Columbia College Library *
Madison Av. and 49th St. New York.
Beside the main topic this book also treats of
Subject No. On page Subject No. On page
A COMPENDIUM
COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR
INDO-EFKOPEAN, SANSKRIT, GREEK AND LATIN
LANGUAGES.
AUGUST SCHLEICHEE.
TRANSLATED FROM THE THIRD GERMAN EDITION
BY
HEEBEET BENDALL, M.A.
CHR. COLL. GAME.
II.
LONDON :
TEUBNEE & CO., 57 AND 59, LUDGATE HILL.
1877.
All rights reserved.
HERTFORD:
STEPHEN AUSTIN AND SONS, PRINTERS.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
II. MOKPHOLOGY.
A. BOOTS AND STEMS.
§ 80. The form of the Indo-European word.
All Indo-European words originally of one form . . . 161
§ 81. Boot-formation.
The different forms of root; transposition of vowel a in
roots 164
§ 82. Stem-formation.
1. Stems from unmodified root 166
2. Stems formed by means of suffixes 166
Primary and secondary suffixes 167
3. Composition 168
1. The formation of derived verb-stems.
§ 83. Derived verb-stems in general ; distinction between stem-
verbs and derived- verbs 171
§ 84. Verb- stems in origl. -ya- (-a-ya-}.
Indo-European ..." 173
Sanskrit 174
Greek (verbs in -e«, -oo>, -a&>) 176
Latin (verbs in -a-, -e-, -z-) . 177
999U?
IV TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
§ 85. Noun-stems used as verb-stems, without change.
Sanskrit 180
Greek 180
Latin 183
§ 86. Yerb-stems, formed by reduplicating the root
and adding -sa-t except in the present -«-.
Sanskrit 184
2. Those noun-stems most closely allied to verb-stems (participles
and infinitives), etc.
§ 87. I. The root without suffix is at the same time
a noun-stem.
Indo-European 185
Sanskrit (infinitive) 185
Greek (infinitive of the compound aorist) 186
Latin 187
§ 88. II. Stems with suffix -a-.
Indo-European 187
Sanskrit (infinitive) 187
Greek 189
Latin 189
§ 88a. III. Stems with suffix -«-.
Indo-European 190
Sanskrit 190
Greek 191
Latin 191
88b. IY. Stems with suffix -u-.
Indo-European 191
Sanskrit 191
Greek 191
Latin 192
§ 89. Y. Stems with suffix -ya-.
1. -ya- as a primary suffix . 193
Indo-European 193
Sanskrit (part, necessit.) 193
Greek 194
TABLE OF CONTENTS. V
PAGE
Latin 194
2. -ya- as a secondary suffix 195
Sanskrit (participia necessit. in -tavya-, -aniya-} . . . 195
Greek (part, in -reo-) 197
Latin 197
Note 2. — Part. nee. in -endo- 198
§ 90. VI. Stems with suffix -va- (-van-}.
Indo-European 200
Sanskrit 200
Greek 200
Latin 200
§ 91. VII. Stems with, suffix -ma-, and suffixes which
have -ma- as their first element (-man-, -ma-na-,
-ma-nt-}.
Indo-European 203
Sanskrit (-ma-, -man-, -mant-, -min-} 203
Greek (-ytto-, -pov-, -pev-, -fjuovrj-, -fuv-, -/-tar-) • • • 204
Latin (-mo-, -men-, -mon-, -mento-, -monio-} 205
Participial suffix -ma-na- . 206
Indo-European 206
Sanskrit (part. med. and pass, in -mdna-, -ana-). . . . 206
Greek (part, med., inf.) 207
Latin (2 p. pi. med.-pass.) 209
§ 92. VIII. Stems with suffix origl. -ra-.
Indo-European 210
Sanskrit 210
Greek . 210
Latin 211
§ 93. IX. Stems with suffix -an-.
Sanskrit 211
Greek 212
Latin 212
§ 93a. X. Stems with suffix -ana-.
Indo-European 212
Sanskrit , 212
Greek (infin. in -evai, eiv) . 213
VI TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
Latin 214
§ 94. XI. Steins with suffix -na-.
Sanskrit 214
Greek 215
Latin 215
Suff. -na- forming past part, pass 215
Indo-Eur 215
Sanskrit 215
Greek 215
Latin 216
§ 95. XII. Stems with suffix -ni-.
Indo-European 216
Sanskrit (infin.) 216
Greek 216
Latin 217
§ 95a. XIII. Stems with suffix -nu-.
§ 96. XIY. Stems with suffix -ta-\ past part. pass.
Indo-European 218
Sanskrit 218
Greek 219
Latin 220
Suffixes whose first element is -ta- (-tdti-, -tat-, -tana-'] . 221
§ 97. XV. Stems with suffixes -tar-, -tra-.
Sanskrit (n. agentis, part, fut.) 223
Greek (-rep-, -T^p-, -rop-, -TO/JO-, -rpia-, -rpiS-, -T/JO-,
-0po-, -T\O-, -T\T/-, -0\o-, -0X?7-) 224
Latin (part. fut. in -turo- ; secondary formations of -tcur-
by means of -ya- and -lc-) 226
Latin suffix -Iro- 227
§ 98. XVI. Stems with suffix -ti-.
Indo-European 228
Sanskrit (inf., gerunds in -tya-, -ya-) 228
Greek (shortening to -T-, secondary formation into -crta-) 229
Latin (-£-, -tio, -tion-) •». . . 230
§ 99. XVII. Stems with suffix -tu-.
Indo-European 231
TABLE OF CONTENTS. Vll
PAGE
Sanskrit (inf. in -turn, ger. in -tva, part, necess. in -tva-) 231
Greek (-TU-, -a-vv^} 233
Latin (supine ; suff . -tuo-, -tuti-, -tudon-, -tudin-) . . 233
§ 100. XYIII. Stems with suffix -dhi-.
Sanskrit (inf. in -dhyai) 234
Greek (inf. in -<rOai) 235
§ 101. XIX. Stems with suffix -ant-, -nt-; partic. act.
Indo-European 235
Sanskrit 236
Greek 237
Latin 237
§ 102. XX. Stems with suffix -as-.
Indo-European 238
Sanskrit (inf.) 238
Greek 239
Latin 240
§ 103. XXI. Stems with suffix -la-.
Sanskrit 245
Greek ....'. 245
Latin 245
3. Formation of Comparative and Superlative Stems.
COMPARATIVE STEMS.
§ 104. 1. Suffix origl. -yam-.
Indo-European * . . 246
Sanskrit 246
Greek 247
Latin 247
§ 105. 2. Suffixes -tara- and -ra-.
Indo-European 248
Sanskrit . . 248
Greek 249
Latin 249
SUPERLATIVE STEMS.
§ 106. 1. Suffix -ta-.
Indo-European 250
Vlll TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
Sanskrit 250
Greek (-TO-, -TCLTO-} 251
Latin 251
§ 107. 2. Suffix -ma-.
Sanskrit 252
Greek 252
Latin 252
§ 108. 3. Suffix -tama-.
Indo-European 252
Sanskrit 252
Latin 252
4, Steins of the Numerals,
CARDINAL-STEMS.
§ 109. Simple numerals 1-10 254
§ 110. Numerals 11-19 256
§ 111. Numerals 20-90 258
§ 112. Numerals 100-1000 ^ 259
ORDINAL-STEMS.
§ 113. Numerals 1-10 260
Numerals 11-10 262
Numerals 20-90 262
Numerals 100-1000 , 267
II. MOBPHOLOGY.
A. BOOTS AND STEMS.
THE FORM OF INDO-EUROPEAN WORDS. §80.
The Indo-European language is one of the highest mor-
phological regularity, since, besides the adjunction of sounds
indicating relativity, it is also capable of flexion, that is, of
regular variation of the root itself for the purpose of express-
ing relativity ; this variation of the root consists in the step-
raising of its vowel (§ 2). The addition of sounds expressing
relativity is found at the end only of a root, never at its be-
ginning (the augment is an originally independent word, which
only coalesces with the verb, and which can therefore disap-
pear without detracting from the force of the word). Every
Indo-European word actually employed in the language has
a sound expressing relativity after the root, which, moreover,
can also be reduplicated, e.g. da-da-mi (I give) : naked roots
do not appear in Indo-European as words (secondary loss of
sounds expressing relativity naturally does not come under
consideration here).
The unique exception occurs in the vocative of those nouns
which possess no stem-formative-element besides their case-
suffix, as e.g. stem vak- (speech, \/vak, speak), nom. sg. vdk-s,
gen. vdk-as, etc., but voc. vak. The vocative is, however,
no real word, no element of a sentence, but a word which has
11
162 ROOT-FORMATION.
§ 80. assumed the form of an interjection, a gesture translated into
sound. Yery rarely (and even then due to relatively secondary
processes) are relativity- sounds found in the root itself. This
happens in the present form, as e.g. Gk. \afjL/3dvo), <\/\a/3
(e-\aft-ov), fj, is here a relativity- sound of the present ; Lat.
iungo, \/iug (cf. iug-um), etc. The earlier forms had here
also, probably, the nasal after the root-termination, v. post.
' Conjugation.' From this present- stem with medial nasal the
nasalization has spread further to noun-stems (e.g. Gk. TV/JLTT-
-avo-v timbrel, ^/TVTT strike ; Lat. iunc-tu-8, iunc-tura, ^iug,
etc.).
It is, therefore, a distinctive characteristic of the Indo-
European language, that all words belonging to it have one
and the same morphological construction ; a regularly variable
root and a regularly variable relativity- sound affixed thereto.
The morphological formula for all Indo-European words is
therefore Rx sx (v. Introd. II.).
§81. Root-formation. The earliest component parts of the
Indo-European words are the roots. By ' root ' we gener-
ally understand the meaning- sound, the sound that conveys
the force of the word in question (as 'to be ' is e.g. the
root of as-mi I am, as-ti he is, etc.). But the stem- and
word-formative suffixes also in Indo-European have arisen
from originally independent roots by coalescence with other
roots. Thus every Indo-European word may be treated as a
whole which has gradually grown out of several roots, at the
least out of two ; of these roots one (the first) is the root of
the word (in the narrower sense of the word ' root ' in which
it is generally used), and bears the meaning unaided, whilst the
others have sunk to the subordinate position of relativity-
suffixes to this chief-root, and have become welded on to it ;
e.g. as-mi (I am), \/as with meaning 'be'; the \/ma, here
weakened as a suffix to mi, expresses the relation of the 1st
pers. (ma as an independent root means ' measure/ ' think/
ROOT-FORMATION. 163
'man/ 'I') ; as-ti (he is) ^as+^ta 'that' dem., 'he'; bhara-ti § 81.
(he bears), ^bhar (bear) + v/«, here become a suffix, a root of
demonstrative function, and ta (as in as-ti) ; vdk-s (speech n.
sg.), VMS^ (speak), -\-^sa demonstrative, here shortened to s,
etc. In more simply constructed languages we can see the
early steps still preserved, steps which we must pre-suppose
in Indo-European (e.g. in the words adduced forms as ma, as ta>
bhar a ta, vak so). Since the suffixes of the Indo-European
language arise thus from roots originally independent, it be-
comes clear why the suffixes, as regards step-formation, are
treated in precisely the same way as the chief -roots (e.g. bhar-
-a-mi ' I bear,' with a of stem-formative sf . raised to a, beside
bhar-a-ti ' he bears/ without step-formation ; ta-nau-ti ' he
stretches,' beside ta-nu-masi 'we stretch,' etc.). The exact
formula of the Indo-European word is therefore Rx sx. We
shall now treat of chief-roots, meaning- sounds, alone.
We have not hitherto any accurate investigation into the
laws of root-formation in Indo-European. What sound-com-
binations occur in the roots of the Indo-European ? Could
roots change from one vowel-scale to another at a date as early
as that of the Indo-European original language ? What exten-
sion of meaning is permitted by a root, and in what cases must
we assume original roots phonetically identical but nevertheless
distinct ? Several other similar questions hitherto unanswered
might be proposed in this place.
Meaning- sounds or roots (chief -roots) are generally separable
from the words which they now underlie. The Indo-European
roots seem in the first period of the life of the original language
to have possessed a sound-form still simpler than that shown
by roots existing in the actual language, cf. e.g. <Jyu-g beside
yu (join), ma-t beside ma (measure), etc. In such cases what
we see is probably the welding of a second root on to the first.
Original reduplication also appears, e.g. ka-k (cook), gi-g (live).
The origin of such secondary root-formations is in a great many
164 ROOT- FORMATION.
§ 81. cases due to the cohesion of the root and the addition which
originally formed the present stem, e.g. \{man (think) from ma,
gan (be born) from ga, bhandh (bind) from bhadh, etc. ; the nasal
originally characterizes the present stem only. Hence we divide
roots into primary and secondary.
It is an invariable rule that Indo-European roots are mono-
syllabic.
There is no distinction, as regards form, between the so-called
verbal-roots (roots conveying a conception) and the so-called
pronominal-roots (roots expressing relativity) ; the roots i, ka,
ta, ya, e.g. are pronominal- as well as verbal-roots (i demonstra-
tive, go ; ka interrogative, be sharp ; ta demonstrative, stretch ;
cf. Beitr. zur vergl. sprachforschung, ii. p. 92 sqq. 'wurzeln auf
a im Indogermanischen,' by A. Schleicher. We get the root in
its fundamental-form when we have taken from a given word
all sounds expressing relativity and their possible influence
upon the radical sounds (a process generally easy, but some-
times scarcely possible), and reduced the root- vowel to its funda-
mental-vowel, whenever it appears in a raised form in the word,
e.g. da is the root of da-da-mi (I give), vak of vak-s (speech),
div of daiv-a-s (shining, heavenly, Grod), dyu = dw of dyau-s
(heaven), su (bear, beget) of su-nu-s (son), ta of ta-m (him), etc.
Indo-European roots may be formed in any way provided
they are monosyllabic. The following are the sound-combina-
tions of the root : —
1. Vowel, that is, accurately speaking, spiritus lenis-i- vowel,
e.g. a (dem. pron.), i (go), u (Sk. enjoy oneself, favour, Sclav.,
Lith., and Lat. ind-uere, ex-uere).
2. Consonant + vowel, e.g. da (give), bhi (fear), bhu (be).
3. Vowel + consonant, e.g. ad (eat), idh (kindle), us (burn).
4. Consonant -f vowel + consonant, e.g. pat (fly, fall), md (see),
bhugh (bend).
5. Two consonants + vowel, e.g. sta (stand), pri (love), kru
(hear).
ROOT-FORMATION. 165
6. Yowel+two consonants, e.g. ardh (wax), ark (slime ; cele- § 81.
brate).
7. Two consonants + vowel + consonant, e.g. star (strew),
stigh (ascend).
8. Consonant + vowel + two consonants, e.g. dark (see), vart
(turn).
9. Two consonants + vowel + two consonants, e.g. skand
(scandere).
In the case of roots of the form consonant +« + consonant,
or #+ consonant, even when these forms arise through step-
formation from u and i, there occurs frequently a transposition
of the sounds, so that a comes to be final, e.g. gan and gna
(know, be born) ; mar and mra (die) ; ghar and ghra (shine, be
yellow or green) ; par and pra (fill) ; ak and ka (be sharp) ;
it raised to ai, and ya (go) ; hu raised to hau, hav, and hva (call)>
etc. Likewise dw and dyu (shine).
Note 1. — Transposition of consonants such as is assumed by
Alb. Kiihn, liber Wurzelvariation durch Metathesis, Bonn, 1868,
e.g. in vid (see) and dw (shine), Sk. pag (bind), origl. pak, and
Lat. cap (take), etc., I cannot consider proved.
Note2. — In a complete grammar of Indo-European this chapter
ought to contain a full list not only of those roots which can be
proved to be Indo-European, but also of those which are peculiar
to individual divisions or families (fundamental languages) of
the Indo-European language.
Note 3. — Hindu gram-mar, which is in this respect still fol-
lowed by many European philologists, assumes no verbal-roots in
a. Hindu grammarians mark roots ending in a either (1) in the
raised form (e.g. dha put, da give, instead of dha, da), or (2) give
to the root final n and y, which arise from the formation of the
present stem, and therefore originally belonged to a suffix
(e.g. gan be born, instead of ga ; hve cry, instead of hva, hu ;
rdi bark, instead of ra), or (3) mark them with o, which ob-
viously does no more than indicate certain peculiarities of these
roots in forming their tense- stems, since in really existing forms
o nowhere appears (e.g. co sharpen, for ca, a$). Of. Beitr. ii.
92 sqq.
166 STEM-FORMATION.
§ 82. Stem-formation. From roots arise word-stems
(themes), i.e. that part of a word which remains after we have
taken away the terminations of conjugation and declension.
Stems are formed :
1. By the bare root raised or not. Since the root vowel
occupies a certain step in the sound- scale, it may always appear
as the substratum of a certain relation, and thus even by itself
express a relation. This often happens in the case of verbs,
e.g. ai-t i-, present-stem and root (go), 1 sg. ai-mi, 1 pi. i-masi ;
as-, present-stem and root (be), e.g. 1 sg. as-mi, 3 sg. as-ti, etc.
This kind of stem-formation is less common in the case of
nouns, e.g. n. sg. dyau-s, loc. div-i ; dyau-, a raised-form from
dyu=div (shine), is here a noun-stem (heaven), and likewise a
root; vdk-s (speech), stem vdk-, is a step-form from <\/vak (speak),
etc. The expression of relativity by means of step-formation
of the root-vowel is symbolical. Moreover the reduplication
of the root (with or without simultaneous step-formation), for
the purpose of expressing relativity, is of very early date, and,
like the simple root, suffices to form a stem, e.g. stem da-da- in
da-da-mi, 1 sg. pres. ; da-da-masi, 1 pi. pres., V 'da (give).
2. By additions made to the end of a simple or redupli-
cated root whatever step-formation it may occupy. These
additions were (as we remarked in § 81) originally independent
roots, which, at an earlier period of development in the life of
the language, when the language consisted of roots alone, came
to be joined to other roots as denning elements; these roots
expressing relation gradually lost their independence, and
became welded on to those roots which they helped to define
more accurately, e.g. daiv-a, n. sg. daiva-s (diuos, deus), ^div
raised daiv, -\-a; bhdra-ya-, causative- stem fr. \/bhar (bhdraya-ti
he makes to bear), cf. a (pron. demonstr.), ya (relat.) ; vak-ta-,
n. sg. masc. vak-ta-s (dictus), \/vak+ta, cf. \/ta (pron. dem.) ;
m(d)vid-vant-, pf. part. act. of reduplicated ^vid (see) + vant,
etc. Most of these stem-formative elements can be traced as
STEM- FORMATION. 167
roots of general and weakened function, that is, as pronominal § 82.
roots (thus e.g. a, i, u, ya, ta, ka, etc.).
Note. — By a hyphen - we indicate that the element with
which it is used is always in that very place joined to another.
Stem-formative suffixes are accordingly to be known by - at the
beginning and end, word-formative sff. by - at the beginning
(e.g. vark-a-s with sff. -a- and -s). The roots may, we think,
be left uncharacterized ; it would perhaps be more correct to
write them with - at the end (e.g. vark-), but by leaving them
thus uncharacterized we wish to distinguish them from those
stems which may coincide with them in sound-form.
These are the methods of stem- formation from roots. The
language, however, did not remain stationary, but further
stems began to be developed from these stems which were
sprung directly from roots. Stems of the former kind we call
primary stems, and suffixes which are used for their forma-
tion primary suffixes; stems of the latter kind, which pre-
suppose other stems for their formation, we call secondary
stems, and the suffixes used for their formation secondary
suffixes. The latter partly coincide in form with the primary
suffixes. In the case of verbs, the same suffixes are added to
the derived verbal- stems as to the underived, the verbal- stem
being equivalent to a root, whether it be derived or primitive :
it is, therefore, right to count all suffixes which are joined
immediately to the end of verbal- stems (forming participles,
nomina actionis, nomina agentis) as primary suffixes ; e.g. -nt-
(-ant-} in bharayant-, pres. part. act. causative stem, is no less a
primitive suffix than in Iharant-, pres. part. act. of the stem-
verb. On the other hand, comparative- and superlative- suf-
fixes, diminutive-formations, etc., which presuppose complete
noun- stems, are secondary, e.g. Lat. dm-lnu-s stem dmo- (dluos) ;
facil-ior stemfac-ili-, ^fac; doct-ior- stem doct-o-, ^/doc; whence
again comes the stem doct-is-simo-, in which form -is- is a com-
parative-suffix (cf. doct-ius), and -simo- = -timo-, f.f. -tama-, the
compounded superlative suffix ; the stem doc-t-is-si-mo- has thus
168 STEM-FORMATION.
§ 82. four stem-formative elements after the root. Moreover, vowel -
raising may be combined with secondary stem-formation, e.g.
Sk. stem ddiv-ika- (n. sg. masc. ddimka-s godlike) stem devd-,
origl. daiva- (n. sg. devd-s, origl. daiva-s god).
The identity with pronominal roots of most elements used as
stem-formative suffixes, including the most common ones, tay
ya, ka, etc., arises from the circumstance that this kind of root
(i.e. a root whose originally more concrete meaning has sunk
into a more general one, so that its meaning has been reduced to
a relation), by bearing a general meaning, has become service-
able for the more accurate definition of other roots which convey
more concrete meanings.
A further secondary means of stem-formation — one which is
essentially distinct from those already mentioned — consists in —
3. Composition of word- stems to form a new word- stem.
Composition is much employed in Indo-European languages.
(Cf . Ferd. Justi, liber die zusammensetzung der nomina in den
Indog. sprachen. Gottingen, 1861.)
Stem-formation by attachment of relation- elements is distinct
from composition in that it originated in the period of the
growing language, whereas composition does not occur till the
language is actually formed, presupposing, as it does, ready-
made word- stems as its materials. Confluence or combination
of words is likewise to be separated from true composition : in
the case of the former words (i.e. elements of a sentence pro-
vided with terminations of case and person) become welded
together, while the latter compounds word- stems so as to form
a new stem.
Naturally this combination has not occurred till a later period
in particular languages, whereas composition must perhaps be
ascribed even to the Indo-European original language (the
archaic stems svastar- sister, svakura- father-in-law, e.g. are
probably compounded; so, too, must we assign to the com-
pound stems of the aor. and fut. a date as early as that of the
original language).
STEM-FORMATION. 169
Prepositions and the augment before the verb form the com- § 82.
monest examples of combination or coalition of words once
independent in our languages ; they are adverbs which have
grown on, i.e. they were originally cases, e.g. abs-tineo from abs
and teneo ; abs, like ex, etc., seems to be a gen. case ; the loose-
ness of the connexion shows itself in all cases, e.g. e/c-Tr/Trro)
beside e'£-e-7re<7oz>, etc. Yet we find combination elsewhere also,
e.g. Lat. quamuis, quamobrem, etc. ; German frankenland (franken
is gen. pi.), wolfsmilch (wolfs is gen. sg.), etc. Here the accent
is the only mark of the combination.
True composition has the power of expressing a relation ; it
can give the new word a relation which is foreign to the com-
ponent parts taken separately, and which originates only in and
through their composition ; e.g. pa/cpo-xeip, longi-manus, i.e.
'whose hands are long, long-handed': here the possessive rela-
tion belongs to the composition; \o<yo-ypd<t)o-s ( word- writing'
=\6<yov<? <ypd(f)oi)v; iu-dic- (iudex):=^s dicens ' indicating, saying
justice/ etc. In the latter instances the former element of the
compound acts as a case, though it has no case- suffix. A fresh
relation of this kind can never be produced by combination ;
for combination is nothing but varied and facilitated utterance
— nothing but union, by means of a common accent, of words
previously separate ; it cannot therefore have anything in com-
mon with stem-formation.
An exhaustive statement of Indo-European stem-formation
does not lie within the range of this compendium, since it is
intended to embrace only what is indispensable for beginners
in comparative philology. The science of stem-formation is more-
over full of difficulties, and requires in parts a more detailed
discussion than can be contained in a work which is confined to
the narrowest limits possible. Of this wide range we select
therefore only a few parts, which we shall now proceed to dis-
cuss, viz. : 1. derivative verbal-stems ; 2. noun-stems which are
most nearly connected with the verb, i.e. participles and in-
170 STEM- FORMATION.
§ 82. finitives, and a few other noun-stems which, are allied to these,
or seem to be otherwise noteworthy; 3. comparative- and su-
perlative-stems ; 4. stems of cardinal- and ordinal-numbers.
The last section, although of subordinate value for the explana-
tion of the construction of language, is appended on -account of
the high interest of the numerals from other points of view.
Hence under this last head we pass over the morphological
arrangement, and direct our attention exclusively to the func-
tion, by discussing the separate numerals one by one irrespective
of their phonetic expression.
Note. — It is obvious that here, in the chapter on morphology, if
we had wished to be consistent, no regard should have been paid
to the functions of stems, and that, since stems are not yet words,
no distinction should have been made between verbal-stems and
noun- stems. Likewise, the treatment of stem-formation should
include the stem-forms of tenses and moods as well as all other
stem-forms. The formation of verb- stems (in the widest sense
of the word) does not, of course, belong to the statement of
word-formation (conjugation), in which only the subject of
person-terminations is to be treated, because the latter are the
only elements which make the verb-stem a real member of a
sentence, a word. However, in order not to divide the subject-
matter in a way hitherto unusual, thereby rendering this work
difficult to be used by students accustomed to earlier systems,
we determine to leave the theory of tense- stems and mood-
elements to the section 'Word-formation' (conjugation), and
under ' noun- stems' (in Part II.) to refer now and then to
similarly formed verbal- stems.
Hitherto we have no thoroughly scientific arrangement of
Indo-European stem-forms. As regards Part II. of our frag-
mentary exposition of Indo-European stem-formations, in which
we shall have to produce at least a fair number of stem-forma-
tive suffixes, we shall for the present follow the example of
Gr. Curtius (De nominum Graecorum formatione, Berlin, 1842)
in adopting a phonetic principle of arrangement ; that is to
say, we shall treat successively (1) stems without suffixes ; (2)
the simplest vowel- suffixes ; and (3) suffixes having one or
more consonants. Under the last head the suffixes ya and
va will come first ; after them suffixes with so-called liquids ;
and, finally, those whose chief element is a momentary sound,
VERBAL-STEMS. 171
to which has been added the suffix as. Compound suffixes § 82.
should strictly form the last division and be treated separately ;
however, since the question whether a given suffix is simple or
compound cannot always be answered with certainty, and since,
moreover, compound suffixes often very closely resemble simple
ones in function and employment, we here treat compound
suffixes under their first elements.
1. Formation of Derived Verbal-Stems. § 83.
On derived verb-stems generally.
Derived verb-stems, though presupposing noun-stems, are
here treated before the latter, because, like primary verb- stems
and roots, they frequently underlie noun- stems.
All verbs which possess no stem-formative elements, except
those which serve for the formation of the tense- stems, have
the form of stem-verbs; but those verbs which, in other
forms than the present, show besides the root such elements as
were not originally used for the formation of present- or other
tense- stems, have the form of derived verbs.
At later periods of language -development, present-stem
formative elements easily become united with the verbal-root
so closely, that they even remain in forms other than those
of the present tense, e.g. iu-n-g-o, ^iug, where n is the present
infix ; yet perf. is iu-n-c-si for *iuc-si, even iu-n-c-tu-s for
*ivc-tu-s, cf. iug-u-m: a verb does not however become in any
way a derived one by this union.
Intensive verbs in Sanskrit and Zend must be considered as
closely akin to verbs which are reduplicated in their present- or
aorist- stems ; as we do not, therefore, hold them to be derived,
in the stricter sense of the term (they show no constant addi-
tional element), we cannot deal with them in this place, but
shall do so later on where we discuss ' present-stem-formation.'
It cannot be denied that sometimes verbs which are ob-
viously derived may assume the form of primary verbs, e.g.
172
VERBAL-STEMS.
§ 83. Sk. krmorti (behave like krsna-s), from subst. Krsna-s (proper
n.) ; Goth., salti-th (he salts), pf. saisalt, from subst. salt (salt),
whilst at others stem- verbs appear in the form of derived
verbs, as e.g. Lat. habe-t, Goth, habai-th (3 sg. pres.), Lat. habe-
-bo (fut.), Goth, hdbai-da (pf.), which we can hardly consider
derived, is conjugated just like decidedly derived-verbs, e.g.
Lat. mone-t, f.f. manaya-ti (causes to think), fut. mone-bo, ^man
(think), Lat. men (cf. Lat. me-min-i, primary verb from same
root), stem of causative verb manaya-; Goth, veihai-th (hallows),
pf. veihai-da from veih-s (holy). In fact the forms of undoubted
stem- verbs and those of clearly derived- verbs are so inter-
mingled in certain of the existing languages, that from a
purely morphological point of view a sharp and complete dis-
tinction between primary and derived verbal- stems is impos-
sible, and not unfrequently it is still doubtful to which class a
given verb belongs. Certain tense- stems often have the forms
of derived-verbs, whilst others show those of the stem-verbs,
e.g. Lat. vide-mus (pres.) beside vldi-mus (pf.), etc. ; v. l Con-
jugation.'
Since we are here considering the form only, not the function
of the words, we can arrange derived verb- stems only accord-
ing to stem-formative elements, not according to the relations
which they express. Hence we speak of stem-formation by
means of ya, etc., not of intensive, causative, etc., verb-stems.
We place first those formations which can be proved most
archaic, and let follow in order those which occur in particular
languages only of our family, and which must therefore in all
likelihood, be considered as later formations.
It is often hard to pronounce with certainty what is the next
underlying form in the case of derived verb- stems. We could
not venture to decide off-hand whether, e.g. Sk. bhardya-mi,
Gk. <£opefc)-(/u), stem bharaya-, Gk. fyopeye-, is formed by step-
formation and by sf . -ya- from verb- stem Sk. bhdra-, Gk. </>e/>e-,
in Sk. bhdra-ti, Gk. <$>epe-(T)i, (3 sg. pres.), or by means of sf.
VERBAL-STEMS IN ORiGL. -ya- {-a-ya-}. IXDO-EUR. 173
-ya- from a substantive stem Sk. bhdra-, Gk. (fropo- (n. sg. Sk. § 83.
bhara-s, Gk. <popo-s).
. — The formation of the present- stem has been considered
as the formation of a derived verb whenever it expresses an evi-
dent relation, as e.g. the passive or inchoative. This, however, is
not admissible, were it only for the reason, that originally every
kind of present- stem-formation represented a distinct relation.
If this were not so, all verbs would exhibit one and the same
present- stem-form. Besides there is no doubt that we count as
' derived verb- stems' only such formations as are not confined
to the present-stem; and it would, moreover, be impossible to
distinguish verbs as stem- verbs and derived- verbs.
Verbal-stems in original -ya- (-a-ya-} with root-vowel § 84.
raised to first step, when formed from verbal-stems.
Verbal- stems in non-radical -ya- are found in all Indo-Euro-
pean languages, and must therefore be ascribed to a period as
early as that of the original language (their function is mani-
fold, especially causative, transitive, but also durative and in-
transitive). They naturally lean to verbal-stems and nominal-
stems. The formative- element -ay a- is probably to be broken
up into -a-ya-, a being the final sound of the fundamental
nominal- or verbal- stem, while ya is a very commonly used
element in stem-formation (cf . pronominal \/ya, of rel. and dem.
functions). The root- vowel is regularly raised a step.
Indo-European original language. Only one kind of
such verbs, and of this only a few forms can be traced, esp. the
pres. (and what is akin to it), e.g. 3 sg. pres. bhdraya-ti (=Sk.
bhdrdya-ti, Gk. *$opeye(T)i, i.e. fopel; in Sk. with causative, in
Gk. with durative function, from a stem bhdra-, $opo-, origl.
<J bhar, Gk. </>ep f erre) ; further future bhdraya-sya-ti (Sk. bhd-
rayi-syd-ti, Gk. fyopri-G-ei^fyopeye-aye-Ti), and lastly the com-
pound aorist a-bhdraya-sam (e-tyoprj-aa). So too sdda-ya-ti (he
places) =Sk. sddd-ya-ti, Goth, sat-yi-th, ^ sad (sit); vaida-ya-ti
(foretells) =Sk. veddya-ti (id.), Goth. (fair-)veiteith (looks to)
for *veit-yi-th, ^vid (see, know), etc.
174 VERBAL-STEMS IN ORIGL. -yd- (-d-l/d-). SK.
84. The correspondence between Gk. and Sk. makes it not un-
likely that formations such as e.g. maran-ya-ti (dies, durative)
from an abstract noun, n. sg. marana-m (whose final a, as often
happens, has dropped out before sf. ya, V mar, die), were not
foreign to the origl. lang. In the formation of the remaining
tense-forms languages do not agree. Probably the simple aorist
was not formed at all, and the perfect expressed by periphrasis.
Sanskrit. E.g. bhdrdya-ti, 3 sg. pres. causative vb. ^bhar,
either belonging to a noun- stem bhdra- (load), bhara- (bearing ;
or the act of bearing), or to a verb- stem bhara- (bhdra-ti he
bears) ; saddya-ti, in the same way fr. ^/sad (sit), cf. stem sada-
(m. placing down, setting); veddya-ti (makes to know) similarly
fr. \/ vid (see, know), cf. veda- (m. knowledge, holy writ) ;
bodhdya-ti (makes to know), ^budh (know), cf. bodha-, pres. -stem
and noun-stem, bodha-s (knowledge, instruction). Hoots in -ar
often have no step-formation, e.g. dardya- and dardya-, <J dar
(burst, split) ; vardya- and vardya-, V var (cover, choose).
Further, before two consonants the step-formn. does not take
place, e.g. kalpdya-, ^/ kalp (be in order; kalpa-, adj. fitted,
subst. m. order) ; indeed we actually find weakened root-syl-
lables, e.g. grbhdya-, ^ grabh (grasp, akin to grbhd-s, gripe) ;
mrddya-, \/mard (grind, both these examples belong to the more
archaic language). Elsewhere also unraised a is sometimes
found, e.g. damdya-, V dam (be tame, tame ; cf. dama-s, the act
of taming, breaking in), etc. Roots in i, u, have the 2nd step,
e.g. ndyd-ya-ti, V ' ni (lead) ; grdvd-ya-ti, \/ gru (hear). The perf.
of these verb- stems is periphrastically formed by means of an
abstract-form in a and the perf. of an auxiliary verb, e.g. vedayd-
-tiakdra, lit. 'notionem feci' ; the aorist does not belong to these
stems in -aya-, but was formed from the reduplicated root.
