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A Journal of Leadership and Service 

Volume XI 

Spring 2009 


A Journal of Leadership and Service 

Spring 2009 Volume 1 1 

Editor-in-Chief Assistant Editor Staff Advisor 


The study of leadership has captivated humanity for centuries, for understanding this 
elusive concept is crucial to understanding the human condition. In the preface to The 
Leaders Companion., J. Thomas Wren writes, "If leadership is viewed as a process by which 
groups, organizations, and societies attempt to achieve common goals, it encompasses one of 
the fundamental currents of the human experience." Leadership relentlessly influences and 
shapes our lives. Whether or not we are consciously searching for it, we come into contact with 
leadership on a daily basis. We are influenced by our role models, inspired by new ideas, 
affected by the decisions of our country's leaders, and even struggling in our own leadership 
positions. For this reason, we unceasingly strive to characterize, cultivate, and critique leader- 
ship. It is, therefore, the ami of the Compass to foster an academic discussion on the nature of 
leadership and its purpose in our world. 

In our attempts to cultivate a valuable discussion on the multifarious nature of leadership 
and service, the Compass seeks to engage students from every 7 academic discipline. This year's 
edition includes papers that examine leadership and service through a wide variety of lenses. 
Molly Bynum Cook's paper An Outsider's Perspective: Jose Marti on the United States analyzes 
the life and writings of a Cuban author in the 1800s struggling to lead his beloved country. 
Channing Kennedy investigates the role of communication in leadership through her paper 
Bob Dylan, If body Guthrie, and Folk Protest Music: Cultural Heroism or Movement 
Leadership. Charlsie Wigley uses personal experience and Daniel Goleman s "Leadership that 
Gets Results" to examine the process of assessing leadership in her paper Sinking the Putt, but 
Missing the Lessons of the Shot: Reexamining Goleman 's Results-Based Leadership. In her 
paper The Unifying Power of Black Student Activism in the 1960s, Laura Chaires explores the 
establishment and expansion of formal black student groups and details numerous examples of 
the citizen leadership that emerged. Using historical analysis to address the modern-day crises 
facing leadership today, Natalie Ausborn studies South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation 
Commission and the potential for translating the model of forgiveness and reconciliation to the 
Middle East through her paper An Assessment of South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation 
Commission and Implications for Peace in Israel-Palestine. Our discussion is completed with a 
personal and important reflection on leadership from Dr. Ed LaMonte. 

I woidd like to thank Jeanne Jackson for her support of the Compass and her guidance 
throughout the publication process. Also, thank you to Patricia Hansen and the Office of 
Communications, without whom this publication could not have been completed, and special 
thanks to Ronne and Donald Hess. Finally, thank you to the Student Government Association 
for your generous support and for providing a forum to explore the curious and critical 
concepts of leadership and service. We hope you enjoy the 2009 edition of the Compass. 

Kathleen Smith 

Editor-in-Chief, Compass 







Copyright 2000 

and Birmingham-Southern College 

Printed by EBSCO 
Binningham, Alabama 

1 Ail Outsiders Perspective: 

Jose Marti on the United States 
Molly Bynum Cook 

12 Bob Dylan, Woody Guthrie, and 
Folk Protest Music: 

Cultural Heroism or Movement Leadersliip 
dimming Kennedy 

18 The L liifving Power of Black Student Activism 
in the 1960s 
Laura Chaires 

23 Sinking the Putt, but Missing die Lessons of the 
Shot: Re-exanuiung Coleman's 
Results -Based Leadersliip 
Charlsie Wigley 

26 An Assessment of South Africa's Truth and 
Reconciliation Commission and Implication for 
Peace in Israel: 
Natalie Ausborn 

38 Reflections on Leadership 
Dr. Ed LaMonte 

An Outsider's Perspective: 
Jose Marti on the United States 

Molly Bynum Cook 

Molly Bynum Cook 

"I wrote this paper for 
my senior project in 
International Studies for 
Dr. Nicholas. I became 
interested in the philoso- 
phy of Jose Marti after 
reading a portion of his 
essay; Nuestra america, 
in Dr. Spencers Latin 
American Literature 
class. Courses I've taken 
taught by Dr. Nicholas 
and Dr. Domcekova also 
influenced my perspec- 
tives on Jose Marti. I 
believe that Martis criti- 
cal and thorough analy- 
sis of the United States 
provides great insight 
into the state of U.S. 
society at a crucial 
moment in its history; " 


is a senior major- 

ing in international stud- 
ies and minoring in 
Spanish from Trussville, 
Alabama. She has par- 
ticipated in the Harrison 
Honors Program and has 
been a member of the 
'Southern Ambassadors, 
the BSC Concert Choir, 
Students Offering 
Support (SOS), and Zeta 
Tau Alpha. Molly holds 
membership hi several 
honor societies, including 
Phi Beta Kappa, Phi 
Sigma Iota, Omicron 
Delta Kappa, Order of 
Omega, Alpha Lambda 
Delta, and Phi Eta 
Sigma. In summer 2006, 
Molly studied in 
Cuernavaca, Mexico. 

I. Introduction 

Jose Marti recorded his observations and analysis of the United 
States in a series of articles and essays published between 1881 and 
1895. 1 While Martis earlier writings appear to venerate U.S. ideals and 
encourage the growth of a mutually beneficial relationship between the 
U.S. and Cuba, his later writings emphasize the importance of forming 
distinctly Cuban ideals and establishing Cuba as a country absolutely 
independent from U.S. influence. Because Marti s observations have 
been quoted by modern day Latin American leaders, most notably Fidel 
Castro, to justify anti-U.S. sentiment, proper and thorough examination 
of Martis ideology is critical. 2 Examining the whole body of Marti s 
work is the only way to truly understand his opinion of the Linked 

Jose Julian Marti v Perez was born hi Havana, Cuba, on January 
28, 1853, to Spanish parents. 3 In 1868, the Ten Years War began, a 
conflict that marked the first major attempt by the Cuban people to 
overthrow Spanish rule. 4 Growing up in this climate of violence and 
controversv. Marti, at a very young age, started to develop deeply patri- 
otic feelings for what he hoped would become an independent Cuban 
nation. When he was just sixteen years old, Marti published some of 
his writings in a student-run magazine called La Patria Libre* These 
articles evidenced the young Martf s early intentions to help bring about 
the liberation of colonial Cuba from Spain. Martis plans, however, 
were drastically thwarted when Spanish government officials became 
aware that he had criticized a fellow student for remaining loyal to the 
Spanish Crown during the Ten Years War. 7 Consequently, Marti was 
tin-own into a Cuban jail and sentenced to six years of hard labor for 
his crime. 8 Martis parents, determined to ease then sons sentence, 
were able to convince the Spanish officials to let Jose serve his time in 
exile. So, Marti was deported to Spain in 1871 where he began studying 
at the University of Madrid. 9 Over the next thirteen years, Marti spent 
time in Spain, Mexico, France, and Guatemala, landing in New York 
City in I88O.10 

Although Marti lived in the U.S. for almost fifteen years, he 
remained emotionally connected to Cuba. Jacqueline Kaye describes 
Martis plight in "Marti in the United States: The Flight from Disorder": 

Marti was organically connected [to] the nationalist movement 
against Spanish rule [in Cuba] .... [And] during [the] long period 
of exile which . . . constitutes most of his adult life Marti wandered 
like Odysseus, finding at best some temporary refuge which served 
only to underline that he was not at home. 11 

While Marti never considered the LTnited States to be lhs home, he 
understood the importance of getting to know the country through trav- 
el and observation. Marti described the nature of the United States in 
his Escenas norteamericanas., which were published in La Nacion news- 
paper of Buenos Aires, Argentina. 1 - Through this series of articles, 
Marti hoped to introduce the rest of Lathi America to the positive 

attributes and ''■progressive" nature of U.S. society, as well as the true character of its people. 13 Marti 
strongly believed that 'in order to know a country, " one must examine "all its aspects and expressions. 
its elements, its tendencies, its apostles, its poets, and its bandits." 14 Accordingly. Marti thoroughly 
explored both the positive and negative attributes of the U.S. for fifteen years and incorporated what he 
learned into his personal philosophy of nation building. 

II. Historiography 

Historians have sought to understand Marti s view of U.S. society by botli exploring his early writ- 
ings that advocate ties between the U.S. and Cuba and his later writings that extol the benefits of a 
Cuba free from U.S. influence. Historians have explored this discrepancy in order to understand more 
fullv Martis evolving perspective on U.S. society. Many historians, like Carlos Ripoll, who wrote the 
introduction to Martis Thoughts: On Liberty, Social Justice, Government, Art, and Morality, highlight 
the dichotomy evident in Martis writings. Ripoll notes that Marti "roundly censured'' certain values he 
witnessed during his fifteen years as a resident of the U.S., such as "materialism, prejudice, expansion- 
ist arrogance, and political corruption, [but] enthusiastically applauded [the] love of liberty, tolerance, 
egahtarianism, and the practice of democracy" that he observed during his residency. 15 Jacqueline 
Kave. author of "'Marti in the United States: The Flight from Disorder," also notes that Martis writings 
point "both to and away from a country which must serve simultaneously as example and warning for 
a developing Latin America. 1 " 

Jaime Suchlicki's analysis of Martis writings seems to bridge the gap between those historians who 
focus on Martis veneration of the United States and those who focus on his criticism of it. In his book. 
Cuba. Suchlicki exercises considerable effort in his portrayal of both perspectives. He writes: 

Much has been written regarding Martis attitude toward the United States. His writings have been 
taken out of context to show him as being strongly anti-Yankee, or to portray him as the advocate 
of a Latin America in the image of the United States. The truth lies, perhaps, somewhere between 
the two extremes. Marti admired the accomplishments of the United States, but at the same time 
he saw it as a society in which, according to him. man placed too much emphasis on material 
wealth and on his selfish interest. 1 " 

I have also noted the same well-rounded, but conflicting, perspective in my exploration of Martis 
writings on the United States. 

Roberto Fernandez Retamar. author of "The Modernity of Marti,' postulates that these contradic- 
tions evident in Marti s writings can be attributed to self-censorship imposed during his earlier years. 
According to Retamar, Marti modified his critical approach and suppressed many of his controversial 
concerns about the country because Bartolome Mitre, the editor of La Nacion newpaper of Buenos 
Aires, Argentina, refused to publish articles containing direct criticism of the United States. 18 Mitre 
wrote that such criticism, "'could lead... readers into the error of believing that [the newspaper was] 
opening a campaign of denunciation against the Liiited States as a body politic, as a social entity, as an 
economic centre." 19 Retamar suggests that because of this censorship. Marti resolved to make his 
future commentary on the Liiited States more indirect, thus masking his true perspective on U.S. soci- 

III. 1880-1884 

During his time in the United States, Jose Marti remained passionately committed to the fight for 
Cuban independence. However, it is important to note that Marti s "love for Cuba did not blind him to 
greatness of other countries, particularly the United Status. " 21 In one of his first commentaries on the 
United States, Marti applauded the work ethic of the U.S. citizens he encountered. The article, written 
soon after Marti s arrival in New York City, describes the joy of living in a society in which self-motivat- 
ed citizens choose to work and learn: 

I find myself at last in a country where everybody appears to be master of himself. You can 
breathe freely, possess freedom, the basis, the emblem and the essence of life. Here you can feel 
proud of your species. Everyone works, everybody reads.- 2 

Marti hoped that the self-determination he observed in the U.S. citizenry would be instilled in the citi- 
zenry of the yet to be realized Cuban nation. In his essay, "Wandering Teachers," which was published 
in La America in May 1884, Marti confirmed his belief that personal growth and learning were essen- 
tial to human development. 23 "Men grow," Marti said, and 'they grow physically and visibly when 
they learn something ... and when they have done some good. 1124 

Martfs earlier writings evidenced his admiration for U.S. citizens who had done something good 
with what they had learned. His commentary on the funeral service of President James A. Garfield in 
1881, for example, revealed the Cuban author's admiration for "the grandeur of the American soul ... 
[and the] nobility of the American spirit. 1 ' 25 In his essay "Indians in the United States," Marti refer- 
enced the good works of several other influential Americans, such as Harriet Beecher Stowe, whom he 
described as "a woman passionately devoted to justice and therefore not afraid to sully her reputation," 
and Helen Hunt Jackson, a "strong -minded" woman with a "loving heart." 26 Although this essay also 
brought to light the failures of earlier U.S. presidents regarding the treatment of Native Americans, 
Marti insisted that the then current President Grover Cleveland deserved "high praise" for trying to 
understand the ostracized Indian population "with neither fanatical vanity nor prudery." 27 Cleveland, 
Marti believed, had shouldered the blame for turning the Indians into "drunkards and thieves" due to 
exploitation of their lands and livelihood. 28 Marti admired Cleveland for acknowledging the humanity 
of the Native American population and his country's role in destroying it. 

"Indians in the United States," in particular, is a prime example of Martfs earlier writings, which 
tended to categorize the U.S. citizenry as a "benevolent" and "good" people. 29 According to John M. 
Kirk, Marti was initially "very impressed by the many basic freedoms" the people of the United States 
had been afforded. 30 He considered the U.S. to be "the most progressive country in the world ... an 
example for all liberals to follow." 31 During his first few years as a U.S. resident, Marti admired the 
United States' institutions and fervently defended Pan-Americanism, the idea that all of the countries of 
the Americas should work together for the greater good of the American people. 32 He became the chief 
representative of Latin American countries in the United States and acted as their "spokesman" during 
inter- American conferences." 33 However, as Marti analyzed U.S. society more critically, he became 
more aware of what he considered to be its negative aspects. 

IV. 1885-1887 

Wanting to observe the United States objectively, Marti kept up with both positive and negative 
commentary about the emerging superpower. His work as a delegate to inter- American conferences put 
him in contact with different political and ideological perspectives. Christopher Abel notes that Marti 
contemplated the new perspectives he encountered and "reinterpreted [them] through the lens of a 
Latin American refugee." 34 He also began to reinterpret the perspective of Simon Bolivar, the great 
Latin American liberator, through the lens of his time period. In his essay "Marti, Latin America and 
Spain," Abel compares the evolving perspective of Marti on the United States in the 1880s to the per- 
spective of Simon Bolivar on the United States in the 1820s: 

Marti and Bolivar saw the United States differently. . . . For Bolivar the nascent United States 
posed no immediate threat to Spanish America . . . because the possibility of a British reconquest 
remained. ... By the 1880s the international context had changed decisively. A restructuring of 
capitalism. . . the consolidation of frontier settlements. . . and the emergence. . . of the United 
States as an expansionist force [made it] a world power co-equal in status with Britain, Germany, 
France, and Russia. 35 

During the 1820s, the United States posed little threat to Latin America. By the 1880s, the United 
States was becoming a world power to be feared. 

During his first few years as a resident of New York City, Marti admired the government and society 
of the United States, lauding the democratic system as the "solution to all problems," and its represen- 
tatives as highly moral, upward citizens of society. 36 By 1887, however, Marti had decided "that such a 
system was fraud." 37 He became increasingly aware of the emergence of a new type of society in the 

United States, one in which the principles of economy, not liberty, dominated the focus of the governing 
assembly. 38 In his article "Dedication to the Statue of Liberty." which was published iu La Xaeion ou 
January 1. 1887. Marti insinuated that although United States citizens professed both verbally and 
emblematically to uphold the principles of liberty, they had forgotten the true meaning of the word. 39 
According to Marti, the only people who had retained the essence of liberty were the "old men who 
were children when Washington held the country's highest post.-* While Marti did not completely vilil'x 
the people of the United States in "Dedication to the Statue of Liberty," he questioned their resolve to 
uphold the principles of liberty above all else. 

Hatred and disparity among races and classes concerned Marti most of all, and, throughout the 
middle part of the 1880s. he became increasingly aware of such problems in the United States. A trip 
to Coney Island in 1886 particularly disturbed Marti. 41 On this trip, he noticed that "negro heads [still 
furnished] targets in the fairground." 42 In his famous essay entitled "Our America.' which was first 
published in La Revista Ilustrada of New York on January 1, 1891, Marti proclaimed that in the inde- 
pendent republic of Cuba, there would be "no racial animosity.'' 43 Instead, Marti purported that the 
soul of the country should "emanate from equal bodies of different shapes and colors. 44 Marti was 
critical of the enmity among classes in the United States. In an 1883 commentary, he contrasted "the 
gaiety of Coney Island with the poverty and squalor of New York slums." 45 He then broadened his 
analysis to different parts of the country, noting the difference between the "clean and concerned people 
of the North . . . [and] the choleric, poverty stricken, broken . . . loafing Southern shopkeepers * enduring 
the hardships of Reconstruction. 40 In the new Cuba, Marti insisted, hatred must not exist among differ- 
ent classes. He envisioned a society in which all members would work to form "a class alliance. 47 

In light of the "contrasting opulence and poverty" he observed in New York, Marti soon became 
convinced that "the U.S. Congress and U.S. executive represented the hiterests of large landowners, 
railway magnates, mining bosses and industrial tycoons rather than those of the people." 48 Because of 
this belief, he modified the focus of his criticism from the people of the United States to the government 
of the United States and the way in which it interacted with the people. "It is necessary." Marti 
believed, "to study the way this nation sins ... so as not to founder as it does." 49 After several years of 
close analysis. Marti determined that the United States had been "a great nation . . . but as a result of 
conceit over its prosperity ... it [was] falling into ... a reprehensible adoration of all success." 50 The 
government's inability to harness unbridled corporate success, Marti postulated, affected the livelihood 
of the small industrialist, who had "few resources beyond [his] own energy and scant capital." 51 With 
the emergence of "vast corporations formed by the concentration of unemployed capital," or monopo- 
lies, the small industrialist. Marti determined, had little to no hope. 52 

Marti "saw two evils in the United States capitalistic society: monopoly ... and protectionism. 53 
He "deplored materialism, expansionist appetite ... and reverence for wealth." 54 However. Marti con- 
sidered the injustices of capitalism to be only temporary defects, not irreparable evils. Unlike many 
future Latin American leaders. Marti did not ascribe to the radical ideology of Karl Marx. 55 

After attending Marx's funeral service, Marti wrote: 

[Marx] ... deserves to be honored for declaring himself on the side of the weak, but the virtuous man 
is not the one who points out the damage and burns with generous anxiety to put it right: he is the 
one who teaches a gentle amendment of the injury. 56 

Marti "did not advocate the suppression of free enterprise"; he simply promoted a more "humani- 
tarian approach to economics" which derived from the "desire for justice for the poor and the working 
class." 5 ' 7 For him. the capitalist attributes of United States society conflicted with the "more modest 
humanistic virtues" of Spanish-speaking America. 58 Marti did not aspire to eliminate capitalism but, 
rather, apply it the appropriate context. 

