscan forms like es-tod, es-tud for es-to t and 
therefore with a double designation of person correspond 
remarkably to similar Veda forms with which we are 
hitherto acquainted only from Panini ; e.g. '9ffafRl(jiva-tdt, 
which signifies both " vivat" and "vive" but in the latter 
sense is probably only an error in tl^e use of the language 
(cf. vivito as 3d and 2d person). 

182. In classical Latinity a kind of petrified ablative 
form appears to be contained in the appended pronoun 
met, which may be transferred from the 1st person to the 
others also, and answers to the Sanskrit ablative mat, 
"from me. 1 ' But it is possible, also, that met may have 

* The e here belongs to the base, which alternates between e and i. 
t See O. Miiller's Etruscans, p. 30. 


dropped an initial s, and may stand for smet, and so be- 
long to the appended pronoun *R sma, explained in . 165. 
&c., corresponding with its ablative smut, to which it 
stands in the same relation that memor (for mesmor) does 
to w smrl from smar, . 1. "to remember. 1 ' The com- 
bination of this syllable, then, with pronouns of the three 
persons, would require no excuse, for w sma, as has 
been shewn, unites itself to all persons, though it must 
itself be regarded as a pronoun of the 3d person.* The 
conjunction sed, too, is certainly nothing but the ablative 
of the reflexive ; and sed occurs twice in the S. C. de Bacch. 
as an evident pronoun, and, in fact, governed by inter ; 

[G. Ed. p. 215.] whence it may be assumed that inter can 
be used in construction with the ablative, or also that, in the 
old languages, the accusative is the same with the ablative : 
the latter view is confirmed by the accusative use of ted and 
med in Plautus. 

f 183. In Sanskrit the ablative expresses distance from a 
place, the relation " whence ;" and this is the true, original 
destination of this case, to which the Latin remained 
constant in the names of towns. From the relation 
"whence," however, the ablative is, in Sanskrit, trans- 
ferred to the causal relation also; since that on account 
of which any thing is done is regarded as the place whence 
an action proceeds. In this manner the confines of the abla- 
tive and instrumental touch one another, and fo Una (. 158.) 
and 'riCHIi^ tasm&t, may both express " on account of which." 
In adverbial use the ablative spreads still further, and in 
some words denotes relations, which are otherwise foreign 
to the ablative. In Greek, adverbs in coj may be looked upon 
as sister forms of the Sanskrit ablative ; so that co-j, from 
bases in o, would have the same relation to the Sanskrit 

* The reduplication in me-mor, from me-$mor, would be of the kind 
used in Sanskrit, e.g. pasparsa, " he touched," of which hereafter, 
t Cf. the Gothic ablatives in 0, adduced in . 294. Hem. 1. p. 384. 


W7T d-t, from bases in a, that, e.g. 8/8axri has to ^ifa dadd-t i 
Thus, 6/xaS- may be akin to the Sanskrit *nrnr sam&-t, 
" from the similar," both in termination and in base. In 
Greek, the transition of the T sounds into was requisite, if 
indeed they were not to be entirely suppressed*; and in 
. 152. we have seen neuter bases in T, in the uninflected 
cases, preserve their final letter from being entirely lost by 
changing it into y. We deduce, therefore, [G. Ed. p. 216.] 
adverbs like O/KO-J, ovrco-y, o>-f, from O/JCO-T, OI/TCO-T, W-T or 
o/xco-5, &c., and this is the only way of bringing these forma- 
tions into comparison with the cognate languages ; and it is 
not to be believed that the Greek has created for this ad- 
verbial relation an entirely peculiar form, any more than 
other case-terminations can be shewn to be peculiar to the 
Greek alone. The relation in adverbs in o>- is the same as 
that of Latin ablative forms like hoc modo, quo modo, raro, 
perpetuo. In bases ending with a consonant, o? for or might 
be expected as the termination, in accordance with Zend 
ablatives like rAjyAs$i^>As^j chasliman-at t " oculo "; but then 
the ablative adverbial termination would be identical with 
that of the genitive : this, and the preponderating analogy 
of adverbs from o bases, may have introduced forms like 
o-ox^joov-coj, which, with respect to their termination, may be 
compared with Zend feminine ablatives like rAw^^7ug^s 
barethry-dt. We must also, with reference to the irre- 
gular length of this adverbial termination, advert to the 
Attic genitives in toy for o$*.f 

* As, in ovro), together with OVTGO-S, &8e, a<>z/o>, and adverbs from 
prepositions eo>, ui/o>, Kara), &c. It is here desirable to remark, that in 
Sanskrit, also, the ablative termination occurs in adverbs from prepositions, 
as <$IWT7 adhastdt, "(from) beneath," qtWTIf purastdt, "(from) before," 
&c. (GraV Crit. . (552 p. 279.). 

t In compounds, remains of ablative forms may exist with the original 
T sound retained. We will therefore observe, that in 'A^/DO&'TJ; the first 




[G. Ed. p. 217.] 184. In no case do the different members 
of the Sanskrit, family of languages agree so fully as in the 
genitive singular ; only that in Latin the two first declen- 
sions, together with the fifth, as well as the two first persons 
of the pronouns, have lost their old termination, and have re- 
placed it by that of the old locative. The Sanskrit termi- 
nations of the genitive are ^s, ^sya, ^t^ as, and WTR ds: 
the three first are common to the three genders: as is 

member has a genuine ablative meaning ; and as the division d 
admits of no satisfactory explanation, one may rest satisfied with a^pofi-tViy. 
In Sanscrit, wrrfi^iTT abhrdditd would mean " the female who proceeded 
from a cloud/' for abkra-t must become abhrdd before itd ($. 93 a .) ; and in 
neuter verbs the otherwise passive participial suffix ta has usually a past 
active meaning. Of this usage ITTJ, in a^pob-lrrj, might be a remnant, and 
this compound might mean, therefore, "She who arose, who sprang, from 
foam/' The only difficulty here is the short vowel of od for o>&. As re- 
gards the Sanskrit, here also the s of the ablative may in most declensions 
rest on an exchange with an older t (cf. p. 184 G. ed. Note) ; and, as the 
Zend gives us every reason to expect Sanskrit ablatives like jUiwdy-dt, 
prit&-t, suno-t, bhavishyanty-at, dtman-at ; so it will be most natural to 
refer the existing foTmsjihwdy-d$, pritd-s, &c., where they have an abla- 
tive meaning, to the exchange of t with s, which is more or less in vogue 
according to the variety of dialects ; particularly as it is known, also, that, 
vice versdj according to certain laws, ^ s passes into TT t (Gramm. Grit. 
. 100.). Consequently the identity between the genitive and ablative, in 
most declensions, would be only external, and the two cases would vary 
in their history ; so that, e.g.jihwdy-as would be, in one sense, viz. in that 
of lingua, independent and original ; and in another, that of UnguA, a 
corruption ofjihwdy-dt. At the time when Sanskrit and Zend were sepa- 
rated from one another, the retention of the original t must have been 
the prevailing inclination, and, together with it, may also its change into 
* have arisen, as the Zend also uses, at times, the genitive form with an 
ablative meaning (e.g. Vend. S. p. 177.). 


principally confined to the consonantal bases,* and hence has 
the same relation to s that, in the accusative, am has to m, 
and, in the Zend ablative, at has to t. 

185. Before the genitive sign TF? X s the [G. Ed. p. 218.] 
vowels ^ i and *gr u take Guna ; and the Zend, and in a 
more limited degree, also the Lithuanian and Gothic, share 
this augment. All u bases, for example, in Lithuanian and 
Gothic, prefix an a to their final vowel : hence the Lithuanian 
sunau-s and Gothic sunau-s correspond to the Sanskrit "5^^ 
sfinos (filii) from sunaus (. 2.). In the i bases in Gothic, Guna 
is restricted to the feminines ; thus anstai-s, " gratia" answers 
to Tf\JT^ priti-8. Respecting Lithuanian genitives of i bases 
see . 193. The High German has, from the earliest period, 
dropped the genitive sign in all feminines : in consonantal 
bases (. 125. 127.) the sign of the genitive is wanting in 
the other genders also. 

186. The form which the Sanskrit genitive termination 
after consonants assumes, as it were of necessity (. 94.), 
viz. as for s, has in Greek, in the form o?, passed over also to 
the vowels / and v and diphthongs terminating in v; and 
genitives like Tropret-s, tydev-s, which would be in accordance 
with . 185. are unheard of; but iropn-os, }%0v-os answer, 
like iroH-os, to Sanskrit genitives of consonantal bases, as tR[^ 
pad-as, "pedis" ^TTO^ vdch-as, " vocis" The Latin, on the 
other hand, answers more to the other sister languages, 
but is without Guna : so hosti-s is like the Gothic genitive 
gasti-s. In the u bases (fourth declension) the lengthening 
of the u may replace the Guna, or, more correctly, this 
class of words followed the Greek or consonantal principle, 
and the vowel dropped before s was compensated for by 

* Besides this, it occurs only in monosyllabic bases in Ji, gj w, 5* di, and 
^ au ; e.g. ray-as, "rei" ndv-as, " navis :'* and in neuters in ^ i and ^ , 
which, by the assumption of an euphonic 7^ w, assimilate to the consonantal 
declension in most cases. 


lengthening the u. The S. C. de Bacch. gives the genitive 
senatu-os in Grecian garb. Otherwise the termination is 
of consonantal bases is better derived from the Sanskrit "<5rar 
[G. Ed. p. 219.] as than from the Greek oj, because the old 
Sanskrit a in other places in Latin has been weakened to i, 
as frequently happens in Gothic (. 66. 67.). 

187. With regard to the senatu-os just mentioned, it is 
important to remark, that, in Zend also, the u bases, in- 
stead of annexing a simple s in the genitive, as .wg^yjAj^ 
mainyeu-Sy "of the spirit," from mainyu, may, after the 
manner of consonantal bases, add \ 6 (from as> cf. p. 212, 
G. Ed.), as w3Ljy danhv-o, or ^uv>$v$ danhav-6, for 
danheu-s " loci"' from w^ danhu. This kind of genitive 
occurs very frequently as a substitute for the locative, as 
also for the ablative (Vend. S. p. 177), more rarely with a 
genuine genitive meaning.* 

188. Bases in ^r a, and pronouns of the third person, of 
which only amu ends with a vowel other than a, have, in 
Sanskrit, the more full genitive sign ^ sya ; hence, e. g. 

a, "lupi" JR&ta-sya, "hujus" &e.,^5fjpir amu~shya, 

* It might be assumed that as j&uriXeo? clearly stands for jSas-iXtfoy, 
j3oo'j for j9ofof, vaos for vafos, (. 124.), so also titrrcos would stand for 
aoreFos, and that UOTCOS, therefore, should be compared with the Zend 
genitives with Guna, as ^AtePju/^ danhav-o. The f, therefore, in 
atrnos would not be a corrupted v of the base, but the Guna vowel foreign 
to the base ; but the v of the base, which, according to the original law of 
sound, must become f before vowels, is, like all other digammas in the 
actual condition of the language, suppressed. The c is certainly a very 
heterogeneous vowel to the v, and the corruption of the latter to e, in the 
middle of a word, would be a greater violation of the old relations of sound 
than the rejection of a v sound between two vowels. The corruption 
of i to e is less surprising, and occurs also in Old High German (}. 72.). 
In Greek, also, a consonant y is wanting, but cannot have been originally 
deficient; and therefore the question might be mooted whether also 
s, vwcmcos may not stand for polc-yos, sinape-yos. 


" illim" (. 21.) In Zend this termination [G. Ed. p. 220.] 
appears in the form of M, (. 42.) : hence, e. g. JJJ^VAJ^^^ 
vehrkaM, "lupi" W*y&b&fV> tuiry&-h$ t " quarti? for tuirya-M. 
189. In Greek and Latin we have already, in another 
place, pointed out a remnant of the genitive termination 
^et sya, and, in fact, precisely in places where it might be 
most expected. As bases in ^ a correspond to the Greek 
bases in o, and as G in Greek at the furthest extremity of words 
between two vowels is generally dislodged, I do not enter- 
tain the smallest doubt that the old epic genitive termination 
in to is an abbreviation of (no ; and that e. g. in TOLO = TOI 
ta-sya, the first o belongs to the base, and only to to the 
case-sign. As regards, however, the loss of the <r in TO?O, the 
Greek Grammar supplies us with another o?o, where a 2 is 
lost, the necessary and original existence of which no one 
can doubt : eS/Jotro, and the ancient position of the 2 in the 
second person, testify for dtSoicro instead of SiSoto, as for e\e- 
760-0 instead of e\eyov, just as the Indian TOT ta-sya for 
ro-a-to instead of TO?O. In the common language the /, also, 
has been dropped after the <r, and the o of the termination, 
which has remained, has been contracted with that of the base 
to ov ; hence rov from TO-O. The Homeric form ao (Bopeao, 
AtWao) belongs likewise to this place, and stands for a-*o, 
and this for a-cr/o (. 116.). The Latin has transposed our 
^T sya to jus, with the change, which is so frequent, of the 
old a before the final s to u (cf. ^W*( vrika-s, " lupu-s^ ^psro, 
yunjmas, jungimus); hence, hujus, cu-jus, e-jus, illim for illi- 
-jus, &c. I cannot, however, believe that the i of the second 
declension is an abbreviation of oto, of which the / alone has 
been retained ;* for it is clear that lupi and [G. Ed. p. 221.] 
lupa from lupai rest on the same principle ; and if lupi pro- 
ceeds from \VKOIO, whence can lupai be derived, as the cor- 
responding Greek feminines nowhere exhibit an ato or r\io ? 

* Hartung's Cases, p. 211. 


190. In Lithuanian the genitives of the a bases differ re- 
markably from those of the other declensions, and denote 
the case by o, in which vowel, at the same time, the final 
vowel of the base is contained; thus, wilko, " lupi" for 
wilka-s. It is probable that this o (o) has arisen from a-s, 
according to a contraction similar to that in the Zend (. 56 b .), 
In old Sclavonic, also, o occurs, answering to the Sanskrit 
as ; and nebo, gen. nebese, corresponds to the Sanskrit tWH 
nabhas. That, however, the Lithuanian has left the sylla- 
ble as in the nominative unaltered, but in the genitive has 
contracted it to o, may induce the remark, that like cor- 
ruptions do not always find entrance in like places, if they 
have not raised themselves to a pervading law. In this 
manner, in Gothic, the old a has remained in the interroga- 
tive base HVA in the nominative (hvas), but in the genitive 
hvi-s the weakening to i has taken place; so that here, as 
in Lithuanian, only the more worthy powerful nominative 
has preserved the older more powerful form, and an unor- 
gaiiic difference has found its way into the two cases, which 
ought to be similar. 

191. The Gothic has no more than the Lithuanian pre- 
served a remnant of the more full genitive termination sya, 
and the Gothic a bases, in this case, resemble the i bases, 
because a before final s has, according to . 67., become 
weakened to i ; thus vulfi-s for vulfa-s ; as also in Old 
Saxon the corresponding declension exhibits a-s together 
with e-s, although more rarely ; thus, dagoes, " of the day, 11 

[G. Ed. p. 222.] answering to the Gothic dagi-s. The conso- 
nantal bases have, in Gothic, likewise a simple s for case-sign ; 
hence, ahmin-s, jiyand-s, br6thr-s (. 132.). The older sister 
dialects lead us to conjecture that originally an a, more 
lately an i, preceded this s ahmin-as t jiyand-as 9 br6thr-as, 
which, as in the nominative of the a bases (vulf-s forvulfa-s), 
has been suppressed. The Zend exhibits in the r roots an 
agreement with the Gothic, and forms, e. g. jco^wy nar-s, " of 


the man,' 1 not nar-6, probably on account of the nature of 
the r bordering on that of a vowel, and of its facile combi- 
nation with s.* 

192. Ferninines in Sanskrit have a fuller genitive ter- 
mination in bases ending with a vowel, viz. As for simple 
s (see . 113.); and, in fact, so that the [G.Ed. p. 223.] 
short-ending bases in ^i and g 1 u may use at will either 
simple IT s or ^ntf x &s; and instead of jftw^ prit$-s t Htfh^ 
tand-s, also irtwr^ prify-As, T^\^ tanw-As, occur. The long 
vowels ^ fl 9 ty'm u>\ have always ^ra v As ; hence, ftngTO^ 
jihwAy-As, wftpKPRTO bhavishyanty-As, ^ssrr^ vadhw-As. This 
termination w^ As, is, in Zend, according to . 56 b ., 
sounded Ao ; hence, gus^Asx^jfey hizvay-Ao, ^W^-^^O-*-! 
bushyainty-Ao. In bases in j I and > u I have not met 

* Hence I deduce the genitives A\vAS^OAu2l brdtar-s, * 
dughdhar-s which cannot be quoted and the probability that the corre- 
sponding Sanskrit forms are properly bhrdtur, duhitur. which cannot be 
gleaned from the Sanskrit alone, on account of . 11., and by reason of the 
elsewhere occurring euphonic interchange of s and r. ^TTTTT Ihrdtur, and 
similar forms, would therefore stand for -urs, and this apparently for ars, 
through the influence of the liquids ; and, according to . 94., they would 
have lost the genitive sign. The same is the case with the numeral adverb 
^rTT chatur, "four times," for^nrlr chaturs; for which the Zend, by 
transposing the r, gives ju^>7c:A5^s chathrus (. 44.). The Indian Gram- 
marians also, in the genitives under discussion, assume the absence of the 
genitive sign ( Laghu-Kaumudi, p. 35). As, however, the Visarga, in 
yjfokroshtu (from the theme ^teT. kroshtar or Oi(J kroshtn, see . 1.), 
may evidently stand as well for s as for r ; so in such doubtful cases it is 
of no consequence to which side the Indian Grammarians incline, where 
arguments are not found in the Sanskrit itself, or in the cognate languages, 
which either confirm or refute their statements. And it is impossible, if 
the Visarga, in HTff: bhrdtuK, stands for r, that the preceding u can be 
a transposition of the final letter of the base (^Jil "STif ), for this cannot be 
both retained in the form of r, and yet changed into u (cf. Colebrook, 
p. 55, Rem.) 

t Only the few monosyllabic words make an exception. (Graram. 
Crit. . 130.) 


with this termination ; together with J^^^^O^AM 6fnt6i-s 
,M5>cjAsfl> taneu-s, or yyA3fl> tanv-6, yAsyA3^o tanav-o, I find 
no tts^<^0^.ttj dfrithy-do, gusyAj$> tanv-do. The cognate 
European languages exhibit no stronger termination in the 
feminine than in the masculine and neuter ; the Gothic, how- 
ever, shews a disposition to greater fulness in the feminine 
genitive, inasmuch as the 6 bases preserve this vowel in con- 
tradistinction to the nominative and accusative; but the 
i bases, as has been shewn above, attach Guna to this vowel, 
while the masculines do not strengthen it at all. Compare 
gibd-s with the uninflected and base-abbreviated nominative 
and accusative giba, and anstai-s with gasti-s. Respecting 
the pronominal and adjective genitives, as thi-z6-s, blindai- 
z6-s t see . 172, The Greek, also, in its feminine first declen- 
sion preserves the original vowel length in words which have 
weakened the nominative and accusative a-ipvpas, Moixnjs, 

[G. Ed. p. 224.] opposed to <r<j>vpa, crtfrvpa-v, fjiovaav* In 
Latin, also, a~s, with the original length of the base escas, 
terras, &c. stands opposed to escti, esca-m. It cannot be sup- 
posed that these genitives are borrowed from the Greek; 
they are exactly what might be expected to belong to a 
language that has * for the genitive character. That, 
however, this form, which no doubt extended originally to 
all a bases, gradually disappeared, leaving nothing but a 
few remains, and that the language availed itself of other 
helps, is in accordance with the usual fate of languages 
which continually lose more and more of their old heredi- 
ditary possessions. 

193. The Lithuanian, in its genitive rank-fls for ranka-s, 

* The Attic termination o>s is, perhaps, a perfect transmission of the 
Sanskrit <STT^ ds ; so that forms like TrrfXe-ac answer to rfTTTO pritg~ds. 
Although the Greek <os is not limited to the feminine, it is nevertheless 
excluded from the neuter (ao-reos), and the preponderating numher of t 
bases are feminine. 


resembles the Gothic; and in some other cases, also, re- 
places the feminine 5 by a long or short o. It is doubtful 
how the genitives of i bases, like awi$s> are to be regarded. 
As they are, for the most part, feminine, and the few mas- 
culines may have followed the analogy of the prevailing 
gender, the division awi-Ss might be made ; and this might 
be derived, through the assimilative force of the *, from 
awi-ds (cf. p. 174, note*), which would answer to the San- 
skrit genitives like jftWT^ prity-ds. If, however, it be com- 
pared with iftfra prtt&x, and the of amis be looked upon 
as Guna of the i (. 26.), then the reading awtts for awfa is 
objectionable. Ruhig, indeed, in his Glossary, frequently 
leaves out the z, and gives ugnfa, "of the fire/' for ugnifa ; 
but in other cases, also, an i is suppressed before the e 
generated by its influence (p. 174, note*); and, e.g., all 
feminine bases in ya have, ill the genitive, 6s for i-is or y-6s, 
as giesm$-s, for giesmy&s, from G IE S MY I (see p. 169, note). 
Therefore the division awi6-s might also be made, and it 
might be assumed that the i bases have, in some cases, ex- 
perienced an extension of the base, similar to those which 
were explained in the note, p. 174 (cf. . 120.). This 
view appears to me the most correct, espe- fG. Ed. p. 226.] 
cially as in the vocative, also, awH answers to giesme for 
giesmye, or giesmie. 

194. As regards the origin of the form through which, 
in the genitive, the thing designated is personified, with 
the secondary notion of the relation of space, the language 
in this case returns back to the same pronoun, whence, in 
. 134., the nominative was derived. And there is a pro- 
noun for the fuller termination also, viz. ^r sya, which occurs 
only in the Vedas (cf. . 55.), and the s of which is replaced 
in the oblique cases likewise, as in the neuter, by t (Gramm. 
Crit. , 268.) ; so that ^cr sya stands in the same relation to 
W*r^ tya-vn and IOR tya-t that *r sa does to ?n? ta-rn, Wl^ t a-t. 
It is evident, therefore, that in ^EC sya, w tya, the bases 9 so, 
W ta, are contained, with the vowel suppressed and united 


with the relative base q ya. Here follows a general view 
of the genitive formation :* 


m. vrika-sya, vehrka-M, XVKO-IO, .... 

m. ka-sya, ka-M, .... cu-jus, 

f. jihwAy-as, hizvay-Ao, xupu-s, terra-s, ranko-s, gibfa. 

m. pat&'S, , pat&i-s, .... twsti-s, 

paty-us, . .... Ttoffi-os, .... 

f. prttt-s, AfrttM-s, .... siti-s, 

prity-As, .... ^(re-wy, 

f. bhavishyanty-As, bfishyaintyAo t 

m. s&n&'S, paseu-s t mnau-s, sunau-s. 

.... pm-6, fyOv-os 

nf. tan6-s, taneu-s, .... socru-s, .... liandau-s. 

P ' - --- IT/TU-OS ' 

-of, bov-is, . . , 


f. vdch-as, vach-6,1 OTT-O^, voc-is, . 

m. bharat-as, barent"d$ fyepovr-os, ferent-is, . . . 

m. Atman-as, asman-6^ Sat^ov-o^, sermon-is, akmen-s t ahmin-s* 

n. nAmn*as, nAman-6,i raAav-oj, nomin-is, . . 

* The meanings will be found in $. 148. 

t See J. 193. 

J See p. 163. Note J. 

And 7^)AJ^i farotf also may occur, according to the analogy of 
YP^SsV^ bfrexatoy "sphndentis" V. S, p. 87, and passim. The reten- 
tion of the nasal in the genitive, however, as in all other cases, is the more 
common form, and can be abundantly quoted. For 7^?^ famntA, 
also ^p^J-M^$ baranlo, is possible, and likewise, hi the other cases, the 
older AJ a for g e. In some participles, as in M^^^lfsuyans (nom.), 
which is of constant recurrence as the usual epithet of agriculture 

AJ^ vaistrya) j e never occurs. 
Vide . 251 p. 302, Note f. 



m. bhrdtur, brdtar-s t * narp-os, fratr-is ..... br6thr-s. 

f. duhitur, duyhdhar-sj 6vya,Tp-6s, matr-is, dugter-s, dauhtr-s. 

m. ddtur, ddtar-s, JOTT^-OS, dator-is ......... 

n. vachas-as, vachanh-6 t l eire(o)-o;, qper-w, ........ 


195. This case has, in Sanskrit and Zend, i for its cha- 
racter, and in Greek and Latin || has received the function of 
the dative, yet has not suffered its locative [G. Ed. p. 227.] 
signification to be lost ; hence, Aw&Sw, Mapad&vi, 2a\a/-w>/, 
ayf>5, O?KO, %afwx/; and, transferred to time, T# at/r ijftepqi, 
T# air?} VVKTI. So in Sanskrit, fif^ divash "in the day f ftffifl 
wm, "in the night." 

196. With <3r a of the base preceding it, the locative ^ i 
passes into u ^ (. 2.), exactly as in Zend ; but here, also, 
^ 6i stands for A) 2 (. 33.) ; so that in this the Zend 
approaches very closely to the Greek datives like oiKotj 
jixo/, and (TO/, in which / has not yet become subscribed, or 
been replaced by the extinction of the base vowel. To the 
forms mentioned answers .J^(DJAJ$ vnaidh^i, "in the mid- 
dle. ' One must be careful not to regard this and similar 
phenomena as shewing a more intimate connexion between 
Greek and Zend. 

197. In Lithuanian, which language possesses a proper 
locative, bases in a correspond in this case in a remark- 
able manner with the Sanskrit and Zend, since they con- 

* It would be better to read brdthr-6, after the analogy of ddthr-6, 
"creatms." (Burnouf, " Ya9na," p. 363, Note). 

f The gen. of dfighdar is probably dughder-6 (see p. 194, Note t). 

t Seep. 163, Note J. 

Few cases admit of being more abundantly quoted in Zend than the 
locative, with which, nevertheless, Bask appears to have been unacquainted 
at the time of publishing his treatise, as he does not give it in any 01 
his three paradigms. 

II I now refer the Latin dative to the Sanskrit dative, rather than to 
the locative; see p. 1227 G. Ed., Note t. 


tract this a with the old locative i, which appears pure 
nowhere any more, to e ; hence, diewk, " in God," from 
DIEWA, answers to ^ dM, \Q&**3 dafo$. The bases 
which terminate with other vowels employ, however, in 
Lithuanian, without exception, ye as the locative termina- 
tion, without any accent upon the e, a circumstance which 
must not be overlooked. This e is, perhaps, only an unor- 
ganic echo, which has occasioned the change of the old locative 
i into y, as, in Zend, the plural locative termination su, by 
adding an a, appears, for the most part, in the form of AJ^O 
[G. Ed. p. 228.] shva, or AJW hva. To the Lithuanian ye 

answers also, in old Sclavonic, a locative termination ye, for 


which several declensions have the original pure i; so 
that nebes-i, " in Heaven," and imen-i, " in the name," agree 
most strictly with the Sanskrit rvtfti nabhas-i and Vfwfcf 
ndman-i, from TH1^ nabhas, fW^ ndman. 

198. Masculine bases in i and u, and, optionally, feminine 
bases also, have a different locative termination in San- 
skrit, viz. ^ du> before which ^i and g 1 u are dropped ; 
but in vfftpati, "lord," and *ife sakhi, "friend, the i has 
remained in its euphonic change to i^ y: hence, ij?ft paty-du, 
*re^ sakhy-du. If we consider the vocalization of the s to u, 
shewn in . 56 b ., and that, in all probability, in the dual, 
also, ^ du has proceeded from w^[ ds (. 206.) ; moreover, 
the circumstance that in the Vedas the genitive occurs 
with a locative meaning (^fHjtUTOI^ dakshindyds, "in dexter 'd" 
for ^ftprotH dakthindydm, Panini VII. 1. 39.) ; and, finally, 
the fact that, in Zend, masculines in i and u likewise em- 
ploy genitive terminations with a locative signification ; we 
shall be much disposed to recognise in this ^sftdw, from 

ds, a sort of Attic or produced genitive termination. 

199. In u bases, instead of the locative the Zend usually 
employs the genitive termination ^ 6 (from w^ as), while, 
in a genitive meaning, the form AO>P eu-s is more com- 
mon; thus we read, in the Vend. S. p. 337., ^^AS^O^AS 

afaahmi anhvti yat astvainti, "in 


hoc mundo quidem existente" This Zend termination 6 (from 
a + u) has the same relation to the Sanskrit du that a 
short a has to a long a, and the two locative terminations 
are distinguished only by the quantity of the first member 
of the diphthong. On the other hand, we find in the 
feminine base >yA$p tanu, " body," very often the genuine 
locative form jyAsp tanv-i ; and we do not doubt that, in 
Sanskrit also, originally the u bases of the [G. Ed. p. 229.] 
three genders admitted in the locative the termination i 
(^tfts sumv-i, trf*3 tanw-i, iffef madhw-i, or Wftf madhu-n-i). 
Bases in j i employ, in the locative, the usual genitive 
termination di-s; thus, in the Vend. S. p. 234, 3/^5 A*/ j(u 
Majyj&MMM^yMf rA3j*o ahmi namdne* yat mdzdayaxndis, " in 
hac terra quidem mazdayasnica, which Anquetil renders by 
" dans le pays des mazde'iesnans" In pronouns, also, though 
they have a locative, the genitive sometimes occurs with 
a locative meaning; e.g. Vend. S. p. 46, (W^s? M^^AJ 
ainh6 vis$ t " in this way," or " place," (cf. the feminine form 
gttJWjJjAs ainhdo, . 172. Note.). 

200. From the Zend and Sanskrit we have already been 
compelled to acknowledge" a connexion between the genitive 
and locative; and as we have seen the locative replaced 
by the genitive, so must we, in Latin, recognise a replacing 
of the genitive by the locative. Through the formal 
agreement of the corresponding Latin and Sanskrit termi- 
nation, and from the circumstance that the genitive occurs 
with a locative meaning only in the two first declensions 
(jRowrB, Corinthi, humi), not in the third or in the plural (ruri 
not ruris), M. Prof. Rosen was first induced to characterize 
the Latin genitive of the two first declensions as borrowed 
from the old locative; a view, the correctness of which I 
do not doubt, and which I have already corroborated else- 
where by the genitives of the two first persons, in which mei 
tui, agree most surprisingly with nfii mayi (from m&-i> . 2.), 
"in me," wrfa twayi (from tw&-i). Or ought, perhaps, a double 
inflexion i to be assumed as the sign of both a genitive an4 


a locative dative? Should Romce (from Romai\ Corinthi, 
be on one occasion genitives and on another locatives, and 

[G. Ed. p. 230.] in their different meaning be also of 
different origin ? And where, then, would the origin of*the 
genitive Romce be found, as that of the locative has been 
found already ? Should mei, tui, be compared, not with uftl 
mayi, r^ftr twayi, pot, TO/, but with TO mama, iRr tava, /-toO, roO, 
Goth, meina, theina ? As the cases, like their substitutes the 
prepositions, pass easily from one relation of space to 
another, and, to use the expression, the highest become the 
lowest, nothing appears to me more probable, than that, 
after the first declension had lost its a-s, then the dative, 
according to its origin a locative, necessarily became substi- 
tuted for the genitive also.* In the second declension the 
form o-i, which belongs to the dative locative, corresponding 
to the Greek 6>, o/ and of which examples still remain 
handed down to us (as populoi Romanoi) has become doubly 
altered: either the vowel of the base alone, or only that 

[G.Ed. p. 231 J of the termination, has been left, and the 
first form has fixed itself in the dative, and the latter in the 

* The assumption that a rejected s lies at the base of the genitives in t, 
ae (a-'i) appears to me inadmissible, because in all other parts of Grammar 
numerous as the forms with a final s otherwise are this letter has in 
Roman defied all the assaults of time, and appears everywhere where the 
cognate languages lead us to expect it : no terra for terras (ace. pL), no 
lupi for lupos, no ama for amas, &c. The question is not here that of an 
occasional suppression of the * in old poets, before a consonant in the word 
following. The genitives in e-s and ce-s occurring in inscriptions (pro- 
vincie-s, sua-s, see Struve, p. 7.) appear to be different modes of writing 
one and the same form, which corresponds to the G* eek y-s for 5-s ; and 
I would not therefore derive the common genitive SUCB older form suai 
from SIUBS with the s dropped. The genitives in us, given by Hartung 
(p. 161.) from inscriptions in Orelli (nomin-us, exercitu-wt, Cast&r-us, &c.), 
I am not surprised at, for this reason, that generally MS is, in Latin, a 
favourite termination for ^^as; hence nomin-us has the same relation 
to TO* ndmn-as, that nomin-i-bus has to t{W*4 n&ma'-bhyaa, and 
lupus to cffB vrika-8. 


genitive, which is therefore similar to the nom. plural, where, 
in like manner, Romani stands for RomanoL But the dative 
is not universally represented in Latin by a locative ter- 
mination ; for in the pronouns of the two first persons mihi 
answers to Jf^p? ma-hyam, from ma-bhyam, and tibi to TTWT 
tu-bhyam; as, however, the league between the dative and 
locative had been once concluded, this truly dative termi- 
nation occurs with a locative meaning (ibi, wftz), while vice 
versa, in Sanskrit, the locative very frequently supplies the 
place of the dative, which latter, however, is most usually 
expressed by the genitive, so that the proper dative is, for 
the most part, applied to denote the causal relation. 

201. Pronouns of the 3d person have, in Sanskrit, 3[T in 
instead of i in the locative, and the ^j a of the appended 
pronoun TO sma is elided (see . 165.) ; hence, iffw^ 
tasmin, "in him"; ^ftT^ Icasmin, "in whom?" This TO, 
which seems to me to toe of later origin, as it were an n 
e<e\KtrnKoi/, does not extend to the two first persons, and 
is wanting in Zend also in those of the third; hence, 
jfc\i ahmi, " in this." As to the origin of the i signifying 
the place or time of continuance, it is easily discovered as 
soon as i is found as the root of a demonstrative ; which, 
however, like the true form of all other pronominal roots, 
has escaped the Indian Grammarians. 

202. Feminine bases ending with long simple vowels 
have, in Sanskrit, a peculiar locative termination ; viz. ^TH 
dm, in which, also, the feminines in short i and u may at 
will participate (cf. . 192.) ; while the monosyllabic femi- 
nine bases in long ^ i and 31 u> for ^n dm, admit also the 
common ^ i ; hence, ftnrn^ bhiy-dm or ftrftf bhiy-i, " in 
fear," from tf bU* In Zend this termi- [G. Ed. p. 232.] 

* Perhaps the termination dm is a corruption of the feminine genitive, 
termination ds (cf. . 198. ^^?jn^T^^^^^ for ddkshindyam\ 
where it should be observed that in Prakrit, as in Greek, a final s has 
frequently become a nasal. 



nation 6m has become abbreviated to a (cf. . 214.); hence, 
M^^JMJ yahmy-a, "in which," from jQ)*Q yahmi 
(cf. . 172.). This termination appears, however, in Zend, 
to be less diffused than in Sanskrit, and not to be applicable 
to feminines in j i and > u. The form tanwi is clearly 
more genuine than the Sanskrit tandu, although from the 
earliest period, also, tanwdm may have existed. 

203. We here give a general view of the locative, and 
of the cases akin to it in Greek and Latin (see . 148.) : 



m. vrik$,* 

vehrk$,* KVKO>, lup-3, wilke. 

f. jihwdy-dm, 

hizvay-a t X^f>?> terra-i, ranko-ye. 

m. pctty-du,^ 

.... 7ro<n-?, Aorf-2, pdti-ye. 

f. pfft*-du4 

.... TTOjOTi-i, sif-H, awi-ye. 

m. s&n-du, .... <X0u-/, pecu-t, sunu-ye. 

f. ten'-#M, 

tanw-i, TFITV-I, socru-i, .... 

n. madhu-n-i, 

f. vadhw-dm, 


^a;-z, j8o(f)-/, 6o?-, .... 

f. ndv-i, 


m. bharat-i, 

barent-i, <t>epovr-i, ferent-i t .... 

m* dtman-i, 

n. ndmn-i, 

ndwMzin-z, rccAav-i, nomm-i, .... 

m. bhrdtar-i, 

6r^Ar-z?|| irarp-t, fratr-t, .... 

f. duhitar*4, 

dughdher-i ? Ovyarp-t, matr-v, .... 

m. ddtar-i, 

dd^r-z?|| $orfjp-i t datow 

n. vachas-i, 

vaccwh-i, e7re(o-)-/, oper-t, .... 

* See . 196. t See J. 108. t Orpiity-dm. Or tanw-dm. 

|| The rejection of the a preceding the r in the theme seems to me more 
probable than its retention. The i of the termination is guaranteed by the 
other consonantal declension, which in this case we can abundantly enough 
exemplify. (Regarding dvghdKer-i, see p. 194, Note t). That in Sanskrit 
bhrdtar-i, duhitar-i, ddtar-i, are used instead of bhrdtri, &c. is contrary 




204. The vocative in the Sanskrit family of languages 

o o 

has either no case-sign at all, or is identical with the 
nominative: the former is the principle, the latter the 
practical corruption, and is limited in Sanskrit to mono- 
syllabic bases terminating in a vowel : hence, tfh^ bh$-s 
" fear P as */-$. A final a of the nominal [G. Ed. p. 234.] 
bases remains, in Sanskrit and Zend, unchanged ; in Lithua- 
nian it is weakened to e ; and the Greek and Latin also, in 
the uninflected vocative of the corresponding declension, 
prefer a short e to o or u, which, under the protection of the 
terminations, appears as the final letter of the base. We 
must avoid seeing in Awe, lupe, case terminations : these 
forms have the same relation to ^ vrika that Trevre, 
quinque, have to TO pancha ; and the old , which ap- 
pears in \VKOS as o, in lupus as u y has assumed the form of 
e without any letter following it. In Zend, the consonantal 
bases, when they have s in the nominative, retain it in the 
vocative also ; thus, in the present participle we have fre- 
quently found the form of the nominative in the sense of the 

205. Bases in i and u have, in Sanskrit, Guna ; neuters, 
however^ have also the pure vowel : on the other hand, 

to the theory of the weakest coses (. 130.), to which in other respects the 
locative belongs. As, however, bases in Vtt^ar (^fri), with respect to 
the rejection and lengthening of the a, have a very great agreement with 
bases in an, it must here be further remarked, that these too, in the 
locative, do not strictly follow the suppression of the a in the weakest 
cases, which is conditionally prescribed in . 140., but optionally retain 
the a, or reject it ; so that with ndmn-i also ndman-i is used. With 
brdtar-i, however, exists no bhrdtr-i, and the form pitr-i, given at . 132. 
is an oversight: the Greek irarp-i may therefore, with respect to the 
shortening of the base, be better compared with the dative pitr-d. 


polysyllabic feminines in t and & shorten this final vowel ; 
while a final *TT d, by the commixture of an i, becomes $ 
(. 2.). The language, however, both by producing and 
shortening the final vowel, clearly aims at one and the 
same end, only by opposite ways ; and this end, in fact, is 
a certain emphasis in the address. To the Guna form 
^ 6, from a+u, correspond remarkably the Gothic and 
Lithuanian ; as sunau, sunau, resembling the Sanskrit 
sund,* Gothic feminine bases in i do not occur in 
[G. Ed. p. 235.] Ulfilas in the vocative : as, however, they, 
in other respects, run parallel to the u bases, the vocative 
anstai, from ANSTI, might be expected as an analogous form 
to handau* The Lithuanian i bases in the vocative extend 
their theme in the same manner as in the genitive (. 193.); 
so that, properly, there is no vocative of this class of words, 
and awie answers to zwake, giesme (Ruhig's third declension), 
for zwdkie, giesmyej Masculine bases, in Gothic, in , like 
the masculine and neuter a bases, hare lost their final vowel 
in the vocative, just as in the accusative and nominative ; 
hence vulf, daur\ gasC. In bases in n the Gothic shares 
with the Latin the suppression of the final consonant, 
which has passed over from the nominative to the voca- 
tive; while only the Sanskrit and Zend again introduce 

# The Zend can at will attach Gnna to a final > u, or not; and we find 
both }/>*>$ mainyd and >&$fm% mainyu as the vocative of >^yjAJ$ 
mainyu, " spirit." On the other hand, we have found a final j i only, with- 
out Guna; and indeed frequently jpjxso) paiti, "lord." So Vend S. 
p. 456, jpjAJo) ^yjkM^/ A5^o5 l ^^> usihista namdn6-paiti 9 "AiiBe, lord 
of the place V 9 The j i between the preposition and the verb serves as 
a conjunctive vowel, to assist the juncture of the words (cf. . 150. Note). 

t It follows from this, and from . 193., that (. 177.) I have incor- 
rectly assumed ei as the termination in the dative. For dwi-ei, the division 
should he made thus, dwie-i; and this is analogous with zw6ke-i, giesme-i, 
for zwdkie-i, giesmye-i. 


into the vocative the nasal which had been dropped in the 
nominative. Adjectives in German, with respect to the 
vocative, have departed from the old path, and retain 
the case-sign of the nominative; hence Gothic blind's, 
'blind!" In Old Northern, substantives also follow this 
irregular use of the nominative sign. The Greek has 
preserved a tolerable number of its vocatives pure from 
the nominative sign, and in some classes of words uses 
the bare base, or that abbreviation of it which the laws of 
euphony or effeminacy rendered requisite ; hence, rd\av op- 
posed to raAa?, %ap!ev for %apievT opposed to %aplei$ t Ttai 
for tratS opposed to 7ra?. In guttural and labial bases the 
language has not got free of the nominative sign in the voca- 
tive, because KJ and TTJ (, \l/) are very favourite combina- 
tions, to which the alphabet also has paid homage by parti- 
cular letters to represent them. Still the [G. Ed. p. 236.] 
vocative ava, together with aval;, is remarkable, and has that 
sound which might be expected from a theme avaKT, to 
which, in its uninflected state, neither KT, nor, conveniently, 
even the K, could be left. " For the rest it is easy to imagine 
(says Buttmann, p. 1 80), that particularly such things as are 
not usually addressed, prefer, when they happen to be ad- 
dressed, to retain the form of the nominative, as & ?roCj !" * 
The Latin has followed still farther the road of corruption in 
the vocative which was prepared by the Greek, and employs 
in its place the nominative universally, except in the mascu- 
line second declension. The substantive bases mentioned in 
. 148. form, in the vocative, 

* To this circumstance may also the re-introduction of the case-sign in 
the neuter be owing, while the Sanskrit employs the bare base. More- 
over, this fact also may have co-operated towards the Greek more easily 
freeing itself in the vocative from the bare primary form, because it ap- 
pears at the beginning of compounds much more rarely than in Sanskrit. 
(See .112.) 




m. vrika, vehrka, Av*e, lupe, wilke, vulf. 

n. ddna, ddta, $G>po-v, donu-rn, .... daur\ 

f. jihwb hiw$? x<Jf>, terra, ranka, giba? 

m. patt, paiti, wen, hosti-s, .... gasC . 

f. pritf, Afriti, iroprt, siti-s, 

n. vdri, vain, ftpi, mare, 

f. bhavishyanti, bfishyainti 9 

m. sun6, pam, i%6v, pecu-s, sunau, sunau. 

f. tan6, tanu, irlrv, socru-s handau. 

n. madhu, madhu, ftefly, pecu 

f. vadhu, .... 

Qm,f.gfdu-s, gfda-s, ^oD, 

gf. nAu-s, ..*. vaC, 

*? f. Vdk, VAC-S ? 07T- J, 

j|m. bharan, baran-s, ^>epwi/, feren-s, sukarb-s, jiyand. 

a ni. Lilian, ajman, Sa?/*oi/, sermo 1 , dArmff, aAma. 

n. ndmaii, ndman, ra\av, nomen namo. 

m. bhrdtar, brdtare* ware/a, /ra/er, .... bruthar. 

f. duhitar, dughdhare* OvyaTep,mater t mote, dauhtar. 

m. ddfar, dutare* Sorrjp, dator, 

n. vachas, vach6> eiro^f 


206. These three cases have, in Sanskrit, in the mascu- 
line and feminine, the termination ^ du, which probably 
arose from w ds by vocalization of the s (cf. . 56 b . and 
198.), and is therefore only a stronger form of the plural 
termination as. The dual, both in the cases mentioned and 
in the others, prefers the broadest terminations, because 
it is based on a more precise intention than the indefinite 

* See . 44. 

t See . 128. 


plural, and needs, therefore, stronger emphasis, and more 
lively personification. Compare, also, in the neuter, the 
long i of the dual with the short i of the plural; as 
<snj*!ft asrum with ^srejfor asriini. 

207. While the Prakrit and Pali have lost [G. Ed. p. 238.] 
the dual, the Zend has retained it ; still, however, so that 
instead of it the plural often occurs, and in the Vend. S., 
p. 203, >j^j3A5^$>yjeb AM d schenubyaschit, "and as far as 
the knees," is used with a plural termination. In the verb 
the dual is still more rare ; but here, however, it is not en- 
tirely lost, and many examples of it can be quoted in the 
V. S.* The Sanskrit termination ^ du occurs in the cor- 
responding places in Zend in the form of gun do, which, 
according to . 56 b ., stands at the same time for the Sanskrit 
termination ^n^ ds, and gives an emphatic proof that the 
Sanskrit dual termination ^ du is nothing else than a cor- 
ruption of w*^ ds, and, in fact, an occasional one which 
appears in grammar only once or twice (see . 198.), while 
the example herein given by the Sanskrit has been raised 
to a general principle by the Zend. This principle be- 
comes almost irrefragable matter of fact from the conside- 
ration that the Zend has even actually retained, in the 
dual, the sibilant before the particle AJ^I cha, and uses 
dos-cha, not do-cha, as might have been expected if the 
dual termination ^ du, in Sanskrit, were the original form, 
and not a corruption of ^rro ds. Thus we read in the 
Vend. S. p. 225, As^Kttguf$>AS$)g7g9AS AJ^WttJ7>w M&1> J^tf) 
t6i ubaA hurvdos-cha ameretat-dos-cha, " the two Haurvats and 
Amertats."t What Anquetil, in his Voca- [G. Ed. p. 239.] 

* Cf. Gramm. Crit. Add. to r. 137. 

f Cf. Anquetil II. 175. The two Genii, which Anquetil writes Kh&r- 
dad and Amerdad^ appear very frequently in the dual, also with the ter- 
mination tya (. 212.) ; and where they occur with plural terminations, 
this may be ascribed to the disuse of the dual, and the possibility of 



bulary (p. 456), writes naerekeiao, and renders by "deux 

femmes" can be nothing else than ttj^A^j7jAvsy ndirikay-do, 
from the base AM^j>.ujy ndirikd. The form gvM^A^J&Awy 
nAirikaydo is, however, evidently more genuine than 
W) J&AMy ndirikd ; as, according to the Sanskrit principle 
(.213.), from a feminine base must have been formed 
n&irlM. From >JA^I bdzu t Rask cites the form cuijJ05j 
bdzvdo, "arms," without remarking that it is a dual: it 
clearly belongs, however, to this number, which was to be 
expected referring to the arms ; and >J.\MJ bdzu forms, in 
the nominative plural, S*JA\JS bdzvd or ^AJJ-UU bdzavu. 
Still, in the edited parts of the Zend-Avesta, examples are 
wanting of bdzvdo, regarding the genuineness of which, how- 
ever, I have no doubt. 

208. In the Veda dialect, the termination ^ du occurs 
frequently abbreviated to rt , so that the last element of the 
diphthong is suppressed. Several examples of this abbre- 
viated form occur in Rosen's "Specimen 1 '; as, ^fisMT 
&svin-d, *' the two Aswins,' 1 from awin, and tTO nard, " two 
[G. Ed. p. 240.] men," which can be derived both from nar 

replacing the dual in ail cases by the plural. Thus we read, 1. c. p. 211, 
haurvatdt-6 and ameret-as-cha as accusative, and with the fullest and 
perhaps sole correct reading of the theme. We will, however, not dwell 
on this point any longer here, but only remark, that haurvatdt is very 
frequently abbreviated to haurvat, and the d of amereldt is often found 
shortened; whence, p,l 04, Mb}ttoMJ>MW hawvatbya, A^rm^g^AJ 
ameretatbya, (see $,38.); juiis joiAS^/g$ASmer&ato bya is a palpable 
error. Undoubtedly, in the passage before us, for hurvdoscha, must bo 
read either haurvataoscha, or haurvatatdoscha, or haurvatatdoscha. Com- 
pare 1. c. p. 91, A5^^>Axj^OA5^oxi7^xj^ ha6rvatataus-dia with the termi- 
nation JJ>AU dus for j0\M dos (cf. . 33.), but incorrectly ^ 6 for i 6. 
The two twin genii are feminine, and mean apparently, ** Entireness" and 
" Immortality." The forms preceding them, therefore, toi and uba$, are 
likewise feminine; the former for ^ tS (. 33.), the latter for ^ ubM 
(cf. . 28.). We must also regard the dual form mentioned at $. 45. of 
the so-called Amschaspants not as neuter, but as feminine. 


fanri) and from nara, but which more probably comes 
from nar. In Zend the abbreviated termination from dais 
likewise employed, and, in fact, more copiously than the fuller 
termination ; and we rejoice to see, in the Heaven of Ormuzd 
also, the twin pair called Indian, and celebrated for their 
youthful beauty. We read, namely, in Vend- S. p. 313, 
^(OJAJ^JO^ HVAJAj.C^ Aj^A\jyjQ>^A3 aspind~cha yavand yaz 
(maidhe), " j4$vinosque juvenes veneramur" which Anquetil 
renders by "jefais Jzeschne a Texcellem tou jours (subsistant"). 
The Sanskrit ^STftgrfT asvind however, can, in Zend, give 
nothing but aspinu or aspina (. 50.) : the former we owe 
here to the protecting particle AJ^S cha (see p. 175, Note $ 
G. Ed.). The plural yavan-6 (from yavanas), referring to 
the dual aspind, is worthy of remark, however (if the read- 
ing be correct), as it furnishes a new proof that, in the 
received condition of the Zend, the dual was near being 
lost : the verb being, for the most part, found in the plural 
when referring to nouns in the dual form. 

209. From the Veda termination a, and the short a* 
which frequently stands for it in Zend, the transition is 
easy to the Greek e, as this vowel, at the end of words, is a 
favourite representative of the old a ; and, as above, in the 
vocative (. 204.), KVKC stood foil ^ vrika, ;^7w9 vehrka, 
so here, also, avdpa (with euphonic S) corresponds to the 
above-mentioned Veda HTT nard, and Zend A>7.\y nar-a. Al- 
though, according to . 4., o> also very frequently stands for 
^CT A t still we must avoid regarding \VKO> as the analogous 
form to spUT vrikd, or Au^wg^ vehrkd (see . 211.). That 
however, the Lithuanian dual u of masculine [G. Ed. p. 241.] 
bases in a (in the nominative) is connected with the Veda and 
Zend dual termination spoken of, L e. has proceeded from a, I 

* Thus, Vendidad Sade, p. 23, AJ^OAW^f 7j^AJ A3fl>AS7>AS*> Jiaurvata 
"the two Haurvats and Amertats" j p. 136, and frequently, 
dva nara, "two men/* Cf. Gramm. Crit. Add. to r. 137. 


have the less doubt, because in the other declensions the Li- 
thuanian dual also agrees in this case most strictly with the 
Sanskrit, and the Lithuanian u or u (uo) is, in some other 
places, equally the representative of an old d (see . 162.}, 
compare, dumi, or dudu, "I give," with ^fftr daddmi; 
dusu, "I will give," with ^nmfa ddsydmi. And the mono- 
syllabic pronominal bases also in a sound in the dual u ; 
thus tu -*lid, ku~kd. We hold, therefore, the Veda 
form ^rr vrikd, the Zend Aw^^yg^ vehrkd, and the Li- 
thuanian wilku, as identical in principle : we are, at 
least, much more inclined to this view of the matter 
than to the assumption that the u of wilku is the last 
portion of the Sanskrit diphthong ^ du, and that wilku 
belongs to the form ^ vrikdu. In the vocative the Lithu- 
anian employs a shorter u, and the accent falls on the 
preceding syllable : thus wilku, opposed to wilku, in which 
respect may be compared ir&Tep opposed to Trar^p, and . 205. 

210. Masculine and feminine bases in i and u suppress, 
in Sanskrit, the dual case termination ^ du, and, in com- 
pensation, lengthen the final vowel of the base in its unin- 
flected form ; thus, tnft pati, from trfir pati ; ^sunu t from 
Vftsunu. The gusj.\gi bdzv-do, "arms/ 1 (from bdzu) men- 
tioned in . 207., is advantageously distinguished from these 
abbreviated forms. The curtailed form is not, however, 
wanting in Zend also, and is even the one most in use. 
From >^yjAs$ mainyu, t( spirit, 11 we frequently find the dual 
^a>/-to*$ mainyu : on the other hand, for ;>$? erezu, " two 

[G. Ed. p. 242.] fingers, 11 we meet with the shortened form 
>jf7g erezu, which is identical with the theme (Vend. S. 
p. 318, > 7g A>>J dva erezu. 

211. The Lithuanian, in its i and u bases, rests on the 
above-mentioned Sanskrit principle of the suppression of 
the termination and lengthening of the final vowel : hence, 
awl, " two sheep " (fern.), answers to *reft avi, from 'wftr am ; 
and sunu, " two sons, 11 to ^sunu. On this principle rests 


also the Greek dual of the two first declensions. If it be 
not desired entirely to remove the o> of AUKO> from a Grecian 
soil, and banish it completely to India, it may be allowed 
to seek its origin, not in the long a of ^cirr v riled, but in 
the short o of the base, as the first declension has a long 
a in the dual, because its bases terminate with a, although 
in the common dialect this letter is very frequently repre- 
sented by rj. Or may it, perhaps, have happened, that, in 
the dual a of the first declension an / subscribed has been 
lost, and thus rd for ra would correspond to the Sanskrit 
K iA (from td+i or *)? Be that as it may, still the dual 
has always the quality a, because it is comprehended in the 
base, and the co of AUKO> may be regarded as merely the 
lengthening of the o of \VKO ; for it must be assumed, that if 
the Sanskrit a bases had preserved the short a in Greek, and 
^F^ vrika-s had become \vKa-$, then the dual too would 
be KVKO, and not A.UKO>. 

212. Neuters have, in the Sanskrit dual, for the termi- 
nation of the cases under discussion, not ^ du, but as in 
the plural they have not as but short i (^). A final ^? a 
of the base with this ^ i passes into ^ ^ (. 2.); hence, 
Sift sate, "two hundred; 1 from yft^&ata-i: [G. Ed. p. 2J3.] 
other vowels interpose a euphonic n ; hence, 'iTT^flft ttilu-n-f, 
" two palates." In Zend I can quote the neuter dual only in 
the a bases ; as, for example, we frequently find 

saitd (. 41.), answering to the Sanskrit jffitsatS; and 
to^ju^Asw duy& liazanrd, " two thousand," (. 43.) for 
dw& sahasrQ. 

213. The Greek has renounced a termination distin- 
guishing the neuter from the two natural genders; but 
the Sanskrit appears to have extended the neuter i men- 
tioned above also to the feminine d bases. But the coin- 
cidence of the feminine form f^jihwe, " two tongues, 1 ' 
from f*Ggljihwd, with the neuter ^ ddn$, " two gifts," is, 
as the Zend instructs us, only external, and the two forms 



meet in quite different ways, and have such a relation to 
one another, that in dAnS 9 from ddna + i, a dual termina- 
tion, and, in fact, the usual one of neuters, is actually con- 
tained; but in f^jihwS the masculine-feminine termina- 
tion flu (from ds, . 206.) is lost, but can, however, be again 
restored from the Zend form gus^As^jjuy nAirikay-Ao, " two 
women/ 1 I believe, that is to say, that f^jihwi has 
arisen or been corrupted from fztyrftjiliway-Au* in such a 
manner, that after the termination has been dropped, the 
preceding semi-vowel has returned to its vowel nature, and 
has become a diphthong with the A of the base (see . 2. and 
cf. p. 121 G. ed.) The dual JI&104, therefore, like the Gothic 
singular dative gibai (. 161.) would have only an apparent 
termination, .<?. an extension of the base which originally 
accompanied the real case termination. In Zend, however, 
the abbreviated feminine dual form in ;o 6 likewise occurs 
(. 207. Notet). and is, indeed, the prevalent one; but it is 
[G. Ed. p. 244.] remarkable, and a fair and powerful con- 
firmation of my assertion, that even this abbreviated form 
in & S, where the appended particle ASJJ cha stands be- 
side it, has preserved the case sign s; and, as above, 
As^jjgus^A)^0?5.v) ameretot-Aos-cha, "the two Amertats," so 
we find, Vend. S. p. 58, g^^g^**' ^^/C^OJ^AJ amfahei-cha 
spenti, "and two Amshaspants" (" non-conniventesque sanc- 
tos," cf. ^grfire amisha and Nalus V. 25, 26. and see . 50.).f 
The form jw 6s is to be deduced from the full form 
jjgxu^A} ay-Aos ; so that, after dropping the gw do, the pre- 
ceding ay must have been contracted to 6, just as (p. 121 

* Cf. the dual genitive and locative ftf^'lftfi jihway-fo. 
t The MS, has here As^ucjdc^A) amesescha, but c frequently occurs 
in the place of #, although, as it appears, through an error. Cf. 1. c. 

p. 88, 9$>^ <&& jj-Og$Aj S>/ttAsL r^^* 5 1 
and see <L 51. 


G. Ed.) in Prakrit, ^fir imi has arisen from the Sanskrit 
^nnfa aydmi, by rejecting the A. We may support the 
derivation of fif% jihwi from fifSf^t jihway-au, by this 
circumstance, also, that in the Veda dialect the feminine i 
bases may lose the dual termination du, and then display the 
naked base ; thus, in the scholia to Panini, qKT^t 3T|R^ 
vdrdhi updnahdu, " boar-leather shoes," for ^ITT^ vdr&hy&u. 
It is very remarkable, that even this Veda form, only one 
example of which can be quoted, can be referred to the Zend 
language. We find, frequently, ^x^9tf> tcvishi applied to 
feminine dual substantives (e.g. Vend. S. p. 225.); and I 
infer that its theme ends with a long, not a short i, from the 
frequently-occurring plural accusative *tt^^p.^> tevishts 
(Vend. S. pp. 99, 102).* 

214. To the Sanskrit-Zend feminine dual [G. Ed. p. 245.] 
forms in 4 answer the Lithuanian in i, as ranki, from 
RANKA ; so that of the diphthong *? & only the last ele- 
ment is left. The Lithuanian forms the accusative dual, in 
contradistinction to the cognate languages, according to the 
analogy of the singular, by a ringing nasal, e.g. witkun. The 
Latin has preserved only in duo and ambo a remnant of the 
dual corresponding to the Greek, which, however, in the 
oblique cases, is replaced by plural terminations. Here fol- 
lows a general view of the nominative, accusative, and voca- 
tive dual (see . 148.). 

* It is perhaps a participle of the reduplicated pret., according to the 
analogy of the Sanskrit wftf^ tdnivas, fern, forft tfaushi (Gramm. 
Grit. . 603.) ; and indeed, from the root Asp tav, "to be able," it may 
signify " powerful, strong." The c e for & $ is explained by the influ- 
ence of the v. And ^$>J^,}A$$ utayuiti also is an adjective feminine 
dual; but I am unable to quote examples of the other cases of this word, 
from which to learn whether ^ I or j i is its final vowel. 



* m. vrikfa, rHrkito .... 

^ vrikd, vrhrkA,* \VKU>, N.wilku,^ 

^ n. dAn? 9 dAi(\ Sco/oo), .... 

J f. .... Mzvay-ao t .... .... 

ti-* jihwd, hizv&, 'X&p&y N. 7YmH,V. r&nkl. 

^m. pali, paiti? w<xn-e, 9 V. pdti. 

W f. |>rz//, dfriti ? iropTt-e, N. a?^i, N. the?". 

i n. vari-n-z, .... i'8o/-e, 

* Wliile consonantal bases occur in the dual both with a long and a short 
, the a bases, contrary to the practice otherwise adopted of shortening a 
final d, exhibit in the nom. ace. dual, for the most part, the original long 
vowel. I deduce this, among other words, from the so-called Amshas- 
pant* 9 which, together with the feminine form noticed at . 207. Note !? 
are- found also .as masculine ; e g. Vend. S. pp. 14. 30, 31, &c.: AUfcJOf ^AJ 
JOJJ^^^AM 4 > WJ^M^>W Au7oAJM3(3^>W 1 AW^O^Jjo)j^ ameslia spentd 
hucsathrd hudCumho liyesd, u I glorify the two Amshaspants (non conni- 
ventesque sanctos) the good rulers, who created good.'* If amesha spentd 
and hucsathrd were plural forms, the final a would be short, or at least 
appear much more frequently short than long; while, on the contrary, 
these repeatedly recurring expressions, if I mistake not, have everywhere 
a long a, and only in the vocative a short a (Vend. S. p. 67. Cf. }. 20;).). 
That the epithet huddonfid is in the plural cunnot incur doubt, from the 
dual nature of the Amshasp (cf. . SOP.) : this resembles, to a certain 
degree, the use of adjective genitives referring to a substantive in the 
ablative, which was mentioned in . 180. We find, also, the forms 
anieshdo spentdo (Vend. S. p. 313.), which indeed might also be feminine 
plural forms, but shew themselves only as masculine duals, in the same 
meaning as the so frequent amesha spiinta. We find also, frequently, 
j>MJM$ AW^e/O-J/f^^ spenistd mainyu, "the two most holy spirits" 
(p. 80), through which the dual form in a of bases in a is likewise con- 
firmed in the most unequivocal manner. The answer to the query, 
Whether generally only two Amshaspants are to be assumed ? whether 
the genitive plural (ameshananm spentananm), and sometimes also the 
accusative plural, is only the representative of the dual, which is very 
uncertain and shaken in its use? whether under the name Amshaspants, 
perhaps, we should always understand the Genii Haurvat (Khordad) and 




f. bhavishyanty-du,bAshyainti, . . . . .... 

IM. sunu, pasu, tyOv-e, N. sunn, V. s&nit. 

f. tanii, /antl, irirv-e, .... 

m. madhd-n-i, .... fie0t/-e, .... 

f. vadhw-du, . . . . .... .... 

in. f. gav-du* .... A>'(F)-e, .... 

f. ndv-du, .... 

f. vdch-du, v<\ch-<\o 9 

Amertat, and whether these two Genii, according to the principle of the 
Sanskrit copulative compounds, have the dual termination for this reason 
alone, that they are usually found together, and arc, together, two? 
whether, in fine, these two twin-genii are identical with the Indian 
As win en, which were referred in .208. to the Zend-Avesta? The reply 
to all these queries lies beyond the aim of this book. We will here only 
notice that, Vend. S. pp. 80 and 422, the Genii Haurvat and Amertat, 
although each is in the dual, still are, together, named JOJ^OJJCQ)JJ 

}*&&*%& ^$ AS G ?$$/>***$ ipSnistd mainyu maxdd tevftthi, &c., "the 
two most holy spirits, the great, strong." As Genii, and natural objects 
of great indefinite number, where they are praised, often have the word 
vispa, "all," before them, it would be important to shew whether "all 
Amshaspants" are never mentioned; and the utter incompatibility of the 
Amsh. with the word vispa would then testify the impassable duality of 
these Genii. If they are identical with the celestial physicians, the Indian 
Aswinen, then "Entireness" and " Immortality" would be no unsuitable 
names for them. In Panini we find (p. 803) the expressions UnRftUT^ 
matara-pitardu and faiTOTTTnCT pitara-mdtard marked as peculiar to the 
Vedas, They signify "the parents," but, literally, they probably mean 
" two mothers two fathers," and " two fathers two mothers." For the 
first member of the compound can here scarcely be aught but the abbre- 
viated dual pitard, matard; and if this is the case, we should here have 
an analogy to the conjectured signification of haurvdt-a and amPrttdt-a. 

* Bases in ^ft 6 form the strong cases (. 129.) from ^ du; those in 
^sm w, and nouns of the agent in ffT *<&> lengthen in those cases, with 
the exception of the vocative singular, the last vowel but one (see 





^5 m. bharant-du, 
H bharant-d, 


vdch-a, ojr-e, 

barant-do, .... 

barant-a, fyepovr-e, 

~ m. dtmdn-du,^ asman-do, 

IS AtmAn-A, 


asman-a, Satfjiov-e, N. V. dkmen-u. 

.... TccAav-e, .... 

m. bhrdtar-du, brfttar-do, .... .... 

bhrdtar-d brdtar-a, irarep-e, .... 

f. duhitar-du, dughdhar-do, .... .... 

duhitar-d, duyhdhar-a 9 6vyarep-e f .... 

m. ddiar-^w,f drUar-ao, .... .... 

ddtdr-d, ddtdr-a, Sorfjp-e, .... 

n. vachas-i, .... 67re(o-)-e, .... 