This reduplication has the force of a causal function, which
may be taken as a step-formation of the active, e.g. d-mvid-
-am, pres. veddyd-mi; other forms of these verbs lose ya, thus
the past formed from the future (the so-called conditional),
VERBAL-STEMS IN ORIGL. -yd- (-d-yd-}. SK. 175
e.g. d-ved-i-syam, stem veddya-, etc. This belongs, however, § 84.
rather to Indian special- gram mar, as being peculiar to Sk.
Amongst stems clearly formed from nouns are yoktrd-ya-ti
(binds round, embraces), noun-stem y'oktra- (ntr. band); tula-
-ya-ti (weighs), stem tula-, n. sg. tula (fern, balance, scales),
etc.
But before the -ya- the final -a- of the stem is not seldom
lengthened to a (v. supr. § 15, 2, a), e.g. vaspA-ya-U (weeps),
stem vdspa- (tear), lohitd-ya-ti (reddens), stem lohita- (red),
a^vd-yd-ti (wishes for horses), stem dgva- (horse), etc. ; cf.
rdgd-ya-ti (behaves like a king), stem rag an- (n. sg. rag a king),
thus accompanied by loss of final n from the underlying noun-
stem. Similar lengthening in the case of i and u before y occurs
(cf. § 15, 2, a), e.g. patl-yd-ti (desires a husband), stem pdti-
(husband), asu-yd-ti (snarls, is angry), stem dsu- (breath, spirit).
The a also is weakened to i, and then * is lengthened to 2,
e.g. putrl-yd-ti (filium cupit), stemputra- (son).
Moreover the stem- termination drops off altogether, e.g.
putrakdm-ya-ti (desires a son), stem putrd-kdma- (desiring sons,
children; putrd-s son, kama-s wish, love). Here we must esp.
mention the verbs in -any a which occur in the earliest Sans-
krit (the Vedas) : they are formed from abstract nouns in -ana-
(n. sg. -ana-m, ntr.), e.g. &aran-yd-ti (he goes), stem Udrana-
(going) i/Jcar (go) ; bhuran-yd-ti (quivers, is in motion), stem
bhurana- (adj. active), ^/bhur (quiver, move rapidly). Cf. Gk.
examples such as [Aapatvei (makes to wither away), i.e. ma-
ranya-ti, ^/mar origl. (die).
To stems in s, -ya- is added immediately, e.g. tapas-yd-ti
(chastises himself), stem tapas- (mortification) ; namas-yd-ti
(worships), stem ndmas- (worship). Through the analogy of
such forms arose a denominative-form in -sya-, which comes
into use also where there is no noun-stem in -as-. In other
than present forms, generally, the y only remains (e.g. fut.
namasy-isyd-ti), yet this y also often disappears (namas-isyd-ti).
176 VERBAL-STEMS IN ORIGL. -yd- (-a-ya-}. GK.
§ 84. so that these stems then coincide with those to be treated in
§85.
It is difficult to explain the suffix -paya-, which is added
regularly to verbal roots in a, more rarely to other roots also,
and further to monosyllabic, and also less frequently to other
noun-stems in a ; in function it corresponds perfectly to -aya-,
i.e. -ya-. Before this sf. a is regularly lengthened to a, or
raised a step, e.g. dd-payd-ti, 3 sg. pres. caus. vb. V 'da (give) ;
satyd-payd-ti (speaks truth), st. satyd- (true); ar-payd-ti, caus.
\/ar (rise, go) ; gna-payd-ti (makes to know), \/gna (learn) =
gan, origl. gan ; also others show a instead of regular a ; hence
fms. like gdpayd-ti, caus. V gi (conquer), appear to be formed
ace. to analogy of the frequent roots in a, and not to assume
-dpaya- as an element of formation, before which the final of
the root must have been lost.
The attempts to prove the existence of this -paya- in other
Indo-European languages seem to me unsuccessful on the
whole, so that I prefer to consider it as a new formation in
Indian, a view which is borne out likewise by the frequent
occurrence of -paya- in the Prakrt. Probably they are com-
pound-fms. (Benfey, Id. Sanskritgrammatik, § 123), containing
a <\/pa=.ap, meaning l do, make/ cf. dp-as, Lat. op-us, Grk.
TTo-ieo), f .f pdyayd-mi, the latter (connected with ^/pa by means
of a noun-stem *7roto-, i.e. pd-ya- ; cf. Sk. stem dd-ya-, giving,
masc. gift, \/da) formed from this root ; pa-ya- will then be a
causative stem of this root, precisely in the same way as the
causative Mr ay a-, \/ kar (make), often appears in the function
of the stem- verb.
Note. — Pdldya-ti, 3 sg. pres. caus. \/pa (protect), is not im-
mediately formed from the root, but from a noun- stem pa- Id (n.
sg. pd-ld-s watcher, guard), and is therefore perfectly regular.
Greek.1 Original -a-ya- has become *-a-ye-9 *-e-ye, *-o-ye-;
1 For fuller details on derived verbs of Gk. and Lat., cf. Leo Meyer, Vergl. gr. d.
Griecli. u. Lat. Sprache, ii. 1 sqq.
VERB-STEMS IN ORIGL. -yd- (-a-ya-). GK. LAT. ' 177
according to recognized phonetic laws y is lost between vowels § 84.
(cf. § 65, 1, e), e.g. Tipa ( honour s) =Tt,fia6i, fr.*n,fjbaye-Ti, fr. ri^tf
(honour) ; faira (goes frequently) = *$oiTaye-Ti, fr. <£otro-9
(frequent going) ; Sapa = ^a^aye-Ti (cf. ^dfju-vrj^i) = Lat.
doma-t, Sk. damdya-ti, Goth, tamyi-th (tameth), etc. ; fyopel
(bears, durative)=^>o/oeet for *^opeye-rn, origl. bharaya-ti, stem
(f)6po- in <£opo-9, or stem (f>epe- in ^epet, fr. *<£e/)e--n-, by raising
of e to o • o^el (carries, lets ride) = Fo^eye-n, origl. form
vagkaya-ti, cf. 0^0-9 (waggon), f .f. vagha-s, and e%et, f .f . vagha-ti ;
apiOfjiel (counts) =*apiOfJi6ye-Tt, fr. api6iib-<$ (number); olfcei
(dwells), f.f. vaikaya-ti, oI/co-9 (house), f.f. vdika-s ; a^povel (is
senseless) f r. stem a<f>pov- (senseless) : thus also from consonantal
stems after analogy of vowel-stems, etc. These verbs in -eye-
are much used in Grk. (in Lat., on the contrary, those in -a-).
Further, %pv aol (gilds) =f%pva-bei h.^pvaoye-Ti fr. %pvcrd-s (gold),
etc. The less common verbs in -lye- are mostly formed from
noun- stems in i, and are not therefore to be traced back to -a-ya-,
e.g. Kovlw (make dusty) from *KOVLLW, ^Koviywjja, fut. KOV 10-03, stem
KOVL- (KOVI-S, gen. KOVIOS, Kovews, dust). Some of these derived
verb-stems form presents also by means of -ska- (v. post. "Con-
jugation"), e.g. rj/Bd-ffKe-i, (becomes a man, pubescit) beside fjjBa,
f)IBd-ei (r)(3r] manhood), where nevertheless we may perhaps
assume that TI^OLGKW is formed direct from stem f){$a- (cf . how-
ever Lat.) ; d\Sr)-(7KQ) (wax) beside aXSew, etc.
Since in Gk., after sounds other than origl. a, -ya- is confined
to the pres., the derived verbal- stems apparently formed by
means of it will occur hereafter, i.e. where we speak of those
verbs whose stem is the noun- stem without any further addi-
tion.
Note. — In Gk. stem- verbs often assume the form of derived
verbs in certain tense-forms, e.g. TrepSa), but Trap&rj-aojjLai,, v. post.
§165.
Latin. In Lat., and, so far as we can see, in the other Italic
languages, we find three forms caused by the splitting-up of
12
178 VERB-STEMS IN ORIGL. -yd- (-a-yct-). LAT.
§ 84. the a of original -a-ya- into a, e, and through its being weakened
to i.
1. -aya- is contracted into -a-, e.g. seda-t (sets, settles) iorsedd-t,
*sedayi-t, f.f. sddaya-ti, cL^/sedin sed-eo (sit) ; doma-t (tames) =
Gk. Sapa, Sk. damdya-ti ; in 1 sg. -ayo, i.e. -aydmi, becomes *ao,
by elision of y, retained in Umbrian as au in subocau=Jj8it.
*subuocao, *subuoco ; this ao was then further contracted to 6,
like Gk. -aw fr. -aya)(/u) to o>, e.g. secfrj for *sedad-mi,*sedayo-mi,
f.f. sddayd-mi ; 2 sg. sedd-s, f.f. sdd-aya-si, etc. ; perf . seda-vi,
part, sedd-tus. This formation is very common in noun-stems,
also in those which end in * no less than those which end in
a consonant, e.g. forma-t (shapes) fr. forma (shape) ; planta-t
(plants) fr. planta (plant) ; fuma-t (smokes) fr. fumu-s (smoke),
st. fumo- ; dona-t (gives), st. dono- (donu-m gift) ; formations
from participles and the like in -to- are particularly common,
e.g. canta-t (sings), st. canto- (cantu-s), past part. pass, of can-it
(sings) ; facta-t (makes, intensive), st. facto-, part, of fac-it
(makes) ; quassa-t (shakes, intensive) fr. quasso-, part, of quat-it
(shakes), etc. Of this class are the forms in -tita-, -ita-, like
factita-t (makes often), cf. facta-t, dictita-t (says often) beside
dicta-t, stem dicto- (die-it says, y7 die) ; uolita-t (flies, flits) beside
uola-t ; uocita-t (calls often) beside uoca-t (calls), etc. Further,
pisca-tur (fishes) fr. pisci-s (fish) ; ndmina-t (names) fr. nomen
ndmin-is (name) ; remiga-t (rows), stem remig- in remex, remig-is
(rower) [prob. formed fr. stem remo- in remu-s oar, and ig
weakened from ag (ag-ere)] ; after the analogy of such forms
arose a verbal-termination -iga-, e.g. cast-iga-t, leu-iga-t, etc.,
even without a corresponding substantive. A list of verbs in
-a- in Oscan is given by Corssen, Zeitschr. v. 96 sqq.
Note. — In cases like son-ui beside sona-t (sounds) fr. sonu-s
(sound), the derivational element is lost, cf. monui in 2.
2. -aya- is contracted to -e-, e.g. mone-mus fr. *moneyi-mus,
f.f. mdnayd-masi, 1 pi. pres. caus. verb V man (think), moneo
VERB-STEMS IN ORIGL. -I/a- (-(t-ya-). LAT. 179
(remind), i.e. mdnaya for mdnaya-mi, 1 sg. pres. ; 1 sg. pf. monui, § 84.
not *mone-ui ; past part. pass, moni-tu-s, not *mone-tus (v. post,
formation of pf. in Lat.) ; thus e.g. fldueo (am yellow) fr. flauo-s
(yellow) ; cdneo (am grey) fr. cdnu-s (grey) ; salueo (am hale)
fr. saluo-s (hale) ; floreo (bloom) for *floseo from consonantal
stem flds- (flds, gen., flor-is i.Q?*flos-is, blossom), etc. Underived
verbs have very often assumed this form.
3. -aya- contracted to -?-, 1 sg. -io = -iyo, -ayd fr. -aya-mi,
e.g. sopio (make sleepy )=*sdpiyo, f.f. svdpayd for svapaya-mi,
sdplmus = *sopiyi-mus, f.f. svdp-aya-masiy 1 sg. pi. pres. caus.
verb V svap (sleep); perf. sopz-ui, past part. pass, sopl-tu-s ;
mottl-mus (soften) —*molliyi-mm fr. molli-s (soft), therefore the
t is origl. here, as in many other cases, e.g. flm-mus (we end),
flni-s (end) ; lem-mus (we smooth), leni-s (smooth, mild), etc.,
yet others are by no means wanting where i is not caused by
the termination of the underlying noun- stem, e.g. saem-mus
(we rage), saeuo-s (raging) ; equi-t (wants the stallion), f.f.
akvaya-ti, cf. Sk. a$vaya-ti ; equo-s (horse), origl. akva-s, Sk.
dgva-s; purii-mus (we punish), poena (penalty), etc. Examples
like custodl-mus (we guard), stem custod- (custos guardian), may
likewise be reduced to stems in i (cmtodi-), because in Lat.
all consonantal stems follow the analogy of ^-sterns in most
cases. In this way, by means of 2, verbs were formed from
the part. (nom. agentis) ending in origl. -tar, Lat. -tor-, -turu-s,
— retaining the archaic short form of origl. -tar (still found
underlying secondary formations such as uic-tr-w-, doc-tr-ma, fr.
*uic-tor-lc-, *doc-t6r-ma) — e.g. esuri-mw (wish to eat), i.e.
*ed-tur-l-mus, f.f. ad-tar-aya-masi, stem esor-=*ed-tor-, origl.
ad-tar- (ed-o eat ; cf. § 77, 1, b), par-tur-l-mus (wish to bear),
fr. * par-tor- (par-io bear), etc.
Note. — Lat. has no verbs corresponding to those of Gk. in
-oco : Gr. Curtius indicates their traces in ' Ueber die Spuren
einer lateinischen o-Conjugation,' Symbola philologor. Bonnens.
in honor. Fr. Kitschelii collecta, fasc. i. Lips. 1864, p. 271 sqq.
180 NOUN-STEMS USED AS VERB-STEMS. SK. GK.
§ 84. In Lat. the forms of stem- verbs and derived- verbs are mixed
in many ways. Often stem- verbs take the form of derived
verbs in the pres. ; under this head come many cases such as
e.g. uenl-mus beside uen-i, uen-tum, re-pen-mus beside re-p(e)per-i,
re-per-tum. Verbs in eo show on the contrary a regular loss of
the derivation-element in all stems except the pres., so that
here the stem- verbs which assume -e- ( = -aya-) in pres. only
(as e.g. sed-e-mus beside sed-i, sessum = *sed-tum ; uid-e-mus
beside uld-i, msum=*utd-tum, § 77, 1, b) cannot be distinguished
from derived verbs which have lost the same element. .
These derived verb- stems may form (in order to express in-
choation) their pres. also by means of -ska- (v. post, formation
of pres.-stem), e.g. in-uetera-sci-t (grows old), stem ueterd- =
*uetesd- stem ueter- in uetus, ueter-is (old) ; fldue-sci-t, cf . flaue-t
fr. flduo-s ; ob-dormi-sci-t (grows drowsy), cf. ob-dorml-ui,
ob-dorml-tu-m, etc.
§ 85. Noun-stems used as verb-stems without change
are found here and there in the languages. These formations
are recent.
From this class of stems we must separate those verb- stems
(mostly present- stems) which do not presuppose a noun-stem
for their formation, though they coincide with one ; e.g. tanu-
from <v/^> ton (stretch) ; bhara-, ^bhar (ferre), etc. ; an origl.
tanu-tai, 3 sg. pres. med., bhara-ti, 3 sg. pres. act., are not
formed from a noun tanu-s (tenuis), bhara-s (^opo?), but both
are mere coincidences in their stem-formation. If these verb-
stems had been derived from nouns, the characteristic suffix
would have remained throughout, whilst in fact it forms only
the present (or aorist), but does not exist in the other tense-
stems. On the other hand, the formations now in question are
closely connected with those treated of in the preceding para-
graph, from which sometimes they cannot be clearly separated.
Sanskrit. Hare, e.g. lohitd-ti (is red) fr. Idhita-s (red), etc.
Greek. Here noun-stems are very often used as verb-stems
NOUN-STEMS USED AS VERB-STEMS. GK. 181
likewise, in that the present- stem is formed by means of -ya- § 85.
(our class Y. of Present- stem-formation), while the noun-stem
appears pure in the other tense-stems. To this kind belong the
numerous verbs in -£o> and -a-aco, e.g. eX-TT/fet (hopes), i.e. *e\7ri8-
-ye-n, stem e'X-rr/S- (n. sg. eXm? hope, gen. sg. eX-Trt'S-o?) ; epi&t,'
(strives), stem epiS- (ept? strife ; in these cases, however, f, like
the 8 of the corresponding noun- stems, might be simply = y,
and thus *e\7ri-ye-Ti,, *epi-ye-Ti, be assumed as fundamental forms,
cf . § 65, 1, c, note ; yet £ between vowels = y is in my opinion
still doubtful) ; 7re/z.7ra£a (counts by fives), i.e. *7re^7raS-ye-™,
stem Tre/jLTrdS- (Trepirds number 5, collection of five) ;
(lashes), i.e. *fiacrTi,y-ye-Ti, stem fidcmy- (fidart,^ lash)
\v^ei> (bubbles), i.e. * -\vy-ye-Ti, st. 7ro/jL(j)6\vy- (Tro/^oXvf bubble);
apTrd&i, (seizes), i.e. *apTray-ye-Ti, stem apTray* (apTrat; grasp-
ing), fut. in Horn. dpTrdgco, i.e. *dp7ray-crco, but subsequently
dpTrda-co, as though a stem *dp7ra$- underlay it, a confusion be-
tween -8- and -<y- stems not uncommon, caused by the identity
of the present-tense in each ; crakiri^eL (trumpets), st.
(o-d\7ri,<yt; trumpet), the nasal falling away before t—
it does before cr, cf. fut. aakiriy^a), i.e. *cra\7ri,rfy-aa)) etc. From
such cases arose the common terminations -tfco, -a£o>, which
afterwards came to be used as independent terminations. In
like manner was developed the termination -acrco, which arose in
the case of stems in r, 0, tc, % e.g. /3X/TTO) (cut honey), i.e.
*fi\ir-y(o (§ 68, 1, b. f.), *fie\ir-yw, stem//,e?UT- (ytteX^ gen. /xeXir-o?
honey) ; Kopva-crco (fit with a helm), i.e. *KopvO-ya>, stem /copvd-
(tcopvs, gen. /copv0-os helm) ; /crjpva-a-a) (proclaim), i.e. *Kt}piHC-y<»,
stem KijpvK- (/crjpvf;, gen. /c^pu/c-o? herald) ; Ipdcrcra) (I lash), i.e.
*ilJLavT-y(o, stem IfjuivT- (t/z,a9, gen. lfj,dvT-o<$ strap) ; avdaa-a) (am
king), i.e. *avaKT-y(dt with loss of K in the group *ry, st. avaicr-
(ava%, gen. ava/cr-os lord), etc.
Noun- stems in s are seen in reXe/et, reXeet, reXet (completes),
i.e. *TeXecr-ye-Tt, stem reXe?- (cf. re-reXecr-^at pf. pass.) in reXo9,
gen. reXoy?, i.e. *TeXecr-o5 (end) ; vei/ceico, veiKea) (wrangle), i.e.
182 NOUN-STEMS USED AS VERB-STEMS. GK.
85. *veuceo--ya), stem velicecr- (m/co? ntr. quarrel); euTu^et (is happy),
i.e. *evTvxe<r-ye-Ti,, stem eurtn^eV- (adj. n. sg. masc. fern, evrv^
happy), etc.
From origl. -ow-stems arise verbs in -ao/o>, i.e. *-avya*y e.g.
fjieXalvei (blackens), i.e. */j,6\av-i/€-Ti, stem fj,e\av- (n. sg. masc.
/>teXa?, ntr. fj,e\av, gen. fj,e\av-o<; black) ; afterwards this
termn. extended also to stems which do not end in -av, e.g.
\evKalvet, (whitens), i.e. *Xeu/eaz>-ye-™, stem Xeiwo- (Xeu/eo-?
white), etc.
A similar case occurs in verbs in -vvco, i.e. *-viva), *-vvyu> ;
here, however, v is probably origl. from a present-formation in
na (v. post., present-stem) ; e.g. ybvvei, (sweetens), i.e. *r)§v-vye-Tt,
f.f. svadu-nya-ti, stem ybv- (^Su-? sweet), f.f. svadu- ; Wvvei
(straightens), stem Wv- (tOv-s straight) ; evpvvei (broadens),
stem evpv- (evpv-s broad), etc. This ending also passed over to
other stems, e.g. fjbeyaXvvei, (enlarges), st. fieyaXo- (great) ; Xa/^TT-
pvvei (brightens), stem \a/jL7rpo- (bright), etc.
From r- stems arise e.g. re/cfjialpopai (proclaim, infer), i.e.
*T€Kfiap'i/o-fiaL, stem re/cfiap (aim, mark) ; fiaprvpofiai (call to
witness), i.e. ^i^aprvp-yo-fjiai, stem /Jidprvp- (fidprvs, gen. jjbdp-
Tup-o? witness).
After stem-terminations in vowels y is entirely lost (as in
<£ww, earlier (£uw» ; OTTWW, earlier oTrutw, v. post. § 165), e.g. fjueOvei
(is drunken), i.e. *jji€0v-ye-Ti, f.f. madhu-ya-ti, stem f^eOv (ntr.
mead) ; pa<n\ev-(y)e-(T)i, (is king), stem /SacrtXeu-
king) ; j3ov\,ev-ei, (counsels) from an unused stem */
(formed like <j>opev-$ bearer) and many more.
Frequently the noun- stem loses as a verb- stem the final
vowel -o-, e.g. fiaXdcro-o) (soften), i.e. *iia\aic-ya), fut. fjLoXdga)
= */Jia\afc-(T(D, stem fiaXa/co- (/^aXa^o-? soft) ; Ivty) (scream),
i.e. *lvy-ya), fut. Iv^co =*lvy-aa), cf. lvyr) (shriek) ;
(soothe, exhilarate), i.e. *yLte//Xt^-^/ce), stem /xetXt^o-
mild, friendly) ; KaOaipo) (purify), i.e. *Ka6ap-ya)) stem
/caOapo- (Ka6apo-<s pure) ; Sat8aXXo> (work cunningly), i.e.
LAT. REDUPLICATED VERB-STEMS -f-Sfl-, -S-. 183
a>, stem Sa/SaXo- (cunningly wrought) ; ajye\\a) (an- § 85.
nounce), i.e. *ayye\-yco, stem ayye\o- (masc. messenger) ;
7TO£/aXX&> (adorn) fr. Trom'Xo-9 (variegated) ; KafJi7rv\\a) (bend)
fr. /ea//,7ruXo-9 (bent), etc.
Present- stems of similar derived verbs are also formed by
means of the stem-formative suffix origl. -ska- (§ 165, VI.),
e.g. /jLeBv-cr/cei, (makes drunk), f.f. madhu-ska-ti, stem fjueOv-
(mead).
After labials occurs also the sf. origl. -ta- (§ 165, VII.)
similarly used, e.g. aaTpaTT-ra) (lighten) from ao-TpaTrrj (light-
ning-flash) ; ^aXe7r-T&> (press hard) from ^aXe-Tro-? (hard), etc.,
with loss of the vowel stem-termination of the noun, provided
these verbs are really derived.
As regards the verbs whose present- stem terminates in origl.
-asnu-, e.g. crropevvvfjii (spread) for ^a-Topea-vv-fjii,, f.f. staras-nau-
-mi, f.f. of stem staras-nu, stem of remaining tenses o-rope?-, f.f.
staras-, — a stem-form which frequently occurs also among nouns
(v. post.), — for these verbs, which belong here by rights, v. post,
under * Present- stem-formation' ; they appear as stem- verbs,
because the noun-forms underlying them do not really exist in
the language.
In Latin a few noun-stems are used as verb-stems; the
present is formed, as in Gk., by means of -ya- (§ 165, V.) ;
but the formation is confined to u- stems, e.g. statui-t (sets up),
i.e. *statu-yi-t) f.f. statu-ya-ti fr. sta-tu-s (subst. standing) ;
metui-t (fears) from metu-s (fear) ; acui-t (sharpens) from acu-s
(needle) ; tribui-t (assigns) fr. tribu-s (division) ; minui-t (lessens)
from a non-existent *minu-s (small), of which minus (smaller)
for *minius, f.f. *manyans, is the comparative.
Verb-stems, formed by reduplication of the root, § 86.
and addition of -sa- or -s- in other tenses than the
present (called desideratives from their function).
8 frequently appears as an element in stem- and word-forma-
tion, and must be traced back either to the pronominal \/ sa, or,
184 REDUPLICATED VERB-STEMS + -S#-, -S-.
. as is more probable in the case in question, to verbal \/ as
(esse).
Although these formations occur in Sk. and Zend only, yet they
depend, like all reduplicated forms, on a very early method of
expression, arising in that period of the language when the
invariable roots possessed reduplication alone as a means of
increasing their power of expressing relativity ; Gk. forms such
as ryi-yvto-aKco, fju,-fj,vr)-o-fcco, correspond with the Aryan languages
at least in reduplication, and it is the reduplication of the root
only that we consider ancient. We doubt therefore whether
the method of formation belonging to the Aryan language, so
far as we know it, should be assigned to the origl. language.
Here perhaps the reduplication alone, without any special suffix,
served to express desiderative relation.
Sanskrit (special grammars must be consulted for further
details of Sk. desiderative- stem-formation). Before the 8 of the
sf . there is found an auxiliary vowel i after most root-termina-
tions (§ 15, f). The reduplication is completely retained only
in cases of the simplest kinds of root, e.g. dr-ir-i-sa-ti, 3 sg. pres.
(he wishes to go), \/ ar (go; 3 sg. pres. r~no-ti\ cf. ap-ap-lo-fcw
(fit), at least the same root is reduplicated ; otherwise, as is
usual, only the initial consonant of the root or its representative
according to sound-laws (v. post, formation of Perfect) remains
with root- vowel, which is weakened to i whenever it is origl. a,
e.g. gi-gna-sa-ti (wishes to know), fut. gi-gna-s-i-syd-ti, aor. comp.
d-gi-gnd-s-i-sat, etc., ^ gna transposed fr. origl. gan (know) ;
didrk-sa-te (wishes to see), V ' darg, origl. dark, foT*di-dark-sa-tai,
M-klp-sa-ti and Jci-kalp-i-sa-te, ^/kalp (be in order) ; some verbs
lengthen the vowel of the reduplication- syllable (weakened from
«), e.g. mz-md-sa-te, i.e. * ml-man-sa-tai (considers, reflects),
\/ man (think); yu-yut-sa-ti (wishes to fight), *J yudh\ vi-vik-
-sa-ti (wishes to enter), V^'f, origl. mk ; Jci-ksip-sa-ti (wishes to
throw), ^/ksip (throw), etc.
NOUN-STEMS WITHOUT SUFFIX. INDO-EUR. SK. 185
2. Noun-stems which are most closely connected with verb-stems § 87.
(participles and infinitives) and also certain other noun-stems.
I. The root without suffix is also a noun-stem.
This formation occurs in Aryograeco'italic only ; it is foreign
to Sclavoteutonic.
Indo-European original-language. To the Indo-
Eur. origl. lang. have most likely to be ascribed such root-forms
as e.g. bhar (bear), vid (see), yudh (fight), etc., in the functions
of nomina actionis and nomina agentis. As verb- stems they
occur in the simple aorist (§ 164), e.g. da- ; in pres. (§ 165), e.g.
as- (I. a), ai- and i- (II. a). Eeduplicated root without sff. is
either perfect-stem (§ 163), e.g. vi-vid-, da-da- ; or pres.-stem as
dha-dha-, da-da- (III.), or aorist-stem (§ 164).
Sanskrit. The root appears not unfrequently as a nomen
actionis and nomen agentis, e.g. in infinitives, as drg- (dat.
drg-e to see), sad- (dat. d-sdd-e to seat oneself), kram- (dat. ati-
-krdm-e transgress) ; ya- (dat. a-yai iic*a-ya-ai come) ; rabh- (ace.
rdbh-am desire, do) ; idh- (ace. sam-idh-am kindle), etc. Similar
roots, acting as verb- stems likewise, are also used in ordinary
Sk. as nomina actionis, e.g. yudh- (fern, battle), sam-pdd- (fern,
happiness ; sam- with, pad go) ; roots with a also raise it to a,
e.g. vak (speech), <\fvati (speak). At the end of compounds such
stems as coincide in form with roots and primary verb- stems
are often found used as nomina agentis, e.g. dharma-vid- (know-
ing one's duty), etc. Hoots in a lose it before most cases, or
raise it to a, e.g. vigva-p- (loc. vigva-p-i) and vigva-pa- (e.g. instr.
pi. vi£va-pd-bhis), f.f. of stem vigva-pa- (all-protecting), ^ pa
(protect).
The pure root-forms appear more rarely in this function with-
out composition, e.g. drg- (eye, i.e. seeing), ^/drg (see) ; vig- (masc.
cultivator, husbandman, man), ^/vig (enter, settle, cf. veg-a- masc.,
veg-man- ntr. house) ; div-, dyu- (m. f. heaven) with different
scale-steps, e.g. div-i, dydv-i loc. sg., dyau-s n. sg., ^/ div (shine);
186 NOUN-STEMS WITHOUT SUFFIX. GK.
§ 87. mah- (great), \/ mah (mdh wax). Reduplicated roots without
sf. are seen in Yed. infinitive- stems such as gi^rath- (dat.
$igrath-(f), cf. reduplicated pres.-stem gi$rath-, ^grath (loosen).
In the stems vak-s- (dat. vak-s-e), ^ vah (uehere) ; ge-s-
(dat. ge-s-e) and gi-s- (dat. gi-s-e), ^ gi (conquer) ; stu-s- (dat.
stu-s-e), \/stu (praise) aorist-stems in s have been rightly de-
tected (Benfey, kurze Sanskritgrammatik, p. 236, § 402, 2) —
partly, indeed, non-existent in these forms, but yet possible;
cf. e.g. *d-stti-s-ma 1 pi. act. etc. The s is a relic of \/as (be,
v. post. § 169) added to the root. "We adduce here certain other
similar infinitive- stems formed from tense- stems, belonging to
the more archaic (Vedic) language, although they partly retain
suffixes or their remains ; thus vyathisya- (dat. vyathisyai) like
fut. stem vyathisya-, ^vyath (be vexed, afraid) ; here -ya- is a
suffix (v. post. § 170, Future Tense) ; munK- (ace. munfc-am),
whose n comes from pres. stem miMa- (e.g. 3 sg. mun/cd-ti),
^muk (loose, free).
Grreek . The root appears as a noun in cases like FOTT- (n. sg.
cty voice) = origl. vdk-, Sk. and Zend vale-, V ' Feir, origl. vak
(speak) ; (j>\oy- (n. sg. </>Xof flame), \/(j>\ey ((j>\eyei,v blaze) ;
Zev- =.*Ayev-, AiF- (pr. n. of a god, origl. heaven ; n. Zeu-9,
gen. A t^-o?), root origl. div, dyu (shine), cf. Sk. dyau-, div-, etc.
This happens more often at the end of compounds, as xep-vifi-
(n. sg. xepvi^fr water for hand washing), V^A origl. nig (vi%a),
wash) ; Trpoa-Qvy- (n. sg. 7rp6cr-<j)vj; fugitive), V <f>vy
flee) ; ^evai-a-ruy- (n. •^reucrt-o-ruf lie-hating), \/o-rwy-
(orrvy-ea), e-arvy-ov hate) ; St-^vy- (Bi-fyt; double-yoked), \/ £vy
(^evy-vv^i I yoke, £vy-6v yoke) ; airo-pp^y- (n. sg. a7ro-ppd)j; for
*a7ro-Fpc0y-<; fragment), V Fpay (break ; cf. pijy-vv/jii,, e-ppwy-a),
etc.
Further, we might here adduce the infinitives of the compound
aorist, as e.g. XOcrat, Xefat, which should probably be taken as
locatives of stemsXOcra-,Xefa-, i.e*\ey-(ra- (cf.^a/^at, stem^a///a-,
and infin. in -pkvai, § 91, and in -era*, § 93, a), scarcely as datives
LAT. STEMS WITH SUFFIX -a-. ORIGL. SK. 187
of stems Xu-<r-, Xef-, i.e. *\ey-<;- (cf. Sk.) ; in any case however § 87.
they contain the stem of the aorist compounded with origl. ^/as
(be), (e.g. eXv-aa, e-Aefa, i.e. *e-\ey-cra) as the stem of a nomen
actionis which is unused except in this particular case.
Latin. Stems like nee- (nex murder), ^nec ; due- (dux leader),
^duc\ with step-formation leg- (lex law), \/% ; pac- (pax peace),
*Jpac\ luc-, old Lat. louc- (lux light), \/luc, origl. ruk\ uoc- (uox
voice), 1/uoc ; reg- (rex king), <\/reg. Further, stems used at the
end of compounds, e.g. iu-dic- (iudex judge), ^dic\ con-iug-
(coniux mate), ^/iug ; prae-sid- (praeses president), \/sed (sed-eo) ;
tuU-cin (tubicen trumpeter), y/ can (can-o) ; arti-fic- (artifex
skilled workman), \/fac [on weakening of a to i v. § 32, 2 ; on
e interchanged with i v. § 38], and others show the root as a
noun- stem.
II. Stems with suffix -a-. § 88.
This is one of the commonest formations ; before the sf . -a-
the root is sometimes raised, sometimes unraised.
Indo-European original-language. Already plenty
of stems in -a- were existent, as yug-a-, cf. Sk. yug-a-, Gothic
yuk, etc., ^yug ; vid-a-, cf . Lat. vid-o-, e.g. pro-uidu-s ; bhag-a-
(god), cf. Sk. bhaga-, Zend bagha-, Pers. baga-, 0. Bulg. bogu,
\/bhag ; bhar-a-, cf. Lat./er-o-, e.g. ensi-feru-m ; vark-a- (wolf),
^/vark; daiv-a- (shining, god), \/div (shine), etc.
Amongst verb- stems here belong all conjunctive- stems (§ 161),
e.g. as-a-, pres. stem and \/as ; moreover simple aorist-stems
(§ 164), as bhug-a-, -\/bhug; vavak-a-, ^/vak; so too pres. -stems
(§ 165) like bhar-a-, \/bhar (I. b) ; srav-a-, \/sru (II. b) ; thus
here also, as in the case of noun- stems, partly with, partly
without, raising of root- vowel.
Sanskrit. Stems in -a-, identical with verb-stems, are fre-
quently used as nouns, e.g. nomina actionis like bhdv-a- (masc.
being, origin; cf. 3 sg. pres. bhdva-ti], \/bhu (become, be);
bhdr-a- (masc. burden ; 3 sg. pres. bhdra-ti), <Jbhar (ferre) ;
gdy-a- (masc. victory ; pres. gdya-ti), ^gi (conquer) ; bodh-a-
188 STEMS WITH SUFFIX -«-. SK.
(masc. knowledge ; pres. bfidha-ti), ^budh (know); bhdg-a- (masc.
use, enjoyment; a pres. *bhoga-ti or *bhoga-ti does not occur),
l/bhug (enjoy) ; bhed-a- (masc. splitting), y/bhid (split), etc.