Eventually. Marti determined that the disparity between rich and poor, black and white, that he 
had observed in the United States derived essentially from materialism and greed in society. 59 So. in 
order to minimize materialistic temptation in Cuba, he proposed that each member of Cuban society be 
afforded equal opportunity for "work and enterprise." 00 He believed that the fair distribution of 
national resources was crucial for maintaining balance in society. Before arriving in the L nited States, 

Marti had dreamed of forming in Cuba a nation of "small landowners . . . where everyone possesses a 
little of the wealth." 61 After observing the unequal distribution of wealth in the United States for thir- 
teen years, he became even more convinced that Cuba must make unclaimed land "available to anyone 
desiring to work it." 62 

In Martfs view, the chief responsibility of government was to maintain stability in society. 
Moreover, the ultimate goal of government," Marti believed, was to go one step further by "putting an 
end to the injustices of society." 63 Martfs philosophy concerning the responsibility of a government to 
its people initially seemed to agree with the type of governmental involvement he witnessed in the 
United States until the Chicago Haymarket Riot. This incident marked the key turning point in Martfs 
opinion of the United States. On May 4, 1886, a bomb, set by an unknown suspect, exploded in 
Chicago's Haymarket Square. 64 The bomber had intended to draw attention to the plight of a crowd 
protesting police brutality. 65 Because government investigators could not identify the person who had 
planted the bomb, eight local men who had exhibited anarchistic tendencies were accused of the 
crime. 66 The U.S. government hoped to instill in the American people a fear of dissention. In his essay 
"The Funeral of the Haymarket Martyrs: A Terrible Drama," Marti condemned the U.S. government's 
decision to "use a crime born of its own transgressions as much as the fanaticism of the criminals in 
order to strike terror by holding them up as an example." 67 Marti firmly believed that the crime had 
resulted more from the government's failure to correct the issues of social stratification emerging in U.S. 
society than the crazed plot of anarchistic fanatics determined to wreak havoc in a stable society. 

According to Christopher Abel, the Chicago Haymarket Riot "awakened Marti to the growing pro- 
fundity and complexity of social stratification in the United States." 68 Although Marti initially con- 
demned the anarchist action, he eventually decided that the incident had occurred because capitalism, 
rather than liberty, was beginning to dominate the focus of U.S. society. In his essay "Marti, Uatin 
America and Spain," Abel notes: 

[Marti] came round to holding income-concentrating and profit-maximizing businessmen responsi- 
ble for both aborting a liberal vision of a harmonious society in which all social groups shared in 
prosperity and disrupting a previous confidence in the goodwill of a virtuous political leadership. 69 

By November 1887, Marti had declared "that it was unforgivable to 'pass judgment on social 
offences without knowing and weighing up the causes that gave rise to them.'" 70 He believed that the 
fulfillment of both individual and group needs was critical to the stability of society and "disapproved 
of all governmental forms that proposed suppressing either." 71 Over the next ten years, Marti became 
increasingly critical of the structure of the U.S. government. 

V. 1887-1895 

After the Chicago Haymarket Riot, Marti became more concerned that unbridled U.S. capitalism, 
which could be evidenced by the stratification of U.S. society, would pose a threat to the establishment 
of a free and independent Cuba. According to Retamar, during the years in which Marti lived in the 
United States, the country "underwent the transition from the competitive capitalism of the self-made 
man ... to monopoly and imperialist capitalism." 72 Marti believed that monopolies began to take root 
in the United States while he was living in New York. Marti began to warn that a monopolistic institu- 
tion not only "sits like an implacable giant at the door of the poor" of one nation, but also threatens the 
economic stability of other nations. 73 Marti cited the growth of U.S. monopolies in Hawaii and Samoa 
as examples of the dangers of export capitalism, claiming the U.S. government's failure to regulate the 
fruits of its economy had created the need for businesses to export capital elsewhere. 74 

Before arriving in the United States, Marti had observed the expansionistic tendencies of both Great 
Britain and France firsthand. And, by the late 1880s, he had come to think of the United States as 
"the lawful heir of [European] piracy." 75 Marti was appalled that the United States had permitted, 
and even encouraged, the growth of monopolies in Hawaii and Samoa. He was also aware that the 
U.S. had managed to devour more than half of Mexico's territory through conquest and subversion. 76 
Therefore, Marti had no delusions about the United States' professed interest in Cuba's well-being, 
lamenting in a letter to Ricardo Rodriguez: 

Never, except as an idea hidden away in the depths of some generous souls, was Cuba anything 
more to the United States than a desirable possession, whose only inconvenience is its population, 
which it considers to be unruly, lazy, and worthy of scorn." 

Marti held great affection for the Cuban population and strove to ensure that Cuba would not become a 
U.S. asset. During his last ten years of life, Marti devoted his energy toward fostering the establish- 
ment of a Unban society that would interact amicably with, but stand apart from, the United States." 8 

Martfs later writings relayed his '"conviction that the freedom of the Caribbean [was] crucial to 
Uatin American security and to the balance of power in the world. " 79 In 1891, Marti wrote that "the 
hands of every nation must remain free for the untrammeled development of the country, in accordance 
with its distinctive nature and with its individual elements. 80 Some of Martfs last and most famous 
words emphasized his concern about the nature of Cuba's relationship with the United States. In a let- 
ter to Manuel Mercado on May 18, 1895, Marti proclaimed, "I have lived in the monster and I know its 
entrails; my sling is David's." 81 Marti used his sling precisely to inspire the Cuban people to stand their 
ground against all imperialist forces, including the United States. 

Marti understood that imperialism could be imposed through means other than force. Increased 
economic and political strength, the results of the Industrial Revolution of the early 1800s, had allowed 
a few countries to dominate many. Accordingly Marti explored in his writings the ways in which Cuba 
could respond to the economic and political forces of superpower nations, namely the United States. 
Marti proposed that the new, independent Cuba avoid linking itself too closely with the United States, 
or any other single country, by creating ties with many nations. 82 Marti believed that "whoever says 
economic union, says political union; the people who buy command; the people who sell obey." 83 In his 
view, Cuba should not become too dependent on exporting its resources to the United States in order to 
prevent sacrificing its integrity as an independent nation. 

However, Marti was aware that achieving his goal of breaking free from Spain without the "sympa- 
thy" of the United States would be close to impossible. 84 So, despite his beliefs about the United States' 
possible economic and political objectives in Cuba, Marti remained "firmly resolved to request and 
obtain" the United States verbal support of the revolutionary effort. 85 Marti believed the only way 
Cuba could achieve independence from Spain and foster a friendly, but non-intrusive, relationship with 
the United States would be through a "quick and successful war [that would] forestall U.S. interven- 
tion." 80 Marti proved prophetic when he warned that "a protracted war would provide the North 
Americans with the pretext to intervene." 87 After three years of stalemate military conflict between 
imperial Spain and the Cuban people, the United States did intervene. 88 

VI. The Spanish-American War and Jose Martfs Legacy 

The war for Cuban independence, according to Jaime Suchlicki, u was not the fast and decisive 
struggle Marti had sought." 89 In January 1895, Marti left New York City to take a more active role in 
the pre-war movement. 00 He traveled to the Dominican Republic and met with leaders of the revolu- 
tion to draw up the guidelines of war." 1 However, even as Marti focused on the fight for a free and 
independent Cuba, he carried with him the convictions he had acquired during his years in the United 
States, specifically his concerns on the separation of races and classes. For example. Marti insisted that 
"blacks would be invited to participate" in battle. 92 A victory for Cuba would be a victory for all. 
regardless of race. A victory, let alone a victory without U.S. involvement, was a triumph Marti never 
witnessed. He was killed at the age of forty-two at the Rattle of Dos Rios on May 19. 1895. 1 ' 3 Then, 
four years later, in 1899, U.S. forces joined the war for Cuban independence, a move that eliminated 
Martfs hopes for the emergence of a Cuba established without the assistance of the U.S. 94 The United 
States 1 involvement contributed greatly to the defeat of Spanish forces in Cuba. And. with the passage 
of the Piatt Amendment in 1902, the U.S. established itself as an often resented guardian of the Cuban 
people. 95 

VII. Conclusion 

Through close reading of Martfs most important critical works, several conclusions regarding 
Marti's aspirations for both Cuban and U.S. society can be made. Marti believed that good government 
is a body that ensures "the balance of the country's natural elements." 96 Over the course of fifteen 
years, Marti became increasingly critical of the U.S. government because he witnessed its inability to 
adjust unbalanced elements of society, such as race and class. These elements, according to Marti, 
would prevent U.S. society from maintaining stability in the coining years, thus making the United 
States a less desirable country for its people to inhabit. On the other hand, Martfs writings also relay 
his admiration for the principles of liberty and good will, which he still believed existed in the fibers of 
U.S. society. 

Despite the positive nature of much of Marti's analysis of the United States, Cuba's neighbor to the 
North has rarely been perceived positively by the Cuban people. Most notably, Fidel Castro has openly 
and harshly criticized the United States countless times during his tenure as leader of Cuba. 97 Manv 
members of the Cuban Communist Party, including Castro, point to Marti as the original critic of the 
United States, hoping to "complete Martfs work' in modern day Cuba. 98 Nestor Carbonell discusses 
the development of Marti's legacy in his book, And the Russians Stayed: The Sovietization of Cuba: 

The Cuban Communists, eager to exploit Martfs prestige and influence, often point to his caustic 
remarks on the unbridled materialism and lust for territory and power that he observed in certain 
American quarters. They conveniently ignore, however, Martfs genuine admiration for the United 
States' unsurpassed qualities as an entrepreneurial and democratic nation, and ignore the sound 
advice he gave to Latin Americans on how to deal with the "Colossus of the North': There is the 
America that is not ours, whose enmity is neither wise nor practical to instigate. But with a firm 
sense of decorum and independence, it is not impossible, and it is useful, to be its friend. 99 

Clearly, Marti did not advocate the total rejection of U.S. society as future Cuban leaders would sug- 
gest. This misinterpretation of Martfs philosophy has allowed his continued veneration in communist 

Neither the United States nor Cuba has been much of a "friend" to the other over the past fifty 
years. What would Marti think about the current state of affairs between the United States and Cuba? 
Certainly the animosity that now exists between the two countries would not have been Martfs desire. 
It is evident, from Martfs writings, that he would have made a few different choices for Cuba along the 
way. Marti would not have suggested that Cuba limit trade contact to the Soviet Union during the Cold 
War, a move that isolated Cuba from all but a few countries. Marti would not have suggested that the 
Cuban communist officials centralize sugar plantations, thus creating a monoculture type of economy 
and "a landless agrarian proletariat of poor whites and mulattoes." 10 ° If Marti could speak to the 
Cuban people today, perhaps he would point to, rather than castigate, the United States as an example 
of both what works and what does not work in society. 

Marti was not averse to appreciating U.S. culture, as some modern day Latin American leaders 
would suggest. He lauded many aspects of U.S. society, such as "science, technical advances, and [a] 
vast wealth of art and literature which Marti shared copiously among his Latin American readers." 101 
He only hoped that the U.S. would allow the new Cuban nation to create its own culture as well, one 
which could also be appreciated and enjoyed. Marti's Cuba ""was to be based on the close collaboration 
of all social classes. ... It would be the fatherland where everyone could live in peace with freedom and 
justice, c a nation based on law order, and the hard work of its inhabitants.' " 102 Unfortunately, the prin- 
ciples Marti revered in U.S. society 7 , such as freedom and justice, have not been adopted by Cuba's lead- 
ers, namely Fidel Castro. The introduction to Marti's Thoughts by Carlos Ripoll aptly expresses the 
conflict between the ideology of Marti and Castro: 

Insofar as Marti made freedom and justice cornerstones and could never accept curtailment of the 
natural expansiveness of the human spirit, insofar as he believed, on the contrary, that man's 
redemption would come through love and unfettered reason, his doctrine is, and must be, at odds 
with the totalitarian dogma that has been implanted in Cuba. 103 


Although Marti might agree with the intention of communism, his writings indicate that he would most 
likelv disagree with its implementation tints Car. Along with his support of diversified agriculture. Marti 
believed that even' citizen should "possess and cultivate a piece of land, a vision much more akin to 
that of the I nited States than that of Cuba with its sugar cane monoculture. IIH He also believed that 
"animals move in herds: men. guided by Tree thought, a philosophy much more in line with the princi- 
ples of democracy than dictatorship. 10 "' A government for the people is something Marti would support, 
but a government that dominates the people is something Marti would oppose. 

In the words of Roberto Fernandez Retamar, Marti did not reject U.S. society "en masse, rather he 
sought to "[underline] the negative aspects'" that made it a danger both to itself and Cuba." 106 
According to Jaime Suchlicki: 


Much has been written regarding Marti s attitude toward the United States. His writings have been 
taken out of context to show him as being strongly anti-Yankee, or to portray him as the advocate 
of a Latin America in the image of the United States. The truth lies, perhaps, somewhere between 
the two extremes. Marti admired the accomplishments of the United States, but at the same time 
he saw it as a society in which, according to him, man placed too much emphasis on material 
wealth and on his selfish interest. 10 " 

Marti states in his essay, "Our America," written in New York in 1891. that "nations should live in 
an atmosphere of self-criticism because it is healthy, but always with one heart and one mind." 108 
Attempting to lead his country to independence and a better way of life, Marti adopted a critical 
approach to his analysis of both the United States and Cuba, not because he sought to demean them. 
but because he sought to improve them. During the years in which Marti studied the United States, 
hoping to grow in his understanding of liberty and sacrifice, he witnessed a society 7 becoming increas- 
ingly enslaved by its own economic and social constructions. Marti relied on careful and objective 
observation of this transformation to construct what he considered to be a viable plan for freeing and 
improving Cuba. Through his writings, his lifestyle, and his ultimate sacrifice. Marti struggled to lead 
his beloved nation to a better and independent future. 


1. Deborah Slinookal and Mixta Mufiiz. introduction to Jose Marti Reader: Writings on the Americas, ed. Deborah 
Shnookal and Mirta Mufiiz (New York: Ocean Press. 1999), 4-8. 

2. Brian LateLl. After Fidel: The Inside Story of Castro's Regime and Cuba's Next Leader (New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 
2005). 91. 

3. Shnookal and Mufiiz, introduction to Jose Marti Reader: Writings on the Americas. 1. 

4. Ibid. 

5. Lvn Smith Mandulev. Jose Marti (Washington. DC: Pan American Union. 1973), to. 

6. Lvn Smith Mandulev. Jose Marti, to. 

7. Ibid.. 7. 

8. Richard Gott. Cuba: A New History (New Haven: Vale University Press, 2004). 85. 

9. Ibid. 

10. Shnookal and Mufiiz, introduction to Jose Marti Reader: Writings on the .Americas. 4-8. 

1 1. Jacqueline Kaye. "Marti in the United States: The Flight from Disorder." in Jose Marti: Revolutionary Democrat, ed. 
Christopher Abel and Nissa Torrents (Durham: Duke University Press. 1986). 68. 

12. Roberto Fernandez Retamar. "The Modernity of Marti. " in Jose Marti: Revolutionary Democrat, ed. Christopher Abel 
and Nissa Torrents (Durham: Duke University Press. 1986). 13. 

13. Roberto Fernandez Retamar. "The Modernity of Marti." 7. 

14. Carlos Ripoll. introduction to Thoughts: On Liberty, Social Justice. Government. Art, and Morality, by Jose Marti (New 
York: Editorial Dos Rios. 1095). 6. 

15. Ibid.. 5. 

16. Kaye. "Marti in the United States. ' 65. 

17. Jaime Suchlicki. Cuba. 5th ed. (Washington. DC: Brassey's. Inc.. 2002). t>8. 

18. Retamar. "The Modernity of Marti.'" 7. 

19. Ibid.. 8. 

20. Ibid. 

21. Mandulev. Jose Marti. 13. 

22. Jose Marti. "Obras completas." in Jose Marti: Revolutionary Democrat, ed. Christopher Abel and Nissa Torrents 
(Durham: Duke University Press. 198to). 68. 


23. Jose Marti, "Wandering Teachers," in Jose Marti Reader: Writings on the Americas, ed. Deborah Shnookal and Mirta 
Muhiz (New York: Ocean Press, 1999), 47. 

24. Ibid. 

25. Directorio Magesterial Revolncionario, Marti y los norteaniericanos en su propia palabra, in Jose Marti: Mentor of the 
Cuban Nation, bv Joint M. Kirk (Tampa: University Presses of Florida, 1983), 11. 

26. Jose Marti, "Indians in the United States,' 1 in Deborah Shnookal and Mirta Muhiz, eds., Jose Marti Reader: Writings on 
the Americas (New York: Ocean Press, 1999), 51-52. 

27. Ibid.. 56. 

28. Ibid. 

29. Ibid., 51. 

30. Kirk, Jose Marti: Mentor of the Cuban Nation, 8. 

31. Retamar, "The Modernity of Marti, 1 ' 7. 

32. Kirk, Jose Marti: Mentor of the Cuban Nation, 8. 

33. Manduley, Jose Marti, 6. 

34. Abel. "Marti, Latin America and Spain." 127. 

35. Ibid., 126. 

36. Jorge Ibarra, "Marti and Socialism,*' in Jose Marti: Revolutionary Democrat, ed. Christopher Abel and Nissa Torrents 
(Durham: Duke University Press, 1986), 87. 

37. Ibarra, "Marti and Socialism,'' 87. 

38. Ibid. 

39. Jose Marti, "Dedication to the Statue of Liberty," in Jose Marti Reader: Writings on the Americas, ed. Deborah 
Shnookal and Mirta Muhiz (New York: Ocean Press, 1999), 59. 

40. Ibid.. 60-61. 

41. Kaye, "Marti in the United States," 68-69. 

42. Ibid. 

43. Jose Marti, "Our America," in Jose Marti Reader: Writings on the Americas, ed. Deborah Shnookal and Mirta Muhiz 
(New York: Ocean Press, 1999), 119. 

44. Jose Marti, "Our America," in Jose Marti Reader: Writings on the Americas, ed. Deborah Shnookal and Mixta Muhiz 
(New York: Ocean Press, 1999). 110. 

4-5. Kaye, "Marti in the United States," 68. 

46. Jose Marti, "The Truth about the United States," in Jose Marti Reader: Writings on the Americas, ed. Deborah 
Shnookal and Mirta Muhiz (New York: Ocean Press, 1999), 173. 