215. These three cases have in the Sanskrit and Zend dual 
a common termination; while in Greek the genitive has 
joined itself to the dative, and borrowed its termination from 
it. It is in Sanskrit WTTH bhydm, which in Zend has been 
abbreviated to juiis bya. Connected with the same is, first, 
the termination n^ bhyam, v/hich, in the pronoun of the two 
first persons, denotes the dative singular and plural, but 
in the singular of the first person has become abbreviated 
to ^ hyam (. 23.). This abbreviation appears, however, 

[G. Ed. p. 249.] to be very ancient, as the Latin agrees 

* The Veda duals in a ate as yet only cited in bases in a, n, and ar 
(*J, J. 1.) 5 however, the Zend leads us to expect their extension to the 
other consonantal declensions, as also the circumstance that, in other parts of 
grammar, in the Vedas d is occasionally found for du 9 and other diph- 
thongs ; e.g. fTWT ndbhd, as locative for thrift nabhdu, from t^rfo nabhi, 

t See the marginal note marked (*), p. 229. 


remarkably with it ; and mi-hi corresponds to IT^W ma-hyam, 
as ti-bi does to TJ**!^ tu-bhyam. In the second place, vq^ 
bhyas, which expresses the dative and ablative plural, is 
pronounced in Zend byo (. 56 b ,), in Latin bus, suppressing 
the y, and with the usual change of as into us. The Li- 
thuanian has mus for bus in the dative plural (. 63.): this 
more complete form has, however, remained only in the 
pronoun of the two first persons, where mu-mus, "nobis," 
yu-mus, "vobis," are used as well as mu-tns, yu-m's; while 
in all other words we find simply ms as the sign of the 
dative wilka-ms, &c. In the dual dative the Lithuanian 
has only the m of the Sanskrit termination WITT bhydm, as 
wilka-m. This m is, however, not the final letter of bhydm, 
but the initial labial, b, in a nasal form (. 63.)* : to me, at 
least, it appears improper to regard this dual termination 
otherwise than that of the cognate plural case ; and I have 
no doubt of the identity of the m of wilka-m, \VKOIV, with 
that of wilka-ms (for wilka-mus\ XVKOIS. According to this 
explanation, therefore, the German plural dative corresponds 
to the Lithuanian dual dative, vulfa-m, yasti-m, sunu-m^ 

216. A third form related to the dual ter- [G. Ed. p. 250.] 
miration WTO X bhydm is ftr^ bhis, as sign of the instru- 
mental plural. This termination which is in Zend AL^JI bis, 

* On the facile transition of v into m (cf. p. 114) rests also, I doubt 
not, the connexion of the termination T^myuvdm^ "ye two," 
dvdm, " we two/ 1 with the common termination du, before vowels 
which in the pronouns spoken of has stiffened into dm, and in this form 
has remained even before consonants. Whether the case is the same with 
the verbal third dual person urn tarn shall be discussed hereafter. 

t Cf. Grimm, I. 828. 17, where the identity of the Lithuanian-German 
inflection m with the b (bh of the older languages) was first shewn. When, 
however, Grimm, I.e., says of the Lithuanian that only the pronouns and 
adjectives have ms in the dative plural, the substantives simply m, this 13 
perhaps a mistake, or the plural is named instead of the dual ; for Ruhig 
gives ponams, "damiins? akims, u ocuRs" &e. 


(also -H2JJ bis), has in Latin fixed itself in the dative and 
ablative,* which must together supply the place of the instru- 
mental; while in Lithuanian, with the exchange of the 
labial medial for the nasal of this organ (. 63.), mis is the 
property of the instrumental alone, so that puti-mis answers 
to irfirfiw pati-bhis, -*tfjl.3fl>JA3Q> paiti-bis. 

217. I have already elsewhere affirmed, that the Greek 
termination 0/, $/i/, is to be referred to this place,t and what 
is there said may be introduced here also. If ^>/v, and not 
<i, be assumed to be the elder of the two forms, we may offer 
the conjecture that it has arisen from $t$, following the analogy 
of the change of jite? into juev in the 1st person plural, which 
corresponds to the Sanskrit mas and Latin mus\ ; $1$ would 
correspond to the Sanskrit bhis and Latin bis, in nobis, vobu. 
Perhaps, also, there originally existed a difference between 
<J>i and <l>tv (which we find used indifferently for the singular 
and plural), in that the former may have belonged to the 
singular, the latter to the plural ; and they may have had 
the same relation to one another that, in Latin, bi has to 
bis in tibi and vobis; and that, in Lithuanian, mi has to mis 
in akimi, "through the eye," and akimis, "through the 
eyes. 1 ' It has escaped notice that the terminations $r and 

[G. Ed. p. 251.] $/i/ belong principally to the dative : their 
locative and instrumental use avTofa, Qvpy<f>t, /Styipiv is ex- 
plained by the fact, that the common dative also has assumed 
the sign of these relations. The strict genitive use of the ter- 
mination $, <f>tv, may perhaps be altogether denied ; for if pre- 
positions, which are elsewhere used in construction with the 

* In the 1st and 2d pronoun (no-bi$, vo-bis), where bis supplies the 
place of the bus which proceeds from ra bhyas. 

t Trans. Berlin Academy, 1826. Comparison of Sanskrit with its cog- 
nate languages, by Prof. Bopp. Essay III. p. 81. 

J Observe, also, that the Sanskrit instrumental termination bJtis has 
been, in Prakrit, corrupted to f^ hih. 


genitive, occur also with the case in <f>i, <f)tv, we are not com- 
pelled, on this account, to regard the latter as the genitive 
or representative of the genitive. In general, all prepositions, 
which are used in construction with the genitive, would, 
according to the sense, be better used with an ablative or a 
locative, if these cases were particularly represented in 
Greek. The suffix Qev also, of genuine ablative signification, 
expressing separation from a place, is incorrectly consi- 
dered to represent the genitive termination, where the 
latter, in the common dialect, has received the sign of the 
lost ablative. In oWe SaKpvofav 7r//x7rAavro, SaKpvofav would, 
in Sanskrit, be rendered by 'snsfira asrubhis : the relation 
is entirely instrumental, and is not changed because the 
verb mentioned is more usually, though less suitably, used 
with the genitive. The same is the case with oJrcre 8a- 
Kpvofav repcravro. In 'IKtofa K\vra rel^ea it is not requisite 
to make lA/o<< governed by reject, but it may be regarded 
as locative "to Ilium:' And in Od. XII. 45, (<TTO\VS $' aptf 
ocrreo^/v fft$ av$p>v 7ruflo/>tei/coi/) there is no necessity to look 
upon 6<TTeo<])tv as the genitive, for it can be aptly rendered 
by ossibus. I know no passages besides where a genitive 
meaning could be given to forms in $1 and $iv. To the 
accusative, likewise, the form </, <w, is foreign, and accord- 
ing to its origin does not suit it ; nor does it appear in 
the train of prepositions, which else where - occur with the 
accusative, with the single exception of e ei/v^/v in Hesiod 
(cf. Buttmann, p. 205). As to the opinion [G. Ed. p. 252.] 
of the old Grammarians, that 0/, <f>iv, may stand also in the 
nominative and vocative, and as to the impropriety of the / 
subscribed before this termination in the dative singular of 
the first declension, we refer the reader to what Buttmann 
(p. 205) has rightly objected on this head, 
t 218. The neuters in 2, mentioned in . 128., are nearly 
the only ones from bases ending with a consonant, which 
occur in combination with <<, ^>iv, in forms like 


oJbecr-0/, oT^0e<r-0/i/, which have been misunderstood, be- 
cause the 2 dropped before vowel terminations was not 
recognised as the property of the base. Of the other con- 
sonants, v is the only one, and KOTYAHAON the only v 
base, which occurs in combination with </i/; and since N 
does not combine with 4> so readily as 2, it assumes an auxi- 
liary vowel o jcoTt/TtySov-o-^/i/ after the analogy of com- 
pound words like Kvv-o-dap(rrj$. This example is followed, 
without the necessity for it however, by $&Kpv Scucpvofav 
while vav-fav, in an older point of view, resembles exactly 
the Sanskrit fftffcflR ndubhis ; for in compounds, also, the 
base NAY keeps free from the conjunctive vowel o, on which 
account vava-raOnov may be compared with Sanskrit com- 
pounds like fteJ ndu-stha, " standing (being) in the ship." 
219. But to return to the Sanskrit dual termination 
WTW bhydm, it is further to be remarked, that before it 
a final ^r a is lengthened ; hence, cpRWT^ vrikabhydm for 
^irwn^ vrikabhydm. It hardly admits of any doubt, that 
this lengthening extended to the cognate plural termina- 
tion firo bhis ; and that hence, from ^K vrika also vrikd-bhis 
would be found. The common dialect has, however, ab- 
breviated this form to [%^ vrikdis, which is easily derived 
from vrihdbhis by rejecting the bh; for ^ di is, according 
[G. Ed. p. 253.] to . 2., =d + i. This opinion, which I 
have before expressed,* I can now support by new arguments. 
In the first place, which did not then occur to me in dis- 
cussing this question, the pronouns of the two first persons 
really form from their appended pronoun TO sma, smd-bhis; 
hence ^raifa^ asmdbhis, -ipnfa^ yushmdbhis ; which forms 
stand in the same relation to the cpfirftal vrikd-bhis, 
assumed by me, that the accusatives "sraRT!^ asmdn, 4UI*^ 
yushmdn, do to ^ran^ vrikdn, " lupos" Secondly, the opinion 

* Trans. Berlin Academy, 1826. Comparison of Sanskrit with its cog- 
nate languages, by Prof. Bopp. Essay III. p. 79. 


which I arrived at theoretically has, since then, been so far 
practically established by the Veda dialect, that, in it, from a 
final ^r a not d-bhis but t-bhis, has been formed, according to 
the analogy of the dative and ablative, asT^w^vrikGbhyas; 
hence, ^%fHH asvfohis, "per equos? from ^ng c&va. In the 
common dialect the pronominal form jrfH^ 8-bhis "per hos" 
answers to this Veda form, which must properly be de- 
rived from the pronominal base ^r a, which generally plays 
the chief part in the declension ot^flidam. Though, then, on 
one side, from the pronoun ^r a springs the form jrfro $-bhis; 
on the other side, from *sm asma and *TO yushma proceed 
the forms ^mif^asmdbhi^ Tmtiw^yushmdbhis ; and though 
the Veda dialect, in its substantive and adjective bases in a, 
attaches itself to the former form, still no necessity hence 
arises for supposing the abbreviated dis to be based on an 
$-bhis* as that could never lead to dis. Perhaps, however, 
dbhis might become ibhis, either through the assimilative 
force of the i of bhis, or through analogy to [G-. Ed. p. 254.] 
the dative $-bhyas, the of which may, in like manner, owe 
its origin to the re-active influence of the "^ y:\ 

220. The Prakrit has fully followed out the path com- 
menced by the Veda dialect, and changed into i* & the d of 

* From dbhis would come, after rejecting the bh, not dis, but ay is, for 
, =ra+i, cannot be combined with a following i into a diphthong, or, as 
it is itself already a diphthong, into a triphthong. 

t I do not regard the Veda Tfifar nadydis,'foY 7f^f*TO tuzdi-bhis, as 
an abbreviation of nadi-bkis (for after rejecting the bk, from nadi+is 
would be formed nadls\ but as a very common instrumental, for which 
an extension of the base nadi to nadya is to be assumed. On the other 
hand, the Zend pronominal instrumental dis mentioned by Burnouf 
(Nouv. Journ. Asiat. III. 310.) may here be considered, which occurs fre- 
quently in the Jzeshne, and is probably an abbreviation of j^^ dibis or 
M5^Jj dibk) from a base di, the accusative of which ^ dim^ "him," 
is often found with i unlengthened, contrary to . 64. The connection of 
the basejy di with jufl) ta cannot, on this account, be disputed. 


asmd-bhis, yushmd-bhis, as also, in the locative plural, that of 
asmdsu, yushmdsu; hence ^sr*?f? amh8-hm t 7n%ff tumM-hin, 
V(i%lj amkfeu, jpt*J tumhtsu. Moreover, in Prakrit, all other 
a bases, as well pronouns as substantives and adjectives, 
terminate the instrumental plural with ijfif e-hin ; and thus 
tgroHlf kusumd-hin, "floribus" (from kusuma,) answers to the 
Veda W*r^fi?H x kusum$-bhis. Before, however, the forms in 
irfira t-bhis, fi? -hin, had arisen, from wfinr 6bhis, by the 
change of d into e, dis must have proceeded by means of 
rejection and contraction from that most early form. Tiiis 
form exists also in the oldest hymns of the Vedas, together 
with that in J?fa* ebhis : thus, in Rosen, p. 14, TQrfNi yajndis; 
pp. 15 and 21 ^riffo arMls. In Zend the abbreviated form 
dis is the only one that occurs, which it does, indeed, ex- 
tremely often. 

221. Before the dual termination jo^h bya the Zend, in 
[G. Ed. p. 255.] its a bases, differs from the Sanskrit in the 
same way as the Zend and Prakrit do before the termina- 
tion ftoR.bhis, f% hin ; it employs, namely, & for d: but 
from vehrkd-bya, according to . 28. 41. comes vehrkaeibya. 
Thus, in the Vendidad, AO*>jj;oAS(0MQ> As4ijj;oA3fey hvaeibya 
pudhatibya, " sais pedibus" = ^Tn^ tn^rwn^ swdbh ydm pddd- 
bhydm; AJ^I^AS^O^AJJ zastadibya (^cTTrn^) " manibus" But 
in this case, also, the diphthong ^ ^ is supplied by 61 (. 33.) ; 
o.g. A4As^7-S> ubdibya, " ambobus" (Vend. S. p. 305). If in 
this form the lost nasal be restored, and it be assumed (of 
which I have no doubt) that the Greek dual termination iv is an 
abbreviation of the Sanskrit bhydm-,* then the Homeric forms 
like 6>/xof-iV are to be compared with the As4isjl}u> ubui-bya 

* By rejecting the labial, as in 
and by contracting the IfF^ydm to w, as when, in Sanskrit, for yashta^ 
hhta is said, from yaj, "to sacrifice," and n Zend ^w, "hoc," for 

U iyam (see, also, . 42.). 


above mentioned ; where, therefore, the first i would fall to 
the base, which it lengthens, the other to the termination. 
The third declension, by its forms like Satfjiov-oiv, might give 
rise to the conjecture, that oiv and not tv is the true termina- 
tion : the latter, however, is shewn to be so from the two 
first declensions, where tv and not oiv is attached to the final 
vowel of the base (Movcra-tv, \6yo-tv). In the third, there- 
fore, we explain the o before tv in the same manner as, .218. 
before <frtv (KOTv\rj$ov'6-<f>iv); viz. as a conjunctive vowel, 
which has made its way from the bases which necessarily 
have it, L e. from those terminating in a consonant into 
those which might dispense with it (into the bases in 
i and v) ; as, in general, in the third declension the conso- 
nantal bases have given the tone, and have shewn the way 
to the vowels t and v. It might, however, not [G. Ed. p. 250.] 
have been necessary for the conjunctive vowel o to make its 
appearance between consonants and the termination, as 
SatfJiov-tv could very easily be uttered ; but the o of Satfjiovotv 
comes evidently from a time when the tv was still preceded 
by the consonant, which the corresponding Sanskrit termi- 
nation bhydm leads us to expect ; in all probability a ; thus, 
SatfjLov-o-tv, from $atp.ov-o-<j>tv* We should have, therefore, 
here a different <f>tv from that which, in . 217., we endea- 
voured to explain from </, fire bids: the nasal in the dual 
(<t>)tv stands quite regularly for its predecessor w, as, in ge- 
neral, at the end of words. In order to present to our 

* The conjunctive vowel o, therefore, before the dual termination iv, 
has an origin exactly similar to that of the possessive suffix evr, which has 
been already elsewhere compared with the Sanskrit ^t^ vant. Ei/r must 
therefore have been originally pronounced FO/T; and the conjunctive 
vowel, which the digamma made requisite or desirable before consonantal 
bases, and which, from thence, has extended itself to the whole third 
declension, has remained also after the digamma has been dropped, and 
thus Trvp-o'-eis answers to irvpolv, from irvp-o-iv : on the other hand, Tvpo'-s 
to rvpoiv (-ru/jo-tV). 


view still more clearly how forms quite similar take root 
in the language as corruptions of preceding dissimilar 
forms, let the form erwrrov be considered as the first per- 
son singular and third person plural; in one case from 
eTVirTop., in the other from ervrrrovr. 

222. If the dual termination tv be explained as a con- 
traction of bhydm, we shall have found, also, the origin of 
the dative plural termination tv 9 which appears to have been 
changed in this number in the pronouns of one gender as 
it were by accident (^/A?i/, fyt'-a/, <T<p'-iv 9 together with 
<r0i'-<n). The Greek, however, in this respect, is guided or 
misled by the Sanskrit ; or, more correctly, the distinction 
of the plural dative of the pronouns of one gender is very 
ancient, and the Sanskrit has in them R x bhyam as termi- 
nation (^TCRHp^ asma-bhyam, "nobis" ^TO|^ yushma-bhyam, 
(G. Ed. p. 267.) "uofcis ), opposed to the r^ bhyas of all 
other words. From this bhyam, then, we arrive at tv quite 
as easily, or more so, than from the dual termination bhyam 
(cf. . 42.). As, however, wp^fe/iyaw, and its abbreviated form 
^f\hyam t according to . 21 5., has also its place in the singular 
dative of the pronouns of one gender, but occurs nowhere 
else ; as, moreover, the Latin also, in the pronouns referred 
to, has maintained a genuine dative termination, and to the 
common i, which is borrowed from the locative, presents in 
contrast the termination hi or hi (for bhi) (. 200.) ; we can, 
therefore, in the singular tv also of e//-A>, re-'/V, r-tv, ?v,,(r<p>'-iv, 
see nothing else than an abbreviation of R bhyam, a form 
which the Latin and Greek have shared in such a manner, 
that the former has retained the beginning and the latter 
the end. In the i both coincide.* The occasional accu- 

* A short time since, Max. Schmidt, in his excellent treatise " Com- 
nientatio de Pronomine Graeco et Latino" (p. 77), endeavoured to con- 
nect the termination w here treated of with the Sanskrit in a different 
way, by designating it as the sister form of the pronominal locative ter- 


sative use of this termination, in Theocritus, is to be ex- 
plained from its original signification being no longer felt, 
and the exchange of its v with that of the accusative thereby 
caused. On the other hand, we have in H.LV and vlv real accu- 
satives, and should therefore divide them /LU-V, v/-i/; and 
not assume, with Buttmann (p. 296), a connection between 
this form and the dative -7i/. 

223. As to the origin of the case-suffixes [G. Ed. p. 258.] 
fa*^ bhi-s, WTR bhy-am, vqr^ bhy-dm, and WT^ bhy-as, which 
begin with v^ bhy (from ft? bhd, we must notice, first, 
their connection with the preposition ^sfir abhi, " to," " to- 
wards,' 1 "against," (whence ^afaro abhi-tas, "at," cf. "apud"). 
However, in abhi itself bin is clearly, in like manner, the ter- 
mination, and the demonstrative ^t a the theme ; so that this 
preposition, in respect to its termination, is to be regarded 
as a sister form to the Latin ti-bi, si-bi t i-bi, u-bi ;* just as 
another preposition, which springs from the pronominal 
base a, viz. wfif adhi, " over," finds analogous forms in the 
Greek locatives, like o-ft, d'AAo-0/, ovpavo-et (. 16.). Related 
to the suffix fv dhi is V dha, which has been retained in 
the common dialect only in the abbreviation ha, in i-ha, 
"here," and in the preposition sa-ha, "with"; but in the 
Veda dialect exhibits the original form and more extended 
diffusion, and in the Zend, also, is found in several pro- 

rnination ^w in (. 201.). In this view similar forms would be con- 
trasted, exclusive of the length of the Greek w, which, according to my 
explanation, may pass as compensation for the a, which has been dropped. 
Still I lay less stress on the difference of quantity than on this, that it is 
precisely the pronouns of one gender in the Sanskrit, which exhibit in the 
locative not in but the common i (J.201.), but I attach still more weight 
to what has been said above in support of my opinion. 

* In Prakrit the termination fi| kin, which is connected with ft| bhi 
(cf. . 217.), unites also with other pronominal bases, for the formation of 
locative adverbs, as wfit *-**, "there," ^rf^ ka-hih, "where?" 


nominal bases with a locative signification; e.g. 
ava-dha.) " here." In the Greek, compare Oa of evda, op- 
posed to 0ei>, from ev0ev, epedev, &c., from V* dhas, for 
IfTI tas, in ^&W x a-dhas, "beneath": in which formations 
V x dh stands as a permutation of t, and occurs in this way, 
also, in some other formations.* Therefore dha, dhi, are 
to be derived from the demonstrative base w ta ; but it is 
more difficult to trace the origin of the fa bid of <3rfW abtii 
(Greek /*$/). I suspect that an initial consonant has been 

[G. Ed. p. 259.] dropped. As in Greek, also, tytv is used for 
(T0/i/, and as in Sanskrit f^tyffr vinsati "twenty," is clearly 
an abbreviation of (gtyfri dwinsati, and in Zend mj^i bis, 
"twice, AJjj^a bitya, "the second," is used for j*sj>> dvh, 
(Sanskrit f^ divis), ju^flUj^ dvitya (Sanskrit figlftq dwitiya), 
so fa bhi may be identical with the pronominal base ^ swa 
or fe swi whence the Greek (T^eTs-, tr^/i/, ^>/i/, &c. ; aiad so 
indeed, that after the s has been dropped, the following 
semi- vowel has been strengthened or hardened, just as iu 
the Zend ^^j bis, umpjj bitya, and the Latin bis, bi. The 
changed sibilant might also be recognised in the aspira- 
tion of the >? x bh, as, in Prakrit (. 166.), ^ sma has become 
v^mha; and, (which comes still closer to the case before us), in 
Greek for (T<j)!v is found also if/lv. And, in Sanskrit, that vr^/i 
should spring from 6 -f h is not entirely unknown ; and in 
this way is to be explained the relation of vrro x bhuyas, 
" more," to ^ bahu, " much," the a being rejected (Gramm. 
Crit. r.251. Rem.). 

224. The following will serve as a general view of the 
dual termination under discussion, in Sanskrit, Zend, Greek, 
and Lithuanian: 

* Among others, in the 2d person plural of the middle f dhw& and 
SEPT dhwam for ^ tw$, ^J? twam. 



i4 11. A (vehrkati-bya, or ) , 

in. vnkd-*bhyam, < , . ,.. >AVKO-/I/, wilKa-m. 

y (vehrkoi-bya, ) 

f. jihwd-bhydm, hizv&-bya> X&pa-tv, ranko-m. 

m. pati-bhydm, paiti-bya, TTOO-/-O-/V, pati-m. 

f. tanu-bhydm, tanu-bya, m7v-o-iv t .... 

f. vdg-bhydm, vdch-e-bya,* OTT-O-/, .... 

m. bharad-bhydm, baran-bya, tfrepovr-o-tv, . . . . *Q 

m. dtma'-bhydm.'l asmct-bya, 8oz/xdv-o-<v, . . . . g 

* I deduce this form principally from the base ^>A>AJ/ raoch, " light," 
which often occurs in the terminations beginning with_j b, and always 
interposes c e as conjunctive vowel AO^LS P^S^AS? raoch-e-Us^ ^^j C^J^AS? 
raoch-e-byo. We find, also, J^^L$C^SAJ^ vi-vaeh-e-bis (Vend. S. p. 63.). 
Bases in 7 r interpose g e; those in > f, when a vowel precedes that 
letter, conjoin the termination direct (.u,}i>j/ttA5$>.M3pg7g$A ameretdtat- 
bya, according to . 38.) : on the other hand, the p t of ^o^oi nt is 
rejected; thus, V. S. p. 9. As^sygjj7g_i berezeri-bya, " splendentibus^' 
with y, contrary to .60. The form ^4Ai f^^>>h brvat-byahm, 
" superciliis," also deserves notice, because in this solitary word the case 
termination appears unreduced (. 61.). The MS., however, as often as 
this word occurs, always divides the termination from the base (Vend. S. 
p. 269, twice $^s iASi ^? byahm; pp. 321 and 322, ^A57^s 
barvat byahm, probably for bravat byahm; so that it would seem 

that (AJ>i2i brvat is the ablative singular of a theme ^7t bru (Sansk. H 
bhrfi). I have not found this word in any other case : it is not likely, 

however, that any thing but $>.\s>>7| brvat or p^U5A5l brvant is its 
theme: in the latter case it would be a participial form, and would 
demonstrate, that instead of the last consonant of nt^ the last but one also 
may be rejected. Or are we to regard brvat byahm as a form of that sin- 
gular kind that unites with the termination of the ablative singular that 
of the dual, and thus }2s && would still be the theme? 

t JV, in Sanskrit and Zend, is rejected before case terminations beginning 
with a consonant ; thus, In Greek, Sat/xo-crt, and in Gothic ahma'-m. 




m. bhrdtri-bhydm,* bhrdtar-e-bya, irarep-o-iv, . . . . 
n. wchd-bhydm,^ vachti-bya, e7re(o-)-o-iv, . . 


[G. Ed. p. 261.] 225. These two cases, in Sanskrit, have the 
common termination ^srtac 6s, which may be connected with 
the singular genitive termination. The following are 
examples: '^4i|l^ vrikay-6s 9 f$Rpftl{jihway-6s (cf. . 158.), 
l paty-ds, ff*^H tanw-6s> ^T^fa^ vdch-6s 9 >jnft^ bhrdtr-us, 
vachas-6s. In Zend this termination seems to have 
disappeared, and to be replaced by the plural; likewise in 
Lithuanian, where, aivy-u is both dual and plural genitive, j 



226. Masculines and feminines have, in Sanskrit, ^ra as 
for the termination of the nominative plural, with which, as 
in the cognate languages, the vocative is identical in all de- 
clensions. I consider this as to be an extended form of 
the singular nominative sign &>; so that in this extension 
of the case-suffix lies a symbolical allusion to plurality: 
and the s, which is too personal for the neuter, is wanting 
in that gender, in the singular and dual, as well as in 
the plural. The three numbers, therefore, with regard to 
their masculine-feminine termination or personal designa- 
tion, are related to one another, as it were, like positive, 
comparative, and superlative, and the highest degree be- 
longs to the dual. In Zend <ra as has, according to . 56 b . 

* ^ ar before case terminations beginning with consonants is short- 
ened to ^ ri (. 127.). 


become 6 or JJAJ as before the appended particles cha and 
chit ; the Greek exhibits es, under the restriction of . 228. ; 
the Latin es 9 * with anorganic length of quantity through 
the influence of the s; the Lithuanian has es in bases in r 
but elsewhere simple s. Thus the words ^fein;^ duhitar-as> 
AS^JSAJ&JQ^O 2 dughdhar-as-clia, 6vyarep-es, dukter-es, matr- 
-es, correspond with one another. 

227. The a of the termination is melted [G. Ed. p. 262.] 
down with a preceding ^ a of the base to A ; thus, ^FTO 
vri/cds, from vrika + as, corresponds to the Gothic vulfds, from 
VULFAas (. 69.). In this concretion only, however, with 
the vowel of the base, the Gothic has preserved the full ter- 
mination ; but elsewhere, both with vowel and consonantal 
bases, the s alone of the old as is left, as in general the ter- 
mination as in Gothic polysyllabic forms has everywhere beej^ 
weakened to is or s (cf. . 135. 191.) : hence, sunyu-s, ahman-s, 
for suniv-as, ahman-as. And iBTT d, too, is contracted with 
the termination as to ds; hence, ftrgnu jihwds, forjihwd-as. 
It cannot, however, be shewn with certainty, from what 
has been just said, that the Gothic gilds, from GIBO, has 
simple s or as (contracted with the base vowel to 6=d) for 
its case designation. 

228. The masculine pronominal bases in a refuse, in 
Sanskrit, Zend, and Gothic, the full nominative designa- 
tion, and in place of it extend the base by the addition 
of an i t which, according to . 2., with the a of the 
base forms *j frj- for which, in Zend, is used ;o 3 or jy 61; 

* Vide . 797. p. 1078. 

f As ^BT a is lengthened in many other cases to TJ d, and with this the 
case terminations are then first conjoined, there is good ground to assume 
that in ff td, and similar forms, no case designation at all is contained, and 
that the pronouns, as purely words of personality, find themselves suffici- 
ently personified in this case through themselves alone ; as in the singular 
8u is said for sas, in Sanskrit as in Gothic, and in Greek 6 for 6s ; while in 
Latin, with is-te also ipse and ille are robbed of the nominative sign. 
This opinion is remarkably confirmed by the fact that *&ff\ ami. (Grimm. 

E 2 Crit. 


hence, Sanskrit tt, Zend yw t3, Gothic thai, " this, 1 ' 
[G.Ed. p. 263.] answering to the feminine form OTR ids, 
gwp tdo (. 56 b .), th6$. To this corresponds, in Greek, rot 
(Doric for ot). In Greek and Latin, however, this i, which 
practically replaces the termination as (e?, es), has not re- 
mained in the masculine pronominal bases in o ( = ^r a, 
. 1 16.); but all other bases of the second, as of the first declen- 
sion, have, in Greek and Latin, taken example from it ; hence, 
\VKOI, X6>|0ou, for Awco-e?, y^pa-e^ lupi (from lupoi), terra 
(from terraty for lupo-es, terra-es. The Latin fifth declension, 
although in its origin identical with the first (. 121.), has 
preserved the old termination ; hence, res from re-es, as, 
in Sanskrit jihwds from jihwd-as. The Lithuanian has 
fixed narrower restrictions than the Greek and Latin on 
the misuse of the pronominal inflexion under discussion, or, 
to speak more correctly, want of inflexion : it gives, indeed, 
wilkai=\vKoi 9 lupi, but not rankai, but rankos. Honour, 
therefore, to the Gothic! that in this respect it has not 
overstepped by one hair the old Sanskrit-Zend limits; for 
that the adjective a bases, as they in general follow the 
pronominal declension, give also ai for 6s (blindai "coed") is, 
therefore, no violation of the old law. 

229. In Zend, in consonantal bases the dual termination 
M do also (from ^srt* ds, . 207.) occurs with a plural signi- 
fication; thus, frequently, gojfuu^ vdch-do, " voces 

Crit. $. 271.) shews itself clearly through most of the oblique cases, as 
ami-tyas, " illis," ami-sham, " illorum," to be the naked theme. The form 
which occurs in the Zend-Avesta A^tteota,^ vispes-cha, "omnesque" 
(V. S. p. 49), considered as a contraction of vispay-as-cha (cf. . 244.), 
leads to the conjecture, that to ^ tf, and similar uninflected forms, the 
termination as also might attach itself; thus, TO* fay-as. In Zend, the 
pronominal form in ^ occurs, for the most part, in the accusative plural; 
and thus the abovementioned vispes-cha 1. c. stands probably as accu- 
sative, although, according to Anquetil's inaccurate translation, it might 
be regarded as the nominative. 


raoch-tio, " luces" which forms cannot be regarded, perhaps, 
as regular plurals of bases in d ; for I believe [G. Ed. p. 264.] 
I can guarantee that there exists no such base as AW^UM^> 
vdchd and AU^AI? raochd. The form ^w^gus Aonh6 in a 
bases, as ^wjguij?*)^ vehrkdonhd, "lupi" and "lupos" rests 
on that in the Vedas, but which only occurs in the nomina- 
tive, *TRr& dsas (. 56 b .); e.g. *JtHlfKT stdmdsas, "songs of 
praise," for Htar^ sttimds, from wta stdma* 

230. Bases in i and u have, in Sanskrit, Guna ; hence wmEl 
patay-as, *jf*f^ sunaw-as, for paty-as, sunw-as. The Gothic 
also has preserved this Guna, but in its weakened form i 
(. 27.), which, before u 9 becomes y; hence, sunyu-s, "sons," 
(for suniu-s, from sunau-s,) a form which would be unin- 
telligible without the Guna theory, which has been shewn 
to belong to the German. Ii i bases the Guna i is melted 
down with that of the base to long i (written ei, . 70.); 
hence, gastei-s, anstei-$, from GASTI, ANSTI (cf. p. 105.). 
The Zend employs Guna or not at pleasure ; hence ^&tfp J.M< 
paity-8, or paitay-6^ ^JJAJQ> pasv-6, or pasav-6. 

231. Neuters have, in Zend, as in the cognate Euro- 
pean languages, a short a for their termi- [G. Ed. p. 265.] 
nation J ; perhaps the remains of the full as, which belongs 
to the natural genders, after the s, which is too per- 

* This form is, in my opinion, to be so regarded, as that, for greater 
emphasis, the termination as has been a second time appended to the 
termination, which had become concrete with the base. 

t The t, which, according to . 41., is blended with the base, remains 
in spite of the a preceding the y. 

t Simple as this point is, I have nevertheless found it very difficult to 
come to a firm conclusion regarding it, although, from the first, I have 
directed my attention towards it. Burnouf has already (Nouv. Journ. 
Asiat. III. 309, 310) given the plural neuter form, and instituted com- 
parisons with the Gothic and Greek, &c. But from forms like hu-mata^ 
"bene-cogitata," "hucta," " bene-dicta," it cannot be perceived what the 
neuter plural termination properly is; because, setting out with the San- 
skrit, we are tempted to assume that the true termination in these forms 



sonal for the dead speechless gender, has been dropped. 
[G. Ed. p. 266.] This a remains, then, in the accusative. 
The masculine and feminine have, in the same case, 
generally likewise as (Zend ^ 6, AJ^JJJAJ ascha). The 
following are examples : AyA5Ajj^p.M ashavan-a, " pura ;" 
AspAj>A3<?%-J Krexant-a, " splendentiaj" AS^UM(? vdch-a, "verba? 
AJ?Asy war-a, " homines i" AJ^OAS ast-a, " ossa" In no- 
minal bases in a the termination is melted down with 
the vowel of the base : the d so produced has, however, in 
the received condition of the language, according to a 

has been dropped, and its loss either compensated by lengthening the final 
vowel, or not. We must therefore direct our attention to bases with a 
different termination than a, especially to such as terminate with a con- 
sonant. The examination of this subject is, however, much embarrassed, 
in that the Zend, without regard to the gender of the singular, is prone, 
contrary to natural expectation, to make every noun neuter in the 
plural ; an inclination which goes so far, that the numerous class of a bases 
have hereby entirely lost the masculine nominative, and but sparingly 
exhibit the masculine accusative. When, e.g. mashya, " human being," 
is, in the plural nominative, likewise, mashya (withcAa, mashya,-cha), here 
I am nevertheless convinced that this plural mashya, or mashyd, is not an 
abbreviation of mashydn from mashyds (. 56 b .), as in no other part of 
Zend Grammar AS a or AU a stands for ^rn? ds : I am persuaded that this 
form belongs to the neuter. The replacing, however, of the plural mas- 
culine by neuters rests upon a deep internal feeling of the language ; 
for in the plural number it is clear that gender and personality are far in 
the back ground. The personality of the individual is lost in the abstract 
infinite and inanimate plurality ; and so far we can but praise the Zend 
for its evitation of gender hi the plural. We must blame it, however, in 
this point, that it does not, hi all places, bring the adjectives or pronouns 
into concord with the substantives to which they refer, and that in this 
respect it exhibits a downright confusion of gender, and a disorder which 
has very much impeded the inquiry into this subject. Thus, e.g. vtipa 
anaghra-raochdo (not raoch~a), " all lights which have had no beginning " ; 
tteard (fern.) fata or thrayo (rnasc.) sata, "three hundred"; chathwdrd 
(masc.) fata "four hundred." In general the numbers "three " and 
"four " appear to have lost the neuter ; hence, also, thrayd csqfn-a, "three 
nights," cliathwdrd csafn-a, " four nights": inVend. S. p. 237, on the other 
hand, stands tdnarayd," those persons who . . . ." 1 divide thus nar-a 



principle often quoted, been again shortened, and remains 
only in monosyllabic bases and before annexed particles. 
The Gothic and Zend, in this respect, stand [(jr. Ed. p. 267.] 
very remarkably upon one and the same footing ; for th6, 
" hac? is used (for thd, . 69.), from THAa ; hvd, " qua? for 
HVAa; but daura, from DAURA, as, in Zend, jujp M,, 
" h&c," M*^ yd, "qua" opposed to ASOAS agha, " peccata" 
from ayha. It' cannot, therefore, be said of the Gothic that 
the a of the base has been dropped before that of the termi- 

although the form might also belong to a theme warn, which also occurs, 
but much less frequently than nar ; whence also, elsewhere, the masculine 
nar-6 ta$-cha 9 "and those persons." From the theme vdch, "word," 
" speech," we find frequently vdc7i-a (also, erroneously as it appears, 
vach-a); e.g. Vend. S. p. 34, Mpxfaw Ajp<5^*> A5pAJ$>^ JU^AXJ^ 
vdcha humata hucta hvaresta, "verba bene-cogitata, bene-d'tcta, bene-peracta." 
From yjuAJjjjAS ashavan^ "pure," occurs very often the neuter plural 
'shvana-a ; as, however, the theme ashavan sometimes, too, although 
very rarely, extends itself unorganically to ashavana, this form proves less 
(though it be incorrect) that the neuter asfiavan-a should be derived from 
the unorganic extremely rare ashavana, than from the genuine and most 
common ashavan, in the weak cases ashaun orashaon. Participial forms, 
too, in nt are very common in the neuter plural ; and I have never found 
any ground for assuming that the Zend, like the Pali and Old High Ger- 
man, has extended the old participial theme by a vowel addition. In 
the Vend. S., p. 1 19, we find an accusative agha aiwishitdr-a, "peccata 
corrumpentia(1)" Anquetil renders both expressions together by "/a 
corruption du cceur" (II. 227,); but probably aiwi-sitdra stands for 
-csifara, and means literally " the destroying" (cf. ftf kthi, intrans. "to 
be ruined"). So much is certain, that aiwi is a preposition (p. 42), and 
tar is the suffix used in the formation of the word (. 144.), which is in 
the strong cases tar; and from this example it follows, as also from asha- 
van-a, that where there are more forms of the theme than one, the Zend, 
like the Sanskrit (see Gramm. Grit. r. 185. c.), forms the nominative, ac- 
cusative, and vocative plural from the stronger theme. I refrain from ad. 
ducing other examples for the remarkable and not to have been expected 
proposition, that the Zend, hi variance from the Sanskrit, forms its plural 
neuters according to the principle of the Latin nomin-a, Greek T(iXav-a, 
Gothic namon-a or namn-a. 


nation, for it could not be dropped, because the base-vowel 
and termination have been, from the first, concrete. The old 
length of quantity might, however, be weakened : this is 
the fate of long vowels especially at the end of words. It 
cannot, therefore, be [said of the Greek ret 8>pa and the 
Latin dona, that the a entirely belongs to the termination, 
This a is an old inheritance of the oldest date, from the 
time when the second declension, to use the expression, 
terminated its bases with a. This a has since then be- 
come, in Greek, o or e (. 204.), in Latin, u, o, or e, and has 
maintained its ancient quality only in the plural neuter, 
and -the 5, which has grown out of a -fa, has become 
shortened. This 5, however, in contrast with its offspring 
o, e, ii 9 may even pass for a more weighty ending, which 
unites base and termination, than if SCO/DO or Scope, dono, 
done, stood as the plural neuter. 

232. Bases in i and u may, in Zend, suppress their final 
vowel before the termination, and u may be suppressed and 
replaced by lengthening the base-vowel: thus we read in 
the Vend. S. pp. 46 and 48, AJ^AS^ gara* " hills, 11 from .J&AS^ 
gain (see p. 196, Notef): on the other hand, p. 313, gairts 
(fern.). That which Anquetil (II. 268.) renders by "une 
action qui empfahe de passer le pont, le peche contre nature? 
runs in the original (p. 1 19), JWj^ Ayts i^^o Aj(3g7go)AwyAj AJQAJ 
AsA^AJo)^Aj^^v5y ayha andperetha skyaothna yd nard-vaipaya, 

[G. Ed. p. 268.] i. e. " the sins which stop the bridge, the 
actions which ...."; and here it is evident that andperetha 
stands for andperethw-a, for peretu means actually "bridge."* 

* Burnouf s MS. divides thus, and peretha, which is following Olshau- 
sen (p. 6), but with the various reading andperetha. I have no ground 
for assuming that in Zend there exists a preposition and, " without/' so 
that and peretha-rmglit mean " without a bridge " ; and tb&t peretu would, 
in the singular instrumental, form perethwa orperetava. I suppose, there- 
fore, that peretu may be conjoined with the preposition d, and then the 
negative an have been prefixed. 


But a final u may also be retained, in the form of a semi- 
vowel, either pure or with Guna : the latter form I recognise 
in AsAjpAMU ydtava (Vend. S. p. 120 ; in Olshausen, p. 7), 
which can only be the plural accusative of ^ANJ^ ydtu, 
for it stands with ASOAJ agha, "peccata-, and in the same 
page in Olshausen occurs a derivative of ydtu in the accu- 
sative singular, viz. $gp)& l 9 > C (U ttCl k ydtumentem, "the magi- 
cian," "gifted with magic 1 ' (according to Anquetil, magicien). 
I render, therefore, agha ydtava literally by "the sins of 
sorcery " (Anquetil, "la magie tres mauvaise"); and in An- 
quetirs Vocabulary is (p. 467) ^<^JMJ^ ydthvanm, the 
regular plural genitive of our base ydtu 9 which means, 
therefore, " of the sorceries " ; while Anquetil faultily gives 
it the meaning of the derivative (magidens), and, according 
to his custom, takes this oblique case for a nominative. 
An example of a neuter plural form without Guna is at V, S. 
p. 122, AJ^^JW hendva " the Indies"; with hapta hendu, "the 
seven Indies " (Anq. II. p. 270). It has the epithet us-astar-a 
("up-starred? ) in opposition to ^^gw ^g^feJO-M^)^ 
daus-astarem hendum, " to the ill-starred (?) [G. Ed. p. 269.] 
Indies." An example, in which the suppressed termination in 
a u base is replaced by lengthening the final vowel, is the very 
frequently occurring fwylj v&liu, "goods," from >WY vohu. 
233. The interrogative base ki (cf. quis, quid), which in 
Sanskrit forms only the singular nominative-accusative (neu- 
ter) fcRH ki-m, but is elsewhere replaced by ka ; whence, in 
Zend, ijuj ka-t, " what ": this base, the use of which is very 
limited, forms in Zend the plural neuter AJ,^ ky-a*\ and 

* V.S.p. 341. 

A3^^AV5 J^^G kya aetd vacha yoi-henti gdthdhva thris dmruta (erro- 
neously thris dmruta), " What are the words which are thrice said in the 
prayers (songs) V 9 The masculine forms a$t& and y6i can here, according 
to Note at . 231., occasion no difficulty. So also V. S. p. 85, AS^ kya 



this form is the more important, since we still require 
examples which can be relied upon, in which the i of the 
base is not suppressed before the termination a (above, 
gara for gairy-a), although it may with reason be conjec- 
tured, that, in accordance with the abovementioned hendv-a 
and ydtav-a, forms also like vairy-a or vairay-a, from vain, 
were in use. As in Gothic, neuter substantive and adjec- 
tive bases in i are wanting, the numeral base THRI 9 
" three," and the pronominal base /, " he," are very im- 
portant for the neuter cases under discussion, in which 
they form thriy-a (thriya hunda, " three hundred ") and iy-a, 
according to the principle of the Sanskrit monosyllabic 
forms, of which the i sound has not passed into its simple 
semi-vowel, but into iy\ thus, in Sanskrit, faqi bhiy-d, from 

234. The Sanskrit gives, in place of the Zend- European 
neuter a, an ^ i, perhaps as the weakening of a former a 

[G. Ed. p. 270.] (. 6.) ; the final vowel of the base is length- 
ened, and between it and the case termination a euphonic n 
is placed (. 133.) ; hence '%&{[?*( d&nd-n-i> ^rdftsr vdri-n-i,* *njftr 
madhu-n-ij The bases which terminate with a single con- 
sonant ^ n and r being excepted prefix to it a nasal, 

before the masculine ^ASJOAJ/ ratavo (^A5pAJ/ M^j kya ratavo, 
"which are the lords"?). 

* According to a euphonic law (Gram. Grit. r. 84 a .), an tT n following 
after T **, and some other letters, is, under certain conditions, changed into 


t In the Ve'das, the id in a bases is frequently found suppressed ; e.g. 
f^TT viswd, "omnia" from viswa. In this way the Sanskrit is connected 
with the Zend vispa, vUpd-cha : but perhaps this coincidence is only exter- 
nal ; for as the Sanskrit nowhere uses a neuter terminations, f^STT viswd can- 
not well be deduced from vispa+a, but can only be explained as an ab- 
breviation of the d-ni, which likewise occurs in the Vedas, as also J 
puru," multa" "magna," is used for ^^puruni( Rosen's Spec. pp. J>, 10). 


and after s and n the preceding vowel is lengthened ; hence 
g^rftl vachdn-si, tflHlftf ndmdn-i. Into relation with this i 
might be brought the neuter inflexion of qu<B (quai) and Ace-c 
(haic) which stand in Latin very isolated ; qua is, however, 
still tolerably distant from the Sanskrit cjrifil kd-n-i> while it 
is nearly identical with the neuter dual sfc kd from ka + i 
(.212.). Since, however, theantiquity of this dual termination 
is supported by the Zend, the plural form kani stands on the 
other side isolated, and its age is thereby rendered doubtful ; 
as, moreover, the Latin, in the verb also, has introduced a 
termination originally dual into the plural* ; [G. Ed. p. 271 .] 
we cannot avoid recognising in the Latin plural qua a 
remnant as true as possible of the Sanskrit dual % he". 

235. We give here a general viewj of the formation of 
the plural nominative, and of the vocative, identical with 
it and the neuter accusative : 


m. vrikds, vehrkdonho,^ KVKOI, lup*-t, wilkai, vuTfos. 

m. t& 9 t&, rot, is-t\ tie,+ thai. 

n. ddnd-n-i, data, Stipa, dona, .... daura. 

f. jiliwds, hizvdo, X^P att terrae, rankos, yibos. 

* The termination tis answers to ^Hff that, Greek rov from TOS, not to 
\f tha or H ta, Greek re. With respect to the otherwise remarkable 
declension of qui, and of hie, which is akin to it, I would refer prelimi- 
narily to my treatise " On the Influence of Pronouns in the formation of 
Words" (by F. Diimmler), p. 2. 

f See J. 229. 

J This form belongs not to the base TA (=Tf to), whence, in the sin- 
gular, ta-s, and nearly all the other cases 5 but to T1A, whence, through 
the influence of the , tie has been developed (cf. p. 174, Note * and 
. 193.) ; and whence, in the dative dual and plural, tie-m, tie-ms. The 
nominative plural is, however, without a case termination. The original 
form TIA corresponds to the Veda m tya, mentioned in . 104. ; while 
the base W *&* (*I *yi S4JO $ 6&) fully declined in Litlmanian in tlie 
form of SZIE, and in the plural nominative, likewise without inflexion, 



f. ids, Ifo, Ta/, Mae, tes, th6s. 

m. patay-as, paity-6* mxri-eft hosf-esrf .... gasiei-s. 

f, prtiay-as, dfrity-6,* if6pTt-es> mesf-esd&wy-s, anstei-s. 

n. vM-n-i, var'-a, "$pi-a, mari-a, 

^n 1cy-a,t .... iy-a. 

Pf. bhawshyanty-as, bushyainty-6,* .... 

p,m. smav-as, pasv-d,* tydv-es, pecu-s, sunu-s, $unyu-s. 

*? f. tanav-a$, tanv-6>* ntTv-es, socru-s, .... kandyu-s. 

& n. madhu-n-i, madhva, 

f. vadhw-as, .... 

From the pronominal declension the form ie (from ia) has found 
its way into the declension of the adjective also : so that the base GERA, 
"good/ 1 forms several cases from GERIE; viz. dat. da. gerfam for 
gera-m, dat. pi. gerie-ms for gera-ms, and nom. pi. gen for gerai. This 
fferi appears to stand in most complete agreement with the Latin nomina- 
tives of the corresponding declension (60m, lupi) ; but the difference be- 
tween the two languages is this, that the i of font (for bono-i) belongs to 
the termination, while gen is void of termination, and stands for gerie 
(analogous with tie), but this latter fmgerie-i (cf. yaunikkie-i.) 

* Seep. 163, Note J. 

t See p. 1078. 

| To this ky-a, from Id-a 9 corresponds surprisingly the Latin qui-a 
(quianam, quiane), if, as I scarce doubt, it is a plural neuter, as quod is a 
singular neuter (cf. Max. Schmidt "De pron. Graco et Latino," p. 34). 
In the meaning " that/ 1 quia is clearly shewn to be an accusative : the 
meaning " because " is less apt for this case, and would be better expressed 
by an instrumental or an ablative; but in the singular quod we must be 
content to see the idea " because *' expressed by an accusative. On the 
other hand, quo, among other meanings, signifies "whither/' a genuine 
accusative signification hi Sanskrit grammar. Without the support of 
quod we might conjecture that an instrumental singular had been pre- 
served in gwifl, after the analogy of AJ^pjA5o)^a/y-a, fxxpatoi. 

We might expect gav-6,gavas-cka, "bovesque;" but we read juo>5 
yeus in the Vend. S. p. 253, L. 9, in combination with the pronominal 
neuters juip M, "iHn," JW)*0 y&, "qua" which, according to $.281. 
Note, cannot surprise as. 












bharant-as 9 









bhrdtar-as t 


















ferent-e$,\ .... 




nomin-a, .... 


.. ,,i 

matr-esfi dugter-es, 
dator-esrf .... 



236. The bases which end with a short vowel annex ^ 
n in Sanskrit, and lengthen the final vowel of the base ; 
hence, ^tf\ vrik&n, ifirfa^ pattn, VJr^ sunun, &c. We might 
imagine this n to be related to the m of the singular ac- 
cusative, as in the verb the termination ^rftf Ani (1st pers. 
sing, imperative) has clearly proceeded from ^rrfir dmi. The 
cognate dialects speak, however, in favour of Grimm's acute 
conjecture, that the Sanskrit n is, in the accusative plural 
masculine, an abbreviation of ns,\\ which has remained en- 
tire in the Gothic vulfa-m, gasti-ns, sunu-ns,~- but has been 
divided in the other sister languages; since the Sanskrit, 
according to . 94., has given up the latter of the two con- 

* See p. 1631 Note J 

t See Notef in preceding page. 

J The Gothic r bases annex in the plural a u, and can therefore be 
contrasted no further with the cognate languages. BROTHAR becomes 
BROTHRU, whence Mihryu-s, &c., according to the analogy ofsunyu-s. 

5 Or AJW^f fiAsv? vachenha. Thus we read Vend. S. p. 127, nemnha, 
which, I think, must be regarded as accusative of nimo ( ifTO no/mat, 
"adoration"), and as governed by A^CttVjl tierctkra, "from him 
who brings," " from him offering." 

|| The Old Prussian, too, exhibits in the ace. pi. ws, e.g. tdva-ns, narepas. 
Respecting the Veda termination nr, from n* 9 see J. 517. Remark. 


sonants, and has lengthened, as it appears, iu compensa- 
tion for this, the final vowel of the base*; while the Greek 

[G. Ed. p. 274.] \VKOVS has preserved the sibilant, but has 
permitted the v to volatilize to u.f In fact, \VKO-V$ has the 
same relation to \VKOV$ that TVTTTOVVI has to TvirTov<rt 9 from 

[G. Ed. p. 275.] rvTtrovTt. J For noon-as, /%0iJ-a, we could 
not, however, expect a TTOCTI-I/S', /xfly-vf, as the Greek makes the 
i and v bases in all parts similar to the bases which terminate 
with a consonant, which, in Sanskrit, have as for a termi- 
nation ; hence XEJ^ padas = iroSas : and even in the most 
vigorous period of the language ns could not have attached itself 
to a consonant preceding. This as for ns may be compared with 

* Thus vrUcdn for vrikans; as, fagfa vidwdns, whence the accusative 
fasfTCPR vidwdns-am^ in the uninflected nominative f^TTr^ vidwdit, 

t As the v also passes into i (rt,6eis for rt&w, ^Eolic rui//ms, ftc'Acus for 
n)tyav(r)s) /*eXai/y), Hartung (1. c p. 263) is correct in explaining in this 
sense the i in Molic accusative forms like I/O/AOIS, rots <rrpaTTjyois, &c. As 
regards, however, the feminine accusatives like ^eya\ais 9 TroucfXac?, Tcipais, 
quoted by him, I believe that they have followed the analogy of the mas- 
culines, from which they sufficiently distinguish their gender by the a 
preceding the i ; we cannot, however, thence infer, that also the first and 
specially feminine declension had originally accusatives in v$, as neither 
has the Gothic in the corresponding declension an ns, nor does the San- 
skrit exhibit an n (see $.287., and cf. Rask hi Vater's Tables of Compa- 
rison, p. 62). 

t It cannot be said that TVTTTOVO-I proceeded from TUTTTOVTO-I, a truly 
monstrous form, which never existed in Greek, while the rvwroim. before 
us answers to all the requirements of Greek Grammar, as to that of the 
whole base, since O-VTI corresponds to the Sansk. anti, Zend cnti, Goth. nC; 
and from the singular n (Dor.), in the plural nothing else than vn can be 
expected. But to arrive at overt from ovrt it is not requisite to invent 
first so strange a form as ovra-i ; for that OVTI can become overt is proved 
by the circumstance that the latter has actually arisen from it, by the 
very usual transition of T into 2, and the not rare vocalization of the 
N to Y, as also in Sanskrit, in all probability, ^^ us has arisen from nt 
(cf. p. 172, Note *), of which more hereafter. But if in the dative plural, 
indeed, ov-<rt has arisen from our-cw, not from ov-<rt (Xcovcr* not dalftovcrt), 



the Ionic arou, arc, for i/rai, VTO, a form which has extended 
from the places where the vocalization of the v was necessary, 
to those also where v might be added (nenetOaTat, rerpd- 
(JMXTOU ; then, also, treTravara^ KCK^tarat, &c. for Tte-navvTat, 
Kek\twou). This comparison with the 3d person plural ap- 
pears to me the more in point, as, in my opinion, the n 
in the presupposed forms, like ^K\ vrikans, xrfffa^ patins 9 
KVKOVS, has the same object that it has in the 3d person 
plural ; viz. allusion to plurality by extending (nasalizing) 
the syllable preceding the sign of personality. The in- 
troduction of a nasal is an admixture which is least of all 
foreign, and comes nearest to the mere lengthening of an 
already existing vowel. 

237, Feminine bases with a final vowel follow in San- 
skrit the analogy of consonantal bases; but with the sup- 
pression of the a,* thus s for as or ns ; they may perhaps, 
too, never have had ns, for else hence would have arisen, 
as in the masculine, a simple n : to the [G. Ed. p. 270.] 

we must remember that the abandonment of the n before case terminations 
beginning with a consonant is a very old and therefore pre- Greek pheno- 
menon, which is not to be accounted for in the Greek, and wherefore no 
compensation is to be required for the i>, which has been dropped. But 
even if it were so, we must still be satisfied, if the demand for compen- 
sation for a lost v remains unfulfilled in several places of grammar ; for 
there are two kinds of euphonic alteration in all languages : the one, 
which has acquired the force of a general law, makes its appearance under 
a similar form on each similar occasion, while the other only irregularly 
and occasionally shews itself. 

* Monosyllabic bases only have preserved the a as the case sign in 
the singular nominative (. 137.) ; hence, f^pftr striy-as, "feminasj* 
*T^ bhuvas, " terras," from ^gft stri, *r &&#. There is scarce a doubt 
that this form originally extended to polysyllabic bases also ; for besides 
the Greek, the Zend also partly evinces this (}. 238.), as also the circum- 
stance that in the actual condition of tho Sanskrit language the accu- 
sative plural shews, in general, an inclination to weaken itself, and thus 
contrast itself more submissively with the imperious nominative (. 129.). 


feminine gender, too, the well-sounding Ionic a is more suit- 
able than n. In general, the Sanskrit feminines in other parts 
of grammar cast off the w, which is annexed by masculines 
and neuters (. 133.). Moreover, the Gothic also, in feminine 
6 bases, gives no ns, but it appears that thus = frost ids (eas, 
has) is a pure dowry from the ancestral house ; and when the 
feminine i and u bases in Gothic, by forms like i~ns, u-ns, 
assimilate themselves to the masculines, this may be regarded 
as a disguise of gender, or a deviation caused by the example 
of the masculines. The consonant bases follow the ex- 
ample of the Indian, but have lost the a, as in the nomi- 
native (. 227.); hence, Jiyand-s, ahman-s, for fiyand-as, 

238. Feminines with a short final vowel lengthen it, to 
compensate, as it appears, for the suppression of the a ; 
thus jfttfta priti-s is formed from prity-as, and TH^ tanu-s 
from tanw-as. The Greek certainly presents, in this re- 
spect, only a casual coincidence, through forms in ?y, v$, 
which, however, are not restricted to the feminine, and 
stand at the same time, in the nominative, for /-e, v-e$. 
The Zend, like the Greek, follows in its i and u bases the 
analogy of the consonantal terminations; hence, ^J^OJASQ) 
paity-d (paity-as-cha,) ^tf AJQ) pasv-6 (pasv-as-cha, or, with 
Guna, paitay-6, pasav-6. In feminine bases in i, u, occur at 
times also the forms i-s, il-s, corresponding to the Sanskrit ; 
as, AU^Asg gairi-s, "monies" (Vendidad S. p. 313.), 
erezu-s," rectos," mffaxytafnurs, "urentes^JVf 


239. Masculine bases in M a, where they are not replaced 
by the neuter (. 231. Note), have, in the accusative, an (cf. .61.); 
as,*>jm<m,* "hos" often occurs, ^^o^5 mazistan, "maxi- 
mos" (Vend. S. p. 65.). The sibilant is retained before the 

[6. Ed. p. 277.] particle AI^J cha, and these forms can be 

copiously quoted; as, AS^^^^AS ameshans-cha, ",non- 

* Cf. Vedic forms in ah. 


conniventesque " ; AJ^^?^ manthrans-cha> " sermonesque"; 
*$&fj*$&&M a&smans-cha, " lignaque* ; A^^^^^AU^ vds- 
tryane-cha, " agricolasque"* The form A5^jj3gy>7>As(3As athau- 
run-ans-cha, " presbyterosque" (V. S. p. 65.), is remarkable, as 
there is no reason elsewhere to assume a theme athauruna; 
and this form would accordingly shew that consonantal bases 
also could assume the inflexion ns, with an unavoidable 
auxiliary vowel however ; unless, indeed, we are to suppose 
that, in the perverted feeling of the language, it has been 
introduced by the preponderating analogy of the a bases. 
More important, therefore, than this As^\^jy>7>Aj<3Aj athaur- 
unans-cha are the accusatives AO>e7Asy narem, "homines" 
and juu>?ijojJ streus, " stellas" which occur very frequently; 
while from ^AS^OAM atar, " fire," we have found, not jts3>c7<^Aw 
tflhr-eus 9 but ^7(3AM dthr-6, in which it is to be remarked 
that dtar distinguishes itself from other words in r in this 
point also, that it forms, in the nominative singular, not 
ASCOAU ata, but A^AS^OAM dtars. But how is the termination eus 
to be explained ? I believe in no other way but from J3^j 
ans, by changing the n into a vowel, as in [G. Ed. p. 278.] 
K6yov$\ after which, according to . 31., the A3 a has be- 
come P e : the sibilant, however, which, after AS a and ^ji an, 
is jo 3, must, after > u, appear as -*u s. We actually find, too, 
in the V. S. p. 311, *^/ ner-ons in the sense of a dative: 

* I formerly thought I could, through forms of this kind, quote the 
introduction of a euphonic s in Zend, according to the analogy of . 95. 
But if this introduction cannot he proved hy cases, in which no ground 
exists for the assumption of an original sibilant, preserved merely hy the 
particle AJ^J cha (cf. . 56*>. 207. 228.), then the above examples are the 
more important, in order to supply a fresh proof that ns is the original 
designation of masculine plural accusatives of themes terminating with a 
vowel. The superlative AJ^C^O JJ ^jj^Cac^:^ verethrassahstema (of which 
hereafter) may be regarded as derived from a participial nominative. Other 
cases, which might suggest occasion to assume, in Zend, a euphonic rafter 
77, have been nowhere met with by me. 


ju>?>t>>A> AW^AJ^ >$%/ qpAj^jAMj cMzcfo" at ricram 
mazdd ahurd ashaond, c. "da quidem hominibus, magne Ahure I 

240. As a in Sanskrit occurs the most often of all letters 
as the termination of masculine bases, and we cannot mis- 
take, in the history of our family of languages, the disposi- 
tion in the sunken state of a language to introduce, by an 
unorganic addition, the more inconvenient consonantal de- 
clension into that of the vowels, I cannot therefore think 
that it admits of any doubt, that the New Persian plural 
termination dn, which is restricted to the designation of 
animate creatures, is identical with the Sanskrit w^ dn in 
the masculine plural accusative : thus, ^^ marddn, " ho- 
mines? answers to irftt^ martydn, " mortaks? "homines"* 

241. If, then, the termination ^\ dn, applied to animate 
beings, belongs to a living being in the old language, the 
inanimate neuter will be fitted to give us information re- 
garding that New Persian plural termination which is 
appended to the appellations of inanimate objects. A 
suffix, in the formation of words which is peculiarly 
the property of the neuter, is Wl as (. 128.), which is still 
more frequently used in Zend than in Sanskrit. In the 
plural, these Zend neuters form anha or enha (. 56 a . 235.) ; 
and with this ha is evidently connected the lengthened U 
hd in New Persian ; thus, ^jjj roz-hd, " days, 1 ' answers to 
the Zend AJ^JJU^AJ? raochanha, " lights." Many New Per- 
sian words have been compared with New German words 

[G. Ed. p. 279.] and often, too, correctly ; but, except 
through the medium of the Sanskrit and Zend, it could not 
have been conjectured that our " Worter" is, in respect to its 
termination, related to the New Persian hd> As, however, 
the High German has, from its earliest period, repeatedly 
changed * into r, and a into i (later e), I have no 

* Thns in Spanish the whole plural has the termination of the Latin 



doubt the z'r Middle and New High German er which 
makes its appearance in the plural in many Old High Ger- 
man neuters, is identical with the Sanskrit neuter suffix 
^ as; e.g. husir, "houses," chalpir, "calves 11 (cf. Grimm, 
pp. 622 and 631).* 

242. Here follows a general view of the accusative for- 
mation : 





m. vrikd-n, 


Av/co-v?, %)6-s, 

wilku-s, vulfa-ns. 

n. ddnd-n-i, 


S(3|0a, c?ona, 

.... Jawra. 

f. jihwd-s, 


^cUjod-j, terra-s t 

ranka-s, gib6-s 9 

f. td-s, 


Ta-j, is-ta-s, 

ta-s, th6-s. 

m. pati-n, 


7roo*/-aj, hosC-es, 

.... gasti-ns. 

f. bhiy-as, 


iropTt-as, mess-es, 

f. prftz-s, 



aiuy-s, asfi-ns. 

n. vdri-n-i, 


?5jO/-a, mari-a, 




.... iy-a. 

f. bhavishyanti-s, bushyainti-sfi .... .... 

[G.Ed. p. 280.] 

m. sAnd~n, 


fyfly-aj, pecu-s, 

swnu-s, 5Mnu-ns. 

f. bhuv-cis, 

tanv-6 1 


f. taw$-$ f 


TT/TU-?, ^ocm-y. 

.... handu-ns. 

m. madhu-n-i, 


fjLedv-a, pecu-a, 

* This ir, however, is treated in declension as if the theme originally 
terminated in a, and would thus, in Sanskrit, be asa. Hence, compared 
with the dative husiru-m (from husira-m, . 168.), the nom. accns. husir 
appears an abbreviation. Bu the relation of our ir to the Sanskrit as 
is not thereby disturbed, because in general, most of the original consonantal 
terminations in High German have received unorganic vowel additions. 
Cf. pp. 148 and 191, G. Ed. Note. More regarding this hereafter. 

f See p. 175, G.Ed, Note. {. 

J This form is further confirmed by AJU5p^co) peso-tanva, from 
ptsb-tanu, which signifies the hind part of the body 0-199.), but is also 
used in the sense of "blow on the hinder part of the body" ; and in this 
manner it occurs in the 15th Fargard of the Vend. : 

S 2 




















dtman-as t 





ferent-es, . 

sermon-es, . 

ndman-a t TAai/-a, womm-a, , 

brdthr-eus? warep-as, fratr-es, 

dughdher-eus? Bwyarep-as, matr~es, duyter-es, . . . . 

ddthr-eus? tioTfjp-a$, dator~es, 

vachanh-a, e7re(<r)-a, 


[G. Ed. p. 281.] 243. The formation of this case, and what is 
connected with it, has been already explained in . 2 1 5224. ; 
it is therefore sufficient to give here a comparison of the forms 
which correspond to one another in the cognate languages, 

haeha skyadthnd-vareza atka bavaintipesd-tanva* " hacprofacti-peractione 
turn sunt verbera posteriori corpori inflicta" (Anquetil, Celuiqui commet 
cette action sera coupable du tanafour). In regard to the andperetha, men- 
tioned at $.232,, it is further to be noticed that the (3 th can only be 
occasioned by a orf w that has been dropped (. 47.), for the theme of the 
concluding substantive is >pc7co) peretu, not perethu (Vend. S.pp. 313 
and 362, twice). 

* Irregularly from a theme Tfl g& (. 122.), for J|OT gav-as. The 
Zend AVJ>AU^ gdus (also J^J^VMW gdos\ which often occurs, rests on the 
strengthened Sanskrit form ift gau; so that in respect of the strong and 
weak cases ($. 129,), the relation in this word is distorted. In the nomi- 
native, for instance, we should expect A^>AUW gdus, and in the accusative 
JUO>CM gens, rather than vice versa. 

t See p. 163, Note }. 

t See .129. 