The datives of these nomina actionis serve for infinitives,
e.g. bharaya, etc. ; the accusatives, mostly repeated, for gerunds,
e.g. gdmdgamam (ever going), fr. gam-a-, ^ gam (go) ; so
bddh-a-m, ^budh (know) ; bh$d-a-m, ^/bhid (split) ; stdv-a-m,
^stu (praise) ; kar-a-m, <Jhar (make, e.g. svadu-karam bhunkte
1 having sweetened he eats '), etc.
Nomina agentis of similar form are found in e.g. plav-d-
(masc. boat; pres. pldva-te), \/plu (float) ; &ar-d- (adj. going;
pres. tidra-ti), \/kar (go) ; vah-d- (adj. carrying ; pres. vdha-ti),
\/vah (uehere) ; dev-d- (shining, god), ^div, dyu (shine) ; glv-d-
(living ; pres. giva-ti), \/gzv (live), etc. This kind of stem-
form is preserved most frequently at the end of compounds or
words syntactically combined, as arin-damd- (ari-m ace. sg. ; foe-
subduing), ^dam, etc.
In composition with su- (ey-) and dm- (8vtr-) adjectives of
this kind act like participia necessitatis, e.g. su-kdr-a- (easy to
be made), dus-kdr-a- (difficult to be made), <\/kar (make), etc.
Feminines of the same kind are e.g. bhid-a (splitting), \/bhid
(split ; 3 sg. simple aor. d-bhida-t) ; ksudh-a (hunger), \/ksudh
(hunger) ; mud- a (joy), ^mud (enjoy oneself) ; mrgaya (hunt),
verb-stem mrgaya-, 3 sg. pres. mrgaya-te (track, seek), etc.
Such noun-stems in -a- serve for periphrasis of the
perfect, and in Yed. also of the aorist, in many verbs,
especially all derived verbs, by being placed, in the ace. sg.
fern., before the perfect, in Yed. also before the aorist of an
auxiliary verb (kar make ; bhu become, be ; as be), e.g. st.
bubodhisa-, 3 sg. pf . babodhisd Sahara or babhuva or asa, cf. 3 sg.
pres. bubodhisa-ti, intensive ^budh (know) ; st. bodhaya- (e.g.
bodhayd Jcakdra, 3 sg. perf.), 3 sg. pres. bddhdya-ti, caus. <Jbudh ;
st. vida- (3 sg. perf. vidd Jcakdra, Yedic aor. viddm akar),
(see, know), etc.
STEMS WITH SUFFIX -«-. GK. LAT. 189
Greek. Here also nouns in -#- are common, as Fepy-o- (neut. § 88.
work), ^Fepy (Ip^-atp-pai I work) ; (j>op-6- (adj. bearing), <j>6p-o-
(tribute), <pop-d (fern, payment ; quick motion), V<t>eP (ferre) ;
r6fjb-o- (masc. cutting, piece), TOfju-ij (cutting, stump), ^/refju
(re/ji-va), e-Tep-ov cut) ; £17-6- (neut. yoke), \/?^7 (bind together) ;
<j>vy~r] (fern, flight), \/(j>vy (favy-a), e-(f)vy-o-v flee) ; ir\6F-o- (masc.
voyage), \/TT\V (7r\eF-(0 sail) ; poF-rj (stream), ^/pv, origl. sru
(peF-o), origl. srav-dmi flow) ; cnrov^-r) (haste), ^/o-Trvb (o-TrevSco
hasten) ; Xot7r-o- (adj. remaining), \/\ITT (XetV-Q), €-\ITT-OV leave) ;
CLK-WK-T) (point) reduplicated \/a/c (be sharp), etc. These forms
are mostly not distinguished from the pres.- stems 6epe-, \ei7re-,
7r\eFe-, except by the stronger step-formation of the root- vowel
(perhaps in an unoriginal manner, cf. e.g. Sk. bhara- plava-,
etc.).
In compounds also these nouns with suffix origl. -a-, are
used, as in Sanskrit, e.g. iTrTro-Sap-o- (masc. horse-taming) ; even
the peculiar relation of these noun-stems after Svcr- and ev- is
not wanting, e.g. Bvcr-fop-o- (hard to bear)=Sk. dur-bhar-a-
(cf. supr.).
Concerning the infinitives of the aorist, as e.g. \vacu, \e%cu,
which must be taken as locatives from stems like \vaa- and
\e£a-=*\ey-o-a, v. supr. § 87.
Latin. Suffix -a- is found in uad-o- (ntr. uadum ford),
-\fuad (go) ; fid-o- (fidus faithful), V fid\ iug-o- (iugum yoke)
^Jiug ; son-o- (sonus sound), \/son; coqu-o- (coquos cook), \/coqu\
merg-o- (mergus gull), <Jmerg\ ulu-o- (adj. living), \/uiu (live;
3 pres. ului-t} ; dlu-o- (godlike), deo- (god) fr. *deii-o-, *deiu-o-,
origl. <Jdiv (shine) ; ruf-o- (red), ^rub, ruf, origl. rudh (be red),
etc.
A great many nouns of this sort occur at the end of com-
pounds, as causi-dic-o- (causidicus), ^dic ; miri-fic-o- (mirificus),
V fac\ mak-uol-o (maleuolus), <Juol\ ensi-fer-o- (ensifer), <Jfer\
armi-ger-o- (armiger), <Jger, ges, etc.
Not unf requently stems of this kind appear with lengthened
190 -a- AS SECONDARY SF. STEMS WITH SF. -J-. SK.
88. stem- terminations, although expressing masculine relations, as
collegia beside sacri-leg-o- (sacrilegus), <Jleg\ trans-fug-a beside
pro-fug-o (prof ugus), ^/fug ; parri-cld-a, ^caed ; ad-uen-a, \/uen ;
indi-gen-a-, V 'gen ; agri-col-a, ^col, etc. In Gk. a perfectly cor-
responding formation is e.g. evpv-ojr-a. Feminines oi this sort
are mol-a (mill), ^mol (molere grind) ; tog-a (upper garment),
^teg (tegere cover), etc.
As a secondary suffix -a- occurs, mostly accompanied
by step-formation of the stem- vowel, e.g. Sanskrit stem dyasd-
(adj. iron), stem ay as- (iron) ; gawd- (masc. Qiva-worshipper),
stem giva, (nom. propr. of the god) ; the secondary suffix -a-
becomes amalgamated with final a when the underlying stem
ends in a, so that practically no fresh suffix is here added ;
dauhitrd- (masc. daughter's- son), stem duhiidr- (daughter) ;
mdnavd- (masc. man), stem manu- (masc. prop, noun of the
primeval man), etc.
Greek, e.g. in rjye/jLovrj (leader fern.), stem ^e/zoz/- (masc.
9776/40)1; leader) ; o-irarpo- (having same father), stem Trarep- ;
here, as often, shortened to irarp- before suffix -o- ; aar-6- (masc.
citizen, burgher), da-Tv (city), which has lost its termination
before suffix -«-, etc.
Latin. Here belong cases like decora- (decoru-s graceful,
decent, adj.) fr. decus, gen. decor-is (ornament, dignity); honoro-
(honourable) fr. honos, gen. honor-is (honour), and their like.
III. Stems with suffix -i-.
Suffix -i- is on the whole rare. In Indo-Eur. ak-i- (eye) is
capable of proof, V ak (be sharp, see ; cf . Joh. Schmidt, d.
wurzel AK, Weimar, 1865, p. 38) ; agh-i- (snake ; cf. Sk. dh-i,
Zend, az-i-, Gk. e%-i-, Lat. angu-i-, Lith. ang-l-), \/agh.
Sanskrit. Nomina actionis and agentis, without, and more
rarely with step- formation, also with weakening of root- vowel,
e.g. krs-i- (fern, ploughing), \/kars (plough) ; sdTi-i- (fern, friend-
ship), ^/safi (follow) ; lip-i- (fern, writing), ^lip (smear) ; ydg-i-
(masc. sacrificer), ^ yag (sacrifice); fihid-i- (fern, axe), ^/ tihid
GK. LAT. STEMS WITH SF. -W-. INDO-EUR. SK. GK. 191
(split); $uK-i (adj. pure), ^ gul (shine); bddh-i- (adj. wise), §88 a.
^/budh (know) ; gir-i (masc. mountain), ^/gar (be heavy), etc. ;
with reduplicated root, e.g. gd-gm-i- (going, hastening), ^gam
(go) ; ga-ghn-i- (striking, slaying), i/han, i.e. ghan (slay); sd-sah-i-
(bearing), i/sah (bear), etc.
Greek, e.g. *6tc-i- (ntr. eye) ; retained in dual 6We=*o/eye,
*o/ae), \/ origl. ok (be sharp, see) ; TTO\-L- (fern, city), origl. ^par
(fill, be full) ; r/oo%-t- (masc. runner), V^peX C7"/3^'® I run)> e^c.
Latin, scob-i (scobis, scobs, fern, sawdust, shavings), \/scab
(scabo scrape) ; trud-i- (trudis fern, punting-pole), ^trud (trudo
push) ; ou-i-*(ouis fern, sheep, cf. oT-t-?, Sk. dv-i-s, Lith. av-i-s)
fr. a Vw> ^^ (perhaps in sense of * clothe/ in which it appears
in Lat. and Sclavonic), etc.
IY. Stems with suffix -u-. §88b.
This suffix, though not very common, is yet on the whole com-
moner than -i- ; in some languages it is much used, in others
but little.
Indo-Eur. origl. -lang. dk-u- (adj. swift), <Jak (be sharp,
swift); prat-u- (adj. broad), <Jprat\ par-u- (adj. full), V par
(fill) ; svad-u- (sweet), V svad ; ragh-u- (light), \/ ragh ; pak-u-
(cattle), \/pah (perhaps 'bind').
Sanskrit. The suffix -u- occurs very often, mostly in forma-
tion of adjectives, e.g. a$-u- (swift), ^ag (reach), origl. ak\ prath-ii-
usually prth-u- (broad), \/prath (extend oneself, spread) ; pur-u
(much) for *par-u-, ^ par (fill ; 1 sg. pres. pi-par-mi) ; svdd-u-
(sweet), \/ svad (taste, smack); mrd-u- (soft), ^mard (crush),
etc. Similar adjectives from stems of desiderative verbs are
especially common (§ 83), e.g. didrks-u- (wishing to see), cf.
didrksa-te (wishes to see), <Jdarg (see), origl. dark ; dits-u- (wish-
ing to give), cf. ditsa-ti for *di-da-sa-ti (wishes to give), ^da,
etc. Substantives: e.g. bdndh-u- (masc. relative), ^/band/i (bind);
bhid-u- (masc. thunderbolt), ^ bhid (split) ; tan-u- (fern, body),
(stretch), etc.
Greek, w/e-u- (swift) =Sk. ap-w-, origl. i/ak;
192 STEMS WITH SF. -U-. LAT. STEMS WITH SF. -I/a-.
§88b. (broad)— Sk. prth-u-, origl. \/prat; 7ro\-v- (much) = Sk. pur-u-,
origl. par-u-, \/par; f)$~v-=$k. svdd-ii-, \/svad; /3ap-v- (heavy)
=Sk. gur-u- for *gar-u-} origl. \/gar (be heavy) ; ve/c-v- (masc.
corpse) — Zend nag-u-, origl. *Jnak (die) ; Opacr-v- (daring),
\/6ap(r, 6pas (be bold ; cf. 6dpcr-os boldness), etc.
Latin. These stems have generally been completely shifted
to the analogy of the 2- declension, by an i having simply been
added to the originally final u- e.g. tenu-i- (tenuis thin) from
*ten-u-, f.f. tan-u-, origl. <Jtan (stretch) ; breu-i- (short) for
*bregu-i- (§ 73, 1) from *breg-u-, cf. Gk. /8pa%-v-, root not other-
wise traced; leu-i (light) for *legu-i- ixom *leg-u-=($k. e-Xa^-v-,
Sk. lagh-u-, origl. \/rayh (cf. Sk. ^langh spring, despise ; rah
haste), grau-i- (heavy) prob. for *garu-i- from *gar-u-, Gk.
pap-v-, Sk. gur-u-, origl. gar-u- ; suau-i- (sweet) for *suddu-i-,
from *sudd-u-, cf. Gk. f)$-v-, Sk. and origl. svad-u-. The u-
form has been retained in ac-u- (acus fern, needle), origl. ^ak
(be sharp) ; id-u- (fem. the 13th or 15th day of the month),
probably from origl. \/idh (burn, in sense of ' be bright/ thus
lit. ' full-moon ') and other stems of somewhat obscure deriva-
tion.
§ 89. Y. Stems with suffix -ya-.
This suffix is very common ; it occurs in all Indo-European
languages. In Sanskrit by means of it the participium
necessitatis is formed.
Like most stem-formative suffixes of Indo-European, the
common primary and secondary relative suffix -ya- appears in
several functions (cf. pronominal- root ya with demonstr. and
relative function, e.g. in nom. sg. masc. Sk. ya-s qui, Lith.^V-s
ille, is). Indeed the stem-formative elements of the more simply
organized languages are applied in more ways than one; as
also are the auxiliary roots which are loosely added to the end
of the meaning- sounds (simple roots) of monosyllabic lan-
guages. The suffix -ya~ has, of course, belonged, even in early
times, to the Indo-European.
STEMS WITH SF. -yd-. INDO-EUR. 193
t
In Sk. this suffix forms regularly a participle of necessity ; § 89.
a function of which traces only are found in the other lan-
guages. It is a frequent phenomenon to find a certain suffix
developing itself in a particular language, so as to become a
regular kind of formation, with a peculiar function, whilst in
the kindred languages it is otherwise employed ; thus e.g. -ya-
as the formation of the passive in Sk. ; the nasalized present-
stems in Sclavonian, Lith., and Gothic as intransitives and
passives ; -la-, origl. -ra-, as past part. act. in Sclav., etc.
1. -ya- as a primary suffix.
Indo-European original language.
It is hard to find examples which can with certainty be traced
to the origl. lang. A perfectly trustworthy example of this
suffix -ya- would be seen in madh-ya-, if it were certain that
madh is the root of Sk. mddh-ya-—(;ji\£. //.ecrcro- for *fjieO-yo-,
Lat. med-io-, Goth, mid-ja-. If we may venture to draw an
inference for the origl. lang. from the correspondence of Greek
and Sanskrit, we may ascribe to it yag-ya- also (to be revered,
holy), <Jyag (revere).
This sf. is common in verb- stems, as e.g. in stems of derived
verbs (§ 84) ending in -a-ya-, e.g. bhara-ya-, ^/Wiar ; here be-
long all optative- stems in -ya- (mostly raised a step to -ya-),
e.g. stem as-ya- (§ 162), root and pres.-stem as ; moreover many
present-stems (§ 165 Y.), as e.g. svid-ya-, \/svid.
Sanskrit. The function of this sf . - ya- as a primary sf . is by
no means exclusively that of a part, necessitatis, cf. e.g. vid-ya
(fern, knowledge), ^/vid (know) ; vak-yd- (ntr. speech), </<tt£ ;
etc. As a rule 1st step-formation of root- vowel occurs before
this sf. when it forms a part, necessitatis, e.g. tie-ya-, ^Ki
(gather) ; yog-yd and yog-yd, y/yuy (iungere) ; pdk-yd- and
pal-yd-, ^pati (cook) ; har-yd-t ^har (take) ; garg-yd-, ^/garg
(roar), etc. ; but vrdh-ya-, ^/vardh (wax) ; gith-ya- and goh-ya-,
\/guh (hide), etc. Instead of the regular contraction to e, o,
there occurs, in many roots in -i, and in all roots in -u, an unusual
13
194 piiiMAUY SF. ya. GK. LAT.
89. loosening of ai, au, into ay, av ; e.g. gdy-ya-, V ' g\ (conquer) ;
ksdy-ya-, ksi (destroy) and stdv-ya-, stav-ya- (2nd step), ^/stu
(praise). For details of this formation see special Sk. gramm.
Stems of derived-verbs in -aya- only show the root-vowel
raised before sf. -ya-, while the sf. of the verb- stem disappears,
e.g. tior-ya- fr. verb-stem Tioraya- (steal), etc.
Greek possesses no regular participle in -ya- ; -ya- as a
primary suffix, not uncommonly in the same function as in Sk.,
nevertheless occurs in cases like 07-10- (holy), f.f. yag-ya-, cf.
Sk. yag-yd- (uenerandus), ^/yag (worship); crruy-io- (detestable),
\/0"Ti>7 (e-arvy-ov I detested) ; Trcvy-io- (firm), ^/Tray (Tnfy-w/u
fasten ; Trcfry-o?, masc. thing fixed, hill, frost) ; epeiir-Lo- (ntr.
ruins), ^epiir (in epelTT-w, ep-epiTT-ro destroy) ; yXwcrcra (tongue)
for *7\o)%-?/a- (§ 68, 1, e, ft), cf. 7X0)%-^ gen- 7x«%-^°? (point),
jjioipa = *fjiop-ya (§ 26, 3 ; part, share), ^/mar, cf . fjbep-o? (part) ;
oa-a-a (voice), i.e. *FoK-ya (§ 68, e) origl. <Jvdk, etc.
Latin likewise has no regular participle in -ya-. The suffix
appears often primarily, e.g. in ad-ag-io- (adagium proverb),
^ag (say, cf . dio for *ag-io ; § 39) ; ex-im-io- (eximius excelling),
•\/em, im (ex-im-o pick out) ; gen-io- (genius), in-gen-io- (ingen-
ium), pro-gen-ie- (progenies oflPspring), i/gen (gen-us, gi-g(e)no-);
in-ed-ia (fasting), ^ed (ed-o) ; per-nic-ie- (destruction), ^nec
(nee-are, noc-ere) ; fluu-io- (river), \/flu (flu-o) ; con-iug-io
(coniugium wedlock), ^/iug (iung-o, iug-um) ; ob-sequ-io- (obse-
quium obedience), ^/sec, sequ (sequ-or); od-io- (odium hatred),
^od (od-i) ; sacri-fic-io- (sacrificium sacrifice), ^/fac; ob-sid-io-
(obsidium siege) ; in-sid-ia (insidiae ambush), ^/sed (sed-eo), etc.
These formations are sometimes hard to distinguish from
secondary ones, e.g. con-iug-io-, which has to be traced back to
the noun con-iug- (n. sg. con-iux spouse), rather than to *Jiug.
The suffix -io-ni-, -io-n- is probably a further formation made
by means of sf. -ni-, e.g. leg-ion-, leg-ioni-, fr. <Jleg (legere) ;
reg-idn-, reg-ioni- (direction, region), ^ reg (reg-ere make
straight) ; ob-sid-ion-, ob-sid-ioni-, beside the above-mentioned
SECONDARY SF. -yd-. SK. 195
ob-sid-io- ; con-tag-ioni-, -ion-, beside con-tag-io- (touching), § 89.
\/tag (tangere touch), etc. Cf. suffix -tion-, -tioni- under -ti-
(§ 98).
2. -ya- as a secondary suffix.
-ya- is frequently used as a secondary suffix in every Indo-
European language, and hence must have existed as early as
the date of the original-language.
Sanskrit. E.g. dto-ya- (adj. heavenly), st. div- (heaven) ;
gun-ya- (canine), st. gun- (dog) ; pttr-ya- (fatherly), st. pitdr-
(father) ; rahas-yd- (secret), st. rdhas- (ntr. secrecy). Stems in
-a lose their final a before -ya-, e.g. dhdn-ya- (rich), st. dhdna-
(ntr. riches), etc. By means of step-formation of the under-
lying stem are formed stems like rtav-yd- (adj. seasonable) from
rtu- (season) ; madhur-ya- (ntr. sweetness), st. madhurd- (sweet) ;
ftdur-ya- (ntr. theft) st. Kord- (masc. thief), etc.
This sf . is added to a nomen actionis in -tu- (v. post.) ; this
-tu- is thereupon mostly raised to -tav-, but more rarely remains
unraised. Thus by the raising of -tu- arises the compound
suffix -tav-ya- so commonly used ; with unraised -tu- arises the
form -tvya-, which occurs in the more archaic period ; from this
latter there arises, by evaporation of the v from the group tvy,
the sf . -tya- used in certain cases in the ordinary lang. ; by loss
of the y arises the form peculiar to the Yedic lang. -tva-.
These sff. -tav-ya-, -tv-ya-, -t-ya-, tv-a-, originally identical, have
the same function as simple -ya-, namely that of a participium
necessitatis.
Before -tav-ya- (or -tdv-ya-) most root- vowels are raised, thus
all final vowels, and also medial i and u, e.g. da-tavya-y \/da
(give) ; e-tavya-, <Ji (go) ; sto-tavya-, ^stu (praise) ; Hhettavya-
for *Khed-tavya-, ^/lihid (split) ; yok-tavya- for *yog-tavya-, ^/yvg
(iungere) ; but pak-tavya-, i/pati (cook) ; kar-tavya-, <Jkar (make),
etc., without step-formation of root- vowel, because in Sk. a was
felt to be a raised vowel, in contradistinction to its weakenings
(§ 6). There is found also, in certain cases, the auxiliary vowel
196 SECONDARY SF. -yd-. SK.
89. i, I, between the end of the root and the suffix, e.g. bodh-i-tavya-,
^budh (know) ; grah-l-tavya-, V 'grah (take). Examples of the
shortened form of the sff. are found in Vedic Tvt-tvya-t later
kr-tya-, \/kar (make) ; therefore we must probably assume -tya-
to have arisen from -tvya-, also in forms in -tya-, which have no
parallel Vedic -tvya-, as e.g. in i-tya-, \/i (go) ; stu-tya-, \/stu
(praise) ; bhr-tya-, \/bhar (bear), and the like. It is however
strange to find such root-vowels unraised or weakened.
Vedic kdr-tva- (faciendus, as ntr. subst. kdr-tva-m opus) is ac-
cordingly to be explained as formed from *kar-tv-ya-, stem
kdr-tu- (v. post.) by means of -ya- ; here y has been lost, whilst
v is retained. The function of this form distinctly points to
this explanation.
Since -lya- is identical with -iya-, — the vowel being lengthened
before y, as happens frequently (§ 15, 2, a), — and since -iya-
may moreover stand for -ya- (§ 15, 2, b), we may confidently
assume that the participia necessitatis in -anlya- correspond in
their sf . to a fundamental form -an-ya- from *-ana-ya- (the loss
of final a in -ana- before -ya- is regular, cf. § 14, 1, b), and
therefore are formed by means of the same sf. -ya-, which we
have already found used in this function, cf . bhratr-lya- (brother's
son, origly. ' fraternal') ^n^pitr-ya- (paternal) ; parvat-lya- (hill-)
from parvata- (hill), and rdth-ya- (waggon-) from rdtha- (wag-
gon) ; etc. The sf. -lya- is tla.us=-^a-. This sf. -lya-=-ya- is
added to a nomen actionis in -ana- (as in -tav-ya-, -tv-ya-, it is to
a similar one in -tu- ; on nouns in -ana- v. post.), which, as afore-
said, regularly loses its final -a before -ya-. This sf. -anlya- also
has the root- vowel almost always raised a step, e.g. stav- anlya-,
\/stu (praise) ; gay-anlya-, \/gi (conquer) ; dd'nlya-=*dd-amya-,
\/da (give) ; but kar-anlya-, \/kar (make) ; pati-anlya-, <Jpa&
(cook), etc. Verb-stems in -aya- lose this whole sf. before
-anlya-, e.g. tidr-anlya-, st. tidr-dya- (steal).
In the Vedic we find also sf . -en-ya- thus employed ; herein
we can hardly fail to recognize a variation of f .f . -an-ya- ; en
SECONDARY SF. -yd-. GK. LAT. 197
has arisen from an probably through the influence of the fol- § 89.
lowing y, e.g. ug-enya-t ^vag (wish) ; yet we find also vdr-enya-,
^/var (choose) with accented root.
Grreek. Here too -ya- as a secondary sf. is very common,
e.g. Trdrp-io- (paternal), Trarp-id (f. race), from stem Trarep-
(father) ; crcoT^p-to- (saying), o-corrjp-la (rescue), stem oxwT^p-
(saviour) ; reXeto- for *reXecr-?/o- (§ 65, 2, c ; complete), stem
reXe?- (ntr. sg. reXo9 end) ; aXrjdeta, i.e. *d\r)9ecr-ya (truth), stem
d\7]6ecr- (adj. true) ; Oav-fJbdcrio- (wonderful) for *0avfjLar-io
(§ 68, 1, c), stem Oav^ar- (ntr., n. sg. Oavpa wonder) ; Si/ca-Lo-
(just), stem Slfca- (fern., n. sg. Sl/crj justice) ; Tr^v-to- (adj. ell-
long) from iriyxv- (masc., n. sg. 7r/}%u-9 cubit), etc. Here also,
before sf. -io-= origl. -ya-, the stem- termination 0= origl. a is
lost, e.g. ovpdv-io- (heavenly), stem ovpavo- (masc., heayen) ;
TTOTajji-io- (riyer-), stem irora^o- (masc. riyer), etc. Here belong
also the stems of participles and other consonantal stems used
in fern, alone, like fyepovo-a, i.e. *(f)6povr-ya ; \e\onrvla, i.e.
*\ekonrva--ya,*-VT-ya', Sore ipa, i.e. *$orep-ya ; fj£\aiva=*fj£\av-
-ya, etc.
The form exactly corresponding to the Sk. part, in -tdv-ya- is
in Gk. -T60-, i.e. *-Te-Fyo-, e.g. So-reo-, Sk. dd-tav-ya-, \/$o
(giye) ; l-reo-, \/l (go) ; TrXe/c-reo-, \/TT\€K (twist) ; OpeTr-reo-,
•\/rpe(f) (rear) ; 7refc(7-Teo-, ^/iTi,6, pres. TreiO-co, aor. e-TriO-ov (per-
suade) ; etc. Perhaps we ought to place here the forms in -cna
for -rta, e.g. evepyecrla from -rla, cf. evepyerrj-s ; d/caOapcrla, cf.
dtcdOapro-s, etc. ; this -rta may in other cases have also been
developed from origl. sf. -ti- (§ 98).
Latin, -ya- as secondary suffix, e.g. in patr-io- (adj.
patrius), fern, subst. patr-ia, from pater-, praetor-io- from
praetor-, victor-ia from victor-, scient-ia from scient- (sciens),
reg-io- from reg- (rex) ; audac-ia from audac- (audax) ; princip-io-
from princip- (princeps), nefar-io- from nefas, sacerdot-io- from
sacerdot-, etc. Here also the origl. final a of stem is lost before
-ya-, e.g. domin-io- (dominium) from domino- (dominus), somn-io-
198 SECONDARY SF. -ya-. LAT. -tivo-, endo-.
§ 89. (somnium) from somno- (somnus), colleg-io- (collegium) from
collega, etc.
Note 1. — Adjs. in -tluo-, as na-tluo-, ac-tluo-, have been com-
pared to Sk. -tavya-, though they do not coincide in function.
From -tavya- is said to have arisen -taivya-, by insertion of «
(from y following) into the preceding syllable, thence -taiva-,
-teivo-, -tluo-. However there is no very strong reason for
identifying Lat. -tluo- with Sk. -tavya-, a comparison which is
moreover phonetically very doubtful. It is possible that they
are new formations in Latin, from stem ndto-, acto-, etc. ; cf.
noc-luo- beside nocuo-, and mortuo- for the form *mor-to-, which
we should have expected. .
Note 2. — In Latin the participium necessitatis ends in -endo-,
earlier -undo-, e.g. dic-endo-, die-undo-, etc. In the former part
of this sf., en, un, hence earlier on, we may probably recognize
the an of the Sk. an-lya- : the -do- is prob. the sf . -do- so com-
mon in Latin, e.g. call-do-^ uali-do-, timi-do-, etc., beside calere,
ualere, timere, etc. ; in uiri-di- beside uirere, -di- appears. This
-do- probably is derived from the same verb-root da (Lat. dare,
which has, however, apparently become confounded with origl.
^dha ' facere '), which we see in cre-do, con-do, etc. Cf. forma-
tions like ira-c-un-do-, rubi-c-un-do-, uere-c-un-do-, fa-c-un-do-, in
which the relation of necessity is not found, — a relation which
is not really essential to forms in -un-do-, -en-do-, -n-do- (Corssen,
Krit. Beitr. 120 sqq., and Krit. Nachtr. p. 133 sqq.) ; -bu-n-do-
\nfur-i-bu-n-do, treme-bu-n-do-, must be treated as a part, necess.
of origl. ^/bhu, I^at.fu. Accordingly we recognize in -do-, the
latter part of this sf., a new formation in Latin. We can
scarcely assume that the f.f. -an-ya- (v. supr.) has in an excep-
tional way in the first place become *-an-dya- by insertion of d
before y, as not unfrequently happens in the languages, e.g.
middle-Lat. madius for earlier mains, Gk. %ir/6v, i.e. *Syvyov, Sk.
and f.f. yugdm ; from which form *-an-dt/a- the loss of y would
then have to be assumed in the same way as perhaps in minus
for * minim, -bus sf. of dat. abl. pi. for *-bius (v. post, declension),
so that e.g. coqu-en-do- (coquendus) would stand for *coquen-dyo-,
*coquen-yo-, f.f. kakan-ya-=$k. pa&aniya- (Gr. Curt. Gk. Etym.2
590 sqq.). However, as regards Lat., interchange of d and y
is not capable of proof ; on the contrary, this language shows a
tendency towards accumulation of suffixes and suffixative com-
position with verb-roots, as e.g. -cro- (laua-cru-m, sepul-cru-m) ,
(make) ; -bo- (acer-bu-s, mor-bu-s, super-bu-s) for *bhvo-
STEMS WITH SF. -Vtt-. INDO-EUR. SK. GK. LAT. 199
from bhu (be) ; here probably we must reckon -bili- (sta-bili-s, § 89.
fle-bili-s, comprehensi-bili-s, flexi-bili-s) and -bulo- (sta-bulu-m,
fa-bula), further formations of this -bo- (these forms are otherwise
explained by others) ; -bro-, -bra- (candela-bru-m, light-bearer ;
in this example probably no one will deny the derivation of -bro-
from \/ bhar (bear); uerte-bra, late-bra), from \/bhar (bear);
-gno- (mali-gnu-s), ^/gan (beget) ; -ig- (rem-ig-, n. sg. remex),
\/ag (drive, do).
VI. Stems with suffix -va-. § 90.
Stems with sf . -va- are found in every Indo-Europ. language ;
in Lat. and Sclavonic, amongst others, it is a favourite suffix.
Stems in -van- are akin to these, and are seen especially in Sk.
The sf. -vant- we treat hereafter separately.
Indo-European original language. Certainly demon-
strable is ak-va- (masc. horse), \/ak (run ; cf. dk-u- quick).
Sanskrit, dg-va- (masc. horse), \/a$ (cf. dg-u- quick) ; e-va-
(masc. going), ^i (go) ; pdd-va- (masc. way, waggon), ^ pad (go);
pak-vd- (adj. cooked), ^/pafc (cook) ; urdh-vd- (directed upwards,
raised), i.e. *ardhva- (§ 7, 2), \/ardh (grow), etc.
-van- is akin, e.g. pad-van- (masc. way), cf. pdd-va- ; mdd-van-
(intoxicating), \/mad (become intoxicated) ; rk-van- (praising),
beside rk-vant and rk-vd-, ^/arJc (praise), etc.
Greek. On account of the loss of v in Gk. the sff. in ques-
tion are hard to recognize. Clearly we may place here e.g.
iTTTTo- (horse) for *lfc-Fo- =Lat. equo-, origl. ak-va-, etc. ; TroXXo-
(many, collateral form to TTO\V-) from *7roX-fo-, f.f. par-va-,
\/par (fill) ; in some other cases the root cannot be further
traced, as e.g. \ai-F6- =Lat. lae-uo- (left) ; 0X0-, Ion. ov\o-
( whole), f.f. *oX-fo- =Lat. sollo- from *sol-vo-, Sk. sdr-va-, etc.
The sf. -van- is seen in ai-Fvv- (alcov lifetime, time), a
lengthening from a presupposed ai-van- (cf. Lat. ae-uo-, Goth.
ai-va-, Sk. e-va-), <\/i (go) ; perhaps also irkir-ov- (n. sg, masc.
Treircov ripe) stands for *7T€7r-Fov-, cf. Sk. pak-vd-, \/7T€7r, origl.
kak (cook).
Latin. The sf. origl. -va- is common; besides eq-uo- (horse)
200 SUFFIX -vant-. SK.
§ 90. = origl. ak-m- ; ard-uo- (steep) = Zend eredh-wa-, Sk. urdh-vd-;
ae-uo- (ntr. lifetime, age)=Sk. e-va- (masc. going), occur many
other formations like noc-uo- (hurtful), -\/noc (noc-ere hurt) ;
uac-uo- (empty), ^Juac (cf. uacare be empty) ; per-spic-uo- (per-
spicuous), \/spec (specere see) ; de-cid-uo- (falling off), \/cad
(cadere fall) ; re-sid-uo- (remaining), ^sed (seder e sit) ; ar-uo-
(ploughed, ar-uo-m ploughed field), *Jar (ardre plough) ; al-uo-
(fem. belly), ^al (alere nourish), etc.
Here belong also formations in -luo-, like noci-uo- (hurtful) ;
uacl-uo- (empty), captl-uo- (captive), etc., which are formed as if
there were parallel forms *nocl-re, *uaci-re, *captl-re.
The suffix -vant-, forming a past part, act., whose original
existence is proved by the correspondence of the Aryan, Greek,
and Sclavonic, is probably compounded of -va- and -nt-—-ant-
(§ 101). With -vant- may be compared the origl. sf. -yant-,
which also probably consists of -ya- and -ant- (v. post. ' Com-
parative'), and sf. -mant- (§ 91), which is similarly formed from
-ma- and -ant-, so that we have a scale -ant-, -yant-, -vant-,
-mant-, to which -an-, -yan-, -van-, -man-, and -a-, -ya-, -va-, -ma-
are parallel.
The function of this -vant- is (like that of -mant-) that of
expressing the ' having' the possession of something. The
perf . part, and the perf . itself are in many languages expressed
by means of possessive elements (e.g. Finnish, Magyar, the
Cassia language, etc.), as is indeed the case also in the periphrasis
by means of the auxil. verb ' have.' A form vi-vid-vant-, lit.
' having knowing or knowledge/ is not originally different, in
point of suffix, from arkta-vant- ' bear-having.'