47. Abel, "Marti, Latin America and Spain," 140. 

48. Jose Marti, "Our America," in Jose Marti Reader: Writings on the Americas, ed. Deborah Shnookal and Mirta Muhiz 
(New York: Ocean Press, 1999), 119. 

49. Ripoll. introduction to Thoughts: On Liberty, Social Justice, Government, Art, and Morality, by Jose Marti, 6-7. 

50. Ibid. 

51. Ibarra. "Marti and Socialism," 87. 

52. Ibarra, "Marti and Socialism," 87. 

53. Suchhcki, Cuba, 68. 

54. LateU, After Fidel, 91. 

55. Gott, Cuba: A New History, 87. 

56. Jose Marti, "The Memorial Meeting in Honor of Karl Marx," in Jose Marti Reader: Writings on the Americas, ed. 
Deborah Shnookal and Mirta Muhiz (New York: Ocean Press, 1999), 43. 

57. Suchhcki, Cuba, 68. 

58. Ibid. 

59. Ripoll, introduction to Thoughts: On Liberty 7 , Social Justice, Government, Art, and Morality, bv Jose Marti, 5. 

60. Louis A. Perez, Jr., Cuba: Between Reform and Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 146. 

61. Ibid. 

62. Ibid. 

63. Suchhcki, Cuba, 67. 

64. Jose Marti, "The Funeral of the Haymarket Martyrs: A Terrible Drama," in Jose Marti Reader: Writings on the 
Americas, ed. Deborah Shnookal and Mirta Muhiz (New York: Ocean Press, 1999), 86. 

65. Kaye, "Marti in the United States," 76. 

66. Jose Marti, "The Fimeral of the Havmarket Martyrs: A Terrible Drama," in Jose Marti Reader: Writings on the 
Americas, ed. Deborah Shnookal and Mirta Muhiz (New York: Ocean Press, 1999), 86. 

67. Jose Marti, "The Funeral of the Haymarket Martyrs: A Terrible Drama," 87. 

68. Abel, "Marti, Latin America and Spain," 140. 

69. Ibid. 

70. Ibarra, "Marti and Socialism," 87. 

71. Ripoll, introduction to Thoughts: On Liberty, Social Justice, Government, Art, and Morality, by Jose Marti, 8. 

72. Retamar, "The Modernity of Marti," 6. 

73. Ibid. 

74. Ibid. 

75. Kaye, "Marti in the United States," 68. 

76. Retamar, "The Modernity of Marti," 7. 

77. Jose Marti, "Letter to Ricardo Rodriguez Otero of May 1886," in Cuba: A New History, by Richard Gott (New Haven: 
Yale University Press, 2004), 87. 

78. Ripoll. introduction to Thoughts: On Liberty, Social Justice, Government. Art. and Morality, b\ Jose Marti, 5. 

79. Ibid. 

80. Ibid. 

81. lose Marti, "Letter to Manuel Mercado. lose Marti Header: Writings on the Americas, ed. Deborah Shnookal and Mixta 
Muhiz (New York: Ocean Press, 1999), 234. 

82. Snchlicki. Cuba. 69. 

83. Ibid. 

84. Snchlicki. Cuba, 69. 

85. Ibid. 

8b. Louis A, Perez, Cuba: Between Reform and Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1088). 146. 

87. Ibid. 

88. Ibid. 

89. Snchlicki, Cuba. 69. 

00. Gott, Cuba: A New History, 90. 
91. Ibid. 

02. Gott, Cuba: A New History. 00. 

03. Manduley, Jose Marti, 19. 

04. Snchlicki". Cuba. 70. 

05. Ibid. 

Ob. Ibid. 1 13. 

07. LatelL After Fidel, 91. 

98. Ibid. 

99. Nestor T. Carbonell, And the Russians Staved: The Sovietization of Cuba (New York: William Morrow and Company, 
Inc.. 1989), 111. 

100. Suchlicki, Cuba. 78. 

101. Roberto Fernandez Retamar, "Introduction a Marti," Jose Marti: Mentor of the Cuban Nation, by John M. Kirk 
(Tainpa: University Presses of Florida. 1083). 14. 

102. Suchlicki. Cuba, 67. 

103. Ripoll, introduction to Thoughts: On Liberty, Social Justice, Government, Art, and Morality, by Jose Marti. 8-0. 

104. Perez, Cuba: Between Reform and Revolution, l4b; Suchlicki, Cuba, b8. 

105. Jose Marti. Thoughts: On Liberty, Social Justice, Government, Art. and Morality, trans. Carlos Ripoll (New York: 
Editorial Dos Rios, 1905), 12. 

10b. Retamar. "Introduction a Marti, 14. 

107. Suchlicki. Cuba, 68. 

108. Jose Marti. "Our America," in Jose Marti Reader: Writings on the Americas, ed. Deborah Shnookal and Mirta Muniz 
(New York: Ocean Press, 1999), 1 10. 

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and Mirta Muhiz, 59-77. New York: Ocean Press, 1999. 
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Muniz. 51-59. New York: Ocean Press, 1909. 
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Muhiz, 234-39. New York: Ocean Press, 1999. 
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and Mirta Muhiz. 43-4b. New York: Ocean Press. 1990. 
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Duke I niversitv Press, 108b. 
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New York: Ocean Press. 1999. 
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Mirta Muhiz. 172-75. New York: Ocean Press, 1099. 
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46-51. New York: Ocean Press, 1999. 


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Nissa Torrents, 12-i-33. Durham: Duke University Press, 1986. 
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Suchlicki, Jaime. Cuba. 5th ed. Washington, DC: Brassey's Inc., 2002. 


Bob Dylan, Woody Guthrie, and Folk 
Protest Music: Cultural Heroism 
or Movement Leadership 

Charming Kennedy 

"This Machine Kills Fascists/ The machine referenced in this 
catchy slogan was not a gun, a tank, or an instrument of war:, it was not 
even a political machine. "This Machine Kills Fascists'" was the text 
inscribed on Woody Guthrie's guitar. In the battle for justice and social 
revolution, the guitar was the chosen weapon employed by Guthrie, Bob 
Dylan, and other folk protest musicians. 

Musicians are tvpicallv seen as anything but leaders. They are enter- 
tainers, maybe even idols, but they certainly are not perceived as engag- 
ing in anything as socially relevant as leadership. One scholar called 
folk protest musicians like Guthrie and Dylan cultural heroes, as these 
singer-songwriters were admired for their personal integrity, especially 
by youth who felt that Guthrie and Dylan lived up the high-minded 
ideals they sang about (Rodnitzky xviii). Another author described a 
type of heroism characterized by the "cult of the singer- songwriter sur- 
rounding musicians like Dylan and Guthrie (Hampton xii). This hero- 
ism is characterized by power, but it also involves a special genius, tal- 
ent, charisma, and magnetic personality. More importantly, the hero fits 
into a larger mythology created by the cult following (Hampton 5-6). 

Music, folk music included, is essentially a form of communication. 
Musicians might communicate directly through their words or lyrics or 
symbolically express themselves through the chords or notes they play. 
In lyrical songs, the addition of words makes a powerful statement, as it 
contributes to the message conveyed by the instrumental music alone 
(Seeger 57). Either way, music is communication. Similarly, communi- 
cation is central to leadership. Indeed, no matter how stirring a leaders 
vision may be. nothing can be accomplished if the vision is not effective- 
ly communicated to others. Thus, if music is essentially communica- 
tion, and if communication is central to leadership, can music be a tool 
for leadership? Can musicians be understood as more than just cultural 

The music and actions of Woody Guthrie and Bob Dylan, and thus 
folk music in general, are ripe for this type of leadership analysis. 
Whether defined by its unknown origin, subject matter, or musical style 
(Rodnitzky xiii), folk music, sometimes called folk protest music or pro- 
paganda music, is designed to communicate social, political, economic. 
or ideological concepts to listeners. Moreover, these songs of persuasion 
are designed to achieve several goals that go beyond just providing 
entertainment. The active nature of folk protest music in general, 
including its desire to point out problems, develop and maintain sup- 
port, and offer solutions to reach a goal, makes folk protest musicians 
like Guthrie and Dylan suitable prospects for the study of leadership. 
Unlike other musicians who may simply provide a pleasant recreational 
experience for listeners, both Guthrie and Dylan offered a social com- 
mentary with the intent of engaging individuals in their cause. Music 
can be seen as an opiate, a weapon, or even a harbinger of social change 


Charming Kennedy 

"Bob Dylan and Woody 
Guthrie are widely 

recognized jar I heir 
musical legacy, but much 
of their work is loo 
socially relevant to see 
them only in that light, 
loo often ire think about 
leadership in really 
traditional ways. I chose 
this topic for a paper in 
Jeanne Jackson 's 
Capstone Senior 
Leadership Seminar 
because it gave me a 
chance to explore an 
atypical instance of 
leadership and the 
potential of music, an art 
form that touches so 
many people, to serve as 
an agent for social 
change. " 

Channing is a senior 
history-political science 
major from Athens, 
Alabama. In addition to 
participating in the 
Leadership Studies 
Program and the 
Harrison Honors 
Program. Channing has 
served on the 
Panhellenic Executive 
Board and as editor of 
the Compass. She is a 
house director in 
Residence Life and a 
member of the BSC Jazz 
Band. Pi Beta Phi. and 
several honor societies, 
including Phi Beta 
Kappa. Phi Alpha Theta. 
Pi Sigma Alpha, and 
Order of Omega. In 
summer 2008. she was a 
Hess Fellow with Bread 
for the World in 
Washington, DC. 

(Denisoff, Sing a Song 2-3). Therefore, it is only logical to conclude that the one making the music 
may assume a more active role in shaping society than is suggested by the term heroism alone. 

Although the concept of heroism certainly may be a fair description of the protest singer, it alone 
may not accurately characterize the nature of this type of musician. In some instances, it may be more 
correct to describe this phenomenon as leadership. By employing a communication-based definition of 
leadership, contrasts emerge between the music of Guthrie and Dylan; these contrasts allow an analysis 
based on the extent to which these musicians employed the skills essential for effective communication 
and therefore exhibited the potential for leadership. In the end, Guthrie employed more of the skills 
necessary for communication providing a stronger basis for leadership, primarily because of the direct 
social relevance of his music, his focus on the union and cohesion, and his connection to and credibility 
among the folk music community. Dylan, on the other hand, offered a more ambiguous picture of 
leadership because of his music's abstract connections to society, his individualistic rather than commu- 
nal focus, and his eventual loss of credibility among the core of the folk music community. 

This analysis of Guthrie and Dylan is somewhat limited in scope. Rather than analyzing their lead- 
ership as a whole or their relationship with followers, this paper centers on their communication skills; 
such skills provide the basis for leadership, according to leadership theorists Michael Hackman and 
Craig Johnson (Wren 428). Furthermore, the analysis of Dylan presented here focuses on his early 
career as a folk musician, primarily those years before his appearance at the 1965 Newport Folk 
Festival where he began his transformation from folk singer to rock and roll star. By contrast, this 
paper covers Guthrie's career in its entirety. 

Before beginning a discussion of the leadership skills Dylan and Guthrie demonstrated, a quick 
examination of their backgrounds is necessary to provide some context for this analysis. Guthrie was a 
singer- songwriter and folk musician who grew up in the early years of the twentieth century- in 
Oklahoma. During his early career, he traveled around the Midwest with migrant workers and spent 
time in New York and the Pacific Northwest as well. Guthrie also served a short stint as a merchant 
marine during World War II. Most importantly, Guthrie became known for his militant pro-union 
beliefs and his attachment to communist and socialist ideologies. 

Bob Dylan was born in 1941 into a Jewish family in Minnesota. He took an early interest in music, 
teaching himself to play guitar and piano. In the fall of 1959, Dylan enrolled at the University of 
Minnesota. While his academic work was largely a failure, it was at this university where he was first 
exposed to the music of Woody Guthrie, a man he would later consider an idol and an important musi- 
cal influence. Dylan soon moved to New York and began playing folk music in several prominent clubs 
in Greenwich Village. Shortly thereafter, he recorded his first album. 

The communicative basis of folk protest music - and music in general - leads to a communication- 
based definition of leadership, such as that proposed by Michael Hackman of the University of 
Colorado and Craig Johnson of George Fox College, both professors of communication. In Leadership: 
A Communication Perspective, Hackman and Johnson offer the following communication-based defini- 
tion of leadership: Leadership is human or symbolic communication which modifies the attitudes and 
behaviors of others in order to meet group goals and needs. With this definition as a basis, the follow- 
ing examination of the lives of Guthrie and Dylan focuses on three clusters of skills that Hackman and 
Johnson believe are critical for leadership: linking, envisioning, and regulating. The first skill, linking, 
includes monitoring the environment and creating a trusting climate. The second skill, envisioning, 
essentially entails the act of creating an agenda or vision. The third skill, regulating, is the most com- 
plex. It involves a number of components, such as using effective verbal and nonverbal communica- 
tion, creating positive expectations, managing change, and, perhaps most importantly, developing a 
perception of credibility (Wren 429, 431). 

These three skills, however, are not exclusive to Hackman and Johnson's communication-based the- 
ory. Other leadership theorists, including Lee G. Bolham and Terrence E. Deal of the National Center 
for Educational Leadership, discuss behaviors similar to linking in their application of theories of 
group interactions to formulate appropriate leadership responses. Other leadership theorists have 
examined the skill of envisioning; for example, Marshall Sashkin, a professor of human and organiza- 
tional studies at George Washington University, discusses envisioning in his renowned theory of vision- 
ary leadership (Wren 390, 402). In addition, James Kouzes and Barry Posner, authors of The 
Leadership Challenge, focus specifically on the importance of credibility in influence relationships. 

Just as I will show through a focus on the careers of Guthrie and Dylan that credibility i^ key to regu- 
lating activity. Kouzes and Posner state. "If you don t believe in the messenger, you won't believe the 
message" (32-33). Quite simply, credibility is essential to influence people. 

Linking is a communication skill necessary for leadership. According to I lackman and Johnson, 
successful leaders use their linking skills to process cues from the environment. Leaders apply these 
skills when they are attentive to current events and the activities of other groups. Not only do leaders 
connect with the environment, they also create a trusting, cooperative work environment and engage in 
team building (Wren 42°)). Essentially, linking occurs when a leader has an awareness of the outside 
world and creates a feeling of unit)' among followers by linking them to each other and to the broader 

Both Guthrie and Dylan exemplified the first characteristic of linking by showing an awareness of 
their environment through their music. Each, however, did this according to their own styles and par- 
ticular motivations. Guthrie employed his awareness of the world to make connections with his listen- 
ers in a personal manner: Dvlan. however, emphasized broader social issues in more abstract terms. 
Songs such as Guthrie s Dust Bowl Ballads recorded in 19-+0 linked listeners to the environment by 
offering descriptions of the drought, dust storms, farm failures, and western migrations. He connected 
people to their environment by singing songs about reality and the problems facing the working class. 
Lyrics from the song "Pastures of Plenty 1 show the connection Guthrie made to current events in 

1 worked in vour orchards of peaches and prunes 

I slept on the ground in the light of the moon 

On the edge of the city you'll see us and then 

We come with the dust and we go with the wind (Guthrie. "Pastures of Plenty ") 

In this song. Guthrie explained the economic realities of migrant workers during the Great 
Depression. Through such songs, Guthrie showed awareness of problems in society and connected lis- 
teners to larger issues. 

Dvlan displayed this linking skill in similar, yet more abstract ways. He exposed the racial injustice 
of the earlv 1960s in songs like "Oxford Town,' "The Death of Emmett Till." and "Only a Pawn in 
Their Game." His songs included lvrics that connected listeners to current events of the day and 
reflected his awareness of his environment. Other Dylan songs had anti-war themes. In the lyrics of 
"With God on Our Side, Dvlan made strong criticisms against war: 

But now we got weapons 

Of the chemical dust 

If fire them we're forced to 

Then fire them we must 

One push of the button 

And a shot the world wide 

And you never ask questions 

When God s on your side (Dylan, "With God on Our Side') 

His allusions to the dangers of chemical warfare and the growing threat of the Cold \\ ar showed an 
attentiveness to current events demonstrating a critical component of the linking skill necessary for 

As Hackman and Johnson describe, the communication skill of linking has another important part 
that complements the connections that leaders make to the broader society. This second component of 
linking connects followers to each other. In Guthrie's case, this element meant the creation of worker 
solidarity. For Guthrie, the only real hope for workers was the union, which he characterized in a posi- 
tive light in order to encourage membership growth. He expressed this belief through songs such as 
"Union Maid," "Union's My Religion," and "Good Old Union Feeling. These organizing songs, which 
glorified achievements of unions, were intended to generate listener participation (Hampton 120.126). 
They also acted as a call to workers to join unions, thus connecting these individuals to each other. 

Dylan, on the other hand, seemed to be less interested in connecting his listeners to one another. 


One critic claimed that Dylan's primary goal was aesthetic. The cult of originality and fame that 
developed around Dylan challenged the Utopian sensibility of unity espoused by Guthrie and earlier 
folk musicians. Dylan replaced this "communal ideal" and the ideology of collective action with a 
sense of mystery and a focus on individual feelings. Furthermore, Dylan's music essentially communi- 
cated an ethic of political apathy (Hampton 214). This lack of unity generated by Dylan's music was 
emblematic of rhetorical protest songs of the 1 960s that expressed individual feelings of discontent 
with particular issues, rather than collective feelings of unity (Dunlap 550). Songs like Dylan's 
'Masters of War,'' written from a first person point of view, were condemnations of social conditions 
(Denisoff, Sing a Song 10). In his music, Dylan urged his listeners to examine their own consciences to 
advance solutions, rather than mobilize to solve problems as Guthrie urged (Dunlap 559). Dylan may 
have offered some direction, but he believed that ultimately individuals must come to terms with them- 
selves (Klier 345). Although listeners may feel connected with others because of their common feelings 
of discontent, Dylan's music did not actively attempt to create unity and remained essentially individu- 
alistic. Unlike Guthrie who provided concrete links to the broader society and communicated an ethic 
of unity, Dylan connected his listeners to society in more abstract ways and did not use his music to 
link listeners to others. Thus, Guthrie demonstrated the first communication skills necessary for leader- 
ship, linking, while Dylan did so only in abstract ways or not at all. 