See j. 127. Note and $.249. Note ;. 


by which a summary view of the subject may be assisted. 
As the German, in its singular dative,* is identical with 
the Sanskrit-Zend instrumental, it is hence deducible that 
its character m (for b see . 215.), in the dative plural, 
must rather be regarded as an abbreviation of fin^ bhis 
than as belonging to the dative-ablative termination ro 
bhyas ; although it approaches equally near to the two old 


m. vrikS-bhis, .... deo-Qiv, vo-bw, .... vulfa-m. 

vrM-is, vehrk&'ist .... .... wlka-is, .... 

f. jihwd-bhis, hizvti-bis, ranko-mis, gM-m. 

priti-bhis t &friti-bts> awi-mis, ansti-m. 

m. sunu-bhis, pam-bis, sunu-mis, sunu-m. 

f. nau-bhis, .... va-<piv t .... 

m. dtma'-bhis, asma-bis, .... ahma-rr 

n. ndma-bhis, n&ma-bis, ..." namn-am. 

n. vacho-bhisj vachd-bforf oxecr-^/v,t .... [G. Ed. p. 282.] 


244. Mention has already been made of the suffix of 
these two cases in . 215. Only the s of the Latin 6115 has 
been left in the first, second, and (according to Nonius) 
occasionally, also, in the fourth declension; for the i of 
lupi-s, terri-s, speci-s (for speci-bus from specu-bus), must be 
allotted to the base. Lupi-s stands for lupo-bus, as evinced 
by ambo-bus, duo-bus. From o-bus (by lightening the final 
vowel of the base, 0, M, from an original a, . 6.), as occurs 
in the beginning of compounds (multi-plex for multu-plex 
or multo-plex, of which hereafter), the language arrived at 
i-bu$, (parvi-bus, amici-bus, dii-bus, cf. Hartung, p. 261). In 
the first declension a-bus has been retained with tolerable 

* Vide {.160. Note I 
t See $. 56*. and 128. 



frequency, but the middle step i-bus is wanting; yet the 
language has scarcely made the spring from a-bm at once 
to M, but a-bus has weakened the a of the base to ?, which, 
to compensate for the bu which has been dropped, has been 
lengthened; thus terri-s from terri-bus, for terra-bus, as 
[G. Ed. p. 283 .] malo from mavolo. Compare, 


in. vrik-bhyas, 
(. jihwd-bhyas, 
m. pati-bhyas, 
f. priti-bhyas, 


paiti-by6 9 


terri-s t 





m. bhavishyanti-bhyas, b&shyainti-byd, .... .... 

m. s&nu-bhyas, pasu-by&, pecu-bus,l sunu-m(u)s 9 

f. vag~bhyas, vdch-e-byo, voc-i-bus. .... 

m. bharad-bhyas, baren-by6, ferent-i-bus, .... 

m, fttma'-bhyas, asmd-by6, sermon-i-bus, .... 

m. bhrdtri-bhyas, brdtar-e-by6 9 fratr-i-bus, .... 


245. The genitive plural in Sanskrit, in substantives 
and adjectives, has the termination ^srT^ dm, in the Zend 
anm, according to . 61. The Greek wv bears the same re- 
lation to the original form of the termination that eS/Swv 
does to ^^I* x adaddm (. 4. 10.). The Latin has, as usual, 

* See J. 215. 

f The masculine t bases pass in the plural, by an nnorganic increment, 
into a different declension. And in the dual and dative singular, also, 
PATI had to be given up (Mielcke, p. 35, Rem. 1 .). 

J I have selected the masculine base PECU, which occurs only in a 
few cases, on account of its connection with >J3AJQ> pasu, and I have car- 
ried it through all the cases, and think, therefore, that I may here also 
give the original u-bus for the corruption i-bus. 

$ See .224. Note*, p. 241. 


preserved the labial final nasal in its original form, but 
by its influence has shortened the preceding vowel ; hence, 
ped-um (=pad-dm), the u of which supplies the place of a 
short a, as in lupum = ^cjr^ vrikam, \VKO-V.* [G. Ed. p. 284.] 
The German, like the Lithuanian, has dropped the final nasal. 
In Gothic, however, the ^n d, which has been left, shews itself 
under two forms, and thereby an unorganic difference has 
been introduced between the feminine genitive termi- 
nation and that of the masculine-neuter ; since the fuller 6 
has remained only to the feminine 6 and n bases. 

246. Bases ending with a vowel, with the exception, 
partly necessary and partly arbitrary, of monosyllables, 
place, in Sanskrit, a euphonic n between the termination and 
the base, the final vowel of which, if short, is lengthened. 
This interposition appears to be pristine, since the Zend 
partakes of it, although in a more limited degree; for 
instance, in all bases in AJ a and jo d : hence, (tfAu^tPg^ 
vehrka-n-anm, V^/AUW.*^. jihva-n-anm. To the latter cor- 
respond very remarkably the genitives (which occur in 
Old High German, Old Saxon, and Anglo-Saxon, in the 

* Regarding the termination i*um in consonantal bases, and, vice versa, 
respecting urn in places where i-um might have been expected, we refer 
the reader to . 126. In adjectives the feminine character i mentioned in 
. 119. may have had its effect, and may have passed over from the femi- 
nine to the other genders, according to the analogy of the Lithuanian 
(p. 174. Note * . 157.) : thus the i offerenti-um reminds us of the Sanskrit 
feminine vr<*fft bharanti. The same is the case with the i of the neuter 
formferenti-a; it is bequeathed by the deceased feminine theme FE- 
RENTL On the other hand, contrary to the opinion preferred in 
. 120., we must now regard the i before bus (e.g. voc-i-bus) as a conjunc- 
tive vowel, like the ^ e in the Zend vdch-e-byd. Here it is to be observed 
that those consonantal bases, which admit neither i-a nor i-um, must never- 
theless proceed before bus to annex an i. In the chapter upon the adjec- 
tives we shall recur to the feminine character t ; and then treat also of the 
t for e in the singular ablative of the common dialect. 


corresponding class of words) in 6-n-S, e-rwz; hence, Old 
High German kep6-n-6, Old Saxon gebd-n-d, Anglo-Saxon 

247. We find the bases in short and long i, in Zend, if 
[G. Ed. p. 285.] polysyllabic, only with euphonic n : on the 

other hand the monosyllabic i bases annex the termination 
direct, either attaching Guna to the final vowel, or keeping it 
pure; ihus,thry-anmoTthray-anm 9 "trium"fromthri; vay-anm, 
"avium" from vi. Bases in > u admit both of the annexing 
the termination direct and of the insertion of the euphonic n; 
but I find from the masculine >^ASQ) pasu only pasv-anm : on 
the other hand, I have found from feminine bases like m$p 
tanu t "body, 11 xw;oy nasu> "corpse (cf. VCKVS according to 
. 21.), hitherto only u-n-anm. With Guna $<*A>,ttASQ) 
pasav-anm would serve as a prototype for the Gothic suniv-6 
with Guna weakened (. 27.). 

248. Pronouns of the third person have, in Sanskrit, 
TTR sdm* for w^ dm ; and this may be the original and 
formerly universal form of the case-suffix, so that dm 
would properly be only the termination of the termination, 
and the s connected with the genitive singular would be 
the chief person. If this is the case, the abbreviation of 
this termination in substantives and adjectives must still 
be recognised as very ancient ; for the Gothic, which in the 
plural nominative restricts itself so rigorously to the old 
limits (. 228.), gives to the sibilant, in the genitive also, 
no wider scope; hence thi-z$ (. 86. 5.) = te-shdm (for t&- 
sdm. according to . 21.) "horum"', t hi-zo = td-sdm, "ha- 
rum? Here the a, like the 6 of the base THA, THO, 
appears weakened to i (. 66.): on the other hand, the ad- 
jective a and 6 bases, which follow the pronominal de- 
clension, have ai-z$, ai-z&\ and blindai-z$> "coecorum" (for 
bRnda-z6), answers exactly to the Sanskrit ^rtT^ te-shdm 

* Cf. Old Prussian son, e g. in stei-son, "rw." 


(from t ai-sdrn) from the base fl fa. The High German has 
changed the old sibilant to r, as in many other places; 
hence, in Old High German, de-r6 for thi-zt and thi-z6, of 
which termination only the r has remained [G. Ed, p. 286.] 
to us. To the Latin, in like manner, belongs rum for mm 
(.22.); hence, istorum, isfarum.* 

249. We give here a general view of the formation of 
the genitive : 


m. vrika-n-&m, vehrkarn-ahm, AVK-WJ/, lupo-rum, wiltf-d, wlf-e. 
in. n.t&-&hAm t tae-shanm, T'-CW, istd-rum, (-A, tlii-zi. 
f. jihwa-n-tim, hizvarn-awm, ytop&-wv, terra-rum, rani'-tJ, kep6~n-6.\ 

* This rwm, however, has, like the property of the plural nominative 
(. 228.), found its way or returned from the pronominal declension 
into the entire second, first, and fifth declension, which is originally iden- 
tical with the latter (. 121 and 137.). The transplanting of the rum 
termination into the declensions mentioned was the easier, as aH pronouns 
in the genitive plural belong to the second and first declension. Forms, 
however, remain, especially in the old languages, which evince that the 
language was not always equally favourable to the bringing back the ter- 
mination rum (deum, sotium, amphorum^ drachmum, agricolum, &c.). 
On the otl?er hand, the termination rum appears also to have attempted 
to fix itself iii consonantal bases, with e as conjunctive vowel, if, at least, the 
forms fumisheu by Varro and Chans. boverum, Joverum, lapiderum, 
regerum, nucerum (Hartung, p. 255.) are to be regarded as correct, and 
do not perhaps stand for bovo-rum, &c. ; as also, in Zend, the base go may 
extend itself to gava. The Latin rum and Sanskrit ^TR sdm lead us to 
expect the Greek ow : this is not met with, however, even in the pro- 
noun j so that the Greek, in this respect, stands in the strongest opposition 
to the Latin. The forms in a-cw, c-cop (e.g. aura-aw, ai/re-coi/, dyopa-op, 
ayop-Q>v) point, however, to a consonant that has been dropped. It is a 
question, therefore, whether universally a 2 (cf. {. 128.), or, as the San- 
skrit and Zend lead us to expect, only in pronouns a 2, but in other words 
of the first and second declension an N has been dropped, as in fiu'f 
from pct'fowi. According to this, XVKOW would be to be derived from 
XVKO-J/-O>J>, \P V f rom X (0 P a " v ~ G>v i but TUV from roow raw from raow. 

f Old High German, see . 246. 



f. td-s&m, a-onhanm,* ra-cov, ista-rum, t-u, thi-z6. 

m. n. tray-a-n&m, thray-anm, Tpt->v, tri-um, tri-u, thriy-$. 

f. p^-n-am, dfriti-n-anm, 7ro|OT/-a)y, mem-urn, awi-u t ansC-e. 

m. stinfi-n-Am, pasv-anm, tydv-w, pecu-um, sun-A, stmiv-. 

f. tanfi-n-dm, tanu-n-anm^ ictTV'tov, socru-um handiv-h 

2v-dm^ - gav-anm, j8o(f)(3v, bov-um, 

f. nd-vdm, .... va(F)-S>v t 

m.D.6Aara/-dm, larent-anmfi ^epovT-uv t ferenti-um^ .... fyjand-e. 

m. dtman-dm, asman-anm, 5a/jUoV-a>i/, sermon-urn, akmen-ti, ahman-e, 

m. bhruiri-n-t\my brathr-anmfi. itarep-w, fratr-um, 

* This word often occurs, and corresponds to the Sanskrit 
" harum" " earum " ( }. 56 b .) ; from jwp ^ tdmhahm would be expected, 
which I am unable to quote. The compound (polysyllabic) pronominal 

not aetdonhahm, as might be expected from ^ffTW etd-sdm. 

| Or, also, ^p^JAj^Ay barantanm, as in the Vendidad Sade, p. 131, 
^C ^^ wochantanm, "lucentium:" on the other hand, also 
frequently saochentahm. 

the corresponding ones hi Sanskrit, which, in this case, has shortened ar to 
^fri, and has then treated it according to the analogy of vowels. From ?AJ> 
nar frequently occurs tiar-aftm^ with retention of the a, on accourr of the 
base being monosyllabic: on the other hand, dthr-anm from dtar, " fire," 
and ^AOJp tisr-anm " trium," fern, for the Sanskrit finflOTf tisri-n-dm 
(Gramm. Crit. r. 255.). From ?ASQO^ dughdhar, we find the form 
dughdher-ahm (cf. p, 208, G. Ed. Note f) : the Codex has, however, 
dugder-anm (p. 472, 1. 2.). In general, in this word the readings dughdhar 
and dugdar are interchanged in various passages: the former, however, 
is the more common. 



250. The character of the plural locative [G. Ed. p. 288.] 
is, in Sanskrit, ^f su, which is subject to be changed into ij 
shu (. 21.), for which, in Zend, is found >j^ shu (. 52.) ; 
while from *J su, according to . 53., has been formed >*> hu. 
The more usual form for shu and hu (for which, also, occur 
shu and hu) is, however, Ast) shva, AS*V hva, which leads 
to a Sanskrit T^swa. This appears to me to be the original 
form of the termination ; for nothing is more common in 
Sanskrit than that the syllables ^ wa and q ya should free 
themselves from their vowel, and then change the semi-vowel 
into a vowel, as ^HS ukta is said for vakta (see also . 42.). 
The supposition, therefore, of the Indian abbreviation of the 
termination is far more probable than that of a Zend 
extension of it by a lately-added a, especially as in no 
other case does a similar aftergrowth admit of being esta- 
blished. But if ^ swa is the original form of the termi- 
nation, it is then identical with the reflective-possessive 
base ^ swa, of which more hereafter.* The same relation 
which, in Latin, si-bi has to su-bi (which might be conjec- 
tured from su-i), or that ti-bi has to tu-bi, Sanskrit Tfwuf 
tu-bhyam, the Greek dative-locative termination <rt (<TIV) has 
to the Sanskrit *t sw.f 

* Therefore, in Zend, tho locative x%pj?<3 thrishva, " in tribus" is 
identical with A) j^j^jo trishva, " the third part," since the pronoun in 
the latter compound denotes the idea of part. 

f Regarding the termination w of the pronoun of the 1st and 2d 
person see . 222. From the JEolic form a/t/ieVii/, quoted by Hartung 
(p. 260) from ApolL, I cannot infer that w is an abbreviation of mv : 
if it were so, the v also in r\p\,v would not adhere so firmly. It appears to 
me more suitable, therefore, to accord to the common declension an in- 
fluence upon the transformation of the form of inflexion peculiar to the 
pronouns without gender, but of the highest antiquity ; an influence which 
has penetrated further in O-C/H'O-I for o-^iV. 


[G. Ed. p. 289] 251. The bases in * a add to that vowel, 
as in many other cases, an i\ but from a -hi is formed s t 
(. 2.), to which the Greek 01 corresponds; hence, \vKOi-<rt = 

*?*im vrikS'shu. Hence the i in Greek has also passed over 
t o * 

to the bases in a-, >;-, either preserving its full value or sub- 
scribed, while in Sanskrit the <sr a remains pure ; hence, ftnTTCJ 
jihwfi-su, with which the locatives of names of towns best 
agree, as tt\a,Tai<i<rtv, 'O\v/x7na07, 'Adyvrja-t (Buttmann, .116. 
R 7. and Hartung, p. 461.).* 

252. Like the Gothic, the Lithuanian has an unorganic 
difference between the terminations which mark the case 
in the masculine and feminine in the genitive plural: the 
first has the sound of se, and the latter of sa, with the 
original and more powerful a, which, in the masculine, has 
softened into e. The ending sa is plainly from the swa, 
assumed above (p. 267, 1. 7.) to be the original form, from 
which it is made by rejecting the semi-vowel. 

253. Here follows a general view of the Sanskrit, Zend, 
and Lithuanian plural locatives, with the Greek datives : 

m. vrike-shu, vehrkai-shva, wilku,-se, \vKot-crt. 

f. jihwd-su, hizvd-hva, ran&o-sa, OAi//>wnao7, 

'qjf. priti-shu, afrtti-shva,^ dwi-sa, 

w m. silnu-.sAw, pasu-shva, dcmgu-se, 

y m. f. go-shu, .... . . * . fiov-al. 

g f. nau-shu, .... ... 

The common termination oiy, ais (oi-s, at-s), formed by curtailing 
-i, at-a-i, and so brought into agreement of sound with the third declen- 
sion, is here lost, through its apparent connection with the Sanskrit cur- 
tailed instrumental ending^ dis (.219.), which had before required 
consideration, because the Greek dative is also used as the instrumental, 
t I have no authority for the locative of the Zend bases in t, but it can 
only be analogous to that of the bases in u 9 which can be referred to in 
copious instances. 



f. vdk-shu, v&c-sva? .... 

m.n.bharat-su f brdtar-e-shva? .... 

m. dtma-su, asma-hva,* .... 

m. bhrdtri-shu, .... .... 

* ^f 

n. vachas-su> vach6-hva,i .... ewecr-ov. 

* Thus, in the Vend. Sade, p. 499, AJWAS(J> ushahva, from yASj^p> 
ushan, and p. 500, A^^A^AW^ ddmahva, from /A^AV^ daman. 

f The a in this form is not, as is generally supposed, a conjunctive 
vowel, but rests on a transposition ; as eSpa/cov for e&ap/coi/, and in Sanskrit 
ak$kydmi, '"'I will see," for <r^nfa darkskydmi (Sansk. Gramm. 
: thus narpdo-i (compare Tfrpaan) for Trarapo-i (compare reVcrapin), 
which, by preserving the original vowel, agrees with the Sanskrit base 
pitar better than Trarepa, irarepcs, &c. The same applies to the dative 
dpvaari, since the theme of dpvos has, as appears from the cognate word 
prjp, dp-fjVf dppfjv, rejected a vowel between the p and v, which again appears 
in the dative plural in the form of an a, and removed from its place. 
The whole REN appears to be a transposition of Ner^ Sanskrit rpc nar 
( | nri), "a man," for dprjv properly means " male sheep." The a of dpma-i 
is therefore etymologically identical with that of dvdpda-i (comp. Kiihner's 
complete Greek Grammar, . 281 . Rem. 2.). It is more difficult to give any 
accurate account of the a ofvlda-t : it is either the older and stronger form 
for the e of vieVt, or this word must have had, besides its three themes 
( C YIO, *YI, *YIEY), a fourth, YIAT, from which came vido-i, as yovao-t from 
TONAT, the more prevailing co-theme of PONY, which latter agrees with 

J In the Vendidad Sade, p. 499, we find the analogous plural locatives 
AS*y^2jj> uzir6hva, and A5*y^Q).MM3<# csapdhva. Anquetil translates 
the former by " au lever du soleil" and the latter by " & la nuit" It is im- 
possible to pronounce these forms aught but derivatives from themes in 
00A) as (^ 6, . 66t>.) Most of the cases of the latter woi-d, which occurs 
very frequently in various forms, spring from a theme in 2u ar, and the 
interchange of ouo>ju.Atttf csapar with ^o>A5M^ csapd is a similar case 
to that in Sanskrit, where ^T^T ahan, " day," forms some cases from 

^T|^ ahas (from which W$t aho in ^"tfinT ahobhis, &c.) ; and together 



GL Ed. p. 291 .] " Remark. From the bases in E2, to which 
The dative ecrcn ( = ^raj as-su) properly belongs, this form 
appears to have imparted itself to other bases terminating 
[G. Ed. p. 292.] differently, in which, for this case, an ex- 
tension of the original theme by $ is to be adopted ; which, 
in its origin, is identical with the abovementioned (. 241.) 
plural increase to the base by ir (from is and this, from as), in 
Old High German forms, as husir, "houses," chalpir "calves," 
which are the plural themes, with which the nominative, accu- 
sative, and vocative are identical, and from which, in the 
dative, by the addition of the ending for that case, arises hu- 
sirum, chalpirum; as, in Greek, Kwe<r-<ji 9 veKU<r<n, irdvTeora-i, 
yvvaiKevfrt, TroX/eoxn, and others, from the unorganically in- 
creased themes KYNE2, NEKYE2, &c., according to the ana- 
logy of 'EIIE2. From the doubled 2 one may then be re- 
jected (avaKTecnv, 7ro\'e<ri, /n^veo*/), or the doubling of a 2 by it- 
self be employed ; as, for example, vefcu-oxn, for ve/cv-tr/. This, 

with the theme ^T^BT exists another, ^5^! ahar. The anomaly of the 
Sanskrit "day" appears, in Zend, to have passed completely over to 

" night/' as this latter word has also a theme in n, namely 
csapan, of which the genitive pi. vstJoAS.*ttd^ csofnanm analogous with 
^nnn ahndm, "dierum " (. 40. relative to ^/for dp) is found in con- 
nection with the feminine numeral foxJ/AOj^o tisranm, " trium " (Vend. S. 
p. 246); for we read, 1. c. . 163., asnanmcha (= W|T*i ahn&ncha\ 
csafananmcha (read csafnanmcha), <( of days and nights/' In Sanskrit, 
by the suffix ^ a, the form ^ftahna, derivative, but equal in its meaning, 
has arisen out of vigfM ahan, which, however, occurs only in compounds 
(as J^T%p&rvfiJinaj "the early part of the day"), and in the adverbial 
dative TOTO ahndya, " soon/' " immediately," which, therefore, it is not 
necessary to deduce from the root ? hnu 9 with the a privative. The 
Zend, however, whose night-nomenclature, in this respect also, is not out- 
stripped by the Sanskrit, produces, as it appears, by a similar mutation, 
A)/oAjjttt<$ csafna from M}Q>A5.*tt<* csapan ; whence we find the locative 
, which might also be taken for the dative of /AJQ)ASJUW<# 



in most important particulars, is adopted by Thiersch, . 128., 
for the developement of the forms in ecrart ; only that he with- 
draws from the neuter bases described in . 128., as BEAES, 
the 2 which belongs to them, and, by a supposition, proved 
to be erroneous, BEAE is made the theme : and he divides 
forms like o^ecr^* into oje-o~</ instead of o^ecr-^i, and, by 
assimilation, derives o^e-crcn from o^e-o^/ ; while, as I be- 
lieve I have proved, the forms oyev-fyt and o^eao-i rest on 
entirely different case- suffixes (. 218,)> and have only the 
base 'OXES in common with one another. An assimila- 
tion, however, may be remarked in yovvaff-vt, from yawon-tri. 
so that the first letter has assimilated itself to the second, not 
the reverse. In SeTratr-o-i we shall leave it undecided whether 
the first 2 be primitive, and AEELA2 the theme (comp. 
yfjpas, . 128.), or whether it has arisen out of T, and so 
AEIIAT with TEPAT, KEPAT, belong to one class. If, 

csapan, but that it is preceded (V. S. p. 163.) by the unequivocal adjective 
locative H^;OAjy na&me (from XJ^AJJ nadma, " half "). Compare, also, 
1. c. $. 149., where WWM<w6$ **?<3J ftV^-N N?<X> Mhra, abn$, ithra, 
csafnd, probably means "in this day," "in this night," with the locative 
adverb AS?(3J ithra, " here," in the sense of a locative demonstrative. 
To the theme Ajy^AjjcoCjtf csafna, the plural of the same sound csafna, 
might also be assigned, which occurs 1. c. . 330. 331., and in several 
places elsewhere : juyajujutitf^ ^ jAf/(5 thrayo csafna^ " three nights/ 
MyAASMrttf .*\5A5Att(^ csvas csqfna, "six nights," AsyOASj^C^ ASAjy 
nava csafna, "nine nights," if here csafna be not (as in . 231. Note | it 
was considered to be) rather to be taken for the plural of yA5o>A>AV5<53 csapan, 
as neuter, since, as has been before observed, the Zend uses the gender of 
the substantive with great laxity, especially in the plural. For the 
frequently-occurring ablative itt.u>?.u^AS.Ati csapardt, however, we 
cannot assume another theme csapara, but we must, if the reading be 
correct, admit that feminine consonantal roots in the ablative adopt also 
the broader ending, dt for at 


however, in all these forms, we allow only cri or mv to be the 
case-suffix, and all that precedes it is referred to the true or un- 
organic increase of the base, it can therewith not be denied that 
not even to Homer himself, in forms like eweo'cn, not to men- 
tion unorganic forms like Kui/eo-cr/, did the entire ecrari present 

[G. Ed. p. 293. j itself as pertaining to that which marked 
the case ; for in the feeling of the speaker eirecrut could pre- 
gent itself, during that period of the language, only as what 
it is, namely, as eTretr-o*/, while errecros, ewecr/, plural eVeo-a and 
not eveof, &c., were used in declension. But different from 
what has been here adopted is the assumption of Hartung 
(p. 260, ff.) and Kiihner (1. c. . 255. R. 8.), in the most ma- 
terial points following Greg. Cor. ^Eol. , 35., relative to the 
production of the Greek plural datives. Kiihner says (1. c.) 

The character of the dative plural is ej (character of the 
plural) and t or tv (character of the dative singular), there- 
fore, ecn(i/)." I, however, think er not the character of num- 
ber, but of the nominative plural, and connected with the 
nominative singular through its 2 : a union of the plural 
nominative suffix with the singular dative is, to me, not to 
be imagined. If it were so, how could neuter nouns, to 
which es in the nominative is quite foreign, arrive, in the 
dative, at their identity of form with the natural sexes ? 
It further deserves to be remarked, that, in Prakrit, the 
locative ending *r su frequently assumes an Anuswara, and 
so adapts itself, by the form i| sun, for su, to the Greek, 
criv, for ov. 

254. After laying down the laws of the formation of a 
single case, it may serve to facilitate the general survey if 
examples are adduced of the most important classes of 
words in their connected declension. We pass over here 
from the Sanskrit, and go to the other languages in their 
order, according as they have, in the particular cases, 
most truly preserved their original form ; and where one 
or other of them has departed entirely from the original 


principle of formation, or by an anorganic increase to the 
base has entered the province of another declension, we 
there, in the place in question, exclude it from the com- 


Nominative, Sanskrit vrika-s, Lithuanian wilka-s, Zend 

vrhrk-6, with cha, vehrkas-cha, Greek \VKO-$, 

Latin lupu-s, Gothic vulf-s.* 
Accusative, Sanskrit, vrika-m, Lithua- [G. Ed. p. 294.] 

niaii wilka-n, Zend vehrke-m, Greek A.UKO-I/, 

Latin lupu-m, Gothic vulf. 
Instrumental, Sanskrit vnk$-n-a, Zend vehrka, Gothic Dat. 

vulfa, Lithuanian Instr. ivilku. 
Dative, Sanskrit vrikdya, Zend vehrkdi, Lithuanian 

Ablative, Sanskrit vrikd-t 9 Zend vehrkd-t, Latin lup-u^cl) 

(see . 181.). 
Genitive, Sanskrit vrika-sya 9 Greek AuKo-(<r)/of, Zend 

vehrka-h$, Gothic vulfi-s, Lithuanian wilko. 

* The meaning is, in all these languages, the same, and so is the theme 
in its first origin. The connection of the Lithuan. wilkas with vrikas 
rests on the very usual interchange of the semi-vowels r and I; and this 
latter goes through the whole of the European sister languages. The 
Gothic vulfs shews, moreover, the equally common interchange of gut- 
turals and labials, and follows the rule for the alteration of letters (Asp. 
for Tennis, see .870- I n ^atin the same thing takes place with regard 
to the supply of the guttural by the corresponding labial ; but lupus is 
further altered through the loss of the initial letter F, as is the Greek 
XVKO-S : it may, however, be assumed, that this v is introduced into the 
middle of the word in being vocalized into u. While therefore, in Li- 
thuanian, in wilkas, I and k are united, they are, in Greek, separated by v. 

f M. Reimnitz, whose pamphlet, " The System of Greek Declension" 
(Potsdam, 1831), had not been seen by me before I completed the preceding 
Part of this book, unfolds (1. c p. 122 passim) the same views concerning 

T the 


Locative, Sanskrit vrikS (from vrika + i), Zend 

[G. Ed. p. 296.] (maidhydi, . 196.), Lithuanian wilke, Greek 

Dat. KvK(p (oiKot . 195.) Latin Gen. lup-1- 
Vocative, Sanskrit vrika t Zend vehrka, Lithuanian willrt, 

Greek \VKC, Latin lupe, Gothic vulf. 


Nom.Ace.Voc. Sanskrit vrikdu, Vedic vriM, Zend vehrku, 

Lith. Nom. wilku, Voc. wilku t Greek At/Ko>. 
Instr. Dat.Abl. Sanskrit vrikd-bhydm, ZenAvc>hrka$i-bya, Greek 

Dat. Gen. AVKO-IV, Lithuanian Dat. wilka-m 

(see . 215.). 
Gen. Loc. Sansk. vrikay-6s, Zend vehrkay-6(see Rem. 1.), 

Lithuanian wilku. 


Nom. Voc. Sanskrit vrikfa, Gotliic vulfos.* 
Accusative, Sanskrit vrikd-n, Zend vchrka-n, Goth, vulfa-ns, 
Greek \VKO-V$ (from \VKO-VS, . 236.), Lithu- 
anian wilkus, Latin lupo-s. 

the Greek oio and its connection with the Sanskrit a~sya which I have, with- 
out being aware of his concurrence, brought forward in . 189. I have, 
however, in this respect, already stated my views in my pamphlet " On 
the Demonstrative and the Origin of Case " (in the Transactions of the 
Hist. Phil. Class of the Academy of Science of Berlin for the year 182C, 
p. 100. Here I have only further to observe, that the Greek adj . Siy/Aoo-ios, 
from the root AHMO, is, in the suffix by which it is formed, probably con- 
nected with the genitive ending in the text ; and is therefore remarkable 
with reference to the preservation of the s, which is lost in fi^/ioio. With 
regard to the origin of typoa-tos from the genitive, let reference be made 
to the Latin nigus^ a, urn ; and the identity of the Sanskrit suffix of words 
like nqtq manushya, " man," as a derivative from Manu, with the geni- 
tive ending H| shya for ^tf sya, as in TOJJTX! amu-shya, " Wins." 

With reference to the Zend, see . 231. Note J; and with regard to 
the Greek, Latin, and Lithuanian forms XVKOI, lupi, wilkai, see . 228. 


Instrumental, Sanskrit vrikd-is* (from vrikd-bhis), Veda 
vrik&-bhis t Zend vehrkd-is, Lithuanian wilka-is. 
Prakrit deve-hin (from d&va, "God," see 
. 220.), Greek fled-^t Gothic Dat. Instr. 
wulfa-m (. 215). 

Dat. Abl. Sanskrit vriki-bhyas, Zend [G. Ed. p. 296.] 
vehrkaei-byo, Latin lupi-s (amid-bus . 244.), 
Lithuanian wilka-m(u)s (. 215.). 

Genitive, Sanskrit vrikd-n-dm, Zend vehrka-n-anm, Greek 
Au/c'-a>i/, Lithuanian wiltf-d, Gothic mulf-h 
Latin lupo-rum (. 248.), 

* I take the liberty, in order to separate the base and the termination, to 
divide the diphthongs, as above in \VKO-VS ; therefore one must here pro- 
nounce vrikdis, and in Lithuanian wilkais, not as trisyllables, but as 

t I have remarked at . 217., but only as a conjecture, that the ending 
<piv in the plural is perhaps identical with the Sanskrit frw bhis, and the 
thence-derived Prakrit fi| hin, and the Latin bis in nobis, vobis ; and 
I will not advance more than a conjecture here, also, in comparing 6c6 <pw 
with d$v$~hih. This only is certain, that with the syllable fij bhi, which 
in Sanskrit, lies at the bottom of the case-forms fvfTff bhis, yqif bhyam, 
and vqrff bhydrn, as their common root (see $.215. passim), the Greek & 
and (f>Lv is also to be associated. I here willingly agree with M. Ag. Be- 
nary (Berl. Ann. July 1833, p. 51.), that <pw might be formed from the 
ending JH bhyam ( . 222.) by the contraction of nya into t (as in ijfuv, epiv, 
re/, &c. . 222.). The third possible supposition would bo the derivation 
from the usual dative-ablative plural termination WRT bhyas; again with 
the corruption of s to v, as in the 1st person plural p,cv from pes, and in 
the 2d and 3d person rov, TOV from \re that, ?m tas. The fourth possible 
case would be the derivation from the dual termination wn* bhyam 
(. 215.), and the changing this number of restricted plurality to that of 
unlimited plurality. I prefer, however, to consider (pw (<pi) as from one 
of the multifarious terminations of the Sanskrit plural belonging to all 
declensions; therefore, from fira^ bhis or wjn bhyas. 

T 2 


Locative, Sanskrit vrikG-shu, Zend vehrkaH-shva, Lithu- 
anian wilkuse, Greek Dat. \vKot-ai. 


Nom. Ace. Sanskrit ddna-m, Zend ddie-m, Latin donu-m> 
Greek 8wpo-i/, Lithuanian gera, Gothic daur\ 
Vocative, Sanskrit ddna, Zend data, Gothic daur\ 
The rest as the masculine. 


Nom. Ace. Voc. Sanskrit ddnd ( from ddna -I- ), Zend date. 

The rest as the masculine. 
[O. Ed. p. 297.] PLURAL. 

Nom. Ace. Voc. Sanskrit ddnd-n-i, Vedic ddnft, Zend data, La- 
tin dona, Greek 5wpa, Gothic daura. 

The rest as the masculine. 

"Remark 1. The Zend system of declension has re- 
ceived some valuable additions from the treatises pub- 
blished by Burnouf since the appearance of the First Part 
of this book, which I must lay before my readers.* First 
a dual case, viz. the genitive-locative, which I imagined 
to be lost in the Zend, as I had searched for it alone in 
vain, and could supply all the other dual endings in tole- 
rable copiousness. M. Burnouf supplies this (Yasna, Notes 
et falaircissements, p. cxxn.) by the expressions ^67-J> 
^>&)jj ub6y6 anhvd which are to be twice found in V. S. 
p. 312, and on both occasions are rendered by Anquetil, whose 

# First, a review of this Part in the Journal des Savons, which refers 
particularly to the Zend; then the First Part of the First Volume of a 
Commentary on the Yacna; lastly, a disquisition in the Nouveau Journal 
Asiatique, " Sur ks mots Zends et Sanserifs Vdhista et Fasichta, et sur 
quelques superlatifs en Zend" 


translation is in this place particularly confused, " dans ce 
monde" This translation might lead us astray so much 
the more easily, that ^wjuu anhvo, according to . 187., 
might also be the singular genitive, which frequently 
occurs with a locative meaning. We await the elucida- 
tion which Neriosingh's Sanskrit translation will give of 
this passage; but, for the present, content ourselves with 
the inferences deduced by Burnout ^^-I> ubdyd, ac- 
cording to that authority, corresponds with the Sanskrit 
ffirifa^ubhayos (amborum, in ambobus), with 6 for a, probably, 
according to Burnoufs acute conjecture, through the 
influence of the preceding 6, and with the loss of the con- 
cluding s. I am the more inclined to assent to Burnoufs 
opinion regarding the origin of the first 6 of ^a^Li> ub6y6, 
as I have been so fortunate as to find another example 
for the hitherto missing dual case, in which ^$AI ay&, not 
Y^Y %& actually occurs ; because, that is to say, no letter 
exercising the force of assimilation in question precedes 
the a I mean the form ^JAS^KWASJ zastay6 ( = Sanskrit 
hastayos), " in the hands/ 1 from AS^OJJASJ zasta, [G. Ed. p. 298.] 
in a passage of the Jzcschne, which has perhaps not yet been 
examined by M. Burnouf (V. S. p. 354.) : JAW^AJ AMCSAJJ 
^yMfl>jJAi$ $<$$$$ 5?>^ kuthd ashdi drujem dyanm zaltayo,* 
which Anquetil (p. 192) translates by " Comment moi pur t 
mettrai-je le main sur le Daroudj?" It appears, how- 
ever, that .SAMBAS ashdi can as little be a nominative as 
^^AJ^JJASJ zastayd a singular accusative; and I believe 
I am not wrong in the following literal translation : " How can 
I give the (Daemon) Drudj into the hands of the pure (into 
the power)?" 

"Remark 2. In the instrumental singular M. Burnouf 
admits the termination ana in bases in a (Ya$na, p. 98. 
passim), with n introduced, for the sake of euphony, 

The Codex has faultily JJO$JIO.M asdi and $5ii>X?2 drvjem. 


according to the analogy of the Sanskrit JJ? Una (. 158.). 
He rests this, among other forms, on that of AyAjowA>9 
ma&mana, " urind" a word which had often attracted my 
attention, and from which I, in like manner, would have 
deduced instrumentals in a-n-a if I had not differed from 
Burnouf in the etymology of the same, as I make its 
theme terminate in n ; and this word, which I remember 
to have seen only in the instrumental, I derive from the 
Sanskrit root ftr|f mih, "mingere" by a suffix in^ man, 
according to the analogy of yju^g^u baresman, from ^ 
vrih, " to grow," whose instrumental AyA}$jdg^>s baresmana, 
analogous with jofM$&&*5$ madsmana, occurs very fre- 
quently. M. Burnouf appears, on the other hand, to 
adopt a suffix ma in the word maesmana, in which we 
think we cannot agree with him as long as we cannot 
supply any cases which must indubitably belong to a 
theme in a. If, further, some words, which in their theme 
terminate in JJA* as (y, Sanskrit ^ra^ as), adopt ana in the 
instrumental form M. Burnouf quotes, p. 100 note, AsyAjjAj$ 
mazana, AjyAs^^As^u srayana* and AyAJWjA/l? vanhana; still, in 
my opinion, bases in a may be assigned as the origin of 
these forms, and they can be divided maza-na, &c., only 
in as far as such forms have been already proved to belong 
to undoubted bases in a. But now we prefer dividing 
them mazan-a, so that the letter s, with which these themes 
originally terminate, is interchanged with a nasal, just as, 
[G. Ed. p. 299.] in Sanskrit, the words ^"^ yakrit* 3Tf^ 
sakrit change their t for n in the weak cases, and may sub- 
stitute irar^ yakan* ^K^ sakan ; or as, in more remote 
analogy, the Greek, in the first person plural, has formed pev 
from /zee (*TC was, "mus "). Besides this, M. Burnouf cites 
also the interrogative instrumental Asyju^ kana, "with what? 1 ' 
which is the only word that brings to my mind somewhat of 
conviction, and had struck my attention before, in passages 
like |V>/AW$.M,CL* W /J A5 *C H A V A$ ) kana vazna yazdn$, "with 


what offering shall I sacrifice?" (V, S. p. 481.) I have not, 
however, ventured to draw a grammatical deduction from 
this form, because the pronominal bases are prone to 
unite with one another, and because I believed I might 
assume that the same pronoun which is contained in ^?| 
ana and ^f gna forms also the last element of A^A^ fcana, 
if from this base the instrumental only had been evolved 
or preserved, as has also occurred in the Sanskrit 
^frf ana and ^tf &na in but a few cases. For the rest, 
the Greek KCIVOS also appears connected with this AUAS^ 
kana, if it is looked upon as a theme, with which the in- 
strumental must agree in sound, for Ke?i/of, if not directly 
of interrogative meaning, is still plainly connected with 
the old interrogative base (comp. effort fcaschana, " who- 
ever.* 1 '). Under these circumstances I cannot yet admit 
of any instrumental in a-w-a, especially as also the bases 
in i and u (in which the Sanskrit in the masculine and neu- 
ter likewise introduces a euphonic n) in the Zend, in words 
which we have noticed, have dispensed with a similar insertion 
(. 160.). In another place (Journal des Savans), M. Bur- 
nouf deduces the frequently-occurring instrumental JULIAS yy.M 
ashayd, " with purity," from the masculine theme ASEQA* 
asha ; and there would be accordingly AJ^ASJ^AS ashaya, an 
instrumental form, at present standing alone in the Zend, 
which I hesitate to acknowledge, although it would be 
analogous to the Vedic form mentioned in . 158., i<fHqi 
swapnayd, if one derives this, with the Indian grammarians, 
from a theme J^fTT swapna. But if instrumental forms of 
this kind, in the Vedas or in the Zend, are not to be pro- 
duced in other undoubted instances as in the case of 
adjectives in construction with masculine or neuter sub- 
stantives, nothing prevents the assumption, that the form 
J&W swapnayd belongs to a feminine theme HJH swapna, 
especially as the suffix f na occurs also in other abstracts 
in the feminine form ff[ nd, and therefore ^TRT swapnayd 


may be explained according to the analogy of ifQPtt trish- 
[G. Ed. p. 300.] nayd, " with thirst." In every case I think 
I may deduce the Zend AS^ASJ^AS ashaya from a feminine 
theme AU^AS ashd, as the Zend in general, in the substantive, 
passes readily from one sex to the other ; and, for example, 
with a masculine base AJ?(^$ manthra 9 " a speech," occurs, 
also, a feminine Au7cy^ manthrd. 

" Remark 3. For the genitive termination g^y M there 
also exists, as Burnouf has most satisfactorily proved, a 
form nearer to the Sanskrit sya, viz. AU^ty hyd, which, 
although rather rare in comparison with the more 
corrupt form hi, is still sufficiently frequent in some 
chapters of the Jzeschne to satisfy one perfectly of its 
signification, according to the proofs given by Burnouf. 
I too had remarked words with the ending AU^W hyd, 
but in passages where AnquetiFs translation was little 
adapted to bring to light the genitive nature of the same, 
which, besides, was very much obscured through its usual 
representative gjw M, and was, moreover, concealed from 
me under the appearance of an instrumental form. 
However, the termination hyd for which is sometimes 
found, also, Au^rt khyd approaches so very near to the 
Sanskrit ^ sya, and agrees with it so precisely according 
to rule, as far as the unorganic lengthening of the a, that 
a single passage, with the accurate translation of Nerio- 
singh, who, in the passages hitherto edited, follows the 
original word by word, would have led us to it. Such a 
passage is given, although with a different aim, by Bur- 
nouf in his Ya$na (Notes, p. cxxxix.), which we here annex, 
as it is interesting ia other respects, also, for grammar : 

zanthwd paid 

ashahyd paourvyd fcasnd kheng strencha ddt adhvdnem. Ne- 
riosingh translates this passage word for word, only that 
he renders kasna* 4< which man?" (here properly not more 


than " who," for the 'idea of man is lost in the general 
signification of the whole,) not by ^ tfi kd nd, but simply, 

by wt k6, as follows : ^t *frt%: fain ;^m JT*nt SIT: *S^i 

k6 janan&K pita punyasya prathaman* 
kila sadvydpd- [(* Ed. p. 301.] 

rotvan kas chakre*, i. e. " boni originem quis fecit ? ") kali sur- 
yasya tdrakdndncha daddu padavim ("fang? *n?tt^ iNrtT <9ft ^^ 
kila mdryan Ushdn M daddu, i.e. "viam ipnis quis dedit?"). 
We translate from the Zend, " Quis(qualis vir) creations pater 
cst puritatis (or puri) primus? quis (qualis vir) soli stellisque 
deditviam ?" The Zend expression AuoifciW'j* zanthwd, for 
which, in the lithographed codex, p. 351, is erroneously 
given Auc^W zanthd, is plainly the instrumental of >$>^ASJ 
zantu ; which would correspond to the theme of a Sanskrit 
infinitive, ifwe^jantum, as the latter is feminine, and to which 
I have, in another place, referred the ablative iJwotfCv*jj 
zanthwdf (Gramm. Grit. p. 253.). This form is, besides, re- 
markable on this account, viz. that it is identical with the 
Sanskrit instrumental gerund, which, from spr jan, without a 
conjunctive vowel and without the euphonious suppression of 
the ^ n, would sound *&&RJantwd. With regard, however, 
to the length of the concluding a of the Zend form, which is 
preserved contrary to the prevailing rule (see . 118, 158. 
and 160. p. 191 G. Ed., where, however, uvfd^f^janthwa is to 
be read for zarithwa), I do not attach any particular import- 
ance to that, because in the chapter from which this pas- 
sage is taken a, originally short, is repeatedly to be found 
lengthened. The Sanskrit 5ftT%: janandK, with which Nerio- 
singh translates the Zend instrumental case, must be con- 
sidered as an ablative, as this case often enters the depart- 

ment of the instrumental, and is also capable of expressing 

_ _ t _ - 

* Perhaps the adverb ir*Pt prathamah, "primum," is a corruption for 
1|V|H; prathamah, "primus" which answers to the original, and is to be 
t-xpected from the sense. 

fr Vide as to AjonfoW zanthwa^ p. 1244 G. ed. 


the preposition "through" (for example, Nal. XII. 89.). 
Considered as a genitive, wsftljanane'K would not correspond 
with AttufCaW zanthwd, which cannot possibly be a genitive, 
for the genitive of >$>^*J zantu could only be wyfl^-Mj 
zanteus, or, also, ^od6^j zanthwu, or ^AJQO^UJA^ xaritavd (see 
. 187.), but in no case AMufC*^ zanthwd. Add to this, also, 
that *Rfif janani is feminine, like the Zend >$>>A> zantu, and 
TflpKSpunyasya, therefore, could no more pass as the epithet 
of SR%: janan&R than, in Zend, AM^WAJJ^AS ashahyd could 
pass as the epithet of AuacfOv^ zanthivd. I will, however, as 
concerns the Zend, lay no great stress on this circumstance, 
since in it the genders of the substantive are constantly 
changing. M. Burnouf, who looks upon sprr%: jananfti as a 
genitive, and refers ^nnrar punyasya to it, according to this 
interpretation justly takes objection to the 1441*4 Uf punyasya, 
which does not agree with the gender of rafa janani, but he, 
confirms, however, the reading expressly by the addition of a 
[G. Ed. p. 302.] sic. His translation runs, "Quel est le pre- 
mier pere de la creation pure 9 qui a montre leur route an soleilt 
et aux astres." I look with anxiety for M. Burnouf s further 
explanation of this passage, but expect from him rather in- 
formation of value in other respects, than to find that he has 
succeeded in making the forms 'SH^: jananeti and AMOSU^ 
zanthivd pass for genitives. Anquetil's traditionary inter- 
pretation sounds, in this place, very strange, but does not 
contradict my apprehension of Auotfi^g zanthwd : he makes 
the genitive AU^WASX^JA* ashahyd pass for the nominative, 
and does not, therefore, throw any light on the meaning of 
the termination AU^W hyd ; for, in the presumption that it 
was right, AM^^AJ^AJ ashahyd might, perhaps, have next 
been taken for an instrumental, and perhaps have been trans- 
lated " father with purity. 1 ' His translation is as follows : 
" Quel est le premier pere pur* qui a enyendre f qui a donne 

* In other places (V. S. p. 385) Anquctil renders (p. 137) the words 



de lui meme les astres qui ne sont pas a deux faces?" The 
sun is here quite left out of the question; and it must be 
acknowledged, that, as far as relates to etymology, it is 
very much obscured in this passage; we might identify, 
with reference to the form of ^^5^ kheng, this expression 
with the reflective pronoun AJ^O kha (as in kha-data, " created 
of itself," which is often said of the stars, as of self- 
created lights), and consider it as the epithet of A5^usc7pw 
stren-cha ; so that it would correspond as accusative plural 
to the Sanskrit ^Tt^ swan. It is here to be remarked, that 
in some chapters of the Jzeschne, QW ng is repeatedly 
found instead of a simple nasal, and, indeed, without 
regard to the organ of the following initial letter. So we 
read, in the V. S. p. 391, ^^c^-w-MsdlM^OJ^ dushacsathrcng* 
^^cy(3^A5^yuo-*o>2 dusskyadthneng, ^$g%fW*2&>3 dushda- 
eneng. Ariquctil, indeed, renders these expressions as 
singular nominatives, "ce roi mechant, qui fait te mal, attached 
a la mauvaise loi "; but they, together with [G. Ed. p. 303.] 
7W3ji^AJeb>2 dushvachanho, y&'jui'/A' *$! dushmananhd, 
refer to the plural 4*$>As^?^ dregvatd, and I have no 
doubt of their accusative nature : the whole passage, how- 
ever, like many others in the Jzeschne, can be explained 
only with the help of Neriosingh's Sanskrit translation. 
We can but regret that the in other respects highly valuable 
elaborate exactitude of Burnoufs excellent Commentary 
leaves us no hope that he will come very soon to the 
elucidation of this and other passages, regarding which 
I am most curious. But to return to our p^9^ kheng, 

AU^ASQ) patd ashahyd rightly by pere de la purete; his 
translation is, however, little calculated to throw light on the connection 
of the passage referred to. 

* The lithographed MS. has to$uc9<3j(5jj<S$ ASJ**^ dusa csathreng as 
two words; the a is, however, clearly only a conjunctive vowel, to unite 
the prefix ttO>^ dush more conveniently with the following j*$&cs. 


the ga kh makes no difficulty in this expression, even in its 
acceptation for the sun, for which, commonly, f7Asw hvare 
is found (the Sanskrit ^[T^swar, " heaven/'), as tf kh is used 
very frequently for *> hv (see . 35.) ; but we might here 
expect to find g&s^o khare, and may suppose that the 
^j^y ng has arisen out of w, and this letter out of r, as 
these liquids are easily interchanged, as is shewn in San- 
skrit, by the connection of ^r?^ ahan, " day," with ^r?^ 
a/mr, and, in the Zend, that of /AJ^AJJ^C^ csapan, " night, 
with 7AJo)A5J^^ csapar (I write it thus, and not 
csapare, designedly, see . 44.). At all events I take 
kheng to be the accusative, if, indeed, it may not also be 
conjectured that the base ?xw hvar may have entirely lost 
its r, and that it may be ^*?t" kheng for 9g^o khem, the 
accusative of a base AS^S kha. As^wc7<jD,tf stren-cha, also, 
according to my opinion, is the accusative, and not, as one 
might expect from the Sanskrit translation, the genitive 
plural, which more frequently occurs in the form $^2u>pj* 
stdra&m. Although, from this, ^c7p>ja siren might easily 
be formed by contraction and combination with AJ^J cha, I 
nevertheless prefer acknowledging in Ajfs^jc7pj3 strencha, a 
secondary form of J^>G?$>& streus, explained in . 239.; 
so that the nasal, here vocalized to w, is there retained, 
but the sibilant has been removed (comp. . 239.) ; espe- 
cially as, in other places also, AM^ dd is found in construc- 
tion with the accusative of the person, which has been 
given. In the Zend expression, 9yAvi<o5 adhvdnem, the 
Sanskrit ^CSTRI^ adhwdnam cannot fail to be observed 
(comp. . 45.); but in the lithographed MS. we have in- 
stead of this, $J/AM>>3A advdriem, which is easily seen to be 
an error. This false reading appears, nevertheless, to be an 
ancient one, and widely diffused ; and upon this is founded 
AnquetiFs, or rather his Parsi teacher's, interpretation, which, 
is strangely at variance with Neriosingh's exposition ; " qui 
[G. Ed. p. 304.] ne sont pas a deux faces" so that AJ a is 


taken for the well-known privative particle, ju>y dva as 
the number two, and the last portion finds in the Sanskrit 
W*H dnanq, " countenance," its corresponding syllable. 


Nominative, Sanskrit dhard* Greek xw/oo, Lithuanian 

ranka, Zend hizva, Gothic giba, Latin terra. 
Accusative, Sansk. dhard-m, Latin terram, Zend hizva-nm, 

Greek y&pa-v, Lith. ranka-n, Goth. giba. 
Instrumental, Sanskrit dharay-d, Zend hizvay-a, Gothic Dat. 

Instr. gibai (. 161.), Lithuanian ranka. 

Dative, Sansk. dhardy-di, Zend hizvay-di, Lith. ranka-L 

Ablative, Zend hizvay-dt, Latin terra(d). 

Genitive, Sanskrit dhardy-ds, Zend hizvay-do, Greek 

jcopa-, Latin terrd-s, Lithuanian ranko-s, 

Gothic gibd-s. 
Locative, Sanskrit dhardy-dm (. 202.), Zend hizvay-a, 

Lithuanian ranko-ye (. 19?.). 
Vocative. Sanskrit dkard, Zend hixv6 (?), Greek i x&P*> 

Latin terra, Lithuanian ranka, Gothic giba (?). 


Norn. Acc.Voc. Sanskrit dhar$, Zend hizve (. 213.), Lithuanian 

Nom. ranKi, Voc. rdnki. 
Instr. Dat. Abl. Sanskrit dhard-bhydm, Zend hizva-bya$ Greek 

Dat. Gen. %c3|oa-/v, Lith. Dat. ranko-m (. 215.). 
Gen. Loc. Sanskrit dharay-ds. [G. Ed. p. 305.] 

* Means " earth," and is probably connected with the Greek x*P a i as 
aspirates are easily interchanged (Buttmann, . 16. Rem. 1.). The root is 
V dhri (VT dhar, , 1.), "to hold," "carry;" whence, also, UTO dhdrd, 
which, by reason of the long vowel of its root, approaches nearer the 
Greek x&pa (. 4.), although it does not signify earth. 

f Without being able to quote this case in Zend bases in 4, I still have 
no doubt of the genuineness of the above form, since I can prove hy other 
cognate case terminations: 1. That the d is not shortened; and 2. also 
that an i is not introduced into the theme by the assimilative power of the 
termination ; hence, e. g. in the instr. pi. Jwb^LjJUJyg^ gentibis (V. S. 
p. 308.) from Jwy gend " woman 



Nominative, Sanskrit priti-s, Zend dfrtii-s, Greek 

Latin turri-s, Lithuanian awi-s t Gothic ansf-s. 

Accusative, Sanskrit priti-m, Latin turri-m, Zend dfriti-m, 
Greek TTO/OTI-V, Lithuanian dwi-n, Gothic ansf. 

Instrumental, Sanskrit prity-d, Zend dfrtthy-a, Gothic Dat. 
Instr. anstai (without case suffix, see . 161.). 

Dative, 'Sanskrit pritay-e (or prity-di, . 164.), Zend 


Ablative, Zend dfrit6i-t, Latin turri-(d). 

Genitive, Sanskrit prit&-s (or only with the feminine 
termination prity-ds), Gothic ansiai-s, Zend 
dfr&6i-s, Greek iropTt-os, </>tW-o>f, Lat turri-s. 

Locative, Sanskrit prtt-du, (or with the feminine termi- 
nation only prity-dm]. 

Vocative, Sanskrit prit$, Zend dfriti, Greek Troprt. 


Nom. Ace. Voc. Sanskrit priti, Zend dfriti(?)> Lithuanian Nom. 
[G. Ed. p. 306.] awi, Voc. aim. 

* It may be sufficient to give here the cases of a Sanskrit masculine in 
^ t, which differ from the feminine paradigma : from agni, " fire," comes the 
instrumental singular agni-n-d whilst frompati, " master," comes paiy-a* 
and from sakhi, "friend," sakhy-d (see . 158.)- and in the accus. plural 
W^h^ agnl-n. 

t Differing from what is stated in . 164. p. 196. G. Ed., it is now my 
opinion that the c e in ^c^oijus dfrlte does not represent the AS a of 
the original form ^^AJ^J^ AS afritay^ hut is the contraction of a and y ; 
as, for instance, in the Prakrit fg^rfa cfiintgmi, from fanHJlfif chinta- 
ydmi. e e is here a weaker form of &=?, And is more properly used to 
represent the latter than another vowel. With regard to the Lithuanian, 
see p. 218, Note t. 


Instr.Dat.Abl. Sanskrit priti-bhydm, Zend dfriti-bya, Greek 
Gen. Dat. iropTi-oiv 9 Lithuanian , Dat. awi-m 
(. 215.). 

Gen. Loc. Sanskrit prfiy-6$, Zend fifrithy-6 (?) (see p. 276. 
Rem. 1.). 


Norn. Voc. Sanskrit pritay-as, Zend dfrithy-6 (with cha 

"and" dfrithy-as-cha), Greek iropri-es, Latin 

turr*-es,' Gothic anstei-s, Lithuanian awy-s. 
Accusative, Sanskrit priti-s, Zend dfriti-s, Greek iropri -?, 

Gothic ansti-ns, Lithuanian awy-s. 
Instrumental, Sanskrit priti-bhis, Zend dfriti-bis, Lithuanian 

awi-mis, Gothic Dat. Instr. ansti-m (. 215.). 
Dat. Abl. Sanskrit priti-bhyas, Zend dfriti-byo, Latin tur- 

ri-bus, Lithuanian awi-m(u)s (. 215.). 
Genitive, Sanskrit priti-n-dm, Zend 4frfti~n-anm, Latin 

turri-um> Greek irofrrl-w, Lithuanian 

Gothic ansf-6. 
Locative, Sanskrit pr&i-shu, Zend dfriti-shva (or 

*Au), Lithuanian awi-sa, Greek Dat. wo/tm-o-i. 


Nom.Acc. Voc. Sanskrit vrJ, Zend vain, Greek ity><, Latin 

The rest like the masculine. 


Nom.Acc. Voc. Sanskrit vdri-n-i 

The rest like the masculine. 


Noin. Acc.Voc. Sanskrit v&ri- n-i, Zend [G. Ed. p. 307.] 
vdr-a, Greek 'fipi-a, Latin man-a, Gothic 
thriy-a (from THRI, three"). 
The rest like the masculine. 

* Vide p. 1078 G. ed. as to turr&s and similar form*. 




Nominative, Sanskrit sunu-s, Gothic sunu-s, Lithuanian 
sunu-s, Zend pasu-s, Latin pwu-s, Greek 

Accusative, Sanskrit stinu-m* Latin pecu-m, Zend pasu-m, 

Greek /36rpv-v, Lithuanian sunu-n, Gothic 

Instrumental, Sanskrit sfinu-n-d (Veda prabdhav-d, from pra- 

bdhu, . 158.), Zend pasv-a, Gothic Dat. Instr. 

Dative, Sanskrit sdnav-8, Zend pasv-8, Lithuanian 


Ablative, Zend palao-t, Latin pecu-(d). 
Genitive, Sanskrit s&no-s (from sunau-s), Gothic sunau-s, 

Lithuanian sunau-s, Zend paseu-s or pasv-u 

(from pasv-as), Latin pecd-s t Greek fiorpv-os. 
Locative, Sanskrit s&n'-du. 
Vocative Sanskrit sAn6 (from sunau), Gothic sunau, 

Lithuanian sunau, Zend pasu t Greek fiorpv. 


Nom.Acc.Voc. Sanskrit stlnii, Zend pasd, Lithuanian Nom. 

sunu, Voc. sunu. 
Instr. Dat. Abl. Sanskrit sdnu^bhydm, Zend pas'u-bya, Greek 

fiorpv-o-iv, Lithuanian sunu-m (. 215.) 
Gen. Loc. Sanskrit sfinv-6s, Zend paw-6 (see p. 276. 
[G.Ed. p. 308.] Rem. 1.) 


Nom. Voc, Sanskrit s&nav-as, Greek fiorpv-es, Zend 
pasv-6 (with cha, pasvas-cha), Latin pecu-s, 
Gothic sunyu-s (for suniu-s, from sunau-s, 
. 230.), Lithuanian sunu-s. 

Instrumental, Sanskrit sfinu-bhis, Zend pasu-bis, Lithuanian 
sunn-mis, Gothic Dat. Instr. sunu-m (.215.). 


Genitive. Sanskrit sunu-n-dm Zend pasv-anm, Latin 
pecu-um, Greek /3oTpv-i*>v, Gothic suniv-i t Li- 
thuanian suri-u. 

Locative, Sanskrit sunu-shu, Zend pasu-shva (or pasu- 
-shii), Lithuanian sun ?i-se, Greek Dat. j 

Remark. Feminine bases in u in Sanskrit differ in 
declension from the masculine, exactly as, p. 305 G. Ed,, 
priti L differs from ^ffrff agni m. 



Nora. Acc.Voc. Sanskrit madhu, Zend madhu, Greek 

Latin pecu, Gothic faihu. 
The rest like the masculine. 


Nom. Acc.Voc. Sanskrit madhu-n-i. 

The rest like the masculine. 

Nom. Acc.Voc. Sanskrit madhu-n-i, Zend madhv-a, Greek 

pedv-oi, Latin pecu-a. 
The rest like the masculine. 

FEMININE BASES IN [G. Ed. p. 309.] 


Sanskrit. Zand. 

> 7 om. nM, "woman," bhfa, "fear," nAiri, "woman." 

Accus. ndn-m, bhiy-am, ndiri-m. 

Instr. ndry-d, bhiy-d, ndiry-a. 

I)at ndry-di bhiy-d, or bhiy-&i, ndiry-di. 

AW. ndry-ds, bhiy-as or bhiy-ds, ndiry-af. 

Gen. ndry-ds, bhiy-as or bhiy-ds, ndiry-do. 

Loc. ndry-dm. bhiy-i or bhiy-dm, ndiry-a. 

Voc. ndri, bM-s, ndirl 




Sanskrit. Zend. 

N.A. V. ndry-du, bhiy-du, ?idW(see.213,p.927.) 

I. D. Ab. ndri'bhydm, bM-bhyAm, ndiri-bya. 

Loc. ndry-6s, bhiy-6s, ndiry-u? 


N. V. ndry-ds, bliiy-as* ndiry-do. 

Accus. ndri-s, bhiy-as, ndir$-s. 

Instr. ndri-bhis, bhi-bhis, ndiri-b$s. 

D. Abl. ndri-bhyas, bhi-bhyas, ndiri-byo. 

Gen. ndri-n-dm, bhiy-dm,* nuiri-n-anm. 

Loc. ndri-shu, bhi-shu, ndiri-shva or -s/iw. 

" Remark. By the side of the declension of monosyllabic 
feminine bases in which may reject the terminations 
peculiar to the feminine alone, may be placed the Greek 

[G. Ed. p. 310.1 K* $, and a remarkable similarity of inflexion 
will be observed, as Nom. bM-s, icf-r, Gen. bhiy-as> Kt-6$, Loc. 
Dat. bhiy-i, Kt-l, Ace. stri-m,^ *f -i/, Voc. bhi-s, ^1-j. Plural : Nom. 
bh$y-as, Kt-e$, Gen. bhiy-dm. K/-c5i/, Loc. Dat. bhi-shu, KZ-O-/, Ace. 
bhiy-as, ic/-aj, Voc. bhiy-as, Kt'-e$. I consider, however, this 
coincidence as accidental, but, nevertheless, an accidental coin- 
cidence of that nature, that can only occur in languages 
which were originally really one: and undoubtedly the 
terminations, whose common sound appears so startling, 
are historically connected. As far, however, as concerns 
the theme, I believe, with Kiihner (. 287.), that the 7 of A was 
not the original concluding radical letter of the word, but that a 
consonant has fallen out after the /. I would rather, however, 
leave the question as to this consonant undecided, than assume 

*, Or bhi-n-dm. Farther, the longer case-terminations, which belong 
to the feminine (see }. 164.), are added at will to the monosyllabic femi- 
nines in , & \ for example, together with bhty 9 bhruvd, also Ihtydi, 

t Or, like the other monosyllabic words in $, with the termination am, 


that KIF is the true theme, and that the nominative was origi- 
nally Ktf $ ; for if iciof, Kit, in the form in which they have 
been received, be analogous to Ator, A//, from A<Fo's, A/F/, 
still, to establish a theme KIF, a proof must be brought 
similar to that which really attaches to A/F/ from its being 
found in inscriptions. And besides this, that which of itself is 
alone sufficient proof, the cognate Sanskrit word fi^ div, 
"heaven 11 (. 12-2.) likewise attests a digamma. All ground 
for supposing a theme KIF is, however, wanting, for the long 
i could, as in the Sanskrit >ft bhi, and like the long u in 6(f>pv$, 
be also the real final letter of the base, only that the long 
t in the Sanskrit, except in compounds (for example TOWl 
gata-bhi m. ., " void of fear/' sr?? 1 ^ m.f., " water-drinking," see 
Gramm. Crit. . 169. 170.), concludes only the feminine themes. 
We will therefore seek elucidation regarding the Greek K!S 
in another way, through the Sanskrit , and we find this, as it 
appears to me, through a like masculine base, which approxi- 
mates closely to the icf-j, as well in form as in meaning ; 
namely, in c|ft? Mta t Nom. ^\z\ Mta-s, " insect " " worm, 11 
which would lead us to expect in the Greek /c/roy, Ace. /c/roi/, 
to which KI$ , Ktv, bear the same relation as peyas, /xeyai/, to the 
to be presupposed /ueyaAos, jjieya\ov. I do not consider it re- 
quisite to assume a theme MEFAT, although the Sanskrit 
H^ mahat, " great/ 1 might support it; but *^w mahat is a 
participial form, and its full and original form [G. Ed. p. 31 1 .] 
(. 129.) is *i^ mahant, Nom. masc. n?T^ mahdn, which 
would correspond to the Greek 



Sanskrit. Greek. 

Nom. vadhti-s> "wife," bhr&-s> "eye-brow/ 1 6(f)p6-$. 
Accus. vadhu-m, bhruv-am, 6<j>pv-v. 

Instr. vadhw-d, bhruv-d, 

Dat. vadhw-di, bhruv-6 (or -di), 




Sanskrit. Greek. 

Abl. vadhw-ds, bhruv-as (or -<fe), .... 

Gen. vadhw-ds, bhruv-as (or -ds), o$/ov-o? 

Loc. vadhw-dm* bhruv-i (or -<lm)> o^pv-i. 

Voc. vadhu, bhru-s, 6<}>pv. 


N.Ac.V.vdd/u0-di, bhruv-du, oQpv-e. 

L D. Ab. vadhu-bhydm. bhrti-bhydm. &(J>pv-o-t v. 

G. L. vadhw-6s, bhruv-6s. 


N.V. vadhw-as t bhruv-as, 6<]>pv-e$. 