The sf. -vant-, which, as forming participles, is a primary sf.,
occurs also as a secondary suffix, e.g. Sanskrit dgva-vant- (pro-
vided with horses ; n. sg. masc. d$va-vdn, ace. sg. d$va-vant-am,
gen. sg. dgva-vat-as, n. pi. masc. -vant-as, etc.), fern, dgva-vati,
i.e. -vat-yd (cf. § 15, c), with loss of n, as in similar cases ;
vdsu-vant- (furnished with riches) ; vlrd-vant- (possessed of
SF. -Vant-. GK. LAT. IN PAST PART. ACT. 20l
heroes) ; pad-cant- (having feet), stem pad- (foot). The sf. § 90.
-mant- is employed in similar functions, e.g. Sk. agni-mdnt-
(possessed of fire), v. post.
The sf. -vant- has also a special use in Sk., that of giving
active force to past part., e.g. hrtd-, (^/kar, make) — ' made/ but
krtd-vant- ' having made'; bhagnd- (broken), \/bhag, bhang, but
bhagnd-vant- ' having broken/ etc.
Greek. The suffix -vant- becomes -Fevr- (the digamma being
retained; n. sg. masc. -Few, ntr. -Fe.v), fern. -Feacra, i.e. * -Ferry a
= Sk. -vatl, i.e. -vatya, e.g. a/AireXo-FevT- (having vines),
(fem. vine) ; l^Ovo-Fewr- (having fish), fyOv- (masc. fish) ;
-Fevr- (having wisdom), fMrjrt- (fern, wisdom) ; vuj>o-FevT- (snowy),
st. vi$- (snow, ace. vty-a), etc. Thus all stems follow here the
analogy of stems in o-, origl. a-, which is also the case else-
where in Gk. (e.g. in gen. dat., dual, v. post.) ; yet ^api-Fevr-
(graceful), %«/?£- (fern, grace), and perhaps some few others.
In Latin -vant- has become -vans-, and passed over to the
analogy of ^-sterns, so that we must here assume a f.f. -vansa-,
from which -vonso- and -voso- must have arisen ; this -vonso- has,
however, throughout lost its v (the suffix could scarcely have
been -ans-, since the loss of the v does not occur in this function
of the suffix, and the existence of the full form of the sf . in the
S.W. division of the Indo-European languages is moreover
proved by the occurrence of the well-preserved form in Gk.
-Fevr-) ; e.g. fructu-oso-, himin-oso-, *forma-oso-, whence (§ 37)
formonso-, later formoso-.
We must now treat of the employment of the sf . -vant- (-vans-)
in forming past part. act.
Indo-European original-language, e.g. vimd-vant-,
<Jvid (see, know); dadha-vant-, ^ dha (set), etc. These stems
coincided in the three genders.
Sanskrit. The origl. sf. -vant- appears before the different
case-suffixes as -vat-, -vds-, i.e. -vans- and -us- (v. post. Declen-
sion); -vans-, from origl. -vant-, became -vas- by loss of n
202 SF. -vant- IN P.P.ACT. GK. STEMS WITH SF. -ma-.
§ 90. before 5, and this was weakened to -us- by loss of a (§ 6) ; -vas-,
i.e. -vans-, is a lengthening or step-formation of -vans-. The
suffix is added to the reduplicated root, to the perf.-stem in
its weaker form (v. post. * Conjugation '), e.g. rurud-vdnt-, \/rud
(weep), fern, rurud-ml, from *-vantyd, *-vamyd, *-vasyd, *-usyd ;
ten-i-vdnt- from *tatn-i-vant-, with auxil. vowel i, ^Jtan (stretch) ;
the shortened st.-forms have not this i, e.g. dat. sg. masc. tenus-e\
n. sg. fern, teniisl, etc.; vid-vdnt (knowing, origl. ' having seen'),
with loss of reduplication of ^/vid (see, know), etc.
Greek. The origl. final t of the sf . has been almost always pre-
served, while the n is lost ; in masc. and neut. it is -F6r-=-va (n) t- ;
in n. sg. -fo? for *-For (§ 69), masc. -foWfor *-foT-9 with com-
pensatory lengthening. The fern, is -via, i.e. -myd (§ 65, 2, c)
from -vasyd, and this from -vansyd, f.f. -vantyd. This sf. is
added to all perf.- stems ending (1) in case of simple perfects in
the final letter of the root, (2) in the case of compound perfects
in K ; e.g. (1) XeXonr-oT-, n. sg. masc. XeXoi7r<w?:=XeXoi7r-/"oT-?,
ntr. XeXotTTo? = *\e\oi7r-FoT, fern, \e\oi7r-vla = *\e\oi7T-vaya,
<\/\ITT (leave); likewise (2) *\e\vK-FoT- (n. sg. masc. XeXv/eo>9,
etc.), \/\v (loosen), etc. After roots ending in vowels perhaps
the v of the sf. held its place longer ; thus eo-Ta-For- (Horn.)
from perf.-stem eara- (eara-f^ev 1 pi.), ^crra (stand); <yeya-F6r-,
perf.-stem <ye<ya-, \/<ya, <yev (pres. ryiyvo/jbcu become), etc. We
must leave undecided the question whether the stems yeya-Fa)T-,
reOvrj-FcDT-, etc., retain in w a relic of the former n in *-Fovr-=
-vant-, or whether we should see in it an unorigl. lengthening
from -For-.
Archaic forms show the root- vowel still un- raised, especially in
fern, stems, e.g. FiBvia (usually elbvia, st. *F6i$-For-, from FolSa,
f.f. vivdida 'I know/ \/vid, see, know), i.e. *vid-usyd=Sk. vidusl
from *vivid-vant-yd.
Latin shows no such formation.
§91. VII. Stems with suffix -ma-, and sff. whose first element
is -ma- {-man-, -ma-na-, -mant-j on secondary sf. -ma- cf. § 107,
STEMS WITH SF. -ma-. INDOEUR. SK. 203
where also are treated the sff. ma-ma- and -ma-ta-, which all § 91.
of them form superl.) ; and especially the participle in -ma-,
-ma-na-, of passive and middle use.
Participles in -ma-na- appear in the Asiatic and S.-European
division of the Indo-European, in the Sclavo- Teutonic -ma- re-
places it. Both forms we hold to be original, since it is
common enough to find a simple and a compound suffix used
alike.
-ma- is a frequent element in stem-formation (in word- forma-
tion it indicates 1 pers.). As a secondary suffix we shall find it
employed to express the superlative.
Primarily it occurs e.g.
Indo-European, ghar-ma- (warm, heat), \/ghar ; dhu-ma-,
or probably dhau-ma- (smoke), *Jdhu.
Sanskrit. In tig-md- (adj. sharp, pointed), <\/tig (become
sharp) ; Wil-md- (adj. fearful), ^bhi (fear) ; idh-md- (masc. fire-
wood), ^/idh (burn); ghar-md- (masc. warmth), \/ghar •; dhu-md-
(masc. smoke), \/dhu (move) ; yug-md- (ntr. pair), ijyug (join),
etc.
Kindred to this is sf . -man-, which apparently must be sepa-
rated into -m-an-, i.e. -m(a)-an-, and is accordingly closely
parallel to the participial -ma-na-.
Indo-European, e.g. gna-man- (name) , ^ gna = gan (know) ;
ak-man- (stone), ^/ak, etc.
Sanskrit. In gdn-man- (ntr. birth), V 'gan (gignere); dg-
-man- (masc. stone), ^/ag ; veg-man- (ntr. house), <\/vig (enter) ;
na-man- (ntr. name) for *gna-man-, \/gna=gan (know) ; us-man-
(masc. summer), ^/us (burn). With auxil. vowel it in Yed. also
I (§ 15, f), it appears e.g. in star-i-mdn- (masc. bed), <\/star (ster-
nere) ; dhar-i-mdn- (masc. forma), \Jdhar (hold) ; gdn-i-man-
(ntr. birth) beside gdn-man-, from which it is distinguished by
the * alone. Side by side we find dhdr-man- (masc. bearer ; ntr.
law) and dhdr-ma- (masc. right, duty) ; e-man- (ntr. going) and
e-ma- (masc. id.), \/i (go), etc.
204
STEMS WITH SF. -ma-. GK.
§ 91. -mant- is a secondary suffix, e.g. ydva-mant- (possessing
barley), ydva- (barley) ; mddhu-mant- (possessing honey), mddhu-
(honey) ; gydtis-mant- (shining), gydtis (light), etc.
-min- also is secondary, e.g. vdg-min- (possessing speech,
eloquent) for *vdk-min-, stem vale- (speech) ; go-mrn- (masc. cattle-
owner), go- (cow, bullock) etc.
ag-man-ta- (ntr. furnace) must not be overlooked, from dg-
-man- (stone) ; cf. Lat sf. -men-to- and O.H.GK -munda-.
Greek. Sf. -ma-, e.g. in Oep-^o- (adj. hot), Oep-prj (fem.
heat), \/6ep (Qep-ofjicu grow hot), origl. ghar (§ 64, 2, n) ; (j)\oy-fjuo-
(masc. brand), \f<j)\ey ((j)\ey-eiv burn); Kevd-^6- (masc. lair),
^J KV 6 (/cevd-a) hide) ; KOfjL/jLo- (masc. planctus) for *K07r-fj,o- (§ 68,
1, a), \/KOTT (KOTT-TO), ice-wrr-fa strike) ; av-e-po- (masc. wind)
with an inserted e (§ 29) from origl. ^J an (blow) ; xy-fio- (masc.
sap), <Jyy (ytF-us pour) ; Ov-fjio- (masc. mind, spirit), <\/6v (Ov-co
fume) ; jvca-pr) (opinion), ^yvo (yi-yvco-a/ca)), origl. gan (to
know) ; ^V^-IULTJ (memory), ^//jt,va dju,-iivr)-vKw), origl. man
(think) ; ri-^ (price, honour), <\/TI (ri-co (honour) ; ot-//.o- (masc.
fem. way, course, stripe), \/l (el- pi go), etc.
As secondary sf. also -/JLO- occurs, e.g. aXta-po- (strong), aX/a;
(strength) ; voo-Ti-fio- (belonging to return), VO&TO- (masc. return) ;
(frvfy-fjio- (whither one can flee, avoidable), <£uft- (fem. flight), etc.
The sf. origl. -man- appears in Grk. as -fiov- and -pev-, e.g.
a/c-fjiov- (masc. n. sg. dfc-ficov anvil)=Sk. dg-man-, beside a/c-jjirj
(point, sharpness); IS-pov- (adj., n. sg. masc. iS-fjicov, ntr. I'S-^oz/,
skilful, belonging to later period), \/Fi,$, origl. md (see, know) ;
(n. sg. T\T)-IJLWV sufiering, wretched), ^r\a (endure, cf.
Ly T\tf-crofji(u) ; yvw-fjiov- (masc., n. sg. <yva)-fj,Q)v knower),
Vyvo (yi-yvw-o-KO)), origl. gan (know), cf. yvco-w, pvr\-pov-
(mindful), cf. ^77-^77, V fj,va, origl. man (think), etc. In the
form -fjLcov- we recognize an unorigl. lengthening of the same sf.,
cf. K6v0-fji(DV (masc., gen. sg. Kev6-p&v-os lair), \/Kv0, raised to
K€V0 (/cev6-a)t e-fcv0-ov hide), cf. /eeu#-/u>-? ; drj-p&v (masc., gen. sg.
, heap), <\/6e (ri-07]-/jLi), etc.
STEMS WITH SF. -ma-. LAT. 205
Sf. -fjiev-, e.g. in irvO-^iv- (masc., n. sg. Trv0-fj,r)V bottom, foun- § 91.
dation), \/7rvd, cf. O.H.Gf. bod-am; iroi-^kv- (masc., n. sg. wot-fujif
shepherd) = Lith. pe-men- (n. sg. pe-mu), root accordingly^',
perhaps a weakening from pa (protect).
Closely connected is the sf. -/jLovr), e.g. (faey-fiovrf (inflamma-
tion), \/(f)\ey (0Xe7-<» burn) ; ^ap-pavr) (joy), V XaP
rejoice), etc.
Here too probably belong sff. -jju-v- and -JM-VO-, e.g. p
(masc., gen. sg. pyy-iuv-os surf, breakers), \/pa<y (in
break) ; va--pZv- (dat. sg. var-fuv-i) and vcr-fjbivr) (strife),
Sk. and origl. yudh (strive) ; also as secondary sf., e.g. in tcvK\d-
-IJLIVO- (masc. and neutr., name of a plant, cyclamen), from
KVK\O- (KVK\O-S circle).
Also the very common sf. -par- (ntr.) is related to the sff.
above named ; e.g. el-par- (garment), Aiol. /^//-/mr-, i.e.
V^e? (€WVfii, i.e. *Fea--vv^ clothe) ; o^ar-, i.e.
- (eye), Aiol. OTT-Trar-, VOTT (otyofJbai,, oTr-coTT-a see) ; cf.
- (bond) beside Secr-po- (masc. id.) and Bea-fjuj (bundle),
, 8e? (Sew bind) ; /3a$lcr-paT- (going) beside fiaSLa-fjio- (masc.
id.) from (3a§tfo (step, go) ; ^dp-par- (joy) beside
(v. supr.); pfjy-fjuaT- (fracture) beside prjy-fjilv- (v. supr.);
beside av-el-jjbov- (garmentless) ; TT pay- par- (deed), ^ Trpay
(7rpda-crco\ beside TroXv-Trpay-^ov- (busybody) ; fjivrj-par- (me-
morial) beside iivr)-^ and ^vr\-^ov- (v. supr.) ; crTrep-fiar- (seed),
\7cT7T6p (cfTrelpo) sow), beside cnrep-fjiaivto, i.e. *<T7rep-fJiav-ya) (sow),
and the like.
In Latin also the sf. origl. -ma- occurs, as Lat. -mo- (-mu-)
in an-i-mo- (n. sg. animus spirit), origl. ^/an (blow) ; fu-mo-
(fumus smoke), origl. ^dhu (move) ; fir-mo- (firmus firm), prob-
ably Sk. ^/dhar (hold; cf. fre-n-um bridle, from same root);
for-mo- (formus warm), Vfer> (fer-ueo) ; al-mo- (almus nourish-
ing), \/al, nourish; an-i-ma (life), cf. an-i-mo-, origl. ^an (breathe,
blow); fa-ma- (fame) = Gk. ^17-^17, ^ fa (fa-ri say); for-ma
(form), cf. Sk. dhar-i-mdn- (v. supr.), etc.
206 PARTICIPIAL SF. -mana-. INDOEUR. SK.
§ 91. Sf. origl. -man-, Lat. -men-, is common ; e.g. ger-men (ntr.
germ, shoot), \/ger, origl. ghar (be green) ; *gno-men (no-men,
co-gno-men name), \/gno, origl. gan (know) ; se-men (seed), ^/sa
(sow), teg -men, teg-i-men (covering), ^ teg (cover) ; ag-men
(troop, crowd), *Jag (drive) ; sola-men (solace), verb-stem sola-
(solari console) ; certd-men (contest, match), verb-stem certa-
(certare struggle) ; moll-men (effort), verb- stem moll- (moliri
undertake), etc.
This sf. is lengthened into -mon-, e.g. in ser-mon- (n. sermo
masc. speech), \/ ser (arrange, put together; in ser-o, ser-tum) ;
ter-mon-, cf. ter-men, ter-min-o- (border), \/ter, Sk. and origl. tar
(exceed, come to the end) ; often moreover increased by -to-,
e.g. in co-gno-mento-, in-cre-mento, teg-i-mento-, aug-mento- be-
side aug-men, seg-mento- beside seg-men, etc. ; this -mento- is par-
ticularly common in case of derived verbs, e.g. armd-mento-, nutrl-
-mento-, experl-mento-, etc. (ntr., n. ace. sg. -mentu-m) ; to this sf .
-mon- was added the suffix origl. -ya- also, likewise attended by
lengthening (or step-formation), whereby consequently arose
sf. -mdnio-, f.f. -many a-, which is mostly a secondary suffix,
e.g. quer-i-monia (complaint), quer-or (complain) ; acri-monia
(sharpness) from stem dcri- (deer, dcri-s sharp) ; testi-monio-
(testimony) from testi-s (witness) ; mdtri-mdnio' (wedlock) from
stem mdtri-, from mater-, origl. mdtar- (mother), etc.
Participial suffix -mana-.
Indo-European, -mana-, in the function of forming parti-
ciples, appears originally annexed to the stems of the present,
future (formed indeed by means of a present), aorist, and per-
fect, thus e.g. \/dha, pres.-stem dhadha-, dhadha-mana- (nOe-fjievo-},
fut. dhd-sya-mana (Orj-ad-fjievo-^, aor. dha-mana- (de-pevo-), perf.
(from \/dha this part, would coincide with the pres. part, in form),
e.g. bha-lhar-mana- or bhabhdr-mana- from \/bhar, perfect-stem
bhabhar-, bhabhdr-.
Sanskrit. This sf. is here sounded -mdna-, wherein we
recognize an unoriginal lengthening or step-formation of origl.
PARTICIPIAL SF. -mana-. GK. 207
-mana- (cf. Zend -mna-, Gk. -jmevo-, Lat. -mino~, -mno-, all with § 91.
vowel unraised), just as in Lat. -mon-, -mon-ia-, Gk. -/JLCOV- stand
contrasted with sf. -man-, which is proved to be the original
form by the correspondence of the languages. It occurs as
part. med. and pass., added to present- and future-stems as well
as to the perfect- stem (the latter however almost exclusively in
the earlier stage of the language) . Instead of this -mana- there
mostly appears in those present- stems which do not end in stem-
formative a (except no), and in the perfect, a form -ana-, which
appears to be a later, secondary form for -mdna-, just as -e for
-me, origl. -mai, in 1 sg. med., -a for -ma in 1 sg. act. pf. (v.
post. Personal- terminations of the verb). The possibility that
-ana- for earlier -ana- may be a sf. distinct from -mana- cannot
nevertheless be denied, only in that case -na- would be expected
rather than -ana-.
Examples. 1. Sf. -mana-, e.g. pres. bhdra-mdna-, pres.-stem
bhdra- V Wiar (bear) ; nahyd-mdna-, pres.-stem nahyd-, in pass,
function, med. on the other hand ndhya-mdna-, pres.-stem ndhya-,
^/nah (tie), etc. Fut. ddsyd-mdna-, fut. stem dd-syd-, ^da (give) ;
perf . sasr-mand-, perf . stem sasar- \/sar (go) ; iga-mana- (Yed.)
with stem-termination a affixed to perfect-stem, according to
analogy of other tense-forms ; perf .-stem here Iga- for Ig- from
iyag-, yayag- (§ 6), </yag (offer, worship).
2. Forms with -ana-, e.g. pres. lih-dnd-, root and pres.-stem
lih- (lick) ; gay-ana-, pres.-stem cay-, ge- (ge-te he lies), ^ $i ;
Jcinv-dnd-, pres.-stem Jci-nu-, \/Jci (gather); yundnd- from*yw-w«-
-dna-, pres.-stem -yuna-, ^yu (join) ; ddddna-, pres.-stem dada-,
dad-, ^Jda (give), etc. ; perf. dddrg-dna- (Yed.), perf.-stem dadarg-,
<Jdar$ (see) ; gigriy-dnd-, perf.-stem gigri-, V ' gri (go) ; bubhug-
-dnd, ^bhug (bend), etc.
In nom. sing, these sff. are masc. -mdna-s-, dna-s ; ntr. -mdna-m,
-dna-m ; fern, -mdna, -and.
In Greek we find everywhere .-^eva- = origl. -mana- (n. sg.
masc. -/^ez/o-9, ntr. -pevo-v, fern, -pevr)), and this in regular use after
208 PARTICIPIAL SF. -mana-. GK.
91. pres.-, fut.-, perf.-, and aor.-stems ; e.g. pres. fapo-jjievo-, pres.-
stem fape-, $epo-, origl. bhara-, bhara-, V fap, origl. bhar (bear) ;
SiSd-fjievo-, pres.-stem SiSo-, \/So, origl. da (give) ; Sei/cvv-fjuevo-,
pres.-stem SGIKVV-, \/ SIK (show), etc. ; fut. SwGo-pevo-, fut.-stem
Bwo-o-, \/ Bo ; perf. \e\v-fjievo-, perf. - stem XeXu-, \/\v (loose);
\e\eijji-iJLevo- for *XeXet7r-/*.e^o-, perf .-stem XeXetTT, \/\LTT (leave) ;
simple aor. So-/-tez/o-, aor.-stem and V$°-; Xt7r6-//,ei/o-, aor.-stem
\L7re-, XtTTo-, \/\i7r ; compound aor. \v-crd-fjLevo, aor.-stem Xucra-,
VXu, etc.
The sf. origl. -mana- appears in early Gk. (Horn.) also in the
function of a nomen actionis or infinitive in loc. sg. fern, -pevai,
(cf . 'xa^ai loc. from stem ^a/xa-), shortened to -fiev (also in Dor.
and Aiol. in verbal stems after the root-termination and aor. pass.),
e.g. pres. eb-pevcu, f.f. of stem ad-mana-, root and earlier pres.-
stem e$~, origl. ad (eat ; the pres.-stem in use is e£e-, e'So-) ;
afJivvi-fJievaL, apwe-fjiev, pres.-stem apvve- (ward off) ; faptj-pevcu,
f.f. of stem bharaya-mana-, pres.-stem <j>oprj-, fapee-, f.f. bhdraya- ;
fut. age-pevai, a^e-^ev, f.f. of stem agsya-mana-, fut.-stem a£e-, i.e.
7<n/e-, f.f. ag-sya-, \/ay, origl. ag (agere); pf. redva-^evai,
, pf. stem -reOva-, \/6va=6av (die) ; FlS-iievai, with lost
reduplication, as Foiba, f.f. (vijvdida, f.f. of particip.-stem thus
vivid-mana-, \/Fi8 (know) ; aor. simpl. So/jievai, aor.-stem and \/&o- ;
elTre-pevai, elire-iiev, aor.-stem etVe-, f.f. vavaka-, \/Fe7r, origl.
vok (speak) ; e\0e-fjbevai, e\6e-iiev, aor.-stem e'X^e- (rj\6o-v,
rjKvOo-v), \/e\v0 (come) ; aor. -pass.
i, etc. Cf. also § 93, a.
Note. — The (Yed.) forms adduced by Benfey (Or. u. Occ., i.
606 ; ii. 97. 132) in Sk., such as da-man-e, cf. So-nevai, vid-mdn-e,
cf . A'S-yitemi, as also the Zend gtao-main-e (\/$tu praise), are indeed
datives of a neut. subst. stem Sk. da-man- (gift), vid-mdn-, Zend
gtao-man- (praise) ; notwithstanding which we believe that we
must adhere to our explanation as regards Gk., on account of
the parallel participles in -fjbevo-, and moreover from want of
evidence for the dat. sf . at belonging to consonantal stems in
Gk. It is possible that the Gk. sf . -pava- stands parallel to the
PARTICIPLE IN -manor. GK. LAT. 209
Aryan sf. -man-, besides the examples adduced — at least the two § 91.
which I have met with (ddmane and gtaomaine) — do not by any
means correspond with the Gk. infin. in function.
Latin. The sf. origl. -mana- is retained only in relics,
which yet show that it was once more generally used, and
perfectly in accordance with Gk. analogy.
Substantives like alu-mno-, fern, alumna (nursling) ; uertu-mno-
(Yertumnus, name of a god), probably from early Lat. *alo-
-meno-, \/al (nourish) ; *uerto-meno-, \/uert (turn), have lost
the e of -meno-=-/jLevo-=-mana- ; the ending is here regularly
added to the pres.-stem, just as in Sk. and Gk. The ter-
mination is added immediately to the final of the root in
ter-mino- (bound), ^/origl. tar ; also fe-mina (woman) belongs
here, though there may be some doubt as to the root of
the word ; further, da-mno- (damnum loss ; Ritschl, Rhein.
Mus. fur Philol. 1ST. F. xvi. pp. 304-308), pres.-stem and ^da
(da-mus, etc. ; the change of meaning is shown by Ritschl in
the passage quoted ; perhaps also <Jda (cut) or dha (set, make)
and not da (give), may here be fundamental, so that this has no
bearing on the explanation of the form given by Ritschl).
The nom. pi. masc. of the sf ., thus -mini- from earlier *-menei,
*-menci-s (v. post. Declension), has remained as a periphrastic
2 p. pi. of med. pass., with auxil. vb. lost ; the i for e (cf. Gk.
-fievo-) is probably caused by following ni (§ 38), and here we
find Lat. i corresponding to Gk. e, as not unfrequently, e.g. in
forms like homin-is, fldmin-is, and Troi/jiev-os. Accordingly Lat.
fen-mini corresponds exactly to Gk. fapo-fievoi, f.f. of the stem
bhara-mana-, pres.-stem feri-, origl. bhara-, \/fer, origl. bhar.
This -mini is simply added to tense- and mood-stems, also in
the latest new- formations, e.g. pres. ind. ama-mini, mom-mini,
audl-mini ; opt. and conj. f era-mini, moned-mini, ame-mini, etc. ;
ama-bd-mini, ama-re-mini, ama-bi-mini, etc.
The singular of this kind of the middle form, which in an
earlier stage of the language probably coexisted with the other
14
210 STEMS WITH SF. -ra-. INDO-ETJR. SK. GK.
91. (v. post.) in all forms (thus e.g. a *feriminos sum, — es, etc.), has
been retained as 2 and 3 p. sg. imper. of the earlier lang.,
where it ends, however, not in os, but in o, probably after the
analogy of the other real imperative endings in o (final s may
be lost in Old-Lat., v. supr. § 79) ; e.g. fd-mino, frui-mino, pro-
gredi-mino, arbitrd-mino, prqfite-mino, to which we must supply
es or esto : thus the underlying forms are probably such as
*fdminos esto, etc.
92. VIII. Stems with sf . origl. -ra-.
Noun-stems with sf . -ra-, -la-, occur in the separate Indo-Eur.
languages, and consequently it is certain that this formation
belonged to the period of origl. language. To show that I is a
particularly common element in sff., it is enough to mention
the diminutives in / (for Lat. and Gk. cf. L. Schwabe, de de-
minutivis Graecis et Latinis liber, Gissae, 1859). On -ra- as
compar. sf., v. § 105.
Indo-Eur. origl. -lang. rudh-ra- (red), ^rudh (become
red) ; sad-ra- (seat), ^/sad (sit) ; ag-ra- (masc. field), <\/ag.
Sanskrit. Sf. -ra-, -la-, sometimes occurs with auxil. vowel
i (§ 15, f). rudh-i-rd- (v. supr.) ; dlp-rd- (shining), <\/dlp (shine) ;
kid-rd- (pierced ; ntr. defect, flaw), \/Kid (split) ; dg-ra- (masc.
plain, field), \/ag (go, drive) ; an-i-ld- (wind), \/an (blow), etc.
Greek, epvd-po- (red) ; Xa/^TT-po- (shining), Xa/^Tr-a) (shine) ;
<j)ai$-p6- (bright), cf. $a&-</to- (gleaming) ; \vjr-po- (grievous),
VXfTT (\v7T-rj grief) ; a/c-po- (highest, topmost ; ntr. dfc-po-v
top, point; a/c-pa fern, top), \/origl- dk (be sharp); Trre-po- (ntr.
feather, wing), \/7rer (-Trer-o^at fly) ; dy-pd- (masc. field),
Sw-/30- (ntr. gift), ^/So (give) ; eft-pa (fern, seat), \/e§
sit), etc. ; Sityrj-po- (thirsty), verb. -stem Sitya- (§i<fyda> thirst) ;
<nyrj-\6 (silent), verb- stem 0-^70-- (be silent) ; aTrarrj-Xo- (deceit-
ful), verb- stem aTrara- (cheat) ; Set-Xd- (timid), ^8t (fear, e.g.
Se-Si-fjiev, Se-Soi-Ka) ; fjLey-d\o- (big), ^origl. mag or magh (wax,
thus origly. ' grown ') ; O/JLL^-\TJ (mist), V migh (moisten) ;
6- (threshold), \/@a (go) ; ^0-Xo- (ntr. race), <£i)-X?7 (tribe),
STEMS WITH SF. -IY&-. LAT. STEMS WITH SF. -an-. SK. 211
\/(f)v (beget, grow), etc. As primary and secondary sf. -epo- § 92.
often occurs, e.g. <f>avepo- (clear), \/<f>av (<f>aiva) show) ; Spocrepo-
(dewy) from fy>6cro-5 (fern, dew) ; foftepb- (fearful),
(masc. fear), etc. ; also in other sff., e.g. -vpo-, -coprj-, -t
-w\q-, -Z\o-, we find origl. sf . -ra-.
Latin, rub-ro- (ruber red), V rub, origl. rudh ; scab-ro-
(scaber rough), ^scab (scabo scratch) ; sac-ro- (sacer holy),
\/sac (sancire) ; gnd-ro- (gnarus knowing), \/gna (know) ; ple-ro-
(full), \/ple (fill) ; ag-ro- (ager field), \/ag (agere) ; sella (stool)
for *sed-la = eS-pa, V &d (sedere sit) ; sf. -la- is frequently
added to derived verbal - stems, e.g. cande-la (lamp), stem
cande- (candere glow, be white) ; mede-la (remedy), stem mede-
(mederi heal), etc., whose analogy, as in impf . (v. post. § 173, 7),
is followed by the formations of stem-verbs, as e.g. seque-la
(following), sequi (follow); fuge-la (flight), fugere (flee); loque-la
(speech), loqui (speak) ; quere-la (complaint), queri (complain).
Hence we see here, as in the Sclavonic participle, clearly an
addition to verbal- stems, which occurs in Greek as well, -la-
is also a common element in Latin in sff. (-ulo-, -ula-, -Hi-).
IX. Stems with sf. origl. -an-. § 93.
These stems occur in all Indo-Eur. languages, but rarely, it
is true, in some of them, while in others they are very common
— e.g. Teutonic ; but I know of no example which we may
confidently ascribe to Indo-European except vad-an- (ntr.
water), and ak-an- (masc. stone; cf. Sk. dg-an- and Goth, auhna-,
which may very probably be derived from an older consonantal
stem).
Sanskrit, rag-an- (n. sg. rag a, n. pi. rdgdn-as, loc. sg.
ragn-i, rdgan-i, king), ^rag (rdg-ati shines, rules) ; sni-han-
(friend), \/snih (love) ; vrs-an- (rainer ; bull), ^/vars (rain) and
other like nom. agentis; dg-an- (masc. stone, rock), ^/ag (strike) ;
ud-dn- (ntr. water, not used in all cases), ^/ud (wet), probably
arising from vad.
The very frequent Sk. sf. -in- is probably akin, e.g. primary
212 STEMS WITH SF. -an-. GK. LAT. SF. -ana-.
•§ 93. in math-in- (beside mdnth-an-, churning stick), ^Jmath (move,
stir) ; exceptionally common as secondary sf., e.g. dhan-m- (rich),
dhdna- (ntr. possession), etc.
Greek. The sff. corresponding to origl. -an- are here not
uncommon, e.g. rep-ev- (n. sg. masc. repijv tender), -\/rep (relp-a)
rub) ; apyy-ov- (masc., n. aptfy-cov helper), cf. aptfy-co (help) ;
el/c-dv- (fern., n. elrc-cav image), cf. e-onc-a (perf. am like) and
the like ; more frequently still is found the sf . -OH/-, which must
be considered a lengthening or step-formation of -an-, e.g.
aW-av- (glowing), cf. aW-co (kindle), ^16; K\V§-O)V (masc. wave,
surge), V/c\i>8 (K\V£O) rinse, wash) ; TropS-wv (masc. farter),
i/7rep$ (7rep$-Q) fart), etc. In TrevO-rjv (masc. inquirer), \/7ru# (TTVV-
Q avo^ai, fut. rjrev(6)-a-ofJbaL inquire) ; Xet^-^v (scale), \/^% (^€*%-a>
lick), etc., we see the rarer -rjv-= origl. -an-. As secondary
sf. -cov- appears in av§p-(ixv (men's apartment), stem dv&p- for
*avp-, a-vep- (n. dwjp, gen. dvBp-ds man) ; ITTTTCDV (masc. stable),
ITTTTO- (horse), etc.
§93 a. Latin. Sff. with short vowel are not very common, e.g. n.
sg. a-sperg-o gen. -in-is (fern, besprinkling), stem thus -sperg-on-,
-sperg-cn-, \/ sparg (sparg-o sprinkle, scatter ; a-sperg-o be-
sprinkle) ; com-pag-en- (fern., n. com-pag-o fastening), ijpag
(pang-o fix, com-ping-o fix together) ; pect-en- (masc. comb ; gen.
pect-in-is), pect-o (comb) ; on the other hand, -on- is common,
as in Gk. -wv-, e.g. ed-tin- (masc., n. edo, gen. eddn-is eater),
com-ed-on- (devourer), \/ed (ed-o eat, com-ed-o eat up) ; com-bib-on-
(fellow- drinker), cf. com-bib-o (drink with) ; ger-on- (bearer),
cf. gcr-o (bear, bring) and the like.
X. Stems with sf. -ana-.
The sf . -ana-, which in Sk., Zend, Gk., and Gothic forms stems
used as infinitives, belongs to the period of the Indo-Eur.
origl. language, in which formations such as bhar-ana-,
\/bhar (bear) ; mgk-ana-, perhaps vagh-ana- (uectio, ntr. waggon),
^vagli (uehere), and the like must be presupposed. Cf. more-
over the med. participles of Sk. and Zend in -ana-,- -ana- (§ 91),
STEMS WITH SF. -ana-. SK. GK. 213
which perhaps belong here; the Gk. pres.-stems such as itc-ave-, §93b.
pavO-ave-, and Sk. e.g. is-ana-, grh-dna- (§ 165, iv. b).
Sanskrit. Sf. -ana-, with root-vowel *, u accompanied by
step-formation of root-rowel, forms nomina actionis and nomina
agentis (also adjectivals). The dat. and loc. sg. of the abstracts
in -ana- (-andya-, -ane-) are used as infinitives, e.g. dat.
gdm-andya, loc. gdm-ane, stem gam-ana-,!*., sg. gdm-ana-m (ntr.),
\/ gam (go); likewise bhdr-ana- (bear, hold), \/ bhar (bear);
bhed-ana- (split), <Jbhid; bhdv-ana- (be), ^bhu\ dana- (giving,
gift), i.e. *dd-ana-, ^da (give) ; kdr-ana- (cause), verb-stem
kdraya- (caus., ^/kar make), etc. The sf. appears as fern, also
in this function, e.g. as-and- (stay), ^/ds (sit) ; ydlt-ana (begging),
\/ydti (beg).