According to Hackman and Johnson, another communication skill necessary for leadership is envi- 
sioning. Commonly known as articulating a vision, envisioning is simply the act of constructing an 
agenda or a plan for the future. Hackman and Johnson write, "Leaders must be able to take the 
inputs they receive from linking with others and the environment and convert them into an agenda or 
vision for the future' (Wren 429). For both Guthrie and Dylan, the vision was communicated through 
song. In a passage in the liner notes of one of Guthrie's early recordings, John Steinbeck described the 
vision Guthrie presented in his music: 

Harsh voiced and nasal, his guitar hanging like a tire on a rusty rim, there is noth- 
ing sweet about Woody, and there is nothing sweet about the songs he sings. But there 
is something more important for those who will listen. There is the will of a people to 
endure and fight against oppression, (qtd. in Hampton 94) 

As Steinbeck observed, Guthrie's vision was found in his music. Guthrie's main agenda was to cre- 
ate a society in which people recognized injustice and spoke out against oppression. Ultimately, he 
hoped that people would come together for the common good. The idea of unity as an aspect of 
Guthrie's vision was expressed in songs like "Tom Joad," based on Steinbeck's novel The Grapes of 

Ever'body might be just one big soul, 

Well it looks that a-way to me. 

Everywhere that you look, in the day or night, 

That's where I'm a-gonna be, Ma, 

That's where I'm a-gonna be. 

Wherever little children are hungry and cry, 

Wherever people ain't free. 

Wherever men are fightin' for their rights, 

That's where I'm a-gonna be, Ma. 

That's where I'm a-gonna be. (Guthrie, "Tom Joad") 

In these lyrics, Guthrie expressed his solidarity with those who were disadvantaged and issued a call 
for them to join together. 

Bob Dylan expressed his vision in a similar way. Whether singing in favor of civil rights or speaking 
out against the Vietnam War, Dylan presented what sociologists Ron Eyerman and Andrew Jamison 
call "a poetic cry of critique, a diatribe against pomp and power and pretense, and a renewed... call for 
justice and compassion..." (126). Although Guthrie and Dylan came from different times, the call for 
justice in the face of power was present in each man's vision. In this sense, both Guthrie and Dylan 
used the skills of envisioning, an important basis of leadership. 


The final communication skill necessary for leadership, regulating, speciricallv involves regulating 
the behavior of others. Regulating is the influence component of communication-based Leadership. 
Hackman and Johnson list seven characteristics that leaders must demonstrate in order to influence 
others successfully (Wren 429). However, the analysis here will be limited to one of these elements nec- 
essary for influence: a perception of credibility. 

In order to communicate effectively, potential leaders must be seen as credible. For (ml brie, this 
credibility was evident in his acceptance by left-wing intellectuals. In addition to his role as a folk 
singer, he was seen as a spokesman for the communist movement during the Great Depression and for 
radical labor groups that developed after the rise of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO). 
Guthrie, who performed at a number of left-wing political rallies, was seen by progressive intellectuals 
as the "living incarnation of social issues they had grappled with" (Reuss 278). Guthrie's credibility 
within left-wing circles was further reinforced by his position as a writer for two radical newspapers, 
the People's World and the Daily Worker (Hampton 107). Before Guthrie encountered the political left, 
he held no special status within society other than that of another "good" hillbilly songwriter. However, 
after publicity in radical newspapers brought him to the attention of urban intellectuals, he became a 
symbol of the turmoil experienced by millions during the Great Depression (Reuss 282). 

Guthrie's credibility was reinforced by the authenticity of his image as a folk shiger. Guthrie's music 
was reflective of his own economic struggles growing up (Rodnitzky 7). Moreover, he expressed his ide- 
ology in a folksy language, partly from habit, but also in a conscious attempt to identify with the com- 
mon man that his philosophy was intended to represent (Hampton 1-+6). Critic Richard Reuss wrote in 
The Journal of American Folklore that Guthrie is especially worthy of our attention because of his use 
of terms, concepts, and modes of expression of his people, rather than those of elite American society. 
In addition to Guthrie's folksy speaking style, his folk repertoire included a number of anecdotes, jokes, 
toasts, proverbial phrases, and witty sayings from the folk tradition (Reuss 282). Through his authen- 
tic speaking style and Ms acceptance by left-wing movements, Guthrie possessed the necessary credibil- 
ity to regulate the behavior of others. 

Dylan gained similar credibility through his acceptance by the protest community. His credibility, 
however, was soon undermined by his decision to renounce his folk roots in favor of the electric sounds 
of rock and roll. During the civil rights era, the urban protest public in the North emphasized the 
music of successful folk entrepreneurs, especially the songs of Bob Dylan (Denisoff, Sing a Song 73). 
Dylan's acceptance by the folk protest community and thus his credibility was established by his per- 
formance at a Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) rally in Mississippi with Pete 
Seeger and the Freedom Singers (Sounes 133-35). While these early performances helped validate 
Dylan as a credible figure in the folk protest movement, Ins performance at the July 25. 1965. Newport 
Folk Festival seemed to destroy his credibility, at least among folk music traditionalists (Denisoff. Great 
Day Coming 190-91). This performance, which featured him playing electric guitar only, strengthened 
the perception that he had moved away from political material and reinforced the notion held by many 
on the left that Dylan was a sellout. Whatever credibilitv Dylan originally had, at least among the folk 
music community, seemed to dissolve when he traded in Ins acoustic guitar and "went electric. "' 

All in all, we see that both Woody Guthrie and Bob Dvlan demonstrated many of the communication 
skills necessary to fulfill a communication-based definition of leadership. However, because of the lim- 
its of this analysis, specifically the omission of a focus on the relationship with followers, we cannot 
definitively conclude that Guthrie was a leader and Dylan was not. Both musicians exhibited the skills 
of linking, envisioning, and regulating as described in communication-based leadership theory, but they 
demonstrated these skills to different extents throughout their careers. Guthrie linked others to the 
environment through his words and connected followers to each other bv his general appeal for solidar- 
ity and unionism. Dylan recognized similar societal factors, but he expressed personal dissatisfaction 
with an event rather than creating and mobilizing a group: thus, he failed to engage fullv in linking 
behaviors. Both Guthrie and Dylan engaged in envisioning through their music by offering alternative 
\isions of a more just societv through their lyrics. Guthrie and Dvlan demonstrated skill in effectively 
regulating others. However, primarily based on the differences hi their credibility, they exemplified the 
ability to regulate others to different extents. Guthrie was widely accepted by intellectuals and core 
supporters of the left whig. Dylan, on the other hand, was not overtly political enough to gain their 


acceptance, especially after his turn to rock and roll. Thus, while Guthrie had the credibility to engage 
in regulating, Dylan, over time, lost this credibility. Overall, Guthrie exhibited the three skills necessary 
for coimmmication-based leadership. Dylan, however, did not. 

Although Guthrie may have been Dylan's hero, the characterization of Guthrie as a mythic hero, 
however accurate, is not sufficient to describe the reality of his actions and music. Dylan may be the 
greater musical talent of the two. Indeed, rock music might not be the same today without Dylan's 
influence. However, in terms of leadership, not lasting popularity or superstar status, Guthrie certainly 
has the greater legacy. While perhaps Dylan's iconic legacy will endure, the ideas of change and unity 
Guthrie expressed are certainly relevant to social struggles today. As Guthrie wrote, "I don't know, I 
may go down or up or anywhere, But I feel like this scribbling might stay' (Guthrie, "Another Man's 
Done Gone"). 

Works Cited 

Denisoff, R. Serge. Great Day Coming: Folk Music and the American Left. Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1971. 

. Sing a Song of Social Significance. Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green University Popular Press, 1972. 

Denisoff, R. Serge, and David Fandray. "'Hey, Hey Woody Guthrie I Wrote You a Song 1 : The Political Side of Bob Dvlan." 
Popular Music and Society 5.5 (1977): 31-42. 

Dunlap, James. "Through the Eyes of Tom Joad: Patterns of American Idealism, Bob Dylan, and the Folk Protest 
Movement." Popular Music and Society 29.5 (2006): 549-73. 

Dvlan, Bob. ''With God on Our Side." Bob Dylan. 2008. 13 November 2008 < 

Eyerman, Ron, and Andrew Jamison. Music and Social Movements: Mobilizing Traditions in the Twentieth Century. 
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. 

Guthrie, Woodie. "Another Mans Done Gone. " Woody Guthrie. 2008. The Woodv Guthrie Foundation. 14 November 2008 
< Done_Gone.htm>. 

- - -. "Pastures' of Plenty." Woody Guthrie. 2008. The Woody Guthrie Foundation. 15 November 2008 

. "Tom Joad." Woody Guthrie. 2008. The Woody Guthrie Foundation. 13 November 2008 


Hampton, Wayne. Guerrilla Minstrels. Knoxville: LIniversity of Tennessee Press, 1986. 

Klier, Ron. "Walt Witman. Woodv Guthrie, Bob Dvlan, and the Anxietv of Influence." Midwest Quarterly: A Journal of 
Contemporary Thought 40.3 (1999): 334-50. 

Kouzes, James M. and Barn 7 Z. Posner. The Leadership Challenge. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2002. 

Mondack, Jeffery J. "Protest Music as Political Persuasion." Popular Music and Society, 12.3 (1988): 25-38. 

Reuss, Richard A. "Woodv Guthrie and His Folk Tradition." The Journal of American Folklore (1970): 273-303. 

Rodnitzkv, Jerome L. Minstrels of the Dawn: The Folk-Protest Singer as a Cultural Hero. Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1976. 

Seeger, Anthony. "Musics of Struggle." Program Book, 1990 Festival of American Folklife. Washington D.C.: Smithsonian 
Institution, 56-69. 

Soimes, Howard. Down the Highway: The Life of Bob Dylan. New York: Grove Press, 2001. 

Wren, Thomas. The Leader's Companion: Insights on Leadership Throughout the Ages. New York: Free Press, 1995. 


The Unifying Power of Black Student Activism 
in the 1 960s 

Laura Chaires 

Since the Great Migration, when African Americans Hocked to cities 
en masse in search of economic opportunities, tight -knit groups have 
developed within the black community, beginning with the often matri- 
archal family and percolating up to larger, more formally organized 
groups. August Meier and Elliot Rudwick. in their book From 
Plantation to Ghetto^ state that Blacks, "[mjotivated by pride and 
habit, and the need for mutual protection from rejection [...] found a 
refuge within their own community" (237). While the church was 
active in caning out a niche for African Americans in urban areas, 
helping them "adjust to the dismal realities of urban life" (Meier and 
Rudwick 249), more free-standing groups developed as well. In the era 
of segregation, there was a need for these types of groups, and "organi- 
zations, overall, were needed to meet the growing health, education, and 
social problems of Blacks in the urban environment" (Yearwood 427). 
The specific institutions that developed for these purposes varied, but 
their existence was fairly common in every city that was home to a sig- 
nificant black population. These groups precipitated tangible benefits 
for then- members. As Lennox Yearwood observes, "[F]ormal [b]lack 
organizations and agencies contributed to acceleration of economic, 
political, and educational advancement of Blacks in American urban 
communities (424). 

On college campuses nearly forty years after the peak of the Great 
Migration, the trend of community building continued with the intro- 
duction of black fraternities and sororities, more formally known as 
black Greek-lettered organizations. In an article in the New York Times. 
Isabel Wilkerson states that "[t]he groups, an outgrowth of segregation 
days when [BJlacks could not join white fraternal organizations, are 
among the most influential and best-endowed of all black organiza- 
tions, adding that their members "commit themselves to service long 
after their college days are over" ( 1 ) . She goes on to describe these 
groups as "survival networks" for black college students (Wilkerson 3). 
These student groups later became instrumental in precipitating and 
perpetuating cycles of student activism, providing a rallying point for 
disillusioned black students. Activism, in turn, served to lighten the 
bonds among group members and to help shape a generation of leaders 
among the African American community. 

These Greek organizations evolved on predominantly black college 
campuses from literary societies, and thev were typically highly exclu- 
sive. Involvement in such student groups "provided a haven for indi- 
vidual students to express their concerns as well as a collective voice for 
articulating group issues and negotiating resolutions with college and 
university administration" (Miller 128). As Stephanie Y. Evans notes, 
black Greek-lettered organizations were founded on worthy ideals. She 
writes. "Black Greek-lettered organizations," in particular, "along with 
[b]lack churches, often have provided a foundation for the fight to cor- 
rect social injustices. Member organizations of the National Pan- 
Hellenic Council — the Divine Nine — were all founded on principles of 
[b]lack pride, service, and justice" (Evans 1). 


Laura Chaires 

"/ wrote this paper for 
Plural America II with 
Drs. Nicholas and 
Sprayberry. For this 
particular assignment, 
ire were to focus on a 
person, event, or subject 
relevant to the Civil 
Rights struggle of the 
1960s. I hare long been 
aware of the social 
aspects that fraternities 
and sororities provide for 
students, but I was very 
curious as to the impact 
they might hare had in 
a more political sense 
during the 1960s. It was 
really interesting talking 
to people who had expe- 
rienced that era and 
coming to understand 
the ways it shaped them. 
I realized how it contin- 
ues to inform their lives 
and personalities and 
how alive it still is to 
them. " 

Laura is a junior major- 
ing in English and 
minormg in French from 
Louisville. Kentucky. A 
participant in the 
Harrison Honors 
Program. Laura is also 
active in the Reformed 
University Fellowship. 
In addition, she serves as 
a 'Southern Ambassador, 
writes for the Hilltop 
News, and holds mem- 
bership in Omicron 
Delta Kappa and Sigma 
Tau Delta. Laura has 
enjoyed Interim projects 
in Seattle and the 
Galapagos Islands. 

To cite a specific example, Ms. Vanteal Jones, a 1969 graduate of Alabama State University and 
member of Alpha Kappa Alpha Sorority, says that ""membership in Alpha Kappa Alpha Sorority is a 
commitment to lifelong community service, scholarship, education, and leadership" (Jones). 
Emphasizing the tightly knit community these groups often created, she further explains that "unlike 
predominantly white sororities that are mostly social in nature and whose members usually cease to 
function after graduating from college, AKA members are encouraged to transfer their membership to 
a graduate chapter in the community where they will live after graduating from college so that they 
can continue to provide service" (Jones). Furthermore, Ms. Jones, who was personally involved in the 
civil rights movement, states that "sororities and fraternities were at the forefront of the civil rights 
movement in Montgomery in the 60 V (Jones). She recounts an event that took place during her 
senior year of high school in which "students from Alabama State, led by Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., 
and sorority and fraternity members wearing their organizations emblems and colors, led several 
marches to the capital to protest laws that kept Blacks from voting' (Jones). Later, when she herself 
was involved in the sorority, Alpha Kappa Alpha held numerous voter registration drives in the black 

However, student activism did not begin in the 1960s. Decades of earlier protests and demonstra- 
tions laid the groundwork for the explosion in student activism that became an integral part of the civil 
rights movement. In fact, "social and political activism was an important aspect of student life and 
culture in the United States" throughout the twentieth century (Franklin, " Intro cluction" 105). Before 
this activism could begin, black students had to find a sense of self-identity at historically black col- 
leges and universities and on predominantly white campuses, in particular. As Karen Miller notes in 
her essay "Negroes No More," "[collective black student activism usually evolved out of smaller strug- 
gles to carve out space to be oneself, free from perceived and actual pressures to conform to 'white' 
cultural and social modalities" (126). In part, black student groups were so important because they 
provided a place where students could become comfortable enough with themselves to speak out about 
larger issues. 

Often, student activism was an outgrowth of activism in the larger community. Scholar V. P. 
Franklin says that "[sjtuclents attending colleges and universities in cities and towns where the local 
black community had launched protest movements participated in these civil rights campaigns" 
("Patterns" 205-06). Franklin also acknowledges that the larger group of a college campus and its 
student body community were important in the movement as well. He goes on to substantiate this 
view, explaining how "[...] college campuses spawned hundreds of activists willing to put their lives on 
the line in the cause of social justice. The student sit-ins and the formation of the Student Non- Violent 
Coordinating Committee (SNCC) represented a tinning point and historical marker in the evolution of 
the Civil Rights Movement in the United States'" (Franklin, "Patterns" 204). While students initially 
protested against segregation and other less-than-ideal realities on their campuses, their interest grew 
to include "the larger black freedom struggles whose aims were an end to racial inequalities and legal- 
ized segregation in both societies — on and off campus" (Franklin, "Patterns" 215). 

Student groups felt tremendous responsibility to address racial issues. As a result, "[g] roups like the 
Black Student Union" at San Francisco State University, for example, "felt they had to strike hi order 
to preserve their credibility and use then leverage within and outside the university community. 
Otherwise, institutions could ignore their issues without fear of serious consequences" (Miller 139). In 
order to gain and maintain the respect of the larger coimmuiity, student groups could not make empty 
claims. Their actions had to live up to the philosophies they espoused. Therefore, student groups 
worked diligently in their struggle for freedom and thus emerged as an indispensable part of the entire 
pursuit. In fact, "it has been the youth who have been the chief dynamic force in revamping the strat- 
egy of the established civil rights organization — who in turn felt it necessary to do something in order 
to retain leadership in the movement 1 ' (Meier 442). Students were not mere sidekicks in the era of 
widespread African American activism. 

Through this singular purpose, these groups provided an outlet for students who were dissatisfied 
with their treatment both within "the academy" and within the larger American society. One young 
man who participated in the first sit-in in North Carolina reported, "At the end of that first sit-in, I 
didn't feel nearly as guilty as I had prior to it.... Before the sit-ins, I felt kinda lousy, like I was useless" 
(qtd. in Rosenthal 122). The protest movement finally gave this young man a place to do something 


in response to his and other students complaints. This action spurred others into motion, including ;i 
group at Miles College in Birmingham, Alabama, led. in part. by non-traditional student Frank Dukes, 
who said, "Some of the students like in North Carolina weir protesting and demonstrating and a group 
of ns [students at Miles] fell that we should do the same thing because we were so hamstrung b\ segre- 
gation, discrimination, and all those other ills and wrongs. So we jnsi got a committee together' 1 (()). 
Furthermore, he said that they "felt that [they] could not just sit idly by and not protest here [in 
Alabama] because the conditions in Alabama were so much worse than those in North Carolina 
(Dukes b). After leading a boycott, formally known as a Selective Buying Campaign, of downtown 
businesses in Birmingham. Dukes said that "what [they] really got out of the Selective Buying 
Campaign was unification of the [b]lack community psychologically and philosophically and in terms 
of like the desegregation of stores and all this kind of stuff (11). The group united oxer a common 

Students were inspired by the actions of other students to take part in groups on their own campus- 
es; this participation allowed them to express feelings and concerns that had previously been repressed. 
One student. Catherine Burks Brooks, said that "what [she] remember[s] about SNCC was just being 
so excited to see all of the students from look like around the world. I guess it might have been just 
around the south [...] and the changes that we were going to make" (19). In an article on black fra- 
ternal organizations. Theda Skocpol and Jennifer Lyn Oser say that '"[t]he modern civil rights move- 
ment, it is well to remember, expressed remarkable solidarity among African Americans across lines of 
class, gender, and residential location, enabling [B] lacks to fashion broad appeals to fellow Americans 
while taking on the repressive segregationist order, pressing until the overt legal supports of that regime 
gave way (-*2-t). Blacks, especially students, came from various cities and towns, diverse family and 
economic backgrounds, and differing religious schools of thoughts, but thev w^ere able to unite on the 
front of activism for racial equality. 