Accus. vadhfi-s, bhruv-as, 6(f)pv-a$. 

Instr, vadhd-bhis, bhrfi-bhis, 

D. Abl. vadhfi-bhyas, bhrti-bhyas, .... 

Gen. vadh&-n-aw, bhruv-dm (or bhrft-n-dm), otypv-w. 

Loc. vadhil-shu, bhrd,-shu t 6<f)pv-(Tt. 

Remark. The identity of ^ Wira and 'O^PY* is 
[G. Ed. p. 312.] sufficient proof that the length of the v is 
organic (comp. .121.), and it is not necessary, therefore, to 
suppose a theme O$PYF (comp. Kiihner . 289.) so as to 
consider o^pus as coming from otypvFs, and the long v as a 
compensation for the rejected F, as perhaps jne\aj from jne\avr. 
That, however, f originally stood for example, ofipvFos 
before the terminations now commencing with a vowel, though 
at a time when the language had not a Grecian form is 
shewn by the Sanskrit bhruv-as ; by which, at the same time, 
the shortening of the v in this case is justified, for the Sanskrit 

* The o in o<f>pvs is based on the peculiar disposition of the Greek to 
prefix a vowel to words which originally commenced with a consonant, 
to which I have already drawn attention in another place, and by which, 
among other things, the relation of owg, fooua, to fTfttr nakha-s, 
nama> is shewn 


changes, that is to say in polysyllables, as well v as 0, before 
vowel terminations, into a simple v ; but in monosyllables, 
in order to avoid commencing with two consonants, or to 
gain a polysyllabic form, the semi-vowel has its corre- 
sponding short vowel placed before it, and thus is formed 
^ uv (uv), as well from u as from ?/, as, under a similar 
condition, ^ from z and i : hence the two opposite forms, 
for example, vadhw-as (not vadhuv-as), " women," and 
bhruv-as (not bhrw-as), "the eyebrows;" as above, bhiy-as 
(not bhy-as), opposed to nary-aa (nAriy-as). In the dative 
plural the short v of 6<t>pv-&i for 6<ppv-<rt may be attributed to 
the effeminate habit of regularly shortening the v before vowel 

BASES IN (III (fft), 





nda-s t 













VaC-5 1 . 


[G. Ed. p. 313/J 

Nora. Ace. Voc. 



Instr. Dat. Abl. 



















"Remark. I find no sufficient grounds, with Kuhner, 
]. c. . 283.) to suppose that the base of the nominatives 

I give only the cases retained in the Greek. 


in av$, euy, ouf, originally terminated in F, so that in the 
case before us it would be requisite to suppose a theme NAF: 
for even if the vocalization of F to v, in order to facilitate the 
junction with a consonant following, did not surprise us 
(forms like vaF s, vaFcri, could never occur) ; still, on the other 
hand, the transition of the sound v into its corresponding 
semi-vowel, in order to avoid the hiatus, is far more 
regular, and is required in the Sanskrit according to the 
common rules of euphony. We will not therefore differ 
from the Indian grammarians, by the assumption of a 
theme ^fR ndv for ^ nAu, and if^ gav for ift gd (bos) ; al- 
though, if there were adequate reasons for it, the practice 
of the Indian grammarians would not restrain us from 
laying down n^ gav and ^n^ ndv in the Sanskrit as the true 
themes, which maintained themselves in this form only 
before vowel terminations, but before consonants have 
allowed the v to pass into a u t according to the analogy 
of the anomalous f^ div, " heaven " ; whence, for example, 
the instrumental plural Ijftn^ dyu-bhis for fif^rfiw div-bliis t 
which would be phonetically impossible (Gramm. Crit 
. 208.). The Latin navis cannot compel us to lay down a 
theme ndv for the Sanskrit and Greek, for the Latin base 
has extended itself by an unorganic i, as swan, " dog/' length- 
ened to cam; and therefore it exhibits in its declension 
nowhere M, but universally v. 






















. . . 






* See Locative. 


















D. voc-i, 



vdc-s ? 



N. Ace. V. 








I. D. Abl. 




G. L. 


vdch-6 ? 



N. V. 












D. Abl. 










vdc-shva ? 






D. G. 


D. 07T-CT/. 

" Remark 1. I leave the terminations in [G. Ed. p. 315.] 
the Zend which commence with b unnoticed, since, contrary 
to my former opinion (. 224. Note *), I look on the 
c e, in forms like .AU^JP^AS? raochebis, no longer as a con- 
junctive vowel; and therefore no longer attribute the said 
form to a theme ^i.vj7 raoch, but assume that -^_i^!>.vj7 
raochebis, and similar forms, have proceeded from bases in 
^ 6 (from as . 56 b .) ; so that I look upon the ^ e as a corruption 
of the 6, and to the form ^*>Aic^i*.vs/ raodwby6 I place as 
anterior a lost form ^^I^^AJ? raoch6-byd. In a similar way 

* Like the Genitive. 

t With cha, "and," vdchas-cha. 

t See p. 230, Note #. 

M. Burnouf, who has induced me, by his excellent pamphlet, cited at 
p. 276, on the Vahista (in the separate impression, p. 1(5, and following), to 
rectify my former views, leaves, p. 18 note, the question still unde- 
cided, whether forms like .*\3J9A5$ mazebis, J*bJl9**$ manebis, 


[G.Ed. p. 316.] I find, in the Prakrit (Urvasi, by Lenz, 
p. 40.), *r3*ft achharthin for 'VSCttff aMardhiii (Sanskrit apsa- 
rdbhis); and if this form is genuine, then the 5 e, in forms 
like Mvj^Gy&MJ raochebis, appears to stand for ;og, as generally 
many interchanges between ^ e and & 6 occur, although in 
the case before us the c e is very constantly written, and 
& 6 has not yet been pointed out in its place. If it is further 
considered that we often find ^^ ye for ^^ j/A "which, 
cj ke for ^ ^ " wno ? " anc * * n the pronoun of the 2d 
person in the plural also 09 ve for ^^ iju; and, finally, in 
the pronoun of the 1st person cy ne for ^y nd ; then we 
see the change of the y 6 with c e is sufficiently ascer- 
tained, although it appears to be restricted to the end of 
words of a monosyllabic form ; and in these the practice of 
writing the ^ 6 is the prevailing one, while before termi- 

M? raochebts t hsve so arisen from the bases 

mazo, &c., that the 6 (& AS as) is suppressed, and c e then 
introduced as conjunctive vowel ; or whether, before the 6 (from as) only, 
the s has been rejected, and the preceding a with an epenthetic i united 
with an e. In the former case I should not have been entirely wrong, 
from the analogy of raoch-e-bis, to deduce forms like vdch-e-bis. I con- 
sider, however, the last view as the right one, only that I prefer letting 
the 6 from the pre-supposed original form, mano-bis, raoch6-bis^ be changed 
in its whole force into c e, rather than reduce it into its elements, and 
mix the first of the said elements (a) with a conjoined i : for the deri- 
vation ofmanebis from mana ibis from manabis, for manasbis, would extend 
to the Sanskrit form Tf^fvra manobhis, which originally may have been 
manarbhis (manas-bhis was never possible). But I believe that in the 
Zend the form ebis really preceded the form obis. M. Burnouf, in his 
review in the Journal des Savant (in the separate impression, pp. 30, 31 ), 
calls attention to a form <y6jt)Dp.U)9 vdyhzhbyd, for which is once 
found, in the Vend. Sfide, pp. 69 and 70, ^>j fc9A\j(? vrighezhebyfi, 

vcghzhebyo* and once ^^JLjsJogQAuC? vdghezhtyo, 

^ which, 


nations beginning with 6 as yet no 6 has been pointed 
out ; so that b appears to be as repugnant to a preceding 6 
as favourable to a following 6, if the conjecture of Burnouf, 
mentioned at p. 297, G. Ed., is well-founded. On this point 
I was not yet clearly informed, when, at . 224. and 242., I 
inconsiderately imagined I could deduce vach6~bya> vachd-bfa, 
from ^jAitp vachd (from vachas). Instead of this should be 
read AS^JC^JAJ^ vaclie-bya> J^^LJP^AS^ vache-b& ; and besides 
this, in the locative singular, u)^As(p vachahi for jt>> jm/^ju^ 
vachanhi ; since the nasal to be prefixed to the h, according 
to . 56 b ., falls away when the vowel which follows the h 
is i, which has been already indicated in the paragraph 
quoted, but since then fully proved by Bur- [G. Ed. p. 317.] 
nouf. Besides, there really occurs, also, in one passage (where, 
unfortunately, the lithographed MS. is faulty, and is therefore 

which, with the conjunctive vowel e (see . 30.) introduced in different 
ways, plainly represent one and the same word, and have proceeded from 
V<V>l*b9-tt>9 vdghzfibyo, which itself never occurs. Although these 
forms, which had struck me likewise, clearly belong to a theme which 
means " discourse," and is connected with our vetch, I would still rather 
not, with Burnouf, derive it from vdch ; so that the nominative of this, 
Atttflttj(^ vdcs, raised to a secondary theme, would be contained therein. 
We dare not, without further authority, attribute to the Zend such a 
malformation, although it derives its superlatives in AJ$g$> tema from 
the masculine nominative, instead of from the theme. But Anquetil, in 
his Glossary, gives a form vdlthsengMy "parole utik" which we ought 
probably to read K^yjji/jcetflxjlp vacsanhe (as dative), if not with long a 
vdcsanhti. This latter form would belong to a theme 
vdcsd (vdcsas) ; from which, in the dat. abl. pi., 
vaghMy6 (vdghezhbyo, &c.) might proceed for 
as with JUOJ9JAJ$ mazeUs, ,M5j9/A55 maneUs> occur also , 
maxbts, ^j^JA5$ manbis; for the juo * of ^utfltt>(? vdcso must, as 
Burnouf has shewn, in contact with b become to zh. 


impossible for me to use) the locative JWAS^AS^ vachahi', 
that is to say, in the Vend. S. p. 173, where, for AM^wuyAj^ 
)^ manahfahd vachahcchd, is to be read AU^jtVAyxs^ 
s^utp manahichd vachahichd. In a Grammar, the lost 
acquaintance with which is again to be restored, oversights 
of this kind will, I trust, be excused in the first labourers ; 
and if, for example, Rask gives to the word paiti the genitive 
paittiis, while, according to . 180. p. 196, Note f> patois is to 
be written, still the form paitdis was, in its time, instructive 
in the main, and first taught me that the Sanskrit genitive 
termination &-s corresponds to the form 6is in the Zend. 
If, too, Rask has incorporated in his scheme of declensions 
the ablative paitdit (for patdit), this was indeed a new error, 
but also a new advantage for the Zend Grammar in its 
then state, and brought to light a new and important fact, 
which I believe I was the first to discover; namely this, 
that bases in i form their ablative in oit, for which the 
proofs in the Zend-Avesta, as much as I have of it, are 
neither numerous nor easily found. I make this remark 
because M. Burnouf, as it appears to me, speaks too unfa- 
vourably of such theoretic formations. As far as I am 
concerned, I believe I may assert that my communications 
regarding Zend Grammar are founded on careful reflec- 
tion. I could not, however, perfectly conclude my con- 
siderations, and I am very ready to complete and adjust 
them through those of M. Burnouf. For in this book 
also, in regard to Zend Grammar, one must carefully 
distinguish the disquisitions given in the text from the 
general comparison added at the end of each rule regarding 
case. In the former I give only those Zend forms which 
I have seen, and I thence deduce theoretic laws: in the 
latter I seek to make the deductions from the inquiries 
pursued in the text evident in one select example. I am 
perfectly sure of the prevailing majority of the forms 
given in the tables, and can produce abundant examples 


of them. I have marked some as questionable, and shewn 
the limits of the probability of others, in notes ; and if an 
error has crept into the forms spoken of, and by me 
believed to be correct, it will give me pleasure to be able 
hereafter supplementarily to correct it. The form ^wjutf^Aj^ 
vachanhi was, however, only in a measure a theoretic forma- 
tion ; and I should not have ventured to [G. Ed. p. 318.] 
exhibit it if I had not observed, in other words of the same 
declension, i. G. in other bases terminating with a consonant, 
the locative, which has entirely escaped Rask. 

" Remark 2. One might consider the o of oTtoiv instead 
of a conjunctive vowel, as has been stated above (see 
. 221.), as a property of the base, i.e. as an unorganic 
extension of it ; or, in other words, regard it as a trans- 
ition from the third to the second declension; a decla- 
ration which must then naturally extend itself to the dual 
termination otv of the whole third declension (7rocn'o-/v, po- 
rpvo-tv, SCM/ZOVO-/V like KVKO-IV), and to all cases in the forma- 
tion of words and arrangement of the same, where we have 
represented an o foreign to the proper base as conjunctive 
vowel. According to this, forms like /xe\/roe/f, ^eT^TOTrcoA^, 
<j)v<rio\oyla, (Sorpvoet^ /3orpv6$(*)po$, would be, under the pre- 
supposition of the bases MEAITO, <&Y2IO, BOTPYO, to be 
divided into /ueTWro-e/r, and would lead us to expect the 
nominatives /xeAiro-v, &c., which are not to be found. The 
statement here given has this in its favour, that similar 
cases occur also in cognate dialects, since in general that 
declension which is the most in vogue and most used, is 
prone, in certain cases, to receive into itself the other 
declensions, which annex to their original base the final 
letters of the bases of the declension more in use. The 
origin of OTTOU/ from 'OIIO, of Qepovrotv from $EPONTO, 
was as it were the first commencement of the disease, 
which came to its full developement in the Pali ; since in 
this language, which otherwise closely resembles the 
Sanskrit, the bases which end with consonants are declined 


in the old way only in the singular, but in the plural are 
so corrupted, that, with the exception of the nominative 
and the vocative of similar sound, and the genitive, which 
at the same time supplies the place of the dative, they 
have extended the old base by an unorganic a (= Greek o), 
and have thus partly brought it from the Greek third 
declension into the second; and in the singular, also, 
most of the cases may, together with the old form, assume 
more recent forms, which have originated in the manner 
stated. In this manner, for example, the root "SR char, " to 
go," forms its participle present partly from the original base 
^ffT charant, or its corruption ^fTTf char at (see . 129.), partly 
from the augmented theme ^TJcT charanta, and in part also 
[G. Ed. p. 319.] arbitrarily from *TC^ charant or ^rfff 
charanta, as follows (see dough's Pali Grammar, Colombo 
1824, p. 25, and compare Burnoufs and Lassen's Essay, 
p. 112 et sey.}: 



Nom. charan,* charantd, .... 

Ace. charanl-am^ .... .... 

Instr charant&-n-a 9 charat-a. 

Dat. like the Genitive, 

Abl (churanta-xma. j c/MJTO< . d . 

{ or charanta-rnhd^ } 

* The final f n is, as in the Prakrit (. 10.), transmuted into the 
Anuswara, which I here express, as ia the Sanskrit, by n. 

t It might also be divided thus, charanta-m, and deduced from 

I Transposed, and with h for s (comp. . 166.). These forms are 
derived from the medial pronoun sma mentioned in . 166., which, in 
the Pali also, has forced its way into the usual declension. The t, which 
was to have been expected, is, as generally happens at the end of a word, 

Charatd is, according to appearance, identical with the instrumental, 





Gen . . charanta-ssa, charat-6, 

,charant$, \ 

Loc. .... <or charanta-smin, V charat-i, 

*or charanta~mhi, * 

Voc < or chara,* > .... . * 

'or chara, ' 

PLURAL. [O. Ed. p. 320. J 

Norn charanta y \ .... 

Ace. .... charantd, .... 

. f charantbbhi, ) 

Instr ] \ .... 

lor chamnteht, ) 

Dat like the Genitive. 

Abl. like the Instrumental. 

Gen .... (harut-nm. 

Loc. .... charant$~su, .... 

Voc. charantd, charanta, .... 

If the Greek in its bases ending with a consonant hnd fol- 
lowed the declension-confusing example of the Pali, one would 
have expected, for instance, from (pepuv a genitive </>epoi/Tou, 
dative ^e/oovTo; and in the plural indeed, tfrepovrtov from 

but is, in reality, corrupted from charat-at^ analogous with Zend forms 
like ap-at (in . 180.) : the suppressed t is replaced by the lengthen- 
ing of the preceding vowel, as in achard^ "he went," from achardt 
(Clough, p. 106.). 

* If this form really belongs to a theme in nt, as I believe, it has 
sprung from the original form charan^ by suppression of the concluding 
nasal (comp. Burnouf and Lassen, p. 89) ; and in chard this deficiency is 
replaced by lengthening the vowel. 

f According to the usual declension ending with a consonant one 
would expect with ckarantd also charanto, from the original theme 
eharant ; as, for example, gunavantd is used with gunavantd, t the vir- 
tuous"; the former from gunavant, the latter from gunavanta. 


$EPONT, but QepovToi, <f>epovTovs, <t>epovrois, from $EPONTO. 
In this manner the form fapovroiv in the dual, which has 
been lost in Pali, would be clearly explained as derived from 
$EPONTO ; but even when standing isolated, Qepovroiv may 
be justly referred to a theme <&EPONTO, as the first com- 
mencement of a corruption which was further pursued in the 
Pali ; and I prefer this view of the matter now to that laid 
down at . 221. Both views, however, concur so far; and 
thus much of my opinion may be looked on as proved, 
that in QepovTotv, and all other dative-genitive forms of the 
third declension, the o belongs neither to the original theme, 
which lies at the root of all the other cases, nor to the 
true case-suffix. 

[G. Ed. p. 321.] SINGULAR. 

Sanskrit. Zend. Latin. Greek. Gothic. 

N. bharan, barart-s, fercn-s, ^epcoi', jfiyand-s.* 
Ac. bharant-am, barent-em, ferenf-em, <pepoi>T-a(v) t fiyand. 
Ins. bharat-d, barent-n, ........ D. I.fiyand. 

D. bharat-$, barent-$, see Locat, see Loc. see Dat. 
Ab. see Gen. barant-at, ferent-e(d), .... .... 

G. bharat-as, barent-6J ferent-is, ^qooi/T-o?, 

L. bharat-i, barent-i, D./*rtfit-i, D. ^epoi/T-t, 

V. bharan, baran-s, feren-v, ^Ijccoi/, fiyand. 

* Ftind, "foe," as " hater," see 125. p. 138. * 
t See p. 210. Note ; with cha, barentas-cha (" ferentisque"). 
t I imagined, p. 210, that I must, in this case, which before was not 
proved to exist in ND bases, set down fiyand-* as a mutilation offiyand-is 
ivomfiyand-as, according to the analogy of other bases terminating with ft 
consonant (ahmin-$, brothr-s, . 191.) 5 Grimm has (I. 1017.) conjectured 
friyfadi* OTfriydnds fromfriydnds. Since this, owing to the very valuable 
additions made by Massmann to our Gothic authorities, the genitive 
nasyandis of Nasyand ("preserver, " preserving") has come to light (see 
his Glossary, p. 153), by analogy with which I formfiyand-is. 




barant-do, or baranta, 


N.Ac. Voc. bharant-Au, 

Vedic, bkarant-a,* .... 

1. D. Abl. bharad-bhyAm, baran-bya t '\ 
Gen. Loc, bharat-os, barat-A? (p. 276, R. 1.) .... 

PLURAL. [G. Ed. p. 322.] 

Sanslcrit. Zend. iMin. 

N. V. bharant-as, barent-d$ ferent-es, 
Ace. bharat-as, barent-6, ferent-es, 
Instr. bharadrbhis, baran-bis^ .... 
D.Ah.bharad-bhyas, baran-byo$ /er^i-tos, 
Gen. bharat-dm, barent-anm t tfferenti-um, 
Loc. bharat-su, .... .... 

Greek. Gothic. 

$<?/>oi/T-ef, fiyand-s. 
<t>epoi>T-a$, fyand~s.]\ 

, fiyand-$$ 

* See p. 230, Note* 

t Or barenbya. Sec p. 541 Note *, and p. 210. Note $. 

t See p. 299. Hem. 2. 

Barentas-cha, "ferentesque. " See p. 210 Note J. 

|| This form, which, owing to an oversight, is omitted in p. 260, is found at 
Matth. 5. 44., and agrees mihfriytnds, "arnicas " ("amantes"), Matth. 5. 
47. as generally with the declension of a root terminating with a con- 
sonant. Comp. Grimm (1. 1017.). 

f See p. 241 Note *, and p. 210 Note J. 

** The Gothic dative, which I wonld have used also as the instrumental 
(. 243.), does not occnr in roots ending in nd. 

tt Or barant-ahm. 3ee p. 266 Note f. 

It This case certainly cannot be proved in bases in wtf; but may, how- 
ever, be correctly deduced from the other bases ending with a consonant, 
and from the elder sister dialects. See $. 245. 

I conjecture a transition into the a declension (comp. p. 299 Rem. 2.), 
by suppressing the nt ; thus, perhaps, baradshva (or -shu, or -shu, . 250.), 
as Vend. 9. p. 354 ; fj*5ftutofy dr$gva$9& (read ^ j) d*fy for dregvat- 
su, from dregvat, in the strong cases (. )29.) dregvant ; on the supposition 
that the reading is correct, except the false a. See . 52. 




Sanskrit, Zend. Latin. Greek. Gothic 

N. dtmd', * asma, sermo\ 5a//icov, ahma. 

Ace, dtmdn-am, alman-em, sermon-em, Jajttov-a(v), ahman. 
Inst. dtoin-A asman-a ..... .... D. I. afimzn. (. 132.) 

Dat. dtman-$, asmain-e> see Loc. see Loc. see Dative. 
Abl. see Gen. asman-af, sermon-f(d} t .... .... 

ahmin-s (. 132.) 


Gen.dtman-as, asman-6 f * sermon-is, 

Loc. dtman-i, asmain-i, D. sermon-it Ja//*ov-i, 

Voc. dfrraaTi, asman t sermo\ 


Zend. Greek. 

asman-do, or asman-a, 8a//xoi/-e. 

N. Ace. Voc. &tmdn-&u, 

Veda, dtmdn-a, 

Instr. D. Ab. toma-bhyam> amd-bya, D. G. 
Gen, Loc. tean-ds, asman-6? (p. 276, R. I.), 


Sanskrit. Zend. Latin. Greek. 

N.V. dtmdn-as, asman-6,* sermon-es, Satpov-es, 

Ac. dtman-as, avman-d, sermon-fa, Salfiov-as, 

Instr. dtma'-bhw, asma -his, .... (Ja/fcoi/o-^/^ 
D.Ab.dtma-bhyas, asma'-byo, sermon-i-bm, .... 

Gen. dtman-dm, asman-dm, sermon-um, 8a//iov"Coi/, 

Loc. dtma-su, asmd-hva t .... Sal^o-m, 




| G. Ed. p. 324.] 




N. 6/WM, 6rdte, /rater, 

Ac. bhr&kar-am> brdtar-em> /ra^r-em, 




* Aamaiu*8'Cha," wUque." f Seep.299,Rem.2. t See p. 241, Note t- 
Also dx$i brdthrem might be expected, as Vend, Sade, p. 357 ;' 
hrem?), contrary to the theory of the strong cases 



In. bhrdtr-d, 
D. bhrdtr-$, 
Ab. see Gen. 
G. bhrdtur, 

V. bhrfliar, 



see Loc. 

Greek. Gothic. 

....D. Inst. brothr (see .132.). 
see Loc. .... 


Zend. Greek. 

N. Ace. Voc. bhr&tar-au, Ved. 6Artor-o, br&tar-do or br&tar-a, irarep-e. 

Inst. D. Ab. bhrdtri-bhyam. bratar-$-bya t trarepo-iv. 
Gen. Loc. 

Norn. Voc. 
Dat. Abl. 



brdtar-e-bts t 


. . 


[G.Ed. p. 325.] 

* Vide {.194. p. 211, 1.1. Note, 
t See p. 216. Note ||. j See}. 44. 

5 For the Gothic, which is here wanting, see p. 253, Note J. 
|| Ai^^Ai^AJ^OAW^ brdtaras-cha, "fratresque" 
1[ See j. 127. Note. 

** Perhaps also Mttr-d, brdthras-cha ("fratresque "), according to the 
analogy of Mr-d, " i^wcs," from aiar. See J. 239. 
ft See p. 266, Note t. 





N. A. V. manas, 
Instr. manas-d, 
see Gen. 
Loc. manas-i, 





man 6.* 

see Loc. 


mananh-v (mananhas-cha), 


see Loc. 




* Manas-cha, "mensque" "mentemque" 

t M. Burnouf remarks, in his review (in the separate impression, p. 1 1 ), 
that in this class of words the instrumental ending is generally long. 
I, in like manner, had remarked forms enough of this kind with a long , 
but in passages where also many a's, originally short, appear to he length- 
ened at the termination, and which, therefore, 1 was not willing to bring 
into account : moreover, the cases could not he included, where, through 
the particle AS^ cha, a preceding AM a is preserved in its original length. 
After deducting these two classes from forms in anha, the computation 
might perhaps turn out in favour of the short a given ahove. I have, 
however, as yet not applied any closer reckoning: it would, however, 
surprise me if, on more exact calculation, but still in departure from the 
fate of other polysyllabic words ending with a shortened , the advantage 
in this particular case should incline to the side of those words which 
retain the long vowel, which I would then gladly restore. No one will 
deny that the collation of MSS. is of great importance in deciding many 
grammatical and orthographical questions, although I believe I may assert 
that even a single lithographed MS. opens a rich field to inquiries and 
important grammatical observations : for although it is very full of errors, 
it nevertheless shews no systematic opposition to what is correct ; and 
many expressions, passages, and turns recur so frequently, that, taken 
together, they can in a measure supply the place of a comparison of other 
MSS. For the rest I had at my command the edition of Olshausen of 
the three first chapters and part of the fourth of the Vendidad, with the 
various readings attached to it, so that, through these means, I was not 
left entirely destitute of MSS. 



DUAL. [G. Ed. p. 326.] 
Sanskrit. Zend. Greek. 
N. Ac. V. manas-i, .... fieve(<r)-e. 
I. D. Ab. mand-bhydm, mawe-6ya(p.316G.ed.),D.G. juei/e(<r)o-ii/.* 
G. L. manas-6s, mananh-6(?) (p. 297 G. ed.), 


Sanskrit. Zend. Greek. Latin. 

N. Ac. V. manans-i, mananh-a,^ /xei/e((7)-a, yener-a. 

Instr. mand-bhis, mane-bis, (/xei/ecr-0/v,) . . v 

Dat. Abl. mand-bhyas, mane-by6, see Loc. gener-i-bus. 

Genitive, manas-dm, mananh-anm, jLtei/e(o-)-o)v, gener-um. 

Locative, manas-su, man6-hva, /zeveo'-o't, 


Sanskrit. Zend. Greek. 

Norn, dwmands, dushmando (. 56 b .). 8wor/xei/^ (. 146.) 

Accus. durmanas-am, dushmananh-em, 
Voc. durmanas, .... 

The rest like the simple word. 


N. Ac.V. durmanas-du 9 i 
Veda, durmanas-dd j 

The rest like the simple word. 


N. Voc. durmanas-as, dushmananh-6 (as-chd), 8u(r/iei/e((r)-e9. 
Accus. durmanas-as, dushmananh-o (as-c/ia), 

The rest like the simple word. 

* See p. 299, Rem.2. 

t See p. 245, Note t. It was, however, from an oversight that I, 
as was observed at p. 253, Note . read in the Vendidad Sade, p. 127, 
Aj*>5f $/ nemenha : it should be AWjuffy nfrmanha, and may also be 
considered tbe instrumental singular ; then we should have in this pas- 
sage, which recurs three times, the instrumental in ASfepu? an/ta in both 
editions three times with a short a. 

t See p. 230, Note*. 

x 2 



Sanskrit. Zend. Greek. 

Nom, Ac. V. durmanas, dushmand (a'-cAa), Svcrpeves. 
The rest like the simple word. 

" Remark. It was remarked in . 152. (comp. . 146.), that 
the 2 in forms like /xei/of, evyeves, belongs to the base, and 
is not the nominative character ; and that the 2 in forms like 
rervtyos has come from T, and in like manner belongs to the 
theme. M. Reimnitz, who, in (p. 54, &c.) his pamphlet men- 
tioned at p. 294, G. ed., agrees with this view, first given in 
my treatise " On some Demonstrative Bases," wishes to look 
upon the 2 in the masculine Tervtyw as belonging to the 
base, and arising out of T ; in which I cannot agree with him, 
as I, according to the view generally taken, consider the 
final letters of rerv <eos as marks of the nominative, before 

[G. Ed. p. 328.] which the final letter of the base is suppressed 
on account of the incompatible association of TCT (comp. . 99.), 
and replaced by lengthening the preceding vowel ; as, for 
example, in /zeAar for peKavg. The Sanskrit has a few bases 
in n which, differing from the ruling principle (see . 139.), 
run parallel in the nominative to the Greek /ueAaf ; thus, 
panthds, " the way, 1 ' from panthan, accusative panthdn-am. 
Only in this panthas the lengthening of the a can be less re- 
garded as a compensation for the rejected n than in the Greek, 
because it extends also to the other full cases (. 129.), with 
the exception of the vocative ; but perhaps the lengthening 
of the a has originally taken place only in the nominative, 
and has thence imparted itself, when the reason of this 
prolongation was no longer perceived, to those cases which 
otherwise stood upon an equal footing with the nomina- 
tive. Thus one says SR?T^ mah&n, "great" (from the theme 
mahant, properly a participle present from vr% mah, " to 
grow "), with the vowel of the concluding syllable length- 
ened, according to the analogy of the Greek form, as 
A,eyo>i/. The Sanskrit word, however, retains the long vowel 


also in the other strong eases (mahdntam " magnum," mahdntas 
"magni" mahdntdu, "/xe^aAo)"), with the exception of the vo- 
cative ; while the usual participles present leave the a short 
in all the strong cases. In most exact accordance, however, 
with the Greek participle present stand the Sanskrit pos- 
sessive adjectives, which are formed by the suffix vant 
(Greek evr for Fevr, in /xeA/roe/r and others) and mant (in the 
weak cases vat, mat). These lengthen, that is to say the a 
only, in the nominative singular ; so, for example, dhanavdn, 
" dives "* (from dhann, "riches"), dhanavant-am,dhanavant-du 9 
tlhanavant-as, as \ey*w 9 \eyovra, Keyovrc*), \ey6vre$* 


255. Before we enter upon the province of Sclavonic 
Grammar, we must endeavour to explain its system 
of sounds; and although it is not requisite to specify 
all the minutiae of the subject, we must, nevertheless, 
bring into notice those parts which are indispensable to 
the .understanding of the Grammar. It is therefore our 
principal object, in the following remarks, to exhibit the 
connection of the Old Sclavonic sounds with those of the 
elder languages, of which they are either the true trans- 

* If, as has been remarked in another place, the suffix ^nf vant has 
maintained itself in the Latin in the form lent (as opulents), it would not 
be surprising if the weak form ^fcT vat, without the interchange oft; with I 
but with the weakening of the a to i, had its representative in the Latin 
dtvit, which stands in the same relation to dhanavat, by passing over the 
middle syllable, as malo to mavolo. 

t It is stated by Professor Bopp, in the preface to the second published 
portion of this Grammar, commencing with the formation of cases in 
general, that it had not occurred to him to direct his attention at an 
earlier period to the Sclavonic tongues : having subsequently considered 
the subject, he found sufficient reason to include them in the same 
family of languages, and accordingly devotes to its principles of declension 
the supplementary section which follows. Editor. 


missions, or corruptions more or less vitiated. We give 

therefore, for the first time, a history of the Sclavonic 

sounds, in which, however, as is natural, as far as their value 

is concerned, we have nothing new to bring forward ; and in 

this respect follow only the teaching of native grammarians. 

(a.) The Old Sanskrit ^r a has so far experienced, in the 

Sclavonic, an exactly similar fate to that which has befallen it 

in the Greek, that it is most frequently supplied by e or o 

(e, o), which are always short: it very rarely remains a. In 

, the interior of the bases, also, e and o are interchanged as in 

Greek; and as, for example, hoyo$ is related to \ey(A, 

so, in the Old Sclavonic, isbrod t "ferry,* 1 to bredd, "I wade 

through ; 11 vox, "carriage, 11 to vez&, "I ride in a carriage. 11 

And as, in the Greek, the vocative Aoye is related to the 

theme AOFO, so is, in the Old Sclavonic, rabe, "O slave," to 

rabo, nominative rab, "a slave." . The o has more 

weight than e, but a more than o; and hence a 

corresponds most frequently to a Sanskrit d, so that, 

for instance, in the Old Sclavonic, forms in a answer to 

the feminine bases in TOT d (comp. vdova, " widow, 11 with 

ftVWT vidhavd), which, in the vocative, is in like manner 

abbreviated to o (vdovo!), as above o to e. As final 

vowel, also, of the first member of a compound, a is 

weakened to o ; for instance, vodo-pad, " waterfall, 11 vodo- 

poi, "water-drinker, 11 for voda-; just as in the Greek 

Mowro-Tpa$)fc, Movo-o-^/to/f , and similar compounds, which 

[G. Ed. p. 330.] have shortened the feminine a or y to o. 

Even if, therefore, a is in the Old Sclavonic a short vowel, 

I nevertheless regard it, in respect to grammar, as the long 

o ; so that in this the Old Sclavonic stands in a reversed 

relation to the Gothic, in which a has shewn itself to us as 

the short of 6, and, in case of abbreviation, 6 would become 

a, exactly as in the Old Sclavonic a becomes o. 

(fe.)"~ ^ i and $ t both appear in the Old Sclavonic as i, 

and the difference of the quantity is removed, at least I 


do not find that a longer or shorter $ is anywhere 
spoken of. Let schivd, "I live/' be compared with 
sfarfi? jw&mi ; sila, "virtue," with ^fts sUa; and, on the 
other hand, vidyeti, " to see,'* with the root fa^ vid, " to 
know," to the Guna form of which, %ftf v$dmi, the Old 
Sclavonic vyemy (abbreviated from vyedmy, infin. vyes-t 
for vyed-ti,) " I know/' assimilates itself, so that vid and 
vyed in the Sclavonic appear as two different roots. The 
short ^ i, however, appears frequently in the Old Scla- 
vonic also in the corruption to e (e), as in the Greek 
and the Old High German (. 72.) ; that is to say, the 
bases in i shew, in several cases, e for i 9 and the numeral 
three (fa trt) appears frequently in composition in the 
form tre, e. g. treputye, " trivium." So, also, pute-shestvye, 
oSornopla from PUTI(. 260.). Thezis also very frequently 
*suppressed, e. y. in the 3d person plural dadyat, " they 
give," Sanskrit ^fir dadati ; sut, " they are/' Sanskrit 
*rfVfT santi. Where i forms a diphthong with a vowel 
preceding it, it is marked in the old writing with a 
short mark, which we retain, e. g. boi 9 " strife. 1 ' 
(c). ^ u and ^ u have, in the Old Sclavonic, in the forms 
which are retained most correctly, both become y.f In 
this manner, for instance, by (infin. by-ti) answers to *r 

* The suppression here noticed of final i refers to Dobrowsky's incorrect 
orthography. In point of fact, however, the final i in Old Sclavonic has 
either been retained unaltered, or has become b y ; e.g., that which Do- 
browsky, I.e., writes dadjat, "they give/ sfa 9 "they are," should be 
corrected to AAA^Tb, dadahty, C/\Tb suhty. Regarding the nasalized 
vowels, see . 783. Remark. 

t We express, as in Polish, the yery or dull i by y, as, like the Greek 
v y where it is original it supplies the place of the old short or long u. 
It is pronounced in Russian, according to ReifF (by Gretsch II. p. 666.), as 
in the French oui, spoken very short and monosyllabically ; according to 
Heym, nearly like w, in union with a very short i (Heym, p. 5). This 
does not, however, remain the same in all positions of this letter (Reiff, 
1. c.), and it sounds after consonants other than labials like a dull thick i 


Wi,"tobe;" sveATy/'mother-in-law/'to-^svasrt?; my shy, 
" mouse," to i]TO musha ; syn, " son," to *jtj sunu ; 
chetyri, Teecrapes, with ^THT chatur (in the theme), nomina- 
tive masculine ^HK^ chatwdras. The instances of y for 
^f M are, nevertheless, more rare than those where y 
corresponds to the long gi u ; for the short u 9 as in 
the Old High German (. 70.), has for the most part 
[G. Ed. p. 331.] become o ; and thus, for example, snocha, 
"daughter-in-law," answers to ^fisnushd; oba, "both," 
to TOT ubhd (Vedic form), Zend A^S> ubd. Hence, also, 
the old u declension has, in many cases, become similar to 
the o declension, which, according to (a.), has arisen from 
^ a ; and, on the other side, o may also, but only in 
substantives, participate in those forms which belong 
only to the genuine u declension: whence it is easily 
perceived that the genius of the language could not 
everywhere distinguish further the two kinds of o, in 
their history, indeed, far separated from one another, 
but phonetically identical. 

(c?).* Unorganic y, i.e. y as representative of original 
vowels other than g 1 u or gi u, is not uncommon in the 
grammar; that is to say, the personal termination my 
(1st person plural), like the Latin mus, has arisen 
from the more ancient mas ; and if the bases in a (for 
^JT d) have y in the nominative plural (vdovy, " vidute "), 
still the y here is so much the less to be looked upon 
as a case termination, as no account could be given 
of y in this sense ; and with bases in ya the a of the 
base is also really retained (volya, "voluntates"). But 
as the y exerts the force of an Umlaut on an o suc- 
ceeding it, by which that vowel is changed to an e, so 
I think that to an i following the o, without the interven- 
tion of another letter, the force of a reactive Umlaut must 
be ascribed, even if this force is not everywhere exerted, 
and that some y's must be declared to be the Umlauts 
of o ; that is to say, as soon as so much has been re- 


cognised in the Old Sclavonic adjectives, that their 
bases all end either in o or yo (changed by the Umlaut 
to ye), and are thus sister forms to the Greek, like ArA0O, 
c ATTO ; ahd of the Sanskrit, a-s TgTf sw&a, " white," f^aj divya, 
" heavenly "; so soon, I say, as the abbreviation of the 
base in the masculine nominative has been recognised 
(nov, novus 9 for novd), then will it be no longer said with 
Dobrowsky (p. 318) that the definite adjectives are derived 
from the primitives (indefinite) by annexing, according 
to the measure of the final letter of the primitive, either 
yt or .* If, however, I may trust that I have obtained 
an accurate knowledge of the organization of the Old 
Sclavonic grammar on any point, it is on this, that the affix 
in the nominative singular of definite adjectives consists 
not in yt or it, but in i as a mutilation of yo from ya 
(i J/0 an d * n tf 16 feminine of ya from yd [G. Ed. p. 332], 
On y^)' This also appears to me subject to no manner 
of doubt, that if, for example, the compound word svyatyi 
comes from the word svyato, " holy," its acknowledged 
theme, the y is a euphonic product from o, through the in- 
fluence of the i which is added to it. This i has, in some 
cases, in which it has been dropped, still in a degree, in its 
euphonic operation, left its reflection, and thereby the 
proof of its former existence. Thus, for instance, 
svyaty-m, "per sanctum," from the older svyatytm, 
svyaty-ch, " sanctorum" and " in sanctis? from svyatyi-ch> 
corresponds to the indefinite forms svyato-m, svyatyc-ch 
(for svyato-ch).^ At times, through the said pronominal 
syllabte i 9 the preceding o may be changed at will into y 

* Dobr. also himself, p. 493, considers simple i or t'i as the definitive 
adjunct ; but in considering, as he there does, blagyi as the confluence of 
blag and ii, he appears to look upon the y as having arisen from the i of 
the suffix, and not to acknowledge in it the final vowel of the simple 
adjective root. 

t In the oldest MSS., according to Dobr. p. 502, the more full forms 
ylch, yim, ytmi occur in the plural, for ym 9 ych, ymi. 


or not : thus the interrogative exhibits the forms kyi, 
"(juis9" (Dobr. 500 and 343.), kyim, "per quern?" kyich, 
"in quibus, quorum?" kyim, " quibus?" kyimL "per 
quos? with kdi, kotm, kdich, koimi. The possessive 
pronouns allow no euphonic reaction at all to the de- 
monstrative i, which forms the last member of them, 
and they always retain their radical o ; e.g. moi> " meus? 
moim, "per meum," not myi, mylm. As to the definite 
form of the adjective bases in yo, which Dobrowsky forms 
through the addition of it, I have not the slightest 
doubt that here, also, a simple i is the defining element, 
for the first i is clearly the vocalization of the y of the 
primitive base; so that therefore, for example, sinit 
"the blue," is to be divided, not into sin-tt, but into 
sMi-7. The primitive adjective is sounded in the nomina- 
tive which is deprived of all inflection and of the last vowel 
of the base siny, the y of which appears as i in the nomi- 
native plural masculine, just as in the definite pronoun, 
sinit " carulei" sinii, of " coerulei" In order, however, here 
fully to explain the nature and origin of the definite 
declension, and not hereafter to be compelled to repeat 
what is already settled, it may be stated that its pro- 
nominal defining addition is identical with the Sanskrit 
relative base n ya, which is most correctly preserved 
in the Lithuanian, in which language *ya signifies " he " 
(ya-m, "to him," ya-me, "in him 11 ). The nominative 
yis, "he" (for yas) t has given the y an assimilating 
influence, as is the case with all bases in ya (. 135.). 
The feminine, also, is pronounced in the nominative, 
through assimilation, yi for ya\ but the genitive 
yos, and all the other cases, are easily perceived through 
the ^declension of ranka, "hand, 1 * and giesme, "song, 11 
[G. Ed. p. 333.] from GIESMJA (p. 169, Note). The 

* Written ja in the text. This passage furnishes a good reason for 
writing the Germanic /by y, as has been done throughout this translation. 


Old Sclavonic has, in all the masculine bases ending with 
a vowel, suppressed this vowel in the nominative and 
accusative; and since the vowel has dropped from the 
Sanskrit-Lithuanian base q ya, ya which, according to(a.), 
makes one expect yo in the Old Sclavonic, from which, 
according to (n.), must be formed ye* the y must be 
changed into a vowel; hence, ?, "he," "him," which 
must, therefore, on no account be placed together with 
the Latin-Gothic is, from the base I. In the nomina- 
tive singular masculine, however, this Sclavonic pro- 
noun occurs in all the three genders, not isolated, but in 
union with the particle sche, which has preserved to it 
the old relative meaning: i-sche means as well "qui" 
as "quern"; yci-sche 9 "qu<s"', yu-sche, " quam "; audye-sche 
"quod." Now as i means " he," ya, "she," and yt> 9 "it," 
I could not imagine how one could create the definitive 
adjective forms svyaty-T, svyata-ya, svyato-e (for svyatoye), 
accusative svyaty-ii, svyatd-yd, svyato-e, in their opposition 
to the indefinites svyat(o\ svyata, svyato, differently from 
Dobrowsky (p. 493), and perhaps other grammarians 
before him, have done, namely, by the addition of the 
pronoun here under discussion ;f for this pronominal 
suffix supplies the place of the article of other languages ; 
and the Lithuanian language uses the same pronoun 

* Hence in the genitive ye-go, dative ye-mu, loc. ye-m, the e of which 
Dobrowsky wrongly ascribes to flexion, because he everywhere seeks the 
base in the nominative. However, the base ye has not fully maintained 
itself before all terminations beginning with a consonant, but become, in 
like manner, shortened to t : in i-m 9 " per cum," and IM, t-mf " per eos," 
i-ckf " eorum? " in iis," for ye-m, &c. 

t What Grimm (by Wuk, p. xl.) remarks against this declaration lias 
not convinced me ; least of all can I, for the above reasons, concede to 
him that the i of svyatyi has any thing to do with the a of blinda, " the 
blind" (from blindan, . 140.) ; so that svyatyi would belong to the indefi- 
nite declension ; and, on the other hand, svyat, contrary to the Sclavonic 
Grammarians, would be to be removed from the indefinite into the defi- 
nite forma. 


for the same object, i. e. equally in the emphatic, or, 
as it is also termed, definite declension of the adjective ; 
and certainly so, that, through all cases, both the adjec- 
tive which precedes and the pronoun which concludes are 
declined, while, in the Sclavonic, in most cases the pronoun 
only is provided with the inflexions of case, but in some 
[G. Ed. p. 334.] it has utterly disappeared, and in others 
is still to be recognised in the y for o mentioned above. 

(e.) The Sanskrit diphthong ^ g I have found always ren- 
dered, in the Old Sclavonic, by ye t in similar forms ; so 
that after weakening the ^ , to compensate for this, 
the semi-vowel y has made its appearance, to which, in 
this union, a particular legitimacy would be, according 
to (c.), to be ascribed. Let pyfina> " foam," be compared 
with ifccT pMna ; svyet "light," with ^TK svita ; vyemy, "I 
know, with ^ftr v$dmi. The most important cases in 
the grammar wth ye corresponding to ^ e! are the dual 
case forms of the feminine and neuter, and those of the 
imperative, in accordance with the Sanskrit potential of 
the first conjugation. 

(y.) The Sanskrit diphthong ^ft 6 (from a + ii) is repre- 
sented in the Old Sclavonic by u ();* so that the first 

* Although this vowel may at times be pronounced short, still this much, 
at least, is certain, that, according to its origin and its definition, it is long. 
In Bohemian it appears in two forms, as au and u : the former is pro- 
nounced OM, but the writing points to an older and different pronunciation, 
in which the a was accurately preserved in its place : the u is pronounced 
short, whence, however, it cannot be deduced that this short u perhaps 
corresponds to the Sanskrit g 1 and Greek v, and that au is its intensitive 
or Guna j but, on the contrary, only the u retained in the au corre- 
sponds to the 3T M, and the u which stands alone in Bohemian 
is a weakening of the au ; so that, from this, the concluding element u 
alone is left : etymologically, that is to say, the Bohemian au, as also u 9 
answers to the Sanskrit ^sft 6, and also to the Sclavonic u (s), only that 
the former is phonetically more exact, and without the loss brought about 
by time. Hence, also, usta (written vsta) " ora " corresponds to the San- 
skrit 5^17 foJi Jut, "the lip": more complete, however, is austne, *' by word 



element of the Indian diphthong has assimilated itself to 
the second, and, in conjunction with it, presents a simi- 
lar long vowel, as, in the Greek n (ov), two hetero- 
geneous vowels, according to pronunciation, have united 
themselves in a similar measure. As, according to (a), 
the Indian short a has, in the Sclavonic, mostly become 
short 0, we must consider the first element in the diph- 
thong u also (so we write the s) to be o ; and it be- 
comes visible, too, in this form, when A is resolved before 
vowels into ov, (compare /3o(F)oj from B8, [G. Ed. p. 335.] 
. 123.), while the Indian ^ 6 becomes av befqre a vowel 
(nfa gavi = /3oF/, from *ft go). Now as, in the Sanskrit, ?r u, 
Bi u, rise to 6 through Guna (. 26.), and stu-shyumi 
appears as the future of stu, so in the Old Sclavonic, 
in like manner, y (cy) is interchanged with u\ so that bu 
in bu-du, " I shall be," must pass as the Guna form of by 
(in byti, " to be ") : but if a class of nouns, which in the 
nominative-accusative terminate in a consonant or in 
yerr (see &.) exhibit, in many oblique cases, the syllable 
ov before vowel-endings, this ov must neither be consi- 
dered, with Dobrowsky, for an augment added to the 
base, nor can it be deduced from forms like synovi, " from 
a son" (Sanskrit *n^ sunav-e, from mnu), synov-$, "sons" 
(*nre*l sunav-as), that syn, in the nominative-accusative, 
is an abbreviation of synd ; and that therefore the yerr, 
when it is added to the form syn, is a representative 
or weak remainder of u: but it is clear, from (c.), 
that syn, "films" "flium" if its final vowel, in its 
most genuine form, had remained to it, would sound 
syny 9 from which synov is the Guna intensitive, the 
ov of which has arisen from tl through the influence 

of mouth"; and even for vsta is to be found austa (Dobr. Bohm. Lehrg. 
p. 4. ) : ruka corresponds to the Lithuanian ranka, " hand " ; and hus to tho 
Sanskrit 1TO hahsa, "goose " ; for which, according to p. 319. rauka, Jtausa 
was to have been expected. A distinction must here, according to J. 783. 
Remark q. v, ; be made between oy it, and & un. 


of the vowel following it, but has remained in the 
genitive plural also, after the ending has been dropped. 
Let synov, "filiorum" be compared with the Gothic 
suniv-& (. 247.) As, in the Sanskrit, the substantive 
bases in u adopt the Guna form of the u before the 
vowels of the derivative suffix, so it is very remarkable 
that, in the Old Sclavonic bases in y, also, this vowel 
appears before certain derivative suffixes in its Guna 
form ; e. g. domw-it from dom (DOMY), " house "; binov-at, 
"debtor," from byn (BYNY).* Derivative substantives 
and adjectives in ov, ev (theme ovo, evo, the latter for 
yovo, see w.), correspond to the Sanskrit in ^R ava ; as 
qn&^r pdndav-a (nominative as), "descendant of Pandu"; 
wrfo drtava, "seasonable," from ^JWrfcu, "season 11 : so, 
in Old Sclavonic, Adamov, "Adamite,*" from Adam 
(AD AMY ) ; zarev for zaryev, " kingly,* 11 from zar (theme 
ZARJY). For these formations, therefore, we must not, 
with Dobrowsky (322, 323), assume a suffix av or ev, 
but we must look upon the o alone, which, in the nomi- 
native, is suppressed, as the derivative suffix (ADAMOV-O, 
ZAREV-O). Through the Vriddhi increase (. 29.) the 
Old Sclavonic y becomes av, because a, according to (a.), 
usually corresponds to ^n d : hence, from the root by, 
"to be," comes the causal baviti (infinitive), as in the 
[G. Ed. p. 336.] Sanskrit urefag* bh&vayitum. But 
though staviti occurs as the causal of sta, this form may 
have arisen in the perverted feeling of the language as an 
irregularly analogous word to baviti. In order, then, still 
more to establish, by a few other examples, the representa- 
tion of the Indian TOt 6 or ^r^ av by the Sclavonic u, we 
find ust> " mouth," correspond to wte 6shtha> "lip 1 '; shtit 
"sinister" (theme SHU JO), to w savya; buditi, "to 
awake" a causal, whose primitive bdyeti has entirely 

* Dobrowsky supports himself in these cases by calling ov a prefix (p. 329). 


lost the vowel of the root to ^vftnp x bodhayitum, also 
" to awake, 11 from g^ budh, " to know." Thus gubiti is 
the causal of gyb-nu (1. P.), and studiti of styd-nA (Dobr. 
360, 361.) ; while vyesiti is the causal of visyeti (see e.) 9 as, 
in the Sanskrit, ^)tVrfn x vdsayitum, " to cause to enter, 11 
from ftp^ vis, " to go in. 11 

((/.) As the nasals* easily resolve themselves into u, so 
the second element of the diphthong & sometimes also 
supplies the place of a nasal in the cognate languages ; 
e.g.r&ka, "a hand," Lithuanian ranka; p&ty, "away," 
Sanskrit H^TO panthds, id. Latin pons; goluby, " a dove," 
columba; gdsy, "a goose," fh& hansa. The Polish has 
preserved the old nasal in golamb, " a dove, 1 ' gansie, " a 
gosliug," gansior, "a gander," and in many similar 
cases. Hereby the & in the accusative of bases in a 
(from SBTT ct), which are for the most part feminine, is 
remarkably explained; compare vdovd from vdova, "a 
widow," with f%^R7r vidhavdm, " viduam." Therefore 
vdovd is to be derived from vdovo^m for vdova-m (see a.) ; 
so that the a which is weakened to an o is contracted 
with the nasal mark of the case to d. This view is further 
supported by the consideration, that in Polish, also, the 
corresponding feminine declension marks the final vowel 
of the base with the same sign which, in the middle of 
a word, expresses a nasal, which is governed according 
to the organ of the following letter, but at the end, 
probably through a corruption of sound, is said to have 
an equal value with a ringing h. This nasalizing mark 
recurs also in the Polish verb, and, indeed, exactly in 
such a place where one had to expect a nasal, i.c. in 
the 1st person singular and 3d person plural; and thus, 
in Bandtke's second and third conjugation, the so 
marked e, e.g. in pieke, "I bake," supplies the place of 
the am of the first conjugation, as czytam, "I read." 

* Cf. {. 783. Remark. 


The Old Sclavonic has, however, excepting some ano- 
malous remains of an older formation, & in all the con- 
jugations; and, according to what has been said, it 
admits of no doubt, that in the second part of this diph- 
thong (o + u) the personal character m, and in the first 
part of the diphthong the conjunctive vowel, is retained. 
When therefore, in the 1st person, an o corresponds to the 
e (e) of nes e-shi, " thou carriest," ncs-e-t, " he carries " 
[G. Ed. p. 337.] for nesti is for nes-o-u for nes-o-m from 
nes-e-m it must be assumed that the conjunctive vowel e, 
before its confluence with the w, which has arisen out of m, 
has passed into o ; as in Greek ov arises by the contraction 
of e and o, through the transition of e into o and o into v. 
The same relation is to be found in the Old Sclavonic iu 
the 3d person plural, where, corresponding to ries-e-m, 
" we carry," nes-e-te, " ye carry " (comp. Aey-e-re), the form 
jiesent is expected, but in place of it occurs ms&t in sur- 
prising accord with the Greek heyovvt for \eyovvi from 
\eyovn. The Polish has, like the Bohemian, relinquished 
the character of the 3d person in the plural, as well as for 
the most part in the singular, but everywhere retains, in 
the first, the old and more powerful a (^r), and marks this 
with the diacritical sign mentioned above, which, in the 
middle of a word, supplies the place of a nasal function ; 
thus, sa, " they are," corresponds to the Sanskrit ^rftfr 
santi, Sclavonic s&t. The Bohemian has also, in many 
conjugations, retained the old conjunctive vowel a in the 
3d person plural, but, like the Sclavonic, permitted the n 
to dissolve into a u\ therefore, in wezau, "vehunt" 
(wez-e-me, " vehimus" wez-e-te, " vehitis "), the u answers to 
the n of cRjfitT vahanti, "vehunt" and the u which, in Bohe- 
mian, is united with an a, is essentially different from 
that which stands alone ; for the latter answers to the 
Old Sclavonic diphthong u (), but the former only to 
the latter portion of the 4 which, in the Old Sclavonic, 
never. stands alone, at least never occurs as u, but as y (c). 


If, then, through what has been said, the vocalization of 
the m or n, which is of such frequent occurrence in the Scla- 
vonic, has been shewn with sufficient clearness, it is remark- 
able that conversely, also, the latter portion of the il () has 
occasionally been hardened into a nasal; and thus budu, " I 
will be," is in Polish bend? (written bed?). 
(A.) In certain cases an old d far) unorganically supplies 
the place of the Sclavonic u, i. e. in the instrumental of 
pronouns without gender, and all feminines; thus, 
vdovoy-u, "through the widow," answers to f%>reiCT vidha- 
vay-d; and toboy-u, "through thee," to ISRT tway-A. Deno- 
minatives also, in uyti, (1st per. pres.), in the Old Sclavo- 
nic, correspond to the Sanskrit in '^cmifodydmi, 
sabddydmi, "I sound," from 5^ sabda, "a sound,"; 
chirdydmi, "I hesitate," from f^ chira, "long": thus, 
in the Sclavonic, zieluyti, "I greet," "I kiss," from ziel, 
(ZIELO\ "healthy": vdov&yd from vdova, "widow" (Dobr. 
p. 372.). Finally, words in tin (UNO) answer, as it appears, 
to the Sanskrit participles of the middle voice, in dna, as 
JWHf yunjdna, "uniting, 11 from TT^ yuj] so in the Old 
Sclavonic, per&n, (PERUNO), *Deus [G. Ed. p. 338.] 
tonans," from the root per, " to shake "; byey&n^ " runner " 
(BYE6UNO), from BYEG "to run" (Dobr. p. 289.). 
(i.) There are in the Sclavonic alphabet two marks, which 
by some are called littera aphonce, but by Gretsch semi- 
vowels ; I mean the so-called soft yer* and the hard yerr. 
The former is represented by Gretsch as half i, and by 
his translator, Reiff (47), as answering to the tones 
'mouilles' of French (compare Kopitar, p, b); and thus 
schal* 9 "sympathy," and ogon b , "fire," are, in respec- 
to the soft yer compared with the pronunciation of 
travail and cicogne. This yer, therefore, denotes a tone 

* In the original^er, pronounced, however, yer ; and hence y has been 
substituted for.; in all that follows. j 


which is rather to be called a y than an i* ; and it may 
be said that in schal b and ogon b one hears quite as much 
of a y as can be heard of this semi-vowel after a con- 
sonant preceding it. Hence we mark it with a y, and 
write the above words schaly, ogony, Old Sclavonic oyny. 
In the words, too, which end with it in the uninflected 
nominative and accusative singular, it occurs in several 
oblique cases as a distinct proper y y e.g. in zarya, " reyis" 
zaryu, " reyi" from zary, "rex," "regem" On the consonant 
which precedes it this yer has an influence which ren- 
ders its pronunciation more mild, because its sound is 
somewhat broken by the y, which throws back its sound. 
Etymologically the yer corresponds either to a final i of 
the cognate languages, as in yesty, " he is * (^rfisr asti, 
COT/, Lithuanian esti) t kosty, "bones" (^rfei asthi\ or 
in the nominative and accusative singular of masculine 
substantives and adjectives, to a y ( ^y\ from which a 
vowel has dropped; for the theme of siny, " cceruleus" 
concludes neither with i nor with y, but with yo (euphoni- 
cally ye, seen.); whose final vowel, suppressed in the 
nominative and accusative masculine, appears, however, 
in the feminine s'mya, in its extension to a, while the 
neuter sine for singe has rejected the y. 
(k.) The hard yerr is represented by Gretsch as a semi o. 
but by Reif more correctly in my opinion, it is com- 
pared to the French silent e and the Hebrew schva : it is 
therefore, to use the expression, equivalent to "nothing"; 
and one cannot perceive of what vowel the small, still 
perhaps remaining vowel part of it is the residue. Conso- 
nants preceding it have a stronger and free pronunciation ; 
[G. Ed. p. 339.] and Kopitar (p. 5) tells us that they are 
pronounced before it sharp, and without echo, and that it 
is for this reason called the hard yerr, and not on account 
of its own pronunciation. We require, therefore, in the 

* In the Carniolan dialect this sound has mostly disappeared; but 
where it has remained it is also written by a y ; as, kony, " horse." 


Roman character, no substitute for this mark, and 
Dobrowsky also on its it at the end of words. Etymo- 
logically, however, this yerr always represents a sup- 
pressed mute vowel, only not always an o, nor, as 
Grimm conjectures (in his valuable Preface to Wuk's 
Servian Gramm. p. xxxrv) a u. Rather, each of the 
three short fundamental vowels a (as represented also 
by o, e), i, u, (for which may stand y, 0), is very fre- 
quently dropped at the end of "words ; and although the 
i is seldom entirely suppressed, more generally throwing 
back its sound as y, nevertheless the vowel suppressed 
after the m of rabo-m, "per servum" and in Russian 
replaced by yerr, is clearly, as we gather from the 
Lithuanian, an i. 

(/.) I* believe I may assert, that in the whole extent of 
the structure of the Sclavonic language, at least in 
all the conditions of its noun and verb, not a single 
final consonant occurs after which some termination, 
which, through the cognate languages can be pointed 
out as beginning with a vowel, has not been dropped. 
Thus, the base NEBES, " c&lum? ' forms, in the genitive 
plural, likewise nebes, but the vanished termination 
is, in Sanskrit, wr^ dm Cw-rn? nabhasdm, " cceZo- 
rum"), Greek coi/ (i/e0e(cr)a>i/), Latin urn, Gothic 0. The 
real final consonants, however, which, in the truly-pre- 
served elder dialects of the Indo-European family, stand 
as the foundation of the word, have utterly disappeared 
in Sclavonic polysyllables ; e. g. from wr a*, es is formed, 
in the nominative plural, e (e) ; and synov-e answers to 
forms like *JH<^ sunav-as, /Sorpv-es. 

(m.) As far as regards the writing of those consonants 
which, in the Sclavonic alphabet, properly correspond to 
the Roman, we express the sound of the French.; (zivyete, 
in the Carniolan sh), as in Zend (. 65.), by sch, that 
of our German sch ( = ^) by sh as in Sanskrit, 

* Of. . 783. Remark. 
Y 2 


and also as, in Sanskrit, the tsch by ch: for the 
sound of the Greek (~ds) we retain , and use z for 
the sound of our German z (=ts) : for ^ we write ch. In 
regard to etymology, it is important to call attention 
to the relation of this letter to sibilants, by means 
of which snocho, "daughter-in-law," corresponds to 
the Sanskrit ^T snushd. Ch also, in declension 
and conjugation before certain vowels, passes into s 
[G. Ed. p. 340.] (Dobr. pp. 39, 41), and in some cases 
into sh (Dobr. 41.). Finally, in preterites like dacli, "I 
gave," dachom, " we gave," the ch returns to the s (79 .<?, 2) 
whence it has proceeded, in the cases where a personal 
ending beginning with a t follows it ; hence, daste, " ye 
gave," dasta, "ye two" and "they two gave."* As the 
vowels exercise a multifarious influence in the trans- 
formation of gutturals preceding them, we will further re- 
mark that the ch under discussion maintains itself in the 
3d person plural before tJ, but before a appears as sh ; 
hence, dasha or dachd, " they gave." 

(w.) fFor the semi-vowel y (^ y) the Cyrillian alphabet 
gives the Greek /, excepting in the cases for which the 
inventor of the character has provided by particular 
letters set together according to their value, which, at 
the same time, express the y with the following vowel ; 
that is to say, ya is never written by two letters. It 
would, however, for this reason, be wrong to assume a 
vowel ya, as this syllable, however it may be written, 
still always unites in itself two sounds. For ye, also, 

* Dobrowsky has, however, as it appears to me, not perceived the 
irrefragable connection between the ch of dock and the s of dastc, for he 
considers the ch and ste, &c. as personal terminations (pp. 264. 383. 397) ; 
and hence he nowhere informs us that ch before t passes into s. More on 
this subject when we come to the verb. 

t The vowels mentioned here, preceded by jr, are, with the exception of 
1C ye, and t ye, nasalised vowels (see . 783. Remark) ; and hence pyaty, 
"'five," must be .pronounced panty (in the original character 


Cyril has provided by a simple sign, and y& is expressed 
by an o in conjunction with an i. But y often appears in 
Sclavonic as a dialectic addition before vowels foreign 
to the cognate languages. Compare yesmy, "I am," 
yam (for yadmy), "I eat," pyaty, "five," desyaiy^ <c ten," 
yedin, " one," with the corresponding Sanskrit forms, asmi, 
admi r panchan, dasan, ddi (primus). An o which follows 
is, in accordance with similar forms which we have 
observed in the Zend and Lithuanian (. 137. and p. 174, 
Note*), changed into e through the influence of a y 
preceding it. In like manner, in accordance with the 
Zend and Lithuanian, the y, after it has assimilated a 
vowel following it, has often itself disappeared, and has 
left behind only its effect, and thereby the proof of its 
former existence.* 

* Dobrowsky does not express himself with sufficient clearness re- 
garding this form, when he says (cap. II. . iii.) that o after y and liquid 
consonants is changed into e. According to this, one would believe that, 
besides y, certain other consonants had the power of changing an o follow- 
ing them into e. Dobrowsky understands which, however, as far as 
I know, he nowhere expressly says under "consona liquida" those 
which, inconsequence of a following yer (y\ have retained a more flowing 
and softer pronunciation ; while he calls the consonants without yer " corc- 
sonte solida" (comp. 1. c. p. 267) ; so that no consonant is by nature and 
of itself alone liquid, but receives this quality through a following yer 
(a y without a vowel). Thus, in Dobrowsky's second masculine declen- 
sion, the consonants r, ch 9 and f, in zary, " king," vrachy, " physician," 
and knyafy, " prince," arc liquid. But as these words in the instru- 
mental form zarem, brachem, knyafem^ Dobrowsky ascribes the e for o 
to the influence of a liquid consonant ; while, according to my opinion, the 
consonants hi these forms have no concern whatever in transforming o into 
<?, but for zarem, &c. zaryem must originally have stood. And as in this 
form the y is the full semi-vowel, not entirely without a vowel sound, and 
therefore not the expression of the yer without a vowel which softens the 
consonant preceding it as in the abbreviated nominative %ary~BO the r 
also, in zaryem, was not liquid, and has not, according to my opinion, be- 
come liquid after the dropping of the semi- vowel ; at least, I find it nowhere 



[G. Ed. p. 341.] 256. We must now, in order to be able 
to compare the true case-suffixes of the Old Sclavonic with 
those of the cognate languages, first of all endeavour to ascer- 
tain the final letter of the kinds of base which occur, as they 
have for the most part been rubbed off in the singular 
nominative, whence it has appeared as if these letters, 
where they again present themselves in the oblique cases, 
either belonged to the case termination, or were an addition 
equally foreign to the base and to the termination, which has 
been termed " augment " by Dobro wsky. After becoming 
[G. Ed. p. 342.] acquainted with the true base, the case ter- 
minations assume, in many points, an entirely different shape 
from what Dobrowsky has represented (p. 460), with whom 
we cannot concede to the neuter a nominative termination 
o or e, but perhaps the advantage of having preserved, in pre- 
ference to the masculine, the final vowel of the theme in this 
case. For the practical use of the language, and to keep 
simply within the limits of the Sclavonic language, all might, 
notwithstanding, be assumed as inflexion which is usually 
represented as such. It is not, however, here our object 
to consider those syllables as supplying the place of gram- 
matical relations which present themselves to the feeling 
of the speaker as such, but only those which may be so 
traced through the history of the language, and which, for 
thousands of years, have subsisted as Grammatical forms. 