Nomina agentis of this form are e.g. nay -ana- (ntr. eye 'the
guiding thing '), \/m (lead) ; md-ana- (ntr. mouth, ' the speak-
ing thing'), ^/vad (speak) ; vdh-ana- (ntr. waggon, 'the carrying
thing7), ^/vah (carry); dag-ana- (masc. tooth, 'the biting one'),
<J dag (bite) ; ndnd-ana- (masc. delighter), verb -stem nandaya-
(delight), ^/nand (rejoice), etc. Ferns, of this function are e.g.
gan-anl (genetrix), i.e. *gan-anyd from masc. gdn-ana-, verb-
stem ganaya- (beget), ^gan (be born; beget), etc.
As adjs. are used e.g. gval-and- (burning), ^/gval (burn) ;
gobh-and- (pretty), <J gubh (sparkle), etc.
Greek. Here belong the nouns in -avo- ; thus neuters Koir-avo-
(pestle), ^/KOTT (KOTT-TO), Ke-KOTT-^ strike) ; op<y-avo- (tool), V J-epy
(epy-ov work) ; o%-avo- (handle), V^X (^X'*0 navej hold), SpeTT-
-avo- (sickle), ^/Speir- (SpeTr-o/juai, pluck), etc. ; rvfiTr-avo- (ntr.
drum, cudgel) with nasalized \/rv7T (rvTr-rco beat), which often
happens in the stems of this formation used as pres.-stems ;
masculines, e.g. crre^-ai/o- (crown) \^crre(f> ((rrefy-ew gird, crown) ;
- (Hesuch. podex), Vx6^ (x^fa caco) 5 feminines like
77 (pleasure), -v/aS (avb-dvw, aB-rfcra), e-aS-ov please), origl.
svad; arf£-°vr) (strangling, hanging), V«7%> «% («7%-w throttle,
a%-vv-fj,ai, am pained), etc. ; SpeTT-dvr) (id. q. SpeTT-avov) ; 0r)y-dvrj
214 STEMS WITH SF. -HO,-. INDO-EUR. SK.
§93b. (whetstone, also 0ij<y-avo-v is attested), V^7 (Orfy-w whet) ;
a-Te^'dvq (encircling, crown), cf. crre^-owo-?, etc. Adjectival,
e.g. o-K€7T-av6- (covering), \/o-rce7r, cf. ovee-Tr-i; (cover) ; iic-avo-
(sufficient), ^/IK (lic-veo[j,a(,, iic-dfj/qv come), etc.
As from sf. -as- arises Lat. infin. in -re-, and from -mana-
Gk. infin. -pei/ai (v. § 91), so also from -ana- comes Gk. infin.
in -even, which we consider as loc. sg. of a fem.-stem. A form
\e\onr-evai points to a stem origl. rirdikana-, i.e. a nom.
agentis in -ana- formed from perfect- stem ; <j>epet,v for *<f>€pei,vi,,
*(f>epevi (§ 26, 3), with shortened ending for *<j)€pevat, to a stem
bharana- from pres.-stem fape = bhara-, whose termination -a
serves likewise as initial sound of sf. -ana-. Stems ending
in a vowel mostly do not assume -ana-t but only -na-, hence
M, 8et,icvv-vcu ; yet OelvaL = *6eevai, Sovvai =
Latin. A formation quite corresponding to origl. -ana-
does not occur to me. As Gk. firj^av^ appears in Lat. as
mdchina, we may probably place here the Lat. forms with sf.
-ino-f -ina, whose i therefore, as often in Lat., is weakened
from a; thus, e,g. pdg-ina (fern, leaf, page), ^/pag (fasten, join,
pres. pang-o) ; sarc-ina (fern, bundle, load), \/sarc (sarc-io patch,
repair) ; dom-ino- (lord), fern, dom-ina, <Jdom (dom-o subdue,
tame), cf. Sk. dam-ana- (taming, subduing).
§ 94. XI. Stems with sf . -na-.
These stems, used in all Indo-Eur. languages, are much
employed as past part, pass., in meaning like those in -ta-.
As a regular formation this part, occurs only in certain Sk.,
Scl. and Teut. verb- stems, whereby its existence in Indo-Eur.
is sufficiently proved.
Indo-Eur. The frequent use of -no- in noun-stems appears
from words such as svap-na- (masc. sleep), ^/svap (sleep) ; std-na-
(ground, place), \/sta (stand).
Sanskrit, svdp-na- (as orig.); yag-nd- (masc. offering, wor-
ship), ^/ yag (offer, worship) ; anna- (ntr. food) for *ad-na-
SF. -na~ IN PAST PART. PASS. INUOEUR. SK. 215
(§ 59, 1), ^/ad (eat) ; sthd-na- (place, ntr.), ^stha (stand, — if § 94.
it belong not to -ana-) ; secondarily in purd-na (adj. old) from
pura (previous, earlier) ; mali-nd- (adj. dirty), from mala-
(masc. ntr. dirt) ; phali-nd (bearing fruit), from phala- (ntr.
fruit) ; the latter exx. coincide in form and function with past
part. pass.
Greek. #7r-i>o-=Sk. and origl. svdp-na-', \l%-vo- (adj. dainty,
greedy), V^X (^Xw ^c^) '•> ^X~vo~ (masc- lamp), \/\VK (\evic-6-s
clear), origl. ruk (on x f°r K before v, v. § 68, 1, c; other exx. of
primary sf. -na- v. post.) ; the sf. is secondary in cases like
opeivo-=-*bpe(T-vo (hilly), stem 0/369- in 0/309 (ntr. hill) ; a/coreLvo-
=*aKOT€o--vo- (dark), stem a/cores- in <ncdros (ntr. darkness), etc.
Latin, som-no- for *sop- no- = origl. svap-na-', common as
secondary sf., e.g. pater-no-, uer-no-, salig-no- (stem salic-), etc. ;
also often with long a, e, I before -na-, as font-dno-, stem font-,
equl-no-, stem equo-, alie-no- (§ 38) from stem alio-, cam-no-,
stem cani-, bouz-no-, stem bou-, bom- (conson.-stems change to i-
forms), doctrl-na, stem doctor-, doctri- from *doctori-, etc.
Suffix -na- forming past part. pass.
"We reckon here those languages also which show only a few
exx. or scattered traces of this use of sf. -na-.
Indo-Eur. The different uses in the different languages of
-na- make it almost impossible to find many roots in which we
can be sure that the p.p. pass, was formed from them by -na- as
early as the time of the origl. lang. This was however un-
doubtedly the case with \/par (fill), whose part, par-na- (full),
masc. parna-s, ntr. parna-m, fern, parnd, was already in ex-
istence. "We cannot believe that this method of formation was
confined to this one root.
Sanskrit. The formation in -na- is used in comparatively
few roots, e.g. pur-nd- for *par-nd- (§ 7), \/par (fill) ; stlr-nd-
for *star-nd- (§ 7), ^star (sternere) ; bhug-nd-, ^bhug (bend) ;
bhin-nd- for *bhid-nd- (§ 59, 1), ^/bhid (split), etc.
Greek. Not as a regular participial formation. Yet here
216 STEMS WITH SF. -ni-. INDO-EUR. SK. GK.
§ 94. belong adjs. like e.g. cre^vo- for *o-efi-v6- (§ 68, 1, c) 'revered,'
<v/<re/3 (ae^-ojjLai revere) ; a/y-vo- (worshipper, hallowed), \/"7
revere); arvy-vo- (hated, detested), ^/o-rir/in e-crrwy-ov
hate) ; crrey-vd- ( covered/ ^/arey in crrey-co (cover) ;
Sei-vo- ( feared/ V& (fear, cf . Set-Xo-9 cowardly, &e-&oi-Ka) ;
Trodei-vo- ' longed-for/ verb-stem TroOee- (TroOeco long for), etc.
Substantially used is TZK-VO- ' thing born, bairn/ -y/Te/c (bear,
cf. e-re/c-ov, re-To/c-a).
Latin. Not as regular participial formation. Relics are
e.g. pie-no- (filled) ^/ple=pla, origl. par (fill) ; mag-no- ' in-
creased/ i/mag=$k. mah (wax); do-no- 'gift/ ^/da (give);
reg-no- ' ruled thing/ ^reg (rule), etc.
§ 95. XII. Stems with suffix -ni-.
Sf. -ni- is much like -ti- in use and function, but rarer. Like
-ti- it appears added to other sff. (cf. § 98, Lat. sf. -tid-ni-).
Generally speaking, there stand side by side the suffix-scales
-na-, -ni-, -nu-, and -ta-, -ti-, -tu-. Sf. -ni- is origl.
Indo-Eur. ag-ni- (fire), i/ag?, is the only trustworthy
example ; yet it is highly probable that abstracts in -ni- were
formed before the division of languages, because they occur in
all Indo-Eur. languages.
Sanskrit. E.g. gla-ni- (fern, fatigue, exhaustion), ^/gla
(lose strength) ; h d-ni- (fern, abandonment), \/ha (leave) ; glr-ni-
( weakness from age) for *gar-ni- (§7), ^ gar (to age), etc.,
which all form their p.p. pass, in -nd- : all, however, do not
take sf. -ni-, the majority take -ti-, e.g. fihin-nd- (splitten), but
%hit-ti- (splitting, n.), \/Jchid.
The datives of these abstracts in -ni-, like those in -ti-, can
serve as infinitives.
Greek. Sf. -ni- is rare in Gk. ; e.g. ^r\-vi- (yJf\vi-^, g.
t-o9, fern, wrath), \Sorigl. ma (think) ; vTrd-vi,- (fern, want),
Note. — Benfey, followed by Leo Meyer (Ygl. Gramm. ii. 141),
explains the much-debated Gk. forms in -co, such as ?;%-<w (echo),
STEMS WITH SF. -UU-. PAST PART. PASS. IN -ta-. 217
7ra0-o> (persuasion, earlier w), etc., voc. ireiQol, g. TreiQovs from § 95.
*7T6tdoo$, etc., as stems in -ovi-, f.f. thus -ani- (*7ret#-oz^, whence
TreiO-oi, as e.g. /W£a> from fiel&va) ; G. Curtius (Erlaute-
rungen, p. 50 sqq.) on the other hand, as stems in -oA-, probably
rightly (cf. their Ion. ace. in -ovv).
Latin. Masculines only, e.g. ig-ni- (ignis fire)=Sk. ag-ni-\
pd-ni- (bread), \/pa (cf. pa-sco) ; pe-ni- for *pes-ni- (§ 77, 1, a),
\/ origl. pas (gignere ?), cf. Sk. pds-as (ntr. penis), Gk. Tree? for
*7recr-o9, M.H.G. ms-ellm (penis) ; probably also cn-ni-, fu-ni-,
fl-ni- and le-ni-, seg-ni-, the roots of which are difficult to trace.
XIII. Stems with sf. -mi-.
Indo-Eur. ta-nu- (stretched; body), y/ta (stretch); su-nu- §95a.
(one born, son), ^/su (bear, beget). The stems in -nu- are also
used as pres.-stems (§ 165, iv. a), e.g. ta-mi-, \/ta; ar-nu-, ^Jar.
Sanskrit, ta-nu- (thin; fern, body), ^ta; su-nu- (son),
\/su; bhd-nu- (sun), ^bha (shine); tras-nu- (fearful), ^/tras
(tremble) ; grdh-nu- (greedy, eager), ^/gardh (seek, strive), etc.
Greek. Sf. -nu- is very rare,, e.g. Opr)-vv- (footstool), \/0pa
(Oprj-craaOat, seat oneself ; 6pa-vo-s seat), origl. dhm, dhar (set,
fix) ; \t,y-vv- (fern, smoke, mist), root doubtful.
Latin. Sf. -nu- very rare, as in Gk. ; te-nu-i-, like adj.-
stems in u- generally (§ 88, b), has passed into the s'-form;
*te-nu-= origl. ta-nu-. Probably ma-nu- (fern, hand) belongs
here, \/oxigl. ma (measure, shape).
XIV. Stems with sf . -ta-. § 96.
The participle in origl. -ta-, the past part. pass, comes
under special notice here.
The element -ta- (cf. the pronominal root of like sound), one
of the commonest sff. of our language, is multifariously used
in stem- and word-formation (for the formation of the 3 pers.
of the verb, probably also for the ablat. sg., as case-sf.). The
sf. -ta- forms not only the adj. discussed hereafter, which must
probably have had a more general meaning originally (cf. e.g.
Sk. stem sthi-td- ' standing/ \/stha stand, like Gk. a-ra-ro-; gak-td-
' powerful, mighty/ y/gak 'be able, capable'), and have been
218 SECONDARY SF. -ta-. SF. -ta-. INDO-ETJR. SK.
§ 96. hardened into a regular means of expressing p.p. pass, only at
a later period of the Indo-Eur. lang. — but nouns also substan-
tially used are formed by -la-, e.g. Gk. KOL-TO- (masc. couch,
bed), /coi-Trj (fern, id.), V 'Ki (/cet-rat lies) ; <j)6p-To- (masc. load,
burden), \ffap (fyep-w bear) ; TTO-TO- (masc. draught), \/TTO
(drink) ; apo-ro- (masc. ploughing), stem apo- (plough) ; here
belong nomina agentis masc., with stem termination raised to
-Trj-, as /cpi-Ttf- (n. /epm?? judge), \/Kpt, (/cpr-v(o sift) ; Se/c-rr)-
(receiver), \/ Se/c (Ion. Be/cofiat, beside Sexpfjuu, receive) ;
•jrotrj-Tij- (maker, poet), verb-stem Trow;- (Troieco make) ; irpo-
-fa-rtf- (prophet), \/(j>a ((ftrj-fjul say) ; Togev-rtf- (bowman), verb-
stem ro^ev- (ro^evo) shoot arrows), etc., which end in -ra, some-
times in nom. case, in Horn. ; Latin noxa (hurt), i.e. *noc-ta,
\/noc (nocere hurt) ; sec-ta (mode of action, sect), i/sec (sequi
follow) ; and in Zend, Scl., and Lith.
As a secondary sf. -ta- often occurs, thus in function of
forming superl. (v. post. § 106), moreover in Gk. -rrj- (as pri-
marily), forming nomina agentis, e.g. ro^o-rrj- (bowman), TO£O-
(bow, ntr.) ; ITTTTO-TTJ- and -ra (horseman), LTTTTO- (horse) ;
•7roA,/-T?7- (burgher), TTO'XA- (fern, city), etc. ; further often form-
ing fern, abstracts, e.g. Sk. prthu-ta (breadth), prthu- (broad) ;
Gk. &u>-rn (life), &to- (masc. life) ; Scl. and Goth.
Sf. -ta- forms moreover one kind of pres.-stem (§ 165, vii.),
e.g. Gk. TU7T-T6-, \/TVTT ; often it stands combined with other sff.
also added. These combinations will be collected at the end of
this section.
Indo-Eur. The sf. -ta-, forming the p.p. pass., occurs
immediately at the end of the fundamental form of the root in
case of stem- verbs, in case of derived verbs at the end of the
verb-stem, e.g. da-ta- (datus), n. sg. masc. da-ta-s, ntr. da-ta-m,
fern, da-ta, \/da (give) ; kru-ta- (*clutus), ^/kru (hear) ; kak-ta-
(coctus) \/kak (cook) ; sadaya-ta- (fixed, set), stem sadaya-, \/sad
(sit), etc.
Sanskrit. Sf. -td-, n. sg. masc. -td-s, ntr. -td-m, fern, -ta,
STEMS WITH SF. -ta.- GK. 219
e.g. gru-td-, <J$ru (hear) ; ma-td-, ^/ma, man (think) ; gna-td-, § 96.
^Jgna (know) ; bhr-td-, ^bhar (bear) ; yuk-td-, <Jyug (join) ;
bad-dhd- for *badh-ta~, \/badh, bandh (bind) ; lab-dhd- for
*lab/i-ta-} \/labh (get); vista- for *vt£-td-, \/ vi$ (enter), etc.
The contact of the sf . with consonantal root- terminations brings
many sound-laws into play (cf . §§ 58, 59, for details a Sk. special
grammar). Several roots have auxil.-vowel i (§ 15, f), e.g.
pat-i-td-, ^Jpat (fall) ; rarely 19 e.g. grh-l-td-9 ^/grah, grabh,
(seize, grasp) ; stems in -ay a- always have i, which is probably
a relic of -ya-, e.g. vedi-td-, stem vedaya-, or perhaps from a
stem *ved-ya- (make known) ^vid (perceive).
Hoots ending in nasals, which did not become amalgamated
with the origl. root vowel-termination till a later date, show their
shorter primitive form before the sf., e.g. ga-td-, ^ ga (go),
which appears mainly as gam; ta-td-, i/ta, which appears
mostly as tan (stretch), etc. On the other hand, e.g. kan-td-,
with nasal retained and root- vowel lengthened, ^/kam (love).
Before this sf . weakening or loss of root- vowel a is very com-
mon, e.g. kr-td-y ^/kar (make) ; prs-td-, i/prd&h (ask) ; sthi-td-,
\/stha (stand) ; hi-td- for *d/ii-td-, \/ dha (set) ; pl-td-, ^Jpa
(drink), etc. ; dattd- for *dad-tar retains pres. -reduplication (cf.
1 pi. pres. dad-mas damus), ^ da (give). Particulars of this
formation would be out of place here.
Greek. Sf. -TO-, n. sg. masc. -TO-?, ntr. -rd-v, fern. -TiJ; e.g.
AcXu-ro'-, <\//c\v (hear) ; step-formn. of root-vowel remains the
same as in pres.-stem, <pevK-To-, 1 sg. pres. favy-co, \/(f>vy (flee),
at an earlier period </>U/C-TO- still existed ; Xewr-To-, pres. \ehr-G),
\/\LTT (leave) ; other pres. formns. however are not retained in
these forms ; o-Trap-ro-, \/cnrep (sow), pres. cr7r6ipa)=*(r7rep-yco ;
crra-TO-, ^/ara (stand), pres. forrjfju ; Oe-ro-, \S0e (set), pres.
Ti-Or^-fJiL ; TIW-TO-, ^^vo (know), pres. <yi-<yvo!)-o-Ka) ; FprjK-TO-,
V FpaK (break), pres. /•pfyf-WfH ; TL^-TO-, verb-stem rifirj-
(honour), pres. Tt/^aw, etc. Ace. to Leo Meyer (Ygl. gr. ii. 318
sqq.) in like compound forms there occurs -T- also, instead of
220 STEMS WITH ORIGL. SF. -td-. LAT. -tu-, ETC.
96. complete -TO-, e.g. d-yvot)T- (n. ayvws, gen. cuyv&T-os unknown),
cf. <yvc0-rd- ; aj3\r)s, aj3\r)-T- beside apXij-ro- (unstruck), and a
few similar cases, wherein T follows a long root- vowel.
Latin. Sf. -tu-, earlier -to-, n. sg. masc. -tu-s, earlier -to-8,
ntr. -tu-m, earlier -to-m, fem. -ta, e.g. da-to-, <Jda (give) ; sta-to-,
\/sta (stand) ; i-to-, ^i (go) ; di-ru-to-> <Jru (destroy) ; in-clu-to-,
\/clu (hear); but ex-u-to-, \/u (put on; ex-u-o put off), im-bu-to-,
etc.; coc-to-, ^/coc (cook); rup-to-, ^rup (break); strd-to-, <\/ster,
stra (spread) ; passo- for *pas-to- for * pat-to-, ^pat (suffer), etc. ;
(the sound-laws in cases where final consonants of roots come
into contact with t of sf. -to- are treated of in § 77, 1). With
active function, a tolerably common use of this sf., pd-to-
(drunken), ^/po, origl. pa; pranso- for *prand-to- (having dined),
\/prand (prandere), etc. These participles are often used sub-
stantivally, e.g. stems die-to- (dic-tu-m saying), gnd-to- (nd-tus
scm),fac-to-, ud-to-, etc.
Screip-to- (cf. Umbr. screih-to-} may come from the pres.
screib-o, scrlbo (write), like iunc-to- from iung-o (join). The
lengthening of vowel in dc-to-, lec-to-, struc-to-, iunc-to-, etc.,
not universally marked in pronunciation (Corssen, Aussprache
und Betonung, i. 156, 158, sqq.), is a late-formation in Latin,
or perhaps nothing more than a result produced by the influence
of grammarians upon the language. In secu-to-, <Jsequ, sec,
origl. sak, Sk. sa&, etc. (follow) ; locu-to-, \/loqu, origl. rak
(speak) ; u has been developed out of the v following guttural
k (§ 71, 1), after the analogy of derived verbs ; the origl.
* sec- to- occurs clearly in e.g. sectari (Pauli, Geschichte der La-
teinischen Yerba in -uo, Stettin, 1865, p. 17).
Not unfrequently there occurs the auxiliary vowel i (§ 43),
e.g. in uom-i-to-, \/twm (spue), beside em-p-to-, \/em (buy; for
-p- v. § 77, g); gen-i-to-, ^ gen (produce), 1 sg. pres. gi-g(e)n-o;
amd-to-, sopl-to-, acu-to-, from verb-stems amd-, sopl-, acu-, but
mon-i-to-, auc-to-, etc., according to the class of stem- verbs, not
*mone-to-, *auge-to- (moneo, augeo), yet dele-to- , sue-to-, etc.
STEMS WITH SF. -fa- IN COMPOUND SFF. SK. GK. 221
The sf. -fa- often occurs, as we have already remarked, as the § 96.
first element of compound suffixes; thus in -fa- fa-, forming
superl. in Gk. (§ 106); -ta-ti- in the Sanskrit (Yed.) secondary
sf. -ta-ti- (fern.), in which we have probably to recognize a
further formation of the above-mentioned sf. -fa-, fern, -td,
which is used in a similar function to form abstracts, e.g. sarvd-
-tdti- (totality), st. sdrva- (all) ; devd-tdti- (godhead), stem devd-
(masc. god) ; vasii-tdti- (wealth), stem vdsu- (possession), etc.
The rarer sf. form -td-t-, e.g. devd-tdt-= devd-tdti- ; satyd-tdt-
(truthfulness), stem satya- (true), etc., is clearly a shortening of
-td-ti-. With regard to sf. -ti- we shall see that even by itself
it is shortened to -t- in Sk., Zend, Gk., and Lat.
In Greek this -tat- is much used in a similar function in
form -TTJT-, e.g. veo-Trjr- (n. sg. vedrrjs fern, youth), stem veo-
(new, young) ; faXo-rrjr- (love), <pt\o- (dear) ; fipaSv-rijT- (slow-
ness), {3pa$v- (slow) ; ew-r^r- (oneness), stem ev- ; Travro-TTjr-
(universality), stem TTCLVT-, etc. Thus here also, as in not a few
other cases (e.g. gen. dat. dual. ; before sf. -Fewr- § 90), the
consonantal stems follow the analogy of the ^-sterns. In Latin
the sf. becomes -td-ti-, -td-t-, e.g. duri-tdti- (hardness), duro-
(hard ; on i for o, v. § 40) ; anxie-tdti- from anxio- (on ie for ii,
v. § 38) ; ciui-tdti-, ciui- ; uetus-tdti-, uetus, etc.
Note. — Ace. to Benfey (Or. und Occ. ii. 521 sqq.) Lat. salut-
is from *saluot-, itself a shortening of *saluo-tdt-, like Zend
haurvat- from haurva-tdt-.
A. secondary sf. -ta-na- occurs in Sk. e.g. hyas-tana- (yester-
day's), hyas (yesterday), to which Lat. -tino- in such forms as
cras-tino-t serd-tino-, closely corresponds; cf. Iran. -ta-na-t Zend
-ganh-9 Lith. -Una-.
Concerning sf . -ta-ma-, forming superl. like -fa- and -fa-fa-, v.
§ 108 ; on -ta-ra- used in comp. degree, v. § 105. It may be that
the sff. -far-, -tra-, which will be handled in the next section, are
likewise contracted forms of -fa- and -ra- combined, for archaic
abbreviations of the elements of suffixes are undeniable in some
cases.
222 STEMS WITH SFF. -tar-, -tra-. ,
§ 97. Stems with sff . -tar-, -tra- ; -tar- forms a nomen
agentis and fut. part. act. ; -tra- forms nouns which
mostly signify an instrument.
That the nouns in origl. -tar- in Indo-Eur. were even at that
period employed as pres. and fut. participles, we cannot prove
with certainty, because those functions are found only in the
Asiatic and S. European divisions of the speech-stem. There
was no doubt originally only one formation, whose earliest form
has held its ground in those nouns of this kind which are used
as words of kinship, i.e. -tar- for all genders, n. sg. masc. and
fern, -tar-s, neut. -tar-. This sf. is added immediately to the
root, which mostly is raised one step ; in case of derived verbs
it is added to the verb- stem, e.g. ma-tar- (the 'female producer/
mother), \/ ma (produce, bring forth) ; pa-tar- (father), ^pa
(protect, rule) ; bhrd-tar- (brother), i/bhar, bhra (bear, preserve) ;
da-tar- or perhaps da-tar (giver), ^da (give) ; probably su-tar-
(woman), \/su (produce, bear), whence sva-sutar- (woman re-
lated, i.e. sister) ; gan-tar- (begetter), \/gan (beget), etc.
The correspondence between the languages tends to prove
that already in early times there existed a kindred form in
* -tar a- (for -tar a- used to form comparative, v. post.), whence
came -tra- ; whilst -tar- represents persons, this -tara-, -tra- was
used of things, and hence does not form nomina agentis, but
usually indicates the instrument. * Formations such as dak-tra-
(tooth), \/dak (bite) ; gd-tra- (limb), <J ga (go) ; krau-tra- (ear),
\/kru (hear), etc., can scarcely have been wanting in the origl.-
language.
The origin of the suffix -tar-, -tra-, is obscure. "We con-
jectured (§ 96), that it is composed of two suffixes -ta- and
-ra-, as -mana- from -ma- and -na- ; we might make an equa-
tion thus, -tar- : *-ta-ra- (tra) : : -man- : ma-na- (mna). As
-mana-, -man-, is raised to -mana-, -man-, so also 'tara-, -tar-,
is raised in the languages to -tara- (Lat. -turo-), -tar- (Lat.
-tor-).
STEMS WITH SF. -tar-. SK. 223
Sanskrit. Suffix -tar-, n. sg. -ta for -tar-s (§ 15, d), ace. § 97.
sg. -tar-am, in words expressing kinship, e.g. pi-tdr- for *pa-tar-
(father), md-tdr- (mother), bhra-tar- (brother), etc. The forma-
tions of this kind which were felt as nomina agentis are
distinguished by a higher step-formation of -tar- to -tar- (n.
sg. masc. -td- for -tar-s, but ace. sg. -tar-am) ; this is also
shared by svdsar- (sister), for *sva-star-, *sva-su-tar- (literally
kinswoman). The suffix -tar- belonging to nomina agentis is
added to the end of the root. With the exception of medial a,
the root vowels are raised one step before this suffix, e.g. da-tdr-
(dator), *Jda (give). The fern, affixes -ya, e.g. n. sg. dd-tri, i.e.
* da-try a (§ 15, c), from *dd-tar-yd; instead of the primary form
of the suffix, which has held its ground in words expressing
relationship (ma-tar- fern., but may be masc. as well) also in
feminines, a further formation has here worked its way in ; cf .
forms such aspi-tr-ya- (fatherly), horn pi- tar- (father) ; kar-tdr-,
^kar (make) ; pak-tdr-, \/paJc (cook) ; boddhdr- for *bodh-tar-
(§ 59, 2), i/budh (know), etc. Before this suffix, as e.g. in past
part. pass, and elsewhere, many roots show an auxiliary vowel
*, more rarely?, e.g. gan-i-tdr-, ^/gan (beget); grah-l-tdr-, ^grah
(seize), etc.
These stems in -tar- serve for a periphrastic future, in such
a way that the masc. is used for all genders; in pers. 1 and
2 the nominative form of the singular has become stationary
(thus passing over likewise into the dual and pi.), and is welded
together with the pres. of the verb as (be), while the 3rd pers.
does not require the verbal form, e.g.
Sing. 1. ddtasmi from data asmi (I am [about] to give).
2. ddtdsi from data asi.
3. data (rarely ddtdsti from data asti) .
Plur. 1. ddtasmas from data (we might have expected
ddtaras) smas.
2. ddtdstha from data stJia.
3. ddtaras.
224 STEMS WITH SF. -tar-. GK.
97. In the earliest Sanskrit (Yed.) these forms appear also accent-
uated on the root, e.g. da-tar-, etc., wherein we ought perhaps
to recognize an earlier system of accentuation, since the rule is
for accent and step-formation to go together.
Suffix -tra-, almost always neut., n sg. -tra-m, rarely fern.,
n. sg. -tra, e.g. fro- tra- (ear), \/$ru (hear) ; gd-tra- (limb), \/ga
(go) ; vds-tra- (garment), \/ms (clothe) ; vak-trd- (mouth), ijva&
(speak) ; das-tra- masc., and das-tra fern., ace. to sound-laws
for *da$-tra-, -tra (tooth), \/dci£, dag (bite), etc. Also with
auxil. vowel i, e.g. khan-t-tra- (shovel), V khan (dig), etc.
Moreover the root sometimes appears furnished with the stem-
termination a, as in pres., e.g. pdta-tra- (wing), *Jpat (fly), pres.
stem pdta- (3 sg. pdta-ti) ; krnta-ta- (plough), ^kart (split),
pres. -stem krntra- (3 sg. krntd-ti) , etc.
Grreek. The suffix original -tar- does not serve to express
the f uture- relation ; it appears as -rep- in words of kinship, as
-rr)p-, -rop-, when forming nomina agentis, in the latter of
which formations the feminine is distinguished by the affix -ya-
here also (cf. § 97). 1. Words of kinship, e.g. Tra-rep- (father,
ace. Trarep-a), prj-rep- (mother, ace. ^rep-a) ; 2. nomina
agentis, e.g. £0-777/9- (giver, ace. £o-r%>-a), also Sco-rrjp, \/&o
(give) ; the fern, is formed from unraised suffix -tar-, Bo-reipa,
i.e. *§o-rep-ya, f.f. da-tar-yd ; aa)-Trjp (saviour), stem o-o>, fern.
crco-reipa, etc. Forms like <yeve-rrip, \/yev (beget), must prob-
ably be held to have stems in original a underlying them (cf .
Sanskrit). Beside these also is -ro/)-:=origl. -tar-, prj-rop-
(speaker, ace. prf-rop-a), \/pe = ep (speak); Fla-rop- (la-reap,
larwp knower, witness), \/Fi,S (know) ; Sw-rop- (Satrap Horn.
Od.= SomJp), etc.; $pd-Top- (n. pi. (ppd-rop-es), origl. bhrd-tar-
(brother), has become removed from words of kinship in form
as well as in meaning (member of a (frpdrpa). In -ropo- we see
almost certainly a further formation from -TO/O-, after the analogy
of the a-stem, thus in Bidx-ropo- (guide, Horn.) ; a-\dcr-ropo-
beside d-\d<r-Top- (malignant, avenger), \/\ad (forget) ; a solitary
STEMS WITH SF. -trd.- GK. 225
-rvp-, -rvpo-, is found in pdp-Tvp- (gen. fjudprvpos witness), § 97.
pdp-Tvpo-, v7 originally smar (remember).
The feminines in -rpia are distinguished from those in -reipa
only by the loss of the a of the suffix original -tar- ; from
-tar-ya came -trya, i.e. -tria, e.g. Trolrj-rpia, verbal-stem TTOLTJ-
(make). The secondary formation by suffix -ya- is generally
very common here, as e.g. from stem Tra-rep- is formed a stem
Trd-rp-io- (paternal), fern. Tra-rp-id (origin, race) ; crw-rrjp-io-
(saving), stem a-w-rrjp- ; these secondary formations intruded
into the fern, and supplanted the original stem in -tar- with
few exceptions.
The feminines in -rplS- (n. sg. -rpk) are either late-formations
peculiar to the Greek, formed by means of a later suffix -18-, or
(cf. G. Curtius Gk. Etym.3 p. 583 sqq.) -rpiS- is merely a
phonetic variation from *r/wy-, so that here a suffix -tri- would
have to be presupposed, e.g. av\rj-rpiS- (flute-player, fern.),
verbal-stem av\r)- ; ira-rpi^- (fatherland) from stem Tra-rep-,
etc.
The suffix origl. -tra- appears as -rpo-, -Qpo- (neut.), -rpa,
-6 pa (fern.) ; the aspiration is probably caused by the r, e.g.
viTr-Tpo- (neut. washing-water) for *vt,/3-rpo-, \/w/3, original nig
(retained in vi^w, wash,=*wy-yw, § 63, 1); apo-rpo- (neut.
plough), from verbal-stem dpo- (plough, in dpd-co, dpo-aco, dpo-o-cu),
\/dp. In Id-rpo- (masc. healer), verbal-stem la- (idopai heal) ;
Scu-rpd- (masc. carver), cf. Sai-opai, (divide), nomina agentis
are formed in -rpo- (cf. -ropo- above). • Further fid-Opo- (ntr.
base, step), <Jj3a, original ga (go) ; ptj-rpa (fern, agreement),
\/pe ; pdfc-Tpa (kneading-trough), \//jiatc (knead,
*IMdKyw, generally softened into pay) ; (f>pd-Tpa, Ion.
(clan), \/(f)pa=6ep, origl. bhra, bhar, cf. (f)pd-Top- = OYigl. bhrd-
-tar- ; /coifjuj-Opa (sleeping-place), verbal-stem /coipa- (KOi^dw
put to rest), etc. The suffixes -T\O-, -6\o-, fern. -r\i;-, &\.rj-,
e.g. %y-r\o- (neut. liquor, fluid), \/Xv (Pour)> 9vcr-6\o- (neut.
implement for Bacchus- worship), \/0v, the a- appears in other
15
226 STEMS WITH SF. -tar-, -tra-> LAT.
§ 97. formations also from this root ; €%e-T\7; (plough-tail), verbal-
stem e%e- (cf. e^e-re), \/e^ (have, hold) ; <yeve-6\r) (birth), stem
<yez/e- (cf. ryeve-cns, <y eve- a Oat,, etc.), ^/<yev, must be treated as
parallel forms of the above.
Latin. Words expressing kinship have suffix -ter-, whose
e is lost in almost all cases ; the nomina agentis in -tor-, with
step-formation of original -tar-, like Greek -rtjp- ; for the peri-
phrasis of the future is used the suffix -turo- from *-toro-, f.f.
-tar a-, raised from original -tar- and -f- suffix -a-, as in suffix
-tro-, f.f. -tra-, likewise frequently used. The suffix *-turo-
occurs as fern; -tura in forming nomina actionis as well. The
fern, -trie- is a further formation by means of -c-, and perhaps
presupposes -tria- ; a similar further formation is found in
-trl-no-, -trl-na- ; cf. with -tr-l-c- such formations as -l-uo-, -l-no-.