Out of these student groups that were involved in the civil rights movement came men and women 
who were well prepared to become leaders and prominent personages in the black community. One 
author posits that "[b]lack student activism on campus [...] served as the training ground for partici- 
pation in the larger freedom struggles (Franklin, "Patterns 214). Another student activist. Miriam 
McClendon, said: 

My years in the Movement taught me to evaluate and analyze. They sowed the seeds or 
laid the groundwork for everything that came after. It allowed me to give expression to 
my thoughts and it provided an outlet for me to put those expressions into some type of 
practical practice. When I was out marching, picketing, and demonstrating and going 
door to door, registering people to vote, that was something that I could actually do. 
That was something concrete and I felt that I was making a difference and that was 
important to me. I don't know what direction my life would have taken had I not been 
involved in the Movement. I can't even imagine it, because I'm so much of a doer. It's 
so important for me to attack injustice wherever I see it. that I guess I woidd have been a 
different kind of person to not have been involved in the Movement (17). 

For McClendon. then, being involved in activism as a student not only provided her a means of par- 
ticipating in change and expressing her thoughts and opinions, but it also built a life-long passion for 
"doing" and for being involved in her community. She also says that "the struggle continues" 
(McClendon 19). Therefore, although many participants faded from the limelight after the tumult of 
the 1960s, thev have continued to be important players in the black community, serving important, 
though perhaps less high-profile, roles. Catherine Burks Brooks said of herself and her fellow activists 
that "we don't drop out [of the movement], we move on" (23). Despite all the strides made by the 
movement, work remains to be done, and people like McClendon. Brooks, and those who have learned 
about their struggles are well prepared to do it. 

The storv of Mrs. Angenetta Scott, a 1%8 graduate of Alabama State University in Montgomery, is 
the embodiment of countless stories from students involved in the civil rights movement. Mrs. Scott 
says that her "personal involvement [in the movement] was not as active as some because of [her] par- 
ents" fear for [her] safety (Scott). In fact. Mrs. Scott was offered a full scholarship to Huntingdon 


College, a small, Methodist, liberal arts college also located in Montgomery, but, because she would 
have been one of the first to integrate there, her family decided not to put her in that risky position. 
However, being involved in a student group, in this case the sorority Delta Sigma Theta, Inc., provided 
Mrs. Scott with a way to use her abilities to provide aid to the movement. Furthermore, being in 
Montgomery, Alabama, which was a crucial city in the civil rights movement, gave her "a unique pas- 
sion and perspective on the necessary relationship between [her] sorority and the movement " (Scott). 
Though she may not have been able to be as vocal or active as some students, she "did inarch on cam- 
pus and through the downtown of Montgomery, attended Bus Boycott Mass Meetings, worked on sever- 
al committees within the Sorority making telephone calls, passing out leaflets, help raise money, etc." 
(Scott). There was a role for everyone to play. 

Bv attending school in Montgomery and being involved in her student group, Mrs. Scott was able to 
continue trying to make a difference and become more involved after her student days. She claims 
that "[t]he excellent education, encouragement, exposure to exemplary characters and expertise [she] 
received at Alabama State allowed [her] to be one of the first Negroes to integrate many places right 
after the end of the Movement - ''' (Scott). She also says that "[b]eing a member of a legal student group 
can be a positive avenue for social and personal growth. It can also be the avenue to be involved in 
political justice causes" (Scott). Mrs. Scott went on to hold various jobs throughout her post-college 
years — she served as court secretary for a federal judge, worked in hospital administration at the 
University of Alabama at Birmingham, and taught at both Bobert E. Lee High School and Homewood 
High School. Her involvement in the movement and interaction with her sorority sisters helped to 
shape her into a woman of action and integrity. She explains that, for her, being part of a sorority was 
"an honor and something to be looked upon with great civic and social responsibility and great humili- 
ty and pride' (Scott). 

For the members of black student groups, their involvement in the civil rights movement and 
beyond offered not only opportunity but also inspiration and solidarity. Mrs. Scott says that the mind- 
set of community involvement was inherent in the goals of her sorority, and that during the 1960s that 
mindset became one of hope — "Hope that doors and avenues would be opened to us as females that 
were closed to us because we were both females and at that time Negroes. Hope that would and could 
inspire dreams and aspirations to become something other than housewives, teachers, secretaries, or 
nurses. Hope for the future!" (Scott). Another sorority member, Ms. Vanteal Jones, puts it this way: 
"As college-educated African-American women, we realize that we are privileged, but we also believe 
that we must uplift those in our communities who are disadvantaged" (Jones). Members used their 
involvement in Greek organizations to become involved in projects geared toward this purpose and 
have extended that passion and those ideals into a lifelong commitment. 

There are countless untold stories behind the personalities of each member of the civil rights move- 
ment. These stories, like those told by Frank Dukes, Catherine Burks Brooks, Miriam McClendon, 
Vanteal Jones, and Angenetta Scott, are stories of involvement leading to personal growth and empow- 
erment. These stories tell of the true sentiment behind the movement itself, a sentiment of hard work, 
hope, and unity. A generation was shaped by this movement, aided by their membership in groups 
and influenced by other members of these groups. The events of the 1960s have left a lasting mark 
on the nature of black student groups and their members by helping them to create their own identi- 
ties, by focusing their energy, and by providing a common purpose around which students from across 
the country could rally. 

Works Cited 

Brooks, Catherine Burks. Interview. Birmingham Civil Rights Institute Oral History Project 14.6 (29 April 1996). 
Dukes, Frank. Interview. Birmingham Civil Rights Institute Oral Histon- Project 6.1 (11 Mav 

Evans, Stephanie Y. "Black Greek-Lettered Organizations and Civic Responsibility" Black 

Issues in Higher Education. 7 Oct. 2004. 
Franklin, V. P. "Introduction: African American Student Activism in the 20th Century." The 

Journal of African American History 88.2 (Spring 2003): 105-09. 
— . "Patterns of Student Activism at Historically Black Universities in the United 

States and South Africa, 1960-1977." The Journal of African American Histon- 88.2 (Spring 

2003): 204-17. 


Jones. Vanteal. Email interview. 10 April 2008. 

McClendon, Miriam. Interview. Birmingham Civil Rights Institute Oral History Project 1 1.4 

(8 Nov. 1995). 
Meier. August. "Negro Protest Movements and Organizations.'' The Journal of Xegro Education 

32.4 (Autumn 1%3): 437-50. 
Meier. August, and Elliott Rudwick. From Plantation to (,'lwtto. 3rd ed. New York: Mill and 

Wang, 1976. 
Miller. Karen K. "Negroes No More: The Emergence of Black Student Activism." Long Time 

Cone: Sixties America Then and Xoir. Ed. Alexander Bloom. Oxford: Oxford IP. 2001. 

Rosenthal, Joel. "Southern Black Student Activism: Assimilation vs. Nationalism." The Journal 

of Xegro Education 44.2 (Spring 1075): 113-29. 
Scott, Angenerta. Telephone and Email Interview. 9 April 2008. 
Skocpol, Theda. and Jennifer Lynn Oser. "Organization Despite Adversity: The Origins and 

Developments of African American Fraternal Organizations." Social Science History 28.3 

(Fall 2004): 367-437. 
W ilkerson, Isabel. "Black Fraternities Thrive, Often on Adversity.' 1 Xew York Times 

2 Oct. 1989. 
Willie. Charles V., and Donald Cunnigen. "Black Students in Higher Education: A Review of 

Studies, 1965-1980." Annual Review of Sociology 7 (1981): 177-98. 
Vearwood. Lennox. "National Afro- American Organizations in L'rban Communities. Journal of 

Black Studies 8.4 (June 1978): 423-38. 


Charlsie Wigley 

"On the way to the LS 200 
retreat last fall, I can remem- 
ber talking with Professor 
Kent Andersen about the 
cover art for the Goleman 
piece which featured a man 
holding different golf clubs to 
signify his different styles of 
leadership. This golf analogy 
brought up questions in my 
mind about Goleman's thesis 
that results are the determi- 
nant of leadership, and 
Professor Andersen encour- 
aged me to explore this issue 
further. Looking back, work- 
ing on this paper caused me 
to want to explore the process 
of leadership, which I find to 
be the most interesting and 
important part of leadership 
studies. It ultimately serves 
as a basis for my philosophy 
on leadership. " 

Charlsie is a sophomore 
majoring in English and 
minoring in history from 
Anniston, Alabama. A par- 
ticipant in the Leadership 
Studies Program, she volun- 
teers at Urban Kids and was 
selected as a Hess Fellow for 
summer 2009 with Empower 
Alabama. Charlsie is a resi- 
dent advisor, a LEAD student 
leader, a Leading Edge 
Institute representative, the 
treasurer of BSC College 
Democrats, and a member of 
Zeta Tau Alpha. She also 
participated in the Service- 
Learning Interim in San 
Francisco in 2009 and will 
serve as a reflection officer 
for the 2010 Service- 
Learnins; Interim in 
Washington, DC. 

Sinking the Putt, but Missing the Lessons 
of the Shot: Re-examining Goleman's 
Results-Based Leadership 

Charlsie Wigley 

The first hole was a pea-four. As I looked in the direction of the 
distant pin. I told myself that I could get the ball in the cup by the 
sixth stroke. My dad was standing next to me, slowly explaining pin 
placement, elevation changes, and sand trap locations. He also told 
me to use a particular club, that rarely worked well or me. I com- 
plied because I perceived that he had more knowledge of the situa- 
tion. I hit the drive well. Nevertheless, it was shorter than it could 
have been due to the club that my father led me to choose. With 
each unhelpful suggestion from my father, I became less and less 
inclined to listen to him, but I eventually achieved my goal of getting 
the ball in the hole by the sixth stroke. 

I never thought that I would learn about leadership while playing 
golf with my dad. Still, while listening to his advice, I observed the 
complexities and limitations of a results-based assessment of leader- 
ship, an evaluation that regards progress toward a stated goal as the 
best method of appraising leadership. Although I viewed the result 
of getting the ball in the hole by the sixth stroke as a success, I am 
now perhaps less likely to take his advice, at least on golf clubs. 

A common dilemma in competition, such as a round of golf, is 
that leadership is too often measured by the results, by winning or 
losing. This method, however, leaves the means employed by lead- 
ers, whether victors or not, to be frequently overlooked or ignored. 
While it is generally accepted that leadership should have an end 
product, Daniel Goleman in ""Leadership that Gets Results 1 ' argues 
for a systematic way for leaders within an organizational context to 
achieve positive results by learning and applying six different styles 
of leadership. Goleman's six styles of leadership are based on an 
individual's emotional intelligence, which he describes as "the ability 
to manage ourselves and our relationships effectively" (Goleman 80). 
Goleman suggests that the emotional intelligence of leaders may 
grow when these individuals recognize their shortcomings and com- 
mit to being coached by an expert. With this approach, positive 
results within an organization can occur due to the ability of leaders 
to apply a particular leadership style that best fits a situation or 
group of followers. For Goleman, results are the yardstick of leader- 
ship and can be controlled by the ability of leaders to be flexible with 
their leadership styles and to recognize the potential for the growth 
of their emotional intelligence. 

While it is important to consider results, as Goleman does, it is 
problematic to focus exclusively on results as the yardstick of a 
leader. In other words, Goleman overly emphasizes the results of 
leadership and does not consider problems inherent in defining lead- 
ers based on their ability to motivate or influence followers to accom- 
plish a stated goal. By focusing on the end results of a leader's appli- 

2 3 

cation of a particular style. Goleman overlooks (lie deeper problem* of analyzing unforeseen conse- 
quences or outcomes, assessing the extent to which a particular leadership style caused the intended 
results, and determining the perspective from which results are evaluated. 

Just as Keith Grint contends in Leadership: Limits and Possibilities thai leaders and leadership are 
"cooked" or come from particular perspectives ( ( )7). I argue thai ii is difficult to evaluate leadership 
based on results because results are judged or viewed on an individual basis and come from different 
perspectives. Goleman emphasizes that his leadership findings are applicable to an organization, vei 
he ignores the results of companies such as Enron that can be viewed as favorable or unfavorable 
depending on an individuals perspective. As Grint points out. shareholders who stood to gain finan- 
cially tended to view Enron's results in a positive light, whereas other followers might have viewed 
these results as unsuccessful due to the unethical nature of the company's business practices (Grint 
70). Goleman, however, assumes that each leadership style is used for favorable results. Since he does 
not consider the issue of who determines the perspective, questions of the favorabilitv of the results 
remain unanswered. 

While Goleman states that the job of a leader is rooted in getting results, he seems to ignore the con- 
cept of unplanned or immeasurable consequences, results 1 consider to be outcomes. Goleman s discus- 
sion of Sister Mary and the democratic style of leadership reveals this shortcoming. According to 
Goleman, democratic leaders "build consensus through participation (80). He casts Sister Man as a 
leader who was able to incorporate the community in an open discourse when faced with shutting 
down a private school. One of her primary goals involved ensuring that the community could cope 
with the situation if the school was closed. As a result of her leadership, no backlash from the commu- 
nity occurred when the school closed. Goleman, however, does not consider an important potential 
outcome - the expectations of the community to be involved in future decisions. Goleman assumes 
that followers w ill respond to the use of differing leadership styles, but he does not consider unforeseen 
outcomes, including situations that demand different styles of leadership when followers favor one 
leadership approach. 

In contrast. Grint stresses the significance of outcomes of leadership. He uses the slave rebellion led 
by Spartacus as an example. While Spartacus failed to achieve Ins desired goal of leading a successful 
rebellion against the Romans, he defeated contingents of Roman troops despite being outmatched in 
strength, numbers, and resources (Grint 85). Goleman. on the other hand, implies that leadership 
styles lead to results, but he does not examine potential outcomes that could have a significant impact 
on the way leadership should be viewed. 

The difficulty of determining the effect of a leadership style on the results adds to the complexity of 
using a results-based assessment of leadership. Goleman believes that leaders can recognize the best 
leadership style to applv in a particular situation and that successful results can point to one of the six 
leadership styles he outlines. He argues that results come from different styles of leadership or from 
different individual leaders (Goleman 84). These views are seen in Goleman s example of Joe Torre 
with regard to the affiliative stvle of leadership. Affiliative leaders are able to "create emotional bonds 
and harmony (Goleman 80). Goleman assumes in this example that the New York Yankees win in 
the 1999 World Series was a result of Joe Torre's use of the affiliative style, which boosted the team's 
morale and created a climate of lovalty and commitment. In reality, however, the success of the New 
York \ankees was perhaps more a testament to the fact that the team members had greater talent and 
received more pay than the average professional baseball player. In his conceptualization of leadership 
based strictly on results, it can be inferred that Goleman largely ignores the process of leadership, 
which involves the acts of leaders using various appropriate styles of leadership. Furthermore, he fails 
to consider the dynamics behind the emergence of leaders in particular situations. 

Goleman directs the attention of leadership scholars and those concerned with the study of leader- 
ship toward a definition that is concerned exclusively with the residts of a leader's task. I agree with 
Goleman that results are an important consideration, but, due to problems that arise with varying per- 
spectives and unforeseen outcomes, I cannot accept Goleman's overall conclusion that leadership is 
defined on the basis of a leader's result. In my view. Goleman s findings on leadership inhibit us from 
considering leadership in its full scope. Ml individuals concerned with leadership, be it in the study of 
the theories or in the application of the methods, on a battlefield or during a round of golf, should be 
wary of results as the sole yardstick of leadership and must be willing to consider other areas of focus. 


Works Cited 

Goleman, Daniel. "Leadership That Gets Results." Harvard Business Review 78.2 (2000): 78-90. 
Grint, Keith. Leadership: Limits and Possibilities. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 

2 5 

An Assessment of South Africa's Truth and 
Reconciliation Commission and Implications 
for Peace in Israel-Palestine 

Natalie Ausborn 

The signing of a treaty, cease in a cross-fire, or birth of a new regime 
are often not the final solution to conflicts involving acts of oppression, 
violence, and violations of human rights. Rather, after such conflicts, 
the spiritual, emotional, psychological, and even physical needs of peo- 
ple need to be addressed. While these efforts for lasting peace and clo- 
sure may range from the Nuremberg trials to the granting of blanket 
amnesty, South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) 
has received much attention throughout the world. Though the South 
African TRC was not the first truth commission, it was unique in its 
accomplishments and quest for reconciliation. One may assess further 
how the TRC's goals and recommendations have been realized since the 
commission published its final report hi 1998. when the individuals and 
government of South African society were charged to contribute to the 
development of a national unity. South Africa's TRC set a precedent for 
future commissions and can serve as a model for promoting reconcilia- 
tion in other regions torn by conflict, such as the Middle East. By tak- 
ing hito account historical, cultural, and present-day societal contexts of 
both South Africa and the Middle East, one can explore both the accom- 
plishments of the South African TRC and applications to the quest for 
truth and reconciliation in the Middle East. 

An appreciation of the history of South Africa's struggle with 
Apartheid is essential hi understanding the basis of South Africa's TRC. 
The Apartheid Era in South Africa lasted from 19-1:8 to 1994, and dur- 
ing this time, the government strived to separate different races both 
socially and geographically. The Apartheid system divided the people of 
South Africa into the four racial classes of \X bite, Colored, Indian, and 
Black, and it deemed the White minority as deserving of complete con- 
trol. The White race was grouped into one nation. Blacks were placed 
into ten smaller nations hi rural territories known as "homelands 1 
(Thompson 190). The Surplus People Project estimated that an over- 
whelming 3.5 million Blacks were relocated from 1960 to 1983 
(Thompson 194). Blacks who lived in the homelands were refused the 
same rights as other citizens of South Africa, and, in 1971, the Bantu 
Homelands Constitution Act allowed the government to declare any 
homeland to be independent (Thompson 191). However, other coun- 
tries did not recognize the independence of such homelands. The condi- 
tions of these homelands became increasingly poor due to high popula- 
tion densities and the absence of help from outside countries and the 
South x\frican government (Thompson 193). 