257. To the masculine and neuter bases in TO a corre- 
spond, in the Old Sclavonic as well as ip Greek, bases in 
o,* which vowel has disappeared in the nominative and 

stated that the r and other consonants, in forms like zarem, knya(em, 
golubem, lebedem, are differently pronounced from what they are in pirom, 
vo(om, lobom, adorn, of Dobrowsky's first 'masc. declension. The difference 
in the two classes of words is only this, that the former have a y for the last 
letter but one of their theme, which, by the power of assimilation, has 
changed the following o into e, which e, after the y has been dropped, does 
not again become o. 

* Dialectically the older a lias, in certain cases, maintained itself, as in 


accusative singular: so the corresponding a has disap- 
peared in Gothic, except in the neuter (as Gothic blinda-ta, 
" caecum" in contrast with blind'-s, " arcus ") : it has also 
maintained itself frequently in the beginning of compounds 
in the Gothic and Old Greek, where, according to the oldest 
principle, the naked theme is required; as, nov, "novus," 
appears in many compounds as novo (novo-grad, " new- 
town"), but is then not to be considered as the neuter 
'tiovo, " novum" but as the common theme [G. Ed. p. 343.] 
of the masculine and neuter, in which as yet no difference of 
sex is pointed out. The clearest proof that the class of nouns 
under discussion corresponds to the Indian, Lithuanian, and 
Gothic nouns in a, is afforded by their feminine bases in a 
(for ^rt a)] so that to the form rob (for rabd), " servant," 
corresponds a feminine raba, "a maid ": that is to say, all Old 
Sclavonic primitive adjectives, L e. those with an indefinite 
declension, correspond to the Sanskrit in a-s, d, a-m, Greek 
o-?, rj(a) 9 o-v, Latin u-s, a, u-m; much as one might be led 
astray by outward appearance to seek in the adjectives, which 
in the nominative masculine end in y (yer), and in the neuter 
in e, as siny 9 " cceruleus" syne, " cceruleum" an analogy to 
Latin adjectives like miti-s, mite. 

258. But I recognise in adjectives like that just men- 
tioned, and in similarly-constituted substantives, as knyaty, 
"prince," more, "the sea," bases of such a nature as, with- 
out the euphonic form mentioned at . 255. (n.j, must have 
terminated in yo, whence ye \ and hence, in the nominative 
masculine according to the suppression of the final vowel 
of the base, y in this case and in the neuter e retaining 
the vowel and dropping the y. These bases, therefore, 
correspond to the Indian in *i ya, the Greek and Latin in 

the Carniolan, before all inflections beginning with m in the three num- 
bers, asposht-m, "through the domestic," posfa-ma "the two domestics." 
This word appears to be identical with tnr putra, " son," Persian pisar 
"son," "boy/* "young man," and to owe its meaning to familiar address. 


10, iu (ay/o-y, ayto-v, aociu-s, prceliu-m) ; that is to say, serdze 
(nominative and accusative neuter), " heart," corresponds to 
the Sanskrit 33*1* hridaya-m, which is likewise neuter. 
The feminines, again, afford a practical proof of the jus- 
tice of this theory, for the Sclavonic bases in ya correspond 
to the Sanskrit feminine bases in *n yd Greek /or, Latin 
?o); and this form, in the uninflected nominative, stands 
opposed to the masculine termination y and neuter e, as 
sinya, " coerulea? to siny, " c&ruleus" and sine, " cceruleum." 

[G. Ed. p. 344.] When an i or other vowel precedes the last 
y but one of the base, the y in the nominative, and accusative 
masculine is changed into the vowel i ; as, wyetii, " nepos ex 
sorore" (Dobrowsky, p. 282). The corresponding feminine 
form is iya, and the neuter ye, the y of which has arisen from 
i of the form iye, which is to be supposed the original, after 
dropping the last y but one. To the Sanskrit TP&TO savya-s, 
TPan savyd, *rapl savya-m (sinister, a, um\ correspond thus 
shdi, shuya, sliue (compare Dobrowsky, p. 285). 

259. The Old Sclavonic masculine and neuter bases in yo* 
with their feminines in ya, are, according to their origin, 
of four kinds : 1. Those in which, as in S//C/TO==*n*i 
savya, both the semi-vowel and the vowel following, from 
the earliest period of the language, belong to the base of 
the word; and this case is perhaps the most rare. 
2. Such as originally end in i 9 to which an unorganic o 
has been added ; as, in the Lithuanian, the bases in 2, in 
many cases, change into the declension in ia (ie) (. 193. 
and p. 174, Note*). To this class belongs MORJO, nom. 
more, " the sea," the e of which therefore differs widely from 

* Where I fix the theme, I leave the euphonic law contained in 
5.255. (n.) unregarded, and I give SERDZYO as the theme of serdze 
(" heart," nom. ace.), although the latter is no other than the theme 
modified according to that euphonic law, i.e. without inflection, as in 
the Sanskrit vdch is laid down as the theme, although ch cannot stand at 
the end of a word, but j>asses into &, as in the nominative vak, which is 
properly identical with the theme. 


the mare in Latin, corrupted from mari ; so that the 
Sclavonic y 9 which again makes its appearance in the geni- 
tive morya, dative moryA, corresponds to the Latin e spoken 
of. The Latin word must, however, in order to be 
classed with the Sclavonic, be pronounced in the nominative 
mariu-m. Neuter bases in i, without an unorganic augment, 
/ire entirely wanting in the Sclavonic. [G. Ed. p. 345.] 
Among the masculines of this class of words chewy, "a worm" 
(theme CHERFYO), answers to the Sanskrit ^fa krimi 
and the Latin FERMI, Old High German, WURMlivaA 
fyaty ($YATYO} 9 "gener" to the Sanskrit <snf JT JdA 
feminine, "familia" "genus" from W*{jan, "to be born/ 1 
The third kind of bases in yo is that where the unorganic y 
precedes a final o, according to the euphonic disposition 
mentioned in . 255. (n.). So gusy (GUSYO) corresponds to 
the Indian ^Nt harisa, " goose " (, 255. (/.) In the fourth 
place there exist among bases in yo the words in which the y 
as well as the following vowel is an unorganic addition. 
Thus fnouns of agency in TARYO correspond to the 
Sanskrit in 7TT tar (^ tri, in the strong cases m^ tar,) to the 
Latin in tdr, and to the Greek in rrjp, TW/O; hence the nomi- 
natives my-tarUy schi-tary, and Qatary (Dobrowsky,p. 295), and, 
with y for a, pas-tyry, "shepherd." Of this kind, also, are 
the nouns of agency in TELYO, the I of which is clearly 
an interchange with r (. 20.), so that this suffix also con- 
forms itself to the Sanskrit wr tar; hence the nominatives 
blago-dyetely, "beneficus" pye-tely, "a cock," from the root 
pye, "to sing, 1 ' schatcly, " messor" spas-i-tely, " salvator"$ 

* frequently answers to the Sanskrit ^ j, and for example 
" to know," is in the Sclavonic {na (infinitive nati). 

f But see p. 879. Note . 647. 

J As these words stand in analogy with the infinitive in fi, in so fiir 
that their suffix begins with a like consonant, Dobrowsky (pp. 292, 293) 
derives them from the infinitive, and allows them simply ely as suffix (as 
also simple ary for tary), as it has been the custom to derive also, in 
the Latin, tor and turns from the supine.. However, it is certain 



260. To the Sanskrit feminine bases in *n A correspond 
as has been already remarked, Old Sclavonic in a. To 

[G. Ed. p. 346.] this class of words, however, belong also 
some masculines, particularly proper names, which are then 
declined entirely as feminines, as in Latin nauta, coelicola ,&c. 
(. 116.), on which we will not here dwell further. Among 
the bases in i there are, in Old Sclavonic, no neuters, and only 
a very small number of masculines as in Lithuanian 
which Dobrowsky, p. 469, represents as anomalous, as 
though they were only irregulars of his second declension 
masculine : they are, however, in reality, foreign to it, for 
this very reason, that they end their theme with i, but 
the former with yo 9 and in part with yy, (. 263.). It is only 
in the nominative and accusative singular that these three 
classes of words, from various reasons, agree; and, yosty, 
"guest," from GOST1* (Gothic GASTI, Latin HOSTI) 
agrees with knyafy, "prince," from KNYAgYO, and vrachy, 
" medicus" from VRACHYY. The masculine bases origi- 
nally ending with n there are but a few of them form 
most of their cases from a base augmented by i ; KAMEN, 
" stone " (Sanskrit ^H^ a'sman)* is extended to KAMENI, 
and then follows GOSTI. 

261. To the Sanskrit feminine bases in ^ i correspond 
numerous Old Sclavonic bases of a similar termination 
(Dobrowsky, decl. fern, iv.) ; that is to say, the Sclavonic 
agrees with the Sanskrit in the formation of feminine ab- 

the suffixes TOR, TURUantii the Sclavonic TARJO, TELJO, used to 
borrow their t not at first from another syllable of formation so com- 
mencing. They form primitive words from the roots themselves, and not 
derivatives from other words. 

* Thus, also, PUTI,& way" (Sanskrit qfa{pathin), and LJUDI,v\. 
num, nom. lyudy-e, "people," Gothic LAUDI, nom. lauths, "a person," the 
au of which, according to $.255. (/), is represented by u (&), and, according 
to .255. (?w.),Iias gaineda prefixed y. GOSPODI, "a master" (comp. trfff 
pati, Lithuan, P4T7and Gothic FADI) is in fact irregular, as it passes 
into several kinds of theme in its declension. 


stracts in TI, as PA-MTfA-TI, "memory/ 7 nom. pdmyaty, 
from the root MAN, as in Sanskrit nfif mati (for manti), 
" spirit," " meaning," from *nf wan, " to think "* (compare 
memini). These words weaken, indeed, in *[G. Ed. p. 347.] 
the nominative and accusative, their i to yer, but in no case 
overstep their original base by an unorganic addition ; and 
hence they must not, on any account, be looked upon as of the 
same base with the majority of masculines terminating simi- 
larly in the nominative and accusative singular. But 
Dobrowsky 's third feminine declension is of a mixed nature 
(zerkovy, "a church"): in this we recognise some words 
which have, by Guna, changed a Sanskrit final "31 u to ov ; 
and from this form several cases, as from a base ending with 
a consonant e.g. zerkv-e, genitive singular and nominative 
plural but so that the o is suppressed before vowel termina- 
tions. In some cases the theme extends itself by an un- 
organic i, in others by a; and also before these exten- 
sions of the base the o of the syllable ov is suppressedt ; 
e. g. zerkviy-u, " per ecclesiam" zerkvi, " ecclesia" zerkvii, 
" ecdesiarum? zerkva-m, "ecclesiis" zerkva-ch, "in eccleaiis? 
zcrkva-mi, "per ecclesias" The dative locative zerkvi is 
doubtful, as this case could have no other sound than 
zerkvi, whether it come from ZERKOFm from ZERKVI. 

* Dobrowsky (p. 355) imputes, in my opinion wrongly, the n of po- 
myanu, " I remember," and some similar bases, to derivation, instead of 
supposing that the radical n is suppressed before t, in analogy with the 
Sanskrit, and as, in Greek, rdo-is from TAN, Sanskrit irfrHT tati-s, " a line" 
(as extended), for wfam tanti-s. 

f The example given by Dobrowsky, zerkovy, " a church," nevertheless 
does not apply to monosyllables, as krovy, "blood" (Sanskrit Jtfsqkravya, 
neuter, "flesh"), nor to those polysyllables in which two consonants 
precede the syllable ov ; for yatrvach and krvach would be equally imprac- 
ticable (comp. Gretsch by Keiff, p. 163). Brovy, " eyebrow," also appears 
to form all its cases from a theme BROVJ, an extension of the Sanskrit 
>j Mrit, feminine, by the addition of t, with a Guna of the ^| M. The 
nominative plural is hence brovi (Dobrowsky, p. 115), not brov-e. 


Some words of this class have, in the nominative, y t and 
[G. Ed. p. 348.] thus svekry agrees with TSRTjr swa'sru-s, 
" socrus" (. 255. <?.}; others have, at will, ovy or vi, with 
o suppressed ,* hence zerkovy or zerkvi. 

262. Among bases in u (Greek v) of the cognate lan- 
guages, only masculines have maintained themselves in the 
Old Sclavonic. They, like the bases in o, suppress their 
final vowel in the nominative and accusative, but in the 
remaining cases this letter shews itself either with Guna 
changed to ov or u (. 255. /.), or without Guna, as o 
(. 255. c.)^ and in the latter form it appears also in the 
beginning of compound words as a naked theme. Hence 
it is more probable, that anciently for syn, "flius" "Jilium" 
stood syno rather than syny (. 255. c.).* With this simi- 
lar conformation of theme of the old bases in a and w, it 
is not surprising that two kinds of bases, which in their 
origin are widely different, run very much into one another 
in the Sclavonic declension ; and that, in the more modern 
dialects, these two declensions, which were originally so 
strictly separate, have fallen almost entirely into one. 

263. As in the o bases which have arisen from ^r a, a y 
preceding introduces a difference of declension, which we, 
in . 258., have represented as purely euphonic, the same phe- 
nomenon makes its appearance also in the y bases, by means 
of which their Guna form is articulated ev (for yev) instead 

* We term this class of words, nevertheless, bases in y ; for although 
their final letter never occurs as y, still, according to J. 225. (c.), y is the 
most legitimate, even if it be the most rare, representative of the Sanskrit 
"3 1 M. But should it be wished to call them bases in o, they would not be 
distinguished from the order of words, which, according to } 257., bear 
this name with more right. The term u bases would be appropriate only 
so far as here, under the w, might be understood, not the Old Sclavonic * 
(etymologicaJly=^ft 6), but the Sanskrit ^T u or the Latin u of the 
fourth declension, which, in the Old Sclavonic, has no real existence. 


of ov* If, however, with Dobrowsky, we di- [G. Ed. p. 349.] 
vide the Old Sclavonic masculines with the exception of the 
bases in z, . 260. into two declensions, and in doing this de- 
sire, as is natural, to ground the division on the final letters of 
the bases, we must place knyafy, " prince" (nominative) of 
Dobrowsky's second declension in the first, and by the side 
ofrab, "a servant": on the other hand, the words syn, 
" son," and dom, " a house," of Dobrowsky's first masculine 
declension must be transferred to the second declension 
as mutilated y forms. Of the paradigma here given by 
Dobrowsky, vrachy, " medicus" adheres most strictly to the 
true y declension, and, according to . 255. (?i.) opposes 
ev to the ov of SYNY. On the other hand, words inflected 
like zary, "a king" (nominative), clearly form the nomi- 
native and genitive plural from bases in i ; hence zary-e, 
"kings," zarii, "of kings," from ZARI ; as gosty~e, "ho- 
spites? and gost it, " hospitum" from GOSTI. In the dative 
plural and instrumental singular the form zare-m is doubt- 
ful : in this and other words, also, of obscure origin, it re- 
mains uncertain whether the more contracted theme in i, 
or the more extended in yy, is the older; but it is certain 
that several old i bases have migrated into this declension 
by an unorganic addition; for instance, ogny, t( fire" (nom.), 
dative ognev-i, from OGNYY, agrees with the Sanskrit ^fnf 
agni, Latin TGNI, Lithuanian VGNL\ It [G. Ed. p. 350.] 

* Without Guna, the final of tho base is pronounced e for ye from yo 
(. 255. n.) ; and hence, in the cases without Guna the yy bases are just 
as little to be distinguished in their inflection from the yo bases, as, in 
the instrumental singular, syno-m (from the theme SYNY) from rabo-m 
(theme RABO). In the beginning of compound words, also, the yy bases 
end like those hi yo, with e for ye. 

t As regards words inflected like mravii, the only proof which could 
bring them under the head of the y bases is the vocative sing, mraviyu : 
that they, however, although they have borrowed this case from the y 
declension, originally belong to the o declension, is proved by their 
feminine in iya and neuters in iye or ye (Dobrowsky, p. 282). 


deserves here to be further remarked, that in the more modern 
dialects of the Sclavonic stock, the two masculine declensions 
here spoken of have been transfused almost entirely into one, 
which has taken several cases regularly from the old u 
declension, in which, however, from the point of view of 
the more recent dialects, e.g. in the genitive plural of 
the Polish and Carniolan, ov, ow 9 form an exception as a 
case termination. In the Old Sclavonic, also, rab (theme 
RABO\ "a servant," may optionally form several cases from 
a theme RABY (for rabu)-, and for rab, " servorum" we 
may also have rabov: and in the nominative plural of 
this class of words we find also ov-e, according to the 
analogy of synov-e. On the other hand, the adjective 
masculine o bases (the indefinites) of the y declension have 
admitted no irregular trespassings any more than the 

264. Bases ending in a consonant are, under the limi- 
tation of . 260., entirely foreign to the masculine: on the 
other hand, there are neuter bases in en, es, and at (yat], 
which are important for the system of declension, because 
the case suffix, commencing with a vowel, divides itself so 
much the more distinctly from the base ending with a 
consonant. The bases in en correspond to the Sanskrit 
in w^ an, and have preserved, too, in the uninflectcd 
nominative, accusative, and vocative, the old and more power- 
ful a, but with the euphonic prefix of a y (see . 255. .), 
and with the suppression of n of the base (see . 139.). 
All of them have an m before the termination en; so that 
men is to be considered as the full formative suffix of the 
word, which answers to the Sanskrit n^man e.g. in cfrib^ 
karman neut, " deed" and to the Latin men ; that is to say, 
SfJEMEN (nominative syemya, " seed," from the base sye) 
answers to the Latin se-men; and imen, "a name," is a 
mutilation of fpn^ n&man, " nomen" The bases in es 
answer to the Sanskrit neuter bases in as, as nebes, 


" heaven," Sanskrit tf* nabhas. In the [G. Ed. p. 351.] 
nominative, accusative, and vocative, they relinquish the con- 
cluding s (according to . 255. L), and afterwards strengthen 
the e to o (. 255. a,). We cannot, therefore, any longer com- 
pare the o of nebo with the Sanskrit-Zendian o, which has 
arisen out of a + u. As in this abbreviation of cs to o the 
neuter es bases in the cases mentioned become similar to the 
o bases, it is then on account of the influence of these cases, 
and because the nominative principally gives the tone in 
the declension, and shews in the oblique cases as inflec- 
tion that which is in itself deficient, it is then, we say, 
not surprising, if the original o bases at times admit an es 
in the oblique cases, particularly when we consider the ori- 
ginal great extension of these neuter bases terminating in s 
(compare . 241.), which induces the conjecture, that many 
words, now declined as o bases, were originally domiciled in 
the bases in es. On the other hand, Dobrowsky proves that 
there is no admixture of es in the thoroughly legitimate 
adjective o bases, ft is also clear, from . 255. (/.), that 
the bases in yat* in the uninflected cases must lay aside 
the t, and follow <T6>/*a, not n^ff mahat (" magnum") and 

265. Of the class of words in r mentioned in . 144. two 
feminine words have remained in the Old Sclavonic which 
derive most of their cases from the genuine r bases, but 
in others increase the original base by an unorganic i, or 
also by ya (compare the Lithuanian in . 144.): in the nomi- 
native singular, however, in accordance with the Sanskrit and 
Lithuanian, they suppress the r. These are, mati, " mother," 
and dshchi, "daughter"; in the latter only occurs the increase 
of the base by ya (in the nominative accusative and dative 
plural) ; the declension of the former springs [G. Ed. p. 352.] 

* They are all derivatives from names of animals, and denote the 
young of the animal mentioned. 


partly from MATER, e. g. mater-e, " mains" and matres 
(/Ltfire/o-ey), partly from MATERI, e.g. matery, "matrem." 

266. *In order now to pass over to the formation of 
cases, the nominative and accusative have lost the case- 
signs s and m t with the exception of the bases in a, which 
present in the diphthong ii (s), a contraction of the vocalized 
nasal with the final vowel of the base shortened to 0, (see 
. 255. jr.) ; hence voM, " aquam" from vodo-u. The instru- 
mental has, in the feminine, and the pronouns which have 
no gender preserved the genuine Sanskrit inflection; but 
it is to be remarked of the feminine bases in i that they 
change this vowel before the termination 4 (for 4, see 
. 255. h.), not into simple y, but into iy ; so that in this 
respect the Old Sclavonic agrees more closely with the 
Pali, which, in the corresponding class of words, changes 
the final i before all the vowel endings into iy, than with 
the Sanskrit. Hence, let kostiy-^ from K OSTI, "bones," 
be compared with the Pali xftfinn pitiy-d (from piti, " joy"), 
for the Sanskrit iftwr prity-d. Masculines and neuters have 
mt for their instrumental ending ; and this is, I have no 
doubt, an abbreviation of the Lithuanian mi, and comes there- 
ore from bi (. 215.). 

267. The dative has, in the singular, a common ending with 
the locative, and, in fact, the Old Sanskrit i (. 195.); hence, 
imen-i, " in nomine? and f * nomini "; synov-i, "filio" brachev-i, 
"medico," from SJNY and J3RACHYY (. 263.). with 
Guna.f If the case-sign is suppressed, the preceding ov 

[G. Ed. p. 353.] becomes 4 and ev (from yov) becomes yd ; 
hence, also, sywfl, "Jilio" with synov-i, and zaryti, " vegi? with 

* Cf. . 783 1 . 

t For m, according to Dobrowsky, we should read Mb my. 

f Hence I am now disposed, contrary to . 177., to assume for the 
Lithuanian a common origin for the two cases, although .in their received 
condition they are externally separated from one another, as is the 
cose in Old Sclavonic, also, in several classes of words. 


the y bases, but prefer, however, the abbreviated form ti, 
hence rabii, from RABO, more rarely rabov-i. The o bases 
of the adjectives, and of these there are, in the mascu- 
line and neuter, only o bases, and those of neuter substan- 
tives have alone the uninflected form in d; hence, e.g. 
blayii, "6owo," masc. neut; sinyfi, "cceruleo" masc. neut.: 
slovd, "verbo" moryti, " mari ": not blagov-i, sinev-i, slovov-i, 
morev-i. In masculine names of inanimate things this 
uninflected form in d extends itself also to the genitive 
and locative; hence domfi, "of the house/ 1 "to" and "in 
the house ": but in the dative is also found domov-i, and in 
the locative domye.* The pronouns of the 3d person mas- 
culine and neuter with exception of the reflexive have 
in the dative, in like manner, the uninflected u\ for the 
form mu in to-mb, " to this," is clearly from the Sanskrit 
appended pronoun ^f sma (. 165. &c.) which has extended 
itself in the cognate European languages so much, and 
under such different forms, and this, in the Old Sclavonic, 
would necessarily give the base SMO, from which, after 
dropping the s, would come the dative wi& as rabfc from 

268. While the o bases, as has been shewn above, have 
borrowed their dative from the y declension, the y bases 
appear, in the locative, to have intruded on the o class ; 
for synye answers to rabye, from RABO from RABA 
(. 255. o.); but the ye of rabye is, according to . 255. (e), 
clearly from the Sanskrit i? S of *pfe vriki from *pir vrika, 
and answers to the Lithuanian wilke from [G. Ed. p. 354.] 
WILKA (. 197.). As, however, in Lithuanian, from SUNU 
comes suntt-ye, so may also the Old Sclavonic synye require 

1 * Masculine names of inanimate things all follow the declension ofdom 
(theme DOM F), although very few among them, according to their origin, 
fall into the class of the old g 1 u 9 i.e. of the Latin fourth declension, but 
for the most part correspond to Sanskrit bases in 15? a. 



to be divided into syri-ye : and this is rendered the more pro- 
bable, as the feminine a bases, also, have in the locative ye 
for a-ye; hence vtxT-ye, " in aqua? from VODA, answers to 
the Lithuanian ranko-ye (for mnka-ye) from ranka* In bases 
in i, masculine and feminine, it might appear doubtful 
whether i, with which they end in the dative and locative e. g. 
pdfi, " in the way," ko&ti, " in the bone *" is to be ascribed 
to the theme or to the inflection: as, however, in the 
genitive, (to which belongs an i, though not through any 
inflection), they have just the same sound, and otherwise 
never entirely give up the i of the base, except in the in- 
strumental plural, it is more natural to consider the forms 
jrtti, kosti, uninflected, just like rfomtJ, " in the house." We 
may also look upon the i in the dative and locative of those 
bases, which have y as the last letter but one, as nothing 
else than the vocalization of this y\ the i therefore, of 
knyaty, mori, brachi, voli, represents nothing else than the y 
of the masculine bases KNJAfO, VRACHJY, and of 
the neuter MORYO, and feminine VOLJO. 

269. In the genitive the terminations as, os, is, which 
in the cognate languages, are joined to bases ending with a 
consonant, must, according to . 255. (/.), drop the s, but the 

[G. Ed. p. 355.] vowel appears as e in all the bases ending 
with a consonant ( 260. 264.): hence z'men-e, "of the name," 

* It must be allowed that here occurs the very weighty objection, that 
the feminine form rankoye in the Lithuanian, and vodye in the Sclavonic, 
might stand in connection with the Sanskrit ^TTOTO dydm in fSTSnTTW 
jihwdy-dm ($. 202.) ; so that, after dropping the w, as in the Zend (. 202.), 
the preceding vowel, which in the Zend is already short, would, through 
the euphonic influence of the /, become e. As the bases in i in the 
Lithuanian, down to a few exceptions, are feminine, so might also awiye 
from awi-Sj " a sheep," be divided into awiy-e, and compared with ITOTO 

maty-fan, from mati or foqi^ lhiy-dm from bhi (comp. in $.266. to%-w, 
-tf, from KOSTI). 


answers to ft'TTff ndmn-as, nomin-is ; nebes-e, " of the 
heaven," to tWFW nabha$-a$ 9 i>e<e(<r)-os" ; mater-e to matr-is, 
/xj/T/ocfc. The pronominal forms also follow this analogy : 
mew-e, "mei" teb-e, "tui" seb-e, "$ui" because, in the 
oblique singular cases, M EN, TEB, SEE are their themes. 
We recognise the fuller Sanskrit genitive ending ^ sya in 
the pronominal genitive termination go, as to-go = TOT ta-sya 
(. 188.). This comparison might alone be sufficient in place 
of all proof; but, over and above, is to be remarked the easily 
adopted hardening of the semi- vowel y to g (comp. p. 121 
G. ed.), and in the Prakrit to ^j (. 19.); finally, let the 
high degree of improbability be considered, that the Sclavonic 
should have formed an entirely new genitive termination, 
foreign to all the cognate languages. Now, if the g of the 
termination go is taken for a hardening from y (q y), then 
the Old Sclavonic has preserved exactly as much as the 
Greek of the termination sya; and go answers to the 
Greek to, and to-go, "hujus" to the Greek TO-?O. As, 
however, in Sclavonic, the sibilants are easily interchanged 
with gutturals (see . 255. m.), one might also conjecture 
the g of go to be a corruption of the Sanskrit * and the 
semi-vowel of T& sya, which had been lost. This conjec- 
ture cannot entirely be put aside ; but in any case, even in 
this supposition, the termination go remains connected with 
;gT $ya and 10. As, however, in the Old Sclavonic, g is else- 
where exchanged only with f and sch (Dobr. p. 41), but not 
with s, in my opinion the derivation of g from y (*| y) is 
to be preferred to that from s. 

270. The substantive and adjective (indefinite) o bases, 
in disadvantageous comparison with the pronouns which 
hold fast the old form, have lost the genitive termination go; 
but for it, in compensation for the lost termi- [G. Ed. p. 356.1 
nation, they have retained the old a of the base, instead of, 
according to . 255. (a..), weakening it to o ; hence raba, "servi" 
nova (= Sanskrit nava-sya) "novi." Now, although the y bases 

z 2 


in the genitive end in a, the comparison of the form syna, 'y?/iiY* 
with the Lithuanian and Gothic $unau-s, sunau-s, and the 
Sanskrit stin6-s (from s&nau-s), teaches that the a here is only 
a Guna element, but foreign to the proper base, as well as to 
the case-suffix, which, according to . 255. (6.), must disappear. 

271. The feminine bases in a, with the exception of 
those which have a penultimate y, change that a in 
the genitive into y; hence vody, "aqua," from VQDA, 
but volya, "voluntatis? with unaltered base, from VOLTJ. 
I ascribe that y, as well as that in the nominative plural, to 
the euphonic influence of the s, which originally ends the 
form (see . 255. d.) : this, however, does not obtain if a y 
precedes the a; hence volya, "voluntatis" is identical with 
the theme. On the other hand, the feminine pronominal 
bases in a have preserved a remarkable agreement with 
the Sanskrit pronominal declension ; for if ta, " this " (at 
the same time the theme), forms to-ya in the genitive, I do 
not doubt of the identity of the ending ya with the San- 
skrit syds (. 172.), as in the word TOin& tasyds, of the same 
import, for the final s must, according to . 255. (/.), give 
way; but the a of the Sclavonic ya directs us, according 
to . 255. (a.\ to an Indian *n d, just as the preceding o 
points to a short ^r a. The irregularity, therefore, in the 
shortening of the Sclavonic termination lies only in the drop- 
ping of the sibilant before y t as, in the Greek, ro?o, from 
TO! ta-sya, and in the to-go, for to-(s)yo, mentioned in . 269, 

272, In the vocative, which in the cognate languages 
is without any case suffix (. 204.), o is weakened to e (e) and 
a to o (. 255 a,), hence nove (from NOVO, "new"), for 

[G. Ed. p. 357.] Sanskrit ^^ nava, is identical with the Latin 
nove, and answers to the Greek ve(F)e : from VODA, water," 
comes vodo; but from VOLJA, according to . 255. (n.\ vole 
for volyo: and so from KNJAtJO, "prince," knya&he* for 

* { before e becomes sh. 


Bases in yy change their y by Guna to d (. 255./.), 
in analogy with .205.; hence vrachyd more commonly, 
with y suppressed, vrachu" medice I* from VRACHTfY On 
the other hand, y bases without y for their penultimate letter 
commonly omit the Guna, and weScen their final vowel, 
like the o bases, to e ; hence syne, " oh son !" more rarely 
synu (Dobr. p. 470), = Gothic sunau, Lithuanian sunou, San- 
skrit sun6 from sunau. 


273. By preserving a dual, the Old Sclavonic surpasses 
the Gothic, in which this number is lost in the noun: 
it exceeds, in the same, the Lithuanian in the more true 
retention of the terminations, and it is richer than the 
Greek by one case. The agreement with the Sanskrit 
and Zend is not to be mistaken : let the comparison be 


N. Ace. V. m. w6M(am6oVedic),w64 oba. 

f. n. ubhi, ub$, obye (. 255.71.). 

I. D.Ab.m.f.n. ubha-bhydm. ub6i-bya, LD. o6t/p-wa(.215.)* 
G. L. m, f. n. ubhay-6s, ub6y-6 t oboy-u.^ 

* The ye, which precedes the termination ma, may be compared with 
the Sanskrit d in plural forms, as ^iVq^ vrikdbhyas ; ye-ma, however, 
occurs in the Old Sclavonic only in dvye~ma, "duobus," "per duos" and 
some pronouns. The usual form of substantive o-bases before this ending 
is that with an unchanged o, as sto-ma, from sto, " a hundred " ; and the 
final a of feminine substantives also remains unchanged, as dyeva-ma, from 
DfEFA, "a girl." 

t The form #, for the Sanskrit ending 6e 9 is, according to {. 265. (/.) 
and (l) 9 necessary : the Zend certainly approaches the Old Sclavonic hi 
casting away the s voluntarily. The oy t which precedes the termina- 
tion w, clearly corresponds to the Sanskrit 3R a y (see . 225.) and the 



[G.Ed. p. 868.] The Sanskrit ubhi, as neuter, comes, ac- 
cording to . 212., from the theme ubha, in union with the 
case-suffix i\ and the feminine ubhS is an abbreviation of 
ubhay-du, and is therefore without a case termination (. 212.). 
The Old Sclavonic, wmch runs parallel to the Sanskrit in 
both genders, and, according to , 255. (/.), opposes ye to the 
Indian %d, no longer recognises the origin of this ye, and 
regards it entirely as a case-suffix before which the final 
vowel of the theme appears to be suppressed. Therefore, 
also, neuter bases ending in a consonant make ye their 
termination, if the imenye, "two names, 11 given by Do- 
browsky, p. 513, actually occurs, and is not a theoretic for- 
mation. In feminines, however, the termination ye extends, 
exactly as in Sanskrit, only to bases in a (for Sanskrit d, 
. 255. a.) ; but in such a manner, that those with y as the 
last letter but one in the theme reject the termination ye, 
and vocalize the y of the theme ; hence dyevye, " two girls," 
from dyeva, but *te& "two steps," from STE^A. The 
feminine bases in i, in the dual case under discussion, 
answer to the Sanskrit and Lithuanian forms mentioned 
at .210. 211., as pati, "two sirs," from nfff pati; 

[G. Ed. p. 359.] awi, "two sheep," from AWI; only 
that, according to . 255. &.), the i in the Sclavonic is not 
lengthened; as dlani from DLANI (nominative singular 

Zend 6y or ay (see p. 277); but that occurs only in dvoy-&=* Sanskrit 
dway-6s,ot two," "in two" m.f. n., and in toy-M=Sanskrit tay-6s, 
" of these two," m. f. n. The genitives and locatives of the two first persons 
also rest on this principle, only retaining the older a nayu, vdy&. 
For the rest, however, the final vowel of the theme is rejected before 
the tennination #, as st'-ti, (Sanskrit shatay-ds) from STO, "a hundred," 
dyev-& from DJEVA, "a girl"; and thus occurs, also, together with 
duoyu, the syncopated form dvti. Although the Lithuanian generally 
does not drop the final 5, still the d mentioned in . 225. may be identical 
with the Sclavonic 6; as in the Zend, also, in this termination the s is 
often dropped. 


dlany), " vola warms." On the other hand, the masculine y 
bases do not follow this principle, but suppress the final 
vowel before the case-suffix a; hence syn-a, "two sons," 
from SYNY. 


274. In the plural, the masculine nominative termina- 
tion e (e) for the most part answers to the Greek e& and, 
according to a universal rule of sounds, omits the s 
(. 255. /.) ; hence synov-e, " the sons," WR^ sunav-as : 
compare jSorpu-er, kamen-e t "the stones,' 1 for ^inTO 
asmdn-as(. 21.); compare $a/jixoi/-e, (/osfy-e, " guests "(theme 
GOSTI), for the Gothic gastei-s, and Greek forms like itQ<n-e$. 
The bases in o take, as in Lithuanian do the corresponding 
bases in a, i as their termination (see . 228.), but before 
this reject the o of the base; hence ra&H "servants," for 
rabo-i (comp. Av/co-/), as in Latin lup-i for lupo-i. Neuters 
have a for their ending, like the cognate dialects, with the 
exception of the Sanskrit with i for a ; nevertheless, slova, 
"verba" from SLOFO as $u>pa from AOPO answers to 
Vedic forms like vand, " woods," from vana; and the same 
thing obtains which, . 231. p. 267 G. ed., has been said of 
Gothic, Greek, and Latin, regarding the relation of the a of 
the termination to the o of the theme. As regards the bases 
ending in a consonant, let imen-a, " names," be compared 
with the Latin nomin-a and Gothic namon-a ; nebes-a, " the 
heavens," with ve$e(<r)-a ; and telyat-a, " calves, 11 with Greek 
forms like crco/xaT-a. Feminines, with the exception of the 
class of words in ov mentioned at . 261., have lost the no- 
minative ending ; hence volya, " voluntates" is the same as 
the theme and the nominative singular; and [G. Ed. p. 360.] 
from KOSTI, "bones' 1 (Sanskrit asthi, neuter) comes the 
nominative singular kosty, and the plural like the theme. 

275. The accusative plural is, in feminine and neuter 
nouns, the same as the nominative, and therefore in the former 


mostly without inflection, exactly as in the few masculine 
bases in i ; hence yost i for the Gothic gasti-ns. Bases in o, 
without y preceding, like RABO,* change this o into y, as 
raby, "servos"; at least I cannot believe that this y is to 
be looked upon as the case-suffix ; and I pronounce it to be 
the euphonic alteration of the o of the base, through the 
influence of the consonant *of the inflection which has 
been dropped (comp. .271.): as in Lithuanian, also, the 
corresponding class of words often changes the final vowel 
(a) of the base into u ; hence wilku-s, " lupos" answering 
to the Gothic vulfa-ns and Sanskrit vrikd-n. But if the 
Old Sclavonic bases in y, of animate creatures, form 
owy in the accusative plural, and thus synovy, " filios" 
answers to the Lithuanian sund-a (from SUNU), this 
very Lithuanian form, as well as the Gothic and Sanskrit 
sunu-ns, li^ft sunu-n, prove that the Sclavonic form is 
unorganic, and formed from an augmented theme SYNOVO, 
according to the analogy of raby. Bases in yy in this case 
follow bases in yo (from ya, . 255. a.), which, preserving the 
old a sound, give ya, as in the genitive singular (see . 270.); 
hence vrachya, "medicos" like knyatya, "principes": but 
forms, also, like doschdevy t analogous with synovy, occur, fol- 
lowing the euphonic rule, . 255. (n.). 

276. The view here given is the more incontrovertible, 
as in the dative, also, synovo-m, "filiis" (compare rabo-m), 
is clearly formed from a theme SYNOVO, increased by o, 
corresponding to the Lithuanian sunu-ms. This dative 
suffix m, for the Lithuanian ms (from mus, . 215.), according 

[G. Ed. p. 361.] to . 255. (/.), extends itself over all classes 
of words, and appears to be attached by a conjunctive vowel 
e to bases terminating with a consonant ; but, in fact, it is 
to be considered that these, in the cases mentioned as also in 
the locative (see . 279.), pass over into the i declension, as 
a final e, before the signs of case m and ch, becomes e: and a 
similar metaplasm occurs in the Lithuanian, and indeed, to a 


much greater extent (. 125. svibfinem, com p. . 126.); hence 
imene-m, imene-ch, from I ME NI from I MEN, "names," as 
koste-m, koste-ch, from KOSTI, " bones." 

277. Less general is the instrumental ending m?, an- 
swering, subject to the loss required by . 255. (/.), to the 
Lithuanian mis, Sanskrit bhls, and Zend 61*9. This ter- 
mination mi is, however, in masculine and neuter nouns 
for the most part lost (comp. Dobr. pp. 473 and 477) ; 
and is preserved principally, and indeed without exception, 
in feminines, as well as in a few masculine i bases : a final 
f of the base is, however, suppressed before the termina- 
tion mi. Let kos-mi be compared with ^fiwfire asthi-bhis, 
from <Sfft*r asthi, " bone "; vdova-mi with fwnfa* vidhavd 
bhis, from fov^TT vidhavd, " a widow. 11 The instrumentals 
raby, synovy, are, like the accusatives of similar sound, 
uninflected (. 275.); the i of fa?j/af?, vrachi, is the vocali- 
zation of the y of the bases KJNA^J0 9 VRACHJY, 
after the loss of the final vowel ; and the y of neuters 
terminating in a consonant, like imeny "per nomina" is to be 

' explained by a transition into the o declension, and is there- 
fore analogous to raby, slavy, similarly to the o of the Greek 
dual forms like SOUJJLOVOIV (p. 318 G. ed. Rem. 2.). 

278. Dobrowsky (p. 461) represents ov, y, ii, ev, en, y<d, 
and es, as plural genitive terminations ; but in reality the 
suffix of this case has entirely disappeared, and in bases in o, 
a, and y, has also carried away those final vowels with it, while 
bases in i double that vowel; hence rab, [G. Ed. p. 362.] 
"servorum" from RABO; vod, "aquarum" from VODA; syn. 
"JHiorum" from SYNY; kostii, "ossium" from KOSTI; imen. 
"nominum" from IMEN ; nebes, " ccelorum" from NEBES. 
The n and s of imen, nebes, would, without the former protec- 
tion of a following termination have been dropped, as in 
Sclavonic we have only a second generation of final conso- 
nants ; while the former, with the exception of a few mono- 
syllabic forms, has, according to . 255. (/.) disappeared. 


279. The termination of the locative plural is ch 
throughout all classes of words, and has been already, at 
. 255. (ra.) recognised as identical with the Indian *f su, 
and therefore, also, with the Greek <ri : compare, also, the 
Zend AS^O kha, for the Sanskrit swa, in . 35. Before 
this kh, o passes into ye, exactly as the corresponding 
Sanskrit ^f a into JJ (see . 255. e.); hence rabye-ch, "in 
servis," answers to epjrg vnki-shu, "in lupis" Bases in yo 
and those in yy follow their analogy suppress, however, 
before this ye, their preceding y, as in similar cases; 
hence knyaye-ch, "in principibus" not knyayy-ch from 
KNYA^YO. A final a remains unchanged ; hence vdova-ch, 
" in viduis" answers to the Sanskrit vidhavd-su. For bases 
in i, and consonants, see . 276. 

280. For an easier survey of the results obtained for 
the Old Sclavonic case-formation, we give here, in order 
to bring under one point of view all the kinds of theme 
existing in Old Sclavonic, and to render their comparison 
with one another easy, the complete declension of the 
bases: RABO, m. " a servant," KNJAffO, m. "a prince," 
SLOVO,j\. "a word," MORYO, n. "a sea" (Dobr. p. 476, 
.11.), VODA, f. "water," VOLJA, f. "will," GOSTI, m. 
"a guest," KOSTI, f. " a bone," SYNY, m. " a son," DOMY, 
m. "a house," VRACIT$Y, m. "a physician," KAMEN, m. 

[G. Ed. p. 363.] " a stone," IMEN, n. a name," MATER, f. 
"a mother," NEBES, n. " heaven," TEL JAT, n. "a calf."* In 

* The above examples are arranged according to their final letters, 
with the observation, however, that o represents an original short a, and 
hence precedes the a for Sanskrit d (. 255. a.). All bases in t have a y 
before the preceding a ; this semi- vowel is, however, readily suppressed 
after sibilants ; hence ovcha for ovchya, Dobr. p. 475 ; and hence, also, 
from lizyo come(nom. lize) the genitive, dative, and nominative accusative 
plural lixtt, liz& 9 for li#ya, li*y&. If in bases in yo, m. n., and in femi- 
nines in ya, an precedes the semi- vowel, this involves some apparent 



those forms of the following table in which a part of the word 
is not separated from the rest, thereby shewing itself to 
be the inflection, we recognise no inflection at all, i.e. no 
case-suffix; but we see therein only the bare base of the 
word, either complete or abbreviated; or also a modifica- 
tion of the base, through the alteration of the final letter, 
occasioned by the termination which has been dropped 
(compare . 271.)- In some cases which we present in the 
notes, base and termination have, however, been contracted 
into one letter, by which a division is rendered impossible. 
With respect to the dual, which cannot be proved to 
belong to all the words here given as specimens, we 
refer to . 273. 

variations in the declension, which require no particular explanation here 
(see, in Dohr. mravii, m. p. 468 ; ladiya, f. p. 478 ,* and tichenye, n. p. 474. 
With regard to zary, u a king," see < 263 ). 



[G, Ed. p. 3611 

HABO, m. 


SLOVO, n. 8 slow, 
MORfO, n. 2 more, 
VODA, f. 4 
l r OL?A, f. 4 
GOSTI, m. 5 
KOSTJ, f. 5 
ATAT, m. 8 

DOMY, m. 7 




1MEN, n. 10 Jnya, 
MATER, f. 11 mail, 



dm 9 , 





knya[e-my t knyatyu, 
slovo-my, slovu, 



M, 16 wliy 

goste-my, 17 gwtif 

Wiyu, 18 kosfy 

syno-my,^ synov-i, 

domo-my, domov-i, 

vrache-my, vrachev-i, 

kamene-my, kamen-i } 

tod'-y*, 35 






nebe$e-my, nebes-i t 



1 Corap. p, 273, &c. 2 See j J. 268. 259 3 Comp. pp. 275, 276. 4 Comp. p. 285. 

6 Comp. p. 286. 6 Comp. p. 288. 7 See p. 337, Note. 8 See . 263. 

9 Comp. p. 304. The cases wanting coine from KAMENI (see 5-260.); whence, 
also, kamene-m, kamene-ch (\J.2G6.); and whence, also, might he derived the dative 
and locative kmen-i, which I prefer, however, deriving from the original theme, just 
as in MATER. 

ln Comp. $. 139, " See J 265. and comp. p. 305. l2 Comp. p. 306. and J. 147. 

'3 See }. 264. '* Dobr. p. 287. 

lfi Comp. Sanskrit jihway-d, &c. See J. 266. 


20 The i may also be ascribed to the mark of case, and the dropping of the final letter 
of the base may be assumed ; but in the genitive of the same sound, the i clearly belongs 
to the theme. 

21 See {.270, 22 See $.271. 

23 More commonly macha> and in the vocative, vracM. See p, 347, Note. 

24 See}, 269. * See J. 268. a Or syne. 

15 See }. 266. 

17 Comp. L\tii.pati~mi, sunu-mi. 

19 See ^.268. 




fG. Ed. p. 365.] 

WOM. VOC. 1 




GEN. 7 
















































kostii f 




























tnctteT* 0* 















1 See $. 274. 2 See $.271. 3 See . 275. 

4 From SYNOVO) see J.275. In the locative occur also synovo-ch 
and synove-ch. 

See }. 277. 6 See . 276. * See . 278. 8 See . 279. 

9 One would expect nebese-ch ; but in this case ech and yech are fre- 
quently interchanged with one another, and the form yech appears to 
agree better with the preceding s (comp. Dobrowsky, p. 477). 



[G. Ed. p. 366.] 281. The declension of the adjective is not 
distinct from that of the substantive ; and if some inflected 
forms, which in the Sanskrit and Zend belong only to the 
pronouns, have, in the cognate languages, emerged from the 
circle of the pronouns, and extended themselves further, they 
have not remained with the adjectives alone, but have 
extended themselves to the substantives also. As regards 
the Greek, Latin, and Sclavonic, we have already ex- 
plained at . 228. 248. and 274. what has been introduced 
from pronominal declension in those languages into 
general declension : we will here only further remark that 
the appended syllable sma, in . 165. &c., which, in Sanskrit, 
characterises only the pronominal declension, may in the 
Pali be combined also, in several cases, with masculine 
and neuter substantive and adjective bases, and indeed 
with all bases in a, i, and u, including those which, origi- 
nally terminating in a consonant, pass by augment or 
apocope into the vowel declension; thus the ablative and 
locative singular of Msa t "hair," is either simply k&sd 
(from kts&t, see p. 300), k$s$ t or combined with sma or its 
variation mha, kdsa-smd, k$sa-mhd, kfea-smin, k$sa~mhi. In 
the Lithuanian, this syllable, after dropping the s, has, in 
the dative and locative singular, passed over to the adjec- 
tive declension, without imparting itself to that of the sub- 
stantive, and without giving to the adjective the licence of 
renouncing this appended syllable; as, geram, "bono" 
gerame, "in bono" According to this principle it would 
be possible, and such indeed was lately my intention. 


to explain the agreement of the Gothic full adjective dative, 
as blindamma (from blindasma, . 170.), with [G. Ed. p. 367.] 
pronominal datives like tha-mma, "to this/ 1 i-mma, "to him"; 
but the examination of the Old Sclavonic declension, in which 
the indefinite adjectives remove themselves from all admix- 
ture of the pronominal declension, and run entirely parallel 
to the German strong substantive, not to the weak, has 
led me to the, to me, very important discovery, that 
Grimm's strong and Fulda's abstract-declension-form of 
adjectives diverges in not less than nine points from the 
strong substantives (i. e. those which terminate in the 
theme in a vowel), and approaches to the pronominal de- 
clension for no other reason than because, like the definite 
adjectives in the Sclavonic and Lithuanian, they are com- 
pounded with a pronoun, which naturally follows its own 
declension. As, then, the definite (so I now name the 
strong) adjectives are defined or personified by a pronoun 
incorporated with them, it is natural that this form of de- 
clension should be avoided, where the function of the in- 
herent pronoun is discharged by a word which simply pre- 
cedes it ; thus we say gute r, or der yute, not der guter, which 
would be opposed to the genius of our language ; for it 
still lies in our perception that in guter a pronoun is con- 
tained, as we perceive pronouns in im t am, beim, al- 
though the pronoun is here no longer present in its original 
form, but has only left behind its case-termination. In 
comprehending, however, the definite adjective declension, 
the science of Grammar, which in many other points had 
raised itself far above the empirical perception of the lan- 
guage, was here still left far behind it; and we felt, in 
forms like guter, gutem, gute, more than we recognised, namely, 
a pronoun which still operated in spirit, although it was no 
longer bodily present. How acute, in this respect, our percep 
tion is, is proved by the fact that we place the definite form of 
the adjective beside the ein when deprived [G. Ed. p. 868.] 


of its definitive pronominal element; but, in the oblique 
cases, beside the definite eines, einem, einen, the indefinite: 
cm grosses, eines yrossen (not grosses), einem grossen (not 
grossem). In the accusative, grossen is at the same time 
definite and indefinite ; but in the former case it is a bare 
theme, and therefore identical with the indefinite genitive 
and dative, which is likewise devoid of inflection ; but in 
the latter case the n evidently belongs to the inflection. 

282. The pronominal base, which in Lithuanian and 
Old Sclavonic forms the definite declension, is, in its origi- 
nal form, ya (== Sanskrit *T ya, " which 11 ) ; and has, in the 
Lithuanian, maintained itself in this form in several cases 
(see below). In the Old Sclavonic, according to . 255. (a.), 
yo must be formed from ya ; and from yo again, ac- 
cording to . 255. (n.), ye or e : but, the monosyllabic na- 
ture of the form has preserved it from the suppression of 
the y, which usually takes place in polysyllabic words. In 
some cases, however, the y has vocalized itself to I after 
the vowel has been dropped. It signifies in both lan- 
guages "he"; but in Old Sclavonic has preserved, in union 
with sche, the old relative meaning (i-sche, "which"). The 
complete declension of this pronoun is as follows : 



Nominative, m, yis f. yi, m. i,* f. ya* n. ye* 

Accusative, m. yin, f. yen, m. i, f. yd, n. ye. 

Instrumental, m. yu, f. ye, m. n. im. f. yey, 

Dative, m. yam, f. yci, na. n. yemA, f. ytii, 

Genitive, m. yo, f. yos, m. n. yeyo, f. yeya> 

Locative, m. yame, f. yoye, m. n. yem t f. yei, 

Occurs only as the relative in union with sc/ie. 






ie (yi ), f. yos, 
us, f. yes, 
ieis, f. yomis, 
^iems, f. yams. 

m. i* f. n. ya.* 
m. f. n. ya. 
m. f. n. imi. 
m. f. n. im. 


m. f. n. ich. 

'use, f. yoba, 

m. f. n. ich. 


[G. Ed. p. 369.] 



Nominative, m. 

Accusative, m. 

Instrumental, m. 

Dative, m. yn 

Genitive, m. f. 

Locative, m. 

Nominative, m. yu (yu), f. yi, 
Accusative, m. ' yun, f. yin, 
Dative, m. yiem, f. yom, 

Genitive, m. f. 

283. The Lithuanian unites, in its definite declension, 
the pronoun cited which, according to Ruhig (Mielcke, 
p. 52.), signifies the same as the Greek article with the 
adjective to be rendered definite ; so that both the latter, and 
the pronoun, preserve their full terminations through all the 
cases ; only the pronoun in some cases loses its y, and the 
terminations of the adjective are in some cases somewhat 
shortened. Geras, " good," will serve as an example. 



Instr. Dat. m. f. n. yima. 
Gen. Loc. m. f. n. yeyu. 





























* See Note on preceding page. 

t Or gerassis, by assimilation from gerasyis, as, in the Prakrit ^ fre- 
quently assimilates itself to a preceding s, as tassa, " kujusj' for TOJ tasya. 

I The s of the adjective is here not in its place, and appears to be 
borrowed from the plural. 



























[G. Ed. p. 370.] 

284. The 

Old Sclavoni 



differing from 

the Lithuanian, declines only in some cases the adjective 
together with the appended pronoun, but in most cases the 
latter alone. While, however, in the Lithuanian the appended 
pronoun has lost its y only in some cases, in the Old Sclavonic 
that pronoun has lost, in many more, not only the y but also 
its vowel, and therefore the whole base. Thus the termi- 
nation alone is left. For more convenient comparison we 
insert here, over against one another, the indefinite and 
definite declension: svyat (theme SVYATO\ "holy," may 
serve for example : 




Nominative, svyat, 
Accusative, svyat, 
Instrumental, svyatom, 
Dative, svyatu, 
Genitive, svyata, 
Locative, svyatye, 

Def. Indef. Def. 
svyaty-t 9 l svyata. svya1a-yu. 
svyaty-7, 1 svyatu, svyatu-yu. 
svyaty-m, 1 svyatoyu, svyato-yus 
svyato-mu, svyatye, svyato-L* 
svyata-go, svyaty, svyaty-ya. 
svyato-m, 2 svyatye, svyato-i* 

* See Note J on preceding page. 

1 See .255. d. 2 Or svatye-my in which, as in the Lithuanian, the 

adjective is inflected at the same time. 

8 The indefinite and definite forms are here the same, for this reason, 
th&t8vyato-yey& 9 as the latter must originally have been written,has dropped 
the syllable ye. The adjective base svyata has weakened its o to a 
before the pronominal addition (}. 265. o.), just as in the dative and loca- 
tive muato-i, where an external identity with the indefinite form is not 
perceptible. 4 Or wyatye-i. Comp. Note sJ. 






Indef. Def. 
svyati, svyati-i, 
svyafy, svyaty-ya, 
svyaty, svyaty-imi, 6 
svyatom, svyaty-imi, 5 
svyat, svyaty-ich, 
svyatyech, svyaty-ich, 6 


Indef. Def. 
svyaty, svyaty-ya. 
svyaty, svyaty-ya, 
svyata-mi. svyaty-imi 7 
svyata-m, svyaty-im. 7 
svyat, svyaty-ich. 
svyata-ch, svyaty-ich. 7 

Nom. Accus. 



Indef. Def. Indef. Def. 

svyato, svyato-e, svyata, svyata-ya. 

The rest like the masculine. 

5 I give those forms which, according to Dobrowsky (p. 302.), occur in 
the oldest MSS., in place of the more ordinary forms, which have lost 
the t of the pronominal base : svyaty-mi, svyaty-m, svyaty-ch. 

6 Although in the pronominal declension the genitive plural is exter- 
nally identical with the locative, we must nevertheless, in my opinion, 
separate the two cases, in respect to their origin. I find, however, the 
reason of their agreement in this, that the Sanskrit, which in this case is 
most exactly followed by the German and Sclavonic, in pronouns of the 
third person begins the plural genitive termination with a sibilant, Sanskrit 
sdm, Gothic z (for sd, . 248.). This 5, then, has, in Old Sclavonic, become 
ch, just like that of the locative characteristic 3f su ($.279.). The nasal of 
^TR sdm must, according to rule, be lost (}. 255. /.) : the vowel, however, 
has, contrary to rule, followed it, as also in the ordinary declension the 
termination dm has entirely disappeared (. 278.) ; and the same relation 
which imen^ " nominum" has to the Gothic naman-^ tye-ck, " harum," 
has to thi-ze. This tye-ch^ however, answers as genitive to the Sanskrit 
fol^ td-shdm, and as locative to ifc te-xhu ; ye being used in both cases 
for ^ ^ according to . 255. (e.) 

r See Notes 5 and 6. The identity with the masculine and neuter forms 
arises from this, that the grave a of the feminine adjective base is changed 
into the lighter o ; and this again, as in the masculine neuter, is con- 
verted, according to . 255. (d.], into y. 

A A 2 


[G.Ed.p.371.] 285. As in the Sanskrit the preponderating 
majority of adjective bases end in the masculine and neuter 
in a, and in the feminine in d ; and as this class is, in the 
Old Sclavonic, only represented by bases in o, yo in the mas- 
culine and neuter (see . 257.), and a, ya in the feminine; 
it is not surprising that in German also, with the excep- 
tion of a few in u (of the comparative and participle 
present), all other adjective bases, in their original con- 
dition, end in a, feminine o for d (. 69.). It is, however, 
remarkable, and peculiar to the German, that its adjectives, 
in their indefinite condition, have all lengthened their theme 

[G. Ed. p. 372.] by an unorganic n, and that in substantives 
the class of words in n appears to be the most generally made 
use of, inasmuch as a large number of words, whose bases 
in Gothic terminate in a vowel, have, in the more modern 
dialects, permitted this to be increased by . The reason, 
however, why the indefinite adjectives not simply in part, 
and for the first time in the more modern dialects, but 
universally, and so early as in Gothic have passed into 
the ?i declension, is to be sought for in the obtuseness of 
the inflection of this class of words, which, according to 
, 139. 140., in common with the Sanskrit, Latin, and 
Greek, omits the nominative sign, and then, in variance 
from the older languages, dispenses also with the dative 
character, upon the loss of which, in Old High German, 
has followed, also, that of the genitive character. This ab- 
sence of the animating and personifying mark of case 
might belong to the indefinite adjective, because it feels 
itself more exactly defined through the article which pre- 
cedes it, or through another pronoun, than the definite 
adjective, the pronoun of which, incorporated with it, has 
for the most part left behind only its case terminations. 
In the Lithuanian and Sclavonic, in which the article is 
wanting, and thereby an inducement further to weaken the 
declension of the indefinite adjectives, the latter stand on an 


equal footing with Grimm's strong declension of substantives, 
i.e. they maintain themselves, without an unorganic conso- 
nantal augment, in the genuine, original limits of their base. 
286. As the feminine, where it is not identical, as in 
adjective bases in i in the Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, 
with the theme of the masculine and neuter, is always, 
in the Indo-European family of languages, made to diverge 
through an extension or an addition to the end, it is 
important for German Grammar to remark and I have 
already called attention to this point in another place 
that the feminine of the German indefinite adjective, in 
variance from the principle which has been [G. Ed p. 373.] 
just given, has not arisen from its masculine, but from an 
older form of the feminine; e.g. the primitive feminine 
KLIN DA m. n. " blind," has extended itself in the indefinite to 
BLINDAN, and the primitive feminine BLINDO to BL IN- 
DON: one must not, therefore, derive the latter, although it 
is the feminine of BLIND } AN m., from this, as it is entirely 
foreign to the Indo-European family of languages to derive 
a feminine base through the lengthening of the last letter 
but one of the masculine and neuter. As far as regards the 
declension of BLINDAN m., it follows precisely that of 
AHMAN (p. 322 G. ed.), and BLINDAN n., that of NAMAN 
(p. 176 G.ed. &c.); the fern. BLlNDONdiSers from the mas- 
culine only by a more regular inflection, since its 6 remains 
everywhere unchanged, while a, in the genitive and dative 
singular, is, according to . 132., weakened to i\ therefore 




N.V.Winefa', 1 blindan-s> blindo? blinddn-a? blindff, blinddn-s. 

Ace. blindan, blindan-s, blindS? blind6n-a? blind&n, blind6n-$. 

Dat. blinding blinda-m, blindin, 1 blinda-m, blindtin, blwdff-m, 

Gen.blindin-s t l blindan'g, blinding bHnd6n,4? blinddn-s, blind6n~6? 

See } 140. a See j. 141. 3 See $.245. 


287. In order, then, to examine the definite declension of 
adjectives in Gothic, we will, in the first place, for the pur- 
pose of bringing into view their agreement and discrepancy 
with substantives and simple pronouns, place by the side 
of each other the declension of the definite BLIND A m. n. 
and BLINDO f., and that of VULVA m., " wolf/' DAURA 
n., "a gate," GIBO f. ( a gift," and the interrogative 

[G. Ed. p. 374.] EVA m. n., " who? " what ?" HVO f.; further, 
that of MIDJA m. n. (medim\ MIDYOf., by that of HARJA 
m., "an army," BADJA n., a bed," KUNTHJO f., "news," 
and HVARJA m. n., " who ?" what ?" HVARYO f. 



N. VM//SJ blind's, hva-$ t l vulfds? blindai t hvai? 

A. vulf, blindana, hva-na, vulfa-ns, blindans, hva-ns. 

D. vulfaf blindamma, hva-mma? vulfa-m, blindaim, hvai-m. 

G. vu?fi-s, blindix, hvi 9, vu1f-$, bUndaizd, hvi-z$. 

V. vnJf\ blind's, .... vulf 6s, blindai, .... 

N. haryi-s? midyis? hvaryi-s, harytis'* midyai, hvaryai? 

A. hari? midyana, hvaryn-na, harya-ns, midyans t hvarya-ns. 

D. harm, midyamma, hvarya-mma, harycnn, midyaim, kvaryni-m. 

G. haryi-s t midy'is, hvary-is, hary-$, midyaizd, hvaryaizd. 

V. hari, midyis, .... haryos, midyai 

1 See . 136. 3 See J. 228. See J. 171. 

8 See ^.227. * See $.160. 

fl From harya-s, see J. 135. 

7 The nominative in adjective bases in ya docs not occur, unless perhaps 
in the fragments which have last appeared ; and I have here formed it by 
analogy with haryis and hvaryis. Grimm gives midis (1. 170.). If, 1. c., the 
form yis is considered as unorganic, and, in regard to midis, if its analogy 
with hardus is remembered, then Grimm is wrong in taking MIDI for the 
theme, as in reality HARDU is the theme ofhardus. The true theme 
MID?A occurs, however, in the comp. midya-sveipains, "deluge," and 





N. A. V. daur, blindata? hva. 9 daura, bRnda, hv6. 

The rest like the masculine. 

N. A. V. badi, midyata? hoaryorta, badya* midya, hvarya. 
The rest like the masculine. 

A, giba, 

G, gib6-s, 

A. kunthya, 
D. kunthyai, 1 
G. hinthyo-s, 









hv6. u 

hvizai. 1 * 

[0. Ed. p. 375.] 


gibds? Uindfo? hv6s? 

yib6-s, blindds, hv6-s. 

gib6-m, blindtiim, hvai-m. 

yib'~&9 blindaizo, hvi~z6. 

(jibus, blindvs, .... 

midyaiz6s 9 

hvarya. kunthytis? midyos? hvaryos? 

hvarya. kunthy6-s, midyds, hvary6-s. 

hvaryai. 1 * kunthy&m, midyom, Iwaryo-m. 

hvaryaizfis. 1 * kunthy-6, midy'6, hoary i. 

kunthyds, midyds, hvaryos. 

answers to the Sanskrit ifUT madhya. Formed from midya as theme, 
midyis would be clearly more organic than midu. Adjective i bases, 
which could be referred to hardu-s as u base, do not exist, but only sub- 
stantive, as GASTI) nom.gasts. 

8 Compare Zend forms like $ j?J^p tuirim, "quartum," from x$&?$ 

tjfoya (.&.). 

9 Hva, with suppressed termination, for hvata, Old High German huaz, 
see J. 155. 156. ; for bUndata also blind; and so for midyaia also nidi. 

The form hvo, which, like some others of this pronoun, cannot be 
shewn to occur, is, by Grimm, rightly formed by analogy'from tM, 
"fuse." Grimm here finds, as also in the accusative singular, the 6 in 
opposition to the a of bKnda surprising: the reason of the deviation, 
however, is fixed by $J. 69. 137. 231. 

M See p. 173. Note +. See . 161. ls J. 172. 

w For te^j/fl, from te/Ai/o, by suppression of the final vowel of the 
base, which again appears in the accusative, but shortened to a (see 
. 69.) ; but here, also, the final vowel can be dropped j hence kunthi as 
accusative. Luc. 1.77. 