1. Words of kinship, e.g. pa-ter, md-ter, frd-ter (but soror-
f rom *sosor-, and this from *sos-tor-, *svas-tar-, as in Sk. svd-sar-,
ace. svd-sar-am) ; 2. nomina agentis, e.g. uic-tdr-, ^Juic (uinco,
uic-tus) ; censor- for *cens-tdr-, ^cens (censeo) ; sponsor- for
*spond-tdr- (§ 77, b), ^spond (spondeo) ; balnea-tor-, verbal-
stem * balnea, which is not used, however ; mom-tor-, ^/moni-tus
(monere) ; da-tor-, \/da, etc.
Suffix -tdra-, forming fut. part., e.g. da-turo-, ^/da; uic-turo-,
i/uic, etc. ; as a fern., forming nomina actionis, e.g. sepul-tura-,
cf. sepul-tus (sepelio bury) ; usura (use, interest) for *ut-tura
(§ 77, 1, b), cf. ut-or (use) ; censura for *cens-tura, \/cens, etc.
Suffix -tro- (cf. Corssen, Krit. Beitr. 366 sqq.), e.g. in ros-tro-
(rostrum beak) for *rod-tro- (§ 77, 2), ^rod (rodo gnaw) ;
claus-tro- (lock, barrier) for *claud-tro- (§ 77, 2), \/claud (claudo
shut) ; ard-tro- (plough), verbal- stem ard- (plough), ^ar, etc. ;
this suffix seldom appears as fern., as infulge-tra- (PIiii.=fulgor
brightness), verbal- stem fulge- (shine, gleam).
Further formations of this suffix original -tar-. 1. Through
-ya-, esp. -trio- and -torio, e.g. in pa-tr-io- from pa-ter ; audl-
-tor-io- from audl-tdr- ; lega-tdr-io- from legd-tor- ; uic-tor-ia
STEMS WITH SF. -ti-. 227
from uic-tor-, etc. 2. Through -lc-, e.g. uic-tr-lc- from uic-tor-, § 97.
or rather from an older unraised form of the suffix original
-tar-, which lost its vowel before -lc- ; imperd-tr-lc- from im-
perd-tdr- ; ex-pul-tr-lc~ likewise from an unused *ex-puttor- ;
pis-tr-lc- from pis-tor-, ^pis (pinso, pistus), etc. 3. Through
-ma, e.g. pis-tr-mo- (pistrinum), pis-tr-lna from pis-tor-, ^/pis ;
doc-tr-lna from doc-tor-, ^doc, etc.
Note. — In some cases at least Lat. -bro- appears to be=Gk.
-Opo- (medial b corresponds of course by rule to Gk. 0; cf . § 77,
1, c), which, as we saw, arose from -rpo-, -tra- (cf. Leo Meyer,
Yergl. gr. der griech. u. lat. Sprache, ii. 235, 241 ; Ebel,
zeitschr. xiv. 77 sqq. ; Kuhn, ib. p. 215 sqq.). If this assump-
tion is well founded, this -bro-=i.f. -tra- has become mixed in
Lat. with -bro- — f.f. -b/ira- (i/bhar bear; cf. supr. § 89, n. 2),
precisely as in Lat. the root original dha has become confounded
with root original da (§ 73, 2). As examples of Lat. -bro-=-tra-
we adduce crl-bro- (cribrum sieve), ^/kri (cf. /cpl-va), /cpl-o-{,-s) =
O.H.G. hrl-tara, M.H.G-. rei-ter, f.f. therefore krai-tra-; tere-bra
(fern, borer), cf. repe-rpo-v (id.); palpe-bra (eyelid) bes. earlier and
more vulgar palpe-tra, as in Gk. <pepe-6po-v bes. (frepe-rpo-v ; tene-
-brae (darkness) for *tenes-brae,*temes-brae (§ 77, 1, &), femes-Brae,
=Sk. tdmis-rd (dark) for *tamis-trd=O.IL.(^. dins-tar, M.H.G.
dims-ter, dins-ter (Kuhn, Zeitschr. xv. 238), f.f. tarns- tra- from
ta mas- tra-. The mainstay of these explanations lies in conso-
brlno- (consobrlnus cousin on mother's side), which is explained
as from *sosbrmo-, *sos6rlno-, *so-str-mo-, from stem *so-stor- =
original sva-star- (sister). So that in consobrinus the t of
srastar- would be retained, which is lost in soror=*sosor. Corss.
(Krit. Nachtr. 186 sqq.), however, does not allow Lat. -bro- =
-tro- ; he explains -sobrlno- from *-sor-brl-no- (§ 77, 1, a), and this
from *soror-brl-no- (§ 77, 2). This view is supported by the
Keltic, cf. siur, which points to an Italo-Keltic form *svasar-
without t. This difficult question has been handled at length
by Ascoli, Studj. crit. ii. p. 33 sqq. ; he pronounces in favour
of Lat. -bro-= original -tra-. Cf. § 89, Lat. n.
XYI. Stems with suffix -ti-. § 98.
The suffix -ti- is often used to form verbal- substantives, which
serve in several languages (Sanskrit, Zend, Sclavonian, Lithu- .
anian) as infinitives and gerundives in certain cases. The
228 STEMS WITH SF. -ti-. INDO-EUR. SK.
§ 08. suffix -ti- has besides — like suffix -a the function of forming
nomina agentis, but is more rarely so employed. The suffix is
at home in all Indo-European languages, and was therefore
already in existence in the original-language. It occurs also
as a secondary suffix, cf. ta-ti- (§ 90), tu-ti- (§ 99) and the
numeral (§ 109 sqq.).
Indo-European original-language. From each verbal-
stem might perhaps have been formed a nomen in -&'-, e.g.
ma-ti- (thought), <Jma ; bhu-ti- (<f>v-ai-s) , ^/bhu (become, be) ;
kak-ti- (coc-ti-o), ^/kak (cook) ; mar-ti- (death), \/mar (die), etc.
In the function of a nomen agentis a certain example in the
original- language is found inpa-ti- (lord), *Jpa (protect).
Sanskrit. The suffix -ti- forms : —
1. Nomina actionis feminina, e.g. md-ti- (meaning, thought),
^ma (man think) ; sthi-ti- (stand), ^stha (stand) ; $ru-ti-
(hearing), ^ %ru ; bhu-ti- (being), ^/bhu (be); pdk-ti- (coctio),
\/pak (cook) .; uk-ti- (speech),^ <\/vak (speak) ; yuk-ti- (iunctio),
\fyug (join), etc.
Infinitive functions are found in the dative of these
nomina actionis in -ti-, thus yiik-taye, etc.
2. Nomina agentis, e.g. pd-ti- (masc. lord), \Jpa (protect) ;
gria-ti- (masc. kinsman), \/gna from gan (gignere).
A shortening of this -ti- (cf. suffix -ta-t- — -ta-ti- § 96) is
found in suffix -t-, which occurs especially in those roots which
terminate in a short vowel, e.g. maM-ksi-t- (ruling the land),
\/Jcsi (rule) ; sarm~gi-t- (conquering all), \/gi (conquer) ; like-
wise -sru-t- (flowing), \fsru; -kr-t- (making, fashioning), \/kar
(make), etc.
In gerundive use we find a shortened instrumental from
nomina actionis in -ti-, i.e. -ty-a (from -ty-a, v. post. Declen-
sion), which originally had probably a wider employment, but
is confined in the actual state of the language to roots in i, u,
and ar, and is moreover only used where prepositions have
become welded on before them, e.g. sa-$ru-tya, \/$ru (hear);
STEMS WITH SF. -tl-. GK. 229
vi-gi-tya, y 'gi (conquer). If the root end in other sounds, the § 98.
t of suffix -ti- is lost, so that -ya only remains; the cause of
this loss may possibly be seen in the frequent position of t
after consonants, and the weakened termination of the word
due to the prefixed, originally adverbial, elements (the preposi-
tions). A similar unusual loss of consonants in the case of
person- terminations (v. post, in loco). E.g. a-da-ya from d-da
(take), \/da (give) ; ni-vig-ya from ni-vig (settle down), <\/mg
(go in), etc. Stems in -aya- lose this first a of the suffix, e.g.
pra-bodh-ya from stem pra-bodhaya- (awaken, remind). Details
of this formation would be out of place here.
In the earlier language this formation of the gerundive
occurs also in case of uncompounded verbal- stems ; on the other
hand there are traces of the more complete -tya-, even after
consonantal root- terminations (cf. post, -tvd used with uncom-
pounded verbal-stems).
Perhaps -tya-, fern, -tya, is a further formation of the suffix
-ti-, e.g. in kr-tyd (deed, doing), ^/kar (make) ; i-tya (going),
V i (g°) '•> yi-tya (gain, victory), ^ gi (conquer) ; ha-tyd (slay-
ing), ^Jha, han (kill), etc.
Greek. The suffix -TL-, regularly -cri- (§ 68, 1, c), which
has arisen from the earlier -T*- (preserved in Doric), is fre-
quently used, and forms nomina actionis fern, from verbal-
stems, e.g. fjLrj-rL- (wile), <Jma (think) ; fya-ri,- (speech, report),
\i(j>a (say), beside <f>d-crt- (speech, saying) ; (f>v-(n- (nature),
\/<f>v (be, grow) ; ire-tyi-, i.e. *7r67r-<jt- from earlier *7re7r-Tt-
(coctio), V^TT (cook) ; feOf*-, i.e. *£evy-<n- (joining), 1/?U7
(join) ; yvw-o-i- (knowing), \/yvo, etc.
Nomen agentis, e.g. TTO-G-L- (lord)=Sk. and original pd-ti-,
\/pa; fidv-Ti- (seer), \/man (think).
T only has remained in o>//,o-/3/>&)-T- (raw-eating), ^f$po, j3op
(/3t-/3pw-o-/cft) eat, ftop-d food), and perhaps in a few others.
-a La fern, is a further formation through combination of a
with -a-t-='TL', e.g. Ov-aia (sacrifice), \/6v (sacrifice);
230 STEMS WITH SF. -ti-. LAT.
§ 98. (test), verbal- stem SoKijuiB- (SoKind^a* for *So/tt/£a$^a> test), etc.
Cf. Sk. -tya.
Latin. The primary suffix -ti- has mostly been shortened
to -t- in consequence of the confusion of the i- forms and the
consonantal stems, e.g. do-ti- (dos dower), V 'da (give) ; men-ti-
(mens mind), \/men (think, cf. memin-i) ; mor-ti- (mors death),
\/mor (mori) ; the i is retained e.g. in messi-, i.e. *met-ti- (har-
vest, § 77, 1, b), y/met (metere) ; ues-ti- (cloak), root original
'cos (clothe).
Suffix -ti- appears as forming nomina agentis here too, in
po-ti-j nom. sg. poti-s (powerful, capable), which however serves
for all genders, Sk. and origl. pd-ti-, Gk. TTQ-GI- ; cf. the com-
pound of this poti-, com-po-ti- (compos), im-po-ti- (impos) ;
further in super-sti-t- (superstes remaining over), ^/sta ; sa'cer-
-dd't- (sacerdos), root probably original dha (set, do), which is
confused in Lat. with da (give ; thus ' sacrificium perficiens ' or
' dans ' ; cf. Benfey in Kuhn's Zeitschr. ix. p. 106) ; com-i-f-
(comes, mate), \/i (go), etc. -ti- is kept whole in uec-ti- (masc.
lever), which can scarcely have been derived from any other
root except \/ueh (originally carry), and originally probably
meant something like uector (bearer, carrier).
A further formation of -ti- is -tio- neut., -tia fern., both gene-
rally secondary ; thus here an o, origl. a, has been added to the
earlier suffix, cf. Sk. -tya; e.g. stem ini-tio- (beginning), primary
formation from y/i (go) ; but serui-tio- (slavery) from stem servo-
(slave) ; imti-tia (justice) from iusto- (just) ; duri-tiaanddtiri-tie-,
stem duro- (§ 38 ; on weakening of final -o to -i, § 40), etc.
For the formation of abstracts the suffix -ti- has regular \j
given way to -tion-, earlier prob. -tioni-, e.g. coc-tion-, colllsion-
h?om*1ld-tidn- (§ 77, 1, b; cf. cottld-o), sta-tion-, nd-tion-, etc.
^"ote also the diminutives in -tiun-cula formed from these stems,
e.g. ora-tiun-cula, sessiuncula, i.e. *sed-tiun-cula.
The suffix -tion-, -tioni-, is probably (Leo Meyer, Or. und
Occ. ii. p. 586) a further formation from -tyd-, Lat. -tio-t -tia
STEMS WITH SF. -tu-y ETC. INDO-EUR. SK. 231
(v. supr.), by means of suffix -ni-, cf. -ta-ti- from -ta- ; the sff. § 98.
-na-, -ni-, often indeed run parallel to -ta-, -ti-. As -ta-ti- was
shortened to -td-t-, so was -tid-ni- to -tio-n- ; indeed in Latin
the consonantal- stems are mostly like the i- stems.
XVII. Stems with suffix -tu- and kindred suffixes.
Stems in -tu- serve as verhal- substantives in Sk., Lat., Sclav.,
Lith.
Indo-European original-language. The suffix is § 99.
undoubtedly original, and must probably have been in use in
the case of each verb, as Sk., Lat., Lithuano-Sclav. testify to
this employment, e.g. da-tu- or dd-tu-, <Jda (give) ; bhar-tu-,
\/bhar (bear), etc. These stems in -tu- were nomina actionis
capable of complete declension.
Sanskrit. The suffix -tu- forms nomina actionis, with step-
raising of root- vowel u, i, medially and finally, whilst a is rarely
raised except when it is final ; after the auxil. vowel i was often
introduced before this suffix. These stems serve in ordinary
Sanskrit in the accusative, but in the older language of the
Vedas, in the dat. and gen. sing, also, as Infinitive, e.g.
dd-tu-m, ^/da (give) ; sthd-tu-m, \/stha (stand) ; ge-tu-m, \/gi
(conquer) ; grdy-i-tu-m, \/$ri (enter) ; sto-tu-m, <\/stu (praise) ;
bhdv-i-tu-m, \/bhu (become, be) ; vet-tu-m, ^vid (see) ; y&k-tu-m.,
<Jyug (join) : pdk-tti-m, \/pa/c (cook) ; kdr-tu-m, ^kar (make) ;
fifirayi-tu-M, verbal-stem tidrdya- (steal), etc.
Vedic dat. ; e.g. dd-tav-e, $-tav-e, kdr-tav-e, etc. ; there is
found a dative form also in di, e.g. yd-tav-di (with two accents,
a very exceptional circumstance), from *Jya (go) ; hdr-tav-di,
^/kar (make) ; ydm-i-tav-di, ^/yam (subdue) ; moreover the gen.
occurs, e.g. stha-to-s, <Jstha; e-to-s, *Ji (go); Kar-i-tos, \/Kar
(go).
As ordinary nomina actionis there are in use e.g. r-tu (masc.
definite time, season), <Jar (go) ; gd-tii- (masc. going, place),
Vga (go); gd-tu- (masc. singing), \/ga (sing; 3 sg. ga-yati);
gan-tu- (masc. creation, being), \/gan (beget).
232 STEMS WITH SF. -tu-, ETC. SK.
99. From this abstract in -tu- a participium necessitatis is formed
by means of -ya-, v. supr. § 89.
-tu- rarely forms nomina agentis, e.g. ya-tu- (wanderer), <Jya
(go) ; bha-tii (sun), <\/bha (shine), etc.
Suffix -tva-, near akin to suffix -tu-, and perhaps sprung
from it; cf. -tya- beside -ti-, -tra- beside -tar-, -anta- beside
-ant-.
A gerundive in -tva (used in case of verbal-stems not
compounded with prepositions) shows by its accent, and the
weakening of the root- vowel, that it is formed from -tva-, not
-tu-; it is an instrumental of a stem-form in -tva-. In the Yed.
there appears also -tvi, which must therefore be taken to stand
for *tvya (§ 15, c), and this *-tvya most prob. (Benfey, Kl. gr.
§ 389) by loss of a from *-tvayd, *tva-y-a is however likewise
only another form of the instrum. sing., i.e. one formed through
y according to the frequent stem-extension. In the Yed. also
occurs the dat. from -tva-, viz. -tvaya. Exx. sthi-tva, ^/stha
(stand ; cf. infin. sthd-tu-m) ; dat-tva, from present-stem dad,
i/da (give ; cf. infin. da-tu-m) ; gi-tva, ^gi (conquer, infin.
ge-tu-m) ; bhu-tvd, i/bhu (be, infin. bhdv-i-tu-m) ; uk-tvd, <\/va&
(speak; infin. vdk-tu-m) ; kr-tvd, ^/kar (make; infin. kdr-tu-mj ;
pak-tva, ^paTi (cook) ; the auxil. vowel i occurs, e.g. in vid-i-tva
•\/vid (know ; inf. vet-tu-m) ; likh-i-tvd, or lekh-i-tvd, ^likh
(scratch, write) ; tidrayi-tva, verbal-stem fibraya- (steal), etc.
Yedic forms in -tvl are found in e.g. kr-tvi, ^/kar (make) ;
Yed. dat. e.g. ga-tvaya, ^ ga (go) ; dat-tvdya (cf. supr. dat-ttaj,
^da (give) ; hr-tvaya, \/kar (make), etc.
Suffix -tva- appears also in the function of forming a partici-
pium necessitatis (Benfey, Yolst. gr. § 904 ; also in Bohtlingk
and Roth's Dictionary), e.g. kdr-tva- (to be made; neut. work
to do, task), \fkar (make) ; ge-tva- (to be gained, captured), ^gi
(conquer) ; vdk-tva-, V va& (speak) ; snd-tva-, ^ sna (bathe), etc.
The suffix -tva- (neut., n. sg. -tvd-m) is very frequent as
secondary suffix, forming abstracts, e.g. nag-na-tvd- (nakedness)
STEMS WITH SF. -til-. GK. LAT. 233
from nagnd- (naked) ; pati-tvd- (wedlock), from pdti (lord, § 99.
husband) ; pan&a-tod- (irevrd^) from panKan- (five) ; bahu-tvd-
(plurality) from bahu- (many), etc.
In Ved. is also found -tva-nd- (neut.), a further formation by
means of suffix -na-, in a like employment, e.g. sakhi-tvand-
(friendship) from sdkhi- (friend) ; vasu-tvand (wealth), stem
vasu- (id.), etc.
Also suffix -tvan- occurs in stems which serve as adjectival
nomina agentis, e.g. kr-tvan- (causing, effective, active), ^kar
(make) ; another stem, whose f.f. is kar-tva-rya-, serves as fern.,
nom. sing, kr-tvan; both stems occur side by side in gi-tvan-,
gi-tvara-, fern, gz-tvan, i.e. *gi-tvarya (victorious), *Jgi (conquer) ;
i-tvan-, i-tvara-, fern, i-tcari (going), \/i (go).
Greek. Nomina actionis fern, like fipw-rv- (food), \/@po
(cf. Ppco-ros, ppw-fjia, @i,-/3p(D-(TKco} Ppto-o-o/jiai,) ; fi&rj-rv- (fern,
crying), verbal-stem ySoa-, (3orj- (/Bodco, /Borjo-ofjiai, cry) ; eSrj-rv-
(food), \/6$ (eat), originally from a stem e'Se-, which also occurs
elsewhere ; ^eKacr-Tv- (laughter), stem <yeXa9- (cf. ^eXacj-To?,
eye\ao--cra) ; Fdv-rv (city), root original vas (dwell), etc.
-CTV-VTJ stands for *-Tvvrj (like crv for TV ; cf . § 68, 1, c) as a
secondary suffix, cf. Ved. -tca-na-, Zend -thwa-na-, e.g. Siicaio-
(justice) from Sl/caio- (just) ; /jLvrjiJuo-crvvrj (memory), stem
- (n. sg. masc. /juvrjficov mindful), which has lost its final n
before suffix -avvrj, as occurs in other cases also, etc.
Latin. The suffix -tu- is a very favourite one, and serves
regularly to form a nomen actionis (masc.), which is called
supine in ace. and abl. sg., e.g. std-tu-, n. sg. sta-tu-s (stand-
ing), ace. as supine sta-tu-m, abl. sta-tu, ^/sta (stare, sistere) ;
i-tu-, iji (go) ; dic-tu- ^dic (say) ; uic-tu- (as subst. victuals),
y/uiu, uig (uluo live) ; tac-tu- (subst. touch), <Jtag (tango
touch) ; cur-su- for *cur-tu- (subst. course), ^cur (curro run) ;
aes-tu- for *aed-tu- (heat, tide), root original idh (burn); usu-
for *ut-tu- (as subst. use), cf. ut-or (use) ; gressu- for *gred-tu-
(as subst. going, step), ^/grad, gred (gradior step) ; cdsu- for
234 STEMS WITH SF. -dhi-. SK.
§ 99. *cad-tu- (as subst. fall), \/cad (cado fall), etc. Sound-laws of
combination of t with other consonants are stated § 77, 1, b,
2. appard-tu-, magistrd-tu-, son-i-tu-, audl-tu-, etc., are referred
to derived verbs, which are moreover partly not in use.
Suffix -tva- is rare, e.g. mor-tuo- (dead), \/mor (mori die) ;
mu-tuo- (borrowed, interchanged), probably from a \/mi (ex-
change), therefore for *moi-tuo-, which may be traced in other
languages (e.g. Old Bulgarian me-na change, Lith. mai-na-s
exchange) ; sta-tua (fern, statue), \/sta (stand) ; fd-tuo- (fore-
telling), y/fl (fari utter).
As a secondary suffix, in formation of abstracts is found not
-tu-, but -tu-ti- and -tu-don-, -tu-din-, further formation from -tu-
(the latter is obscure in its second element), both fern., e.g.
serui-tuti- (fern, slavery), stem seruo- (slave), gen. pi. serui-
-tuti-um (Plaut.) ; senec-tuti- (old age), stem senec- (senex old
man) ; iuuen-tuti- (young age), stem hmen- (earlier than iuueni-s
youth, cf. Sk. stem yuvan-) ; uir-tuti- (manhood, valour), prob-
ably from *uiri-tuti-, stem uiro- (uir man). Concerning this
suffix cf. Karl Walter, Zeitschr. x. 159. -tudin- is more com-
mon, e.g. alti-tudo (height), alto- (high) ; turpi-tudo (loathsome-
ness, ugliness), stem turpi- (hateful, loathsome) ; comuetudo for
*consueti-tudo (§ 77 ; wont), stem consueto- (wont), etc.
§100. XVIII. Stems with suffix -dhi-.
Not vouched for except in Aryan and probably in Greek ; it
is therefore doubtful whether it can be ascribed to a date so
early as that of the original-language.
Sanskrit. In the earliest period of the language only a
dat. fern. (v. post. Cases) of the suffix -dhi-, -adhi-, i.e. -dhydi,
-adhyai, is added to the verbal-stem of the present ; where this
ends in a, -dhydi only is added, in the other cases -adhyai ; e.g.
yaga-dhydi, pres.-stem yaga-, ^yag (sacrifice) ; sdha-dhydi, pres.-
stem sdha-, \/sah (subdue, endure) ; piba-dhyai, pres.-stem piba-,
^/pa (drink) ; m dd ay d- dhydi, verbal- and present-stem mdddya-
(cheer), \/mad (rejoice) ; prnd-dhydi, present- stem prnd-, \/par
STEMS WITH SFF. -dhi-. GK. -ant-, -nt-. INDO-EUR. 235
(fill) ; duh-ddhydi, present-stem duh- (3 sg. med. dug-dhe for § 100.
*duh-te), \/duh (milk); gay-ddhydi, present-stem $e-, gay- (3 sg.
med. ge-te), \/$i (lie, rest) ; vdvrdh-ddhydi, intensive- stem vdvrdh-,
y/vardh (wax), etc.
The suffix appears added to the aorist-stem in gard-dhydi, cf.
3 sg. aor. d-gara-t, \/gar (become rotten, grow old ; 3 sg. pres.
glrya-ti, g'rnti-ti) ; huvd-dhydi, aorist-stem huva- (present -stem
Ved. hava-), \/hu (cry) ; probably also gamddhydi, aorist-stem
gama- (d-gama-t, present-stem gdJcftka-, \/ga, gam (go).
These forms serve as infinitives.
Greek. -<rOai, corresponds to this -dhydi ; it is, however,
difficult to decide whether the s has here been tacked on at the
beginning, or whether it has been lost in Aryan, in which case
-sdhydi would be the general fundamental form ; the y is lost,
as frequently, in Greek. It is not unlikely that the <r in -0-6 at
owes its origin to the analogy of the medial forms in aQ (-<rOe,
-0-00V, -crBrjv, -crBcov) ; besides cr is a very favourite sound before
dentals in Greek. Also as regards the final at,, which does not
appear elsewhere in Gk. as the dative suffix of i- stems, we may
fall back on the analogy of the infinitive -evai, -fjuevcu. This
form serves for the med. In Greek -aOai only appears as a
suffix, not -ecrOai (cf. the perfect), as in Sk. -adhydi. This -o-Oat
is added to the different tense-stems ; e.g. pres. (£epe-cr&u=:Sk.
bhdra-dhydi; TiQe-aOai, Bt&o-<r6cu, aor. Oe-a-dai, §b-<j6ai ; fut. Sooare-
-o-Qai, Sk. *dasya-dhyai ; perf. XeXet0-&u for *\e\ei7r-(r6ai, f.f.
*riraik-dhyai, etc.
XIX. Stems with suffix -ant-, -nt-. §101.
The suffix -ant-, when added to vowel- stems -nt-, forms
active participles from the present- stems, and therefore
also from the stems of the future (which is formed by means of
a present-form of <\/as), and of the aorist. The suffix -ant-, -nt-,
occurs in all Indo-European languages.
Indo-European original-language. Pres. as-ant-,
pres.-stem and \/as (be) ; bhara-nt-, pres.-stem bhara-, y/bhar
236 STEMS WITH SF. -Ctnt-y -nt-. SK.
101. (bear) ; starna-nt-, pres.-stem star-na-, ^star (strew, sternere),
etc. ; future dasya-nt-, future-stem da-sya-, <\/da (give) ; simple
aorist vavaka-nt-, aorist-stem vavaka- ^/vak (speak) ; compound
aorist diksa-nt-, aorist-stem diksa-, V 'dik (show), etc. These
stems served originally for all genders.
Sanskrit, -ant- is added also to the pres.-stem in -nu-(-u),
whilst to other vowel-stems -nt- is added. The formation from
aorist-stems is unknown except to the earliest language. Re-
duplicated-stems lose the n of the suffix, and thus end in -at-,
-t-. In fern., as frequently, a stem further formed by -ya- is
used, and this -ya in fern, therefore -ya is not seldom con-
tracted to I (cf. § 15, c).
Examples: ad-dnt-, root and present-stem ad- (eat) ; s~ant-, root
and present-stem as-, the initial a is lost also in other forms of
this root; &inv-dnt-, ^/ci (gather), present- stem tiinu-; tudd-nt-,
^/tud (strike), present-stem tudd- ; ndhya-nt-, ^nah (tie), pre-
sent-stem ndhya- ; yund-nt-t ^/yu (join), present-stem yund- ;
but dddha-t-, ^dha- (set), present-stem dddha-, etc. The n
which is lost in most cases never appears at all in neut., e.g.
ad-dt, etc. ; fern, ad-ati, s-ati, ftinv-ati, tudd-nti or tuda-tf,
ndhya-ntl, etc.
Future -syd-nt-, neut. -syd-t-, fern, -syd-nti or -sya-ti\ e.g.
karisyd-nt-, fern, karisyd-ntl or karisya-ti, \/kar (make), future-
stem karisyd-, i.e. -y/A^r+auxil.- vowel i (§ 15, f) and present-
stem in -ya- of ^/as (be).
Examples of 2 aor. are (ace. to Benfey) e.g. vrdhd-nt-, ^vardh
(wax), aor.-stem wdha- ; sanisd-nt-, ^san (uphold, love), aor.-
stem sanisa-, i.e. ^san, aux. -vowel i and past tense of \/as.
In nandaya-ntd-, verbal-stem ncmdaya-, al. lect. nanda-ntd-,
present-stem nanda-, ^nand (rejoice) ; gaya-ntd (nom. propr.
and in other meanings), present-stem gay a-, \/gi (conquer,
capture), is probably a further formation of this suffix by
means of a ; the same holds good of ddnta- beside dant- (tooth ;
yet probably from ^da ' cut/ ' part/ not from <Jad ' eat '), and
STEMS WITH SF. -ant-, -nt-. GK. LAT. 237
of rag aid (white, neut. silver), cf. argento-, ^ rag, f.f. rag, arg §101,
(gleam).
Greek, -ovr- and -VT- ; the v is here fixed, and never lost ;
fern. *-ovrya, *-vrya, which in obedience to sound-laws becomes
*-ovaa, -ovaa, -era, with compensatory lengthening of the pre-
ceding vowel ; e.g. eovr- (later ovr-}, i.e. *eV-oz/T-, fern. eovo-a=
*ea--ovT-ya, -y/e? (be), present-stem eV- ; (frepo-vr-, fern. $epo-v<ra
from *(f>epo-v<Ta, *<j>epo-vrya, \/(f>ep (bear), present-stem $epo-,
<f>€p6- ; TiOe-vr-, \/0€ (set), present-stem ride- ; SiSo-vr-, \/8o
(give), present- stem SlSo- ; iVra-z/r-, ^/ara (stand), present-stem
fora- ; Sei/cvv-vr-, ^/Sitc (show), present-stem Seiicvv-, etc.
Likewise in the future, e.g. \vo-o-vr-, \/\v (loosen) ; future-
stem \vo-o-, etc.
Simple aorist, e.g. 0e-vr-, root and aor.-stem 0e-, (set) ; 86-vr-,
root and aorist- stem So- (give) ; crrd-ir- root and aorist- stem
ara- (stand) ; <f>vy6-VT-, \/(j>vy (flee), aorist-stem (j>vyo-, <j)ir/6-t
etc.
Compound aorist, e.g. \vo-a-vr- ^/\v, aor.-stem \vo-a-, etc.
The further formation in -ya which occurs in fern., appears
also in the noun subst. yepova-la (senate) =*y6povT-i,a, from stem
yepovr- (v. sqq.).
These formations have sometimes no corresponding verbs
extant, e.g. <yep-ovr- (old), -v/7ep? Sk. gar, original gar (grow
old); €K-6vr-( willing), \/6/c, Sk. vag, original vak (will) ; aic-ovr-
(masc. dart), ^Joac (be sharp), cf. CLK-IJ, dfc-coK-tf, auc-fuj (point) ;
o-B6vr- (tooth) =Sk. dant-.
Latin, -ent-, earlier *-ont-, -tint-, but mostly -nt-, because
almost all present- stems in Latin end in vowels. The same
stem serves for all genders; e.g. (prae)s-ent- (present) for
*-es-ent, root and present-stem es ; i-ent-, -e-unt-, i.e. *e-ont-,
Vi (g°)» present-stem ei- ; *uol-ont, uol-unt-, present -stem and
•\Juol (uol-t he wills), is retained in uolunt-arius beside the
ordinary uol-ent- ; uehe-nt-, \/ueh (carry), present-stem uehe-,
etc. Like all consonantal stems, these also in most cases revert
238 STEMS WITH SF. -as-. INDO-EUR. SK.
§ 101. to the analogy of the z-stems (uehente-s, uehenti-bus, etc.). The
further stem-form in -ya-, found in Sk., Zend and Gk. as fern.,
and possessing a yet wider range in Sclav, and Lith., is found
substantively used in Latin, e.g. silent-iu-m, sapient-ia, licent-ia,
abundant-ia, hibent-ia, prudent-la, Constant-iu-s, Fulgent-iu-s,
Florent-ia, Leuces-io-s=* Leucent-io-s (present *leuco, \/Zuc, v. §
36), Prudent-iu-s, etc. No verbs are found parallel to such for-
mations as frequent-, recent-, petulant-, dent-=$k.. dant- (tooth).
Here belongs also parent-, as the aorist, to which its form and
function point us (cf. § 36), is no longer extant (cf. parient-
from the present stem).
The further formation by means of suffix -a-, Lat. -o-, is seen
in argent-o- (neut. silver)=zSk. raga(n)td- ; unguento- (neut.
ointment), cf. unguent- part., from present ungui-t, ungi-t (he
anoints) ; fluento- (neut. stream), beside participle fluent-, present
flui-t (flows).
§102. XX. Stems with suffix -as-.
Stems in origl. -as-, common to all Indo-European languages,
serve mostly as neutral nomina actionis, more rarely as nomina
agentis.
This suffix forms Infinitives in Sanskrit and Latin.
Indo-European original-language, e.g. gan-as (genus),
-\fgan (beget) ; ap-as (opus), yfap (do) ; man-as (mind),
(think) ; nab/i-as (cloud, sky), \/nabh; vak-as (voice),
(speak) ; krav-as (utterance, word), ^kru (hear), etc.
Sanskrit. Substantives in -as-, before which root- vowels i
and u are raised a step, e.g. gdn-as (genus), y ' gan (beget) ;
man-as (mind), ^man (think) ; sdd-as (seat), ^sad (sit) ; m/c-as
(speech), \/vafi (speak) ; ms-as (garment), ^/vas (clothe) ; Ket-as
(mind), y/ftit (think) ; £rdv-as (ear), i/$ru (hear) ; dp-as (work),
^ap, etc.
These substantives are mostly neut., like the above, but there
occur also nomina agentis, e.g. us -as- (fern, dawn), \/us (burn) ;
this stem had in the earlier language step-formation of the
STEMS WITH SF. -(IS: GK. 239
suffix besides, e.g. ace. sg. us-ds-am (the instr. pi. iisdd-bhis § 102.
arises from another stem of the same meaning, usat-, usant- ;
§ 101). In the earliest Sanskrit adjectives of this form also
occur (nomina agentis), e.g. tar- as- (quick) beside tdr-as (neut.
quick advance), <Jtar (arrive at) ; ap-ds- (active) beside dp-as
(work), etc. This formation is founded on the present- stems of
verbs ; if they end in a, -s- only is added for -as-, i.e. the final
a of the present- stem serves at the same time for the initial of
the suffix (cf. the formation of pres. participle act., the 3 pi.
pres., etc.) ; present- stems which do not end in a retain
-as-. This form in dat. is used as infinitive, e.g. gzvd-se
from pres.-stem giva-, 3 sg. pres. giva-ti, ^glv (live) ; tidra-se, 3
sg. pres. &dra-ti, ^Jcar (go) ; dhruvd-se, 3 sg. pres. dhruvd-ti,
^/dhru (be firm) ; Jcdksas (lustre, glance, eye), dative = infinitive
Kdksas-e, pres.-stem Jcdksa-, \f leaks (see) ; pusyds-e, 3 sg. pres.
pusya-ti, \/pus (nourish ; but in the pres. formation adduced,
' thrive ') ; rngds-e, pres.-stem rnga-, \Jarg (strive), etc. ; but
dy-as-e, pres.-stem ai-, 3 sg. $ft for *ai-ti, \/i (go).