In addition to geographical divisions, laws and regulations enacted 
under the Apartheid system led to deteriorating conditions for the Black 
race. A few examples of these measures demonstrate the diminished 
power of the Black race in South African society during Apartheid. The 
Reservation of Separate Amenities Act permitted separate and unequal 
public facilities among the different races (Thompson 190). The Bantu 
Education Act of 1953 allowed the sovernment to control the Black 


Natalie Ausborn 

"7 wrote this paper for 
my senior independent 
research project for the 
Honors Program, with 
Dr. LaMonte as my 
sponsor. I contacted 
Reverend Edwin Arrison 
in Sonth Africa to 
examine the effects of 
the Truth and 
Commission (TRC) on 
South African society. 
When I decided to also 
assess if the South 
African TRC could serve 
as a model for reconcili- 
ation in Palestine. I 
never dreamed that I 
would learn so much 
and become so interest- 
ed in the project. 
Meeting Sis and Jerry 
Levin and speaking with 
Yehezkel Landau 
opened my eyes to 
efforts for building 
peace. " 

Natalie is a senior 
chemistry major from 
Gadsden. Alabama. A 
Harrison Honors 
Program student, she is 
a member of Phi Beta 
Kappa, Alpha Epsilon 
Delta. Mortar Board, 
and Chi Omega. In 
addition. Natalie works 
as a chemistry ARC 
tutor, serves as Order of 
Omega president, and 
participates hi Relay for 
Life. Her trip to South 
Africa during Interim 
2007 helped spur her 
interest hi South 
Africa's TRC. Natalie 
currently interns for Dr. 
Sis Levin, who educates 
teachers on a system to 
teach nonviolence to 

public education system and ensured that Black children were taught according to Apartheid ideals, at 
a cost ten tunes below the amount spent on the education of Whites (Thompson 196). In addition, 
Blacks experienced high levels of poverty and disease as unemployment rates doubled among Black 
South Africans from 1960 to 1977, leaving over twenty percent of Blacks unemployed (Thompson 
195). Indeed, South Africa possessed the widest gap hi the distribution of income among ninety coun- 
tries that were reviewed by the World Bank in 1980 (Thompson 202). As a result of the government's 
oppression, many young Blacks left South Africa to receive military training elsewhere with the goal of 
returning to South Africa to "ultimately, launch a guerilla war (Thompson 213). 

South Africa eventually reached a point of political uncertainty where it could no longer ignore the 
harsh inequalities of Apartheid. By 1967, the General Assembly of the United Nations had created a 
Special Committee on Apartheid that denounced South Africa's policies and later declared Apartheid to 
be a a crime against humanity" (cjtcl. in Thompson 214). In 1977, the Security Council issued an arms 
embargo against South Africa (Thompson 214). However, Britain, West Germany, France, and 
Switzerland abstained from the embargo in order to protect their trade and investments in South 
Africa; in particular, these countries depended on South Africa as a source of gold, platinum, chromi- 
um, manganese, and vanadium (Thompson 217-18). As conditions in the homelands continued to 
deteriorate, the growing Black population could no longer be sustained. One Black worker comment- 
ed, "The countryside is pushing you into the cities to survive; the cities are pushing you into the coun- 
tryside to die" (cjtd. in Thompson 226). The time had come for a change. 

The Apartheid Era was ended when South African President F.W de Klerk lifted the ban on anti- 
Apartheid organizations, which freed the African National Congress leader Nelson Mandela. On April 
27, 1994, people of South Africa, Black and White alike, were given the opportunity to vote, and 
Nelson Mandela was elected as the new president of South Africa. Though negotiations between gov- 
ernment officials had been peaceful, violent struggles had taken place from 1990 until 1994. resulting 
in over sixteen thousand killings (Thompson 248). Mandela, who had been imprisoned for some twen- 
ty-seven years, advocated the need for reconciliation among the races in order to establish a new South 
Africa. The TRC was created to accomplish this purpose, and Mandela appointed the former 
Archbishop of Cape Town, Desmond Tutu, to serve as the chair of this commission. Tutu, a theologian 
and religious leader, recognized the need for truth and reconciliation in South Africa as well and 
viewed the formation of the TRC as the best way to allow the people of South Africa to move forward 
without ignoring the victims of the past. Though some criticize the effect of the TRC on racial recon- 
ciliation in South Africa, the liberating truths and spirit of forgiveness that this commission revealed 
cannot be ignored. 

South Africa's TRC included three committees: the Committee on Human Rights Violations, the 
Committee on Reparation and Rehabilitation, and the Committee on Amnesty. Tutu served as the 
chair of the Human Rights Violations Committee, whose purpose was to address the victims and perpe- 
trators of gross human rights violations; these acts included killing, torture, and extreme ill treatment 
(Tutu 76). No exemptions were made for violators. As Tutu stated, "A gross violation is a gross viola- 
tion whoever commits it and for whatever motive" because "a just cause must be fought by just means: 
otherwise it may be badly vitiated" (107). The basic goal of the Reparation and Rehabilitation 
Committee was to provide reparations to victims of political violence (Thompson 275). As an addi- 
tional means of reconciliation, the commission suggested that public facilities and amenities should be 
named after the "fallen heroes" of South Africa's liberation (Tutu 64). In regard to the perpetrators of 
human rights violations, the Committee on Amnesty sought to adhere to the following principle: 
"amnesty is granted only to those who plead guilty, who accept responsibility, for what they have done. 
Amnesty is not given to innocent people or to those who claim to be innocent" (Tutu 54). By confess- 
ing the truth, individuals could then request amnesty for their crimes and human rights violations. 
According to Tutu, "The solution arrived at was not perfect but it was the best that could be had in the 
circumstances - the truth in exchange for the freedom of the perpetrators" (58). 

The commission's published report was presented to President Nelson Mandela on October 29, 
1998, after over two years of conducting public hearings, deciding upon reparations, and granting 
amnesties. More than twenty thousand people submitted statements during the eighteen months of 
hearings by the Human Rights Violations Committee (Tutu 108). The Reparation and Rehabilitation 
Committee issued urgent relief to twenty thousand victims in an amount totaling the equivalent of 
approximately three hundred United States dollars per victim. The committee recommended that the 


government pay individual reparation grants in the amount of almost lour thousand dollars a vear. 
payable for six years, which would cost (he government over four hundred million dollars in total 
(Tutu 62). The Committee on Amnesty received over seven thousand individual requests for amnesty; 
it granted over one thousand amnesties before the commission's report was published, leaving two 
thousand applications to be processed afterwards (Thompson 275). 

The question remains as to whether or not the goals and recommendations set out in the TRC 1 ( )98 
final report were accomplished. Specifically in terms of the Reparation and Rehabilitation Committee, 
Section l(l)(xiv) of the TRC states that "any form of compensation, restitution, rehabilitation or 
recognition constitutes reparation, and the South African government allocated twenty milli on dollars 
in 1999 and thirty milli on dollars in 2000 and 2001 for such reparations (du Plessis 185-86). 
However, a 2000 newspaper article by Brandon Hamber entitled "Official Silence on Reparations 
Cheats the Victims of Past Conflicts of Their Rights" points to frustrations with the extent of repara- 
tions not yet paid to victims. Five years after the commission's final report, the South African govern- 
ment reduced the reparations recommended bv the TRC to approximately three thousand dollars for 
each victim (Villa- Vicencio and du Toit 165). To help address this situation, the South African 
Khulumani Support Group (KSG) speaks for victims whose voices were not heard by the TRC. As the 
Swahili word khulumani literally means to "speak out, the KSG was originally formed in 1995 by vic- 
tims of Apartheid hi response to those who felt that the forthcoming TRC should be used to "speak 
out" to ensure that the past did not repeat itself. The KSG, which currently represents over sixtv thou- 
sand individuals with claims for reparations, plans to hold a series of hearings in communities that 
were not reached by the TRC. One KSG member, Brian Mphahlele, stated that although he received 
his reparation payment, he does not understand why the eighty-five million dollars left in the 
Presidents fund has not been granted to some two thousand people still awaiting payment as of 2008. 
ten years after the TRC's final report ("TRC's Unanswered Questions"). 

The Institute for Justice and Reconciliation, an organization established to help bring about recon- 
ciliation, justice, and democratic nation-building in Africa, held a conference during April 2006. ten 
vears after the creation of the TRC, entitled "Truth and Reconciliation in South Africa: 10 Years On. 
The conference provided an opportunity for open dialogue with former TRC chairman Desmond Tutu, 
former TRC commissioner Yasmin Sooka. and two South Africans who testified as victims at the TRC 
human rights hearings. Nohle Mohapi and Thembi Simelane-Nkaelimeng. Simelane-Nkadimeng's sis- 
ter had disappeared some twenty-three years earlier during Apartheid, and Simelane-Nkadimeng pro- 
fessed his desire to speak with his sisters victimizer, William Coetzee, who did not testify dining the 
TRC hearings. After having waited more than five years to hear news of prosecutions, Simelane- 
Nkadimeng remarked at the conference: 

I want to speak to William Coetzee and ask him what the hell he did with my sister and then I 
can get on with my life... there is only one key: he must tell me what he did with my sister so I 
can rest. I am following prosecutions now because it is the only option I have, but if I had an 
option to sit down and talk. I would choose that. (Villa- Vicencio and du Toit 12) 

Along with the 1998 final report, the TRC submitted a list of over three hunched names to the 
National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) of those who did not testify at the TRC hearings and thus did 
not exchange the truth for amnesty. From 1998 to 200-t. families of victims requested prosecution 
until they realized that the NPAs draft of prosecution guidelines contained a policy on partial amnesty- 
rather than full prosecution (Villa- Vicencio and du Toit 17). According to Yas min Sooka. "This focus 
on the perpetrators diminishes the goals of the TRC and ultimately the constitution... Are victims being 
offered another opportunity to become part of the TRC process and to qualify for reparations? (\ illa- 
Yicencio and du Toit 22). Concerned that politicians of the former Apartheid state who did not apply 
for amnesty might escape prosecution. Sooka also asked if "only foot soldiers would be brought to 
trial (Villa- Vicencio and du Toit 22). 

The conference held by the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation included an update on the 
imprisonment of key players in the Apartheid regime. Ferdi Barnard, a former hitman for the 
Apartheid regime's Civil Cooperation Bureau (CCB) who did not testify at a TRC hearing, was impris- 
oned in South Africa for the murder of Witwatersrand University" academic David Webster (\illa- 
Vicencio and du Toit 159). A fellow CCB operative who did choose to testify and admitted to bombing 


the Early Learning Center in Athlone and attempting to kill United Democratic Front leader Dullah 
Omar was granted full amnesty and is now a sugar farmer in KwaZulu-Natal (Villa- Vicencio and du 
Toit 159). Eugene de Kock, more commonly known as "Prime Evil" for his role as the commander of 
Vlakplaas, a unit responsible for capturing and killing political opponents of Apartheid, did testify at 
the TRC hearings, but he was not granted amnesty and is currently serving a 212-year sentence for 
crimes against humanity in Pretoria's maximum-security prison. Today, de Kock exposes the crimes of 
superiors in Apartheid atrocities, with the hope of a future presidential pardon (Villa- Vicencio and Du 
Toit 159). Out of over seven thousand amnesty applications to the TRC, only 1,154 individuals were 
granted full amnesty and 150 were granted partial amnesty. Fewer than three hundred applicants 
were members of South African security forces, such as the police, and there is ongoing speculation 
that police generals will soon be prosecuted (Villa -Vicencio and Du Toit 160). 

While some accomplishments and shortcomings of the TRC are easily characterized as facts, other 
outcomes, which are less easily evaluated, have been the subject of diverse opinions of South Africans 
and scholars. When considering opinions on the accomplishments of the TRC in regard to reconcilia- 
tion, it is important to note the different evaluations. For example, Valli Moosa, a founding member of 
South Africa's United Democratic Front, stated that reconciliation, truth, and justice were incomplete 
following the TRC. On the other hand, Rajeev Rhargava, a former professor at Jawaharlal Nehru 
University, New Delhi who has written on the moral justifications of reconciliation commissions, noted 
that the TRC was necessary but not sufficient, as "reconciliation requires profound change in people." 
(qtd. in du Plessis 194). In light of the comments by Moosa and Rharghava, Willemem du Plessis, 
Professor of Law at South Africa's North-West University, noted: "The Commission contributed 
towards creating conditions for reconciliation - it was not an end of itself. It was an important 
moment on the transitionary process where human forces took precedence over state politics" (194). 

In addition to reconciliation, the needs of South African society can be considered on the basis of 
economical and psychological perspectives. The TRC recommended that the government create provi- 
sions to close the gap between the beneficiaries and victims of Apartheid with education, shelter, water, 
health services, and employment (du Plessis 184). The TRC also suggested the adoption of a wealth 
tax so that people who benefited from Apartheid could help alleviate poverty. However, as of 2002, 
this tax was still being debated by the South African government (du Plessis 184). The failure to 
implement the wealth tax, coupled with the evidence of post-traumatic stress syndrome in victims who 
testified at TRC hearings, led Tom Winslow, assistant director of the Trauma Center for Survivors of 
Violence and Torture in Capetown, to claim that the TRC "opened the patient up and then walked 
away" (qtd. in Graybill 83). South African journalist Brandon Hamber reported that victims were not 
provided with long-term mental health follow-up by the TRC. The need for psychological support per- 
sists today. As of 2002 in the Northern Province, for instance, there were no clinical psychologists in 
the public health services and only three psychologists in private practice to serve a population of 5.3 
million people (Graybill 84). Du Plessis stated: "The Commission was a necessary start in the healing 
process, but if socio-economic and juridical reform does not form part of the process the good effect of 
the healing process might soon be lost again" (196-97). 

One South African theologian and citizen of note, Edwin Arrison, has stressed the importance of 
addressing socio-economic disparities and has voiced his opinion on the work of the TRC. Arrison has 
expressed his frustrations that White businesses continue to profit over Black businesses after 
Apartheid. In his opinion, those who presently own the economy should, "preferably voluntarily," 
transfer the economy to the majority of people hi South Africa. When asked if the TRC was the best 
solution for reconciliation in South Africa following Apartheid, Arrison stated that the TRC was the 
"first building block upon which other pursuits such as economic justice were placed. Arrison com- 
mented: "If [reconciliation] is to create a relative peace, then the TRC was perfect as one of the vehi- 
cles that contributed to that. But there were many other supplementary vehicles — writing and adopt- 
ing the constitution. ..." Arrison also noted that although the TRC was a good tactic, the truth about 
inequality within the economy was excluded, and more people should have been compensated sooner 

Even though Arrison felt that the TRC failed to address the economic needs of the South African 
majority, he gives the TRC credit for the major accomplishment of allowing the history of South Africa 
under Apartheid to be publicized. Similarly, the TRC allowed South Africans to reflect upon their own 


humanity. Arrison refers to South African psychologist Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela s book 1 Human 
Being Died That Xight in which the author recounts her interviews with the imprisoned Eugene de 
Kock, or "Prime Evil." De Kock first appeared in front of the TRC to disclose his role in killing three 
black policemen by planting a car bomb (Gobodo-Madikizela 13). Alter testifying, de Kock requested 
to meet with the widows of the men he killed, and afterwards one of the widows remarked: "I would 
like to hold him by the hand, and show him that there is a future, and that he can still change" (qtd. 
in Gobodo-Madikizela 14). At one memorable point in her book. Gobodo-Madikizela recounts how she 
spontaneously reached out to touch de Kock s hand after he expressed remorse and anguish following 
his conversations with the widows (33). During their next encounter, de Kock informs her that she 
had touched his "trigger hand" (39). Throughout the remainder of her book. Gobodo-Madikizela 
struggles whether to hold de Kock accountable for his crimes or to forgive him. Arrison noted that 
throughout the history of the TRC, some individuals, like Gobodo-Madikizela. practiced the principle 
of ubuntu by actively seeking to uncover a level of humanity. Tutu uses the word iibun/u to express 
the depth of humanity he desires and describes ubuntu as a way to say, "My humanity is caught up, is 
inextricably bound up, in yours (Tutu 31). Ubuntu is about the interconnectedness between all per- 
sons, as opposed to individualism (Arrison). Arrison stated that the TRC continues to influence South 
African society like this by allowing "South Africans to face each other with a level of honesty." 

In order to gain a better understanding of how ordinary South Africans view reconciliation, the 
Institute for Justice and Reconciliation conducted a national survey in 2002. A total of 3491 people 
over the age of sixteen, comprising a sample representative of the racial composition of South Africa, 
were asked the open-ended question, "What, if anything, do you understand by the word "reconcilia- 
tion? Almost thirty percent of these individuals were unable to provide any answer, and the remain- 
ing expressed the following answers in these percentages: 23% forgiveness, 16% unity. 13% peace, 
10% racial integration. 9% forget past, 5% cooperation, 5% dealing with past. 4% socio-economic 
development, 3% values, 2% ending racism, and 2% human rights. Interestingly, the concepts of for- 
giveness, peace, and unity trumped the small percentage of material issues, such as financial and socio- 
economic development ( Villa -Vicencio and du Toit 78). 