If, then, it is asked which pronoun is contained in the German 
definite adjective, I answer, the same which, in Sclavonic 
[G. Ed. p. 376.] and Lithuanian, renders the adjective defi- 
nite, namely, the Indian relative ya (tr ya). This pronoun 
in German, indeed, in disadvantageous comparison with the 
Lithuanian and Sclavonic, does not occur isolated in its 
inflected state ; but it is not uncommon in the history of lan- 
guages, that a word has been lost in regard to its isolated 
use, and has been preserved only in composition with other 
words. It should be observed, too, that a demonstrative 
i base must be acknowledged to belong to the Sanskrit, 
which, in Latin, is completely declined; in Gothic almost 
completely; but in Sanskrit, except the neuter nomina- 
tive accusative idam, " this," has maintained itself only in 
derivative forms, as ^fif i-ti y ^TO*^ it-tham, " so, 11 ^tR 1 ^ iy-at, 
" so much,' 1 $331 i-efrao, " such." The case is the same 
in Gothic, with the pronominal base ya : frojn this conies, 
in my opinion the affirmative particle ya, as in other 
languages, also, affirmation is expressed by pronominal 
forms (i-ta, THH ta-lha, " so," ovru$ ), and further yabai, " if," 
analogous with ibai, "whether," ibaini, "lest"; as also, 
in Sanskrit, nf? yadl " if, comes from the same base, and 
to this, as I now believe, the Greek el the semi-vowel 
being laid aside has the same relation as in Prakrit, in the 
3d person singular present, ai, e.g.yR^bhamai, "he wanders' 1 
(Urvasi by Lenz, p. 63), has to the more usual ^srfif adi, 
for the Sanskrit ^srfif ati. In Prakrit, too, *R(jai (1. c. 
p. 63 on j for y, see . 19.), really occurs for yadi; so 
that in this conjunction, as in the 3d person of the present 
Aeyei from \eyert), the Greek runs parallel to the cor- 
ruption of the Prakrit. If, however, in et the Sanskrit 
^ y has disappeared, as in the -^Eolic t//ityie==Sanskrit 
yuskmSi it appears as h in 6j, which has nothing to do with 
the article 6, 17, where h falls only to the nominative mascu- 
line and feminine, while in 65 it runs through all the cases, as 


in Sanskrit the ^ y of TO N ya-s. To this [G. Ed. p. 377.] 
ir*f N yas, 6j, in regard to the rough breathing, bears the same 
relation as tJ/xe?f to n^t yvshmt, af<o, ayto$ to tn^ yaj, " to 
worship," "to sacrifice," *mr yqjya, "to be worshiped;" v^lv 
to ^ yudh, "to strive," *W yudhma, "strife" (comp. Pott, 
pp. 236. 252.). But to return to the Gothic fA t let us further 
observe yah,* "and," "also, 11 with A enclitic, of which hereafter, 
and yu, "now," L e. "at this time," "already" (comp. Latin jam). 
It also clearly forms the last portion of hvar-yis (for yas\ as, 
in the Sclavonic, this pronoun often unites itself with almost 
all others, and, for example, is contained in ky-i, "who?" 
although the interrogative base also occurs without this 

288. In Gothic definite adjectives the pronominal base 
YA shews itself most plainly in bases in u. Of thesS, 
indeed, there are but a few, which we annex below,t but 
a ya shews itself in all the cases, and these in blinds differ 
from the substantive declension, to such an extent that 
before the y the u of the adjective is suppressed, as in 
Sanskrit before the comparative and superlative suffixes 
iyas, ishtha ; e.g. laghiyas, "more light," laghishtha, "most 
light," for laghv-iyas, laghv-ishtha from laghu-, and as,, 
even in Gothic, har(t-iz6 9 "more hard" (according to 

* The h may assimilate itself to the initial consonant of the following 
word, and thus may arise yag, yan y and yas^ and in conjunction with the : 
yatfld, "or" (see Massmann's Gloss.). 

t Aggvus, "narrow," ag lu$, " heavy," 0%#ww," industrious," hardus, 
"hard," manvus, "ready," tfiaursus, "dry," Maqvus, " tender," seithus, 
"late/'^/w*, "much," and, probably, hnasqvus, "tender." Some occur 
only as adverbs, as glaggvu-ba,) "industriously." In addition to the adverb 
filu, " much," since Grimm treated this subject the genitive filaus has been 
found (fifaus mais, " for much more," see Massmann's Gloss.), which is 
the more gratifying, as the adjective u bases had not yet been adduced in 
this case 


[G. Ed. p. 378.] Massmann, p. 48), for hardv-iz6 from 
HARD U. Hitherto, however, only the accusative singular 
masculine thaurs-yana> "siccum," manv^ana,"paratum"; the 
accusative singular neuter manv'-yata; the dative plural 
hnasqv-yaim are adduceable, if Grimm, as I doubt not, is 
right in ascribing to this word, which is not to be met 
with in any other case, a nominative hnasqvus* Finally, 
also, the accusative plural masculine unmanv-yans, airapa- 
oTceudarovj (2 C. 9. 4.), although, in this case, blindans is not 
different from vulfans. These examples, then, although 
few, furnish powerful proof; because, in the cases to be 
met with, they represent an entire class of words viz. 
the definite adjective in u in such a manner, that not a 
single variety of form occurs. It may be proper to annex 
here the complete definite declension of MANFU, as it is 
either to be met with, or, according to the difference of 
cases, is, with more or less confidence, to be expected: 



N. manvu-Si (manv-yai) 9 manvu-s, (manv'-y6s). 

Ac. manv-ya-na, manv-ya-ns, (manv-ya t ) (manv~y6s), 
D. (warw'-ya-mwa),mani/-yai-m, (manv-yai) t (manv-yaim). 
G. manvau-s, (manv-yaizd), (manv-yaiz6s), (manv-yaizd. 

[G. Ed p. 379.] NEUTER. 


Nom. Accus. manv'~ya-ia>\ (manv-ya). 

* I am the more inclined to agree with him, as a few other adjective 
bases in vu occur. Perhaps a euphonic influence of the v on the vowel 
which follows it is also at work ; as at times one finds in the Prakrit a final 
a changed through the influence of a preceding T^n,t r, or <$ I, to 3 1 u. 
So Urvasi, p. 72, dlu 9 tdlu, dvaranu, for kdla, tdla, dvarana ; p. 71, 
maqfiharu for manohara. 

t Without inflection and pronom. manvu, as 3<n< swddu, qdv, Lithu- 
anian darku. 


" Remark 1. Grimm finds (I. 721.) the identity of the fe- 
minine with the masculine remarkable, since he, as it appears, 
looks upon s as an originally mere masculine termination 
(comp. I.e. 824, 825. 2 - 3 -). That, however, the feminine has 
equal claim to s as the nominative character, and that it is 
entirely without inflection where this is wanting, I think 
I have shewn in . 134. 137. Adjective bases in i, which 
in the Gothic, as in the Lithuanian and Sclavonic, are 
wanting, end, in the Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, in the 
nominative of both genders, in is ; and only the neuter is 
devoid of inflection : compare ^Tf*W N suchi-s m. f., "clean," 
suchi n., with J'5p/-j, "dpi, facili-s, facile. Adjectives in u, in 
Sanskrit, frequently leave, in like manner, the feminine base 
undistinguished from the masculine and neuter, and then 
end, according to . 234., in the nominative in w-s; so pdndu-s 
m. f., agrees with manvu-$ above, and the neuter p&ndu 
with manvu. If two consonants do not precede the final 
^ u, as in pdndu, the feminine base may, except in com- 
pound words, be lengthened by an i, which is particularly 
characteristic of this gender; and thus ^nraft swddwi, "the 
sweet" (theme and nominative), answers to the Greek 
word ySeia, which is lengthened by an unorganic a (. 119.), 
for ydFta ; and sw&du-s answers both as feminine and mas- 
culine nominative to the Gothic manvus. In the Sanskrit, 
also, a short u in the feminine base may be lengthened, and 
thus the feminine of WfJ tanu, " thin," is either tanu or 
tank whence the nominative tand-s; and tanwi, as substan- 
tive, means the " slender woman. 11 The Lithuanian has 
adjective bases in u, as szwiesu-s, m. " light," " clear, 1 ' 
(compare ^Rf swita* " white," 1 ) which nevertheless, in seve- 
ral cases, replace the u by a ; as szwiesdm dangui t " to the 
bright heaven": in some, too, they prefix an i to the a, 
the assimilating power of which changes the a into e 
(comp. p. 169 Note); as, szwiesiems dangums, "to the bright 
heavens." The feminine is, in the nominative, szwiesi, the 


[G. Ed. p. 380."| final i of which is evidently identical with 
the Sanskrit $ i in swddwi. In the oblique cases, how- 
ever, an unorganic a also is added to the Lithuanian i, as it 
has been in ySeta : this ia, however, becomes either by eu- 
phony, e (comp. p. 174, Note *), e.g. accus. szwiesen, accus. 
plural szwieses; or it happens, and that, indeed, in the majority 
of cases that the i is entirely suppressed, so that SZW1ESA 
passes as the theme ; as szwiesus ranKbs, "of the bright hand " 
(gen. szwiesai rankai (dak). The i of ia, however, appears, 
as with the participles, to have communicated itself from 
the feminine to the masculine, 

"Remark 2. With the accusative manryana which has 
been cited, the conjectured dative manvyamma is least 
doubtful. That Grimm should suggest forms like hardv- 
amma, hardv-ana, arises from his regarding amma, ana, as 
the dative and accusative terminations of the pronoun and 
adjective; while, in fact, the terminations are simply mma 
and 7m. When, therefore, HARDU, in the dative and 
accusative, without annexing a pronoun, follows never- 
theless the pronominal declension, the cases mentioned 
must be written hardu-mma, hsirdu-na, analogous with 
tha-mma, tha-na, i-mma, i-na. If, however, contrary to 
all expectation, forms like hardvamma, hardvana, shew 
themselves, they must be deduced from hardu-ya-mma, 
hfirdu-yn-na ; so that after suppressing the y, the preceding 
u, in the place in which it would be left, has passed into t?. 
With regard to bHndamma, Uindana,, Uindata, it is doubtful 
whether they ought to be divided blind *-(y)amma, blind! -(y}ana, 
blin<F-(y)ata, as analogous with manv(u)-yamma, manv^i)- 
-yana, manv(u)-yata, or blinda-(ya)mma, &c.: I have there- 
fore left them, as also the corresponding forms from 
MIDfd, undivided. If the division blinda-mma, &c. is 
made, nothing is left of the pronoun, as in the Old Scla- 
vonic dative svyafo-mA, and as in our expressions like beim, 
am, im, except the case-termination, and the adjective base 


has preserved its a. If, however, the division blincF-amma, 
&c. is made, to which I now give the preference, and 
which is also adopted by Grimm, though from a different 
point of view, then the pronoun has only lost its y, as in 
some cases of the Lithuanian definite, e.g. in yer&s-us for 
gerus-yus (see p. 353) ; and with respect to the y which has 
been dropped and the vowel which is left, blind*-amma 
would have the same relation to blind* -yamma as midurns, 
" the middle man" (theme MID UMA\ to its Sanskrit cog- 
nate form of the same import, HUR madhyama, whose rela- 
tion to MIDUMA I thus trace the latter has softened 
the first a to i, and has changed the middle a, through the 
influence of the liquid, into u; and both, however, have, ac- 
cording to . 66., suppressed the semi-vowel. 

"Remark 3. Although, in the accusative plural mascu- 
line, blindans is not different from vulfans, and the simple 
word BLIND A could not form aught but [G. Ed. p. 381.] 
blinda-ns ; nevertheless the word manv-yans, mentioned above, 
which is of the highest importance for the Grammar, as well 
as the circumstance that where any inflections peculiar to 
the pronoun admonish us of the existence of an inherent 
pronoun in the definite adjective, this inheritance really 
exists ; these two reasons, I say, speak in favour of dividing 
thus, blind'-ans, and of deducing it from blind-yam. Just in 
the same manner the dative blindaim, both through the aim, 
which occurs elsewhere only in pronouns, as through the 
word hnasqv-yaim, mentioned above, declares itself to be 
an abbreviation of blind* -y aim ; but blindai proves itself 
only by its pronominal inflection (compare tliai, hvai, San- 
skrit ^ te, ^ k) to be an abbreviation of blind -ya. 

" Remark 4. In the Sanskrit, in some cases an i blends 
itself with the final a, which, with the a of the base, be- 
comes : hence the instrumental plural of the Veda dialect 
and of the Prakrit, 'gngfrrcr asw$-bhis from aswa, ^rcj^fil 
kusume-hin from kusuma. To this 6 answers the ai in 


Gothic pronominal datives -like hvai-m< "quibus? tha-im 
"Aw"; as the German dative, in accordance with its origin, 
is identical with the old instrumental. We were, however, 
compelled, before we had a reason for seeking the pronoun 
YA in the Gothic definite adjective, to give to the exten- 
sion of the base in German a wider expansion by an i 
which means nothing, than it has in the Sanskrit ; while we 
have now every reason, where, in Gothic definites, an i 
unsubstantiated by the oldest grammar shews itself, to re- 
gnise in the i a remnant of the pronominal base If A, 
either as a vocalization of the t/, which so often occurs in 
the Sclavonic (see p. 354), or the i may be considered as 
an alteration of the a of YA, as in the Lithuanian geras-is 
for yeras-yis, (p. 353). The latter view pleases me the bet- 
ter because it accords more closely with blincT-amma, 
blind'-ana, &c., from blind '-yamma, blind'-yana. The vowel, 
then, which in blind'-amma, &c., maintains itself in its 
original form, appears, in this view, as i in the feminine 
singular genitive blindaiz6s which is to be divided blinda- 
iz6s from blinda-yizds ; and this yizfo is analogous with 
hviz6s, Ihiz6s, from hvaz6s, thazds, = Sanskrit kasyds, tasyds 
(.172.). We must not require blind6-izds because 
BLINDO is the feminine adjective base for there is 
a reason for the thinning of the 6, in the difficulty of 
placing the syllables together, and a is trie short of 6 
(. 69.). For the rest, let it be considered, that in 
the Sclavonic the graver feminine a before its union 
with the pronoun is weakened to the lighter masculine c 
(p. 354, Note 3.) ; and that a diphthong oi in the Gothic 
[G. Ed. p. 382.] is never admissible; on which account 
salb6 9 " I anoint," in the subjunctive suppresses the t, which 
Delongs to this mood (salbds, salbd, for salbdis, salbdi). In the 
feminine dative one should expect blindaizai for blindai, 
which is simple, and answers to gibai, while the remaining 
German dialects are, in this case, compounded in the very 


same manner: in Old High German the genitive is plintera, 
and the dative plinteru* In the genitive plural mascu- 
line arid neuter the ai in Uindaize might be substantiated 
through the Sanskrit s $ of the pronominal genitive, as 
fa[*{t$shdm, "Aorwra"; and therefore the division blindai-ze 
or blin(T-(y)aize should be made: as, however, the mono- 
syllabic pronominal bases, in which one would rather ex- 
pect a firm adherence to the old diphthong (comp. . 137.), do 
not retain it, and thi-ze, " horum? hvi-z$, " quorum" as weak- 
ened forms of t/ia-xi, hva-ze, are used ; and in the feminine 
thi-z6, /wi-zfi, for t/i6-z6, !w6-z6,~ Sanskrit td-sdm, hl-stim, 
I therefore prefer to substantiate in a different way the ai 
in blindaizft m. n., and blindaizu f., than by the Sanskrit 4 
of ti-shdm m. n. ff. tA-sfari) 9 which, moreover, would not be 
applicable to the feminine form blindaizd ; and I do it, in 
fact, by the pronominal base YA, so that bKnda-izd blinda- 
izfi, is the division to be made according to the analogy of 

" Remark 5. The nominative masculine and feminine has 
kept itself free, in Gothic, from union with the old relative 
base, and has remained resting upon the original, as 
received from the Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin. The mas- 
culine blinds, also, through the very characteristic and 
animated s (see . 134.). has cause to feel itself personified 
and defined determinately enough. Even if blinds could be 
looked upon as an abbreviation of blindeis (comp. altheis, 
"old," from the base ALTHYA, according to Massmann), 
or of blindais, to which the Old High German plinter 
would give authority, I should still believe that neither the 
one nor the other has existed in Gothic, as even the u bases, 

* The Gothic ai would lead us to expect 6, and this, too, is given by 
Grimm. As, however, with Kero, the doubling of the vowel, and, with 
Notker, the circumflex is wanting, I adopt in preference a shortening oi 
the ^, or leave the quantity undecided. 


like manvu-s above, which, in the oblique cases, shew so 
clearly the pronominal base Y^> have not received it in 
the nominative singular of the personal genders. In Old 
High German however, the pronoun spoken of has had 
time, in the space of almost four centuries which intervene 
between its oldest memorials and Ulfilas, to raise itself up 
from the oblique cases to the nominative ; which was the 
more desirable, as the Old High German substantive declen- 
[G. Ed. p. 383.] sion in the nominative masculine, in dis- 
advantageous comparison with the Gothic, omits the mark of 
case. Plini&r (the length of the is here rendered certain) 
is contracted from plinta-ir (for plinta-yir) ; for the Old High 
German $ corresponds, according to . 78., to the Gothic ai. 
In the feminine, therefore, the form plintyu, which occurs 
in the chief number of strict Old High German authori- 
ties, and those which, as Grimm remarks, are the oldest 
of all, has good substantiation, and corresponds very fitly 
to the masculine plintfo; and in the nominative and accusa- 
tive plural and neuter the form plint-yu, with regard to the 
retaining the y of the pronoun, is more genuine than the 
Gothic blind-a for blind-ya. The form plintyu, moreover, 
answers to feminine pronominal forms like dyu> "the" (f.), 
syu, " she," desyu (d'e-syu), " this "* (f.), and to the instru- 
mental masculine and neuter dyu (in the interrogative huiu), 
where all authorities concur in retaining the i or y ; while 
in the adjective, Otfrid, and, as Grimm remarks, here and 
there Isidore and Tatian, have u for yu, For explanation, 

* As in the Old High German i and j (y) are not distinguished in 
writing, it remains uncertain in many, if not in all cases, in what places of 
the memorials which have come down to us the sound J, and in what that 
of i is intended ; as even where the Gothic has a/, it may become i in 
the Old High German. If, however, in the analogous adjective forms 
like plintju one reads.;, which is supported by the Gothic (p 362), we 
must, m my opinion, leave it in the above forms also. Grimm writes diu, 
*f , but dSsfu ; and expresses, p. 791, his opinion regarding the t . 


however, of the pronominal forms which have been men- 
tioned, it is important to consider, that in the San- 
skrit the pronominal base ta t or the sa which supplies 
its place in the nominative masculine and feminine, unites 
itself with the relative base n ya, by which the first pro- 
noun loses its vowel. Compare, then 


WT syd ( = syd,) " hac? syu, dyu, ta-ya. 

\ tydm, "hanc" dya, tu-yu. 

tyt. " hi," dyi, ti-L 

tyds, "ha" "has," dy6, ty-ya. 

tydni, "/icec," dyu, ta-ya. 

Here, then, in a manner as remarkable as convincing, the 
relation is proved in which the Old High German forms 
mentioned stand to the Gothic s6, thd, thai, [G. Ed. p. 384.] 
thtis, th6 : one must first transpose these into sy6, thyo, &c., 
before they can pass as original forms for the Old High Ger- 
man. Our mother tongue, however, in the case before us, 
obtains more explanation through the Sclavonic, where the 
demonstrative base TO may indeed be simply inflected 
through all the cases : in several, however, which we have 
partly given above, it occurs also in union with JO. It is 
most probable, that in the Old High German the combina- 
tion of the base of the article with the old relative pronoun 
has extended itself over all the cases of the three genders ; 
for that it does not belong to the feminine alone is seen 
from the masculine and neuter instrumental form dyu 
(d'-yu), and from the dative plural, where together with 
d&m occurs also dy&m (diem), and, in Notker, always 
dien. According to this, I deduce the forms der, des, demu, 
&c., from dyer, dyes (for dyis), dyemu (from dyamu); so 
that, after suppression of the vowel following the y t that 
letter has vocalized itself first to i and thence to e. Ac- 
cording to this, therefore, des, and the Gothic genitive 

B B 


thi-s, would be, in their origin, just as different as in the 
accusative feminine dya and th6. In the neuter, on the 
other hand, daz for dyaz, as Gothic btind'-ata for blind- 
yatathe vowel of the base UfA is left, and the semi- 
vowel, which above had become e (from i) has disappeared. 
Further support of my views regarding the difference of 
bases in the Gothic tha-na and the Old High German 
de-n (I give the accusative intentionally) is furnished by 
the demonstrative des&r, which I explain as compounded, 
and as, in fact, a combination of the Sanskrit w tya, men- 
tioned at p. 383 G. ed., for taya, and ^Cf sya for sa-ya, the 
latter of which has a full declension in the Old Sclavonic, 
also, as a simple word. Deser stands, therefore, for dya-sair 
(e=ai); and our Modern German dieser rests, in fact, upon 
a more perfect dialectic form than that which is preserved 
to us in the above des$r, namely, upon dya-s$r or dia-ser m , 
referred to which the Isidorean dhea-sa, mentioned by 
Grimm (I. 795.), at least in respect of the first syllable, no 
longer appears strange, for dhea from dhia for dhya* 
answers admirably to the Sanskrit m tya, and the final 
syllable sa answers to the Sanskrit Gothic nominative 
form sa (Greek 6), which has not the sign of case. 

" Remark 6. The adjective bases which from their first 
origin end in ya, as MID^A^ Sanskrit madhya, are less 
favourable to the retention of the y of the definite pronoun; 
for to the feminine or plural neuter plinf-w for plinta-yu a 
midy-yu would be analogous, which, on account of the diffi- 

[G. Ed. p. 385.] culty of pronouncing it, does not occur, but 
may have originally existed in the form midya-yu> or mid- 
ya-ya ; for the masculine nominative midy&r is from midya-ir 
for midya-yar, as, in Gothic, the feminine genitive-form 
midyaiz6s from midya-yizds. If, however, according to this 
even hvar-yaizds (from hvar-yayiz6s) be used, and analogous 

* D, thy and dh are interchanged according to different authorities. 


forms in several other cases, so that the base ^A is therein 
doubled, we must recollect, that in the Lithuanian also the 
base fA 9 besides its composition with adjectives, combines 
itself, also, with itself, for stronger personification; and, 
indeed, in such a manner, that it is then doubly declined, 
as yis-sai (for yis-yai*), ( he ' ; yo-yo, ' of him/ &c." 

289. The participle present has, in Gothic, preserved 
only the nominative singular masculine of the definite 
declension, e.g. gibands, "giving," which may be deduced 
as well from a theme GIBAND, according to the analogy 
otjiyand-s (see p. 164), as from GIBANDA, according to 
the analogy of vulf-s (. 135.). The Pali (see p. 300) and 
Old High German support the assumption of a theme 
GIBANDA, as an extension of the original GIB AND \ 
whence, then, by a new addition, the indefinite theme 
GIBANDAN has arisen, as, above, BLINDAN from 
BLIND A \ and it is very probable that all unorganic n 
bases have been preceded by an older with a vowel ter- 
mination : for as all bases which terminate in a consonant 
(nd, r, and n, . 125.) are in their declension, with the excep- 
tion of the nominative nd-s, alike obtuse ; [G. Ed. p. 386.] 
so it would not be necessary for GIBAND, in order to 
belong, in the indefinite adjective, to a weak theme, or one 
with a blunted declension, to extend itself to gibandan (coin- 
pare p. 302), unless for the sake of the nominative gibanda 
(see . 140.). 

290. In the Pali, no feminine theme charanti has been formed 
from the unorganic theme charanta, mentioned at p. 319 G. ed. 

* Ruhig (by Mielke, p. 68) wrongly gives ai as the emphatic adjunct, 
as the doubling of the s in tassai, szissai, yissai is clearly to be explained 
through the assimilative power of the y (see p. 353, Note t) The termi- 
nation ai answers to the neuter tai, mentioned at ?. 167., for tat^ which 
latter is contained in the compound tat-tai (comp. kok-tai, tok-tai). After 
two consonants, however, the y is entirely dropped; hence e.g. kurs-ai, 
not kurs-sai. 

BB 2 


for the masculine and neuter form eharanta has arisen from 
the necessity of passing from a class of declensions termi- 
nating in a consonant into one more convenient, terminating 
with a vowel in the theme. The Sanskrit, however, forms 
from bases terminating in a consonant the feminine theme 
by the addition of a vowel ( see . 1 19.) ; e.g. from charant m., 
conies charanti, and there was therefore no reason in the 
Pali to give also to the more recent form eharanta a 
feminine theme charantd. Here, again, the Gothic stands 
in remarkable accordance with the Pali, for it has pro- 
duced no feminine base GIB AND from the presupposed 
GIB AN DA ; and therefore, also, the indefinite GIBANDAN 
has no feminine, GIBANDON, nom. gibandd, answering to 
it (as BLIND ON to BLIND >AN) ; but the feminine form 
gibandei (ei=-i, . 70.), which has arisen from the old 
theme GIBAND, in analogy with the Sanskrit charanti, 
has become GIBANDEIN, by the later addition of an n. 
Hence, according to . 142., in the nominative gibandei 
must have arisen. It is not, however, right to regard this 
nominative as a production of the more recent theme, but 
as a transmission from the ancient period of the language, 
for it answers to the feminine Sanskrit nominative cha~ 
ranti(. 137.), and to Lithuanian forms like sukanti, " the 
turning," for which a theme sukantin is nowise admis- 
sible. In Latin, bases in i or i t originally feminine, must 
have arisen from adjective bases terminating with a 
consonant; thus FERENTI from FERENT (compare 
. 119. genitri-c-s): and this feminine ?, as is the case in 
Lithuanian, as well with the participles (see p. 174, Note) as 
[G. Ed. p. 387.] with the adjective bases in u (p. 363), has 
in some cases no longer remembered its original destination, 
and been imparted to the other genders : hence the ablatives 
in i (for i-d), genitive plural in i-um, neuter plural in in 
(ferenti(d) t f$renti-um, ferenti-a) ; and hence is explained, 
what must otherwise appear very surprising, that the 


participles, when standing as substantives, freely take this 
z, which is introduced into them from the feminine adjec- 
tive (Infante, sapiente). 

" Remark. In the yu of kepanfyu, the Old High German 
feminine of kepant&r, I recognise the regular defining ele- 
ment, as above in plmfyu, answering to the masculine plint&r. 
On account of the participial feminines in yu, therefore, 
it is not requisite to presuppose masculines in yer, accord- 
ing to the analogy of midyer, midyu, midyaz, partly as 
kcpenUr and kepantaz, incline, in none of their cases, to the 
declension of midySr, midyaz, and also as the derivative 
indefinite base in an has sprung from KEPANTA, and not 
fromKEPANTYA: therefore m. krpanto (=Gothic gibanda), 
f. n. kepantn ( = Gothic gibandtf). This only is peculiar 
to the Old High German participle present, in relation to 
other adjectives, that in its uninflected adverbial state it 
retains the defining pronominal base fA in its contrac- 
tion to i ; therefore kepanti, " giving," not kepant, like plint. 
It is, however, to be observed, that there is far more 
frequent occasion to use this form divested of case termi- 
nations in the participle present, than in all other adjec- 
tives, as the definite form in nds in Gothic, in the 
nominative singular masculine, corresponds to it; and as 
it may be assumed, that here the i supplies the place of 
the case termination, which has been laid aside ; so that it 
is very often arbitrary whether the definite form of the 
participle, or the uninflected form in z, be given. So in 
Grimm's hymns (II. 2.), sustollens is rendered by the unin- 
flected ufpurrenti, and baptizans by taufantfr, although the 
reverse might just as well occur, or both participles might 
stand in the same form, whether that of the nominative 
or adverbial. As regards the Old Saxon forms men- 
tioned by Grimm, namely, sldpandyes or sldpandeas, 
" dormientis? gnornondyS, " mcerentes" buandyum* " habitan- 
tibus," they should, in my opinion, be rather adduced in 


proof of the proposition, that the participle present has, 
in the dialect mentioned, preserved the defining element 
more truly than other adjectives; and that those forms 
have maintained themselves in the degree of the Gothic 
[G. Ed. p. 388.] forms like manvyana, mentioned at p. 362, 
than that a theme in ya belonged to the Old High German 
participle present before its conjunction with the pronominal 


291. The comparative is expressed in Sanskrit by the 
suffix tara, feminine tara, and the superlative by tama, 
feminine tamd, which are added to the common mas- 
culine and neuter theme of the positive; e.g. puny a- 
tara, punya-tama* from punya, "pure"; ucki-tara, suchi- 
-tama, from suchi, "clean"; balavat-tara, balavat-tama, from 
balavat, "strong." In the Zend, through a perver- 
sion of the language A)7.u$> tara and AJ$$> tema unite 
themselves with (in place of the theme) the nominative 
singular masculine ; e. g. Aj&sfl>4yjo>w huskdtara (Vend. S. 
p. 383) from huslca, nominative masculine 4yo>w huskfi, 
"dry"; -wf j^fl^go)^ spentdtema from spenta, "holy"; 
Aj$pja*>$A>7c!f7g9 verethrazamtema (Vend. S. p. 43) from 
verethrazant, nom. verethrazans, " victorious " (literally, 
'* Vritra-slaying ").* According to my opinion TTX tara owes 

* The participle present xant, the nominative of which I recognise in 
jtf'gjjAS?^?^ verethra-zafts, rests on the analogy of the frequently- 
occurring ix>j^jA5o)> upa-z6it, " let him strike"; since, in fact, the root zan 
(Sanskrit -pf? hari) suppresses its final vowel, and has treated the a which 
remains according to the analogy of the conjugation vowel of the first and 
sixth class (see p. 104). The Sanskrit radical jHT han, " slaying/' which ap- 
pears in da|^j Vritra-han, " Vritra slaying," and similar compounds^ has, 
in Zend, taken the form Jan. the nominative of which is QMg^jdo (Vend. S. 

p. 43), 


its origin to the root ^trt (tar, . 1.), "to [G. Ed. p. 389.] 
step beyond " "to place beyond" (e.g. " over a river") ; hence, 
also, the substantive tara, "a float." In the Latin, as Lisch 
has acutely remarked, with this root are connected the pre- 
position trans, and also terminus, as that which is overstepped, 
and probably also tra, in in-tra-re, penetra-re. The superla- 
tive suffix I derive, with Grimm (III. 583.), from that of the 
comparative, although I assume no theoretic necessity that the 
superlative must have been developed through the degree of 
the comparative. But tama, as a primitive, presents no satis- 
factory etymology; I formerly thought of the base H^ tan, 
"to extend,' 1 whence, also, rctroy could be explained; but then 
m tama would be no regular formation, and I now prefer 
recognising in it an abbreviation of tarama, partly be- 
cause the superlative suffix ^ ishtha may be satisfac- 
torily considered as derived from its comparative iyas, 
through the suffix tha t which, in the Greek, is contained in 
the form of TO, as well in UT-TOS as in raro$, for rapros or 
raporos. In this manner, therefore, is formed TGCTO-S and 
THTO tama-s : they both contain the same primitive, abbre- 
viated in a similar manner, but have taken a different de- 
rivative suffix, as in 7re/*7r-Toj contrasted with TOf panchama, 
"the fifth": the vowel, however, is more truly retained 
in the derivative TOLTOS than in its base repos. In Latin, 
WTO tama-s has become timu-s (optimum intimus, extimus, 
ultimus); and, by the exchange of the t with s, which 
is more usual in Greek than in Latin, simus-, hence, 

p. 43), and is analogous to the Sanskrit panthds, from panthan, mentioned 
at p. 308. More usually, however, do in Zend nominatives stands in the 
place of the Sanskrit an of the suffix vant and vdrisj so that, in Zend, the 
sign of the nominative has taken the place of the Indian n, the said sign 
being o for s, according to $.5G b . In guu vdo, from ^fc w2ra*> the Zend 
o may also be looked upon as belonging to the base (oomp. Buraouf s 
Ya9na, Notes, p. cxxviii. &c.). 


maximus (mac-simus) for mag-simus. However, the simus 
is generally preceded by the syllable w, which we will 
hereafter explain. 

292. As in comparatives a relation between two, and in 
[G. Ed. p. 390.] superlatives a relation between many, lies 
at the bottom, it is natural that their suffixes should also be 
transferred to other words, whose chief notion is individual- 
ized through that of duality or plurality: thus they appear in 
pronouns, and grTO^ katara-s is "which of two persons? 11 
and ^TTO^ katama-s, "which of more than two persons?" 
^sinrCH &kataras is "one of two persons," and 3katama-s, "one 
of more than two." It is hardly necessary to call attention 
to similar forms in Greek, as irorepog (for Korepos ), eK&repos. 
In 6fca<rrog the superlative suffix (OTO? for /OTOJ) presents a 
different modification from that in /catama-s, and expresses 
"the one of two persons," instead of "the one of many 
persons." In Latin and German, indeed, the suffix tara 
is not in use in genuine comparatives, but has maintained 
itself in pronouns in Latin in the form of TERU (ter> teru-m), 
and in Gothic in that of THAR A ; hence uter> neuter, alter ; 
Gothic, hva-thar* " which of two persons?" Old High German, 

[G. Ed. p. 391.] huedar, which has remained to us in the 
adverb weder, as an abbreviation of the Middle High Ger- 

* The Gothic resembles the Latin in withdrawing the sign of the 
nominative from its masculine bases in ra, as the latter docs from 
its corresponding bases in ru. Hence, above, hvathar for hvatkar(a)s t as 
alter for alterus; -so also vair, " man," = Latin vir for viru-s. This sup- 
pression has, however, not extended itself universally in both languages. 
In the Gothic, as it appears, the s is protected by the two preceding con- 
sonants; hence oArs, "a field " (comp. Grimm, p. 599) ; still the adjective 
nominatives gaurs^ " mournful " (theme Gaura, comp. Sanskrit tfft ghora, 
"terrible"), and svfrs, "honoured," occur, where this cause is wanting, 
where, however, the preceding long vowel and the diphthong au may 
have operated. In vair, indeed, a diphthong precedes ; but the a is here 
first introduced through the euphonic law 82. If, in Latin, in adjective 
bases in ri, only the masculine has predominantly given up the 8, with the 



man, combined with a particle of negation newMer. Anthar, 
also, our anderer, belongs here, and answers to the Sanskrit 
antara-s, whose initial syllable is the same which in 
any a, " alius" has united itself with the relative base 
H ya. From this WW anya comes anyatara, " after. 1 ' If, 
however, VSRfcantara means, in general, "the other," the 
comparative suffix is here intended to denote the person 
following after, passing over this thing; so is, also, the 
Latin ceterus to be considered, from ce as demonstrative 
base (compare ci-s, ci-ird) ; and so, also, in Sanskrit, itara, 
"the other," comes from the demonstrative base i, as, in 
Latin, the adverb iterum from the same base."* In our 
German, also, wieder is the comparative suffix, and the 
whole rests, perhaps, on a pre-existing Old High German 
word huia-dar or hwyadar, with a change of the inter- 
rogative meaning into the demonstrative, as in weder, ent- 
-weder. The wie in wieder, therefore, should be regarded as, 
p. 37.0, die in dieser; and herein we may refer to the Isidoric 

293. In prepositions, also, it cannot be surprising if one 
finds them invested with a comparative or superlative suf- 
fix, or if some of them occur merely with a comparative 
termination. For at the bottom of all genuine prepositions, 

preceding i, while e.g. the feminine acris might have permitted its is to 
have been removed, just as well as the masculine, I can find the reason of this 
firm adherence of the feminine to the termination is only in the circum 
stance that the vowel i particularly agrees with that gender, as it is in 
Sanskrit (although long), according to . 119., the true vowel of formation 
for the feminine base. In Gothic, the suppression of the nominative sign 
s is universal in bases in sa and A-Z, in order that, as the final vowel of the 
base is suppressed, two 8 should not meet at the end of the word ; hence 
e.g. the nominative drus, "a fall," from DRUSA; garuns, "a market," 
from GARUNS1, f. 

* I have traced back the comparative nature of this adverb, which 
Voss derives from tier, "the journey," for the first time in my Review of 
Forster's Sanskrit Grammar in the Heidelb. Jahrb. 1818. i, p. 479. 


at least in their original sense, there exists a relation between 
[G. Ed. p. 392.] two opposite directions thus, " over," 
"from," "before," "to," have the relations "under," "in," "to- 
wards," " from," as their counter-poles and points of com- 
parison, as the right is opposed to the left ; and is always 
expressed in Latin, also, with the comparative suffix, dexter 
(^ftpsf dakshina\ sinister. As, however, the comparative na- 
ture of these formations is no longer recognised in the present 
condition of the Latin, the suffix ter admits of the further 
addition of the customary ior (dexterior, sinisterior, like 
exterior, interior); while the superlative timus has affixed 
itself to the core of the word (dextimus or -tumus, sinistimus). 
The prepositions which, in Latin, contain a comparative 
suffix, are inter, prater, propter, the adverbially-used subter, 
and probably, also, obiter (compare audacter, pariter).* To 
inter answers the Sanskrit wat antar, "among," "between 11 ; 
for which, however, a primitive an is wanting, as in Sanskrit 
the relation " in " is always expressed by the locative. Notwith- 
standing this, antar, in regard to its suffix, is an analogous 
word towir^prdtar, "in the morning," from the preposition 
(" G. Ed. p. 393.] pra, " before,"! with a lengthened a, as in the 

* I was of opinion, when I first treated this subject (Heidelb. Jahrb. 
1818, p. 480), that ob-i-ter must be so divided, and i looked upon as the 
vowel of conjunction. As, however, the preposition ob is connected with 
the Sanskrit ^rfa abhi, " to," " towards/' the division oli-ter might also be 
made, and the original form of the preposition recognised in obi : observe 
the Sanskrit derivative 'Slfaim abhi-tas, " near," from abhi with the suffix 
tas. The common idea, however, that obittr is compounded of ob and 
iter cannot entirely be disproved, partly as then obiter would be a similar 
compound to obviam. 

t Comp. ra, pan, prati, for ni, &c. in certain compounds. Formations 
which do not quite follow the usual track, and are rendered intelligible by 
numerous analogies, are nevertheless frequently misunderstood by the 
Indian Grammarians. Thus Wilson, according to native authorities, 
derives TOnTT ontar liom anta, " end/' with rd, * to arrive at," and the 



Greek TT/OOH from TT/OO. For the relation " under," the San- 
skrit has the preposition *rra adhas, which I have else- 
where explained as coming from the demonstrative base 
^5f a ; from which, also, come ^nit a-dhara and WW, a-dhama, 
" the under one," or "the most under," to which inferus and 
infimus are akin, as fumus to ^*ra dhuma-s, " smoke," and, 
with a nasal prefixed, as in dju</ in relation to *rfa abhi, 
and in aju<o>, "aw&o, answering to gr*t ubhdu, Old Scla- 
vonic oba. The suffixes v^ dhara and w dhama are, in my 
opinion, only slightly-corrupted forms of the tara and tama 
mentioned in . 291.; as also in irqif prathama, "the 
first," m. from pra, " before," the T sound of the suffix is 
somewhat differently transposed. The suffix dhas of adhas, 
"beneath/* however, has exactly the same relation to tas, 
in w*T atas, " from here," as dhara, dhama, have to tara, 
tama] and therefore adhas, as a modification of atas, is, in 
respect to its suffix, a cognate form of subtus, intus. The 
usual intention of the suffix TO tas, like that of the Latin 
tus, is to express distance from a place. In this, also, the 
Greek dev (from 0e& comp. . 217.) corresponds with it, 
which, in regard to its T sound, rests on the form *n^ dhas 
in <Wf^ adhas (. 16.), as the latter also serves as the pat- 
tern of the Old Sclavonic suffix dd, which only occurs in 
pronouns, and expresses the same relation as TRT tas, 6ev, 
tus: e.g. ovo-tidu, " hence,"* ono-MA, "thence." The form 
du, however, corresponds to the euphonic alteration, which 
a final as in the Sanskrit must suffer before [G. Ed. p. 394.] 
sonant letters (. 25.), viz. that into 6 (see . 255./.), which in 
Zend has become fixed (. 56 b .). 

analogous word prdtar from pra, with at, *' to go." A relation, never- 
theless, between anta, "end," and antar, "among," cannot perhaps be 
denied, as they agree in the idea of room. They are, however, if they 
are related, sister forms, and the latter is not an offshoot of the former. 
* The demonstrative base OVO answers remarkably to the Zend 
with o for a, according to . 255. (a.). 


"Remark. Dobrowsky p. 451 gives Add as the full 
form of the suffix, just as he also lays down a suffix ddye, 
which forms adverbs of place, as k&dye, "where?" onddye, 
"there. 11 As, however, the definitive pronoun, which has 
been treated of at p. 353, &c., exists in these two adverbs, 
ud&, Adye 9 and forms, with sche, Ad&sche, fidyesche, for yudu, 
&c.; and as this pronoun is, in general, so frequently 
compounded with other adverbs, there is every reason to 
assume that it is also contained in ovo-iidA, ono-udJi, 
on-udyp t f-ddye, and others. But how is the 2 itself in 
u-<tu. yii-dye, to be explained ? I cannot speak with confi- 
dence on this point ; but as, according to . 255. (g.) 9 in the last 
element of the diphthong u a vocalised nasal is sometimes 
recognised, yudti, y&dye, might be regarded as corruptions 
of yondA, yondyr, and, in respect to their nasal, be compared 
with the Latin inde, wide, from I t V. Ifudije, yddyd, might 
also have proceeded from the feminine accusative yu, which 
would again conduct us to a nasal (. 266.): this accusative 
would then stand as theme to the derivative adverb, as our 
preposition hinter, Old High German hintar, has arisen 
from hin, a petrified accusative, on which the Gothic 
kina-dag, "this day," "to day," throws light. Before the 
suffix dye, however, elder form de, occur also the pronouns 
in a simple form, as gdye, "where?" (more anciently kde, 
with the final vowel of the base KO suppressed); zdye (older 
sde), " here "; idyesche, " where " (relative). As e (e), accord- 
ing to .255. (&.), frequently stands as the corruption of an 
older i t I recognise in the suffix de the Sanskrit ftr dhi, 
from ^ftj adhi, "over," "upon" "towards, 11 (from the demon- 
strative base a), which, in Greek, is far more widely diffused 
in the form of 6t (nodi, a\\o6t)" 

294. In German, even more than in Latin, the preposi- 
tions shew themselves inclined to combine with the com- 
parative suffix. To the Sanskrit WtT^ ardar, Latin inter, men- 
tioned above (at p. 392, G. ed.), corresponds our untcr, Gothic 


undar, with u for the old a, according to . 66. * If, how- 
ever, the, in my opinion, incontrovertible original identity 
of the latter with the two former is recognised, [G. Ed. p. 395.] 
one must not, with Grimm (III. 260.), derive undar from the 
preposition und, " as far as," &c., by a suffix ar, and so again 
divide the dar ; for undarj as transmitted from an ancient 
period of the language, was already formed, before the 
existence of a German dialect, and the abovementioned 
preposition has only to dispose itself according to the 
relations of sound mentioned in . 66. 91. The matter 
is different with the Old High German uf-tar, "after," 
for the primitive language, or languages, transmit to 
us only ^t| opa, CXTTO, " from "; to which, in the spirit of 
'SPfTTl antar, inter, subter, &c., the old comparative suffix 
has first united itself upon German ground. In Gothic, 
ctftra means "again," which I look upon as an abbrevia- 
tion of aftara, as in Latin extra, intra, contra, and others, 
as feminine adjectives, from extera, &c. In regard 
to the termination however, oftra, and similar forms 
in tra, thra, appear to me as datives, i. e. original in- 
strumentals (. 160.), as also, in the Sanskrit, this case occurs 
as an adverb, e.g. in w^fcir antar$na 9 "between." Per- 
haps, also, the Sanskrit pronominal adverbs in tra, although 
they have a locative meaning, like ire yatra, " where," 
are to be regarded as instrumental forms, according to 
the principle of the Zend language (. 158.), and of the 
gerund in n ya, (Gramm. Crit. . 638. Rem.), so that their 
tra would be to be derived from TOf tara : compare forms 
like Hjfpzm manushya-tra, "inter homines" (Gramm. Crit. 

* Regarding dar and tar for tkar, see . 91. 

t Grimm however, also, at II. 121. &c., divides broth-ar, vat-ar 
("brother," " father "), although the many analogous words denoting rela- 
tionship in the German and ti e cognate languages clearly prove the I 7 sound 
to belong to the derivative suffix (see Gramm. Crit. . 178. Rem.). 


. 252, suff. tr&). As aftra is related to aftar, so is the Gothic 
vithra, " against/' to the Old High German widar, our wider, 
the primitive of which is supplied by the Sanskrit through its 

[G.Ed. p. 396.] inseparable preposition ftr vi, which ex- 
presses separation, distraction, e.g. in visrip, " to go from one 
another," "to disperse." Exactly similar is the Sanskrit 
fff ni, to which I was the first to prove the meaning " below 11 
to belong,* and whence comes the adjective fffar nicha, "low 51 
(Gramm.Crit. . 111.), the base of our nieder, Old High Ger- 

[G. Ed. p. 397.] man rw-c?ar.f From Am-dar, Old High 
German hin-tar, comes our hin-ter which has already been 
discussed (p. 394, G. ed. compare Grimm. III. 177. c.). 
In the Old High German sun-dar, Gothic sun-dr6, 
" seorsim" afterwards a preposition, our sondern, dar is, 
in like manner, clearly the comparative suffix, and the 
base appears to me, in spite of the difference of signi- 

* It is usual to attribute to it the meaning "in," "into," which cannot 
in any way be supported. 

t Grimm assents to my opinion, which has been already expressed in 
another place, regarding the relationship of ftf ni and nidar (III. 258, 
259) : he wishes, however, to divide thus nid-ar, and to suppose a Gothic 
verb nithariy nath, ntthun, to which the Old High German gindda (our 
Gnade) may belong. Does, however, gi-ndda really signify humilitas? 
It appears that only the meaning gratia can be proved to belong to it ; 
and this is also given by Grimm, I. 617. and II. 235. gratia, humanitas, 
where he divides ki-nd-da, which appears to me correct, and according to 
which na would be the root, and da the derivative suffix ; as in the etymo- 
logically clear ki-wd-da, " afflatus" to which the Sanskrit gives ^T wa, 
" to blow," as root, the Gothic gives vo (. 69.) (vaia, vaivo). To gi-nd- 
-da, indeed, the Sanskrit supplies no root nd, but perhaps nam, " to bend 
oneself," the m of which, according to the laws of euphony, is suppressed 
before t y which does not produce Guna ; as nata, " bent," nati, " bending,' 
with the preposition sam, san-nati, which Wilson explains by " reverence," 
" obeisance/' " reverential salutation." As the Gothic inseparable prepo- 
sition ga, Old High German gi or Art, is, as Grimm first acutely remarked, 
identical with the Sanskrit sam, gi-nd-da has much the same formation 
with san-na-ti : it would, however, still better agree with the feminine 



fication, related to the Sanskrit *ro sam* "with" (compare 
Gothic samath, "together with," Old High German samant), 
and the u, therefore, is from o, according to . 66. The 
Latin cow-2ra, however, is nearly just as much opposed in 
meaning to its primitive cum ; and as cum (compare vvv) 
belongs, in like manner, to ^ sam, so sundar, sundro, and 
contra, would be, in a double respect, sister forms. Observe, 
also, the Gothic samath, Old High German samant, " to- 
gether with": the latter answers surprisingly to the 
Sanskrit ^R^f samanta (from sam + anta, "an end")> the 
ablative of which, samantut, as also the adverb, samantatas, 
mean "everywhere." Perhaps, too, in all other Old High 
German adverbs in nt (Grimm. III. 214.), the said WJT anta 
is contained, for the meaning " end," cannot be unexpected 
in adverbs of place and time, and, like Mitte, "mid," 

passive participle san-na-td. Be that as it may, so much is certain, that 
there is no necessity for a hypothetic Gothic base nith or nath, either tor 
the substantive gi-nada or for the preposition nidar, as they can be fully 
set at rest by the existence of a Sanskrit primitive ftf m, " below," and 
the comparative suffix dar, which frequently occurs in prepositions. And 
as the circumstance that genuine original prepositions never come from 
verbs, but are connected with pronouns, I must, with regard to its etymo- 
logy, keep back every verb from our nidar. Grimm wishes also to divide 
the Gothic preposition vi-thrd f Old High German vri-dar, into vith-ra, 
wid-ar, and to find their base in the Anglo-Saxon preposition widh 9 
English withy Old Sclavonic wid, Old Norman vidh, Swedish vid, Danish 
red, which mean " with," and, according to appearance, are wanting in 
the Gothic and High German. If, however, one considers the easy and 
frequent interchange oft?, b, and m (^Tffc vdri 9 " water,"=iware, #/x>rof= 
ZTrPR mritas, " mortuus "), one would rather recognise, in the above pre- 
positions, dialectic variations of sound from the Gothic mith, which is of 
the same import with them (=the Zend IAS$ mat), and which, in most 
of the dialects mentioned, maintains itself equally with the other forms; 
as it often occurs, in the history of languages, that the true form of a word 
is equally preserved with a corruption of it. 


(compare inmittcn, "in the midst") and Anfawg, "begin- 
ning," it attaches itself first to the prepositional ideas: 
therefore hinont, "this side," enont, "that side," would be 
the same as " at this end," " at that end." With regard 
to the comparative forms there is, further, the Old High 
German for-dar, fur-dir ("POTTO? "amplius"\ our fiir-der 
to be mentioned, whence der vordere, vorderste. 

[G. Ed. p. 398.] " Remark 1. As we have endeavoured 
above to explain the Gothic af-tra and vithra as datives, I be- 
lieve I can with still more confidence present the forms in 
thr6 or tar 6 as remarkable remains of ablatives. Their mean- 
ing corresponds most exactly to that of the Sanskrit ablative, 
which expresses the withdrawing from a place, and to that of 
the Greek adverbs in 6ev ; thus hva-thrd, "whence?" tha-tiir6> 
"thence," yain-thrd, "hence," alya-thro, "from another 
quarter," inna-thro, " from within," uta-thro, " from with- 
out," af-tar6, " from behind," dala-thrd, " from under," and 
some others, but only from pronouns, and, what is nearly the 
same, prepositions. I might, therefore, derive dalathrd, 
not from dal, "a valley," but suppose a connection with 
the Sanskrit we adhara, " the under person," with aph- 
seresis of the a and the very common exchange of the r 
with I (. 20.). Perhaps, however, on the contrary, thai is 
so named from the notion of the part below. As to the 
ablative forms in tard, thrd, the & corresponds to the San- 
skrit At (. 179.), with 6, according to rule, for OT d (. 69.), 
and apocope of the t ; so that 6 has the same relation to 
the to-be- presupposed 6t that in Greek otfrco has to OVTMS, 
from OVTUT (. 183. Note * p. 20l). Many other Gothic ad- 
verbs in o, as sinteind," ^ always," sniumundd, " hastily "sprani6, 
" suddenly," thridyp, " thirdly," &c,, might then, although 
an ablative meaning does not appear more plainly in them 
than in the Latin perpetuo, cito, subito, tertlo, and others, be 
rather considered as ablatives than as neuter accusatives of 
indefinite (Grimm's weak) forms; so that thridyd vfould 


answer to the Sanskrit ablative tritiydt while the common 
Gothic declension extends the ordinal bases in a by an 
anorganic H; thus THRIDJAN, nom. thridya. It must 
be further observed, that all unorganic adjective bases in 
an are, in general, only used where the adjective is ren- 
dered definite through a pronoun preceding it ; that there- 
fore the forms in o, which pass for adverbial, are, for the 
very reason that no pronoun precedes them, better as- 
signed to the definite (strong) declension than to the inde- 
finite; especially as most of them are only remains of 
an old adjective, which is no longer preserved in other 
cases, and, according to their formation, belong to a period 
where the indefinite adjective declension had not yet re- 
ceived the unorganic addition of an n. As to the transla- 
tion of Tovvavrtov, 2 Cor. ii. 7., by t hata andaneith6, here of 
course andaneithd is the neuter accusative; but the in- 
ducement for using the indefinite form is supplied by the 
article, and TOVVO.VTIOV could not be otherwise literally ren- 
dered. The case may be similar with 2 Cor. iv. 17., where 
Castiglione takes thata andavairthd for the [G. Ed. p. 399.] 
nominative, but Grimm for the adverbial accusative : as it 
would else be an unsuitable imitation of the Greek text, 
where TO does not belong to avriKa, but to e\a<j>p6v. In my 
opinion, however, it can in no case be inferred from these 
passages that the adverbs in 6, without an article preceding 
them, belong to the same category. Moreover, also, andar 
neilM and andavairthfi do not occur by themselves alone ad- 
verbially. As, then, thrd has shewn itself to us to be an 
abbreviation of thrdt, it is a question whether the suppres- 
sion of the t by a universal law of sound was requisite, as 
in Greek, and in the Prakrit, all T sounds are rejected 
from the end of words, or changed into 2. It is certain 
that the T sounds (t, ih, d) which, in the actual condi- 
tion of the Gothic, are finals, as far as we can follow their 
etymology, had originally a vowel after them; so that 


they are final sounds of a second generation, comparable 
in that respect to the Sclavonic final consonants (. 255. ?.), 
This holds good, for example, with regard to th, d, in the 
3d person singular and plural, and the 2d person plural 
= Sanskrit ftr ft, ^sfaf anil, ^ tha or K ta ; and I explain the 
th or d, which, in pronominal bases, expresses direction to 
a place, as coming from the Sanskrit suffix v dha 0? ha) ; 
which, in like manner, in pronouns expresses the locative 
relation. The passing over from the locative relation to 
the accusative, expressing the direction whither, cannot be 
surprising, as, even in Sanskrit, the common locative ad- 
verbs in tra, and the ablatives in tas, occur also with accu- 
sative meaning, i.e. expressing the direction to a place 
(see tatra in my Glossary). The Sanskrit suffix V dha 
appears, in common language, abbreviated to ha, and is 
found indeed, only in i-/ta, "here," from the pronominal 
base i and *n sa-ha in the Vedic dialect and Zend sa-dha 
which I derive from the pronominal base sa. It ought, 
according to its origin, and consistently with the usual 
destination of the suffix dha, to mean "here or there": it 
has, however, become a preposition, which expresses " with." 
The adverb ^5 iha, "here," is, in Zend, AS(O idha,* and fre- 
[G. Ed. p. 400.] quently occurs in combination with Aiy na, 
"not"; so that A5(o;pA$y na&fliat means " nor," answering to 
tfi^f ndit, "neither" (literally "not it," from na-f it, . 33.). 
From AJA$ ava and AS^WAJ a&la, "this 11 (mas.), comes AS<BASAJ 

* Vend. Sade, p. 368. several times: A5 AAJOU v A) V ***& tf $* 
imanidha vachd framrava, "hcec hie verba enuntia," which Anquetil 
translates by "en prononf ant bien ces paroles." In the same page also 
occurs repeatedly ASQJU adha, with the same meaning, from the demon- 
strative base a, as in the VMa's Wl adha (Rosen's Sp. p. 10), without 
perceptible meaning. 

t a + i makes I, according to . 2. ; and from n$dha is formed, by . 28., 


avadha and A)(OA)^OA>A> a$ta-dha (Vend. S. p. 164). To the 
Zend-Vedic suffix dha corresponds most exactly the Greek 
6a, in evda and ewav-da, "here." Perhaps evBa and AS< 
i-dha, 3$ iha, are, with regard to their base, identical ; 
evda, therefore, is for ivda from Wa (comp. in, inde), as nasals 
are easily prefixed, to another consonant, and thus d^tyi an- 
swers to ^rft abhi, a/*0a> to ^fl ubhdu, Old Sclavonic oba ; 
but avda, in the triple compound ei/-T'-cct)0a, is completely 
the Zend ,M@AJAS avadha, whose theme ava has been con- 
tracted in the Greek to av (compare av-di and au-roVj the latter 
being combined with the article), but in the Old Sclavonic it is 
more correctly preserved in the form of OFO.* To the word 
^fW ihafya, " of this place," which is derived from ^5 iha 
through the suffix w tya, corresponds the Greek evOdvios, 
with or from r ; compare, with regard to the suffix, the Latin 
propitius from prope, and, in the Gothic, frama-thya, " a 
foreigner," through which the preposition fram shews itself 
to be an abbreviation of/rama. As in the Sanskrit the suffix 
W tya belongs only to local adverbs and prepositions, so might 
also the Gothic ni-thyis 9 "cousin" (for ni-thyas, . 135.), as 
propinquus, or one who stands somewhat lower in relationship 
than a brother, &c.,f be derived from the [G. Ed. p. 401.] 

* Before my acquaintance with the Zend, and deeper examination of 
the Sclavonic, I believed I could make out the Greek base av to agree 
with the Sanskrit amu, " ilk" by casting out the m (as Kovpos with ku- 
mdra) : now, however, ^^ ava and OVO have clearly nearer claims to 
take the Greek forms between them. 

t Terms of relationship often express the relation, of which they are 
the representatives, very remotely, but ingeniously. Thus rW naptri, 
"a grandson," is, I have no doubt, compounded of wa, " not/' and pitri, 
" father" ; and " not* father " is regarded as a possessive compound, " not 
having as father/' in relation to the grandfather, who is not the father of 
the grandson. In Latin it would be difficult to find the etymology of 
nepos (nepot-) and the same may be said of our word neffe without the 
aid of the word Voter y which is fully preserved from the Sanskrit. In the 

C C 2 meaning 


ancient preposition ni, mentioned at p. 382, from which, 
in Sanskrit, nitya actually comes, but differently related, 
and with a signification answering less to the meaning 
of the preposition, namely, sempiternus. In consideration 
of the aspirates in Greek being easily interchanged, and, 
e.g. in the Doric, "OPNIX is said for *OPNI0, one may also 
recognise in the syllable ^o, in forms like iravTa-yp-dcv 
wai/Ta-xo-ore, TroMaxotre, and others, a cognate form of the 
suffix 6a t dha, or of the corrupted ? ha (comp. . 23.). At 
the bottom of these forms lies, in my opinion, as the theme, 
the plural neuter, which need not be wondered at, as Trai/ra 
and TroAAcc are also used as first members of compounds 
(TfoAAct-o'ty/zos', 7ravTa-/-io/>0o). Uavra'xp might, in the iden- 
tity of its suffix with 0a, dha, or ha, mean " everywhere "; 
whence may then be said t navTa i xp-cre J " from everywhere," 
&c., as we combine our locative adverbs wo and da with 
her and hin (woher, wohiri) ; and in Greek, also, Kadt t e*e?o~e, 
eKt6ev, which might literally mean in illlc, versus illic, ah 
illic, as eKei is a local adverb. Forms in ^o, however, are in 
a measure raised to themes capable of declension, though 
only for adverbs, and develope, also, case-forms, as Travra^ov, 
navTa'xoi (old locative and dative), wai/Ta^. The addition 
of new suffixes or terminations to those already existing, 
but which are obsolete, appears to me assuredly more natural 
than, as Buttmann supposes, the introduction of an un- 
meaning cc^ or even x * n which c ase we should have 
to divide TravT-a')(o~Oev 9 &c. But as the yo under discus- 
sion has arisen from 0a, dha, I think I recognise in the 
X* of %i a corruption of the suffix 61, from fv dhi ; in 
which respect might be compared ay%t, as a sister form to 

meaning of Nfffe the negation of the relationship of father points to the 
uncle. The Indian Grammarians, according to Wilson, see in naptri the 
negation, but not the father, but the root pat, "to fall," and a Un(idi 
suffix tri. 


to," "towards," with a nasal introduced. As a 
third form in which the Vedic-Zend suffix dha appears in 
Greek, I notice ere, with tr for 6, v dh, as /xeo-oj from TOT 
madhya, "midst," the y of which has assimilated itself, 
in the form /uecnrof, to the <r. The suffix ere, however, in 
that it is altered from its original intention to denote 
rest in a place, to the expression of motion to a place, 
answers to the Gothic th or d, whence we set out in this 
examination, in forms like hva-th, 7ro-<re, "whither?" also 
hvad John xiii. 3. hvad gaggis, TTOV virayeis yain-d, Ki-cre, 
alya-th, aAAo-cre. To the Zend idha t Greek ev6a, corresponds 
i-th\ which, however, contrary to the original intention of 
the form, does not mean " thither," but is used as a con- 
junction "but," " if," "then" (1 Cor. vii. 7.). To this class, 
also, belongs ath, which only occurs in combination with than 
ath-than, " but," like ith-than ; and it has [G. Ed. p. 402.] 
the Vedic-Zend a-dha as prototype (. 399.). Thad, in com- 
bination with the relative particle ei, which is probably con- 
nected with IT ya, has preserved the original locative 
meaning together with the accusative, and thad-ei may be 
cited as " where " and " whither." The d in these forms, 
answering to the Greek ft agrees withtherule for the transmu- 
tation of sounds (. 87.) ; and it is to be observed that medials 
at the end of a word freely pass into aspirates compare bauth, 
bu-dum (. 91.); so that the Gothic T sound of the suffix 
under discussion, after it has, in one direction, diverged from 
the Greek, has, in another, again approached it. 

" Remark 2. As we have above recognised ablatives in 
the formations in thrd, tar&> so we find in this comparative 
suffix, also, a remnant of the Sanskrit locative; in which, 
however, as in the adverbs in th t d> the expression of 
repose in a place is changed into that of motion to a 
place in hidrt* "hither," Mark xi. 3. Luke xiv. 21.; hva-drd, 
"whither?" John vii. 35. On the other hand, yaindrb ac- 

* Vide .991. 


tually occurs with a locative meaning; tharei leik, yaindrS 
galisand sik arans, 'OTTOU TO <rco/za, eicei (rvva^O^crovrai ol ccero/7 
Compare these forms with the Sanskrit, as, adhard, "in 
the lower," and the Lithuanian wilkt (. 197.). That, how- 
ever, the Gothic , which in the genitive plural masculine 
and neuter answers to the Sanskrit TOT & (. 69.), moreover 
corresponds to * , is proved by preterites like n&mum, 
'we took, 1 answering to the singular nam; as, in Sanskrit, 
%fiw ndmima, 'we bent ourselves, 1 answers to HH nanama 
or t(r(TH nandma, 'I bent myself. 1 " 

295. The superlative suffix TR tama occurs in the Gothic 
also in the form of TUMAN, nominative tuma, or, with 
d for t in prepositional derivations, either simply or in com- 
bination with the common superlative suffix 1ST A; thus, 
nf-tuma, "posterns" af-tumists, "postremus" hin-dumists, " ex- 
tremus." If one considers the Indian suffix wif tama, to 
have suffered apocope of the a as in Latin, also, timus ap- 
pears abbreviated to tim in adverbs like viri-tim, caterva-tim, 
which I have already, in another place (Heidelb. Jahrb. 1818. 
p. 480), explained, together with forms like legi-timus t as 
superlatives one may look for that tarn in the Gothic cor- 
[G. Ed. p. 403.] rupted to t ana, after the analogy of the ac- 
cusative masculine of pronouns, like tha-na = HH tarn, TOV, hva- 
-na = ^W N ka-m, "whom?' 1 ; and accordingly regard the pre- 
positional derivations in tana, dana, as superlative forms; thus, 
Gothic af-tana, " behind "; hindana, irepav, Old High German 
ni-dana, "under" (compare our hie-nieden, "here below." As, 
however, in Old High German there exist, also, formations 
in ana without a preceding t sound (Grimm III. 203, &c.), 
it is a question whether innana " within," dzana " abroad," 
forana shortened to forna " from the beginning, 1 ' ferrana 
"7roppa>0ev," r&mana "from a distance," hdhana "tyodev," 
heimina "otKoOev" have lost a or a d preceding the a; 
or if they are formed after those in tana, dana, in the 
notion that the whole of the suffix consists merely of ana; 
or, finally, whether they rest on some other principle. 


The preposition obar, " over," Gothic ufar, which answers 
to the Sanskrit Tftrfic upari, Greek vwep, has, in the 
same manner, an adverb obana, "above," corresponding 
to it. 

296. In the Sanskrit the appellations of the quarters 
of the heavens come from prepositions in combination 
with the root ^n^ anch, " to go" ; thus the east is denoted 
as "that which is before," by ura prdnch, from Hpra, "before 11 ; 
the west as "that which is over against it," by Vfftt pratyanch, 
from ufifpraft, "opposite"; the south as "that below," 
by ^SRra avdnch, from ^ro am, "below"; and its opposite 
pole, the north, as " that above/* is called ^9[ N udanch, 
from ^rir ut t " up. 11 Now it is remarkable that in German 
the names of the quarters of the world shew themselves 
through their terminations, Old High German tar and tana, 
or as they so frequently occur in prepositions, dar, cZana, to be 
derivations from prepositions, though the nature of their 
origin has become obscure. The custom of the language 
disposes of the forms in r and na in such a manner, 
that the former expresses the direction whither (Grimm. 
III. 205.), the latter the direction whence, which, however, 
was not, perhaps, the original intention of the terminations, 
both which seem adapted to express the same direction ; 
the former comparatively, with a glance at [G. Ed. p. 404.] 
that which is opposite, the latter superlatively, in relation 
to all the quarters of the globe, as, p. 376, JCTTrTC 
ekatara, " one of two persons," but l(cMH tkatama, " one 
of many persons." The west may perhaps be most satisfac- 
torily explained, and in fact, as being etymologically pointed 
out to be that which lies over against the east, as in Sanskrit. 
For this object we betake ourselves to the prepositional 
base wi, mentioned at p. 382, whence the comparative 
wi-dar. We do not, however, require to deduce wes-tar,* 

* By writing we, Grimm marks the corruption of the e from t, in which 
I readily agree with him. 