Greek. //,eV-e<7-, /Lte^-o? (mind, bravery, anger), \J 'pev, origl.
man ; yev-ea--, -09 (race), v^6^ original gan (beget) ; Feir-eG--,
09- (word), V Ferr, original vak (speak) ; eS-ecr-, -09 (seat), ^/eS,
original sad (sit) ; K\eF-ecr-, -09 (sound, glory), \//c\v original
kru (hear) ; TrdQ-ecr-, -09 (sufiering), ^ira6 (e-Trad-ov sufier) ;
fjiTjfc-eor-, -09 (length), ^//jba/c (in /Aa/c-po- long) ; epevO-ecr-, -09
(redness), ^epvO (epvB-po- red), original rudh (be red), etc.
The Sanskrit and Zend stem us-as-} us -as- (dawn), corresponds
in like function, however, with the raised stem of the Gk. stem
f .f. aus-os- (fern.), Lesb. Aiol. n. sg. avow, with regular loss of s,
Dor. aco9, Ep. 770)9 from *a/r-&>9, av-cos, and this from *<xu<j-ft>9,
with lengthened a after the loss of the following sound, Att.
eo>9 without this lengthening, and with the asp. prefixed to the
beginning (§ 65, 2).
The suffix -ecr- forms adjectives (nomina agentis), e.g. ^6uSe9-,
n. sg. masc. fern. ^euS^, neut. i/refSe? (untrue), these adjectives
240 STEMS WITH SF. -dS-. LAT.
102. appear especially as the second member of compounds, e.g.
o%v-$epK-€(T- (sharp- sighted), ^/Sep/c^ original dark (Sep/c-oftai,
&e~Soptc-a see) ; d-\r)0eo-- (not hidden, true) beside \fjOeo--, -09
(forgetfulness), \/\aO (e-\a6-ov, escape notice), etc.
In a-\j]Qe.ia (truth), i.e. *a-\r}6eo--i,a ; ev-peveia, Ion. ev-pever)
(goodwill), from *ev-fjbevecr-t,a, f.f. asu-man-as-yd, cf. /j,ev-os, origl.
man-as, and the like, we see a further formation of the suffix by
means of -ya-.
Latin. E.g. gen-us (race), early Lat. *gen-os, Sk. gdn-as,
V 'gen (gignere) ; op-us (work), early *op-os— Sk. dp-as ; corp-us
(body), root Sk. karp; foed-us, early foid-os (treaty), \/fid (fido) ;
ius (right), f.f. *iou-os, \/iu (join) ; pus (matter), f.f. *pou-os,
<\/pu (be foul ; on these formations cf. § 36), etc.
Here also belong rob-ur (strength), early rob-us, gen. rob-or-is
=Sk. rddh-as, gen. rddh-as-as (vigour, wealth), cf. robus-tus,
with change of s to r, etc. Ferns. Ven-us, Cer-es, and probably
also masc. cin-er- (ash), n. sg. tin-is ; pulu-er- (dust), n. sg.
pulu-is, as also adj. uet-us (old), gen. ueter-is.
Moreover the numerous masculines in -or, as sop-or- (sop-ire),
root original svap ; od-or, \/od (ol-ere for *odere § 72, 2), with
lengthening or raising of the suffix (on r=s cf. 77, 1, e), f.f. e.g.
of sop-or- is therefore svap-as-, etc. This -or- is also used as a
secondary suffix, e.g. albdr- (whiteness) from albo- (white), etc.
In aurora (dawn), i.e. *aus-ds-a, the suffix original -as-,
Latin -os-, -or-, is still further formed through -a- (cf . Greek
*av-cra)(T-, Sk. us-ds-, us-as-j .
In nom. sg. alone the suffix is retained in fern, forms like
sedes (seat), i.e. *sedes-s (§ 39, 1), cf. sed-eo ; caed-es (overthrow,
slaughter), cf. caed-o ; Idb-es (slip, fall), cf. ldb-i, etc. In most
cases there are ^-sterns underlying these words (e.g. ace. sede-m,
gen. pi. sedi-um), a very favourite formation in Latin. This
explanation of the n. sg. is supported above all by the parallel
sed-es-, Gk. eS-ecr- and Sk. sdd-as-. In Sclav, also and Teutonic
the as- stems show parallel forms without this suffix ; the Sclav.
STEMS WITH SF. -CIS-. LAT. 241
shows suffixes -as- and -i- interchanged in some stems, just as § 102.
in Latin.
The dative of such nouns in -as no longer felt to be a case,
and hence shortened — serves as an infinitive in Latin ; e.g.
ueher-e, f.f. vaghas-ai, Sk. vdhas-e, present-stem uehe-, original
vagha-, root original vagh ; dlcer-e, f.f. daikas-ai, present-stem
dice-, f.f. daika-, ^/dic; moner-e, f.f. mdnayas-ai, present- and
verbal-stem mone-, f.f. mdnaya-, root original man, etc. In
fieri, flerei (also fiere], both from *feies-ei, f.f. dhayas-ai, I has, as
often, been retained beside e (e) = original ai. This form is in
nowise distinct from the usual infinitive active (cf. L. Lange,
iiber die bildung des lateinischen Infinitivus Praesentis Passivi.
Denkschriften der philos. histor. Classe der Kaiserl. Akad. der
"Wiss. in Wien, Bd. x., and published separately there) ; fio
has indeed mainly an active form ; the root of this word is dha
(set, do), and fio a present formation in -ya- of intransitive-
passive function ; the f.f. of fio is therefore *dha-ya-mi, in Sk.
with unoriginal weakening of a to I and middle termination
dhlya-te from *dhaya-te, or else the final- sound of the root is
lost in Sk. and -lya- stands for -ya- (§ 15, b). In either case
the Sk. form is late and not original, and useless for the expla-
nation of the Latin. From dha-yd-mi arose regularly in Latin
*fe-io-mi, *feio,flo ; f.f. of fieri, fiere, is therefore *dhayas-e; in
fieri f I has become fi, not an original shortening, the older fieri
being retained by Naeuius, Plautus, Pacuuius.
This formation is in Latin so closely joined to the pres.-stem
that, except where the stem has the stem-addition -a-, it omits
the -a- of the original suffix -as-, e.g. es-se (posse =pot-esse j , f.f.
as-s-ai (not *as-as-ai, which would have produced *ese-re, *ere-re)y
esse for *ed-se, f.f. ad-s-ai, ^ed (eat); fer-re for *fer-se; uel-le
for *uel-se (§ 77, 1, b) ; da-re, root and pres.-stem da; fo-re for
*f it-re, \/fu, u having become o under the influence of the r ;
l-re, early *ei-re, f.f. ai-s-ai, pres.-stem I, ei, original ai, <\Ji.
The analogy of the present has here throughout exercised
16
242 STEMS WITH SF. -dS-. LAT.
102. its influence, and has called forth these new formations
peculiar to Latin (perhaps the forms cited were at an earlier
period of the language *eses-e, *edes-e, *feres-e, *ueles-e, *eies-e,
which would correspond exactly to Sk. forms like asas-e, adas-e,
bharas-e, varas-e, ayas-e).
This -se is added also to the perf.-stem in -is-, which is found
in Latin only (v. post.), e.g. peperis-se, dedis-se, fecis-se, etc.
Forms like dixe, uexe, seem to be syncopated, like dixti for dixisti;
possibly however they are older forms from the perf.-stem
without -is- (v. post.), and thus stand for *didic-se, *ueueg-se.
Whether the full suffix -es- = -as- (*didic-es-e, *dicsis-es-e) ever
existed or not, depends on the antiquity of these formations.
Note. — Impetrasse-re, leuasse-re and the like (used only in case
of derived- verbs in a, and peculiar to the earlier language only)
are used as fut. inf. ; 1 sg. would be *impetrasso, etc., cf.
facesso, incipisso, etc. The peculiarity of these forms lies there-
fore not in the suffix, which is the usual one, but in the verbal-
stem.
The infinitive forms of the medio-passive in Latin are hard
to explain. The assumption of Bopp offends against the sound-
laws (vgl. Gramm. iii. § 855, p. 273 sqq.) ; the form in -i (did)
is held by Bopp to be a curtailed form of the earlier -i-er
(dic-i-er), whose er he thinks is a transposition of re=se (ace.
of the reflexive; cf. amo-r = *amo-se) , thus explaining dici-er
from *dici-se; *dici would correspond to Sk. forms like drg-e
(§ 87), unless dicier were a shortening of *diceri-er from
*diceri-re, *dicesi-se (i.e. *daika8ai-svam), just as laudari-eris pro-
duced by dissimilation from *laudare-er, *laudare-re, *laudase-se,
i.e. from inf. act. with se attached, which forms the middle
voice in Latin. Notwithstanding that this view recommends
itself in that it makes the inf. med. to be formed from inf. act.
precisely as the med. generally was formed from the act. in
Latin (*amari-se : amare \ \ *amo-se : amoj , it is difficult to see
the reason of the transposition of se, re, to er (from *laudare-se,
INF. MEDIOPASS. LAT. 243
*dici-se, there would have arisen according to Lat. sound-laws § 102.
perhaps a form *laudare-s, *dice-s or dici-s, like laudaris, 2 sg.
med., from *laudas-i-se ; or also *laudare-re, *dici-re or * dice-re).
Pott (the last time in 'Doppelung, etc./ Lemgo and Detmold,
1862, p. 266 sqq.) makes the division laudarie-r, earlier *lau-
dasie-se, thus assuming no transposition of -se, -re, to -er; -sie he .
holds to be an earlier termination of the active -re. But how
is -ie then to be explained ? In legier and the like, Pott
assumes loss of the first r in consequence of dissimilation ;
*agerie-r (this -Her is preserved in fer-rier), thence *agrier
and agier by loss of the first r, finally *agie, agl [or perhaps
*aglr, agl ? ; cf . sis, Umbr. sir, si, from sies] . Also Leo Meyer
(vergl. Gr. der griech. und lat. Spr. ii. 124) explains legier
from *legerie-r, *legesie-se ; laudarier from *lau'dasie~se, which
-sie, -sye, he holds to be "nothing else than a peculiar early
infinitive-termination, which may perhaps be closely connected
with Sk. -syai, in Yed. rauhishydi [in our spelling rdlmyai~]t
— for rauhisyai — (increase), and d-vyathishyai, — for d-vyathisyai
(not tolerate)." But we hold with Benfey (v. supr.) these in-
finitives in -syai to be inf. from fut.-stems rohisya-, vyathisya-.
Leo Meyer, raising this objection himself, adds : " Possibly this
infinitival sye or more fully esye is likewise an early dative
of an old suffix formation asya, a further formation, by means
of suffix ya, of the old suffix as, well known in the Lat. act.
infin." Moreover Leo Meyer holds it conceivable that forms
like ducier may be not shortened from *ducerier, but derived
from stems like ducio- (f.f. daukya- therefore). We should
then have to assume fundamental forms perhaps such as *dauk-
yai-svam [dat.-f ace. of reflexive]. From this very uncertainty
on Leo Meyer's part it is obvious that none of his conjectures
are upheld by any decisive arguments. We should scarcely
venture to maintain datives in I, e (ei) , from a-stems in Latin ;
in the dative the forms in question could only have been
*laudario-r, *dndo-r, earlier *laudasio-se, doucio-se. Also the separ-
244 INF. MEDIO-PASS. LAT.
§ 102. ation of the med. (pass.) inf. from the act. will not approve itself
to us. Lange (in his above-named work) takes forms like
legier as shortenings for *legi-fier, i.e. as compounded of the pres.-
stem legi- (legi-t), with infin. fiere, fieri; medial loss of /occurs
e.g. in lupls for *lupois from *lupo-fios (v. post. Case) ; amaui
for *ama-fui, amasti for *ama-fuisti (v. post. § 173, 2). Forms
like amd-rier, da-rier, he explains from *ama-sieret *da-siere, i.e.
from the present- stem and an infinitive *siere, f.f. *-syas-ait for
*esiere, f.f. asya-s-ai, formed from \/es (be), pres.-stem *asya-
(with passive function), \\k.Q fieri from ^dha, pres.-stem dhaya-.
The present-formation in -ya- appears indeed in ^es in Latin,
but has a future, not a passive relation (v. post. § 165 Lat. V.).
So also according to Lange ferrier is formed (f.f. therefore
probably *bhar-syasai or perhaps *bharasyasai), whilst in other
cases this *-sier, -rier, is added to pres.-stems only which end in
a vowel (amd-rier, mone-rier, molll-rier) .
The forms legi, amari, are explained by Lange from *legies
(from *legi-fiese), *amasies (from *ama-siese), with frequent loss
of final s (§ 79), and contraction of ie to i, like later slmy sis, for
siem, sies. Thus from common fundamental forms have been
developed (1) legier ', amarier, with the s- of the presupposed
*-fiese, *-siese, changed into r, and (2) legi, amari, where the s
has been lost.
Accordingly in the Lat. inf. pass, also we should see nothing
but infinitives in -se, because they all would be compounded
with either infin. fieri, f.f. dhayas-ai, or *siere, f.f. (a)syas-ai.
This view also is suspicious in some respects ; above all we
cannot conceive an inf. of y/es (be) with passive function.
G. Schonberg (Zeitschr. xvii. 153 sqq.) has recently explained
forms like amdrie-r as dat. of stem *amdsi-}-se, from *amdsiai-se,
forms like legie-r, on the other hand, as dat. of stem legi- (repre-
senting stem leges- of the act.)-j-se, from *legiai-se, thus separat-
ing the latter from as- stems, probably correctly, like Leo Meyer
(v. sup.) ; he has recourse to an interchange of consonantal-
STEMS WITH SF. -ka-. SK. GK. LAT. 245
stems with, ^-sterns, and of suffix -as- with, suffix -i- (adducing § 102.
examples). It must, however, be allowed that the like dat.
forms of ^-sterns are otherwise unauthenticated.
Thus Latin infinitives passive (med.) — clearly a recent for-
mation of the language — must probably be treated as not
hitherto explained with certainty.
XXI. Stems with suffix -ka-. §103.
The suffix -ka- (cf. pronominal- stem ka-) is not common pri-
marily, but secondarily is on the contrary a very favourite one
(e.g. in the function of forming diminutives, cf. Lud. Schwabe,
de deminutiuis graecis et latinis liber. Gissae, 1859, p. 44
sqq.). The numerous other suffixes, whose principal element
is k, need not be considered here, excepting -ska- (whose s, it is
true, is obscure), because it formed one kind of present- stem as
early as the original language (§ 165, VI.), e.g. ga-ska-.
Sanskrit. Very rare as a primary-suffix, e.g. in gm-ka-
(dry) for *sus-ka (§ 55, 2, n), ^gus (gus-yati dries), original
sus (cf . Lith. saus-a-s, Sclav, such-u dry, Zend hus-ka- ; d/id-kd-
(masc. receptacle), ^dha (set). As secondary suffix common,
e.g. smdhu-ka- (adj. derived from Sindhu), stem sindhu- (nom.
propr.) ; putra-kd- (masc. little son), putrd- (masc. son), etc.
Greek. Primary in 6^-fcrj (store-place), \/Oe (place, lay) ;
very common secondarily (cf . Budenz, das Suffix /cos im Griech-
ischen. Gottingen, 1858), e.g. faai-tcd-, (frixn-, 6rj\v-rc6-, 6f)\v-,
Kap&ia-KO-, icapSia, \O^L-KO- (if rightly separated thus) \6yo-, etc.
Suffix -icr/co- here forms diminutives, e.g. TratS-tWo-9, 7rat,S-lcr/crj,
stem TratS-, etc.
Latin. Here also but few primary formations can be
pointed to with certainty, as pau-co- (adj. few), cf. Gk. irav-po-
(small), Goth, fav-a (adj. few) ; lo-co-, early stlo-co- (masc.
place), from ^stal, stla, further formation from ^sta. Second-
arily very common, as in Gk., e.g. ciui-co-, stem ciui-, urbi-co-,
stem urbi-) belli-co, stem bello-, etc.
:
246 SF. ORIGL. -yam-. STEMS IN INDOEUR. SK.
104. 3. Formation of Comparative- and Superlative-Stems.
COMPARATIVE -STEMS.
1. Suffix original -yam-.
This suffix is perhaps a variation from a still earlier -yant-,
and akin to -ant-, -mant-, -vant- (§§ 101, 91, 90) ; in these
suffixes also we see t frequently passing over into s, and this
change seems to have taken place in the case of -yam- as early
as the original-language, since a *yant- appears nowhere (e.g.
vidvdd-bhis, but ydvlyo-bhis, i.e. *yamyas-bhis). The suffix is a
primary one, and is added directly to the final of the root.
Like most primary-suffixes it is in its use confined to a few
particular roots.
Indo-European original-language. E.g. nav-yam-,
from nav-a- (new) ; magh-yans-, from magh-ant- or perhaps
also magh-ara- (great) ; svad-yam-, svdd-u- (sweet) ; ak-yam-,
dk-u (swift), etc.
Sanskrit. In later Sanskrit the early form -yam- is re-
tained as -yas- only after vowels, but in the earlier language
(Ved.) also after consonants, in which case the later Sk. substi-
tutes -lyas- for -yas-, y being split up into iy (§ 15, b) and the
short vowel being lengthened before y (§ 15, a). The Sk. form
-lyas- shows its modern date also by the fact that it is still
wanting in a language so closely akin as Zend.
Suffix -yas- ; e.g. Ved. ndv-yas- from ndva- (new) ; Sk.
bhU-yas- from bhti-ri- (much) ; gya-yas- (older) \/ ' gya (grow
old), positive not used ; sthiycis-, i.e. *stha-iyas- or *sthd-iyas-,
from sthird- (firm) for *stha-ra- (§ 7), <Jstha (stand) ; spheyas-,
i.e. *spha-iyas-, sphi-rd- (swollen), for *spha-ra-^ ^spha (wax,
swell) ; pre-yas- from priy-d- (dear), with root- vowel raised a
step (or perhaps from an older root-form pra), etc.
Suffix -lyas-; e.g. vdr-lyas- (better), mr-a- (good) and uru- for
*var-u (broad, wide) ; dragh-lyas-, dlrghd- (long) for *dargh-a-
(§8), \/*dargh (dark), *dragh, and with many other adjectives
STEMS WITH SF. -yam-. GK. LAT. 247
formed with suffix -a- ; gdr-lyas-, from gur-ti- (heavy) for § 104.
*gar-u- (§ 7), like it, from ^/gar; Idgh-lyas- from lagh-u- (light) ;
ag-lyas-, Ted. from dg-ii- (swift), and so with other adjs. formed
with suffix -u- ; ksdd-zyas- from ksud-rd- (small, scanty) from
^ksudwiih step-formation; ydv-lyas-ixomyiivan- (young), ^yu
with step -formation ; mdh-lyas- from mah-dnt-t Yed. mah-
(great), ^/mah.
As a secondary suffix -lyas- appears in certain cases only, e.g.
matlyds- from mati-mant- (intelligent), md-ti- (mind, insight,
y/ma + suffix -ti- + also -mant-), etc. These words are treated
according to the analogy of the above-mentioned, as if e.g.
mat were root of mati-.
Greek. The s of the suffix -yam- (the s is retained in the
superlative, v. post.) is lost, and the y changed to i or combined
with a preceding consonant into crcr, f (§ 68, 1, d. e), e.g.
Ka/c-iov- (n. sg. masc. icaicltov) from /caic-6- (bad), <\//caic; eXacro-oi/-,
i.e. *e\afx>-yov-, e\a%y (light), ^/e-\a^- ; ri§-iov- from f]§-v-
(sweet), \/r)S, d& ; zyQ-iov- from e^fi-po- (hostile), from e%^-,
which serves here as a root ; pelfyv-, i.e. */-tey-yoz/-, from fiey-as,
fjLey-d\o- (great), ^pey ; TrXetoz/-, irXeov-, f.f. pra-yans-y TTO\-V-
(much), f.f. par-u-y <\/pra=par; so too fie-lov- (less), f.f. ma-yans,
from a root ma, which mostly appears weakened to mi, mi-n (cf.
Sk. mi-na-mi, mi-nd-mi, pf. ma-md, ma-mdu, fut. md-syami (throw
down, annihilate).
Latin, -yans- became -yons- and subsequently -ids- (e.g.
ma(g)iosibus; § 77, 1, a), later -/or- ; in ace. n. neut. the later
language also shows still the old s in the form -ius, i.e. -yas
with loss of the n. In Lat. the comparative is regularly formed
by means of this suffix, which is therefore used as a secondary
one also. E.g. *mag-ior-t hence md-ior- (§ 77, 1, a), n. neut.
md-ius, but adverb mag-is for *mag-ius, mag-no- (great) ; plm,
pious (more) from *plo-ius—7r\e-loVj f.f. pra-yans-, ^pra=par
(fill), pleores (carmen Aruale) for *ph-ior-es, <\/ple=plo, original
pra, compar. of ple-ro- (plerus Cato, pleri-que), pie-no- (full);
248 STEMS WITH SFF. -tara- AND -ra-. INDO-EUR. SK.
104. leu-idr-, i.e. *legu-ior-) can come equally well from *leg-ior-
(§ 73, 1), V%-> f-f- lagh, or, though less probably, from adjec-
tive-stem legu- in leui- (light), i.e. *leg-ui-, a further formation
of *leg-u-, Sk. lagh-u-, Gk. eXa^-u- ; min-or- (smaller), from a
root mm, stands for *min-ior-, min-us for *min-ius-9 f.f. man-yans-',
doct-ior- from docto- (doctus learned, <\/doc), which loses its final
vowel only before the suffix, like all adjs. in vowels ; facil-ior-
ixomfacili- (easy to do ; ^fac), etc.
105. 2. The suffix -tara- and -ra-.
The suffix -tara- is the ordinary comparative suffix in Sk.,
Zend, and Greek ; it is also found here and there in the other
languages. It is a secondary suffix ; primary but rarely.
The suffix -tara- is very probably compounded of the two fre-
quent stem-formative suffixes -ta- and -ra-; -ra- occurs also alone
in the function of comparative formation, e.g. Sk. dva-ra- (lower),
from dva (prep, of), dpa-ra- (hinder, latter), dpa (prep. of) =
Zend apa-ra- from apa; cf. Lat. sup-eru-s, sup-er, inf-eru-s,
inf-er (sup-er-ior, inf-er-ior, add to the older comparative element
— which has lost its comparative force — the ordinary compara-
tive suffix).
Indo-European original-language. '
The suffix -tara- was, it seems, already applied to the function
of forming comparatives from pronominal- stems and the like ;
thus an undoubted primitive stem is found in an-tara- (interior)
from pronominal \/an, stem ana- (demonstr.), where exception-
ally the suffix is probably primary ; moreover ka-tara- (uter),
pronominal-stem and i/ka- (interrog.).
Sanskrit, -tara- (masc. -tara-s, fern, -tara) is added to the
end of nominal- stems simply (used also in case of substantives) ;
variant nom.- stems have their shorter stem-forms before this
suffix, e.g. punya-tara- from puny a- (pure) ; ka-tard- (uter,
interrog.), ka- (quis) ; ya-tard- (uter, rel.), ya- (rel.) ; i-tara-
(other), \/i (is) ; giiki-tara- from gtiki- (pure) ; agnimdt-tara-
from agnimdnt- (being with fire) ; vidvdt-tara-, Yed. also mdus-
STEMS WITH SF. -tam-. GK. LAT. 249
-tarn-, stem vidvant-, mdvam-, weakened to mdus- (part. pf. act.; § 105.
knowing, cunning) ; dham-tara-, Yed. also dhanin-tara-, dhanin-
(rich). In dn-tara- (interior) -tam- is primary, ^J an, stem ana-
(demonst.) ; -tar a- is found after comparatives in -yam-, and
after superlatives in -is-tha- also, e.g. $restha-tara- from grestha-
(best; cf. 'Superlative').
Grreek. Suffix -repo- = original and Sanskrit -tar a-, e.g.
fcov(j)6-T6po- , Kovfyo- (light), TTo-repo- for Ko-repo- (uter) from
root and pron.-stem TTO-, KO- (quis), but after a short vowel
preceding, with final o, original a, lengthened, e.g. ao^co-repo-,
cro</>o- (wise) ; <y\vKv-repo- , ry\v/cv- (sweet) ; %api,Fe<T-T€po- for
*Fer-repo (§ 68, 2) from %api-FevT-, in shorter form ^a/oi/'er,
etc.
Cases like ^/X-repo- from $/Xo- (dear) treat -repo- as primary
suffix, whilst in ^tTuu-Tepo-, Icrai-repo-, fiecrai-Tepo-, and the
corresponding superlatives, faXai-raro-, pea-al-Taro-, etc., there
is an underlying stem different from that of the regularly-formed
, etc.
Note. — Benfey (Or. u. Occ. ii. 656) assumes as a basis for
this formation an early locative in at, since in Sk. in certain
cases before -tara-, -tama-, the locative case occurs instead of
the stem, e.g. apardhne-tara- beside -na-tara-, from apardhnd-
(masc. afternoon).
The termn. -ecr-repo-, e.g. evBatfiov-ear-repo- from
(fortunate), appears to have been transferred from adjs. in -e<j-,
e.g. (7a(f)6(r-Tepo, cra<£e?- (clear), to other stems ; whilst in
-L<T'T6po-, e.g. XaX-tcr-repo- from \d\o- (talkative), we can hardly
be mistaken in seeing a combination of the suffix -yam- in its
shortest form -is-, with the more recent comparative-ending
-tara- (cf. superlative -ICT-TO-, and Lat. superlative in *-is-tama-,
-issumo-, as well as Lat. -is-tero-).
Latin. The suffix -tara- appears only exceptionally, e.g.
in u-tero- for *cu-tero- or *quo-tero-, n. sg. masc. u-ter (whether,
i.e. which of two), neut. u-tro-m, fern, u-tra, e of the suffix
250 SUPERL. STEMS. SF. -fa-. INDO-EUR. SK.
§105. -tero-, original -tara-, being ejected; dex-ter- (right), cf. Sextos,
Sk. daks-ina- ; in-ter (between), cf. Sk. dn-tara-, and the like.
In min-is-tero- (minister servant), Osk. min-s-tro- (lesser ;
gen. sg. masc. neut. minstreis is attested), and mag-is-tero-
(magister master), Umbr. mes-tro- (greater) from *ma-is-tro~,
*mag-is-tro-y and probably in sin-is-tero- (sinister left), the
suffix -tara- has been added to the comparative suffix -is- from
-yans-, as in Gk. \a\-ia-repo- ; in Sk. also the comparatives in
-yam- and -istha- were sometimes further raised by means of
-tara- and -tata-.
§106. SUPERLATIVE-STEMS.
For the purpose of expressing the superlative were used the
suffixes -ta- and its compound -tama-, in Gk. and Erse also
-mata-, and reduplication -tata-, in Erse also -mama-, all of
which, as well as the simple -ta-, often appear in other func-
tions also (cf. § 91). These are secondary suffixes often joined
to the end of comparative- stems.
1. Suffix -ta-, alone used especially in ordinal-numbers
(q. v.) ; added to the end of comparatives in original -yans-, it
forms their superlative. The reduplication -ta-ta- occurs in
Gk. as the regular superlative-formation beside comparatives
in -ta-ra-.
Indo-European original-language. It is not easy to
decide whether here we must suppose a complete magh-yans-ta-
(fjiey-Kr-Tos), to which the Goth, -os-ta- would seem to testify,
and ak-yans-ta- (w/ao-ro?), etc., or magh-is-ta-, ak-is-ta-, with
-yans- shortened to -is-. The former assumption seems to me
the best supported.
Sanskrit. Suffix -ta- added to the word-stem itself, e.g. in
ordinals sas-thd- (sixth), with -tha- for -ta- on account of the
foregoing s (§ 59, 1), sas (six), Katur-thd- (fourth), with -tha-
for -ta- (§ 52, 2), tiatur- (four).
After the comparative- suffix -yas- (-lyas-) -ta- appears as the
SF. -to-. GK. LAT. SFF. -ma-, -ta-. GK. 251
regular formation of the superlative, -yas- being subsequently § 106.
shortened to -is-, but -is-ta- changed into -is-tha- (§ 59, 1) ;
thus e.g.mdh-istha-, ydv-istha-, ldgh-is-tha-, gar-is -tha-, ksod-is-tha-,
etc., sthestha-, sphestha-, gyestha- are=*sthd-is-tha-, *spha-is-tha-,
*gya-is-tha- ; prestha- either stands for pre-istha-, in which
case the i of -is- would have disappeared in the e, or, as I think
more likely, an earlier ^/pra is underlying, and it must be
divided *pra-is-ta- (cf. the comparative, § 104, with this superla-
tive) ; in Wi'tiyistha-, beside the comparative bhti-yas-, -yis- has
arisen for -is- by an unusual splitting-up of i to yi.
Greek. Suffix -ro-=Sk. -ta- is common in ordinal numbers,
thus TTpco-ro- (first), rpi-To- (third), Terap-ro- (fourth), ire^Tr-TO-
(fifth), GK-TO- (sixth), eva-ro- (ninth), Be/ca-ro- (tenth), elfcocr-To-
(twentieth), etc.
-To-=-ta-, when added to -io--=.-yans-, forms superlatives to
comparatives in -toz>-=origl. -yans-, e.g. /catc-icr-TO-, eXa^-tcr-ro-,
r/S-t(7-To-, e^#-tcr-TO-, fiey-ia-TO- , 7rXe-t<7-TO-, etc. (cf. § 104).
The reduplicated form of the suffix, -ta-ta- = Gk. -ra-ro-,
appears as the regular superlative formation beside the com-
paratives in -ta-ra- ; e.g. Kovtyo-ra-ro-, cro0o>-Ta-TO-,
%apiFe<T-ra-TO-, <f)l\-Ta-TO-, 0tXat-ra-TO-,
\d\io--ra-ro-. These superlatives were formed, as the adduced
examples show, corresponding to the parallel comparative forms
in -Tepo-, which may be compared (§ 105).
Latin. Suffix -to-, -tu-, = Sk. and original -ta-, rarely serves
as superlative- suffix in Latin, where -mo-=Sk. -ma-, and. -ti-mo-,
-si-mo-, f.f. -ta-ma-, is preferred ; e.g. quar-to- (fourth) ; quo-to-
(which in order or number), stem and \/quo-, original ka-.
After -is-=-yans- is found not -to-, but only the representative
of original -ta-ma- (q. v.).
2. Suffix -ma- and ma-ta- here and there in Gk. § 107,
I have not before me any perfectly certain example of suffix
-ma- used to express the superlative in the original Indo-
European; however, as -ma- appears in three divisions of the
252 SF. -ma-. SK. GK. LAT. SF. -tama-. INDO-EUR.
107. speech-stem in this function, it must be presupposed as existent
in the original -language. Perhaps sapta-ma- (seventh) and
akta-ma- (eighth) must be ascribed to the fundamental-language,
because in these numbers this method of forming the ordinal is
almost universal.
Sanskrit. Suffix -ma- forms the superlative in ava-md-
(undermost, next, last), from dm- (as prep, 'from'), a prono-
minal-stem (demonstr.) ; madhya-md-, mddhya- (mid-); para-md-
(furthest, last, best), para- (removed, excellent) ; ddi-md- (first),
ddi (beginning) ; sopta-md- (seventh), saptdn- (seven) ; asta-md-
(eighth), asta- (eight) ; nava-md- (ninth), ndvan- (nine) ;
da^a-md- (tenth), ddgan- (ten).
Greek. The superlative suffix -/-to-, f.f. -ma-, is not fre-
quent, it forms e/38o-/z,o- (seventh) alone, from kirrd, with a
remarkable softening of TTT to (3$ in the stem of the word.
In e(3$6-fJia-To- (seventh) we find suffix -ma-ta-, as in Keltic,
which is seen unmistakably in 'jrv-fjua-ro- (last) also.
Latin. Suffix -mo-, f.f. -ma-, is a favourite means of forming
superlatives, e.g. sum-mo- from *sup-mo- (highest), sup-, cf.
sup-er, comparative; infi-mo-, cf. comparative infe-ro-; mini-mo-,
cf. min-or-j moreover the ordinals prl-mo-, septi-mo-, deci-mo-.
In plurimo- (most), earlier plusimo-, plourumo-, ploirumo-,
pli-si-mo-, a f.f. *pra-yans-ma- seems to be underlying ; between
s and m the auxiliary vowel u occurs (cf. s-u-m, § 43), later i
(§ 43) ; thus by the usual shortening of -yam- to -is-, arose
*plo-is-u-mo-, i.e. ploirumo-, and by coalescence of oi to ei, I (as
in dat. abl. pi. of the o-stem, e.g. nouls, noueis from *nouois),
*plmmo- ; in plourumo-, later plurimo-, y may have been lost (as
in minus for *min-yus), so that this form points back to a form
*plo-yus-u-mo-, like plus, pious, to *plo-yus.
108. 3. Suffix -ta-ma- occurs in Sk., Zend, Grk., Lat. and Gothic,
and dates therefore from the common original-language.
Indo-European original-language. Although the
suffix -tama- was in existence, we can hardly point to any
SF. -tama-. SK. LAT. 253
word- stems provided with this suffix ; a form nava-tama- (per- § 108.
haps beside nav-yans-ta-) may be merely conjectured.
Sanskrit, -ta-ma- is the regular superlative formation be-
side the comparatives in -tara-, thus e.g. punya-tama-, ka-tamd-
(one of many, interrog.), ya-tamd- (which of many, rel.) gulci-
-tama-, agnimdt-tama-, vigati-tamd- (twentieth) from viqdti-, etc.
Suffix -tama- occurs also after comparatives in -yarn-, and
superlatives in -istha-, e.g. gyestha-tama-.
Greek. Wanting.
Latin. The suffix original -tama- occurs somewhat seldom
added directly to the root or stem of the adj. ; but it is the
regular means of forming superlatives, in which case it is added
to the comparative in -yam- ; f.f. -ta-ma-, i.e. Lat. -tu-mo-,
-ti-mo-, after gutturals -si-mo- (§ 77, 1, d) is added to the root
in maxima- (greatest), i.e. *mag-timo-, cf. mag-is, mag-nus ;
op-timo-, op-tumo- (best) ; ul-timo- (last) ; in-timo- (inmost), etc.