In Tutus view, the most important accomplishments of the TRC were the closure that was awarded 
to the victims of Apartheid and the forgiveness that followed. However, Tutu stated: "For me, one of 
the greatest weaknesses in the conmiission was the fact that we failed to attract the bidk of the white 
community to participate enthusiastically in the process' 1 (231). Some argue that the TRC did not 
contribute to racial reconciliation, but instead contributed to racial divisions while also failing to bring 
justice to the victims of Apartheid and human rights violations (Thompson 278). Tutu found, howev- 
er, that many victims did in fact find comfort and healing as a result of publicly voicing their struggles 
and victimization because "the acceptance, the affirmation, the acknowledgement that they had indeed 
suffered was cathartic for them." Tutu remarked that "if this had happened to only one person, then 
we would have said that the commission had more than justified its existence. The fact that many 
people said the same made us wish we could have afforded many more the opportunity of unburdening 
themselves of the heavy weight of their anguish (Tutu 165). Therefore, it is important to keep in 
mind that the TRC was "meant to promote not to achieve... worthwhile objectives (Tutu 165). In the 
words of Tutu: 

Reconciliation... has to be a national project to which all earnestly strive to make their particu- 
lar contribution - by learning the language and culture of others; by being willing to make 
amends; by refusing to deal in stereotypes by making racial or other jokes that ridicule a par- 
ticular group; by contributing to a culture of respect for human rights, and seeking to enhance 
tolerance - with zero tolerance for intolerance; by working for a more inclusive society where 
most, if not all. can feel thev belong - that they are insiders and not aliens and strangers on 
the outside, relegated to the edges of society. (274) 

Given that the purpose of the TRC w-as to "promote worthwhile objectives, it is important to note 
the accepted limitations and realistic goals of such commissions. In order to obtain international legiti- 
macy, a TRC must fulfill a number of objectives: provide convincing evidence that the majority of citi- 
zens endorse the commission: disclose as much truth as possible about gross human rights violations: 
incorporate accountability of those responsible for committing gross violations of human rights: grant 


reparations to victims whose rights are encroached upon by any amnesty provision; and provide a 
forum where victims can tell their stories and question perpetrators. Also, prosecutions should remain 
open for perpetrators who did not adequately participate in the process (Villa-Vicencio and du Toit 4- 
5). The accepted limitations of a TRC include the inability to achieve the following tasks: impose pun- 
ishment for crimes committed; ensure remorse from all perpetrators; ensure that victims will forgive 
perpetrators; address all aspects of past oppression; uncover the whole truth; allow all victims to tell 
their stories; provide adequate forms of reconstruction and reparation; and correct the imbalance 
between benefactors and those exploited by the former regime (Villa-Vicencio and du Toit 5). A TRC, 
however, can provide the means to accomplish quite a few realistic goals: break the silence on past 
gross human rights violations; counter the denial of such violations and provide official knowledge of 
the extent of human suffering; provide the basis for the emergence of a common, representative memo- 
ry; create a culture of accountability; provide a safe place for victims to express their emotions; bring 
communities and institutions under moral scrutiny; contribute to the disclosure of the motives, causes, 
and perspectives of perpetrators of past atrocities; provide symbolic memorials; and initiate and sup- 
port a process for reconciliation, while recognizing that it will take time and political will to realize 
(Villa-Vicencio and du Toit 6). 

It is important to consider these realistic goals and limitations when assessing what the TRC has 
accomplished and how the commission has influenced or changed South African society. After provid- 
ing a foundation for reconciliation, the TRC charged the South African government to follow its recom- 
mendations for paying reparations and to provide mechanisms for achieving racial and socio-economic 
justice. Similarly, the people of South Africa were encouraged to pursue the levels of reconciliation 
that the TRC could not accomplish alone. According to Tutu, "The TRC was flawed in many ways, 
but the world thinks the South African TRC has set a benchmark against which every other TRC is to 
be measured" (10). 

If the South African TRC is indeed a benchmark by which other commissions should be measured, 
then perhaps South Africa's quest for truth and reconciliation through the TRC can be a model for 
other countries or regions with human rights conflicts. According to John de Gruchy, "Reconciliation is 
something that is pertinent in every community where alienated and estranged people cry out for heal- 
ing and a reason for hope" (12). For example, there has been a resounding call for peace in the 
Middle East through the reconciliation of Israel and Palestine. Both Desmond Tutu and former US 
President Jimmy Carter have equated the Israeli occupation of Palestine with Apartheid. The history 
of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict reveals evidence of oppression and violence that cannot be ignored, 
and current policies warrant a quest for truth and reconciliation. Though Israel and Palestine have not 
yet reached an agreement to cease violence or end Israeli occupation in order to pursue the creation of 
either unified or separate states, South Africa's TRC could potentially serve as a model for the reconcil- 
iation of Israel and Palestine. 

An awareness of the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is crucial to an understanding of the 
call for peace in the Middle East. The Balfour Declaration of 1917 stated that the British government 
supported "the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people" in "sympathy with 
Jewish Zionist aspirations " (qtd. in Harms and Ferry 69). According to the World Zionist 
Organization, the aim of Zionism was to create a national home for Jewish people in Palestine (Harms 
and Ferry 55). In 1922, Great Britain's government reigned over Palestine, following the end of the 
Ottoman Empire (Harms and Ferry 75). At the culmination of the British mandate in November of 
1947, the fate of Palestine was left to the LInited Nations, which then established a plan to partition 
Palestine into separate Jewish and Arab states and formally recognize the independence of Israel as a 
nation. With this partition, Israel was awarded fifty-six percent of Palestine, a land with 1.3 million 
Arabs and 600,000 Jews in 1946 (Harms and Ferry 92). This resolution, however, was rejected by the 
Palestinian community, and, in 1948, the same year that Apartheid formally came into existence in 
South Africa, the first Israeli-Arab war began (Rabinovich 35). More than 700,000 Palestinian 
refugees fled their homes during this war, marking the beginning of a refugee problem that still exists 
today (Harms and Ferry 99-101), By the end of the war in 1949, Israel had gained seventy-seven per- 
cent of Palestine, with Egypt occupying Gaza, and Jordan controlling the west bank of the Jordan 
River (Carter 4). 

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict can also be viewed in terms of an Israeli-Arab conflict which not 


only extends to the surrounding Aral) states but demonstrates a greater international breadth to include 
some Western states. In the 1948-1949 war. Palestinians received military support from Egypt. 
Jordan, Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon (Rabinovich 35). and Israel received indirect assistance from the 
Soviet Union (Rabinvoch 38). In the Suez Canal (aisis of 1956. a British-French-lsraeh invasion of 
Egypt concluded with the Israeli capture of the Sinai Peninsula, resulting in the Arab view of Israel as 
an "agent of Western imperialism (Harms and Ferry 107). In die Six-Day War of 1967. Israel 
attacked Egypt, Syria. Iraq, and Jordan and occupied the Golan Heights. Gaza. Sinai, and the West 
Bank, effectively tripling the size of the Israeli state within a mere six days (I hums and Ferry 111). In 
1082, Israeli troops attacked Lebanon, where the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) had estab- 
lished its headquarters, and did not withdraw forces until 1 ( )85 (Harms and Ferry 136-37). From 
1^87 to 1003. an uprising known as the first intifada began through a series of strikes and boycotts by 
the Palestinians (Carter 7). A second intifada erupted in 2000 and included more violence and 
Palestinian suicide bombers. Within the next six years, approximately four thousand Palestinians and 
one thousand Israelis were killed (Carter 206). 

Within the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict emerges evidence of human rights violations. In 
his book Palestine Peace Not Apartheid. Jimmy Carter paraphrases former Syrian President Hafez al- 
Assad, who asserted that even though Israel views the Jews as one people, Palestinians are not afforded 
a national identity despite the fact that they share a single language, culture, and history. Thus, an 
inferior view of Palestinian Arabs consistent with racism has resulted (Carter 77). According to the 
Israeli human rights organization B Tselem, for every Palestinian accused of a violent act against Israel, 
even stone throwing, an average of twelve innocent Palestinian families homes are demolished (Garter 
110). B Tselem concluded: "Israeli's policy of punitive demolitions constitutes a grave breach of inter- 
national humanitarian law. and therefore a war crime' (Carter 116). Furthermore, in the Gaza Strip. 
with a population of 1.3 million Palestinians in 2004. eight thousand Israeli settlers and twelve thou- 
sand Israeli troops controlled forty percent of the useable land and more than half of the water supply 
(Carter 168). The United Nations, European Union, and International Court of Justice have deemed 
the Israeli settlements illegal (Finkel 67). 

A wall currently divides Israel from the West Bank region of Palestine. Although Israel claims that 
the wall was built for security, many Palestinians use the term "Apartheid Wall" to describe the struc- 
ture, because it deprives Palestinians of human rights and freedom. Just as the wall dividing Israel and 
Palestine has been called the "Apartheid Wall, the Israeli occupation of Palestine has been described 
as an "apartheid system.' The LIN International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of 
the Crime of Apartheid listed "inhuman acts" supported by the apartheid system that were inflicted on 
victims: the establishment and maintenance of a subordinate racial group: denial of the "right to life 
and liberty"; infliction of "serious bodily or mental harm, by the infringement of their freedom or dig- 
nity, or by subjecting them to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment"; 
"arbitrary arrest and illegal punishment ': and "living conditions calculated to cause . . . their physical 
destruction in whole or in part'' (qtd. in Bemiis 46-47). Similar to South African Apartheid, the 
Israeli-Palestinian dispute centers around land. The LTN International Convention, therefore, also 
denounced measures "designed to divide the population... by the creation of separate reserves and ghet- 
tos for the members of a racial group or groups . . . [and] the expropriation of landed property' (qtd. 
in Bennis 47). Just as South Africa isolated the Black majority from the White minority through the 
formation of homelands, the wall, in the Palestinians 7 view, "suffocates an entire population for the 
actions of a small minority' (Finkel 80). 

Key similarities and differences can be noted between the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and South 
African Apartheid. In South Africa. Blacks were sentenced to life in homelands and denied the citizen- 
ship which Whites were afforded. Likewise, Palestinians are trapped in refugee camps in the Gaza 
Strip and the West Bank and are not recognized as citizens in their own land. In South Africa, laws 
prevented Blacks from working in White areas without a pass, isolating the majority of Blacks in over- 
populated, impoverished homelands (Thompson 193). Similarly, numerous checkpoints exist between 
Israel and Palestine to monitor which Palestinians are allowed to enter Israel, and most of the roads, 
sewage systems, and electricity lines built in the Israeli territories are for the exclusive use of the Israeli 
people (Carter l4l. 151). Another major similarity between the struggles in the Middle East and 
South Africa is the battle over land, although the values inherent in each land are different. W hile 


South Africa is rich in diamonds and precious metals, the value of land in Israel and Palestine is fun- 
damentally immaterial. In the words of Rabbi Menachem Froman: "This is not just land. This is the 
Holy Land. There's no oil, no gold, no diamonds. It's a dessert! But this is God's palace" (qtd. in 
Finkel 66). This focus on the Holy Land emphasizes another difference in the two struggles. Though 
South Africa's Apartheid regime separated people solely on the basis of race, Israelis and Palestinians 
are separated according to the designations of Jew and non-Jew. Despite these differences, a similarity 
is perhaps the most important result of such a comparison: the calls for peace and reconciliation in 
both South Africa and Israel-Palestine insisting that the injustices in each country cannot be ignored. 
In the words of Desmond Tutu: "Unless we look the beast in the eye we find it has an uncanny habit of 
returning to hold us hostage" (28). 

It is important to note past efforts of peace-making before discussing a means to achieve reconcilia- 
tion in Israel-Palestine. According to former US President Jimmy Carter, two main obstacles prevent 
the achievement of peace in the Middle East: first, the belief by some Israelis that they have the right 
to persecute the Palestinians and confiscate their land and, second, the mindset of some Palestinians 
that violence such as that inflicted by suicide bombers should be honored (Carter 205-06). In 1993, 
Israel and the PLO agreed in the Oslo Accords to settle key issues, including the release of prisoners, 
economic cooperation, refugee rights, and the establishment of borders of Palestine within a five-year 
period, which was eventually extended to seven years. However, most of these issues were never 
resolved, and violence and injustice continued (Bennis 134). In 2000, peace talks at Camp David 
unsuccessfully attempted to salvage the failing Oslo agreement. And in 2003, the International 
Quartet, comprised of the United States, Russia, the European Union, and the United Nations, devel- 
oped a Roadmap for Peace which calls for three main principles. First, the security of Israel must be 
guaranteed, and Arabs must recognize Israels rights as a nation. Second, the international debate on 
Israel must be resolved in order to define Israel's permanent legal boundary and return to pre- 1967 
borders. Finally, the sovereignty of all Middle East nations and the sanctity of international borders 
must be honored (Carter 206-08). 

The peoples of Israel and Palestine have also engaged in some efforts to achieve reconciliation, as 
evidenced by a dialogue between an Israeli and a Palestinian. In The Lemon Tree, writer Sandy Tolan 
recounts the open, honest dialogue between an Israeli woman named Dalia Eshkenazi Landau and a 
Palestinian man named Bashir Al-Khayri. Bashir is the son of an Arab Muslim family who fled his 
childhood home in Ramla in 1948, and Dalia is the daughter of Jewish refugees from Bulgaria who 
inhabited Bashir 's family home later that year. Following the 1967 war, Bashir returns to visit his 
childhood home in Ramla, which has become part of Israel. For the next thirty-five years, Dalia and 
Bashir share their stories, revealing the propaganda of both Israelis and Palestinians. Dalia learns that 
her home was not simply deserted before her family's arrival, but that Bashir s family had fled from the 
terror. Although Dalia voices her desire for a compromise between the Jews and Arabs, Bashir explains 
that he wants the Jews to give the land back to the Palestinians (Tolan 199). 

After the death of her parents, Dalia inherits the house and discusses with Bashir what she should 
do with the home. In the end, they use the home to house an organization known as Open House, a 
group that promotes the educational development of Arab children and contact between Arabs and 
Jews in Israel. Open House was officially founded in 1991 by Dalia and Yehezkel Landau, the Al- 
Khayri family, and the Fanous family. These three families represent the three groups in a quest for 
peace in the Middle East - Jews, Arab Muslims, and Arab Christians, respectively. They operate in 
Ramla, one of the few cities in Israel with both Arab and Jewish inhabitants. Yehzehkel Landau, 
Dalia's former husband, is a religious leader and a dual citizen of the United States and Israel. As co- 
founder and co-director of Open House, Landau recognizes the organization's accomplishments 
towards the pursuit of truth and reconciliation. According to Landau, Open House is unique in that a 
Jewish family has acknowledged an Arab home. While efforts for peace at the macro level, such as the 
Oslo process, have failed, Open House is able to provide some success at the grassroots level. Landau 
feels that such efforts on the micro level can either trickle up to effect political change at the top or 
produce spiritual and emotional transformations in people that can augment political changes 
(Landau, Interview). 

Although undertakings such as Open House are able to promote truth and reconciliation on the 
micro level, macro efforts could provide the means to achieve liberation for both Jews and Arabs in 


Israel and Palestine on a larger scale. The first step in accomplishing this is to achieve peace at ihc 
political level. There are two main schools of thought for the achievement of peaceful borders in 
Israel-Palestine: a one-state or two-state solution. The one-state solution would entail the creation of a 
single state where Jews and non-Jews, Israelis and Palestinians, would live together in the absence of 
borders and walls. Palestinian refugees would then be able to return to their homeland and would no 
longer be in exile; in addition, Jerusalem would be accessible to Christians. Muslims, and Jews (Karmi 
230). However, the one-state solution would not allow the lull recognition of Zionism, and it would 
turn Israel into a secular rather than a Jewish state (Karmi 232). Conversely, a two-state solution 
would result in the creation of two separate states - Israel and Palestine. This creation of two states is 
the most internationally accepted solution, as Israel would remain a Jewish state (Karmi 21 c )). Noting 
that neither proposition will provide a perfect solution, Dalia speaks to the needs of both peoples In- 
stating that Palestinian rights have to be balanced against Jewish needs for survival, so in a peace plan 
"everybody will have to do with less than they deserve" (qtd. in Tolan 212). 

After achieving peace and liberation at the political level, whether through a one-state or two-state 
solution, there will still be a need for reconciliation and healing at the macro level due to the years of 
violence and oppression inflicted by both Israelis and Palestinians. In South Africa, the most appropri- 
ate means to achieve reconciliation was through the TRC. Other methods of addressing grievances 
have included such strategies as the Nuremburg trials and the granting of blanket amnesty. Tutu's rea- 
soning for rejecting a strategy in South Africa based on the Nuremberg trials can also be applied to the 
Middle East. As Tutu observed, the Allies who accused the perpetrators at the Nuremberg trials could 
go back home following the tribunal, but the people of South Africa were gohig to have to stav and 
"live with one another" (21). Indeed, the people of Israel and Palestine both have a right to the Holv 
Land, and. even if a two-state solution does not allow Palestinians to return to their actual homes, a 
need will still exist for the two peoples to live as peaceful neighbors. In contrast with a blanket 
amnesty that would have simply ignored the past, amnesty was granted in South Africa to some indi- 
viduals who had committed crimes, a method that simultaneouslv liberated victims with the truth in 
the form of public hearings. In South Africa, it was the revelation of such truths that freed the victims 
from their anguish and allowed them to look to someone to forgive. When explaining the need to 
address the past. Tutu has referred to the words of philosopher George Santayana that are found at the 
entrance of the museum of the Dachau concentration camp: "Those who forget the past are doomed to 
repeat it (qtd. in Tutu 29). 

A model similar to South Africa's TRC could be adjusted to provide appropriate means to achieve 
truth and reconciliation in Israel-Palestine at the macro level. Dalia has mentioned a need to find "a 
means to transform... tragedy into a shared blessing" (qtd. in Tolan 203). One of the accomplishments 
of the TRC in South Africa that could apply to Israel and Palestine is the ability to create a shared 
memory and a more accurate history of the conflict while recognizing victims suffering through the 
use of a Committee on Human Rights Violations and a Committee on Amnesty. Just as Tutu's concept 
of ubuntu and a shared humanity or community was essential to the South African TRC, the realiza- 
tion of humanity in one's enemies would be an important and feasible aim of a TRC in Israel-Palestine. 
Just as Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela impulsively reached out to touch the "trigger hand of the enemy 
"Prime Evil in a South African prison in an act of human compassion. Dalia came to recognize the 
humanity of the Al-Khayri family who lived in her home before her, as she noted how the "walls 
evoked other people's memories and tears" (Qtd. in Tolan 201). Also, a Committee on Reparation and 
Rehabilitation would be able to provide reparations for refugees who are unemployed and compensa- 
tion for those Palestinians who lost their homes and land. Although the logistics of these committees 
may need to be adjusted to best meet to the needs of Israel and Palestine, this quest for a reconciled 
community is perhaps the most important activity of a TRC. 

Such open dialogue between Israelis and Palestinians prompted by a TRC will also allow the two 
communities greater sharing of land and resources. St. John's College Fellow Robin C. Ostle describes 
this community in the foreword of a historical novel entitled On the Hills of God by Palestinian- 
American academic Ibrahim Fawal: "The Palestine that was destroyed in 19-i8 was a rich and delicate 
human fabric which has been built up over many generations. Muslim. Christian, and Jew shared a 
common language - Arabic - and a common culture, and thev shared the land" (8). A TRC would 
also allow Israelis the opportunity to publicly voice their suffering and fears as well as their yearning 


for Zion as a national homeland after almost two thousand years of existence as scattered minorities. 
This recognition of humanity in one another between Israelis and Palestinians would promote a shared 
humanity, and hopefully one day lead to the restoration of the ""rich and delicate human fabric" among 
Muslims, Christians, and Jews in the Holy Land (Ostle 8). 