"towards the west," wes-tana," from the west," from 
the derivative widar; but we may keep to its base wi, 
with the assumption of a euphonic s; as in the Sanskrit, 
also, some prepositions terminating in vowels in certain 
combinations, and before consonants which are disposed 
to have an s before them, assume this letter; e.g. pra- 
tishkasa for pratikasa; and as in Latin abs, os (for o&s), 
from ab, ob (. 96.). But if it were preferred to deduce 
westar* westana, from the derivative widar, it would 
then be necessary to force the d of derivation into 
the base, and, according to . 102., change it into s. 
The east is more difficult of explanation than the west 
Old High German fa-tar, "towards the east," 6s-tana, 
"from the east," for several prepositions start up toge- 
ther that would gladly sustain this quarter of the heavens. 
It is not necessary that the preposition after which the 
east is named should elsewhere, also, be received as a 
German preposition; for in this appellation a prepo- 
sition might have incorporated itself, which, except in this 
case, is foreign to the practice of the German language. 
[G. Ed. p. 405.] It may therefore be allowable for us, 
first of all, to turn to a preposition which, in the Indian 
language, is prefixed to the south, and, in the German, 
may have changed its position to the east; the more so, 
as, with prepositions, the principal point is always where 
one stands, and the direction to which one is turned; 
and one may, with perfect justice, turn that which is at the 
bottom to the uppermost, or to the front. In Zend, ava> 
which in Sanskrit signifies " below," exists as a pronoun, 
and means "this"; and as this pronoun is also proper to 
the Sclavonic (OFO, nom. ov), and occurs in Greek as av, 
(a2-ft, auror, see p. 387), it need not surprise us to find an 
obsolete remnant of this base in German, and that the 
east is taken as the side opposed to the west. . Here it 
may be necessary to observe, that in Sanskrit the pre- 
position ava. in like manner, annexes a euphonic s ; from 


avas, therefore, by suppressing the last a but one, would 
arise (as in Greek av) aus (different from our aus, Old 
High German uz, Gothic ut, in Sanskrit ^TTT ut, " up "), 
and hence, according to . 80., 6s: the old northern form 
is austr, austan. The Latin aus-ter might then to which 
Grimm has already alluded (Wiener Jahrb. B. 28. p. 32) 
be placed with more confidence beside the Old High 
German as a sister form, and led back by the hand of our 
comparative suffix to the preposition, which in Sanskrit 
has given its name to the south, bold as it at the first 
glance might appear, if we declared aus-ter and ^r^i^ avdnch 
(ava + anch), "southern," to be related. The derivations 
from hauriOy or auco, certainly deserve less notice. As, 
however, the . juxta-position of austar with the Latin austcr 
and the Indian preposition ava, avas, is most suitable, 
we refrain from giving other prepositional modes in 
which one might arrive at the appellation of the east in 
German. As the most natural point of departure, we 
cannot place it in so subordinate a position to the west as to 
mark it out as "not west " (a-mtar from a- [G. Ed. p. 406.] 
-westar). We turn now to the south, in Old High Ger- 
man sun-dar, " towards the south," sundana, " from the 
south," the connection of which with the sundrd, sundar, 
mentioned at p. 383, is not to be mistaken. The south, 
therefore, appeared to our ancestors as the remote dis- 
tance, and the reason for the appellation of this quarter 
of the heavens being clearly in allusion to space, is a new 
guarantee for the prepositional derivation of the names for 
east and west, as also for the fact that the designation of the 
north, too, has subjected itself to a preposition, although it is 
still more veiled in obscurity than that of the three sister 
appellations. We cannot, however, omit calling atten- 
tion to the Sanskrit preposition ftps nis, which signifies 
" out, without," and before sonant letters, to which d belongs 
(. 25.) according to a universal law of euphony, appears 


in the form of nir, which it is also usual to represent as 
the original form. 

297. In the Old Sclavonic the Indo-Greek compara- 
tive suffix occurs in vtoryi, "the second" (m.), in which 
the definitive pronoun is contained (p. 352) : vtory-i, then, 
is formed from vtoro-i (. 255. rf.), in which the cardi- 
nal number dwa is melted down to v, corresponding in 
this respect to the Zend 6 in 6-yare, "two years," but 
singular, with b as a hardened form from v. To the 
Sanskrit WIFZkatara, "which of two? m." 1 (Gothic hva-thar) 
and iniT ya-tara t " which of both," corresponds etymolo- 
gically, the Old Sclavonic ko-tory-i (as definitive), older 
ko-tery-i and ye-ier, feminine ye-tera (ye-re/oa), neuter 
ye-tero. The origin of these two pronouns is, however, 
forgotten, together with their comparative meaning ; for 
kotoryi means "who?" and yeter, " some one " (compare 
p. 352). Dobrowsky (p. 343), however, in which he is 

[G. Ed. p. 407.] clearly wrong, divides the suffix into 
ot-or ; for although the interrogative base KO may 
lay aside its 0, and combine with the demonstrative base to 
(hto, "quis?" Dobr. p. 342), still it is more in accordance 
witli the history of language to divide ko-toryi than kot- 
oryi or koto-ryi, as the formation or would there stand 
quite isolated ; and besides this the pronoun i, " he," 
from yo, does not occur in combination with the demon- 
strative base to, and yet ye-ter is said. 

298. A small number of comparatives are formed in 
Sanskrit by ^ro tyas, and the corresponding superlative by 
^Tf ishtha, in which ishtlia, as has been already remarked 
(p. 389.), we recognise a derivation from tyas in its con- 
traction to i$h (compare ish-to, " offered,** from yaj), so 
that the suffix of the highest degree is properly it tha, 
through which, also, the ordinal numbers 'fg^H chatur-thas 
(rera/o-To-f), and TOH shash-thas (eVroj), are formed, for 
the notion of the superlative lies very close to the ordinal 


numbers above two, as that of order does to the super- 
latives, and hence the suffix TO tama occurs in ordinal 
numbers ; e.g. f<4;ifrMH8 v vinsati-tama-s, " the twentieth," 
wherefore ma, in forms like TCRtt pancha-ma-s, " the fifth, 1 ' 
may be held to be an abbreviation of tama. To the form 
isht contracted from iyas euphonic for is in Greek and 
Zend is, corresponds the Latin is, in the superlatives in 
is-simus, which I deduce through assimilation from is-timus 
(comp. .101.); the simple is, however, which, viewed 
from Latin, is a contraction of ids (.22.), appears in the 
simple form in the adverb may-is, which may be compared 
with peyts in jLteyio--TO. In the strong cases (. 129.) the 
Indian comparative shews a broader form than the iyas 
above, namely, a long a and a nasal preceding the s, thus 
$irfa iy&ns (see . 9.), This form, how- [G. Ed. p. 408.] 
ever, may originally have been current in all the cases, 
as the strong form in general (. 129.), as is probable 
through the pervading long o in Latin, ioris, idri, &c., if 
one would not rather regard the length of the Latin o as 
compensation for the rejected nasal: compare the old 
accusative mel-iosem, mentioned in . 22., with Sanskrit 
forms like 'Ju!)j|iHH gar-iyans-am (graviorem). The breadth 
of the suffix, which is still remarkable in the more 
contracted from iyas, may be the cause why the form 
of the positive is exposed to great reductions before 
it; so that not only final vowels are rejected, as gene- 
rally before Taddhita suffixes* beginning with a vowel, but 
whole suffixes, together with the vowel preceding them, 
are suppressed (Gramm. Crit. . 252.) ; e. g. from *finnr 
mati-mat, "intelligent," from mail, "understanding," comes 
mat-iy&s; from balavat, " strong'* ("gifted with strength," 

* The Taddhita suffixes are those which form derivative words not 
primitives direct from the root itself. 


from bcda+vat) t bal-tyas; from kshipra, "quick" (from 
the base kship, "to throw"), comes ksh$p-iyas; from 
Icshudra, " insignificant," ksh$d-iyas ; from tripra, " satis- 
fied," trap-it/as ; since with vowels capable of Guna the 
dropping of the suffix is compensated by strengthening 
the radical syllable by Guna, as in the Zend va@dista; 
which Burnouf (Vahista, p. 22) deduces, as it appears to me, 
with equal correctness and acuteuess from vidvas (vtdvv, 
. 56 b ., Sanskrit vidwas), " knowing." With respect to 
trapiyas, from tripra, let it be observed that ar, as Guna of 
n, is easily transposed to ra (Gramm. Crit. . 34 b .) : compare 
the Greek cSpaKov for eSapKov ; ncrrp&crt for irarapffi (see 
p. 290, G. ed.). In a similar manner M. Ag. Benary explains 
the connection of variyas with uru "great," with which he 
rightly compares the Greek evpvs (Berl. Jahrb. 1834. I. 
[G. Ed. p. 409.] pp. 230, 231). But variyas might also 
come from vara, " excellent," and uru might be an abbrevia- 
tion of varu 9 which easily runs into one. To the su- 
perlative ^fw varishtha, which does not only mean Icd'mi- 
mus but also optimus, the Greek apia-rog (therefore Fdpto-ro^) 
is without doubt akin, the connection of which with evpvs one 
could scarcely have conjectured without the Sanskrit. Re- 
markable, too, is the concurrence of the Greek with the 
Sanskrit in this point, that the former, like the latter, be- 
fore the gradation suffix under discussion, disburthens itself 
of other more weighty suffixes (compare Burnouf s Vahista, 
p. 28) ; thus, e^ftoroj, afo^oTOf, OIKT/<TTO$ > , KvSicrTO$, fJLrjKi(rro$ t 
aA/y/cnrof, from eyOpos, &c., exactly as above k*htpi$hthas and 
others from kshipra ; and I believe I can hence explain, ac- 
cording to the same principle, the lengthening of the vowel in 
IJLYJKKTTOS, /xfi(nroi>, from p.aKp6$, on which principle also rests 
the Guna in analogous Sanskrit forms namely, as a com- 
pensation for the suppression of the suffix. The case is 
the same with the lengthened vowel in forms like ddcrorov, 
cunrov, where Butt-maun (. 67. Rem. 3. N. **) assumes that 


the comparative t has fallen back and united itself with 
the a (q) ; while, in my opinion, a different account is to be 
given of what has become of the i in forms like 0acr(rwi>, 
/B/odtrcTcoi/ (. 300.). The formation of /utey/oroj from peyas, 
from yueyaA,o-f, is similar to the origin, in Sanskrit, of 
^fi? banhuhtha, from bahula, " much "; from bahu, " much" 
comes bh&yishtha ; and /xey-/oro, in relation to MEFAAO, has 
lost as much as banh-ishtha, compared with bahula, only that 
the Sanskrit positive base is compensated for the loss of ula by 
the addition of a nasal ; which therefore, as Ag. Benary 
(1. c.) has very correctly remarked, rests on the same 
principle with the Guna in kshepishtha, &c.* 

" Remark. It will then, also, be necessary [G. Ed. p. 410.] 
as Burnouf (Yacna, p. 131) first pointed out, but afterwards 
(Vahista, p. 25), in my opinion, wrongly retracted to explain 
the ^ & of srtyas, " better," srtshtha, " the best, 11 as coming 
from the i of sri, " fortune," by Guna, instead of the common 
view, in which I formerly concurred, of substituting a useless 
sra as positive, and hence, by contraction with fyas, ishtha, 
forming srtyas, srfyhtha. From sri comes the derivative sri- 
mat, " fortunate/ 1 from which I deduce sr$-yas t irf-shfka 9 by 
the prescribed removal of the suffix,t although one might 

* The Guna, however, in the gradation forms under discussion, might 
also be accounted for in a different way, namely, by bringing it into con- 
nection with the Vriddhi, which occurs before many other Taddhita 
suffixes, especially in patronymics, as %^33H vaivaswata, from f^^iT 
vivaswat. On account of the great weight of the gradation suffixes tyas, 
ishtJia, which has given rise to the suppression of the suffix of the positive 
base, the initial vowel also of the same would accordingly be raised by 
the weaker Guna, instead of by the Vriddhi, as usual (}. 26.)- Be that 
how it may, one must in any case have ground to assume an historic con- 
nection between the Grecian vowel-lengthening in /I^KIOTOS, ddo-trov, and 
others, and that of Sanskrit forms like ksheplyas, kshepishtha. 

t If there existed, as hi Zend, a srira, one might hence also derive the 
above gradations. 


expect in the superlative sray-ishtha, euphonic for sri-ishtha ; 
and on this ground it is that Burnouf takes his objection. 
But as in Greek eica-crroy, OTTO-OTOJ (see p. 376), in spite of 
the want of the i of IOTOS, are nevertheless nothing else than 
superlative forms, I do not see why, in certain cases, in 
Sanskrit, also, the suppression of an i may not hold good. 
This happens, moreover, in sthd-shtha from sthi-ra, " fast,' 1 
sph&-shtha from sphi-ra, " swollen, 11 and pr$-shtha from priy-a, 
"dear/ 1 In the latter case, after removing the suffix a, 
the preceding y, also, must retire, since priy is only a 
euphonic alteration of pri (Gramm. Crit. . 51.) As to the 
derivation, however, of the meanings melior, optimus, from 
a positive with the meaning " fortunate, 11 it may be further 
remarked, that, in Sanskrit, " fortune " and " splendour " 
are generally the fundamental notions for that which is 
good and excellent ; hence, bhagavat, " the honourable," " the 
[G. Ed. p. 411.] excellent, 11 properly, " the man gifted with 
fortune ; for our besserer, bester t also Gothic bat-iza, bat-ists, 
are associated with a Sanskrit root denoting fortune (bhad, 
whence bhadra, "fortunate, 11 "excellent 11 ), which Pott was 
acute enough first to remark (Etymol. Inquiries, p. 245), who 
collates also bdtyan, " to use." The old d gives, according 
to . 87., in the Gothic t, and the Sanskrit bh becomes 6. 
It might appear too daring if we made an attempt to refer 
melior also to this root ; but cognate words often assume the 
most estranged form through doubled transitions of sound, 
which, although doubled, are usual. It is very common for 
d to become I (. 17.), and also between labial medials and the 
nasal of this organ there prevails no unfrequent exchange 
(comp. . 63.). If, also, the Greek /8e\-nW, /8e\T/oTo$, should 
belong to this class, and the T be an unorganic addition, which 
is wanting in /3e\-Tepo$, /3e\-raTos, f)e\ would then give the 
middle step between *T^ bhad and mel. The ideal positive 
of )8e\TiW, namely ayaOos, might be connected with VTTV 
agftdha, " deep, 11 with which, also, the Gothic gdths (theme 


gdda) is to be compared, with 6, according to rule, for *n A 
(. 69.), and medials for Greek aspirates, according to . 87. 

299. From the strong theme ^triH x lydns, mentioned at 
. 298., comes the nominative iydn, with the suppression 
of the final letter rendered necessary through . 94. The 
vocative has a short a, and sounds iynn. To iyan answers 
the Greek 7o>i>, and to the vocative iyan answers lov; to 
the neuter iyas (N. A. V.), identical with the weak theme, 
corresponds the Latin ius (. 22.). The Greek, however, 
cannot become repossessed of the s, which is abandoned 
in Sanskrit in the nominative and vocative masculine for 
legitimate reasons, since it declines its comparative as 
though its theme terminated from the first with v\ hence 
accusative Fov-a for the Sanskrit ^ifta*^ lydns-am, Latin 
ior-em (ios-em t . 22.), genitive 7ov-o$ for iyas-as, ior-is. 
However, one might, as Pott has already, I believe, noticed 
somewhere, reduce the contracted forms like ^SeAr/co, 
pe\Ttov$, to an original Zotra, loves, toaras, corresponding to 
tydnsam, iyansi (neuter plural), iyAns-as t iyas-as, the cr of 
which, as is so common between two vowels, would be 
rejected.* On the other hand, v, except in [G. Ed. p. 412.] 
comparatives, on the presupposition that the contracted forms 
have rejected an v and not <r, is suppressed only in a few 
isolated words ('ATroMxo, Ilotre/SS, efoo), aydovs, and a few 
others), which, however, the theoretic derivation of the com- 
parative 2 renders very embarrasing. We would therefore 
prefer giving up this, and assuming, that while the Sanskrit 
in the weak, i.e. in the majority of cases, has abandoned 
the former consonant of ns, the Greek, which was still 
less favourable to the wr-, has given up the latter, as 
perhaps one may suppose in the oldest, as it were, pre- 
Grecian period, forms like fiefaiovva. It is, however, 
remarkable, that while all other European sister Ian- 

* Comp. p. 325 G. ed. 


guages have only preserved the last element of the 
comparative ns the Latin in the form of r and while 
the Sanskrit also shews more indulgence for the s than 
for the w, the Greek alone has preserved the nasal; 
so that in the comparative it differs in this respect 
from all the other languages. Without the intervention 
of the Sanskrit and Zend it would be hardly possible to 
adduce from the European sister languages a cognate 
termination to the Greek /coi/, lov ; or if ior and fwi/ should 
be compared, one would think rather of a permutation of 
liquids,* than that after the Greek v the prototype of the 
Latin r, namely cr, has originally existed. 

300. In Zend, the superlatives in AjfeKJJ ista are more 
numerous than the corresponding ones in Sanskrit, and re- 
quire no authentication. With regard to their theory, 
Burnouf has rendered important service, by his excellent 
[G. Ed. p. 413.] treatise on the Vahista; and his remarks are 
also useful to us in Sanskrit Grammar. In form AS^OJ 
ista stands nearer to the Greek *OTO-J than the Indian ishtha, 
and is completely identical with the Gothic ista, nom, isf-s 
(. 135.), as the Zend frequently exhibits t for the Sanskrit 
aspirates. The comparative form which belongs to ista is 
much more rare, but perhaps only on account of the want of 
occasion for its appearance in the authorities which have been 
handed down to us, in which, also, the form in tar a can 
only scantily be cited. An example of the comparative 
under discussion is the feminine ^WTB^JJAS^ masy$hi, which 
occurs repeatedly, and to which I have already elsewhere 
drawn attention.! It springs from the positive base 

* Comp. $.20. 

t Berl. Jahrb. 1831. 1. D. 372. I then conceived this form to be thus 
arrived at, that the y of the Sanskrit iyasi had disappeared, as in the geni- 
tive termination k$, from f&sya ; after which the I must have passed into y. 
Still the above view of the case, which is also the one chosen by Burnouf. 


masas, " great (masti, masah, maSanh, . 56*. 56 b .), 
and confirms, like other Zend forms, the theory which holds 
good for the Sanskrit, that other suffixes fall away before 
the exponents of the comparative and superlative relation 
under discussion. If yehi is compared with the Sanskrit 
feminine base tyasi, the loss of the i shews itself, arid then 
the a has, through the power of assimilation of the y (. 42.), 
become i, and s has, according to 53., become h. In 
the loss of the i the Zend coincides with the Sanskrit forms 
like sr$-yas, mentioned at p. 397, with which, also, bhd-yas, 
" more," and jyd-yas, " older," agree. Greek comparatives 
with a doubled o~ before cov, as K/oe/bxrcoi/, jS/oatnrcov, eA-atroxoi/, 
are based on this ; which, according to a law of euphony 
very universally followed in Prakrit, have assimilated the y to 
the preceding consonant, as elsewhere aAAo? [G. Ed. p. 414 .] 
from aA#or, Gothic alya-, Latin aliu-s, Sanskrit anya, are 
explained (Demonstrative Bases, p. 20). In Prakrit, in the 
assimilations which are extremely common in this dialect, 
the weaker consonant assimilates itself to the stronger, 
whether this precedes or follows it; thus anna, "the 
other," from anya, corresponds to the Greek aAAoj ; the San- 
skrit tasya, "hujus," becomes tassa; bhavishyali, "he will 
be," becomes bhavissadi* divya, "heavenly," divva; from 

is simpler, and closer at hand, although the other cannot be shewn to be 
impossible ; for it is certain that if the y of lyas had disappeared in Zend, 
it would fall to the turn of the preceding i to become y. 

* Comp. eWo/xcu, from eV^o/xai, with ^nftf sywni, in composition with 
attributive verbs. It may be allowed here preliminarily to mention 
another interesting Prakrit form of the future, which consists in this, that 
the Sanskrit s passes into 7i y but the syllable If ya is contracted to z, 
herein agreeing with the Latin i in eris, erit, amabis, amabit, &c. ; as, 
karihisi, " thou willst make," from karishyasi ; saltihimi, " I will endure," 
from sahishydmi, instead of the medial form sahishyd (Urvasi, by Lenz. 
p. 59). 

D D 


which it is clear that v is stronger than y, as it also is 
more powerful than r; hence savva from sarva, "every- 
one." It is remarkable that the i also of Hi "thus" as- 
similates itself to the following t ; hence, tti, which, in pro- 
nunciation, naturally leans upon the word preceding. 
Therefore one might thus also, without presupposition of 
a form ywi/, establish the assimilation from Fcoi/. As to the 
transition of the consonant of the positive base into <r (/c/oe/<r- 
-<ro>i/, /3/o<r-<ro>i/, jSacr-orwi', /uct(T~(ra>i>, I\a<r-<r6>i>, &e.), to which 
the y has assimilated, the transition of T, 5, 0, into <r need 
least of all surprise us (see . 99.); but with regard to the 
gutturals, the Old Sclavonic may be noticed, in which, be- 
sides what has been remarked in . 255. (w.), y, i, and e 
which latter comes very near the vowel combined with a 
y, and is frequently the remainder of the syllable ye 
exert an influence on a guttural preceding them, similar 
[G. Ed. p. 415.] to that which the comparative y or i produces 
in Greek. Before the i, namely, of the nominative plural, 
and before ye in the dative and locative singular, as before i 
and ye of the imperative, ch becomes s; e.g. gryes-i from 
gryech, as flaer-orcov from 0acr-ya>i>, from ra^-; g becomes f, 
e.g. pr&ty fromprll*/, as./ue/fwi/, o\/u>i/, from /xe/fi/ci)i/, oA/fywi/, 
from //ey-, oA/y-; Jfc becomes ch, while in Greek K is modified 
in the same way as % On account of the contracted nature 
of the f ( = So-) no assimilation takes place after it, but the y 
entirely disappears, or, in //e/fcoi/, is pressed into the interior 
of the word (comp. /119.), as in d/zen/wi/, %elp^v 9 which lat- 
ter may be akin to the Sanskrit WPC adhara, " the under 
(m)," consequently with aphaeresis of the a (comp. . 401.). 
With the superlative fteyfaros compare the Zend ASfenjj^uG 
mazista, where j z t according to . 57., answers to the San- 
skrit h otn^mahat, " great' 1 ; while in the above jw^wf 
masydht, as in the positive masas (euphonically mas6\ s 
stands irregularly for z, as if the Zend, by its permutation 
of consonants in this word, would vie with the Greek ; but 


we find, Vend. S. p. 214, gAif mazyd, with z, which I hold 
to be a neuter comparative ; thus, gw^9 Y^^C mazy 6 
vidvdo, "the more (literally greater) wise." 

301. As in the Latin comparative a suffix has raised 
itself to universal currency, which in Sanskrit and Greek 
is only sparingly applied, but was, perhaps, originally, 
similarly with the form in tara, repo-$ t in universal use ; so 
the German, the Sclavonic, and Lithuanian, in their degrees 
of comparison everywhere attach themselves to the more 
rare forms in Sanskrit and Greek; and indeed in the Gothic 
the suffix of the comparative shews itself in the same short- 
ened form in which it appears in the Sanskrit, Zend, Greek, 
and Latin, in its combination with the superlative suffix 
(see . 298. p. 395 &c.), namely, as 19; and this most plainly 
in adverbs like mais, " more," whose con- [G. Ed. p. 416.] 
nection with comparatives in the Sanskrit, &c., I first pointed 
out in the Berl. Jahrb. (May 1827, p. 742). We must divide, 
therefore, thus, ma-is ; and this word, as well in the base as 
in the termination, is identical with the Latin mag-is (comp. 
fiey*<r-TO, p. 402) ; whence it is clear that the Gothic form 
has lost a guttural (compare ma-jor and mag-ior), which, in 
mikils, "great" which has weakened the old a to i appears, 
according to the rule for the removal of letters (. 87.), as k. 
Mais, therefore, far as it seems to be separated from 
it, is, in base and formation, related to the Zend maz-yti 
(from maz-yas), which we have become acquainted with 
above (p. 415 G. ed.) in the sense of " more." 

"Remark. There are some other comparative adverbs 
in is, of which, the first time I treated of this subject, I 
was not in possession, and which Grimm has since 
(III 589, &c.) represented as analogous to mats. He has 
however, afterwards, 1. c. p. 88, agreed, with Fulda, in viewing 
hauhis, avcorepoi/, as the genitive of the positive hauhs, " high." 
Yet hauhis stands in exactly the same relation to Aati- 
hiza, "the higher," that mats does to maiza, "major." 



Compared with the Zend maz-yo and Greek /xe/C-coi/, one 
might believe the z in maiza belonged to the positive base, 
particularly as the Old High German adds a second compara- 
tive suffix to its adverb m$r, answering to the Gothic main 
(mtiriro, ' major ') because in m&r no formal expression of the 
comparative relation was any longer felt. Raihtis, which 
Grimm wishes to leave under the forms which, III. p. 88, 
are considered as genitive, seems to me properly to signify 
potiust or our rechter ; and I consider it, therefore, as a com- 
parative, although the Old High German rehtes, examined 
from the point of view of the Old High German, can only 
be a genitive, and the comparative adverb is rehtfo. The 
comparative ga-raiht6za, 'justior? which may be cited in 
Gothic, does not prevent the assumption that there may 
have been also in use a raihtiza, as in all adjectives 
iza may just as well be expected as 6za; for, together 
with the comparative adverb frum6zo, 'at first' (R. xi. 35), 
occurs the superlative frumists. Perhaps, however, the 
genius of the Old High German language has allowed itself 
to be deceived through the identity of the comparative 
suffix is with the genitive termination i-s ; and taking some 
obsolete comparatives, which have been transmitted to it 
[G. Ed. p. 417.] for genitives, left them the s, which, in 
evident comparatives, must pass into r ; but is also still re- 
tained as s in wirs, ' pejus.' I prefer to consider, also, attis, 
1 omninOt as a comparative, in order entirely to exclude the 
Gothic apparent genitive adverbs from the class of adjectives. 
In the Old High German, together with alles 9 'omnino? exists 
alles, 'aliter! which, according to its origin, is an essentially 
different word through assimilation from alyes, as above 
(p. 414 G. ed.) aAAos in which the comparative termination, 
in the Latin ali-ter and similar adverbs, is to be observed. The 
probability that these forms, which, to use the expression, 
are clothed as genitives, are, by their origin, comparatives, 
is still further increased thereby, that together with tines. 


lS and anderes, ' aider? there occur, also, forms in the 
guise of superlatives, namely, einest, 'once' (see Graff, 
p. 329), and anderest, 'again. 1 Some comparative adverbs 
of this sort omit, in Gothic, the i of is; thus mm-s, 
'less 1 (compare minor, minus, for minior, minius), perhaps 
vair-s 9 'worse,' which is raised anew into vairsiza, 'pejor, 
and may be connected with the Sansknt avara, 'posterns, 
as above %e/jocov was compared with WTC adhara ; seith-$, 
' amplius ' (from seithu, ' late ') ; and probably, also, suns, 
' statlm? and anaks, ' subito? " 

302. The comparative-suffix is required in Gothic, where 
the consonant s is no longer capable of declension,* an un- 
organic addition, or otherwise the sibilant would have been 
necessarily suppressed. The language, however, preserved 
this letter, as its meaning was still too powerfully per- 
ceived, by the favourite addition an, which we have seen 
above, though without the same urgent necessity, joined to 
participial bases in nd in their adjective state (. -289.). As, 
then, s comes to be inserted between two [G. Ed. p. 418.] 
vowels, it must, by . 86. (5.), be changed into z : hence the 
modern theme MAIZAN, from the original MAIS, which 
lias remained unaltered in the adverb. The nominative mas- 
culine and neuter are, according to . 140. 141., maiza, maizd. 
On the other hand the feminine base does not develope itself 
from the masculine and neuter base MAIZAN && in general 
from the unorganic bases in an of the indefinite adjectives 

* A base in s, as the abovementioncd mats, would not be distinguished 
from the theme in all the cases of the singular, as also in the nominative and 
accusative plural, as, of final double s, the latter must be rejected (comp. 
drus, " fall," for drus-s from drusa-s, . 292. 1st Note). In the nominative 
and genitive singular, therefore, the form mais-s must have become mais 5 
just as, in the nominative and accusative plural, where ahman-s comes 
from the theme ahman. The dative singular is, in bases ending in a con- 
sonant, without exception devoid of inflection ; and so is the accusative, 
in substantives of every kind. 


no feminines arise but to the original feminine base in i, 
which exists in the Sanskrit and Zend, an n is added, as in 
the participle present ; thus MAIZEIN (ei = i, . 70.), from 
mais + ein, answers to the Zend feminine base of the same 
import, j*y&$u**$ masyShi, and Sanskrit forms like nclmft 
gariyas-t, from gariyas. The nominative maizei may then, 
according to . 142., be deduced from MAIZEIN, or may 
be viewed as a continuation of the form in Zend and San- 
skrit which, in the nominative, is identical with the theme 
(. 137.); in which respect again the participle present 
(. 290.) is to be compared. These two kinds of feminines, 
namely, of the said participle and the comparative, stand 
in Gothic very isolated ; but the ground of their peculiarity, 
which Jacob Grimm, III. 566, calls still undiscovered (com- 
pare I. 756), appears to me, through what has been said, to be 
completely disclosed ; and I have already declared my opinion 
[G. Ed. p. 419.] in this sense before.* The Old High German 

* Berl. Jahrb. May 1827, p. 743, &c. Perhaps Grimm had not yet, 
in the passage quoted above, become acquainted with my review of the 
two first parts of his Grammar ; since he afterwards (II. 650.) agrees with 
my view of the matter. I find, however, the comparison of the transition 
of the Gothic s into z with that of the Indian jj s into T| sh inadmis- 
sible, as the two transitions rest upon euphonic laws which are entirely 
distinct; of which the one, which obtains in the Gothic (. 86. 5.), is just 
as foreign to the Sanskrit, as the Sanskrit (}. 21. and Gramm. Crit. 101 H .) 
is to the Gothic. It is further to be observed, that, on account of the 
difference of these laws, the Sanskrit q sh remains also in the superlative, 
where the Gothic has always st, not zt. In respect to Greek, it may 
here be further remarked, that Grimm, 1. c. p. 651, in that language, also, 
admits an original s in the comparative ; which he, however, does not 
look for after the v of ia*v, as appears from . 299., but before it ; so that 
he wishes to divide thus fm-fcov, as an abbreviation of pcyifav; and regards 
the f not as a corruption of the y, as Buttmann also assumes, but as 
a comparative character, as in the kindred Gothic ma-tea. The Greek 
<&?, OP, would, according to this, appear identical with the anorganic Gothic 
an in MAIZAN; while we have assigned it, in . 299., a legitimate 
foundation, by tracing it back to the Sanskrit dns. 


has brought its feminine comparatives into the more usual 
path, and gives, as corresponding to the Gothic minnizei, 
"the lesser" (fern.), not minniri, but minnira. The Gothic 
sibilant, however, was, in the High German comparatives, in 
the earliest period transmuted into r, whence, in this respect, 
minnirOt minnira t has more resemblance to the Latin minor 
than to the Gothic minniza, minnizei. 

303. The comparative suffix in the Gothic, besides is, 
iz-an, exhibits also the form 6s, 6z-an: it is, however 
more rare ; but in the Old High German has become so 
current, that there are more comparatives in it in 6ro 
(nominative masculine), 6ra (nominative feminine and 
neuter), than in iro 9 ira, or ero, era. The few forms in 
OZAN which can be adduced in Gothic are, svinthdza, 
"fortior" (nominative masculine), fr6d6za, "pru Jen/tor," 
frumdza, "prior" hlasoza, "hilarior" garaihtdza, "justior" 
framaldroza, "provectior &tate" usdaudoza, " sollicitior" 
unsvikunthdza, "inclarior" (Massmann, p. 47), and the ad- 
verbs sniumundos, " <j"irov8cuoTep(j*$" and alyaleikos, " ere/ows 1 ." 
How, then, is the 6 in these forms to be explained, 
contrasted with the i of IS, IZAN? I believe only 
as coming from the long a of the Sanskrit strong themes 
iyam or yam (. 299. 300.), with 6, according to rule, for 
^TT a (. 69.). If one starts from the latter [G. Ed. p. 420.] 
form, which, in the Zend, is the only one that can bo 
adduced, then, beside the nasal, which is lost also in the Latin 
and in the weak cases in the Sanskrit, yans has lost in 
the Gothic either the a or the y (=j) which, when the 
a is suppressed, must be changed into a vowel. The 
Gothic d.v, 6z, and still more the Old High German 6r, 
correspond, therefore, exactly to the Latin dr in minor, 
mindr-is, for minior. There is reason to assume that, in 
the Gothic, originally y and 6 existed in juxta-position to 
one another ; and that for minniza, " the lesser," was used 
minnydza, and for/rcJcMza, "the more intelligent," frddydza. 


The forms which have lost the y are represented in Latin 
by minor, minus, and plus, and those with 6 suppressed by 
mag-is. One cannot, however, in Gothic, properly require 
any superlatives in OSTA, nom. 6sf-s, corresponding to the 
comparatives in 6s, 6z\ because this degree in the San- 
skrit, Zend, Greek, and Latin always springs from the 
form of the comparative, contracted to is, ish. It is, how- 
ever, quite regular, that, to thefrumtiza, "prior" corresponds 
a frumists, "primus" not frumdsts. To the remaining 
comparatives in oza the superlative is not yet adduced; 
but in the more recent dialects the comparatives have 
formed superlatives with 6, after their fashion; and thus, 
in the Old High German, 6st usually stands in the super- 
lative, where the comparative has 6r : the Gothic furnishes 
two examples of this confusion of the use of language, in 
lasivdsts, "infirmissimus" (1 Cor. xii. 22.), and arm6sts, "miser- 
rimus" (1 Cor. xv. 19.). 

304. In the rejection of the final vowel of the positive base 
before the suffixes of intensity the German agrees with the 
cognate' languages; hence suf-iza, from SUTU*, "sweet"; 

[G.Ed. p. 421.] hard'-iza, from HARDU, "hard"; seith-s 
(thana-seiths, "amplius"), from SEITHU, "late"; as in the 
Greek jyoYeoi/ from e HAY, and in the Sanskrit laghtyas from 
layhu, "light." !Fa is also rejected; hence sp@d 9 -iza, from 
SPEDYA, "late" (see p. 358, Note 7.); reik'-iza, from 
ME1KYA, "rich." One could not therefore regard the 6, in 
forms \ikefr6d6za, as merely a lengthening of the a in FRODA 
(. 69.), as it would be completely contrary to the principle 
of these formations, not only not to suppress the final vowel 
of the positive base, but even to lengthen it. The expla- 
nation of the comparative 6 given at . 303. remains therefore 
the only one that can be relied upon. 

* The positive does not occur, but the Sanskrit swddu-s and Greek fiSv-s 
lead us to expect a final ?/. 


305. In the Old Sclavonic, according to Dobrowsky, p. 332, 
&c., the comparative is formed in three ways, namely, 

(i) By masculine ff, feminine ski, neuter yee\ as, $?m, 
" the better (m.) "; Anshi, " the better (f.) "; unyee, " the best 
(n.), " from a positive which has been lost, as batiza, melior, 
and d/ze>t>i/; and it is perhaps connected in its base with 
the latter, so that a may have become o (. 255. a.), but /A, u, 
as frequently occurs with n ; and this u, with the preceding 
o, has become & ().* Mnii, "the lesser, (m.) " fern, menshi, 
neuter mnyee, spring, in like manner, from a positive which 
has been lost. Bolii, " the greater," fern, bolshi, neuter bolyec, 
may be compared with the Sanskrit baltydn, " the stronger " 
(p. 39 6), fern, batty aw, neuter baliyas.^ For [G. Ed. p. 422.] 
bolitis also used bolyei; and all the remaining comparatives 
which belong to this class have yei for ii, and thus answer 
better to the neuter form yee. If, as appears to be the case, the 
form yei is the genuine one, then ye answers to the Sanskrit 
yas ofjyd-yas, bhil-yas, sre-yas, &c. (. 300.), and the loss of the 
.v is explained by .255. (I.) : the final i ofye-i, however, is the 
definitive pronoun (. 284.), for comparatives always follow, 
in the masculine and neuter, the definite declension. In the 
feminine in shi it is easy to recognise the Sanskrit si of iyas-$, 
oryas-i, and herewith also the Gothic zei (oblique theme ZEIN, 

* The a in apeiv&v appears to me to be privative ; so that p.civa>v would 
seem to be a sister form to the Latin minor, Gothic minniza, Sclavonic 
mnii i and d^ivmv would properly signify "the not lesser," "the not 
more trifling." Perhaps this word is also inherent in omnis; so that o 
for a would be*the negation, which, in Latin, appears as in; where it 
may be observed, that, in Sanskrit, a-sakrit, literally " not once," has taken 
the representation of the meaning " several times." 

t The positive vel& 9 with v for b and e for o, occurs only in this de- 
finite form (Dobr. p. 320) ; the primitive and indefinite form must be veL 
With respect to the stronger o corresponding to the weaker letter e 
(. 256. .), bolit, in the positive, answers to the manner in which vowels 
are strengthened in Sanskrit, as mentioned at . 208. 


p. 4 18 G. ed.); that is to say, bol-shi, "the greater (fern.)/' 
corresponds to the Sanskrit qgfljftf baliyasi, " the stronger 
(f.)," and menthi, " the lesser," to the Gothic minn-izei. While, 
therefore, the Sclavonic masculine and neuter have lost the s 
of the Sanskrit yas, the feminine has lost the ya o!yas-i* This 
feminine shi, also, in departure from (2) and (3), keeps free 
from the definite pronoun. There are some comparative 
adverbs in e, as the abbreviation of ye (. 255. n.), which in 
like manner dispense with the definite pronoun ; thus, dne, 
" better"; bole, "greater" in Servian MSS. Anye, bolye; 
[G. Ed. p. 423.] pache, " more, 11 probably related to Tra^t/f, 
TOOTO-OH/; so that (which is very obscure) the final vowel of 
pache for pach-ye, for reasons which have been given before, 
is, in fact, identical with the Greek <ro of 7rao"-o"ot/, for irour-yov, 
The ch of pache may, according to p. 415 G. ed., be regarded 
as a modification of k t as the first <r of Tracrow has developed 
itself from ^. Thus the f of dol-yee, " longer " (neuter and 
adverbial), as euphonic representative of the g of dolg, dolya, 
dolgo (longus, a, urn), answers remarkably to the Greek 
in /ue/fwv, 6A/fwi>, for /xe/7o>i/, oArycoi/, That, however, the 
positive dolg is connected with the Greek JoA/^? needs 
scarce to be mentioned. Somewhat more distant is the 
Sanskrit tffos dtrgha-s, of the same meaning, in which 
the frequently-occurring interchange between r and / is 

# It may be proper here to call remembrance to the past gerund, 
properly a participle, which in the strong cases vdns, nom. masc. van for 
vans, fern, us/ii, neuter vat (for vas), corresponds to the Sanskrit of the 
reduplicated preterite in vas. The Old Sclavonic has hAe, in the nomi- 
native masculine, where the s should stand at the end, lost this letter, 
according to .255. (I), as by-v, "quifuit," but by-vshi, "quafuit" ; 
and in the masculine also, in preference to the comparative, the $ again 
appears in the oblique cases, because there, in the Sanskrit, after the * 
follow terminations beginning with a vowel ; so in rek-sh, " eum qui dMt," 
the sh corresponds to the Sanskrit vdiis-am, as rurud-vdhs-am, " eum qui 


to be noticed ($. 20.). The t of SoAi^. however, shews 
itself, by the evidence of the Sclavonic and Sanskrit, to be 
an organic addition. Let garyee, " pejm" be compared 
with the Sanskrit gariyas, " gravius" from guru, "heavy" 
according to Burnouf's correct remark from garu, as this 
adjective is pronounced in Pali through the assimilating 
influence of the final u, to which the kindred Greek @apv$ has 
permitted no euphonic reaction. 

(2) The second, by far the most prevalent form of the 
Old Sclavonic comparative, is nominative masculine shit, 
feminine shaya, neuter shee. The i of shii is the definitive 
pronoun, which, in the feminine, is ya, and in the neuter e 
for ye (. 282. 284.). After the loss, then, of this pronoun, 
there remains shi, sha, she ; and these are abbreviations of 
shyo, shyc, shye, as we have seen, p. 332, G. ed., the adjective 
base SIN^O (nominative siny), before its union with the 
defining , contracted to sini (sini-? t neuter sine-e for sinye-ye. 
The definite feminine of SINIfO is sinya-ya; and as to the 
feminine comparatives not being shya-ya but sha-ya, this 
rests on the special ground that sibilants gladly free 
themselves from a following y, especially [G. Ed. p. 424.] 
before a (Dobrowsky, p. 12); so in the feminine nomi- 
natives d&sha, s&sha, chasha, for sdsya, &c. (Dobr. p. 279). 
The relation of the comparative form under discussion 
to the Sanskrit ^pff yas and Zend JSAS,^ yas (p. 40l) 
is therefore to be taken thus, that the ya which precedes 
the sibilant is suppressed, as in the above feminines in 
shi; but for it, at the end, is added an unorganic ]TO, 
which corresponds to the Gothic-Lithuanian YA in the 
themes NIU^A, NAUYA, "new, 11 answering to ?r* nava, 
NOVU, NEO, Sclavonic NOVO. This adjunct JO has 
preserved the comparative sibilant in the masculine 
and neuter, which, in the first formation, must yield to 
the euphonic law, .255. (1) Examples of thisr se- 
cond formation are, An-shii, "the better (m.),' f feminine 


tin-shaya> neuter dn-shee ; pCtit-shii from pst, theme PUSTO. 
"desert." Hence it is clear that the final vowel of the 
positive base is rejected, as in all the cognate languages, 
however difficult the combination of the t with sh. Even 
whole suffixes are rejected, in accordance with .298.; as, 
glub-shii from glvbok, " deep " (definite, glfiboky-i), sladshii 
from sladok, " sweet."* 

(3) Masculine yeishii, feminine yeishaya, neuter yeishee ; 
but after sch, sh, and c/i, ai stands for yet: and this ai evidently 
stands only euphonically for yai, since the said sibilants, as 

[G. Ed. p. 425.] has been already remarked, gladly divest 
themselves of a following y: hence blasch-aishit, "the 
better" (masculine), from blag (theme BLAGO\ "good,"t 
since g, through the influence of the y following, gives 
way to a sibilant, which has subsequently absorbed 
the y\ compare 6A/f-a>i/, for 6A/7-/o>i/, oKi^-yuv (p. 402): 
so tisli-aisliii, from tick (theme 27C//0), "still,"! as in 
the Greek Baar-cruv from ra.'xys* As example of the form 

* I hold ko, whence in the nom. masc. k, for the suffix of the positive 
base, but the preceding o for the final vowel of the lost primitive ; and 
this o corresponds either to a Sanskrit a, according to . 255, (a.), or to an 
* u, according to .255. (c.); for example, tano-k, "thin," theme 
TANOKQ) corresponds to the Sanskrit tanu-s, "thin," Greek raw; and 
slado-k to the Sanskrit swddu-s, " sweet," with exchange of the v for /, 
according to $.20. Thus the above slad-shii shews itself to be originally 
identical, as well in the suffix of the positive as of the other degrees with 
the Greek ^8-iW and Gothic sut-iza (. 304.), far as the external diffe- 
rence may separate them ; and to the Sclavonic is due, as to the truer 
preservation of the fundamental word, the preference above the Greek 
and Gothic, although, on account of the unexpected transition of the 
v into I, the origin of the Sclavonic word is more difficult to recognise. 

t Dobrowsky says (p. 334) from blagyi(\\\\& is the definite, see $.284.) : 
it is, however, evident that the comparative has not arisen from the adjec- 
tive compounded with a pronoun, but from the simple indefinite one. 

t Compare the Sanskrit adverb t&shnim, "still, silent," and refer to 
J.256. (m.). 


with yet, yun-ycishii, "junior, 11 from yun, may serve. 
Whence comes, then, the yei or a? (for yai) t which distin- 
guishes this formation from the second ? It might be sup- 
posed that to the first formation in yei, where, for example, 
also yun-uei, "the younger (m.), 11 occurs, that of the 
second has also been added, as in Old High German 
merero, " the greater * (masculine), and in Gothic, probably, 
vairsiza, "the worse" (p. 405), are raised twice to the com- 
parative degree ; and as, in Persian, the superlatives in terin, 
in my opinion, contain, as their last element, the compara- 
tive ^*TW iydns, which forms, in the nominative masculine, 
fydn, and from this could be easily contracted to in. In 
Persian the comparative is formed through ter ; as, behter, 
" the better, 11 whence behterin, " the best/ 1 Now it deserves 
remark, that in Old Sclavonic the formation before us fre- 
quently occurs with a superlative meaning, while in the 
more modern dialects the superlative relation is expressed 
through the comparative with nai> " more, 11 prefixed (pro* 
bably from mai = Gothic mais, according to . 225. 1). The 
only objection to this mode of explanation [G. Ed. p. 42G.1 
is this, that the element of the first formation ye-i has not 
once laid aside the definitive pronoun z, which is foreign 
to the comparative ; so that therefore in yun-yei-shn the 
said pronoun would be contained twice. There is, how- 
ever, another way of explaining this yeishii or (y)aislm, 
namely, as an exact transmission of the Sanskrit iyas or yas> 
from which the second formation has only preserved the 
sibilant ; but the third, together with this letter, may have 
retained also that which preceded. Still, even in this method, 
the i of yei, (y)cf, is embarrassing, if it be not assumed that 
it owes its origin to a transposition of the i of iya. 

306. As to the remark made at p. 400, that among the 
European languages the Greek only has preserved the 
nasal, which the Sanskrit shews in the strong cases of the 
comparative suffix lydns, I must here admit a limitation in 


favour of the Lithuanian, which, exceeding in this point 
the Greek, continues not only the nasal,* but also the com- 
parative sibilant through all the cases. For an example, 
gertsnis, "the better" (m.)> may serve, with which we would 
compare the Sanskrit gariydnsam, " graviorem" (nominative 
gariydri). It may be, but it is not of much consequence 
to us, that ger&mis and gariydns (strong theme) are also 
connected in the positive base; so that, as according to 
p. 398, in Greek and Gothic goodness is measured by depth, 
in Lithuanian it is measured by weight. The Sanskrit com- 
parative under discussion means, also, not only "heavier," 
or " very heavy," but also, according to Wilson, " highly 
venerable." In order, however, to analyze the Lithuanian 
gerfsnis, we must observe that geresnis stands for geresnias, 
and the theme is clearly GERESNIA; hence genitive 
geresniOt dative gertsniam ; as gero, gerdm, from gera-s. 
[G. Ed. p. 427.1 The termination ia, therefore for which 
ya might be expected, the y of which, as it appears for 
the avoiding of a great accumulation of consonants, has 
been resolved into i corresponds to the unorganic addi- 
tion which we, p. 411, have observed in Sclavonic compara- 
tives. We have now geresn remaining, which I regard 
as a metathesis from gerensrf through which we come 
very near the Sanskrit gariydns. But we come still 
nearer to it through the observation, that, in Lithuanian, e 
is often produced by the euphonic influence of a preceding 
y or i (. 193.). We believe, therefore, that here also we 
may explain geresn as from geryasn (geryans), and further 
recall attention to the Zend JWM&M$ masyGhi (. 300.). 

* In the Lith. comparative adverbs like daugiaus, " more," mazaus, 
"tess," I regard the u as the vocalization of the n; thus daugiaus from 
daw/tans, where ta7W=Skr. tydns of the strong cases. 

t This has been already alluded to by Grimm (III. 635, Note *), who 
has, however, given the preference to another explanation by which esnis 
is similarly arrived at with the Latin issimu? 


The emphasis upon the e of geresnis may be attibutable 
to the original length in the Sanskrit strong theme gariydns. 
Hence the astonishing accuracy may justly be celebrated 
with which the Lithuanian, even to the present day, con- 
tinues to use the Sanskrit comparative suffix ty&ns, or 
rather its more rare form preferred in Zend yd us. 

307. The Lithuanian superlative suffix is only another 
modification of the comparative. The nasal, that is to 
say, which in the latter is transposed, is, in the superlative, 
left in its original place : it is, however, as often happens, 
resolved into u 9 * and to the s which ends the theme in 
the Sanskrit, which, in Lithuanian, is not declinable (. 128.), 
is added ia : hence GERAUSIA, the nominative of which, 
however, in departure from geresnis, has dropped, not the 
a, but the i ; thus gerausa-s, gen. gerausio, and, in the femi- 
nine, gerausa, gerausios ; in which forms, [G. Ed. p. 428.] 
contrary to the principle which is very generally followed 
in the comparative and elsewhere, the i has exercised no 
euphonic influence. 

"Remark. With respect to the Sanskrit gradation- 
suffixes tara, tama, I have further to add, that they also oc- 
cur in combination with the inseparable preposition ^ ut ; 
hence ut-tara, 'the higher,' ut-tama, 'the highest, 1 as above 
(. 295.) af-tuma, and in Latin ex-timus, in-timus. I think, 
however, I recognise the base of ut-tara, ut-tama, iu the 
Greek }$ of vcr-repos, VV-TOLTOS, with the unorganic spir. asp., 
as in eKarepof, corresponding to the Sanskrit $katara-s, and 
with cr from r (compare . 99.), in which it is to be remarked 
that also in the Zend for ut-tara, ut-tama 9 according to 
. 102,, us-tara* us-tema, might be expected. 

* Corap. . 255. tf.) ; in addition to which it may be here furthec 
remarked, that in all probability the u also in Gothic conjunctives like 
haitai^ haihaityau^ is of nasal origin. 

( 416 ) 


308. I. In the designation of the number one great dif- 
ference prevails among the Indo-European languages, 
which springs from this, that this number is expressed by 
pronouns of the 3d person, whose original abundance 
affords satisfactory explanation regarding the multiplicity 
of expressions for one. The Sanskrit eka, whose com- 
parative we have recognised in the Greek eK&repos, is, in 
my opinion, the combination of the demonstrative base A 
of which hereafter, with the interrogative base ka, which 
also, in combination with api, "also 11 (nom. masc. kti'pi), 
signifies * s whoever"; and even without this api f if an in- 
terrogative expression precedes, as Bhagavad-Gita, II. 21, 
^* V JpPR ^ ^ Tffinrfjf ?fVir WT V kathan sa purushaK 
Pdrtha lean ghdtayati hanti kam, " How can this person, O 
Partha, cause one to be slain, (or) slay one ? " The Zend AJ;O A$ 

[G. Ed. p. 429.] a$va, is connected with the Sanskrit pro- 
nominal adverbs $va, " also," " only, 11 &c., and foam, " so," of 
which the latter is an accusative, and the former, perhaps, 
an instrumental, according to the principle of the Zend lan- 
guage (. 158.). The Gothic airi-s, theme AINA, our ewer, 
is based on the Sanskrit defective pronoun ena (. 72.) whence, 
among others, comes the accusative masculine ena-m, " this/' 
To this pronominal base belongs, perhaps, also the Old Latin 
oinos, which occurs in the Scipionian epitaphs, from which 
the more modern tinus may be deduced, through the usual 
transition of the old o into u, which latter is lengthened 
to make up for the i suppressed. Still tinus shews, also, a 
surprising resemblance to the Sanskrit una-s, which pro- 
perly means " less," and is prefixed to the higher numerals 
in order to express diminution by one; as, tinavinshati, 
" undeviginti? finatrinshat, " undetriginta" This unas could 


not liave appeared in Latin, more accurately retained than 
under the form of &nu-s, or, more anciently, fino-s. The 
Greek *EN is founded, it is highly probable, in like manner, 
on the demonstrative base ^f &na, and has lost its final 
vowel, as the Gothic AINA, in the masculine nominative 
aim : with respect to the e for compare eK&repos. On the 
other hand, o?of, " unicus? if it has arisen from olvos compare 
oinos), as pelfr from /ze/fovoc, has retained the Indian diph- 
thong more truly, and has also preserved the final vowel 
of yw $na. If oi/of, the number one in dice, really has 
its name from the idea of unity, one might refer 
this word to the demonstrative base ^?tf ana, Sclavonic 
ONO (nominative on, "that"), which also plays a part 
in the formation of words, where ovrj corresponds to 
the Sanskrit suffix and (feminine of the masculine and 
neuter ana), if it is not to be referred to the medial 
participle in ana, as juov*/ to mdna. The Old Sclavonic, yedin, 
" one," is clearly connected with the Sanskrit ^uf^ ddi, "the 
first," with y which has been prefixed according to . 255. (n.): 
on the other hand, in the Lithuanian wiena-s, [G. Ed. p. 430.] 
if it is connected with the Gothic AINA and Sanskrit *>^f 
6na, an unorganic w has been prefixed. In regard to 
to the ie for u & compare, also, ivies-te, " knowledge," with 
^fw v$dmi, c< I know." 

"Remark. The German has some remarkable expres- 
sions, in which the number one lies very much concealed 
as to its form, and partly, too, as to its idea : they are, in 
Gothic, haihs, "one-eyed,* hanfs, "one-handed," halts, 
"lame," and halbs> "half." In all these words the num- 
ber one is expressed by ha ; and in this syllable I recog- 
nise a corruption of the abovementioned Sanskrit cir lea for 
oir 8ka, " one," which is founded on the universal rule 
for the mutation of consonants (. 87.). It would bo 
erroneous to refer here to the Zend AJW ha of *g7yAsw 
ha-keret, " once " (Sanskrit -q&R{ $akrtt\ as the Zend w h 

E E 


stands, without exception, for the Sanskrit ^ s, to which 
the h in Gothic never corresponds.* J. Grimm compares 
haihs with ccecus (II. 316), not with the purpose of following 
out the origin of these cognate words, but in order to 
prove the transition of the tenuis into the aspirate ; for the 
simple aspiration stands in Gothic instead of kh, which 
is wanting. These words are, however, so far connected, 
that, in both, the word eye is contained. It is only the 
question whether the one-eyed in Latin has also lost the 
other eye, and if the blind (CCECUS), in regard to etymology, 
has not preserved one eye left. This appears to me 
more probable than that the blind in Gothic should reco- 
ver his sight, though but with one eye. The theme of 
haihs is HA1HA: one may, then, divide HAIHA into 
HA-IHA or into H-AIHA ; thus the latter portion of this 
compound word is assuredly connected with the word ^TCJ 
aksha, "eye," in Sanskrit, which only occurs at the end of 
compounds ; so that of the compounded "Sf ksh only the first 
portion is left, while the Zend JJ^JAS ash?, "eye" which, in 
like manner, I have found only at the end of compound words, 
as ^j^OA5J^A5Aod^ csvas-asMm, "the six-eyed" has pre- 
served the last element : the Latin ocus 9 however (the primi- 
tive base of oculw\ preserves only the first like the Gothic. I f 
in HAIHA the diphthong ai is left entirely to the share of the 
eye, we must assume that the a is introduced through the 
euphonic influence of the h (. 82.), and that AIHA stands for 
[G. Ed. p. 431.] IHA, and this for AHA', as fimf from 
TO pancha ; Jidvdr from ^fRTT chatwdr. But if the a of HAIHA 
is allotted to the numeral, which appears to me more correct, 
then the h in this word has not introduced any euphonic a, 
because, with the aid of the first member of the compound, the 

* Connected, however, with this designation of "one," which is taken 
from the pronominal base sa (Greek 6), may be the Greek & in &-ir\ovs. 


disposition of the h to ai was already satisfied. We must 
further recall attention to the Latin codes, in which, 
however, the notion of unity is evidently represented only 
by the c, for the o must be left to the odes as a derivative 
from oculus: ccecus, however, if & is the correct way of 
writing, and if the number one is contained therein, would 
spring from ca-zcus; and the Indian a, therefore, is weak- 
ened, as in Gothic, to , which, in Latin compounds, is the 
usual representative of an a of the base (. 6.). Let us 
now examine the one-handed. Its theme is, in Gothic, 
HA UFA, nominative abbreviated hanfs ; so that here, as in a 
skein, two bases and a pronominal remnant, as mark of case, 
lie together. The numeral is here the most palpable ele- 
ment: it is more difficult to search out the hand. In the 
isolated state no theme nfa could be expected ; but in com- 
pounds, and also in prefixed syllables of reduplication, 
a radical vowel is often rejected; as, in the Sanskrit 
?tfn&(jagmima> " we went," of the root JTH gam, only gm is 
left ; and in the Greek, TT/TTTW for Trmerco, IIET, which corre- 
sponds to the Sanskrit tflr pat, " to fall," is abbreviated to 
ITT. We shall, therefore, be compelled to assume that a vowel 
has fallen out between the n and /of HA-NFA. If it was an i 
which was displaced, then NIFA might pass as a transposi- 
tion of the Sanskrit xnftflf pdni, "hand," with / for p, accord- 
ing to . 87. In HA-LTA, "lame " nominative halts must 
ha again pass for a numeral, and ha-lta may originally signify 
" one-footed," for it is (Mark ix. 45.) opposed to the Gothic 
tvans fdtuns habandin, "having two feet," where it is said 
4 it is better for thee to enter into life with one foot, than 
having two feet to be cast into hell.' It is at least certain, 
that a language which had a word for one-footed would 
very fitly have applied it in this passage. If the last element, 
however, in HA-LTA means the foot, we must remember 
that, in Sanskrit, several appellations of this member are 
derived from roots which mean " to go." Now, there is, in 

E E 2 


Gothic, a root LITH, " to go, 1 ' with an aspirated t indeed ; 
but in compounds the consonants do not always remain 
on the same grade which they adopt in the simple word; 
. [G. Ed. p. 432.] e.g. the t of quatuor appears as d in many 
derivatives and compounds, without this d! thereby dissembling 
its original identity with the t of quatuor and ^R!T chatur. 
So, then, HA-LTA may stand for HA-L1THA ; and it may 
be remarked, that from the root LIT comes, also, lit hus, "the 
limb," as that which is moveable. Before I pass on to 
the explanation of halb, I must mention that J. Grimm 
divides the pronoun setter, as it appears to me very pro- 
perly, into two parts; so that the syllable si of the 
Gothic silba devolves on the reciprocal (sci-na, si-s, si-K). 
With respect to the last portion, he betakes himself to 
a verb leiban, " to remain," and believes that t silba may, 
perhaps, have the meaning of "that which remains in 
itself, enduring." Be this as it may, it is clear that halbs 
the theme is HALB A might be, with equal right, divided 
into two parts ; and it appears to me, that, according to its 
origin, this word can have no better meaning than, per- 
haps, "containing a part"; so that the ideas one and a 
part, remnant, or something similar, may be therein ex- 
pressed, and, according to the principle of the Sanskrit 
possessive compounds, the notion of the possessor must be 
supplied, as in the already explained haihs, "having one 
eye." In the Gothic, also, laiba means "remnant." It 
scarcely needs remark, that halb is no original and simple 
idea, for which a peculiar simple word might be ex- 
pected, framed to express it. The half is one part of the 
whole, and, in fact, equal to the absent part. The Latin 
dimidius is named after the middle through which the division 
went. The Zend has the expression Aj^Asy nadma, for halb, 
according to a euphonic law for ntma, which in Sanskrit, 
among other meanings, signifies "part": thijs is probably 
the secondary meaning, and the half, as part of the whole, 


the original. If it is so, %* n$ma appears to me a very 
ingenious designation for a half, for it is a regular contrac- 
tion of 5f na, " not, 11 and ^R ima, " this or that "; and the 
demonstrative therefore points at the " this or that " portion 
of the whole excluded by the negative no. In Sanskrit, 
halb is termed, among other appellations, *nfif sdmi, in 
which one recognises both the Latin semi and the Greek j;/x/, 
and the three languages agree in this also, that they use 
this word only without inflection at the beginning of com- 
pounds. As to its origin, *nftr sdmi may be viewed as a 
regular derivative from *w sama, " equal, 1 * 1 " similar, 11 by a 
suffix i, by which the suppression of the final vowel, and 
widening of the initial vowel of the primitive, become neces- 
sary. If this explanation is well founded, [G. Ed. p. 433.] 
then in this designation of halb only one part of the whole, 
and, indeed, one equal to the deficient part, would be ex- 
pressed, and the TTTfi? sdmi would be placed as erepov over 
against the deficient erepov ; and the Sanskrit and German 
supply each other's deficiencies, so that the former expresses 
the equality, the latter the unity, of the part; i.e. each of 
the two languages only semi-expresses the half. As to 
the relation, however, of the Greek YJ^KTV^ to >//ui, it follows 
from what has been already said that the latter is not an 
abbreviation of the former, but the former is a derivation 
from the latter ; and indeed I recognise in <rv the Sanskrit 
possessive swa, " suus" which, remarkably enough, in Zend 
enters into combinations with numerals with the meaning 
"part 11 ; e.g. >svpj<3 thri-shm, "a third part/ 1 Juj^>7(3A^j 
chathru-shva, "a fourth part." In the accusative these 
words, according to . 42., are written f ?xpj?& thri-shu-m, 
SfXpJdx^ chathru-shum, of which the last member comes 
very near to the Greek <rui/ of fjfjuvvv. "Hjju-ffvs means 
therefore, "having one equal part," and the simple jy/xi 
means only the equal. The Sanskrit designation of "the 
whole " deserves further to be mentioned, 93u$*^ sa-kalu-s, 


which, as signifying that which joins the parts and unites them, 
is opposed to the German halb as applying to one part, and 
in a measure furnishes a commentary and guarantee for the 
correctness of my view of the latter. The word TOI<$ sakala 
consists, though this is scarcely perceptible, of *r *a, rt with," 
and Tffisn kola, " part," so that, if the latter is regarded 
in the dual relation and the last member of a compound 
may express each of the three numbers TRjgr sakala ex- 
presses that in which the two parts are together. Thus the 
word *TO sam-agra, " full," is used especially in regard to 
the moon, as a body with points, i. e. that in which the two 
points touch one another. Transposed into Greek relations of 
sound sakala-s would give, perhaps, oicaAos, or o/ceAor, or 
ojcoAos; but from this the present oAoy has rejected the middle 
syllallable, as is the case in KO/OOJ, Kovpos, compared with 
4hHRU kumdra-s, "a boy." 

309. II. The theme of the declension is, in Sanskrit, dwa, 
which is naturally inflected with dual terminations: the 
Gothic gives for it tva, according to . 87., and inflects it, in 
the want of a dual, as plural, but after the manner of pronouns: 

[G. Ed. p. 434.] nominative tvai, tvos, tva ; dative tvaim; ac- 
cusative tvans, thvfa, tva.* The Sanskrit displays in the dual 

* One would expect tvd, on account of the form being monosyllabic 
($.231.). In the genitive masculine and neuter 1 should look for tvi-ze, 
after the analogy ofthi-z$ 9 "horum" from THA,OT tvaizd, according to the 
analogy of the definite adjectives ($.287. p. 374 G. cd.), and according to the 
common declension tv'-$ (p. 276). However, the form tvaddy& occurs three 
times in the sense of duorum ; whence it is clear that the genitive of the 
base TVA was no longer in use in the time of Ulfila. The form tvaddy'-8 
belongs to a theme TVADD JA (as hary'-$ from HARJA), and appears, 
from the ordinal number, which in Sanskrit is dwi-tiya for dwa-ttya, to 
have introduced itself into the cardinal number. From tvaddyd, by 
rejecting both the d of which one is, besides, superfluous and by 
changing the y into a vowel, we arrive at the Old High German zueio y 
According to Isid. ssueiyd, o&fior fromfidvw; also definite, zuei&rd, which, 
in Gothic, would be tvaddyaizd. Grimm appears, on the other hand, to 



no difference between the pronominal declension and the 
ordinary one, and dwdu is declined like vrik&u (p. 274), 
dw$ feminine like dhdrd (p. 285), and dwe neuter like ddn$ 
(p. 276). As, however, the notions of number are much 
akin to those of the pronouns; and as ^T5ff alpa, "a little, 11 
forms, in the nominative plural masculine, *ra&a2pg(. 228.); 
so from the masculine theme dwa, if it had a plural, 
might be expected dw, to which, according to . 78., the 
Gothic tvai would correspond, which it is not requisite 
to regard like adjectives terminating similarly, as if com- 
pounded with a definite pronoun, espe- [G. Ed. p. 435.] 
dally as a genitive tvaiz$, which would make the latter 
view necessary, does not occur. To tvai corresponds, also, 
bai, " both," from the theme BA, neuter ba t dative bairn, accu- 
sative masculine bans, which is to be deduced through 
aphaeresis from the Sanskrit base ubha, Old Sclavonic oba 
(nominative and accusative dual), from the base 050. In 
Zend the masculine of the number two is ASX^ dva (for dv&, 
. 208.), with which the Old Sclavonic dva is identical, while the 
feminine neuter dvt/e answers to the Sanskrit dw& (. 255. *.). 
The Zend neuter is duy$, with euphonic y (. 43.), and the t 
resolved into u. In the Greek and Latin <JJo>, Svo, duo, the 

have taken occasion, from the Old High German forms, to suppose a 
Gothic tvaiyd and tvaiaizd, in which I cannot agree with him. The Old 
Northern, by exchanging the dental medials with gutturals, gives tvaggya 
for the Gothic tvaddyd. In the accusative plural feminine is found, in 
Gothic, together with tvos also tveihnos, which presupposes a masculine and 
neuter base TVEIHNA* fern. TVEIHNO; and in which the an- 
nexed HNA reminds us of the appended pronoun ^R sma 9 discussed 
at . 165. &c., which, by metathesis, and with the alteration of the s into 
h, has in Prakrit and Pali taken the form mha (comp. . 169.). On this 
Gothic TVEIHNA is based the Old High German nominative and 
accusative masculine zu&nd with loss of the h. The feminine, however, 
appears in Old High German free from this addition, and is in the nomi- 
native and accusative zuo, also abbreviated zua (comp. $.69.). 


old v is, in the same way, resolved into the w, but the final 
vowel of the bade is not abandoned: Sv<*> answers to the 
Vedic masculine dwd (. 208.) ; but in distinguishing the 
genders the Greek is surpassed by the Latin and the 
other European sister languages. The Lithuanian has du 
in the nominative masculine, and dwi in the nominative 
feminine; with the closer explanation of which, and 
their dual declension, we will not here occupy ourselves 
further. It is, however, to be remarked of the Sanskrit nu- 
meral, that the a of dwa is, in the beginning of compounds, 
weakened to i (compare . 6.): hence dwi, which is repre- 
sented by the native grammarians as the proper theme 
(comp. p. 102). The Greek, in which SFt is inadmissible, 
gives in its stead Ji; hence, St^Tc>p = f^TH dwimutri (theme), 
"having two mothers." The Zend and Latin agree in 
the corruption of this dwi very remarkably, in this point, 
that they have both dropped the df and have both hardened 
the v to 6; hence AyAs^j^ojAso^j bipaitistana, "with two 
nipples," like biceps, bidens, and others. From this abbre- 
viated hi, comes, in both languages, also the adverb bis, 
"twice," in contrast to the Sanskrit dwis and Greek 
$/$: the Greek Si 9 however, in compounds, cannot be re- 
garded as an abbreviation of JiV, as is wont to be done. 
The German dialects, with exception of the Old High Ger- 
[G. Ed. p. 436.] man, require, according to . 87., tvi for dvi, 
as the initial member of compounds ; this is furnished by the 
Anglo-Saxon in compound words like tvi-ftte, "bipes"tvi-finger 9 
"duos digitos longus" tvi-hive, "bicolor" The Old High 
German gives zui (=*zwi) or qui; e.g. zui-beine, "bipes," 
(jui-falt, "duplex" (Grimm III. 956.). The adverb zuiro, 
more fully zuiror, also quiro, " twice," belongs, according to 
its formation, but not without the intervention of another 
word, to the above dwis, &$ , bis ; but it is clear, from the 
Old Northern tvis-var, that TO has arisen from sva by 
apocope of the a and vocalization of the v, perhaps more 


anciently to u, and thence to o (. 77.) as in deo (also dm), 
"a servant/' genitive diwe-s, from the base DIWA. 
Whence comes, however, the Old Northern, svar, which 
occurs also in thrisvar, "thrice," and with which the En- 
glish ce in twice, thrice, is connected. I believe that 
the .9, which precedes the var, is certainly identical with 
the s of flT^ dwis, 5/s, and fa^ tris, rpi$, but the an- 
nexed var corresponds to the Sanskrit substantive vdra, 
which signifies period and time; hence dkavdra, "once" 
(see Haughton), and vdramvdram, "repeatedly/ 1 Hence 
comes the Persian bur, e.g. bdr-i, "once"; and as the 
original meaning of this word is "time," and we have 
already seen, in Persian, the transition of the v into b t we 
may hence very satisfactorily explain the Latin ber in 
the names of months ; and Septem-ber, therefore, is literally 
the seven-time, Le. the seventh time-segment of the year. 
But to return to the Old Northern svar t in trisvar, thmvar, 
which we must now divide into tris-var, thris-var, accord- 
ing to the explanation which has been given, the idea of 
time, is expressed therein twice, which is not surprising, 
as in the Old High German me'riro, also mentioned above, 
the comparative suffix is twice contained, because it is no 
longer felt the first time, by the genius of the language, 
with sufficient clearness. As then, in Old High German, 
first the r, and more lately also the o (from v), ofs-var has 
been dropped, we see, in the Middle High [G. Ed. p. 437.] 
German drir, from dris, the form again returned into the 
original limits of the Sanskrit-Greek tris. 