Suffix -timo-, or more probably -simo- (cf . mac-simo-}, is directly
added to adj. -stems only when they end in r or /, stems ending
in a vowel lose that vowel ; thus ueter-rimo- for *ueter-simo-,
from *ueter-timo-, stem ueter- (old ; cf . torreo for *torseo and the
like), pulcher-rimo-, stem pulchero- (beautiful) ; facil-limo- for
*facil-simo- from *facil-timo-, unless indeed these forms be for
*ueter-is-timo-, *facil-is-timo-, whence *ueterstimo-, *facilstimo-t
*uetersimo-, *facilsimo- (cf. uellem from *uel-sem).
From the f.f. *-is-tama-, the combination of the comparative
suffix -is-=-yans- with the -tama- of the superlative, arose next
-is-tumo-, -is-timo-, retained in the archaic soll-is-timo- ; from
-is-tumo-, -is-timo-, arose -issumo-, issimo-, by regular assimila-
tion, e.g. doct-is-simo-, etc. Cf. mag-is-ter, min-is-ter, which
show the combination of the comparative suffix -yam- + -tara-
(cf. § 105), and therefore stand parallel to superlative -yans- +
-tama-, and the corresponding Sk. superlative formations. Cf.
the suffix -timo- in other functions, mari-timo- (maritime), stem
man- (neut. mare, sea) ; fini-timo- (neighbouring), flni- (finis
masc. bound) ; legi-timo- (lawful), stem leg-t Ugi- (lex, fern. law).
254 STEM OF FUND. NUM. 1. INDO-EUR. SK. GK. LAT.
§109.
4. Steins of Numerals.
STEMS OF FUNDAMENTAL NUMBERS.
Simple numbers 1-10.
1. Indo-European original-language.
The stem for the first numeral cannot be determined with
absolute certainty, because the several Indo-Eur. languages
differ greatly in the way they express the number one. Various
stems in Indo-Eur. indicate the notion of the No. 1, but yet
they are all alike formed from ^i; ai-na- has most in its
favour, because it serves to indicate the number one in the two
European divisions of the Indo-European, and is likewise found
in the Aryan in another function.
Sanskrit. eka-, probably a stem- formation by means of
suffix -ka- from pronominal suffix i, or, what is not very
different, a compound of ai from i with pronominal ^/ka.
Greek. Nom. sg. m. el?, i.e. *ez/-9, ntr. «/, gen. ej/-o?, fern.
fita (cf. Leo Meyer, Kuhn's Zeitschr. v. 161 sqq., viii. 129 sqq.,
161 sqq. ; id. vgl. Gramm. der griech. u. lat. Spr. ii. 417 sqq.).
Stem ez/-, f.f. san-, is considered as standing for sam-, and this
sam (cf. Lat. sim-plex, sem-el, sin-guli), after losing a final a, as
corresponding to Sk. samd- (similar, like ; a superlative of
demonstr.-stem sa-). This view is especially supported by fern.
pia, which probably stands for *c^/a, i.e. sm-ya-=sam-ya- (a
ya-stem, fern, only, as frequently). It cannot well be doubted
that ev- contains the pronominal-root sa- ; however, we hold
that the final n is a later formation in Greek, cf. stem T-t-v-=.
original ki- (pron. interrog.), because a change of suffix -ma- to
n is unexampled. So we conjecture for masc. neut. a stem
sa-n-, developed from sa-, but recognize in fern, a f.f. sa-myd,
thus varying from that of masc. and neut., i.e. a superlative-
stem in -ma-, fern, -myd, from same \/sa.
Latin. Early Latin oi-no-, whence u-no-, f.f. ai-na-, is, like
STEMS OF FUND. NUMERALS 2-6. 255
Sk. pronominal-stem e-na- (this), a stem in -no- from demonstra- § 109.
tivo-pronominal ^/i.
2. Indo-European original-language dua- or dva- ;
Sanskrit dva-; Greek &vo-=dva~; Latin duo-=Svo- (duo-bus
like ambo-bus is probably caused by the nom. dual duo, ambo,
f.f. dm, ambhd).
3. Indo-European original-language tri- ; -i- is a
suffix and tar, tra, the root (cf. the ordinal) ; tr-i- is therefore
probably shortened from *tar-i-, or perhaps from *tra-i- by loss
of the a; the assumption that tri- is an archaic weakening
from tra- is, I think, less likely ; Sanskrit tri-> the fern,
having the stem -ti-sar-, in which Bopp conjectures a redupli-
cation, and which he imagines to have arisen from *ti-tar-\
Greek T/oi-; Latin tri-.
4. Indo-European original -language katvar- ;
Sanskrit Jcatvdr-, shortened Tiatur-, fern. Katasdr- (clearly
formed after the analogy of 3, according to Bopp compounded
with it, in which case ka=- 'unum') ; Greek Terra/)-, rea-crap-,
for *rerfa/3-, /cerFap-, Dor. rero/o- for *T6rFop-, with r— original
k (§ 62, 1), Boiot. Trerra/o-, Horn, and Aiol. Trlavp-, f.f. katur-,
IT=ZK (§ 62, 1), and a before v=r, as in av for ru; Latin
quatuor-, the best authenticated spelling quattuor is unsupported
etymologically (inscriptions have also quattor, quator).
5. Indo-European original-language kanhan-, an
obviously reduplicated form ; S a n s k r i t panic an-, with p = k
(§ 52, 1) ; Greek wei/re, Aiol. ire^ire, TT and r=/c (§ 62, 1) ;
Latin quinque.
6. Indo-European original-language. By combin-
ing the Zend khsvas on the one side with the Greek, Latin and
Gothic form with final ks on the other, the resulting f.f. would
be ksmks for Indo-European (Ebel, Beitr. iii. 270 ; Zeitschr.
xiv. 259 sqq.), which likewise seems to be reduplicated, perhaps
original *ksva-ksm- ; Sanskrit sas, probably immediately from
*ksaks for *ksa-ks (§ 55, 2) ; Greek and Latin with dissimila-
256 STEMS OF FUND. NUMERALS 7-10 J 11-19.
§ 109. tion of the initial sound from a f.f. *svaks for *ksvaks, Gk. ef,
Dor. /"ef, like Lat. sex, both therefore from *sveks (Leo Meyer,
Zeitschr. ix. p. 432 sqq. ; cf. Lat. se for *sve, etc.).
7. Indo-European original-language probably sap-
tan- ; Sanskrit saptdn-, later sdptan- ; Greek en-rot, i.e. *saptan-
(a=-an § 19) ; Latin septem, i.e. *septim. Bopp supposes that
the m of septe-m has worked its way in from the ordinal
septi-mo-, because it would be unlikely that n should change to
m; possibly however an otherwise unusual sound-change is
found in it, and we should not cut the Latin numeral adrift
from the Erse and the Greek.
8. Indo-European original-language. Stem aktu- ;
Sanskrit as tan-, later as tan-, probably after the analogy of 7
and 9, and astu- (the latter in the nom. ace. astdu, probably
shortened from *aktdv-as or *aktav-as, apparently a dual-form, as
also in Gk. and Lat.) ; Greek OKTQ>, Latin octo, dual-forms
arising just like Sk. astau through loss of the termination, in
which respect the notion of 4 + 4 may have assisted ; in oy^oF-o-,
octdu-o-, the f.f. of the stem aktu- is unmistakable; it occurs also
in Goth, and Lith.
9. Indo-European original-language navan-; San-
skrit ndvan- ; Greek evvea, i.e. *veFa(v) with e prefixed, and
unoriginal doubling of initial consonant v ; Latin nouem (on
the m cf. 7).
10. Indo-European original-language dakan-\ the
conjecture that ddkan stands for *dva-kan- (Jean for kan-kanj,
i.e. 2 x 5, is not proved, but it is too tempting to be passed by ;
Greek Seica, i.e. *Se/caz/; Latin decem, i.e. *decim (cf. 7).
§110. The numerals 11-19. They were formed by joining the
number 10 to the units ; in some languages we clearly see a
mere addition.
Indo-European original-language. Originally the
two words would probably exist separately, e.g. perhaps 12
dud dakan ; 13, tray-as dakan, etc.
STEMS OF FUND. NUMERALS 11-20 ; 20-90. 257
Sanskrit. 11, ekd-dagan-, with lengthening of final a of § 110.
stem eka- (one) ; 12, dva-dagan-, dm probably must be con-
sidered a dual ; 13, trdyo-dagan-, later trayo-dagan-, n. pi.
tray as -\-dagan- ; 14, Jcdtur-dagan- ; 15, pdtilsa-dagan- ; 16, so-
-dagan-; 17, sdpta-dagan ; 18, c&ta-dagan-, with dual-form asta;
19, ndva-dagan-.
Greek. 11, ev-§eica; 12, Sco-Serca; from 13 the words origin-
ally separate are merely joined together, e.g. in Tpicr-icai-SeKa,
rpt,<$ must be taken as a shorter form for r/aa? ; 14, recrcrapes-Kai-
-fafca, etc.
Latin, un-decim for *um-decim; 12, duo-decim; 13, tre-decim,
perhaps with older stem-form tra-, cf . ter-tim, or else £re- is a
shortening from tres ; 14, qiiatuor-decim, etc.
The numerals 20-90 (the intermediate numerals do not need §111.
discussion here ; they are clear in all languages, and mostly
quite uncompounded). In Aryan and South-European 20-90
were expressed by means of units compounded with a substan-
tive formed from daka-, mostly shortened or otherwise altered.
Whereas in the North-European division units and tens are
separate words, at most joined together. The contrast between
the two closely-related branches of the speech- stem — Aryan and
Graeco-italo-keltic — and the Sclavo-teutonic is here clearly shown
(cf. Introduction, IV.). It is scarcely to be supposed that in
the original-language composition had already taken place ; but
the tens and units would still be separate words.
Sanskrit. The tens were originally expressed by daga-ti-,
daga-ta, the units being prefixed. Of daga-ti, however, -gati-
and even -ti- only remains, of daga-ta- only -gat- ; so strong is
the tendency to diminution in words so much used.
20, vi-gdti- for *dv%-dagati-, the nasal of m = *dm and the
corresponding nasal of the two following numerals is obscure ;
perhaps we may detect in it the remains of a case-ending. It
is shown by the Zend to be a late formation. 30, tri-gdt-,
probably for *trzni dagatd, whence probably the nasal arose
17
258 STEMS OF FUND. NUMERALS 20-90.
§ 111. which worked its way into 20 and 40 by analogy ; 40, Hatvari-
-gdt-; 50, panJcd-^dt-y 60, sas-ti; 70, sapta-ti-', 80, agi-ti-, a
form widely differing from the original; 90, nava-ti-, all with
-ti- for *da$ati.
Greek. Except in 20, where likewise a form daka-ti ap-
pears, -KOVTO, appears as the second part of the compound,
probably a neut. pi., f.f. dakan-td, from a sg. *dakan-ta-m. 20,
ei-Kocn,=*el-KOTi, (§ 68, 1, c), Horn, e'et'/eocrt, earliest form Dor.
FeUaTi, Ft/cart, ; Ft Kan stands for *dvl- daka-ti, the length of I
may have its origin in an earlier case-ending, whence may
come also el; eel/coat,, i.e. e-Felicoa-t,, with the frequent vowel-
prefix before consonantal beginning (§ 29, 2). 30, Tpia-tcovra,
i.e. *tr id- dakan-td, similarly with the following ; 40, reacrapd-
-Koma ; 50, Trevrtj-Kovra ; 60, e^-KOvra ; 70, eftSofjirj-KOVTa,
formed with the ordinal, like 80, oySorj-Kovra, and probably
also 90, evevrj-KovTd, Horn, also evvrj-Kovra, which we should
accordingly take for a shortening of €vevr)-fcovra ; €vevij-KovTa=
Lat. nond-ginta ; the ordinal *eve-vo- from *e-veFa-vo-, it is true,
presupposes a strong shortening ; the suffix -vo-, as in Lat.
-no-no- (v. Ordinals), we must treat as having arisen from -/JLO-
through assimilation to the initial sound.
Latin. Except -gin-ti in 20, -gin-ta generally appears,
probably a neut. pi. ; -gin-ti and -gin-ta stand for *degin-ti,
*degin-ta, and these for *decen-ti, *decen-ta, the f.f. of these
stems is dakan-ti-, dakan-ta- ; c has here become g, even as
ulcesimm from a form *uicenti has stood its ground beside the
unoriginal uigesimus. Accordingly 20, n-gintl from *dn-decin-l
(cf . Gk. ; on the form, which seems to be a neut. dual, cf.
Corssen, Krit. Nachtr. p. 96 sqq.) ; tri-gin-ta=*trid decintd,
*trid becoming *trie, and this becoming tn, like s-yd-t, siet, sit
(3 sg. opt., \/es) ; 40, quadra- gin-ta, with softening of t to d,
for *quatuord decintd; 50, quinqud-gin-ta ; 60, sexd-gin-ta; 70,
septud-ginta from a stem septuo-, which does not appear else-
where ; 80, octo-ginta ; 90, nond-ginta, from the ordinal, cf . the
STEMS OF FUND. NUMERALS 100-1000. 259
Greek, with which the Latin essentially coincides in these for- § 111.
mations.
Numerals 100-1000. § 112.
100. Indo-European original-language. Probably
stem kan-ta- neutr., ace. n. sg. kan-ta-m, a shortening of *dakan-
-dakan-ta-, i.e. dakan-+ subst. dakan-ta- which forms the tens ;
we found it already shortened to kan-ta- (Zend -gata-, Greek
-Kovra, Latin -ginta). (dakan-da) kanta- thus means *ten-ty,
*Be/c^Koi>ra, *decaginta. The n of kan-ta is kept in Lat., Kelt.,
Lith. and Goth., but is lost elsewhere.
Sanskrit gdta-', Greek e-/earo-, e can be nothing else than
a diminished form of ev- (one) ; Latin cento-.
200-900. Originally expressed in two words. Sanskrit
by two words, or by ordinary composition (e.g. dve gate or
dvigata- neut.) ; Greek from stem tcaro- or KOTO-, f.f. ka(n)ta-,
cf. Sk. gata-, was formed a derivative in -ya-, before which
according to rule (§ 89) the stem-termination is lost, thus
*-feario-, *-KOTIO-, f.f. *-kat-ya- ; in Dor. -KCLTIO- remains un-
changed, whereas elsewhere the *-KOTLO- passes regularly (§ 68,
1, c) into -Koaio-. So from a hypothetical *rpid-Kard or -Kord,
f.f. trid kantd 300, arose Doric Tpia-Kario-, Attic Tpid-Kocrio-,
these forms being used as adjs. and in the pi.
The Latin proceeds in a way similar to the Greek, employ-
ing as it does the stem cento- as the second member of the
compound adjectivally in the plural, e.g. 200, du-cento-, du
shortened from duo ; 300, ire-cento- ; 500, quin-gento- for
*quinc- cento-, with softening of c to g after n, as in 400, 700,
800, 900 (cf. -ginta) ; 600, sex-cento- ; 900, non-gento-, from
ordinal-stem nono-. The numerals 400, quadrin-gento- ; 700,
septin-gento- ; 800, octin-gento-, show an analogy, which perhaps
may be traced to septin-genti; septin-, f.f. saptan- ; octin- also
corresponds to f.f. aktan-, cf. Sanskrit astan-, and so also a
stem quadrin- has arisen from quadro-, shortened from quatuor
(cf. quadra- ginta). Pott (Zahlmethode, p. 149) conjectures
260 STEMS OF NUMERALS. ORDINALS 1-10.
§ 112. distributive in these forms, thus quaterni (quadrlni), octoni,
etc.
1000. The Indo-European original-language seems
not to have possessed a word to express 1000.
The two Aryan languages have a common word, Sanskrit
sahdsra- (masc. neut.), Zend hazanra- (neut.).
Greek %fXio-, Horn, in compounds %*Xo-, Boiot. ^etXio-,
Lesb. %eXXfco-, Dor. %??Xtb-, which points to a f.f. *^eXyo-, i.e.
yharya-, of obscure origin.
Latin. St. mlli-, mitti- (neut.), obscure.
STEMS OF THE ORDINAL NUMERALS.
§ 113. The ordinals are, except 2, superlatives, partly however with
peculiarities distinguishing them from other superlatives. The
forms of the Indo-European original-language for the most
part cannot be restored, because the different languages fre-
quently do not coincide in the choice of the suffix.
1-10.
1. Original-language probably pra-ma-, stem pra-
(bef ore) ; Sanskrit pra-thamd- from pra- (as prep. ' before')
+ -thama-, with th for t (§ 52, 2) ; Greek TT/OW-TO-, Dor. Trpa-ro-,
from 7T/30- + suffix -ta- (§ 106), and with step-formation or
lengthening of stem-vowel ; Latin pri-mo-, with suffix -mo-
(§ 107), probably from *pro-imo-t so that -imo- not -mo- has
here been added, according to the analogy of other forms in
*-timo- ; according to Pott (Etym. Forsch. I.2 560) from
*prls-mo- (§ 77, 1, a), *pns=prius, f.f. pra-yans, comparative of
pra-, cf. pris-tino-, prl-die, for *prls-die ; according to Corssen
(Krit. Beitr., 433) prl- is an archaic form (attested) =prae
(prep, 'before'), which is however clearly a case form, and
would scarcely have admitted a superlative formation, cf.
Umbr. pru-mu- pro-mo- ; it would perhaps be difficult to come
to a certain decision on this point.
2. Original-language (?) ; Sanskrit dm-tiya-, i.e.
STEMS OF NUMERALS. ORDINALS 3-7. 261
*dvi-tya- (§ 15, 2, b), probably therefore a further formation by § 113.
means of -ya- from *dvi-ta- ; Gfreek Sev-repo-, a comparative
(§ 105) Sev- appears to be a raised-formation from *du from
dva; Lat. secundo- is formed not from stem dva-, but from ^sec,
seq (sequi) ; on the suffix cf. § 89, 2, n. 2.
3. Indo-European original-language probably
tar-tya- or tra-tya-, -tya- being here also a further-formation of
-ta- ; Sanskrit tr-tiya, i.e. *tar-tya-, (§ 15, 2, b), as it appears
to belong to the root of the stem tr-i-, i.e. tar or tra (v. sup.
cardinal 3) ; Greek rpl-ro-, with superlative suffix -ta-, which
helps to form all other ordinals in Greek except 7 and 8 ; Aiol.
rep-ro- ; Lat. ter-tio-, like Sanskrit.
4. Original-language probably katvar-ta- ; Sanskrit
Jcatur-thd- (tha=ta), also tiir-ya-, tur-iya-, for *%atw<-ya-9 with
loss of initial and suffix -ya-, not elsewhere used by itself to
form superlatives ; we have already noted the combination of
-ya- with -ta- ; here also we see the frequent phenomenon of
two suffixes occurring combined, — as here -t-ya-, i.e. -ta-ya-, —
either of which can exercise the same functions as the com-
pound; Grreek rerap-ro- for *rerFap-To- ; Latin quar-to- for
*quatuor-to-, quator-to- (on these forms cf. Corss. Krit. Nachtr.,
p. 298, 3).
5. Original- language probably kankan-ta- or perhaps
already kan-ta- ; Sanskrit panKa-md-, Yed. panJca-tM-, with
well-known suffixes ; Greek Tre/wr-To- ; Latin quin(c)-to-.
6. Suffix -ta- throughout, which therefore must be ascribed
to the original-language with certainty, thus perhaps
ksvaks-ta- ; Sanskrit sas-thd- ; Greek e/c-ro-, probably for
*e£-ro-, cf. Latin sex-to.
7. Indo-European original-language sapta-ma-, or
sapta- ta-, or perhaps saptan-ta-? ; Sanskrit sapta-md-; Greek
e/3So-/,to- for *€7TTo-fjio-, with irregular softening of mutes TTT
into sonants /38, according to the conjecture of G. Curtius and
Leo Meyer (cf. Curt. Gr. Et.3 p. 488), through the influence of
262 STEMS OF NUMERALS. ORDINALS 8-10; 11-19; 20-90.
§ 113. the fj,, before which o forced its way as an auxiliary vowel at a
later date (cf. Old Bulg.'sed-mti for *sept-mu) ; archaic and poet,
form eft&o-fiaTo- ; Latin septi-mo-.
8. Original -language perhaps dktu-ma- ; Sanskrit
asta-md- ; Greek oy&oFo-, with the same weakening as in the
case of e/3So-yLto-, for *oKToFo-, which, as Curt, conjectures, arose
from *oKrFo-, and whose weakening of KT to 78 must be ascribed
to the F (cf. No. 7) ; on the other hand oySoFo- and Latin
octduo- point to a common f.f. aktdv-a-, which is opposed to
Curtius' supposition. The suffix here is therefore only -a-,
which is added to the raised stem aktu- (consequently we must
not assume either suffix -va- as in *par-va-, or still less -ma-
changed into -va-J .
9. Indo-European original-language doubtful
whether with suffix -ma- (nava-ma-), or with -ta- (navan-ta) ;
Sanskrit nava-md- ; Greek eva-ro-, evva-ro-, probably
shortened from *eveFa-To- ; Latin no-no- from *nou-no-,
*noui-no-> probably from *noui-mo- by assimilation to the
initial sound.
10. Original-language doubtful, as in the case of 9,
whether ddka-ma- or dakan-ta-j Sanskrit da$a-md-\ Greek
&e/ca-To- • Latin deci-mo-.
11-19. Originally by means of two words. — Sanskrit.
Here, as in other compounds, the final a of the second element
of dagan-, which has lost its n, serves likewise for an adjective-
forming suffix, e.g. 11, eM-dagd-, from ekd-da^an-; 12, dvd-dafd-,
etc. Here consequently we see suffix a also serving to form a
superlative (as in Gk. Lat. * aktdv-a-, 8). Greek throughout
-Befca-ro- ; 11, ev-Se/ca-ro-; 19, evvea-Kcu-Sefca-ro-. Latin. 11,
un-deci-mo- ; 12, duo-deci-mo-, and the remaining numerals by
separate words.
20-90. Originally by two words. — Sanskrit either
with -tama-, e.g. 20, vigati-tamd-; 30, tricati-tama-; or by suffix
-a- like 11-19, with loss of final -t, -ti, e.g. vi$d-t trigd-. Greek.
STEMS OF NUMERALS. ORDINALS 100-1000. 263
To -KOTL-, -/coma-, was added suffix -TO-, in such, a way that § 113.
-KOTI- and -KOVTO,- were shortened to -/COT- ; hence arose *-KOT-TO-
and by rule (§ 68, 2) -KOO--TO-, thus 20, elfcocr-ro- ; 30, rpiafcoor-
-TO-, etc. Latin. Suffix -tumo-, -timo-, added to the suffix
*-cinti-, *-cinta-> which loses its final ; or rather to an earlier
*-centi-, *-centa- ; thus *-cent-tumo-, and thence regularly (77,
1, b) -censumo-, -cesimo-, and -gesimo- with c softened to g.
E.g. 20, early vicensumo-, hence vicesimo-, vigesimo-, f.f. would
therefore be some such form as *dm- (da) kanti-tama- ; 40, quadra-
-gensimo-, -gesimo-, etc.
100-1000. 100. Sanskrit gatortamd- ; Greek, with
suffix -CTTO-, apparently through the analogy of -to-To- (§ 106),
formed from -TO-, e/caTo-crTo- ; Latin, according to analogy of
the tens, cent-esimo-, as though -esimo- were the suffix (from
*cent-tesimo- would have arisen *cemesimo-, § 77, 1, b).
200-900. Sanskrit with gata-tamd- ; Greek with -oro-
(v. 100) ; e.g. 200, SiaKoo-io-aro- ; Latin with cent esimo, e.g.
200, du-centesimo-, octin-gentesimo-, etc.
1000. Sanskrit sahasra-tamd- ; Greek with -OTO-,
-O-TO-; Latin with -esimo-, mill- esimo-.
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Chinese by the Rev. S. Beal.— III. On the Preservation of National Literature in the East.
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Veda. By Prof. Max Miiller.— IX. Sassanian Inscriptions. By E. Thomas.— X. Account of an
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8 Linguistic Publications of Trubner fy Co.,
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A Translation of a Bactrian Pali Inscription. By Prof. J. Dowson.— XV. Indo-Parthian Coins
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Lord Stanley of Alderley.— VI. Essay on the Creed and Customs of the Jangams. By C. P.
Brown.— VII. On Malabar, Coromandel, Quilon, etc. By C. P. Brown.— VIII. On the Treatment
of the Nexus in the Neo-Aryan Languages of India. By J. Beames, B.C.S. — IX. Some Remarks
on the Great Tope at Sanchi. By the Rev. S. Beal.— X. Ancient Inscriptions from Mathura.
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Ratnapura Court, Ceylon. With Introduction by R. C. Childers, late Ceylon C.S.— XV. The
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of Tabaristan. Illustrated by Coins. By E. Thomas, F.R.S.
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Assyrian Language. By H. F. Talbot.
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CONTENTS.— Catalogue of Buddhist Sanskrit MSS. in the Possession of the R.A.S. (Hodgson
Collection). By Prof. E. B. Cowell and J. Eggeling.— On the Ruins of Sigiri in Ceylon. By
T. H. Blakesley, Ceylon.— The Patimokkha, being theBuddhist Office of the Confession of Priests.
The Pali Text, with a Translation, and Notes. By J. F. Dickson, M.A., Ceylon C.S.— Notes
on the Sinhalese Language. No. 2. Proofs of the Sanskritic Origin of Sinhalese. By R. C.
Childers, late of the Ceylon Civil Service.
Vol. VIII., Part II., pp. 157-308, sewed. 1876. 8s.
CONTENTS.— An Account of the Island of Bali. By R. Friederich.— The Pali Text of the Maha-
parinibbana Sutta and Commentary, with a Translation. By R C. Childers, late Ceylon C.S. —
The Northern Frontagers of China. Part III. The Kara Khitai. By H. H. Howorth.— In-
edited Arabic Coins. II. By S. L. Poole.— On the Form of Government under the Native
Sovereigns of Ceylon. By A. de Silva Ekanayaka, Mudaliyar, Ceylon.
Vol. IX., Part I., pp. 156, sewed, with a plate. 1877. 8s.
CONTENTS. — Bactrian Coins and Indian Dates. By E. Thomas, F.R.S. — The Tenses of the
Assyrian Verb. By the Rev. A. H. Sayce, M.A.— An Account of the Island of Bali. By R.
Friedericb (continued from Vol. VIII. N.S. p. 218).— On Ruins in Makran. By Major Mockler.
—Inedited Arabic Coins. III. By Stanley Lane Poole,— Further Note on a Bactrian Pali Inscrip-
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Persian of Mirza Mehdy Kh£n. By A. H. Schindler.
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CONTENTS.— The Early Faith of Asoka. By E. Thomas, F.R.S.— The Northern Frontagers
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ByH. H. Howorth. -On a Treatise on Weights and Measures by Eliya, Archbishop of Nisibfn.
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of Arracan. By Capt. C. J. F. Forbes, F.R.G.S., M.A.S. Bengal, etc.— Notes on Some Anti-
quities found in a Mound near Damghan. By A. H. Schindler.
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CONTENTS.— On the Non-Aryan Languages of India. By E. L. Brandreth.— A Dialogue on
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Gov. College, Benares.— An Account of the Island of Bali. By R. Friederich (continued from
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Garhwal. By J. H. Batten, late B.C.S.
Vol. X., Part II., pp. 146, sewed. 1878. 6s.
CONTENTS.— Note on Pliny's Geography of the East Coast of Arabia. By Major-Gen. S. B. Miles,
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1607. By A. Gray, late Ceylon C.S.— On Tibeto-Burman Languages. By Capt. C. J. F. S.
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10 Linguistic Publications of Trubner <p Co.,
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CONTENTS.— On the ill Canton of Salar,— the most Easterly Settlement of the Turk Race.
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Rock-cut Phrygian Inscriptions at Doganlu. By E. Thomas, F.R.S. — Index.
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CONTENTS. — On the Identification of Places on the Makran Coast mentioned by Arrian, Ptolemy,
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of Nisibin. By H. Sauvaire. (Supplement to Vol. IX., pp. 291-313)— On the Age of the
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the Age of the Caves at Ajanta. By J. Fergusson, F.R.S.
Vol. XII. Part II. pp. 182, sewed, with map and plate. 1880. 6s.
CONTENTS.— On Sanskrit Texts Discovered in Japan. By Prof. Max Miiller. — Extracts from
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Cushing.— Notes on the Libyan Languages, in a Letter addressed to R. N. Cust, Esq., by Prof.
F. W. Newman.
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CONTENTS.— The Early History of Tibet, from Chinese Sources. By S. W. Bushell, M.D.—
Notes on some Inedited Coins from a Collection made in Persia during the Years 1877-79. By
Guy Le Strange, M.R.A.S.— Buddhist Nirvana and the Noble Eightfold Path. By Oscar
Frankfurter, Ph.D.— Index.— Annual Report, 1880.
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CONTENTS.— Indian Theistic Reformers. By Prof. Monier Williams, C.I.E.— Notes on the Kawi
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By John Dowson. The Nirvana of the Northern Buddhists. By the Rev. J. Edkins, D.D.—
An Account of the Malay " Chiri," a Sanskrit Formula. By W. E. Maxwell.
Vol. XIII. Part II. pp. 170, with Map and 2 Plates. 1881. 8s.
CONTENTS.— The Northern Frontagers of China. Part V. The Khitai or Khitans. By H. H.
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the Mohammedans. By Sir T. E. Colebrooke, Bart., M.P. — Supplement to the Paper on Indian
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Williams, C.I.E.
57 and 59, Ludgate Hill, London, E.C. 11
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CONTENTS.— The Avar Language. By C. Graham.— Caucasian Nationalities. By M. A.
Morrison.— Translation of the Markandeya Purana. Books VII., VIII. By the Rev. B.
H. Wortham.— Lettre a M. Stanley Lane Poole sur quelques monnaies orientales rares ou inedites
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Rev. J. Cain, Missionary.— On the Duty which Mohammedans in British India owe, on the
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E. Thomas, F.H.S.— Two Chinese-Buddhist Inscriptions found at Buddha Gaya. By the Rev. S.
Beal. With 2 Plates.— A Sanskrit Ode addressed to the Congress of Orientalists at Berlin. By
Rama Dasa Sena, the Zemindar of Berhampore : with a Translation by S. Krishnavarma.—
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of their own Law, to the Government of the Country." By N. B. E. Baillie. — Index.
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CONTENTS.— The Apology of Al Kindy : An Essay on its Age and Authorship. By Sir W
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Mahmud Shah. By C. J. Rodgers, Amritsar.— Note on PI. xxviii. fig. 1, of Mr. Fergusson's
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addressed to the Fifth International Congress of Orientalists assembled at Berlin, September,
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Countries in the Second Century B.C. By T. W. Kingsmill.— Suggestions on the Formation of
the Semitic Tenses. A Comparative and Critical Study. By G. Berlin. — On a Lolo MS. -written
on Satin. By M. T. de La Couperie.
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of the Hausa Language. By the Rev. J. F. Schon, F.R.G.S.,— Buddhist Saint Worship. By
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IV. Ed-Dahaby. By M. H. Sauvaire.
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CONTENTS.— The Vaishnava Religion, with special reference to the Siksha-patrl of the
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the Apology of Al-Kindy. By Sir W. Muir, K.C.S.I., D.C.L., LL.D.— The Buddhist Caves of
Afghanistan By W. Simpson.— The Identification of the Sculptured Tope at Sanchi. By W.
Simpson.— On the Genealogy of Modern Numerals, By Sir E. C. Bayley, K. C.S.I., C.I.E.
—The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Van, deciphered and translated. By A. H. Sayce.
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—Sanskrit Text of the Siksha-Patrl of the Svami-Narayana Sect. Edited and Translated by
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Oldest Book of the Chinese (The Yh-King) and its Authors. By T. de la Couperie.
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H. EL. Howorth, F.S. A.— Proceedings of Sixtieth Anniversary of the Society, held May 21, 1883.
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CONTENTS. — The Rivers of the Vedas, and How the Aryans Entered India. By Edward
Thomas, F.R.S.— Suggestions on the Voice-Formation of the Semitic Verb. ByG Berlin, M.R.A. 8.
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On the Importance to Great Britain of the Study of Arabic. By Habib A. Salmpne.—
Grammatical Note on the Gwamba Language in South Africa. By P. Berthoud, Missionary
of the Canton de Vaud, Switzerland, stationed at Valde"zia, Spelonken, Transvaal. (Prepared
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Work on the subject (corrected).— Grammatical Note on the Simnunt Dialect of the Persian
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V. Ez-Zahrawy. Translated and Annotated by M. H. Sauvaire, de 1'Academie de Marseille.
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CONTENTS.
Vol. I. — Preface — Treatise on the Dramatic System of the Hindus— Dramas translated from the
Original Sanskrit — The Mrichchakati, or the Toy Cart — Vikram aand Urvasi, or the
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Vol. II. —Dramas translated from the Original Sanskrit— MalSti and MSdhava, or the Stolen
Marriage — Mudra Rakshasa, or the Signet of the Minister — Ratnavali, or the
Necklace — Appendix, containing short accounts of different Dramas.
Wilson. — A DICTIONARY IN SANSKRIT AND ENGLISH. ( Translated,
amended, and enlarged from an original compilation prepared by learned Natives
for the College of Fort William by H. H. WILSON. The Third Edition edited
by Jagunmohana Tarkalankara and Khettramohana Mookerjee. Published by
Gyanendrachandra Rayachoudhuri and Brothers. 4to. pp. 1008. Calcutta,
1874. £3 3s.
Wilson (H. H.). — See also Megha Duta, Rig-Yeda, and Vishnu-
Purana.
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SHAN.
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GUSHING. Large 8vo. pp. xii. and 60, boards. Eangoon, 1871. 9s.
Gushing. — Elementary Handbook of the Shan Language. By the
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Gushing. — A Shan and English Dictionary. By J. K. GUSHING, M.A.
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Steele. — AN EASTERN LOVE-STORY. Kusa Jatakaya, a Buddhistic
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Gibb. — OTTOMAN POEMS. Translated into English Verse in their
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pp. Ivi. and 272. With a plate and 4 portraits. Cloth. By E. J. W. GIBB.
1882. £1 1*.
Gibb.— THE STORY OF JswaD, a Romance, by Ali Aziz Efendi, the
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238, cloth. 1884. 7s.
Hopkins. — ELEMENTARY GRAMMAR OF THE TURKISH LANGUAGE. With
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Redhouse. — On the History, System, and Varieties of Turkish Poetry,
Illustrated by Selections in the Original, and in English Paraphrase. With a
notice of the Islamic Doctrine of the Immortality of Woman's Soul in the
Future State. By J. W. REDHOUSE, M.R.A.S. Demy 8vo. pp 64. 1879.
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