Though South Africa's TRC can be applicable to the peoples of Israel and Palestine, adjustments 
may need to be made to account for the uniqueness of each struggle and society. According to Edwin 
Arrison. "I definitely think all countries should consider the model we adopted and the 'internal logic 
of the model, but should not try and implement it without taking the internal logic and the context of 
their own societies into account" (Arrison). Some scholars have hypothesized that the TRC was effec- 
tive in South Africa due to the large Christian population and have argued that the religious differences 
in the Middle East would not be conducive to the same level of reconciliation. Donald W. Shriver 
asserted: "It is quite possible that such an event could only happen in a country like South Africa, 
whose people are so deeply imbued with certain religious convictions that they turn more 'naturally' 
toward reconciliation than do peoples of different cultures (36). Indeed. Tutu's Christian ideals and 
ubuntu theology shaped his view of reconciliation in South Africa. In his book No Future Without 
Forgiveness., Tutu described the South African elections as a "spiritual experience" versus a "secular 
political event, noting how people waiting in long lines to vote interacted with one another as "they 
shared a common humanity" (7). Former TRC commissioner Patrick Lekota regarded both reconcilia- 
tion and forgiveness of his opponents very highly, and he openly attributed his forgiving attitude to the 
influence of Christian churches (Tutu 4.3). Furthermore, many spiritual and church leaders opposed 
Apartheid throughout its existence and came to promote truth and reconciliation as important aspects 
of forgiveness. However, the Christians, Muslims, and Jews in the Holy Land are also deeply rooted in 
their religious convictions: and. although a TRC in the Middle East would have to deal with the com- 
plications of involving more than one religion, each of these religions has foundations in eschatological 
hope and reconciliation that would most likely aid, rather than hinder, the quest for forgiveness and 

Though a TRC in the Middle East would provide a means for reconciliation at the macro level, 
attempts for reconciliation at the local and community level, such as the Open House, are still vital. 
Hugo van der Merwe, in his work "National and Community Reconciliation: Competing Agendas in the 
South African TRC," described South Africa's TRC as a "top-down" rather than a "bottom-up" 
approach by "viewing local reconciliation as a product of party-political interaction" (107). National 
provisions were first made at the macro level with the hopes of filtering down to the community level. 
Such national intervention is often necessary when the will of the majority is hindered by prejudices 
and is therefore hi need of profound change. However, the need for ongoing reconciliation at the com- 
munity level cannot be ignored. One South African TRC staff member noted that a more "delicate 
link" is provided at the community level, where local leaders in the government and church can "con- 
vince people to talk rather than fight" (qtd. in van der Merwe 109). 

Just as the Open House and other grassroots efforts work for reconciliation between Jews and Arabs, 
programs have been implemented to spread the seeds of nonviolence through the work of people such 
as Sis and Jerry Levin. In 1984, Jerry Levin, then a CNN correspondent stationed in Remit, was kid- 
napped and held hostage for eleven months in solitary confinement. His wife. Dr. Lucille "Sis" Levin, 
became passionately involved in the negotiations for Jerry's release and has since then implemented a 
systematic, pedagogical program that educates teachers or "Peacebuilders on methods to develop cur- 
ricula that foster nonviolence for Palestinian children and youth. According to Dr. Levin, the options 
of "fight or flight" are not the only choices in response to conflict. The third option of nonviolence is 
simply not taught enough. A "principle of shared need" that allows nonviolent communities to develop 
can emerge. Dr. Levin stresses that by teaching children nonviolence, young people can provide hope 
for a more peaceful future in the Middle East and even educate their parents and elders on nonviolent 
conflict resolution (L. Levin). Jerry Levin also works for peace hi the Middle East through his efforts 
with the Christian Peacemaker Teams to promote "nonviolent bridgekeeping," which connects nonvio- 
lent Palestinian Arabs with then nonviolent Israeli counterparts (Levin). The efforts of the Levins and 
the Landau and Al-Khayri families provide prime examples of how psychological and educational 
needs can be met at the community level through the engagement of civic leaders who are committed 

to nonviolent conflict resolution and forgiveness. 


When assessing the effectiveness of South Africa's TRC and evaluating whether such a TRC could be 
applicable to similar conflict situations, such as the quest for peace in Israel and Palestine, the realistic 
goals of a TRC must be taken into account. A TRC cannot legitimately address all weaknesses in soci- 
ety that hinder full reconciliation among its members. I lowever. a TRC can promote methods of heal- 
ing by publicizing an accurate and diverse history of past and present conflict, by allowing perpetrators 
to seek forgiveness and request amnesty, by providing victims with a voice and someone to forgive, and. 
most important, by allowing victims and perpetrators to reflect upon their own humanity and the 
humanity of their enemies. After the close of its report, a TRC also charges the government and the 
people to further implement reconciliation through the payment of reparations, the prosecutions of per- 
petrators, the lessening of economic disparities, and the creation of a culture of respect for human 

Although the South African government and people still have a long way to go before achieving full 
reconciliation and accomplishing all the goals set forth by the TRC. the South African TRC planted a 
spirit of forgiveness and reconciliation within society - an accomplishment of paramount merit that has 
set a standard for future commissions. A top-down approach to reconciliation in Israel and Palestine 
through a TRC analogous to the one in South Africa would similarly promote forgiveness and reconcili- 
ation in the Middle East. Reconciliation at the government level is imperative in order for the Israeli 
and Palestinian leaders to be held accountable for a commitment to the affirmation and value of 
human rights, freedom, and nonviolence. While merely leaving such efforts of reconciliation to the peo- 
ple themselves and the will of the majority is often not enough, bottom-up approaches to reconciliation 
are also necessary to address the complex spiritual and psychological needs of people in a comprehen- 
sive maimer. According to van der Merwe, '"Healthy (reconciled) nations are seen as arising from the 
restoration of the psychological health of the individual members of society 7 and a healthy network of 
interpersonal relations (107). Such efforts at the community level are clearly crucial in supplementing 
the efforts of a TRC and addressing the ongoing needs of society. A TRC, in conjunction with addition- 
al government and community efforts, can thus promote the achievement of a fuller truth and reconcili- 
ation in Israel and Palestine, as the TRC did in South Africa, encourage an increased recognition of 
humanity, facilitate widespread forgiveness, and build a peaceful, unified, and reconciled society. 

Works Cited 

Arrison, Edwin. Personal interview. 15 Oct. 2008. 

Bennis. Phyllis. I nderstanding the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict: A Primer. Canada: Olive Branch Press. 2007. 

Carter. Jimmy. Palestine Peace Not Apartheid. New York: Simon and Schuster. 2006. 

Cypel, Svlvain. Walled: Israeli Society at an Impasse. New York: Other Press. 200b. 

De Cruelly. John. Reconciliation: Restoring Justice. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2002. 

du Plessis. Willemien. "The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission: The Truth Will Set You Free." Healing the 

Wounds: Essays on the Reconstruction of Societies After War. Comp. Marie-Claire Foblets and Trutz von Trotha. Oxford: Hart 

Publishing, 2004. lbQ-200. 
Elshtain. Jean. "Politics and Forgiveness. Burying the Past: Making Peace and Doing Justice After Civil Conflict. Comp. Nigel 

Biggar. Washington: Georgetown University Press. 2001. 45-b4. 
Finkel. Michael. "Bethlehem 2007 AD." National Geographic. Dec. 2007: 58-85. 

Craybill. Lyn S. Truth and Reconciliation in South .Africa: Miracle or Model. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2002. 
Gobodo-Madikizela. Pumla. A Human Being Died that Night: A South African Woman Confronts the Legacy of Apartheid. 

Boston: Houghton Mifflin Books. 2004. 
Hamber. Brandon. "Official Silence on Reparations Cheats the Victims of Past Conflicts of Their Rights." Sunday Independent 20 

Feb 2000. 
Harms. Gregory, and Todd Ferry. The Palestine-Israel (Conflict: A Basic Introduction. London: Pluto Press. 2005. 
Karmi, Ghada. Married to Another Man: Israels Dilemma in Palestine. London: Pluto Press. 2007. 
Landau. Yehezkel. Personal interview. 23 Nov. 2008. 
Levin. Jerry. "Valentine's Day 1985 Remembered. Christian Peacemaker Teams. 14 Feb. 2005. 23 Nov. 2008 <>. 
Le\in. Lucille (Sis). Personal Interview. 11 Nov. 2008. 

Ostle. Robin. Foreword. On the Hills of Cod. Bv Ibrahim Fawal. Montgomery: NewSouth Books. 200b. "7-8. 
Rabinovoch. Itamar. "Seven Wars and One Peace Treaty." The Arab-Israeli Conflict: Perspectives. Comp. Alvin Rubinstein. New 

York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1991. 34-58. 
Shriver. Donald \Y. "Where and When in Political Life Is Justice Served by Forgiveness?" Burying the Past: Making Peace and 

Doing Justice After Civil Conflict. Comp. Nigel Biggar. Washington: Georgetown I Diversity Press. 2001. 25-43. 
Thompson. Leonard. A History of South Africa. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000. 


Tolan, Sandy. The Lemon Tree: An Arab, a Jew, and die Heart of the Middle East. New York: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2006. 
"TRC's Unanswered Questions. " Khulumani Support Group. 28 Nov. 2008. < 

unanswered- questions . html> . 
Tutu, Desmond. No Future Without Forgiveness. New York: Image Books, 1999. 
van der Merwe, Hugo. "National and Community Reconciliation: Competing Agendas in the South African Truth and 

Reconciliation Commission." Burying the Past: Making Peace and Doing Justice After Civil Conflict. Comp. Nigel Biggar. 

Washington: Georgetown University Press, 2001. 101-24. 
Villa- Vicencio, Charles, and Fame du Toit. Truth and Reconciliation in South Africa: 10 Years On. Cape Town: New Africa 

Books, 2006. 


Reflections on Leadership 

Dr. Ed LaMonte 

Let me begin my commentary by stating emphati- 
cally how greatly I have come to admire our 
Leadership Studies Program at Birmingham-Southern 
and how great a contribution the program makes to 
our campus community., most notably to those students 
who complete the Distinction in Leadership Studies 
Program. I have taught the LS 200 course, have men- 
tored senior projects, have discussed the topic of lead- 
ership with students and faculty, and have read at least 
a portion of the increasingly large literature dealing 
with the subject. My concluding thoughts about lead- 
ership as I move into my retirement years are neither 
profound nor original, and I offer them realizing that 
there are others on campus capable of reflecting in a 
far more sophisticated way on this important subject. 

My wife. Ruth, and I spend as much time as we pos- 
sibly can in Fairhope, Alabama. During one of our vis- 
its several years ago, we ventured into Hiley's 
Lapidary an establishment owned by Mr. Hiley, who 
made absolutely beautiful jewelry. While Ruth careful- 
ly examined several pieces of his wonderful work, I, 
rather nervously, scanned the walls, relishing his inter- 
esting array of displays. The following message was 
framed and on his wall: 

We have not succeeded in 
answering all your 
problems (questions). The answers 
we have found only serve 
to raise a whole set of 
new questions. In some 
ways we feel we are as 
confused as ever, but we 
believe we are confused on 
a higher level and about 
more important things. 

My immediate reaction upon reading this message 
was to think of the Introduction to Leadership Studies 
course and some of the questions which we wrestled 
with in it. often without arriving at consensus or satis- 
factory conclusions. What exactlv do we mean by 
leadership? Are leaders identifiable by virtue of pos- 
sessing a set of specific traits? Clan leadership be 
taught? Was Hitler a leader? And you can easily pro- 
vide many more probing questions. While I in many 
ways remain as confused as ever. I do believe I am con- 
fused on a higher level and about more important 
things. Below is a summary statement of my present 


Dr. Ed LaMonte 

'7 was delighted when the editors of the 
Compass invited me to write briefly 
about my current thoughts regarding 
leadership. My experience with the 
Leadership Studies Program has con- 
vinced me that it is one of the most valu- 
able opportunities offered by the College 
not only to think rigorously about lead- 
ership but also to explore leadership 
possibilities and develop leadership 
skills. I have had the great pleasure of 
teaching Leadership Studies: Theory and 
Practice and have come to appreciate 
both the importance and ambiguity of 
academic research and writing on the 
topic. Students who pursue the 
Distinction in Leadership Studies 
Program are academically strong and 
highly motivated. Typically they cue 
civically engaged at the time of their 
studies: I have always been impressed by 
the variety of leadership activities in 
which they are currently involved or 
plan to become involved. Perhaps most 
rewarding; to me as a faculty member 
have been the numerous occasions when, 
during the course of the term, students 
have had 'appointments with themselves' 
to assess their leadership interests, 
strengths, and sometimes weaknesses 
(Cronin 31). My brief article represents 
one way in which I can express my 
admiration for and thanks to the stu- 
dents in Leadership Studies who have 
significantly contributed to my extremely 
rewarding academic career at 
Birmingham-Southern. " 

Dr. LaMonte has been the Howell T. 
Heflin Professor of Political Science at 
Birmingham-Southern since 1987. He 
has served the College not only through 
his teaching, but also through his work 
over the years as Vice President for 
Administration, Dean of Adult Studies, 
Director of the Office of International 
Programs, and Director of the Honors 
Program. In recognition of his dedication 
to students at BSC, he received the 
Omicron Delta Kappa Excellence hi 
Teaching Award (1991), the Henry C. 
Randall Award for Best Advisor for a 
Student Organization (1991), and the 
Exemplary Teaching Award by the Board 
of Higher Education and Campus 
Ministry of the United Methodist Church 
(2007). For his book Politics and 
Welfare in Birmingham, 1900-1975., Dr. 
LaMonte was honored with the V.O. Key 
Award in 1995 from the Southern 
Political Science Association for the best 
book on Southern politics. 

Prior to coming to Southern, Dr. 
LaMonte was the Director of the Center 
for Urban Affairs at the University of 
Alabama at Birmingham (1970-1979) 
and the Executive Secretary to the 
Mayor of Birmingham (1980-1987). 
Among his numerous community activi- 
ties, Dr. LaMonte has served on the 
Board of Directors of several organiza- 
tions, including the Birmingham Area 
Chamber of Commerce, the Public 
Affairs Research Council of Alabama, 
and the Birmingham Civil Rights 
Institute. The National Conference for 
Community and Justice presented Dr. 
LaMonte with the Brotherhood and 
Sisterhood Award in 2004 in recognition 
of his efforts to advance community 
mclusiveness. Through his work at the 
College and in the community, Dr. 
LaMonte has truly set an example of 
principled leadership and sincere com- 
mitment to service. 

Leadership is emphatically not to be confused with 
holding offices of great authority or prestige. Examples 
from the very recent past can surely evoke in each of us 
the names of both public and private officeholders 
whose conduct does not merit the distinction of being 
termed leadership. Further, leadership in my view, is 
not the same as management or administration. To me, 
these terms suggest guiding an organization through the 
fairly routine and predictable activities that involve the 
accomplishment of its particular goal(s) or purpose(s). 
I believe that leadership involves the ability to mobilize 
people to accomplish positive results in a non-routine 
setting. I think of excellent administrators and man- 
agers as having a high degree of professional compe- 
tence. I think of leaders as being able to offer vision, 
provide inspiration, and display the energy and skills 
necessary to move an organization forward during chal- 
lenging times. 

Leadership can be offered by individuals at all levels 
of an organization; occupancy of high office is neither 
necessary nor sufficient. I would argue that leadership 
can be displayed even if an individual acts on his or her 
own by setting a personal example that motivates others 
to emulate admirable conduct. And such exemplary 
behavior does not even require that the leader be part of 
an organization or have an identifiable group of follow- 
ers. In my Civil Rights and Justice seminar, students are 
introduced to a significant number of men and women 
who demonstrated leadership, some of it widely 
acknowledged and acclaimed, some of it less remarkable 
and less remembered. But one figure is always identi- 
fied by students as a leader: Mose Wright, an illiterate 
tenant farmer in Mississippi whose nephew, Enunett 
Till, was brutally murdered by two white men outside 
the town of Money, Mississippi. Boldly breaking the 
segregationist customs of the time, Mose Wright agreed 
to appear in court to identify the two murderers. A 
moment of high drama occurred when Wright stood in 
the courtroom, pointed to one of the defendants, and 
said in his simple manner, "'Dar he" (Williams 48). 
Mose Wright was not a member of any organization, nor 
did he have a following at the time of the trial. 
However, his simple example of profound courage 
inspired many other African Americans in the Deep 
South to reassess their own potential roles in what 
became the Civil Rights Movement. 

I reach five other conclusions. One, to quote Marthi 
M. Chemers, u No single style of leadership is universally 
best across all situations and environments " (85). 
Moments when leadership is needed arise, often unpre- 
dictably, and the characteristics required to provide 
effective leadership vary dramatically from situation to 


Two, leadership cannot be defined fully by listing necessary or highly desirable traits such ;i^ iTIcr- 
tive communication skills, physical attributes, or personality characteristics. Possession of particular 
traits is no assurance of the exercise of leadership. Three, leadership includes the capacity to under- 
stand the specific needs of an organization and iis environment at a particular moment in time. I 
would label this type « > f knowledge "exterior knowledge. 11 

Four, a leader must have significant "interior knowledge 1 of him-or herself in order to judge when 
and how he or she mighl be able to offer leadership, if indeed leadership can be offered at all l>\ that 
individual. I very much like Thomas E. Cronin's notion that individuals should have "appointments 
with themselves to earn out introspective assessments of who the} truly are. rather than who the) 
wish they were, and what they are truly skilled/gifted in performing, rather than what they wish the) 
were skilled in performing (31). 

Finally, and perhaps most important. I believe that every person can be a leader in some arena at 
some particular moment. The possible arenas include corporations, non-profit agencies, public agen- 
cies, faith communities, and families. Simple acts such as not responding to racial, ethnic, or gender 
jokes and setting an example of disapproval can have great impact on others who observe thi> behavior, 
regardless of the status of the individual within the organization. 

Those of us who have had the significant privilege of being part of our Birmingham-Southern 
College community have not only the opportunity, but arguably the obligation, to have appointments 
with ourselves and determine how each of us can best be a leader. 

Works Cited 

Chemers. Martin M. "Conteinporan Leadership Theory. The Leader's Companion: Insights on Leadership Through the lues. 

Ed. .1. Thomas Wren. New York: Free Press, 1995. 83-99. 
( ii niiii. Thomas E. "Thinking and Learning about Leadership. The Leader's Companion: Insights on Leadership Through the 

Ages. Ed. .1. Thomas Wren. New York: Free Press. 1995. 27-32. 
William-. Juan. Eyes <>n the Prize: America's Civil Rights Years, 1954-1965. New York: Penguin Books. l ( 'o8. 


Mrs. Pamela P. Sawallis 
BOX 549020 


Birmingham-Southern College