310. III. The theme is, in the Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, 
Lithuanian, and Old Sclavonic, TRI, whence in the 
Gothic, according to . 87., THRI, and exactly the same in 
Zend, according to another law of sound (. 47.). The 
declension of this base is, in most of the languages 
mentioned, perfectly regular: it is only to be remarked 
of the Gothic, in which, however, all the cases cannot be 


adduced, that on account of the word being monosyllabic, 
the t ,is not suppressed before vowel terminations, but 
becomes iy (compare the Pali, . 226.) : hence the genitive 
thriy-& 9 and nominative neuter thriy-a (. 233.). Besides 
these, the dative thri-m and the accusative thri-ns may be 
cited. The Sanskrit forms the genitive from an extended 
theme traya, hence trayd-yrdm ; while the Zend thry-anm 
or thray-anm comes from the original base. Both lan- 
gringes, however, agree in this, that fsr tri, Jtf thri, is 
only a theme of the masculine and neuter; and although, 
according to its termination, it might quite as well be 
assigned to the feminine, nevertheless the feminine num- 
ber has an appellation peculiar to it, which is rather 
different from tri, thri, of which the theme is tisar (f?ra 
iisri, . 1.), the a of which, in the Sanskrit nominative, 
accusative, and vocative, is irregularly suppressed ; hence 
fiW& tisras'\ for timras, Zend Y^MU^P tisaro. 

[G? Ed. p. 438.] 311. IV. The Sanskrit feminine theme 
^iran: chalasar (chatasri) follows the analogy of the tisar 
just mentioned ; and the similarity between the two forms is 
so great that it appears, which is perhaps the fact, that the 
number three is contained in the fourth numeral; so 
that tisr-as would be a weakened form of tasr-as> and 
the cha prefixed to the number four would be identical 
with the particle, which means " and," and which, in other 
places, is attached to the end of the word. If one wished 
to press still farther into the deep mystery of the appel- 
lations of numbers, one might moot the question whether 

* With this extended theme one may compare the Old High German 
nominative masculine drie in Isidor, which belongs to a theme DRIA, 
with pronominal declension. The feminine drio, from the base DR1O, 
of the same sound, presupposes in like manner a masculine and neuter 
theme DRIA. 

t In the accusative, tisras is more organic than frTRTT tisrls, as it must 
stand according to the common rule (comp. . 242.). 


the syllables tasa in the theme cha-ta-sar, might not be 
considered as identical with the demonstrative bases of the 
same sound. I do not think, at least* that any language 
whatever has produced special original words for the 
particular designation of such compound and peculiar 
ideas as three, four, five, &c. ; and as the appellations of 
numbers resist all comparison with the verbal roots,* the 
pronominal roots remain the only means by which to 
explain them. Without attempting to resolve the diffi- 
culties in the individual numbers, we will express the 
conjecture, that the operation of speech with regard to 
the numbers might originally be expounded nearly in 
this manner that one might perhaps say, "it, this, that, 
and it, and this/ 1 &c. : thus the pronouns might actually 
suffice better than they appear to do in the forms of 
numerals which lie before us. But an obscuration of 
the original clearness of this method, which would occur 
in the course of time, would be owing also [G. Ed. p. 439.] 
to this, that a simple or compound word might undertake im- 
mediately to designate this or that number, and no other 
one, though equally adapted to denote it. 

312. The masculine and neuter of the number four have, 
in Sanskrit, MfrTT^ chatwdr as the strong theme, and ^rg^ chatur 
as the weakt ; hence, nom. masc. chatwdr-as, accus. chatur-as, 
nom. accus. voc. neut. chatwar-i : the gen. masc. and neut. 
is irregularly chatur-n-dm for chatur-dm, since, according 
to the analogy of bases terminating with a vowel, a nasal 

* Only in three might one perhaps think of the Sanskrit root rf tfi, 
* trans-gredi" and consider three, therefore, as the more (than two). 
This verbal notion of passing over, adding, is, however, also the only pos- 
sible one which could be blended with the names of numbers. 

f To J. 129. is further to be added, that from the strong theme springs 
also the form of the nom., ace., and voc. plural of the neuter ; while this 
kind forms the whole singular and dual from the weak theme. 


is introduced (. 246.). In the Zend the strong theme is 
chathwdr, according to . 47. ; hence, nom. masc. 
chathwdrd ; and the weak theme is, by trans- 
position, >7<3ju^ chathru ; as, chathru-mdhim, " four months" 
(accus. sing.), Vend. S. p. 248. For the Sanskrit genitive 
^inm\ chaturndm, we find 9*y.*v3>ft5juf chathrusnanm (1. c. 
pp. 204 and 206, with a inserted, $^yAJ-*o>?(x\s^ chathrusa- 
nawm); but in the beginning of compound words it is 
more frequently found favfduy chathware ; so that the 
weakening consists merely in the shortening of the d, and, 
according to .44., an e is added to the r\ as chatware- 
paitistanydo, " of her with four teats " (gen. fern., Vend. S. 
p. 83). As to the European sister languages, one must 
expect, according to . 14., for ch, gutturals and labials, 
hence, in Gothic fidvdr, and aspirates for smooth letters, 
according to . 87. This jtfrfiw is based on the strong theme 
^sfisn^ chatwdr, but in the state of declension extends the 
theme by an unorganic i, hence dative fidvuri-m, the only 
adduceable case. In Old Northern the nom. masc. isfolri-r. 
[G. Ed. p. 440.] The original theme fidv6r appears in the 
compound fidvdr-tiyuns, "forty" (accus.): on the other hand, 
fidur in Jidur-dfigs, " four days," is referable to the Indian 
weak theme chatur; whence, however, it should not be 
said that the weak theme of the German, Lithuanian, and 
Sclavonic has been brought from an Asiatic original site, 
for it was as easy for the Gothic, by suppressing the last 
vowel but one, to contract its fidvor to fidur like thiu-s 
" servant," from thiva-s, gen. thivi-s as for the Sanskrit to 
abbreviate chatwdr to chatur. The Lithuanian theme fol- 
lows the example of abbreviation in its interior, but 
extends the theme at the end; the masc. nom. is keturi* 
and the feminine keturios: KETUR1A serves the latter as 
theme: the masculine keturi is analogous with gen t "the 
good" (see p. 251, Note J), and therefore has KETURIE, 
euphonic for KETURIA, as its base. The genitive and 


accusative masculine keturi-ti, keturi-s, proceed from the base 
KETURL The Old Sclavonic gives CHETYRIw the mas- 
culine and feminine theme, and inflects the masculine like 
GOST1, and the feminine like KOSTI (p. 349); hence nom. 
chetyry-e, chetyri,]ust as in the third numeral triy-e, "tri"\ and 
the feminine form may, in both, represent also the masculine, 
and always supplies the neuter. But the collective chet- 
vero, and the ordinal number chetverty-t, stand in closer 
agreement with the Indian strong theme ^31^ chativdr : 
the Latin quatuor, also, which, in disadvantageous comparison 
with the cognate languages, has lost the capability of declen- 
sion, and the Greek reo-vap-est rerrap-es, rest on the strong 
chatrcdras ; so that rerrapes, just like the Pali form 
chattdrd, has gained its last t by assimilatson of the 
semi-vowel. The Prakrit form, also, which I am not able 
to quote, will scarcely be other than chattdr6 (comp. . 300 
p. 414 G. ed.). With regard to the initial r let reference be 
made to . 14., by which this r is accommo- [G. Ed. p. 441 ] 
dated with the JEolic Tricrvpes, which refers itself to the weak 
theme ^rf^ chatur. With the Zend transposition of the weak 
theme to chathru (p. 439 G. ed.), at the beginning of compounds, 
agrees surprisingly the Latin quadru, in quadrupes and other 
words. The adverbial s, by which fgnr^ dwis, " twice," and 
fsrer tris, Zend thris, " thrice," are formed, is, in the San- 
skrit chatur, suppressed by the rule of sound mentioned 
in .94.; hence chatur, "four times," for chaturs. That 
the latter has originally existed one learns from the Zend 
transposed form *v>9<3M$ chathrus. The Latin has already, 
in the number three,, without being forced by a compulsory 
law, dropped the s, and hence ter and quater appear only 
as internal modifications of the cardinal numbers. 

313. V. Sanskrit TT^ panchan, Zend yAj^^JAJo) panchanl 
Lithuanian penki,* Greek irevre, JEolic Tre/xwe, Gothic 

This is the nominative masculine ; the feminine is penkios, and holds 



jfimf,* Latin quinque, Old Sclavonic jwaty.^ The Sanskrit- 
Zend panchan is the theme, and the genders are not dis- 
[G. Ed. p. 442.] tinguished in this and the following num- 
bers ; hence the nominative, accusative, and vocative have 
always singular neuter forms (thereforepancAa, according to 
. 139.) : the other cases shew plural terminations ; as, geni- 
tive M^MI* panchdndm, Zend ^yAs^^jAso) panchananm 
(Vend. S. p. 52). By this irregularity in the declension the 
Sanskrit and Zend prepare us in a measure for complete want 
of inflection in Greek and Latin. Moreover, it is remark- 
able that not one of the European languages will, at all recog- 
nise the final nasal, while, nevertheless, that of saptan. 
navan, and dasan is found also in Gothic and Lithuanian ; 
and in Lithuanian, also, that of w^ aslitan, "eight" 
(aszt&ni). The Greek has frequently preserved an old a 

the same relation to it that keturios does to keturi (p. 428). The same 
obtains with the appellations of the numbers 6, 7, 8, 9, of which we give 
only the masculine. 

* Occurs only uninflected : in the declined theme, the unorganic addi- 
tion of an i must be expected, as in FIDVORI, and as is also actually 
the case in Old High German in this number, and the appellations for the 
six to ten inclusive. In Gothic, however, occur also saihs, " six," sibun, 
" seven," ahtau, " eight," and taihun, " ten/' only uninflected, and there- 
fore without the unorganic i ; but from niun, " nine," comes the genitive 
niun-G, which indeed might also have proceeded from a theme NIUN or 
NIUNA, but which I doubt not comes from NIUNI. 

t The theme is PJAT1, and is inflected like KOSTI (p. 348), and 
with singular terminations; so that one has to look upon this nume- 
ral as a feminine collective, beside which the object numbered stands 
in apposition in like cases. The same obtains with the appellations for 
the numbers 6 to 10 inclusive. As to the formal relation of PTATI 
to panchan, we must observe, that of the latter, in Sclavonic, only the 
syllable pa is represented by pya (. 225. n)\ but TI is a derivational 
suffix, as in SHESHTI, "six," DEVfATI, "nine/' and DESYATI, 
"ten/* and corresponds to the Sanskrit suffix ti in the multiplied numbers 
vinsati, "twenty," shashti, "sixty," &c. 


before a nasal originally there, while it has preferred 
weakening the same to e before other consonants; hence 
frri^a(/<t, v), ervifrav, but eTV^e(r) ; reTv^a(fJLi) but TeTV<pe(rt, ; 
and so eTrra, evi/ea, deica : not Ttevra, however, but irevre. It 
might therefore well be assumed, that the nasal in Indo- 
Zend numerals is a later addition, but that cha is the par- 
ticle signifying " and," which, in the number four, we have 
taken for the prefix (.311.). In Latin, also, quinque is, in 
regard to its termination, similar to words connected with 
the particle que, as in irevre the enclitic re, which is akin 
to que and cha (see . 14.) appears to be contained. This 
being the case, I would prefer regarding pan in i^T pancJia 
as euphonic for pam, and the m as a neuter case-sign ; but 
the pa which remains over as a pronoun, and indeed as 
identical with the lea which occurs in the number one (. 308), 
in regard to which one might advert to the [G. Ed. p. 443.] 
old Latin pidpid for quidquid, TTOIO$ for ico?oy, &c. Five would, 
therefore, literally mean "and one," and in fact that one 
which is to be added to four.* 

314. VI. Sanskrit ^ shash, Zend J^MJJ^(^ csvas, Lithu- 
anian szeszi, Old Sclavonic shesty (theme SHESHTI, p. 430, 
Note t) ? Gothic saihs (see . 82.), Latin sex, Greek e. One 
may justly suppose that the guttural which begins the 
Zend word has also existed in Sanskrit, for instance, 

* Ag. Benary, who likewise recognises in pancha the particle "and," 
seeks to compare the preceding syllable with pdni, "hand" (Berl. Jahrb- 
1833. II. p. 49). If, however, a connection exists between the appellations 
of the hand and five, the former word might he named from the number 
of the fingers ; as one might also venture an attempt to explain digitus 
and ddicrvXos with the number "ten," and our "finger," Gothic figgrs 
( =fingrs), theme FIGGRA, wiihfunf(fimf) ; so that in this word no 
transition of the guttural organ into the labial has taken place. I do not 
think it probable tlnat finger in named fromfangen, " to seize " ; also, aa 
far as regards the Greek and Latin, the appellation of each single finger 
is more likely to be derived from the total number than from pointing 


k$hash, for sh is otherwise not an initial syllable in Sanskrit, 
and also no original sound, but that sibilant which is only 
admissible with a preceding k (. 21.). In Latin, Greek, 
and German the guttural appears to be transposed, for 
sex is the transposition of xes. 

315. VII. Sanskrit snn^ saptan, Zend yA$po>Aj haptan, no- 
minative and accusative TOT sapta, Aspo)AJw liapta (see . 313.), 
Greek en-rci, Latin scptem, Lithuanian scptyni t Old Sclavonic 
sedmy (theme SEDMI). The m of septem and sedmy seems to 
me to have beein introduced from the ordinal number, which 
is, in Sanskrit, saptama, nom. masc. saptama-s, and in Scla- 
vonic sedmyi. The same holds good of the termination of 
osmyt " eight," and the Latin novem, decem, Sanskrit navama-s, 

[G. Ed. p. 444.] "the ninth," das'ama-s, " the tenth "; for it 
is not probable that the n of the Sanskrit cardinal number 
has become m in the abovementioned languages, as m is 
very frequently corrupted to n, especially at the end of words, 
where, in Greek, this transition is necessary ; while the re- 
verse method of the n to m scarcely occurs anywhere. 

316. VIII. Sanskrit *TCtj ashtan or TSrihashtdu; from the 
former the nominative and accusative ash to, from the latter 
again ashtdu ; Zend yjupjcuAs astan, nominative AS^WAS asta, 
Lithuanian asztftni, Gothic ahtau, Greek oicrci), Latin octo, 
Old Sclavonic osmy (theme OSM1). The Sanskrit asht&u 
and the analogous oicrco appear, as it were, in a dual dress 
(see . 206.) ; nevertheless, ashtau is, in my opinion, just as 
much as ashtan, a bare theme, and has perhaps proceeded 
from the latter form, which occurs only in Zend, by the 
resolution of the n to u t which is so common (comp. p. 4 1 5, 
Note ), and the lengthening of the a ; if it is not preferred 
to develope it from ashtas, according to the analogy of 
. 206. From Wft ashtdu comes, by suppression of the last 
element of the diphthong, a*ht6rbhis, aslttd-bhyas, ashtd-sUt 
as rd-bhis, &c., from rdi, "thing," "riches," while ashtdn, 
in the cases mentioned, forms regularly cishtabhis, ashta- 


bhyas. ashtdsu (comp. p. 304). The genitive has only one 
form, namely, WFRT^ ashtdndm. The strength of the Au 
of ashtdu is preserved, also, in the cognate languages, and 
indeed in the Latin octav-us t Greek 070*005- for o^oF-os, and 
in German forms as ahtowe-n, dative, according to Notker 
the cardinal number from ahtowi-m, from the theme 
AHTOWL But if ashtdu were connected in its base with 
*RT^ chatur> " four," there would be strong reason for con- 
sidering the former form as the dual, expressing four twice, 
and for assuming that an unorganic corruption of a dual 
termination, which made its appearance in the earliest 
antiquity, has grown up with the theme. 

317. IX. Sanskrit tre^ navan, Zend [G. Ed. p. 445.] 
AjAsy navan (nominative and accusative nava) 9 Gothic niun 
by contracting the va to u and weakening the a to i, as is 
so common, . 66. Latin novem (see . 315.), Greek evvea, 
Lithuanian dewyni, Old Sclavonic devyaty (theme DEV^ATI] 
The last two appellations appear foreign to the system of 
the other sister languages : they are based, however, as I 
have already remarked in another place,* on the facile 
interchange of a nasal with the organically corresponding 
medial on which, among others, rests the relation between 
jS/ooTos and *ir^ mritas, " mortuus." As regards the origin 
of this numeral term, there exists a close connection in re- 
spect of form with the expression for "new" (Sanskrit nava). 
That, however, a relation of ideas actually exists between 
the two designations, as Ag. Senary first acutely conjec- 
tured (Berl. Jahrb. 1832. ii. p. 50), appears to me likewise 
probable; for without recognis'ng a dual in asht&u, and 
without excluding the thumbs in reckoning by the fingers, 
the number, nine can still only be thought of with refe- 
rence to the earlier numbers, and as next to eight, and 

* Historical and Philological Transactions of the Academy of Letters for 
the year 1833, p. 168. 


nine, in contrast with eight or all the preceding numbers, 
is just as much a new number, as that which is new itself 
is always a something later and successive, a this corre- 
sponding to the old that. As a case in point, observe 
the Latin secundus from sequor. One must also admit that 
it would not be surprising if any former number what- 
ever, excluding one, were named after the idea of that 
which is new, and that this origin is most intimately con- 
nected with the pronominal origin of other numerals. 

LG. Ed. p. 446.] 318. X. Sanskrit ^p^ datian, Zend 
yA5j)A5^ dasan (nominative and accusative tlasa), Greek 8e*a 
Latin decem* Lithuanian deszimty deszimf-s and deszimtis (the 
two first indeclinable), Old Sclavonic desyaty (theme DESTfATI 
see . 313, Note f), Gothic taihun. Concerning the ai and u of 
taihun, see . 66. and 82. : the consonants have obeyed the law 
of removal (. 87.). The Greek, rather than the Sanskrit, 
therefore serves as prototype to the Gothic in regard 
to the second consonant; and we have laid down in 
. 21. the Sanskrit ^ s as a proportionably modern sound. 
If, then, in this corruption, the Lithuanian and Sclavonic 
agree with the Sanskrit, this may be so explained, that 
these languages, guided independently by the Sanskrit and 
Zend, but with the same euphonic feeling, have transformed 
an old guttural to a sibilant ;* in which change of sound, how- 
ever, the Sclavonic, in other cases, goes farther than the 
Sanskrit (comp. p. 4 15 G. ed.). If, however, we desire to base 
on historical tradition the peculiar coincidence with the San- 
skrit and Zend in the case before us, and some others, we 
must arrive at this through the assumption that the Li- 
thuanian and Sclavonic races at some period wandered 
from their original settlement in Asia, when corruption 

* But not universally, where, in Sanskrit, ^ i is found ; for asman 
u a stone," nom. aimd, is, in Lithuanian, AKMEN, nom. akmu (. 189.) 
and in Old Sclavonic KAMEN, nom. kamy (. 264.). 


had already entered into the language, which did not exist 
at the time when the Greeks and Romans transplanted the 
Asiatic original language to Europe. 

319. XI XX. The smaller numbers are combined with 
the expression for ten : Sanskrit ^<*l<^r^ dkddasan, ^TT^R" 
dwddasan y -sufi^r*^ trayddamn, ^jJ^R v chaturdasan, &c. ; 
Zend yAjjjAs^ujA3/OAs advandasan (?), yAj^A3jA5^ dvadasan ;* 
Greek evSeKa, StoSeica, rpia-KaideKa, recrcrapecr- [G. Ed. p. 447.] 
Kcc/Seica; Latin undecim, duodecim, tredecim, quatuordecim ; 
Lithuanian wienolika, dwylika, trylika, keturdlika; Gothic 
ainlif(l C. xv. 5.), tvalifj fimftaihun, "fifteen"; Old Sclavonic 
chetyrinadesyaiy, " fourteen," pyatynadesyaty, " fifteen," &c. 

" Remark. Before the simple dasan (from dakan) had 
been changed in the Gothic into taihun, according to the 

* These may be deduced from the ordinals afoandasa, dvadasa (Vend. 
S. p. 120). So also chathrudasan, "fourteen," panchadasan, "fifteen," 
fromchathrudaia,"thefouTteenth/'panchadasa, "the fifteenth." The nasal 
in aQvandasa appears to have proceeded from m 9 and to be an accusative 
sign, for the whole stands 1. c. in the accusative (advandasem). By this 
doubt is thrown on the a&vandasan given above, and perhaps a&vddasan^ 
or, according to the original principle of the compound, afoada'san might 
be expected. In one other passage, indeed, occurs the nominative of the 
ordinal a$vanda'i>6 (1. c. p. 230) : it is, however, clearly a false readin 
and the sense requires the accusative, as governed by 
frdsnaoiti, which Anquetil renders by a atteint; thus, 
j$U^*.UJjitt.U)Ott a&vandasem frdsnaoitiy "deeimum attingit" \ and in 
the following analogous constructions the ordinal number also stands 
always in the accusative. The form agvandasem, from advamdasem, is 
remarkable, also, in a phonetic respect, because elsewhere in Zend a final 
m is not governed by the organ of the following letter. 

t I do not take the tva here, with Grimm (II. 947.), for the neuter, but, 
according to the principle of genuine compounds, for the theme (compare 
$. 112.), whence the nom. masc. tvai. Tva may also and this appears 
to me more correct be regarded, without the Gothic being conscious of 
the formation, precisely as the abbreviation of the Sanskrit dwd, which is 
a lengthening of the theme dwa, as Skd from $ka. 

F F 2 


comparatively recent law for the alteration of sounds 
(compare . 82.), it may have happened that, through the 
very widely-diffused disposition for exchanging the d with 
1 9 and through the not less common permutation between 
gutturals and labials through which, among others, the 
relation o{fidv6r to th*e Lithuanian keturi and Latin quatuor 
becomes explicable the damn contained in M-dasan 
" eleven," and dwd-dasan, " twelve " (from dalcari), may have 
passed, in Gothic, into LIB I* Through the dative tva-libi-m, 
genitive tva-lib'-$, LIB I is preserved, in fact, as the true 
theme; so that each a of damn is weakened to f. The /of 
[G. Ed. p. 448.] the uninflected tvajifis, therefore, not to be 
explained according to . 87., but according to . 93*.; and if 
the theme libi has not obeyed the law for the mutation of 
sounds, the objection, which has been raised by Graff 
(Old High German Thesaurus, p. 317) against my ex- 
planation, is removed by what has been remarked in 
. 89., for we refer to fidvfo, not fithv6r. The Latin 
quadraginta, also, for qnatraginta, and the Greek oy$oo$ for 
oicroof, efitiofjLos for OTTO/AO?, and several others, may be 
noticed, in support of the proposition that the nume- 
ral formations in the choice of the degree of the organ of 
the consonants have not always remained in the custo- 
mary path; and in cumbrous compounds the medials are 
more admissible than the smooth letters and aspi- 
rates.* To remove the objection which may be taken 
on the ground that LIB I is so very different from 
the form of taihun, we may remark, that, in French 

* The Anglo-Saxon endleofan, endlufan^ compared with tvelj\ and 
the Old Friesian andlova with twilif, should not make us doubt, since 
the Anglo-Saxon eo corresponds to the Sanskrit a of damn and Gothic i 
of lift as in the relation of seofon (Old Friesian stugon) to the Sanskrit 
saptan, Gothic sibuu. Let, then, the Old Friesian o of lova he regarded 
Like that ofsiugon. To the Sanskrit cliatwdr, Gothic fidvtir, correspond 
the Anglo-Saxon f cover ^ Old Friesian fiuwer. 



also, the number ten, in compounds like on-ze, dou-ze, 
trei-ze, is so remote from the expression of the simple 
ten, that one would hardly venture to pronounce the syl- 
lable ze to be akin, or originally identical with dix, if it 
were not historically certain that onze, douze, &c., have 
arisen from undecim, duodecim, and that therefore ze is a 
corruption of decim, as dix is a less vitiated form of decem. 
If, then, onze, douze, &c., have assumed the appearance of un- 
compounded words through the great alteration of the expres- 
sion for the number ten contained in them, the same holds good 
with regard to our eilf and zwolf, in which, perhaps, as in 
onze and douze, a connection with ein and zwei may be 
recognised, but none with zehn ; and in the English eleven, 
also, the relation to one is entirely obliterated. But with 
regard to our using for thirteen, fourteen, &c., not dreilf, 
vierlf, or similar forms in If, but dreizehn, vierzehn, &c., 
in which zehn is just as unaltered as the drei and vier, 
this arises from the Germans having forgotten the old Indo- 
European compounds for these numbers, and then having 
compacted the necessary expressions anew from the elements 
as they exist uncompounded. Nay, even [G. Ed. p. 449.] 
the Greek has reconstructed afresh, as well as it could, its 
numerals from thirteen upwards, after that the old more 
genuine compounds had fallen into disuse ; but this has been 
done, I must say, in a clumsy, awkward fashion, by which the 
addition of a particle signifying and was found requisite in 
an attempt at extreme perspicuity, while eVSeica, S&SeKa, 
move more freely, and are suited to the spirit of the ancient 
compounds. The literal meaning, too, of TpurKalSeKa (for 
rplSeKo) is "thrice and ten," and the numeral adverb rpiV, 
instead of the bare theme rpt, is here just as much a mistake 
as the masculine plural nominative serves as a reproach to 
the Tecrcra/oeo-Ka/SeKa, and is inferior in purity to the Sanskrit 
chatur-dasan, not chatv&ras-daian (chatvdrd-daiari). On the 
other hand, the Sanskrit, in the designation of the number 


thirteen, commits a similar error, and awkwardly gives in- 
stead of tri-datan, trayd-dasan euphonic for trayas-dasan 
where the masculine plural nominative instead of the theme, 
which is adapted for all genders, is not well selected. The 
Latin tre-decim is therefore a more pure formation, as it 
dispenses with a case-feign in the first member of the 
compound : just so the Lithuanian try-lika, not trys-lika. 
This lika, which concludes the form, in all Lithuanian 
adding numerals (eleven to nineteen), exchanges the old d 
for I, as in German, and is therefore as far estranged 
from the simple deszimfs as the Gothic libi from taihun / 
partly, as the second consonant in lika has maintained 
itself in its oldest form received from the Greek, and has 
not become a sibilant ; so that lika and SCKO. resemble each 
other very closely. The Lithuanian lika, therefore, is de- 
rived, like the Gothic libi and the French xe in onze, dome, 
&c., from the old compound which has been handed down, 
and cannot, therefore, be censured for its want of agree- 
ment with the simple number ten: it is no longer con- 
scious of its meaning, and, like an inanimate corpse, is car- 
ried by the living inferior number. As, however, the smaller 
number in these compounds is still living, so that in the 
feeling of the speaker the numbers wieno-hka> dwy-lika t &e. 
do not appear as independent simple designations of num- 
bers as, perhaps, septyni is felt to be independent of each of 
the earlier numbers so, naturally, in these compounds the 
first member has kept tolerably equal pace with the form which 
it shews in its isolated state ; on which account wieno-lika, if it 
is regarded as an ancient compound from the time of the unity 
of language, or perhaps as derived from 34!^^ ika-datan, 
[G. Ed. p. 450.] has nevertheless undergone, in its initial 
member, a renovation; as also in Gothic ainlif, in Greek evSexa, 
in Latin undecim, have regulated their first member according 
to the form which is in force for the isolated number one. On 
the other hand, ScodeKcc is almost entirely the Sanskrit dwd-dasa 


(o> for A, according to . 4.), and is as similar to it as possibte, as 
t; (F) in Greek cannot be pronounced after consonants, and in 
the first syllable, also, could not assimilate itself to the prece- 
ding consonant (compare re-Trapes from rerFapes), for SSwSeica 
could not be uttered. In Latin, duodecim has formed its first 
member exactly after the simple form : on the other hand, 
the French has paid no regard to the form in which the prece- 
ding number appears in its isolated state, but has left the 
composition entirely in the old form, only with the abbre- 
viations which time has by degrees introduced. With refe- 
rence to the isolated state of the smaller number, it would 
have been, perhaps, necessary in French to have said unze, 
deuze, troize, &c. After what has been stated, I think no 
one can any longer doubt, that in our eilf (elf) and zwolf, 
strange as it at the first glance may appear, a word is con- 
tained expressing the number ten, and identical in its origin 
with dasan, $e*ca, and zehn. If, however, the older LIBI, 
lif, and Lithuanian lika, be regarded without the suspicion 
arising, that in them corrupt though very common permu- 
tations of sounds may have preceded, then one would propose 
in Lithuanian a root Hk, and in Gothic lif or lib (Gothic 
af-lifnan, "relinqui, superessc? Iaib6s 9 " reliqui<n "), which both 
signify "to remain," and are also connected with each other 
and with the Greek Aenrco (AIEL). Grimm, who has recog- 
nised (II. 946) the original identity of our #/*and the Lithu- 
anian lika, has perhaps allowed himself to be led astray by 
Ruhig in the meaning of these expressions, and deduces the 
latter from likti, " linqui, remanere" the former from leiban, 
"manere" Ruhig, according to Mielcke, p. 58, holds lika for 
the 3d person plural, since he says, " Composition in the car- 
dinal numbers from ten to twenty takes place by adding 
the 3d person plural number present indicative lika (from 
liku s. liekmi) ; soil., the tenth remains undisturbed with the 
simple number, e.g. one, two, &c. ; which addition, how- 
ever, in composition degenerates into a declinable noun of 
the feminine gender, according to which, also, the preceding 


[G. Ed. p. 451.] simple number must be regulated."* The 
languages, however, do not proceed so pedantically ; and if 
they hold any thing understood, as very commonly happens, 
they do not expressly state that any thing remains over to 
be expressed. It is certain, however, that the Sclavonic lan- 
guages, in their expressions for eleven to twenty, do not keep 
back any thing to be understood, but form those expressions, 
after the loss of the old, no longer intelligible compounds, 
anew, with the annexed preposition na, "over"; e.g. in Old 
Sclavonic, where the numbers eleven, twelve, thirteen, no 
longer occur, chetyri-na-desyaty, " four over ten." The ordi- 
nal numbers for eleven and twelve are yedinyl-na-desyaty^ 
" the first over ten," vtoryi-na-desyaty, "the second over ten." 
In the same manner proceeds the twin sister of the Lithuanian 
accompanying it, but corrupted the Lettish, in which 
weenpazmit signifies " eleven," as it appears to me, with con- 
traction of the d(e)s of desmit, " ten," to ar, and overleaping the e. 
This procedure in Lettish has no doubt originated from the 
older lika being no longer intelligible. If it was to be so 
understood, as Ruhig has taken it, its form would be palpable, 
and the Lettians might have been satisfied with it. With re- 
ference to the composition of the numerals under discussion, 
there remains to be noticed a most remarkable coincidence 
of the Lithuanian and German with a Prakrit dialect, 
which coincidence, when I formerly touched upon this 

* Grimm's view is certainly much more natural, "ten and one over, 
two over." Only it would be to he expected, if the language wished to 
designate the numbers eleven and twelve as that which they contain more 
than ten, that they would have selected for combination with one and 
two a word which signifies " and over, or more," and not an exponent of 
the idea "to leave," " to remain." It would, moreover, be more adapted 
to the genius and custom of the later periods of tho language, not to 
forget the number ten in the newly-formed compounds, like the Lettish 
and Sclavonic. J. Grimm, in his " History of the German Language," 
p.. 246, agrees with my explanation of eilf, zwolf, and analogous forms in 
Lith. and Sclavonic. 


subject,* was not yet known to me, and which has been 
since then observed by Lenz in his edition of Urvasi (p. 219). 
In this dialect, then, the number ten is pronounced simply 
%% daha approaching closely to the Gothic taihun but 
at the end of the compounds under notice raha: r and /, 
however, are, according to . 17., most intimately connected. 
Hitherto only, Wf vdraha, "twelve," from smpfl dwddasa, 
and <Hl4i4jg atthdraha, " eighteen," from ^FRf^T ashtddasa, 
can be cited, but still from them it is probable that the other 
numerals too, which fall under this cate- G. Ed. p. 452.] 
gory, have an r for c?, apparently to lighten the word loaded 
by the prefixing of lesser numbers, by exchanging the d for 
a weak semi-vowel. Now it is a remarkable coincidence 
that if we were desirous of not seeing a mutation of 
letters in this raha we should be led to the root raft, "to 
leave," which is probably identical with the verb, to which 
recourse has been had for the explanation of the corre- 
sponding Lithuanian and German numeral forms.f I 
thought I had exhausted this subject, when I "vas led by 
other reasons to the Hindustani grammar, where I was 
agreeably surprised by perceiving that here, also, the 
number ten, in the designation of eleven, twelve, &c., has 
taken another lighter form than in its simple state, in 
which it is pronounced das. J But in the compounds under 
discussion this becomes raft,J and, for example, bdrah, 

* Influence of the Pronoun on the formation of Words, p. 27 ; and 
Histor. Philol. Trans, of the Academy for the year 1833, p. 178, &c. 

t The a of rah has been weakened in the cognate languages- to : 
hence linquo, Lithuanian liku, Greek Xei7ro> (eXiTrov), Gothic af-lif-na. 
In respect to the consonants, we refer the reader to 20. 23. : remark, 
also, the connection of the Lithuanian laku, " I lick," with the Sanskrit 
root lib) " to lick." Since writing this note, I have come to the conclu- 
sion that it is better to concur with Benfey, in assigning the Latin linquo, 
Greek XeiVo), Gothic af-lif-na, to the Skr. root rich, from rzA, "to leave." 

J The text has des and reh but as these sounds are incorrect, I have 
altered them, as well as some other inaccuracies in the Hindustani nume- 
rals which follow. Translator. 


"twelve," answers to the abovementioned Prakrit 
b&raha, and, like this, has proceeded directly from the 
Sanskrit original form TT^I dwddasa, without heeding 
the form of the simple do, "two," and das, "ten." It 
may be proper here to quote all the Hindustani compounds 
which belong to this subject, together with the corre- 
sponding Sanskrit words of which they are the corrup- 
tions. We annex, also, the number twenty, and nine- 
teen which is related to it as being twenty less one, as 
also the simple lower numbers in Hindustani. 
[G. Ed. p. 463.] 


ik 1, igd-rdh, 11, tkddasa 11. 

do 2, b&-rah 12, dwddasa 12. 

fn 3, tSrah 13, tray6dasa 13. 

chdr 4, chau-dah 14,* chaturdasa 14. 

pdnch 5, pand-rah 15, panchddasa 15. 

chhah 6, s6-lah I6,f shddasa 16. 

s&t 7, sat-rah 17, saptadasa 17. 

tfh 8, atkd-rah 18, a?hfddas'a 18. 

nau 9, unnis 19, Anavinsati ("undevigintf) 19. 

da* 10, bis 20, vinsati 20. 

320. XX C. The idea of ten is expressed in Sanskrit 
by Jjrfir sail, ^ sat or fir ti ; in Zend by jp JASJJ safti, AS^OASJJ 
*afa, or jp tt ; and the words therewith compounded are 
substantives with singular terminations, with which, in 
Sanskrit, the thing numbered agrees in case, as in ap- 
position, or is put, as in the Zend, in the genitive, as 

* The retention of the d is here clearly to be ascribed to the circum- 
stance that the lesser number ends with r, although in the Hindustani 
corruption this is no longer present. The Bengali has assimilated the r 
to the following rf, hence chduddo; but, as a general rule, the Bengali in 
these compounds changes the d into r, and in all cases suppresses the 
Hindustani h; as tgdro, "eleven," bdro, "twelve," tfro, "thirteen." 

t This form merits particular notice, as, through its I for the r found 
elsewhere, it comes so near to the Lithuanian and German lika, lif. The 


dependent upon it. Occasionally, too, one finds these 
numerals in Sanskrit used adjeciively, with plural endings. 
Compare, [G. Ed. p. 454.] 


20, f^rfif vmsati, jp> JASJ*^ visaiti, eiicar/, viginti, 

30 W^ trinsat, **$x#J< thrisata, rpi&Kovra, triginta. 
40, chatw&rinsat, chathwaresata, TeffvapaKovra, quadraginta. 
50, panchdsat, panchdsata, itevrrjKovra, quinquaginta. 
60, shashti, csvasti, egrJKovra, sexaginta. 

70, saptati, haptditi, e/3Jo/xj}Kovra,f septuaginta. 

80, asiti, . . . . oySorjKovra, odoginta. 

90, navati> navaiti, evevrjKovra, nonayinta. 

100, sa(a-m, sate-m, e-Karo-v, centu-m. 

" Remark. I hold sati, &at, sata, ti, to be abbreviations 
of dasati, dasat, dasata, and therefore derivations from 
dasan 9 4< ten," by a suffix ti, ta, or t: the former is 

* The numerals in sata, answering to the Sanskrit forms in sat, are 
neuters, and occur, like the forms in ti, very frequently in the 6th and 
12th Fargard of the Vendidad, bnt only in the accusative singular, in 
which satem might also belong to a theme sat. That, however, sata is 
the theme and the neuter form is clear from Vend. S. p. 230. (in the 
7th Fargard), where pancha saffim (panchdsatem\ " fifty," stands as nomi- 
native. Fromcsvasti, " sixty," haptditi, " seventy," and navatVi, "ninety," 
we find the accusative csvastim, haptditim, navaittm : on the other hand, 
in the 12th Fargard, occurs several times visaiti (also written visati and 
visati) as accusative ofvtsaiti, which perhaps is a dual neuter form (two 
decades), and according to this would stand for visaiti (. 210.). But if 
the final vowel is retained in its original form it is a singular neuter. It 
is, however, remarkable, that only this final i, and no other, is again found 
in the cognate Latin and Greek forms. 

t This and the following number are renovated forms, in which the 
first member proceeds nnorganically from the ordinal number. We might 
have expected eVn^oiro, ojcn&Koiro, for the latter Ion. oydaxopra. In 
Vvr]KovTa the two v are separated from each other: the epic form cwfi- 
Korra is more genuine. 


in Lithuanian and Sclavonic, already contained in the 
simple deszimfs, deszimtis, Old Sclavonic desyaty. With 
regard, however, to the ten being expressed without 
abbreviation in the languages mentioned, in compounds, 
also as in Lithuanian dwideszimti (or its), "twenty," 
trysdeszimti (or tis), "thirty," and in Old Sclavonic che- 
tyridcsyaty, " forty,"* pyaiydesyaty, " fifty'* I do not consider 
[G. Ed. p. 465.] this as a more true retention of the original 
form, but as a new formation. The Lithuanian, too, from 
forty upwards, separates the two numbers, and puts the 
former in the feminine plural, e.g. keturios deszimtis, "forty," 
penkios deszimtis, "fifty"; in which it is surprising that 
deszimtis, also, does not stand in the plural. The Gothic 
method in this numeral category is of comparatively 
recent date: it has lost, as in thirteen, &c., the ancient 
compound, and gives, in the numbers under seventy 
(sixty docs not occur), tiyus, masculine, as the expression 
for ten, and declines this, and in twenty, thirty, the lesser 
number also, with regular plural terminations: hence the 
accusatives tvanstiguns, thrinstiguns, fidv6rtiguns, fimftiyuns, 
genitive thriyltig'vi. The substantive tigus, however, is 
the etymological quaver to taihun, and LIBI ; jt is related 
to the former essentially, the aspirate having become a 
medial (see . 89.), thus rendering the a, which, in taihun, 
is brought in by the rule of sound mentioned in . 82., 
superfluous. Advert, also, to the Latin medials in ginti, 
ginta, contrasted with the Greek KOLTI, KOVTOL, which answer 
better to de/coe. Tigu-s may be identical with the San- 
skrit ordinal da$a, nominative masculine dasa-s, which 
occurs only in compounds, as du-ddfaia-s, "the twelfth." 
To this dasa-s, therefore, is related tigu-s in regard to 
its w, as fdtu-s to pdda-s, "a foot." In the numbers 
seventy, eighty, and ninety, ten is denoted by the neuter 

* Twenty and thirty do not occur. 


substantive tShund (theme TEHUNDA, genitive t$hundi-s); 
hence sibun-tfhund, " seventy," ~ahtau-tthund 9 " eighty," 
niun-tghund, "ninety." The of this TEHUNDA stands 
as the representative of the ai of taihun, and I hold DA to 
be the ordinal suffix, which has introduced into the com- 
mon ordinals another unorganic N, or, according to Grimm, 
follows the weak declension ; hence TAIHUNDAN, nomi- 
native taihunda, " decimus" Hereby, then, it becomes still 
more probable that the abovementioned tigus also is 
originally an ordinal number. In our New German this 
word has transformed itself to zig or ssig (dreissig), and 
is found also in sielenzig, achtzig, neunzig, Old High 
German sibunzog, ahtozog, niunzog, or -zoc, and zehanzog 
(zoc\ Gothic taihunt&hund, "a hundred." The Sanskrit- 
Zend sata, "a hundred," which is a neuter substantive 
nominative 5fH*^ satam, ^g^usjj satem in my opinion owes 
its designation to the number ten (dasan), whence it is 
formed by the suffix to, the suppression of the final nasal 
is regular ; so that it is to be regarded as an abbreviation 
of dasata, as above, ^rfk sati, 3fif sat, and the Zend JU$).MJJ 
sata for dasati, &c. This abbreviation, however, which 
has given to the word the stamp of a primi- [G. Ed. p. 456.] 
tive expression specially created for the idea " a hundred/ 1 is 
proved to be of the highest antiquity by the consentaneous 
testimony of all the cognate languages, Greek Karov (eKotrov 
is, verbatim, "one hundred"), Latin centum, Lithuanian 
sztmta-s (masculine), Old Sclavonic sto (at once theme and 
nominative and accusative neuter}.* The Gothic hund and 
Old High German hunt (theme HUNDA, HUNTA) occur 
only in compounds, as tva-k&nda, thria-hunda, zuei-hunt, 
driu-hiint, where the lesser number is likewise inflected. 
That also ^ftf sati* 5R sat, and the corresponding words 

* In Zend $ta occurs frequently for sata^ and just so in the numbers 
compounded therewith. 


in the cognate languages, have in the earliest periods lost the 
initial syllable of the number ten, and with it the lingual 
remembrance of the same; and that iuftjrftr vinsati, j$M#jlj 
visaiti, eiKan, eTicocn, viginti, the single elements have lain 
together undisturbed for thousands of years, affords a fresh 
proof of the agreement of the languages which have most 
faithfully preserved their ancient construction. I would 
not, however, wish to maintain that the loss of the d of 
the number two in the above forms falls under the period 
of the unity of languages ; and that it may not have hap- 
pened that each of the four individual languages, having 
become weary of the initial double consonant in a word 
already encumbered by composition, may have disbur- 
thened itself of the initial sound, as we have above seen 
the Latin and Zend, independently of each other, produce 
bis from dwis, and bi from dwi t and as, in agreement with 
the abbreviation of -Pfcfrfir vinsati, the Prakrit dialect men- 
tioned at p. 451 G.ed. has laid aside the d in the number 
twelve also (vdraha for dwdrahd). It is remarkable that the 
four oldest and most perfect languages of the Indo-European 
family in the category of numerals before us, have lost 
exactly as much of the number ten as the French in the 
forms for eleven, twelve, &c.; and the ze of douze is 
therefore identical with the Sanskrit sa of f*$rfir vinsati. 
The Sanskrit and Zend, however, in a later corruption 
which is unsupported by the Greek and Latin, have 
caused the word dasati to be melted down to the deri- 
vation suffix ti, and this ti corresponds to the French te 
of trcnte, rjuarante, &c. The numbers which have been 
thus far abbreviated begin, in Sanskrit and Zend, with 
sixty, qfyshashti (ti euphonic for U\ j$>vum<& csvasii. To 
the Sato of f^lfir vinsati JJOASJJ^ visati, regularly corresponds 
the Doric KOCTI of eftcan, while in the Latin ginti the smooth 
[G. Ed. p. 467.] letter has sunk to a medial, as in gin ta = Kovra 
of the higher numbers. In Sanskrit the n of vinsati 


ir.nsat, chatwdrinsat, is surprising, and one might imagine 
a transposition of the nasal, so that in the Latin ginti, 
ginta, centum, and in the Gothic HUN DA, "one hundred,* 
it would stand in its proper place. For the rest, chatwd- 
rinsat shews its relation to the neuter ckatwdri (see . 312.); 
as also Tjoia, Tecnrcc/occ, in TpiaKovrct, reoxra/oaKoi/Ta, are, in my 
opinion, plural neuter forms, with the termination length- 
ened in TP/O, and originally, also, in reo-crapa, as the Ionic 
Tev(Tapv)KovTa t Doric Ter/oco/covTa,* Latin quadraginta, prove. 
These forms excite the conjecture, that, in Sanskrit, the 
introduction of the nasal may, contrary to the explanation 
attempted above, have the same object that, in Greek, the 
lengthening of the termination has, namely, an emphatic 
repetition of the prefixed number, which is also percep- 
tible in the long i of the Zend visaiti, as in the long a of 
trerpff panchdsat, $yM&May&*sd panchdsatim from panchan 
(. 318.), and to which again the length of TrevTrJKovra, 
quinquaginta, runs parallel. The Zend chathware, in 
ju^juj3?Ajf<3As^ chathwaresata, " forty * (Vend. S. p. 38o), is 
likewise stronger than cha-thru-sata, which might have 
been expected from . 312. As A$>AKU sata is a neuter, to 
which, in Greek, JCOCTOI/ or KOVTOV would correspond, jcovra 
therefore, and the Latin ginta, are best explained as neuters 
in the plural, by which the neuter nature of rpia and Tc<rcrapa 
is still more authenticated. An auxiliary vowel, which 
merely facilitated the combination, and which might be 
assumed in egyKovra, would at least be very superfluous in 
the theme TPI ; and it is much more probable that e& 9 too, 
is a lengthened plural neuter. Compare ea-K/f, ef air\ov$ 
and the remarks on iravra and Tro/NAct, p. 401, G. ed. 

* The o> for <1 is explained by . 4. As to the suppression of the vowel 
before the p, rf rpw answers to rerpa in re rpagir, rerpaTrXov?, which in like 
manner are based on plural neater forms instead of the theme. 

448 " NUMERALS. 


321. While, in designating the number one, the greatest 
variety obtains amongst the Indo-European languages, they are 

[G. Ed. p. 458.] almost unanimous in their designation of the 
first, which idea none of the languages here treated of derives 
from the corresponding cardinal number : Sanskrit ipzpn^ 
prathama-s (nom.)> Zend y$<3M3& frathernd (. 56 b .), Latin 
primu-s. Lithuanian prima-s, Gothic frum-s (for fruma-s, 
. 135.;, or indefinite fruma (theme FRUMAN, . 140.), or, 
with newly-added superlative suffix, frumisf-s, Old High Ger- 
man fristfa, usually indefinite dristo (from the adverb r, " be- 
fore "), Greek np&Tos, Old Sclavonic pervyi. IWR prathama, 
from the preposition pra, has been already discussed (p. 393 
G. ed.) ; so the Greek TTJOCOTO? is derived from the correspond- 
ing preposition irpo, the lengthening of which to wpo) accords 
with the Sanskrit prd in pratar, "in the morning" (see p. 39 2 
G. ed.). The suffix TO is an abbreviation of the Sanskrit 
tama or thama, which occurs even in Sanskrit in *nrafti 
chatur-tha-s, " the fourth," and TO^ shash-tha-s, " the sixth," 
as also in Latin in the form of TV in quartus, quintus, 
Mxlus, while in Greek this abbreviation extends to all the 
ordinal numbers, exclusive of Sevrepos, e'/35o/zof, and oboes'. 
111. Lithuanian the corresponding TA of four runs through 
all, but in such wise, that together with septintas, asztuntas, 
occur also s$kmas, aszmas, which correspond to the Sanskrit 
OTTO saptama-s, TSR*m ashtama-s, in which the last portion 
of the superlative suffix tama or thama has remained ; of 
which kind of division, also, TOTO panchama-s, fqvnr 
navama-s, and ?$Pf^ dasama-s, partake, which therefore com- 
plete, by their suffix, the tha of chaturtha, so that both united 
present the perfect word. The Zend agrees herein with the 
Sanskrit, only that its y<3M$$j*w haptathd agrees more 
with septintas than with ^rsw^ saptama-s and scptimu-s ; and 


that also ^^J>Q) pug-dh6 9 " the fifth, 1 ' belongs more to 
the European cognate languages, in which it comes nearest 
to the Lithuanian penk-ta-s. The Lithuanian, however, is 
more true to the original form, as its sister, the Zend, has 
softened two original smooth letters, as [Or. Ed. p. 459.] 
in Greek, oySoos for o/croof ; and, besides this, has aspirated 
the last, rejected the nasal (comp. p. 94, basta from bandti), 
and irregularly changed the a to u, as in "ONYX, corre- 
sponding to the Sanskrit *re nakha, "a nail." In the 
numbers from eleven to twenty the superlative suffix, in 
Sanskrit and Zend, is abbreviated still more than in the 
simple i^fft dasama, AS^JJJAJ^ dasenia, and of all the deri- 
vational suffix only the a is left, before which the a of the 
primitive word must fall away, according to a universal 
principle for the derivation of words; as, ST^f dwa- 
dasa, AsjjA5^A> dvadasa, "the twelfth"; "snj^f chaturdasa, 
As,WAS2>7<3As^ chathrudasa, "the fourteenth." The Latin 
appears to prove that this abbreviation is comparatively of 
recent date, and it goes beyond both the Asiatic sisters by 
its undecimus, duodecimus, not undecus, duodecus ; but has, as it 
were, exhausted itself in the effort which the continuance of 
these heavier forms has cost it ; and has given up the ana- 
logous formations in the very place in which the German 
cardinal numbers have lost the old compound in lif: hence, 
tertius decimus for the lost tredecimus, &c. An imitation, how- 
ever, of the abbreviation which we have just remarked in the 
Sanskrit-Zend dasa is supplied by the Greek and Latin in the 
forms octav-us, oy$o(F)-os, where, of the ordinal suffix, in like 
manner, only the final vowel is left : we might have expected 
oySopos, octomus. In the very remarkable coincidence which 
here exists between the said languages, it must seem strange, 
that, in the remaining designations of the ordinal numbers, 
the Latin is a much truer colleague to its Asiatic sisters 
than to the Greek ; and it preserves this character, also, in 
annexing, from twenty upwards, the full superlative suffix 
simu-s (from timu-s=im^ tama-s) ; thus vicesimus or vige- 

G 6 


[G, Ed. p. 460.] simus, trigesimus, as in Sanskrit vin$atitama-s, 
trinsattama-s.* In Latin, however, the termination nil or nta 
of the primitives is rejected, and in compensation the pre- 
ceding vowel is lengthened in the form of e. Compare, in 
this respect, the comparative formations discussed in . 298. 
The Greek shews its more rare superlative suffix, correspond- 
ing to the Sanskrit ^ ishtha, in the ordinal numbers like 
of, rpiaKotrros, with the loss of the / of UTTO$, as in sKaarros, 
Here also, therefore, as in Latin, the n t 07, and vra 
of the cardinal number arc rejected. The German languages 
employ in like manner the superlative suffix in numbers from 
twenty upwards : hence, Old High German dri-zugdsto, " the 
thirtieth,"^0r-2i7&o, "the fortieth": but in the numbers from 
four to nineteen the TAN or DAN, in Gothic, corresponds, 
according to the measure of the preceding letter (. 91.), to 
the suffix of the cognate languages, as in ^RT^^ chaturtha-s, 
Terapro-s, quartu-s, ketwir-ta-s. The N, however, is an unor- 
ganic addition, after the principle of the indefinite adjective 
declension (. 285.), which is followed by the ordinal numbers, 
with the exception of 1 and 2 in the older dialects; while 
the New German has also introduced the definite viertcr, 
"fourth/ 1 fuvfter, "fifth," &c.; hence, Gothic FIMFTAN, 
nom. masc. fimfta^ 

[G. Ed. p. 461.] 322. From the weakened base fgdwi " two'* 
(p. 424), and from the f* tri, " three," contracted to 7| tri, the 
Sanskrit forms the ordinal numbers by a suffix liya; hence dwi- 
tiya-s, trii$ya-s. This suffix is easily recognised in the Latin ter- 

* However, this and the higher numbers may follow the analogy of 
ekdda$a-s, "the eleventh"; hence, also, vinsa, trins-a, &c. In Zend 
I am unable to quote the ordinal numbers from twenty upwards. 

t In compounds like fimftataihunda, "the fifteenth/' the lesser number 
has either preserved the original theme while still free from the n, which 
was added more lately, for the lesser number in these compounds does 
not partake of declension, mfimfta is here the regular abbreviation of 
the theme FIMFTAN, since, as I have already elsewhere remarked 
(Borl. Ann. May 1827. p, 759), bases in n, in strict accordance with the 
Sanskrit, drop the n in tho beginning of compounds. 


t ius, as also in the Old Sclavonic tretii, fern, tretiya, which, like 
all the ordinal numbers, has only a definite declension, in which, 
however, the particular case occurs, that the defining element 
is brought with it direct from the East, while the iyi of 
chelwertyi and others, in which, in like manner, a connection 
with cfttf tiya might be easily conjectured, is, in fact, con- 
nected with the V tha, TO, TV of ^5$ chaturtha, rerapro^ 
(juurius, and has arisen from the indefinite theme in TO 
(comp. the collective chetvero, . 312.), according to . 255. (d.\ 
although the simple word in most of the formations falling 
under this category no longer exists. The same relation, 
then, that chetvertyt, shestyi, have to chaturtha-s, shashtha-s, 
sedmyi, osmyz, have to *TOT saptama, ^r?J| ashtama ; and 
pervyi, " the first," to i|% purva, " the former ;" which ex- 
pressions, in Sclavonic, remain only in combination with 
the pronominal base TO (. 282.). The Zend has rejected 
the i of the suffix ttya, and abbreviated dwi to bi ; hence 
JOMpjs bitya, umpJdthritya, in which it is to be remarked 
that the y, which is thus by syncope united with the t at a 
comparatively later period, has gained no aspirating influence 
(. 47.). To this Zend iya corresponds, by similar suppression 
of the middle t, the Gothic DJAN (from dya, . 285.) in 
THRIDIfAN, nora. masc. thridya, the y of which in the Old 
High German dritto, has assimilated itself to the preceding f, 
in analogy with the Prakrit forms and Greek comparatives, 
like 0a<rcrcoi/, icjoe/oxrcoi/, *cpe/TTo>i/, mentioned at p. 402. Still 
closer, however, lies the comparison with S/TTO& TJO/TTOJ 
(Sio-cros, Tjo/o-crdj), which are evidently, in [G. Ed. p. 462.] 
their origin, one with the corresponding Sanskrit-Zend ordinal 
numbers; and, in respect of their reduplicated consonant, have 
the same relation thereto that the Old High German dritio has 
to the Gothic thriyda. Regarding tvaddyS, "dwrum, 9 
seep. 422, Note *: the place of the ordinal number is supplied 
by the pronoun anthar (see p. 377), Old High German andar, 
Middle High German ander. Our zweiter, however, is a new 
unorganic formation. The Old Sclavonic ttoryi (see . 297.) 



answers, in respect to its derivation, to the Greek 
and, in abbreviation of the base, to the Zend bitya, only that 
it has lost also the i of the Sanskrit dwi-tfya, in regard 
to which we have, in . 297., adverted to the Zend g^uiiAj 
b-yAre*, "two years." 

3?3. We give here a general view of the ordinal numbers 
in the feminine nominative singular, since in this case the 
agreement of all the languages strikes the eye more than 
in the nominative masculine. The Gothic forms which do 
not occur we give in parentheses, formed theoretically, and 
according to the Old High German. 

[G. Ed. p. 463.1 NOMINATIVE FEMININE. , 









frathema, 1 




























































dewintct, 5 

devyata-ya. 6 









acvandasa? eV^Kara, undecima, 





vfoaititema $ eiKoord, 





* We should read thus . 297. for by are, as accusative singular (see 

1 More usually paoirya, masc. paoiryd, by which the Sclavonic pervyi, 
pervaya, is, as it were, prepared. 

* Also turiyd, masc. turtya-s, on which is based the Zend tuirya, 
masc. t&iryo. The suppression of the syllable cha might announce the 
looser connection of the same with the remaining portion of the word, 
and thereby support the conjecture expressed at . 311. 

3 The t ofpyataya, masc. pyatyi, has nothing in common with the t of 
the cardinal number pyaty; the proper primitive is^a (see p. 430 Note t), 
whence PfATI by the suffix 77, and PfATO, fern. PJATA, by the 
suffix TO, fern. TA (see . 322.). The same holds good with regard to 
skestaya in relation to shesty, &c. 

4 By transposition and syncope from csvasta, as must be expected from 
the cardinal number A\?AJ.M^ csvas. 

6 Regarding the d for n, see J. 317. * See $. 319, Note *, p, 435. 


" Remark. As the old a of the preposition R pra has 
been weakened to i as in quinque, answering to panchan 
the Latin prima appears distinct from the preposition 
pro, and is decidedly not derived from a Roman soil, but 
is, as it were, the continuance of the Indian prathamd, the 
middle syllable being cast out. A similar weakening of 
the vowel is exhibited in the Greek adverb npiv, which is 
hereby, in like manner, brought into connection with the 
preposition irpo. In the comparative prior only the pr of 
the preposition, which forms the base, is left, as the i be- 
longs to the comparative suffix. In Lithuanian the m of 
the superlative formation has introduced itself also into 
the preposition pirm, ' before ' ; but the unaltered pra stands 
as prefix. To the same base, however, belongs also pri, 'by, 
before,' as well isolated as prefixed. The Gothic/ruma shews 
the same relation to prathamd that the Latin [G. Ed. p. 404.] 
and Lithuanian do : the u offru has arisen from a through 
the influence of the liquid (. 66.). In the cognate preposition 
/raw, 'before, by, 1 &c., the original vowel has remained, 
and in this form, as in the Lithuanian pirm, the superla- 
tive m is contained. On Ttpra is based, also,/cmr, ' before, 1 
with transposition of the u of /m-ma, and with a prefixed, 
according to . 82. 


324. The adverbs which express the ideas "twice, 1 
"thrice," 11 "four times," have been already discussed 
(p. 435 G. ed.). Let the following serve for a general 
view of them : 


dwis, bis, JiV, bift, tvis-var (p. 436 G. ed.). 

iris, thris, TQI$, ter> thris-var. 

chatur* chathrus, . . . . quater, .... 

* According to $. 04. for diatur<&. 


The Greek forms in KI$ like rerpaKts, irevr&Kts, &c., in re- 
gard to their suffix, do not belong to this class, but /ciy answers 
to the Sanskrit sas (. 21.), the a being weakened to i ; 
this sas, however, forms adverbs from words which ex- 
press a great number, multitude or number, as satasas, 
"by hundreds, 11 sahasrasas, "by thousands/ 1 bahusas, "of 
many kinds," ganasas, " in swarms. 11 The original idea of 
the suffix in both languages is that of repetition, but e.g. 
satasas is an indefinite repetition of a hundred, while in 
GKaTovTotKts the repetition is strictly defined by the numeral. 
How stands it, then, with the Latin forms like quinquies, 
sexies, &c. ? I believe that in respect to their suffix they are 
connected neither with the forms in s like dwis, o*V, nor with 
[G. Ed. p. 465.] those in */ (sas), by suppression of the 
guttural ; but as totizs, quolies, evidently belong to this class, 
which are also pronounced quotiens, totiens, this probably 
being the more genuine form, as in Greek, in a similar case, 
T/0ei/j is more genuine than Ttdet's (. 138.), I therefore 
prefer bringing these forms in ens, es, into conjunction 
with the Sanskrit suffix vant (in the weak cases vat), 
which signifies, in pronominal bases, " much," but else- 
where, " gifted with," and the nominative of which is, in 
Zend, vans, e.g. divans, "how much," for chivans. This 
suffix has, in Sanskrit, in combination with the interroga- 
tive base Jd, and the demonstrative base i, laid aside the 
v; hence kiy-ant, iy-ant weak form kiyat, iyat nomina- 
tive masculine kiydn, iyan ; this ant for vant answers there- 
fore to the Greek ENT (nominative masculine eii), e.g. in 
/xeA.fToe*r, and also to the Latin ens, in totiens, quotiens, which 
indeed are, in form, masculine nominatives, but must also be 
considered as neuters, as in the participles, too, in nt, the 
masculine nominative has forced its way into the neuter. 
Now comes the question whether we ought to divide toti-ens 
quoti-ens, or tot-icns, quot-iens? In the former case tot, 
quot, would have preserved, in this combination, the i 


which belongs to them, for they are based on the San- 
skrit fffif tati, "so much,* 1 wfif kati, " how much ";* and the 
ens in toti-ens would, according to that, express the " time," 
and toti, "so much.'! In the division tot-iens, however, 
we should have to assume that in tens, the abovementioned 
demonstrative ^ff iyant, " so much," is contained, but in 
such wise, that only the meaning of the suffix is still per- 
ceived. Under this supposition quinqu-ies [G. Ed. p. 466.] 
would, accordingly, express " five-somuch " (times); in the 
former case, however, the i, as quinqui-es, octi-es, would have 
to pass as representative of the e and o of quinque, octo, 
and that of sexies as a conjunctive vowel, or as an accom- 
modation to the prevailing analogy. In any case, how- 
ever, the identity of the suffix ens, es, with the Sanskrit 
ant, from vant, is highly probable. The Sanskrit expresses 
the idea " times " from five upwards by krfawas ; as, U^^HW x 
panchakritwus, " five times." This kritwas comes from krit, 
"making," which in sakrit, "once," is sufficient of itself : 
the annexed vas, however, might, by exchange of the t 
for s (compare . 156. Note *), have arisen from vat, which 
should be given above as the weak theme for vant ; as, tdvat, 
"so much," ydvat, "how much" (reL). With trit from 
kart (. 1.) is clearly connected the Lithuanian karta-s, 
"time," a masculine substantive, which, like the defining 
number, is put in the accusative, in order to make up for 
the adverbs under discussion; e.g. wienan kartan, "once," 
du kartu, ''twice" (accusative du), tris kartus, "three 
times." In Old Sclavonic the corresponding krat or kraty 
is not declined, and the former appears to be an abbrevia- 

* These are neuters, which, in common with the numerals 
panchan, "five," &c. (^313.), have, in the nominative, accusative, and 
vocative, a singular form ; in the other cases, plural terminations ; while 
in Latin quot, tot, like quinque, &c. ; have become completely inde- 


tion of the latter, for it cannot be brought into direct 
comparison with the Sanskrit ^ krit oa account of . 255. (/.) : 
kraty, however, is to be deduced from ^prar^ kritwas, by sup- 
pression of the v. With regard to the y for as compare 
.27L * 

325. Through the suffix VT dha the Sanskrit forms ad- 
verbs in sense and in form, corresponding to the Greek 
in %a, which, therefore, have altered the T sound of the 
suffix into a corresponding guttural, by the usual exchange 
of orgati in aspirates, as in OPNIX for OPNI0, and in the 
forifos mentioned at p. 401 G. ed. Compare, 
[G. Ed. p. 467.] 

dwi-dhd,* &'-X- 

tri-dhd, rpi-%a. 


* Divided into two parts," Sav. V. 108.